= f= ~ ey a Poe Jl if Das 4 349 3 PE aM UNIVERS ITY “LIBRARY # ra i" 6S ee, ee . “ 7 u e ee . ‘ ; : * ie. z “a ee : 4 st a. ae K | . +P Pliny ay * f ‘ Ss, ; ®, 4F ‘a *, a : } U é “a « . ik, " “ ae Se 2 “a ’ ‘ 4 . : th tal i 7] g fl) : . ‘ Ais. ren 1 ai “ : wy . Mm 7 : d a | ss sa net: Sad te a ~_ > >| vis. " ™. ~~ THe ee — ‘ 7 we @ ‘ : a ’ ’ ‘ . - : 4 = 7 * d b eas vs ~ as ' . “ . ‘s J “. ‘ By 4 - as ot ae Me SCR nes COE Se ee , A a Sa ge ee Se AY Gs 2 5 ii 2 tp eee « , on 2 ey . ‘ ad a ff . % he ‘ : Z 2 — es > ee sa h / el as > 5 ~ dn , See ui ES TT Om O F EN GO Lb AN SS FROM The Invasion of JULIUS CASAR ~~ The AccESSION Of H E N mY. VE. V O ) I, CONTAINING THE REIGNS OF The PRINCES before the Con- Se? HEN, QUEST. rt bh NR. XE WILLIAM theConaquERor. RICHARD I WILLIAM RUFUS. | AND HENRY} JOHN ene re ee aaa By DAVID HUME, Ef. ee | < $5 OF eee a Is Printed for A. MriLaAr, in the Strand, M DCC LX, ete ates ae I alia enter A a int: Tauern a AT r Eee IP Aa) ‘ +> : cf 2 . C QOeunN “Tt “EE NF. 5. CH APs” & The Britains, Romans, Saxons, the Heptarthy. ————The kingdom of Kent of Northumberland ——m= of Eaft-nglia———of Mercia——of Effex of Suffen——of Weffex, Page Gabi, PP... Th Egbert Ethelwolph ——Ethelbald and Ethelbert ——-Ethered —— Alfred the Great -Edward the elder Athelfian Edmund——Edrea Edwy Edgar Edward the Martyr. 46 CH &@ P. iAH. Ethelred Settlement of the Normans———Edmund Ironfide——Cauute ihe Great Harold. Q2 Harold Rarefoot—— Hardicanutem——_Ldward the Confeffor Af. PE. N Beer ae al. The ANGLO-SAXON GOVERNMENT and MANNERS. firft Saxon government Succeffion of the Kings——=The Witenagemot Thé arifiocracy——~T he feveral orders of men Courts of juflice Criminal law ——Rules of proof. Military force Public revenue Value of money Manners. I 141 Cee AF, v1 “OE a Geis ia. Cie? Teas eee Ct AP... 1V: WILLIAM ‘the Conqueror. Gonfequences of ihe battle of Haftings———Submiffion of the Englifb—— Setilement of the government: King’s return to Normandy Difcontents of the Engli{h—— Their infurrections Rigors of the Norman government New infurreétions New rigors of the government Introdugtion of the feudal law Inno- vation in ecclefiaftical government Infurreétion of ihe Norman barons—-— Difpute about inveftitures——Revolt of. prince Robert Domef{day-book-——— The new fore War with France Death ——-aud charaéier of Witham the Conqueror. . 164, oes OF ae ieee, WILLIT A M RoUePouss ) Acceffion of William Rufus acy againft the King Invafion of Normandy The Crojfe =Acquifition of Normandy Quarrel with Anfelm, the pri- natim— Det h—— and charatier of William Rufus. 203 es BF. ae ame be mw EAN | Re YX # The Croifades Acceffion of Henry Marriage of the King Invafton by duke ‘ f Py t = : i : t - : : ' é * y —— a P oD TAT ee nt ¥ sy ‘ Vv 4 e, : ‘ mov tt a0) . wert ty eart? | r } } > ? oi Bi ae , ate ests: - _ 2 *, ah e 7 ap es + 7}, 2 ee : tai Robert Accommodation with Robert Attack of Normandy Conqueft of | Normandy —— Continuation of the quarrel with Anfelm, the primate Compro- | mife with him——Wars abroad Death of prince Wilitam——King’s fecond marriage Death and sharaéier of Henry. 228 a Sen 4 > ¥ ne Re> CH as fr. Vil. Stet ware Pee eh! EN, Acceffion of Stephen War with Scotland Infurreftion in. favour of Matilda Stephen taken prifoner-—— Matilda crowned Stephen releafed Re- ftored to the crown Continuation of the civil wars——Compromife Letween the King and prince Heury Death of the King. | 247 Se » nes eit a Pree am —_ CFA P. C20! N: Te Ev Ne T~ S&: vit CH A... Vil. He IN RY I], State of Europe——of France Firft aéts of Henry’s government——Difputes be~ tween the civil and ecclefiaftical powers——Thomas a Becket, archbifhop of Canter- bury—— Quarrel between the King and Becket Conftitutions of Clarendon Banifbment of Becket Compromife with bim His return from banifh- ment His murder Grief: ana fubmiffion of the King. 262 Gnd > Be 52 Mama #8 State of Ireland Conqueft of that ifland The King’s accommodation with the court of Rome———Revolt of young Henry and his brothers Wars and infurrections War with Scotland— Penance of Henry for Becket’s mur- der William, King of Scotland, defeated and taken prifoner Tbe King’s accommodation with bis fons The King’s equitable adminifiration—— Croifades Revolt of prince Richard Death and charaéer of Henry Mifcellaneous tranfaétions of his reign, 299 Cm P Rest & HE ASR 8D I, The King’s preparations for the croifade Sets out on the croifade Tranj- attions in Sicily King’s arrival in Paleftine State of Paleftine Diforders in England The King’s heroic aétions in Paleftine His re- turn from Paleftine- Captivity in Germany War with France The King’s delivery Return to England War with France Death and charatier of the King Mifcellancous tranfaétions of this VEIN. 331 OR s Ge aS eg 8 7 Che. oe Acceffion of the King His marriage Arthur, duke of Brittany War with France————-Murder of The King expelled from all the French provinces The King’s quarrel with the court of Rome Cardinal Langton ap- pointed archbifbop of Canterbury Interdici of the kingdom -—— Ex commu: WiC GION r ae. a Se = ’ , ~ - yy Co Or Nv Ti Be Ne To Sf Vill nication of the King————The King’s [ubmiffion to the Pope Difcontenis of the barons Infurreétion of the barons ——- Magna Charta Renewal of the civil wars————Prince Lewis called over mee Death and charac- ter of the King. 7 ‘ | 356 Folk ase |e aie, ee 2 Oe atl ene es 2 The FEUDAL and ANGLO-NORMAN GoveRNMENT and ‘MaNnNERS: Origin of the feudal law Its progres Feudal government of England The feudal parliament ———T he commons————judicial power Revenue of the crown————- Commer ce The Church Civik Laws——- Sdanners. ; 297 — oe: BS HBS O° Re OF Fo es Geode Ae Ne: Dy PTO TOTO OTe oO TOTO ToT LOE ORO LOLOL LO LO LOLOL ALO LOL LOLOL ORCL LCoS Gabi iAP. I. The of The Britains, Kingdom of Kent Mercta of Effex Romans, Saxons, ——— the Heptarchy. of Northumberland of Eaft-Angha of Suffex of Welfex. The BRITAIN S. the exploits and adventures of their anceftors, commonly excites a re- eret that the hiftory of remote ages fhould always be fo much involved in obfcurity, uncertainty, and contradiétion. Ingenious men, poffeffed of leizure; are apt to puth their refearches beyond the period in which literary monuments are framed or preferved, without reflecting, that the hiftory of paft events is im~ mediately loft or disfigured when intrufted to memory or oral tradition, and that the adventures of barbarous nations, even if they were preferved, could afford little or no entertainment to thofe born in a more cultivated age. The convulfions of a civilized ftate ufually compofe the moft inftructive and molt interefting part of its hiftory ; but the fudden, violent, and unprepared revo- lutions, incident to Barbarians, are fo much guided by caprice, and terminate fo often in cruelty, that they difguft us by the uniformity of their appearance ; and it is rather fortunate for letters that they are buried in filence and oblivion, Fhe Vor, I. . B | only T curiofity, entertained by all civilized nations, of enquiring into Chap. & ee ge eh a - nr Sern na ae \ Hi Chap. I. 2 wts TOR Y or BNG LAN D, only certain means, by which nations” can indulge their curiofity in refearches concerning their remote origin, 1s to confider the language, manners and cuf- toms of their anceftors, and to compare.them with thofe of the neighbouring nations. The fables, which are commonly employed to fupply the place of true hiftory, ought entirely to be difregarded ; and if any exception be admitted to this general rule, it can only be in favour of the antient Greek fictions, which are fo celebrated and fo agreeable, that’ they will ever be the objects of the at- tention of mankind. Neglecting therefore, all traditions or rather tales con- cerning the more early hiftory of Britain, we fhall only confider the ftate of the inhabitants, as it appeared tothe Romans on their invafion of this country : We (hall briefly run“6ver theevents, whith’ attended the conqueit made by that empire, as belonging more to Roman than Britifh ftory : We fhall ‘haften thro’ the obfcure and uninterefting. period of-Saxon annals :. And -fhall referve a more fall aarration for thofe times, when the truth is both fo well afcertained and fo complete as to promife fome entertainment and inftruction to the reader. Att antient writers agree in reprefenting the_firft inhabitants of Britain as a tribe of the Gauls or Celtze, who peopledthat ifland from the neighbouring con- tine?t. Thr a he “theif nianners, their government, ‘their fuperftition;.arred Only “by thofe fmall differences, which time or a commu- nication with the bordering nations muft neceffarily introduce. ‘The inhabitants of Gaul, efpecially in thofe parts’ which lye contiguous to Italy, had acquired, from a commerce with their fouthern neighbours, fome refinement in the arts, which gradually diffufed themfelves northwards, and fpread but a very faint light over this ifland. The Greek and Roman navigators or merchants (for there were fcarce any other travellers in thofe dees) brought back -the moft fhocking ac- counts of the ferocity of the people, which they magnified, as ufual, in order to excite the admiration of their countrymen. The fouth-eaft parts, however, of Britain had already, before the age of Cafar, made the firft and moft requilite ftep towards a civil fettlement ; and the Britains, by tillage and agriculture, had there encreafed to a great multitude’, The other inhabitants of the ifland ftilk maintained themfelves by pafturage: They were cloathed with {kins of beafts : They dwelt in huts, which they reared in the forefts and marfhes, with which the country was covered: They fhifted eafily their habitation, when actuated cither by the hopes of plunder or the fear of an enemy: The convenience of feeding their cattle was even a fufficient motive for removing their feats : And being ignorant of all the refinements of life, their wants and their pofleffions were equally fcanty and limited. * Cefar. lib. 4. THE Toe BRITAINS 2 Tue Britains were divided into many fmall nations or tribes; and being a mi litary peoples whofe fole property was.their fword.and their cattle, it was im- poffible, after they had acquired a relifh of liberty, for their princes or chieftains to eftablifh any defpotic authority over them. ‘Their governments, tio’ mo- narchical, * were free, as well as thofe of all the Celtic nations ; and the common people feem even to have enjoyed more liberty among them Ts than among the nations of Gaul {, from whom_ they were defcen ded. Each ftate was-divided into factions within itfelf |: It was agitated with. emulation towards the neigh- bouring ftates: And while the arts of peace were yet unknown, wars-were We chief occupation, and formed the chief object of ambition, among the pe ai Tue religion of the Britains was one of the molt sonfidézable parts. of .their government’; and the Druids, who were their priefts, poffeffed great authority among them. Befides miniftring at the altar, and directing all religious duties, they prefided over the education. of youth; they were endowed with an immu- nity from wars and taxes ; they enjoyed both the civil and criminal jurifdiction ; they decided all controverfies among ftates as well as private perfons, end who- ever refufed to fubmit to their decree was expofed to the moft fevere penalties. The fentence of excommunication was denounced againft him: He was forbid accefs to the facrifices or public worfhip; He was debarred all intercourfe with his fellow-citizens, even in the common affairs of life: His company was uni- verfally fhunned as profane and. dangerous: He was refufed. the protection of law -.: And.death itfelf became to him an acceptable relief from the mifery.and infamy to which he was expofed, Thus, the bands of government, which were naturally loofe among that rude and turbulent people, were happily corroborated by the, terrors of their fuperftition, No fpecies of fuperftition was ever more terrible than that of the Druids. Befides the fevere penalties, which it was in the power of the ecclefiaftics to infil in. this world, they inculcated the eternal tran{migration of fouls; and thereby extended their authority as far_as the fears of their timorous votaries. They practifed their rites in dark groves or other fecret receffles §; and in order to throw a oreater myftery on their religion, they communicated their doétrines, only to the initi- ated, and ftrictly forbad the committing them to writing ; left they fhould at any time be expofed to the examination of the profane vulgar. Human facrifices were practifed among them: The fpoils of war were often devoted totheir di- 7s * Diod, Sic. 1. 4. Mela, lib. 3. cap. 6. Strabo. lib. 4, + Don. Caffius. lib. 7;, t Cefar. lib. 6. | Yacit. Agr, 4 Czfar. lib. 6. Strabo. lib. 4 § Plin. hb. cap. J B2 “we Vinities ; ! » Chan Tf Chap. i ) at fenenmeme Lieben ot- —o a = mon cones Or a ————- +o ch eee te SS wes. Chap. I. Anno ant; C, 55: 4 mWIisTORY or ENG LAN D. vinities ; and they punifhed with the fevereft tortures whoever dared to fecrete any part of the confecrated offering : Thefe treafures they preferved in woods and forefts, fecured by no other guard than the terrors of their religion * ; and this continued conqueft over human avidity may be regarded as more fignal than their prompting men to the moft extraordinary and moft violent efforts. No idolatrous worfhip ever attained fuch an afcendant over mankind as that of the antient Gauls and Britains; and the Romans, after their conqueft, finding it im- poffible to reconcile thefe nations to the laws and inftitutions of their matfters,. while it maintained its authority, were at laft obliged to abolifh it by penal ftatutes; a violence, which had never in any other inftance been practifed by thefe tolerating conquerors ‘. The ROMANS. HE Britains had long remained in this rude but independant ftate, when Ceefar, Na eG his victories, firft caft his eye on their ifland. He: allured either by its riches or its renown ; but being: ambitious of carrying the Roman arms into a new world, then wholly unknown, he took advantage of a fhort interval in his Gaulic wars, and made an invafion on Britain. The natives, informed of his intention, were fenfible of the unequal conteft, and endeavoured to appeafe him by fubmiffions, which, however, re= tarded not the execution of his defign. After fome refiftance, he landed, as is fuppofed, at Deal ; and having obtained feveral advantages over the Britains, and obliged them to promife hoftages for their future dutiful behaviour, he was conftrained, by the neceffity of his affairs, and the approach of winter, to with- draw his forces into Gaul. The Britains, relieved from the terror of his arms, negleG&ted the performance of their ftipulations ; and that haughty conqueror refolved next Summer to chaftife them for this breach of treaty. HeJanded with a greater force; and tho’ he found a more regular refiftance from the Britains, who had united under Caffivelaunus, one of their petty princes; he difcomfited them in every action. He advanced into the country 5 pafiled the Thames in the face., of the enemy ; took and burned the capital of Caffivelaunus ; eftablifhed his ally, Mandubratius, in the fovereignty of the Trinobantes ; and having obliged the inhabitants to make him new fubmiffions, he again returned with his army into. Gaul, and left the authority of the Romans more nominal than real in this ifland.. * Cefar. lib. 6. +. Sueton. in vita Clandii.. 4 THE Dr Tne ROMAN S. Tue civil wars, which enfued, and which prepared the way for the eftablifh- ment of monarchy in Rome, faved the Britains from that yoke, which was ready to be impofed upon them. Auguftus, the fucceffor of Cafar, content with the victory obtained over the liberties of his own country, was little ambi- tious of acquiring fame by foreign wars ; and being apprehenfive left the fame unli- mited extent of dominion, which had fubverted the republic, might alfo overwhelm the empire, he recommended to his fucceflors never farther to enlarge the terri- tories of the Romans. Tiberius, jealous of the fame, which might be acquired by his generals, made this advice of A uguftus a pretence for his inactivity *: The mad fallies of Caligula, in which he menaced Britain with an invafion, ferved only to expofe himfelf and the empire to ridicule: And the Britains had now, during almoft a century, enjoyed their liberty unmolefted ; when the Romans, in the reign of Claudius, began to think fertoufly of reducing them under their dominion. Without fecking any more juftifiable reafons of hoftility than were employed by the latter Europeans in fubjecting the Africans and Ame- ricans, they fent over an army under the command of Plautius, an able general, who gained fome victories, and made a confiderable progrefs in fubduing the ‘nhabitants. Claudius himfelf, finding affairs fufficiently prepared for his re- ception, made a journey into Britain ; and received the fubmifion of feveral Britith ftates, the Cantii, Atrobates, Regni, and Trinobantes, who inhabited the fouth-eaft parts of the ifland, and whom their poffeffions and cultivated man- ner of life rendered wil ing to purchafe peace at the expence of their liberty. The other Britains, unde the command of Caractacus, {till maintained an obftinate refiftance, and the Romans made little progiefs againft them ; till Oitorius Sca- pula was fent over to command their armies. This general advanced the Roman conquefts over the Britains ; pierced into the country of the Silures, a warlike nation, who inhabited the banks of the Severne ; defeated Caractacus in a great battle ; took him prifoner,; and fent him to Rome, where his magnanimous be- haviour procured him better treacment than thofe conquerors ufually beftowed on captive princes |. NorwitTHsTANpDine thefe misfortunes, the Britains were not fubdued; and this ifland was regarded by the ambitious Romans as a field in which military honour might {till be acquired. Under the reign of Nero, Suetonius Paullinus was invefted with the command, and prepared to fignalize his name by victories over thefe barbarians, Finding that the ifland of Mona, now Anglefey, was the chief feat of the Druids, he refolved to attack it, and to fubject a place, * Tacit. Agr, + Tacit. Ann, lib. 12. which Chap. I, A. D. 43, A. D. 5 Or! Chap. “I CA 6 HISTORY or ENGLAND. which was the center of their fuperftition, and which afforded protection to-all their baled forces. The Britains endeavoured to. obftruét his landing on this facred ifland, both by the force of their arms and the terrors of their religion. a me a The women and priefts were intermingled with the foldiers upon the fhores; ana running about with flaming torches. in their hands, and talfios their difhevelle hair, they ftruck greater terror into the aftonifhed Romans by their howlings, cries, and execrations, than the real danger from the armed forces was able to infpire. But Suetonius, exhorting his troops to defpife the menaces of a fu- Bér tition, which they defpifed, impelled them to the attack, drove the Britains off the field, burned the Druids in the fame fires which they had prepared for their captive enemies, deftroyed all the confecrated groves and altars; and having thus triumphed over the religion of the Britains, he thought his furure progrefs would be eafy in reducing the people to fubjeétion, pectations. The Britains, = < gid But he was difappointed in his ex- taking advantage of his abfence, were all in arms ; | being headed by Boadicea, Queen of the Iceni, who had been treated in the moft ignominious manner by the Roman tribunes, had salready attacked with fuccefs feveral fettlements of their infulting conquerors. Suetonius haftened to the protection of Londop.sminteh’ was already a flor urifhing Roman colony ; but found on his .apeiwats> that it would be requifite for the ceneral fafety to aban- don that place to the mercilefs fury of the enemy. * London was reduced to afhes; fuch of the inhabitants, as remained in it, cruelly maflacred ; the Romans and all ftrangers, to the number of 70,000, put to the fword without diftinction ; and the Britains, by rendering. the war thus bloody, feemed determined to cut off all hopes of peace or éontpofition with the enemy. But this cruelty was re- venged by Suetonius in a great and decifive battle, where 80,000 of the Britains are faid to have perifhed ; and Boadicea herfelf, rather than fall into the hands of the enraged victor, put an end to her own life by poifon *. recalled Suetonius from a government ; feveritic Nero foon after where by fuffering and inflicting fo many es he was judged improper for compofing the angry and alarmed minds of the inhabitants. After fome interval, Cerealis received the command from Vefpafian, and by his bravery propagated the terror of the Roman arms. Julius Frontinus fucceeded Cerealis both in authority and reputation: But the general who finally eftablifhed the dominion of the Romans in this ifland, was Julius Agricola, who governed it in the reigns of Vefpafian, Titus, and Domitian, and diftinguifhed himfelf in that fcene of action. THis great commander formed a regular plan for fubduing Britain, and ren- dering the acquifition ufeful to the victors. Hecarried his victorious arms north- * 'Facit. Ann, lib. 14. 5 wards, “te ie: THe ROMAN S. " wards, defeated the Britains in every encounter, pierced. into the inacceffible fo- refts and mountains of Caledonia, reduced every thing to fubjeétion in the fouth- ern parts of the ifland, and chaced before him all the men of fiercer and more in- tractable fpirits,; who deemed war and death itfelf lefs intolerable than fervitude under the conquerors. Ie even defeated them in a decifive action, which they fought under Galeacus, their leader; and having drawn a rampart, and fixed a train of -garrifons between the friths of Clyde and Forth, he thereby cut off the ruder ack more barren parts’of the ifland, and fecured the Roman province from the invafion of the barbarous inhabitants *. Durine thefe military enterprizes, he neglected not the arts of peace. He introduced laws and ‘civility aniong the Britains, taught them to defire and raife allthe cdnvenienciées of life, reconciled them to the Roman language and man- hets, inftructed them in letters and fcience, and employed every expedient to render thofe chains, which he had forged, both eafy and agreeable to them +. The inhabitants, having experienced how unequal their own force was to refitt that of the Romans, acquiefced in tle dominion of their mafters, and were gra- dually incorporated as a part of that mighty empire. Tuis was the laft durable conqueft made by the Romans; and Britain, once fubdted, gave no farther inquietude to the victor. Caledonia alone, defended ey its barren mountains, and by the contempt which the Romans entertained of it, fometimes infefted the more cuitivated parts of the ifland by the i incurfions of its inhabitants. The better to fecure the frontiers of the empire, Adrian, who vifited this ifland, built a ftrong rampart between Tyne and the firth of PBotibay Lollius Urbicus, under Antoninus Pius, repaired that of Agricola: Severus, who made an expedition into Britain, and carried his arms into the mof north- ern extremity of it, added new fortifications to the wall of Adrian; and duri ‘ing all the reigns of the Roman emperors, fuch a profound tranquillity prevailed in Britain, that little mention is made of the-affairs of that ifland by any hiftorian, The only incidents which occur, are fome feditions or rebellions of the Roman legions quartered there, and fome ufurpations of the imperial dignity by the Ro- man governors. The natives, difarmed, difpirited, and fubmiffive, had loft all defire and even idea of their former liberty and Hao But the period was now come, when that,enormous fabric of the Roman em- pire, which had diffufed flavery and oppreffion, together wicks peace and civility, over fo confiderable a part of the globe, was appro aching towards its final diffo- lution, Italy, and the center of the empire, removed, during fo many ages, * Tacit. Agr. + Tacit, Agr. from M —) i 8 Mao lt OR XY. oF ENGLAND. from all concern in the wars, had entirely loft the military fpirit, and were peo- pled by an enervated race, equally difpofed to fubmit to a foreign yoke, or to the tyranny of their own rulers. The emperors found themfelves obliged to re- cruit their legions from the frontier provinces, where the genius of war, though languifhing, was not totally extinct ; and thefe mercenary forces, carelefs of laws and civil inftitutions, eftablifhed a military government, no lefs dangerous to the fovereign than to the people. The farther progrefs of the fame diforders intro- duced the bordering barbarians into the fervice of the Romans; and thofe fierce nations, having now added difcipline and {kill to their native bravery, could no longer be reftrained by the impotent policy of the emperors, who were accuftomed to employ the one in the deftruétion of the other. Senfible of their own force; and allured by the profpect of fo rich a prize, the northern barbarians, in the reign of Arcadius and Honorius, affailed at once all the frontiers of the Roman empire ; and having firft fatiated their avidity by plunder, began to think of fix- ing a fettlement in the wafted provinces. The more diftant barbarians, who oc- cupied the deferted habitations of the former, advanced in their acquifitions, and preffed with their incumbent weight.the- Roman ftate, a'ready unequal to the load which it fuftained, _Jnattead of arming the people in their own defence, the em- perors recalled all the diftant legions, in whom alone they could repofe confi- dence ; and colleéted the whole military force for the defence of the capital and center of the empire. The neceffity of felf-prefervation had fuperceded the am- bition-of power ; and the antient point of honour, of never contracting the limits of the empire, could no longer be attended to in this defperate extremity. Barrain by its fituation was removed from the fury of thefe barbarous incur- fons; and being alfo a remote province, not much valued by the Komans, the legions, which defended it, were carried over to the protection of Italy and Gaul. But that province, though fecured by the fea again{t the inroads, of the greater tribes of barbarians, found enemies on its frontiers, who took advantage of its prefent defencclefs fituation. The Pi&s and Scots, who dwelt in the northern parts, beyond the wall of Antoninus, made incurfions upon their peaceable and effeminate neighbours; and befides the temporary depredations which they com- mitted, threatened the whole province with fubjection, or, what the inhabitants more dreaded, with plunder and devaftation. The former nation feem to have been a tribe of the native Britifh race, who, having been chaced into the north- ern parts by the conquefts of Agricola, had there intermingled with the antient ‘ habitants: The other were derived from the fame Celtic origin, had firft been eftablifhed in Ireland, had fent ovér a colony to the north-weft coafts of this ifland, and had long been accuftomed, as well from their old as their new feats, to infeft the Tue .B RiI T MBMNGS. 9 the Roman province by their pyracy and rapine. Thefe two tribes, finding their more opulent neighbours expofed to invafion, foon broke over the Roman wall, no longer defended by the Roman arms ; and though a contemptible enemy in themfelves, met with no refiftance from the unwarlike inhabitants. The Britains, accuftomed to have recourfe to the emperors for defence as well as government, made fupplications to Rome ; and one legion was fent over for their protection. This force was an over-match for the barbarians, repelled their invafion, routed them in every engagement, and having chaced them into their antient limits, re- turned in triumph to the defence of the fouthern provinces of the empire *. Their retreat brought on a new invafion of the enemy. The Britains made again an application to Rome, and obtained again the affiftance of a legion, which proved effeftual for their relief: But the Romans, reduced to extremities at home, and fatigued with thefe diftant expeditions, informed the Britains that they mutt no longer look to them for fuccour, exhorted them to arm in their own defence, and urged, that as they were now their own matters, it became them to protect by their valour that independance which their antient lords had. conferred upon them +. That they might leave the ifland with the better grace, the Ro- mans affifted them in ereéting anew the wall of Severus, which was built entirely of ftone, and which the Britains had not at that time artizans fkilful enough to repair {. And having done this laft good office to the inhabitants, they bid a Eyal adieu to Britain, about the year 448; after being mafters of the moft con- fiderable part of it during the courfe of near four centuries, The BRITAIN S. HE abject Britains regarded this prefent of liberty as fatal to them; and were in no Condition to put in pratice the prudent advice given them by the Romans, of arming in their own defence. Unaccuftomed both to the perils of war, and to the cares of civil government, they found themfelves incapable of forming or executing any meafures for refifting the incurfions of the barbarians. Gratian alfo and Conftantine, two Romans who had a little before affumed the purple in Britain, had carried over into the continent the flower of the Britifh youth ; and having perifhed in their unfuccefsful attempts on the impérial throne, had defpoiled the ifland of thofe, who, in this defperate extremity, were beft able * Gildas, Bede, lib. 1.,cap.12. Paull. Diacon. Alured. Beverl. p. 43, ex edit, Heaine. + Bede, lib. 1. cap.12. Gul. Malm, p.8. Ann. Beverl. p. 44. t Bede, lib. r. cap.12. Ann. Beverl. p. 44. Vot. I, C t@ Chap I. A. D. 448. 10 mis TOR ¥ or4EnsGc E A‘'N D. to defend it. ‘The Pid@s and Scots, finding that the Romans had finally relin- guifhed Britain, now regarded the whole as their prize, and attacked the north- ern wall with redoubled forces. The Britains, already fubdued by their own fears, found the ramparts but a weak defence for them; and deferting their fta- tion, left the country entirely open to the inroads of the barbarous enemy. The invaders carried devaftation and ruin along withthem; and exerted to the utmoft their native ferocity, which was not mitigated by the helplefs condition and fub- miffive behaviour of the inhabitants *. The unhappy Britains had a third time recourfe to Rome, which had declared its refolution for ever to abandon them. Ftius, the patrician, fuftained, at that time, by his valour and magnanimity, the tottering ruins of the empire, and revived for a moment among the degene- rate Romans the fpirit, as well as difcipline of their anceftors. The Britifh am- baffadors carried to him the letter of their countrymen, which was infcribed, The Groans of the Britains. ‘The tenor of the epiftle was fuitable to its fuperfcription. The barbarians, fay they, on the one hand, chace us into the fea; the fea, om the other, throws us back upon the barbarians ; andawesbaveonly the hard choice left us, of perifhing by the fword or by the,quaves P. But Aftius, preffed by the arms of Attila, the moft tergi my that ever affailed the empire, had no leifure to attend to thé “Complaints of allies, whom generofity alone could induce him to afift {. The Britains, thus rejected; were reduced to defpair, deferted their ha- bitations, abandoned tillage, and flying for protection to the forefts and moun- tains, fuffered equally from hunger and from the enemy. The barbarians them= {elves began to feel the preffures of famine in a country which they had ravaged ; and being harrafied by the difperfed Britains, who had not dared to refift them in a body, they retreated with their fpoils into their own country |]. Tue Britains, taking advantage of this interval, returned to their ufual oceu- pations; and the favourable feafons, which fucceeded, feconding their-induftry, made them foon forget all their paft miferies, and reftored to them great plenty of all the neceffaries of life. No more‘can be imagined to have been pofileffled by a people fo rude, who had not, without the affiftance of the Romans, art of ma- fonry fufficient to raife a ftone rampart for their own defence: Yet the Monkifh hiftorians |, who treat of thofe events, complain of the luxury of the Britains during this period, and afcribe to this vice, not to their cowardice or improvi- dent councils, all their fubfequent calamities. * Gildas, Bede, lib. 1. Ann. Beverl. p. 45. + Gildas, Bede, lib. 1. cap. 13. Malmefbury, lib.1. cap.1. Ann. Beverl. p. 4s. } Chron. Sax. p.11. Edit. 1692. —‘ {J Ann. Beverl. p. 45, 4. Gildas, Bede, lib, 1. cap. 146 THE Tage Ss ACK See SS. tr Tue Britains, entirely occupied in the enjoyment of the prefent interval of peace, made no provifions for refifting the enemy, who, invited by their former timid behaviour, foon threatened them with a new invafion. We are not exactly informed what fpecies of civil government the Romans on their departure had left among them; but it appears probable, that the great men in the different diftricts affumed a kind of regal, though precarious authority ; and lived ina great meafure independant of each other *. To this difunion of councils were alfo added the difputes of theology ; and the difciples of Pelagius, who was him- felf a native of Britain, having encreafed to a great multitude, gave alarm to the clergy, who feem to’have been more intent on refifting them, than in oppofing the public enemy +. Liabouring under thefe domeftic evils, and menaced with a foreign invafion, the Britains attended only to the fuggeftions of their prefent fears; and following the councils of Vortigern, prince of Dumnonium, who, though ftained with every vice, poffeffed the chief authority among them 7, they {ent into Germany a deputation to invite over the Saxons for their protection and affiflance. The S AX O NS F all the barbarous nations, known either in antient or modern times, the Germans feem to have been the moft diftinguifhed both by their manners and political inftitutions, and to have carried to the higheft pitch the virtues of valour, and love of liberty ; the only virtues which can have place among an uncivilized people, where juftice and humanity are commonly neglected. Kingly government, even when eftablifhed among the Germans, (for it was not univer- fal) pofleffed avery limited authority; and though the, fovereign was ufually chofen from amongft the royal family, he was obliged to be direéted in every meafure by the common confent of the nation, over whom he prefided. When any important affairs were tranfacted, all the warriors of the nation met in arms ; the men of greateft authority employed perfuafion to engage their confent; the people exprefied their approbation by rattling their armour, or their diffent by murmurs ; there was'no neceffity for a nice f{crutiny of votes among a multitude, who were ufually carried with a {trong current to one fide or the other; and the meafure, thus fuddenly chofen by general agreement, was executed with alacrity, and profecuted with vigour, Even in war, their princes governed more by ex- * Gildas, Uther Ant. Brit. p. 248. 347. + Gildas, Bede, lib. 1. cap.1r7. Conftant. in vita‘Germ. Matth. Weft. anno 446, H. Hun- 7 ting. lib. z.~ Ann, Beverl. p.s1. Spelm. Conc. p. 47, 48. { Gildas, Gul, Malm. p. 8. C 2 ample Chap. 1. Chap. I. 12 HISTORY or ENGLAND. ample than by authority : But in peace, the civil union was in a great meafure diffolved, and the inferior leaders adminiftered juftice, after an independant manner, each in his particular diftrict. Thefe were elected by the votes of the people in their great councils ; and though regard was paid to nobility in the choice, their perfonal qualities, chiefly their valour, procured them from the fuf- frages of their fellow-citizens that honourable but dangerous diftin@tion. The warriors of each tribe attached themfelves to their leader, with the moft devoted affection and moft unfhaken conftancy. They attended him as his ornament in peace, as his defence ‘n war, as his council in the adminiftration of juftice.. Their conftant emulation in military renown diffolved not that inviolable friend{hip: which they profeffed to their Chieftain and to each other, To die for the honour of their band was their chief ambition : To furvive its difgrace, or the death of their leader, was infamous. They even carried into the field their women and. children, who adopted all the martial fentiments of the men: And being thus impelled by. every human motive, they were invincible ; where they were not Op- pofed, either by the fimilar manners and inftitutions of the neighbouring Ger- mans, or by the’ fuperior difcipline, arms, and numbers of the Romans *. Tue leaders and. thee fy companions were maintained by the labour of their flavesseor by that of the weaker and lefs warlike part of the fociety, whom they defended. The contributions, which they levied, went not beyond a bare fubfiftance ; and the honours, acquired by a fuperior rank, were the only re- ward of their fuperior dangers and fatigues. All the refined arts of life were un- known among the Germans : Tillage itfelf was almoft wholly neglected : They feem to have been even anxious to prevent any improvements of that nature; and the leaders, by annually diftributing anew all the land among the inhabitants of. each village, prevented them from attaching themfelves to particular pofleffions, or making any fuch progrefs in agriculture as might divert their attention from. military expeditions, the chief occupation of the community T- Tue Saxons had been for fome time regarded as one of the moft warlike tribes of this fierce people, and had become the terror of all the neighbouring na- tions t. They had fpread themfelves.from the northern parts of Germany and the Cimbrian Cherfonefus, and had taken poffeffion of all the fea-coaft from the mouth of the Rhine to Jutland ;. whence they had long infefted by their pyracies all the eaftern parts of Britain, and northern of Gaul |. In order to oppofe their snroads, the Romans had eftablifhed’ an officer, whom they called Count of the * Cfar. lib. 6. Tacit. de Mor. Germ. + Cefar. lib. 6. Tacit. ibid. t Amm. Marcell. lib. 28. Orofius. } Amm.-Marcell. lib. 27. cap. 7. lib, 28, Cap. 7: 4 Saxon Twa 2S eX EON ”S. 13 Saxon foore; andas the naval arts can only flourifh among a civilized people, they feem to have been more fuccefsful in repelling the Saxons than any of the other barbarians, by whom they were ‘invaded. The diffolution of the Roman power ‘nvited them to renew their inroads; and it was an acceptable circum- {tance, that the deputies of the Britains appeared among them, and prompted them to undertake an. enterprize, to which they were of themfelves fufficiently inclined Ff. Hencist and Horfa were two brothers, who poffeffed great credit among the Saxons, and were much celebrated both for their valour and nobility. They were believed, as moft of the Saxon princes, to be fprung from Woden, who was worfhiped as a god among thofe nations, and they are faid to be his great grandfons *; a circumftance which added much to their authority. We fhall not attempt to trace any higher the origin of thofe princes and nations. It +3 evident what fruitlefs labour it muft be to fearch in thofe barbarous and illi- terate ages for the annals.of a people, when their firft leaders, known in any true hiftory, were believed by them to. be the fourth in defcent from.a fabulous deity, or from. a man, exalted by ignorance into that charaéter. The dark induftry. of @ntiquarians, led by remote analogies of names, or by uncertain traditions, would in vain attempt to pierce into that deep obfcurity, which covers the remote hif- tory of thofe nations. Turse two brothers, obferving the other provinces of Germany to be occupied by a warlike and neceffitous people, and the rich provinces of Gaul al- ready conquered’ or over-run by other German tribes, found it eafy to perfwade their countrymen to embrace the fole enterprize, which promifed a favourable op- portunity of difplaying their valour and gratifying their avidity. They embarked their troops in three veffels, and about the years 449: or 450 f, carried over 1600 men, who landed in the ifle of Thanet, and immediately marched to the defence of the Britains againft the northern invaders. The Scots and Picts were unable +o refit the valour of thefe auxiliaries; and the Britains, applauding their own wifdom in calling over the Saxons, hoped thenceforth to enjoy peace and. fecu- rity under the powerful protection of that warlike people. But Hengift and Horfa, perceiving, from their eafy victory over the Scots and Piéts, with what facility they might fubdue the Britains themfelves, who had not been able to refift thefe feeble invaders, were determined to conquer and fight for their own grandeur, not for the defence of their degenerate allies.. They fent 4+ Will. Malm. p. 6. * Bede. lib. 1. cap. 1s. Saxon Chron. p. 13. Nennins cap. 28. + Saxon Chronicle, p. 12. Gul, Malm. p. 11. Huntington, lib. 2. p. 309. Ethelwerd. Bromp- ton. p. 728, * intelligence Chap. I. Chap. I. T4 WIS a 0 ROY “or. EN GHA ND. intelligence to Saxony of the fertility and riches of Britain ; and reprefented the certain conqueft, which might be made over a people, fo long difufed to arms, who, being now cut off from the Roman empire, of which they were a province during fo many ages, had not yet acquired any union among themfelves, and were devoid of all affection to their new liberties, and of all national attachments and resards ||. The vices and pufillanimity of Vortigern, the Britifh leader, were -a new ground of hopes; and the Saxons in Germany, following fuch agreeable profpects, foon re-inforced Hengift-and Horfa with 5000 men, who came over sn feventeen veflels. The Britains began now to entertain apprehenfions of their allies, whofe numbers they found continually augmenting; but thought of no remedy, except in a paffive fubmiffion and connivance, This weak expedient foon failed them: ‘The Saxons fought a quarrel by complaining that their fub- fidies were ill paid, and their provifions withdrawn + ; And immediately taking off the mafk, they formed an alliance with the Picts and Scots, and proceeded to open hoftility againft the Britains {. Tue Britains impelled by thefe violent extremities, and full of indignation againtt their treacherous auxiliaries, were neceflitated to take arms ; and having depofed Vortigern, from his vices, and from the bad event of his rafh ¢ ‘esthey put themfelves under the command of his fon, Vortimer *. They fought many battles with their enemies ; and tho’ the vic- tories in thefe actions be difputed between the Britifh and Saxon annalifts, the progrefs ftill made by the Saxons prove that the advantage was commonly on their fide. In one battle, however, fought at Eglesford, now Ailsford, Horfa, the Saxon general, was flain; and left the fole command.over his countrymen in the hands of Hengift §. This active general, continually re-inforced by frefh numbers from Germany, carried -devaftation into the moft remote corners of Britain; and being chiefly anxious to fpread the terror of his arms, he fpared neither age, nor fex, nor condition, wherever he marched,,withhis victorious forces. The private and public edifices of the Britains were reduced to afhes: The priefts were flaughtered on the altars by thefe idolatrous ravagers: The bifhops and nobility fhared the fate of the vulgar: The people flying into the mountains and deferts, were intercepted and butchered in heaps: Some were glad to accept of life and fervitude under their victors : Others, deferting their native country, took fhelter in the province of Armorica ; where being chari- | Chron. Sax. p. 12. , Ann. Beyerl. p. 49. 4+ Bede, lib, 1. cap. 15. Nennius, cap. 35. Gildas, §. 23. t Bede. lib: 1. cap. 15. Gildas Saxon Chron, p. 12, 13. Ann. Beverl. p. so. * Math. Weft. A. D. 454. Gul. Malm. p. 9. § Math. Weft. A. D. 455. Saxon Chron, p.13.. Nennius, cap. 40, 3 - tably Tre, S CAS OB wo = I 5 tably received by.a people of the fame language and-mannetrs, they fettled: in oreat numbers, and gave the country the name of Brittany *. Tue Britifh writers affign one caufe, which facilitated the entrance of the Saxons into this ifland; the love, with which Vortigern was-at firft feized for Rovena, the daughter of Hengift, and which that artful warrior made ufe of to blind the eyes of the imprudent monarch->. ~The fame hiftorians add; that Vortimer died ; and. Vortigern, being reftored to the throne, accepted of a feftival from Hengift, at Stonehenge; where 300 of his nobility were treacheroufly, flaughtered, and himfelf detained captive {—. But thete ftories feem to-have been inveated by the Welth authors, in order to palliate the weak refiltance made at firft by their. countrymen, and to account for the rapid pro- erefs and licentious devaftations of the Saxons ||. Arter the death of Vortimer, Ambrofius, a Britain, tho’ of Roman defcent, was invefted with the command over his countrymen, and endeavoured, not without fuccefs, to unite them in their refiftance apainft the Saxons. Thefe con- tefts increafed the animofity between the two nations, and rouzed the military fpirit of the antient inhabitants which had before been funk-into fuich a fatal lethargy. Hengift; however, notwithftanding their oppofition, fill kept his gfound in Britain; and in order to divide the forces and attention of the Britains, he called over a new tribe of Saxons under the command of his brother Oécta, and of Ebiffa, the fon of O&ays and he fettled them in Northumberland. He himfelf remained in the fouthern: parts of the ifland, and laid the foundation of the kingdom of Kent, comprehending the county of that name, Middlefex, Effex, and part of Surrey. He fixed his royal feat at Canterbury ; where he governed about forty years, and he died in or near the year 488 ; leaving his new acquired dominions.to-his.pofterity. Tue fuccefs of Hengift excited the avidity of the other inhabitants: of the northern regions of Germany ; and at different times, and under different leaders, they flocked over in multitudes to the invafion of this ifland. Thefe conquerors where chiefly compofed of three tribes, the Saxons, Angles, and Jutes §, who pafied, all of them, under the common appellation, fometimes of Saxons, fome- times of Angles; and fpeaking: the fame language, and being governed by the * Bede. lib.1. cap. 15. Uther. p.226, Gildas, §. 24. t Nennius. Galfr. lib, 6.cap. 12. t Nennius, cap. 47. Gealf, || Stillingfleet’s Org. Britt. p. 324, 325. § Bede. lib. 1. cap. 15. Ethelwerd. p.833. Edit. Camdeni. Chron. Sax. p. 12. Ann. Beverl. p- 78. ‘Theinhabitants of Kent and the Ifle of Wight were futes. Effex, Middlefex, Surrey, Sufiex, and all the fouthern counties to Cornwal, were peopled by Saxons: Mercia and other parts of the s a year to that ait fee ; one third to fupport the Lamps of St. Peters, another thofe of St. Pauls, and a third to the | * H. Hunt. lib..5.. Ethelwerd,. lib..g. cap, 3. Simeon. Dunelm.p. rzo. + Chron. Sax. p.74. Afferius, pe 2 t W. Malm: lib. 2. cap, 2. Y Math. Weft.-po1s7. § Chron. Sax. 75. Afferius, p. bali cyink Sax. p. 76. Afferius, p. 2. Simeon. Sine Pp 120, * Afferius, p. 2. Chron, Sax. 76. Hunt. lib. g + A mancus was about the w eightof our prefent half crown: See Spellman’s Gloflary, in verbo, Mancus., Vor. I. H pope 8543 Chap. IT. 50 HisTORY oF ENGLAND. pope himfelf*. In his return home, he married Judith, daughter to the em- peror, Charles the Bald +; but on his landing in England, he met with an oppo- fition, which he little looked for. His eldeft fon, Athelftan, being dead ; Ethelbald, the fecond, who had af- famed the government, formed, in conjunction with many of the nobles, the project of excluding his father from a throne, which his weaknefs and fuper- ftition feern to have rendered him fo ill qualified to fill +. The people were di- vided between the two princes ; and a bloody civil war, joined to all the other calamities, under which the Englifh laboured, appeared unavoidable ; wher Ethelwolf had the facility to yield to the greateft part of his fon’s pretenfions |j. He made with him a partition of the kingdom ; and taking to. himfelf the eaftern part, which was always at that time efteemed the leaft confiderable, as well as the moft expofed §, he delivered over to Ethelbald the fovereignty' of the weftern. And immediately after, he fammoned the ftates of the whole: kingdom, and with the fame facility, conferred a perpetual and very important: donation on the church. Tun ecclefiattics, in thofe days of ignorance, made very rapid advances in the acquifition of power and grandeur ; and inculcating the moft abfurd and moft snterefted doctrines, tho’ they met fometimes, from the contrary interefts of the Jaity, with an oppofition, which it required time and addrefs to overcome, they Found no obftacle in their reafon or underftanding. Not content with the donas tions of land made them by the Saxon princes and nobles, and with the temporary oblations from the devotion of the people, they had caft a wifhful eye on a vaft revenue, which they claimed as belonging to them by a divine, indefeizable and snherent title. However little verfed in the {criptures,, they. had been able to difcover, that. the pricfts, under the Jewifh law,. pofiefied a tenth of all the pro- duce of land; and forgeting, what they themfelves taught, that the moral part only of that law was obligatory on chriftians, they infifted, that this donation was a perpetual property, conferred by heaven on thofe who officiated at the al- rar. During fome centuries; the whole fcope of fermons and homilies was di- reéted to this purpofe; and one would have imagined, from the general tenor of thefe difcourfes, that all the practical parts of chriftianity were comprehended in the exact and faithful payment of tythes to the clergy +- Encouraged by their * W. Malm. lib. 2. cap. 2. + Afferius, p. 2. Chron. Sax. p76. H. Hunt. lib. $-. Ethelwerd, lib. 3. cap- 3- Simeon Dunelm. p- 140- + W. Malm. lib. 2. cap. 2. | Flor. Wigora. ps 583- § Afferius, p- 3- W. Malm. lib. 2. cap. 2- Math. Weft. p. 158. 4 Padre Paolo, fopra.beneficii ecclefiattici, p» St, 52 Edit, Colon. 1675.. ‘ fuccefs ETHELBALD ann ETHELBERT. gt fuccefs in inculcating thefe doctrines ; they ventured farther than they were war- ranted even by the Levitical law, and pretended to draw the tenth of all induftry, merchandize, wages of Jabourers, and pay of foldiers *; nay, fome canonitts went fo far as to affirm, that the clergy were entitled to the tythe of the profits, made by courtezans in the exercife of their profeffion +. Tho’ parifhes had been inftituted in England by Honorius, archbifhop of Canterbury, near two centuries before t, the ecclefiaftics had never yet been able to get poffeffion of the tythes ; and they therefore feized the prefent favourable opportunity of making that ac- quifition ; when a weak, fuperftitious prince was on the throne, and when the people, difcouraged by their lofles from the Danes, and terrified with the fear of future invafions, were fufceptible of any impreffion, which bore the appearance of religion. So meritorious was this conceffion deemed by the Englith, that, trult- ing entirely to fupernatural affiftances, they neglected the ordinary means of fafety ; and agreed, even in the prefent defperate extremity, that the revenue of the church fhould be exempted from all burthens, tho’ impofed for national de- fence and fecurity |]. ETHELBALD- and ETHELBERT. — O LF lived only two years after making this grant §; and by his will left England fhared between his two eldeft fons, Ethelbald and Ethel- bert ; the weft lying under the government of the former ; the eaft under that of the latter 4. LEthelbald was a profligate prince; and marrying Judith, his mo- ther-in-law, gave great offence to the people * ; but moved by the remonftrances of Swithun, bifhop of Winchefter, he was at laft prevailed on to divorce her. His reign was fhort ; and Ethelbert, his brother, fucceeding to the govern- ment, behaved himfelf, during a five years reign, in a manner more worthy of his birth and ftation. The kingdom, however, was ftill infefted by the Danes, who made an inroad and facked Winchefter £; but were there defeated. A body alfo, of thefe pirates, who were quartered on the Ifle of Thanet, having deccived the Englith by aireaty, unexpectedly broke into Kent, and committed great outrages |. * Spell. Conc. vol. i. p. 268. + Padre Paolo, p. 132. t Parker, p. 77. H Afferius, p. 2. Chron. Sax. p. 76. W. Malm. lib. 2. cap. 2. Ethelwerd, lib. 3. cap. 3. M. Weft. p. 158. Ingulf. p.17. Ann. Beverl. p. 95 § Chron. Sax. p. 76. Affer. p. 4. 4 H. Hunt. fib. 5. * W. Malm. lib. z. cap. 3. Ingulf. p.17. + Chron. Sax. p. 77. t W. Malm. lib. 2. cap. 3. Ethelwerd, lib. 4. cap. 1 Ann, Beverl. p. 95. } Chron, Sax. p. 78. H 2 ET H E- Chap. IL. 857. 860, Chap. II. 866. $70. $71. 52 HISTORE er ENGLAND. iT Be aR oe ae HiIS. prince was fucceeded by his brother, Ethered, who, tho’ he defended himfelf with bravery, enjoyed, during his whole reign, no tranquillity from thefe Danith irruptions. lis younger brother, Alfred, feconded him in all his enterprizes 3 and generoully facrificed to the publick good all refentment, which he might entertain, on account of his being excluded by Ethered from a large patrimony, which had been left him by his father. Tue firtt landing of the Danes in the reign of Ethered was among the Eaft- Angles, who, more anxious for their prefent intereft than for the common fafety, entered into a feparate treaty with the enemy; and furnifhed them with horfes, which enabled them to make an irruption by land into the kingdom of Northumberland *, They there feized the city of York ; and defended it againit Ofbricht, and Aélla, two Northumbrian princes, who perifhed in the afiault Ts Encouraged by thefe fuccefles, and by the fuperiority, which they had acquired in arms, they now ventured, under the command of Hinguar and Hubba, their chieftains, to leave the fea-coaft, and penetrating into Mercia, they took up their winter quarters at Nottingham, where they threatened the kingdom with a final fubjection. The Mercians applied to Ethered for fuccour in this extremity 5 and that prince with his brother, Alfred, conduéting a great army to Nottingham, obliged the enemy to diflodge from this poft, and to retreat into Northumber- land {. Their reftlefs difpofition and their avidity for plunder allowed them not to remain long in thefe quarters : They broke into Eaft-Anglia, defeated and took prifoner, Edmund, ‘the King of that country, whom they afterwards cruelly murdered in cold blood | s and committing the moft barbarous ravages on the people, particalarly on the monafteries §, they gave the Eaft-Angles great caufe to repent of the temporary relief, which they had obtained, by affifting the common enemy. Tue next ftation of the Danes was at Reading ; whence they infefted the neighbouring country by their incurfions 4... The Mercians, defirous of fhaking of their dependence on Ethered *, refufed to join him with their forces ; and i that prince, attended by Alfred, was obliged to march againft the enemy, with * Affer. p: 5. Chron. Sax. p. 73. Ethelwerd, lib. 4. cap. r.. Simeon Dunelm. p. 141. + Affer. p. 6. Chron, Sax. p79. H. Hunt. lib. 5. + Ibid. || Affer. Pp» 4x W. Ma'm. lib. 2. cap. 3... H. Hunt. lib. 5. Math. Weft p. 164. Alur. Beverl, p. 102. § Chron. Sax. p. 80. Ingulf. p. 22, 23. 4M. Welt. p. 165. * WW. Malmef. lib. 2. cap. 3. 3 ' the a A; -£-'B BRO see 53 the Weft-Saxons alone, his hereditary fubje&ts. The Danes being defeated in an action, fhut themfelves up in their garrifon ; but quickly making thence an irrup- tion, they routed the Weft-Saxons, and raifed the fiege. An action foon after enfued at Afton *, in Berkthire, where the Englifh, in the beginning of the day, were in great danger of a total defeat. Alfred, advancing with one divifion of the army, was furrounded by the enemy in difadvantageous ground, and Ethered, who was at that time hearing mafs, refufed to march to his affiftance, till the prayers fhould be finithed-+: But as he afterwards obtained the victory, this fuccefs, not the danger of Alfred, was afcribed by the monks to the piety of that monarch. This battle of Afton did not terminate the war: Another battle was a little after fought at Bafing; where the Danes were more fuccefsful t; and being rein- forced by a new army from their own country, they became every day more ter- rible to the Englifh, Amid{t thefe confufions, Ethered died ef a wound, which he had received in an aétion with the Danes; and left the inheritance of his cares and misfortunes, rather than of his grandeur, to his brother, Alfred, who Was now twenty-two years of age, = SESS PESES: CURRAN | CRRERONY Ora BP 'T HIS prince gave very early prognoftics of thofe great virtues and fhining talents, by which, during the moft dificult times, he faved his country from utter ruin and fubverfion. Erhelwolf, his father, the year after his return with Alfred from Rome, had again fent the young prince thither with a nume- rous retinue ; and a report being fpread of the king’s death ||,. the pope, Leo HI, gave Alfred the royal unétion §; whether prognofticating his future greatnefs from the appearances. of his pregnant genius, or willing to pretend, even in that age, to the right of conferring kingdoms. Alfred, on his return home, became every day more the object of his father’s moft tender affections ; but being in- dulged in all youthful plea.ures, he was much neglected in-his education ; and he had already reached his twelf.h year, when he was yet totally ignorant of the loweft clements of literature. His genius was fir‘t rouzed by the recital.of Saxon poems, in which the Queen took delight ; and this fpecies of erudition, which * Hearne’s notes to Spelman’s life of Alfred, p. 41. Chron.Sax p. 81. Ethelwerd, lib. 4. cap. 4. + Affer.p.7, W. Malm. Jib~2. cap. 3._ Flor. Wigorn. p. 586, 587. Simeon Dunelm. p. 125 Brompton, p. 808. Anglia Sacra, vol. i. p. 205. Alur. Beverl. p. 102. t Affer,p. 2. Chron. Sax. p. 81. || Chron Sax. p. 77. § Affer. p. 2 W. Malm. lib, 2. cap. 2.. Ingulf. p.. $69... Simeon Dunel, p. 120. 139. Abbaf. Ruval. p. 352, ~ Ann. Beverl. p. 99, Chap. IT. 871, —— ere a: Saat i ey ‘ha 35) mi * Chap. II. 54 ats TOR Sg ENGLAN D. ‘sable to make a confiderable progrefs even amonegft barbarians, expanded thofe noble and elevated fentiments, which he had received from nature *. Encou- raged by the Queen, and ftimulated by his own ardent inclination, he foon learned to read thefe compofitions ; and proceeded thence to the knowledge of the Latin tongue, where he met with authors, that better prompted his heroic fpirit, and direéted his generous views. Abforbed in thefe elegant purfuits, his acceffion to royalty was to him rather an object of regret than of triumph +; but being called to the throne, in preference tohis brother’s children, as well by the will of his father, a circumftance which had great authority with the Anglo-Saxons Tt as ‘by the vows of the whole nation and the urgency of public affairs |j, he fhook off kis literary indolence, and exerted himfelf in the defence of his people. He had fearce buried his brother, when he was obliged to take the field, in order to oppofe the Danes, who had feized Wilton, and were exercifing their ufual ra- vages on the countries around. He marched againft them with the few troops, which he could affemble on a fudden; and giving them battle, gained at firft an advantage, but by his purfuing the viGory too far, the fuperiority of the enemy’s numbers prevailed, and recovered them the day §. Their lofs, how- ever, in the action was fo confiderable, that, fearing Alfred would receive daily reinforcements from~his fubjects, they were contented to ftipulate for a fafe re- treat, and promifed to depart the kingdom. For that purpofe, they were con- duéted to London, and allowed to take up their winter quarters there ; but care- lefs of their engagements, they immediately fet themfelves to the committing fpoil on the neighbouring country. Burrhed, King of Mercia, in whofe terri- tories London was fituated, made a new ftipulation with them |, and engaged them, by prefents of money, to remove to Lindefey in Lincolnfhire $ ; a coun-. try, which they had already reduced to ruin and defolation. Finding there-— fore no objeét in that place, either for their rapine or violence, they fuddenly turned back upon Mercia, in a quarter where they expected to find it without de- fence ; and fixing their ftation at Repton in Derbyfhire *, they laid the whole country defolate, with fire and fword. Burrhed, unable to withftand an enemy, whom no force could refift, and no treaties bind, abandoned his kingdom, and flying to Rome, took fhelter in a cloyfter +. He was brother-in-law to Alfred, and the laft who bore the title of king in Mercia. * Affer.p. 5. M. Weft. p. 167. Flor. Wigorn. p. 587. Simeon Dunelm. p. 122. 141. Bromp- ton. p. 814. + Affer. p. 7. | ¢ Affer. p. zz. Simeon. Dun. p. 321. j Simeon Dunelm. p. 127- § Affer. p.8. Chron. Sax. p. 82. H. Hunt. lib. 5. Ethel- werd, lib. 4. cap. 3- 4 Affer.p.8. H. Hunt. lib. 5. t M. Weft. p. 168. * Affer. p. 8. + Affer. p. 8. Chron. Sax. p. 82. Ethelwerd, lib. 4. cap.4. Flor. Wigorn, p. 58g. Simeon Dunel.p. 127. Ann. Beverl. p. 96. 2 THE A is F > See, Be Tue Weft-Saxons were now the only remaining power in Fngland ; and tho’ Chap. I. fupported by the vigour and abilities of Alfred, they were unable to fuftain the efforts of thofe ravagers, who from all quarters invaded them. A new fwarm of Danes came over this year under three princes, Guthrum, Ofcitel, and Amund* ; 875. and having firft joined their countrymen at Repton, they foon found the neceflity of feparating, in order to provide for their fubfiftance, Part of them, under the command of Haldene, their chieftain-+, marched into Northumberland, where they fixed their refidence f ; part of them took quarters at Cambridge ||, from whence they diflodged in the enfuing fummer, and feized Wereham, in the county of Dorfet, the very center of Alfred’s dominions §.. That prince fo ftraitened them in thefe quarters, that they were content to come to a treaty with him, and ftipulated to depart his country |. Alfred, well acquainted with their ufual perfidy, obliged them to fwear upon the holy reliques to the obfervance of the treaty*; not that he expected they would pay any veneration to the re- liques ; but he hoped, that, if they now violated this oath, their impiety would infallibly draw down upon them the vengeance of heaven. But the Danes, little apprehenfive of this danger, fuddenly, without feeking for any pretext, fell up- on Alfred’s army; and having put it to rout, marched weftward, and took pof- feffion of Exeter +. The prince again collected new forces; and exerted fuch vigour, that he fought in one year eight battles againft the enemy {; and reduced them to the utmoft extremity. He hearkened however to new pro- pofals of peace; and was fatisfied to ftipulate with them, that they would fettle fomewhere in England }, and would not permit the entrance of more ravagers into the kingdom. But while he was expecting the execution of this treaty, which it feemed the intereft of the Danes themfelves to fulfil, he heard that an- other body had landed, and having collected all the fcattered troops of their coun- trymen, had furprifed Chippenham, then a confiderable town, and were exerci- fing their ufual ravages all around them §, Tuis laft incident quite broke the fpirit of the Saxons, and reduced them to defpair, Finding that, after all the miferable havock, which they had under- gone in their perfons and in their property ; after all the vigorous actions, which they had exerted in their own defence ; a new band, equally greedy of {poil and flaughter, had difembarked among them; they believed themfelves abandoned: % * H. Hunting. lib. 5. + Chron, Sax. p. 83. t Affer. p. 8. Chron. Sax. p. 83; j Affer. p. 8. Chron, Sax. p. 83, § H. Hunt. lib. 5. M. Weft. p. 168. + Chron. Sax. p. 83. * Affer. p. 8. + Affer. p. 8. Chron. Sax. p. 83. EH Hunt. ib. 5. Flor. Wigorn. p. 5go. t Affer. p.8. The Saxon Chronicle, p. 82. fays nine battles. i, Affer, p.g. Alur. Beverl. p. 104. § Affér. p.g. H. Hunt, lib. 5. by 56 HISTORY Or ENGLAND. Chap. Il. by heaven to deftruction, and delivered over to thofe fwarnis of robbers, which the fertile north thus inceffantly poured forth againft them, Some left their country, and retired into Wales or fled beyond fea: Others fubmitted to the conquerors, in hopes of appeafing their fury by a fervile obedience *: And every man’s attention being now engrofi-d in concern for his own prefervation, no one would hearken to the exhortations of the King, who fummoned them to makes under his conduét, one effort more in defence of their prince, their country, and their liberties. Alfred himfelf was obliged to relinquifh the enfigns of his dig- nity, to difmifs his fervants, and to feek fhelter, in the meaneft difguifes, from the purfuit and fury of his enemics. He concealed himfelf under a peafant’s ha- bit, and lived fome time in the houfe of a neat-herd, who had been entrufted with the care of fome of his cows}. There pafied here an incident, which has been recorded by all the hiftorians, and was long preferved by popular tradition 5 tho’ it contains nothing memorable in itfelf, except fo far as every circumftance is interéfling, which attends fo great virtue and dignity, reduced to fuch diftrefs, The wife of the neat-herd was ignorant of the condition of her royal gueft; and obferving him one day bufy by the Gre-fide in trimming his bow and arrows, fhe defired him to take care of fome cakes,’ which were toafting, while fhe was em- ployed elfewhere in other domettic affairs. But Alfred, whofe thoughts were otherwife engaged, neglected this injunction ; and the good woman, on her re- turn, finding her cakes all burnt, rated the King very feverely ; and upbraided — him, that he always feemed very well pleafed to eat her warm cakes, tho’ he was thus negligent in toafting them f. : By degrees, Alfred, as he found the fearch of the enemy become more remifs, collected fome of his retainers, and retired into the center of a bog, formed by the ftagnating waters of the Thone and Parret, in Somerfetfbire. He here found two acres of firm ground; and building a habitation on them, rendered himfelf fecure by its fortifications, and ftill more by the unknown and inacceffible roads which led to it, and by the forefts and morafies, with which it was every way environed. This place he called HEthelingey, or the Ife of Nobles |}; and ‘+ now bears the natne of Athelney. He thence made frequent and unexpected fallies upon the Danes, who often felt the vigour of his arm, but knew not from what quarter the blow came. He fubfifted himfelf and his ‘followers by the plunder which he acquired ; he procured them confolation by revenge ; and * Chron. Sax. p- 84. Alured Beverl. p. 105. + Affer. p. Q. t Affer. p.g. M. Welt. p. 170. } Chron. Sax. p. 85. W. Malm. lib, 2. cap. 4* Ethelwerd, lib. 4. cap. 4. Ingulf, p. 26. | from A: LH ® a SED. ms from {mall fuccefies, he opened their minds to hope, that, notwithftanding his prefent misfortunes, more important victories might-at leneth attend his valour *. ALFRED lay here concealed, but not unactive, during a twelvemonth ; when the news of a profperous event reached his ears, and called him into the field. Hubba, the Dane, having fpread ravages, fire, and flaughter, over all Wales, had landed in Devonthire from twenty-three veffels, and laid fiege to the cattle of Kinwith, a place fituated near the mouth of the fmall river Tau +. Oddune, earl of Devonfhire, with his followers, had taken fhelter there; and being ill fupplied with provifions, and even with water, he determined, by fome vigorous blow, to prevent the neceffity of fubmitting to the barbarous enemy y.. rie made a fudden fally on the Danes before fun-rifing; and taking them unpre- pared, he put them to rout, purfued them with great laughter, killed Hubba himfelf, and got poffeffion of the famous Reafen or enchanted ftandard, in which the Danes put great confidence |]. It contained the figure of a raven, which had been inwove by the three fifters of Hinguar and Hubba with many magical in- cantations, and which, by its different movements, prognofticated, as the Danes believed, the good or bad fuccefs of any enterprize 4. Wuen Alfred obferved this fymptom of fuccefsful refiftance in his fubjects, he left his retreat; but before he would afflembie them in arms, or urge them to any attempt, which, if unfortunate, might, in their prefent defpondency, prove fatal, he refolved, himfelf, to infpect the fituation of the enemy, and to judge of the probability of fuccefs; For this purpofe, he entered their camp under the difguife of a harper, and pafied unfufpected thro’ every quarter. He fo enter- tained them with his mufic and facetious humours, that he met with a welcome reception; and was even introduced to Guthrum, their prince’s tent, where he remained fome days: He remarked the fupine fecurity of the Danes, their contempt of the Englifh, their negligence in foraging and plundering, and their diffolute wafting of what they gained by rapiné and violence. Encouraged by thefe favourable appearances, he fecretly fent out his emiffaries to the moft con- fiderable of his fubjeéts, and fummoned them to a rendezvous, along with their warlike followers, at Brixton, on the borders of Selwood foreft *. The Eng- lifh, who had hoped to put an end to their calamities by fervile fubmiffion, now found the infolence and rapine of the conqueror more ‘intolerable than all their paft fatigues and dangers; and at the appointed day, they joyfully reforted to * M. Weft. p. 170. Simeon Dunelm. p. 128. + Affer. p. ro. t Flor. Wigorn, 590°. jj Affer. p. 10. Chron. Sax. p. 84. Abbas Rieval. p. 355. Alured Beverl. p. 105. § Affer. p. to, 4 W. Malm, lib, z. cap. 4. * Chron, Sax. p. 85. Vou. I. I their Chap. IL. - 4 : Hi +4 if ii! it Pr if all { bt a Chap. Hl. 380. 58 HISTORY or ENGLAND. their «prince. On his appearance before them, they received him with fhouts of applaufe*; and could not fatiate their eyes with the fight of this beloved mo- narch, whom they had long regarded as dead, and who now, with voice and: looks exprefling his confidence of fuccefs, called them to liberty and vengeance, He inflantly. conduéted them to Eddington, where the Danes. were encamped 3. and taking advantage of his previous knowledge of the place, he directed his at- tack againft-the moft unguarded quarter of the enemy. The Danes, furprifed to fee an army of Englith, whom they confidered as totally fubdued, and ftill more aftonifhed to hear Alfred was at their head, made but a faint refiftance, notwithftanding their fuperioricy of number ;. and were foon put to flight with great laughter}. The remainder of the routed army, with their prince, was befieged by Alfred in a fortified place, to which they fled; but being reduced to. extremity by want and hunger, they had recourfe to the clemency of the victor,. and offered to fubmit on any conditions}. The King, no lefs generous than. brave, gave them their lives; and even formed a fcheme for converting them, from mortal enemies, into faithful fubjects and confederates. He«knew, that the kingdoms of Eaft-Anglia and Northumberland: were left totally defolate by the frequent inroads.of the Daness and he now purpofed to re-people them by fettling there Guthrum and-his followers. He hoped that the new planters would at laft betake themielves to induftry, .when, by reafon of his refiftance, and the exhautted condition of the country, they could no longer fubfift by plunder ;. and that they might ferve him as a rampart againft any future incurfions of their countrymen. But before he ratified thefe mild conditions with the Danes, he required, that they fhould give him one pledge of their fubmiffion, and of their ‘nclination to. coalefce with the Englifh, by declaring their converfion to Chrifti- anity ||. Guthrum, and his army. had no/averfion to this propofal; and, without much inftruction, or argument, or conference,, they’ were all admitted to, bap- tifm. The King anfwered for Guthrum at the fount, gave him the name of Athelftan, and received him as his adoptive fon §. Tur fuccefs of this expedient feemed to correfpond to Alfred’s hopes: The greater part of the Danes fettled peaceably in their new quarters |: Some fmaller bodies of the fame nation, which were difperfed in Mercia, were diftributed into. * Affer. p. ro. Chron, Sax. p. 8g. Simeon Dunelm. p. 128. Alured Beverl. p. 105. Abbas- Rieval.. p. 354. + Affer, p. 10. Chron. Sax, p. 85, Ethelwerd, lib. 4. cap. 4, + Affer. p. 10, Chron. Sax. p. 85. Alured Beverl. p. 105. | Chron. Sax. p. 85. § Affer. p. 10. Chron. Sax. p. go. |. Affer. p. 11 Chron, Sax, p. 86. Simeon Dunelm: p. 129. Alured Beverl. p. ro6. the Ar Ee a Re, pn the five cities of Darby, Leicefter, Stamford, Lincoln, and Nottingham, and were thence called the Fif or Five-Burgers. The more turbulent and unquict made an expedition into France under the command of Haftings *; and except a fhort incurfion of Danes, who failed up the Thames and landed at Fulham, but fuddenly retreated to their fhips, on finding the country in a pofture of de- fence +, Alfred was not for fome years infefted with the ravages of thefe barba- rians f. Tur King employed this interval of tranquillity in reftoring order to the ftate, which had been fhaken by fo many violent convulfions, in eftablifhing civil and military inftitutions, in compofing the minds of men to induftry and juftice, and in providing againft the return of like calamities. Hie was, more properly than his grandfather Egbert, the fole monarch of the Englith, (for fo the Saxons were now univerfally called) becaufe the kingdom of Mercia was at laft incorpo- rated in his ftate, and was governed by Ethelbert, his brother-in-law, who bore the title of earl: And tho’ the Danes, who peopled Eaft-Anglia and Northum- berland, were, for fome time, ruled immediately by their own princes, they all acknowledged a fubordination to Alfred, and fubmitted to his fuperior autho- rity. As equality among fubjects is the great fource of concord, Alfred gave the fame laws to the Danes and Englifh, and put them entirely on the fame footing in the adminiftration both of civil and criminal juftice. The fine for the murder of a Dane was the fame with that for the murder of an Englifhman; the great fymbol of equality in thofe ages. Tue King, after rebuilding the ruined cities, particularly London {, which had been deftroyed by the Danes in the reign of Ethelwolf, eftablifhed:a regular militia for the defence of the kingdom. He took care that all his people fhould be armed and regiftered; he affigned them a regular rotation of duty ; he diftri- buted part into the caftles and fortreffes, which he erected at proper places §; he re- quired another part to take the field on any alarm, and to affemble at {tated places of rendezvous ; and he left a fuficient number at home, who were employed in the cultivation of the land, and who afterwards took their turn in military fer- vice £. The whole kingdom was like one great garrifon ; and the Danes could no fooner appear in one place, thana fufficient number was afiembled to oppofe them, without leaving the other quarters defencelefs or difarmed *. * W, Malm. lib. 2. cap. 4. Ingulf, p. 26. 4 Chron. Sax. p86, Alured. Beéverl. _p..106. $ Affer. p. 11. | Affer. p. rs. Chron. Sax. p. 88. M. Weft. p. 171. Simeon Donelm. p. 13. Brompton, p. 8r2, Alured. Beverl. ex edit. Hearne, p. 106. § Affer. p.18. Ingalf, p. 27. 4 Chron. Sax. p. 92, 93 * Spelman’s life of Alfred, p..147. edit. 1709. — I 2 But Eo HISTORY or ENGLAN D. Chap. U. = But Alfred, fenfible that the proper method of oppofing an enemy, who ade incurfions by fea, was to meet them on their own element, took care to provide himfelf with a naval power *, which, tho’ the moft natural defence of am ifland, had hitherto been totally neglected by the Englith. He encreafed the fhipping of his kingdom both in number and force, and trained his fubjects in the practice, as well of failing, as of naval action. He diftributed his. armed veflels in proper ftations around the ifland, and was fure to meet the Danifh fhips: either before or after they had landed their troops,’ and to purfue them in all ) their incurfions. Tho’ the Danes might fuddenly, by furprife, difembark on the coaft, which was generally become defolate by their frequent ravages, they were encountered by the Englith feet in their retreat ; and efcaped not, as _for- merly, by abandoning their booty, but paid, by their total deftruction, the pe= nalty of the diforders which they had committed. In this manner, Alfred repelled feveral inroads’ of thefe pyratical Danes, and maintained his kingdom, during fome years, in fafety and tranquillity. A fleet of a hundred and twenty fhips of war were ftationed upomsthe coaft; and being provided of warlike engines, as. wellas of expent feamens both Frifians and Eng 4 lifh, (for Alfred fupplied the defeéts of his own fubjects by engaging able foreign- ers in his fervice) maintained’a fuperiority above thofe {maller bands, with which England. had been fo often infefted. +. But at laft Haftings, the famous. Danifh: chieftain, having ravaged all-the provinces of France, along the fea-coaft or the rivers of the Loire and Seine, and being obliged to quit that country, more by, the defolation which he himfelf had occafioned, than by the refiftance of the in- habitants, appeared. off the coaft of Kent with a fleet of 330 fail. ‘The greaten part of the enemy difembarked in the Rother, and ieized the fort of Apuldore. Haftings himfelf,, commanding a fleet of eighty fail, entered the Thames t, and - fortifying Milton in Kent, began to fpread his forces over the country, and to commit the moft deftructive ravages. But Alfred, on the firft.alarm_ of this de- {cent, flew to the defence of his people, at the head of a felect band of foldiers, whom he always kept about his own perfon || 5, and gathering to him the armed militia from all quarters, appeared in, the field with a force fuperior to the ene-~ my §. All ftraggling parties, whom neceflity or love of plunder had.drawn ta a diftance from their chief encampment, were cut off by the Englifh |; and : thefe pyrates, inftead of encreafing their fpoil, found themfelves cooped up in, sheir fortifications *, and obliged to fubfift by the plunder which they had brought: = ——— =——= : eae = —~ ——— a= — ee : =—= 2 == —— = : - ped = Se = ; == = ee SSS - SS = SS —-— —— eo ee = = m a — - —— _-— - — — < " = - 893; { : ‘ie y(t yt i) a 1a a t int f ie : : j et | at hs * ; ‘. | hh . i ty i ip at ian Alina 1 iii} at i it ii} He be T Vetie S : Tn ih iF: i) {i r { imp att ‘ile it) ih Hd Wy iV “HT - » aa’ ; ‘ Wy ii } ry aa Ki : at poe (4a : , a f. ay in He } 7 a rhe nn | 14 SP VOT Hil P sel sitbe i] ert her Ag Pi ] i" i ie | ema a ! +} : th \ % y 1 AES thi) 1 - i ht » ¥ Hf t) f pli 3 hice, 2 * Affer. p.g. M. Welt. p, 179. + Affer. p.11. Chron. Sax. ps 865.87. M. Weft. p. 176i : + Chron. Sax. p. 91,92 H. Hunt. lib. 5. jj Affer. p..19. ; § Chron. Sax. p. 92. 4 Ibid, * Flor. Wigorn. p. 595. from. aye ae pe ee avs =a ob at ns oA Sere ® A. :» 7 Sth mag 5 6 5. egy r2 <= moft be ahaha ee mite a = - Rae 0 AOE F DW A R D° tHe BLDER: 69 moft diftant countries, and to acquire riches by propagating induftry among their Chap. 1. fellow-citizens. He fet apart a feventh part of his own revenue for the main- taining a number of workmen, whom he conftantly employed in rebuilding his ruined cities, caftles, palaces, and monatteris *. Even the elegancies of life were brought to him from the Mediterranean and the Indies +; and his fubjeéts, by fecing thefe productions of the peaceful art, were taught to refpect the virtues of juftice and induftry, from which alone theycould arife. Both Jiving and dead, Alfred was regarded, by foreigners no lefs tian his own fubjects, as the createft prince after Charlemagne who had appeared n Europe during feveral ages, and as one of the wifeft and beft who had ever acorned the annals of any nation. Axrrep had, by his wifé, Ethelfwitha, the daughter of a Mercian earl, three fons and three daughters. The eldeft fon, Edmund, died without iflue, in his father’s lifetime. The third, Ethelward, interited his father’s paffion for letters, and lived a private life. The fecond, Edward, fucceeded to his power; and paffes by the appellation of Edward the Eld:r, being the firft of that name who fat on the Englifh throne. bs ED Ww AR ‘D -. the’ Elder. mits prince, who equalled his father in martial talents, tho’ inferior to him in knowledge and erudition {, found inmediately, on his acceffion, a f{pe- cimen of that turbulent life, which attendedal! princes, and even all individuals, in an age when men, lefs reftrained by juftice or law, and lefs occupied by in- duftry, had no other aliment for their inquittude, but wars, infurre¢tions, con- vulfions, rapine, and depredation. Ethelwald, his coufin-german, fon to King Ethelbert, the elder brother of Alfred, irfifted on his preferable mght to the throne |}; and arming his partizans, took pofleffion' of Winburne, where he feemed determined to defend himfelf to the laft extremity, and to await the iffue of his pretenfions §. But when the King approached the town with a great ar- my, Ethelwald, having the profpect of certain deftruction, made his efcape, and fled firft into Normandy,.and thence into Northumberland... ; whére he hoped; that the people, who had been recently futdued by Alfred, and who were impa- tient of peace, would, on the intelligence cf that great prince’s death, feize the firft pretence or opportunity of rebellion. The event did not'difappoint his ex- Of. Oo * Affer. p.2z0. W..Malm. lib. 2. cap. 4. Flor. Wigorn. p. 594. t W: Malmef. lib. 2. cap. 5, Hoveden, p. 421. § Chron, Sax. p. 100. H. Hunting. lib. 5. p. 3}2. + W. Malm? hb.-2. cap. 4. | Chron. Sax. p. 99, 100. + Brompton; p. 8335 pectations : 70 HWISTORY of ENGLAND. Chap. II. peétations : The Northumbrians declared for him* ; and Ethelwald, having thus _ connected his intereft with the Danifh tribes, made an excurfion beyond fea,- and colle@ing a body of thefe free-booters, he excited the hopes of all thofe who had been accuftomed to fubfift by rapine and violence Tf. The Eaft- Anglian Danes joined his party: The Five-burgers, who were feated in the heart of Mercia, began to put themfelves in motion ; and the Englifh found that they were again menaced with thofe convulfions, from which the valour and policy of Alfred had fo lately redeemed them. The rebels, headed by Ethelwald, made an incurfion into the counties of Glocefter, Oxford, and Wilts; and having exercifed their ravages in thefe places, they retired with their booty, before the King, who had affembled his army, was able to approach them. Edward, however, who was determined that his preparations fhould not be fruitlefs, conduéted his forces into Faft-Anglia, and retaliated the injuries which the inhabitants had committed, by f{preading the like devaftation among them {. Being fatiated with revenge, and loaded with booty, he gave orders to retire : But the authority of thefe antient Kings, which was feeble in peace, was not much better obeyed in the field; and the Kentith men, greedy of more {poil, ventured, contrary to repeated orders, to ftay behind him, and to take up their quarters in Bury |]. This difobedience proved in the iffue fortunate to Edward. The Danes affaulted the Kentifh men ; but met with fo ftout a refiftance, that, tho’ they gained the field of battle, they bought -that advantage by the lofs of their braveft leaders, and among the reft, by that of Ethelwald, who perifhed in the action §. The King, freed from the fear of fo dangerous a competitor, made peace.on advantageous terms. with the Faft-Angles +. In order to reftore England to fuch a ftate of tranquillity as it was then capable of attaining, nought was wanting but the fubjeétion of the Northumbrians, who, affifted by the {cattered Danes in Mercia, continually infefted the bowels of the kingdom. Edward, in order to divert the force of thefe enemies, prepared a ; fleet to attack them by fea; hoping, that when his forces appeared off their coaft, they muft at leaft remain at home, and provide for their own defence *. But the Northumbrians were lefs anxious to fecure their own property than greedy to commit fpoil on their enemy ; and concluding, that the chief force of the Englifh was embarked in the fleet, they thought the opportunity favourable, and Ou: * Chron. Sax. p. 300. H, Hunting. lib. 5. p. 352. + Chron. Sax. :p.100. Chron. Abb. St. Petri de Burgo, p. 24. + H. Hunting. lib. 5. ps 352. Brompton, p. 832. | Chron. Sax, p. 101. H. Hunting. lib. 5. p. 352. § Chron, Sax. p.101. Brompton, sp. 832. } Chron. Sax. p. 102» Brompton, p. 832. .Matth. Weft. p. 181. * H. Hunting. lib, 5. p. 3526 {3 : aa fm We a B stp - r a ad « & > S| a oF * - a i nf MM } ae 3. 5 aA v = ' , AR ver td a Lan Aa iy) * a hg: 3) et ie = A ti4 aa se $e +o as wags a a) 2 v* = A ti ee ™ 4 x iF a a s “an } | oe Ry a ee = - entered hae Sar aeey s Me ; baad ) ny 6 a 9 ? oo Sia Samet hte 3 13 ‘ Rare STS ae ye EDWARD THE ELDER. 7% entered’ Edward’s territories with all their forces *. The King, who was prepared again{t this event, attacked them on their return at Tetenhall in the county of Stafford, put them to rout, recovered all the booty, and purfued them with great flaughter into their own country {. Aut the reft of Edward’s reign was a fcene of continued.and fuccefsful action. againft the Northumbrians, the Eaft-Angles, the Five-burgers, and the foreign Danes, who invaded him from Normandy and Britanny {, He was as provident in putting his kingdom in a pofture of defence,. as vigorous in.affaulting the ene- my |. He fortified the towns of Chefter,, Eddefbury, Warwic, Cherbury, Buckingham,. Towcefter,, Maldon,. Huntingdon, and Colchefter. He fought: two great battles at Temsford and Maldon § He reduced Thurketill, a great Danifh chieftain, and obliged him to retire with his followers into France, in queft of fpoil and adventures |. He fubdued the Eaft-Angles, and forced them to {wear allegiance to him: He expelled the two rival princes of Northumberlandp. Reginald and Sidroc, and acquired, for the prefent, the dominion of that pro- vince: Several tribes of the Britains were fubjeéted: by him ; and even the Scots, who,. during the reign of Egbert, had, under the conduét of Kenneth, their: King, encreafed their power, by the final fubjection of the Piéts, were however obliged to give him marks of fubmiflion *. In all thefe fortunate atchievements, he was affifted by the activity and prudence of his fifter Ethelfleda, who was wi- dow to Ethelbert, earl of Mercia, and who, after her hufband’s death, retained the government of that province +. This princefs, who had been reduced to extremity in child-bed, refufed afterwards all commerce with her hufband ; not from any weak fuperftition, as was common in that age, but becaufe fhe deem- ed all domeftic occupations unworthy of her mafculine and ambitious fpirit tT. She died before her brother ||; and Edward, during the remainder of his reign, took upon himfelf the immediate government of Mercia, which before had been in a. great meafure independant of the crown §. The Saxon Chronicle fixes the death of this prince ing25+:. His kingdom devolved to Athelftan, his natural fon *, * Chron. Sax. p..102. Flor. Wigorn. p. 599. + Hoveden, p. 421; H. Hunting. lib. s, pP. 352. t Chron. Sax. p. 105. Brompton, p. 833. || W. Malm. lib. 2. cap. 5. Hoveden, p. 421. § Chron. Sax. p. 108. Flor. Wigorn. p. 601. + Chron. Sax. p. 106, * Chron. Sax. p. 110, Hoveden, p. 421. + H. Hunting. lib. 5. p. 353: } W. Malmef. lib. z. cap. 5, Matth. Weft. p. 182. Ingulf, p.28. Higden, p. 261. ij Chron. Sax. p. 109. § Chron, Sax. p.11e. Brompton, p. 831. 4 Ps 1106. * W.Malmef, lib. 2, cap.6. Brompton, p. 831. Matth. Weft. p. 180. vs A EH Ei L.s- Chap. II. fo paamny i a a — a5 FI “. YW oo. a hee a ait Bel iit it a : - att : Chap: II. 925: 42 HISTORY oF ENGLAND. ‘Cuenta ee wee TIE, ftain in this prince’s birth was not, in thofe times, deemed fo con- Gderable as to exclude him from the throne; and Athelftan, being of an age, as well as of a capacity, fitted for government, obtained the preference to Edward’s younger children, who,’ tho’ legitimate, were of too tender years to rule a nation fo much expofed both to foreign invafion and to domeftic convul- Gons. Some difcontents; however, prevailed on his acceffion; and Alfred, a nobleman of confiderable power, was thence encouraged to enter into a con{pi- racy againft him. This évent is related by hiftorians with circumftances, which the reader, according to the degree of credit he is difpofed to givethem, may impute, either to the invention of monks, who forged them, or to their artifice, who found means to make them real. Alfred, it is faic, being feized upon ftrong fufpicions, but without any certain proof, firmly denied the confpiracy imputed to him ; and in order to juftify himfelf, he offered to ‘wear to his innocence before the Pope, whofe perfon, it was fuppofed, contained fuch fuperior fanctity, that no one could prefume to ive a falfe oath in his prefence, and yet hope to efcape the smmediate vengeance of heaven. ‘The King accepted of the condition, and Al- fred was conducted to Rome; where, either con{fcious of his innocence, or ne- glecting the fuperftition, to which he appealed, he ventured to make the oath re- quired of him, before John, who then fled the papal chair. But no fooner had he pronounced the fatal words, than he fel] into convulfions, of which in three days after he expired. ‘The King, as if the guilt of the confpirator were now fully afcertained, confifcated his eftate, and made a prefent of it to the monaftery of Malmefbury *; fecure now chat no doubts would ever thenceforth be enter- cained concerning the juttice of his proceedings. Tue dominion of Athelftan was ne fooner eftablifhed over his Englifh fub- jects, than he endeavoured to give fecurity to the government, by providing againtt the ‘nfurrections of the Danes, which had created fo much difturbance to his predecefiors. He marched into Northumberland ; and finding, that the in- habitants bore with impatience the Englifh yoke, he thought it prudent to give Sithric, a Danifh nobleman, the title of King, and to attach him to his interefts, by marrying him to his filter, Editha +. Bat this policy proved by accident the fource of very dangerous confequences. . Sithric died in a twelvemonth after ; and his two fons by a former marriage, Anlaf and Godfrid, founding pretenfions on their father’s elevation, affamed the fovereignty, without waiting for Athel- * W. Malmef. lib. 2. cap. 6. Spell. Cont. p. 407- + Alured Beverl. p. 109: W. Malmef. lib. 2. cap. 6. Hoveden, p. 422. 3 ftan’s ACT HEL SSR eee "3 ftan’s confent. They were foon expelled by the power of that monarch ; and the former took fhelter in Ireland, as the latter did in Scotland * ; where he received, during fome time, protection from Conftantine, who then enjoyed the crown of that kingdom. The Scottifh prince, however, continually folicited, and even menaced, by Athelftan, at laft promifed to deliver up his gueft ; but fecretly de- tefting this treachery, he gave Godfrid warning to make his efcape +; and that fugitive, after fubfifting by pyracy for fome years, freed the King, by his deaths from any farther anxiety. Athelftan, refenting Conftantine’s behaviour, entered Scotland with a great army; and ravaging the country with impunity J, he re- duced the Scots to fuch diftrefs, that their King was content to preferve his crown, by making the moft humble fubmiffions to the enemy. The Englifh hiftorians affert j, that Conftantine did homage to Athelftan for his whole kingdom ; and they add, that the latter prince, being urged by his courtiers to puth the prefent favourable opportunity, and entirely fubdue Scotland, replied, that it was more glorious to confer than conquer kingdoms §. But thofe annals, fo uncertain and imperfeé in themfelves, lofe all credit, when nationa! prepoffef- fions and animofitics have place: And on that account, the Scots hiftorians, who, without having any more knowledge of the matter, ftrenuoufly deny the fact, feem more worthy of belief. Constantine, whether he owed the retaining his crown to the moderation of Athelftan, who was unwilling to employ all his advantages again{t him, or to the:policy of that monarch, who efteemed the humiliation of an enemy a greater ac- quifition than the fubjection of a difcontented and mutinous people, thought the behaviour of the Englifh more an object of refentment than of gratitude. He entered into a confederacy with Anlaf, who had collected a great body of Danifh pyrates, whom he found hovering in the Irifh feas ; and with fome Welfh prin- ces, who were terrified with the growing power of Athelftan : And all thefe al- lies made by concert an irruption with a great army into England. Athelftan, collecting his forces, met the enemy near Brunfbury in Northumberland, and de- feated them in a general engagement |. This victory was chiefly afcribed to the valour of Turketul, the Englifh chancellor: For in thofe turbulent ages, no one ® W. Malmef. lib 2. cap. 6. + Ibid. + Chron. Sax. p. 111. Hoveden, p.422. H. Hunting. lib..5.. p 354. | Hoveden, p 422, § W. Malmef. lib. 2. cap. 6. Brompton, 9. 878. Higden, p. 262. Anglia Sacra, vol. 1. p. 212. 4. Chron. Sax. p.112, 113. W. Malmef. lib. 2. cap. 6. Ethelwerd, cap.5. H. Hunting. lib. 5. p. 3540. Ofberne, p. 80. Brompton, p. $39. Flor. Wigorn, p. 603. Matth. Weft. p. 186. Ingulf, p. 37» VoL. J, - 53 : was a Chap. H. + be | ity | Chaps If. nA TIISTORY of ENGLAND. was fo much occupied in civil employments, as wholly to lay afide the military character *. THERE is a circumftance, not unworthy of notice, which hiftorians relate with regard to the tranfactions of this war. Anlaf, onthe approach of the Englifh army, thought, that he could not venture too much to enfure a fortunate event ; and employing the artifice formerly practifed by Alfred againft the Danes, he entered the enemy’s camp in the habit of a minftrel. The ftratagem was for the prefent attended with a like fuccefs. Fle gave fuch fatisfa€tion to the foldiers, who flocked about him, that they introduced him to the King’s tent ; and An- laf, having played before that prince and his nobles during their repaft, was dif- mified with a handfome reward. His prudence kept him frem refufing the pre- fent ; but his pride determined him, on his departure, to bury it, while he fan- cied that he was unefpied by all the world. But a foldier in Athelftan’s campy. who had formerly ferved under Anlaf, had been ftruck with fome fufpicion on the firft appearance of the minftrel ; and was engaged by curiofity to obferve all his motions. He regarded this laft action as a full proof ef Anlat’s difguife ;. and he immediately carried the intelligence to Athelftan, who blamed him for not fooner giving him informations that he might have feized his enemy. But the {oldier told him, that as he had formerly {worn fealty to Antaf, he could never have pardoned himfelf the treachery of betraying and ruining his antient matter ; and that Athelftan himfelf, after fuch, an inftance of his criminal conduct, would have equal reafon to doubt of his allegiance. Athelftan, having praifed the ge- nerofity of the foldier’s principles, reflected on the incident, which he forefaw might be attended with important confequences. He removed his ftation in the camp; and as a bifhop arrived that evening with a reinforcement of troops, (for the ecclefiaftics were then no lefs warlike tham the civil magiftrates) he occupied with his train that very place which had been left. vacant by the King’s removal. The precaution of Athelftan was found prudent: For no fooner had darknefs fallen, than Anlaf broke into the camp, and haftening directly to the place where he had left the King’s tent, put the bifhop to death, before he had time to pre- pare for his defence 7. Tuere fell feveral Danifh and Welth princes in the action of Brunfbury T; and Conftantine and Anlaf made their efcape with difficulty, leaving the greateft part of their army on the field of battle. After this fuccefs, Athelftan enjoyed * The office of chancellor among the Anglo Saxons refembled more that of a fecretary of -ftates than that of our prefent chancellor. See Spellman in voce Cancellarius. + W. Malmef, lib, 2. cap. 6. Higden, p. 263. { Brompton, p. 839: Ingulf, p. 294 | I his BOD: Ms Uy aoe oe his crown in tranquillity ; and he is regarded as one of the ableft and moft ac- tive of thofe antient princes. He paffed a remarkable law, which was calculated for the encouragement of commerce, and which it required fome largenefs of mind, in that age, to have devifed, That a merchant, who had made two long fea-voyages on his own account, fhould be admitted to the rank of a thane or gentleman. This prince died at Glocefter in the year 941 *, after a reign of fixteen years ; and was fucceeded by his brother Edmund. BE. Dace U core ee FoeMU N-D, on his acceffion, met with difturbance from the reftlefs North- umbrians, who lay in wait for every opportunity of breaking into rebellion. But the King, marching fuddenly with his forces into their country, fo over- awed the rebels, that they endeavoured to appeafe him by the moft humble fub- miffions+. In order to give him the furer pledge of their obedience, they of- fered to embrace Chriftianity ; a religion which the Englifh Danes had frequently profeffed, when reduced to difficulties, but which, for that very reafon, they re- garded as a badge of fervitude, and fhook off as foon as a favourable opportunity offered. Edimund, trufting little to.their fincerity in this forced fubmiffion, ufed the precaution of removing the Five-burgers from the towns of Mercia, in which they had been allowed to fettle ; becaufe it was always found, that they took ad- vantage of every commotion, and introduced the rebellious or foreign Danes in- to the heart of the kingdom {. He alfo fubdued Cumberland from the Britains ; and conferred that principality on Malcolm, King of Scotland, on condition that he fhould do him homage for it, and proteét the north from all future incurfions of the Danes |. Epmunp was very young when he cameto the crown; yet his reign was fhort, as his death was violent. One day, as he was folemnizing a feftival in the county of Glocefter, he remarked, that Leolf, a notorious robber, whom he had fenten- ced to banifhment, had yet the boldnefs to enter the hall where he himfelf dined, and to fit at table with his attendants. Enraged at this infolence, he ordered him to leave the room; but on his refufing to obey, the King, whofe temper, * Chron. Sax. ps T14. 4+ W. Malmef. lib. 2. cap. 7. Brompton, p. 857. { Chron. Sax. p. 114. H. Hunting. lib..5. p.355- Brompton, p: 857. . Chron. de Muilrofe, p. 148. Higden, p. 263. Alur. Beverl. p. 110. 423. -Brompton, |p: 957+ Flor. Wigorn. p. 604. ; ree L, 2 naturally . ; - + - : >. | Chron. Sax. p. 115. - W. Malmed. lib. 2. cap. 7, Hoveden, p. Chap. II. Chap. II. ob «HISTORY of ENGLAND. / naturally choleric, was inflamed by this additional infult, leaped on him him- felf, and feized him by the hair: But the ruffian, puthed to extremity, drew his dagver, and gave Edmund an wound, of which he immediately expired *. This event happened in the year 946 +, and in the fixth year of the King’s reign. Edmund left male-iffue, but fo young, that they were incapable of governing the kingdom ; and his brother, Ered, was promated to the crown. E D R i D. Gi reign of this prince, as that of his predeceffors, was difturbed by the rebellions and incurfions of the Northumbrian Danes, who, tho’ frequently quelled, were never entirely fabdued, nor had ever paid a fincere allegiance to the crown of England. ‘The fucceffion of a new King feemed to them a favour- able opportunity for fhaking off the yoke; but on Edred’s appearance with an army, they made him their wonted fubmiffions ; and the King having waited the country with fire and (word, as a punifhment of their rebellion {, obliged them to renew their oaths of allegiance; and he ftrait returned with his forces. The | obedience of the Danes lafted no longer than the prefent terror. Provoked at the devaftations of Edred, and even reduced by neceffity to fubfift on plunder, — they broke into a new rebellion, and were again fubdued |}: But the King, now inftruéted by experience, took better precautions againft their future revolt. He fixed Englifh garrifons in their moft confiderable towns; and placed over them an Englifh governor, who might watch all their motions, and fupprefs their infurrections on the firft appearance. He obliged alfo Malcolm, King of Scotland, to renew his homage for the lands which he held in England §. Eprep, tho’ not unwarlike, nor unfit for active life, lay under the influence of the loweft fuperflition, and had blindly delivered over his confcience to the guidance of Dunftan, commonly called St. Dunftan, abbot of Glaftenbury |, whom he advanced to the highelt offices, and who covered, under the appear- ance of fanctity, the moft violent and moft infolent ambition. Taking advan-. tage of the implicit faith repofed in him by the King, this churchman imported into England a new order of monks, who much changed the ftate of ecclefiaftical affairs, and excited, on their firft eftablifhment, the moft violent commotions. * W. Malmef. lib. 2. cap. 7. Hoveden, p- 423. Chron. de: Muilrofe, p. 148. 4+ Chron, Sax. p.115. Matth. Weft. p. 188. Ingulf, p. 29. Brompton, p. 858. + Hoveden, p. 423- Wallingford, p. 541. | Ethelwerd, cap. 7. Hoveden, p. 423; § Matth, Weft. p. 186, Higden, p. 263. 1 W.Malmef. lib. 2. cap.7. Brompton, p- 862, 3 From pttinne.. E, D R E D. 747 From the time of the firft introduction of Chriftianity among the Saxons, there had been monafteries in England ; and thef¢ eftablifhmentshad extremely multiplied, by the donations of the princes and nobles ; whofe fuperftition, derived from their ignorance and precarious life, and encreafed by remorfes for the crimes into which they were fo frequently betrayed, knew no other expedient for appeafing the Deity than a profufe liberality towards the ecclefiattics. But the monks had hitherto been a fpecies of fecular priefts, who lived in the convents after the man- ner of the prefent canons or prebendaries, and were both interming!ed, in fome degree, with the world, and endeavoured to render themfelves ufeful to it. They were employed in the education of youth * : They had the difpofal of their own time and induftry : They were not fubjected to the rigid rules of an order: They had made no vows of implicit obedience to their fuperiors |: And they ftill retained the choice, without quitting the convent, either of a married or a fingle life t=. But a miftaken piety had produced in Italy a new fpecies of monks, called Benediétines; who, carrying farther the plaufible principles of mortification, fecluded themfelves entirely from the world, renounced all claim to liberty, and made a merit of the moft inviolable chaftity. Thefe practices and principles, which fuperftition at firft engendered, were greedily embraced and promoted by the policy of the court of Rome. 1 he Roman pontiff, who was making every day great advances towards an univerfal fovereignty over the ecclefiaftics, perceived, that the celibacy alone of. the clergy could break off en- tirely their connexion with the civil power, and depriving them of every other objeé&t of ambition, engage them to promote, with unceafing induftry, the gran- - deur of their own order. Hee was fenfible, that fo long as the monks were in- dulged in marriage, and were allowed families, they never could be fubjeéted to a ftriG& rule, or reduced to that flavery under their fuperiors, which was requifite to procure to the orders, iflued from Rome, a ready and zealous obedience. Celibacy, therefore, began to be extolled, as the indifpenfible duty of priefts; and the Pope undertook to make all the clergy throughout the weftern world re- nounce at once the privilege of marriage: A fortunate policy, but at the fame time an undertaking the mott difficult of any, fince he had the ftrongeft propen- fies of human nature to encounter, and found, that the fame connexions with the female fex, which generally encourages devotion, was here unfavourable to the fuccefs of his project. It is no wonder, therefore, that this mafter-ftroke of att fhould have met with violent contradiction, and that the interefts of the hie- * Ofberne in Anglia Sacra, tom. 2. p. 92. + Ofberne, p. 91. t See Wharton’s notes to Anglia Sacra, tom 2. p. 91. Gervas, p, 1045. Chron. Wint.. MS. apud Spell. Cone. p. 434. sarchy, Chap. W. Chap. IT. 78 ms TO RY 6¢F# EDGY Al rarchy, and the ‘aclinations of the priefts, being now placed in this tingulat op- pofition, fhould, notwithftanding the continued efforts of Rome, have retarded the execution of that bold fcheme, during the courfe of near three centuries. | A As the bifhops and parochial clergy lived apart with their families, and were more connected with the world, the hopes of fuccefs with them were fainter, and the pretence for making them renounce marriage was much lefs plaufible. But the pope, having caft his eye on the monks as the bafis of his authority, was determined to reduce them under ftrict rules of obedience, to procure them the credit of fanctity by an appearance of the moft rigid mortifications, and to break off all their other connections which might interfere with his fpiritual policy. Under pretence, therefore, of reforming abufes, which were, in fome degree, unavoidable in the antient eftablifhments, he had already fpread over the fouthern countries of Europe the ftrié& rules of the manaftic life, and began to form at- tempts towards a like innovation in England. ‘The favourable opportunity of- fered itfelf (and it was greedily feized) arifing from the weak fuperftition of Edred, and the violent impetuous character of Dunftan. 3 ES - Dunstan was born of noble parents in the weft of England; and being educated under his sanele,;—Aldhelm, then Archbifhop of Canterbury, had be- taken himfelf to the ecclefiaftical life, and had acquired fome character in the court of Edmund. He. was, however, defamed to that prince as a man of li- centious manners *; and finding his fortune blafted by thefe fufpicions, his ardent ambition prompted him to repair his indifcretions by running into an oppolfite extreme. He fecluded himfelf entirely from the world ; he framed a cell fo {mall that he could neither ftand ereé&t in it, nor ftretch out his limbs during -his re- pofe; and he here employed himfelf perpetually either in devotion or in manual labour +. It is probable, that his brain became gradually crazed by thefe foli- tary occupations, and that he framied chimeras, which, being believed by himfelf and his ftupid votaries, procured him the general character of fanctity among the: people. He fancied, that thedevil, among the frequent vifits, which he paid him, was one day more earneft than ufual in his temptations ; till Dun- ftan, provoked at his importunity, feized him by the nofe with a pair of red-hot pincers, as he put his head into the cell; and he held him there, till that ma- lignant {pirit made the whole neighbourhood refound with his bellowings. ‘This notable exploit was ferioufly credited and extolled by the publics it is tran{mitted to pofterity by one who, confidering his age, may pafs for a writer of fome ele- gance {; and it infured to Dunftan a reputation, which no real piety, much lefs * Ofberne, p.95. Math, Welt. p. 187. t Ofberne, -p. 96. { Ofberne, p. 97: virtue, 7 , ha ee E, Pe E D. 79 virtue, could, even in the moft enlightened period, have ever been able to procure him with the people, SUPPORTED by the character, obtained in his retreat, Dunftan appeared again | crown, as made him, not only the director of his.confcience, but his counfellor in the moft momentous affairs of government. He was-placed at the headiof the Nye treafury *, and being thus poffefied both of power at court, and of credit with the populace, he was enabled to attempt with fuccefs the moft arduous under- takings. Finding, that his advancement had been owing to the opinion of his aufterity, he profefled himfelf a partizan of the rigid monaftic rules; and after introducing that reformation into the convents of Glaftenbury and Abingdon, he endeavoured to render it univerfal'in the kingdom. Tx minds of men were already well prepared for this innovation. The praifes of an inviolable chaftity had been carried to the higheft extravagance .by fome of the firft preachers of chriftianity among. the Saxons: The pleafures of-love had been reprefented as incompatible with chriftian perfection: And a total ab- {tinence from all commerce With the fex was deemed fuch a meritorious pennance, as was fufficient to atone for the greateft enormities. The confequénce feemed natural, that thofe at leaft who officiated az tie altar fhould be clear of this pol- lution ; and when the doétrine of tranfubftantiation, which was now creeping in +, was once fully eftablifhed, the reverence to the real body of Chrift in the eucharift, beftowed on this argument an additional force and influence, The monks knew how to avail themfelves of all thefe popular topics, and to fet of their own charaéter to the beft advantage. ‘They affected the greatelt aufterity of life and manners : They indulged themfelves in the higheft ftrains of devotion : They inveighed bitterly againft the vices and pretended luxury of the age: They were particularly vehement againft the diffolute lives of the fecular clergy, their rivals ; Every particular inftance of libertinifm inthat order was reprefented as a general corruption: And where other topics of defamation were waiting, their marriage became a fure object of invective, and their wives received the name of concubines, Or other more opprobrious appellation. The: fecular clergy, on the other hand, who were numerous aad rich, and poflefied of the ecclefiattical dio- nities, defended themifelves with vigour, and endeavoured: fo retaliate upon their: adverfaries. The people were thrown into: agitation; and few inftances:‘occur of more violent diffentions, excited by the moft material differerices in religion 5 or rather by the moft frivolous: Since it is a general remark, that the more: “ Olberne; p. to2z. Wallingford, p, 541. + Spell, Conc, vol, 1, p, 452. affinity Chap. I. Chap. I. Te HISTORY OF ENGLAND. affinity there is between thological parties, the greater commonly is their ani- mofity. THE progrefs of the monks, which was become confiderable, was fomewhat retarded by the death of Edred, their partizan, who expired after a reign of nine years *. He left children; but as they were infants, his nephew, Edwy, fon «o Edmund, was placed on the throne. ; E D WwW Y. E DW Y, atthe time of his acceffion was not above fixteen or feventeen years of age, was poficfied of the moft amiable figure, and even endowed, according to authentic accounts, with the moft promifing virtues T. He would have been the favourite of his people, had he not unhappily, on the commencement of his reign, been engaged in a controverfy with the monks, whofe rage neither the graces of the body nor virtues of the mind could mitigate, -and who have purfued his memory with the fame unrelenting vengeance, which they exercifed againft his perfon and dignity during his fhort and unfortunate reign. ‘T’here was a beautiful princefs of the royal blood, called Elgiva, who had made im- preffion on the render heart of Edwy; and as he was of an age, when the force of the paffions begins Grit to be felt, he had ventured, contrary to the advice of his graveft counfellor, and the remonftrances of the more dignified ecclefiaftics {, to efpoufe her; tho’ fhe was within the degrees of affinity, prohibited by the canon-law |j. As the aufterity, affected by the monks, made them particularly vio- lent on this occafion, Edwy entertained a ftrong prepofieffion againft them; and feemed on that account determined not to fecond their project, of expelling the feculars from all the convents, and of acquiring to themfelves pofieffion of thofe rich eftablifhments. The war was therefore declared between the King and the monks; and the former foon found reafon to repent him of his pro- voking fuch dangerous enemies. On the day of his coronation, his nobility were aflembled in a great hall, and were indulging themfelves in that riot and diforder, which, from the example of their German anceftors, had become ha- bitual to the Englith § ; when Edwy, attracted by fofter pleafures, retired into the Queen’s apartments, and in that privacy, gave reins to his fondnefs towards his wife, which was only moderately checked by the prefence of her mother. Dunftan conjeétured the reafon of the King’s retreat ; and carrying along with * Chron, Sax. p. 115. + H. Hunting. lib. 5. p. 356+ t W. Malmefi lib. 2. ¢ap-7- j Ibid. § Wallingford, p. 542. him, — E D “W YY’ St him, Odo, archbifhop of Canterbury, over whom he had gained an entire afcen- dant, he burft into the apartment, upbraided Edwy with his lafcivioufnefs, pro- bably beftowed on the Queen the moft opprobrious epithet which can be applied to her fex, and tearing him from her arms, pufhed him back, ina difgraceful manner, into the feftival of the nobles *» Edwy, tho’ young and oppofed by the prejudices of the people, found an opportunity of taking revenge for this public infulr. He queftioned Dunftan concerning the adminiftration of the trea- fury during the reign of his predeceflor +; and when that minifter refufed to give any account of money, expended, as he affirmed, by the late King’s orders, he accufed him of malverfation in his office, and banifhed him the kingdom f. But Dunftan’s cabal were not unactive during his abfence : They filled the peo- ple’s ears with high panegyrics on his fanétity : They exclaimed againft the im- piety of the King and Queen: And having poifoned the minds of men by thefe declamations, they proceeded to ftill more outrageous violences againft the royal authority. Archbifhop Odo fent into the palace a party of foldiers, who feized the Queen, and having burned her face with a red hot iron, in order to deftroy that fatal beauty, which had feduced Edwy, they carried her by force into Ire- land, there to remain in perpetual exile |. Edwy, finding it in vain to refit, was obliged to confent to his divorce, which was pronounced by Odo §; anda cataftrophe, ftill more difmal, awaited the unhappy Elgiva. That amiable ' princefs, being cured of her wounds, and having even obliterated the fears, with which Odo had hoped to deface her beauty, returned into England, and was flying to the embraces of the King, whom fhe ftill regarded as her hufband ; when fhe fell into the hands of a party, whom the primate had ordered to in- tercept her. Nothing but her death could now give fecurity to Odo and the monks ; and her moft cruel death was requifite to fatiate their vengeance. She was hamftringed ; and expired a few days after at Glocefter in the moft acute torments +. Tue Englifh, blinded with fuperftition, inftead of being fhocked with this inhumanity, exclaimed that the misfortunes of Edwy and his fpoufe were a jut judgment on them. for their diffolute contempt of the ecclefiaftical ftatutes. They even proceeded to rebellion againft their fovereign ; and having placed Edgar at their head, the younger brother of Edwy, a boy of thirteen years of age, they foon put him in poffeffion of Mercia, Northumberland, Eafl-Anglia; ‘* W. Malmef. lib. 2. cap. 7. Ofberne, p’83. 105. M. Weft. p. 195, 196. + Wallingford, p.54z. Alur. Beverl. p, 112. { W. Malmef. lib. 2. cap. 7. . Hoveden, p.475. Ofberne, p. 84.106. Brompton, p. 863. || Ofberne, p. 84, Gervafe, p. 1644. § Hoveden, 425, 4. Ofberne, p. 84. Gervafe, p. 1645, 1646. Vor. I, M and Chap. Il, Chap. iI. 82 "21S T.0-R.X yp? ENGLAN D. and chaced Edwy into the fouthern countries *. That it might not be doubtful at whofe inftigation this revolt was undertaken ; Dunftan returned into Eng- Jand +, and took upon him the government of Edgar and his party. He was frft nftalled in the fee of Worcefter, then in that of London {, and, on Odo’s death, and the violent expulfion of Brighthelm, his facceflor, in that of Canterbury ||; all which he long kept poffeffion of. Odo is tranfmitted to us by the monks under the charaéter of a man of piety : Dunftan was even canonized ; and is one of thofe. numerous faints of the fame ftamp, who difgrace the Romith calendar, Mean while, the unhappy Edwy was excommunicated §, and purfued with un- relefting vengeance ; but his death, which happened foon after, freed: his ene- mies: from all farther inquietude; and gave Edgar peaceable poflefiion of the government |. E D G A R. Ze HIS prince, who mounted the throne in fuch early youth, foon difcovered an excellent capacity in the adminiftration of affairs and his reign is one of the moft fortunate, which we mect with in the antient Englifh hiftory. He fhowed no averfion to war ; he made the wifeft preparations again{ft invaders : And by this vigor and forefight, he was enabled, without any danger of fuffering, infults, to indulge his inclination towards peace, and to employ himfelf in fup- * Ofberne, p. 106: Flor. Wigorn. p. Gor. Math, Welt. p. 196. + Hoveden, p. 425. Ofberne, p. 107: Brompton, p. 363. t Chron. Sax. p. 117. Flor. Wigorn. p. 605. Wallingford, p. 544. | Hoveden, p.-425- Ofberne, p. 109. Brompton. p. 864. Flor. Wigorn, p. 605. Math. Weft. p. 196. Higden. p. 267. § Brompton,. p- 863. 4. ‘There is a feeming contradi€tion in antient hiftorians with regard to fome circumftances of the fiory of Edwy and Elgiva. It is agreed, that this prince hada violent paflion for his fecond or third coufin, Elgiva, whom he married, tho’ within the degrees prohibited by the canons. It is alfo, agreed, that he was dragged from a lady -on the day of his coronation, and that the lady was after- wards treated with the fingular barbarity abovementioned. The only difference is, that Ofberne and: fme others call her his trumpet, not his wife, as the is faid to be by Malmefbury. But this difference is eafily reconciled : For if Edwy married her contrary to the canons, the monks would be fure to deny her to be his wife, and would infift that fhe could be nothing but his ftrumpet : So-that, on the whole, we may efteem this reprefentation of the matter as certain ; at leaft, as by far the moft probable. If Edwy had only kept a miftrefs, it is well kaown, that there were methods of accommodation with the church, which would have prevented the clergy, from proceeding to fuch extremities againft him : But his marriage, contrary to the canons, watan infult on their authority, and called for their higheft refentment. a porting: %. le E D G A R. 32 we porting and improving the police of his kingdom *. He maintained a body of difciplined troops ; which he quartered in the north, inorder to keep the mutinous Northumbrians in fubjection, and to repel the inroads of the Scots. He built and fupported a powerful navy T ; and that he might retain the feamen in the practice of their duty, and fhow perretually a formidable armament to his ene- mies, he ftationed three fquadrons off the coaft, and ordered them to make, from time to time, the circuit of his dominions {. The foreign Danes dared not to approach a country which appeared in fuch a pofture of defence: The domeftic Danes faw inevitable deftruction to be the confequence of their tumults and in- furre@tions : The neighbouring princes, of Wales, Scotland, the Ifle of Man, the Orkneys, and even of Ireland ||, were reduced to pay fubmiffions to fo formi- dable a prince. He carried his fuperiority to a great height, and might have ex- cited an univerfal combination againfthim, had not his power been fo well efta- blifhed, as to deprive his enemies of all hopes of fhaking it: It is faid, that re- fiding once at Chefter, and having propofed to go by water to the abbey of St. John the Baptift, he obliged eight of his tributary Kings to row him in a barge upon the Dee §. The Englifh hiftorians are fond to mention the name of Ken- neth III. King of Scots among the number: The Scots hiftorians, either deny the faét, or affert, that their King, if ever he acknowledged himfelf a vafia! to Edgar, did him homage, not for his crown, but for the dominions, which he held in England. Bur the chief means, by which Edgar maintained his authority, and preferved public peace, was the paying court to Dunftan and. the Monks, who had at firit placed him on the throne, and who, by their pretenfions to fuperior fanctity and purity of manners, had acquired an afcendant over the people. He favoured their fcheme for difpoffeffing the fecuar canons of all the monafteries | ; he be- * Chron. Sax. p. 116. Knighton, p. 2313. Brompton, p. 864. 869. Flor. Wigorn. p. 60. Chron. Abb. St. Petri de Burgo, p. 29. + Hieden. p. 265. + Many of the Englifh hittorians make Edvar’sfhips amount to an extravagant number, to 3000, or 3600 : See Hoveden, p. 426. Flor. Wigorn, p. 607. Abbas Rieval, p.360. But Brompton, p. 869, fays that Edgar had 4000 veflels. How can thefe accounts be reconciled to probability and to the ftate'of the navy in the time of Alfred? W, Thorne makes the whole number amount only to 300, which is more probable. ‘The fleet of Ethelrec, Edgar’s fon, muft have been fhort of 1600 fhips ; yet the Saxon Chronicle, p. 137, fays it was the greateit navy that ever had been feen in England. ) Spell. Conc. p. 432. § W. Malmef. lib. z.cap.8. Hoveden, p.426. H. Hunting. lib. 5. p. 356. Brompton, p. 869. Flor, Wigorn. p. 607. Math. Weft.p. 192. Higden. p. 267. Alur. Beverl. p. 112. 4 Chron. Sax-p. 117, 118. WW. Malmef lib, 2. cap.8. Hoveden, p. 425, 426, —Ofbeme, p- 112. Gervaf. p. 1646. Brompton, p 867. Flor. Wigorn. p. 605, 606, Math, Welt. p. 195: Diceto. p. 458. Higden, p. 264. Spell, Conc. 433. 438, 439. 443. M 2 {towed Chap. II. $4 HISTORY or ENGLAND. ftowed preferment on none but their partizans he allowed Dunftan to refign the fee of Worcefter into the hands of Ofwald, one of his creatures *, and.to place Ethelwold, another of them, in that of Winchefter +; he confulted thefe prelates sn the adminittration of all ecclefiaftical affairs, and even in that of many civil ; and tho’ the vigour of his own genius prevented him from being implicitely suided by them, the King and the bifhops found fuch advantages in their mutual harmony, that they acted always in concert, and united their influence in preferv- ing the peace and tranquillity of the public. In order to complete the great work of placing the new order of monks in all the convents, Edgar fummoned a general council of the prelates and the heads of the religious orders. He here inveighed againft the diffolute lives of the fe- cular clergy ; the fmallnefs of their tonfure,} which, it is probable,. maintained no longer any refernblance to the crown of thorns; their negligence in attending the exercife of their fun@ion; their mixing with the laity in the pleafures of gaming, hunting, dancing and finging ; and their openly living with concubines, by which it is commonly fuppofed he meant their wives. He then turned him- felf to Dunftan the primate ; and in the name of the late King, Edred, his fa- ther, whom he fuppofed to look down from Heaven with indignation againit all thofe enormities, he thus addrefied him. “ ’Tis you, Dunftan, by whofe ‘© advice 1 founded monafteries, built churches, and expended my treature in ‘< the fupport of religion and religious houfes. You was my counfellor and af- ‘© fiftant-in all my fchemes: You was the director of my confcience : To you-I «© was obedient in all things. When did you call for fupplies, which I refufed << you ? ‘Was my affiflance ever wanting to the poor ? Did I deny fupport and « eftablifhments to the clergy and the convents? Did I not hearken to your ine << ftru€tions, who told me, that thefe charities were, of all others, the moft « grateful to my maker, and fixed a perpetual fund for the fupport of religion ? ‘© And are all our pious endeavours now fruftrated by the diffolute. lives of the © priefts? Not that I throw any blame on you: You have reafoned, befought, . * inculcated, inveighed: But it behoves you now to ufe fharper and more vi= ‘* gorous remedies; and conjoining your fpiritual authority with the civil power,. ‘to purge effectually the temple of God from thieves and intruders f.” It is: eafy to imagine that this harangue had the defired effect ; and that, when the King and prelates. thus concurred with the popular prejudices, it was not long * W. Malmef. lib. 2. cap. 8. Hoveden, p. 425. + Gervaf. p: 1646. Brompton, p. 864. Flor, Wigorn. p. 606. Chron. Abb. Se, Petri de Burgo,. p. 27, 28. t Abbas Rieval. p. 360, 361. Spel. Conc. p.476, 477, 47% before: « E. D G A R. 85 before the monks prevailed, and eftablifhed their new rules in almoft all the con- Chap. If. vents, We may remark, that the declamations againft the fecular clergy are both here and in all the hiftorians, conveyed in general terms ; and as that order of 1en are commonly reftrained by the decency cf their character, not to mention f{uperior motives, it is difficult to believe, that the complaints againft their diffo- lute manners could be fo univerfally juft as is pretended. It is more probables that the monks paid court to the populace by an affected aufterity of life; and, reprefenting the moft innocent liberties, taken by the other clergy, as great and unpardonable enormities, thereby prepared the way for the increafe of their own power and influence. Edgar, however, like a true politician, con- eurred with the prevailing party; and he even indulged them in pretenfions, which, tho” they might, when complied with, engage the monks to fupport royal authority during his own reign, proved afterwards very dangerous to his fucceffors, and gave difturbance to the whole civil power. He feconded the policy of the court of Rome, in granting to fome monatfteries an exemption from epifcopal jurifdiction : He allowed the convents, even thofe of royal foundatior, to ufurp the election of their own abbot: And he admitted their forgeries of an- tient charters, by which, from the pretended grant of former kings, they af fumed like privileges and exemptions *. Tuese merits of Edgar have procured him the higheft. panegyrics from the mouks ; and he is tranfmitted to us not only under the character of a great poli- tician and an active prince, praifes to which he feems to have been intitled, but under that of a great faint and a man of virtue. But nothing could more be- tray both his own hypocrify in inveighing againft the licentioufnefs of the fecular clergy, and the interefted fpirit of his partizans, in beftowing fuch elogies on his piety, than the ufual tenor of his conduct, which. was licentious to the higheft degree, and violated every law, human and divine, Yet thofe very monks, who,,. as we are told by Ingulf, a very antient hiftorian, had no idea of any moral or religious. merit,, except chaftity and obedience, not. only connived at his enor- mities, but loaded him with the higheft praifes.. Hiftory, however, has pre- ferved fome inftances of his amours, from which, as from a {pecimen, we may form a conjecture of the reft. Epcar broke into a convent, carried off Editha, a nun; by force, and even committed violence on her perfon +.. For this act of facrilege and brutality. * Chron. Sax, p. 118. W. Malmef. lib. 2. cap. 8. Seldeni Spicileg. ad Eadm. p. 149. 157. + W. Malmef. lib. 2, cap..8.. Ofberne, p..3.. Diceto, p. 457.. Higden. p. 265. 2677 248.4. Spel, Conc. p. 481, 3 4. he . bi Ha 5 a ~? 86 M1isTORNX of EB MG Tra ND. 1e was reprimanded by Dunftan ; and that he might reconcile himfelf with the church, he was obliged, not to feparate from his miftrefs, but to abftain from wearing his crown during feven years, and to deprive himfelf fo long of that wfelefs ornament *: A punifhment very unequal to that inflicted on the unfor- tunate Edwy, who, for a marriage, which, in the ftricteft fenfe, could only de- ferve the name of irregular, was expelled his kingdom, faw his Queen treated with the moft fingular barbarity, was loaded with calumnies, and has been tranf- mitted to pofterity under the moft odious colours. Such is the afcendant which may be attained, by hypocrily and cabal, over mankind ° THERE was another miftrefs of Edgar, called Elfleda, .with whom he firft formed a connexion by a kind of accident. Paffing one day by Andover, he lodged in the houfe of a nobleman, whofe daughter, being endowed with all the graces of perfon and behaviour, enflamed him at firft fight with the higheft de- fire, and made him refolve by any expedient to gratify it. As he had not leifure to employ courtfhip or addreds for attaining his purpofe, he went directly to her mother, declared the violence of his paflion, and defired that the young lady might be allowed to pafs that very night with him. © The mother was a woman of virtue, and determined not to difhonour her daughter and her family by com- pliance ; but being well acquainted with the impetuofity of the King’s temper, fhe thought it would be eafier, as well as fafer, to deceive than refufe him. She feigned therefore a fubmiffion to his will ; but fecretly ordered a waiting- maid, of no difagreeable figure, to fteal into the King’s bed, after all the company fhould be retired to reft. Inthe morning, before day-break, the damfel, agree- able to the injunctions of her miftrefs, offered to retire ; but Edgar, who had no -eferve in his pleafures, and whole love to his bedfellow was rather enflamed by enjoyment, refufed his confent, and employed force and entreaties to detain her, £ifeda, trufting to her own charms, and to the love with which, fhe hoped, fhe had now infpired the King, made probably but a faint refiftance ; and the return of light difcovered the deceit to Edgar. He had paffed a night fo muck to his ftisfaction, that he exprefled no difpleature with the old lady on account of her fraud ; his love was transferred to Elfleda; fhe became his favourite miftrefs, and , maintained her afcendant over hii, till his marriage with Elfrida +. THE circumftances of his marriage with this lady were more fingular, and more criminal. Elfrida was daughter and heir of Olgar, earl of Devonthire ; and tho” fhe had been educated in the country, and had never appeared at court, fhe had filled all England with the reputation of her beauty. Edgar himfelf, who * Ofberne, p. 111. + W. Malmef. lib. z. cap.-8. Higden. p. 268. 7 was KE, D G A R. LOE was indifferent to no accounts of this nature, found his curiofity excited by the Lil, frequent panegyrics which he heard of Elfrida; and r flecting on her noble birth | ~Ae he refolved, if he found her charms anfwerable to their fame, to obtain poftel- fion of her on honourable terms. He communicated his intention to earl Ethel- wold, his favourite ; but ufed the precaution, before he made any advances to her parents, to order that nobleman, on fome pretence, to pay them a vifit, and to bring him a certain account of the beauty of their dauehter, E.thelwold, when introduced to the young lady, found general report to have fallen much fhort of the truth ; and being enflamed with the higheft love at | a oe a al ; ] - (. . my % 5 iw cqcerermMminea LO id rigice to this new paffion all. his fidelity to his mafter, and to the truft repofed in him, Pm ra ets. ; Pe } y ‘ad : ( > * s pic a) Vinn ’ 1, : ] c Fle returned to Edgar, and told him, that the riches alone, and high quality of Elfrida, had been the ground of the admiration paid her, and that from being any wife extraordinary, would have been overlooked in a woman of inferior ftation. When he had, by this deceit, turned the King from his pur- pofe, he took an opportunity, after fome interval, of turnin& again the converfa- ‘tion on Elfrida; and he remarked, that, tho’ the parentage and fortune of the lady had not produced on him, as on others, any ulufion with regard to her beauty, he could not forbear reflecting, that fhe would on the whole be an ad- vantageous match for him, and might, by her birth and riches, make him a fuf- ficient compenfation for the homelinefs of her perfon. If the King, therefore, gave his approbation to the defign, he was determined. to make propofals in his own behalf to the earl of Devonhhire, and doubted not to obtain his, as well as the young lady’s, confent to the marriage. Edear, pleafed with an expedient for eftablifhing his favourite’s fortune, not only exhorted him to execute his pur- pofe, but forwarded its fuccefs by his recommendations to the parents of Elfrida ; and Athelwold was foon made happy in the pofieffion of his miftrefs. Dreading, however, the detection of the artifice, he employed every pretence for detaining Elfrida in the country, and for keeping her ata diftance from Eid gar, Tue violent paffion of Athelwold had concealed from him the neceflary confe- quences which muft attend his conduét, and the advantages which the numerous enemies that always purfue a royal favourite, would, by its means, be able to make againft him. Edgar was foon informed of the truth ; but before he would execute vengeance on Athelwold’s treachery, he refolved to fatisfy himfelf with his own eyes of the certainty and full extent of his guilt. He told him, that he in- tended to pay him a vifit in his caftle, and be introduced to the acquaintance of his new married wife; and Athelwold, as he. could not refufe this honour, beg- ged only leave to go before him a few hours, that he might the better prepare every thing for his reception. - He then difcovered the whole matter to Elfrida : and Co 4 = ee . 19 * ja f= t her charms, far’ = Aa p =a oo Chap. I. 8) HISTOR #, oF ENG LAND. and begged her, if fhe had any regard, either to her own honour or to his life, to conceal from Edgar, by every circumftance of drefs and behaviour, that fatal beauty, which had feduced him from fidelity to his friend, and had betrayed him snto fo many falfehoods. Ejfrida promifed compliance, tho’ nothing was farther F-om her intentions. She deemed herfelf little beholden to Athelwold for a paf- fion, which had deprived her of a crown; and knowing the force of her own charms, fhe did not defpair even yet of reaching that ftation, of which her huf- band’s artifice had bereaved her. She appeared before the King with all the ad- vantages which the richeft attire, and the moft engaging airs, could beftow upon her, and excited at once in his bofom the higheft love towards herfelf, and the mott furious defire of revenge again{t her hufband. He knew, however, to dif- femble thefe paffions ; and feducing Ethelwold into a wood, under pretence of hunting. he ftabbed him with his own hand, and foon after publicly efpoufed Elfrida *. Brrorr we conclude our account of this reign, we muft mention two circum- ftances, which are remarked by hiftorians. The reputation of Edgar allured a oreat number of foreigners to vifit his court; and he gave them encouragement to refide in England +. We are told, that they imported all the vices of their refpeétive countries, and contributed to corrupt the fimple manners of the na- tives {: But as this fimplicity of manners, fo highly and often fo injudicioufly extolied, preferved them not from barbarity and treachery, the createft of all vices, and the moft incident to a rude uncultivated people, we ought perhaps to deem their acquaintance with foreigners rather an advantage; as it tended to enlarge their views, and to cure them of thofe illiberal prejudices and ruftic manners, to which iflanders are often fubject. : Anotrner remarkable incident of this reign was the extirpation of wolves from England. This advantage was attained by the induftrious policy of Edgar. He took great pains in hunting and purfuing thofe ravenous animals ; and when found, that they hid all taken thelter in the mountains and forefts of Wales, he changed the tribute of money impofed on the Welfh princes by Athelftan, his predecefior ||, into an annual tribute of three hundred heads of wolves; which produced fuch diligence in hunting them, that the creature has been no more feen in this ifland. | * W. Malmef. lib. 2. cap. 8. Hoveden, p. 426. Brompton, p. 865, 866. Flor. Wigorn p. 606. Higden. p, 268. + Chron, Sax. p. 116. H. Hunting. lib. 5. p. 356. Brompton, p, 865. ; W. Malmef. lib. 2. cap. 8. {| W. Malmef, lib. 2. cap. 6. Brompton, p. 838. EDGAR EDWARD tre Martyr. 84 Enoar died, after a reign of fixteen years, and in the thirty-third of this ace. Fie was fucceeded by Edward, whom he had by his firft marriage with the ‘Gaughter of Earl Ordmer *. EDWARD the Martyr. HE fucceffion of this prince, who was only fifteen years of age at his father’s death, did not take place without much difficulty and oppofition. Elfrida his ftep-mother, had a fon, Ethelred, feven years old, whom the scent to raife to the throne : She affirmed, that Edgar’s marriage with the mo- ther of Edward, was expofed to infuperable objections; and as fhe had _pof- feffed great credit with her hufband, fhe had found means to acquire partizanss who feconded all her pretenfions. But the title of Edward was fupported by ma- ny advantages. He was appointed fucceflor by the will of his father +: He was approaching to man’s eftate, and might foon be able to take into his own hands the reins of government: The principal nobility, dreading the imperious temper of Elfrida, were averfe to her fon’s government, which muft enlarge her autho- rity, if not put her in poffeffion of the regency : And above all, Dunftan, whofe character of fanctity had given him the higheft credit with the people, had efpou- fed the caufe of Edward, over whom he had already acquired a great afcendant tT, and was determined to execute the will of Edgar in his favour.. To cut of al! pretenfions, Dunftan refolutely anointed and crowned the young prince at King- fton ; and the whole kingdom, without farther oppofition, fubmitted to him |). Ir was of great importance to Dunftan and the monks, to place on the throne a King favourable to their caufe: The fecular clergy had ftill partizans in Eng- land, who defired to keep them in poffeffion of the convents, and of the ecclefi- a{tical authority. On the firft intelligence of Edgar’s death, Alfere, duke of Mercia, expelled the new orders of monks from all the monafteries which lay within his jurifdiction § 5 but Elfwin, duke of Eaft-Anglia, and Brithnot, duke of the Eaft-Saxons, protected them within their territories, and infifted upon the execution of the late laws enacted in their favour * W.Malmef. lib. 2, cap. 8. Hoveden, p. 426. Knighton, p. 2313. + Hoveden, p. 427. Eadmer, p, 3. } Eadmer, ex edit. Seldeni, p. 3. | W. Malmef. lib. 2. cap. 9. Hoveden, p. 427. Ofberne, p. 113. Gervafi, p- 1647. Knighton, p- 2313. Brompton, p.87z. Flor. Wigorn. p.607. Chron. Abb. St. Petri di Burgo, p. 29. § Chron. Sax. p. 123. W. Malmef. lib. 2. cap. 9. Hoveden, Pp. 427. Brompton, p. 870, Flor. Wigorn. p, 607. + Hoveden, p. 427. Brompton, p. 870. Higden, p. 269. Vou. I. N troverly, In order to fettle this con- Chap. Y. ! | 1) bi if i 4 Z Se | s : a Chap Il. 60 T1S.T O,Rak¥ oF ENGLAN D. troverfy, there were fammoned feveral fynods, which, according to the practice of thofe times, conffted partly of ecclefiaftical members, partly of the lay no- bility. The monks were able to prevail in all thefe aflemblies ;. tho’, as it ap- pears, contrary to the fecret wifhes, if not the declated oppofition, of the lead- ing men in the nation * 'Fhey had more invention in forging miracles to fup- rt their caufe; or having been fo fortunate as to obtain, by their pretended ferities, the character of piety,, their miracles. were better believed by the po- pulace. / mt t/\ 4 1} ca? “a 5 @ in one fynod, Dunftan, finding the majority of votes againft him, rofe ups and informed the audience, that he had, in that inftant, received an immediate revelation in behalf of the monks; and the aflembly were fo aftonifhed at this. intelligence, or probably fo overawed by the populace, that they proceeded no farther in their deliberations. . In another fynod, a voice ‘(ued from the crucifix, and informed the members, that the eftablifhment of the monks was founded on the will of heaven, and could not be oppofed without impiety +, But the mi- racle performed in the third fynod was ftill more alarming :..The floor of the hall in which the affem bly met, funk of a fudden, and a great number of the members wereeither bruifed or killedby the fall. It was remarked, that Dunftan had prevented’ that day the King from attending the fynod, and that the beam on which his own: chair ftood, was the only one which did not fink under the weight of the aflem- bly {: But thefe circumftances, inftead of begetting any fufpicion of contrivance, were regarded as the fureft proof of the immediate interpofition of providence,. pone “tn behalf of thefe favourites: of heaven |j. Epwarp lived four years after his acceflion, and there pafied nothing re- markable during his reign. His death was memorable and tragical §.. This. young prince was endowed with the moft amiable innocence of manners’5, and as his own intentions were always pure, he was incapable of entertaining any fufpi-- * W. Malmef. lib. 2. cap. 9- + W. Malmef.. lib. 2. cap. 9p. Ofberne, p. 112. Ger- vafe, p. 1647. Brompton, p. 870. Higden, p. 269. + Chron. Sax. p. 124.. W. Malmef. lib. 2. cap: 9. Hoveden, p. 427- H. Hunt. lib. 5. p. 357. Gervafe, p. 1647. Brompton, p. 870. Flor. Wigorn. p. 607. Higden, p. 269. Chron. Abb. St: Petri de Burgo, p. 29. | I have already made a remark, (and it would be too tedious to repeat it as often as there is oc—- cafion) that, where we meet with fuch ftories in the.antient authors, we may. juftly entertain a doubt whether they be owing to the fiction of the fucceeding monks, who invented them, or to the fubtlety and contrivance of thofe monks who. lived in the time, and who really impofed upon the populace. § Chron. Sax..p-.124:. cioR = EDWARD .trHtE MarRTYR Or cion againft others. Tho’ his ftep-mother had oppofed his fucceffion, and had raifed a party in favour of her own fon, he always fhowed her marks of the ereateft regard, and even exprefied, on all occafions, the moft tender affection towards his brother *. He was hunting one day in a foreft in Dorfetfhire ; and being led by the chace near Corfe-caftle, where Elfrida refided, he took the op- portunity of paying her a vifit, unattended by any of his retinue, and he thereby prefented her with the occafion, which fhe had long wifhed for. After he had mounted his horfe, he defired fome liquor to be brought him ; and while he was holding the cup to his head, a fervant of Elfrida approached him, and gave him a ftab behind. The prince, finding himfelf wounded, put fpurs to his horfe’s but becoming faint by lofs of blood, he fell from the faddle, his foot ftuck in the ftirrup, and he was dragged along by his unruly horfe, till he expired +. . Being tracked by the blood, his body was found, and was privately interred at Were- ham by his fervants. Tue youth and innocence of this prince, with his tragical death, begot fuch compaffion among the people, that they believed miracles to be wrought at his tomb +; and they gave him the appellation of martyr, tho’ his murder had no reference to. any religious principle or opinion. Elfrida built monafteries, and performed many penances, in order to atone for her guilt {j; but could never, by all her hypocrify or remorfes, reeover the good opinion of the public, tho’ fo eafily deluded in thofe ignorant ages, 4W..Malmef. lib. 2. cap. g. Brompton, p. 873. Matth. Weft. p. 193. Wallingford, p. 545: + W. Malmef. lib. 2. cap. 9. Hoveden, p. 427. Geryafe, p.1647. Knighton, p. 2313- Brompton, p. 873. t W. Malmef, lib. 2. cap. g. Knighton, p. 2313. Brompton, p. $74, 875, 876. Matth. Weft. p. 194. Higden, p. 269. | Knighton, p. 23135 2514+ Brompton, p. 876. N 2 CHAP, TT @hap. III. 978. 981. of HISTORY or ENGLAND. CHAP: IIk The ANGLO-SAXONS, Settlement of the Normans Edmond Ironfide Canute Harold Harefoot Hardicanute Edward the: Harold. Ethelred the Great Confeffor ae es ee ae Be HE freedom which England had fo long enjoyed from Danifli depreda-- tions, feems to have proceeded,. partly. from the eftablifhments which that nation had obtained in the north of France, and which.employed all their fuper-. fluous. hands to people and maintain them ;. partly from the vigour and; warlike fpirit of a long race of Englifh princes, who preferved the country tn a:pofture of defence by fea. and land, and either prevented: or-repelled every. attempt of the invaders. Buta new generation.of men being now fprung: up.in the northern re- gions, who could no longer difburthen themfelves on Normandy; the Englifh: had reafon to dread, that they would again vifit an ifland, to which they were in- vited, both by the memory of their paft fucceffes, and by the expeClation of af- fiftance from their countrymen, who, tho’ long eftablithed in the kingdom, wera not yet thoroughly united with the natives, nor had entirely forgot their invete- rate habits of war and depredation: And as the prefent King was a minor, andj even when he attained to man’s eftate, never difcovered either courage or capacity fufficient to govern his own fubjects, much lefs to repel a formidable enemy, the. people might juftly expect to. fuffer the worft calamities.from fo dangerous a.crifis.. Te Danes, before they durft attempt any important enterprize againft Eng- Jand, made a fmall incurfion, by way. of trial ; and having landed from feven, veffels near Southampton, they ravaged the country, enriched: themfelves by. fpoil, and departed with impunity *. Six years after, they made a like attempt in the weft, and met with like fuccefs +; and the invaders, having now found af- fairs in.a very different fituation from that: in which they formerly appeared, ens * Chron. Sax. p. 125. H. Hunt: p. 357. Sim. Dun. p. 161. Brompton, p. 875. t Chron, Sax. p. 126. Heveden, p. 427. Sim. Dun, p. 161, ; 2 Hoveden, p. 427. Chron. St. Petri di Burgo, p. 30s couraged + ei ET HEL FED 93 eouraged their countrymen to affemble a greater force, and to hope for more confiderable advantages. They landed in Effex under the command of two chieftains ; and having defeated and flain at Maldon, Brithnot, duke of that county *, who ventured with a fmall: force to attack them, they fpread their de- vattations over all the neighbouring provinces. In. this extremity, Ethelred, to whom hiftorians give the epithet of the Unready +, inttead of roufing his people to deferd with courage their honour and their property, hearkened to the advice of Siricius, archbifhop of Canterbury, which was feconded by many of the de- generate nobility ; and paying the enemy the fum of ten-thoufand pounds, he bribed them to, depart the kingdom t. This thameful expedient was-attended with the fuccefs which might be expeéted: The Danes appeared next year off the eaftern coaft, in hopes of fubduing a people, who defended themfelves by their money, which invited affailants, inftead of their arms, which repelled them, But the Englith, fenfible of their folly, had, in-the interval; met in a great coun- cil, and had determined to affemble at London a fleet capable of repulfing the enemy |]; tho’ that judicious meafure failed of fuccefs, from the treachery of Al- fric, duke of Mercia, whofe name is infamous in the an calamities which his repeated perfidy brought upon his country.. This noble- man had, in 983,, fucceeded to his father, Alfere, in that extenfive command ; but being deprived of it two years. after, and: banifhed the kingdom §, he was obliged to employ all his intrigue, and all his power, whicl fubjeét, to, be reftored to his country, and re-inftated in | had experience of the credit and malevolence of his enemie ed for fecurity, not to his fervices or to th to the influence which he had obtained over his vafials, and to the public cala- mities, which he thought muft, in every revolution, render his affiftance nece{- fary. Having fixed this refolution, he determined to prevent all fuch fuccefies as might eftablith the royal authority, or render his own fituation dependant and precarious.. As the Englifh had formed the plan of furrounding and deftroying the Danifh fleet in harbour, he privately informed the enemy of their danger ; and when they put to fea, in confequence of this intelligence, he deferted, with the fquadron under his command,, the night before the engagement, and thereby difappointed all the efforts of his countrymen t.. Ethelred, enraged at this per- fidy, feized his fon, Alfgar, and ordered his eyes to be put out *. But fuch. * H. Hant. p. 357. -Hoveden, Pp. 428. T Anglia Sacra, vol. 1, p, 226: } Chron. Sax. p. 126. W. Malm. p- 62, H. Hunt. p. 357, | Chron. Sax, p 126, § Chron. Sax. p. 125. Chron. ton, p. 879. + Chron. Sax. p.127. W. Malm. p. 62, * Chron, Sax, p..128. W, Malm. p. 02. H, Hunt._p, 358; nals of that age, by the 1 Was too great for a us. authority. Having s,. he thenceforth truft- e affections of his fellow-citizens, but Hoveden, p. 428. St. Petri di Burgo, p:31. Bromp- Higden, p. 270. Higden, p. 270.. Chap. ITI, 991. ‘Chap. Hf. - oF HisTORYT oF ENGLAND. was the power of Alfric,, that he again forced himfelf into authority *s and tho” he had given this foecimen of 18 character, and received this orievous proyoca- tion, 1¢ was found neceflary to entruft him anew with the government of Mercia. This conduct of the court, which, in all its circumftances, 1s fo barbarous, im- prudent, and weak, both merked and prognofticated the moft grievous calami- tics. Tur northern invaders, nov well acquainted with the defencelefs:condition of England, made a powerful defzent, under the command of Swein, King of Den- marks and Olave, King of Norway ; and failing up the Humber, fpread on all fides their deftructive ravages. Lindefey was laid wafte 5 Banbury ‘was de- ftroyed + ;, and all the Northunbrians, tho’ moftly of Danifh defcent, were obli- ced either to join the victors, or to fuffer under their depredations. A powerful army was afiembled to oppofe the invaders, and a general action enfued ; but the Engiifh were abandoned in tie battle, by the cowardice or treachery of their three leaders, all of them men‘ of Danifh race,.Frena, Frithegift, and Godwin, who gave the example of a frameful flight: to. the troops under their command f. EncouracEp.by this fucerfs, and ftill more by the contempt which it infpired of their enemy, the pyrates ventured to attack the center of the kingdom ; and entering the Thames in ninet7-four vefiels, laid fiege to London, and threatened st with total deftruction. Bet the citizens, alarmed with the danger, and firmly united among themfelves, made a bolder defence than the cowardice of the nobi- lity and gentry gave the invaders reafon to apprehend || ; and the befiegers, after fuffering the oreateft hardfhips, were finally fruftrated in their attempt. In order to revenge themfelves, they laid wafte Effex, Kent, Suflex, and Hampfhire; and having there procured horfes, they were thereby enabled to fpread, into the more ‘nland counties, the fury of their depredations §. In this extremity, Ethelred and his nobles had recourfe to the former expedient ; and fending amba adors to the two northern kings, they promifed them fubfiftance and tribute, on condition they would, for the prefent, put an end to their ravages, and foon after depart the kingdom. Sweyn and Olave agreed to the terms, and peaceably took up their quarters at Southampton, where the fum of fixteen thoufand pounds was paid them +- Olave even made a journey to Andover, where Ethelred refided ; . _ * H, Hunt. p. 357- Higden p. 27°. + Chron. Mailr. p. 152. Sim. Dun. p. 162. { Chron. Sax. p. 128. H, Hint, p. 357. Hoveden, p. 428. Brompton, p. 880. | W. Malm. p. 63. H. Hurt. p. 358- Hoveden, p. 428. § Chron. Sax. p. 128. W; Malm. p.63. H. Hunt. p. 358. Hoveden, p. 428. Sim, Dun. p. 162, 163. 4. Chron. Sax. p. 129. Hoveden, p. 428. Chron. Mailr. p. 152. and 3 E TBE LF £op 95 and he received the rite of confirmation fron the Englifh bifhops, as well as Chap. ITE many rich prefents from the King. He here piomifed, that he would never more infeft the Englifh territories, and he faithfuly performed that engagement *. This prince receives the appellation of St. Olave from the church of Rome ; and notwith{tanding the general prefumption, which lies, either againft the under- ftanding or morals of every one, who in thok ignorant ages was dignified with that title, he feems to have been a man of merit and of virtue, Sweyn, tho’ lefs {crupulous than Olave, was obliged, upoa the departure of the Norwegian prince, to evacuate alfo. the kingdom with all his followers. Tuis compofition brought but a fhort interzal to the miferies of the Englith. 997: The Danifh pirates appeared foon after in thle Severne ; and having committed fpoil in Wales, as well as in Cornwall and Devon, they failed round to the fouth- coaft, and entering the Tamar, compleated the devaftation of thefe two counties. They then returned to the Briftol-channel ; anc penetrating into the country by the Avon, fpread themfelves over all that neighbourhood, and carried fire and fword even into Dorfetfhire +. Thev next changed the feat of war 3 and after ravag- ing the Ifle of Wight, they entered the Thanys, and Medway, and laid fiege to Rochefter, where they defeated the Kentifh-men in a great battle ¢. After this victory, the whole province of Kent was mace a fcene of flaughter, fire and de- vaftation. The extremity of thefe miferies orced the Englith into councils for common defence both by. fea and land; but tie weaknefs of the King, the divi- fions of the nobility, the treachery of fome, th: cowardice of others, the want of concert in all, fruftrated every endeavour ; and their fleets’ and armies either came too late to attack the enemy, or were repalfed with difhonour ; and the peos ple were thus equally ruined by refiftance or by fubmiffion |. The Englith, ther*fere, devoid both of prudence and unaimity in council, of courage and eo0Cu in the field, had recourfe to the fam: weak expedient, which by expe- rieno@ehey might have already found fo ineffe&tual’; and they offered the Danes. to buy peace by paying them a large fum of money. Thefe favacers rofe con- tinually in their demands; and now require] the payment of 24,000 f. whict as the Englifh were fo mean and imprudent as b fubmit to §. The departure of Oo WD 00 * Chron, Sax. p,.1z9. H. Hunt: p.-358. . Hoveden. p. 428, Chron. Mailr. p Dun. p. 163. Brompton. p. 88a. + Chron. Sax. p.129. Hoveden, p. 428. Sim. Dyn 163, t H, Humph. 358. Hoveden, p: 429. Chron. Mails p. 153. Brompton, p, $82, : I§2. Sim, || Chron. Sax. p. 129; 130. W. Malm, p. 63.. Hovelen, P- 429. Higden, p. 271. Sim, Dun.. p. 164. § Hoveden, p. 429% Chron. Mailr. ps a3. Sim, Din. py 154. Diceto, p. 461. the 96 HISTORY oF ENGLAND. Chap. III. the Danes procured them a fhort interval of repofe, which they enjoyed as if it were to be perpetual, without making any effectual preparations for giving them a more vigorous reception upon their next return. Besipes receiving this fum, the Danes were engaged by another circumftance to quite a kingdom, which appeared fo little in a fituation to refift their efforts : They were invited over by their countrymen in Normandy, who at this time were hard preffed by the arms of Robert, King of France, and who found it difficult to defend the fettlement, which with fo much advantage to themfelves and glory to their nation, they had made in that country. It is probable, alfo, that Ethel- red, obferving the clofe connexions, thus maintained among all the Danes, how- ever divided in government or fituation, was defirous of procuring an alliance with that formidable people ; and for this purpole, being now a widower, he made his addrefles to Emma, filter to Richard I. duke of Normandy, and he foon fucceeded in his negotiations. ‘The princefs came over this year to England, and rool. was married to Ethelred *. ‘Te the end of the ninth and beginning of the tenth century; when the north, not Settlement of che Normans, Yet exhaufted by that multitude of people or rather nations, whom fhe had fuc- . ceffively emitted, fent forth a new race, not of conquerors as before, but of pyrates and ravagers, who infefted the country, pofleffed by her once warlike {ons ; there lived Rollo, a petty prince or chieftain in Denmark, whofe valour and abilities foon drew the attention of his countrymen. He was expofed in his to perfidy for effectuating his purpofe, which he had fo often attempted in vain by force of arms 1: He lulled Rollo into fecurity by an infidious peace; and falling fuddenly upon him, he murdered his brother and his braveft officers, forced him to fly for fafety into Scandinavia. Here many of his antient fubjeé impelled partly by affection to their prince, partly by the oppreffions of the Darith Monarch, ranged themfelves under his ftandard, and offered to follow him in every enterprize. Rollo, inftead of.attempting to recover his paternal dominions, where he muft expect a vigorous refiftance from the Danes, determined to purfue an eafier, but more important undertaking, and to make his fortune, in imitation of his countrymen, by pillaging the richer and more fouthern coafts of-Europe. He collected a body of troops, which like that of all thefe ravagers, was compofed s of Norwegians, Swedes, Frifians, Danes, and adventurers of all nations, who, *# H. Hunt. p. 359. Higden. p. 271. 4+ Dudo ex edit. Duchefne, p. 70, 71. Gul. Gemeticenis, lib. 2. cap. z, 3. being BE. T-Hik LR ee 94 ~ being accuftomed to a roving, unfettled life, took delight in nothing but war and plunder. His reputation drew him affociates from all quarters; and a vi- fion, which he pretended to have appeared to him in his fleep, and which, ac- cording to his interpretation of it, prognofticated to him the greateft fuccefies, proved alfo a powerful incentive with thofe ignorant and fuperftitious people *. Tue firft attempt of Rollo was on England, near the end of Alfred’s reign ; when that great monarch, having fettled Guthrun and his followers in Eaft- Anglia, and others of thefe free-booters in Northumberland, and having reftored peace to his harrafled country, had eftablithed the moft excellent military, as well as civil inftitutions among the Englifh. The prudent Dane, finding that no ad- vantages could be gained over fuch a people, governed by fuch a prince, foon turned his enterprizes again{ft France, which he found more expofed to his inroads + ; and during the reigns of Eudes, an ufurper, and of Charles the Simple, a weak prince, he committed the moft deftructive ravages on the inland, as well as maritime pro- vinces of that kingdom. The French, having no means of defence againft a a chieftain, who united all the valour of his countrymen with the policy of more civilized nations, were obliged to fubmit to the expedient practifed by Alfred, and to offer the invaders a fettlement in fome of thofe provinces, which they had depopulated by their arms f. Tue reafon, why the Danes for many years purfued meafures fo different from thofe embraced by the Goths, Vandals, Franks, Burgundians, Lombards, and other-northern conquerors, was the great difference, in the method of attack which was practifed by thefe feveral nations, and to which the nature of their particular -fituations neceffarily confined them. The latter tribes, living.in an inland country, made incurfions by land upon the Roman empire; and when they entered far into the frontiers, they were obliged to carry along with them their wives and families, whom they had no hopes of foon re-vifiting, and who could not otherwife participate of their plunder. This circumftance quickly made them think of forcing a fettlement in the provinces, which they had over-run; and thefe barbarians, fpreading themfelves over the country, found an intereft in protecting the property and induftry of the people, whom they fubdued. But the Danes and Norvegians, invited by their maritime fituation, and obliged to fubfift themfelves in their uncultivated country by fifhing, had acquired fome ex- perience of navigation; and in their military excurfions purfued the method practifed againft the Roman empire by the more early Saxons: They made de- * Dudo, p. 71..- Gul. Gem. in epift. ad Guil. Cong. + Gul. Gemet. lib, 2. cap. 6. t Dudf. p. 82. VoL. I, @) {cents Chap. IIT. - Shap. IT. 98 HISTORY or ENGLAND. {cents in finall bodies from their fhips or rather boats, and ravaging the coatts, returned with the booty to their families, whom they could not conveniently. carry along with them in thefe hazardous enterprizes. But when they increafed their armaments, made incurfions into the inland countries, and found it fafe to remain longer in the midft of the enemy, they had been accuftomed to crowd their veftels with their wives and children, and having no longer any temptation to return into their own country, they willingly embraced an opportunity of fet- tling in the warm climates and cultivated fields of the fouth, | Arrairs were in this fituation with Rollo and his followers,. when Charles propofed to relinquifh to them the provinee formerly called Neuftria, and fo purchafe peace of them on thefe hard conditions. After all the terms were fully agreed, there appeared only one circumftance fhocking to the haughty Dane: He was required to do homage to Charles for his province, and to put himéelf in that humiliating pofture, impofed on vaffals by the rites of the feudal. law. He long refufed to fubmit to this indignity 5 but being unwilling to lofe fuch important advantages for a mere ceremony, he made a facrifice of his pride to his intereft, and acknowledged himfelf in form the vaflal of the French mow narch +. Charles gave him his daughter, Gifla, in marriage ; and that he might bind him faftér to his interefts, made him a donation of a confiderable territory,. befides: what he was obliged to furrendér to Hiny by his ftipulations. When fome of the French nobles informed hit, that, in return for fo generous a prefent, it: wasexpected, that he fhould throw himfelf at the King’s feet, and make fuitable- acknowledements for his bounty ; Rollo replied, that he would rather break off the whole treaty ; and it was with fome difficulty they could perfuade him to make that compliment by one of his captains. The Dane, commiffioned for this purpofe, full of indignation at the order, and defpifing fo unwarlike a prince,. caught Charles by the fodt, and pretending to carry it to his mouth, that he might kifs it, overthrew him before all his courtiers. ‘Phe French nation, fen-- fible of their prefent- weaknefs, found it prudent to overlook this infult *. Ro..o, who was now in the decline of life, and was tired of-wars and depre- dations, applied himfelf, with mature councils, to the fettlement of his new: acquired territory, which was thenceforth called Normandy ; and he parcelled 1 out among his captains and followers. He followed in this partition the cuftoms of the feudal law, which was then univerfally eftablifhed in the fouthern countries of Europe, and which fuited the peculiar circumftances of that age. He treated’ the French fubjeéts who fubmitted to him, with mildnefs and juftice ; he reclaimed: + Ypod, Neuft. p. 417, * Gul, Gemet, lib. 2. cap. 17; 2: his. : BE. T AY Enh Wee Dp, 99 his antient followers from their ferocity and violence; the eftablifhed law and order throughout his ftate; and after a life, fpent in ‘tumults and ‘ravages, he died peacably ina good.old age, and left his dominions to his pofterity a Writam I. who fucceeded him, governed the Dutchy for twenty-five years ; and during this time, the Normans were thoroughly intermingled with the French, had ‘acquired their language, had imitated their manners, and had mace fuch progrefs towards cultivation, that, on the death of William, his fon, Richard, tho’-a minor +, inherited his dominions: A certain proof, that the Normans ] were already well advanced in civility, and that their government could now reft fecure on its laws and civil inftitutions, and was not wholly fuftained by the abilities of the fovereign. Richard, after a long reign of fifty-four years, was fucceeded by his fon of the fame name in the year 996 [; which was eighty-five years after the firft eftablifhment of the Normans in France. This was the duke, who gave his fifter, Emma, in marriage to Ethelred, King of England, and who thereby formed connexions with a cowntry, which his pofterity were fo foon after def- tined to fubdue. Tue Danes had been eftablifhed during a longer period, in England than én France ; anditho’ the fimilarity of their original language to that of the Saxons invited them.to amore early coalition with the natives, they had found, as-yet, fo litile.example of civilized manners among the Englifh, that they retained all their antient ferocity, and valued themfelves.only.on their national character of mi- litary bravery. The recent, aswell as more antient atchievements of their coun- trymen, tended to fuftain this idea; and the Englifh princes, particularly Athelftan and Edgar, fenfible of that fuperiority, had been accuftomed to keep in pay bodies of Danifh troops, who were quartered about the country, and committed many violences upon the inhabitants. Thefe mercenaries had attained to fuch a height of luxury, according to the old Enelifh-writers jj, that they combed their hair once a day, bathed themfelves once a week, changed their cloaths frequently ; and by all thefe arts of effeminacy, as well as by their mi- litary character, had rendered themfelves fo agreeable to the fair fex, that they debauched the wives and, daughters of the Englifh, and had dithonoured many families. But what moft. provoked the inhabitants; inftead of defending them againft invaders, they were ever ready to betray them to the foreign Danes, and to affociate themfelves with all the ftrageling parties of that nation. The animo- fity between the inhabitants of Englifh and Danifh race, had, from thefe repeated * Gul. Gemet. lib. 2. cap. 19, 20, 21. + Order Vitalis, p. 459. -Gul, Gemet. lib. 4. cap. I. t Order Vitalis, p. 459. | Wallingford, p. 547, O 2 injuries Chap. Ti. HM i vy ane! 1 aa Wie te ne uta a ss NY 100 HISTORY .oF ENGLAND. Chap. III. injuries, rifen to a great height; when Ethelred, from a policy, incident to 1002. 13 Nov. 1003. weak princes, embraced the cruel refolution of maffacring the latter throughout all his dominions *. Secret orders were difpatched to commence the execution _ every where on the fame day; and the feftival of St. Brice, which fell on a Sun- day, the day on which the Danes ufually bathed themfelves, was. chofen. for that purpofe. It is needlefs to repeat the accounts tranfmitted of the barbarity of this maflacre: The rage of the populace, excited by fo many injuries, fanctified by authority, and ftimulated by example, diftinguifhed not between innocence and cuilt, fpared neither fex nor age, and was: not fatiated without the tortures, as well as death, of the unhappy victims 7. Even Gunilda, fitter to the King of Denmark, who had. married earl Paling, and had embraced Chriftianity,, was, from the advice of Edric, earl of Wilts, feized and condemned to death by; Ethelred, after feeing her hufband and children butchered before her eyes. The: unhappy princefs foretold, in the agonies of defpair, that her murder would foon, be avenged by-the total ruin of the Englifh nation Le | Never was prophecy. better fulfilled ; and never did: barbarous policy prove. more fatal to the aGtors. Sweyn and his Danes, who wanted but:a pretence to. invade the Englifh, appeared. off the weftern coaft, and threatened to take fuil revenge for the flaughter of their countrymen. Exeter fell firft into their hands, from the negligence or treachery of earl Hugh, a Norman, who had been made. governor by the intereft of Queen Emma ||: They began to fpread their devaf- tations over the country ; when the Englifh, fenfible of what outrages they muft. now expect from their barbarous and’ offended enemy, affembled more early and in greater numbers, than ufual; and'made an appearance of vigorous refiftance... But all thefe preparations were fruftrated by the treachery of duke Alfric, who. *. AJmoft all the antient hiftorians {peak of this maffacre ofthe Danes as -if it had'‘been univerfal, | andas if every individual of that nation throughout England had been put to death. But the Danes were almoft the fole inhabitants in the kingdoms of No thumberland and Eaft-Anglia, and were very numerous in Mercia. This reprefentation therefore of the matter is abfolutely impoffible, Great re- fiftance muft have been made, and violent wars infaed ; which was not the cafe. ‘This account given. by Wallingford, tho’ he ftands fingle, muft be admitted as the only true-one: Weare told; that the name Lurdane, lord Dane, for an idle lazy fellow, who lives at other people’s expence, came from the. condu& ofthe Danes, who were put to death, But the Englifh princes had been entirely mafters for feveral generations ; and only fupported a military corps of that nation. It feems probable therefore, that it was thefe Danes only that were put to death, + W. Malm. p. 64. H. Hunt: p. 360. Hoeveden, p. 429: Higden, p: 271. Abbas Rieval.’p,, 362. Brompton, p. 885. Matth. Weft. p.zoo. Ypod. Neuft. p. 427. + W. Malm. p. 69. j Chron, Sax. p. 133: H, Hant. p. 360. Hoveden, p..429-° Sim, Dun. p. 145. Wass E Tf: E. VL oe. 101 was intrufted with the command, and who, feigning ficknefs, refuufed to lead the Chap. Ih army againft the Danes till it was difpirited, and at laft diffipated, by his fatal mifcondu@ *. Alfric foon after died; and Edric, a greater traitor than he, who had married the King’s daughter, and had acquired a total afcendant over him, fucceeded Alfric in the government. of Mercia, and in the command of the Englifh armies -. A great famine, proceeding partly from the bad fea~ fons, partly from the decay of agriculture, added to all the other miferies of the inhabitants ¢. The country, wafted by the Danes, harrafied by the fruitlefs 0%, expeditions of its own forces, was reduced to the utmoft defolation ; and at laft fubmitted to the infamy of purchafing a precarious peace from the enemy, by the payment of 30,000l. |}. Tue Englifh endeavoured to employ this interval’ in making preparations apainft the return of the Danes, which they had reafon foon to expect. A law was made, ordering the proprietors of eight hides of land to provide themfelves of a horfeman and a compleat fuit of armour; andthofe of 310 hydes to equip a fhip for the defence of the coaft §, When’ this navy was afiembled, which muft have confifted of near eight hundred veffels |, all hopes of its fuccefs were difappointed by the factions, animofities, and diffenfions of the nobility. Edric had impelled his brother Brightric to advance an accufation of treafon againft Wolf- noth, governor of Suffex, the father of the famous earl Godwin ; and that noble- man, well acquainted with the malevolence as well as power of hisenemy, found no other means of fafety but in deferting with twenty fhips to the Danes, Bright- ric purfued him with a fleet of eighty fail, but his fhips being fhattered in a tempeft, and ftranded on the coaft, he was fuddenly attacked by Wolfnoth, and all his.veffels burnt and deftroyed *. The imbecility of the King was little ca- pable of repairing this mifcarriage: The treachery of Edric poifoned every plan. of future defence +: And the Englifh navy, difconcerted, difcouraged, and di- vided, was at_laft {cattered into its feveral harbours 7. * Chron. Sax. p. 133. H. Hunt: p. 360. Hoveden, p. 429. Chron. St. Petri de Burgo, p. 33. Sim. Dun. p. 165. Brompton, p. 885. + W.Malm. p. 63: Hoveden, p. 430. Chron. Mail. ps 154. + Chron. Sax. p. 133. W. Malm. p. 63. H. Hunt. p. 360. | Chron. Sax. p. 136, W. Malm. p. 63. H.Hunt. p. 360. Hoveden, p, 430. Higden, p. 272, § Chron. Sax. p. 136. H. Hunt. p. 360. Hoveden, p. 430. Sim, Dun; p, 166, Brompton, p> $87. Matth. Weft. p. 198. Flor. Wigorn. p. 612. 4 There were 243,600 hydésin England. Confequently the fhips equiped muft be 785. ‘Fhe cavalry was 30,450. * Chron: Sax. p. 137: . W. Malm. p.63. Hoveden, p. 430. Sim. Dun. p. 166. + Hoveden, p.431. Sim, Dun. p. 167. Brompton, p, 337, tH, Hunt. p- 361: Iz, Chap. ITI. IOlle 1013. TOI4. 102 mst ORT oF EN G@ LAN D:- Ir is impoffible, and would be tedious, to relate particularly all the miferies to which the Englifh were thenceforth expofed. We hear of nothing but the facking and burning of towns; the devattations of the open countrys the ap- pearance of the enemy in every quarter of the kingdom ; their cruel diligence im difcovering any cornet which had not been ranfacked by their former violence. The broken and disjointed narration of the antient hiftorians is here well adapted to the nature of the war, which was conducted by fuch fudden inroads, as would have been dangerous even to an united and well governed kingdom, but proved fatal, where nothing but a general confternation, and mutual diffidence and dil- fenfion prevailed. ‘The governors of one province irefufed to march to the at- Gftance of another, and were at laft terrified from affembling their forces for the defence of their own province *. General councils were affembled ; but either no-refolution was taken, or none was executed. And the only expedient in which the Englith agreed, was the bafe and imprudent one, of buying anew a peacs of the Danes by the payment of 48,000 pounds T. Tuis meafure did not bring them even that, fhort interval of repofe which they had expected from it. Ihe Danes, neglecting all engagements, continued their devaftations and-hoftilities ; levied a new contribution of 8000 pounds from the county of Kent alone ; murdered the archbifhop of Canterbury, who had refafed ro countenance thts exaction Tt ; and the Englifh nobility found no other refource than that of fubmutting every where to the Danifh monarch, fwearing allegiance to him, and delivering him hoftagés for their good behaviour {. Ethelred, equally afraid of the violence of the enemy, and the treachery of his own fub- jects, fled into Normandy, whither he had fent before him Queen Enima, and her two fons, Alfred and Edward §. Richard received his unhappy guefts with a generofity which does honour to his memory. Tue King had not been above fix weeks in Normandy, when he heard of the death of Sweyn, who expired at Gainfborough, before he had time to eftablifh himfelf in his new acquired dominions +. The Englith prelates and nobility, taking advantage of this event, fent over a deputation to Normandy, inviting Ethelred to return to them, expreffing their defire of being governed again by their native prince, and intimating their hopes, that, being now better taught by * Chron. Sax. p. 140. + Hoveden, ‘p. 432. Chron. Mail. .p.1s54. Chron. St. Petri de Burgo, p- 35: Sim. Dun. p. 169. t Chron. Sax. p. 142. Eadmer, p. 4. 4 Sim. Dun. p. 169, 170. § Chron, Sax. p. #44. W. Malm, p. 70. 4 Sim. Dun. p. 179. ; experience, BT OM E io Res 103 experience, he would avoid all thofe errors, which had been attended with fuch misfortunes to himfelf and to his people *. But the mifconduct of Ethelred was incurable ; and on his refuming the government, he difcovered the fame incapa- city, indolence, cowardice, and credulity, which had fo often expofed him to the infults of his enemies. His fon-in-law, Edric, notwithftanding his repeated treafons, retained fuch influence at court, as to inftil into the King jealoufies of Sigefert and Morcar, two of the chief nobles of Mercia: Heallured them into his houfe, where he murdered them -f; while Ethelred participated in the infamy of this action, by confifcating their eftates, and thrufting into a convent the wi- dow of Sigefert.. She was a woman of fingular beauty id merit; and in a vifit which was paid her, during her confinement, by prince Edmond, the King’s el- deft fon, fhe infpired him with fo violent an affection, that he releafed her from the convent, and foon after married her, without hs father’s confent f. Mean while the Englifh found in Canute, the fon and fucceffor of Sweyn, -an enemy no lefs terrible than the prince, from whom death had fo lately delivered them. He ravaged the eaftern coaft with mercilefs fury, and put afhore all the Englith hoftages at Sandwich, after having cut off their hands and nofes|. He was obliged, by the neceflity of his affairs, to make a voyagé to Denmark; but returning foon after, he continued his depredations along the fouthern coaft; and even broke into the counties of Dorfet, Wilts,.and Somerfet; where an army was afiembled againft him, under the command of prince Edric,. The latter ftill. continued his perfidious machinations; and after endea- vouring in vain to get the prince into his power, found means to diffipate the ar- my, and he then openly deferted to Canute with forty veffels §. NotwitusTanpine this misfortune, Edmund was not difconcerted; buat af. fembling together all the force of England, was in a condition to give the enemy battle. The King had had fuch frequent Excuse of perfidy among his fub- jects, nee he had loft all confidence in them ; and he remained at Lo: ndon, pre- tending ficknefs, but really from apprehenfions, that they intended to buy their peace, by delivering him into the hands of his CHENEY The army called aloud for their fovereign to march at their head againf the STi anes; and on his refufal to take the field, they were fo difcourazed, that all thefe vaft ; preparations * Chron. Sax. p.145. W. Malm. p. 71. Hoveden, p. 433. Hi p. 171. Diceto, p. 466. Alur. Beverl. p. 115. + W. Malm, p. 71. H. Hunt. p, 362... Hoveden, p. 433. Sim. Dun. p. 171. Brompton, den, p. 273. Sim, Dun, Dp: 892, 893. JT W. Malm. p- 71. || Chron, Sax. p.145. W. Malm. p. 71. Hoveden, p. 433. Higden, p. 273. § Chron. Sax..p. 146. W. Malm. p. 71. H, Hunt. p. 362, Hoveden, Pp» 433> ‘ 4+ Sim, Dun. p.172, Brompton, p. 893 became Chap. Ill. IOs; 104. | wisToR i of ENGLAND. Chap. II. became ineffectual for che defence of the kingdom *. Edmond, deprived of ald L& i Os regular refources to maintain the foldiers, was obliged to commit equal ravages . with thofe practifed by the Danes +; and after making fome truitlefs expeditions ‘nto the north, which had fabmitted entirely to Canute’s power, he retired to London, determined there to maintain to the laft extremity the {mall remains of Englifh liberty. Fe here found every thing in confufion by the death of the King, who expired after an unhappy and inglorious reign of thirty-five years. He left two fons by his firft marriage, Edmond, who fucceeded him, and Ed- wy, whom Canute afterwards murdered t. His two fons by the fecond marriage, Alfred. and Edward, were, immediately upon Ethelred’s death, conveyed into Normandy by Queen Emma. EDMON OD Tronfide. T HIS prince, who received the name of Ironfide from his hardy valour, pof- feffed courage and abilities fufficient to have faved his country from finking into thefe calamities, but not to raife it from that abyfs of mifery into which it had already fallen. Among the other misfortunes of the Englifh, treachery and difaffe@tion had crept in among the nobility and prelates ; and Edmond found no better expedient to prevent the farther progrefs of thefe fatal evils, than to lead his army inftantly into the field, and to employ them acain{t the common ene- my. After meeting with fome fuccefs at Gillingham |}, he prepared himfelf in one general engagement to decide the fate of his crown, and at Scoerfton, in the county of Glocefter, he offered battle to the enemy, who were commanded by Canute and Edric, Fortune in the beginning of the day declared for him ; but Edric, having cut off the head of one Ofmer, whofe countenance refembled that of Edmond, he fixed it on a fpear, carried it thro’ the ranks in triumph, and called aloud to the Englifh, that it was time for them to flys for behold! the head of their fovereign §. And tho’ Edmond, obferving the confternation of the troops, took off his helmet +, and fhowed himfelf to them, the utmoft he could gain by his activity and valour was to leave the victory undecided. Edric rook now a farer method to ruin him, by pretending to defert to him ; and as Edmond was well acquainted with his power, and probably knew no other of * Chron. Sax. p. 147. Hoveden, p. 434. Sim, Dun. p. 172. + Chron. Sax. p. 147: Hoveden, p. 434. + Hoveden, p. 436. Chron. Mailr. p. 153~ |, W. Malm. p. 72. H. Hunt. p. 363. Hoveden, p. 434- Higden, p. 273. | § W. Malm. p. 72 Hoveden, p. 435. Higden, p. 273- 4 W. Malm, p. 72. 8 the CA.N;U TE ru¥E GRear. 105 the chief nobility in whom he could repofe more confidence, he was obliged, not- withflanding his-repeated perfidy, to give him a confiderable command in his ar- my *. A battle foon after enfued at Affington in Effex, where Edric, flying in the beginning of the day, occafioned the total defeat of the Englifh, followed by a great flaughter of the nobility +. The indefatigable Edmond, however, had flill refources and affembling a new army at Glocefter, was again in a condition to difpute the field; when the Danifh and Englifh nobility, equally harraffed with thefe-convulfions, obliged their kings to come to a.compromife, and to di- vide. the kingdom between them by treaty. Canute referved to himfelf the northern divifion of Mercia, Eaft-Anglia, and Northumberland, which he had entirely fubdued: The fouthern parts were left to Edmond {. -This prince fur- vived the treaty about a month; and was murdered at Oxford by two of his chamberlains, accomplices of Edric ||, who thereby made way for the fucceffion of Canute the Dane to the crown of England. C A N U T &E the Great. HE Englifh, who had been unable to defend their country, and maintain their independancy, under fo active and brave a prince as Edmond, could, after his death, expect nothing but total fubjection from Canute, who, aétive and brave himfelf, was at the head of a great force, and was ready to take advan- tage of the minority of Edwin and Edward, the two fons of Edmond. Yet this conqueror, who was commonly fo little fcrupulous, fhowed himfelf anxious to cover his injuftice under plaufible pretences ; and before he feized the dominions of the Englifh princes, he fummoned a general affembly of the ftates of Eng- land, in order to fix the fucceffion of the kingdom. WHe‘here fuborned fome nobles to depofe, that, ‘in the treaty of Glocefter, it was agreed, that, in café of Edmond’s death, Canute fhould either be his fucceffor in his dominions, or’ be tutorto ‘his children § (for hiftorians vary in this particular) : And this evidence, fupported by the great power of Canute, determined the ftates immediately to put the Danifh monarch in poffeffion of the government. Canute, jealous of the two young princes, but fenfible that he fhould render himfelf extremely odious, if he *"W. Malm. p. 72. Hoveden, .p. 435. 3 | -W. Malm. p.72. Hoveden, p, 435. Hig- den, p.274. Wallingford, p. 549. t W. Malm. p. 72. | H. Hunt. p. 363. Higden, p. 274. Chron, St. Petri de Burgo, p. 36. Diceto, p. 466. Brompton, p. go6. | | § Hoveden, p. 436. Higden, p.z74. Sim. Dun. p.175. Abbas Rieval. p. 365. Brompton,, p. 907. Vor. 1. P ordered Chap. iti, Chap. ILL. 106 Wis-T OR Yor ENGLAN D. ordered them to be difpatched in England, fent them abroad to his ally, the King of Sweden, whom he defired, fo foon as they arrived at his court, to rid him, by their death, of all farther anxiety. The Swedifh monaich was too generous to comply with this requeft ; but being afraid to draw on himfelf a quarrel with Canute, by protecting the Englith princes, he fent them to Solomon, King of Hungary, to be educated in his court *. The elder, Edwin, was afterwards married to Solomon’s fifter; but dying without iffue, that prince gave his fifter- in-law, Agatha, daughter of the Emperor Henry II. in marriage to Edward, the younger brother s and fhe bore him Edgar Atheling, Margaret, afterwards Queen of Scotland, and Chriftina, who retired into a convent. Canute, tho’ he had reached his great point of ambition, in obtaining pofief- fion of the Englifh crown, was obliged at firft to make great facrifices to it ; and to gratify the chief of the nobility, by beftowing on them the moft extenfive go- vernments and jurifdiétions. He created Thurkill earl or duke of Eaft-Anghia, (for thefe titles were then nearly of the fame import) Yric of Northumberland,. and Edric of Mercia ; referving only to himfelf the adminiftration of Weflex +. But feizing afterwards a favourable opportunity, he expelled Thurkill and Yric from their governments, and banifhed them the kingdom { : He put to death many of the Englifh nobility, on whole fidelity he could not rely, and whom he hated on account of their infidelity to their native prince |: And even the traitor, Fdric, having had the affarance to reproach him with his fervices, was condemn- ed to be executed, and his body to be thrown into the Thames; a fuitable reward for his multiplied aéts of perfidy and rebellion §. Canure alfo found himfelf obliged, in the beginning of his reign, to load the people with heavy taxes, in order to reward his Danifh followers; and he exacted from. them at one time the fum of 72,000 pounds ;, befides 11,000 pounds, which. he levied from London alone 4. He was probably willing, from political motives, to. mulé& feverely that city, on account of its affeCtionate adhering to Edmond; and its refifting, during the late reign, the Danith. power in two obftinate fieges *. But thefe rigors were imputed to neceffity ; and Canute, like a wile prince, was * W. Malm. :~. 73. Hoveden, p» 436. Chron. Mailr. p. 155. Higden, p. 275. Sim. Dun, p. 176.. Diceto, p. 466. | + Chron. Sax, p. 151. W. Malm. p. 73- Hoveden, p. 436. Higden, p. 274. Brompton, p. 906. + Hoveden, p. 437- ~ . H, Hunt. p. 363. Abbas Rieval. p. 365. 4 W. Malm. p- 73. Hoveden, p. 436. }. Chron. Sax. p. 151. H, Hunt. p. 363. Chron, St. Petri de Burgo, p. 37- * W. Malm. p. 72. In one of thefe fieges, Canute diverted the courfe of the Thames, and by. xbat means. brought his fhips above London bridge. determined, CANUTE rue Great. 107 determined, that the Englifh people, now deprived of all their dangerous lead- ers, fhould be reconciled to the Danifh yoke, by the juftice and equality of his adminiftration *, He fent back to Denmark as many of his followers as he could fafely fpare: He reftored the Saxon cuftoms in a general affembly of the ftates of the kingdom +: He made no diftinction between Danes and Englifh in the diftri- bution of juftice}: And he took care, by a ftrict execution of law, to protect the lives and properties of all his people. . The Danes were gradually incorpo- rated with his new fubjects ; and both were glad to breathe a little from thofe multiplied calamities, from which, the one, no lefs than the other, had, in their fierce conteft for power, experienced fuch fatal confequences. Tue removal of Edmond’s children into fo diftant a country as Hungary, was, next to their death, regarded by Canute as the greateft fecurity of his govern- ment ; and he had no farther anxiety, except with regard to Alfred and Edward, who were proteéted and fupported by their uncle, Richard, duke of Normandy. Richard even fitted out a great armament, in order to reftore the Englifh princes to the throne of their anceftors; and tho’ the navy was difperfed by -a ftorm, Canute faw the danger to which he was expofed, from the animofity of fo war- like a people as the Normans. In order to acquire the friendfhip:of the duke, he paid his addrefiles to Queen Emma, the fifter of that prince; and promifed, that he would leave the children whom he fhould have by that marriage, in poffeffion of the crown of England. Richard complied with his demand, and fent over Emma to. England, where fhe was foon after married to Canute |. The Englifh, tho’ they difapproved of her efpoufing the mortal enemy of her former hufband and his fa- mily, were pleafed to find at court a fovereign to whom they were accuftomed, and who had already formed connexions with them: And thus Canute, befides fecuring, by his marriage, the alliance of Normandy, gradually acquired, by the fame means, the confidence of his own people §. The Norman prince fur- vived not long the marriage of Emma, and he left the inheritance of the dutchy to his eldeft fon of the fame name; who, dying a year after him without chil- dren, was fucceeded by his brother Robert, a man of valour and ability. Canute, having fettled his power in England beyond all danger of a revolu- tron, made a voyage to Denmark, where he was attacked by the King of Swe- den ; and he carried along with him a great body of the Englifh, under the com- mand of earl Godwin. This nobleman had here an opportunity of performing a fer- * Ingulf, p. 58. + Chron, Sax. p.151. Chron. Mailr. p.155.. Higden, p, 275. } W. Malmef. p. 73. | Chron. Sax. p. 151. W. Malm. p. 73, § W. Malm. p.73. Higden, p. 275. 2 P 2 vice, Chap. II. t aa} a a 2: pad , . iy ¢ t fi ~ -, a fra me te ey Bi 2 my ude 5 & 7 “= : ; ‘a aT 2 Mu aS . a ( aber - = os | + iy : » Berry et a tal a4 Feat ) = Chap. Ill. 1028. 108 His T‘O K ¥ ‘oF ENGLAWN D. vice, by which he both reconciled the King’s mind to the Englifh nation, and’gain- ing to himfelf the friendfhip-of that prince, laid the foundation of that immenfe fortune which he acquired to his family. He was {tationed next the Swedifh camp ; and obferving a favourable opportunity, which he was obliged fuddenly to feize, he attacked the enemy in the night, drove them from’ their trenches, -hrew them into diforder, purfued his advantage, and obtained a decifive victory over them. Next'morning, Canute, feeing the Englifh camp entirely abandoned, imagined that thele difafieGed troops had deferted to the enemy ; and he was agreeably furprifed to find that they were at that time engaged in purfuit of the difcomfited Swedes *. He was fo pleafed with this fuccefs, and the manner of obtaining it, that he beftowed his daughter in marriage upon Godwin, and treat- ed hint ever after with the moft entire confidence and regard. In another voyage, which he made afterwards to Denmark, Canute attacked Norway, and. expelled the juft, but unwarlike Olaus, from his kingdom, of which he retained poffeffion till the death of. that prince +... He had now by his conquefts and valour attained the utmoft height of his ambition ; and having lei- fare from wars and intrigues, he felt the unfatisfactory nature of all human en- joyments; and equally weary of the glories and turmoils of this life, he began to caft his view towards that future exiftence, which itis fo natural for the human mind, whether fatiated by profperity or difeufted with adverfity, to make: the object of its attention. Unfortunately, the fpirit which prevailed in that age gave a wrong direction to his devotion ; and inftead of making atonement to thofe whom he had injured by his former acts of violence, he employed himfelf entirely ‘a thofe exercifes of piety, which.the monks reprefented as the moft meritorious. He built churches, he endowed monafteries], he enriched the ecclefiaftics, and he be- fowed revenues for the fupport of chantries at Affington and other places, where he appointed prayers to be faid for the fouls of thofe who had there fallen in battle acainft him ||. Ele even undertook a pilgrimage to Rome §, where he fojourned a confiderable time ; and befides obtaining from the Pope fome privileges.for the Englifh fchool erected there, he engaged all the princes through. whofe dominions. he was obliged to pafs, to defift from thofe heavy impofitions and tolls, which. * W. Malm. p. 73. H. Hunt. p. 364. Higden, p. 275. Brompton, p.go8, Math, Wett: p. 207- ! + Chron. Sax. p. 153. H. Hunt. p. 364. Hoveden, p. 437: Chron, Mailr. p..155. Chrome. St. Petri de Burgo, p. 38. he” ¢ Ingulf, p. 41. | W. Malm. p.'73. - Diceto, p. 467% | § Chron. Sax. p. 153. H. Hunt. p 364. Hoveden, p. 437: Ingulf, p. 59. Chzony Mail. p- 155- they. oe i 7 aie” -5 CANUTE tHe GREAT. 109 they were accuftomed to exact from the Englith pilgrims *.' By this fpirit of de- votion, no lefs than by his equitable and politic adminiftration, he gained, in a cood meafure, the affections of his fubjects. Canute, who was the greateft and moft powerful prince of his time, fove- reign of Denmark ‘and Norway, as well as of England, could not fail to meet with adulation from his courtiers ; a tribute which is liberally paid even to the meaneft and weakeft princes. Some of his flatterers, breaking out, one day, in admiration of his grandeur, exclaimed that every thing was poflible for him: Upon which the monarch, it is faid, ordered his chair to be fet on the fea fhore, while the tide was making; and as the waters approached, he commanded them to retire, and to obey the voice of him who was lord of the ocean. He feigned to fit fome time in expectation of their fubmiffion ; but when the fea ftill advanced towards him,. and began to wafh him with its billows, he turned to his courtiers, and remarked to them, that every creature in the univerfe was feeble and impotent, and that power refided with one Being alone, in whofe hands were all the elements of nature, who could fay to the ocean, Thus far fhalt thou go, and no farther, and who could level. with his nod the moft towering piles of hu- man pride and ambition 7. Tue only memorable action which Canute performed after his return from Rome, was an expedition againft Malcolm, King of Scotland {. During the reign of Ethelred, there had been impofed a tax of a fhilling a hide on all the lands of England, which was commonly called Danegelt ; becaufe the revenue had been employed, either in buying peace of the Danes, or in making prepara- tions againft the inroads of that hoftile nation. That prince had required, that the fame tax fhould be paid by the lands of Cumberland, which were held by the Scots; but Malcolm, a warlike prince, told him, that, as he was always able to repulfe the Danes by his own power, he would neither fubmit to buy peace of his enemies, nor pay others for refifting them. Ethelred, offended at this reply, which contained a fecret reproach of his own conduct, undertook an expedition againft Cumberland ; and tho’ he committed ravages upon the country jj, he could never bring Malcolm to a temper more fubmiffive or complmnt. Canute, after his acceffion, fummoned the Scots King to acknowledge himfelf a vafial for €umberland to the: crown of England ; but Malcolm refufed compliance, on pre- * W. Malm. p. 74, 75: Hoveden, p. 437. Ingulf, p. 59, 60. Higden, p. 275. Sim, Dun. p. 178. + Higden, p.276. Brompton, p.g1z. Matth. Weft, p. 209. Anglia Sacra, vol. 1. p.232- t Chron. Sax.:p. 153, 154. eT it Chron. Abb, St. Petri de Burgo, p. 33. Sim, Dun, p..164. Flor, Wigorn, p. 610. Chap, HI. SL pan 5+ a ie Bes ie eine a rs BE 7+ rh) ti ~ a us 3 ‘ a i } = Mi i ’ sis Re ie « < a4 i , ‘4 v ; ial ad 7 ’ oy ah) - Ai Se 1 ’ 2 4 aa - i! PP { ae wy Lyn 7 ry a eh 4 ie : D ‘ ! g yP 3" => Ip ~ 4 4 on . 7 = J + 4" a3 ~ B 4 : { uid Aes ~, Pwd 1] oy Wu > Se 4 = ee “a? : “4 His ye : tai tz iii} 7 eee RT a » wes 44 *™ = - ; | ~{ a : as a ; & 74 fi) + Be 5 saa me aii ae | a \ war" * Chap. 4II. 1035. 110 mis TOR Y oF ENGLAND. tence that he owed this fubmiffion only to thofe princes, who by right of blood inherited that kingdom. Canute was not of a temper to bear this infult; and the King of Scotland foon found, that the fceptre was in very different hands from thofe of the feeble and irrefolute Ethelred. Upon Canute’s appearing on his frontiers with a formidable army, Malcolm agreed, that his grandfon and heir, Duncan, whom he put in poffeflion of Cumberland, fhould make the fub- miffions required, and that the heirs of Scotland fhould always acknowledge themfelves vaffals to England for that province *. Canute pafied four years in peace after this enterprize, and he died at Shaftf- bury +; leaving three fons behind him, Sweyn, Harold, and Hardicanute. Sweyn, whom he had by his frft marriage with Alfwen, daughter of the earl of Hamphhire, was crowned in Norway : Hardicanute, whom Emma had born him, was in poffeffion of Denmark : Harold, who was of the fame marriage with Sweyn, was at that time in England. H AR OLD Harefoot. HO’ Canute, in his treaty with Richard, duke of Normandy, had ftipu- lated, that his children by Emma fhould fucceed to the crown of England, he had either thought himfelf freed from that engagement by the death of Richard, or efteemed it dangerous to leave an unfettled and newly conquered kingdom in the hands of fo young a prince as Hardicanute ; and he therefore appointed, by his will, Harold fucceffor to the crown f. This prince was befides upon the fpot; he was favoured by all the Danes|; and he got immediately poffeffion of his fa- ther’s treafures, which might be equally ufeful, whether he found it neceflary to pro- ceed by force or intrigue, in infuring his fucceffion §. On the other hand, Har- dicanute had the fuffrages of the Englifh, who, on account of his being born among them of Queen Emma, regarded him as their countryman 5 he was fa- youred by the articles of treaty with the duke of Normandy ; and above all, his party was efpoufed by earl Godwin, the moft powerful nobleman in the kingdom, efpecially in the provinces of Weflex, the chief feat of the antient Englifh 4. Af- fairs were likely to come to a civil war; when, by the interpofition of the nobi- * W. Malm. p. 74. 4+ Chron. Sax. p. 154. W. Malm. p. 70% { Hoveden, p. 437- Chron. Mailr. p. 156. Sim. Dun. 179. ¥ Chron. Sax. p. 154. W. Malm. p. “6. H.Hunt. p. 364. Ingulph, p. 61. Higden, p. 276. § Hoveden, p. 433: Sim, Dun. p. 179. £ Chron. Sax. p.154- W. Malm. p. 76. Higden, p. 276. Matth. Welt. p. 209. ' 2 ity \F TH A ROD I COAPR est iE. Il lity of both parties, a compromife was made; and it was agreed, that Harold fhould enjoy, together with London, all the provinces north of the Thames, while the pofleffion of the fouth fhould remain to Hardicanute: And till that prince fhould appear and take poffeffion of his dominions, Emma fixed her refidence at Winchefter, and eftablifhed her authority over her fon’s fhare of the partition *. Mean while, Robert, duke of Normandy, died in a pilgrimage to the holy land, and being fucceeded by a fon, yet a minor, the two Englith princes, Al- fred and Edward, who found no longer any countenance or protection in that country, gladly embraced the opportunity of paying a vifit, with a numerous retinue, to their mother Emma, who feemed to be placed in a ftate of fo much power and fplendor at Winchefter. But the face of affairs foon wore a more me- lancholy afpect. Earl Godwin had been gained by the arts of Harold, who gavehim hopes; that he would efpoufe his daughter ; and while the treaty was yet a fecret, thefe two tyrants laid a plan for the deftruction of the Englifh princes. Alfred was invited to London by Harold with many profeffions of friendfhip ; but when he had reached Guilford, he was fet upon by Godwin’s vafials, about fix hun- dred of his train were murdered in the moft cruel manner, he himfelf was taken prifoner, his eyes were put out, and he was conducted to the monaftery of Ely, where he died foon after +. Edward and Emma, apprized of the fate, which was awaiting them, fled beyond fea, the former into Normandy, the latter into Flanders +: While Harold, triumphing in his bloody policy, took poffeffion, without refiftance, of all the dominions affigned to his brother. Tuts is the only memorable action, performed, during a reign of four years, by this prince, who gave fo bad a fpecimen of his character, and whofe bodily accomplifhments alone are known to us, by his appellation of Harefoot, which he acquired from his agility in running and walking. He died the 14th of April, 1039 ||; very little regretted or efteemed by his fubjects; and left the fuccefiion, open to his brother, Hardicanute. HA RD 1 © Saee oe §. ARDICANUTE, or Canute the Hardy, that is, the Robuft (for he too is chiefly known by his bodily accomplifhments) tho’, by remaining fo long * Chron. Sax. p.154. H. Hunt. p. 364. Ingulph, p.61. Chron. Mailr. p. 156. + H, Hunt. p. 365. Ypod. Neuftr. p. 434. Hoveden, p. 438. Chron. Mailr. p. 156. . Higden, p: 277. Chron. St. Petride Burgo, p.39. Sim. Dun. p. 179. Abbas Rieval. p. 366. 374. Bromp- ton, p. 935. Gul. Gemet. lib. 7. cap. 11. Matth. Weft. p. 209. Flor. Wigorn. p. 622, Alar. Beverl. p. 118. t¢ Chron. Sax. p. 155. W. Malm. p. 76. i Chron. Sax, p, reg. im Chap, IT. 1039 ‘Bt tae wis T ORY oF ENGLAND. @hapi Tf. in Denmark he had been deprived of his fhare in the partition of the kingdom, bd not abandoned his pretenfions, and had determined, before Harold’s death, to recover by arms, what he had loft, either by his own negligence, or by the neceffity of his affairs. Under pretence of paying a vifit to the Queen Dowager in Flanders, he had affembled a fleet of fixty fail, and was preparing to make a de-. feent on England *, when. intelligence of his brother’s death, induced him to fail immediately to London, where he was received in triumph, and acknow- ledged King without oppofition. Tur firft a& of Hardicanute’s government afforded the Englifh a very bad prognoftic of his future conduét. He was fo enraged at Harold, for depriving him of his fhare of the kingdom, and for murdering his brother, Alfred, that, in an impotent defire of revenge againft the dead, he ordered his body to be dug up, and tobe thrown into the Thames : And when it was found by fome fifher- men, and buried in London, he ordered it again to be dug up, and to be thrown A4cain into the Thames: But it was fifhed up a fecond time, and then interred with great fecrecy T. Godwin, equally fervile and infolent, fubmitted to be his inftrument, in this unnatural anid brutal action. i Tuat nobleman knew, that he was univerfally believed to have been an ac- complice 1m Alfred’s death, and that he was on that account very obnoxious to the King ; and perhaps he thought, by difplaying this rage againft Harold’s memory, to juftify himfelf from having had any participation in hts counfels, But prince Edward, being invited over by the King fis half brother {, imme- diately. on his appearance, entered an accufation againft Godwin for the murder of Alfred, and demanded juftice upon him for that at of barbarity. Godwin, in order to-appeafe the King, made him a magnificent prefent of a galley with a oilt tern, rowed by fourfcore men, who wore each of them a gold bracelet on his arm, weighing fixteen ounces, and was armed and cloathed in the moft. fump- tuous manner. Hiardicanute, pleafed with the fplendor of this fpectacle, quickly forgot his brother’s murder ; and on Godwin’s {wearing that he was innocent of that crime, he allowed him to be acquitted |). Txo’,Hardicanute, before his.acceffion, had been called over by the vows of the Englith, he foon loft the affections of the nation by his mifconduct ; but no- thing appeared more grievous to them, than his renewing the tmpofition of Da- $44 $457 b A 3 4 as ms 4 5 ee 4 ay "9 y ? a 2 = eat pig ’ cy _ 1a a” Oa ahs oa? t i ot Bee ¥ ot #2 - xs 1 PS eae nd - i i)) ra * Hoveden, p. 438. Sim. Dun. p. 180. ~+ W. Malm. p. 76. Hoveden, p. 438. Ingulph, p. 62. Chron. Mailr. p. 156. Higden, p. 276. Chron. St. Petri de Burgo, p. 39. Sim. Dun. p. 180. Brompton, p. 933. Flor. Wigorn, p. 623. + Chron. Sax. 156. W. Malm. p. 76." Hi. Hunt. p. 365. | | W. Malm, p. 77. Hoveden, p. 439: Chron. St. Petri de Burgo, p. 39. Sim. Dun. p. 180. | 8 | negelt, a von it > Log yy 7 ah a i Mb fag wie 3S ak ee oir, VAPPSRS SR De as oF Seen. — ~=> : : Bao salen EDW ARD tTHe “CONFESSOR. 112 ~~ bts : 5 aS ‘Fies ‘hap. UI. negelt, and obliging the nation to pay a great fum of money to the fleet, which ~"" brought him over from Denmark. The difcontents went high in many places ; and in Worcefter t PORES rofe, and put to death two of the collectors *. The King, enraged at this oppofition, fwore vengeance againft the city, and or- dered three noblemen, Godwin, Sole of Weflex, Siward, duke of Northum- berland, and Leoffic, duke of Mercia, to execute his menaces with the utmoft rigor. They were obliged to fet fire to the city, and deliver it up to be plun- dered by their foldiers ; but they faved the lives of the inhabitants; whom they confined in a fmall iflend of the Severn, called Beverey, till, by their interceffion, they were able to.appeafe the King, and obtain the pardon of the fupplicants +. Tuis violent government was of very fhort duration. Hlardicanute died in two yearsvafter his acceffion, at the marriage of a Danifh lord, which he had ho- noured with his prefence {. His ufual habits of intemperance and gluttony were fo well known, that, notwithftanding his robuft conftitution, his fudden death gave as little furprize, as it did forrow, to his fubjects. EDWARD tthe Confeffor. HE Englifh, on the death of Hardicanute, faw a favourable opportunity offered for recovering their liberty, and for fhaking off the Danifh yoke, under which they had fo long laboured, Sweyn, King of Norway, the eldeft fon of Canute, was abfent; and as the two laft kings had died without iffue, there appeared none of that race, whom the Danes could fupport as fucceffor to the throne. Prince Edward was fortunately at court on his brother’s demife ; ‘and tho’ the defcendants of Edmond Ironfide were the true heirs of the Saxon family, yet their abfence in fo remote a country as Hungary, appeared a fufficient reafon for their exclufion to a people like the Englith, fo little accuftomed to ob- ferve a regular order in the fucceffion of their monarchs. All delays might be dangerous ; and the prefent occafion muft haftily be embraced ; while the Danes, without concert, without a leader, aftonifhed at the prefent incident, and anxious only for their perfonal fafety, dared not to oppofe the united voice of the whole nation. Bort this concurrence of circumftances in Edward’s favour might have failed of its effect, had his futceffion been oppofed by Godwin, whofe power, alliances, and abilities gave him a great influence at all times, much more in th@fe fudden a. a * W. Malm: p: 76. + Hoveden, p. 439. Higden. p. 276, Sim. Dun, p. 181 { Hoveden, p. 439, Sim, Dun. p. 181. Flor. Wigorn p. 623. | Vou, I, emergencies, Chap. IIL. 114 HISTORY oF ENGLAND. emergencies, which always attend a revolution of government, and which, either feized or negleéted, commonly prove fo decifive. ‘There were circum- flances, which divided men’s hopes and fears with regard to their expectations of Godwin’s conduét. On the one hand, the credit of that nobleman lay chiefly in Weffex, which was almoft entirely peopled with Englifh ; and it was therefore prefumed, that he would fecond the wifhes of his people, in reftoring the Saxon line, and in humbling the Danes, from whom he, as well as they, had reafon to: dread, as they had already felt, the moft grievous oppreffions. On the other hand, there fubfifted a declared animofity between Edward and Godwin, on ac- count of Alfred’s murder ; of which the latter had publicly been accufed by the prince, and which he might believe fo deep an offence, as could never, on ac- count of any fubfequent merits, be fincerely pardoned. But their common friends: here interpofed; and reprefenting the neceflity of their good correfpondence, obliged them to lay afide all jealoufy and rancour, and concur in reftoring liberty to their native country. Godwin only ftipulated, that Edward, as a pledge of his fincere reconcilement, fhould promife to marry his daughter, Editha * ; and: having fortified himfelt by this alliance, he fummoned at Gillingham a general. council of the nation, and prepared every meafure for fecurifig the fucceffion: to Edward. The Englifh were unanimous and zealous in their refolutions ; the Danes were divided and difpirited: Any fmall oppofition, which appeared in this affembly, was brow-beaten and fuppreffed ; and Edward was crowned King, with the highelt denfonftrations of duty and affection Ty. Tue triumph of the Englifh, upon this fignal and decifive advantage,. was. at firft attended with fome infult and violence againft the Danes; but the new King, by the mildnefs of his chara&ter, foon reconciled the latter to his admint- ftration, and the diftinction between the two nations gradually difappeared. They were interfperfed with the Englifh in moft of thyprovinces ; they {poke nearly the fame tongue; they. differed lictle in their manners and laws ; the prevalence of domeftic diffenfions in Denmark prevented, for along time, any powerful inva- Gon from thence t, which might awaken their animofities; and as the Norman conqueft, which enfued foon after, reduced both nations to equal fubjection, there +s no farther mention in our hiftories of any difference between them. The joys however, of their prefent deliverance made fuch impreffion on the minds of the. * W. Malm. p.80. H. Hunt.p. 365. Ingulph, p. 62: ; + W.Malm. p. 80. + In the year 1046, the Danes made an iuvafion from twenty-five hips, the only one we read of during this reign. Chron. Sax. p. 158. King Edward remitted the tax called Danegelt. Brompton, p.942. Chron, Dunftaple, vol. 1. p. £8. 2 : Englifh, \ v4 “a i La a ak aoe f 3 EDWARD tue Confessor. Its Englith, that they inftituted an annual feftival for celebrating that great event ; and it was obferved in fome counties, even to the age of Spellman Yi Tue popularity, which Edward enjoyed on his acceffion, was hot deftroyed by the firft a& of his adminiftration, the refuming all the grants of his immediate predeceffors ; an attempt, which is commonly attended with the moft dangerous confequences. The poverty of the crown convinced the nation, that this act of violence was become abfolutely neceffary ; and as the lofs fell chiefly on the Danes, who had obtained large grants from the late Kings, their countrymen, on account of their fervices in fubduing the kingdom, the Englifh were rather pleafed to fee © them reduced to their primitive poverty. The King’s feverity alfo towards his mother the Queen dowager, tho’ expofed to fome more cenfure, met not with very general difapprobation. He had hitherto lived on very indifferent tetms with that princefs: He accufed her of neglecting him and his brother during their adverfe fortune + : He remarked, that as the fuperior qualities of Canute, and his better treatment of her {, had made her entirely indifferent to the memory of Ethelred, fhe alfo gave the preference to her children of the fe- cond bed, and always regarded Hardicanute as her favourite. The fame reafons had probably made-her unpopular in England ; and tho’ her benefactions to the monks obtained her the favour of that order, the nation was not, in general, dil- pleafed to fee her {tripped by Edward of immenfe treafures which fhe had amaf- fed j. He confined her, during the remainder of her life, to a monaftery in Winchefter ; but carried no farther his rigor againft her. ‘The ftories of his ac- cufing her of a participation in her fon, Alfred’s murder, and of a criminal cor- refpondence with the bifhop of Winchefter, and alfo of her juftifying herfelf by treading unhurt with her bare feet over nine burning plow-fhares, were the inven- tions of the monkith hiftorians, and: were propagated and believed from the filly wonder of pofterity §. ) Ac AS Sai Tue Englifh flattered themfelves, that, by the acceffion of Edward, they were delivered for ever from the dominion of foreigners; but they foon found, that that evil was not yet entirely removed. The King had been educated in Normandy; and had contracted many intimacies with the natives of that country, as well as an affection to their manners |. The court of England was foon filled with Normans, who being diftinguifhed, both by the favour of Edward, and by a degree of cultivation fomewhat fuperior to that of the Englith in thofe ages, foon * Spelm. Gloflary in verbo Hocday. + Anglia Sacra, vol. 1. p, 237. t W. Malm. p. 64. 80. Brompton, p. 906. |} Chron. Sax. p. 157. W. Malm. p. 80. Hoveden, p. 439. Higden, p. 277. § Higden, p. 277. 4+ Ingulph, p. 62. 7 Q2 rendered Chap. lif. 116 25° T OO: RY? or ENGLAN D. Chap. II. rendered their language, cuftoms and laws fafhionable in the kingdom. The ftudy of the French tongue became general among the people. The cour- tiers affected to imitate that nation in their drefs, equipage, and entertainments : Even the lawyers employed a foreign language in their deeds and papers *: But above all, the church felt the influence and dominion of thefe ftrangers: Ulf and William, two Normans, who had formerly been the King’s chaplains, were created bithops of Dorchefter and London. Robert was promoted to the fee of Canter- bury +, and always enjoyed the highett favour of his mafler, of which his abilities rendered him not unworthy. And tho’ the King’s prudence or his want of au- thority, made him confer-almoft all the civil and military employments on the natives, the ecclefiaftical preferments fell often to the fhare of the Normans ; and as the latter poffefied Edward’s confidence, they had fecretly a great influence on public affairs, and excited the jealoufy of the Englifh, particularly of earl God= win f. , Tus powerful nobleman, befides being duke or eatl of Weflex, had, annexed to his government, the counties of Kent and Suffex. His eldeft fon, Swayn, pofiefied the fame authority in the counties of Oxford, Berks, Glocefter and Hereford : And Harold, his fecond fon, was duke of Eaft-Anglia, augmented by the government of Effex |]. The exorbitant authority of this family was fup- ported by immenfe poffeffions and powerful alliances ; and the abilities, as weil as ambition, of Godwin himfelf contributed to render it ftill more dangerous, A prince of greater capacity and vigour than Edward would have found it diffi- cult to fupport the dignity of the crown under fuch circumftances ; and as the haughty temper of Godwin made him often forget the refpect, due to his prince, E.dward’s animofity againft him was grounded on perfonal as well as political con- -fiderations, on recent as well as more antient injuries. The King, in purfuance of his engagements, had indeed married Editha, the daughter of Godwin § but this alliance became rather the fource of enmity between them. Edward’s hatred of the father was transferred to: that princefs ; and Editha, tho’ poffeffed of many amiable accomplifhments, never could acquire the confidence and af- ~fe&ion of her hufband. It is even preten'ed, that, during the whole courfe of his life, he abftained from a!l commerce of love with her ; and fuch was the ab- furd admiration, paid to an inviolable chaftity, during thofe ayes, that his cone. * Ingulph, p. 62. + Chron. Sax. p. 161. t W. Malm, p. 80. | Hoveden, p. 441. Higden, p. 279. Sim, Dun. p. 184, § Chron. Sax. p. 157. 3 duct EDWARD THE Conressor. 117 duct in this particular is highly celebrated by the monkifh hiftorians, and contri- buted to his acquiring the title of faint and confeffor *. Tue moft popular pretence, on which Godwin could ground his difcontents againit the King and his adminiftration, was to complain of the influence of the Normans in the government; anda declared oppofition had thence arifen between him and thefe favourites. It was not long before this animofity broke out into action. Euftace, count of Bologne, having paid a vifit to the King, paf- fed by Dover on his return ; and one of his train, being refufed accefs to a lodging, which had been affigned him, attempted to make his way by force, and he wounded the mafter of the houfe in the conteft. The townfman revenged this infult by the death of the ftranger ; the count and his train took arms, and murdered the townfman within his own houfe; a tumult enfued; near twenty perfons were killed on each fide ; and Euftace, being overpowered with numbers, was obliged by flight to fave his life from the fury of the populace +. He hur- ried immediately to court ; complained of the ufage he had met with; the King entered zealoufly into the quarrel, and refented that a ftranger of fuch’diftinétion> whom he had invited over to his court, fhould, without any juft caufe, as he believed, have felt fo fenfibly the infolence and animofity of his people. He gave orders to Godwin, in whofe government Dover lay, to go immediately to the place, and to punifh the inhabitants for the crime : But Godwin, who de- fired rather to encourage, than reprefs, the popular difcontent againft foreigners, ycfufed obedience, and endeavoured to throw the whole blame on the count of Boulogne, and his retinue {. Edward, touched in fo fenfible a point, faw the neceffity of exerting the royal authority ; and he threatened Godwin, if he per- fifted in his difobedience, to make him feel the utmoft effe@s of his refentment. Tue earl, perceiving a rupture to be unavoidable, and pleafed to embark in acaufe, where he was likely to be fuppor ted by his countrymen, prepared for his own defence, or rather for an attack on Edward; and under pretence of repref- fing iome diforders on the Welth frontier, he fecretly affembled a great army, and was approaching the King, whorefided, without any military force, and without fufpicion, at Glocefter % Edward then applied for protection to Siward, duke of Northumberland, and Leofric, duke of Mercia, two powerful noblemen, whofe jealoufy of Godwin’s greatnefs, as well as their duty to the crown, engaged them 3 * W. Malm. p. 80. Higden, p. 277. Abbas Rieval. p. 366. 377. Matth. Weft. Dy 221 Chron. Thom. Wykes, p. 21. ~ Anglia Sacra, vol. 1. p. 241. t Chron. Sax: p.162.. W. Malm. p. 81. Hoveden, p. 441. Higden, p. 279. Sim. Dun. p. B84. t Chron. Sax. p. 163. W. Malm. p. 81. Higden, p. 279. i, Chron. Sax. p. 163, W.Malm, p. 81. to Chap. IT. 10486 Chap. ITT. 1052. 118 (aa. 5ST O;-R XY OF ENGLAN D. to defend the King in this extremity. They haftened to him with fuch of their followers as they could aflemble on the fudden; and finding the danger ftill great- er than they had apprehended, they ‘(ued orders for muttering all the forces agithin their government, and for marching them without delay to the defence of the king’s perfon and authority *. Edward, mean while, endeavoured to protract time by negotiation ; while Godwin, who. thought the King entirely in his power, and who was willing to fave appearances, fell into the fnare; and not fenfible, that he ought to have no farther:referve after he had proceeded fo. far, he loft the favourable opportunity of rendering himfelf mafter of the govern- ment. Tue Englifh, tho’ they had not a very high idea of Edward’s vigour and ca- pacity, bore him great affection on account of his humanity, juttice, and piety, as well as of the long race of their native kings, from whom he was cefcended ; and. they, haftened from all quarters to defend him frem the prefent danger. His army was now fo confiderable, that he ventured to take the field; and marching to London, he fummoned.a great council of the kingdom, to judge of the rebel- lion of Godwin and his fons, Thefe noblemen pretended at firft that they were wil- ling to ftand their trials but having in vain endeavoured to,make their adherents perfiftin rebellion T, they offered.to come to London, provided they might receive hoftages for their fafety $3 and this propofal being rejected, they. were obliged to difband the remains. of. their forces, and to have recourfe to flight }.. Baldwin, earl of Flanders, gave protection to Godwin and his three fons, Gurth, Sweyn, and Tofti ; the latter of whom. had married the daughter of that prince ; Harold and Leofwin, two others of his fons, took fhelter in Ireland §, The eftates of the father and fons were confifcated:: Their governments were given to others: Queen Editha was confined to a monatftery at Warewel: And the greatnefs of this family, once fo formidable, feemed now to be totally fupplanted and over- thrown 4. 7° | Bur Godwin had fixed his authority on too firm a bafis, and he was too ftrongly fupported by alliances both abroad and at home, not to occafion farther difturbances, and make new efforts for his re-eftablifhment. The earl of Flan- ders allowed him to purchafe and hire fhips within his harbours ; and Godwin, having manned them with his followers, and with free-booters of all nations, put eo fea, and attempted to make a defcent at Sandwich.. The King, informed of * Hoveden, p. 441: Sim. Dun. p. 184. 4+ Hoveden, p. 441. Sim. Dun. p, 185+ t Higden, p.279- . | Chron, Sax. p. 164, W. Malm. p. $1, 82. § Hoveden, p. 441- Higden, p.279- Alur. Beverl. p. 120, i Chron, Sax. p. 165. W. Malm, p. 82. Hoveden, p..441. Chron. Mailr. p. 157, a 1$ EDWARD tHe Cownressor, 119 his preparations, had equipped a confiderable fleet, much fuperior to that of the enemy ; and the earl haftily, before their appearance, made his retreat into the Flemifh harbours *. The Englifh court, allured by the prefent fecurity, and devoid of all vigorous councils, allowed the feamen to difband, and. the fleet to go to decay +; while Godwin, expecting this event, kept his men in a readinefs for action. He put to fea immediately, and failed to the Ile of Wight, where he was joined by Harold with a fquadron, which that nobleman had collected in Ireland. He was'now mafter of the fea; and entering every harbour in the fouthern coaft, he feized all the fhips {, and fummoned his followers in thofe counties, which had fo long been fubjeéted to his government, to affift him in procuring juftice to-himfelf, his family, and his country,, againft the tyranny of foreigners |}. Reinforced by great numbers from all quarters, he entered the Thames; and appearing at London, threw every thing into confufion. The King alone feemed refolute to defend himfelf to the laft'extremity ; but the inter- pofition of the Englith nobility, many of whom favoured Godwin’s pretenfions, made Edward hearken to terms of accommodation; and the feigned humility of the earl,, who difclaimed all intentions of offering force to his fovereign, and de- fired only to juftify himfelf by a fair and open trial, paved the way for his more eafy admiffion §. It was ftipulated, that he fhould give hoftages for his good behaviour, and that the primate and all the foreigners fhould be banifhed .. : And by this treaty, the prefent danger of a civil war was.obviated, but the authority of the crown was confiderably impaired, or rather entirely annihilated. Ed- ward, fenfible that he had not power fufficient to fecure Godwin hoftages -in England, fent them over to his kinfman, the young.duke of Nomandy *, Gopwin’s death, which happened foon after, while he was fitting at table with the King ++, prevented him from eftablithing fully-the exorbitant authority which he had acquired, and from reducing Edward to ftill greater fubjection ft. Fle was fucceeded in the government of Weffex, Suffex, Kent, and F flex, and "an the office of fteward of the houfchold, a place of great power, by his fon,. * Sim. Dun. p. 186, + Chron. Sax. p. 166, { Ibid. | Hoveden, p.\442. Sim, Dun. p.186. Flor, Wigorn. p. 628. § Chron. Sax. p. 1673. W. Malm. p. 82. + Chron: Sax. p. 167, 168, W. Malm. p. 82. Chron. Mailr. p- 157. Higden, p. 279, * W. Malm. p.82. Hoveden; p. 4409. tT W. Malm. p. 81. H. Hunt. p. 366; { The ingenious author of the article Godwin;-in the Biographia Britannica,’ has endeavoured to clear the memory of that nobleman, upon the fuppofition, that all the Englifh annals had been falfi- fed by the Norman hiftorians after the conqueit, But that this fuppofition has not much:foundation, appears hence, that almoft all thefe hiftorians have given a very good character of. his fon Harold; whom it was much more the intereft of the Norman caufe to blacken, Harold, Chap. III. Wey RET ae ee aes a 120 HWisSTOR Y. oft ENG LIAN D. Harold,. who was act uated by, an ambition equal to: that of his father, and was him in addrefs, in infquation, and in virtue,/ By a modeft and gen- re acquired the ea. will of Rdward; -at leaft, foftehed that hae tred which the prince had fo long borhe his family * and acquiring every day? new. partizans by his bounty and affability, he proceeded, in a more filent, and’ therefore a more dangerous manner, tothe ‘ncreafe of his authority. The King, who had not fufficient vigour directly. to oppofe:his progrefs, knew of no other expedient than that hazardous one, of raifing him a rival in the family of Leofric, duke of Mercia, whofe fon, Algar, was invefted in the government of Eaft- Anglia, which, before the banifhment of Harold, had belonged to this latter nobleman: But this: policy, of balancing oppofite parties, required a more fleady hand to manage it than that of Edward, and naturally produced faction, and even civil broils, among nobles of fuch mighty and independant authority. Algar was foon after expelled his government by the intrigues and power of Fla= rold +; but being protected by Griffith, prince of Wales, who had married his daughter, as well as by the power of his father, Leofric, he obliged Harold to fabmit to an accommodation, and was re-inftated in the government of Faft- Anglia. This peace was not of long continuance: Harold, taking advantage of Leofrie’s death, which happened foon after, expelled Algar anew, and banifhed him the kingdom t: And tho’ that nobleman made a frefh irruption into Eatft- Anglia with an army of Norwegians, and over-run the country ||, his death, a fhort time after, freed Harold from the pretenfions of fo dangerous a rival. Ed-~ ward, his eldeft fon, was ‘ndeed advanced to the government of Mercia; but the balance, which the King defired to eftablifth between thefe powerful families, was d the influence of Harold entirely preponderated. fuperior to tle demeanour, 4 entirely loft, an Tue death of Siward, duke of Northumberland, made the way ftill more open to the ambition of that nobleman. Siward, befides his other merits, had acquired honour to England, by his fuccefsful conduét of the only foreign enter- prize which was undertaken during the reign of Edward. Duncan, King of Scotland, was a prince of a very gentle difpofition, but poffefied not vigor fuf- ficient to govern a country f turbulent, and fo much infefted by the intrigues and animofities of the great. Macbeth, a powerful nobleman, and nearly allied to the crown, not contented with curbing the King’s authority, carried farther his peftilent ambition: He put his fovereign to death ; chaced Malcolm Ken- * Brompton, p. 948- + Chron. Sax. p. 169. H., Hunt. p. 366. Hoveden, p- 443» Ingulf, p. 66. Chron. Mailr. p. 158. Higden, p. 281. t Hoveden, p. 4445 | Ingulf, p. 66. Chron, St. Petri de Burgo, p. 44. | mure, EDWARD trae Confessor, 12} mure, his fon and heir, into England ; and ufurped the crown. Siward, whofe daughter was married to Duncan, embraced, by E:dwarc’s orders, the protection of this diftrefled family: He marched an army into Scotland; and having de- feated and killed Macbeth in battle, he reftored Malcolm to the throne of his an- celtors *, This fervice, added to his former connexions with the royal family. of Scotland, brought great acceflion to the authority of Siward in the north; but as he had loft his eldeft fon, Ofbern, in the action with Macbeth, ir proved in the iffue fatal to his family.. His fecond fon, Walthoef, appeared, on his father’s death, too young to be entruited with the government of Northumberland; and Harold’s influence obtained that dukedom to his brother, Tofti +. THERE are two circumftances related of Siward, which difcover his high {enfe of honour and his martial difpofition.. When intelligence was brought him of his fon Ofbern’s death, he was inconfolable ; till he heard, that the wound was re- ceived in the breaft, and that he had behaved with great gallantry in the aétion f. When he found his own death approaching, he ordered his fervants to cloathe him in a compleat fuit of armour; and fitting ereét on the couch, with a {pear in his hand, declared, that, in that pofture, the only one worthy of. a waffior, he would patiently await the fatal moment {. Tue King, now worn with cares and infirmities, felt himfelf far advanced in the decline of life; and having no iflue himfelf, began to think of fixing a fuc- ceflor to the kingdom. He fenta deputation into Hungary, to invite over his nephew, Edward, fon to his elder brother, and the only remaining heir of the Saxon line §. That prince, whofe fucceffion to the crown would have been eafy and undifputed, came over to England with his children, Edgar, firnamed Atheling, Margaret, and Chriftina ; but his death, which happened a few days after his arrival, threw the King into new difficulties. He faw, that the oreat power and ambition of Harold had tempted him to think of obtaining poffeffion of the throne on the firft vacancy, and that Edgar, on account of his youth and inexperience, was very unfit to oppofe the pretenfions of fo popular and enter- prifing a rival. The animofity which he had long borne earl Godwin, made him averfe to the fucceffion of his fon; and he could not, without extreme reluctance, think of an increafe of grandeur to a family, which had rifen-on the ruins of royal authority, and which, ‘by theomurder of Alfred, his brother, had contributed fo much to the weakening the Saxon line. In this uncertainty, he fecretly caft his * W. Malm. p.79. Hoveden, p. 443. Chron. Mailr. p- 158. Buchanan, p. 115. edit. 1715. + HH. Hunt. p, 366. { H. Hunt. p. 366. Higden, p. 280. Brompton, p. 946. | Higden, p.281. , Chron. St. Petri de Burgo, p. 43. Diceto. p. 477. § H. Hunt. p..366, Hoveden, p. 444. Ingulf, p. 66. Chron. Mailr. p. 158. Vou. I. 3 R a> “<4 cv Chap. III- Chap. IL. 122 HISTORY or ENGLAND. eye towards his kinfman, William, duke of Normandy, as the only perfon whofe power, and character, and capacity, could fupport any deftination which - he might make to the exclufion of Harold, and his family *. Tus famous prince was natural fon of Robert, duke of Normandy, by Har- lotta, daughter of a tanner in Falaife +, and was very early eftablifhed in that crandeur, from which his birth feemed to have fet him at fo great a diftance. While he was but nine years of age, his father had reolved to undertake a pil- crimage to Jerulalem; a fa(hionable aét of devotion, which had taken place of the pilgrimages to Rome, and which, as it was attended with more difficulty and danger, and carried thefe religious adventurers to he firft fources of Chrifti- _anity, appeared to them much more pious and meritorious. Before his depar- ture, he aflembled the ftates of the dutchy ; and informing them of his purpole, he engaged them to {wear allegiance to his natural fox, William, whom, as he had no legitimate iffue, he intended, in cafe he fhould die in the pilgrimage, to leave fucceffor to his dominions f. As he was a prudent prince, he could not but forfee the great inconveniencies which muft attend ais journey, and this fettle- ment of his fucceffion; arifing from the natural tuibulency of the great, the claims from other branches of the ducal family, and the power of the French monarch: But all thefe views were fuperfeded by the prevailing zeal for pilgrim- ages || 5 and probably, the more important they wert, the more would Robert -exult in facrificing them to what he imagined to be hi: religious duty. THIs prince, as he had apprehended, died in his pilgrimage ; and the mino- rity of his fon was attended with all thofe inconveniencies, which were unavoid- able in his fituations The licentious nobles, freed fron the awe of fovereign au- thority, broke out into perfonal animofities againft each other, and made the whole country a fcene of war and devaftation §. Roger, count of Toni, and Alain, count of Britanny, advanced pretenfions to the dominion of the ftate ; and Henry I. King of France, thought the opportunity favourable for reducing the power of a vafial, who had at firft acquired his fettlement in fuch a violent and ‘nvidious manner, and who had long appeared fornidable to his fovereign |» The regency eftablifhed by Robert found great difficilties in fupporting the go- vernment againit this complication of dangers ; and :he young prince, when he came to age, found himfelf reduced to a very low coidition. But the great qua- lities, which he foon difplayed in the field and in the cabinet, gave encourage- ment to his friends, and ftruck a terror into his enemis. He oppofed himfelf on all fides againft his rebellious fubjeéts, and againft foreizn invaders ; and by his va- * Ingulf, p. 68. + Brompton, p. gI0. t W. Malm, > 95. || Ypod. Neuftr. p. 452. § W. Malm. p.9s- Gul. Gemet. lib. 7. cap. 1. + W. Malm. p.97. lour wen Se en < ‘vies Rie (1 ¥ ¥ + OL ae 7 ETLT.WARD rue Conressor. 123 lour and conduct previiled in every action. He forced the French King to grant him peace on reafonasle terms; he expelled all pretenders to the fovereignty ; and he reduced his turbulent barons to pay fubmiffion to his authority, and to fufpend their mutual cnimofities. The natural feverity of his temper appeared in a rigorous adminift-ation of juftice ; and having found the happy effects of this plaa of government, without which the laws in thofe ages became totally 1m- potent, he eftablifhed it as a fixed maxim, that an inflexible conduct was the firft duty of a fovereign. Tue tranquillity vhich he had eftablifhed in his dominions had given Wil- liam leifure to pay a wifit to the King of England during the time of Godwin’s banifhment; and he vas received in a manner fuitable to the great reputation which he had acquired, to the relation by which he was connected with Edward, and to the obligations which that prince had owed to his family *. On the re- turn of Godwin, and the expulfion of the Norman favourites, Robert, archbi- fhop of Canterbury, had, before his departure, perfuaded Edward to think of adopting William as his fucceffor; a council, which was favoured by the King’s averfion to Godwin, 1is prepoffeffions towards the Normans, and his efteem of the duke. That prekte, therefore, received a commiffion to inform William of the King’s intentions in his favour ; and he was the firft perfon who opened the mind of the prince toentertain thefe ambitious hopes +. But Edward, irrefolute and feeble in his purpofe, finding that the Englifh would more eafily acquiefce in the reftoration of theSaxon line, had, in the mean while, invited his brother’s defcendants from Hugary, with a view of having them recognized heirs to the throne {. The death of his nephew, and the inexperience and unpromifing qua- lities of young Edgai, made him refume his former intentions in favour of the duke of Normandy, though his averfion to hazardous enterprizes engaged him to poftpone the execition, and even to keep his purpofe fecret from all his mi- nifters./ Hakoip, mean while, proceeded, after a more open manner, in increafing his popularity, in etablifhing his power, and in preparing the way for his ad- vancement on the firt vacancy of the throne ; an event which, from the age and infirmities of the King, appeared not very diftant. But there was ftill an obftacle, which it wis requifite for him previoufly to overcome. Earl Godwin, when reftored to his power and fortune, had given hoftages for his good beha- * Hoveden, p. 442. ‘ingulf, p. 65. Chron. Mailr. p. 157. Higden, p. 279. + Ingulf, p.68. Gul Gemet. lib. 7. cap. 31. Order. Vitalis, p. 492. t W. Malm, p. 93. H. Hunt. p. 366. R 2 ; viour 5 Chap. HI, k24 Mis-sT QR oF ENGL AN D. Shap. Wl) viour; and among the -eft one fon and one’grandfon, whom Edward, for g er fecurity, had fent over to be kept in Normandy. Harold, tho’ he was not aware of the duke’s being his competitor, was uneafy, that fuch near relations fhould be detained prifoners in a foreign country 3 and he was afraid, that Wil- liam would, in favour of Edgar, retain thefe pledges as a check on the ambition ; other pretender *. He reprefented, therefore, to the King his unfeigned fabmiftion to royal authority, his fteady duty to his prince, and the little necef- (ity there was, after fuch an uniform trial of his obedience, to keep any longer thofe hoftages, who had been required on the firtt compofing of civil difcords. By thefe topics, enforced by his great power, he extorted the King’s confent to releafe them, and he immediately proceeded, with a numerous retinue, on his journey to Nor- mandy +. “A tempeft drove him on the territory of Guy, count of Ponthieu, who, being informed of his quality, immediately detained him prifoner{, and demanded an éxorbitant fum for his ranfom. Harold found means to convey . intelligence of his condition to. the duke of Normandy; and reprefented, that, while he was proceeding to 47s court, in execution of a commiffion from the King of England, he had met with this harfh treatment from the mercenary dil- >. pofition of the count of Ponthieu.. | ® of an wc - Wiuiiam was immediately fenfible of the importance of the incident. He forefaw, that, if he could once gain Harold, either by favours or menaces, his way to the throne of England would be open, and Edward would meet with no farther obftacle in executing the favourable intentions which he had entertained ‘n-his behalf. He fent, therefore, an ambaffador to Guy, in order to demand the liberty of his prifoner ; and that nobleman, not daring to refufe fo great a prince, put Harold into the hands of the Norman ambafiador, who conducted him to Roiien |. William received him with every demonftration of refpect and friendfhip ; and after fhowing himfelf difpofed to comply with his defire, in de- livering up the hoftages, he took an opportunity of difclofing to him the great fecret, of his pretenfions to the crown of England, and of the will which Ed- ward intended to make in his favour. He defired the affiftance of Harold in perfecting that defign ; he made profeffions of the utmoft gratitude in return for fo great an obligation ; he promifed that the prefent grandeur of Harold’s family, which fupported itfelf with difficulty under the jealoufy and hatred of Edward, fhould receive new increafe from a fuccefior, who would be fo fenfibly beholden * Brompton, p. 947s + Hoveden, p, 449. Brompton, p.947- Eadmer, lib. 1. p. 4, Alur. Beverl. p. 125. + Hoveden, p. 449. | i W. Malm. p. 93; Hoveden, p. 449. Brompton, p- 947+ Gul. Gemet. lib. 7. cap. 31.7 t® EDWARD THe COnreEssor.. 124 to him for his advancement. Harold was furprized with this declaration of the duke ; bur being fenfible, that he could never recover his own liberty, much lefs that of his brother and nephew, if he refufed the demand, he feigned a compliance with William, renounced all hopes of the crown for himfelf, and profeffed his fincere intention of fupporting the will of Edward, and feconding the pretenfions of the duke of Normandy. William, to tie him fafter to his fervice, befides offering him his daughter in marriage *, required him to take an oath, that he would fulfil his promifes; and.in order to render that oath more binding, he employed an artifice, well fuited to the ignorance and fuperftition of the age, He fecretly conveyed under the altar, on which Harold agreed to fwear, the re- liques of fome-of the moft refpected martyrs; and when Harold had taken the oath, he fhowed him the reliques, and admonifhed him to.obferve religioufly an engagement, which had been ratified by fo tremendous a fanctiont. The Eng- lifh nobleman was aftonifhed; but diffembling his concern, he renewed the fame profeffions, and was difmiffed with all the marks of mutual confidence by the duke of Normandy. Wuen Harold found himfelf.at liberty, his ambition fuggefted cafuiftry fuffi- cient to juftify to him the violation of an oath, which had been extorted from him by fear, and which, if fulfilled, might be attended with the fubjeétion of his native country toa foreign power. He continued ftill to practife every art of po- pularity ; to increafe the number of his partizans ; to reconcile the minds of the Einglith to the idea of his fucceffion ; to revive their hatred of the Normans; and by.an oftentation of his power and influence, to deter the timorous Edward from executing his intended deftination in favour of William. Fortune, about this time, threw two incidents in his way, by which he was enabled to acquire gene- ral favour, and to increafe the charaéter, which he had already obtained, of vir- tue and capacity. Tse ,Welfh, tho’ a lefs formidable enemy than the Danes, had been lone accuitomed to infeft the weftern borders ; and after committing fpoil on the low countries, they ufually made a hafty retreat into their mountains, where they were fheltered from the purfuit of their enemies, and were ready to feize the fir favourable opportunity of renewing their depredations. Griffith, their prefent prince, ‘had much diftinguifhed himfelf in thefe incurfions; and his name had be- come fo terrible to the Englifh, that Harold found he could do nothing more * 'W. Malm. p:93. H. Hunt. p. 366. Hoveden, p- 449. Ingulf, p. 68. t Wace, p. 459, 460. MS. penes Carte, p. 354. W. Malm. p.93- H. Hunt. p. 366. Hove- den, p. 449. Brompton, p. 947. ‘ : acceptable Chap. ITI. Chap. IIT. 196) mye tO Rif OF ENGLAN D. acceptable to the public, and more honourable to himfelf, than the fuppreffing fo dangerous an enemy. He formed the plan of an expedition again{t Wales ; and having prepared fome light armed foot to purfue the natives into their faftnefies, fome cavalry to fcour the open country, and a fquadron of fhips to attack the fea-coatt, he employed at once all thefe forces againft the Welth, profecuted his advantages with vigour, made no ‘ntermiffion in his afaults, and at laft reduced the enemy to fuch diftrefs, that, in order to prevent their total deftruction, they made a facrifice of their prince, whofe head they cut off, and fent to Harold ; and they were contented to receive as their fovereigns two Welfh noblemen ap- pointed by Edward to rule over them *. Tostr, the elder brother of Harold, had been created duke of Northumber- land; but being of a violent, tyrannical temper, had praétifed fuch cruelty and injuftice over the inhabitants, that they rofe in rebellion againft him, and chaced him from his government. Morcar and Edwin, two brothers, who poffefled great power in thofe quarters, and who were grandfons of the great duke, Leof- ric, concurred in the ‘nfurrection ; and the former, being elected duke, ad- vanced with an army, to oppofe Harold, who was commiffioned by the King to reduce and punifh the Northumbrians. Before the armies came to action, Morcar, well acquainted with the generous difpofition of the Englifh commander, endeavoured to juftify his conduct ; and reprefented to him, that Tofti had be- haved in a manner unworthy of the ftation to which he was advanced, and no one, not even a brother, could fupport fuch tyranny, without participating, in fome degree, of the infamy attending it ; that the Northumbrians, accuftomed toa legal adminiftration, and regarding it as their birth-right, were willing to fubmit to the King, but required a governor who would pay regard to their rights and_ privileges ; that they had been taught by their anceftors, that death was preferable +o fervitude, and had come to the field determined to perifh, rather than bear a. renewal of thofe indignities, to which they had been fo long expofed ; and they trufted, that Harold, on reflection, would not defend in another that violent con- duét, from which, in his own government, he had always kept at fo great a dif- tance +. This vigorous remonftrance was accompanied with fuch a detail of, faéts, fo well fupported, that Harold found it prudent to abandon his brother’s caufe; and returning to Edward, he perfuaded him to pardon the Northumbrians, and to confirm Morcar in the government. He even married the fifter of that * Chron. Sax. p.170- W.Malm.p. 79. H. Hunt. p. 367. Hoveden, p. 446. Ingulf. p. 68. Chron. Mailr. p. 159- Higden, p. 283. Sim. Dun. 192. pe + Higden, p. 283. t Chron, Sax. p. 171. W. Malm. p. 83. H. Hunt. p. 367. Hig den, p. 283. Sim. Dun. p. 193. | noble- EDWARD THe Conressor. 127 nobleman * ; and by his intereft procured Edwin, the younger brother, to be eleGted into the government of Mercia. Tofti in a rage departed the kingdom, and took fhelter in Flanders with earl Baldwin, his father-in-law ‘fT. By this marriage, Harold broke all meafures with the duke of Normandy ; and William clearly perceived, that he could no longer rely on the oaths and promifes, which he had extorted from him, But the Englifh nobleman thought himfelf now in fuch a fituation, that it was no longer neceflary for him to diflemble. He had in his conduét againft the Northumbrians, given fuch a fpecimen of his moderation as had gained him the affections of his countrymen. He faw, that almoft all England was under the command of himfelf or his friends ; while he poffeffed the government of Wefiex, Morcar that of Northumberland, and Edwin that of Mercia. He now openly afpired to the fucceffion; and infifted, that, fince it was neceflary, by the confeffion of all, to fet afide the royal family, on account of the imbecillity of Edgar, the fole furviving heir, there was no one fo capable of filling the throne, as a nobie- man, of great power, of mature age, of long experience, of approved courage and ability, who being a native of the kingdom, would effectually fecure it againft the dominion and tyranny of foreigners. Edward, broken with age and infir- mities, faw the difficulties too great for him to encounter ; and tho’ his inveterate prepofleffions kept him from feconding the pretenfions of Harold, he took but feeble and irrefolute fteps for fecuring the fucceflion to the duke of Normandy f. While he continued in this uncertainty, he was furprized by ficknefs, which brovght * Order Vitalis, p. 492. + H. Hunt. p. 367. Higden, p. 283. Sim. Dun. p. p. 193. Alur. Beverl. p. 122. t The whole ftory of the tranfactions between Edward, Harold, and the duke of Normandy is told fo differently by the antient writers, that there are few important paflages of the Englifh hiftory liable to fo great uncertainty. I have followed the account, which appeared to me the moit confiftent and pro- bable. It does not feem likely, that Edward ever executed a will in the duke’s favour, much lefs that he got it ratified by the ftates of the kingdom, as is affirmed by fome. The will would have been known to all, and would have been produced by the Conqueror to whom it gave fo plaufible, and really fo juft a title; but the doubtful and ambiguous manner in which he feems always to have men- tioned it, proves, that he could only plead the known intentions of that monarch in his favour, which he was defirous to call a will. There is indeed a charter of the Conqueror, preferved by Dr. Hickes, vol. 1. where he calls himfelf rex Aereditarius, meaning heir by will; but a prince, poffefled of fo much power, and attended with fo much fuccefs, may employ what pretences he pleafes: It is fuf- ficient to refute his pretences to obferve, that there is a great diffidence and variation among the hifto- rians with regard to a point, which, had it been real, muit have been agreed upon by all of them. Acatn, fome hiftorians, particularly Malmefbury and Matthew Weftminfter, affirm that Harold had no intention of going over to Normandy, but that taking the air in a pleafure-boat on the coait, he i Chap. III, Chap. III. 128 | mag T O:R XY DF ENGLAND. brought him to his grave, on the fifth of January 1066, in the fixty-fifth year . of his age, and twenty-fitth of his reign. Tuis prince, to whom the monks gave the Hitle of faint and confeffor, was the laft of the Saxon line, who-ruled in England ; and tho’ his reign was peace- able and fortunate, he owed this profperity lefs to his own ability than to the conjunctures of the times. The Danes, employed in other enterprizes, at- tempted not thofe incurfions, which had been fo troublefome to all his prede- ceflors, and fatal to fome of them. The facility of his difpofition made him acquiefce under. the governm«nt of Godwin and his fon Harold ; and the capacity, as well as the power of thefe noblemen, enabled them, while they were intrufted with authority, to preferve gomeftic peace and tranquillity. The moft commendable circumftance of Edward’s government was his attention to the ad- miniftration of juftice, and his compiling for that purpofe a body of laws, which he collected from the laws of Ethelbert, Ina, and Alfred. This compilation, tho’ now loft (for the laws that pafs under Edward’s name were compofed after« wards *) were long the objects of affection to the Englifh nation. 5; Epwarp the Confeffor was the firftt who touched for the King’s evil: The opinion of his fanctity procured belief to'this cure among the people ; and his fuccefors regarded it as a part of the power and grandeur to uphold the fame opinion. It has been continued down to our time ; and the practice was firft dropped by the prefent royal family, who obferved, that it could no longer give amazement even to the populace, and was attended with ridicule in the eyes of all men of underftanding. ora See 6 Oe, isi AROLD had fo well prepared matters before the death of the King, that. : he immediately ftepped into the vacant throne ; and his acceffion was at- he was driven over by ftrefs of weather to the territories of Guy count of Ponthieu : But befides that this ftory is not probable in itfelf, and is contradiéed by moft of the antient hiftorians, itis refuted by avery curious and authentic monument lately difcovered. It is a tapeftry, preferved.in the ducal pa- Jace of Roiien, and fuppofed to have been wrought by orders of Matilda, wife to the Emperor: At leaft it is of very great antiquity. Harold is there reprefented as taking his-departure from K. Edward in execution of fome commiffion, and mounting his veilel with a great train. Thedefign of redeem- ing his brother and nephew, who were hoftages, isthe moft likely caufe thatcan be afligned ; and is accordingly mentioned by Eadmer, Hoveden, Brompton, and Simeon of Durham. For a farther account of this piece of tapeftry, fee Hiftoire de Academie de Litemature, tom. IX. page 535. * Spelm. in verbo Balliwa, 3 tended H A R O ry D. 1? 9g tended with as little oppofition and difturbance, as if he had fucceeded by the moft undoubted hereditary title. The citizens of London were his zealous par- tizans:: The bifhops and clergy had adopted his caufe: And all the moft power- ful nobility, conneéted with him by alliance or friendfhip, willingly feconded his pretenfions. The title of Edgar Atheling was fcarce ever mentioned: Much lefs, the claim of the duke of Normandy: And Harold, aflembling the council, received the crown from their hands, without waiting for any regular meeting of the ftates, or fubmitting the queftion to their free choice or determination *. If there were any malcontents at this refolution, they were obliged to conceal their fentiments ; and the new prince, taking a general filence for confent, and founding his title on the fuppofed fuffrages of the people, which appeared unanimous, was, on the day immediately fucceeding Edward’s death, crowned and anointed King, by Aldred, archbifhop of York. The whole nation feemed joyfully to {wear al- legiance to him. Tue firft fymptoms of danger, which the King difcovered, came from abroad, and from his own brother, Tofti, who had fubmitted to a voluntary banifhment in Flanders. Enraged at the fuccefsful ambition of Harold, to which he himfel£/ had fallen a facrifice, he filled the court of Baldwin with complaints of the in- juftice, which he had fuffered : He engaged the intereft of that family againft his brother: He endeavoured to form intrigues with fome malcontent nobi- lity of England: He fent his emiffaries to Norway, in order to rouze to arms the freebooters of that kingdom, and excite their hopes of reaping advantage from the unfettled ftate of affairs on the ufurpation of the new King: And that he might render the combination more formidable, he made a journey to Nor- mandy; in expectation, that the duke, who had married Matilda, another daughter of Baldwin, would, in revenge of his own injuries, as well as thofe of Tosti, fecond, by his councils and forces, the projected invafion of England +. Tue duke of Normandy, when he firft received intelligence of Harold’s in- trigues and acceffion, had been moved to the higheft pitch of indignation ; but that he might give the better colour to his pretenfions, he fent over an ambaffy to England, upbraiding that prince with his breach of faith, and fummoning him to refign immediately poffeffion of the kingdom. Harold replied to the Norman ambaffadors, that the oath with which he was reproached, had been extorted by * G. Pi&. p.156. Ypod. Neuf. p. 436. Order Vitalis, p. 492. M. Welt. p, 221. W. Malm. p: 93- Ingulf, 5.68. Brompton, p. 957. Knyghton, p. 2339. H. Hunting. p. 210, Many of the hiftorians fay, that Harold was regularly elected by the ftates: Some, that Edward left him his fucceffor by will, + Order Vita'is, p. 492, Vou. I. S the Chap. 2s x 130 HISTO RF Y2‘9F ENGLAND. Chap. III. the well grounded fear of violence, and could never, for that reafon, be regarded as obligatory : That he had had no commiffion, either from the late King or the {tates of England, who alone could difpofe of the crown, to make any tender of the fucceffion to the duke of Normandy ; and if he, a private perfon, had af- famed fo much authority, and had even voluntarily {worn to fupport the duke’s pretenfions, the oath was unlawful, and it was his duty to feize the firft oppor- tunity of breaking it : That he had obtained the crown by the unanimous fuf- frages of the people; and fhould fhow bimfelf totally unworthy of their favours. did he not ftrenuoufly maintain thote national liberties, with which they had‘en- trufted him: 2nd that the duke, if he made any attempt by force of arms,, fhould experience the power of an united nation, conducted by a prince, who,. fenfible of the obligations, impofed on him by his royal dignity, was determined, - that the fame moment fhould put a period to his life aid to. his government *; Turs anfwer was no other than William expected; and he had previoufly fixed his refolution of making an attempt upon England: -Confulting only his courage, his refentment, and his ambition, he overlagked all the difficul- ties, which mutt attend an attack of a great kingdom: by fuch inferior force, and he faw only the.circumftances, which would facilitate his enterprize. He confidered, that England, ever fince the acceffion of Canute, had enjoyed a moft profound tranquillity, during a period. of near fifty years; and it would require time for its. foldiers, enervated by long, peace, to learn difcipline, and its generals: experience. He knew, that it was: entirely unprovided of fortified towns, by: which it could prolong: the war ; but muft venture its whole fortune in one de-. cifive action againft a veteran enemy, who, being once matter of the field, would be in a condition to over-run the kingdom. He faw that Harold, tho’ he had given proofs of vigor and bravery, had newly mounted a throne, which he had: acquired by faction, from, which he had excluded a very antient royal familys and which was likely to totter under him by its own inftability, much more if fhaken by any violent external impulfe. And he hoped, that the very circum-. {tance of his croffing the feas, quitting his own country, and leaving himfelf no. hopes of retreat; as it would aftonifh the enemy by the boldnefs of the enterprize,. would infpirit his foldiers from defpair, and rouze them to fuftain the reputation. of the Norman arms. Tur Normans, as they had long been diftinguifhed by valour among all the: European nations, had at this time attained to the higheft pitch: of military renown and glory. Befides acquiring by arms fuch a noble territory in France, ® W. Malm. p. 99.. Higden, p. 285. M: Welt. p. 222. Degeft. Angl. incerto auctore, Pp. 331- befides. He. , APR + oe eee 131 befides defending it againft continual attempts of the French monarch and all its neighbours, befides exerting many actions of vigor under their prefent fove- reign ; they had, about this very time, revived their antient fame, by the moft hazardous exploits, and the moft wonderful fucceffes, in the other extremity of Europe. A few Norman adventurers in Italy had acquired fuch an afcendant, not only over the Italians and Greeks, but the Germans, and Saracens, that they expelled thefe foreigners, procured to themfelves ample eftablifhments, and laid the foundation of the opulent kingdom of Naples and Sicily *. Thefe enterprizes of men, who were all of them vaffals in Normandy, many of them banithed for faction and rebellion, excited the ambition of the haughty William ; who dif- dained, after fuch examples of fortune and valour, to be deterred from making an attaek on a neighbouring country, where he could be fupported by the whole force of his principality. : Tue fituation alfo of Europe infpired William with hopes, that, befides his brave Normans, he might employ againft England the flower of the military force, which was difperfed in all the other ftates. France, Germany, and the low countries, by the progrefs of the feudal inftitutions, were divided and fub- divided into many fmall principalities and baronies; and the poffeffors, enjoying the civil jurifdiction within themfelves, as well as the right of arms, aéted, in many refpects, as independant fovereigns, and maintained their properties and privileges, lefs by the authority of laws, than by their own force and valour. A-military {pirit had univerfally diffufed itfelf throughout Europe ; and the feveral leaders, whofe minds were elevated by their princely fituation, greedily embraced the moft adventurous enterprizes, and being accuftomed to nothing from their infancy but recitals of the fuccefs attending wars and battles, they were prompted by a natural ambition to imitate thofe adventures, which they heard fo much celebrated, and which were fo much exaggerated by the credulity of theage. United, however loofely, by their duty to one fuperior lord, and by their connexions with the great body of the community, to which they belonged, they defired to fpread their fame each keyond his own diftri& ; and, in all aflem- blies, whether inftituted for civil deliberations, for military expeditions, or merely for fhow and entertainment, to outfhine each other by the reputation of ftrength and prowefs. Hence their genius for chivalry ; hence their impatience of peace and tranquillity ; and hence their readinefs to embark in any hazardous enterprize, however little interefted in its failure or fuccefs. Witt1aM, by his power, his courage, and his abilities, had long maintained a@ pre-eminence among thofe haughty chieftains ; and every one who defired to * Gul. Gemet. lib. 7, cap. jo, S 2 diftinguith Chap. 11. fe aS Chap. III. 132 —itS TORY. oF ENGLAND. diftinguifh simfelf by his addrefs in military exercifes, or his valor in action, had been ambitious of acquiring a reputation in the court and in the armies of Normandy. Entertained with that hofpitality and courtefy, which diftinguifhed the age, they had formed attachments with the prince, and greedily attended to the profpeds of glory and advantage, which he premifed them in return for their concurrence in an expedition againft England. The more grandeur appeared in the attempt, the more it fuited their romantic fpirit: The fame of the intended ‘nvafion was already diffufed every where : Multitudes crowded to tender to the - duke their fervice, with that of their vaflals and retainers * : And William found lefs difficulty in compleating his levies, than in chooling the moft veteran and experienced forces, and in rejecting the offers of thofe, who were impatient to acquire fare under fo renowned a leader. Brsipes thefe advantages, which William owed to his perfonal valor and good conduct ; he was beholden to fortune for procuring him fome affiftances, and for removing many obftacles, which it was natural for him to expect in an undertaking, where all his neighbours were fo deeply interefted. Conan, duke of Britanny, was his mortal enémy,; and in order to throw a damp upon his enterprize, he chofe this conjuncture for reviving his claim to Normandy itfelf 5 and he required, that, in cafe of William’s fuccefs againft England, the poffeffion of that dutchy might devolve to him +, But Conan died fuddenly after making this demand; and Howel, his fucceflor, inftead of adopting the malignity, or rather the prudence, of his predeceffor, zealoufly feconded the duke’s views, and fent his eldeft fon, Alain Fergant, to ferve under him with a force of five thous fand Britons. The counts of Anjou, and of Flanders, encouraged their fubjects to engage in the expedition ; and even the court of France, tho’ it might juftly fear the aggrandizement of fo dangerous a vaflal, purfued not its interefts on this occafion with fufficient vigor and refolution. Philip I. the reigning French mo- narch, was a minor; and William, having communicated his project to the council, kaving defired affiftance, and offered to do homage, in cafe of his fuc- cefs, for the crown of England, was indeed ordered to lay afide all thoughts of the enterprize; but the earl of Flanders, his father-in-law, being at the head of the regency, favoured under-hand his levies, and encouraged the enterprizing no- bility to inlift under the ftandard of the duke of Normandy. Tue Emperor, Henry IV. befides giving openly all his vaffals permifiion to embark in this expedition, which fo much engaged the attention of Europe, pro- mifed his protection to the dutchy of Normandy during the abfence of the prince, * Gul. Pidtavenfis, p. 198. + Gul, Gemet. lib. 7. cap. 33. 3 and oa a: + H oA R Ole Be. 123 and thereby enabled him to draw his whole force to the attack of England *. But the moft important ally, whom William gained by his negotiations, was the pope, who had a mighty influence over the antient barons, no Jefs devout in their religious principles than valorousin their military enterprizes. The Roman pontiff, after an infenfible progrefs during feveral ages of darknefs and ignorance, began now to lift his head openly above al! the princes of Europe ; to affume the office of a mediator, or even an arbitrator, in the quarre!s of the greatef{t monarchs; to interpofe himfelf in all fecular affairs ; and to obtrude his dictatesas fovereign laws on his obfequious difciples. It was a fufficient motive to Alexander II. the reign- ing pope, for embracing William’s quarrel, that he alone had made an appeal to his tribunal, and rendered him umpire of the difpute between him and Ha- rold ; but there were other advantages, which, that pontiff forefaw, muft refult from the conqueft of England by the Norman arms. That kingdom, tho’ at firft converted by Romith miffionaries, tho’ it had afterwards advanced fome far- ther fteps towards fubjection under Rome, maintained ftill a great independance in its ecclefiaftical adminiftration ; and forming a world within itfelf, entirely feparated from the reft of Europe, it had hitherto proved inacceffible to thofe exorbitant claims, which fupported the grandeur of the papacy. Alexander, therefore, hoped, that the French and Norman barons, if fuccefsful in their enterprize, might import into that country a more devoted reverence to the holy fee, and bring the Englifh churches to a nearer conformity with thofe of the reft of Europe. He declared immediately in favour of William’s claim + ; pronounced Harold a perjured ufurper ; denounced excommunication againft him and his adherents ; and the more to encourage the duke of Normandy in his enterprize, he fent him a confecrated banner, and a ring with one of St. Peter’s hairs in it~. Thus were all the ambition and violence of that invafion covered over fafely with the broad mantle of religion. Burt the greateft difficulty, which William had to encounter in his prepara- tions, arofe from his own fubje&ts in Normandy. The ftates ofthe dutchy were aflembled at Liflebonne ; and fupplies being demanded for the intended enter- prize, which promifed fo much glory and advantage to their country, there ap- peared a reluctance in many members, both to grant fums fo much beyond the common meafure of taxes in that age, and to fet a precedent of performing their military fervice out of their own country. The duke finding it dangerous to folicit them in a body, conferred feparately with the richeft perfons in the pro- * Gul, Pi&. p. 198. + W. Malm. p. 100, Ingulf, p. 69. Higden, p. 285. Brompton, p. 958, { Baker, p. 2a, edit. 1689. : vince s Chap. ITI, aga HISTORY of ENGLAND. Chap. Il. ; Alur. Beverl. p. 123. vince; and beginning with chofe whofe affeétiors he moft relied on, he oradually engaged all of them to advance the fums demanded. The count of Longueville feconded him in this negotiation, the count of Mortaigne, Odo bifhop of Bat- eux, and efpecially William Fitz-Ofborne, count of Breteuil, and conftable of the dutchy. Every perfon, when he himfelf was once engaged, endeavoured to bring over others; and at laft the frates themfelves, after ftipulating that this con- ceffion fhould be no precedent for the future, voted, that they would affift their prince to the utmoft in his intended enterprize *. Wizi1am had now affembled a fleet of 3000 veflels, great and {mall +, and had feleéted an army of 60,coo men from among thofe numerous fupplies, which from every quarter folicited to be received into his fervice. “I'he camp bore a fplendid, yet a martial appearance, from the difcipline of the men, the vigor of the horfes, the luftre of the arms and accoutrements of both ; but above all, from the high names of nobility, who engaged under the banners of the duke of Nor- mandy. The moft celebrated were Fuftace, count of Boulogne, Aimeri de Thouars, Hugh d’ Eftaples, William qd’ Evreux, Geoffrey de Rotrou, Roger de Beaumont, William de Warenne, Roger de Montgomeri, Hugh de Grantmefnil, Charles Martel, and Geoffrey Giffardy. To thefe bold chieftains William held up the fpoils of England as the prize of their valor ; and pointing to the oppo- fite fhore, called to them, that here was the field, on which they muft erect tro- phies to their name, and fix their eftablifhmerts. Wurtr he was making thefe mighty preparations, the duke, that he might sncreafe the number of Harold’s enemies, excted the inveterate rancour of Tofti, and encouraged him, in concert with Harold Halfager, King of Norway, to in- feft the coaft of England. Tofti, having colleéted about fixty veffels im the ~ ports of Flanders, put to fea ; and after ccmmitting fome depredations on the fouth and eaft coafts, he failed to Northumberland, and he was there joined by Halfager, who came over with a great armament of three hundred veffels |), The combined fleets entered the Humber, and difembarked the troops, who began to extend their depredations on all fides when Morcar earl of Northumberland, and Edwin earl of Mercia, the King’s brothers-in-law, having haftily collected fome troops, ventured to give them battle. The action ended with the total defeat and flight of thefe two noblemen §. * Camden. Introd. ad Britann, p. 212. 2d edit. Gibf - Verftegan, p. 173- + Gul. Gemet. lib. 7. cap. 34. { Crdericus Vitalis, p. 501. \| Chron. Sax. p. 172. W. Malm. p. 94. 4H. Hunt. p. 367. Higden, p. 284. § Chron. Sax. p. 172. W. Malm, p. 94. Hovedea, p. 448 Ingulf, p.69, Higden, p. 284. HAROLD, a ty pe ala ae seuih -» eae Ap Pai Hi AR < OTe ae 125 FHarotp, informed of this misfortune, haftened with an army to the protec- Chap.. II. tion of his people; and exprefied the utmoft ardour to fhow himfelf worthy of the crown, which had been conferred upon him. This prince, tho’ he was not fenfible of the full extent of his danger, from the great combination againft him, had employed every art of popularity to acquire the affections of the public ; and he gave fo many proofs of anequitable and prudent adminiftration, that the Eng- lifh found no reafon to repent of the choice which they had made of a fovereign *, They flocked from all quarteis to join his ftandard; and as foon as he reached the enemy at Standford, he found himfelf in a condition of giving them battle. 25th Septs The action was,s&ry bloody ; but the victory was decifive on the fide of Harold, and ended with the total routof the Danes, together with the death.of Tofti and Halfager +.- Even the Danihh fleet fell into the hands of Harold; who had the generofity to give prince Olave, the fon of Halfager, his liberty, and allow him to depart with twenty veffelsf. But he had {carce time to rejoice for this vic- tory, when he received intelligence, that the duke of Normandy was landed with: a great army in the fouth of England. Tue Norman fleet and army had been affembled, early in the fummer, at the: mouth of the fmall river Dive, and all the troops had been inftantly embarked ; but the winds proved long coxtrary, and detained them in that harbour |. The authority, however, of the duke, the good difcipline maintained among: the fea-. men and foldiers, and the great care of fupp!ying them with provifions, ‘had pre- vented any diforder;. when the wind became favourable, and enabled them to fail along the coaft, till they reacaed St. Valori. here were, however, feveral vef- fels loft in this fhort paflage ; and as the winds again proved contrary, the army began to imagine, that heaven had declared againft them, and that, notwithftand- ing the Pope’s benediction, they were deftined to certain ruin §. Thefe bold warriors, who defpifed real dangers, were very fubject to the dread.of imaginary ones ; and many of them began to mutiny, and fome of them even to defert their colours ; when the duke, in order to fupport their drooping hopes, ordered a proceffion to be made with the reliques of St. Valori {, and prayers to be faid for more favourable weather. The winds inftantly changed ; and as this incident happened on the eve of the f:aft of Sc. Michael, the tutelar faint of Normandy,. * W. Malm. p. 93. Hoveden, p. 447: Hift. Elienfis, cap. 44. Sim. Dun. p, 193. Flor. Wigorn. p. 623. + Chron. Sax. p.172. W. Malm. p g4. H. Hunt. p. 368. Ingu'f, p. 69. Hift. Ramef. p. 461, } Hoveden, p. 448. Ingulf, p. 69, Higden, p. 285. Chron. St. Petri-de Burgo, p; 46. || Order. Vitalis, p. soo. § W. Malm. p. 100. +, Higden, p. 285. Order. Vitals, p. soo, Matth, Paris, edit. Parifiis anno 1644, p. 2: thites Chap. ITI. 136 HISTORY ofr ENGLAND. the forces, fancying they faw the hand of heaven in all thefe concurring circum- fkances, fet out with the greateft alacrity * : They met with no oppofition on their voyage: A great feet, which Harold had affembled, and which had cruized all fummer off the Ifle of Wight, had been difmiffed, on his receiving falfe intelli- gence, that William, difcouraged by the contrary winds and other accidents, had laid afide his preparations 7. The Norman armament, proceeding in great order, arrived, without any material lofs, at Pevenfey in Sufiex ; and the army quietly difembarked. The duke himfelf, as he leaped on fhore, happened to fumble and fall ; but had the prefence of mind to turn the omen to his advan- tage, by calling aloud, that he had taken pofleffion of the country t. Anda foldier, running to a neighbouring cottage, plucked fome thatch, which, as if giving him feizine of the kingdom, he prefented to his general. The joy and alacrity of William and his whole army was fo great, that they were no wife dif- couraged, even when they heard of Harold’s great victory over the Danes; and they feemed rather to wait with impatience for the arrival of the enemy }}. Tue victory of Harold, tho’ great and honourable, had proved in the main prejudicial to his ‘nterefts, and may be regarded as the immediate caufe of his ruin. He loft many of his bravett officers and foldiers in the action ; and he dif- gutted the reft, by refufing to diftribute the Danith fpoils among them§: A conduét which was little agreeable to his ufval generofity of temper; but which his defire of fparing the people, in the war which impended over him from the duke of Normandy, had probably occafioned. He haftened by quick marches to reach this new invader; but tho’ he was reinforced at London and other places with frefh troops, he found himfelf alfo weakened by the defertion of his old fol- diers, who from fatigue and difcontent fecretly withdrew from their colours. His brother Gurth, a man of bravery and conduct, began to entertain apprehen- Gons of the event; and remonftrated with the King, that it would be better po- licy to prolong the war, or, at leaft, to {pare his own perfon in the action. He urged to him, that the defperate Gtuation of the duke of Normandy made it re- quifite for that prince to bring matters to 4 {peedy decifion, and put his whole for- tune on the iffue of a battle; but that the King of England, in his own country, beloved by his fubjeéts, provided of every fapply, had more infallible and leis dangerous methods of enfuring to himfelf the victory : That the Norman troops, elevated on the one hand with tMe higheft hopes, and feeing, om the other, no refource in cafe of a difcomfiture, would fight to the laft extremity ; and being the flower of all the warriors of the continent, muft be regarded as formidable to * W. Malm. p. 100. + Hoveden. p. 448. Sim. Dun. p. 194. Diceto, p. 479. + Baker, p. 22. | Gul. Pict. p. 199. § W. Waim. p.94. Higcen, p. 285. 3 the * ey : ie has, HH. Aoe R- . Or “ey 137 the Enelifh: That if their firft fire and fpirit, which is always moft dangerous, Chap. II. were diawed to languifh for want of action ; if they were harafled with fmall fir- mithes, ftraitened in provifions, and fatigued with the bad weather and deep roads during the winter-fafon, which was Ee they muft fa Ml an eafy and a bloodlefs prey to their enemy: That if a general action was delayed, the Englifh, fenfible of the imminent danger, to which their properties, as well as liberties, were expofed from thefe ageaee invaders, vag haften from all quarters to his affiftance, and would render his army invincible: That at leaft, if he thought it neceflary to hazard a battle, he ought not to cuhols his own perfon ; but referve, in cafe of difaftrous accidents, fome refource to the liberty and independance of the kingdom : And that having once been fo unfortunate, as to be conftrained to {wear, and that upon the holy teliques, to fupport the pretenfions of the duke of Normandy, it were better that another perfon fhould command the army, who, not being bound by thefe facred ties, might give the foldiers more certain hopes of a profperous iffue to the quarrel *. Haroxp was deaf to all thefe remonftrances ; and being as with his paft pro- fperity, as well as ftinjulated by his native courage, he refohlved to give battle in and for that ‘purpofe, he drew near to the Normans, who had removed perion ; He was fo con- their camp and fleet to Haftings, where they fixed their quarters. fident of fuccefs, that he fent a meflage to the duke, promifing him a fum of money, if he would depart the kigedom without bas of blood: But his offer_was rejected with difdain; and William, not to be behind with his enemy in vaunting, fent him a meflage by fome monks, requiring him either to refign the Kingdom, or to hold it of him in fgalty, or to fubmit their caufe to the arbi- tration of the Pope, orto fight him j fingle combat +. Harold replied, that the God of battles would foon be the arbiter of all their differences T. Tue Englifh and Normans now prepared themfelves for this important deci- 14th O@ober. fion but the afpect of things, on the night before the battle, was very different inthe two camps. The Englifh {pent the time in riot, and jollity, and diforder ; the Normans in filence and in prayer, and in performing the functions of their religion ||; On the morning, the duke called together the moft confiderable of his chieftains, and made them a fpeech fuitable to the occafion. He reprefented to them, that the event which they and he had long wifhed for, was approach- ing ; aad the whole fortune of the war now depended on their fwordy and would * W. Malm. p.1oo. Higden, p. 286. Order. Vitalis, p. soo. Matth. Welt. p, 222. + W. Malm. p. 100. Higden, p. 286. } Higden, p. 286. || W. Malm, p. tor; De Geft, Angl. p. 332. Vou, I. T be 5 ei : Sh . ae Chap, IIT. 138 HISTORY or ENGLAND, be decided in a fingle action: That never army had greater motives for exert- ing a vigorous courage, whether they confidered the prize which would attend their victory, or the inevitable deftruction which muft enfue upon their difcom- ‘ture: That if their martial and veteran bands could once break thofe raw fol-_ diers, who had rafhly dared to approach them, they conquered a kingdom at one blow, and were juftly intitled to all its poffeffions as the reward of their profpe- -ous valour: That, on the contrary, if they remitted in the leaft their wonted prowefs, an enraged enemy hung upon their rear, the fea met them in their re- treat, and an ignominious death was the certain punifhment of their imprudent cowardice: That by colleéting fo numerous and brave a hoft, he had enfured every human means of conqueft ; and the commander of the enemy, by his criminal con- du, had given him juft caufe to hope for the favour of heaven, in whofe hands alone lay the event of wars and battles: And that a perjured ufurper, anathematized by the fovereign pontiff, and confcious of his own breach of faith, would be ftruck with terror on their appearance, and would prognofticate to himfelf that fate which his multiplied crimes had fo juftly merited *.. The duke next divided his army into three lines: The firft, headed by Montgomery, confifted of archers and light- armed infantry : The fecond, commanded by Martel, was compofed of his braveft battalions, heavy armed, and ranged in clofe order: His cavalry, at’ whofe head he placed himfelf, formed the third line ; and were fo difpofed, that they ftretched beyond the infantry, and flanked each wing of the army +. He ordered the fignal of battle to found ; and the whole army, moving at once, “and finging the hymn or fong of Roland, the famous peer of Charlemagne {, advan- eed, in order and with alacrity, towards the enemy. Haroitp had feized the advantage of a rifing ground, and having befides drawn fome trenches to fecure his flanks, refolved to fland upon the defenfive, and to avoid all aétion with the cavalry, in which he was inferior |. The Kentith men were placed in the van; a poft which they had always claimed as their due: The Londoners guarded the ftandard: And the King himfelf, ac- companied by his two valiant brothers, Gurth and Leofwin, difmounting from horfeback, placed himfelf at the head of his infantry, and expreffed his refolution to conquer or to perifh in the action §. The firft attack of the Normans was defperate, but was received with equal valour by the Englifh ; and after a furious combat, which remained long undecided, the former, overcome by the difficulty * TT Hunt. p. 368.- Brompton, p. 959. Gul. Pitt. p. 201. + Gul. Pid. p. 201. Order. Vital. p. 50o!. + W. Malm. p. 101. Higden, p. 236. Matth. Weft. p.223. Du Cange’s Gloflary in verbo Cantilena Rolandi. [ Gul. Pit. p. 201. Order. Vitalis, p. 501. § W. Malm. p. 101. of Hi, A, RR. By ie Oe 139 of the ground, and hard prefied by the enemy, began firft to relax their vigour, then to give ground; and confufion was fpreading among the ranks ; when Wil- liam, who. found himfelf on the brink of deftruction, haftened, with a felect band, to the relief of his difmayed forces *. His prefence reftored the action ; the Englifh were obliged to retreat with lofs; and the duke, ordering his fecond line to advance, renewed the attack with frefh forces and with redoubled courage. Finding, that the enemy, fupported by the advantage of ground, and animated by the example of their prince, ftill made a vigorous refiftance, he tried a ftrata- gem, which was very delicate in its management, but which feemed advifeable in his defperate fituation, when, if he gained not a decifive victory, he was totally undone: He ordered his troops to make a hafty retreat, and to allure the enemy from their ground by the appearance of flight. The artifice fucceeded againtt thefe unexperienced troops, who, heated by the action, and fanguine in theit hopes, precipitantly followed the Normans into the plain +. Walliam gave or- ders, that at once the infantry fhould face about upon thefr purfuers, and the ca- valry make an affault upon their wings, and both of them purfue the advantage, which the furprife and terror of the gnemy muft give them in that critical and de- cifive moment. The Englifh were repulfed with great flaughter, and drove back to the hill; where being rallied again by the bravery of Harold, they were able, notwithftanding their lofs, to maintain the poft and continue the combat The duke tried the fame ftratagem a fecond time with the fame fuccefs; but eve: after this double advantage, .be ftill found a great body of the Englifh, who maintaining themfelves in firm array, feemed determined to difpute the victory to the laft extremity. He ordered his heavy armed infantry to make the aflault up- on them; while his archers, placed behind, fhould gall the enemy, who were expofed by the fituation of the ground, and who were intent in defending them- felves againft the fwords and fpears of the affailants {. By this difpofition he at Jaft prevailed: Harold was flain by an arrow, while he was combating with ereat bravery at the head of his men ||: His two brothers fhared the fame fate : And the Englith, difcouraged by the fall of thefe princes, gave ground on all fides, and were purfued with great flaughter by the victorious Normans. A few troops however of the vanquifhed dared {till to turn upon their purfuers ; and , taking them in deep and miry ground, obtained fome revenge for the flaughter and difhonour of the day §. But the appearance of the duke obliged them to * Gol. Pi. p. z0z. Order. Vitalis, p. Sor. + W. Maim. p.101. H. Hant. p. 368. Higden, p. 286. Brompton, p. 960. Gul. Pict. 202. M. Paris, p. 3. t Diceto, p. 480. P+ 3 ! ¢ Pp» 4 | W. Malm. p. 101. H. Hunt. p. 369. Ingulf, p.69. Sim. Dun. p. 195. & Gul, Pid: p.2oz. Order, Vitalis, p. Sor. Vs 5-2 feel Chap. Iii. : i ] | 2 ; Chap. III. > se 140 WIsTORY or ENGLAND. feek their fafety by flight, and darknefs faved them from any farther purfuit by the enemy. | Tuvus was gained by William, duke of Normandy, the great and decifive victory of Haftings, after a battle which was fought from morning till funfet *, and which feemed worthy, by the heroic feats of valour difplayed by both ar- mies, and by both commanders, to decide the fate of a mighty kingdom. Wil- liam had three horfes killed under him; and there fell near fifteen thoufand men. on the fide of the Normans +: The lofs was ftill more confiderable on that of the vanquifhed ; befides the death of the King and his two brothers. The dead body of Harold was brought to William, and was generoufly reftored without ranfom to his mother t. The Norman army left not the field of battle without giving thanks to heaven, in the moft folemn manner, for their victory: And the prince, having refrefhed his forces, prepared to pufh to the utmoft his ad& vantage againft the divided, difmayed, and difcomfited Englith. * Alur. Beverl. p. 124. Ypod, Neuft. p. 436. + Gul. Gemet. lib. 7. cap. 5. ¢ W. Malm. p. 10z. Higden, p. 286. Chron, Abb, St. Petri.de Burgo, p. 40+ | A PPE N- ee . : Die Ear °F S Agen Bos Pee Nise Bee Fo tag I, The AnGio-Saxon GoveERNMENT and MANNERS. Firft Saxon government The ariflocracy tice Criminal law lie revenue Succeffion of the Kings The feveral orders of men Rules of proof: Value of money: Manners. The Witenagemot Courts of juf- Military. force Pub- FiE government of the Germans, and that of all the northern nations who eftablifhed themfelves on the ruins of Rome, was always extremely free ; and thofe fierce people, accuftomed to independance and enured to arms, were more guided by perfuafion than authority, in the fubmiffion which they paid their princes. The military defpotifm, which had taken place in the Roman empire, and which, previoufly to. the irruption of thefe conquerors, had funk the genius of men, and deftroyed every noble principle of fcience and virtue, was unable to refift the vigorous efforts of a free people; and Europe, as from a new epoch, rekindled her antient fpirit, and fhook off the bafe fervitude to arbitrary will and authority, under which it had folong laboured. The free conftitutions then efta- blifhed, however impaired by. the encroachments of fucceeding princes,. {till pre- ferve an air of independance and legal adminiftration, which diftinguifh the Eu- ropean nations ; and if that part of the globe maintain fentiments of liberty, ho- nour, equity, and valour, fuperior to the reft of mankind, it owes thefe-advan- tages chiefly to the feeds implanted by. thofe generous barbarians. Tue Saxons, who fubdued Britain, as they enjoyed great liberty in their own country, obftinately retained that tnvaluable pofleffion in their new fettlement ; and they imported into this ifland the fame principles of independance, which they had inherited from their anceftors. The chieftains (for fuch they were more properly than kings dr princes) who commanded: them in thofe military expedi- tions, ftill poffefied a very limited authority ; and as the Saxons exterminated, rather than fubdued, the antient inhabitants, they were indeed tranfplanted into a new territory, but preferved unaltered all their civil and military inftitutions. The language was pure Saxon; even the names of places, which often remain while the tongue entirely changes, were almoft all affixed by the new conque- rors 3, the Manners and cuftoms were wholly German ;. and the fame picture of. a fierce. Appendix [, Firft Saxon government: ryt; Sie ees? * 4a: ee Appendix I. - Succeffion of the Kings. 142 HISTORY oF ENGLAND. fierce and bold liberty, which is drawn by the mafterly pencil of Tacitus, will apply to thele founders of the Englifh government. The King, fo far from being entitled to an arbitrary power, was only confidered as the firft among the citizens ; his authority depended more on his perfonal qualities than on his ftation 5 he was even fo far on a level with the other inhabitants, that a ftated price was affixed to his head, and a Jegal fine was levied from his murderer, which, tho’ sroportioned to his ftation, and fuperior to that paid for the life of a fubject, was a fenfible mark of his fubordination to the community. It is eafy to imagine, that an independant people; fo little reftrained by laws, and cultivated by fcience, would not be very (rig in maintaining a regular fuc- ceffion of their princes. Tho’ they paid a great refpect to the royal family, and . afcribed to them an undifputed {uperiority, they either had no rule, or none that was fteadily obferved, in filling» the vacant throne; and prefent convenience m that emergency was more attended to than general princip'es. We are not how- ever to fuppofe, that the crown was confidered as altogether elective ;. and that a regular plan was traced by the conftitution for fupplying, by the fuffrages of the people, every vacancy made by the deceafe of the firft magiftrate. If any King on his death left. a fon of an age and capacity fit for government, the young prince naturally ftepped into the throne : If he was a minor, his uncle, or the next prince of the blood, was promoted to the government, and left the fceptre to his pofterity : Any fovereign, by taking previous meafures with the leading men, had it greatly in his power to appoint his fuccefior : All thefe changes, and indeed the ordinary adminiftration of government, required the exprefs concurrence, OF at leaft the tacit confent of the people; but prefent poffeffion, however obtained, went far towards procuring their obedience, and the idea of any right which was once excluded, was but feeble and imperfect. This is fo much the cafe in all barbarous monarchies, and-occurs fo often in the hiftory of the Anglo-Saxons, shat we cannot confiftently entertain any other notion of their government. The ‘dea of an hereditary fucceffion in authority is fo natural to men, and is fo much fortified by the ufual rule in tran{mitting private pofieflions, that it muft retain a great influence on every fociety, who do not exclude it by the refinements of a - republican conftitution. But as there is a fenfible difference between government and private pofleffions, and every. one is not equally qualified for the one as for the other, a people, who are not fenfible of the general advantages attending a fixed rule, are apt to make great leaps ‘n the fucceffion, and frequently to pafs over the perfon, who, had he. poflefted the requifice years and abilities, would have been thought entitled to the authority. Thus, thefe monarchies are not, ftrictly {peaking, either elective or hereditary ; and tho’ the deftination of a prince may | often APS PS Pere Pa 143 often be followed in appointing his fucceffor, they can as little be regarded as Chap. IV, wholly teftamentary. The fuffrages of the ftates may fometimes eftablifh.a fove- reign; but they more frequently recognize him whom, they find eftablifhed: A few great men take the lead; the people, overawed and influenced, acquiefce in the government ; and the reigning prince, provided he be of the royal family, pafies undifputably for the legal fovereign. Ir is confeffed, that our knowledge of the Anglo-Saxon hiftory and antiquities phe Wittens is too imperfect to afford us means of determining with certainty all the preroga- gemot. tives of the crown and privileges of the people, or of giving an exact delineation of that government. It is probable alfo, that the conftitution might be fomewhat different in the different nations of the Heptarchy, and that it changed confide- rably during the courfe of fix centuries, which elapfed from the firft invafion of the Saxons till the Norman conqueft *. But moft of thefe differences and changes, with their caufes and effects, are unknown to us: It Only appears, that, at all times, and in all the kingdoms, there was a national council, called a W ittenagemot or aflembly of the wife men, (for that is the import of the term) whofe confent was requifite for the enacting laws, and for ratifying the chief aéts of public ad- miniftration. The preambles to all the laws of Ethelbert, Ina, Alfred, Edward the elder, Athelftan, Edmond, Edgar, Ethelred, and Edward the Confeffor ; even thofe to the laws of Canute, tho’ a kind of conqueror, put this matter beyond controverfy, and carry proofs every where of a limited and legal government, But who-were the conftituent members of this Wittenagemot has not been de- termined with certainty by antiquarians. It is agreed, that the bifhops and ab- bots + were an effential part ; and it is alfo evident, from the tenor of thefe an- tient laws, that the Wittenagemot enacted ftatutes which regulated the eccle- fiaftical as well as civil government, and that thofe dangerous principles, by which the church 1s totally fevered from the ftate, were hitherto unknown to the Anglo- Saxons {. It alfo appears, that the aldermen or governors of counties, who, * We know of one change, not inconfiderable in the Saxon conftitution. 'The Saxon annals, p. 49, inform us, that it is the prerogative of the King to name the dukes, earls, alderman and fheriffs of the counties. Affer, a contemporary writer, informs us, that Alfred depofed all the ignorant aldermen, and appointed men of more capacity in their place: Yet the laws of Edward the Confeffor § 35. fay ex- prefsly, that the heretoghs or dukes, and the fheriffs, were chofen by the freeholders in the folkmote, a county-court, which was aflembled once a year, and where all the freeholders fwore allegiance to the King. + Sometimes abbeffes were admitted ; at leaft, they often fign the King’s charters of grants. Spellm. Gloff. in verbo parkamentum. { Wilkins paffiim, after 3 144. TISTORY oF ENGL ANP. Appendix I. after the Danifh times, were often called earls *, were admitted into this council, and gave their confent to the public ftatutes. But befides the prelates and alder- men, there is alfo mention of the wites or wife-men, as 4 diftine branch of the Wittenagemot ; but who ¢hefe were is not fo clearly afcertained by the laws or the hiftory of that period. The matter would probably be of difficult difcuffion, even were it examined impartially ; but as our pa ties have chofen to divide on this head, the queftion has been difputed with the greater acrimony, and the ar- guments on both fides have become, on that account, the more captious and de- ceitful. Our monarchical faction. maintain, that thefe wees or fapientes were the judges or men learned in the law: Ihe popular party affert them to be repre- fentatives of the boroughs, or what we now.call the commons. | Tur expreffions, employed by all the antient hiftorians in mentioning the Wittenagemot, feem to contradict the latter fuppofition. ‘The members are al- moft always called the principes, fairape, optimates, magnates, proceres, terms which feem to fuppofe an ariftocracy, and to excludethe commons. The boroughs alfo, from the low ftate of commerce, were fo {mall and poor, and the inhabi- tants lived in fuch dependance on the great men ++, that it feems nowife probable they would be admitted as a part of the national councils. The commons are well known to have had no fhare in the governments eftablifhed by the Franks, Burgundians, and other northern nations ; and we «nay conclude, that the Saxons, who remained longer barbarous and uncivilized than thefe tribes, would never. think of conferring fuch an extraordinary privilege on trade and induftry. The military profeffion alone was honourable among all thofe conquerors: The war- riors fubfifted by their poffeflions in land: They became confiderable by their influence over their vaflals, retainers, tenants, and flaves: And it had need of * It appears from the antient tranflations of the Saxon annals and Jaws, and from King Alfred’s tranflation of Bede, as well as from all the antient hiftorians, that comes in Latin, a/derman in Saxon, and ear/ in Dano-Saxon were quite fynonimous. ‘There is only a claufe of a law of King Athelftan’s, (fee Spelm. Conc. p. 406) which has ftumbled fome antiquarians, and has made them imagine that an earl was fuperior to an alderman. ‘The weregild or the price of an earl’s blood is there fixed at . 15,000 thrimfas, equal to that of an archbifhop ; whereas that of a bifhop and alderman js only 8000 thrimfas. To folve this difficulty we muft have recourfe to Selden’s conjeCture, (fee his Titles of Honour, chap. 5. p. 603, 604.) that the term of earl was in the age of Athelitan juft beginning to be of ufein England, and ftood at that time forthe atheling or prince of the blood, heir to the crown. This he confirms by a law of Canute, § 55. where an atheling ‘and an archbifhop are put upon the fame footing. In another law of the fame Athelftan the weregild of the prince or atheling is faid to be 15,000 thrimfas. See Wilkins, p. 71. He is therefore the fame who is called.earl in the former law. + Brady’s treatife of Englifh boroughs, p. 3, 4, 5, &c. 2 {trong AP. PEN BR Bates 145 ftrong proofs to convince us that they would admit any of a rank fo much inferior Appendix & as the burgeffes, to fhare with them in the legiflative authority, Tacitus indeed affirms, that, among the antient Germans, the confent of all the members of the community was required in every important deliberation; but he fpeaks not of reprefentatives ; and this antient practice, mentioned by the Roman hiftorians, could only have place in fmall tribes, where every citizen might without in- convenience be affenybled upon any extraordinary emergency. After principa- lities became more extenfive; after the differences of property had formed dif- tinctions more important than thofe arifing from perfonal ftrength and valor ; we may conclude, that the national affemblies muft have been more limited in their number, and compofed only of the more confiderable citizens. But tho’ we muft exclude the burgeffles or commons from the Saxon Wit- tinagemot ; there is fome neceffity for fuppofing, that this affembly confifted of other members befide the prelates, abbots, aldermen, and the judges or privy council. For as all thefe, excepting fome of the ecclefiaftics *, were antiently appointed by the King, had there been no other legiflative authority, the royal power had been in a great meafure defpotic, contrary to the tenor of all the hiftorians, and to the practice of all the northern nations. We may, therefore, conclude, that the more confiderable proprietors of land were, without any election, conftituent mem- bers of the national affembly ; and there is reafon to think, that forty hides, or about four or five thoufand acres, was the eftate requifite for intitling the poffeffor to this honourable privilege. There is a paflage of an antient author + from which it appears, that a perfon of very noble birth, even one allied to the crown, was not efteemed a princeps (the term ufually employed by antient hiftorians when the Wittenagemot is mentioned) till he had acquired a fortune of that extent. Nor need we imagine, that the public council would become diforderly or confufed by admitting fo great a multitude. The landed property of England was pro- bably in few hands during the Saxon times; at leaft, during the latter part of that period: And as men had {mall ambition of ‘attending thefe public councils, there was no danger of the aflembly’s becoming too numerous for the difpatch of the little bufinefs, which was brought before them. 3 * There is fome reafon to think, that the bifhops were fometimes chofen by the Wittenagemot, and- confirmed by the King. Eddius, cap. 2. The abbots in the monafteries of the royal foundation were antiently named by the King ; tho’ Edgar gave the monks the election, and only referved to himfelf the ratification. This deftination was afterwards frequently violated ; and the abbots as well as bifhops were afterwards all appointed by the court; as we learn from Ingulf, a writer contemporary to the conquek, + Hift. Elienfis, cap. 36. 40. This paflage is remarked by Dugdale (pref. to his Baron. vol. 1.) and he draws the fame inference from it. You, I. U It Appendix I. The arito- cracy. 346 HISTORY or ENGLAND. Ir is certain, that, whatever we may determine concerning the conflituent members of the Wittenagemot, in whom the legiflature refided, the Anglo-Saxon government, in the period preceding the Norman conqueft, was become ex- tremely ariftocratical : The royal authority was very limited ; the people, even if admitted to that aflembly, were of little or no weight or confideration. We have hints given us in the hiftorians of the great power and riches of. particular noblemen: And it could not but happen, after the abolition of the Meptarchy, when. the King lived ata diftance from the provinces, that thefe great proprietors, who refided on their eftates, would much augment their authority over their vaflals and retainers, and over all the inhabitants of the neighbourhood. Hence the immeafurable power aflumed by Harold, Godwin, Leofric, Siward, Morcar, Edwin, Edric and Alfric, who controlled the authority of the kings, and rendered themfelves quite neceffary in the government. The two latter, tho” detefted by the people, on account of their joining a foreign enemy, {till pre- ferved their power and influence ; and we may therefore conclude, that their authority was founded, not on popularity, but on family rights and pofleffions. There is one Athelftan, mentioned in the reign of the king of that name, who is ealled alderman of all England, and is faid to be half-king ; tho’ the monarch: himfelf was a prince of great valour and ability *. And we find, that in the latter Saxon times, and in thefe alone, the great offices went from father to fon, and became, in a manner, hereditary in the families +. | Tue circumftances, attending the invafions of the Danes, would alfo ferve much to increafe the power of the principal nobility. Thefe freebooters made unexpected inroads on all quarters; and there was a neceffity, that each county fhould refift them by its own force, and under the conduct of its own magiftrates,. and nobility. For the fame reafon, that a general war, managed by the united efforts of the whole ftate, commonly increafes the power of the crown; thefe private wars and inroads turned to the advantage of the aldermen and nobles. Amonc that military and’ turbulent people, fo averfe to commerce and the arts, fo little enured to induftry, juftice was commonly very ill executed, and. great oppreffion and violence feem to have prevailed. Thefe diforders would be incteafed by the exorbitant power of the ariftocracy 5. and would, in their * Hift. Ramef. § 3. p. 387. ja + Roger Hoveden, giving the reafon why William the Conqueror made Cofpatric earl of Nor chomberland fays,.Nam ex materno fanguine attinebat ad eum honor illius comitatus. Erat enim ex matre Algitha, filia Uthredi comitis. See alfo Sim. Dun. p. 205. We fee in thofe inftances, the fame ten- dency towards rendering offices hereditary, which took place, daring a more early period, on the- continent; and which had already operated its full effect, : 4 ; 4, turn,. ee \ A P-P EB N.D EXSS 149 turn, contribute to increafe it. Men, not daring to rely on the guardianfhip of App the laws, were obliged to devote themfelves to the fervice of fome chieftain, whofe orders they followed even to the difturbance of the government or the injury of their fellow-citizens, and who afforded them in return proteétion from any infult or injuftice by ftrangers. Hence we find, by the extracts which Dr, Brady has given us from Domefday, that almoft all the inhabitants even of boroughs, had placed themfelves in the clientfhip of fome particular nobleman, whofe patronage they purchafed by annual payments, and whom they were obliged to confider as their fovereign, more than the King himfelf, or even the legiflature *. A client, tho’ a freeman, was fuppofed fo much to belong to his patron, that his murderer was obliged by law to pay a fine to the latter, as a compenfation for his lof : in like manner as he paid a fine to the mafter for the murder of his flave +. Men, who were of a more confiderable rank, but not powerful enough, each to fup- port himfelf by his own independent authority, entered into formal confede- racies together, and compofed a kind of feparate republic, which rendered itfelf formidable to all aggreffors. Dr. Hickes has preferved a very curious Saxon bond of this kind, which he calls a Sodalitium, and which contains many parti- culars, characteriftical of the manners and cuftoms of the times t. The affo- ciates are there faid to be all of them gentlemen of Cambridgefhire ; and they {wear before the holy reliques to obferve their confederacy, and to be faithful to each other: They promife to bury any of the affociates who dies, in whatever place he had appointed ; to contribute to: his funeral charges, and to attend at his interment ; and whoever is wanting to this laft duty, binds himéelf to pay a mea- {ure of honey. When any of the affociates is in danger, and calls for the affiftance of his fellows, they promife, befides flying to his fiiceour, to give information te the fheriff ; and if he be negligent in protecting the perfon expofed to hazard, they engage to levy a fine of one pound from him: If the prefident of the fociety himfelf be wanting in this particular, he binds himfelf to pay one pound ; -unlefs he has the reafonable excufe of ficknefs, or of duty to his fuperior. When any of the affociates is murdered, they are to exact eight pounds from the murderer ; and if he refufes to pay it, they are to profecute him for the fum at their joint expence. If any of the affociates, who happens to be poor, kills a man, the fociety are to contribute by a certain proportion to pay his fine: A mark a- piece, if the fine be 700 fhillings ; lefs, if the perfon killed be a clown or ceorle; the half of that fum, again, if he bea Welfhman. But where any of the affociates * Brady’s Treatife of Boroughs, 3, 4, 5, &c» ‘The cafe was the fame with the freemen inthe country. Seé pref. to hishift. p. 8, 9, 10, &c. t LL. Edw. Conf. §8. apud Ingulf, t Differt. Epit.-p, 21: U 2 kills endix i, ‘a Appendix. L The feveral arders, of men. 548 “HISTORY or ENGLAND. kills a man, wilfully and without provocation, he muft himfelf pay the fine. If any of the affociates kills a fellow, in a like criminal manner, befides paying the ufual fine to the relations of the deceafed, he muft pay eight pounds to the fo- ciety, or renounce the benefit of it: In which cafe they bind themfelves, under the penalty of one pound, never to cat oF drink with him, except in the prefence of the King, bifhop, or alderman. There are other regulations to protect them- felves and their fervants from all injuries, to revenge fuch as are committed, and to prevent their giving abufive language to each other, and the fine, which they engage to pay for that offence, is a meafure of honey. Ir is not to be doubted, but a confederacy of this kind muft have been a great fource of friendfhip and attachment, when men lived in perpetual danger from ene- mies, robbers, and oppreffors, and received protection chiefly from their perfonal. valor, and from the affiftance of their friends or patrons. As animofities were then more violent, connexions were alfo more intimate, whether voluntary or derived. f-om. blood: The moft remote degree of propinquity was regarded: An inde-. lible memory of benefits was preferved: Severe vengeance was taken of injuries, both from a point of honour, and as the beft means of future fecurity : And the civil union being weak, many private confederacies were entered into to fupply its place, and to procure men-that fafety,, which the laws and their. own innocence: were not alone able to infure ua wee On the.whole,. notwithftanding the feeming liberty orrather licentioufnefs of the Anglo-Saxons, the great body. ofthe people, in thefe ages, really enjoyed much lefs. true liberty,. than where the execution of the laws is the moft fevere, and where fubjeéts are reduced to the ftriéteft fubordination and dependance on the civil magiftrate. The reafon.is derived from the excefs itfelf of that liberty. Men muft guard themfelves at any price againft infults and injuries; and where they receive not protection from.the laws and magiftrate, they will feek it by fubmif+ fion to fuperiors, and by. herding in. fome inferior confederacy, which acts under the dire@tion of a powerful chieftain. And thus all anarchy is the immediate caufe of tyranny,. if not over. the ftate, at leaft over many of the individuals. Tar German Saxons, as the other nations of that continent, were divided. ‘ato three ranks of men, the noble, the free, and the flaves 7. This diftinétion — they brought over with them into Britain. Tur nobles-were called thanes; and were of two kinds, the King’s thanes and. leffer thanes. ‘The latter feem to have been dependant on the former; and ta — Nithard. hit, lip. 4, | have: A? Pe R°DSE Bs £49 have received lands, for which they paid rent, fervices, or attendance in peace Appendix I, and war *. We know of no other title, which raifed any one to the rank of thane, except noble birth and the poffeffion of land. The former was always much regarded by all the German nations even in their moft barbarous fate; and as the Saxon nobility had few expenfive pleafures to diffipate their fortune, and the commons little trade or induftry by which they could accumulate riches, thefe two ranks of men, even tho” they were not feparated by pofitive laws, might remain long diftinét, and the noble families continue many ages in opulence and fplendor. There were no middie rank of men, who could mix gradually with their fuperiors, and procure to themfelves infenfibly honour and diftinction. If by any extraordinary accident, a mean perfon acquired riches, a circumftance fo fingular made him be known and remarked ; he became the object of envy, as well as indignation, to all the nobles; he would have great difficulty to defend what he had. acquired ;. and he would find it impoffible to protect himfelf from oppreffion, except by courting the patronage of fome great chieftain, and paying a large price for his fafety. There are two ftatutes among the Saxon laws, which feem calculated to con- found thefe different ranks of men; that of Athelftan, by which a merchant, who had made three long fea voyages on his own account, was intitled to the quality of thane +; and that of the fame prince, by which aceorle or hufbandman, who had been able to purchafe five hides of land, and had'a chapel, a kitchen, a hall and bell, was raifed to the fame diftinétion {. But the opportunities were fo few, by which a merchant or ceorle could thus exalt himfelf above his rank, that the law could never overcome the reigning prejudices ; the diftinGion be- tween noble and bafe blood would ftill be indelible ; and the well-born thanes would entertain the higheft contempt for thofe legal and factitious ones, Tho’ we are: not informed of any of thefe circumftances by-antient hiftorians, they are fo much: founded on the nature of things, that we may admit them as a neceffary and in- fallible confequence of the fituation of the Kingdom during thofe ages. Tue cities appear by Domefday-book to have been at the conqueft little betrer than villages ||. York itfelf, tho” it was always the fecond, at leaft the third § * Spelm. Feuds and Tenures, p. 40. + Wilkins, p. 71. + Selden Titles of Honour, p. 515. Wilkins, p. 70. | Winchefter, being the capital of the Weft-Saxon monarchy, was antiently a confiderable city. Gul. Pict, p. 210. § Norwich contained 738 houfes, Exeter, 315, Ipfwich, 538, Northampton, 60, Hertford; 146, Canterbury, 262, Bath, 64, Southampton, 84, Warwick, 113. See Brady of Boroughs, p. 34» 5+ 6, &c. Thefe are the moft confiderable he mentions, ‘Fhe account of them.is extraéted from Domef- day-book, city wt Appendix I. 150 | m4 6¢T @ Ry Xx or ENGLAND. city in England, and was.the capital of a great province, which, never was thoroughly united with the reft, contained then but 1418 families * Malmef- bury tells us +, that the great difinction between the Anglo-Saxon nobility and the French or Norman, was that the latter built magnificent and ftately caftles ; whereas the former confumed their ;mmenfe fortunes on riot and hofpitality in mean houfes. We may thence infer, that the arts in general were much lefs ad- vanced in England than in France ; a greater number of idle fervants and retainers lived about the great families ; and as thefe, even in France, were powerful enough to difturb the execution of the laws, we may judge of the authority, acquired by the ariftocracy in England. When ear! Godwin befieged the Con- feffor in London, he fummoned together from all parts his hufcarles, or houfe- coerles and retainers, and obliged his fovereign to accept of the*conditions, which he was pleafed to impofe upon him. Tus.lower rank of free-men were denominated coerles among the Anglo- Saxons; and where they were induftrious, they were chiefly employed in huf- bandry : Whence a coerle, and a hufbandman, became in a manner fynonimous terms. They cultivated the farms of the nobility or thanes, for which they paid rent; and they feem to have been removeable at pleafure. For there is no men- tion of leafes among the Anglo-Saxons: The pride of the nobility, together with the general ignorance of writing, muft have rendered thefe contracts very rare, and muft have kept the hufbandmen in a very dependant condition. The rents of farms were then chiefly paid in kind {. Burt the moft numerous rank by far in the community feems to have been the flaves or villains, who were the property of their lords, and were confequently incapable, themfelves, of all property. Dr. Brady affures us, from a furvey of Domefday-book |}, that, in all the counties of England, the far greater part of the land was occupied by them, and that the hufbandmen, — and. ftill more the focmen, who were tenants, that could not be removed at pleafure, were very few in comparifon. This was not the cafe with the German nations, as far as we can colle@& from the account given us by Tacitus, The perpetual wars in the * Brady’s treatife of boroughs, p. 10. There were fix wards, befides the archbifhop’s palace ; and five of thefe wards contained the number of families here mentioned, which at the rate of five perfons to a family makes about 7000 fouls. The fixth ward was laid watte. + P. 102. See alfo de Geft. Angl. p. 333. + LL. Inez. § 70. Thefe laws fixed the rents for a hide ; but it is difficult to convert it into mo- dern meafures. | General preface to his hift, p. 7, 8,.9, &¢. : heptarchy, — + ae gl AY Fee oN PD: Se 151 heptarchy, and the depredations of the Danes, feem to have been the caufe of this Appendix I, great alteration with the Anglo-Saxons. The prifoners taken in battle, or Car- ried off in the frequent inroads, were reduced to flavery ; and became, by right of war *, entirely at the difpofal of their lords. Great property in the nobles, efpecially if joined to an irregular adminiftration of juftice, naturally favours the power of the ariftocracy ; but ftill more fo, if the practice of flavery be admitted, and has become very common. The nobility not only poffefs the influence which always attend riches, but alfo the power which the laws give them over their flaves and villains. - It becomes then difficult, and almoft impoffible, for a pri- vate man to remain altogether free and independant. Tere were two kinds of flaves among the Anglo-Saxons; houfehold flaves, after the manner of the antients, and predial or ruftic, after the manner of the Germans +. Thefe latter refembled the ferfs, which are at prefent met with in Poland, Denmark, and fome places in Germany. The power of a matter over his flaves was not unlimited among the Anglo-Saxons, as it was among their ancef- tors. Ifa man beat out his flave’s eye or teeth, the flave recovered his liberty f : If he killed him, he paid a fine to the King ; provided the flave died within a day after the wound or blow » Otherwife it pafled unpunifhed |. The felling themfelves or children into flavery was always the practice with the German na- tions §, and was-continued by the Anglo-Saxons aw Tue great lords and abbots among the Anglo-Saxons poffeffed a criminal ju- rifdiction within their territories, and could punifh without appeal any thieves or robbers whom they caught there *, This inftitution mutt have had a very con- trary effect to that intended, and muft have procured robbers a fure protection in the lands of fuch noblemen. as did not fincerely mean to difcourage thefe irre- eularities, Bur tho’ the general ftrain of the Anglo-Saxon government feems to have be- Gort. of juft come ariftocratical, there were ftill confiderable remains of the antient democracy, tice. which were not indeed fufficient to protect the loweft of the people, without the patronage of fome great lord, but might give fecurity, -and even fome degree of dignity, to the gentry or inferior nobility. The adminiftration of juftice, in par- ticular, by the courts of the Decennary, the Hundred, and the County, were well calculated to defend general liberty, and to reftrain the exorbitant power of the nobles. In the county- courts or fhiremotes, all the freeholders were affem- “ LL. Edg. § 14, apud Spellm, Conc. vol! 1: p: 47%: + Speilm. Gloff in verb. Servus. Tt LL, Alf. § 20. || LL. Alf § 17. § Tacit. de mor. Germ: + LL. Ine, $a, LL. AI § 12. * Higden, lib. r. cap. 50, LL. Edw. Conf. § 26, Spell. Conc. vo 1, p. 4tc. Gloff, in verb. Haligemot &.Infangenthefe, bled { at A au hh Appendix I. 152 STS TORT or ENGLAND. and received appeals from the other inferior.courts. They there decided all caufes, ecclefiaftical as well as civil; and the bifhop, together with the alderman or earl, prefided over them * The affair was determined in a fummary manner, without much pleading, formality, or delay, by 4 majority of voices ; and the bifhop and alderman had no further authority than to keep order among the freeholders, and interpofe with their opinion +. Where juftice was denied during three feflions by the Hundred, and then by the County-court, there lay an appeal ‘to the King’s court {; but this was not practifed on flight occafions. The a xe fines levied in thefe courts |} and \derman had a third of tl as mott of the punifhments were then pecuniary, this perquilite formed a confi- derable part of the profits belonging to his office. bled twice a-year, The two thirds alfo, which went to the King, made no contemptible fhare of the public revenue. /AnY free- holder was fined who abfented himfelf thrice from thefe courts §. ‘As the extreme ignorance of the age made deeds and writings very rare, the County or Hundred court was the place where the moft remarkable civil tranfac- sal of them, and prevent all fu- tions were finifhed, in order to preferve a memor d, flaves manumitted, bargains ture difputes. Here teftaments were pronulgate m of fale concluded ; and fometimes, for greater fecurity, the moft confiderable of thefe deeds were ‘nferted in the blank leaves of the parith bible, which thus became a kind of regifter, too facred to be falfified. It was not unufual to add to the deed an imprecation on all fuch as fhould be guilty of that crime +. Amonc a people, who lived in fo firple a manner as the Anglo-Saxons, the judicial power is always of greater importance than the legiflative. ‘There were few or no taxes impofed by the ftates: There were few ftatutes enacted ; and the nation was lefs governed by Jaws, than by cuftoms, which admitted a great la- titude of interpretation. Tho’ it fhould, therefore, be allowed, that the Wit- tenagemot was altogether compofed of the principal nobility, the county-courts, where all the freeholders were admitted, and which regulated all the daily occur- rences of life, formed a very wide balis for the government, and were no con- temptible check on the ariftocracy. Bur there is another power {till more 1m- portant than either the judicial or legiflative ; and that is the power of injuring of ferving by immediate force and violence, for which it is difficult to obtain redrefs in courts of juftice. In all extenfive governments, where the execution of the Jaws is feeble, this power naturally falls ‘nto the hands of the principal nobility ; # LL. Edg. § 5. Wilkins, p. 78. LL. Carut. § 17. Wilkins, p- 136. + Hickes Differt. Epift. p. 2, 35 45 5, 6, 7; 8. t LL. Edg. §2. Wilkins, p. 77, LL. Canut. § 18. apud Wilkins, p. 136. LL, Edw. Conf. $31: § LL. Ethelit. § 20- | Hickes Differt. Epift. and A.B P BW Deroeees 159 and the degree of it which prevails, cannot be determined fo much by the public Appendix I. {tatutes, as by {mall ftrokes of hifto-y, by particular cuftoms, and fometimes by the reafon and nature of things. The highlands of Scotland have been long en- titled by law to every privilege of B:itith fubjects ; but it was not till very lately that the common people could in faé: enjoy thefe privileges. Tue powers of all the members of the Anglo-Saxon government are difputed among hiftorians and antiquarians ; aid the extreme obfcurity of the fubjeét, even tho’ faction had never entered into th: queftion, would naturally have begot thofe controyerfies. But the great influence of the lords over their flaves and tenants, the clientfhip of the burghers, the total want of a middling rank of men, the total want alfo of lawyers who did not then form a feparate profeffion, the extent of the monarchy, the loofe execution of the laws, the continued diforders and con- vulfions of the ftate ; all thefe circumftances evince, that the Anglo-Saxon go- vernment became at laft extremely anftocratical ; and the events, during the pe- riod immediately preceding the conqueft, confirm this inference or conjecture. Born the punifhments inflicted om crimes by the Anglo-Saxon courts of judi- Criminal law. cature, and the methods of proof employed in all caufes, appear fomewhat fin- gular, and are very different from tkofe which prevail at prefent among all civi- lized nations. We mutt conceive, that the antient Germans were very little removed from the original ftate of nature: The focial confederacy among them was more mar- | tial.than civil: They had chiefly in view the means of attack or defence againft public enemies, not thofe of protection againft their fellow-citizens : Their pof- ieffions were fo flender and fo equal, that they were not expofed to great danger ; and the natural bravery of the people made every man truft to himfelf and to his particular friends for his defence or vengeance. This defect in the political union drew much clofer the knot of particular confederacies : An infult upon any man was regarded by all his relations anc affociates as a common injury : They were bound, by honour as well as by a fenfe of general intereft, to revenge his death, or any violence which he had fufferzd : They retaliated on the aggreffor by like violences ; and if he was protected, as was natural and ufual, by his own clan, the quarrel was fpread ftill wider, ard bred endlefs diforders in the nation. The Frifians, a tribe of the Germans, had never advanced beyond this wild and imperfect ftate of fociety ; and the right of private revenge ftill remained among them unlimited and uncontrouled *. But the other German nations, in a the age of Tacitus, had made one ftep farther towards completing the political or * LL, Frif. tit. 2 apud Lindenbrog. p. 4gr, Vou. I. Xx ava Appendix I. 154 HISTORY or ENGLAND. civil union. Tho’ it ftill continued to be an indifpenfible point of honour for every clan to revenge the death or injury of their fellow, the magiftrate had ace quired a right of interpofing in the quarrel, and of accommodating the difference. He obliged the perfon maimed or injured, and the relations of one killed, to ac- cept of a prefent from the agoreffor and his relations *, as a compenfation for the injury +, and to drop all farther profecution of revenge. That the accom- modation of one quarrel might not be the fource of more, this prefent was fixed and certain, according to the rank of the perfon killed or injured, and was com- monly paid in cattle, the chief property of thofe rude and uncultivated nations A prefent of this kind gratified the revenge of the injured clan by the lofs which the agereffor fuffered : It fatisfied their pride by the fubmiffion which it expref- fed: It diminifhed their regret for the lofs or injury of a kinfman by their acquifi- tion of new property : And thus general peace was for a moment reftored to the fociety {. But when the German nations had been fettled fome time in the provinces of the Roman empire, they made ftill a new ftep towards a more cultivated life, and their criminal juftice gradually improved and refined itfelf. The magiftrate, whofe office it was to guard public peace and to fupprefs private animofitits, con- ceived himfelf to be injured by every injury done to any of his people; and be- fides the compenfation to the perfon who fuffered, or to his clan, he thought himfelf entitled to exaét a fine, called the Fridwit, as an atonement for the breach of peace, and as a reward for the pains which he had taken in accommo- dating the quarrel. When this idea, which is fo natural, was once fuggefted, it was readily received both by magiftrate and people, The numerous fines which were levied, augmented the profits of the King: And the people were fen- fible, that he would be more vigilant in interpofing with his good offices, when he reaped fuch immediate advantage by them; and that injuries would be lefs frequent, when, befides compenfation to the perfon injured, they were expofed to this additional penalty |. Tus fhert abftraé&t contains the hiftory of the criminal jurifprudence of the northern nations for feveral centuries. The ftate of England in this particular, during the period of the Anglo-Saxens, may be judged of by the collection of * LL. Athelb. § 23. LL. Alf. § 27. + Called by the Saxons meg dota. t Tacit. de mor. Germ. The author fays, that the price of the compofition was fixed ; which muft have been by the laws and the interpofition of the magiftrate. a i Befides. paying money to the relations of the deceafed and to the King, the murderer was alfo obliged to: pay the mafter of a flave or vaffal a fum as a compenfation for his lofs. This was called. the manbote. See Spell. Gloff. in verb, Fredam, Manbot. 3 antien$ A P

the Confequences of the battle of Hafiings Submiffion of the Englifh— Settlement of the government King’s return to Normandy Dif- contents of the Englifh Their infurrections——Rigors of the INor- man government - New infirreéttons New rigors of the go- Introduétion of the feudal law——Innovation in eccle- Conqueror. 4 vernment fiaftical government -Infurreétion of the Norman barons difpute about inveftitures Revolt of prince Robert Dome/day-book-——T he Death new forefi War with France William the Conqueror. and charatter of . YOTHING could exceed the confternation, which fcized the Englifh, when they received intelligence of the unfortunate battle of Haftings, the death of their King, the flaughter of their principal nobility, and of their bravett warriors, and the rout and difperfion of the remainder. But tho’ the lofs, which they had fuftained in that fatal action, was confiderable, it might eafily have been repaired by a great nation ; where the people were generally armed, and where there refided fo many powerful noblemen in every province, who could have af. fambled their retainers, and have obliged the duke of Normandy to divide his army, and probably to wafte it in a multitude of aétions and rencounters. It was thus, that the kingdom had formerly refifted, for many years, its invaders, and had been gradually fubdued, by the continued efforts of the Romans, Saxons, and Danes; and equal difficulties might have been apprehended by William in this bold and hazardous enterprize. But there were feveral vices in the Anglo- Saxon conftitution which rendered it difficult for the Englifh to defend their li- berties in fo critical an emergency. The people had. in a sood meafure loft all national pride and fpirit, by their recent and long fubjeétion to the Danes ; and as Canute had, in the courfe of his adminiftration, much abated the rigors of conqueft, and had governed them equitably by their own laws, they regarded with the lefs terror the ignominy of a foreign yoke, and deemed the inconveniences of fubmifion lefs formidable than thofe of bloodfhed, war, and refiftance. Their attachment alfo to the antient royal family had been much weakened by their habitude WILLIAM THE ConaQvErRor. 165 habitude of fubmiffion to the Danifh princes, and by their late election of Harold, or their acquiefcence in his ufurpation. And as they had long beenaccuftomed to regard Edgar Atheling, the only heir-of the Saxon line, as unfit to govern them even in times of order and tranquillity ; they could entertain fmall hopes of his being able to repair fuch great loffes as. they had fuftained, or to refift the victorious arms of the duke of Normandy. Tuat they might not, however, be altogether wanting to themfelves in this extreme necefflity, the Englifh took fome fteps towards adjufting their disjointed eovernment, and uniting themfelves againft the common enemy. The two po- tent earls, Edwin and Morcar, who had fled to London with the remains of the broken army, took the lead on this occafion ; and in concert with Stigand, arch- bifhop of Canterbury, a man poflefied of great authority, and of ample revenues, proclaimed Edgar King, and endeavoured to put the people in a pofture of de- fence, andencourage them to refift the Normans *. But the terror of the late defeat, and the near neighbourhood of the invaders, increafed the confufion, in- {eparable from great revolutions ; and every refolution propofed was hafty, fuc- tuating, variable; difconcerted by fear or faction ; ill planned; and worfe exe- cuted, WixtraM, that his enemies might not have lJeizure to recover their confter- nation or unite their councils, immediately put himfelf in motion after his vic- tory, and refolved to profecute an enterprize, which nothing but celerity and vigor Could render: finally fuccefsful.. His firft attempt was againft Romney, whofe inhabitants he feverely punifhed on account of their cruel treatment of fome Norman feamen and foldiers, who. had been carried thither by ftrefs of weather or by a miltake in their courfe +: And forefeeing that his conqueft of England might {till be attended with many difficulties and with. mach oppofition, he thought it neceffary, before he fhould,.advance farther into the country, to make himfelf mafter of Dover, which would: both. fecure him. a retreat in caf of advyerfe fortune, and afford him a fafe landing-place for fuch fupplies as might. be requifite for aflifting him to pufh his advantages. The terror, dif- fufed.by his victory at Haflings, was fo great, that the garrifon of Dover, tho’ numerous and well provided of every thing, immediately capitulated ; and as the Normans, rufhing in to.take poffeffion of the town, haftily fet fre to fome of the’ houfes, William, who was defirous to conciliate the minds of the Eng'ifh by an appearance of lenity and juftice, made reparation to the inhabitants-for their lofies tf. = - ~ dae Witalt aa, T rp Jean Ow evens he) 99 y Gul. Piétav. p. 2605. Order Vitalis, p. 502. Hoveden, p. 449. Knyghton, p. 2343+ + Gul, Pittay. p. 204. t Ibid, Chap.1V. b > E * PUR eae | 34 PN sath: Chap. IV. 166 HISTORY of ENGLAND. Tue Norman army, being much diftrefied with a dyfentery, was obliged to: remain here for eight days; and the duke, on their recovery, advanced with quick marches towards London, and by his approach increafed the confufions, which were already fo prevalent in the Englifh councils. The ecclefiaftics in par- ticular, whofe influence was great over the people, began to declare in his favour ;: “and as moft ofthe bifhops and dignified clergymen were even then French or. Norman, the pope’s bull, by which his enterprize was avowed and confecrated). was now openly infifted on as a reafon for general fubmiffion. The fuperior learning of thefe prelates, by which, during the Confeffor’s reign, they had raifed themf&lves above the ignorant Saxons, made their opinions be received with implicit faith; and a young prince, like Edgar, whofe perfonal qualities- were fo mean, was but ill qualified: to-refift the impreffion, which they made on: the minds of the people. A repulfe, which a body of Londoners received from. Sve hundred Norman horfe, renewed the terror of the great defeat at Haftings * ; the eafy fubmiffion of all the inhabitants of Kent was an additional difcourage- ment to them +; the burning of Southwark before their eyes made them dread a: like fate to-their own city ; and no man any longer entertained thoughts but of immediate fafety and of felf-prefervation. Even the earls, Edwin and Morcar,. in defpair of making effectual refiftance,. retired northwards with their troops to their own provinces { ; and the people thenceforth difpofed themfelves unani-. ee of moufly to-yield to the viétor. As foon as William paffed: the Thames at Wal- a lingford, and reached Berkhamftead, Stigand, the primate, made fubmiffions to. him; and*before the prince came within fight of the city, all the chief nobility,. and Edgar Atheling himfelf, the new elected. King, came into his campy. and’ declared their intention of yielding. to: his authority |. They requefted him to: accept of their crown, which they now confidered as vacant ;. and declared to: him, that, as they had always-been ruled by regal power, they dered to follow,. in this particular, the example of their anceftors, and knew ef no one more: worthy than himfelf'to hold the reins of government §. : Tuo’ this was the great object, to which the duke’s enterprize tended, he feemed to deliberate on the offer; and being defirous, at firft, of preferving, the appearance of a legal adminiftration, he wifhed to obtain a more exprefs. and formal confent both of his own army and: of the Englith nation |: But: * Gul. Pidtav. p. 20g. Ord. Vital. p. 503. | + Gul, Piav. p. 205. It is pretended, that the Kentifhmen capitulated for the prefervation of their privileges. See Thom. Spott; apud Wilkins Glofl. in verbo Bocland. | t+ Hoveden, p. 449. | Hoveden, p, 450. Flor. Wigorn, p. 634% § Gul. Pi&. p. 205, Ord. Vital. p. 503- 4+ Gul. Pidtay. p. 205«, “ £72 HISTORY or ENGLAND. loufies and’ animofities between them and the Normans, which were never ape peafed, till a long read of time had gradually united the two nations, and had. made them one people. The inhabitants of Kent, who had Grft fubmitted to the conqueror, were the firftt who attempted to throw off the yoke; and in confe- ; deracy with Euftace, count of Bologne, who had alfo been difgufted by. the Nor-, mang, made an attempt, tho’ without fuccefs, on the garrifon of Dover *. » Edric,. the Forelter, whofe poffeffions lay on the banks of the Severne, being provoked. at the depredations of fome Norman captains in his neighbourhood, formed an: . alliance with Blethyn and Rowallan, two Welfh princes; and endeavoured, with: cheir afliftance, to repel force by force +. But tho’ thefe open hoftilities were not very confiderable, the difafe€tion was general among the Englifh, who had: ecothe fenfible, tho’ too late, of their defencelefs condition, and began already, to experience thole infults and injuries, which a nation mutt always expect, that. allows itfelf to be reduced to that defpicable fituation, A fecret confpiracy was: entered into to perpetrate in one day a-general affaffination of the Normans, like; that which had been formerly executed againft the Danes } 5 and the quarrel was: become fo univerfal and national,. that the vafials of ear] Coxo, having defired: him to head them in an infurrection, and finding him refolute in maintaining his. fidelity to William, put him to death as a traitor to his country ll. ik Tur King, informed of thefe dangerous difcontents, haftened over to Eng- land’; and by his prefence, and the vigorous meafures which he purfued, difcon- certed all the fchemes of the confpirators. Such of them as had been more oper ‘n their mutiny betrayed their suilt, by flying or concealing themfelves ; and the confifeation of their eftates, while it increafed the number of malecontents, both enabled William to gratify farther the rapacity of his Norman captains, and gave them the profpect of new forfeitures and attainders §. The King began to regard all his Englith fubjects as inveterate and irreclaimable enemies; and. thenceforth either embraced, or was more fully confirmed in his refolution, of feizing their pofleMions, and of reducing them~to the moft abject flavery. Tho’ the natural violence and feverity of his temper made him incapable of feeling any fcruples ‘in the execution of this tyrannical purpofe,. he had art enovgh to conceal his inten- tion, and’ to preferve ftill fome appearance of juftice in his opprefiions. He or- dered all the Englith, who had been arbitrarily expelled by the Normans, dus * Gul. Gemet. p. 289. Order Vital. p. 508. Anglia Sacra, vol. 1. p. 245- + Hoveden, p 450. M. Welt. p. 226. Sim. Dunelm. p. 197- ! + Gul, Gemet. p. 289- | Gul, Pitt. p. 212. Order Vital. p. 509: § H, Hunt. p. 369, M. Welt, p. 225. : ring WILLIAM tHE CONQUEROR 173 ring his -abfence, to be reftored to their eftates *: But at the fame time, he im- pofed a general tax on the people, that of Danegelt, which had been abolifhed ‘by the Confeffor, and which had always been extremely odious to the nation 7. As the vigilance of William overawed the malecontents, their infurrections were more the refule’ of an impatient humour in the people, than of any regular confpiracy, which could give them a rational hope of fuccefs againft the eftabhihed power of the Normans. The inhabitants of Exeter, inftigated by Githa, mother to King Harold, refufed to admit a Norman garrifon, and betaking themielves to arms, were ftrengthened by the acceffion of the neighbouring inhabitants of De- vonfhire and Cornwal +. The King haftened with his forces to chaftife this re- volt; and on his approach, the wifer and more confiderable citizens, fenfible of the unequal conteft, perfuaded the people to fubmit, and to deliver hoitages for their Obedience. A fudden mutiny of the populace broke this agreement ; and William, appearing before the walls, ordered the eyes of one of the hoftages to be put out, as an earneft of that feverity, which the rebels muft expect,. if they perfevered in their revolt |}. “T’he inhabitants were a-new feized with terror, and fufrendering at difcretion, threw themfelves at the King’s feet, and entreated for clemency and forgivenefs. William was not devoid of magnanimity, when his temper was not hardened either by policy or paffion : He was prevailed on to pardon the rebels, and he fet guards on all the gates, in order to prevent the ra- pacity.and infolence of his foldiery §. Githa efcaped with her treafures to Flan- ders |. The infurgents of Cornwal imitated the example of Exeter, and met with like treatment : And the King, having built a citadel in that city, which he put under the command of Baldwin, fon of earl Gilbert '*, returned to Winchefter, and difperfed his army into their quarters. Ele was here joined by his wife, Matilda, who had not yet vifited England, and whom he now ordered to be crowned by archbifhop Aldred +. Soon after, fhe brought him an acceffion to his family, by the birth of a fourth fon, whom he named Henry f. His three elder fons, Robert, Richard, and William, flill refided in Normandy. But tho’ the King appeared thus: fortunate both in public and domeftic life, the difconients of his Englifh fubjets: augmented daily ; and the injuries, com- * Chron. Sax. p 173, This factisa full proof, that the Normans had: committed great injuftices and were the reab caufe of the infurrections of the Englith. + Hoveden, p.450. Sim. Duneim, p.197. Alur. Beverl. p. 127, t Order Vital. p sto. | tbid. § Ibid. 4+ Hoveden, p. 450. Flor. Wigorn, p. 635. * Order Vital. Pp: 510, + Ibid. Hoveden, p. 450. M, Welt, p. 226. Flor. Wigorn, p. 635, . tM. Weft. p, 226. mitted | Chap. IV. 1067, 1068. ‘Chap. IV, 1058, 174 HIsT ORY or .ENGLAWN VD? mitted and received, rendered the quarrel between them and the Normans abfo- lately incurable. T he infolence of victorious matters, difperfed throughout the kingdom, feemed intolerable to the natives ; and wherever they found the Nor- mans, feparate or affembled in fmall bodies, they fecretly fet upon them, and: gratified their vengeance by the flaughter of their enemies *. But an infurrection in the north drew thither the general attention, and feemed to promife more im- portant confequences. Edwin and Morcar appeared at the head of this rebel- lion ; and thefe potent noblemen, before they took arms, ftipulated for foreign fuccours, from their nephew Blethin, prince of North-Wales, from Malcolm, King of Scotland, and from Sweyn, King of Denmark. Befides the general dif- content, which had feized all the Englifh; the two earls were inftigated to this revolt by private injuries. William, in order to infure them to his interefts, had,. on his acceffion, promifed his daughter in marriage to Edwin ; but either he had never ferioufly intended to perform this engagement, or having changed his plan of adminiftration in England from clemency to rigor, he thought it was to little purpofe, if he gained one family, while he enraged the whole nation. - When Edwin, therefore, renewed his application, he gave him an abfolute refufal + ; and this difappointment, added to fo many other reafons of difguft, induced that nobleman and his brother to concur with their enraged countrymen, and to make one effort for the recovery of their antient liberties. William knew the impor- tance of celerity in quelling aw infurrection, fupported by fuch powerful leaders, and fo agreeable to the wifhes of the people ; and having his troops always in readinefs, he-advanced by great journeys to the north. On his march, he gave orders’ to fortify the caftle of Warwick, of which he left Henry de Beaumont governor, and that of Nottingham, which he committed to the cuftody of Wil- — liam Peverell, another Norman captain {. He reached York before the rebels were in any condition for refiftance, or were joined by any of the foreign fuccours, which they expected, except a {mall reinforcement from Wales ||; and the two earls found no other means of fafety, but having recourfe to the clemency of the victor. Archil, a potent nobleman in thofe parts, imitated their example, and delivered his fon as a hoftage of his fidelity §; nor were the people, thus deferted by their leaders, able to make any farther refiftance. But the treatment, which William gave the chieftains and their followers, was very different. He ob- ferved religioufly the terms, which he had granted the former ; and allowed them, for the prefenr, to keep poffeffion of their eftates; but he extended the rigors of his confifcations over the latter, and gave away their lands to his fureiga * M, Weft. 225. + Order Vital. 511. “ t Ibid. | Ibid. § Ibid. adventurers, ‘SASaiyee WILLIAM cure CONQUEROR. 175 adventurers, who, being planted thro’ the whole country, and being pofleffed of Chap. IV. ' the military power, left Edwin and Morcar, whom he pretended to fpare, def. —19%® titute of all jupport,. and ready to fall, whenever he fhould think proper to com- mand their ruin. A peace, which he made with Malcolm, who did him homage for Cumberland, feemed, at the fame time, to deprive them of all profpeét of foreign affiftance *, Tue Englith were now fenfible, that. their final deftruGtion was intended ; and Rigors of the that inftead of afovereizn, wham they had at firtt hoped to gain by their fubmif- astern fions, they had tamely furrendered themfelves, without refiftance, to a tyrant and a conqueror. Tho’ the early confifcation of Harold’s followers might feem ini- quitous ; being extended toward men who had never {worn fidelity .to the duke of Normandy, who were ignorant of his pretenfions, and who only fought in de- fence of the government, which they themfelves had eftablithed in their own country: Yet were thefe rigors, however contrary to the antient Saxon laws, excufed on account of the urgent. neceffities of the prince ; and thofe who. were not involved in the prefent ruin, hoped that they would thenceforth enjoy without moleitation their poffeffions and their dignities. But the fucceflive deftruction of fo many other families convinced them, that. the King intended to rely entirely on the fupport and affections of foreigners ; and they forefaw new forfeitures, attainders, and violences as the neceflary refult of this deftru@ive plan of admi- niftration, They obferved, that no Englifhman pofiefied his confidence, or was intrufted with any command :or authority ; and that the ftrangers, whom a ri- gorous difcipline could have but ill contained, were encouraged in every act of infolence and tyranny againft them. The eafy fubmiffion of the kingdom _on its firft invafion had expofed the natives to contempt ; the fubfequent proofs of their animofity and refentment had made them the object of hatred ; and they were now deprived of every expedient, by which they could hope to make themfelves either regarded or beloved by their fovereign. Impreffed with the fenfe of this dif mal fituation, many Englifhmen fled into foreign countries, with an intention of paffing their lives abroad free from oppreffion, or of returning on a favourable Opportunity to affift their friends in the recovery of their native liberties +. Ed- gar Atheling himfelf, dreading the infidious carefles of William, was perfuaded by Cofpatric, a powerful Northumbrian. to efcape with him into Scut'and ; and he. carried thither his two fitters, Margaret and Chriftina. They were well re- "ceived by Malcolm, who foon after: efpoufed Margaret, the elder fiftert; and * Order Vital. p. gr, + Order Vital. p. 508. M. Weft. p.225. M. Paris, p 4. Sim. Dun. p 197. } Chron. de Mailr, p. 160.. H. Hunt. P- 399. Hoveden, p. 450, 452. partly ‘Chap. 1V. 1068. 1069: New infur- reCtions. 146 HISTORY or ENGLAND. partly with a view of ftrengthening his kingdom by the acceffion of fo many ftrangers, partly in hopes of employing them againft the growing power of Wil- liam, he gave great countenance to all the Englifh exiles *. Many of them fet- tled there ; and laid the foundations of families, which afterwards made a figure in that kingdom. Wut the Englith fuffered under thefe oppreffions, even the foreigners were not much at their eafe ; but finding themfelves furrounded on all hands by en- raged enemies, who took every advantage againft them, and menaced them witlt {till more bloody effects of the public refentment, they began to wifh again for the tranquillity and fecurity of their native country. Hugh de Grentmefnil, and -Humphrey de Teliol, tho’ entrufted with great commands, defired to be difmit- fed the fervice ; and fome others imitated their example: A defertion which. was highly refented by the King, and which he punifhed by the confifcation of all their poffeffions +. But William’s bounty to his followers could not fail of alluring many new adventurers ‘sto his fervice; and the rage of the van- quifhed Englifh ferved only to rouze the attention of the King and thefe warlike chieftains, and kept them in readinefs to fupprefs every commencement of do- meftic rebellion or foreign invafion. Ir was not long before they found occupation for their prowels and military condué. Godwin, Edmond, and Magnus, three fons of Harold, had, im- mediately after the defeat at Haftings, fought a retreat.in Ireland ; and having met with a kind reception from Dermot and other princes of that country, they projected an invafion of England t, and hoped that all the exiles from Denmark, Scotland, and Wales, affifted with forces from thefe feveral countries, would at once commence hoftilities, and excite the indignation of the Englifh againft their haughty conquerors, They landed in Devonfhire ; but found Briaw, fon of the count of Brittany, ready to oppofe them at the head of fome foreign troops; and — being defeated in feveral actions, they were obliged to retreat to their fhips, and to return with great lofs into Ireland |. The efforts of the Normans were now directed to the north, where affairs had fallen into the utmoft confufion, The im- patient Northumbrians had attacked Robert de Cummin, who was appointed covernor of Durham ; and gaining the advantage over him from his negligence, * Malmef. p. 103. M. Weft. p. 225. M. Paris, p. 4¢. + Order Vital. p. 512. - , + Gul, Gemet. p. 290. Order Vital. p.513- Yypod- Neuftr. p. 437- y Gul, Gemet. p. 29% Order Vital. p. 513. Anglia Sacra, vol, 1, 24.6. | they WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 197 they put him to death in that city with feven hundred of his followers *. This example animated the inhabitants of York, who, rifing in atms, flew Robert Fitz-Richard, their governor +; and befieged in the caftle William Mallet, on whom the command now devolved. AQ little after, the Danifh troops landed from 300 veflels, under the command of Ofberne, brother to King Sweyn, and accompanied by Harold and Canute, the two fons of that monarch f=. Edgar Atheling appeared from Scotland, and brought along with him Cofpatric, Wal- theof, Siward, Bearne, Merlefwain, Adelin, and other chieftains ||, who partly from the hopes which they gave of Scottifh fuccours, partly from their authority in thofe parts, eafily perfuaded the warlike and difcontented Northumbrians to join the infurreclion. Mallet, that he might better provide for the defence of the. citadel of York, fet fire to fome houfes, which lay contiguous §; but this expedient proved the immediate caufe of his deftruction. The flames {preading into the neighbouring ftreets; reduced the whole city to afhes; and the enraged inhabitants, aided by the Danes, took advantage of the confufion to attack the caftle, which they carried by affault ; and they put the garrifon, amounting to the number of 3000, to the fword without mercy 1. Tus fuccefs proved a fignal to many ether parts of England, and gave the people an opportunity of fhowing their malevolence to the Normans, Here- ward, a nobleman in Eaft-Anglia, celebrated for valor, affembled his followers, and taking fhelter in the Ifle of Ely, made inroads on all the neighbouring country *. The Englifh in the counties of Somerfet and Dorfet rofe in arms, and affaulted Montacute, the Norman governor ; while the inhabitants of Corn- wal and Devon invefted Exeter, which, from the memory of William’s cle- mency, ftill remained faithful to him +. Edric, the Forefter, calling in the affiftance of the Welfh, laid fiege to Shrewfbury, and made head againft earl Brient and Fitz-Ofberne, who commanded in thofe* quarters t. The Englifh, every where, repenting of their former eafy fubmiffion, feemed determined to make by concert one great effort for the recovery of their liberty, and for the expulfion of their oppreflors. * Order ‘Vital. p. 512. Chron. de Mailr. p. 160. Hoveden, p. 450, M. Paris, p.s. Sim. Dun. p. 198. + Order Vital. p, 512. { ‘Chron. Sax. p. 174. Order Vital..p. 513. Hoveden, p.4s1. M. Welt. 226. | Order Vital. 513. Hoveden, p. 451. Flor. Wigorn; p. 635. M. Paris, p. 5. Sim. Dun. p. 198. § Ibid. - Brompton, p.'966. + Order Vital. 513. _Hoveden, p. 451. Flor. Wigorn, p, 636. Brompton, p. 966, * Ingulf, p..71. Chron, Abb. St. Petri de Burgo, p. 47. + Order Vital. 514, t Ibid. Vor. I, Aa WILLIAM, Chap. IV. 1069- 178 Mrs TORY ‘oF ENGLAND. Chap. Vv. © Wiieram, iindifmayed amidft this feene. of confufion, affernbled his forces, 1069: gad animating’ them with the profpect of new confifcations and forfeitures, he marched againft the infurgents in the north, whom he regarded as the moft for- midable, and whofe defeat, he knew, would ftrike a terror into all the other rebels. Joining policy to force, he tried; before his approach, to weaken ‘the © enemy, by- detaching the Danes fron them; and he engaged Ofberne, by large prefents, and by offering him the liberty of plundering the fea-coalt, to retire without committing farther hoftilities into Denmark *. Cofpatric, in defpair of fuccefs, imitated the example ; and making his fabmiffions to the King, and paying aefum of money as an atonement for his infurreétion, was received into favour, and even invefted with the earldom of Northumberland. Waltheof, who long defended York with great courage, was allured with this appearance of cle- mency; and as William knew how to efteem valor even in an enemy, that nobleman had no reafon to repent of this confidence +. Even Edric, compelled by neceffity, made his fubmiffions to the Conqueror, and received forgivenels, which was foon after followed by fome degree of truft and favour t. Malcolm, coming too late to fupport his confederates, was conftrained to retire; and all the Englifh infurgents in other parts, except Hereward, who ftill kept in his faftneffes, difperfed themfelves, and left-the Normans undifputed mafters of the kingdom. Edgar Atheling, with his followers, fought again a retreat in Scotland from the purfuit of his enemies |,.-—~ Bur the feeming clemency of William towards the Englith leaders proceeded roo. only from artifice, or from his efteem of individuals: His heart was hardened New rigors of acainft all compaffion towards the people ; and he fcrupled no meafure, however the govern- yiolent or fevere, which feemed_ requifite to fupport his plan of tyrannical admi- alia aiftration. Senfible of the reftlefs difpofition of the Northumbrians, he deter- mined to incapacitate them ever alter from giving him difturbance, and he iffued orders for laying entirely wafte that fertile country, which, for the extent of fixty miles, lies between the Humber and the Tees §. The houfes were reduced to afhes by the mercilefs Normans, the cattle feized and driven away, the inftru- meats of hufbandry deftroyed 5 and the inhabitants compelled either to feek for a * Hoveden, p. 451. Flor. Wig. p. 636. Chron, Abb. St. Petri de Burgo, p.. 47+ Sim. Dun. p» 199: : + Malmef. p. 104. H. Hunt. p. 369. ¢ Hoveden, p. 453, 454. Flor. Wig. p. 6365 637. Sim. Dun. p- 203- - | Hoveden, p, 452. § Chron. Sax. p. 174. Ingulf, p- 79, Malmef. p. 103. Hoveden, p. 451. Chron. Abb. St. Petri de Burgo, p. 47- M. Paris, p. 5. ‘Sim. Dun, p. 199. Brompton, p- 966, Knyghton, p- 2944, Anglia Sacra, vol. 1. ps 702. | : fubfiftance ho) AS WILLIAM true ConavueErRor. 179 fubfiftance in the fouthern parts of Scotland, or if they lingered in England, from a reluctance to abandon their antient habitations, they perifhed miferably in the woods from cold and hunger. The lives of an hundred thoufand people are com- puted to have been facrificed to this ftroke of barbarous policy *, which, by fecking a remedy for a temporary evil, thus inflicted a lafting wound on the power and*populouinefs of the nation. Bur William, finding himfelf entirely mafter of a people, who had given him fuch fenfible proofs of their impotent rage and animofity, now refolved to proceed to extremities againft all the natives of England ; and to reduce them to a con- dition, in which they fhould no longer be formidable to his government. The infurrections and confpiracies in fo many parts of the kingdom had involved the _ bulk of the land proprietors, more or lefs, in the guilt of treafon ; and the King took advantage of executing againft them, with the utmoft rigor, the laws of forfei- ture and attainder. Their lives were indeed commonly fpared ; but their eftates were confifcated, and either annexed to the royal demefnes, or conferred with the moft profufe bounty on the Normans and other foreigners +: While the King’s declared intention was to deprefs or rather entirely extirpate the Englith gentry {, it is eafy to believe, that fcarce a form of juftice would be attended to in thefe violent proceedings ||; and that any fufpicions ferved as the moft undoubted proofs of guilt againft a people thus devoted to deftru€tion. It was crime fufficient in an Englifhman to be opulent or noble or powerful; and the policy of the King, concurring with the rapacity of foreign adventurers, produced almoft a total re- volution in the landed property of the kingdom. Antient and honourable fa- milies were reduced to beggary ; the nobles themfelves were every where treated with ignominy and contempt ; they had the mortification of feeing their caftles and manors poffeffed by Normans of the meaneft birth and loweft ftations §, and * Order Vital. p. 515. + Malmef. p. 104. { H. Hunt. p. 370. | There is a paper or record of the family of Sharneborne, which pretends, that that family, which Was Saxon, was reftored upon proving their innocence, as well as other Saxon families, which were in the fame fituation. Tho’ this paper was able to impofe on fuch great antiquarians as Spellman (fee Gloff. in verbo Drenges) and Dugdale, (fee Baron. vol. 1. p. 118.).it is proved by Dr. Brady.(fee anfw. to Petyt, p..11, 12.) to have been a forgery ; and is allowed for fuch by Tyrrel, tho’ a perti- nacious defender of his party notions, (fee his hift. vol. 2. intro. p. 51. 73-) Ingulf, p. 70, tells us, that very early Hereward, tho’ abfént during the time of the conqueit, was turned out of all his eftate, and could not obtain redrefs. William even plundered the monafteries. Flor. Wig. p. 636. Chron. plundered the monaftery of Croyland of a great part of its land ; and no redrefs could be obtained. § Order Vitalis, p.g2i. M. Welt. 229. Aaz2 they Chap. IV. 1070, é * Bae Boi Chap. IV. 1070. Tntrodudction ot the feudal law. 180 wis TORY «or ENGLAND. they found themfelves carefully excluded from every road, which led cither to riches or preferment *. | As power naturally follows property; this revolution alone gave great fecu- rity to the foreigners ; but William, by the new inftitutions, which he eftablithed, took alfo care to retain for ever the military authority in thofe hands, which had enabled him to fubdue the kingdom. He introduced into England the feudal Jaw, which he found eftablifhed in France and Normandy, and which, during that age, was the foundation both of the ftability and of the diforders in moft of the monarchical governments of Europe. He divided all the lands of England, with very few exceptions, except the royal demefnes, into baronies; and he con- ferred thefe, with the refervation of ftated fervices and payments, on the molt confiderable of his adventurers. Thefe great barons, who held immediately of the crown, fhared out a great part of their lands to other foreigners, who were denominated knights or vaffals, and who paid their lord the fame duty and fub- miffion in peace and war, which he himfelf owed to his fovereign, The whole kingdom contained about 700 chief tenants, and 60,215 knights-fees T; and as none of the native Englifh were admitted into the firft rank, the few, who retained their landed property, were glad to be received into the fecond, and under the protection of fome powerful Norman, to load themfelves and their pofterity with this grievous burthen, for eftates which they had received free from their an- ceftors $. The fmall mixture of Englifh, which entered into this civil or mili- tary fabric, (for it partook of both fpecies) was fo reftrained by fubordination under the foreigners, that the Norman dominion feemed now to be fixed on the moft durable bafis, and to defy all the efforts of its enemies. Tue better to unite the parts of the government, and to bind them into one fyftem, which might ferve both for defence againft foreigners, and for the fup- port of domeftic tranquillity, William reduced the ecclefiaftical revenues under the fame feudal law ; and tho’ he had courted the church on his firft invafion and aeceflion, he now fubjected it to burthens, which the clergy regarded as a grie- vous flavery, and as totally uabefitting their profeffion. The bifhops and abbots * The obliging all the inhabitants to put out their fires and lights at certain hours, upon the founding of a bell, called the courfeu, 1s reprefented by Polydore Virgil, lib, 9, as a mark of the fer- vitude of the Englifh. But this was a law of police, which William had previoufly eftablifhed in Normandy. See du Moulin, hift. de Normandie, p. 160. ‘The fame law had place in Scotland. LL. Burgor, cap. 86. + Order Vital. p. 523. Secretum Abbatis, apud Selden, Titles of Honour, p. 573. Spellm. Gloff. in verbo Feodum. Sir Rob. Cotton. + M. Weft. 225. M, Paris, p. 4. Bratton, lib, 1, cap. 11. num. 1. Fleta, lib. 1. cap. 8. nm. 2. | were WILLIAM rue ConeaveErRor. 181 were obliged, when required, to furnifh to the King during war amumber of Chap. IV. knights or military tenants, proportioned to the extent of property poffefled by *°7% each fee or abbey ; and they were liable, in cafe of failure, to the fame penal- ties which were exacted from the laity *, The Pope and the ecclefiaftics ex- claimed againft this tyranny, as they called it; but the King’s authority was fo well eftablifhed over the army, who held every thing from his bounty, that fu- perftition itfelf, even in that age, when it was moft prevalent, was conftrained to yield under his fuperior influence. Bu as the great body of the clergy were {till natives, the King had muchreafon - to dread the effects of their refentment ; and he therefore ufed the precaution of ex- pelling the Englifh from all the confiderable dignities, and of advancing forcigners in their place. The partiality of the Confeffor towards the Normans had been fo great, that, aided by their fuperior learning, it had promoted them to many of the fees of England; and even before the period of the conqueft, fcarce more than fix or feven of the prelates were natives of the country. But among thefe was Stigand, archbifhop of Canterbury ; a man, who, by his addrefs and vi- gour, by the greatnefs of his family and alliances, by the extent of his poffeffions, as well as by the dignity of his office, and his authority over the Enelifh, gave creat jealoufy to the King +. Tho’ William had, on his acceffion, affronted this prelate, by employing the archbifhop of York to officiate at his confecration, he continued to load him with honours and carefles, and to avoid every occafion of giving him farther offence, till the opportunity fhould offer of efiectuating his final deftruction {. The fuppreffion of the late rebellions, and the total fubjec- tion of the Englifh, made him hope, that this attempt, however violent, would be covered by his great fucceffes, and be overlooked amidft the other important revolutions, which affected fo deeply the property and liberty of the kingdom. Yet, notwithftanding thefe mighty advantages, he did not think it fafe to vio- late the reverence ufually paid the primate, but under cover of a new fuverfti- tion, which he was the great inftrument of introducing into England. Tue doctrine which exalted the papacy above all human power, had gradually , See ; : /' | ; innovation in diffufed itfelf from the city and court of Rome; and was, during this age, muchecclefiattical more prevalent in the fouthern than in the northern kingdoms of Europe. Pope S°vernment, Alexander, who had affifted William in his conqueft of England, reafonably ex- pected, that the French and Normans would import into England the fame re- verence for his facred character, with which they were imbued in their own coun- * M. Paris, p.5. Anglia Sacra, vol. 1, p. 248. + Parker, p. 161. } Parker, p. 164: Knyghton, p. 2344: try; ne Chap. IV. 1979. 182° mis Too RX .oFf ENGLAN D. try; and would break the fpiritual, as well as civil independancy of the Saxons, who had hitherto conducted their ecclefiaftical government, with an acknow- ledgment indeed of primacy in the dee of Rome, but without much idea of its title to dominion or authority. As foon, therefore, as the Norman prince feem- ed fully eftablifhed,on the throne, the Pope difpatched Ermenfroy, bifhop of Sion, as his legate into England), and this prelate was the firft, who had ever appeared with that character in any part of the Britifh iflands. The King, tho’ he was probably led by principle to pay this fubmiffion to Rome, determined, as is ufual, to employ the incident as a means of ferving his political purpofes, and of degrading thofe Englifh prelates, who were become obnoxious to him, \ The legate fubmitted to become the inftrument of his tyranny; and naturally thought, that the more violent the exertion of power, the more certainly did it confirm the authority of that court from which he derived his commiffion. He fummoned, therefore, a council of the prelates and abbots at Winchefter; and being affifted by two cardinals, Peter and John, he cited before him Stigand, archbifhop of Canterbury, to anfwer for his conduct *. The primate was accu- fed of three crimes ; the holding the fee of Winchefter together with that of Can- terbury ;_ the officiating in the pall of Robert, his predecefior ; and the having received his own pall from Benedi&t IX. who was afterwards depofed for fimony, and for intrufion into the papacy +. ‘Thefe crimes of Stigand were mere pre- tences;’fince the firft had been a practice not unufual in England, and was never any where fubjected to a higher penalty than a refignation of one of the fees ; the _fecond was a pure ceremonial ; and as Benedict was the only Pope who then of- ficiated, and his acts were never refcinded, all the prelates of the church, efpe- cially thofe who lay at a diftance, were very excufable for making their applica- tions to him. Stigand’s ruin, however, was refolved on, and was profecuted with great feverity. The legate degraded him from his dignity, and the King confifcated his eftate, and caft him into prifon, where he continued, in great po- verty and want, during the remainder of his life. Like rigor was-exercifed againft the other Englifh prelates: Agelric, bifhop of Selefey, and Agelmare, of Elm- ham, were depofed by the legate, and imprifoned by the King t. Many confi- derable abbots fhared the fame fate |: Egelwin, bifhop of Durham, fied the . kingdom §: Wulftan, of Worcefter, a man of an inoffenfive character, was the * Flor. Wigorn. p. 636. + Hoveden, p. 453. Diceto, p. 482. Knyghton, p. 2345, Anglia Sacra, vol. ¥: p: 5, 6. -Yped. Neuft. p: 438. ! 4 t Hoveden, p. 453. M. Weft. p, 226. Flor. Wig. p. 636. - || Diceto, p. 482. § Hoveden, p. 452.. M. Weft. p. 226, Mi Paris, p. 5. Amglia Sacra, vol.1. p. 249. only WILLIAM. tet ConagueERor. 183 only Englifh prelate who efcaped this general profcription *, and remained in poffeffion of his dignity. Aldred, archbifhop of York, «who had fet the crown on William’s head, had died a little before of forrow and vexation, ‘and had left his maledigtion to that prince, on account of the breach of his coronation-oath, and of the extreme tyranny, with which he faw he was determined to treat his Englith fubjects {. Ir was a fixed maxim in this reign, as well as in fome of the fubfequent, that no native of the ifland fhould ever be advanced to any dignity, ecclefiaftical, ci¢ vil, or military || ; and the King therefore} upon Stigand’s depofition, promoted Lanfranc, a Milanefe monk, celebrated for his learning and piety, to the vacant fee §. This prelate was very rigid in defending the prerogatives of his {tation ; andeafter a long procefs before the Pope, he obliged Thomas, a Norman monk, who had been appointed to the fee of York, to acknowledge the primacy of the archbifhop of Canterbury |.. Where ambition can be fo happy as to cover its attempts, even to the perfon himfelf, under the-appearance of principle, it is the moft incurable and inflexible of all human paffions. Fence Lanfranc’s zeal to promote the interefts of the papacy, by which he himfelf augmented his own au- thority, was indefatigable * ; and met with proportionable fuccefs.-. The devoted attachment to Rome continually increafed in England; and being favoured by the fentiments of the conquerors, as well as by the monaftic eftablifhments for- merly introduced by Edred, and fettled by Edgar, it foon reached the fame height, at which, during fome time, it had ftood in France and Italy +}. It af- terwards went much farther; being favoured by that very remote fituation, which had at firft obftructed its progrefs ; and being lefs checked by knowledge and a liberal education, which were ftill fomewhat more common in the fouthern coun- trics. * Brompton relates, that Wulftan was alfo deprived by the fynod; but refufing to deliver his paf- toral ftaff and ring to any but the perfon from whom he firft received it, he went immediately to King Edward’s tomb, and ftuck the ftaff fo deeply into the ftone, that none but himfelf was able to pull it out: Upon which he was allowed to keep his bifhopric +. This inftance may ferve, inftead of many; as a fpecimen of the monkifh miracles. tT See alfo Annal. Burton, p. 264. t Malmef. de geft. Pont. p. 154. | Ingulf, p. 70, 71. § Order Vital. p.519. Hoveden, p. 453. Flor. Wig. p. 636. Sim, Dun. p, 202... Diceto, p. 483, + Chron. Sax. p. 179, 176. Ingulf, p.9z. M. Paris, p. 6. Diceto, p. 484. Brompton, P- 979 97%, 972. Spelm. Conc. vol. 2. p.¢. * Selden in Fleta, cap. 6, t+ M. Weft. p. 228. Lanfranc wrote in defence of the real prefence againft Berengarius ; and in thofe ages of flupidity and ignorance, he was greatly applauded for that performance. THE Chap. IV. 1070. 4 HISTORY or ENGLAND. Tue prevalence of this fuperititious fpirit became very dangerous to fome of William’s fucceffors, and very incommodious to moft of them ; but the arbitrary power of this King over the Englifh, and his extenfive authority over the fo- reigners, kept him from feeling any prefent inconveniences from it. He retain- ed the church in great fubjection, as well as his lay fubjeéts ; and would allow none, of whatever character, to difpute his fovereign will and pleafure. He pro-- hibited his fubjeéts to acknowledge any one for Pope whom he himfelf had not previoufly received : He required, that all the ecclefiaftical canons, voted in any fynod, fhould firft be laid before him, and be ratified by his authority : Even bulls or letrers from Rome, before they were produced, mutt receive the fame fanétion : And none of his minifters or barons, whatever offences they were guilty of, muft be fubjected to fpiritual cenfures, till he himfelf had given his confent to their excommunication *, Thefe regulations were worthy of a fove- reign, and kept united the civil and ecclefiaftical powers, which the principles introduced by this prince had an immediate tendency to feparate. Burt the Englifh had the cruel mortification to Gnd, that their King’s authority, however acquired or however extended, was all employed to their oppreffion ; and that the fcheme of their fubjection, attended with every circumftance of infult and indignity +, was deliberately formed by the prince, and wantonly profecured by his followers}. William had even entertained the difficult project of totally abo- lifhing the Englifh language ; and, for that purpofe, he ordered, that in all the fchools throughout the kingdom, the youth fhould be’ inftructed in the French tongue, a practice which was continued from cuftom till after the reign of Ed- ward I]. and was never indeed totally difcontinued in England. The pleadings in the fupreme courts of judicature were in French |: The deeds were often drawn in the fame language: The laws were compofed in that idiom §: No other tongue was ufed at court: It became the language of all fafhionable focie- ties; and the Englith themfelves, afhamed of their own country, affected to ex- cel in that foreign dialect. From this attention of William, and from the great foreign dominions, long annexed to the crown of England, proceeded that great mixture of French, which is at prefent to be found in the Englifh tongue, and which compofes the greateft and beft part of our language. But amidft thefe en- deavours to deprefs the Englifh nation, the King, moved by the remooftrances of fome of his prelates, and by the earneft defires of the people, reftored a few * Eadmer, p. 6. + Order Vital. p. 523. H. Hunt. p. 370. t Ingulf, p. 74. | 36. Edw. IIT. cap. 15. Selden Spicileg. ad Eadmer, p. 189. Fortefcue de laud. leg, Angl. cap, 48. § Ingulf, p. 72, 88. Chron. Rothom. A. D, 1066, | F eee: 2 Q \ WILLIAM THe ConaquERor. 185 of the laws of King Edward *; which, tho’ feemingly of no great confequence towards the protection of general liberty, gave them extreme fatisfaction, as a memorial of their antient government, and an unufual mark of complaifance in their imperious conquerors +../ Tue fituation of the two great earls, Morcar and Edwin, became now very difagreeable. Tho’ they had retained their allegiance, during the general infur- rections of their countrymen, they had not gained the King’s confidence, and they found themfelves expofed to the malignity of the courtiers, who envied them on account of their opulence and greatnefs, and at the fame time involved them in that general contempt which they bore the Englifh. Senfible that they had en- tirely loft their dignity, and could not even hope to remain long in fafety ; they determined, tho’ too late, to run the fame hazard with their countrymen; and while Edwin retired to his eftate in the north, with a view of commencing an in- furrection, Morcar took fhelter in the Ifle of Ely with the brave Hereward, who, fecured by the inacceffible fituation of that place, ftill defended himfelf againft the Normans ||. But this attempt ferved only to accelerate the ruin of the few Englifh, who had hitherto been able to preferve their rank or fortune during the paft convulfions, William employed all his endeavours to fubdue the Ifle of Ely ; and having furrounded it with flat-bottomed boats, and made a caufeway thro’ the moraffes for the extent of two miles, he obliged the rebels to furrender at difcretion §. Hereward alone forced his way, fword in hand, thro’ the enemy, and ftill continued his hoftilities by fea againft the Normans, till at laft Wil- liam, charmed with his bravery, received him into favour, and reftored him to his eftate. Earl Morcar, and Egelwin, bifhop of Durham, who had joined the malecontents, were thrown into prifon, and the latter foon after died in con- * Ingulf, p. 88. Brompton, p. 982. Knyghton, p.-2355: Hoveden, p. 600. + What thefe laws were of Edward the Confeffor, which the Englifh, every reign during a cen- tury and a half, defire fo paflionately to have reftored, is much difputed by antiquarians, and our ig- norance of them feems one of the greateft defects in the antient Englifh hiftory. The collection of laws in Wilkins, which pafs under the name of Edward, are plainly a pofterior and an ignorant com- pilation. Thofe to be found in Ingulf are genuine; but fo imperfect, and contain fo few claufes fa- vourable to the fubjeét, that we fee no great reafon for contending for them fo vehemently. It is probable, that the Englifh meant the common Jaw, as it prevailed during the reign of Edward; which we may conjecture to have been more indulgent to liberty than the Norman inftitutions. The mof material articles of it were comprehended in Magna Charta. t Sim. Dun. p. 203. Brompton, p. 969. Knyghton, p. 2347. | Hoveden, p. 454. Alur. Beverl. p. 131. § Chron. Sax. p.18t. Hoveden, p. 454. M. Weit. p, 227, Flor. Wig. p. 637. M. Paris, p. 5. Sim. Dun, p. 203. Alur, Beverl. p. 131. Vot. I, B b finement. Chap. IV. 1070, 107 f« Chap. IV. 1071. 1073: 186 HISTORY or ENGLUAWND. Gnement *. Edwin, attempting to make his efcape into Scotland, was betrayed: by fome of his followers; and was killed by a party of Normans, to the great affliction of the Englifh, and even to that of William, who paid a tribute of ge- nerous tears to the memory of this gallant and beautiful youth+. The King of Scotland, in hopes of profiting by thefe convulfions, had fallen upon the north- ern counties ; but on the approach of William, he retired ; and when the King entered his country, he was glad to make peace, and to pay. the ufual homage to the Englifh crown {. To complete the King’s profperity, Edgar Atheling him- felf, defpairing of fuccefs, and weary of a fugitive life, fubmitted to his enemy ; and receiving a handfome allowance, was permitted to live in England unmo- lefted |. But thefe acts of generofity towards the leaders were difgraced, as ufual, by William’s rigor againft the inferior malecontents. He ordered the hands, to be lopt off, and the eyes to be put out, of many of the prifoners, whom he had taken in the Ifle of Ely ; and he fent them in that miferable condition thro’ the country, as monuments of his feverity §. Tue province of Maine in France had, by the will of Hebert, the laft count, fallen under the dominion of William fome years before his conqueft of Eng- land; but the inhabitants, diffatisfied with the Norman government, and infti- sated by Fulk, count of Anjou, who had fome pretenfions to the fucceffion, had. rifen in rebellion, and expelled the magiftrates, whom the King had placed over them. The full fettlement of England now afforded him leifure to punifh this: infult on his authority ; but being unwilling to remove his Norman forces. from this idand, he carried over a confiderable army, compofed almoft entirely of: Englifh |, and after joining them to fome troops levied in Normandy, he enter- ed the revolted province. The Englifh appeared ambitious of diftinguifhing themfelves on this occafion, and of recovering that character of valour, which had. long been national among them; but which their late eafy fubjection under the Normans had fomewhat degraded and obfcured. Perhaps too they hoped, by their zeal and activity, to recover the confidence of their fovereign, as their anceftors had formerly, by like means, gained the affections of Canute; and to conquer his inveterate prejudices in favour of his own countrymen. The King’s military conduét, feconded by fuch brave troops, foon overcame all oppofition in * Flor. Wig. p.637. Sim. Dun. p. 203. + Order Vital. p. 521. Chron, Abb. St. Petri de Burgo, p. 48. | } Chron. de Mailr. p. 160. Hoveden, p. 454- M. Weft. p. 227. Chron, Abb. St, Petri de Burgo, p.48. M. Paris, p. 5. || Chron, de Mailr. p. 160. Malmef, p. 103. Hoveden, p. 452. Flor. Wig. p. 638. M.. Paris, p. 5. § Hoveden, p. 454. Sim, Dun. p. 203. 4. Chron, Sax, p. 182. i Maine : WILLIAM Tue ConqueERor. 187 Maine: The inhabitants were obliged to fubmit, and the count of Anjou relin- quifhed his pretenfions, Bur during thefe tranfactions, the government of England was greatly dif- turbed; and that too by thofe very foreigners, who owed every thing to the King’s bounty, and who were the fole object of his friendfhip and regard. The chieftains, who had engagéd with the duke of Normandy in the conqueft of Eng- land, were endowed with the moft independant genius; and tho’ they obeyed their leader in the field, they would have regarded with difdain the richeft acqui- fitions, had they been required, in return, to fubmit, in their civil government» to the arbitrary will of one man. But the imperious character of William, en- couraged by his abfolute dominion over the Englifh, and often impelled by the neceffity of his affairs, had prompted him to ftretch his authority over the Nor- mans themfelves, beyond what the free fpirit of that victorious people could eafily bear. The difcontents were become very general among thofe haughty nobles; and even Roger, earl of Hereford, fon and heir of Fitz-Ofberne, the King’s chief favourite, was ftrongly infected by them. This nobleman, intend- ing to marry his fifter to Ralph de Guader, earl of Norfolk, had thought it his duty to inform the King of his purpofe, and to defire the royal confent; but meeting with a refufal, he proceeded neverthelefs to finifh the nuptials, and af- fembled all his friends, and thofe of Guader, to attend the folemnity *. The two.earls, difgufted with the denial of their requeft, and dreading William’s re- fentment for their difobedience, here prepared matters for a revolt; and during the gaiety of the feftival, while the company was heated with wine, they opened the defign to their guefts. They inveighed againft the arbitrary conduct of the King; his tyranny towards the Englifh, whom they affected on this occafion to commiferate; his imperious behaviour to his barons of the nobleft birth ; and his apparent intention of reducing the victors and the vanquifhed to a like igno- minious fervitude +. Amidft heir complaints, the indignity of fubmitting to a baftard { was not forgot; the certain profpect of fuccefs in a revolt, by the af- fiftance of the Danes and the: difcontented Englifh, was infifted on; and the whole company, inflamed with the fame fentiments, and warmed by the jollity of the entertainment, entered, by a folemn engagement, into the defign of fhaking off the royal authority, ||. Even earl Waltheof, who was prefent, inconfide- * W. Malm. p. 104. Flor. Wig. p. 638, Diceto, p. 486. Prompton, p. 974. + Order Vital. p.534. M. Paris, p. 7. . + William was fo little afhamed of his birth, that he affumed the appellati ion of baftard in fome of his ‘letiets and charters. Spellm. Gloff. in verb. Baffardus. Camden in Richmondjbire. || Malmef. p. 104. H. Hunt. p. 369. Hoveden, p. 456, Bb 2 rately Chap. IV. 1073. 1074. Infurrection of the Nor. mar barons. Chap. IV. 1073. 188 WISTORY oF ENGLAND. rately expreffed his approbation of the confpiracy, and promifed his concurrence towards its fuccefs *. | Tris nobleman, the laft of the Englith who, for fome generations, poffeffed any power or authority, had, after his capitulation at York,. been received into favour by the Conqueror, had even married Judith, niece to that prince, .and had been promoted to the earldoms of Huntington and Northampton +. Cofpatric, earl of Northumberland, having, on fome new difguft from William, retired into Scotland; where he received the earldom of Dunbar from the-bounty of Mal- colm; Waltheof was appointed his fucceffor in that important command, and feemed ftill to poffefs the confidence and friendfhip of his fovereign [. But as he was a man of generous-principles, and loved his country, it is probable, that the tyranny exercifed over the Englifh lay heavy upon his mind, and deftroyed all the fatisfa€tion which he could reap from his own grandeur and advancement. When a profpect, therefore, was opened of retrieving their liberty, he haftily embraced it ; while the fumes of the liquor, and the ardour of the company, pre vented him from refle@ting on the confequences of that rafh+ attempt. ~ But after his cool judgment returned, he forefaw, that the confpiracy of thefe difcontented barons was not likely to prove fuccefsful againft the eftablifhed power of Wilt liam ; or if it did, that the flavery of the Englifh, inftead of being alleviated by chat event, would become more grievous, under a multitude of foreign leaders, factious and ambitious; whofe union or difcord would be equally oppreffive to the people. Tormented with thefe reflections, he opened his mind to his wife, Judith, of whofe fidelity he entertained no fufpicion, but who, having fecretly fixed her affections on another, took this opportunity of ruining her eafy and credulous hufs band. She conveyed intelligence of the confpiracy to the King, and aggravated every circumftance, which, fhe believed, would tend to enrage him againft Wal- theof, and render him abfolutely implacable |]. Mean while, the Earl, -ftill-un- fatishied with regard to. the part which he fhould act, difcovered the fecret in confeffion §-to Lanfranc, on whofe probity and judgment he had a great re- liance; and’was perfuaded by the prelate, that he owed no fidelity to. thofe res bellious barons, who had by furprife gained his confent to a crime; that his firft duty was to his fovereign and benefactor, his next to himfelf and his family; and that if he feized not the opportunity of making atonement for his guilt, by re- vealing it, the temerity of the confpirators was fo great, that they would give * Chron. Abb. St. Petri de Burgo, p. 4g. Diceto, p. 486. + Order Vital. p. 522. Hoveden, p. 454. t Sim. Dun. p. 205.. jj Order Vital. ps5 36. § Ingulf, p. 72. Hoveden, p. 456. Diceto, p. 486. Brompton, p. 974. Alur. Beverl, p. 134. ¥pod, Neuf. p. 439. fome WILLIAM tHe CongveEronr. 189 fome other perfon the means of acquiring the merit of the difcovery. . Waltheof, convinced by thefe arguments, went over to Normandy *; but, tho’ he was well received by the King, and thanked for-his fidelity, the account previoufly conveyed by Judith had funk deep into William’s mind, and deftroyed all the merit of her hufband’s repentance. Tue confpirators, hearing of Waltheof’s departure, immediately concluded their defigns to be betrayed ; and they flew to arms, before their fchemes were ripe for execution, and before the arrival of the Danes, in whofe aid they placed their chief confidence. The earl of Hereford was checked. by Walter de Lacy, a great baron in thofe parts, who, fupported by the bifhop of Worcefter and the abbot of Evefham, raifed fome forces, and prevented the ear] from pafling the-Severne, or advancing into the heart of the kingdom +. The earl of Nor- folk was defeated at Fagadun, near Cambridge, by Odo, the regent, affifted by Richard de Bienfaite, and. William de Warrenne, the two jufticiaries of the kingdom {, The prifoners taken in this a¢tion had their right foot cut off,, as a punifhment of their treafon: The earl himfelf efcaped to Norwich, thence to Denmark ; where. the Danifh fleet, who had made an unfuccefsful attempt upon the coaft of England |], foon after arrived, and informed him, that all his con- federates were fuppreffed, and were either killed, fled, or taken prifoners 4, Ralph retired in defpair to Britanny, where he poffeffed a large eftate, and noble jurifdictions {. Tug King, who haftened over to England, in order to. fupprefs. the :infurrec- tion, found, that nothing remained but the punifhment of the criminals, which he executed with, great feverity, Many of the rebels were hanged; fome had their eyes put out; others their hands cut of *.. But William, agreeable to his ufual maxims, fhowed more lenity to the leader, . the earl of Hereford, who was only condemned to a. forfeiture of his eftate, and to imprifonment. during the King’s pleafure. The King feemed even difpofed to remit this lait part of the punifhment ; had not Roger, by.a freth infolence, provoked him to render his confinement perpetual +, But Waltheof, being an Englifhman, was not treated *Malmef. p. 105: Hoveden, p, 456: Flor. Wig. p, 638. T Hoveden, p.456. Flor. Wig: p: 638. Diceto,.p. 484. }; Order Vital. p: 535. ‘Hoveden; p. 456, j Chron. Sax: p. 183. © M. Patis, p. 7. § Many of the fugitive Normans are thought to have fled into Scotland’; where they were proteAed, as well as the fugitive Englifh, by. Malcolm,...Whence come.the many French and Norman families, which are found at prefent in that country. +. Order Vital p. 535. . Hoveden, po4g7. * Chron. Sax: p. 183. H.Hunt. p. 369.) Hoveden, p. 457. Diceto, p. 486: Brompton, p. 974. ~, Order Vital. p- $35...Malmetl,. p, roc. with Chap. lV. 1073. 1075. 29th April. 1076. 190 HISTORY or ENGLAND. with {o much humanity, tho” his’guilt, which was always much inferior to that of the other confpirators, was atoned for by a very early repentance and return to his'duty. ‘William, inftigated by his niece, as well as by his rapacious courtiers, who longed for fo rich a forfeiture, ordered him to be tried, condemned, and executed *. The Englifh, who confidered this nobleman asthe laft refource of their nation, grievoufly lamented his fate, and fancied that miracles were wrought by his reliques, as a teftimony of ‘his innocence and fanctity +. The infamous Judith, falling foon after under the King’s difpleafure, was abandoned by all the world, and pafied the reft of her life in contempt, remorfe, and mifery ff. Norurne remained to complete William’s fatisfa€tion but the punifhment of Ralph de Guader ; and he haftened over to Normandy, in order to oratify his vengeance on that criminal. But tho’ the conteft feemed very unequal between that nobleman and the King of England, Ralph was fo well defended, both by the earl of Britanny and the King of France, that William, after befieging him for fome time in Dol, was obliged to abandon the enterprize, and make with thofe powerful princes a peace, in which Ralph himfelf was included ||. Eng- land, during his abfence, remained in tranquillity ; and nothing remarkable oc- curred, except two ecclefiaftical fynods, which were fummoned, one at London, another at Winchefter. In the former, the precedency among the epifcopal fees was fettled, and the feat of fome-of them was removed from {mall villages to the moft confiderable town within the diocefe §. Inthe fecond was tranfacted a bufi- nefs of fome more importance. | Tue induftry and perfeverance are furprifing, with which the Popes had been Difpute about treafuring up powers and pretenfions during fo many ages of ignorance; while inveftitures. each pontiff employed every fraud for advancing purpofes of imaginary piety, and cherithed all claims which might turn to the advantage of his fucceffors, tho’ he himfelf could not expect ever to reap any benefit from them. All this im- menfe ftore of fpiritual and civil authority was now devolved on Gregory VII. of the name of Hildebrand, the moft enterprizing pontiff who had ever filled that chair, and the leaft reftrained by fear, decency, or moderation. Not contented with fhaking off the yoke of the Emperors, who had hitherto exercifed the power of appointing the Pope on every vacancy, or at leaft of ratifying his election ; he undertook. the arduous tafk of disjoining entirely the ecclefiaftical from the civil power, and of excluding profane laymen from the right, which they had aflu- * Order Vital. p. 536. Hoveden, p. 457. + Order Vital. p. 543. Malm. p. 104. { Ingulf, p. 72, 73- | Chron, Sax, p. 183. Chron. de Mailr. p. 160. H. Hunt. p. 369: Hoveden, p. 457. M. Paris, p. 7. § Ingulf, p.93. Brompton, p. 975. 3 ; = med, WILLIAM tHe Conaveror, Ig! med, of filling the vacancies of bifhoprics, abbies, and other {piritual dignities *. The fovereigns, who had Jong exercifed this power, and who had attained it, not by encroachments on the church, but on the people, to whom it Originally belonged +, made great oppofition to this claim of the court of Rome; and Henry IV. the prefent Emperor, defended the prerogative of his crown with a vigour and refolution fuitable to its importance. The few offices, either civil or military, which the feudal inftitutions left the fovereign the power of beftowing, made the prerogative of conferring the paftoral ring and ftaff the moft invaluable jewel of the royal diadem ; efpecially as the general ignorance of the age beftowed a, weight on the ecclefiaftical offices, even beyond the great extent of power and property which belonged to them, Superftition, the child of ignorance, inveft- ed the clergy. with an authority almoft facred; and. as they poffeffed the little learning of the age, their interpofition became requifite in all. civil bufinefs, and a. real ufefulnefs in common life was thus fuperadded to the fpiricual fanctity of their character. Wuen the ufurpations, therefore, of the church had come to fuch a maturity as to embolden her to attempt extorting the right of inveftitures: from the tem- poral power, Europe, efpecially Italy and Germany, was thrown into the moft violent convulfions, and the Pope and Emperor waged implacable war again{t each other. Gregory even dared to fulminate the fentence of excommunication againft Henry and his adherents, to pronounce him rightfully depofed, to free his fubjects from their oaths of allegiance ; and inftead of fhocking mankind with this grofg incroachment on the civil authority, he found the ftupid people ready to fecond his moft exorbitant pretenfions, Every minifter, fervant, or vaflal of the Emperor, who received any difguft, covered his rebellion under the pretence of principle ; and even the mother of this monarch, forgetting all the ties of na- ture, was feduced to countenance the infolence of his enemies. Princes them- felves, unattentive to the pernicious confequences of thefe papal claims, employ- ed them for their prefent purpofes; and the controverly, fpreading into every city of Italy, engendered the parties of Guelf and Ghibbelin; the moft durable and inveterate factions that ever arofe from the mixture of ambition and fuper- ftition. Befides numberlefs affaffinations, tumults, and convulfions, to which they gave rife, it is computed that the quarrel occafioned’ no lef than fixty bat- tles in the reign of Henry IV, and eighteen in. that of his fucceffor, Henry V. when the claims of the fovereign: pontiff finally prevailed ti * L’Abbe Conc. tom. x. P+ 371; 372. COn 2, t Padre Paolo fopra benef, ecclef, p. 30! ft Padre Paolo, ibid. P. 113. Bur ee ee Chap. IV, 1076. Wis: O Ry oF ENGLAND. 192 Bur the bold fpirit of Gregory, not difmayed with the vigorous oppofition, which he met with from the Emperor; extended his ufurpations all over Europe ; and well knowing the nature of mankind, whofe aftonifhment ever inclines them to yicld:to the moft impudent pretenfions, he feemed determined to fet no bounds to the fpiritual, or rather temporal monarchy, which he had undertaken to erect, fe pronounced the fentence of excommunication againft Nicephorus, E.mperot of the Eaft: Robert Guifcard, the adventurous Norman, who had acquired the dominion of Naples, was attacked by the fame dangerous weapon: He degraded -Boleflas, King of Poland, from the rank of King ; and even deprived Poland of the title of a kingdom: He attempted to treat Philip, King of F rance, with the fame rigor, which he had employed againft the Emperor *: He pretended to the entire property and dominion of Spain; and he fhared it out amongtt adventurers, who undertook to conquet ‘t from the Saracens, and to hold it in vaflalage of the fee of Rome +: Even the Chriftian bifhops, on whofe aid he relied in fubduing the temporal princes, faw that he was determined to reduce them to fervitude ; and by affuming the whole legiflative and judicial power of the church, to concenter all authority in the fovereign pontiff f. Wiziram the Conqueror, the moft potent, the moft haughty, and the moft vigorous prince in Europe, was not, amidft all his fplendid fucceffes, fecured from the attacks of this enterprizing prelate. Gregory wrote him a letter,. re- quiring him to fulfil his promife in doing homage for the kingdom of England ro-the fee of Rome, and to fend him over that tribute, which all his predeceflors had been accuftomed to pay to the vicar of Chrift. By the tribute, he meant Peter's pence ; which, tho’ at firft a charitable donation of the Saxon princes, was interpreted, according to the ufual practice of the Romith court, to be a badge of fubjection acknowledged by the kingdom. William replied, that the | money fhould be remitted as ufual ; but that he neither had promifed to do ho- mage to Rome, nor was it in the leaft his purpofe to impofe that fervitude on his ftate ||. And the better to fhow Gregory his independance, he refufed, notwith- ftanding the frequent complaints of the Pope, the Englifh bifhops liberty to ate tend a general council, which that pontiff had fummoned againft his enemies. Bur tho’ the King fhowed this vigor in fupporting the royal dignity, he was ‘nfeéted with the general fuperftition of the age, and he did not difcover the am- bitious fcope of thofe infticutions, which, under the cover of ftrictnefs in religion, * Epitt. Greg. XII. epift. 92. 35. lib, 2. epitt. 5. | 4+ Epitt. Greg. VII. lib. 1. epift. 7. { Greg. Epilt. lib, 2. epwt. 55. 3 | Spileg. Seldeni ad Eadmer, p. 164. 4 * were WILLIAM rue Conqueror. 193 were introduced or prompted by the Roman pontiff, Gregory, while he was Chap. IV. throwing all Europe into combutftion by his violence and impoftures, affected an sais anxious care for the purity of manners ; and even the chafte pleafures of the marriage-bed were inconfiftent, in his opinion, with the fanétity of the facerdotal character, He had iffued a decree prohibiting the marriage of priefts, excom- municating all clergymen who retained their wives, declaring all fuch unlawful commerce to be fornication, and rendering it criminal in the laity to attend di- vine worfhip when fuch profane priefts officiated at the altar *. This point was a great object in the politics of the Romifh court ; and it coft them infinitely more pains to eftablifh it, than the propagation of any fpeculative abfurdity, which they had ever attempted to introduce. Many fynods were fummoned in different parts of Europe, before it was finally fettled ; and it was there con- {tantly remarked, that the younger clergymen complied chearfully with the Pope’s decrees in this particular, and that the chief reluctance appeared in thofe who were more advanced in years: An event fo little conformable to men’s farft expectations, that it could not fail to be gloffed on, even in that blind and fuperftitious age, *Wil- liam allowed the Pope’s legate to aflemble, in his abfence, a fynod at Winchefter, in order to fettle the celibacy of the clergy ; but the church of England rould not yet be carried the whole length expected; and the fynod was content with decree. ing, that the bifhops fhould not thenceforth ordain any priefts or deacons without exacting from them a promife of celibacy; but that none, except thofe who be- longed to collegiate or cathedral churches, fhould be obliged to feparate from their wives. —“™ | . Tur King paffed fome years in Normandy ; but his long refidence there was Revolt of not entirely owing to his declared preference of that dutchy : His prefence was prince Robert, alfo neceffary tor compofing thofe difturbances, which had arifen in that favourite territory, and which had even originally proceeded from his own family. Robert, his eldeft fon, firnamed Gambaron or Courthofe, from his fhort legs, was a prince, who inherited all the bravery of his family and nation ; but without that policy and diffimulation, by which his father was fo much diftinguifhed ; and which, no lefs than his military valor, had contributed to his great fuccefles, Greedy of fame, impatient. of contradiction, without referve in his friendfhips, declared in his enmities, this prince could endure no controul even from his im- periousfather, and openly afpired to that independance, to which his temper, as well as fome circumftances in his fituation, ftrongly invited him +. When Wil+ liam firft received the fubmiffions of the province of Maine, he had promifed the * Hoveden, P- 455: 457. Flor. Wigorn, p. 638. Spell. Concil. fol, 12; A. D, 1076, a 5 457 o> p P 3 / t Order Vital. p.s45. Hoveden, p. 457. Flor. Wigorn, p. 639. : Vor, I. Ce inha- 194 HISTORY or ENGLAND. Chap. IV. inhabitants that Robert fhould be their prince; and before he undertook the ex- 1°76 edition againft England, he had, on the application of the French court; declared him his fucceffor in Normandy, and had obliged - the barons of that dutchy to do him homage as their future fovereign. By this artifice, he had erideavoured to appeafe the jealouly of his neighbours, as affording them a profpect of feparating England from his dominions on the continent ; but. when Robert demanded of him the execution of thefe engagements, he gave him an abfolute refufal, and told him, according to the homely faying, that he never intended to throw off his cloaths, till he went to bed *. Robert openly declared his difcontent ; and was fuf- pected of fecretly inftigating the King of France and the earl of Brittanny to the oppofition which they made to William, and which had formerly fruftrated his attempts upon the town of Dol. And as the quarrel ftill augmented, Robert proceeded to entertain a ftrong jealoufy of his two furviving brothers, William and Henry (for Richard was killed in hunting by a ftaz) who, by greater fub-_ miffion and complaifance, had acquired the affections of their father. In this difpofition, the greateft trifle fufficed to produce a rupture between them. Tue three princes, refiding with their father in the caftle of l’Aigle in Nor- mandy, were one day engaged in fport together 5 and after much frolic, the two younger took it in their head to throw over fome water on Robert as he pafied © i thro’ the court on leaving their apartment +; a paftime, which he would natu- i rally have regarded as innocent, had it not been for the fuggeftions of Alberic de Grentmefnil, fon of that Hugh de Grentmefnil, whom William had formerly deprived of his fortunes, when that baron deferted him during his greateft diffi- culties in England. This young nobleman, mindful of the injury, perfuaded the prince, that this a€tion was meant as a public affront, which it behoved him +n honour to refent; and the choleric Robert, drawing his {word, ran up ftairs, | with an intention of taking revenge on his brothers +. The whole caftle was full eo of tumult, which the King himfelf, who haftened from his apartment, found q | fome difficulty to appeafe. But he could by no means appeafe the refentment y of his eldeft fon, who, complaining of his partiality, and fancying that no proper 4 atonement had been made him for the infult, left the court that very evening, and haftened to Roiien, with an intention of feizing the citadel of that place |. But being difappointed in this view by the precaution and vigilance of Roger de Ivery, the governor, he fled to Hugh de Neufchatel, a powerful Norman ba- ron, who gave him protection in his caftles; and he openly levied war againft his father §. The popular character of the prince, and a fympathy in manners, * Chron. de Malr. p. 160. + Order Vital. p. 545. t Ibid. | Ibid. § Order Vital. p. 545. Hoveden, 457. Sim. Dun, p. zto. Diceto, p. 487- I engaged / WILLIAM tHe Conaveror, 195 engaged all the young nobility of Normandy and Maine, as well of Anjou and Brittanny, to takepart with him; and it was fufpected, that Matilda, his mo- ther, whofe favourite he was, fupported him in his rebellion by fecret remittances of money, and by theencouragement, which fhe gave his partizans. Aut the hereditary provinces of William, as well as his family, were during feveral years thrown into convulfion by this war and he was at laft obliged to have recourfe to England, where that fpecies of military government, which he had eftablifhed, gave him greater authority than the antient feudal inftitutions permitted him to exercife in Normandy. _ He called over an army of Englith under his antient captains, who foonexpelled Robert and his adherents from their retreats, and reftored the fovereign’s authority in all his dominions. The young prince was obliged to take fhelter in the caftle of Gerberoy in the Beauvoifis, which the King of France, who fecretly fomented all thefe difcords, had pro- vided for him. In this fortrefs he was clofely befieged by his father, againft whom, having a {trong garrifon, he made a gallant defence. There paft under the walls of this place many rencounters, which refembled more the fingle combats of chi- valry, than the military actions of armies ; but one of them was remarkable for its circumftances and its event. Robert happened to encounter with the King, who was concealed by his helmet ; and both being valiant, a fierce combat en- fued, till at laft the young prince wounded his father in the arm, and threw him from his horfe. Calling for affiftance, his voice difcovered him to his fon; who ftruck with remorfe for his paft crime, and aftonifhed with the apprehenfions of one much greater, which he had fo nearly incurred, inftantly threw himfelf at his father’s feet, craved pardon for his offences, and offered to purchafe forgive- nefs by any atonement *. The refentment, harboured by William, was fo inve- terate, that he did not immediately correfpond to this dutiful fubmiffion of his fon with like tendernefs; but giving him his malediétion, departed for his own camp, on Robert’s horfe, which that prince had affifted him to mouns +. He foon after raifed the fiege, and marched with his army to Normandy ; where the interpofition of the Queen and other common friends brought about a recon- cilement, which was probably not a little forwarded by the generofity of the fon’s behaviour in this action, and by the returning fenfe of his paft mifconduct. The King feemed fo fully appeafed, that he even carried over Robert with him into England ; where he intrufted him to repel an inroad of Malcolm King of * Malmef. p. 106. H. Hunt. p. 369. Hoveden, p. 457. Flor. Wig. p.639. Sim, Dun. p. 210. Diceto, p.487.. Knyghton, p. 2351. Alur. Beverl. p. 135. ‘ + H. Hunt:p. 369. Hoveden, p. 457. M. Paris, p. 7, Ypod. Neutt. p. 439. i-¢ 2 Scots, Chap. IV. 1076. 1079: 108 tl. Domefday- book. rrSTORY of ENGLAND. Scots, - W staliate by a like inroad into that country. The Englifh prince was fucceéful, caida obliged the enemy to make fubmiffions, The Welfh, un- able to refift Wi i: m’s power, were, about the fame time, neceffitated to make fatisfaction fordgMtbir incurfions *; and ¢very thing was reduced to a full tranquil % . 4 %, lity in this if vin m OX £ er Tuts ftate Queers gave William leifure to begin and finifh an undertaking, dat and extenfive genius, and does honour to his memory: ‘of all the lands in the kingdom, their extent in each dif- trict, their propridjm™s tenyres, value ; the quantity of meadow, pajture, wood, and arable land, Gib they contained ; and in fome counties the number of tenants, cottagersMammm flaves of all denominations, who lived upon them. Fle s for this purpofe, who entered every particular in their regifter by the verdgmm™mof juries; and after a labour of fix years (for the work was fo long in finifh brought him an exaét account of all the landed property of his kingdom +. "MBis monument, called Domefday-book, the moft valuable piece of antiquity, poflefied by any nation, is ftill preferved in the Exchequer 5 and tho’ orily fome extracts of it have hitherto been publifhed, it ferves to illuftrate to us in many particulars the antient flate of England. The great Alfred had finifhed a like furvey of the kingdom in his time, which was long kept at Win- chefter, and which probably ferved as a model to William in this undertaking f. Tue King was naturally a great ceconomift ; and tho’ no prince had ever been fo bountiful to his officers and feryants, it was merely becaufe .he had ren- dered -himfelf univerfal proprietor of England, and had a whole kingdom to be~ ftow. He refefved a very ample revenue for the crown; and in the general dif- tribution of lant among his followers, he kept poffeffion of no lefs than 1422 manors in differége parts of England |], which paid him rent either in money, or in corn, cattl@mand the ufual produce of the land. An antient hiftorian computes, that his Qinual fixed income, befides efcheats, fines, reliefs, and other cafual profits to a great value, amounted to. near 400,000 pounds a year §; a fum, which, if all circumftances be attended to, will appear wholly incredible, * Chron. Sax. p. 184. M. Welt. p. 228. + Chron. Sax. p. 190. Ingulf, p. 79. Chron. T. Wykes, p. 23. H. Hunt. p. 370. Hovedeny. p. 460. M. Welt. p. 229. Flor. Wigorn. p. 641. Chron. Abb. St. Petri de Burgo, p. 51. M. Paris, p.8. The three northern counties, Weftmoreland, Cumberland, and Northumberland, were: aot comprehended in this furvey ; I fuppofe becaufe of their wild, uncultivated fituation. + Ingulf, p. 8. || Weft’s enquiry into the manner of creating peers, p. 24. § Order Vital. p. 523.. He fays.1960 pounds and fome odd fhillings and pence a day. 2 8 — <:* ee t ae tk " a. 2 \¢ 4% WILLIAM tHe Coneverck, © 197 A pound in that age, as we have before obferved, containéd three times the weight Chap. VI. of filver that it does at prefent ; and the fame weight of filver, by the moft pro- 1081. bable computation, would purchafe ten times more of the neceffaries of life, tho’ not in the fame proportion of the finer manufactures, This revenue, therefore, of William would be equivalent to at leaft nine or ten millions at prefent ; and as that prince had neither fleet nor army to fupport, the former being only -a cafual ex- pence, and the latter maintained, without any charge to him, by his military vaf- fals, we muft thence conclude, that no emperor or prince, in any age or nation, was ever to be compared tothe Conqueror in opulence and richés, This leads us to fut pect a great miftake in the computation of the hiftorian ; tho’, if we confider that avarice is always imputed to William as one of his vices *, and that having by the {word rendered himfelf mafter of all the lands in the Xingdom, he would cer- tainly in the partition retain a great proportion for his own fhare ; we can fearce be guilty of any error in afferting, that no King of England was ever fo opulent, was fo able to fupport by his revenue the {plendor and magnificence of a court, or could beftow fo much on his pleafures or in liberalities'to his fervants and favou- rites T. - THERE was one pleafure, to which William, as well as all the Normans, and The new fom antient Saxons, was extremely addicted ; and that was hunting : But this plea- Tt. fure he indulged more at the expence of his unhappy fubjects, whofe interefts he always difregarded, than to the lofs or diminution of his own revenue. Not con- tented with thofe large forefts, which the former Kings poffeffed in all parts of England; he refolved to make a new foreft near Winchefter, the ufual place of his refidence : And for that purpofe, he laid watte the country in Hampfhire for an extent of thirty miles, expelled the inhabitants from their houfes, feized their property, even demolifhed churches and convents, and made the fufferers no com- penfation for the injury ft. At the fame time, he ena@ed new laws, by which he prohibited all his fubjects from hunting in any of his forefts, and rendered the penalties much more fevere than ever had been infliéted for fuch offences. The killing of a deer or boar, or even of ahare, was punifhed with the lof of the de- linquent’s eyes |}; and that at a time, when the killing of a man could be ats toned for by paying a moderate fine or compofition. Tue tranfactions, recorded during the remainder of this reign, may be confj- dered more as domettic occurrences, which concern the prince, than as national * Chron, Sax. p- 188.191. Malmef. p. in2. H. Hunt. p- 370. M. Weft, p, 229. Brompton, P9794 . t Fortefcue de Dom. reg. & politic. cap. 111. } Malmef. p. 3, H. Hunt. p. 731. Anglica Sacra, vol. 1, p: 258, | Chron. Sax. p. 1g1, H. Hunt, p. 371. M. Weft, p. 229, Diceto, p. 488. Anglia Sacra, vol. 1. p. 258. events, 1082. 1083. 1087. War with France. Chap. IV. 198 HISTORY or ENGLAND. events, which regard England. Odo, bifhop of Baieux, the King’s uterine brother, whom he had created earl of Kent, and whom he had entrufted with a ereat {hare of power during his whole reign *, had amafied immenfe riches; and agreeable to the ufual progrefs of human wifhes, he began to regard his prefent ac- quifitions but as a ftep to farther grandeur. He had formed the chimerical pro- ject of buying the papacy ; and tho’ Gregory, the prefent Pope, was not of very advanced years, the prelate had confided fo much in the predictions of an aftro- loger, that he made account of the pontiff’s death, and of attaining, by his in- trigues and money, that envied ftate of greatnefs +. He refolved, therefore, to tranfmit all his riches to Italy, and had perfuaded many confiderable barons, and, among the reft, Hugh earl of Chefter, to take the fame courfe; in hopes, that. when he fhould mount the papal throne, he would beftow on them more confi- derable eftablifhments in that country {. The King, from whom all thefe pro- jects had been carefully concealed, at laft got intelligence of the defign, and or- dered Odo to be arrefted. His officers, refpecting the immunities, to which the ecclefiaftics now pretended, fcrupled to execute the command, till the King him- {elf was obliged in perfon to feize him ; and when Odo infifted that he was a pre- late, and exempt from ail temporal jurifdiction, William replied, that he arrefted him, not as bifhop of Baieux, but as earl of Kent |}. He was fent prifoner into Normandy; and notwithftanding all the remonftrances and menaces of Gregory, . was detained in cuftody during the remainder of this reign §. AnotueEr domeftic event gave the King much more concern : It was the death of Matilda, his Queen, whom he tenderly loved, and for whom he had ever pre- — ferved the moft fincere friendfhip. Three years afterwards, he pafied into Nor- mandy, and carried with him Edgar Atheling, to whom he very willingly granted permiffion to make a pilgrimage into the holy land.|.. He was detained on the con- tinent by a mifunderftanding, which broke out between him and the King of France, and which was occafioned by inroads made into Normandy by fome French ba- rons on the frontiers *. It was little in the power of princes at that time to re- ffrain their licentious nobility; but William fufpected, that thefe barons dared not to have provoked his indignation, had they not been affured of the counte-— nance and protection of Philip. . His difpleafure was increafed by the account he received of fome railleries which that Monarch had thrown out againft him, * Order Vital. p. 522: Frag. de Gul. Cong, p. 29- 4+ Order Vital. p.646 Frag. de Gul. Cong. p. 29. ~ + Ibid. || Chron, Abb, St. Petri de Burgo, p. 51+ W. Malmef. p. 120. § Order Vital. p. 647. H. Hunt. :p. 370. 4 W. Malmef. p. 103. * Order Vital. p. 654; 655. | nf : | William, WILLIAM tHe Coneaveror. 199 William, who was become corpulent, had been detained in bed fome time by Chap. IV. ficknefs ; upon which Philip expreffed his furprife that his brother of England eee fhould be fo long in being delivered of his great belly. The King fent him word, that, as fogn as he was up, he would prefent fo many lights at Notre- dame, as would perhaps give little pleafure to the King of France ; alluding to the ufual practice at that time of women after child-birth *. Immediately on. his recovery, he led an army into the L’Ifle de France, and laid every thing wafte with fire and fword: He took the town of Mante, which he reduced to afhes +. But the progrefs of thefe hoftilities was ftopt by an accident, which foon after put an end to William’s life. His horfe ftarting afide of a fudden, he bruifed his belly on the pommel of his faddle{; and being in a bad habit of body, as well as fomewhat advanced in years, he began to apprehend the confequences, and ordered himfelf to be carried in a litter to the monaftery of St. Gervais. Finding his illnefs increafe, and being fenfible of the approach of death, he dif- covered at laft the vanity of all human grandeur, and was ftruck with remorfe for thofe horrible cruelties and violences, which, for the attainment and defence of it, he had committed during the courfe of his reign over England |. He en- deavoured to make compenfation by prefents to churches and monafteries ; and he iffued orders for the liberty of earl Morcar, Siward Bearne, and other Englifh prifoners §. He was even prevailed on, tho’ not without reluctance, to confent, with his dying breath, to the deliverance of his brother, Odo, againft whom he was extremely incenfed. He left Normandy and Maine to his eldeft fon, Ro- bert: He wrote to Lanfranc, defiring him to crown William King of England | : Fie bequeathed to Henry nothing but the poffeffions of his mother, Matilda ; but foretold, that he would one day furpafs both his brothers in power and opu- lence *, He expired in the fixty-third year of his age, in the twenty-firft ofgth Septemb, his reign over England, and in the fifty-fourth of that over Normandy. Desh Frew princes have been more fortunate than this great monarch, or were bet- and charaSer ter entitled to grandeur and profperity, from the abilities and the vigor of mind °, William the which he difplayed in all his conduct. His {pirit was bold and enterprifing, yet eaeeron * Malmef. p. 112. M. Weft. p. 230. M. Paris, p, 9. Brompton, p. 980. Knyghton, P> 2353. Anglia Sacra, vol. 1. p. 262. + Order Vital. p. 655. Chron. de Mailr. p- 161. { Malmef p. 112. M. Paris, p.10. Knyghton, p. 2353. "|| Prag. de Gul. Conq. p. 29, 30, 31. § Chron, de Mailr. p. 161. Hoveden, p. 460. Chron. Abb. St. Petri de Burgo, p. 52. . Di- ceto, p. 488. + Gul. Gemet. p. 292, Order Vital. p. 659. Chron. de Mailr, p- 161. Malmef. p. 112. Hz. Hunt. p. 371. Hoveden, p. 460. M. Weft. Pp. 230, * Order Vital. p.659, Gul. Neubr. p. 357. Fragm, de Gul, Cong. p. 32. euided 200 —4 ST OR T OF ENGLAND: suided with prudence : His ambition, which was exorbitant, and lay little un- der the reftraint of juftice, and {till iefs under that of humanity, till fubmitted to the dictates of reafon and found policy. Born in an age when the minds of men were intractable and unacquainted with fubmiffion, he was yet able, to direct them to his purpofes ; and partly fom the afcendant of his vehement character, partly from art and diffimulation, to eftablith an unlimited authority. Tho’ sot infenGbleto generofity, he was hardened againft compaffion ; and he feemed equally oftentatious and ambitious of eclat in his clemency and in his feverity. The maxims of his adminiftration were auftere; but might have been ufeful, had they been folely employed in preferving order in an eftablifhed government *: They were ill calculated for foftening the rigors, which, under the moft gentle manage- ment, are infeparable from conquett. His attempt againft England was the Jatt great enterprize of the kind, which, during the courfe of feven hundred years, laas fully fucceeded in Europe ; and the greatnefs of his genius broke thro’ thofe limits, which firft the feudal ‘nftitutions, then the refined policy of princes, have &xed to the feveral ftates of Chriftendom. Tho’ he rendered himfelf infinitely odious to his Englifh fubjects, he tranfmitted his power to his pofterity, and the throne is ftill filled by his defcendants : A proof, that the foundations which he laid were firm and folid, and that, amidft all his violences, while he feemed only to gratify the prefent paffion, he had fill an eye towards futurity. Some writers have been defirous of refufing to this prince the title of Con- , queror, in the fenfe in which it is commonly underftood ; and under pretence, that that word is fometimes in o!d books applied to fuch as make an acquifition of territory by any means, they are willing to reject William’s title, by right of war, to the crown of England. It 1s needlefs to enter into a controverly, which, by the terms of it, muft neceflarily degenerate into a difpute of words. It fuf- fices to fay, that the duke of Normandy’s firft ‘nvafion of the ifland was hoftile; that his fubfequent adminiftration was entirely fupported by arms ; that in the very frame of his laws he made a diftinétion between the Normans and Englifh, — to the advantage of the former } ; that he aéted in every thing as abfolute mafter over the natives, whofe interefts and affeétions he totally difregarded ; and that if there was an interval when he aflumed the appearance of a legal magiftrate, the period was very fhort, and was nothing but a temporary facrifice, which he, as has been the cafe with moft conquerors, was obliged to make of his inclination to his prefent policy. Scarce any of thofe revolutions, which, both in hiftory and in common language, have always been denominated conquefts, appear equally vio- * M. Wett. p. 230. Anglia Sacra, vol, 1, p. 25%: + Hoveden, p. 600. i « . ce | a fy | see WILLIAM RUFUS. 208 Scr cke ry 208 [11S Fi@Ri kh oF ENGLAN D. Chap. V. filted by William with a {mall force, made himfelf mafter of the kingdom *. 1293. ‘New broils enfued with Normandy. ‘The frank, open, reniifs temper of Robert was ill fitted to withftand the interefted, rapacious character of William, who, being fupported by greater power, Was Rill encroaching on his brother's. poffef- 1094. _—‘fionsy and exciting his turbulent barons to rebellion againft him Ff. The King having gone over to Normandy to fupport his partizans, ordered an army of twenty thoufand men to be levied in England, and to be conduéted to the fea- coatt, as if they were inftantly to be embarked. Here Ralph Flambard, the King’s minifter, and the chief inftrument of his extortions, exacted ten fhillings a-piece from them, in lieu of their fervice, and then difmified them into their feveral counties {. This money was fo fkilfully employed by William, that it rendered him better fervice than he could have expected from the army. He engaged the French King by new prfefents || to depart from the protection of Robert 5 and he daily bribed the Norman barons to defert his fervice §. But was prevented from pufhing his advantages againft the duke, by an incurfion of the Welfh; which obliged him to return into England b.. He:found no difficulty to repel the enemys but was DoF able to: make any confiderable impreffion on a country, guarded by its mountainous fituation. A-confpiracy of his own barons, which was detected at this time, appeared a more ferious concern, and engrofied all his at- 1095. ¢ention. Robert Mowbray, earl of Northumberland, was at the head of this com- bination ; and he engaged in it the count @’Eu, Richard de Tunbrige, Roger de Lacey, and many others. The purpofe of the confpirators was to dethrone the King, and to advance in his ftead, Stephen, count of Aumale, nephew to the Conqueror *. William’s expedition prevented the defign from taking effect, and difconcerted the confpirators. Mowbray made fome refiftance, ; but being made prifoner, was forfeited, and thrown into confinement, where he died about 1096. thirty years after 7. The count d’Eu denied his concutrerice-in the’ plot 3 and to Rees juftify himfelf; fought in the prefence of the €ourt at Windfor, a duel with Geof- ie ‘frey Bainard, who accufed him. But being worfted in the combat, he was con- ih ‘deémned ‘to :be caftrated, and to’ have his eyes put out f. William de Alderi, bai -* Chron.Sax. p. 199: Hoveden, p. 463. i + M. Paris, p. 12. Annal. Waverl, p. 138. * ; | +. Chron, Sax. p. 201. Hi. Hunt. p. 373. M. Paris, p- 12. W. Heming. p- 465- Sim. Du- is nelm, p. 220. Chron. Sax. p. 201. Annal. Waverl. p- 139- § Hoveden, p. 464. 1 Chron. Sax. p. 201. W. Heming. p- 465: * Hoveden, p: 465. Sim. Dun. p. 221. + Chron. Sax. p. 202, 203. W. Malmef. p. 124. H. Hunt. p. 373- Annal. Waverl. p. 139» t W. Malm. p. 124- Hoveden, p. 466- a cae , another a \ WILLIAM RUEUS, 209 another confpirator, was fuppofed to be treated with more rigor, Wien she was fentenced to be hanged *, Burt the noife of thefe petty wars and commotions was quite funk in the tu-. muit of the Croifades, which now engrofied the attention of al] Europe, and have ever fince employed the curiofity of mankind, as the moft fignal and meft durable monument of human folly, that has yet appeared in any age or nation. After Mahomet had, by means of his pretended revelations, united the difperfed Arabians under one head, they iffued forth from their defarts in great multitudes; and being animated with zeal for their new religion, and fupported by the vigor of their new government, they made deep impreffions on the eaftern empire, Which was far in the decline, with regard both to military difcipline and to civil policy. Jerufalem, by its fituation, became one of their moft early conquetts ; and the Chriftians had the mortification to fee the holy fepulchre, and the other places, made famous by the prefence of their religious founder, fallen into the pofieffion of infidels. But the Arabians or Saracens were {0 employed in military enterprizes, by which they fpread their empire, in a few years, from the banks of the Ganges to the ftraits of Gibraltar, that they had no leifure for theological controverfy; and tho’ the alcoran, the Original monument of their faith, feems to contain fome violent precepts, they were much lefs infe&ed with the fpirit of bigotry and profecution than the {fpeculative Greeks, who were continually re- fining on the feveral articles of their religious fyftem. They gave little diftur- bance to thofe zealous pilgrims, who daily flocked to Jerufalem,; and they allowed everyman, after paying a moderate tribute, to vifit the holy fepulchre, to per- form his religious duties, and to return in peace. But the Turcomans or ‘Turks, a tribe of Tartars, who had embraced Mahometanifm, having wrefted Syria from the Saracens, and having in the year 1065, made themfelves matters of Jerufa- fem, rendered. the pilgrimage much more difficult and dangerous to the Chri: ftians. The barbarity of their manners, and the confufions attending their un- fettled government, expofed the pilgrims to many infults, robberies, and ex- tortions;. and thefe zealots, returning from their meritorious fatioues and fufferings, filled all Chriftendom with indignation againft the infidels, who profaned the holy city by their prefence, and derided the facred myfleries in the very place of their completion. Gregory VII. among the other vat ideas, which he entertained, had formed the defign of uniting all the weftera Chri- {tians againft the Mahometans ; but his exorbitant enterprizes againft the civil. power of princes, had created him fo many enemies, and had rendered his’. ichemes fo fufpicious, that he was not able to make great progrefs in this-under- * Chron, Sax. p. 204. Vou. I. Ee taking. Pann - 2tO HirST oO Rs. oF ENGLAND: taking: The work was referved for a meaner inftrument, whofe low condition expofed him to no jealoufy, and whofe folly. was well calculated: to coincide with. the prevailing principles of the times. | Perer, commonly called the Hermit, a native of Amiens in Picardy, had made the pilgrimage to Jerufalem and: being deepiy affected with the dangers,. to which that ad-of piety was now expofed, as well as with the inftances of op- preffion, under which the eaftern Chriftians laboured, he entertained the bold, and in all appearance, impracticable project of leading into: Afia, from the fartheft-extremities of the weft, armies fufficient to fubdue thofe potent-and war-- like nations; which now held the holy land in flavery and fubjection *. _ He pro- pofed his views to Martin Il. who filled the papal chair, and who, tho’ he was: fenfible of the advantages, which the head of the Chriftian religion muft reap. from a religious war, and tho’ he efteemed the blind zeal of Peter a proper means: for effecting the purpofe +, refolved°not to interpofe his authority, till he faw a: greater probability of fuccefs. E1e fummoned a council at Placentia, which con- fitted of four thoufand ecclefiaftics and thirty thoufand feculars ; and which was: fo numerous, that no hall could contain the multitude, and it was neceffary to: hold the affembly in a plain. The harangues of the pope, and of Peter himfelf, reprefenting the difmmal fituation of their brethren in the eaft, and the indignity, fuffered by the Chriftian name, in allowing the holy city to.remain in the hands. of the infidels, here found the minds of men fo well prepared, that the. whole multitude, as if a€tuated by a fupernatural inftinct, declared for the war, and. folemnly devoted themfelves to perform this fervice, fo meritorious, as they bes lieved it; towards God and religion. But tho’ Italy feemed thus to have embraced zealoufly. the defign, Martin: juftly thought, that,.in order to infure fuccefs, it was neceffary to inlift-the sreater and more warlike nations.in the fame engagement ;, and having exhorted Peter previoufly to vilit the chief cities and. fovereigns of Chriftendom, .he fum-+ moned another council at Clermont in Auvergne {. The fame. of this great and pious defign, being, now univerfally diffufed, procured the attendance of the greateft prelates, nobles, and princes ; and when the.Pope and. the hermit re- newed their pathetic exhortations, the. whole aflembly, as.if impelled by an im- mediate infpiration, not moved by their preceding impreffions, exclaimed with one voice, Jt is the will of Ged, It is the will of God: Words efteemed fo me-+ morable, and. fo much the refult of a divine influence, . that they were employed * Gul. Tyrts, lib.1. cap. 11... M. Paris, p. 17. + Gul. Tyrius, lib. 1, cap. 13. + Concil, tom, 10, Concil, Clarom, Matth, Paris, p. 16. M, Weft. p. 233. ay ‘WILLIAM RUEF US, 211 2s the fignal of rendezvous and battle in. all the future exploits of the Croifes *, Men of all ranks flew to arms with the utmoft ardor; and an exterior fymbol too, a circumftance of chief moment, was here chofen by the devoted combatants. The fign of the crofs, which had been hitherto fo much revered among Chriftians, and which, the more it was an object of reproach among infidels, was the more paffionately cherifhed by them, became the badge of union, and was affixed te their right fhoulder, by all who inlifted themfelves in this facred warfare +— Europe was at this time funk into a profound ignorance and fuperftition : The ecclefiaftics had acquired the greateft afcendant over the human mind: The people, who, being little reftrained by honour and lefs by law, abandoned themfelves to the greateft crimes and. diforders, knew of no other expiation than the obfervances impofed on them by their fpiritual paftors: And it was eafy to reprefent the holy war as an equivalent for all pennances $, and an atonement for every violation of juftice or humanity. But amid{€ the abject fuperftition, which now prevailed, the military fpirit alfo had univerfally diffufed itfelf; and tho’ not fupported by art or difcipline, was become the general paffion of the nations, governed by the feudal law, All the great lords poffeffed the right of peace and war: They were engaged in continual hoftilities with each other : The open country was become a fcene of outrage and diforder: The cities, which were ftill mean and poor, were neither guarded by walls, nor proteéted by pri- vileges, and were expofed to each infult : Every man was obliged to depend for fafety on his own force, or his private alliances: And valor was the only excel- lence, which was held in efteem, or gave one man the pre-eminence above ano- ther. When all the particular fuperftitions,; therefore, were here united in one great object, the ardor for private hoftilities took the fame direCtion ; ; and Eu- rope, impelled by its two ruling paffions, was loofened, as it were, from its foundations, and feemed to precipitate itfelf in one united body upon the eatt./. At orders of men, deeming the craifades the only road to heaven, in! lifted themfelves under thefe facred banners, and were impatient to oren the way with their fword to the holy city. Nobles, artizans, peafants, even priefts |. inrolled their names ; and to decline this meritorious fervice was branded with the re- proach ef impiety, or what perhaps was efteemed ftill more difgraceful, of cow- ardice and pufiJanimity |. The infirm and aged contributed to the expedition by prefents and money ; and many of them, not fatisfied with the merit of this atonement, attended it in perfon, and were determined, if poflible, to breathe ‘ * Hiftoria Bell. Sacri, tom. 1. Mufzi Ital. + Hilt. Bell. Sacri, tom..1. Muf. Ital. Order. Vital. p. 721. t Order. Vital. ‘p. 720, 4+ bbid. || W. Malm. p. 133. Ee 2 their | Fate A eee + me es Chap. V. 1096, Chap. V. 1090, * a Pes — 7 a } . ~! ’ s = oe HISTORY or ENGLAND. their laft, in fight of that city where their Saviour had died for them. Women themfelves, concealing their fex under the difguife of armour, attended the camp ; and commonly forgot ftill more the dury of their fex, by proftituting themfelves, without referve, tothe army *. The greateft criminals were forward in a fer- vice, which they regarded as a propitiation for all crimes; and the moft enor- mous diforders were, during the courfe of thefe expeditions, committed by men enured to wickednefs, encouraged by example, and impelled by neceffity. The multitude of the croifes foon became fo great, that their more fagacious leaders, Hugh count de Vermandois, brother to the French King, Raymond count of Tholoufe, Godfrey of Boulogne, prince of Brabant, and Stephen count of Blois, _ became apprehenfive left the greatnefs of the armament itfelf would difappoint its: purpofe; and they permitted an undifciplined multitude, computed at 300,000: men, to go before them under the command of Peter the Hermit, and Walter the Moneylefs ¢. Thefe men took the road towards Conftantinople thro’ Hun- gary and Bulgaria; and trufting, that heaven, by fupernatural affiftance, would fupply all their neceffities, they made no provifion for fabfiftance on their march. They foon found themfelves obliged to obtain by plunder what they had vainly. expected from miracles; and the enraged inhabitants of the countries thro” which they pafled, gathering together in arms, attacked the diforderly multitude, and put them to flaughter without refiftance. The more difciplined armies followed after ; and paffing over the ftraits at Conftantinople, they were muftered. in. the plains of Afia, and amounted in the whole to the number 700,000 combatants {f.. Amps this univerfal madnefs, which fpread itfelf by contagion throughout all Europe, efpecially in France and Germany, men were not entirely forgetful of their prefent interefts ; and both thofe who went on this expedition, and thofe who ftaid behind, entertained {chemes of gratifying, by its means, their avarice or their ambition. The nobles who inlifted themfelves were moved by the ro- mantic fpirit of the age to hope for opulent eftablifhments in the eaft, the'chief feat of arts and commerce during thofe ages; and in purfuit of thefe chimerical, projects, they fold at the loweft price their antient caftles and inheritances, which had now loft ali value in their eyes. ‘The greater princes, who remained at home, befides eftablifhing peace in their dominions by giving occupation abroad to the: inquietude and martial difpofition of their fubjects, took the opportunity of an- nexing to their crown many confiderable fiefs, either by purchafe or by the ex- tinction of the heirs. The Pope frequently turned the zeal of the croifes from: the infidels againft his own enemies, whom he reprefented as equally, criminal: * Vertot Hift. de Chev. de Malte, vol, 1. p. 46. + Sim. Dunelm, p. 222. + Matth, Paris, p. 17. i| Matth. Paris, p. 20, 21. ‘ with: WILLIAM RUFUS. or, with the enemies of Chrift. The convents and other religious focieties bought Chap. V. the poffeffions of the adventurers ; and as the contribution’ of the faithful were 799% commonly entrufted to their management, they often diverted to this purpofe what was intended to be employed againft the infidels *. But no one was a more immediate gainer. by this epidemic fury than the King of England. who kept aloof from all connexions with thofe fanatical and romantic watriors. Rosert, duke of Normandy, inipelled by the bravery and “‘miftaken genero- Acquifition of fity of his fpirit, had early inlifted himflf in the croifade ; but being always uns siisuouenS provided of money, he found, that it would be impracticable for him to appear, in a manner fuitable to his rank and flation, at the head of his numerous Vaflals and fubjects, who, tranfported with the general tage, were determined to follow himinto Afia. He refolved, therefore, to mortgage or rather to fell his domi- nions, which he'had not talents to govern; and he offered them to his brother William, for no greater fum than ten thoufand marks +. The bargain was foon concluded: The King raifed the money by violent extortions on his fubjects of all ranks, even on the convents, who were obliged to melt their plate in order to furnifh the quota demanded of them +: He was put in pofieffion of Normandy and Maine: And Robert, providing himfelf of a magnificent train, fet out for the holy land, in purfuit of glory, and, as he believed, in full affurance of fe curing his eternal falvation. Tne fmallnefs of this fum, with the difficulties which William found in raifine ity fuffices alone to refute the account, which is heedlefsly adopted by hiftorians, of the enormous revenue of the Conqueror. Is it credible, that Robert would confign into the rapacious hands of his brother fuch confiderable dominions, for afum, which, according to that account, made not a week’s income of his fa- ther’s treafury ? Or that the King of England could not on demand, without Op- preffing his fubjects, have been able to pay him the money? ‘The Concueror, it is agreed, was frugal as well as rapacious ; and yet his treafure, at his death, ex- ceeded not 60,000 pounds, which would have been no more than his income for two months: Another certain refutation of that exaggerated account. Tut fury of the croifades, during this age, lefs infééted England than the neighbouring kingdoms ; probably becaufe the Norman conquerors, finding their fettlement in that kingdom ftill fomewhat precarious, dared not to abandon ¢heir own houfes, in queft of diftant adventures. The felfith interefted humour alfo * Padre Paolo Hitt. delle benef. ecclefiat. Pp. 428, t W. Malm. p..123. Chron. T. Wykes, p. jz4.. Annal. Waverl, p. 139... W., Heming, 9: 467. Flor. Wig..p. 648. Sim. Dunelm. p. 222. Knyghton, Pp. 2364. { Eadmer, p. 35. W. Malm. p. 123, W, Heming. p. 467. , © 214 wis TORY OF ENGLAND. 7] ae r 4 i a Chap. V. of the King, which kept him from kindling in the general flame, checked its pro- Wal: i 1099. erefs among his fabjects ; and as he is accufed of open profanenefs *, and was endowed with a fharp wit +, it is likely that he made the romantic chivalry of the croifes the object of his perpetual ridicule. As an inftance of his irreligion, we are told, that he once accepted of fixty marks from a Jew, whofe eldeft fon had been converted to Chriftianity, and who engaged him by that prefent to affift him in bringing back the youth toe Judaifm. William employed both menaces and perfuafion to that purpofe; but finding the new convert -obftinate in hig faith, he fentfor the father, and told him, that as he had not fucceeded, it was | not juft that he fhould keep the prefent; but as-he had done his utmoft, it was but equitable that ‘he fhould be paid for his pains ; and he would therefore only-retain thirty marks of the money {. At another time, it is faid he fent for fome learned Chriftian theologians and fome rabbies, and bade them fairly dif- pute the queftion of their religion in his prefence: He was perfectly indifferent between them, had his ears open to reafon and conviction, and would embrace that doctrine, which upon comparifon fhould be found {upported by the moft fo- lid arguments |. If this-ftory be true, it 1s probable that he meant only toamufe himfelf by turning -both into ridicule : But we muft be cautious of admitting every thing related by the monkifh hiftorians to the difadvantage of this prince He had the misfortune to be engaged in quarrels with the ecclefiaftics, particu- Jarly with Anfelm, commonly called St. Anfelm, archbifhop of Canterbury ; and ++ is no"wonder his memory fhould be blackened by the hiftorians of that order... Quarrel with Arter the death of Lanfranc, the King, for feveral years, retained in his own Anfelm, the hands the revenues of Canterbury, as well as thofe of many other vacant bifhop- pumate. rics; but falling into a dangerous ‘Inefs, he was feized with remorfe, and the clergy reprefented to him, that he was in danger of eternal perdition, if, before his death he did not make atonement for thofe multiplied impieties and facrileges, of which he had been guilty §. He refolved therefore to fupply inftantly the va- cancy of Canterbury ; and for that purpofe, he fent for Anfelm, a Piedmontefe by birth, abbot of Bec in Normandy, who was much celebrated for his learning and devotion. The abbot refufed earneftly the dignity, fell on his knees, wept, and entreated the King to change his purpofe |; and when he found the prince obftinate in forcing the paftoral ftaff upon him, he kept his fift fo faft clenched, that it required the utmoft violence of the byftanders to open it, and force him * G. Neubr. p.358. W. Gemet. p. 292. + Malm. p. 122. + Eadmer, p. 47. || W. Malm. p. 123. § -Eadmer, p.16. Chron. Sax. p.198. H. Hunt. p. 373- Hoveden, p. 463. M. Paris, p. 12+ Annal. Waverl. p. 138. 'T, Rudb. p. 264. Flor. Wigorn. p. 645: Sim. Dunelm. p. 217- Di- Leto, Ps 490. 4 Eadmer, p. 17. Diceto, p. 494. | | F 4 | to WILLIAM RUFUS. ons to receive that enfign of fpiritual dignity *. William: foon after recovered his fealch ; and his paffions regaining their ufual force and vigour, he returned to bis former violence and rapine +. He retained in prifon feveral perfons whom he had ordered to be freed during the time of his penitence ; he ftill preyed upon’ the ecclefiaitical benefices; the fale of fpiritual dignities continued: as Open as ever; and-he retained poffeffion of a confiderable part of the revenues belonging to the fee of Canterbury {. But he found in Anfelm that perfevering oppofi« tion, which he had reafon to expect from the oftentatious humility, which that prelate had employed in refufing his promotion. Tue oppofition of Anfelm was the more dangerous on account of the charac- ter of piety, which he foon acquired in England, by his great zeal againft aif abufes, particularly thofe in drefs and ornament: There was a mode, which, in that age, prevailed throughout Europe, both among men and women, to give an enormous length to their fhoes, to draw the toe to a fharp point, and to afix to it the figure of a bird’s bill, or fome fuch ornament, which was turned up- wards, and which was often fuftained by gold or filver chains tied to the knee |, The ecclefiaftics took exception at this ornament, which, they faid, was an at- tempt to bely. the fcripture, where it is affirmed, that no man can add a cubit to his ftature; and they declaimed againft it with great vehemence, nay afiembled fome fynods, who abfolutely condemned it., But fuch are the ftrange contradic- tions in human nature! tho’'the clergy, at that time, could overturn thrones; and. had authority: fufficient to fend above a million of men on ¢heir errand to the defarts of Afia, they never could prevail againft thefe long-pointed fhoes: On the contrary, that caprice, contrary to all other modes, maintained its ground during feveral centuries ; and if the clergy had not:at laft‘defifted from their per- fecutions of it, it might ftill have been the prevailing fafhion in Europe. Bur Anfelm was more fortunate in decrying the particular mode, which was the object of his averfion, and ‘which probably had not taken fuch faft hold of the: affections of the people. H¢ preached zealoufly againft the long hair and curled Jocks, which were then fafhionable among the courtiers ; he refufed the athes on Afh-Wednefday to thofe who were fo accoutered’; and’ his authority and elo- quence had fuch influence, that the young men univerfally abandoned that orna- ment, and appeared in the cropt hair, which was recommended: to: them by the- fermons of the primate. The noted hiftorian of Anfelm,; who was alfo his com«- panion and fecretary, celebrates highly this effort of his zeal and piety §. * Radmer, p. 18. + H, Hunt. p. 373. M. Paris,-p. 12. Diceto, P- 494». } Eadmer, p. 19, 43. Chron. Sax. p. 199. || Order, Vital. p, 682. W. Malmef. p 123. Knyghton, p. 2369. § Hadmer, p. 23. WHEN. o * Chap. V. 1096. “& + ret me ah ‘ta . * 4 > 216 HY I S T7O Rj Xi -0F ENGL AN D. Wuen William’s profanenefs therefore returned to him with his health, he was {oon engaged in controverfies with this auftere prelate. There was at that time a fchifm in the church, between Urban and Clement, who both pretended to the papacy *. and Anfelm, who, as abbot of Bec, had already acknowledged the former, Was determined, without the King’s confent, to introduce his autho- rity into England 7. William, who, imitating his father’s example, had pro- hibited his fubjects from recognizing any Pope, whom he had not previoufly re- ceived, was enraged at this pretenfion ; and fummoned a fynod at Rockingham, with an intention of depofing Anfelm,; but that prelate’s fuffragans declared, that, without the papal authority, they knew of no expedient for inflicting that cenfure on their primate {. The King was at laft engaged by other motives to give the. preference to Urban’s title; Anfelm received the pall from him ; and matters feemed to be tolerably compofed between the King and the primate ||, when the quarrel broke out afreth from a new caufe. William had undertaken an expedi- tion againft Wales, and required the archbifhop to furnifh his quota of foldiers for that fervice; but Anfelm, who regarded the demand as an Oppreffion on the church, and yet durft not refufe compliance, fent them fo miferably equipped, that the King was extremely difpleafed, and threatened him with a profecution §. Anfelm, on the other hand, demanded pofitively, that all the revenues of his fee fhould be-reftored to him ; appealed to Rome againft the King’s injuftice +5 and affairs came to fuch extremities, that the primate, finding it dangerous to remain inthe kingdom, defired the King’s permiffion to retire beyond fea. All his tem- poralities were confifcated *; but he was received with great refpect by Urban who confidered him as a martyr in the caufe of religion, and even menaced the King, on account of his proceedings againft the primate and the church, with, the fentence of excommunication, Anfelm affifted at the council of Bari, where, befides fixing the controverfy between the Greek and Latin churches, about the proceffion of the Holy Ghoft +, the right of election to church-preferments was, declared to belong to the clergy alone, and fpiritual cenfures, were denounced againft all ecclefiaftics, who did homage to laymen for their fees or benefices, and on all laymen who exacted it f. The rite of homage, by the feudal cuftoms, was, that the vaflal fhould throw himfelf on his knees, fhould put his joined hands between thofe of his fuperior, and fhould in that pofture {wear fealty to, him ||. But the council declared it execrable, thar pure hands, which could * Hoveden, p. 463. + Eadmer, p. 25. M. Paris, p. 13- Diceto, p. 494- Spelme Conc. vol. 2. p. 16. ~ t{ Eadmer, p. 30. | Diceto, p. 495: § Eadmer, p+ 37, 43° |. Eadmer, p. 40. * M, Paris, p. 13. Parker, p. 178, + Eadmer, p- 49- M. Paris, p.13- Sim, Dunelm. p. 224: + M. Paris, p. 14- ~ { Spellman, Du Cange, in’ verb. Hominium. 8 create WILLIAM RUFUS. ary create God, and could offer him up as a facrifice for the falvation of mankind, fhould be put, after this humiliating manner, between profane hands, which, belides being enured to rapine and bloodfhed, were employed day and night in impure purpofes and ob{cene contaéts *. Such were the reafonings prevalent in that age; reafonings, which, tho’ they cannot be paffed over in filence, without omitting the moft curious and, perhaps, not the leaft inftruaive part of hiftory, Can fearce be delivered with the requifite decency and gravity. Tue ceffion of Normandy and Maine by duke Robert increafed mightily the King’s territories ; but brought him no great increafe of power, becaufe of the unfettled ftate of thefe countries, the mutinous difpofition of the barons, and the near neighbourhood of the French King, who fupported them in all their infur- rections. Even Helie, lord of la Fleche, a fmall town in Anjou, was able to give him inquietude; and this great monarch was obliged to make feveral expe- ditions abroad, without being able to prevail over fo petty a baron, who had ‘ac- quired the confidence and affections of the inhabitants of Maine. He was, how- ever, fo fortunate, as at laft to take him prifoner in a rencounter; but having releafed him, at the interceffion of the French King and the count d’Anjou, he found the province of Maine ftill expofed to his intrigues and incurfions. Felie; being introduced by the citizens into the town of Mans, befieged the garrifon in the citadel ; and William, who was hunting in the new foreft, when he received this intelligence, was fo provoked, that he immediately. turned about his: horfe’s head, and galloped to the fea-fhore at Dartmouth ; declaring, that he would not {top a moment, till he had taken vengeance for this offence. He found the wea« ther fo cloudy and ftormy, that the mariners declared it dangerous to put to that they never yet heard of a King that was drowned +, By this vigour and celerity, he delivered the citadel of Mans from its prefent danger; and purfuing Helie into his own territories, he laid fiege to Majol, a fmall caftle in thofe parts : But an wound, which he received in the affault, obliged him to raife the fiege, and he returned to England. Tue weaknefs of the greateft monarchs, during this age, in their military ex peditions againft their neareft neighbours, appears the more furprifing, when we confider the prodigious numbers, which even petty princes, feconding the enthuse fiaftic rage of the people, were able to allemble, and to conduét in dangerous * W. Heming. p. 467... Flor. Wigorn: p. 649. Sim. Dunelm. Pp. 224. Brompton, p. 994. + W. Malm. p.iz4, Hy. Hunt. p: 378 M. Paris; p. 36. Ypod, Nenft. p.-442. Vou. I, F f enterprizes > fea; but the King hurried on board, and ordered them to fet fail ; telling them, . 1097. 1098, 1099, 2 SIisTORY or ENGLAND. = | 7 -_- - enterorizes to ibe semote provinces of Afa Wiliam, ea] of Pomers and doko =e .-,s + * _ . gf = ——— a — = > i og = — = : = a - & 3 - — of Guvenne, eniamed with the glory, amc mot Gicoutapes wan ine misfortunes, - -— = - - - a - > - _ se former croifs, had put himécif 2: the bead of an semis . = = ~ + —_— ---* an - Se Steet. © -Pet — > rf = - - - - ™ = a ~ = ocearer number Of foot *, and propeiec to 2cac intm ao i aoy izns agent _ . = - ' FT 3 - ¢ . —_—_— ; - cee == - the inadels. Hic wanted monary 10 icpwarc tec pitparaions quar for ths ex- —— - — - ' * . - — ~ ike eo a4 TO — - om ene rr ore [a2 £4 034733- yee we wihont = 4 P23 a. is ale ‘ete! ~~ 2 a oF ae 2. sateen Cor ORs iD 1a, ti al 6 & SFee.t oe bad ws - ‘ — - ? > > z _ Cea ~ - . - - 1. = @s07-73 F717 ——~- , kh as Oe eS | = "iat. = -=TrSf ww =r") ——.s. - =- - toe het 7 gis? Vs oe op 2ccount 0G: iis6i TaDet3ous a2anG inion tons = * = — _— = 3 “~ which Se _ a> — sa -* - = copa : > army, in order to cfoort the money, and take poficiies of the rich provinces of Gaienne and PoiG@ou; when an ateident pot an end a“ ~ -_ « > = ~et = <> ee ee - : > - ike &: We wes engerrd im Sunteas, — a ae his life, and to ail his ambitious prose amufement, 2ndisdeed the chief occupation of princes i thofe rude umes, whet fociety was little cultivated, and the arts aforded few obedts worthy of a tion. Walter Tycrel, 2 French geutiema2n, remarkable for his addreis in archery, strended -him in this fecreatzon, Of which the new foreft wes the fcese; andes William was difmounted-afecr a chace; Tyrrel, impatient to thow his dextersy, let fy an arrow at 2 fizg, which faddesly farced before him. ~ The arrow, cia Death cng from ater, firuck the King in the breaf, and inftantly few him]: whi Fyrel, without informing any one of the accicrnt, fpurs to his hark, haftened to the fea-fhore, embarked for France, and joined the cromies in an ci- petition to Jerufalem ; 2 penance which be impofed on himflf for this mvoles: tery crime. The body of William was found in the foreft by the coumity> - _—o— = people, and was buried without any pomp oF ceremony at Wincheiter. “Bis . = S 7 . - p< : courtiers were megligent in performing thc izit Coty t « mafter who was fo > o gr > Z ittic beloved: and every one w2s too muta occupied in the interefimg objet 3 _ == 1 5 a l ok 7. : - Do ff, - of ixime Dis iuCCemor, £0 attenG tae fonerais OT 2 Grad 10Ver°cien. _ - = sed chasafier | Tu memory of this monarch 1s sran{mitted to us with lice advantage by the z ae : ae rere ‘ oe Mi ns tne Oe phe ee, YB “Win ofc 4 - - , = a *, 9 ne ’ { “a + J . bee = G ++ incase beoeyer Lat? ge, A yw ca ™ aera churchmen, whom he had offended, and tho’ we may fufp-@ in general, that ther account of his vices is fomewhat exaggerated, his condaa affords lirele rea- fon for contradiGiing the charaéter which they have 2figned him, or for aun- puting to him any very eftimable qualitics. Hi Seems to have been 2 violent and tyrannical prince; a perfidious, encroaching, and Cangcrous paghbour ; an a kind and ungenerows relation. He was equally prodigal and rapacious in the ma- nepement of histreafery ; and if be pofiefied zbilitics, he really Jay fo much under ° W.Melm p.t49. The whole ised by Onder: Vel p 789 Dao > $00,000 mes. 2 W. Malmel p.izz. 7. W. Min. pick HM Hunt p-37% M. Pans, p 37- PS- Bx. P- 41C. WILLIAM RUFUS: mar. the government of impetuous paffions, that he made little ufe of them in his ad- miniftration ; and he indulged entirely that domineering policy, which fuited his temper, and which, if fupported, as it was in him, with courage and vigor, proves often more fuccefsful, in diforderly times, than the deepett forefight and moft refined artifice. Yue monuments which remain of this prince in England aré the Tower, Weft- minfter-hall,. and London-bridge, which he built. The moft*laudable foreign enterprize which he undertook, was the fending Edgar Atheling, three years be- fore his death, into Scotland with a fmall army, to reftore prince Edgar the true heir of that kingdom, fon of Malcolm, and of Margaret, fitter of Edgar Atheling ; and the enterprize proved fuccefsful *. It was remarked in that ape, that his elder brother, Richard, perifhed by an accident in the new foreft; Ri- chard, his nephew, natural fon of duke Robert, loft his life in the fame place after the fame manner: And all men, upon the King’s fate, exclaimed, that, as the Conqueror had been guilty of extreme: violence, by expelling all the inhabitants of that large diftri, to make room for his game, the juft vengeance of providence was fignalized, in the fame place, by the flaughter of his pofte- rity +. William was flain in the thirteenth year of his reign, and about the for- tieth of his age [. Ais he was never married, he left no legitimate iffue behind him. In the eleventh year of this reign, Magnus King of Norway, made .a defcent on the Ifle of Anglefea ; but was repulfed by Hugh, earl of Shrewfbury ||. This is the laft attempt made by the northern nations againft Eneland. * Chron. Sax. p. 206. W, Malm. p. 122, Hoveden, p. 466. Chron. Abb, St. Petri de Burgo, Pp: 56. | + Hoveden, p. 468. Flor. Wig. p. 649. W. Gemmet. p. 296, Sim, Dunelm, p. 325, Bromp- ton, p. 996. | ft W. Malm. p. 127. } Sim. Dunelm, p. 223. - Ff 2 CH. A Pi Chap. -V, 1300. son id ; ps . . £ HISTORY of ENGLAND os = OB Wie Meena i Bi Mae ee ee Hil i} The Croifades——- Acceffion of Henry Marriage of the King— In~ vafion by duke Robert Accommodation with Robert Attack of, Normandy Congueft of Normandy Continuation of the quar- rel with Anfelm, the primate Compromife with bim Wars a broad Death of prince Wi iliam——<—King’s fecond. marriage¢——— Death——=and charatter of Henry | | Ete Chap. VL A ETER the-croifes were affembled’ on the banks of the Bofphorus, oppo x sige fite to Conftantinople, they proceeded on their enterprize ; but immedi-- Bae cioi- ately, experienced thofe difficulties, which their zeal had hitherto. concealed from. , them, and for. which,, even if they had forfeen them, it would have been almoft impoflible to.provide a proper remedy. The Greek Emperor, Alexis Comnenus,. who had applied to the weftern Chriftians for fuccour againft the Turks, enter- tained hope, and that but a feeble one,. of only. obtaining fuch a moderate fupply,. as, acting under his. command, might enable him to repulfe the enemy : Butyhe, was extremely aftonifhed to fee his dominions overwhelmed,. on a fudden, with fuch an inundation of licentious barbarians, who, tho’ they pretended friendthip,. defpifed his fubjects as unwatlike,. and detefted them as heretical. By all the arts. of policy, in which he excelled, he endeavoured to divert the torrent 3 but.while he employed profeffions, careffes, civilities, and feéming fervices towards the leaders of the croifade, he fecretly regarded thofe imperious allies as.more dan- gerous than the open enemies, by whom his empire had been formerly invaded. Having effeétuated that difficult point of: difembarking them fafely in Afia, he: entered into a private correfpondence with Soliman, Emperor of the Turks 5: and praétifed every infidious art, which his genius, his power, OF his fituation enabled him to employ, for difappointing the enterprize, and difcouraging the Latins from making thenceforward any fuch prodigious migrations. His-dan- serous policy was feconded by the diforders, infeparable from fo vaft a multitude, who were not united under one head, and were conduéted by leaders of the moft independant, intractable fpirits, unacquainted with military difcipline, and ftill ; . S88 - A e : : more enemies to civil authority and fubmiflion, The fcarcity of provifions, the —_excefles MM OEM WN. RSE i 21 excefles of fatigue,. the influence of unknown climates, joined tothe want of con- ¢ertin their operations, and the {word of a warlike enemy, deftroyed the croifes by thoufands, and would have abated the ardor of men, impelled to war by lefs powerful motives... Their zeal, however, their bravery, and their irrefiftible force ftill carried them forward, and continually advanced them to the great end of their enterprizes, After. an. obftinate fiege, they took Nice, the feat. of thé Lurkifh empire; they defeated Soliman in two great battles ; they made them- elves matters, of Antioch ; and entirely broke the force of the Turks, who had {fo long. retained thefe countries in fubjection. The foldan of Egypt, whofe alliance they had hitherto courted, recovered, on the fall of the Turkith power, his former. authority,in Jerufalem ; and informed them by his ambaffadors, that; if they came difarmed to,that city, they might now perform their religious vows, and that all Chriftian pilgrims, who fhould thenceforth vific the holy: fepulchre, might expect.the fame good treatment, which they, had-ever received from his predeceffors, This offer was-rejected ;.the foldan. was required to yield up the city to the Chriftians ;. and on-his refufal, the croifes-advanced to the fiege of Jerufalem, which they regarded as the confummation of their labours. By the detachments, which they had.made, and the difatters, which they had undergone; » they were: diminifhed tothe number of twenty, thoufand: foot:and fifteen hundred horfe ; but. thefe were ftill formidable from their-valor,. their experience, and the obedience, which, at the price of paft calamities, they-had learned to pay to their leaders.. After a fiege of five weeks, they took Jerufalem by affault ; and, impelled by a mixture of military and religious rage, they put.the numerous garrifon and - Inhabitants to the fword without diftin@ion, . Neither arms:defended the valiant, nor fubmiffion the timorous : No age nor fex.was {pared:: Infants.on the breaftt were. pierced by. the fame blow with their: mothers, . who -j themfelves prifoners, and were. promifed quarter, , were butchered in.cold blood by thefe ferocious conquerors *. The ftreets of Jerufalem. were covered,. with dead bodies + ;. and. the triumphant croifes,. after every. enemy, was fubdued and flaughtered, immediately turned themfelves, with the fentiments .of humiliation | and contrition, towards the. holy fepulchre. They. threw afide:their arms, ftild ftreaming with blood: They-advanced with reclined bodies, .and. naked. feet and head to that facred monument : They fung anthems to, their Saviour who had | purchafec their. falvation by his death and agony: And -theirdevotion, enlivened by the prefence ofthe place where he had fuffered, fo overcame their fury, - that: they diffolved in. tears, and bore the appearance of every. foft and tender :fenti-- * Vertot, vol. 1, ps s7- +: M, Paris, p. 34. Order. Vital, Pp. 756 Diceto, p. 498. ment, mplored. for mercy: Even a.multitude,. to the number of: ten thoufand perfons,. who had furrendered | Chap. VL 1100. —— — oa = eS wr = a iby Bien ‘ Chap. VI. 1100, Acceffion of Henry. 222 HIisTORnY ws ENGLAND. ment *, . So inconfiftent is human -nature with itfelf! And fo eafily does the mott effeminate fuperftition ally both with the moft heroic courage, and: with the fierceft barbarity ! Tuts great event happened on the fifth of July in the laft year of the eleventh century. The Chriftian princes and nobles, after choofing Godfrey of Boulogne King of Jerufalem, began to fettle themfelves in their new _conquefts ; while fome of them returned to Europe, in order to enjoy at home that glory which their valor had acquired them in’ this popular and meritorious enterprize. A- mong thefe, was Robert, duke of Normandy, who, as he had abandoned the oreateft dominions of any prince, that attended the croifade, had all along dif- tinguifhed himfelf by the moft intrepid courage +, as well as by that affable dif- pofition and unbounded generofity, which gain the hearts of foldiers, and qualify a prince to fhine in a military life. In paffing thro’ Italy, he became acquainted with Sibylla, daughter of the count of Converfana, a young lady of great beauty — and merit, whom he efpoufed { ; and indulging himfelf in this new paffion, as well as fond of enjoying eafe and pleafure, after the fatigues of fo many rough campaigns, he lingered a cwelvermonth in that delicious climate ; and tho’ his friends in the north looked every moment for his arrival, none of them knew when they could with certainty expect it. By this: delay, he loft the kingdom of England, which the great fame he had acquired during the croifades, as well as his undoubted title; both by birth, and by the preceding agreement with his de- ceafed brother, would, had he been prefent, have infallibly fecured to him. Parnce Henry was hunting with Rufus in the new foreft, when intelligence of that prince’s death was brought him ; and being fenfible of the advantage, attending the conjuncture, he immediated galloped to Winchefter, in order to fecure the royal treafure, which he knew to be a neceflary implement for facili- tating his defigns on the crown. He had fcarcely reached the place when Wil- liam de Bretevil, keeper of the treafure, arrived, and oppofed himfelf to Henry's pretenfions. This nobleman; who had been engaged inthe fame party of hunt- ing, had no fooner heard of his mafter’s death, than he haftened to take care of his charge; and he told the prince, that this treafure, as well as the crown, be- longed to‘his elder brother, who was now his fovereign ; and that he himftlf, for his part, was determined, in fpite of all other pretenfions, to maintain his allegiance tohim.” But Henry, drawing his fword, threatened him with inftant death, if he dared to-difobey him’; and as others of the late King’s retinue, who came * M. Patis, p. 34 Order. Vital. p. 756. eres, otf Paris, p.'35.- W. Hemiing. p. 467- G. Newbrig, p. 35%, t W. Malm. p. 153. Gul. Gemet. p. 299. every Hi cE ik FB 7. 222 every moment to Winchefter, joined the prince’s party, Breteuil was obliged to withdraw his oppofition, and to acquiefce in,this violence *. Henry, without lofing a moment, haftened with his money to London; and having affembled fome noblemen and prelates, whom his addrefs, or abilities, or prefents, gained to his fide, he was fuddenly elected, or rather faluted King ; and unmediately proceeded to the exercife of the royal dignity. In lefs than three days after his brother’s death, the ceremonial of his coronation was performed by Maurice, bifhop of London, who was perfiaded to officiate on that occafion + ; and thus, by his courage and celerity, he intruded himfelf into the vacant throne. No one had fufficient {piric or fenfe of duty to appear in defence of the abfent prince: All men were feduced or intimidated: Prefent poffeffion fupplied the apparent deficiencies of Henry’s title, which was indeed founded on plain ufur- pation: And the barons, as well as the people, acquiefced in acclaim, which, tho’ it could neither be juftified nor comprehended, could new, they found, be oppofed only thro’ the perils of civil War and rebellion. Bur as Henry eafily forefaw, that a crown, ufurped againft all rules of juftice, would fit very unfteady on his head, he refolved, by fair profeffions at leaft, to gain the affections of all his fubjects. Befides taking the ufual coronation-oath to maintain the laws and execute juftice, he pafled a charter, which was calculated to remedy many of the grievous oppreffions, which had been complained of du- ring the reign’of his father and brother t. He there promifed, that, upon the death of any bifhop or abbot, he never would feize the revenues of the fee or ab- bey during the vacancy, but would leave the whole to be. reaped by the fuccef- ceffor ; and» that he would never let to farm any: ecclefiaftical benefice, nor dif- pofe of it for money. After this conceffion to the church, whofe favour was of fo great confequence, he proceeded to enumerate the civil grievances, which he purpofed to redrels. He promifed, that, upon the death of any earl, baron, or military tenant, his heir fhould be admitted to the poffeffion of his eftate, on paying a juft and lawful relief; without being expofed to fuch exorbitant exac- tions as had been required during the late reigns: He remitted the wardtfhip of minors, and allowed guardians to be appointed, who fhould be anfwerable for the truft : He promifed not to difpofe of any heirefs in marriage, but by the ad- vice of all the barons ;, and, if any baron intended to give his daughter, fifter, niece, or kinfwoman, in marriage, it fhould only be neceflary for him to confult the King, who promifed.to take no money for his confent, nor ever to refufe permiffion, un- Jefs the perfon to whom it was propofed to marry her fhould happento be his ene- * Order, Vital. p. 782. t+ Chron. Sax. p. 208. Order, Vital. p.783. ft Chron: Sax. p. 208. Sim, Dunelm. p, 225. Brompton, Pp: 997. My. s Chap. VI. Lico, core, TOT a t ‘ iil ee a 1} if al i i} Be AU Chiap. VI. 1 i OO. 7 (2 ale I; + * : 224 HISTORY © ENGLAND: my : He granted his barons and military’ tenants the powét of bequeathing by: ie will their money or perfonal eftates; and if they neglected to make a will, he promifed, that their heirs fhould fucceed to them : He remitted the right of im- pofing moneyage, and of levying taxes at pleafure on the farms, which the ba- rons retained in their own hands * : He made fome general profeffions of mo- derating fines ; he offered a/pardon for all.offencess and he remitted all debts due to the crown: He required, that the vafials of the barons fhould enjoy the fame privileges, which he ranted to his own barons; and he promifed a general con-. Grmation and obfervance of the laws of King Edward, This is the fubftance of. the chief articles contained in that famous charter 7. pee | 7, To give greater authenticity to thefe conceffions, Henry lodged a copy of his. charter in fome abbey .of each county; as if defirous, that it fhould be expofed to the eyes of all his fubjects, and remain as a perpetual rule for the limitation and direction of his government: Yet is it certain, that, after the prefent turn was ferved, he never once thought, during his reign, of ebferving one fingle ar- ticle of it; and the whole fell fo much into neglect and oblivion, that, in the fol- lowing century, when the barons, who had heard an obfcure tradition of it, defired to make it the model of the great charter, which they exacted from King John, they could only find one copy of it in the whole kingdom. But as to the grie= vances here propofed to be redrefied, they were ftill continued in their full extent ;_ and the royal authority, in all thefe, heads, lay under no manner of reftriction. Reliefs of heirs,. fo capital an article, were never effectually fixed till the time of . Magna Charta $; and it is evident, that the general promife here given, of accepting a juft and lawful relief, ought.to have been reduced to more pre- cifion, in order to give fecurity to the fubject, The oppreffion.of wardthip and marriage was perpetuated even till the age of Charles II. : And it appears from... Glanville 4], the famous jufticiary of Henry IJ. thatin his time, where, any man. died inteftate, an accident which mutt be very frequent, when the art of writing was fo little known, the King, or the lord of the fief, pretended to feize all the * See Appendix IT. 4+ Matth. Paris, p, 38. Hoveden, p. 468. Brompton, P. 102%e, _ Hagulftad. p. 310. + Glanv. lib. 2." cap. 36. What is called a relief in the Conqueror’s laws, preferved by Ingulf, feems to have been the herriot ; fince reliefs, as well as the other burdens of the feudal law, were un- known in the age of the Confeffor, whofe laws thefe originally were. | pater | Lib. 7. cap.16. This praétice was contrary to the laws of King Edward, ratified by the Con- queror, as we learn from Ingulf, p. 91. But laws had at that time very little influence: Power and violence governed every thing. | : 4 5 Abas bie ois kos og at oe ee nM F re ie ee ~ aly. rat 2 oy e = > . . a -? aa “Ate J ‘ y ‘ f 7. ww RF I, 225 moveables, and to exclude every heir, even the children of the deceafed: A fure mark of a tyrannical and arbitrary government. Tse Normans indeed, fettled in England, were, during this age, fo violent and licentious a people, that they may be pronounced incapable of any true or reguiar liberty ; which requires fuch a refinement of Jaws and inftitutions, fuch 2 comprehenfion of views, fuch a fentiment of honour, fuch a {pirit of obedience, and fuch a facrifice of private interefts and connexions to public order, as can only be the refult of great reflection and experience, and muft grow to perfection du- ring feveral ages of a fettled and eftablithed government. A people, fo infen- fible to the rights of their fovereign, as to disjoint, without neceffity, the here- ditary fucceffion, and permit a younger brother to intrude himfelf into the place of the elder, whom they efteemed, and who was guilty of no crime but being abfent, could not expeét, that that prince would pay any greater regard to their privileges, or allow his engagements to fetter his power, and debar him from any confiderable intereft or convenience. They had indeed arms in their hands, which prevented the eftablifhment of a total defpotifm, and left their pofterity fufficient power, whenever they fhould attain a fufficient degree of reafon, to ac- quire true liberty: But their turbulent difpofition prompted them frequently to make fuch ufe of their arms, that they were more fitted to obftruét the exe- cution of juftice, than to ftop the career of violence and oppreffion. The prince, finding, that greater oppofition was often made to him when he enforced the Jaws, than when he violated them, was apt to render his own will and pleafure the fole rule of government, and on every emergence to confider more the power of the perfons whom he might offend, than the rights of thofe whom he might injure. The very form of this charter of Fienry proves, that the Norman ba- rons (for they, rather than’ the people of England, are chiefly concerned in it) were totally ignorant of the nature of limited monarchy, and were ill qualified to conduét, in conjunction with their fovereign, the machine of government. It is an act of his fole power, is the refult of his free grace, implies feveral articles which bind others as well as himfelf, and is therefore unfit to be the deed of any one who poffeffes not the whole legiflative power, and who may not at pleafure revoke all his conceffions. Kine Henry, farther to increafe his popularity, degraded and committed to pri- fon Ralph Flambard, bifhop of Durham, who had been the chief inftrument of op- preffion employed by his brother *: But this aét was followed by another, which was a direct violation of his own charter, and was a bad prognoftic of his fincere inten- * Chron. Sax, p. 208. W. Malm, p. 156. Matth, Paris, p. 39. Alur. Beverl, p. 144. Vou. I. Gg tions Chap, Vi. L1Ico. Chap. VI. 1100, Marriage of the King. 226 mis Tt:O Ra? oF ENGLAN D. tions to obferve it: He kept the fee of Durham vacant for five years, and du- ring that time retained poffeffion of all its revenues. Senfible of the great au- thority, which Anfelm had acquired by his character of piety, and by the perfe- cutions which he had undergone from William, he fent repeated meflages to him at Lyons, where he refided, and invited him to return and take poffeffion of his dignities *. On the arrival of the prelate, he propofed to him the renewal of that homage which he had done his brother, and which bad never been refufed by any Englifh bifhop: But Anfelm had acquired other fentiments by his journey to Rome, and gave the King an abfolute refufal. He objected the decrees of the council of Bari, at which he himfelf had affifted ; and he declared, that, fo fat from doing homage for his fpiritual dignity, he would not fo much as commu- nicate with any-ecclefiaftic who paid that fubmiffion, or who accepted of invetti- tures from laymen. Henry, who propofed, in his prefent delicate fituation, to reap great advantages from the authority and popularity of Anfelm, dared not to quarrel with him by infifting on his demand +: He only defired that the con- troverfy might be fufpended;, and that meffengers might be fent to Rome, to accommodate matters with the Pope, and to obtain his confirmation of the laws. and cuftoms of England. TueRe immediately occurred an important affair, in which the King was obliged to have recourfe to the authority of Anfelm. Matilda, daughter of Mal- colm HI. King of Scotland, and niece to Edgar Atheling, had, on her father’s death, and the fubfequent revolutions of the Scottifh government, been brought up to England, and educated under her aunt, Chriftina, in the nunnery of Rum- fey. This princefs Henry propofed to marry 5 but as fhe had worn the veil, tho’ never taken the vows, doubts might arife concerning the lawfulnefs of the act; and it behoved him to be very. careful not to fhock, in any particolar;the religious prejudices of his fubjects, \ The affair was examined by Anfelm ina council of the prelates and nobles, which was fummoned at Lambeth; and Ma- tilda there proved, that fhe had put on the veil, not with a view of entering into a religious life, but merely in imitation of a cuftom, familiar to the Englifh la- dies, who protected their chafliry from the brutal violence .of the Normans, by. taking fhelter under that habit {, which, amidft the horrible licentioufnefs of the times, was generally revered. The council, fenfible that even a princefs had otherwife no fecurity for her honour, admitted this reafon as valid: They pro- nounced, that Matilda was ftill free. to. marry ||}; and her efpoufals with Henry. were celebrated by Anfelm with great pomp and folemnity §. No act of the ® Chron. Sax. p. 208. Order, Vital. p.783. Matth. Paris, p. 39. T. Rudborne, p- 273: + W. Malm. p. 225. }. Eadmer, p. 57% lj: Lbids § Hoveden, p. 468. King’s 5 Se SR RO I, 229 King’s reign rendered him equally popular with his Englifh fubje€ts, and tended Chap.-VI. more to eftablifh him on the-throne. Tho’ Matilda, during the life of her uncle '*°* and brothers, was not the heir of the Saxon line, fhe was become very dear to the Englifh, on account of her connexions with it - And that people, who, before the conqueft, had fallen into a kind of indifference towards their antient royal family, had felt fo feverely the tyranny of the Normans, that they reflected with infinite regret on their former liberty, and hoped for a more equal and mild ad- miniftration, when the blood of their native princes fhould be united with that of their new fovereigns *, Bur the policy and prudence of Henry, which, if time had been allowed for Iavafion by thefe virtues to operate their full effe&, would have fecured him pofféffion of the 4¥¢ Robert. crown, ran great hazard of being fruftrated by the fudden appearance of Robert, who returned to N ormandy about a month after the death of his brother Wil- liam. He took poffefion, without refiftance, of that dutchy ; and immediately made preparations for recovering England, of which, during his abfence, he had, trot. by Henry’s intrigues, been fo unjuftly defrauded. The great fame which he had acquired in the Eaft forwarded his pretenfions ; and the Norman barons, fenfible of the confequences, exprefied the fame difcontent at the feparation of the dutchy and kingdom, which had appeared on the acceffion of William. Robert de Belefme, earl of Shrewfbury and Arundel, William de la Warenne, earl of Sur- rey, Arnulf de Montgomery, Walter Giffard, Robert de Pontefraé&t, Robert de Mallet, Yvo de Grentmefnil, and many others of the principal nobility +, in- vited him to make an attempt on England, and promifed, on his landing, to join him with all their forces. Even the feamen were affected with the general popularity of his name, and they carried over to him the greateft part of a fleet, which had been equipped to oppofe his paffage f. Henry, in this extremity, began to be apprehenfive for his life, as well as for his crown; and had recourfe to the fuperftition of the people, in ogder to oppofe their fentiment of juftice, He paid diligent court to Anfelm, whofe fanctity and wifdom he pretended to revere. He confulted him in all difficult emergencies; feemed to be governed by him in every mealure ; promifed a ftrict regard to ecclefiattical privileges ; profeffed a great attachment to Rome, and a refolution of perfevering in an im- plicit obedience to the decrees of councils, and to the will of the fovereign pon- tiff. By thefe careffes and declarations, he gained entirely the confidence of the primate, whofe influerte over the people, and authority with the barons, was of * M. Paris, p. 4o. t Order. Vital. p. 786. { Chron Sax. p, 209. Hoveden, p. 469. M. Paris, p. 40. Ann. Woverl, Pp: 142. Brompton, p.g¢8. Flor, Wigorn. p. 650. Gg 2 the Chap. VI. 1101. Accommoda- tion with Ro- bert. 102. , - . bi s ‘ee = «4 s -- ~-. s 228 "1S TO RA BF EN GLAN D. the higheft fervice to him, in his prefent fituation. Anfelm fcrupled not to af- fare the nobles of the King’s fincerity in thofe profeffions which he made, of avoiding the tyrannical and oppreflive government of his father and brother * : He even rode thro’ the ranks of the army, recommended to the foldiers the de- fence of their prince, reprefented the duty of keeping their oaths of allegiance, and prognofticated to them all happinefs from the government of fo wife and juft a fovereign +. By this expedient, joined to the influence of the earls of Warwic and Mellent,. of Roger Bigod, Richard de Redvers, and Robert Fitz-~-Hamon, powerful barons, who full adhered to the prefent government ], the army were retained in the King’s interefts, and marched, with an appearance of union and firmnefs, to oppofe Robert, who had landed with his forces at Portfmouth. Tue two armies were in fight of each other for fome days without coming to ac- tion ; and both princes, being apprehenfive of the event, which would probably be decifive, hearkened the more willingly tothe mediation of Anfelm and other great men, who propofed an accommodation between them. After employing fomene- gotiation, it was agreed, that Robert fhould refign his pretenfions to England, and receive in licu of it an annual penfion of 3000 marks; that if either of the princes died without iffue, the other fhould fucceed to his dominions ; that the acherents of each fhould be pardoned, and reftored to all their poffeffions either in Normandy or England; and_ that neither Robert nor Henry fhould thenceforth encourage, receive, or protect the enemies of the other |. Tis treaty, tho” calculated fo much for Henry’s advantage, he was the firlt who violated. He reftored indeed the eftates of all Robert’s adherents.; but was fecretly determined, that noblemen fo powerful and fo ill-affe&ted, who had both snclination and ability to difturb his government, fhould not long remain unmo- lefted in their prefent grandeur and opulence. He began with the earl of Shrew!- bury, who was watched for fome time by fpies, and then indicted ona charge, confifting of forty-five articles. This turbulent nobleman, knowing his own guilt, as well as the prejudices of his judges, and the power of his accufer, had recourfe to arms for defence; but being foon fuppreffed by the activity and ad- drefs of Henry, he was banifhed the kingdom, and his great eftate was confif- cated §, His ruin involved that of his two brothers, Arnulf de Montgomerygi and Roger earl of Lancafter. Soon after followed the profecution and condem- * W. Malm. p. 225. + Eadmer, p. 59. W. Malm. p. 156. t Order. Vital. p. 783: | Chron. Sax. p. 209. W. Malm. p. 156. H. Hunt. p. 278. Hoveden, p. 469. Order. Vie tal. p. 738. § Chron, Sax. p.z10. W. Malm. p. 156,157. Hoveden, p. 469. Order. Vital. p. 806, 807, 808. + nation Hi BEN wk I, 229 nation of Robert de Pontefractand Robert de Mallet, who had diftinguithed themfelves among Robert’s adherents *. William de Warenne was the next victim : Even William earl of Cornwal, fon to the earl of Mortaigne, the King’s uncle, having afforded matter of fufpicion again{t him, loft all the vaft acquifitions of his family in England +.. Tho’ the -ufval violence and tyranny of the Norman barons:afforded a plaufible pretence for thofe profecutions, and it is probable that none of the fentences, pronounced again{t thefe noblemen, was wholly iniqui- tous; men eafily faw or conjeétured, that the chief part of their guilt was not the injuftice or illegality of their condudct,. ‘Robert, enraged at the fate of his friends, imprudently ventured to come into England, and remonftrated with his brother, in fevere terms, again{ft the breach of treaty: But met with fuch a bad reception, that he began to apprehend danger, to his own liberty, and was glad to purchafe an efeape, by refigning his penfion {. Tue indifcretion of Robert foon expofed him to more fatal injuries. This prince, whofe bravery and candor procured him refpeét, while at a diftance, had no fooner attained the poffeffion of power, and enjoyment of peace, than all the vigor of his mind relaxed, and he fell into contempt among thofe who approached Chap. VI. 1103. his perfon, or were fubjected to his authority. Abandoned alternately to diffo- Attack of lute pleafures and to womanith fuperftition, he was fo remifs, both in the care Normandy: of his treafure and the exercife of his government, that his fervants pillaged his money with impunity, even ftole from him his very cloaths, and proceeded thence to practice every fpeci¢es of extortion on his defencelefs fubjects |. The barons, whom a fevere adminiftration alone could have reftrained, gave reins to their unbounded rapine upon their vaffals, and inveterate animofities againft each other ; and all Normandy, during the reign of this benign prince, was become a fcene of violence and depredation §. ‘The Normans at la{t, remarking the re- gular government, which Henry, notwithftanding his ufurped title, had been able to eftablifh in England, applied tophim, that he might ufe his authority for the fuppreffion of thefe diforders ; and they thereby afforded him a pretence for interpofing in the affairs of Normandy |, Inftead of employing his mediation, to render his brother’s government refpectable, or redreffing the grievances of the Normans; he was only attentive to fupport his own partizans, and to en- ereafe their number by every art of bribery, intrigue, and infinuation. Having * Order. Vital. p. 806. + Chron. Sax. p..212: W, Malm. p. 157. Hoveden, p. 470. } Chron, Sax.:p.z11. W. Malm. rs6. Gal. Gemet. p. 298. Order, Vital. p. 804. M. Paris, p- 40. | Order. Vital. p. 814, 815. § W. Malm. p. 154.157, Gul, Gemet. p. 298. Order. Vitalop. 814. + W, Malm. p. 154.157. Gul. Neubr. lib. 1, cap. 3. Chron, St. Petri de Burgo, p. 60. found, Chap. VI. 1103. T1104. 1106. Conqueft of Normandy. = ae “ , tf saa HISTORY ofr ENGLAND. found, th a vifit, which he made to that dutchy, that the nobility were more difpofed to pay fubmiflion to him than to their legal fovereign ; he collected, by Very arbitrary extortions on England, a great army and treafure *, and returned next year to Normandy, ina fituation to obtain, either by violence or corruption, the dominion of that province, He took Bayeux by {torm after an obftinate fiege: He made himfelf mafter of Caen by the voluntary fubmiffion of the in- habitants: But being repulfed at Falaife, and obliged, by the winter feafon, to raife the fiege, he returned into England ; after giving affurances to his adherents, that he would perfevere in fupporting and protecting them. Next year, he opened the campaign with the fiege of Tenchebray ; and it became evident, from his preparations and progrefs, that he intended to ufurp the entire poffeffion of Normandy. Robert was at laft rouzed from his lethargy ; and, being fupported by the earl of Mortaigne and Robert de Bellefme, the King’s inveterate enemies, he raifed a confiderable army, and approached his brother’s camp, with a view of finifhing, in one decifive battle, the quarrel be- tween them. He was now entered on that fcene of action, in which alone he was qualified to excel ; and he fo animated the Norman troops by his example, that they made a great impreffion of the Englifh, and had nearly obtained the victory + ; when the flight of Bellefme threw them into difmay, and occafioned their total defeat. Henry, befides committing great flaughter on the enemy, made near ten thoufand prifoners ; among whom was duke Robert himfelf, and all the moft confiderable barons, who adhered to his interefts t. This victory was followed by the final reduction of Normandy : Roiien immediately fubmit- ted to the conqueror: Falaife, after fome negotiation, opened its gates ; and by this acquifition, befides rendering himfelf mafter of an important fortrefs, he got into his hands prince William, the only fon and heir of Robert: He affembled the ftates of Normandy; and having received the homage of all the yaffals of the dutchy, fettled the government, revoked his brother’s donations, and dif- mantled the caftles, lately built, he returned into England, and carried along with him the duke as a prifoner. That unfortunate prince was detained in cuf-, tody during the remainder of his life, which was no lefs than twenty-eight years, and he died in the caftle of Cardiff in Glamorganfhire; happy, if, without lofing his liberty, he could have relinguithed that power, which he was not qualified either to hold or exercife. Prince William was committed to the care of Helie de St. Saen, who had martied Robert’s natural daughter, and who, being a man * Eadmer, p. 83. + H. Hunt. p. 379. M. Paris, p. 43. Brompton, p. 1002. + Eadmer, p. 90 Chron, Sax. p. 214. Order. Vital. p. 821. of | 3 marine Ww eR Te f. 23% of probity and honour, more than was ufual in thofe ages, executed the truft with Chap. vr great affection\and fidelity. Edgar Atheling, who had followed Robertintheex- 110%: pedition to Jerufalem, and who had lived with him ever fince in Normandy, was another illuftrious prifoner, taken in the battle of Tenchebray *. Henry gave him his liberty, and fettled a {mall penfion on him, with which he retired ; and he lived to a good old age in England, totally neglected and forgotten. This prince was diftinguifhed by perfonal bravery ; but nothing can be a fironger proof of his. mean talents in every other refpeét, than that, notwithftanding he poffeffed the affections of the Englifh, and enjoyed the only legal title to the throne, he was al- Jowed, during the reigns of fo many violent and jealous ufurpers, to live unmo- Jefted, and go to his grave in peace. A little after Henry had compleated the conqueft of Normandy, and fettled 1107: the government of that province, he finifhed a controverfy, which had been long < ape depending, between him and the Pope, with regard to the inveftitures in eccle- wei Raion, fiaftical benefices ; and tho’ he was here obliged to relinquith fome of the antient the primate. rights of the crown, he extricated himfelf on eafier terms than moft princes, who in that age were fo unhappy as to be engaged in difputes with the apoftolic fee. The King’s fituation, in the beginning of his reign, obliged him to pay great court to Anfelm ; and the advantages, which he had reaped from the zealous friendfhip of that prelate, had made him fenfible how prone the minds of his peo- ple were to fuperftition, and’ what an afcendant the ecclefiaftics had been able to affume over them. He had feen, on the acceffion of his brother Rufus, that, tho’ the rights of primogeniture were then violated, and the inclinations of almoft all the barons oppofed, yet the authority of Lanfranc had prevailed over all other’ confiderations ; and his own cafe, which was ftil] more unfavourable, afforded’ an inftance, in which the clergy could fhow more evidently their influence and authority. Thefe recent examples, while they made him cautious not to offend that powerful body, convinced him, at the fame time, that it was ex- tremely his intereft, to retain the former prerogative of the crown in filling of- fices of fuch vaft importance, and to check the ecclefiaftics in that independance, to. which they evidently afpired. The choice, which his brother, in a fit of pe- nitence, had made of Anfelm, was fo far unfortunate to the King’s pretenfions, that that prelate was celebrated for his piety and zeal and aufterity of manners.; and tho’ his monkifh devotion: and narrow principles prognofticated no. great knowledge of the world nor depth of policy, he was, on that very account, a 7 niore dangerous inftrument in the hands of politicians, and retained a greater ‘cal * Chron. Sax. p. 214. Ann. Waverl, Pp. 144, = BICe AC aires. 232. HisTORY oF ENGLAND. afcendant over the bigotted populace. The prudence and temper of the King appear in nothing more confpicuous than in the management of this delicate affair ; where he was always fenfible that it had become neceffary for him to rifque his whole crown, in order to preferve the moft invaluable jewel of it *. Awseitm had no fooner returned. from banifhment, than his refufal to do homage to the King excited a difpute, which Henry evaded at that critical junc- ture, by promifing to fend a meffenger, in order to compound the matter with Pafcal the fecond,: who then filled the papal chair. The meflenger, as was pro- bably forefeen, returned with an abfolute refufal of the King’s demands + 5 and that. fortified by .many reafons, which were well qualified to operate on the un- derftandings of men in thofe ages. Pafcal quoted"the fcriptures to prove that Chrift was the door; and he thence inferred, that all ecclefiaftics muft enter inte the church thro’ Chrift’alone, not thro’ the civil magiftrate or any profane lay- ment. ‘* It is ‘monftrous,”’ added the pontiff, “* that a fon fhould pretend to- «¢ beget his father, or a man Co create his God: Priefts are called gods in ferip- «ture, as being the vicars of God: And will you by your, abominable preten- ‘© Gons to grant them their inveftiture, afume the right of creating them ?"} | Bur however. convincing thefe agreements, they could not perfuade Henry to refien fo important a prerogative ; and perhaps, as he was pofieffed of great re- fection and learning, he thought, that the abfurdity of a man’s creating his God, even allowing priefts to be gods, was not urged with the beft grace by the Roman pontiff. But as he defired fill to avoid, or at leaft to delay, the coming to any dangerous extremity with the church, he perfuaded Anfelm, that he would be able, by farther negociation, to attain fome compofition with Pafcal ; and for that purpofe, he difpatched three bifhops to Rome, while Anfelm fent two mef- fengers of his own, to be more fully affured of the Pope’s intentions §. Pafcal wrote back letters equally pofitive and arrogant both to the King and pri- mate; urging to the former, that, by afluming the right of inveftitures, he committed a kind of fpiritual adultery with the church, who was the fpoufe of Chrift, and who muft not admit of fuch a commerce with any other perfon +; and infifting with the latter, that the pretenfions of Kings to confer benefices was the fource of all fimony ; a topic which had but too much foundation in thofe ages*.. : a , Eadmer, p. 56. + W. Malm. p. 225. , ; Eadmer, p. 60. This topic is farther enforced in p.73. 74» W. Malm. p. 163. \| Eadmer, p. 61. T much fufpett, that this text of {cripture is a forgery of his holinefs: For I have not been able to find it. Yet it paffed current in thofe ages, and was often quoted by the clergy as the foundation of their power. See Epift. St. Thom. p. 169. § Eadmer, p. 62. W. Malm. p. 225. 4 Eadmer, p. 63. * Eadmer, p. 64. 66. 8 Henry Moist Se ee i. 233 Henry had now no other expedient than to fupprefs the letter addrefled to Chap. Vi. himfelf, and to perfuade the three bifhops to prevaricate, and aflert, upon their as L epifcopal faith, that Pafcal had affured them in private of his good intentions towards Henry, and of his refolution not to refent any future exertion of his prerogative in granting invefticures; tho’ he himfelf fcrupled to give this affu- rance under his hand, left other princes fhould copy the example and aflume a like privilege *. Anfelm’s two meffengers, who were monks, affirmed to him, that it was impoffible this ftory could have any foundation; but their word was not efteemed equivalent to that of three bifhops; and the King, as if he had finally gained his Caufe, proceeded to fill the fees of Hereford and Salifbury, and to inveft the new bifhops in the ufual manner +. But Anfelm, who, as he had good reafon, gave no credit to the affeveration of the King’s meflengers, refufed not only to confecrate them, but even to communicate with them; and the bi- fhops themfelves, finding how odious they had become, returned back to Henry the enfigns of their dignity £. The quarrel every day encreafed between the King and the primate: The former, notwithftanding the great prudence and moderation of his temper, threw out menaces againft all fuch as fhould pretend to oppofe him in exerting the antient prerogatives of his crown: And Anfelm, fenfible of his difagreeable and dangerous fituation, defired leave to make a journey to Rome, in order to lay the cafe before the fovereign pontiff ||. Henry, well pleafed to rid himfelf without violence of fo inflexible an antagonift, readily granted him permiffion ; and Anfelm fet out on his journey. He was attended to the fea- coatt by infinite multitudes, not only monks and clergymen, but people of all ranks, who fcrupled not in this manner to declare for their primate againft their fovereign, and who regarded his departure as the final abolition of religion and true piety in the kingdom §. The King, however, confifcated all the revenues of his fee ; and fent William de Warelwaft to negociate with Pafcal, and to find fome means of accommodation in this delicate affair 1. Tue Englith minifter told Pafcal, that his mafter would rather lofe his crown than part with the right of granting inveftitures. ‘* And J,” replied Pafcal, *¢ would rather lofe my head than allow him to retain it *.”” Henry fecretly prohibited Anfelm to return, unlefs he refolved to conform himfelf to the laws and ufages of the kingdom ; and the prelate took up his refidence at * Eadmer, p. 65, W. Malm. p. 225. + Eadmer, p.66. W. Malm. p. 225. Hoveden, p. 469. Sim. Dunelm, p. 228. t Hoveden, p. 470. Chron. St. Petri de Burgo,. p. $9: Flor. Wigorn, p. 651. {| Eadmer, p.70. .W. Malm. p. 226. § Eadmer, p. 71. + W. Malm, p. 226. * Eadmer, p.73. W.Malm. p. 226. M. Paris, p. 40. | Vou. J. Hh Lyons, +. ervey L.5 P Fhe dois ~ Chap. VI. TtO7.- 234 mis T.0.R24 or ENGLAN D. A Lyons * in expectation, that the King would at laft be obliged yield the ‘point, which was the prefent object of controverfy. Soon after, he was allowed to return to his monaftery at Bec in Normandy ; and Henry, befides reftoring to him the revenues of his fee, treated him with the greateft refpect, and held fe- yeral conferences with him, in order to foften his oppofition, and bend. him:to fabmifion +. The people of England, who thought all differences now accom- modated, were inclined to blame their primate for abfenting himfelf fo long from his charge; and he daily received letters from his partizans, reprefenting the ne- ceffity of his fpeedy return. The total extinction, they told him, of religion and Chriftianity was likely to enfue from the want of his fatherly care: ‘Fhe moft fhocking cuftoms prevail in England: And the dread of his feverity being now re- moved, fodomy and the practice of wearing long hair gain ground among all ranks of men, and thefe enormities openly appear every where, without fenfe of - (hame or fear of punifhment f. Tue policy of the court of Rome has been commonly much admired ; and men, judging by fuccefs, have beftowed the higheft eulogies on that prudence, by which a power; from fuch flender beginnings, could advance, without force of arms, to eftablifh an univerfal and almoft abfelute monarchy. in Europe. But the wifdom of fuch a long fucceffion. of men, who filled the papal throne, and who were of fuch different ages, tempers, and interefts, is not intelligible, and could never have place in nature. The inftrument, indeed, with which they wrought, the ignorance and fuperftition of the people, is-fo erofs an engine, of fuch univerfal prevalence, and fo little liable to accident or diforder, that it may be fuccefsful even in-the moft unfkilful hands; and fcarce any indifcretion can fruftrate its operations. While the court of Rome was openly abandoned to the moft flagrant diforders, even while it was torne with fchifms and factions, the power of the chuzch made daily a.fenfible. progrefs in Europe; and the temerity of Gregory and the caution of Pafcal were equally fortunate in. promoting it.. The clergy, feeling the neceffity of protection againft the violence of princes, or vigor of the laws, were well pleafed to adhere to a foreign head, who, being removed! from the fear of the civil authority, could freely employ the power of the whole _ church to defend their antient or ufurped properties and privileges, when invaded in any particular country : The monks, defirous of an independance on theit dio- cefans, profefled ftill a more devoted attachment to the triple crown 5 and ‘the {tupid people poffeffed no {cience nor reafon, which they could oppofe to the moft: exorbitant pretenfions. Nonfenfe pafled for demontftration : The moft criminal * Fadmer, p. 75. W. Malm. p. 226. M. Paris, p. 41. Chron. Dunftaple, p.18-. - 4+ Hoveden, p. 471. t Eadmer, p. 81. | Gee means BH. wi os RES I, 2325 means were fanctified by the piety of the end: Treaties were not fuppofed to be binding where the interefts of God were concerned: The antient laws and cuf- toms of ftates had no authority againft a divine right: Impudent forgeries were received as authentic monuments of antiquity: And the champions of holy church, if fuccefsful, were celebrated as heroes ; if unfortunate, were worthiped as martyrs ; and all events thus turned out equally to the advantage.of clerical ufurpations. Pafcal himfelf, the prefent Pope, was, in the courfe of this very controverfy concerning inveftitures, involved in circumftances, and neceffitated to follow a conduct, which would have drawn difgrace and ruin on any temporal prince, that had been fo unfortunate as to fall into a like fituation. His perfon was feized by the Emperor Henry V. and he ,was: obliged, by a formal treaty, to refign to that monarch the right of granting inveftitures, for which they had fo long contended *. In order to add greater folemnity to this agreement, the Emperor and Pope communicated together on the fame hoftie ; one half of which was given to the prince, the other taken by the pontiff: The moft tremendous imprecations were publicly denounced on either of them who fhould violate the treaty : Yet no fooner did Pafcal recover his liberty, than he recalled all his con- ceffions, and pronounced the fentence of excommunication againft the Emperor, who, in the end, was obliged to fubmit to the terms required of him, and to yield up all his pretenfions, which he could never recall +. Tuer King of England had very nearly fallen into the fame dangerous fitua- tion: Pafcal had already excommunicated the earl of Meulent, and the other mi- nifters of Henry, who were inftrumental in fupporting his pretenfions t+: He daily menaced the King himfelf with a like fentence ; and he fufpended the blow only to give him leifure to efeape it by a timely fubmiffion.. The malecontents waited impatiently for the opportunity of difturbing his government by con{pira- cies and infurrections ||: The King’s greateft friends were folicitous at the pro- {pect of an incident, which would fet their religious and civil duties at variance with each other: And the countefs of Blois, ‘his fifter, a princefs of ‘piety, who had great influence over him, was aftrighted with the danger of her brother’s eternal damnation §. Henry, on the other hand, feemed determined to run all hazards, rather than refign a prerogative of fuch importance, which had been en- joyed by all his predeceffors; and it feemed probable, from his great prudence and ability, that he might be able to fuftain his rights, and finally prevail in the conteft. While Pafcal and Henry thus ftood mutually in awe of each other, it * W. Malm. p. 167. + Padre Paolo fopra benef. ecclef. p. 112. -W. Malm: p. r7o. Chron. Abb. St. Petri de Burgo, p. 63. Sim. Dunelm. p..233. + Eadmer, _p. 79. Jj Eadiner, p. 80. § Eadmes, p. 79. Hih 2 was - Chap. VI. 1107, Chap. VI. 1107. Com promife with Anfelm. o 236 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. was the more eafy to bring about afi accommodation between them, and to find: a medium, in which they might both agree. Berore bifhops took pofleffion of their dignities, they had formerly been ac- cuftomed to pafs thro” two ceremonials: They received from the hands of the- fovereign a ring and crofier, as fymbols of their office ; and this. was called their inveftiture: They alfo made thofe fubmiffions to. the prince, required of vaflals by the rites of the feudal law, which received the name of homage. And as the- King might refufe both to grant the inveftiture and to receive the homage, tho” the chapter had, by fome canons. of the middle age, been endowed with the right: of eleétion, the fovereign had:in reality the fole power of appointing prelates. Ur- ban II. had equally deprived laymen of the rights of inveftiture and of homage °° The Emperors never were able, by all their wars and negotiations, to make any diftinétion be admitted between them: The interpofition of profane laymen, in: any particular, was ftill reprefented as impious and abominable :: And the church. openly afpired to a total independance on the ftate. But Henry had put Eng- land, as well as Normandy, in fuch a fituation as gave greater weight to-his ne- gotiations ; and Pafcal was forthe prefent contented with his refigning the night: of granting inveftitures, by which the fpiritual dignity was fuppofed to be confer- red ;. and he allowed the bifhops to. do homage for their temporal properties and’ privileges fF. ‘Fhe pontiff. was well pleafed to have made this acquifition,. which,. he hoped, would in time involve the whole.:; And the King, anxious to procure: an efcape from a very dangerous fituation, was. contented to. retain fome, tho’ a more precarious authority, in the election of prelates. Arrer the principal controverfy was accommodated, it was not difficult to adjuft the other differences. The Pope allowed Anfelm to communicate with the prelates, who had already. received inveftitures from the crown ;, and he only required of them fome fubmiffions for their: paft mifcondu& f. He alfo granted’ Anfelm a plenary power of remedying every other diforder, which, he faid, might arife from the barbaroufnefs of the country |. Such was the idea: which the Popes then entertained of the Englifh ; and nothing can bea flronger proof of the miferable ignorance in which that people were then plunged, than that a man». who fat on the papal throne, and who fubfifted by abfurdities and nonfenfe, fhould think himfelf intitled to treat them as barbarians. | Durine the courfe of thefe controverfies, a fynod wa held at Weftminfter,. where the King, intent only on the main difpute, allowed fome canons of lefs con- * Badmer, p. gt. -W. Malm. p. 163. Sim. Dunelm. p. 230. + Eadmer, p+ 91+ W. Malm. p. 164, 227. Hoveden, p. 471. M, Paris, p. 43:. T. Rudb. p, 274. Brompton, P- 1000, Wilkins, p. 303. Chron, Dunit. p. 21. + Eadmer, p. 87-. || Eadmer, p- 91> | fequence H . ESOP eS 237 fequence to be enaéted, which tended to promote the ufurpations of the clergy. Fhe marriage of priefts was prohibited ; a point which it was ftill found very dif- ficult to carry into execution: And even laymen were not allowed to marry within the feventh degree of affinity *. By this contrivance, the Pope aug- mented the profits, which he reaped from granting difpenfations ; and likewife thofe from divorces. For as the art of writing was then rare, and parifh regil- ters were not regularly kept, it was not eafy to afcertain the degrees of affinity even among people of rank ; and any man, who had money fufficient to pay for it, might obtain a divorce, under pretence that his wife was more nearly related to him than was permitted by the canons. The fynod alfo pafied a vote, pro- hibiting the laity to wear long hair +. Fhe averfion of the clergy to this mode was not confined to England. When the King went over to Normandy, before he had conquered that province, the bifhop of Seez, in a formal harangue, earneftly applied to him to redrefs the manifold diforders under which the govern- ment laboured, and to oblige the people to poll their hair in a decent form. Henry, tho’ he would not refign his prerogatives to the church, was very will- ing to part with his hair: He cut it in the form which they required of him, and obliged all the courtiers to imitate his example f. Tue acquifition of Normandy was a great point of Henry's ambition ; being the antient patrimony of his family, and the only territory, which, while in his poffeffion, gave him any weight or confideration on the continent: But the in- juftice of his ufurpation. was the fource of great inquietude, involved him in fre- quent wars, and obliged him to impofe on his Englifh fubjeéts thofe many heavy. and arbitrary taxes, of which all the hiftorians of that age unanimoufly complain |. His nephew, William, was but fix years of age, when he committed him to the eare of Helie de St. Saen; and it is probable, that his reafon for intrufting that important charge to a man of fuch an unblemifhed character, was to prevent all malignant fufpicions, in cafe any accident fhould befal the life of the young prince. He foon repented him of this choice; but when he defired to recover pofleffion of William’s perfon, Helie withdrew his pupil, and carried him to the court of Fulk, count of Anjou, who gave him protection §. In proportion as the young prince grew up to. man’s eftate, he difcovered virtues fuitable to his birth; and wandering thro” different courts of Europe, excited the friendly compaffion of many princes, and raifed a general indignation again{ft his uncle, who had fo unjuftly bereaved him of his inheritance. Lewis the Grofs, fon of Philip, was * Eadmer, p. 67,68. Spelm. Conc. vol. z. p. 22. + Eadmer, p. 68. + Order. Vi- tal. p. 816. | Eadmer, p. 83. Chron. Sax. p, 211, 212, 213, 219, 220, 228, HH, Hunt. p. 380. Hoveden, p. 470. Ann, Waverl p. 143, § Order. Vital. p. 837. at Chap. VE 1107.. Wars abroad, Ilr, Chap. VI. II1Io. 1119. T119. 18 2 ©=©6CUC HISTORY of ENGLAND. at this time King of France, a brave and generous prince, who having been obliged, during che lifetime of his father, to fly into England, in order to efcape the perfecutions of his ftepmother, Bertrude, had been protected by Henry, and had thence conceived a perfonal friendthip for him. But thefe ties were foon diffolved after the acceflion of Lewis, who found his interefts to be in fo many particulars oppofite to thofe of the Englifh monarch, and who became fenfible of the danger attending the annexation of Normandy to England. He joined, therefore, the counts of Anjou and Flanders in giving difquiet to Hen- ry’s government ; and this monarch, in order to defend his foreign dominions, found himfelf obliged to go over to Normandy, where he relided two years. The war which enfued among thefe princes was attended with no memorable tranfaGtion, and produced only flight {kirmifhes on the frontiers, agreeable to the weak condition of the fovereigns in that age, whenever their fubjects were not rouzed by fome great and urgent occafion. Henry, by contracting his eldeft fon, William, .to the daughter of Fulk *, detached that prince from the alliance, and obliged the others to come to an accommodation with him. © This peace was not of long duration. His nephew, William, retired to the court of Bald- win, earl of Flanders, who efpoufed his caufe; and the King of France, having foon after, for other reafons, joined the party, a new war was kindled in Norman- dy, which produced no event more memorable than had attended the former. At lafi the death of Baldwin, who was flain in an action near Eu, gave fome re- {pite to Henry, and enabled him to carry on war with more advantage againf{t> his enemies +. Lewis, finding himfelf unable. to wreft Normandy from the King by force of arms, had recourfe to the dangerous expedient, of applying to the fpiritual power, ‘and of affording the ecclefiaftics a pretence to interpofe in the temporal interefts of princes. He carried young William to a seneral council, which was aflem- bled at Rheims by Pope Calixtus II. prefented the Norman prince to them, complained of the manifeft ufurpation and injuftice of Henry, craved the affift- ance of the church for reinftating the true heir in his dominions, and reprefented the enormity of detaining in prifon fo brave a prince as Robert, one of the moft eminent of the croifes, and who by that very quality was placed under the imme- diate protection of the holy fee t.. Henry knew how to defend the rights of his crown with vigour, and yet with dexterity. He had fent over the Englifh bifhops to this fynod ; but at the fame time had warned them, that, if any farther claims were ftarted by the Pope or the ecclefiaftics, he was determined to adhere to the * Chron. Sax. p. 221. W.Malm. p, 160. Knyghton, p..2380. + Chron. Sax. p. 222, H. Hunt. p. 380. Order. Vital, p. 843. M. Paris, p. 47. t Order. Vital. p. 853. laws H £o N - ROWS ee 239 Jaws and cuftoms of England, and maintain the prerogatives-tranfmitted to him by his anceftors. ‘“ Go,” faid he to them, ‘* falute the Pope in my name, ‘* hear his apoftolical precepts ; but take care to bring none of his new inventions ** into my kingdom.” Finding, however, that it would be eafier for him to elude than oppofe the efforts of Calixtus, he gave his ambaffadors orders to gain the Pope and his favourites by liberal prefents and promifés. The complaints of the Norman prince were thenceforth heard with great coldnefs by the council ; and Calixtus confeffed, after a conference, which he had the fame fummer with FHlenry, that, of all men, whom he had ever yet been acquainted with, he was beyond comparifon the moft eloquent and perfuafive. Tue warlike meafures of Lewis proved as ineffectual as his intrigues. He had laid a fcheme for furprizing Noyon; but Henry, having received intelli- gence of the defign, marched to the relief of the place, and fuddenly attacked the French at Andeley, as they were advancing to Noyon. A fharp action en- fued ; where William, the fon of Robert, behaved with great. bravery, and the King himfelf was in the moft imminent danger. He was wounded in the head by Crifpin, a gallant Norman officer, who had followed the fortunes of Wil- liam * ; but being rather animated than terrified by the blow, he immediately beat his antagonift to the ground, and fo encouraged his troops by the example, that they put the French to total rout, and had very nearly taken their King pri- foner. The dignity of the perfons, engaged in this fkirmifh, rendered it the moft memorable action of the war: For in other refpeéts,. it was not of great importance. There were nine hundred. horfemen, who fought on both fides ; yet were there only three perfons flain. The ret were defended by that heavy armour, worn by the cavalry in thofe times +. An accommodation foon after enfued between the Kings of France and England ; and the interefts. of young. William were entirely neglected in it. But this public profperity of Henry was much overballanced by a domettic ca- IT20, lamity, which befel him, His only fon, William, had now reached his eighteenth Death of year; and the King, from the facility, with which he himfelf had ufurped the pone Wile 1am. crown, dreading, that a like revolution might fubvert his family, had taken.care to have him, recognized his fucceflor by the ftates of the kingdom {, and had carried him over to Normandy, to receive the homage of the barons of that dutchy. On his return, he fet fail from Barfleur, and was foon carried by a fair wind out of fight of land. The prince was. detained by fome. accident ; and his» * H. Hunt.:p. 381. .M. Paris, p. 47+ Diceto, p. 503. Brompton, p. 1007. M. Weft. p, 235. } Order. Vital. p. 854. t, W; Malm. p, 165, < failors; 7—~ Be ”) 240 HisTORY OF ENGLAN D. fsjlors, as well as their captain, Thomas Fitz-Stephens, having fpent the inter- yal in drinking, were fo fuftered, that, being in a hurry to follow the King, they heedlefsly carried the fhip on a rock, where fhe immediately foundered *, The prince was put into the long boat, and had got clear of the fhip; when hearing the cries of his natural fitter, the countefs of Perche, he ordered the fea- men to row back, in hopes of faving her: But the numbers, who crowded in, foon funk the boat ; and the prince with all his retinue perifhed +. Above an hundred and forty young noblemen, of the principal families of England and Nor- mandy, were loft on this occafion. A butcher of Roiien was the only perfon on board who efcaped ¢: He clung to the maft, and was taken up next morning by Sthermen. Fitz-Stephens, the captain, took hold alfo of the maft ; but being ‘nformed by the butcher, that prince William had-perifhed, he faid, that he would not furvive the difafter ; and he threw himfelf headlong into the fea jj. Henry entertained hopes, for three days, that his fon had put into fome diftant port of England: But when certain intelligence of the calamity was brought him, he fainted away ; and it was remarked, that he never after was feen to fiile, nor ever recovered his wonted chearfulneis §./ Tue death of William may be regarded, in one refpedt, as a misfortune to the Englifh ; becaufe it was the ‘mmediate fource of thofe civil wars, which, after che demife of the King, caufed fuch confufion in the nation: But it is re- markable, that the young prince had entertained a violent averfion to the natives ; and he had been heard to threaten, that, when he fhould be King, he would make them draw the plough, and would turn chem into beatts of burthen. Thefe pre- poflefficns he ‘aherited from his father, who, tho’ he was wont, when it might ferve his purpofes, to value himfelf on his birth, as a native of England 4, fhowed, in the courfe of his government, an extreme prejudice againft that peo- ple. All hopes of preferment, to ecclefiaftical as well as civil dignities, were de- nied them during this whole reign ; and any foreigner, however ignorant Of worthlefs, was fure to have the preference in every competition *. As the Eng- lith had given no difturbance to the government during the courfe of fifty years, this inveterate antipathy, in a prince of fo much temper as well as penetration, forms a prefumption that the Englifh of that age were fill a rude and barbarous people even compared to the Normans, and imprefies us with no very favourable idea of the Anglo-Saxon manners, * Order. Vital. p. 868. + W, Malm. p. 165. H. Hunt. p. 381. Hoveden, p. 476. Brompton, p. 1012. t Sim. Dunelm, p. 242. Alured Beverl. p. 148. Order. Vital. p. 868. § Hoveden, p- 476. Order. Vital. p. 869. Sim. Dunelm, p. 242. Alur. Beverl. p. 148. | Gul. Neub. lib. 1. Cap. 3. * Eadmer, p. 110. 8 PRINCE H; - Baw eR I. 24f Paince William left no.children; and: the King had not now any legitimate Chap. VI. iffue ;. except one daughter, Matilda, whom, in 11140, he had betrothed, tho’ only eight years of age *, to the Emperor Henry V. and whom he had then fent over to be educated in Germany +. But as her-abfence from the kingdom, and her marriage into a foreign family, might endanger the, fucceffion, Henry, King’s fecond who was now a widower, was induced to marry in hopes of having fons; and ™#"2g¢- he made his addreffes to Adelais, daughter of Godfrey, duke of Lovaine, and 1121. niece to Pope Calixtus, a young princefs of an amiable perfon ~. But Adelais brought him no children; and the prince, who was moft likely to difpute the fucceffion, and even the immediate poffeflion of the crown, recovered hopes of fubverting his rival, who had fucceffively feized all his patrimonial dominions. William, the fon of duke Robert, was ftill protected in the court of Lewis, King of France; and as Henry’s connexions with Fulk, count of Anjou, were broke off by the death of his fon, that count joined the party of the unfortunate prince, gave him his daughter in marriage, and affifted him in raifing difturbances in Nor- mandy. But Henry found the means of drawing off the count of Anjou, by forming anew with him a nearer connexion than the former, and one more mate- rial to the interefts of his family. The Emperor, his fon-in-law, dying without 1127, iffue, he beftowed his daughter on Geoffrey, the eldeft fon of Fulk, and éndea- voured to enfure her fucceffion, by having her recognized heir of all his domi- nions, and obliging the barons both of Normandy and England to fwear fealty to her |. He hoped, that the choice of this hufband would be more agreeable to all this fubjeéts than that of the Emperor; as fecuring them from the fears of fall- ing under the dominion of a great and diftant potentate, who might bring them into fubjection, and reduce their country to the rank of a province: But the ba- rons were difpleafed, that a ftep fo material to national interefts had been taken without confulting them §; and Henry had experienced too fenfibly the turbu- * Chron. Sax. p. 215. W.Malm. p. 166. Order. Vital. p. 838. + Henry, by the feudal cuftoms, was intitled to levy a tax for the marrying his eldeft daughter, and he exacted three fhillings a hyde on all England. H. Hunt. P- 379» Some hiftorians (as Brady, p. 270. and Tyrrel, vol..2. p. 182.) heedlefsly make this fum amount to above 800,000 pounds of our prefent money: But it could not exceed 135,000. Five hydes, fometimes lefs, made a knight’s fee, of which there were about 60,000 in England, confequently near 300,000 hydes; and at the rate of three fhillings a hyde, the fum would amount to 45,000 pounds, or 135,000 of our prefent money. See Rudborne, p. 257. In the Saxon times, there were only computed 243,600 hydes in England t Chron. Sax. p. 223. W. Malm. p. 16s, | Chron. Sax. p.230.. W. Malm. pe a75, Gul. Gemet. p. 304. Chron, St. Petri de Burgo, p. 68. § W. Malm. p.1175. The annals of Waverly, p. 150. fay, that the King afked and obtained the confent of all the barons, W O12. I i lency 5, VT 242 iw1982 0 8: Yar ENGLAND. lency of their difpofition, not to dread the effects of their refentment. Tt feemed probable, that his nephew’s party might gain force from the increafe of the male- contents, and an acceffion of ‘power, ‘which that prince inherited a little after, rended to render’ his pretenfions {till more dangerous. Charles earl of Flanders being affafinated during the celebration of divine fervice, King Lewis imme- diately put the young prince in poffefiion of that county, to which he had pre- terifions, in the right of his grandmother Matilda, wife to the Conqueror *. But William furvived a very little time this piece of good fortune, which feemed to open the' door to ftill farther profperity.' He was killed in a fkirmifh with the landgrave of Alface, -his‘compétitor for Flanders ; and his death put an end, for the prefent, to the jealoufy and inquietude of Henry rT. Tur chief merit of this prince’s. government confifts in the profound tranquil- lity which he eftablified and maintained. throughout all his dominions during the greateft part of his reign t.. The mutinous barons were retained in fubjec- tion; and his neighbours, in every attempt which they made upon him, found him fo well prepared, that they were difcouraged from continuing or renewing their enterprizes. In order to reprefs the incurfions of the Welfh, he brought. over fome Fleniings in the year 1111, and fettled them in Pembrokefhire, where they Iong maintained a different language, and cuftoms and manners, from their neighbours ||. Iho’ his government feems to have been arbitrary in England, it was judicious and prudent ; and was as little oppreflive as the neceffity of his affairs would permit. Ele wanted not attention to the redrefs of grievances ; and hiftorians mention in particular the levying purveyance, which he endeavoured +o moderate and reftrain. The tenants in the King’s demefne lands were at that time obliged to fupply gratis the court with provifions, and, to furnifh carriages on the fame. hard terms, when the King made a progrefs into any of the coun- es. Thefe exactions were fo grievous, and levied in fo licentious a manner, shat the farmers, when they heard of the court’s approach, often deferted their homes, as if an enemy had invaded them’§ ; and fheltered their perfons and fa- miiies in the woods from the infults of the King’s retinue. Henry prohibited thefe enormities, and punithed the perfons guilty of them by cutting off their hands, legs, or other members |. But the prerogative was’ perpetual, the re- medy applied by Henry was but temporary ; and the violence of this remedy, {o far from being a fecurity to the people, was only a proof of the ferocity of the government. in that age, and threatened a guick return. of like abufes. * Chron, Saxo p.23% Gul, Gem. p. 299. Alur. Beverl. p..151 + Chron, Sax. p. 232+ + Gul. Gemet. p. 302. | W. Malm. p. 158. Brompton, p. 1003. §~iadmer, D. 94. Chron. Sax. p. 242. 4 Eadmer, p. 94. OnE HPVe rhe Wh I. 243 One greateand difficult object of the King’s prudence was the guarding againft Chap. VI, the incroachments of the court of Rome, and protecting the liberties of the church of England. The Pope, in the year.1101, had fent Guy, archbifhop of : Vienne, as legate into Britain ; and tho’ he was the firft that for many years had appeared there in that character, and his commiffion gave general furprize *, the King, who was then in the commencement of his reign, and was attended with many difficulties, was obliged to fubmit to this incroachment on: hié authority. But in the year 1116, Anfelm, abbot of St. Sabas, who was coming over with a like legatine commiffion, was prohibited to enter the kingdom + ;--and Pope ~ Calixtus, who in his turn was then labouring under many difficulties, by reafon of the pretenfions of Gregory, an anti-pope, was obliged to. promife, that he never would for the future, except when folicited by the King him/elf, fend any legate into England f. Notwithftanding this engagement, the Pope, fo foon as he had fuppreffed his antagonift, ‘granted the Cardinal de Crema a legatine com- miffion for that kingdom; and’ the King, who, by reafon of his nephew’s in- « trigues and invafions, found himfelf at that time in a dangerous fituation, was obliged to fubmit to the exercife of this commiffion |. A’ fynod: was called by the legate at London ; where, among other canons, a vote pafled, enacting fee vere penalties on the marriage of the clergy §; and the Cardinal, ina public ha- rangue, declared it to be an unpardonable enormity, that a prieft fhould dare to confecrate and touch the body of Chrift immediately after he had’ rifen from the fide-of a ftrumpet: For that was the decent appellation which he gave to the wives of the clergy. But-it happened, that, the very next night, the officers of juftice, breaking into a diforderly houfe, found the Cardinal in bed with a cour- tezan | 3 an incident which threw fuch a ridicule upon him, that he immediately {tole out of the kingdom : The fynod broke up; and the canons againtt the mar- riage of clergymen were worfe executed than ever ™ Fienry, in order to prevent this alternate revolution of conceffions and in- croachments, fent William, then archbifhop of Canterbury, to remonftrate with the court of Rome againft thefe abufes, and to affert the liberties of the Englith churches, It was an ufual maxim with every Pope, when he found that he could not prevail in any pretenfion, to grant princes or ftates a power which they had * Eadmer, p. 58. + Hoveden, p. 47d. { Eadmer, p. 125, 137, 138, | Chron. Sax. p. 229. § Spelm. Conc. vol. 2. p. 34. 4. Hoveden, p.478. M. Paris, p. 48. . Mat. Welt. ad ann. fizc. H. Huntingdon, p..382, [t is remarkable, that this lait writer, who was a clergyman as well as the Others, makes an apology for ufing fuch freedom with the fathers of the church ; but fays, that the fa was notorious, and / ought not to be concealed, * Chron, Sax. p. 234, Ji.2 always = 244 eysTORX of ENGLAND. Chap. VI. always exercifed, to refume at a proper feafon the claim which {feemed to be re- r128. Goned, and to pretend, that the civil magiftrate had poflefled the authority only from a fpecial indulgence of the Roman pontiff. After this manner, the Pope, finding that the French nation would not admit his claim of granting inveftitures, had paffed a bull, giving the king that authority ; and he now practifed a like ‘vention to elude the complaints of the King of England. He made the arch- bifhop of Canterbury his legate, renewed his commifiion from time to time, and ftill pretended, that the rights, which that prelate had ever exercifed as metropo- litan, were entirely derived from the indulgence of the apoftolic fee. The Eng- lith princes, and Henry in particular, who were lad to avoid any prefent conteft ef fo dangerous a nature, commonly. acquiefced by their filence in thefe preten> fions of the court of Rome my 1131. As every thing in England cemained in the utmoft tranquillity, Henry took the opportunity of paying 4 vifit to Normandy, to which he was invited, as well by. his affection for that country, as by his tendernefs, for his daughter the Em- 133 prefs, Matilda, who was always his favourite. Some time after, that princefs was delivered of a fon, who received the name of Henry; and the King, farther to enfure her fucceffion, made all the nobility of England and Normandy renew the oath of fealty, which. they had already fworn to her t+. The joy of this event, and the fatisfaétion which he reaped from his daughter’s company, who bore fucceffively two other fons, made his refidence in Normandy very agree: able to him {3 and he feemed determined to pafs the reft of his days in that country ; when an incurfion of the Welfh obliged him to think of returning into 1135. England. He was preparing for the journey, when he was feized with a fudden sf of Decem. illnefs. at St. Denis le Forment, from eating too. plentifully of lampreys, 4 food which always agreed better with his palate than his conftitution |. He died in * The legates a /atere, as they were called, were a-kind of delegates, who pofteffed the full power ef the Pope in all the provinces committed to their charge, and were very bufy in extending, Aas well as exercifing it. ‘They nominated to all-vacant benefices, aflembled fynods, and were anxious to, main: tain ecclefiaftical privileges, which never could be fully protected without ‘ncroachments on the civil power. If there was the leaft concurrence or oppofition, it was alivays fuppofed that the civil power was to give way: Every deed, which had the léaft pretence of holding of any thing fpiritual, as mare riages, teftaments, promiffory oaths, were brought into the fpiritual court, and could not be canvaf- fed before a Civil magiftrate. T hefe were the eftablifhed laws of the church; and’ where a legate was fent immediately from Rome, he was fare to maintain the papal claims with the utmoft rigor: But it was an advantage to the King to have the archbifhop of Canterbury appointed legate, becaufe the connexions of that prelate with-the kingdom tended to moderate his meafures. 4+ W. Malm. p. 177- } H. Hunt. p. 345: y H. Hunt. p. 385. M. Paris, Pe 50 \ the 3 a. H OB! aN -4R Ho Uh 245 the fixty-feventh year of his age, and the thirty-fifth of his reign ; leaving by will Chap. VI. his daughter, Matilda, heirefs of all his dominions, without making any men- 1*35" tion of her hufband, Geoffrey, who had given him feveral caufes of difpleafure *, Death Tuts prince was one of the moft accomplifhed that has filled the Englifh throne, _ character and poffeffed all the qualities both of body and mind, natural and scquifed] which ° Jue could fit him for the high ftation, to which he attained. His perfon was manly, his countenance engaging, his eyes clear, ferene, and penetrating. The affabi- lity of his addrefs encouraged thofe who might be overawed by the fenfe of his dignity or of his wifdom ; and tho’ he often ‘jndlend his facetious humour, he knew how to temper it with difcretion, and ever kept at a diftance from all in- decent familiarities with his courtiers, His fuperior eloquence and judgment would have given him an afcendant even had he been born in a private ftation; and his perfonal bravery would have procured him refpect, even tho’ it had been Jefs fupported by art and policy. By his great progrefs in literature, he acquired the name of Beau-clerc or the fcholar; but his application to thefe fedentary pur- fuits abated nothing of the activity and vigilance of his government; and tho” the learning of that age was better fitted to corrupt than improve the underftand- ing, his natural good fenfe preferved itfelf untainted both from the pedantry and fuperftition, which were then fo prevalent among men of letters. His temper was very fufceptible of the fentiments as well of friendfhip as of refentment +; and his ambition, tho’ high, might be efteemed moderate and reafonable ; had not his conduct towards his brother and nephew fhowed that he wastoo much difpofed to facrifice to it all the maxims of juftice and equity. But the total incapacity of Robert for government afforded his younger brother a reafon or pretence for feizing the fcepter both of Normandy and England ; and’ when vio- lence and ufurpation are once begun, neceffity obliges a prince to continue in the fame criminal courfe, and engages him in meafures, which his better jude- ment and founder principles would otherwife have induced him to reje& with warmth and indignation, . Kurc Henry was much addiéted to women ; and hiftorians mention no lefs than feven illegitimate fons and fix daughters, who were born tohim tf. Hunt- ing was alfo one of his favourite amufements ; and he exercifed great rigor on thofe who encroached on the royal forefts, which were augmented during this reign ||, tho” their number and extent were already enormous. ‘To kill a ftag was as criminal as to murder a man: He made all the dogs be mutilated, which were kept on the borders of his forefts: And he fometimes deprived his fubjeéts of the * W. Malm, p. 178. + Order, Vital. p. 805. t Gul. Gemet. lib, 8. cap. 29. | W. Malm. p. 179, heres iy, 24.6 FAISTORY-~. oF ENGLAND. liberty of hunting on their owr Jands, or even cutting their own woods. In ie executed yuitice, and that with rigor ; the beft maxim which a prince in that age could follow. Stealing was firft made capital in this reign *; Falfe coining, which was then a-very common crime, and which had ex- tremely debafed the money, wes punifhed feverely by Henry 7. Near fifty criminals of this kind were at ore time hanged or mutilated ; and tho’ thefe pu- nifhments feem to have been ex:rcifed in fomewhat an arbitrary manner, they were grateful to the people, more attentive to prefent advantages, than jealous of general laws. ‘There ig a code which pafles under the name of Henry I. but the beft antiquarians have agreed not to think it genuine. It is however a very antient compilation, and may beufeful to inftruct us in the manners and cauftoms of the times. It appears from i, that a great diftinction was then made between the Englifh and Normans, muck to the advantage of the latter{. The deadly feuds and the liberty of private revenge, which had been avowed by the Saxon laws, were ftill continued, and were not yet wholly illegal. Henry, on his acceffion, granted a charter to London, which feems to have been the firft ftep towards rendering that city a corporation. By this charter, they were empowered to hold the farn of Middlefex-at three hundred pounds a year, to ele&t their-own fheriff and jafticiary, and to hold pleas of the crown ; they were exempted from Scot, Danegelt, trials by combat, aad lodging the King’s retinue. ‘Thefe, with a confirmition of the privileges of their court of Huftings, wardmotes, and common halls, and their liberty of hunting in Middlefex and Surrey, are the chief articles-of this charter §. other refpects, | * Sim. Dunelm, p. 231.. Brompton, p. 1000. Flor. Wigorn, p. 653. Hoveden, p. 471- + Sim. Dunelm. p. 231. Brompton,p. 1000. Hoveden, p. 471. Annal, Waverl. p. 149. t LL. Hen. 1. § 18, 75. || LL. Hen. § 82. § Lambardi Archaionomia ex edit. Twifden Wilkins, p. 235. C HA: P, 3S. ITD (ES Po HED WN) WAY Coch Ao Pov ove: QF kgs Pe age BN Acceffion of Stephen War with Scotland Infurreéhon in favour of Matilda. Stephen taken prifoner-—— Matilda crowned Ste- phen releafed Reftored to the crown Continuation of the civil wars Compromife between the King and prince Henry Death of the King. 1‘ the progrefs and fettlement of the feudal law, the male fucceffion to fiefs Chap. VII. had taken place fome time before the femalé was admitted ; and eftates, being = 1135 confidered as military benefices, not as property, were tranfmitted to fuch only as could ferve in the armies, and perform in perfon the conditions upon which they were originally granted. Bur after that the continuance of rights, during fome generations, in the fame family, had, in fome meafure, obliterated the pri- mitive idea, the females were gradually admitted to the poffeffion of feudal pro- ~perty ; and the fame revolution of principles, which procured them the inhe- ritance of private eftates, naturally introduced their fucceflion to government and authority. The failure, therefore, of male-heirs to the Kingdom of England and dutchy of Normandy, feemed ‘to leave the fucceffion Open, without a rival, to the emprefs, Matilda; and as Flenry had made all his vaflals in both {tates fwear fealty to her, he prefunted, that they would not eafily be induced to depart at once from her hereditary right, and from their own reiterated oaths and en- gagements. But the irregular manner, in which he himfelf-had acquired the crown, might inftruct him, that neither his Norman nor Englith fubjeQs were as yet capable of adhering ‘to a ftri& rule of government and as every precedent of this kind f€ems to’ give authority to’ new ufurpations, he had reafon to dread, even from his own family, fome invafion of his daughter’s title, which ‘he: had taken fuch pains to eftablith. Adela, daughter of William, the Conqueror, had been married to Stephen,, count of Blois, and had brought him feveral fons ; among whom, Stephen, and Henry, the two youngeft, had been invited over to England by the late King, and had received great honours, riches, and preferment from the zealous friend- fhip, which that prince bore to every one, that had been fo fortunate as to ac- i quire: en Wee y wah hh ah iH et Chap. Vil, Wie ‘ ‘i 1135- ha } + LS aaa in ele " Tih “ Hd DB) eae } | if Uy hat sy Ct bi i i i! a) (SRR SSE Ba a ' Meg Sh \ With iy Se a Sa rie | nal Le abate Ai Rion? en Ua ¢ aa hh ba) mu oh et : oh yh Pe) peetieeg 4 | D | : ‘ J Seas! i! hid ea ey Petia MPWOD Alls I ticaee hi) ; | atta) Lahde ‘ 4 ' : — > | yrs | - He)! PRE i} es! Me k eH) a tt phe veh op OA i) 2h PUT ATS ABR Be. ial (at a pT vat tle] hu + 7 ei t} wie \ AN ay oy $| Mt iit ; cae hat AW he | et + Ah } f ie "4 7): ae ‘T PH +t i ; ab kk I, tay { . VD ie a 5 pe Qwyil yer) 24th ‘ : ‘e + " ne yi ,/ + : Bey f i ; Oe i dba, bette AD i ie z ; “a bye ! ar fy 4 yi 5 Pa eet il eats esky ‘ gat) ae Oa (Pee te Tiesto tai | Mi de ‘ PLY ity itis Se pes tay Pi * Wie ae) HB 4 Sree tte ph 14 1 i hod My | 7 nt ‘ ! RP CONe 1) i ay, pate : i t t woe a ° . fait 7) we Sd "\ , iret H ik ‘i by f pty a) SU MN Mis BAL Mans , GERNOT hak oF } i By, Pe a em pdt f a ’ " si hatte ¢ : | Sat) oe , 4 aie) Ht ye shi . fii'4 Pie Benet ube : eene til 4 ; . " r is Khe: 7 hie y " 4 4 4 1 ? quire his favour and good opinion. = 248 HisTORY or ENGLAND. Henry, who had betaken himfelf to the ecclefiaftical profeffion, was created abbot of Glaftenbury and bifhop of Win- chefter ; and tho’ thefe dignities were confiderable, Stephen, his brother, had, from his uncle’s liberality, attained eftablifhments {till more folid and durable *, The King had married him to Matilda, who was daughter and heir of Euftace count of Boulogne, and who brought him, befides that feudal fovereignty in France, an immenfe property in England, which, in the diftribution of lands, had been conferred by the Conqueror on the family of Boulogne. Stephen alfo by this marriage acquired a new connexion. with the royal family of England ; as Mary; his wife’s mother, was filter, to David, the prefent King of Scotland, and to Matilda, the firft wife of Henry, and mother of the emprefs. The King, ftill imagining, that he ftrengthened the interefts of his family by the aggran- dizement of Stephen, took a pleafure in enriching him by the grant of new pof- feflions; and he conferred on him the great eftate forfeited by Robert Mallet in England, and that forfeited by the earl of Mortaigne in Normandy. Stephen, in return, profeffed a great attachment to his uncle ; and appeared fo zealous for the facceffion of Matilda, that when the barons fwore fealty to that princefs, he con- tended with Robert, earl of Glocefter, the King’s natural fon, who fhould firft be admitted to give her this teftimony of devoted zeal and fidelity +. Mean while, he continued to cultivate, by every art of popularity, the friendfhip and affection of the Englifh nation; and many virtues, with which he feemed to be endowed, favoured the fuccefs of his intentions. By his bravery, activity and vigor, he acquired the efteem of the barons: By his generofity, and by an af. fable and familiar addrefs, unufual in that age among men of his high quality, he obtained the affections of the people, particularly of the Londoners ¢. And tho’ he dared not to take any {teps towards his farther orandeur, left he might expofe himfelf to the jealoufy of fo penetrating a prince as Henry; he ftill hoped, that, by accumulating riches and power, and by acquiring popularity, he might fome time be able to open his way to the throne. No fooner had Henry expired, than Stephen, infenfible to all the ties of gra- titude and fidelity, and blind to danger, gave full reins to his criminal ambt- tion, and trufted, that, even without any previous intrigue, the celerity of his enterprize and the boldnefs of his attempt might overcome the weak attachments which the Englifh and Normans in that age bore to the Jaws, and to the rights of their fovereign. He haftened over to England ; and tho’ the citizens of Dover, and thofe of Canterbury, apprized of his purpofe, fhut their gates again{t him, * Gul. Neubr. p. 360. Brompton, p. 1023. + W. Malm. p. 192. + W. Malmef. p.179. Geil. Step. p. 928. he S$ -T “Bh Pe HB. GN, 249 he {topped not till he arrived at London, where fome of the lower rank, inftigated by ‘his emiffaries, as well as moved by his general popularity, immediately faluted him King. His néxt point was to acquire the good will of thé clergy’; and by _ performing the ceremony of his coronation, put himfelf in poffeffion of the throne, from which, he was confident, it would not be eafy afterwards to expel him. His brother, the bifhop of Winchefter, was ufeful to him ia thefe capital articles ; and having gained Roger, bifhop of Salifbury *, who, tho’ he owed a great for- tune and advancement to the favour of the late King, preferved no fenfe of gra- titude to that prince’s family; he applied, in conjunétion with that prelate, to William, archbifhop of Canterbury, and required him, in virtue of his office, to put the crown upon the head of Stephen’ The primate, who, as well as all the others, had {worn fealty to Matilda, refufed-to perform this ceremony + ; but his oppofition was overcome by an expedient equally difhonourable with the other fteps, by which this great revolution was effected. Hugh Bigod, fteward of the houfhold, made oath before the primate, that the late King, on his death-bed, had difcovered a diflatisfaction with his daughter Matilda, and had exprefled his intention of leaving the count of Boulogne heir to all his dominions ¢. William, either believing or feigning to believe, Bigod’s teftimony, anointed Stephen, and put the crown upon his head ; and by this religious ceremony, that prince, without any fhadow either of hereditary title or confent of the nobility or people, was allowed to proceed to the exercife of fovereign authority. Very few barons attended his coronation |}; but none oppofed his ufurpation, however unjuft or flagrant. The fentiment of religion, which, if corrupted into fupertftition, has often little efficacy in fortifying the duties of civil fociety, overlooked the mul- tiplied oaths, taken in favour of Matilda, and only rendered the people obedient to a prince, who was countenanced by the clergy, and who had received from the primate the rite of royal unction and confecration §. STEPHEN, that he might farther fecure his tottering throne, paffed a charter, in which he made liberal promifes to all orders of men; to the clergy, that he would fpeedily fill all vacant benefices, and would never draw the rents of any of them during the interval ; to the nobility, that they fhould not be profecuted for hunting in their own forefts ; and to the people, that he would remit the tax of * H. Hunt, p. 386. Gul. Neubr. p. 360. 362. Ann. Waverl, p. 152. + Gek. Steph. p. 929. { Matth. Paris, p. 51. Diceto, p. 505. Chron. Dunft. p. 23. | Brompton, p. 1023. § Such firefs was formerly laid on the rite of coronation, that the monkifh writers never give any prince the title of King, till he is crowned; tho’ he had for fome time been in poffeifion of the crown, and exercifed all the powers’ of fovereignty. Vou. f, Kk 7 Danegelt Chap. VII, 1145; 22d Deceri. yal Chap. VII, 135. 136. a) 250 HISTORY or ENGLAN D. Danegelt and reftore the laws of King Edward *. The late King had a gteae treafure at Winchefter, amounting-to.an hundred thoufand pounds ff: And Ste- phen, by feizing this. money,,, immediately. turned, againft.-Elenry’s family, the precaution, which that prince had employed:for.their grandeur and fecurity:: An event, which naturally. attends the. policy of amafling treafures:. By means.of this money, the ufurper infured the compliance, tho’ not the attachment,. of the principal clergy and nobility ;,and not trufting to-this frail fecurity, ‘he invited over from the continent, particularly from» Brittanny and Flanders, great nam- bers of thofe bravos or diforderly foldiers, with whonm-every: country in Kurope, by reafon of, the general ill police and turbulent governments; extremely abound- edit, Thefe mercenary, troops guarded his throne, by the terrors of the fword'; and Stephen, that he might alfo overawe all malcontents by new and additional terrors of religion, procured: a bull from Rome, which: ratified his title, and which the Pope, feeing this prince in a€tual pofleffion of the throne, and pleafed with an. appeal to his‘ authority in fectlar controverfies, very readily: granted him |}. Matripa and her hufband, Geoffrey, were as, unfortunate in Normandy as: they had been in England. .The Norman nobility, moved by an hereditary ani- mofity againft the Angevins, firft applied to Theobald, count of Blois, Stephen’s: elder brother,. for protection and affiftance §, but hearing afterwards, that Stephen had got. pofleffion of the Englith crown, and having many of them the fame reafons as formerly for defiring a continuance of their union with that king dom, they transferred their allegiance to Stephen, and put him in poffeffion of their government |. Lewis the younger, the prefent}King of France, accepted of the homage of Euftace, Stephen’s eldeft fon, for the dutchy ; and the farther to cor- roborate his connexions with that family, he betrothed his. fifter,. Conftantia,. to the young prince *, The count of Blois refigned all his pretenfions, and received in lieu of them a penfion of two thoufand marks ; and Geoffrey himfelf was obliged to conclude a truce for two years with Stephen, on condition of the King’s paying him, during that time, a penfion of five thoufand . Stephen, who had taken a journey to Normandy, finifhed all thefe tranfactions in perfon,. and foon after returned to England. | * W. Malmef. p.179. Hoveden, p. 482. M. Paris, p. 51; Hagul. p. 314. Brompton, ps 1024. + W. Malm. p..179. Chron. Sax. p. 238. Geft. Stephen, p. 929. ™M. Paris, p. 51. t W. Malmef. p. 179. | Hagulftad, p, 259. 313: § Order. Vitalis, p. go2. M, Paris, ps 51: + Order, Vital. p. 903, * Hoveden, p. 482, Gervas, p. 1350 + M. Paris, p. 52. = A RopERT SF By Bo Ba Bows be 25 ; Roser, earl of Glocefter,. natural fon of the late King, was'a man of honour and ability ; and as he was much attached to the interefts. of his fifter, Matilda, and zealous for the lineal fucceffion to the crown, it was chiefly from his intrigues and refiftance, that the King had reafon to dread anew revolution of government. This nobleman, when he received intelligence of Stephen’s acceffion, was much embarraffed concerning the meafures, which he fhould purfue in that difficult emergency. To {wear allegiance to the ufurper appeared to him very difhonour- able and a breach of his oath to Matilda: To refufe giving this pledge of his fidelity was to banifh himfelf from England, and_be totally incapacitated from ferving the royal family, or contributing to their reftoration *, _He. offered Stephen to do him homage and to take the oath of fealty ; but with an exprefs condition, that the King fhould maintain all ‘his {tipulations, and fhould never invade any of Robert’s rights or dignities: And Stephen, tho’ fenfible, that this referve, fo unufual in itfelf, and fo unbehtting the duty of a fubjeét, was meant only to afford Robert a pretence for a revolt on the firft favourable opportunity, was obliged, by the numerous friends and retainers of that ‘nobleman, to receive him on thefeterms +. The clergy, who could fcarce, at this time, be deemed fubjects to the crown, imitated that dangerous example; and annexed to their oath of allegiance this condition, that they were only bound fo long as the King defended the ecclefiaftical liberties, and fupported the difcipline of the church 7 The barons, ‘in return for their fubmifMfion, ‘exacted terms fill more deftructive of public peace, ‘as well as of royal authority : Many’ of them required the right of fortifying their caftles,. and of putting themfelves in a pofture of defence, and the King found himfelf» totally unable*to-refufe-his confent to this exorbitant de- mand ||. All England was immediately’ filled with thefe fortreffes, which the noblemen garrifoned, either with their vaffals; “er with lieentious” foldiers, who flocked to them from all quarters.» Unbounded rapine was “exercifed upon the people for the maintenance of thefe troops 3 and private ‘animofities, which had with difficulty been reftrained by law, now breaking’ out without controul, ren- dered England a fcene of uninterrupted violenée and devaftation. ' Wars between the nobles were carried-on with the utmoft fury ‘if ‘every quarter ; the barons evenmafiumed the sight of coining money, aid ‘of exércifing, without appeal, every act of jurifdiction §, andthe ‘inferior gentry,-as well as the people, ‘finding no defence from the laws, during «this ‘total diffolution® of fovereign authority, were obliged, for their immediate fafety, to pay court to fome ne: ighbouring chieftain, and to purchafe his. protection, both by fubmitting to his. exaétions, * Malmef.p.279. + ibid.“ M.tPatisp p..o1. { W. Malmefupo rye. || Malmef. pi 80. §. Trivet, p. 19. Gul: Neubry p, 372. Chron: Heming. p. 487. Brompton, p. tOZh. + K k 2 and a Chap. VIt. 1136, = 2 TISTORY or ENGLAND. and by affifting him in his rapine upon others. The erection of one caftle proved che immediate caufe of building many more; and even thofe, who obtained not the King’s permiffion, thought themfelves intitled, by the great principle of felf- préfervation, to put themfelves on an equa! footing with their neighbours, who commonly were alfo their enemies and rivals, The ariftocratical power, which is fo tyrannical and oppreffive in the feudal governments, had now rifen to its utmott height, during the reign of a prince, who tho’, endowed with vigor and ability, had ufurped the throne without the pretence of a title, and who was ne- cefitated to tolerate in others the fame violence, to which he himfelf had been beholden. for his fovereignty. Bur Stephen was not of a difpofition to fubmit Jong to thefe ufurpations, without making fome efforts for the recovery of royal authority. Finding that the legal prerogatives of the crown were refifted and abridged, he was allo tempted to make his power the fole meafure of his conduét; and to- violate all thofe conceffions, which he himfelf had made on his acceffion *,, as well as the antient and eftablifhed privileges of his fubjects. The mercenary foldiers, who chiefly fupported his authority, having exhaufted the royal treafure, fubfifted by depredations ; and every place was filled with the beft grounded complaints againft the government. The earl of Glocefter, having now fettled with his friends the project of an infurrection, retired beyond fea, fent the King a defiance, folemnly renounced his allegiance, and upbraided him with the breach: of thole conditions, which had been annexed to the oath of fealty, {worn by that noble- man +. David, King of Scotland, appeared at the head of an army in defence of his niece’s title, and penetrating into Yorkfhire, committed the moft bar- barous devaftations on that country {. The fury of his maffacres and ravages enraged the northern nobility, who might otherwife have been inclined’to join him;. and William earl,of: Albemarle, William Piercy, Robert de Brus, Roger Moubray, Ilbert Lacy, Walter d’Efpee, powerful-barons in thofe parts, affembled an army, with which they. encamped at North-Allerton, and awaited the arrival of the enemy. A great battle was. here fought, called the battle of the Standard, from, a high crucifix, ereéted by. the Englith on.a waggon, and carried along with the army. as a military enfign .. The King of Scots was routed with great flaughter, and he himfelf, as well as his fon, Henry, very narrowly efcaped fal- ling into the hands of the Englifh, This fuccefs overawed the malcontents in * W. Malmef. p.130. M. Paris, p. 51. + W. Malmef. p. 180. t H. Hunt. p. 388. Hoveden, p. 482. M. Paris, p. sz. Gul. Neubr. p. 361. Chron, de'Mailt. p. 166. Haguiftad, p.260, 316. Brompton, p. 1025. | Chron. Sax. p. 24%; H. Huntrp. 388. Hoveden, p. 433. Order. Vitalis, p.g18. Chron. Norman. p. 977. Trivef, p. 7. En elands ot Ke PS aS ee ee 253 England, and might have given fome ftability to Stephen’s throne, had he not Chap. ies 5% . > . $333, been fo elated with profperity as to engage in a controverfy with the clergy, who : were at that time an overmatch for any monarch. Tuo’ the exorbitant power of the church, in antient times, weakened the au- thority of the crown, and interrupted the courfe of the laws, it may be doubted, whether, in ages of fuch violence and outrage, it was not rather advantageous that fome limits were fet to the power of the fword, both in the hands of the prince and nobles, and that men were taught to pay regard to fome princi+ ples and privileges. The chief misfortune was, that the prelates, on fome occa- fions, acted entirely as barons, employed military power againft their fovereign or their neighbours, and thereby often increafed thofe diforders, which it was their duty to reprefs. The bithop of Salifbury, in imitation of the nobility, had built two ftrong caftles, one at Sherborne, another at the Devizes, and had laid the foundations of a third at Malmefbury : His nephew, Alexander bifhop of Lin- coln, had erected a fortrefs at Newark: And Stephen, who was now fenfible i130. from experience of the mifchiefs attending thefe multiplied citadels, refolved to begin with deftroying thofe of the clergy, who by their funétion feemed lefs in- titled than the barons to fuch military fecurities *. Taking pretence of a fray, which had arifen in court between the retinue of the bifhop of Salifbury and that of the earl of Britanny, he feized both that prelate and the bifhop of Lin- coln, threw them into prifon, and obliged them by menaces to deliver up thofe places of- ftrength which they had lately erected +. Fiznry, bifhop of Winchefter, the King’s brother, being armed with a lega- tine commiffion, now conceived himlelf*to be an ecclefiaftical fovereign no lefs powerful than the civil; and forgetting the ties of blood which conneéted. him with the King, he refolved to vindicate the privileges of the church, which, he pretended, were here openly violated. He affembled a fynod at Weftminfter, z0th Av and there complained of the impiety of Stephen’s meafures, who had employed. violence again{t the dignitaries of the church, and had not awaited the fentence of a fpiritual court, by whom alone, he affirmed, they could lawfully be tried and condemned, if their conduct had any wife merited cenfure or punifhment ¢ : The fynod ventured to fend a fummons to the King, charging him to appear be- fore them, and to juftify his meafures || ; and Stephen, inftead of refenting this in- dignity, fent Aubrey de Vere to plead his caufe before that aflembly. De Vere acculed the two prelates of treafon and {edition ; but the fynod refufed to try. the put, * Gul. Neubr. p. 362. t Chron, Sax. p. 238. W. Malmef, p, 181. Order. Vital. p: 919,920. Gelt. Steph. p.944. Chron. Norm. p. 978. Trivet. p: 7- Gervaf. p. 1345. -_f W. Malm. p. 183; | W. Malm. p. 182: M. Paris, p. 53: caule, eS Vie al Chap. VIL. caufe, or examine their condu@, tll thofe caftles, of which they had been dif- ih ae 1139" — poffeffed, were previoully reftored to them *. The bifhop of Salifbury appealed Hisaitlieo to the Pope; and had not Stephen and his partizans employed menaces, and in | even fhown a difpofition of executing violence by the hands of the foldiery, af- fairs had inftantly come to extremity between the crown and the mitre +. Wuie this quarrel, joined to fo many other grievances, encreafed the difcon- 7) 22d Septemb. tents among the people, the Emprefs, invited by the opportunity, and fecretly 4 anh, encouraged by the legate himfelf, Janded in England, with Robert earl of Glo- | Infarre@tionin cefter, and a retinue of an hundred and forty knights {. She fixed her refidence gg ata at Arundel caftle, whofe gates were opened to her by Adelais, the Queen-dow- acer, now married to William de Albini, earl of Suflex; and the excited by meflengers her partizans to take arms in every county of England. Adelais, who had expected that her daughter-in-law would have invaded the kingdom with a much greater force, became apprehenfive of danger || 5 and Matilda, to eafe her of her fears, removed firft to Briftol, which belonged to her brother Robert §, thence to Glocefter, where fhe remained under the protection of Miles, a gallant nobleman in thofe parts, who had embraced her caufe. Soon after, Geoffrey Talbot, William Mohun, Ralph Lovel, William Fitz-John, William Fitz- Alan, Paganell, and many other barons, declared for her |; and her party, which was generally favoured in the kingdom, feemed every day to gain ground upon that of her antagonift, Were we to relate all the military events tranfmitted to us by contemporary and authentic hiftorians, it would be eafy to {well our accounts of this reign into a large volume ; but thefe incidents, fo little memorable in themfelves, and fo confufed both in time and place, could afford neither inftruction nor entertain- ment to the reader. It fuffices to-fay, that the war was fpread into every quar- ter; and that thofe turbulent barons, who had already fhaken off, ina great meafure, the reftraint of government, having now obtained the pretence of a public caufe, carried om their devaftations with redoubled fury, exercifed im- placable vengeance on each other, and fet no bounds to their oppreffion over the people. The caftles of the nobility were become receptacles of licenfed robbers, who, fallying forth day and night, committed fpoil on the open coun- try, on the villages, and even on the cities; put the captives to torture, in of- der to make them difcover their treafures; fold their perfons to flavery ; and fet fire to the houfes, after they had pillaged them of every thing valuable. The fiercenefs of their difpofition, leading them to commit wanton deftruction, fruf- * W. Malm. p. 183. + Ibid. t Ibid. || W. Malmef. p. 184. Gervaf. p. 1346. § Gel. Steph. p. 947. Gervaf. p. 1346. 4. Ordey. Vitalis, p. 917, M Parts, p. 54 ) trated & TT (kk Po Beck oe 25% trated their rapacity of its purpofe; and the property and perfons even of the ec- clefiaftics, generally fo much revered, were at laft, from neceflity, expofed to the fame outrage, which had laid wafte the reft of the kingdom, The land was left untilled ; the inftruments of hufbandry deftroyed or abandoned; anda grie- vous famine, the natural refult of thefé diforders, affected equally both parties, and réduced the fpoilers, as well as the defencelefs people, to the moft extreme want and indigence *, ArvTer feveral fruitlefS negotiations and treaties of peace, which never intere rupted thofe deftructive hoftilities, there happened at laft an event, which feémed to promife fome end of the public calamiities, Ralph, earl of Chefter, and his half brother, William de Roumara, partizans .of. Matilda, had furprized the caftle of Lincoln; but the citizens, who were better affected to Stephen; ha- Chap. VIT, 1139. 1146} ving invited him. to. their aid, that prince laid clofe fiege to the caftle, in hopes ’ of rendering himfelf foon mafter of the place, either by affault or famine. The earl of Glocefter haftened with an army to the relief of his friends ; and Stephen, informed of his approach, marched into the field, with an intention of giving him battle. After a violent fhock, the two wings of the royalifts were put to flight ; and Stephen himfelf, furrounded by the-enemy, was at. laft, after exerting great 1141. 2d February, efforts of valour, borne down by. numbers, and taken prifoner [.. He was cons Stephen taken ducted to Glocefter; and tho’ at Grit treated with humanity,. was foon after, on Priloner, fome {ufpicions, thrown into prifon, and loaded with irons |, STEPHEN’S. party were entirely broke by the captivity of their leader, and the barons came in daily from all quarters, and did homage to Matilda. That prins cefs, however, amidft all her profperity, knew, that the was not fecure of fuc- cefs, unlefs fhe could gain the confidence of the clergy ; and as the condué of the legate had been of late very ambiguous, and fhowed his intentions to have rather aimed at humbling his brother, than totally ruining him,. fhe employed every endeavour to fix him in her interefts.. She held a conference with him in an open plain near Winchefter ;. where the promifed upon oath,. that if he would acknowledge her for fovereign, would recognize her title as the fole defcendant of the late King, and would return to the allegiance, which he,.as- well as the * Chron. Sax. p. 238. W. Malmef, p. 185. Geft. Steph. ps 961. M. Paris, p. 53: Gal. Neubr. p, 372. Contin. Flor. Wig. p- 665. -Gervas, p. 1346. © t Order, Vital. p. g2u. t Gul. Neubr. p. 363.. Ann, Waverl. P- 154. Chron. Heming, p. 482. Hagul. p. 269 Gervas, p. 1353, 1354. | Chron. Sax..p. 242. W. Malm. p- 187. H. Hunt. p. 392. Hoveden, ps 487; « Chron. Norm. p. 979. M. Paris, p, 53> 54. Brompton, p. 1033, reff: 2d March: 5s re i x — ahaa a } Be We AAW AN H Li, Hf i He tes alae - <6 IS TORY OF ENGLAND. it @hap Vil. reft of the kingdom, had fworn to her, he fhould in return be entire mafter of articular fhould, at his pleafure, difpofe of all vacant it I. . ‘ff ss : t the adiminiftration, and 113 pa bifhoprics and abbies. Earl Robert, her brother, Brian Fitz-Count, Miles of Hi Glocefter, and other great men, became guarantees -for her obfervance of thefe ip engagements * 5 and the prelate was at lait induced to promife her his allegiance, | but that ftill burdened with the exprefs condition, that fhe fhould on her part ful- Be | &l her promifes. He then conducted her into Winchefter, led her in proceffion ath ro the cathedral, and with great folemnity, in the prefence of many bifhops and HH abbots, denounced curfes apainft all thofe who curfed her, poured out blefflings ae Wie ij i on thofe who blefied her, granted abfolution to fuch as were obedient to her, ee and excommunicated fuch as were rebellious +, Theobald, archbifhop of Can- Wee terbury, foon after came alfo to court, and fwore allegiance to the emprefs o® Parte, | that fhe might farther enfure the attachment of the clergy, was | oh Bhs sell willing to receive the crown from their hands; and inftead of affembling the i eel Te, ftates of the kingdom, the meafure which the conttitution, had it been either fix- | a Ale ) ed or regarded, feemed neceffarily to require, fhe was contented, that the legate 2s ete wha Chould fummon an ecclefiaftical council, and that her title to the throne fhould we aa Hy there be recognized and acknowledged. The legate, addrefling himfelf to the SE UG Taal EAE affembly, told them, that, in the abfence of the Emprefs, Stephen, his brother, had been permitted to reign, and, previoufly to his afcending the throne, ‘had fe- duced them by many fair promifes, of honouring and exalting the church, of maintaining the laws, and of reforming all abufes: That it grieved him to ob- ferve how much that prince had been in every particular wanting to his engage ments; public peace was interrupted, crimes were daily committed with impu- nity, bifhops were thrown into prifon, and forced to furrender their poffeffions, abbies were fet to fale, churches were pillaged, and the moft enormous diforders revailed in the adminiftration : That he himfelf, in order to procure a redrefs of thefe grievances, - had formerly fummoned the King before a council of bi- fhops; but inftead of inducing him to amend his conduét, had rather offended him by that expedient: That that prince, however mifguided, was ftill his bro- ther, and the object of his affeétions; but he muft however regard his intere{ts ree as much fubordinate to thofe of his heavenly father, who had now rejected him, inh ae and thrown him into the hands of his enemies: That it principally belonged to the clergy to ele&t and ordain Kings ; he had fummoned them together for that 4] 3 urpofe ; and having invoked the divine affiftance, he now pronounced Matilda, Ma the only defcendant of Henry, their late fovereign, Queen of England. The i Kiaiida MATILDA, crowned. * W. Malm. p. 187. + Chron: Sax. p. 742. Contin. Flor. Wig. p. 676» 4 W. Malmef. p. 187. whole Soa BosP’ Jae eee 259 whole affembly, by their acclamations or filence, gave, or feemed to give, their Chap. VII. . e - . affent to this declaration *. 114 Tae only laymen fummoned to this council, which decided the fate of the crown, were the Londoners ; and even thefe wére required not to give their opi- nion, but to fubmit to the decrees of the fynod. ©The deputies of London, how- ever, were not fo paffive: They infifted, that their King fhould be delivered from prifon ;° but were told by the legate, that it became not the Londoners, who were regarded as noblemen in England, to take party with thofe batons, who had bafely forfaken their lord in battle, and who had treated holy church with contumely +. It is with» reafon that the citizens of London affumed fo much authority, if it be true, what is related by bitz-Stephen, a contemporary author, that that city could at that time bring into the field no lefs than 8c,o00 combatants {1 Lonpon, ‘notwithflanding its great power, and its attachment to Stephen, was at laft obliged to fubmit to Matilda; and her authority, by the prudent con- duct of earl Robert, feemed to be eftablifhed over the whole kingdom: But af- fairs remained not long in this fituation. That princefs, befides the difadvan- tages of her fex, which weakened her influence over a turbulent and martial peo- ple, was of a paflionate, imperious fpirit ||, and knew not how to temper with affability the harfhnefs of a refufal. Stephen’s Queen, feconded by many of the nobility, petitioned for the liberty of her hufband; and offered, that, on that condition, he fhould renounce the crown, and retire into a convent §.° The le- gate defired, that prince Euftace, his nephew, might inherit Boulogne and the other patrimonial eftates of his father .: The Londoners applied for the efta- blifhment of King Edward’s laws, inftead of thofe of King Henry, which, they faid, were grievous and oppreffive *. All thefe petitions were denied in the moft haughty and peremptory manner. Tue legate, who had probably never been fincere in his compliance with Ma- tilda’s government, availed himfelf of the ill humours excited by this imperious conduct, and fecretly inftigated the Londoners to a revolt. A con{piracy was a, * W. Malmef. p. 188. This author, a judicious man, was prefent, and fays, that he was very attentive to what pafled. This fpeech, therefore, may be regarded as entirely authentic. + W. Malmef,. p. 188. } P. 4. Were this account to be depended on, London muft at that time have contained near 400,000 inhabitants, which is above double the number it contained at the death of Queen Elizabeth. But thefe loofe calculations, or rather gueffes, deferve very little credit. | Gul. Neubr. p 363. Chron. Abb. St. Petri de Burgo, p. 74. Hagul. p, 270. § Contin. Flor. Wig. p. 677. Brompton, p. 1031. + Ibid. * Contin. Flor. Wig. p. 677. Gervas, p. 1356. oe. b= > oy entered Chap. VH. L141. Stephen re- leafed. I 142. 1143. 1146. Continuation of the civil wars. ) 258 HISTORY or ENGLAND. entered into to feize the Emprefs’s perfon'; and the faved herfelf from the danger by a precipitate retreat *. She fled to Winchefter ; whither the legate, defirous to fave appearances, and watching the proper opportunity to ruin her caufe, .foon after followed her. But having aflembled all his retainers, he openly joined his Force to that of the Londoners, and to Stephen’s mercenary troops, who had not yet evacuated the kingdom; and he befieged Matilda in Winchefter +. That princefs, being hard prefled by famine, made her efcapes but in the flight, earl Robert, her brother, fell into the hands of the enemy i}. This nobleman, tho’ a fubject, was as much the life and foul of his own party, as Stephen was of the other; and the Emprefs, fenfible of his merit, confented to exchange the prifon- ers on equal terms. The civil war was again kindled with greater fury than ever. Ear. Robert, finding the fucceffes on both fides nearly balanced, went over to Normandy, which, during Stephen’s captivity, had fubmitted to the earl of An- jou; and he perfuaded Geoffrey to allow his eldeft fon, Henry, a young prince of great hopes, to take a journey into England, and appear at the head of his partizans §. ‘This expedient, however, produced nothing decifive. Stephen took Oxford after a long fiege : He was routed by earl Robert at Wilton |: And the Emprefs, tho’ of .a mafculine fpirit, yet haraffed with a variety of cood and bad fortune, and alarmed with continual dangers to her perfon and family, at Jatt retired with her fon into Normandy, leaving the management of her affairs to her brother. ‘The death of this valiant and faithful nobleman, which folk - lowed foon after, would have proved fatal to her interefts, had not fome events happened, which checked the courfe of Stephen’s profperity. This prince, find- ing, that the caftles built by the noblemen of his own party encouraged the fpirit of independance, and were little lefs dangerous than thofe which remained in the hands of the enemy, endeavoured to extort from them a furrender of thefe for- trefies ; and he alienated the affections of many of them by this equitable de- mand *. The artillery alfo of the church, which his brother had brought over to his fide, had, after fome interval, joined the other party. Eugenius Il. had mounted the papal throne, and had deprived the bifhop of Winchelter of the legatine commiffion, which he conferred on Theobald, archbifhop of Canter . * Chron. Sax. p. 242. W. Malm. p. 189. + Trivet, p. 10. Gul. Neubr. p. 363. + Chron, Sax. p. 242. Hoveden, p. 488. Geft. Steph. p. 957. , Chron. Norm. p- 979: | Chron. Sax. p. 242. M. Paris, ‘p. 54. § Chron. Norm, p. 979- M. Paris, p+ 54: 1 Geft. Steph. p. 960. Trivet, p. 11. M. Paris, p. 54. * Chron. Sax. p. 242 W. Malmef. p. 181. ‘Trivet, p. 16. Chron. Abb, St. Petri de Burgo, p. 75. Hagulit. p. 278. bury; : Sof “EP SS 259 x bury, the enemy and rival of the former legate. That pontiff, having fum- moned a general council at Rheims in Champagne, inftead of allowing the church of England, as had been ufual, to elect its own deputies, nominated five Eneglifh bifhops to reprefent that church, and required their prefence in the council: Stephen, who, notwithftanding his prefent difficulties, was jealous of the rights of his crown, refufed them permiffion to attend * ; and the Pope, fenfible of his advantage in contending with a prince who reigned by a difputed title, took re- venge by laying all Stephen’s party under an interdict+. By this fentence, which was now firft known in England, divine fervice was prohibited, and all the func- tions of religion ceafed, except the baptifm of infants and the abfolution of dying perfons. The difcontents of the royalifts at this fituation were augmented by a comparifon with Matilda’s party, who enjoyed all the benefits of the facred or- dinances; and Stephen was at laft obliged, by making proper fubmiffions to the fee of Rome, to remove this reproach from his party t. Tue weaknefs of both fides, rather than any decreafe of mutual animofity, having produced a tacit ceffation of arms in England, many of the nobility, Roger de Mowbray, William de Warrenne, and others, finding no opportunity to ex- ert their military ardor at home, inlifted themfelves in a new croifade, which, with furprifing fuccefs, after all former difappointments and misfortunes, was now preached by St. Barnard |}. But an event foon after happened, which threatened a revival of hoftilities in England. Prince Henry, who had reached, his fixteenth:year, was defirous of receiving the honour of knighthood ; a cere- mony which every gentleman in that age pafled thro’ before he was admitted to the ufe of arms, and which was even efteemed requifite for the greateft princes, He propofed to receive his admiffion from his great-uncle, David King of Scot- land; and for that purpofe, he paffed thro’ England with a great retinue, and was attended by the moft confiderable of his partizans §& He ftaid fome time with the King of Scotland ; made fome incurfions into England ; and by his dex- terity and vigour in all manly exercifes, by his valour in war, and his prudent conduct in every occurrence, he rouzed the hopes of his party, and gave fymp- toms of thofe great qualities, which he afterwards difplayed when he mounted the throne of England. Soon after his return to Normandy, he was, by Ma- tilda’s confent, invefted in that dutchy |.; and upon the death of his father, Geof- frey, which happened in the fubfequent year, he took poffeffion both of Anjou * Epift. St. Thom. p. 226, + Chron. W. Thorn. p. 1807. t Epift. St. Thom. p/ 226. | Hagulf. p. 275, 276, § Hoveden, p.490. Gul. Neubr, p. 378. Gervas, p. 1366. + M. Welt. p. 245. Li 2 and ce Chap VII. 1147. 1i5o; ‘ is ! Z a: Bi: FA wry, . 266 mis'hO Ri oF ENGLAN D. , a Chap. VIE and Maine, and concluded a marriage, which brought him a great acceffion of ed power, and rendered him extremely formidable to his rival. Eleanor, the cavehter and heirefs of William, duke of Guienne, and earl of Poittou, had been married fixteen years to Lewis VII. King of France, and had attended him a croifade, which that monarch commanded againft the infidels: But having there loft the affections of her hufband, and even fallen under fome fufpicions of eallantry with a handfome Saracen, Lewis, more delicate than politic, procured . divorce from her, and reftored her thofe rich provinces, which. by her mar- 1152. jage fhe had annexed to the crown of France *. Young Henry, neither dit couraged by the inequality of years, nor by the reports of Eleanor’s gallantry, made fuccefsful courtthip to that princefs, and, efpoufing her fix weeks after her divorce, got pofleffion of all her dominions as her dowry +. The luftre which he received from this acquifition, and the profpect of his rifing fortune, had fuch an effeét in England, that when Stephen, defirous to enfure the crown to his fon Euftace, required the archbifhop of Canterbury to anoint that prince as his fuccef- for, the primate refufed compliance, and made. his efcape beyond fea, to avoid the violence and revenge of Stephen f. 1153. Henry, informed of thefe difpofitions in the people, made an invafion on England ; and having gained fome advantage over Stephen at Malmefbury, and. having taken that place, he proceeded thence to throw fuccours into Walling- ford, which the King had advanced with a fuperior army to befiege ||. A deci- Gye aétion was every day expected’; when the great men on both fides, terrified. with the profpeét of farther bloodfhed and confufion, interpofed with their good offices, and fet on foot a negotiation between thefe rival princes. The death of Euftace, which happened during the courfe of the treaty, facilitated its conclu- Comprom’fe fion § and an accommodation was at laft concluded, by which it was agreed, that — Stephen fhould poffefs#he crown during his lifetime, that juftice fhould be ad- prince Henry. miniftered in his name, even in the provinces which had fubmitted to Henry, and that this latter prince fhould, on Stephen’s death, fucceed to the kingdom, and William, Stephen’s fon, to Boulogne, and his patrimonial eftate +. After wei ak ae all the barons had fworn to the obfervance of this treaty, and done homage to king. Henry, as to the heir of the crown; that prince evacuated the kingdom ; and the death of Stephen, which happened next year, after a fhort illnefs, prevented * Trivet, p. 21. + M. Paris, p. 59. Chron. Heming. p. 489. Brompton, p. 1040+ + H. Hunt. p. 395. Epift. St. Thom. p. 225. | Gervas, p. 1367. § Trivet. p. 22 Gul. Neubr. p, 379. Chron. Heming. p..488. Brompton, p- 1037. 4 Chron, Sax: p.243« Chron. Norm. p. 989. M. Paris, p. 61. Brompton, p. 10372 1038. Rymer, vol. 1. Pe 13 a3 | all 6 ~~ Sic TR aes SPS ee Bm oN. 261 all thofe quarrels and jealoufies, which were likely to have enfued in fo ddicate a fituation. EncianD fuffered great miferies during the reign of this prince; .ut his perfonal character, allowing for the temerity and injuftice of his ufulpation, appears not liable to any great exception; and he feems to have be:n well qualified, had he fucceeded by a juft title, to have promoted the happirefs and profperity of his fubjects*. He was poffeffed of induftry, activity, and courage, to a great degree ; was not deficient in ability ; had the talents of gaining mens affections ; and notwithftanding his precarious fituation, never indulged hinmfelf in the exercife of any cruelty or revenge +. His advancement to the thrme pro- cured him neither tranquillity nor happinefs ; and tho’ the fituation of Eneland prevented the neighbouring ftates from taking any durable advantage of her confufions, her inteftine wars and diforders were to the laft degree ruinous and deftructive. The court of Rome alfo was permitted, during thefe diforcers, to make farther advances in her ufurpations ; and appeals to the Pope, which had been always ftrictly prohibited by the Englith laws, became now common in every ecclefiaftical controverfy f. * W. Malmef. p. 180, + M, Paris, p. 51. Hagul. p. 312, { H, Hunt. p. 395. . @ CHA P. Chap. VII. 1154. 25th October. 06a TI1S T @R Y or ENGLAND. Ci zs. Vill. PT! OR Sa eae IT. State of Europe of France Firft aéts of Henry's government Difputes between the civil and ecclefafiical powers ——— Thomas a Becket, archbifbop of Canterbury Quarrel between the King and Becket Conftitutions of Clarendon Banifhment of Becket Compromife with him His return from banifbment———His murder Grief——and fubmiffion of the King. Chap. VIII. HE extenfive confederacies, by which the European potentates are now 1154+ at once united and fet in oppofition to each other, and which, tho’ they ee. of Eu- diffufe the leat {park of diffenfion thro’ the whole, are at leaft attended with this advantage, that. they prevent any violent revolutions or conquefts in particular ftates, were totally unknown in antient ages ; and the theory of foreign politics, in each kingdom, formed a fpeculation much lefs complicate and involved than at prefent : Commerce had not yet bound the moft diftant nations together in fo clofe a chain : Wars, finifhed in one campaign and often in one battle, were little affected by the movements of remote ftates: The imperfect communication among the kingdoms, and their ignorance of each other’s fituation, made it im- practicable for a great number of them to combine in any one project or effort : And above all, the turbulent fpirit and independant fituation of the barons or great vaflals ineach ftate gave fo much occupation to the fovereign, that he was obliged to. confine his attention chiefly to his own fyftem of government, and was more indifferent about what paffed among his neighbours. Religion only, not politics, carried abroad the views of princes ; and either fixed their thoughts on the Holy Land, whofe conqueft and defence was deemed a point of common ho- nour and intereft, or engaged them in intrigues with the court of Rome, to whom they had yielded the direction of ecclefiaftical affairs, and who was every day af- ~ f{yming more authority than they were willing to allow her. Berore the conqueft of England by the duke of Normandy, this ifland ‘was as much feparated from the reft of the world in politics as in fituation ; and ex- cept from the inroads of the Danith pirates, the Englith, happily confined at ee home, H E.N RF. 263 home, had neither enemies nor allies on the continent. The foreign dominions of William connected them with the Kings and great vaflals of France ; and while the oppofite pretenfions of the Pope and Emperor in Italy produced a continual intercourfe between Germany and that country, the two great monarchs of France and England formed, in-another part of Europe, a feparate fyftem, and carried on their wars and negotiations, without meeting either with oppofition or fupport from the others. Chap. VIII. b1S4. On the decline of the Carlovingian race, the nobles, in every province of State of France, taking advantage of the fovereign’s weaknefs, and obliged to provide, each for his own defence, againft the ravages of the Norman freebooters, had affumed, both in civil and military affairs, an authority almoft independant, and had reduced, within very narrow limits, the prerogative of their princes. The acceffion of Hugh Capet, by annexing a great fief to the crown, had brought fome addition of power to the royal dignity ; but this fief, tho’ confiderable for a fubject, appeared a narrow bafis of force, in a prince who was placed at the head of fo great a community. The royal demefnes confifted only of Paris, Orleans, Eftampes, Compiegne, and a few places, feattered over the northern provinces : In all the reft of the kingdom, the prince’s authority was more no- minal than real: The vaflals were accuftomed, nay intitled, to make war, without his -permiffion, on each other: They were even entitled, if they conceived them- felves to be injured, to tutn their arms againft their fovereign: They exercifed all Civil jurifdiction, without appeal, over their tenants and inferior vaflals: Their common jealoufy of the crown eafily united them again{t any attempt on their exorbitant privileges ; and as fome of them had attained the power and authority of great princes, even the fmalleft baron was fure of immediate and effeétual pro- teclion. Befides fix ecclefiaftical peerages, which, with the other immunities of the church, cramped extremely the general execution of juftice; there were fix lay-peerages, Burgundy, Normandy, Gwienne, Flanders, Tholoufe, and Cham- pagne, which formed very extenfive and puiffant fovereignties. And tho’ the combination of all thefe princes and barons could- on occafion mutter a mighty. power: Yet was it very difficult to fet that. great machine in movement ; it was almoft impoffible to preferve harmony in its parts ; a fenfe of common intereft alone could, for a time, unite them under their fovereign againft a common enemy ; but if the King attempted to turn the force of the community againft any mutinous vaf- fal, the fame fenfe of common intereft made the others oppofe themfelves to the fuccefs of his pretenfions. _ Lewis the Grofs, the laft fovereign, matched, at one time, to his frontiers again{t the Germans at the head of an army of two hundred thoufand men; but a petty lord of Corbeil, of Puifet, of Couci, was able, at another France. Chap. VIII. 4154. 264° m HISTORY or ENGLAND. another time, to fet that prince at defiance, and to maintain open war againft him. Tur authority of the Englifh monarch was much more extenfive within his kingdom, and the difproportion much greater between him and the moft power- Ful of his vaflals. His demefnes and revenue were very large, compared to the ereatnefs of his ftate: He was accuftomed to levy arbitrary exactions from his fybjeéts : His courts of judicature exercifed jurifdiction in every part of the king- dom: He could crufh by his power, or by a judicial fentence, well or ill found- ed, any obnoxious baron : And tho’ the feudal inftitutions, which prevailed. in his kingdotn, had the fame tendency, as in other ftates, to exalt the ariftocracy, and deprefs the monarchy, it required, in England, according to its prefent conftitutions a great combination of the vaflals to oppofe their fovereign lord, and there had not hitherto arifen any baron fo powerful, as of himfelf to make war againft the prince, and afford protection to the inferior barons. Waitt fuch were the different fituations of France and England, and the lat- ter enjoyed fo great advantages over the former; the acceffion of Henry Il. a prince of great abilities, pofieffed of fo many rich provinces on the continent, might appear an event dangerous, if not fatal, to the French monarchy, and fufficient to break entirely the ballance between the ftates. He was mafter, in the right of his father, of Anjou, Touraine, and Maine; in that of his mother, of Normandy; in that of his wife, of Guienne, Poictou, Xaintonge, Auvergne, Perigord, Angoumois, the Limoufin. He foon after annexed Britanny to his other ftates, and was already poffeffed of the fuperiority over that province, which, on the firft ceffion of Normandy to Rollo the Dane, had, by Charles the Simple, been granted in vaffalage to that formidable ravager. Thefe provinces compofed above a third of the whole French monarchy, and were much fuperior, in extent and opulence, to thofe territories, which were fubjected to the immediate jurif- diction and government of the King. The vafial was here more powerful than his liege lord: The fituation, which had enabled Hugh Capet to depofe the Carlovingian princes, feemed here to be renewed, and that with much greater advantages on the fide of the vaffal: And when England was added to fo many provinces, the French King had reafon to apprehend, from this conjuncture, » {ome great difafter to himfelf and to his family. But in reality, it was this circumftance, which appeared fo formidable, that faved the Capetian race, and by its confequences, exalted them to that pitch of grandeur, which they at pre- fent enjoy. 7 Tue limited authority of the prince in the feudal conftitutions prevented the King of England from employing with advantage the force of fo many ftates, 3 which ~, HB Ns RAS Oa 265 which were fubje&ted to his government ; and thefe different members, disjoined Chap. VIL in fituation, and difagreeing in laws, language and manners, were’never thoroughly 1154 cemented into one monarchy. He foon became, both from his diftant place of refidence and from the incompatability of interefts, a kind of foreigner to his French dominions ; and his fubjects on the continent confidered their allegiance as more naturally due to their fuperior lord, who lived in their neighbourhood, and who was acknowledged to be the fupreme head of their nation. He was always at hand to invade them ; their immediate lord was often at too great a diftance to protect them ; and any diforder in any part of his difperfed dominions gave advantages againft him. The other powerful vaflals of the French crown were rather pleafed to fee the expulfion of the Englifh, and were not affected with that jealoufy, which would have arifen from the oppreffion of a co-vafial, who was of the fame rank with themfelves. By this means, the King of France found it more eafy to conquer thefe numerous provinces from England, than to fubdue a duke of Normandy or Guienne, a count of Anjou, Maine or Poiftou. And after reducing fuch extenfive territories, which immediately co-alited with the body of the monarchy, he found greater facility of uniting to the crown the other great fiefs, which ftill remained feparate and independant. But as thefe important confequences could not be forefeen by human wifdom, the French King remarked with terror the rifing grandeur of the houfe of Anjou or Plantagenet ; and in order to retard its progrefs, he had ever maintained a ftriGt union with Stephen, and had endeavoured to fupport the tottering fortunes of that bold ufurper. But after this prince’s death, it was too late to think of oppofing the fucceffion of Henry, or preventing the performance of thofe {tipu- lations, which, with the unanimous confent of the nation, he had made with his predeceffor, The Englifh, tired with civil wars, and difgufted with the blood- fhed and depredations, which, during the courfe of fo many years, had attended them, were little difpofed to violate their oaths, by excluding the lawful heir from the fucceffion of their monarchy *. Many of the moft confiderable for- trefies were in the hands of his partizans; the whole nation had had occafion to fee the noble qualities with which he was endowed +, and to compare them with the mean talents of William, the fon of Stephen; and as they were acquainted with his great power, and were rather pleafed to fee the acceflion ot fo many foreign dominions to the crown of England, they never entertained the leatt thoughts of refifting him. Henry himfelf, fenfible of the advantages attending his prefent fituation, was in no hurry to arrive in England ; and being engaged * Matth. Paris, p. 6;. + Gul, Neubr. p: 381. Vout. I. M m in ) vita in Mh nt} at bie MLE taunts Po Pea Dk ie ‘i i : 1% Wik t a] ide : ik Ws ee Wet Bit | 1 ‘a ) Hi ihe ri BMS ai uo Bilt ih Lt a Hy tak oe “ , (A ema ; wets } if iF ii Hf hi Ti if ine HIRE | aa Mths 28 Re eae he NV a TR EAN ba ‘ Site } I Hy iH) Clad hint ; 3 Dy } ‘ Rit i H A ix’ He Pale Md Pee: ha Bab eRe t sit HEE : ’ Vy bgt } x at } if - yy } 9 LHR a ta} { | i) pity: } : i y a +i Hii aaa Bs! H bak \ ey Ee is { “PAF nee eee gee a ee j : ae) } ah | ie DS Bn he Ba aa rq sly Ve , f Rat ii YS Fe a Bic aa walie 9 De al Th The Rm eel Pa as | las } ( M¢ hy tee Tet J, yb ay ibs + ry ¥ St iity Hie Bi it Mh B, Ors bt eet hi Nit +) ly ‘it ij Wi ah ; ) “ S » * "eis ‘ ‘a: ae ee ccd te pte! | ala 4 8 V5, ee r TAB D eet cabs ; EE alk 1 rn ts 7 ne i A te} er i TALE, : (Si 94 ‘ ee A ; 4 : Chap. VIII. 1154 Firft a&ts of iry’s gO- vernine..t. A 266 mw ismd.O8.s ee ENGLAN D:. in the fiege of a caftle on the frontiers of Normandy, when he received intelli- gence of Stephen’s death, he made a point of honour in not departing from his enterprize, till he had brought it to an iffue. -He then fet out‘on his journey, and was received in England with the acclamations of all orders of men, who {wore with pleafure the oath of fealty and allegiance to him. Tur firft at of Henry’s government scorrefponded to the high ideas enter- tained of his vigor and abilities, «and prognofticated; the re-eftablifhment of juf- tice and tranquillity, of which: the kingdom had been fo long bereaved. He im- mediately difmiffed all thofe mercenary foldiers, who had committed infinite dif- { orders in the nation; and:he fent themiabroad, together with William d’Yypres, } their leader, the great friend and confident of Stephen *. He revoked all the > % grants made by his predeceffor +; and even thofe which neceffity had extonted from the Emprefs, Matilda; and that princefs, who had refigned. her rights in favour of Henry,’ made ho oppofition toa meafure fo requifite for fupporting the dignity of the crown. He repaired the coin; which had been.extremely debafed during his predeceffor’s reign ; ‘and:he took proper meafures againft the returm ot like abufes ¢. He was rigorous in the execution of juftice, and in the fuppret- fion of robbery and violence ; and that he might reftore authority to the laws, he caufed all the new ereéted caftles to be demolifhed, which had proved fo many fanétuaries to freebooters and rebels ||. The earl of Albemarle, Hugh Mortimer, and Roger, the fon of Miles of Glocefter, were inclined to make fome refiftance to this falutary meafure ;. but the approach of the King with his forces foon obliged them to fubmit §. Every thing being reftored to full tranquillity in England, Henry went abroad in order to oppofe the attempts of his brother, Geoffrey, who during his abfence, had made an incurfion into Anjou and Maine, had advanced fome pre- tenfions to thefe provinces, and had got poffeffion of a confiderable part of them 1. On the King’s appearance, the people returned to their allegiance ; and * Fitz-Steph. p. 13. M. Paris, p.65. Neubr. p. 381: Chron. T. Wykes, p. 30- + Neubr. p. 382. + Hoveden, p. 491. } Hoveden, p. 49%. 7 Fita-Steph. p. 13: M. Paris, p.65. Neubr. p. 381. Brompton, p. 1043. § Neubr. p. 382. . Chron, W: Heming. 491. Gervas, p. 1377. |. William of Newbridge, p. 383. (who is copied by latter hiftorians) afferts, that Geoffrey had fome title to the counties of Maine and Anjou. He pretends, that count Geoffrey, his father, had left him thefe dominions by a fecret will, and had ordered that his body fhould not be buried, till Henry fhauld {wear to the obfervance of it, which he, ignorant of the contents, was induced to do. ; But ? Hi EY SS RR WH oF 267 and Geoffrey, refigning his claim, for an annual penfion of a thoufand pounds, Chap. VL departed and took pofleffion of the country of Nantz, which the inhabitants, who — 1457: had expelled count Hoel, their prince, had put into his hands *. Henry re- turned to England in the following year ; and the incurfions of the Welth then provoked him to make an invafion upon them; where the: natural faftnefles of the country bred him great difficulties, and even brought him into danger. His vanguard, being engaged in a narrow pafs, was put to rout; and Henry de Ef- fex, the hereditary ftandard-bearer, feized with a panic, threw down the ftan- dard, took to flight, and exclaimed that the King was flain: And had not that prince immediately appeared in perfon, and led on’ his troops with great bravery, the confequences might have proved fatal to the whole army +. For this mif- behaviour, Effex was afterwards accufed of felony by Robert de Montfort ; his eftate was confifcated ; and he himfelf was thruft into a convent Tt. The fub- miffions of the Welfh procured them an accommodation with England, Tue ‘martial difpofition of the princes in that age engaged them»to headitheir — 158. own ‘armies in every enterprize, even the moft frivolous; and their feeble aus thority made it commonly impracticable for them to delegate, on occafion, the command to their generals. Geoffrey, the King’s brother, died foon after he had acquired poffeffion of Nantz; and‘tho’ he had no other title to that county; than the volontary fubmiffion: ofeleftion of the inhabitants two! years ‘before, Henry taicd claim to the territory as ‘devolved tohim by hereditary right, and he went over to fupport’ his pretetifions by force of arms. Conan, duke or earl of Brit- tanny (for thele titles are given indifferently by hiftorians to thefe princes) pre- tended that Nantz had been’ lately feparated’ by rebellion’ fron? his principality, to which of right it belonged ; and immédiately on Geoffrey’s death, he took poficffion of the ‘difputed territory. Left ewisS the French King, fhould intér- pofe in the controverfy, Henry paid him a vifit; and fo allured him by careffes and civilities, that an alliance was contracted between the monarchs, and they agreed, that young Henry, heir of the Englifh monarchy, fhouid be affianced to Margaret of France ||, tho’ the former was only five years of age, and the latter was {till in her cradle. Henry, now fecure of meeting with no interruption on this fide, advanced: with his. army into Brittany ; and: Conan, in defpair of being: able to make refiftance; delivered up the county of Nantz to the King; Bat befides, that this ftory is not very likely of itfelf, and favours of monkith fction,. 1t is found in 7 : . . an . ‘ . . . “ a . ~ no other antient writer, arid is contradiéted by fome of them, particularly the monk ‘of Marmoutier, 7 : | -“-* . _~ T , - ° ; , “ye - ‘ad : = who had better opportunities than 1 \ewbridge of knowing the truth. See Vita Gaufr. Buc, Nexman. * ao ‘ as ee ‘ nw x Tt, ' C > p. 103. Brompten, p. 1040. y Newor. p. 323. Chron, W. Heming. p. 492. i M. Paris, p. 70. Newbr. p. 383. | M. Paris, p. 68. MM. Welk. p. 248.* Privet. p. 3s: Mm 2 The * - } fa it Wf Py wv Mn { } i at “4 A uy ‘| , ar | i } ie } La nt ity i Ff Bile , iy tt ihe ti Lm Ate Ht te Ti ry He se A}| Wet Ot ihe Hi i Reta WRTAER ANIA 1b y 3 Ae bt 4 i li i ty SD Gh mest Melty cit ATA SS Sa i a a aT ha i EL k= A eT Eo } 1 / ty a i ho) WE Hi ny ahah th DRAB oe Anant naa 4 \ gah Uh aa ata 5 iH (aka Sh ia | “| ear ih! a We Sat vit ta) ies wilh ia F } ) Fa oath? 4) Bit a Hit Bent iy ™ be #ih) ih P } AR La Fey VG AM Ca Hiei halides VF ete Paddy Weld "Ra TH} By La a A bi lad Wh hiv : r (vy 1% 4 ASK OL | ihe ii Mie: nen id t UE la f : } iy) ii writ a’ iy } t 7 fF ; ih M j itt eh met hat ‘ - if } th j \ a Chap. Vilr. The ability of that monarch procured 1153. Li) 268 Miso RD. .38 ENGLAND. him farther and more important advantages Conan, haraffed with the turbulent difpofition of his fub- lf the fupport of fo great a monarch ; and he betrothed his daughter and only child, yet an infant, to Geoffrey, the King’s third fon, who was of the fame tender years. The duke of Brittany died about feven years after; and Henry, on pretence of being guardian to his fon and daughter-in-law, put himfelf in poffeffion of that principality, and annexed it to his other great dominions *. from this incident. sects, was defirous of.procuring to himfe Tuz King had a profpect of making ftill farther acquifitions; and the activity of his temper allowed no opportunity of that kind to efcape him. Philippa, dutchefs of Guienne, mother of Queen Eleanor, was the only iffue of William ['V. count of Thouloufe ; and fhould have inherited his dominions, had not that prince, defirous of preferving the fucceffion in the male-line, conveyed the prin- cipality to his brother, Raymond de St. Gilles, by a contract of fale which was in that age regarded as fictitious and illufory. By this means, the title to the county of Thouloufe came to be difputed between the male and female heirs 5 and the one or the other, as opportunities favoured them, had obtained poffef- fion. Alfonfo, the fon of Raymond, was the reigning fovereign ; and on Henry's reviving his wife’s claim, this prince had recourfe for protection to the King of France, who was fo much concerned in policy to prevent the farther aggrandize- ment of the Englifh monarch. Lewis himfelf, when married to Eleanor, had afferted the juftice of her claim, and had demanded pofieffion of Thouloule FT; but his fentiments changing with his intereft, he now determined to defend, by his power and authority, the title of Alfonfo. Henry found, that it would be requifite to fupport his pretenfions again{t potent antagonifts ; and that nothing but a great army could maintain a claim, which he had in vain afferted by argu- ments and manifeftos. An army, compofed of feudal vaflals, was commonly very intractable and. undifciplined, both becaufe of the independant fpirit of the perfons who ferved in it, and becaufe the commands were not given either by the choice of the fovereign or from the military capacity and experience of the officers. Each baron con- ducted his own vaffals : His rank was greater or lefs, proportioned to the extent of his property : Even the fupreme command under the prince was often attached to birth: And as the military vaffils were obliged to ferve only forty days at their own chargé ; tho’, if the expedition was diftant, they were put to great eXpence 5. ® Hoveden, p.517. Neubr. p. 396. Chron, W. Heming. p. 496. + Newb. p. 387. Chron. W. Heming. p. 494. che HOE Ns BR. Ye oe 269 the prince reaped very little benefit from their attendance, Henry, fenfible of ent VIL. thefe inconveniencies, levied upon his vaffals in Normandy and other provinces; ay. which were remote from Thouloufe, a fum of money in lieu of their fervice ; and this commutation, by reafon of the great diftance, was ftill more advanta- geous for his Englifh vaffals. He impofed, therefore, a fcutage of three pounds on each knight’s fee, a condition, to which, tho’ it was unufual, and the firft perhaps to be met with in. hiftory *, the military tenants willingly fubmitted ; and with this money, helevied an army which was more under his command, and whofe fervice was more durable and conftant. Affifted by Berenger, count of Barcelona, and Trincaval, count of Nifmes, whom he had gained over to his party, he invaded the county of Thouloufe ; and after taking Verdun, Chaftel- nau, and other places, he befieged the capital of the province, and was likely to prevail in the enterprize ; when Lewis, advancing before the arrival of his main body, threw himfelf into the place with a fmall reinforcement. Henry was urged by fome of his minifters to profecute the fiege, to take Lewis priloner, and to impofe his own terms in the pacification ; but he either thought it fo much his intereft to maintain the feudal principles, by which his foreign dominions were fecured, or bore fo much refpect to his fuperior lord, that he declared he would not attack a place defended by him in perfon ; and he immediately raifed the fiege +. He marched into Normandy to protect that province againft an incurfion, which the count of Dreux, inftigated by King Lewis, his brother, had made upon it. War was now openly carried on between the two monarchs, but produced no memorable event, and was ftopped by aceflation of arms, and after- wards by a peace, which was not, however, attended with any conics or good correfpondence between thefe rival princes. The fortrefs of Gifors, being ,,.¢,, part of the dowry ftipulated to Margaret of France, had been configned by agree- ment to the knights templars, on condition that it fhould be delivered into Henry’ S hands, after the celebration of the nuptials. The King, that he might have a pretence for immediately. demanding the place, ordered the marriage to be fo- lemnized between the prince and princefs, tho’ both infants £; and he engaged the grand-mafter of the Temple, by large prefents, as was generally fufpected, to put him in poffeffion of Gifors. Lewis-refenting this fraudulent conduct, ba- nifhed-the templars from France, and would have made war upon the King of England, had it not been for the mediation and authority of Pope Alexander TIT.’ 116, who had been chaced from Rome by the antipope, Victor IV. and refided at that time in France. That we may form a Hotion of the authority poflefled by Pup * Pere Daniel, vol. 1.p.1216. Gervas, p. 1381. + Fitz-Steph. p. 22, Diceto, p. 541. t Hoveden, p.492. Newbr. 400. Diceto, p. 532. Brompton, p. 1450. des? : a; \ the e | a | : i ‘da \ \ : \ ' ‘\ : Ny i Mee Dales Te bat i . PERE Ve \ | He | ¢ avis aha Th ; i 14 ® ba ith eae ; i) wy a tat | Meth et i } 1} een ith 1 tt at MOH tits amy & 3 ‘i Int vA aE } ti He ee Maa Ai NH a bth i} fi ; ' Deal i yi at yen 4 +a } WY tNoMs a fe VES) At a wi ni . | i | , wt. "he i) a1) ef : i tH i) ae! | ' : - iH b } yi Ly wm i | Ve ia hi } “it t Bl i Wi il jaal i C ale ie ithe y " “ fr 1). - tie | 4 ; iii PRM KN GK UUHLE VMT oVb Ge OWT) I oh Pe ise erie iokulhae ih t t Ne heal ii) Qapis! HI ) Lit ie: ety ie ah) 4 us “- Y + be i ‘aay at Hf { b Sarma hae TRAE RNY Pin OR CT eh WORE EMMOTT UU RRS (TS | Bi t Lyell ; ay tip i uN ; y, = ait +o! We ay KE) MPA Ae Bu Ip ae he | . A ee 2) Wi | ba Pa i? 1 Bag) ‘i Bhi ald lh Me ue) el 4 J eal) ae Abe uh i } hay Na) Tae : {nig Vana ae | tt HL iayag) eae UB! poe 33, cpa anne Hs i Al, t baal i iy aeth 4: 7 Oe 1 Alte ays . Pe ab sn i (a ei ; Fi AR aa yal} : Ae eT a] ae), Be Pia Cee a th \ Sony MNS A bie in: wi) aD ‘ 4 4) Hil} ‘ } i aa at | eat ' NG T +i Pit Wikis i i Le a BL Naat ai Hh Al : di veles 0 ae rhe Na : } PEE i} f Pi 7 : Waitic al p IW = A 270 TISTORY oF ENGLAND: the Romah Pontiff during thofe ages, it may be proper to remark, that the two Kines had, the year before, met the Pope at the caftle of Torci on the Loir; and they wave him (uch marks of refpect, that both difmounted from their horfes to céceive him, and holding each of them one of the reins of his bridle, walked on foor by his fide, and conduéted him inthat fubmiffive manner into the caftle *. Henry, foon after accommodating his differences with Lewis by the Pope’s mediation, returned to England ; where he commenced an enterprize, which, tho’ required by found policy; and even conducted in the main with prudence, red him infinite difquictudes, involved him in great danger, and was. not con- cluded without fome lofs and difhonoar. ~ Tur ufurpations of the clergy, which had at firft been gradual, were now become fo rapid, and had mounted to fuch a height, that the conteft between the regale and pontificale was really arrived’ at a crifis in England ; and it became ne- ceflary.to determine whether the King or the priefts, particularly the archbifhop of Canterbury, fhould be fovereign of the kingdom tT. The afpiring fpirit of Henry, which gave inquietude to all his neighbours, was not likely to pay long 4 tame fubmiffion to the encroachments of fubjects ; and’as nothing opens men’s eyes fo readily as their intereft, he was in no’ danger of falling, in this refpect, into that abject fuperftition, which retained his people in fubjection. - From the commiencement of his reign, inthe government of his foreign’ dominions, as well as of England, he had fhowed a fixed purpofe to reprefs clerical ufurpations, and to maintain thofe prerogatives, which had been tranfmitted to him by his predeceffors. During the fchifm of the papacy between Alexander and Victor, he had determined, for fome time, to remain neuter ; and when he was informed, that the archbifhop of Rouen and bifhop of Mans had, from their own authority, acknowledged Alexander as legitimate Pope, he was fo enraged, that, tho’ he fpared the archbifhop on account of his age, he immediately iffued: orders for overthrowing the houfes of the bifhop of Mansand archdeacon of Rotien fT; and it was not till he had deliberately examined the matter, by thofe views, which ufually *Trivet. p. 43. 4; Fitz-Steph, p. 27. * $ BitzsStephena, p. 18. This conduct appears violent and arbitrary ; but was fuitable to the ftrain of adminiftration in thofe days. His father, Geoffrey, tho’ reprefented as a mild prince, fet him an example of much greater violence. When Geoffrey was mafter of Normandy, the chapter of Seez prefumed, without his confent, to proceed to the election of a bifhop ; upon which he ordered all of them with the bifhop-eléG@ to be caftrated, and made all their tefticles be brought him in a platter. Fitz-Steph. p. 44. In the war of Thouloufe Henry laid a heavy and an arbitrary tax on all the churches within his dominions. ‘See Epiit. St. Thom.'p. 232. enter Br OE GN =a ae II, 271 enter into the councils of princes, that he allowed that pontiff to exercife autho- Chap. Vil rity over any of his dominions, In England, the mild chara&ter and advan- 136? ced years.of Theobald, archbifhop of Canterbury, together with: his merits in re- fufing to put the crown on the. head of Luitace, fon of Stephen, prevented Henry, during the lifetime of that primate, from taking any mealures acainft-the multi- plied encroachments of the clergy: But after his-death, the King refolved to ex- ert himfelf with more activity*; and that he might be fecure again{t any oppofi- tion, he advanced to. that dignity Becket, his chancellor, on whofe compliance, June 3. he thought, he could entirely depend, THOMAS a Becket, the firft man of Exnglith pedigree, who, fince the Norman Thomas 2 conqueft, had, during the courfe of a whole century, rifen to any confiderable Pecket, arch- ftation, was born of reputable parents'in the city of London ; and being endow- serbia sha) ed both with induftry and capacity, he early infinuated himfelf into the favour of archbifhop Theobald +, and obtained from that prelate {ome preferments and offices. By their means, he was enabled to’ travel-for farther improvement to Italy, where he ftudied the civil and canon Jaw at Bologna {; andon his return, he appeared to have made fuch proficiency in knowledge, that he was promoted by his patron to the archdeaconry of Canterbury, an office of ‘confiderable trutt and profit ||. He was ‘afterwards employed with fuccefs by Theobald in tranf- acting bufinefs at Rome; and on Henry’s acceffion, he was recommended toethfat monarch as worthy of farther preferment §. Henry, who knew that Becket had been inftrumental in fupporting that refolution of the archbifhop, .which had tended fo much to facilitate his own advancement to the throne, was already pre- poffeffed in his favour; and finding; on farther acquaintance, -that his {pirit and abilities entitled him to any truft, he foon promoted him to the dignity of chan- cellor, one of the firft civil offices in the kingdom. The chancellor, mn that ace, befides the cuftody of the great feal, had poffeffion of all vacant prelacies and ab- bies; he was the guardian of all fuch minors and pupils as were the King’s te- nants; all baronies which efcheated to the crown were under his adminiftration ; he-was-entitled to a place in council, even tho? he was-not particularly called ; and as he exercifed alfo the office of fecretary of ftate, and it belonged to him to counterfign all commiffions, writs, and letters-patent, he wasa kind of prime mini- fier, and was concerned in the difpatch of every bufinefs of importance |... Af- ter obtaining this high office, Becket, as he advanced in favour, was made pro- voit of Beverley, dean of Haftings, and conftable of the Tower: He was put in * Fitz-Steph. p. 28. + Hift. Quadripartita, p.6. M. Paris, p. 69. Neubr. p. 393. } Fitz-Steph. p.12, Brompton, p. 1057. || Hitt. Quadr. p. 6. M., Paris, p. 69. § Brompton, p. 1057. Gervas, p. 1377. + Fitz. Steph. p. 13. poffeffion 2 VErzg =) 2a ERE = fers A HISTORY oF ENGLAN D. poffeffion of the honours of Eye and Betkham, large baronies, that had efcheated to the crown; and to compleat his grandeur, he was entrufted with the educa- tion of prince Henry, the King’s eldeft fon and heir of the monarchy *. The pomp of his retinue, the fum ptuoufnefs of his furniture, the luxury of his table, the munificence of his prefents, correfponded to thefe great preferments ; OF fa- ther exceeded any thing, which England had ever before feen in any fubject, His hiftorian and fecretary, Fitz-Stephens T, mentions, among other particu- lars, that his apartments were every day in winter covered with clean ftraw of hay, and in fummer with green rufhes or boughs ; left the gentlemen who paid their court to him, and who could not, by reafon of their great number, finda lace at table, fhould foil their fine cloaths by fitting on a dirty floor t. A great number of knights were retained in his fervice ; the greateft barons were proud of being received at his table; his houfe was a place of education for the fons of the chief nobility ; and the King himfelf frequently vouchfafed to partake of his en- tertainments. As his way of life was fplendid and opulent, his amufements and occupations were gay, and partook of the cavalier fpirit, which, as he had only taken deacon’s orders, he did not think unbefitting his character. He employed himfelf at leifure hours in hunting, hawking, gaming, and horfemanthip ; he expofed his perfon in feveral military actions |] ; he carried over, at his own charge, feven hundred knights to attend the King in his wars at Tholoufe; in the fubfequent wars on the frontiers of Normandy, he maintained, during forty days, twelve hundred knights, and four thoufand of their train§; and in an embafly to France, with which he was entrufted, he aftonifhed that court with the number and magnificence of his retinue. Henry, befides committing all his more important bufinefs to Becket’s ma- nagement, honoured him with his friendfhip and intimacy 3 and whenever he was difpofed to relax himfelf by fports of any kind, he admitted his chancellor to the party +. An inftance of their familiarity 1s mentioned by Fitz-Stephens, which, as it fhows the manners of the age, it may not be improper to relate. One day, as the King and chancellor were riding together in the ftreets of London, they obferved a beggar, who was fhivering with cold. Would it not be very praife-worthy, faid the King, to give that poor man 2 warm coat in this fevere 272 + P.15- e King in foccage, by the fervice and two grey geefe, and in winter * Fitz Steph. p.15- Hilt. Quad. p. 9» '4- + John Baldwin held the manor of Oterarsfee in Aylefbury of th of finding litter for the King’s bed, viz. in fummer, orafs or herbs, flraw and three eels, thrice in a year, if the King fhould come thrice in a year to Aylefbury. Ma- dox. Bar. Anglica, p. 247- | Fitz-Steph. p. 23. Hitt Quad. p. 9. 4 Fitz-Steph. p. 16. Hift, Quad. p. 8, ; feafon ! § Fitz-Steph. p. 19, 20, 22, 23 HIE ON & You ott ang. feafon? It would, furely, replied the chancellor; and you do well, Sir, in Chap. VIIt. thinking of fuch good a@tions: Then he fhall have one prefently, cried the King: 11°” And feizing the fkirt of the chancellor’s coat, begarto pull it violently. The chancellor defended himfelf for fome time; and they had both of them like to have tumbled off their horfes in the ftreet, when Becket, after a vehement ftrug- gle, let go his coat ; which the King beftowed on the beggar, who, being ignorant of the quality of the perfons, was not a little furprifed with the prefent *. Brcxet, who, by his complaifance and good humour, had rendered himfelf apreeable, and by his induftry and abilities ufeful, to his mafter, appeared to him the fitteft perfon for fupplying the vacancy made by the death of Theobald; and as he was well acquainted with the King’s intention - of retrenching, or rather confining within the antient bounds, all ecclefiaftical privileges, and fhowed al- ways aready difpofition to comply with them {, Henry, who never expected any refiftance from that quarter, immediately iffued orders for electing him archbifhop of Canterbury. But this refolution, which was taken contrary to the opinion of Matilda, and many of the minifters |], turned out very unfortunate in the iffue,; and never prince of fo great penetration appeared, in the iflue, to have ‘fo little underftood the genius and character of his minifter. No fooner was Becket inftalled in this high dignity, which rendered him for life the fecond perfon in the kingdom, with fome pretenfions of afpiring to be the firft, than he totally altered his demeanour and conduct §, and endeavoured to retrieve the character of fanctity, of which his former bufy and oftentatious courfe of life might, in the eyes of the people, have naturally bereaved him. Without confulting the King, he immediately returned into his hands the com- miffion of chancellor |; pretending, that he muft henceforth detach himfelf from fecular affairs, and be folely employed in the exercife of his facred function ; but in reality, that he might break off all connexions with Henry, and apprifé him, that Becket, as primate of England, was now become entirely a new per- fonage. He maintained only, in his retinue and attendants, his antient pomp and luftre, which was ufeful to ftrike the vulgar: In his own perfon he affected the greateft aufterity, and moft rigid mortification, which, he was fenfible, would have an equal or a greater tendency to the fame end. He wore fack-cloth next his fkin, which, by his affected care to conceal it, was neceflarily the more re- marked by all the world *: He changed it fo feldom, that it was filled with dirt * Fitz-Steph. p. 16. + Fitz-Steph. p. 17. { Fitz-Steph. p. 23. Epift. €t. Thom. p. 232. | Epift. St. Thom. p. 167. § M. Paris, p. 69. Neubr. p, 393. Diceto, p. 534. Gervas, p. 1383. + Hitt, Quad. p. 32. M. Paris, p. 69. \ Dicets, p, 534. * Fitz-Steph. p. 24. Hift. Quad. p. 17, 18. Hoveden, p. 520. ‘Trivet, ps 42, You, I. N a ang 274, —HIsTPORY or ENGLAND. Chap. VHI. and vermin *: His nfual diet was bread ; his drink water +, which he even ren- bi02e dered farther unpalatable by the mixture of unfavoury herbs: He tore his back with the frequent difcipline which he infli€ted on it: He daily on his knees wafhed, in imitation of our Saviour, the feet of thirteen beggars, whom he af- terwards difmiffed with prefents { : He gained the affections of the monks by his frequent charities to the convents and hofpitals: Every one who made pro- feflion of fanétity was admitted to his converfation, and returned full of panegy- rics on the humility, as well as the piety and mortification, of the holy. primate : He feemed to be perpetually employed in reciting prayers and pious lectures, orin perufing religious difcourfes : His afpe& wore the appearance of ferioufnefs, and mental recollection, and fecret devotion: And all men of penetration plainly faw, chat he was meditating fome great defign, and that the ambition and oftentation of his character had turned itfelf towards anew and more dangerous object. 1103, Becker waited not till Henry fhould commence thofe projects againft the ee- Quarrel be- clefiaftical power, which, he knew, had been formed by that prince: He was tween the A ‘ E poke King andBec- himfelf the agerefior ; and endeavoured to overawe the King by the intrepidity ket. and boldnels of his enterprizes.. He fummoned the earl of Clare to furrender the barony of Tunbridge, which, ever fince the conqueft, had remained in the fa- mily of that nobleman, but which, as it had formerly belonged to the fee of Can- terbury, the primate pretended his predeccflors were prohibited by the canons to alienate. The earl of Clare, befides the luftre which he derived from the great- nefs of his own birth, and the extent of his poffeffions, was allied to all the chief families in the kingdom; his fifter, who was a celebrated beauty, had farther extended his credit among the nobility, and was even fuppofed to have gained the King’s. affections ; and Becket could not better difcover, than by attacking fo powerful an intereft, his refolution to maintain with vigour the rights, real on pretended, of his fee |. Wituiram de Eynsford, a military tenant of the crown, was patron of a livings, which belonged to a manor that held of the archbifhop of Canterbury ; and Bec- ket, without regard to William’s right, prefented, on a new and illegal pretext; one Laurence to that living, who was violently expelled by Eynsford. ‘The pris mate, making himfelf,’as was ufual in fpiritual courts, both judge and partys, iffued out, in a fummary manner, the fentence of excommunication againft Eynsford, who complained to the King, that he, who held #m capite of the ° Fitz-Steph. Pp. 24. ‘++ Hoveden, p. 520. t Fitz-Steph. p. 25. Hift, Quad, p. 19¢. | Fitz-Stephen, p..28. Gervas, p. 1384.. crown, Mi kv sk Se II. 296 crown, fhould, contrary to the practice eftablithed by the Conqueror, and main- tained ever fince by his fuccefiors, be fubjected to that terrible fentence, without the previous confent of the fovereign *. Henry, who had now broke off ali perfonal intercourfe with Becket, fent him, by a meflenger, his orders to abfolve Eynsford ; but received for anfwer, that it belonged not to the King to iaform him whom he fhould abfolve and whom excommunicate +: And it was not til] after many remonftrances and menaces, that Becket, tho’ with the worft grace imaginable, was induced to comply with the royal mandate. Henry, tho’ he found himéfelf thus gtievoufly miftaken in the character of the perfon whom he had-promoted to the primacy, determined not to defift from his former intention of retrenching clerical ufurpations. He was entirely matter of his extenfive dominions: The prudence and vigour of his government, attended with perpetual fuccefs, had raifed his charaéter above that of any of his prede- ceflors{: The papacy was weakened by a {chifm, which divided all Europe : And he rightly judged, that, if the prefent favourable Opportunity were negle&- ed, the crown muft, from the prevalent fuperftition of the people, be in danger of falling into an entire fubordination under the mitre. Tue union of the civil and ecclefiattical powers ferves extremely, in every ci- vilized government, to the maintenance of peace and order ; and prevents thofe mutual incroachments, which, as there can be no ultimate judge between them, are often attended with the mott dangerous confequences. Whether the fupreme magiltrate, who unites thefe powers, reccive the appellation of prince or prelate, iS not material: The fuperior weight, which temporal interefts commonly bear _4n the apprehenfions of men above fpiritual, renders the civil part of his charac- ter moft prevalent ; and in time prevents thofe grofs impoftures and bigotted perfecutions, which, in all falfe religions, are the chief foundation of Clerical au- thority. But during the progrefs of ecclefiattical ufurpations, the ftate, by the refiftance of the civil magiftrate, is naturally thrown into convulfions ; and it be- hoves the prince, both for his own intereft, and for that of the public, to pro- vide in time fufficient barriers again{t fo dangerous and infidious a rival. This precaution had been hitherto much neglected in England, as well as in other catholic countries ; and affairs at laft feemed to have come to a dangerous crifis : A fovereign of the greateft abilities was now on the throne: A prelate of the moft inflexible and intrepid character was poflefied of the primacy: The con- tending powers appeared to be armed with their full force, and it was natural to expect fome extraordinary event to refult from their rencounter, * M. Paris, p70. Diceto, p. 536. { Fitz-Steph. p. 28, Tt Epift. St. Thom. p. 130. Nn 2 AMONG Chap. VIII, 1163. Chap. VIL. 1103. > ae m1 sm ON oF ENGLAN D. Amonc their other ‘nventions to obtain money, the clergy had inculcated the neceffity of penance as an atonement for fin; and having again introduced the practice of paying them large fums as a commutation, or fpecies of atonement, for the remiffion of thefe penances, the fins of the people, by thefe means, had become a revenue to the priefts ; and the King computed, that, by this inven- tion alone, they levied more money from his fubjects, than flowed, by all the funds and taxes, into the royal exchequer *. That he might eafe his fubjects of fo heavy and arbitrary an impofition, Henry required, that a civil officer of his appointment fhould be prefent in all ecclefiaftical courts, and fhould, for the fu- ture, give his confent to every compofition which was made with finners for their fpiritual offences. Tue ecclefiaftics, in that age, had renounced all immediate fubordination to the magiftrate: ‘They openly pretended to an exemption, in criminal accufa- tions, from a trial before courts of juftice ; and were gradually introducing 4 like exemption in civil caufes: Spiritual penalties alone could be inflicted on their of- fences: And as the clergy had extremely multiplied in England, and. many of them were confequently of very low characters, crimes of the deepeft dye, mur- ders, robberies, adulteries, rapes, Were daily committed with impunity by the ecclefiaftics. It had been found, for inftance, by enquiry, that no lefs than an hundred murders had, fince the King’s accefion, been perpetrated by men of that profeffion, who had never been called to account for thefe offences f ; and holy orders were become a full protection for all enormities. A clerk in Wor- cefterfhire, having debauched a gentleman’s daughter, had, at this time, pro- ceeded to murder the father; and the general indignation againft this crime moved the King to attempt the remedy of an abufe which was become fo palpable, and to require that the clerk fhould be delivered up, and receive condign punifh- ment from the magiftrate t. Becket ‘nfifted on the privileges of the church; confined the criminal to the bifhop’s prifon, left he fhould be feized by the King’s officers ; maintained that no greater punifhment could be infliéted on him than degradation: And when the King demanded, that, immediately afte: he was degraded, he fhould be tried by the civil power, the primate aflerted, that it was iniquitous to try a man twice upon the fame accufation, and for the fame crime |. Henry, laying hold of fo favourable a caufe, refolved to pufh the clergy with regard to all their privileges, which they had raifed to an enormous height, and * Fitz-Steph. p.-325 + Neubr. p. 394- + Fitz-Steph. p. 33- Hift. Quad. p- 32: | Fitz-Steph. p. 29- Hift. Quad. p. 33, 45- Hoveden, p- 492. M. Paris, p. 7% Diceto, p- 536 537: Brompton, p, 1058. Gervas, p, 2384. Epift, St. Thom. p. 208, 209 to HibuN ® Wi 277 to determine at once thofe controverfics, which daily multiplied, between the ci- Chap: VIE vil.and ecclefiaftical jurifdictions. » He fummoned an affembly of all the prelates 9“ of England; and-heput to them this concife and decifive queftion, Whether or not they were willing to fubmit to the antient laws and cuftoms of the kingdom ? The. bifhops:unanimoufly replied, that they were willing, /aving their own or- der * ; A device by which they thought to elude the prefent urgency of the King’s demand, and yet referve to themfelves, on a favourable opportunity, the power of refuming all their paft pretenfions.:.. The King was fenfible of the artifice, and was provoked to the higheft indignation. He left-the affembly, with vifible marks of his difpleafure : He required the primate inftantly to furrender the ho- nours and cafties of Eye and Berkham + ::The»bifhops were terrified, and ex- pected flill farther effects of his refentment: Becket salone was inflexible ; and nothing but the interpofition of the Pope’s legaté,: Philip, abbot of EKleemofina, who dreaded a-breach with fo powerful a prince) at fo unféafonable a junéture, could have prevailed on him to retract the faving? claufe, and give'a general and abfolute promife of obferving the antient cuftoms +, Bur Henry was not content with a declaration in thefe general terms: He re- folved, ere it was too late, to define exprefsly thofe-cuftoms, with which he re- quired compliance, and to put a ftop to clerical ufurpations, «before they were fully confolidated, and could plead antiquity, as they already did 'a'facred au- thority, in their favour. The claims of the church were open and-vifible. Af- ter a gradual and infenfible progrefs thro’ many centuries, the’ mafk had at laft been taken off, and feveral ecclefiaftical councils, by their canons, which were pretended to be irrevocable and infallible, had pofitively defined thofe privileges and immunities, which gave fuch general offence, and appeared fo dangerous, to the civil magiftrate. Henry therefore deemed it neceflary to define with the fame precifion the limits of the civil power to oppofe his legal cuftoms to their divine ordinances; to determine’ the exaét boundaries of the rival jurifdictions ; and for this purpofe, he fummoned a general council of the nobility and prelates 1164. at Clarendon, to whom he fubmitted this great and important queftion. 2sth January. Tue barons were all gained to the King’s party, either by the reafons which Conftitutions he urged, or by his fuperior authority : The bifhops were overawed by, the gene- of Clarendon. ral combination againit them: And the following laws, commonly called the Conflitutions of Clarendon, were voted without oppofition by this afiembly |}. It was enacted, that all fuits concerning the advowfon and prefentation of churches *'Fitz-Steph. p. 31. Hiit. Quad. p. 34. Hoveden, p. 492. Gervas, p. 1385. Tt Hitt. Quad. p. 35. Gervas, p. 1385. } Hitt. Quadr, p. 37. Hoveden, p. 493. Gervas, p. 1385, | Fitz-Steph. p. 34, fhould Chap. VIL 1164. e 278 HiIisToR®W or ENG LAND. fhould -be determined in! the civil courts - That the churches, belonging to the King’s fee, fhould not be grantedan perpetuity without his confent : That clerks, accused of any crime, fhould be tried in the civil courts :» That-no perfon, particu- larly no clergyman of any rank, chould depart the kingdom without the King’s licence » ‘That excommuni¢ated perfons fhould not be bound to give fecurity for continuing in their prefent place of abode: That! laics thould not be accufed in fpiritual-courts, except by legal and reputable promoters and witnefles > That'no chief tenant.of the crown fhould:be excommunicated, nor his lands be put under an interdict, except with the King’s confent: That all appeals in fpiritual caufes fhould be carried from the \archdeacon to the /bifhop, from: the ‘bifhepoto the primate, from him to the King; and fhould “be carried no farther without the King’s confent; That if any law-fuit atife between a layman and a clergyman concerning a tenement, and-it be difprited whether the land 'be'a lay or an eccle- fiattical fee, it fhould firft be determined by the verdict of twelve lawful men to what clafs it belonged, andif itcbe found to be a lay-fee, the caufe fhould finally be determined in the civil courts : That: no inhabitant in demefne, fhould be ex- communicated for non-appearance in.a {piritual, court, ,till the chief officer of the place, where he refides, be confulted, that he may compel him by the civil authority to give, fatisfaction to the church; ‘That the archbifhops, bifhops, and other fpiritual dignitaries fhould be regarded as barons of the realm; fhould pof- fefs the privileges and be fubjected to the burthens belonging to that rank 5 and fhould be bound to attend the King in his great councils, and affift at all triats, till the fentence, either of death or lofs of members; be given againft the crimi- nal: That the revenue of the vacant fees fhould belong to the King ; the chapter, or fuch of them as he fhall fummon, fhould fit.in the King’s chapel ull they make the new eleétion with his confent, and that the bifhop-elect fhould do ho- mage to the crown: That if any baron or tenant in capite hall refufe to fubmit to the fpiritual courts, the King fhould employ his authority in obliging him to make fuch fubmiffions ; if any of them throw off his allegiance to the King, the prelates fhould with their cenfures affift the King in reducing him: That goods, forfeited to the King, fhould not be protected in churches or church-yards: That the clergy thould no more pretend to the right of enforcing payment of debts contraSted by oath or promife ; but fhould leave thefe law-fuits, as well as others, to the determination of the civil courts: And that the fons of villains fhould not be ordained clerks, without the confent of their lord *. * Hift. Quadr. p. 163. M. Paris, p.70, 71. Spelm. Conc, vol. 2. p.63. Gervas, P- 1386, 3337. Wilkins, p- 321. : THESE Hy, Ey WF vy Hi, 279 Tuese articles, to the number of fixteen, were calculated to prevent.the prin- Chap, VIW. cipal abufes, which had prevailed in ecclefiaftical affairs, and to put anreffectual ftop 144 to the ufurpations of the church, which, gradually ftealing on, had threatened the total deftru@tion of the civil power. Henry, therefore, by. reducing thefe cuftoms to writing and collecting them in a body, endeavoured to prevent all fy- ture difpute with regard to them; and by pafling fo many ecclefiaftical erdinances in a national and civil aflembly, he: fully. eftablithed the fuperiority of. the Jegif- lature above all papa} decrees or {piritual. canons; and gained a fignal victory Over the ecclefiaftics. But as he knew, that the bifhops, tho’ overawed by. the prefent combination of the crown and the barons, would take the firft favourable Opportunity of denying. the authority, which had enaéted thefe conftitut; ns; he refolved, that they fhould all fet their feal to them, and give a promife to obferve them. None of the prelates dared to oppole his will ; except Becket, who, tho? urged by the earls of Cornwal and Leicefter, the barons of principal authority in the kingdom, obftinately with held his confent. At laft, Richard de Haftings, grand prior of the templars in England, threw himfelf on his knees before him ; and with many tears, ‘entreated him, if he paid any regard, either to his own fafety or that of the church, not to pros oke, by a fruitlefs Oppolition, the indig- nation of a great monarch, who was refolutely bent on his purpofe, and who was determined to take ful] revenge on every one, who fhould dire to oppofe him *; Becket, finding himfelf deferted by all the world, and even by his own brethren, in this caufe, was at latt obliged to comply ; and he fet his feal to the conftitu- tions; promifed, legally, wiih good faith, and without fraud or referve +, to ob- ferve them ; and even took an oath to that purpofe {. The King, thinking that he had now finally prevailed in this creat enterprize, fent the conftitutions to Pope Alexander, who then tefided in France, and required his ratification of them: But the pontiff, who plainly faw, that thefe laws were calculated to efta- blith the independancy of England on the papacy, and of the royal power on the. clergy, condemned them in the ftrongeft terms ; abrogated, annulled, and re- jected them . There were only fix articles, the leaft important, which, for the. fake of peace, he was willing to ratify. Becxer,, when he obferved, that he might hope for fupport in an oppolition,, exprefled the deepeft forrow.for his conceffions ;.and endeavoured to engage all the other bifhops in a confederacy to adhere to their common rights, and to the ecclefiaftical privileges, in which he reprefented. the intereft and honour of God to be fo deeply concerned. He redoubled his aufterities in order to punifh himfelé * Hift, Quadr, p, 38. Hoveden; p. 493. t Fitz-Step. p, 3s. Epiit. St. Thom, Ps 255 } Fitz-Steph. p. 45, Hift, Quad, p. 39. Gervas, P. 1386, | Fitz-Stephy p. 35. 2 fer Chap. VIil. 1164. 280 w1iSst OR*Y OF ENGLAND. for his criminal compliance * * He proportioned his difcipline’ to the enormity of his fuppofed’ offence : And he refufed’ to exercife any part of his archiepifcopal funétion, till he fiould receive abfolution from the Pope, which was readily granted him +, Henry, informed of ‘his prefent difpofitions, refolved to take vengeance for this refractory ‘behaviour ; and he attempted to crufh him, by means of that very power which Becket made fuch a merit in fupporting. He applied to the Pope for the commiffion of legate in his dominions ; but Alex- ander, as politic as he, tho? he granted him the commiffion, annexed a claufe, that it fhould not empower him to execute any act in prejudice of the archbifhop of Canterbury {: And the King, finding how f-uitlefs fuch an authority would prove, fent back the commiffion by the fame meffengers who brought it |. Tue primate, however, who found himfelf fill expofed to the King’s indig- nation, endeavoured twice to efcape fecretly from the kingdom ; but was as often detained by contrary winds §: And Henry haftened to make him feel the ef- feéts of an obftinacy, which he deemed fo criminal. He inftigated John, ma- rifchal of the exchequer, to fue Becket, in the archiepifcopal-court for fome lands, part of the manor of Pageham ; and to appeal from thence to the King’s court for juftice +. On the day appointed for trying the caufe, the primate fent four knights, to reprefent certain irregularities in John’s appeal 5 and at the fame time to excufe himfelf, on account of ficknefs, for not appearing perfonally that day inthe court. This flight offence (if it even deferves that name) was reprefented as a grievous contempt ; the four knights were menaced, and with difficulty efcaped being fent to prifon, as offering falfhoods to the court * ; and Henry, being determined to perfecute Becket to the utmoft, fummoned at Northampton a ereat counci!, whom he propofed to make the inftruments of his vengeance againtt this inflexible prelate. Tue King had raifed Becket from a low ftation to the higheft offices, had ho- noured him with his countenance and friendfhip, had trufted to his affiftance in forwarding his favourite project againft the clergy ; and when he found him be- come of a fudden his moft rigid opponent, while every one befide complied with his will, rage at the difappointment, and indignation againft fuch Gignal ingra- titude, tranfported him beyond all bounds of moderation ; and there feems to have entered more of paffion than of juftice or even of policy, in this violent * Hitt. Quadr. p. 40, 41- Hoveden, p 493- .M- Paris, p- 71+ + Gervas, p. 1389 Parker, p.203. Epift. St. Thom p: 40; 4!- ¢ Epit. St. Thom. p. 13, 14. ;' || Hoveden, p. 493. Gervas, P- 1388. § Fitz-Steph- P- 35: Hift. Quad. p. 42 M, Paris, p- 72- | Hoveden, pogo: M. Paris, p. gz DViceto, P- 537: # Fitz-Steph. p. 36: Agar q Or | 6 | profer H. E> N 3? == I]. o8r profecution ~. The barons, however, in the great council voted whatever fen- tence he was pleafed to dictate to them; and the bifhops themfelves, who un- doubtedly bore a fecret favour toBecket, and regarded him as the martyr of their privileges, concurred with the reft, in the defign of opprefling their primate. In vain did Becket urge, that his court was proceeding with the utmoft regularity and juftice in trying the marefchal’s caule, which, however, he faid, would ap- pear, from the fheriff’s teftimony, to be entirely unjuft and iniquitous :_ That he himfelf had difcovered no contempt of the King’s court; but on the contrary, by fending four knights to excufe his abfence, had virtually acknowledged its authority: ‘That healfo, in confequence of the King’s fummons, perfonally ap- peared at prefent in the great council, ready to juftify his caufe againtt the marefchal, and to fubmit his condué to their enquiry and jurifdiction: And that even fhould he be found to have been guilty of non-appearance, the laws had affixed a very flight penalty to that offence; and that,. as he was an inhabitant of Kent, where his archiepifcopal palace was feated, he was by law entitled to fome greater indulgence than ufual in the rate of his fine +s He was condemned, notwith- ftanding thefe pleas, as guilty of a contempt of the King’s court, and as wanting in the fealty which he had fworn to his fovereign ; all his goods and chattels were confifcated {; and that this triumph over the church might be carried to the utmoft, Henry, Bifhop of Winchefter, the prelate who had been fo powerful in the former reign, was, notwithftanding his remonftrances, obliged, by order of the court, to pronounce the fentence againft him |. The primate fubmitted te the decree ; and all the prelates, except Gilbert, bifhop of London, who paid court to the King by this fingularity, became fureties for him §. It is re- markable, that feveral Norman barons voted in this council ; and we may con- clude, with fome probability, that like practice had prevailed in many of the great councils f{ummoned fince the conqueft. For the contemporary hiftorian, who has given us a full account of thefe tranfactions, does not mention this circumftance as any wife fingular |; and Becket, in all his fubfequent remonftrances with regard to the fevere treatment, which he had met with, never. founds any objeClion on an irregularity, which to us appears very palpable and flagrant. So little pre- cifion was there at that time in the government and conttitution | Tue King was not content with this fentence, however violent and opprefiive, Next day, he demanded of Becket the fum of three hundred pounds, which the pri- mate had levied from the honours of Eye and Berkham, while in his pofiefiion. * Neubr. p, 394. + Fitz-Steph. p. 37. 42. { Hift. Quad. p. 47. Hoveden, p. 494. Gervas, p. 1389. | Fitz-Steph. p. 37. § Fitz-Steph. p. 37, + Fitz-Steph. p. 36. Vot., I. Oo : Becket, ry Chap. VII. 1164, => o 5a 496 pas See <5 = Sa al a : LOI SEE AA SY akg Ss oe et a Oe ed De ee S ° » sr ~ ay Scie Chap. VII. tla} > r104, i), HISTORY or ENGLAND. Becket, after premifing that he was not obliged to anfwer to this fuit, becaufe it: was pot’ contained in his {ummons ; after remarking, that he had expended more than that fum in the repairs of thele caftles and of the royal palace at London ; refed however his refolution not to allow money to be any ground of quarrel exp between him and his fovereign : He agreed to pay the fum ; and immediately. eave fureties for it * In the fubfequent meeting, the King demanded five hun- dred marks, which, he affirmed, he had lent Becket during the war at Tho- loufe +; and another fum to the fame amount, for which that prince had been furety for him to a Jew. Immediately after thefe two claims, he ftarted a third of ftill greater importance : He required him to give in the account of his ad- minittration while chancellor, and to: pay the ballance due from the revenues of all the prelacies, abbies, and baronies, which had, during that time, been fub- jected to his management ff. Becket obferved, that as this demand was totally unexpected, he had not come prepared to anfwer it; but he required a delay, ‘and promifed in that cafe to give fatisfaction, The King infifted upon fureties s: and Becket defired leave to confult with his fuffragans in a cafe of fuch impor- tance jj. [r is apparent, from the known character of Henry, and from the ufual vigi- lance of his government, that when he promoted Becket to the fee of Canterbury, he was, on good grounds, well pleafed with his adminiftration in. the former high office, with which he had entrufted him ; and that, even if that prelate had diffipated money beyond the income of his place, the King was fatisfied, that his: expences were not blameable, and had in the main been calculated for his fer- vice §. Two years had fince elapfed ; no demands had. during that time been made upon him ; it was not till the quarrel arofe concerning ecclefiaftical privi- leges, that the claim was ftarted, and the primate was, of a fudden, required to produce accounts of fuch intricacy and extent before a tribunal, which had fhown: a determined refolution to ruin and opprefs him. To find fureties, that he fhould an{wer fo boundlefs and uncertain.a claim, which,. in. the King’s eftimation, a mounted to 44,000 marks |, was impracticable s and Becket’s fuffragans were extremely at a lofs what council to give him, in fuch a critical emergency. By the advice of the bifhop of Winchefter he offered two thoufand marks as a ge« neral fatisfa@tion for all demands : But this offer was rejected by the King *. Some prelates counfelled him to refign his fee, on condition of receiving an ac- quital Others were of opinion, that he ought to fubmit himfelf entirely to the +t Hoveden, p. 494. Diceto, p. 537: 4 Bpift. St. Thom. p. 315. * Fitz-Steph. p. 38: it eee OL ee i. ro] i» Fitz-Steph. p, 38. * Pitz-Steph. p. 38. + Hift. Quad. p. 47. § Hoveden, ps 495: King’s HEN ae Weoe 283 King’s mercy *: But the primate, thus pufhed to the utmoft, had too much Chap. VIL courage to fink under oppreffion: He determined to brave all his enemies, to "2° truft to the facrednefs of his character for proteétion, to involve his caufe with that of God and religion, and to ftand the utmoft efforts of royal indignation. Arter a few days, fpent in deliberation, Becket went to church, and faid mafs, where he had previoufly ordered, that the introit to the communion fer- vice thould begin with thefe words, Princes fat and fpake againft me ; the pat- {age appointed for the martyrdom of St. Stephen, whom the primate thereby tacitly pretended to refemble in his fufferings for the fake of righteoufhefs +. He went thence to court arrayed in his facred veftments; and as foon as he arrived within the palace gates, he took the crofs into his own hands, bore it aloft as his protection, and marched in that pofture into the royal apartments ¢. The King, who was in an inner room, was aftonifhed at this parade, by which the primate feemed to menace him and his court with the fentence of excommunication; and he fent fome of the prelates to remonftrate with him on account of fuch audacious behaviour. ‘Thefe prelates complained to him, that, by fubfcribing, himfelf, to the conftitutions of Clarendon, he had feduced them to imitate his example ; and that now, when it was too late, he pretended to fhake off all fubordination to the civil power, and appeared defirous of involving them in the guilt, which mu attend any violation of thofe laws, eftablifhed by their confent and ratified by their fubfcriptions ||. Becket replied, that he had indeed fubfcribed the confti- tutions of Clarendon, legally, with good faith aud without fraud or referve, but in thefe words was virtually implied a falvo for the rights of their order, which, being conneéted with the caufe of God and his church, could never be relin- quifhed by their oaths and engagements : That if he and they had erred, in re- figning the ecclefiaftical privileges, the beft atonement they could now make was to retract their confent, which in fuch a cafe could never be obligatory, and to follow the Pope’s authority, who had folemnly abrogated the conftitutions of Clarendon, and had abfolved them from all oaths, which they had taken to obferve them : That a determined refolution was evidently embraced to opprefs the church ; the ftorm had firft broke upon him ; fora flight offence, and which too was even falfely imputed to him, he had been tyrannically condemned to a grievous penalty ; a new and unheard of claim was fince ftarted, in which he could expect no juftice ; and he plainly faw that he was the deftined victim, who, by his ruin, miuft prepare the way for the abrogation of ail fpiritual immunities : That he Ss Fitz-Steph. p. 39. Gervas, p. 1390. + Hitt. Quad. p. 53. -Hoveden, p. 464. Neubr. p. 394.% Gervas, -p, 1391. } Fitz-Steph. p. 40. . Hift, Quad, Pp: $3» Hoveden, P 494. Neubr. p. 394. Epift. St. Thom. Pp. 43. || Pitz-Stephs p, 35. Oo 2 ftriétiy ? % ee Ai ee ats: a Chap. VIIL 1164, 284 HISTORY OF ENGLAN D. ftrictly inhibited them, who were his fuffragans, to affift ac any fuch trial, or give their fanétion to any fentence againtt him ; he put himfelf and his fee under the protection of the fupreme pontiff ; and appealed to him againft any penalty, which his iniquitous judges might think proper to inflict upon him: And that, however terrible the indignation of fo great a monarch as Henry, his fword could only kil the body ; while that of the church, entrufted into the hands of the primate, could kill the foul, and throw the difobedient into infinite and eternal Ee bare St pel CULION “« Aprrdts to the Pope, even in ecelefiaftical caufes, had been abolifhed by the conftitutions of Clarendon, and were become criminal by law; but an appeal in 4 civil caufe, fuch as that of the King’s demand upon Becket, was a practice al- together new and unprecedented 5 tended dire&tly to the fubverfion of the go- vernment; and could receive no colour ef excufe, except from the determined refolution, which was but too apparent, in the King and the great council,. to effectuate, without juftice, but under colour of law, the total ruin of the inflexible primate. The King, having now obtained fo much a better pretext for his vio- lence, would probably have pufhed this affair to the utmoft extremity againft Panifhmentofhim ; but Becket gave him no leifure to conduét that profecution. He refufed Becket. f) much as to hear the fentence, which the barons, fitting apart from the bifhops, and joined to fome fherifis and barons of the fecond rank +, had given upon the King’s claim : He departed from the palace ; afked Henry’s immediate permif- fon to leave Northampton ; and upon meeting with a refufal, he withdrew fe- cretly ; wandered about in difguife for fome time ; and at laft took fhipping and arrived fafely at Gravelines ff. Tue violent and unjuft profecution of Becket had a natural tendency to turn the public favour on his fide, and to make men forget his former ingratitude to- wards the King, and his departure from all oaths and engagements, as well as the enormity of thofe ecclefiaftical privileges, of which he affected to be the cham- pion. ‘There were many other reafons, which procured him countenance and protection in foreign countries. Philip, earl of Flanders |], and Lewis, King of France §, jealous of the rifing oreatnefs of Henry, were well pleafed to give him * Fitz-Steph. p. 42. 44, 45,46. Hit. Quad.p.57. Hoveden, p. 495+ M. Paris, p. 72. Epift. St. Thom. p. 45. 195. + Fitz-Steph, p. 46- This hiftorian is fuppofed to mean the more confiderable vaflals of the chief barons : Thefe had no title to fit in the great council, and the giving them a place there was a palpable irregularity : Which however is not infifted on ia any of Becket’s -emonftrances. A new proof how little fixed the conftitution was at that time ! { Hift. Quad, p. 60.63, 64. &c, Hoveden, p. 495- M. Paris, p. 72. Gervas, p- 1393s | Epitt. St. Thom. p. 35; § Epift. St. Thom. p- 35 37 diftur- Hi 2564 ON rR YR OBE 285 difturbance in his. government ; and forgeting that this was the common caufe of Chap. VIIL princes, they affected to pity extremely the condition of the exiled: primate ; and et the latter even honoured him: with a vifit at Sonfions, in which city he had ‘in- vited)him-to: fix his retreat *.. The pope, whofe interefts. were more intmediately concerned: in fupporting him, gave a bad reception to a magnificent embafiy, which Henry fent to.accufe hinv; whrle he put the greateft marks of diftinétion on Becket hinifelf, who had come to Sens, in order to juftify his caufe before the fovercign pontiff +. The King, in. revenge, fequeftered, the revenues: of Canterbury:; and by a conduct, which ~might be efteemed arbitrary had» there been at that time any regular check om royal authority, he banifhed all-the pri+ mate’s relations: and domeftics, to» the number of four hundred {, whom he ebliged:to fwear; beforetheir departure, that they would inftantly join their pa- tron ||. But this policy, by which Henry endeavoured to reduce Becket the fooner to neceffities; loft its: effect : The Pepe, as foon as they arrived beyond fea, abfolved them: from: their oath, and diftributed them among the convents in France and Flanders: A refidence: was affigned: to Becket himfelf in the convent of Pontigny §, where he lived for fome years im great magnificence, partly from a penfion granted him on the revenues of that abbey, partly from remittances made him by the French monarch. Tur more to ingratiate himfelf with Pope Alexander, Becket refigned into ,,¢. his hands the fee of Canterbury, to which, he affirmed, he had been uncanoni- cally elected, by the authority of the royal mandate |.; and Alexander in his turn, befides invefting. him anew with that dignity, pretended to abrogate by a bull the fentence which the great council of England had paffed ay Te Elenry, af- ter attempting in vain to procure a conference with the Pope, who departed foon after for Rome, whither the profperous condition of his affairs now: invited him; made provifions again{t the confequences of that breach, which impended between his kingdom and the apottolic fee. He iffued orders to his jutticiaties, inhibit- ing, under fevere penalties, all appeals to the Pope or archbifhop ; forbidding any one to receive any mandates from them, or apply in any cafe to their autho- rity ; declaring it treafonable to bring from either of them an -interdiét upon the kingdom, and punifhable, in fecular clergymen, by the lofs of their eyes and by caftration, in regulars by amputation of their feet, and in laics with death; and menacing with feqiic {tration and banifhment the perfons themfelves, as well as * Hitt. Quad. p. 76. + Pita-Steph. p. 51. “Hift. Quad. p. 72, 73. 77, Hovyeden, p- 496. Gervas, p. 1393. ‘Trivet. p. 46. t Ey sit St. Thom. p. 766. | Fitz-Steph, p. 51,52. Edift, Quad. p. 82, § M. Paris, p. 72 4 Fitz-Steph. p. 52... Hift, Quad, 2 79: 8 their Ce 286 HISTORY or ENGLAND: Chap. VIL. their kindred, who fhould pay obedience to any -fuch interdict : And he farther bas: obliged all his fubjects to {wear to the obfervance of thefe orders*. Thefe were edicts of the utmoft importance, affected the lives and properties of all the fub- jects, and even changed, for the time, the national religion, by breaking off all communication with Rome: Yet were they enacted by the fole authority of the King, and were derived entirely from his will and pleafure. Tue fpiritual powers, which, in the primitive church, were, in a great mea- fure, dependant on the civil, had by a gradual progrefs reached an equality and independance ; and tho’ the limits of the two jurifdictions were difficult to afcer- cain or define, it was not impoffible, but, ‘by moderation on both fides, govern- ment might ftill have been conduéted, in that imperfect and irregular manner which attends all human inflitutions. But as the ignorance of the age encouras ged the ecclefiaftics daily to extend their privileges, and even to advance maxims totally incompatible with civil government T ; Henry had thought it high time to put an end to their pretenfions, and formally, in a public council, to fix thole powers, which belonged to the magiltrate, and which he was for the future de- cermined to maintain. In this attempt, he was led to recall cuftoms, , which, tho’ antient {, were beginning to be abolifhed by a contrary practice, and which were ftill more ftrongly oppofed by the prevailing opinions and fentiments of the age. Principle, therefore, ftood on the one fide ; power on the ether; andif the Englifh had been attuated by confcience, more than prefent intereft, the con- troverfy mutt foon, by the general defedtion of Henry’s fubjects, have been de- cided againtt him. Becket, in order to forward this event, filled all places with exclamations againft the violence which he had fuffered |. He compared himéfelf to Chrift, who had been condemned by a lay tribunal §, and who was crucified anew in the prefent oppreffions under which his church laboured : He took it for ranted, as a point inconteftible, that his caufe was the caufe of God | : Heal- fumed the charaéter of champion for the patrimony of the Divinity : He pre- tended to be the fpiritual father of the King and all the people of England * ° He even told Henry, that kings reign folely by the authority of the church Ts and tho? he had thus torne off the veil more openly on the one fide, than that prince had on the other, he feemed ftill, from the eeneral favour borne him: by pe esr g eet. = a ES Ti awe 3 eoretEs 2 Ss ot SAE <<. is tf Hy mites aie 4h ‘ y { . : H + las ayy + hy ast 5 i ba f y ire exes : ¥ i f - a 4 ib r : Sinha Wii 1 PRS I me ] 5 vie asi ah) > 7 Sit -? LS ad s) Hit ‘d art U la) 1 ¥\ Pi t) Lit rm, 1 ty " 8 My " ¢, i, el 1 Sh Bs fe HI tie brant > Ma | tf] " ink thet ead ; My Bane : a. be Nye eth " nA OT ase a Pi el! 4 wan ‘ be : Siityse ewe The ee ‘= erty Ol ae a P< ee | ite te v) : ] NAMI? ite ot Mts Y th : 7 hal 12 ue are J 4 * p ul hy ! %) . 4 Tt bt iy . . ; y _* rae ant - . - io 7 rf a f he | pat alee | ” : ‘ : ek Hh he ae ave ih att rR ‘ H ‘ 4 } i * isd ra ea ‘Ne Me ‘ Ua". ‘ , . , * Hitt. Quad. p. 88, 167. Hoveden, p..496. M. Paris, Pp. 73> + Quis dubitet, fays Becket to the King, facerdotes Chrifli regum eét principum omniumque fideanm patres et magifiros cenferi. Epift, St. Thom. p. 97, 148. { Fitz-Steph. p. 34. Hoveden, p. 518. Epift. St. Thom. p. 265. | Fitz-Steph. p. 53+ Epift. St. Thom. p. 63, 64, 226. § Epift. St. Thom. p. 63, 105. 194. 4. Epiit. St. Thom. p. 29, 30, 31, 226. * Fitz-Steph. p. 46. Epift. St. Thom. p. 52, #4. + Brady’s Append. N°56. pift. St. Thom. p. 94, 95: 972 99> 197: Hoveden, p. 497+ | the HE£°oN TH YA°CR 28% the ecclefiaftics, to have all the advantage in the argument *, The King, that Chap. VIIE. he might employ the weapons of temporal power remaining in his hands, fuf- MPS: pended the payment of Peter’s-pence -; he made advances towards an alliance with the Emperor, Frederic Barbaroffa, who was at that time engaged in vio- fent wars with Pope Alexander ft; he difcovered fome intentions of acknowlede= ing Pafcal III. the prefent anti-pope, who was protected by that Emperor ||; and by thefe expedients he endeavoured to terrify the enterprifing, tho’ prudent pontiff, from proceeding to extremities againft him. But the violence of Becket, {till more than the nature of the controverfy, Kept 1166: affairs from remaining long in fufpenfe between the parties. That prelate, infti- gated by revenge, and animated by the prefent glory attending his fituation, pufhed matters to a decifion, and iffued out’ a cenfure, excommunicating the King’s chief minifters by name, and comprehending in general all thofe who fa- voured or obeyed the conftitutions of Clarendon §¢: Thefe conftitutions he abro- gated and annulled ; he abfolved every one from the oaths, which they had taken to obferve them; and he fufpended the fpiritual thunder over Henry himfelf, only that the prince might avoid the blow by a timely repentance -.. Tue fituation of Henry was fo unhappy, that he could employ no expedient for faving his minifters fromi this terrible cenfure, but by appealing to the Pope himfelf, and having recourfe toa tribunal, whofe authority he had himfelf at- tempted to abridge in this very article of appeals, and which, he knew, was fo deeply engaged on the fide of his adverfary *. But even this expedient was not likely to be long effe€tual. Becket had obtained from the Pope a legatine com- miffion over England + ; and in virtue of that authority, which admitted of no appeal {, he fummoned the bifhops of London, Salifbury, and others, to at- tend him, and ordered, under pain of excommunication, the ecclefiaftics, fe- queftered on his account, to be reftored in two months to all their benefices : But John de Oxford, the King’s agent at Rome, had the addrefs to procure or- ders for fufpending this fentence §; and he gave the pontiff fuch hopes of a fpeedy reconcilement between the King and Becket, that two legates, William de Pavie and Otho, were fent to Normandy, where the King then refided, and endea- * Epift. St. Thom. p. 268, 611, + Epift. St. Thom. p. zfo. tT Hitt. Quad. p. 88. Epift. St. Thom. p. 116, 139. |. Epift. St. Thom. p. 106, 111, 112. M. Paris, p.75. M. Welt. p. 249. ; “* Foveden, p- 506 M. Weft. p. 249. pift. St. Thom. p. 148, 149, 233; 240. + Fitz-Steph. p56. Hult. Quad: p. 93. .M. Paris, p. 74. Beaulieu Vie de St. + hom, p- 213. Epift. St. Thom. p. 149, 229. Hoveden, Pp. 499. * Epiit. St. Thom. p.166, 202, 203, 234% + Bitz-Steph. p.55. Epift. St. Thom, p.179 ¢t Epit. St. Thom. p. 218. | Eput. St. Thom, p, 182, 183, 218, 219, 239. 4 Epift. St. Thom, p. 403, 404, 428. 2 voured ad . oe a wh rae Chap. VIII. 2100. oN “Q * = 3 288 HisTORYX of voured to find expedients for that purpofe *. were, as yet, that all the conftitutions of Clarerttlon fRould be ratified + vioufly to any agreement, he and his adherents fhould be re fions t : a 4 oT ae: eictner Lid, Lhiv ENGLAN D._ But, the pretenfiofis of the parties oo oppofite to admit of anaccommodation: The King required, : Becket, that, pre- ftored to their poffef- And as the legates had no power to pronounce a definitive fentence on the negotiation foon after came to nothing |. The carcinal de-Pavie oe, - | alfo, being much attached to Henry's interefts, took care to protrect the nego- tiation ; to mitigate the Pope, by..the accounts which he fent. of that prince’s conduct ; and to procure him every poffible indulgence from the ‘ee of Rome. » ia It was by his credit, that the King obtained about this time a difperfatioa for the marriage of his third fon, Geoffrey, with the heirefs of Brittany ; a conceffions rT 5 ~ which, confidering Henry’s. demerits towards the church, gave great fcandal 1 beth to Becket, and to his patron,. the King of. France. Tue intricacies of the feudal law had, in-that age, rendered the boundaries of power between the prince and his vafials, and between one prince and another, as precarious as thofe between the crown and the mitre ; and all wars took cheir origin from difputes, which, had there been any tribunal nofiefiec of power to . enforce their decrees, ought only to have been decided before a ccurt of judica- ture. Henry, in profecution of fome controverfies, in which he was involved with the count of Auvergne, a vafial of the dutchy of Guienne, hid invaded the territories of that count; who had recourfe to the King of ‘Franct, his fuperior lord, for protection, and thereby kindled a war between the two monarchs. But this war was, as ufual, no lefs feeble in its operations, than it wes frivolous in its caufe and object , and after occafioning fome depredations on eich others ter- i ritories §, and fome infurrections among the barons of Poictou and Guienne, was terminated in a peace; the terms of which were rather difadvantagzous to Henry, and prove, that that prince had, by reafon of his contefts with tie church, loft the fuperiority, which he had hitherto maintained over the crown of France: An additional motive to him for accommodating thofe differences. Tue Pope and the King began to perceive, that, in the prefent fituation of affairs, neither of them could expect a final and decifive and that they had more to fear than hope from the curat Tho’ the vigour of Henry’s government had confirmed victory over the other, ion of the controverty. his authority in all his dominions, his throne might be fhaken by a fentence of excommunication ; and * Epift. St. Thom. p. 3c9. + Hoveden, p.517- t M. Paris, p. 74. ~Epift. St. Thom. ‘p. 340, 349, 355: § Hoveden, p. 517. M. Paris, p. 75. Diceto, p. 547. Monte. Gervas, Epift. St. Than. p. 345. I Gervas, Pp: 1403. p. 1402, 1403. Robert de if Rob “NE 2b ¥ If. 289 if England itfelf could, by its Gtuation, be mote eafily guarded againft the con- Chap. VIL. tagion of fuperftrtious prejudices, his French provinces at leaft, whofcommuy- "197: nication was open with the neighbouring ftates, would) be much expofed, on that account, to fome great revolution or convulfion *.. He could not, there- fore, reafonably imagine, that the Pope, while he retained fuch a check upon him, would formally recognize the conttirutions of Clarendon, which. both put an.end to papal pretenfions in England, and. would give an example to other ftates of afferting a like independancy +. Pope Alexander, on the other hand, being ftill engaged.in dangerous wars with the Emperor Frederic, might juftly apprehend, that Henry, rather than relinquith claims of fuch importance, would join the party of his enemy }; and as the trials hitherto made of the {piritual weapons by Becket had not fucceeded to his expeétation{j, and every thing had remained. quiet in all the King’s dominions, nothing feemed impoflible to the capacity and. vigilance of fo great a. monarch. . The difpofition of minds on. both fides, refulting from thefe circumftances, produced frequent, attempts towards an accommodation ; but as both. parties knew; that theeffential. articles of the difpute could not. then be terminated, they entertained a perpetual jealoufy of each other; and. were anxious not to lofe the leaft advantage in the negotiation §.. The nun- 116g. cios, Gratian and Vivian, having received a commiffion to endeavour a recon« cilement, met with the King at Damfront in Normandy +. ; and after all differen- ces feemed to be adjufted, the King offered to figmthe treaty, with a falvo to his royal dignity *; which gave fuch umbrage to Becket, that the negotiation, in the end, became fruitlefs, and the excommunications were renewed againft the King’s minifters, Another Negotiation was conducted at Montmirail, in the prefence of the King of Brance: and: the French prelates ; where Becket, imita- ting Henvy’s example, offered to make his fubmiffions; with a falvo of the ho- nour of God, and the liberties of the church +; which, for a like reafon, was extremely offenfive to the King, and rendered the treaty abortive. A third con- ference, under the fame mediation, was. broke off, by Becket’s infifting on the like referve in-his fubmiffions; and even in a fourth treaty, when all the terms were adjufted, and when the primate expeéted to be inttoduced to the King, and to receive the kifs of peace, which it was ufual for princes to grant in thofe times, and which was regarded as a fure pledge - of forgivenefs, Henry refufed him that honour {; upon pretence, that, during his anger, he had made a rafh vow ne- 1169. * Epift: St. Thom. p. 230. + Epift. St. Thom. p. 276. t Fitz-Steph. p. 53. Hitt. Quad. p. 75. | Epift. St, Thom. p. 241, 254. § M. Paris, p. 85. 4+ M. Paris, p. 78. *’Rymer, vol. 1. p. 29. Gervas, p. 1407. t Fitz-Steph. p. 58. Hitt. Quad. p-95. Diceto, p. 552. Gervas, p. 1405. { Hift, Quads pi toz, M>Paris, p. 82. Ger- vas, p. 1408. Vor, I. P p vet SY 2.90 His TiO RT oF ENGLAND. prelate fach a teftimony of friendfhip. This formality ferved, vent the conclufion of the treaty; and tho’ the difficulty was attempted to be overcome, by a difpenfation which the Pope grant- eye! ed Henry from his rafh vow™, that prince could not be prevailed on to depart ak f-om the refolution which he had taken. a en Ix one of théfe conferences, at which the French King was prefent, Henry ea ee a faid to that monarch, * There have been many kings of England, fome of great- wigi « er, fome of lefs authority than myfelf : There have alfo been many archbifhops a a cc, of Canterbury, holy and good men, and entitled to every kind of refpect: 2 eae & Luet Becket but aét towards me with the fame fubmiffion, which the greateft i << of his predecefiors have paid to the leaft of mine, and there fhall be no con- | ‘* troverfy between us +* Lewis was fo truck with this ftate of the cafe, and with an offer which Henry made to fubmit his caufe to the French clergy, that he could not forbear condemning the primate, and withdrawing his friendfhip from him during fome time: But their common animofity againft Henry foon produced a renewal of their former good correfpondence f. (apa Chep. VILL. ver to give the \ ite hi 1 LOGe ° Pa EE - ik phe ‘ among fuch jealous {pirits, to pre ) rae oy 1479. Au. difficulties were at laft adjufted between the parties; and the King al- bet 22d July: 1 oed Becket to-return, on conditions which may be efteemed both honourable: Compromife and advantageous to that prelate. He was not required to give up any of the ‘Vales oe rights of the church, , or refign any of thofe pretenfions, which had been the ori- ice ” ginal ground of the controverfy. It was agreed, that all thefe queftions fhould SM ag Eager be buried in oblivion ; but that’ Becket and his adherents fhould, without making Farther fubmiffions, be reftored to all their livings |], and that even the pofief- fors of fuch benefices as depended on the fee of Canterbury, and had been “filled durihg the primate’s abfence, fhould be expelled, and Becket have liberty to fup- ire ply the vacancies §. In return for conceflions, which entrenched fo deeply on ET Gi che honour and dignity of the crown, Henry reaped only the advantage of fee- Se Ne ages ing his minifters abfolved from the fentence of excommunication denounced Ci uae againft them, and of preventing the interdi@t, which, if thefe hard conditions had not been complied with, was ready to be laid on all his dominions 4. It was eafy to fee how much he dreaded that event, when a prince of fo high @ fpi- rit could fubmit to. terms fo difhonourable, in order to prevent It. Sie Sot i ix poet ee ee ae oS a Tai ST 3 * Fitz-Steph. p. 68. + Hift. Quad. p. g5- Gervas, Pp. 1495. ¢ Hilt. Quad.. p. 99 100. Gervas, p.1406. Parker,.p. 206. | Gervas, p. 1413- § Fitz-Steph. p. 68, 69. Hoveden, p. 520. 4 Hift. Quad. p.104. Brompton, p. 1062. Gervas, p. 1408. Epift. St. Thom. p- 704, 705, 706) 797+ 792s 593s 794: Benedict. Abbas, p- 70- But Hem: 8. Rs Woo 291 Bur the King attained not even that temporary. tranquillity, which he had hoped to reap from this expedient. During the heat of his quarrel with Becket, while he was every day expecting an interdict to be laid on his dominions, and even a fentence of excommunication to be denounced againtt his perfon, he had thought it prudent to have his fon, prince Henry, affociated with him in the royalty, and to make him be crowned King, by the hands of Roger archbifhop of York *, By this precaution, he both enfured the fucceffion. of. that prince;. which, confidering the many paft irregularities in that point, could not but be efteemed fomewhat precarious ; and he preferved at leatt his family on the throne, if the fentence of excommunication fhould have the effect which he dreaded, and fhould make his fubjeéts renounce their allegiance to him +. - Tho’ this defign was conducted. with the utmoft expedition and fecrefy, Becket, before it was car- ried into execution, had got intelligence of it; and being defirous to obftruc all Flenry’s meafures, as well as anxious to prevent this affront to himfelf, who pre- tended a fole right, as archbifhop of Canterbury, to officiate in the coronation, he had inhibited all the prelates of England from affifting at this ceremony {, had pro- cured a mandate to the fame purpofe from the Pope |j, and had incited the King of France to proteft againft the coronation of young Henry, unlefs the princefs, daugh- ter of that monarch, fhould at the fame time receive the royal unction. | There pre» vailed in that age an opinion, which was akin to its.other fuperftitions, that the royal unction was eflential to the exercife of royal power § ; and it was therefore na- tural both for the King of France, folicitous for his daughter the princefs Marga- ret's eftablifhment, and for Becket, jealous of his own dignity, to demand, inthe treaty with Henry, fome fatisfaction in this effential point *. Henry, after apolo- gizing to Lewis for the omiffion with regard to Margaret, and excufing it on ac- count of the fecrefy requifite for conduéting that meafure, promifed that the cere+ mony fhould be again renewed in the perfons both of the prince and princefg +: And he aflured Becket, that, befides receiving the acknowledgments of Roger and the other bifhops for the feeming affront put on the fee of Canterbury, he fhould, asa farther fatisfaction, recover his rights by officiating in this coronation +. But the violent. f{pirit of Becket, elated by the power of the church, and by the viétory which he had already obtained over his fovereign, was not content with this vo- luntary compenfation, but refolved to make the injury, which he pretended to have fuffered, a handle for taking revenge of all his enemies. On his arrival in * Hitt. Quad. p, 102, 103.. Gervas, p. 1408. + Fitz+Steph. p. 65. Pere Daniel,’ vol. r. p. 1247. t Epitt. St. Thom. p. 684, 686. | Hitt. Quad, p. 103. ‘Epift. St. Thom. p. 682. Gervas, p. r4iz. § Epift. St, Thom. p. 708. 4+ Brompton, p. 1069, * Gervas, p. 1408, + Hoveden, p. 518. t Epift. St. Thom. p. 803, 810. Pad ' England, bya ; m : : ‘ Frags i AL ‘ 7) r 1 he ! : hy ba I vin! E bie | f } ‘ f et ae |) i - } j Pe I iat hE Ait, b itt » | fit PCs i Me May eke hi ae ALR ga Mi 4 ig LM Dei Soi TT re tay | 1 \ WAP OEE Pe iPesiaant Sha mama eA ih! PB arent MS Minaie » ¢. It 5 iH Peach aes ! Ae) Seamed hak BR a) UR AS LAN PB ae bal) cat] an ST ) i f : fi nh > ee { | \ Cubs } Oh) \p } tit) thie tal ‘ ’ * ( She , \ Wet? i 1 Ms ; Ay Ee : A 3 ms My Nie and nt etal [A SOR oH red a) TE bt vs Neri 7 ated : te Oe ke LM Ag a en ets SAM Ph Sag Alla 29 Bist 1 a ee 1 ye hee’ e SUSAR tM I a ed lhe ; WPL Ap ea Poh bal Util I Ts. Nee & lean , us t 7 te 7? 3 hoe 4 PAWL) ae aii Daca WA Hs bata 4 ial ) tb ilal rege + AY Gee A eh ie Aa ie Oe |e bam a ei STADIA Koh tee Ne : WG f built : ALL sat , i \ | Pe tH J 1m ' i if Vie Mae ae oat itr | 68.) a tt } ’ Chap. VII. 1170. Becket’s re- turn from ba- nifhment. HIST ORY ’or ENGLAN D. 292 England, he met the archbifhop of York and the bifhops of London and Salif- bury, who were on their journey to the King in Normandy ; and he notified to the archbifhop the fentence of fufpenfion, and to the two bifhops that of ‘excom- munication, which, on his folicitation, the Pope had pronounced againft them *- Reginald de Warenne, and Gervafe de Cornhill, two itinerant yuftictaries, who were making their circuit in Kent, afked him, on hearing of this bold attempt, whether he meant to bring fire and fword into the kingdom 7? But the ‘primate, heedlefs of the reproof, proceeded, in the moft ofteatatious manner, to take pof- {-fion of his diocefe. In Rochefter, and all the towns thro” which he paffed, he was received with the fhouts and acclamations of the people. Asvhe approach- ed Southwark, the clergy, the laity, men of all ranks and ages, came forth to meet him, and celebrated with hymns of joy his triumphant entrance |. And tho’ he was obliged, by orders of the young prince, who refided at Woodftoke, to return to his diocefe, he found that he was not miftaken, when he Jaid his ac- count with the higheft veneration of the public towards his perfon and his dig- nity. He proceeded, therefore, with the more courage to launch his fpiritual thunders; and he iffued the fentence of excommunication againft Robert de Broc §, and Nigel de Sackville, with many of the moft confiderable prelates and mini- fters, who had affifted at the coronation of the young prince, and had been ac- tive in the late perfecution of the exiled clergy. This violent meafure, by which he, in effe&t, denounced war againft the King himfelf, is commonly afcribed to the vindiétive difpofition and imperious character of Becket ; but as this prelate was alfo a man of acknowledged abilities, we are not, in his paffions alone, to look for the caufe of his conduét, when he proceeded to thefe extremities againft his eremies. His fagacity had led him to difcover all Henry’s intentions; and he purpofed, by this bold and unexpected affault, to prevent the execution of them Tue King, from his experience of the difpofitions of his people, was become fenfible, that his enterprize had been too bold, in eftablifhing the conftitutions of Clarendon, in defining all the branches of royal power, and in endeavouring to. extort from the church of England, as well as from the Pope, an exprels avowal of thefe difputed prerogatives. Confcious alfo of his own violence, in at- tempting to break or fubdue the inflexibie primate, he was not difpleafed to undo that meafure, which had given his-enemies fuch advantage againft him; and he was contented, that the controverfy fhould terminate in that ambiguous manner, * M. Paris, p.86. Chron. W. Heming. p. 497. Diceto, p.553: Brompton, p. 1062. Ger- vas, p.1413. M. Weft--p. 250. Epift, St. Thom. p. $16, 849. + Fitz-Steph. p. 73. Hift. Quad. p.112. Beaulieu Vie de St. Thom p. 395. + Hift. Quad. -p. 113. ‘Beaulieu Vie de St. Thom. p. 397. Epift. St. “Thom. p. 132. | PitzSteph. p.75. Hitt. Quad. p-177. 5) Hoveden, p. $20. Diceto, P- 555. which HOUR: As oR TO Te 293 which was the utmoft that princes, in thofe ages, could hope to attain in their Chap. Vill: difputes with the fee of Rome. Tho’ he dropt, for the prefent, the profecution 1170. of Becket, he ftill referved to himfelf the right of maintaining, that the conftitu- tions of Clarendon, the original ground of the quarrel, were both the antient cuftoms and the prefent law of the realm’: And tho’ he knew, that the papal clergy afferted them to be impious in themfélves, as well as abrogated by the fen- tence of the fovereign pontiff, he propofed, in fpite of their clamours, {teadily to put thefe laws in execution *, and to truft to his own ability, and to the courfe of events, for fuccels in that perilous enterprize. He hoped, that Béecket’s ex- perience of a fix years exile would, after his pride was fully gratified by his refto- ration, be fufficient to teach him more teferve in his oppofition ; or if any contro- verfy arofe, he expected thenceforth to engage in a more favourable caufe, and to : maintain with advantage, while the primate was now in his -power +, the an- tient and undoubted cuftoms of the kingdom againft the ufurpations of the cler- gy. But Becket, determined not to betray the ecclefiaftical privileges by his con- nivance [, and apprehenfive left a prince of fuch profound policy, if allowed to proceed in his own way, would probably in the end prevail, refolved to take all the advantage which his prefent victory gave him, and to difconcert the cau- tious meafures of the King, by the vehemence and rigour of his own condue'}. Affured of fupport from Rome, he was little apprehenfive of dangers, which his courage taught him to defpife, and which, even if attended with the moft fatal confequences, would ferve only to gratify his ambition and thirft of glory §. Wuewn the fufpended and excommunicated prelates arrived at Baieux, where the King then refidéd, and complained to him of the violent proceedings of Bec- ket |, he inftantly perceived the confequences; was fenfible, that his whole plan of operations was overthrown ; forefaw, that the dangerous conteft between the civil and fpiritual powers, a conteft which he himfelf had firft rouzed, but which he had endeavoured, by all his late negotiations and conceffions, to. appeafe, muft come to an immediate and decifive iffue; and he was thence thrown into the moft violent comimotion *, — The archbifliop of York remarked to him, that, fo long as Becket lived, he ‘could never expect to enjoy péace or tranquillity +; and the King himfelf, being vehemently agitated, burft forth into an exclamation again{t his fervants, whofe want of ‘zeal; he faid, had fo long left him expofed to the enterprizes of that ungrateful and imperious prelate {. Four gentlemen of his * Epift. St. Thom. p. 837, 339. + Fitz-Steph. p. 6s. t Epift St. Thom. p. 345. || Fitz. Steph. p. 4. § Epiit, St. Thom. p. 818, 848, + Hift. Quad. p. 115. Brompton, p. 1062, Gervas, p. 1414s * Hitt. Quad, p.1ig, Neubr. p. 401.” "Frivet, p. 525 + Fitz-Steph. p. 78. } Gervas, p. 1414, Parker, p, 207. = houfehold, Chap. VIII. 1170. 29'h Decem. Murcer of - Thomas a Becket. 2.94 HISTORY oF ENGLAND. houfehold, Reginald Fitz-Urfe, William de Traci, Hugh de Moreville, and Richard Brito, taking thele paffionate expreffions to be a hint for Becket’s death, immediately communicated their thoughts to each other ; and {wearing to avenge their prince’s quarrel, fecretly withdrew from court *., .Some. menacing expref- fions, which they had dropt, gave a fufpicion of their defign ; and the King dif- patched a mefienger after them, charging them to attempt nothing again{t the rerfon of the primate ++ But thefe orders arrived too late to prevent their fatal purpof,, The four affaffins, tho’ they took different roads to England, arrived nearly about the fame time at Saltwoode -near Canterbury £5 and being there joined by fome affiftants, they proceeded in great hafte to the archi-epifcopal pa- lace}. They found the primate, who trufted entirely to the facrednefs of his character, very flenderly attended ; and tho’ they threw out many menaces and reproaches againft him §, he was fo incapable of fear, that, without ufing any precautions againft their violence, he immediately went to,St. Benedict’s church, to hear vefpers. They followed him thither, attacked him before the altar, and having cloven his head with many blows, :retired without meeting any oppofi- tion |. ‘This was the tragical end of ‘homas a Becket, a prelate of the moft Jofty, intrepid, and inflexible fpirit, who was able to cover, to the world and probably to himfelf, the enterprizes of pride and ambition, under the difguife,of fanatity and of zeal for the interefts of. piety and religion: An extraordinary per- fonage, furely, had he been allowed to remain in his firft ftation, and had direct- ed the vehemence of his character to the fupport of law and juftice ; inftead of being engaged, by the prejudices of the times, to facrifice all private duties and public connexions to tyes, which he imagined, or reprefented, as fuperior to every civil and political confideration. But no man, who enters into the genius of that age, can reafonably doubt of this prelate’s fincerity. The fpirit of fuperftition was fo prevalent, that it infallibly caught every carelefs reafoner, much more every one whofe intereft, and honour, and ambition, were engaged to fupport ite All the wretched literature of the times was inlifted on that fide: Some faint slimmerings of common fenfe might fometimes pierce thro’ the thick cloud of ignorance, or what was worfe, the illufions of perverted. fcience, which had blot- ted out the fun, and envelloped the face of nature : But thofe. who preferved themfelves untainted from the general contagion, proceeded on no principles which they could pretend to juftify: They were beholden more to their total want of inftraétion, than to their knowledge, if they ftill retained fome fhare of * M. Paris, p. 86. Brompton, p. 1063. Benediét. Abbas, p. 10. + Hitt. Quad. p. 144+ Trivet, p- §5- { Fitz-Steph. p. 78, 79. Hilt. Quad. p. (20. \| Gervas, p. 1414 § Neubr. p- 40!- Diceto, p. 555: 4. Hoveden, p. 520. underftanding : ae SE RR Pe II. 295 underftanding : Folly was poffeffed of all the {chools as well as all the churches ; Chap. VIII and her votaries affumed the garb of philofophers together with the enfigns of ''7° {piritual dignities, Throughout that large colle&tion of letters, which bears the name of St. Thomas, we find, in all the retainers of that afpiring prelate, no lefs than in himfelf, a moft entire and abfolute conviction of the reafon and piety of their own party, and a difdain of their antagonifts ; nor is there lefs cant and grimace in their ftile, when they addrefs each other, than when they compofe manifeftos for the perufal of the public. The fpirit of revenge, violence, and ambition, which accompanied their condu@, inftead of forming a prefumption of hypocrify, are the furett pledges of their fincere attachment to a caufe, which fo much flattered thefe domineering paffions. Henry, on the firft report of Becket’s violent meafures, had propofed to Grief have him arrefted, and had already taken fome fteps towards the execution of that defign : Bur'the intelligence of his murder threw that prince into the utmoft confternation, ‘and he was immediately fenfible of the dangerous confequences, which he had reafon to apprehend from fo unexpected an event. An archbifhop of reputed fanétity, affaffinated before the altar, in the exercife of his function, and on account of his zeal in maintaining ecclefiaftical privileges, muft attain the higheft honours of martyrdom ; while his murderer would be ranked among the moft bloody tyrants, that ever were expofed tothe hatred and deteftation of mankind. Interdiés and e€xcommunications, weapons in themfelves fo terrible, would, he forefaw, be armed with double force 3 when employed in a caufe fo much calculated to work on the human paffions, and fo peculiarly adapted to the eloquence of popular preachers and declaimers. In vain would he plead his own innocence, and even his total ignorance of the fat: He was fufficiently guilty, if the church thought proper to efteem him fo: And his concurrence in Becket’s martyrdom, becoming a religious Opinion, would be received with all the im- plicit credit, which belonged to the moft eftablifhed articles of faith. Thefe con- fiderations gave the King the moft unaffected concern ; and as it was extremely = his intereft to clear himfelf of all fufpicion, he took no care to conceal the depth of his affliction *, He fhut himfelf up from the light of day and from dl] com- merce with his fervants: He even refufed during three days all food and fufte- nance +: The courtiers, apprehending dangerous effects from his defpair, were at laft obliged to break in upon his folitude ; and they employed every topic of confolation, induced him to accept of nourifhment, and occupied his leifure ip * Ypod. Neuf. p. 447. M, Paris, p.87. Diceto, P- 556. Geryas, p, 1419, + Hift, Quod, p, 143, x taking VA wiIiskoh? gf EN GLAN D ON Ne 29 Chap. Vi£i.. taking precautions 1170. he murder of the primate. againft the confequences, which he. fo:juftly apprehended frome 1171. Tux point of chief importance to Henry was to convince the Pope) of, his wi supe ‘anocence ; or rather to perfuade him, that he would reap greater advantages Aa it Gad a King, from the fubmiffions of England than from proceeding to extremities againft that bata Bld : kingdom. The archbifhop of Roiien, the bifhops of Worcefter and Evreux, Neate with five others of lefs quality, were immediately difpatched to, Rome,*, and, orders were given them to perform their journey, with, the umoft. expedition. Tho’ the name and authority of the court of Rome were, fo terrible. in. the remote Hick! countries of Europe, which were funk in profound ignorance, and.were entirely unac- i a quainted with its character and conduct ; the. Pope was fo little revered at home, ae | that his inveterate enemies furrounded the gates of Rome itfelf, and even.con- trouled his government in, that city ; and the ambafladors, who,. from a diftant extremity of Europe, carried to him the humble, or rather abjeét fubmiffions of the greateft potentate of the age, found the, utmoft difficulty to, make their way to him, and to throw themfelves at his feet. It was at laft agreed, that Richard Barre, one of their number, fhould leave the reft behind, and run all the hazards of the paffage T, in order to prevent the fatal confequences which might enfue from any delay in giving fatisfaction to his Holinefs. . He found on his arrival, that Alexander was already wrought up to the greateft rage againft the King, that Becket’s partizans were daily ftimulating him to revenge, that the King of France had exhorted him to fulminate the moft dreadful fentence againft England {, and that the very mention of Henry’s Ne ae aie aa name before the facred college was received with every expreflion of. horror, ba lea ey and execration |. ‘The Thurfday before Eafter was now approaching, when it arene is cuftomary for the Pope to denounce annual curfes againft all his enemiess, and it was expected, that Henry fhould, with all the preparations peculiar to the difcharge of that facred artillery, be folemnly comprehended in the num- ber §. But Barre found means to appeafe the pontiff, and to deter him from on a meafure, which, if it failed of fuccefs, could not afterwards be eafily recalled: Riu The anathemas were only levelled in general againft all the actors, accomplices, and abettors of Becket’s murder | ; and the abbot of Valafle, and the archdeacons of Salifbury and Lifieux, with others of Henry’s minifters, who foon. after ar- rived, befides maintaining their prince’s innocence, made oath before the whole * Eloveden, p. 526. M. Paris, p, 87. + Hoveden, p.526.. Epift. St. Thom. p. 863. + Hoveden, p. 523: Spel. Concel. vol. 2. p.89. Brompton, p. 1065. Hpift. St. Thom. p« 855 Benediétus Abbaf. p. 13. | Hoveden, p. 526. Neubr. 402. Epiit. St. Thom. p. 864. | a § Hoveden, p- 527: Diceto, 556. Epift. St. Thom. p. 864. 4+ Gervas, p. 1419- 2 cOne- \ Hk... Ro ass Il. 297 confiftory, that he would ftand to the Pope’s judgment in the affair, and make Chap. VIII. every fubmiffion, that fhould be required of him *. The terrible blow was or thus artfully eluded; the cardinals Albert and Theodin were appointed le- gates to examine the eaufe, and were ordered to proceed to Normandy for that purpofe +; and tho’ Henry's foreign dominions were already laid under an inter- dict by the archbifhop of Sens, Becket’s great partizan tT, and the Pope’s legate in France, the expectation, that the monarch would eafily exculpate himfelf from any concurrence in the guilt,. kept every one in fufpence, and prevented all the bad confequences, which might be dreaded from that fentence. Tue clergy, mean while, tho’ their rage was happily diverted from falling on the King, were not idle in magnifying the fanctity of Becket; in extolling the merits of his martyrdom; and in magnifying him above all that devoted tribe, who, in feveral ages, had, by their blood, cemented the fabric of the temple. Other faints had only borne teftimony in their fufferings to the general doétrines of Chriftianity ; but Becket had facrificed his life to the power and pri- vileges of the clergy. and this peculiar merit challenged, and not in vain, a fuitable acknowledgement to -his memory. Endlefs were the panegyrics on his virtues ; and the. miracles, operated by his reli€ts, were more numerous, more nonfenfical,. and more impudently attefted, than thofe which ever filled the le. gend of any confeffor or martyr.. Two years after his death he was canonized by Pope Alexander |}; a folemn jubilee was eftablifthed for celebrating his merits ; his body was removed toa magnificent fhrine, enriched with prefents from all parts of Chriftendom ; pilgrimages were performed to obtain his interceffion with heaven 3 and it was computed, that, in one year, “above an hundred thoufand pilgrims arrived in Canterbury, and paid their devotions at his tomb. It is in- deed a mortifying reflection to thofe who are a€tuated by the love of fame, fo juitly denominated the laft infirmity of noble minds, that the wifett legiflator and moft exalted genius, that ever reformed or enlightened the world, can never expect fuch tributes of praife, as are lavifhed on the memory of a pretended faint, whofe whole conduct was probably, to the laft degree, odious or contemptible, and whofe induftry was entirely directed to the purfuits of objeéts pernicious to man- kind. It_is only a conqueror, a perfonage no lefs intitled to our hatred, who can pretend to the attainment of equal renown and glory. Ir may not be amifs to remark, before we conclude this fubject of Thomas a Becket, that the King, during his controverfy with that prelate, was on every * Diceto, p. 557. Gervas, p. 1419. Epit. St. Thom p. 865, 867. + Hoveden, p. 526. Neubr. p. 402. Gervas, p. 1419. Hitt. Quod. p, 147. } Hoveden, p. 523. Spelm. Concil. vol. 2. p. go. | Epit. St, Thom. p. $80. _Diceto, pr 569 Vor. I, Qq eccafion -——~ Lint wail ipa A as + ; “hin . a ; oe ie Se ein 2? ee eee a" ee La aS y isi: e ’ He eos 2 ae ae == nea a —- 5: = 8. = ee oe = a= = - ~=-9 -29 = = aoa oe =. = = a ~~ 2 SS —- a Ae a = ae Fm S a ae SH Pan, Pee Ns: 3.5 == E == = om Sr ne - aA Ss 5 = oe Sere a ee = —— ae = = = Ss pt | so ee = - > === a= = ase 3 NII Siig Rt ESS ET ; —= : wie Sy st eee oo? ee nd” Re Nn <—. ons SES = 298 > S°T'O & see ENG LAN D: occafion more anxious than ufual to exprefs his zeal for religion, and to avoid all appearance of a profane impofing a tax Ol threatened by the famous | ind a penny a pound for the four fubfequent *. Almoft all the laid a like impofition on their fubjects, which received the same. of Saladine’s tax. During this period, there came over from Germany about thirty heretics of both fexes, under the dire€tion of one Gerard ; fimple enorant people, who could give no account of their faith, but declared them- felves ready to fuffer for the tenets of their mafter. They made only one con- vert in England, a woman as ignorant as themfelves ; yet they gave fuch um- braze to the clergy, that they were delivered over to the fecular arm, and were punifhed by being burned on the forehead, and then whipped thro’ the ftreets. They. feemed to exult m their fufferings, and as they went along, fung the bea- titude, Bleffed are ye, when men bate you and perfecute you +. After they were whip- ped, they were thruft out almoft naked in the midft of winter, and perifhed thro’ cold and hunger; no one daring, or being willing, to give them the leaft relief. We are ignorant of the particular principles of thefe people : For it would be imprudent to rely on the reprefentations left of them by the clergy, who affirm, that they denied the efficacy of the facraments, and the unity of the church. It is probable, that their departure from the ftandard of orthodoxy was ftill more fabtile and minute.- They feem to have been the firft that ever fuffered for hee refy in England. As foon as Henry found, that he was in no immediate danger from the thun- ders of the vatican, he undertook an expedition againft Ireland; adefign, which he had long projected, and by which he hoped to recover his credit, fomewhat: impaired in his late tranfactions with the hierarchy, > ¥ roe nr MmrOAne Jrinces Of LUPOpe LR. C » ” | “ * Chron. Gérvas, p. 1399. ™M. Paris, p. 74+ + Neubr.p. 391. M. Paris, p. 74- Heming. p. 494. CHA P. WH. EN R XX. 0 299 o'r AP X. Bes 2S sedNood O-s¥ I. State of Ireland Conqueft of that ifland——The King’s accommodation with the court of Rome Revolt of young Henry and his brothers ——Wars and infurrections War with Scotland——Pennance of Henry for Becket’s murder Wilham, King of Scotland, defeated and taken prifoner The King's accommodation with his fons The King’s equitable adminiftration——Croifades Revolt of prince Richard Death and charatter of Henry Mifcellaneous tranfac- tions of his reign. S Britain was firft peopled from Gaul, fo was Ireland probably from Britain’; Chap. TX, and the inhabitants of all thefe countries feem to have been fo many tribes *' of the Celtze, who derive their origin from an antiquity, that liés far beyond the pat x records of any hiftory or tradition. The Irifh, ‘from the begitining of time, had beén buried in the moft profound barbarifm and ignorance sand as they were never conquered or even invaded by the Romans, from whom all the weftern world derived its civility, they continued till in the moft rude ftate of fociety, and were diftinguifhed only ‘by thofe vices, to which human’ nature,’ not tamed by education nor reftrained by laws, is for éver fubje&i' > The fall principalities, into which they were divided, exercifed perpetual fapine and violence againit each other ; the uncertain fucceffion ‘of their princes was a continued fource of domeftic convulfions ; the ufual title of each petty fovereion was the murder of his predeceffor ; courage and force, tho’ exercifed in the commiffion of crimes, were more honoured than any pacific virtues ; and the moft fimple arts of life, even tillage and agriculture, were almoft wholly unknown amone ‘them. They had felt the invafions of the Danes and the other ‘northera people ;. but thefe in- roads, which had {fpread barbarifm in the other parts of Europe, tended ratherito improve the Irifh; and the only towns, which were to be found inithe ifland, had'been planted along the coaft «by the ‘freebooters ‘of Norway. and Denmark. The: other inhabitants exercifed ‘paflurace in the Open country ; fought protec- tion from any danger in their forefts and morafles; and being divided by the 62:2 | fierceft : nN > a 5 300 17115/P:0.R. oF ENGLAWN D. Chap. 1X. faerceft animofities again{t each other, were ftill more intent on the means of . ieee nutual injury, than on the expedients for common of even for private intereft. Besipes many fmall tribes, there were in the age of Henry Il. five principal fovereignties in the ifland, Munfter, Leinfler, Meath, Ulfter, and Connaught; and as it had been ufual for one or the other of thefe to take the lead in their wars, there was commonly fome prince, who feemed, for the time, to act as monarch of Ireland. Roderic O Connor, King of. Connaught, was then ad- “anced to this dignity * ; but his government, ill obeyed even. within his own territory, was not capable of uniting the people in any meafures, either for the eftablifhment of order, of for defence againft foreigners. The ambition of Henry had, very early in his ‘reign; been moved, by .the :profpect. of thefe advantages, to attempt the fubjection of jreland’;, and a pretence was only wanting to invade a people, who, being always confined to their own ifland, ‘had never given any reafon of complaint to any of their neighbours. For. this purpole> he had recourfe to Rome, which afflumed a right to difpofe of kingdoms and... empires ; and not forefeeing the dangerous difputes, which he. was one. day to maintain with that fee, he helped, for prefent, or rather for an imaginary conve- nience, to give fanction to claims which were now become dangerous to all fove- reigns. Adrian II. who was then pontiff, was by birth an Englifhman ; and being, on that account, difpofed to oblige Henry, he was eafily perfuaded to act as matter of the world, and to make, without any hazard or expence, the acqui- fition of a great ifland to his fpiritual juri(diction. The Irith had, by precedent miffions from the Britains, been imperfectly converted to Chriftianity ; and what the Pope regarded as the foreft mark of their imperfect converfion, they followed the dodtrines of their firft teachers, and had never acknowledged. any. fubjection tothe fee of Rome. Adrian, therefore, in the year 1156, iffued a bull in favour of Henry; in which, after premifing, that that prince had ever fhown an anxious care to enlarge the church of God on earth, and to encreafe the number of his faints and elec in heaven; he reprefents his defign of fubduing Ireland as derived from the fame pious motives: He confiders his care of applying previoufly for the apoftolic fanction as a fure earnett of fuccefs and victory ; and having eftablifhed it asa point inconteftible, that all Chriftian kingdoms belong to the patrimony of St. Peter, he acknowledges it to be his own duty to fow among them the feeds of the gofpel, which might in the laft day frudtify to their eternal falvation : He exhorts the King to invade Ireland, in order to extirpate the vice ‘and wickednels of the natives, and oblige them to pay yearly, from every houfe, a penny,to the fee of Rome: He gives him entire right and authority over the iffand, com: * Hoveden, p. 527. ge Bo RF SNTSRY SW If. 301 mands all the inhabitants to obey him as their fovereign, and invefts with full power all fuch godly inftruments as he fhould think proper to employ in an en- terprize, thus calculated for the glory of God and the falvation Of the fouls of men *. Henry, tho’ armed. with this authority, did not immediately put his defign in execution; but»being detainéd by more interefting bufinefs on the con- tinent, waited for a favourable opportunity of invading Ireland. \, Dermot Macmorrogh, King of Leinfter, had, by his licentious tyranny, fen- dered himfelf extremely odious to his fubjeéts, who feized with alacrity, the firft occafion that offered, of throwing off the yoke, which was become grievous and Oppreflive to them. This prince had formed a defign on Omach, wife of Ororic, King of Meath ; and taking advantage of her hufband’s abfence, who, being obliged to vifit'a diftant part of his dominions, had left his Queen fecure, as he thought, in an ifland, furrounded by abog, he fuddenly invaded the place, and carried off the princefs +, | This exploit, tho’ ufval among the Irifh, and rather efteemed a proof of gallantry and fpirit t, provoked the refentment of the hut band ; who, having colleéted forces, and being: {trengthened by the alliance of Roderic, King of Connaught, invaded the dominions of Dermot, and expelled him from his kingdom. The exiled prince had tecourfe to Henry, who was at that time in Guienne, craved his affiftance to reftore him to his fovereignty, and offered, in that cafe, to hold his kingdom in vaffalage of the crown of England, Henry, whofe views were already turned towards making acquifitions in Ireland, readily accepted the offer; but being at that time embarafled by the rebellions of his French fubjééts; as well as by his difputes with the {ee of Rome, he declined for the prefent embarking in the enterprize, and gave Dermot no farther af- fiftance than letters patent, by which he empowered all his fubjeéts to aid the Irith prince in the recovery of his dominions jf. Dermot, fupported by this authority, came to Briftol; and after endeavouring, tho’ for fome time in vain, to engage adventurers in the enterprize, he at laft formed a treaty with Richard, firna- med Strongbow, earl of Strigul. This nobleman, who was of the luftrious houfe of Clare, had impaired his eftate by expenfive pleafures; and being ready for any defperate undertaking, he promifed affiftance to Dermot, on condition of his efpoufing Eva, the daughter of that prince, and being declared heir of all his dominions §. While Richard was aflembling his fuccours, Der- mot went into Wales; and meeting with Robert Fitz-Stephens, conftable of Abertivie, and Maurice Fitz-Gerald, he alfo engaged them in his fervice, and * M. Paris, p. 67. Girald Cambr. Spelm. Concil. vol. 2. p. st. Rymer, vol. pors. + Giald Camby. p. 760. } Spencer, vol. 6. | Girald Cambr. p. 760. § Guirald Cambr. p, 761, obtained Chap. IX, 1172. Conqueft of that ifland. 902 A MisT OR Y0F ENGLAND. obtained their prom fe of invading Ireland. Being now affured of affiftance, he te- tarned privately to hisown tate; and lurking in the monaftery of Fernes, which 4 + . . 4, (for this rufian was alfo a founder of monafteries) he prepared every thing for the reception of his Englifh allies *. That gentleman landed in Ire- Stephens were firft ready. and three hundred arch- Tue troops of Fitz otey iirty knights, fixty efquires, ers; but this fmall body, being brave men, not unacquainted with difcipline,’ and compleatly armed, a thing almoft unknown in Ireland, they ftruck a great error into the barbarous ‘nhabitants, and feemed to, menace them with fome The conjunction of Maurice de Prendergaft, .who, about the fame time, brought over ten knights and fixty archers, enabled Fitz-Stephens to attempt the fieg of Wexford, a town inhabited by the Danes ; and after gain- ing a battle, he nade himfelf mafter of the-place +. Soon after, Fitz-Gerald arrived with ten knights, thirty efquires, and a hundred archers [;.and being joined by the former adventurers, composed a force which nothing in Ireland was able to withftand. Roderic, the chief monarch of the ‘land, .was defeated in battle; the prince of Ollory was obliged to fubmit, and give hoftages: for his and Dermot, not content with being reftored to his eric, and afpired to the ° ail a; BARRE ap - a delet land with an hundred and tl aaaed creat revolution. peaceable behaviour ; kingdom of Leinkter, projected the dethronement of Rod fole dominion of the ifland. In profecution of thefe views, challenging the pe-formance of his p : he fent over a meflenger'to the earl of Strigul; romife, and difplaying the mighty advantages which might now be reaped by a fmall -einforcement’ of warlike troops from England. Richard, not fatisfied with the ceneral allowance siven by Henry to all his fubje¢ts, went to that prince, then in Normandy ; and having obtatinedi a cold or ambiguots permifiion, prepared himfelf for the execution of ‘his defigns. Fle firft fent over Raymond, one of his retinue, ‘with ten knights and feventy anding near Waterford, defeated..a body of three thoufand Irth, archers, who | ', who brought over, that had ventured to attack him |); and-as Richard himfelf ¢wo hundred hor‘e, and an hundred archers, joined, in a few days after, the victo- ey made themfelves matters of Waterford, and proceeded to rious Englifh, tl Dublin, which was taken by affault. Roderic, in revenge, cut off the head of in his hands; and Richard, mar- Hermot’s fon, who had been left as a hoftage in rying Eva, ‘beceme foon after, by the death of Dermot, mafter'of the kingdom of Leinfter, and prepared to extend his dominion over all Ireland. Roderic, and the other Irifh princes, were. alarmed with the danger; and combining toge- * Girald Camb. f. 761. + Girald Cambr. p. 7615 762: t Girald Camb. p. 766. i} Girald Camb. p 767. 4 ther, 4 tH ht RoR Tye Os 303 ther, befieged Dublin with an army of thirty thoufand men: But earl Richard, making a fudden fally at the head of ninety knights, with their followers, put this numerous army to rout, chaced them from the feld of battle, and pur- fued them with great flaughter. Nothing in Ireland now dared to oppofe themfelves to the Englith *. Flenry, jealous of the progrefs of his own fubjeéts, fent orders to recall all the Englifh, and he miade preparations to attack Ireland in perfon +: But Ri- chard, and the other adventurers, found means to appeaé him, by making him the moft humble fubmiffions, and offering to hold all their acquifitions in vaffalage to his crown {. That monarch landed in Ireland at the head of five hundred Knights, befides other foldiers ; and found the Irifh. fo lifpirited by their late misfortunes, that, in a progrefs which he made thro’ the ifland, he had no other occupation than to receive the homages of his new fubyects ||. He left moft of the Irifh chieftains or princes in poffeffion of their antieat territories ; beftowed fome lands on the Englifh adventurers; gave earl Rickard the commiffion of fenefchal of Ireland ; and after a ftay of a few months, -returned in triumph into England. By thefe trivial exploits, fcarce worth relating, except for the im- portance of the confequences, was Ireland fubdued, and innexed for ever to the Englifh crown. Tue low ftate of commerce and induftry, during thofe ages, made it imprac- ticable for princes to fupport regular armies, which might retain the conquered countries in fubjection;. and the extreme barbarifm and poverty of Ireland could fill lefs afford means of bearing this expence. The only expedient by which a durable conqueft could then be made or maintained, was by pouring in a multi- tude of new inhabitants, dividing arhong them the lands 0’ the vanquifhed, efta- blifhing them in all offices of truft and authority, and thereby transforming the antient inhabitants into a new people. By this policy, the northern invaders of old, and of late the duke of Normandy, had been able to fix their dominion; and to erect kingdoms, which remained ftable on their foundations, and were tran{mitted to the pofterity of the firft conquerors, But the prefent ftate of Ire. Jand rendered that ifland fo little inviting to the Englifh, ‘hat only a few of def: perate fortunes could be perfuaded, from time to time, to tranfport themfelves into it §; and inftead of reclaiming the natives from theiruncultivated manners, they were gradually affimilated to the antient inhabitants, and degenerated from the cuftoms of their owf nation. It was alfo found requifte to beftow great mi- * Girald Camb. p. 773. + Girald Camb. p.770, [ Girald Camb. ps 775. | Bened, Abb. p, 27,28, Hoveden, p. 527. Diceto, p. to, §. Brompton, p, 1069. Neubrig. p. 403, | ~ htary Chap. IX, 1172, Chap. 1X. 1172. r 304 mes T OR MR? ENGLAND. litary and arbitrary powers on the leaders, who commanded a handful of men amidft fuch hoftile multitudes; and law and equity, ina little time, became as much unknown In the Englifh fettlements as they had ever been among the lrifh tribes. Palatinates were ereGted in favour of the new adventurers 5 independant authority conferred ; the natives, never fully fubdued, fill retained their animo- fities againft the conquerors : Their hatred was’ retaliated by like injuries ; and f-om thefe caufes, the Irith, during the courfe of four centuries, remained ftill favage and untratable; and it was not till the latter end of Elizabeth’s reign, chat the ifland was fully fubdued; nor Hill that of her fucceffor, that it gave hopes of becoming a ufeful conquelt to the Englifh nation. Besrpes that the eafy and peaceable fubmifion of the Irith left Henry no far- ther occupation in that ‘land, he was recalled from it by another incident, which was of the laft importance to his ‘ntere(ts and fafety. The two legates, Albert and Theodin, to whom was committed the trial of his conduét. in the death of archbifhop Becket, were arrived in Normandy; and being impatient of delay, fent him frequent letters, full of menaces, if he protracted any longer the ma- king his appearance before them *. He haftened therefore to Normandy, and had a conference with them at Savigny, where their firft demands were fo exor- bitant, that he broke off the negotiation, threatened to return to Ireland, and bade them do their worft again{t him. They perceived, that the feafon was now paft for taking advantage of that tragical incident ; which, had it been hotly purfued by interdiéts and excommunications, was capable of throwing the whole kingdom into combutftion. But the time, which Henry had happily gained, had contributed to appeafe the minds of men: The event could not now have the fame influence, aS when it was recent ; and as the clergy had every day looked for an accommodation with the King, they had not oppofed the pretenfions of his partizans, who had [cen very ‘nduttrious in reprefenting to the people his entire innocence in the murder of the primate, and his ignorance of the defigns formed by the affaflins. The legates, therefore, found themfelves obliged to lower their terms; and Henry wes fo fortunate as to conclude an accommodation » with them, He declared upon oath, before the reliques of the faints, that fo far from commanding or defiring the death of the archbifhop, he was extremely grieved when he received intelligence of it: But as the paffion which he had ex- prefled on account of that prelate’s conduét, had probably given occafion to his murder, he ftipulated the following conditions, as an atonement for the offence. He promifed, that he fhould pardon all fuch as had been banifhed for their adhe- rence to Becket, and fhould reftore them to their livings ; that the fee of Canter- * Gerald Camb. p. 778. | bury Hi EF & Wc R IYO Bis $05 2 bury thould be reinftated jin all its antient pofieffions ; that he fhould’pay the tem- Chap. FX, plars a fum of money fufficient for the fubfiftance of two hundred knights during 9 ‘*7** a year in the holy land; that he fhould himfelf take the crofs at the Chriftmas The King’s following, and, if the Pope infifted on it, ferve three years acainft the infidels, “see either in Spain or in Palestine ; that he fhould-not infift on the obfervance of fuch court of cuftoms, derogatory to ecclefiaftical privileges, as had been introduced jn his own °™* time; and that he fhould not ftop appeals to the Pope in ecclefiaftical caufes, but fhould content himfelf with exacting fufficient fecurity of the clergy, who left his dominions to profecute an appeal, that they fhould attempt nothing againtt the rights of his crown *. Upon figning thefe conceffions, Henry received ab- folution from the legates ; was confirmed in the grant made by Pope Adrian of Ireland +3 and nothing proves more ftrongly the great abilities of this monarch, than his extricating himfelf, on fuch eafy terms, from fo dificult a fituation. He had always infifted, that the laws, eftablithed at Clarendon, contained not any new claims, but the antient cuftoms of the kingdom; and he was ftill at liberty, notwithftanding the articles of this agreement, to maintain his pretenfions. Ap- peals to the Pope were indeed permitted by this treaty ; but as the King was alfo permitted to-exact reafonable fecurities from the parties, and might ftretch his de- mands on this head as far as he pleafed, he had it virtually in his power to pre- vent the Pope from reaping any advantage by this feeming conceffion. . And on the whole, the conftitutions of Clarendon. remained ftill the law of the realm ; tho’.the Pope and his legates feem {0 little to have conceived the King’s power to jie under any legal limitations, that they were fatisfied with. his departing, by treaty, from one of the moft momentous articles of thefe conftitutions, without requiring any repeal by the ftates of the kingdom. Henry, freed from this dangerous controverfy with the ecclefiattics and with the fee of Rome, feemed now to have reached the pinnacle of human grandeur and felicity, and to be equally happy in his domeftic fituation and in his political government. A numerous progeny of fons and daughters gave both luftre and authority to his crown, prevented the dangers of a. difputed fucceffion, and re- prefied all pretenfions of the ambitious barons. . The King’s precaution alfo, in eftablifhing the feveral branches of his family, feemed well calculated to prevent all jealoufies among the brothers, and to perpetuate the greatnefs of his family. He had ordered Henry, his eldeft fon,.to be anointed King; -and had deftined him to be his fucceffor in the kingdom of England, the dutchy of Normandy, * M. Paris, P: 83. Benedict. Abb. p. 34. Hoveden, p. $29. Diceto, p. 560. Chron. Gew. p. 2422. + Brompton, p.1671. Liber Nig. Scac. Pp. 47. i Vou. I. ae fs. and a 306 HISTORY Or ENGLAND. Chap. 1X. and the'counties of Anjou, Maine, and Touraine ;- territories which lay conti- 72 guous, and which, by that) means, might eafily lend to each other mutual affif- tance, both againfl inteftine commotions and foreign invafions. Richard, his fecond fon, was invefted in the dutchy of Guienne and county of Poictow; Geof- frey, his third fon, inherited, in-right of his ‘wife, the dutchy of Brittany ; and his new conqueft of Ireland. was deftined for the appanage of John, his fourth fon. . He had alto negotiated, in favour of this laft prince, a marriage with Ade- lais, the only daughter of Humbert,; count of Savoy and Maurienne ; and was to receive as her dowry very confiderable demefnes in Piedmont, Savoy, Breffe, and Dauphiny *. But this exaltation of his family excited the jealoufy and envy of all his neighbours, who made thofe very fons, whofe fortunes he had fo an- xioufly eftablifhed, the means, of imbittering: his future life and difturbing his government. Youne Henry, who was rifing to man’s eftate, began to difplay his charac- ter, and afpire to independance: Brave, ambitious, liberal, magnificent, affable ; he difcovered qualities, which give great luftre to youth ; prognofticate a fhining fortane; but, unlefs tempered in mature age with difcretion, are the forerunners of the greateft calamities +. It is faid, that at the time when this prince was anointed King, his father, in order to give greater dignity to the ceremony, of- Sciated at table as one of the retinue; and obferved to his fon, that never King was more royally ferved. It is nothing extraordinary, faid young Henry to one of his courtiers, if the fon of a count foould ferve the fon of a King. ‘This faying, which might pafs only for an innocent pleafantry, or even for an oblique come pliment to-his father, was however regarded as a fymptom of his afpiring tempers and his conduét foon after juftified the conjecture. as =. Sieve yee nee “Soars 2 . a . ae = a reef — oe AS Henry, agreeable to the promife which he had given both to the Pope and: the French King, permitted his fon to be crowned anew by the hands of the ‘archbithop: of Rotien, and affociated the princefs Margaret, {poufe to young ' g173- Henry, in this ceremony {. He afterwards ‘allowed him to pay a vifit to his | father-in-law at Paris; who took the opportunity of infpiring into the young prince thofe ambitious fentiments, to which he was naturally but too much in- EE clined... Tho’ it had been the conftant practice of France, ever fince the accef- young Henry fion of the Capetian line, to crown the fon during the lifetime of the father, hes bro- without conferring on him any prefent participation of royalty ; Lewis perfuaded * Ypod Neuft. p. 448. Bened. Abb, p. 38. Hoveden, p. 532. Diceto, p. 561. Brompton, p. 1082. Eymer, vol. 1. p. 33. + Chron. Gerv. p. 1463. t Hoveden, p- 529+ Diceto, p. 560. Brompton, p, 1980; Chron, Gery. p. 1421. Trivet, p. 58. \\ Gerald Cambr. p. 732. 3 . 3 his byl hy, J S Se ay ot hy as ee: via ' Syste wk ie tt Hie -?'g Poe y, **h 7 Pay ty ” * ‘ ' meee al oS Hh } Ks matt once ee sey Ai S| f rey. ‘ >>) ¥ } 3 a Se. ne — 1 ‘ Sed es , t Me Ly a An ca ee Bi Ra rs we pon) UT a Ay a 4 4 be 2 ,, h yy) ‘ ie Tat i; ‘aD ¥ ( ql t . hii aH =f ’ », if tp) 1 Th. pee he 7 e 7 ‘i ¥ Ay . ie a 7 Hf ' dr ao Mal Beye > " Na Ht aa SF tre 4 = Ho Ei MR YES. 307 his fon-in-law; that by this ceremony, which in thofé ages Was deemed fo mo- Chap. IX. mentous, he had acquired a title to fovereignty, and that che King could not, *'7* without injuftice, exclude him from immediate pofiefion ef the whole; or at léaft a part of his dominions. In confequence of thefé extravagant ideas, young Henry, on his return, defired the King to refign to:him either the crown of Eng- land or the dutchy of N onmandy * 5 cifcovered great difcontent én the refufal ; {poke in the. moft undutiful terms of his fathers; and. feon after, according to concert, made his efcape to Paris, where he. was protected and fupported by the French monarch Tt. | Wuixe Henry was alarmed with this event, and had the-profpea&t of dangerous intrigues, or even of a war, which, )whether-fuccefsful or not, mutt be extremely calamitous, and difagreeable to him, he received intelligence of new misfortunes; which muft have affected him in the moft fenfible-part.. Queen Eleanor, : who had difgufted her firft hufband, by her gallanitries; was no Jefs offenfive to her fe. cond, by her jealoufy ; and after this manner, carried:to extremity, in the different parts of her life, every circumftance of female weaknefs. She communicated her difz contents againft Henry to her two younger fons, Geoffrey dnd Richard 5 perfuaded theny that they were alfo entitled:to: prefent polleffion ‘of the territories affigned to them; engaged them to!Ay:fecretly to the court.of France ft; and was meditating, herfelf, an efcape to the fame court, and had even put on man’s apparel for chat purpofe; when fhe was feized by ordérs'from her hufband, ahd was thrown-ifito eonfitiement'{}.. “Phus, Europe faw with aftonifhment the beft and moft indulgent of parents at warwith his-whole fainily ; three’boys; fearce atrived at the ave of puberty, require @ great monarch, in the’ full vigour of his age and height of his 3 reputation, to dethrone himfelf it their favour’; ‘and 'feveral princes not afhamed | to fupport thém’*in thefe unnatural and abfurd preténfions. | Henry, reduced’ to this perilous ‘and ‘difapreeable’ fituation, Had recourle to the court of Rome’; and tho” fenfible of the danger attending the interpofition of eeclefiaftical authority in temporal difputes, applied to-tlte Pope, as his fuperior lord, to excommunicate his enemies, and by thefe cenfures to redtice to Obedience ‘his undutiful children, whom he found fuch a relu@tance to punifh by the fword of the ‘mapiftrate §!' Alexandér, well pleafed toexert his power in f plaufible a * Bened, Abb. p. 37+. Hoveden, \pig31~ ) Brompton;) p: 10832. Chron> Gervas, ps F424; t Hoyeden, p..533.. Diceto, p. 561, Bromipton,. p, 1083. Heming, p. 499. t Bened. Abb. p. 48.. Brompton, p, 1083. Neubrig. p,. 404. i Chron. Gerv. p. a424, § Epift: Petri Blef. epitt. 136- in Biblioth, Patr. tonv xxiv. p- 1048, is words are, Vefire jurif aicionts eff vegnum Anglia, et quantile ad feutdthrii Jurts obligationtn, weiis duntaxat obaoxius tentor. The fame paper isin Rymer, vol. 1. p. 35. and Trivet, vol. 1. p, 62. Rr 2 caufe, Chap. IX. 1173. ir noe HISTORY Or ENGLAND. a , © caufe, iffued the bulls required of him: But it was foon found, that thefe fpiri- tual weapons had not equal force as when employed ina fpiritual controverfy ; and that the clergy were very negligent in fupporting a fentence, which was no wife calculated to promote the immediate interefts of their orders The King, af- ter taking this humiliating ftep, was obliged to have recourfe to arms, and to in- lift fuch auxiliaries, as are the ‘ufual refource of tyrants, and have feldom beea employed by fo wife and juft a monarch, | Tue loofe government, which prevailed in all the ftates of Europe, the many’ private wars carried on among the neighbouring nobles, and the impoffibility to enforce any general execution of the laws, had ‘encouraged a tribe of banditti to difturb every where the public peace, to infeft the high roads, to pillage.the open country, and to brave all the efforts of the civil magiftrate, and even the excom- munications of the church, which were thundered out againf{ them *, ‘Troops of them were fometimes inlifted im the fervice of one prince or baron, fometimes in that of another: They often acted in an independant’ manner, under leaders of their own : The peaceful and induftrious inhabitants, reduced to poverty by their ravages, were frequently obliged for fubfittance to betake themfelves to a like dif- orderly courfe of life: And a continual inteftine’ war, pernicious to induftry, as well as to the execution of juftice,, was thus, carried on in the bowels of every kingdom +.. Thefe defperate rufhans received the name fometimes of Braban- cons, fometimes of. Routiers,or Cottereaux ;.but’ for what reafon, is not agreed by hiftorians ; And they formed a kind of fociety. or government among them- felves, which fet at. defiance all jthe reft .of mankind. ‘The greateft monarchs were not afhamed, on occafion, to have recourfe to their affiftance; and as their habits of war and devaftation had given them experience, hardinefs, and courage, they generally compofed the moft formidable part of thofe armies, which decided the political quarrels of princes, Several of them were enlifted among the forces levied by Henry’s enemies}; but the great treafures amafled by that prince enabled him to engage more numerous troops of them in his fervice ; and the fi- ruation of his affairs rendered even fuch banditti the only forces on whofe fidelity he could repofe any confidence. His licentious barons, difgufted with a vigilant government, were more defirous of being ruled by young princes, ignorant of public affairs, remifs in their conduct, and profufe in their grants |}; and as the King had enfured to his fons the fueceffion to every particular provinee of his do- minions, the nobles dreaded no danger in adhering to thofe who, they knew, muft fome time become their fovereigns. Prompted by thefe motives, many of the Norman nobility had deferted to his fon Henry; the Breton and Gafcon ba- * Neubrig. p. 413. + Chron. Gerv. p. 1461. t Petr. Blef. epift. 47. || Diceto, p. 570. rong Pee TN ORE Fe Tk: 309 rons feemed equally difpofed to embrace the quarrel of Geoffrey and Richard *, Chap. IX. Difaffection had crept in among the Englifh ; and the earls of Leicefterand ‘**?% Chefter in particular had openly declared againft the King +: Twenty thoufand Brabancons, therefore, joined to fome troops, which he brought over from Ire- land, and a few barons of approved fidelity, formed the fole force, with which he propofed to refift his enemies f. Lewis, in order to bind the confederates ina clofer union, fummoned at Paris an affembly of the chief vaffals of the crown, received their approbation of his meafures, and engaged them by oath to adhere to the caufe of young Henry |. That prince in return bound himfelf by a like tie never to defert his French allies ; and having made a new great {eal §, he lavifhly diftributed among tiem many confiderable parts of thofe territories which. he propofed to conquer from his father 1. Philip, count of Flanders, Matthew, count of Bologne, his brother, Theobald, count of Blois, Henry, count of Eu, partly moved by the cereral, jealoufy which had been excited by Henry’s power and ambition, partly allured by the profpect of reaping advantage from the inconfiderate temper and. the neceffities of the young prince, declared openly in favour of the latter. - Willam, King of Scotland, had alfo entered into this great confederacy * ; and a. plan was. concerted for a general invafion on different places of the King’s extenfiveand factiaus dominions, | Hostititizs were firft commenced by the counts of Flanders and Boulogn? on the frontiers of Normandy, Thefe princes formed the fiege of Aumale, which, by the treachery of the count of that name, was delivered into their hands -+-:. That nobleman furrendered himfelf prifoner.; and under pretence of thereby paying his ranfom, opened the gates of all his other fortrefies. The two counts next befieged and made themfelves mafters of Drincourt: But the count of Boulogne was 1ere mortally wounded in the affault ; and this event put fome {top to the progres of the Flemith arms f In another quarter, the King of France, being ftrongly affifted by his vaflalsy wars and in affembled a great army. of feven thoufand knights and:their followers on horfebick, furrections. and a proportionable number of infantry ; and carrying young Henry along vith * Hoveden, p.534. Trivet, p. 59: t+ Ypod Neutt. p. 448. Brompton, p. 18s. Neubrig. p. 405. Heming. p. 499. { Hoveden, p. 534. Chron. Gery. Pp. 427. Neubrig. p. 405. Heming. p. 449. Chron. T. Wyke:, p. 32. Trivet, p. 60. || Bened. Abb. p. 49. Hoveden, p. §33- Chron. Gerv. p. 1424. + Bened. Abbi p. 49. Hoveden, /p. $33: * * Chron. Mailr. p. 172 + Ypod Neutt. p. 449. Diceto, p. 571. Neubrig: ps 405. Heming. p. 499. § Brompton, p. 84. Brompton, p. 1284. + Hoveden, p. 534. Brompton, p. 1285; 2 hm, -. yee Eee. ; : x - Chap. IX. I ay Ket i 3° Ns 310 TISTORY or ENGLAND. him, laid fiege to Verneiil, which was vigoroufly defended by Hugh de Lacy and Hugh de Beauchamp, the governors *, After he had lain a month before the place, the garrifon, being ftraitened for provifions, were obliged to capitulate; . and they engaged, if not relieved within three days, to furrender the town, and to retire into the citadel. On the laft of thefe days, Henry appeared with his army upon the heights above Verneiiil ; and Lewis, dreading an affault, fent the archbifhop of Sens and the count of Blois to the Englifh camp, and defired that next day fhould be appointed for a conference, in order to eftablifh a general peace, and terminate the differences between Henry and his fons. The King, who paffionately defired this agreement, and fufpeéted no fraud, gave his confent,; but Lewis, that morning, obliging the garrifon to furrender according to the capitulation, fet fire to the place, and began to retire with his army tT. Henry, rovoked at this artifice, attacked the rear with vigor, put them to rout, com- mitted fome flaughter, and took feveral prifoners. The French.army, as their time of fervice was now expired, immediately difperfed themfelves into their fe- veral provinces ; and left Henry free to profecute his advantages again{t his other enemies. | Tue nobles of Brittany, excited by the earl of Chefter and Ralph de Fou- geres, were all in arms; but their progrefs was checked by a body of Bra- bancons, which the King, after Lewis’s retreat, had fent againft them. The two armies came to an action near Dol; where the rebels were defeated, fifteen hundred killed on the fpot, and the leaders, the earl of Chefter and Fougeres, obliged to take fhelter in the town of Dol f. Henry haftened to form the fiege of that:place, and carried on the attack with fuch ardor, that he obliged the gos vernor and garrifon. to furrender themfelves prifoners of war |. By thefe vi- gorous meafures and happy fuccefies, the infurrections were entirely quelled in Brittany; and the King, being thus fortunate in all quarters, willingly agreed’to aconference with Lewis, in hopes, that his enemies, finding all’ their mighty efforts entirely fruftrated, would agree to terminate hoftilicies-on fome moderate and reafonable conditions. Tue two monarchs met between Trice and Gifors; and: Henry had here the mortification to fee his three fons in the‘retinue of his mortal enemy. As-Lewis had no other pretence for war than fupporting the claims of thefe young princes, the King made them fuch offers as children ought to be afhamed to infift on, and could be extorted from him by nothing but his’ parental affection or by the pre- * Hoveden, p. 534. +. Bened. p. 675 58, &c.. Hoveden;, p..535- Diceto, p, 579% 571 572. Brompton, p. 1085, 1086, 1037. t Bened. Abb. p. 63: Hoveden, p. 535. | Bened. Abb. p. 64, 65. Hoveden, p. 535. Diceto, p. 574. . Neubrig. p. 406... Heming. ps soo. Trivet, p. 61. fent GO CESON oak 1eiiio thie gtr fent neceffity of his affairs *, He infifted only on retaining the favereign authority in all his dominions; but offered young Henry the half of therevenues of England, with fome places of furety in that kingdom; or if he rather chofe to refide in Nor- mandy, the half of the revenues of that dutchy, with all thofe of Anjou. He made a like offer to Richard in Guienne ; he promifed to refign all Brittany to Geoffrey ; and: if thefe conceffions were not deemed fuficient, he agreed to add to them whatever the Pope’s legates, who were prefent, fhould require of him +. The earl of Leicefter was admitted to this negotiation ; and either from the impe- tuofity of his temper, or from a view of breaking off abruptly a conference, which matt cover the allies with confufion, he gave vent'to the moft violent re- proaches againit Henry, and even put his hand to his fword, as if he meant to attempt fome violence upon him, This furious aGtion threw the whole company into confufion, and put an end to the treaty +. ; Tue chief ‘hopes of Henry’s enemies feemed now to depend on the ftate of affairs in England, where his authority was expofed to the moft imminent dan- ger. One article of young Henry’s acreement with his foreign confederates, was, that he fhould refign Kent, with Dover and all its other fortrefles, into the hands of the count of Flanders-|}; yet fo little national or public fpirit prevailed among: the independant Englith nobility, fo wholly bent were they on the agerandize- menteach of himfelf and his own family, thar, notwithftanding this pernicious conceffion, which muft have involved the total ruin of the kingdom, the majo- rity of them had confpired to make an infurre@tion and to fupport the prince’s pretenfions, The King’s chief refource lay in the church and _the bifhops, with whom he was now in perfect agreement ; whether that the decency of their cha- racter made them afhamed of fupporting fo unnatural a rebellion, or that they were entirely fatisfied with Henry’s atonement for the murder of Becket and for his former invafion of ecclefiaftical immunities. That prince, however, had refioned none of the effential rights of his crown in the accommodation ; he maintained ftil] the fame prudent jealoufy of the court of Rome; admitted no legate into England, without his {wearing to attempt nothing again{t his royal prerogatives ; and he had even obliged the monks of Canterbury, who pretended to a free election onthe vacancy, made by the death of Becket, to. choofe Roger, prior of Dover, in the place of that turbulent prelate §. Chap. IX, 1173, Tue King of Scotland now made an irruption into Northumberland, and com- War with mitted great devaftations ; and being oppofed by Richard de Lucy, whom Henry Scouand. had left guardian of the realm, he retreated into his own kingdom, and agreed * Hoveden, p. 539, + Hoveden, p. 536. Brompton, p. 1088. t Hoveden, p. 536. | Hoveden, p. 533. Brompton, p. 1084. Neubr, p. 508. § Hoveden, p. 537. to ro Chap. IX. 1173. £174. Sth July. Penance of Henry for Becket’s murder. — mw 1 SihoOr gy so” ENGLAND. 312 to a ceflation of arms *. This truce enabled the guardian to march fouthwards with his army. in order to oppofe an invafion, which the ezrl of Leicefter, at the head of a great body of Flemings, had made upon Suffok. The Flemings had been joined by Hugh Bigod, who made them matters of his caftle of Fra- mingham ; and marching into the heart of the kingdom, waere they hoped to be fupported by Leicefter’s vaflals, they were met by Lucy, who, aflifted by Humphrey Bohun, the conftable, and the earls of Arundel, Glocefter, and Corn- wal, had advanced to Farnham with alefs numerous, but braver army, to oppofe them. The Flemings, who were moftly weavers and other tradefmen (for ma- nufactures were now beginning to be eftablifhed in Flanders) were broke in an inftant, ten thoufand of them were put to the fword, the earl of Leicefter was taken prifoner, and the remains of the invaders were glad to compound for a fafe retreat into their own country T. Tus great defeat did not difhearten the malcontents ; who, being fupported by the alliance of fo many foreign princes, and encouraged by the King’s own fons, determined to perfevere in their enterprize. The earl of Ferrars, Roger de Mowbray, Archetil de Mallory, Richard de Moreville, Hamo de Maicie, together with many friends of the earls of Leicefter and Chefter, rofe in arms ]: The fidelity of the earls of Clare and Glocefter was fufpected; and the guardian, tho’ vigoroufly fupported by Geofirey, bifhop of Lincoln, the King’s natural fon by the fair Rofamond, found it difficult to defend himfelf on all quarters, from fo many open and concealed enemies. ‘Ihe more to augment the confufion, the King of Scotland, on the expiration of the truce, broke into the northern provinces with a vaft army || of 80,000 men; which, tho’ undifciplined and diforderly, and better adaptea for committing devaltation, than for executing any military enterprize, was become dangerous from the preient factious and tur- bulent fpirit of the kingdom. Henry, who had baffled all his enemies in France, and had put his frontiers in a pofture of defence, now found England the feat of danger ; and he determined by his prefence to overawe the malcontents, or by his conduét and courage to fubdue them. He landed at Southampton; and knowing the influence of fuperftition over the minds of the people, he immedi- ately haftened-to Canterbury, in order to make atonemenfto the afhes of Tho- mas a Becket, and tender his fubmiffions to a dead enemy. So foon as he came within fight of the church of Canterbury, he defcended from horfeback, walked * M, Paris, p. 89. Hoveden, p. 536. Diceto, p. 573. Brompton, p. 1089. Neubrig.-p. 407. + M. Paris, p- 89. Bened. Abb. p. 70. Hoveden, p. 536. Diceto, p. 574. Brompton, p- roSg. Neub, p. 407. Heming. p. 500. + Bened. Abb. p. 54. Hoveden,. 537. Neu- brig. p- 407: || Heming. p. gor. bare- Pik) Av a Reoe¥ II. 313 barefoot towards it, proftrated himfelf before the fhrine of the faint, remained Chap. IX, in fafting and prayer during a whole day, watched all night the holy reliques; "7+ and not fatisfied with this hypocritical devotion towards a man, whofe violence and ingratitude had fo long difquieted his government, and had been the object of his moft inveterate animofity, he fubmitted to a pennance, ftill more fingular and. humiliating. He aflembled a chapter of the monks, difrobed himfelf be- fore them, put a fcourge or difcipline into each of their hands, and prefented his bare fhoulders to the lathes which thefe ecclefiaftics fucceffively inflicted upon him *.. Next day, he received abfolution, and departing for London, got foon after the agreeable intelligence of a great victory which his generals had obtained over the Scots, and which, being gained on the very day of his abfolution, was regarded as the earneft of his final reconciliation with Heaven and with Thomas a Becket +. | Wittiam, King of Scots, tho’ repulfed before the ‘caftle: of Prudhow, and other fortified places, had been) able to commit the mot horrible depredations upon the northern provinces { ; but on the approach of Ralph de Glanville, the famous lawyer and jufticiary, feconded by Bernard de Baliol, Robert de Stuteville, Odonel de Unifreville, William de Vefci, and other northern barons, together with the gallant bifhop of Lincoln, he thought proper to retreat nearer his own country, and fixed his ftation at Alnwic.. He had here weakened his army eX- tremely, by fending out numerous detachments in order to extend his ravages ; and he lay abfoutely fafe, as he imagined, from any attack of the enemy. But Glanville, informed of his fituation, made a hafty and fatiguing march to New- caftle ; and allowing his foldiers only a {mall interval for refrefhment, he im- mediately fet out towards evening for Alnwic. He marched that night above ;3¢h July, thirty miles ; errived in the morning under cover of a mift near the Scots camp ; and regardlefs of the great multitude of the enemy, he began the attack with his {mall, but determined, body of cavalry. William was living in fuch fupine fe- curity, that he took the Englith at firft for a body of his own ravagers, who were returning to the camp: But the fight of their banners convincing him of his miftake, he began the aétion with no more than a body of a hundred horfe, William, in confidence, that the numerous army, which furrounded' him, would foon King of Scot- haften to his relief. . He was difmounted on the firft fhock, and taken prifoner, mre ee ‘ prifoner. * Ypod Neuft. p.-450. M.- Paris, p. ge. Hoveden, P+ $39- Diceto, p..577. Brompton, p. 1095. Bhron. Gev. 1427. . Neubrigs.410. “Chron. Dunftapile, -p. 35. + Ypod Neuf. p. 450. M. Paris, p..go. Bened. Abb. p. 83» Hoved. p. 539. M. Weft. p.2gts { Bened. Abb, >. 73. Hoveden, p. $37- Brompton, p. 1090. Chron, Gerv. p. 1427. Neu- brig. p. 408. Vou. I, S. { while A a4 71S T:O'R Y of ENGLAN D. while his troops, hearing of this difafter, fled on all fides with the utmoft pre- The difperft ravagers made the beft of their way to their own 1 difcord arifng among them, they proceeded even to mutual country ; @4nG y ; flaughter, and faffered more from each other’s {word than from that of the cipitation ¥. enemy T: Tuis great and important victory proved at laft decifive in favour of Henry, and broke entirely the fpirit of the Englith rebels, The bifhop of Durham, who was preparing to revolt, made his fubmiffions { ; Hugh Bigod, tho’ he had received a ftrong reinforcement of Flemings, was obliged to furrender all his caftles, and throw himfelf on the King’s mercy ||; no other refource was left to the earl of Ferrars and Roger de Moubray §; the inferior rebels imitating the example, all England was reftored to tranquillity in a few weeks ; and as the King, appeared to lie under the immediate protection of heaven, it was deemed impious any longer torefifthim, The clergy exalted a-new the merits and powerful intercef- Gon of Becket; and Henry, inftead of oppofing this fuperftition, plumed him- Gif on the new friendfhip of that faint, and propagated an opinion which was fo favourable to his interefts 4. Youne Henry, who was ready to embark at Gravelines with the earl of Flan- ders and a great army, hearing of the fuppreffion of his partizans in England, abandoned all thoughts of the enterprize, and joined the camp of the French King, who, during the abfence of old Henry, had made an irruption into Nor- mandy, and had laid fiege to Roiien *. The place was defended with great vigor by the inhabitants >; and Lewis, defpairing of fuccefs by open force, tried to gain the town by a ftratagem, which, in that fuperftitious age, was deemed very little honourable. He proclaimed in his own camp a ceffation of arms under pretext of. celebrating the feftival of St. Laurence s and when the citizens, fuppofing them- felves in fafety, were fo imprudent as to remit their guard, he propofed to take: advantage of their fecurity. Happily, fome priefts had, from mere curiofity, nounted a fteeple, where the alarm bell hung ; and obferving the French camp if motion, they immediately rang the bell, and gave warning to the inhabitants, who ran to their feveral ftations.: The F rench, who, on hearing the bell, hur- ried to the affault, had already mounted the walls in feveral places; but bemg repulfed by the enraged citizens, were obliged to retreat with confiderable lofs fo. * Bened. Abb..p. 76. Brompton, p. 1091, 1092. Neubrig. p. 408, 409. Heming. p. 502. + Neubrig. p. 409. Heming. p. 502. { Bened. Abb. p. 76. | Diceto, p. §79% § M. Paris, p. 91. Heming. p. 504. 4 Hoveden, p. 539. * Brompton, p> 10906. + Diceto, Pp: 578. : t Brompton, p. 1096. Neubrig. p..411. Heming. 503. Nex¢ Het Ny oR Yeo Pa, 315 Next day, Henry, who had haftened to the defence of his Norman dominions, Chap. IX. paffed: over the bridge in triumph; and entered Roiien in fight of the French *'7* . army. The city was now in abfolute fafety; and the King, in order to brave the French monarch, commanded the gates, which had been walled up, to be opened * ; and he prepared to pufh his advantages againft the enemy. Lewis faved himfel¥ from this perilous fituation by a new piece of deceit, not fo juftifiable. He propofed a conference for adjufting the terms of a general peace, which, he knew, would be greedily embraced by Henry ; and while the King of England trulted to the execution of his promife, he made a retreat with his army into France +. THERE was, however, a neceffity on both fides for an accommodation. Henry could no longer bear to fee his three fons in the hands of his enemy ; and Lewis dreaded, left this great monarch, victorious in all quarters, crowned with glory, and abfolute mafter of his dominions, might take revenge for the many dangers and difquietudes, which the arms, and ftill more the intrigues of France, had, inhis difputes both with Becket and his fons, been able to raifehim. After making’ a cefiation of arms, a conference was agreed on near Tours ; where Henry granted his fons much lefs advantageous terms than he had formerly proffered ; and he received their fubmiffions, The moft material of his conceffions were fome pen- The King’s fions which he ftipulated to pay them, and fome caftles which he granted them Set for the place of their refidence ; together with an indemnity to all their ad- fons. herents, who were reftored to their eftates and honours ¢. Or all thofe who had embraced the caufe of the young princes, William, King of Scotland, was the only confiderable fufferer, by that invidious and un- juft enterprize. Henry delivered from confinement, without exacting any ran- fom, about nine hundred knights whom he had taken prifeners jj ; but it coft William the antient independancy of his crown as the price of his liberty, He ftipulated to do homage to Henry as his liege lord for Scotland and all his other dominions ; he engaged that all the barons and nobility of his kingdom fhould alfo do homage ; that the bifhops fhould fwear fealty ; that both fhould fwear to adhere to the King of England againft their native prince, if the latter fhould break his engagements ; and that the fortreffes of Edinburgh, Stirling, Berwic, Roxborough, and Jedborough fhould be delivered into Henty’s hands, till the 1176. performance of articles §. This fevere and humiliating treaty was executed in its toth Aug. * Hoveden, p. 540. tT Bened. Abb: 86. Brompton, p. 1098. tRymer, vol.1. p- 35- Bened. Abb. p. 88. Hoveden, p. s540.\ Diceto, p. 583. Brompton, p. 1098. Hem- ing. p. 505. Chron, Dunft. p. 36. | Neubrig. p. 413. § M. Paris, p.g1. Chron. Dunit. p. 36. Hoveden, Pp. 545. M. Weltm. p. 251. Diceto, pr» 584. Brompton, p. 1103. Rymer, vol. 1. p. 39. Liber Niger Seacearii, p. 362° S { 2 ’ full [aa al ; 5 } tei a en Baines ; | ~ 5 } } ‘ - n\ yi “TS 4), hal a q * ; a (ia i vt" ti Wy ment aa wey | Hy ye ¥ te Y Wa be i uh he} | Hie | : : y , * a of J. ind ata fg | a “i 4 { : ih} f aL a | y "| or | a a { F Ge % iv ye Ala i ealast Bird “ns, t rh he ’ hia ee 7 ; ia Le +10 ¢ hia : yea ie “al phy. ea Au it ished? rida | - eS rik : Ny ‘ iA BE ¥i “4 | Phat te) Pa ici, rth 4h i < 0 a ae ay Panty es) ‘ ie 7 aS | zh iP ot ree RSS se ie es 2 . a" — ~ 2s Chap. IX. Ti75- ia ? fe King’s equi- table admiuni- ftration, 1176. A 316 Mm) & PHOR, Sy SF ENGLAN D. full rigor. © That prince, being releafed, brought up all his barons, prelates, and abbots; and, they did homage to Henry in the cathedral of York, and acknow- ledged him and his fuccefiors for their fuperior lord *.. The Englifh monarch fretched {till farther the rigor of the conditions which he exacted. He engaged the King and ftates of Scotland to make a perpetual ceffion of the fortrefies of Berwic and Roxborough, and to allow the caftle of Edinburgh to remain in his = hands for a limited time. This was the firft great afcendant which England ob- tained over Scotland; and indeed the firft important event, which had pafled be- tween thefe kingdoms. Few princes have been fo fortunate as to gain confide- rable advantages over their weaker neighbours with lefs violence and injuttice, than: was practifed by Henry againft the King of Scotland, whom he had taken prifoner in battle, and who had wantonly engaged in a war, in which all the neigh- bours of that prince, and even all his own family, were, without provocation, combined againft him. Henry, having thus, contrary to expectation, extricated himfelf with honour from a fituation, in which his throne was expofed to the moft imminent danger, occupied himfelf for feveral years in the adminiftration of juftice, in the execution of the laws, and in guarding againft thofe inconveniences, which either the patt convulfions of his ftate, or the political inftitutions of that age, unavoidably occafioned. The provifions, which he made, fhow fuch a largenefs of thought as qualified him to become a legiflator ; and they were commonly calculated for the future as well as prefent happinefs of his kingdom. . He enaéted fevere penalties againft robbery, murder, falfe coining, burning houfes ; and ordained that thefe crimes fhould be punifhed by the amputation of the right hand and right foot +. Thefe punifhments were probably efteemed more fevere than death : The pecuniary commutation for crimes, which has a falfe appearance of lenity, had been oradually difufed ; and feems to have been en- tirely abolifhed by the rigor of thefe ftatutes. The fuperftitious trial by water ordeal, tho’ condemned by the church {, ftill fubfifted ; but Henry, ordained, that any man, accufed of murder or any heinous felony by the oath of the legal knichts of the county, fhould, even tho’ acquitted by the ordeal, be obliged to abjure the realm |. Att advances towards reafon and good fenfe are flow and gradual. Henry, tho’ fenfible of the great abfurdity, attending the trial by duel.or battle, did not venture-to abolith it: He only admitted either of the parties to challenge * Bened. Abb. p. 113. + Bened. Abb. p, 132. . Hoveden, p. 549. + Seld. Spicileg. ad Eadm. p. 204. || Bened. Abb. p. 132. a trial BD i a ae If, 317 a trial by an affize or jury of twelve freeholders *. . This method of trial feems to have been very antient in England, and was fixed by the laws of King Alfred : But the barbarous and violent genius of the age had of late given more credit to the trial by battle, which had become the general method of deciding all impor- tant controverfies. It was never abolifhed by law in England; and there is an inftance of it fo late as the reign of Elizabeth: But the inftitution revived by this King, being found more reafonable and more fuitable to a civilized people, gra- dually prevailed over it. THE partition of England into four divifions, and the appointment of itinerant juftices to go the circuit in each divifion, and decide the caufes in the counties, was another important ordinance of this prince, had a direét tendency to reftrain the oppreffions of the barons, and to protect the inferior gentry and common people in their property +. Thefe juftices were either prelates or confiderable no- bility ; and befides carrying the authority of the King’s commiffion, were able, by the dignity of their own character, to give weight and credit to the laws. Tat there might be fewer obftacles to the execution of juftice, the King was vigilant to demolifh all the new erected caftles of the nobility, in England as well as in his foreign dominions; and he permitted no fortrefs to remain in hands, whom he found reafon to fufpeét t. Burt left the kingdom fhould be expofed by this demolition of the {trong pla- ees, the King fixed an affize of arms, by which all his fubjeéts were obliged to put themfelves in a fituation proper for defending themfelves and the realm. Every man, poffefied of a knight’s fee, was ordained to have for each fee a coat of ‘mail, a helmet, a fhield, and a lance; every free layman poflefied of goods to the value of fixteen marks, was to be armed in like manner ; every one pofieffed of ten marks was obliged to have an iron gorget, a cap of iron, and a lance; al] burgefles were to have a cap of iron, a lance, and a wambais, that is, a coat twilted with wool, tow, or fuch other materials |. It appears; that archery, for which the Englifh were afterwards fo renowned, had not, at this time, be- come very common among them. ‘The fpear was the chief weapon employed in battle. Tue clergy and the laity were during that age in a ftrange fituation with regard to each other, and fuch as may feem totally incompatible with a civilized, and in- deed with any government. If a clergyman was guilty of murder, he could only be punifhed by degradation: If he was murdered, the murderer was only expo- * Glanv. lib. 2. cap..7. +. Hoveden, p. 9p. { Benedi&, Abbas, p. 202. Dicetoy p. 585. | Bened, Abb. p. 305. Chron. Gerv. p, 1459. Annal. Waverl. p. 161. fed Chap. IX, 1176. 3 pa AsaeDee a - ha a FE ee eS See - a I 318 HISTORY or ENGLAND. fed-to excommunication and ecclefiaftical cenfures ; and the crime: was atoned for by penances and fubmiffion *. Hence the affafiins of ‘Thomas a Becket himfelf, tho’ guilty of the mott atrocious wickednéfs, and the moft repugnant to the den- timents of that age, lived fecurely in their own houfes, without being called to account by Henry himfelf, who was fo much concerned, both in honour and in- tereft, to punifh that crime, and who profeffed or affected on all occafions the moft extreme abhorrence of it. It was not till they found their prefence fhunned by every one as excommunicated perfons, that they were induced to take a jour- ney to Rome, to throw themfelves at the Pope’s feet, and to fubmit to the penan- ces impofed upon them : After which, they continued.to pofiefs, without molefta- tion, their honours and fortunes,.and feem even to have recovered the counte- nance and good opinion of the public. . But as the King, by the conftitutions of Clarendon, which he endeavoured {till to maintain in force 7, had fubjected, the clergy to a trial by the civil magiftrate, it feemed but juft to give them the pro- tection of that power, to which they were fubjected ; and it was enacted, that the murderers of clergymen fhould be tried before the jufticiary in the prefence of the bifhop or his official; and befides the ufual punifhment for murder, fhould be fubjected to a forfeiture of their eftates, and a confifcation of their goods and chattels 2. Tue King paffed a very equitable law, that the coods of a vafial fhall not be feized for the debt of his lord, unlefs the vaffal be furety for the debt; and that the rents of vaffals fhall be paid to the creditors of the lerd, not to the lord him- felf. Tt is remarkable, that this law was enacted by the King in a council which the held at Verneuil, and which confifted of fome prelates and barons of England, as well as fome of Normandy, Poictou, Anjou, Maine, Touraine, and Britan- ny ; and-the ftatute took place in all thefe different territories ||: A certain proof how irregular the antient feudal government was, and. how near the Kings, in fome inftances, approached to defpotifm, tho’ in others they feemed fcarce to poffefs any authority. If a prince, much dreaded and revered like Henry, ob- tained but the appearance of general confent to an ordinance, which was equitable and juft, it became immediately an eftablifhed law, and all the world acquiefced in it. If the prince was hated or defpifed; if the nobles, who fupported him, had. fmall influence ; if the humours of the times -difpofed the people to queftion the juftice of his ordinances ; the fulleft and molt authentic council had no au- * Petri Bleffen. epift. 73. apud Bibl. Patr. tom. 24. p. 992. + Chron. Gerv. p. 1433- t{ Diceto, p. 592. Chron. Gerv. p. 1433. | Bened. Abb. p. 248. It was ufual for the Kings of England, after the conqueft of Ireland, to fummon barons and members of that country to the Englith parliament. Molineux’s Cafe of Ireland, p. 64,65, 66. ; ine | thority. HB AN Bp Pace «BIg ‘thority. Thus all was confufion and diforder ; no-regular ideas of a conftitution prevailed; force and violence decided every thing. THe fuccefs whieh had attended. Henry in his wars did not encourage his neighbours to attempt any thing again{t him; ‘and his tranfa@tions with them, during the remainder of ‘his reign, contain little mémorable. '|' Scotland remained in that ftate of feudal fubjeétion, to which he had réduced it; and gave him no farther inquietude. | He fent over his fourth fon, John, into Ireland, with a view of making a more compleat conqueft of that ifland ; but the petulance and incapacity of this prince, by which'he enraged the Irith chieftains, obliged him foon after to recall him *.. | The King of France had fallen into a very abject fuperftition; and was induced by a devotion, more fincere than that of Henry, to make a pilgrimage to the tomb of Becket +, in order to obtain his intercef- fion for the recovery of Philip, his eldeft fon. He probably thought himfelf well intitled to the favour of that faint, on account of their -antient intimacy; and hoped, that Becket, whom he had proteéted- while on earth, would not now,: that he was fo-highly advanced in heaven, forget hisold friend and benefactor. The monks, fenfible that their faint?s honour was concerned in the cafe, failed not ‘to: publifh, that Lewis’s prayers were anfwered, and that the young prince was, by Becket’s interceffion, reftored to health +. That King himfelf was foon after {truck witham apoplexy, which’ deprived him of his judgment: Philip, tho’ ‘a youth of fifteen, took on ‘him the! adminiftration, till his father’s death, whichyhappened foom after, opeted his way to the throne ; and he proved the ableft and greateft monarch that had governed that kingdom, {ince the age of Charle- magne. The fuperior years, however, and experience of Henry, while they made- rated: fis ambition, gave hin fuch an- aféendant over this prince, that no dan- géerous'rivalfhip, for along time) arofe between them. The Englifh monarch, inftead of ' taking advantage Of his fituation, rather employed his good offices to compote the quarrels which arofe inthe royal family of France ; and-he was fuc- cefsful' in mediating areconcilement: between Philip and his mother and uncles ll. Thefe ferviceswere. ‘but. jl requited: by Philip, who, when he-came to man’s eltate, fomentéd-all the-dormeftic! difcords in the royal family of England, and-en- couraged Fienny’s fons-in théin vingrateful) and: unduviful behaviour towards him: - Younc tlenry, equally inpatient of obtaining power, and incapable of uling it, renewed his demand to the King, -of refigning Normandy; and on meeting * Bened. Abb. p. 437, &c. + M. Paris, p. gs. Bened. Abb. p. 318. Hoveden, p. s92.. M. Weltmy p. 252,° Diceto, p. 6a4. { Bened. Abb, p. 320. Hoveden; p- 592. Bromip- ton, ps F140; i Sened, Abb. .p..g25i Hoveden; p. 593. Brompton, p, 2142. .«Chre Gerv. p. 1459. feat t180, —- wis TORY of. & N GLAND: A 320 Rade Chap. 1X. ‘with a réfufal, he fled with his fpoufe to the court of France: But not finding Hr 1180, Philip difpofed to enter ‘nto war for his fake, he accepted of his father’s offers of ae reconcilement, and made kis fubmiflions. It was:a cruel ‘circumftance in the i saat King’s fortune, that he could hope for no tranquillity from the criminal enter- ant prizes of his fons but by their mutual difcord and animofities, which difturbed omit his family, and threw his fate into convulfions. Richard, whom he had made aa Hi matter of Guienne, and who had difplayed his valour and military genius, by } f (eee § fuppreffing the revolts of his mutinous barons, refufed to obey Henry’s orders, } in doing homage to his elder brother for that dutchy 3 and he defended, himfelf ik acainft young Henry and Geoffrey, who, uniting their, arms,, carried war: into eo his tertitories *» ~The King with fome difficulty compofed «this ‘difference 5 | but immediately found his eldeft fon engaged in confpiracies, and ready to take arms againft him. While the young prince was conducting thefe criminal defigns, he was feized with a fever at Martel, a caftle near. Turenne, to which’ he had retired in difcontent ; and feeing the approach of death, he: was. at jaft ftruck with re- morfe for his undutiful behaviour towards his father. | He fentia meffenger to the King, who was not far diftant; expreffed his contrition for his faults; and en- treated the favour of a vifit, that he might at leaft die with the fatisfaction of having received his forgivenefs. Henry, who had fo often experienced the prince's ingratitude and violence, apprehended that this ficknefs was entirely a feint,' and he dared not to entruft himfelf into his fon’s hands}: But when he foon after re- sith June, ceived intelligence of young Henry’s death, and the proofs of his fincere repén- Death of tance; this, good prince was affected with the deepeft forrow; he thrice fainted, young Henry. away; he accufed his own hard-heartednefs in refufing the dying requeft of his fon; and he lamented, that he had deprived that prince of the laft opportunity of making atonement for his offences, and of pouring out his foul in the bofom of 4h alls his reconciled father ¢.. Young Henry died in the twenty-eight year of his age. @O., T1533. “+ Tur behaviour of his furviving children was ill calculated to give the King any confolation’ for this: lofs. As prince Henry had left no pofterity, Richard was become the heir of all his dominions ; and the King intended, that John, wane his third furviving fon and favourite, fhould inherit Guienne as his appanage: ae ON But Richard refufed his confent,:fled into that dutchy, and even made prepara - . tions for carrying on war, as well againft his father as againft his brother Geof- frey, who was now putin poffeffion of Brittany. Henry fent: for Eleanor, his Queen, the heirefs of Guienne, and required Richard to deliver up to her the na aah ae me Ypod Neuft. p. 451. Bened. Abb. p. 383. Diceto, p. 617. + Bened. Abb. p. 392 : Kimyeden, p. 620. Brompton, p. 1143. Chron. Gerv. p. 1463. MNeubrig. p. 422- Heming. We He i a eeet kn the Ehy, t Bened, Abb. p. 393. Hoveden, p, 621. ‘Trivet, vol. 1. p, 84. a Ho LE Bee R <¥ IT. 321 ‘dominion of thefe territories ; which that prince, either dreading an infurrection of the Gafcons in her favour, or retaining fome fenfe of duty towards her, readily performed, and he returned peaceably to his father’s court. No fooner was this quarrel accommodated, than Geoffrey, the mot vicious perhaps of all Henry’s unhappy family, broke out into violence ; demanded Anjou to be annexed to his dominions of Brittany ; and on meeting with a refufal, fled to the court of France, and levied armies againft his father *. renry was freed from this danger by re- ceiving the affliction of his fon’s death, who was flain in a tournament at Paris +, The widow of Geoffrey, foon after his dcceafe, was delivered of a fon, who re- ceived the name of Arthur, and was invefted in the dutchy of Brittany, under the guardianfhip of his grandfather, who, as duke of Normandy, was alfo fupe- rior lord of that territory. Philip, as lord paramount, difputed fome time his title to this wardthip ; but was obliged to yield to the inclinations of the Bretons, who preferred the government of Henry. Bur the rivalfhip among thefe potent princes, and all their inferior interefts, feemed now to have given place to the general paffion for the relief of the holy land, and the expulfion of the Saracens. Thefe infidels, tho’ obliged to yield to the immenfe inundation of Chriftians in the firft croifade, had recovered courage after the torrent was paft; and attacking on all quarters the fettlements of the Europeans, had reduced them to great difficulties, and obliged them to apply again for fuccours from the weft. A fecond croifade, under the Emperor Con- rade, and Lewis VII. King of France, in which there perifhed above 200,000 men, brought them but a temporary relief; and thefe princes, after lofing fuch immenfe armies, and feeing the flower of their nobility fall by their Gide, return- ed with little honour into Europe. But thefe repeated misfortunes, which drain- ed the weftern world of its people and treafure, were not yet fufficient to cure men of their paffion for thofe fpiritual adventures ; and 4 new incident rekindled with frefh fury the zeal of the ecclefiaftics and military adventurers of the Latin Chriftians, Saladin, a prince of great generofity, bravery, and condu@, having fixed himfelf on the throne of Egypt, began to extend his conquefts over all the Eaft ; and finding the fettlements of the croifes in Paleftine an invincible obftacle to the progrefs of his arms, he bent the whole force of his policy and valour to fubdue that {mall and barren, but important territory, Taking advantage of diffentions among the Chriftians, and having fecretly gained the count of Tri- poli, who commanded their armies, he invaded their frontiers with a mighty power; and, aided by the treachery of that count, gained at Tiberiade a com- * Neubrig, p. 422; T Bened. Abb. p. 451. Chron, Gerv. p. 1480. Vou. I, Tt pyeat Chap. TX, 1183. Croifades, Chap. IX, oO ] LO7e 1185, arit January. 1189. A 922 HISTORY or ENGLAND. pleat victory over them, which utterly annihilated the force of the already lan- guifhing kingdom of Jerufalem. The holy city itfelf fell into his hands after a feeble refiftance; the kingdom of Antioch was almoft entirely fubdued ; and ex- cept fome maritime towns, nothing of importance remained of thofe boafted con- quefts, which, near a century before, had coft the efforts of all Europe to ac quire *. : Tue weltern Chriftians were aftonifhed on receiving this difmal intelligence. Pope Urban III. it is pretended, died of grief ; and his fucceffor, Gregory VIII. employed the whole time of his fhort pontificate in rouzing to arms all the Chri- ftians who acknowledged his authority. The general cry was, that they were unworthy of enjoying any inheritance in heaven, who did not vindicate from the dominion of the infidels the inheritance of God on earth, and deliver from flavery that country which had been confecrated by the footfteps of their Saviour. Wil+ liam, archbifhop of Tyre, having procured a conference between Henry and Philip near Gifors, enforced all theie topics; gave a pathetic defcription of the miferable ftate of the eaftern Chriftians; and employed every topic to excite the ruling paffions of the age, fupertftition and jealoufy of military honour +. - The two monarchs immediately took the crofs; many of their moft confiderable vat- fals imitated the example t; and as the Emperor Frederic I. entered into the fame confederacy, fome well grounded hopes of fuccefs were entertained; and men flattered themfelves, that an enterprize, which had failed under the conduct of many independant chieftains, or of weak princes, might at laft, by the efforts of fuch potent and able monarchs, be brought to a happy iffue. Tue Kings of France and England impofed a tax, amounting to the tenth of all moveable goods, on fuch as remained at home |}; but as they exempted from this burden moft of the regular clergy, the fecular afpired to the fame privileges. pretended that it was only their duty to affift the croifes with their prayefs; and ‘¢ was with fome difficulty they were obliged to defift from an oppofition, which in them, who had been the chief inftigators to thefe pious enterprizes,. appeared with the worft grace imaginable §. This backwardnefs of the clergy is perhaps: afymptom, that the enthufiaftic ardour, which had at firft feized the people for croifades, was now confiderably abated by. time and ill fuccefs ; and that the frenzy was. st fupported by the military genius and love of glory in the great mor narchs. But before this great machine could be put in motion, there were {till ma- ny obftacles to furmount. Philip, jealous of Henry’s greatnefs, entered into 2 M. Paris, p. 100. + Bened. Ab. p. 531. t Neubrig. p. 435. Heming. p. 512+ i) Bened. Abb. p. 498, § Petri Bleflen. epift. 112. & pile HE No RO YS De: 323 a private confederacy with young Richard, and working on his ambitious and Chap. IX, impatient temper, perfuaded him, inftead of fupporting and agerandizing that 18% monarchy, which he was one day to inherit, to feek prefent power and indepen- Revolt of dance, by difturbing and difmembering it. In order to give a pretence for hofti- = lities between the two Kings, Richird broke into the territories of Raymond, count of Tholoufe, who immediately carried his complaints of this violence be- fore the King of France as his fuperior lord. Philip remonftrated with Henry. but received for anfwer, that Richard had confeffed to the archbifhop of Dublin, that his enterprize againft Raymond had been undertaken by the approbation of Philip himfelf, and was condutted by his authority. The King of France, who might have been covered with fhame and confufion by this detection, ftill profe- cuted his defign, and broke into the provinces of Berri and Auvergne, under co- lour of revenging the quarrel of the count of Tholoufe *. Henry retaliated by making inroads upon the frontiers of France, and burning Dreux. As this war, which deftroyed all hopes of fuccefs ia the projected croifade, gave great {candal, the two Kings held a conference at the accuftomed place between Gifors and Trie, in order to find means of accommodating their differences : They feparated on worfe terms than before ; and Philip, to thow his difguft, ordered a great elm, under which the conferences had been ufually held, to be cut down +; as if he had renounced all defire of accommocation, and was determined to carry the war to extremity again{ft the King of England. But his own vaflals refufed to ferve under him in fo invidious a caufet ; «nd he was obliged to come.anew to a con- ference with Henry, and to offer terms of peace. ‘hefe terms were fuch as en- tirely opened the eyes of the King of England, and fully proved to him the per- fidy of his fon, and his fecret alliance with Philip, of which he had _ before only entertained fome fufpicions. The King of France required, that Richard fhould be crowned King of England in the lifetime of his father, fhould be invefted in all his tranfmarine dominions, and fhould be immediately married to Alice, Phi- lip’s fifter, to whom he had formerly been contracted, and who had been already conducted into England |. Henry hid experienced fuch. fatal effeéts, both from the crowning his eldeft fon, and from that prince’s alliance with the royal family of France, that he rejeéted thefe terms; and Richard, in confequence of his {e- cret agreement with Philip, immediately revolted from him §, did homage to the King of France for all the dominions which Henry held of that crown, and received the inveftitures, as if he had already been the lawful proprictor. -Some hiftorians affert, that Henry himfelf had become enamoured of young Alice, * Bened. Abb. p. 508. + Bened. Abb, p. 517, °32. { Bened. Abb. p. 519. | Bened, Abb, p. 521. Hoveden, p. 65. § Brompton, p. 1149, Neubrig. p. 437. . rr age ] c 2 ana Chap. IX. 1189. 324, H1sSTORY oF ENGLAND. and affign this as an additional reafon for his refufing thefe conditions: But he had fo many other juft and equitable motives for his conduct, that it is-needlefs to feek for a caufe, which the great prudence and advanced age of that monarch render fomewhat improbabie. CarpinaL Albano, the Pope’s legate, difpleafed with thefe increafing obftacles to the croifade, excommunicated Richard, as the chief fpring of difcord: But the fentence of excommunication, which, when it was properly prepared, and was zealoufly fupported by the clergy, had often great influence in that age, proved entirely ineffectual in the prefent cafe. ‘The chief barons of Poictou, Guienne, Normandy, and Anjou, being attached to the young prince, and fee- ing that he had now received the inveftiture from their fuperior lord, declared for him, and made inroads into the territories of fuch as ftill adhered to the old King, Henry, difquieted by the daily revolts of his mutinous fubjects, and dreading. Rill worfe effects from their turbulent difpofition, had again recourfe to papal au- thority ; and engaged the cardinal Anagni, who had fucceeded Albano in the le- gatefhip, to threaten Philip with laying an interdict on all his dominions. But Philip, who was a prince of great vigour and capacity, defpifed the menace ; and told Anagni, that it belonged not to the Pope to interpofe in the temporal dif- putes of princes, much lefs in thofe between him and his rebellious vaffals. He even proceeded fo far as to reproach the cardinal with. partiality, and. with re- ceiving bribes from the King of England *; while Richard, ftill more outra- geous, offered to draw his fword upon the legate, and was only hindered by the interpofition of the company, from committing violence upon him 7. | Tue King of England was now obliged to defend his dominions -by arms, and to enter on a war with France and with his eldeft fon, a prince of great va= lor, on fuch difadvantageous terms. Ferté-Barnard fell firft into the hands of the enemy : Mans was next taken by affault; and Henry, who had thrown him- fe'f into that place, efcaped with fome difficulry =~: Amboife, Chaumont, and Chateau de Loire, opened their gates on the appearance of Philip and Richard : Tours was invefted ; and the King, who had retired to Saumur, and had daily «nftances of the cowardice or infidelity of his governors, expected the mott difmal iffue to all his enterprizes.. While he was in this ftate of defpondency, the duke of Burgundy, the count of Flanders, and the archbifhop of Rheims interpofed with their good offices ; and the intelligence, which he received of the taking Tours, and which made him fully fenfible of the defperate fituation of his affairs, fo fubdued * M. Paris, p. 104. Bened. Abb. p. 542. Hoveden, p, 652. + M. Paris, p. 104+ 4 M. Paris, p 105. Bened. Abb. p. 543. Hoveden, p. 653. his Me Ae FF IT. 325 his fpirit, that he fubmitted to all the rigorous terms, which were impofed upon him. He agreed, that Richard fhould: marry. the princefs, Alice; that that prince fhould receive the homage and oath of fealty of all his fubjeéts both in England and his tranfmarine dominions ; that he himfelf thould pay twenty thoufand marks to the King of France as a compenfation for the charges of the war; that his own barons fhould engage to make him obferve this treaty by force, and in cafe of his violating it, fhould promife to join Philip and Richard againft him; arid that all his vaffals, who had entered into confederacy with Richard, fhould receive an indemnity for this offence *. Bur the mortification, which Henry, who had been accuftomed to give the law in moft treaties, received from thefe difadvantageous and humiliating terms, was the leaft which he met with on this occafion. When he demanded a lift of thofe barons, to whom he was to grant a pardon for their connexions with Ri- _ chard 3 he was aftonifhed to find, at the head of them, the name of his fecond fon, John +; who had always been his favourite, whofe interefts he had ever anxioufly at heart, and who had even; on account of his afcendant over him, often excited the jealoufy of Richard ¢. This unhappy father, already overloaded with cares and forrows, finding this laft difappointment in his domeftic tender- nefs, broke out into expreffions of the utmoft defpair, curfed the day in which he received his miferable being, and beftowed, on his ungrateful and undutiful children, a malediction, which he never could be prevailed on to retraé ||. The more his heart was difpofed to friendfhip and affeétion, the more he refented the _barbarous return, which his four fons had fucceffively made to his parental care ; and this. finifhing blow, by depriving him of every comfort in life, quite broke his {pirits, and threw him into a lingering fever, of which he foon after expired, at the caftle of Chinon near Saumur. His natural fon, Geoffrey, who alone had behaved dutifully towards him, attended his corpfe to the nunnery of Fontevrault; where it lay in ftate in the abbey-church. Next day, Richard, who came to vifit the dead body of his father, and who, notwithftanding his criminal conduét, was not altogether devoid of generofity, was ftruck with horror and remorie at the fight; and as the affiftants obferved, thar, at that very initant, blood gufhed out of the mouth and noftrils of the corpfe §, he exclaimed, according toa vulgar ‘fuperftition, that he was his father’s murderer ; aud he exprefled.a deep fenfe, tho’ too late, of that undutiful behaviour, which had brought his parent to an untimely grave |. * M. Paris, p. 106. Bened. Abb. p. 545. Hoveden, p- 653. t+ Hoveden, p. 654. { Bened. Abb. p. g4r. || Hoveden, p. 654. § Bened. Abb. p. 547. _ Brompton, p- 11st. + M. Paris, p. 107. Tuys Chap. IX: 1189, 6th July. Death ii, 326 HISTORY or ENGLAND, Chap. 1X. : Tus died, in the fifty-eighth year of his age and thirty-fifth of his reign, the 1189. create(t prince of.his time for wifdom, virtue and ability, and the moft powerful and charafter © sgh fs b ‘epi of Henry, im extent of dominion of all thofe that had ever filled the throne of England. His charaéter, both in public and private life, is almoft without a blemifh ; and he feems to have poffefled every accomplifhment both of body and mind, which makes a man either eftimable or amiable. He was of a middle ftature, ftrong and well proportioned ; his countenance was lively and engaging ; his converfa- tion affable and entertaining ; his clocution eafy, perfwafive, and ever at com- mand. He loved peace, but poffeffed both bravery and conduct in war; was provident without timidity; fevere in the execution of juftice, without rigour ; and temperate without aufterity. He preferved health, and kept himfelf from corpulency, to which he was fomewhat inclined, by an abftemious diet, and by frequent exercife, particularly hunting. When he could enjoy leifure, he re- created himfelf either in learned converfation or in reading; and he cultivated his natural talents by ftudy, above any prince of his time. His affections, as well as his enmities, were warm and durable ; and his long experience of the ingratitude and infidelity of men never deftroyed the natural fenfibility of his temper, which difpofed him to friendfhip and fociety. His character has been tranfmitted to us by many writers, who were his contemparies * ; and it refembles extremely, in its moft remarkable ftrokes, that of his maternal grandfather Henry T: Except- ing only that ambition, which was a ruling paffion in both, found not in the firft Henry fuch unexceptionable means of exerting itfelf, and pufhed that prince into meafures, which were both criminal in themfelves, and were the caufe of farther crimes, from which his grandfon’s conduct was happily exempted. Siifeclaneous + HIS prince, like moft of his predecefiors of the Norman line, except Stephen, tranfactions of paffed more of his time on the continent than in this ifland: He was furrounded shisteign. With the Englith gentry and nobility, when abroad: The French gentry and nobility followed him when he refided in England: Both nations acted in the covernment, as if they were the fame people ; and on many occafions, the le- giflatures feem not to have been diftinguifhed. As the King and Englifh ba- rons were all of them of French extraétion, the manners of that people ac- quired the afcendant, and were regarded as the great models of imitation. All foreign improvements, therefore, fuch as they were, in literature and politenefs, in laws and arts, feem now to have been, ina good meafure, tranfplanted into England; and that nation was become nowife inferior, in all the fafhionable ac- complifhments, to any ofits neighbours on the continent. T he more homely, ® Petri Blef. Epift. 46, 47, in Bibleotheca Patrum, vol. 24. p. 985, 986, &c. Girald Camb. p> 783, &e. : H..2E SN Ro aR 324 bot more fenfible manners and principles of the Saxons were exchanged for the alfectations of chivalry, and the fubtilties of {choo! philofophy : The feudal ideas of civil government, the Romith fentiments of religion, had taken entire pof- feffion of the people : By the former, the fenfe of fubmiftion towards princes was fomewhat diminithed in the barons ; by the latter, the devoted attachment to papal authority was much augmented among theclergy. The Norman and Other foreign families, eftablifhed in England, had now ftruck deep root; and being entirely coalited with the people, whom at firft they opprefled and defpifed, they no longer thought, that they needed the protection of the crown for the enjoy-= nent of their fortunes, or confidered their tenure as precarious and dependant, They afpired to the fame liberty and independance, which they faw enjoyed by their brethren on the continent, and defired to reftrain thofe exorbitant prerogatives and arbitrary practices, which the neceffities of war and the violence of conquett had at firft obliged them to indulge in their monarch, That memory alfo of a more equal government under the Saxon princes, which ftill remained with the Englith, diffufed ftill farther the {pirit of liberty, and made the barons both defirous of more independance to themfelves, and willing to indulge it.to the people. And it was not long before this fecret revolution in the fentiments. of men produced firft violent convalfions in the ftate, and then an evident alteration in. the maxims of government. Tue hiftory of all the preceding Kings of England fince the Conquett, give evident proofs of the diforders attending the feudal government; the licentioufnefs of the barons, their {pirit of rebellion again{t the prince and laws, and-of animo« fity againft each other : The conduct of the barons in the tran{marine dominions of thofe monarchs afforded perhaps ftill more flagrant inftances of thefe convulfions;; and the hiftory of France, during feveral ages, confifts almoft entirely of napra- tions of this nature. The cities, during the continuance of this violent govern- ment, could neither be very populous nor numerous; and there occur in- ftances, which feem to prove, that, tho’ thefe are always the firft feat of law and liberty, their police was in general very loofe and irregular, and expofed to the fame diforders, with thofe by which the country was generally infefted. Te was a cultom in London for great numbers, to the amount of a hundred or more, of the fons and relations of eminent citizens, to form themfelves into a lie centious confederacy, to break into rich houfes and plunder them, to rob and murder the paffengers, and to commit with impunity all forts of diforder. By thele crimes, it had become fo dangerous to walk the ftreets a-nights, that the citizens dared no more to venture abroad after funfet, than if they were expofed to the incurfions of a public enemy. . Lhe brother of the earl.of Ferrars had been 4. | murdered 326 HISTOR DY oF TINS LAN D, Chap. IX. ee Tuus died, in the fifty-eighth year of his age and thirty-fifth of his reign, the and charader BrCatelt prince of.his time for wifdom, virtue and ability, and the moft powerful of Henry, im extent of dominion of all thofe that had ever filled the throne of England. His character, both tn public and private life, is almoft without a blemifh ; and he feems to have poffefled every accomplifhment ‘both of body and mind, which makes a man either eftimable or amiable. He was of a middle ftature, ftrong and well proportioned ; his countenance was lively and engaging ; his converfa- tion affable and entertaining ; his clocution eafy, perfwafive, and ever at com- mand. He loved peace, but poffeffed both bravery and condué in war; was provident without timidity; fevere in the execution of juftice, without rigour ; and temperate without aufterity. He preferved health, and kept himfelf from corpulency, to which he was fomewhat inclined, by an abftemious diet, and by frequent exercife, particularly hunting. When he could enjoy leifure, he re- created himfelf either in learned converfation or in reading ; and he cultivated his natural talents by ftudy, above any prince of his time. His affections, as well as his enmities, were warm and durable ; and his longexperience of the ingratitude and infidelity of men never deftroyed the natural fenfibility of his temper, which difpofed him to friendfhip and fociety. His charaéter has been tranfmitted to us by many writers, who were his contemparies * ; and it refembles extremely, in its moft remarkable ftrokes, that of his maternal grandfather Henry 1: Except- ing only that ambition, which was a ruling paffion in both, found not in the firft Henry fuch unexceptionable means of exerting itfelf, and pufhed that prince into meafures, which were both criminal in themfelves, and were the caufe of farther | crimes, from which his grandfon’s conduct was happily exempted. Mifcellaneous 1 HI1S prince, like moft of his predeceffors of the Norman line, except Stephen, tranfattions of paffed more of his time on the continent than in this ifland: He was furrounded ehistega. With the Englifh gentry and nobility, when abroad: The French gentry and nobility followed him when he refided in England: Both nations aéted in the covernment, as if they were the fame people; and on many occafions, the le- oiflatures feem not to have been diftinguifhed. As the King and Engelifh ba- rons were all of them of French extraction, the manners of that people ac- quired the afcendant, and were regarded as the great models of imitation. All foreign improvements, therefore, fuch as they were, in literature and politcnefs, in laws and arts, feem now to have been, in a good meafure, tran{planted into England ; and that nation was become nowife inferior, in all the fafhionable ac- complifhments, to any of its neighbours on the continent. The more homely, * Petri Blef. Epift. 46, 47, in Bibleotheca Patrum, vol. 24. p. 985, 986, &c. Girald Camb. pe 783, &c. but H.2E SN Ro 327 bat more fenfible manners and principles of the Saxons were exchanged for the affectations of chivalry, and the fubtilties of fchoo!l philofophy : The feudal ideas of civil government, the Romifh fentiments of religion, had taken entire pof- feffion of the people : By the former, the fenfe of fubmiffion towards princes was fomewhat diminifhed in the barons; by the latter, the devoted attachment to papal authority was much augmented among theclergy. The Norman and other foreign families, eftablifhed in England, had now ftruck deep root; and being entirely coalited with the people, whom at firft they oppreffed and defpifed, they no longer thought, that they needed the protetion of the crown for the enjoy ment of their fortunes, or confidered their tenure as precarious and dependant. They afpired to the fame liberty and independance, which they faw enjoyed by their brethren on the continent, and delfired to reftrain thofe exorbitant prerogatives and arbitrary practices, which the neceffities of war and the violence of conqueft had at firft obliged them to indulge in their monarch. That memory alfo of @ more equal government under the Saxon princes, which {till remained with the Englifh, diffufed ftill farther the fpirit of liberty, and made the barons both defirous of more independance to themfelves, and willing ta indulge it.to the people. And it was not long before this fecret revolution in the fentiments.of men produced firft violent convolfions in the ftate, and then an evident alteration in. the maxims of government. Tue hiftory of all the preceding Kings of England fince the Conquett, give evident proofs of the diforders attending the feudal government; the licentioufnef of the barons, their fpirit.of rebellion againft the prince and laws, and-of animo- fity againft each other : The conduct of the barons in the tranfmarine dominions of thofe monarchs afforded perhaps ftill more flagrant inftances of thefe convulfions’; and the hiftory of France, during feveral ages, confifts almoft entirely of nanra- tions of this nature. The cities, during the continuance of this violent govern- ment, could neither be very populous nor numerous; and there occur in- ftances, which feem to prove, that, tho’ thefe are always the firft feat of law and liberty, their police was in general very loofe and irregular, and expofed to the fame diforders, with thofe by which the country was generally infefted. It was a cuftom in London for great numbers, to the amount of a hundred or more, of the fons and relations of eminent citizens, to form themfelves into a li- centious confederacy, to break into rich houfes and plunder them, to rob and murder the paffengers, and to commit with impunity all forts of diforder. By thefle crimes, it had become fo dangerous to walk the ftreets a-nights, that the citizens dared no more to venture abroad after funfet, than if they were expofed to the incurfions of a public enemy. . The brother of the earl.of Ferrars had been " : murdered Chap. IX; i 189, i), 328 HISTORY or ENGLAND. murdered by fome of thefe nofturnal rioters ; and the death of a perfon of that noble birth, which was much more regarded than that of many thoufands of an inferior ftation, fo provoked the-King, that he {wore vengeance againft the crimi- nals, and became thenceforth much more rigorous in the execution of the laws *. Tuere is-another inftance given by hiftorians, which proves to what a height fuch riots had ‘proceeded, and how open thefe criminals were in committing their robberies. A band of them had attacked the houfe of a rich citizen, with an intention of plundering it; had broke thro’ a ftone-wall with hammers and wedges; and had already entered the houfe fword in hand ; when the citizen, armed cap-a-pee and fupported by his faithful fervants, appeared in the paffage to oppofe them : He cut off the right-hand of the firft robber that entered 5 and ‘made fuch flout refiftance, that his neighbours had leizure to affemble, and come to his relief. The man, who loft his hand, was caught; and was tempted by the promife of patdon to reveal his confederates; among whom was one John Senex, efteemed among the richeft and beft born citizens of London. He was conviéted by the ordeal trial; and tho” he offered five hundred marks for his life, the King refufed the money, and ordered him to be hanged T. Hewnry’s exactnefs in adminiftring juftice had gained him fo great reputation, that even foreign and diftant princes made him an arbiter, and fubmitted their differences to his judgment. Sanchez, King of Navarre, having fome contro- verfies with A!fonfo, King of Caftile, was contented, tho’ Alfonfo had married the daughter of Henry, to choofe that prince for a referee; and they agreed, each of them, to confign three caftles.into neutral hands, as a pledge of their not departing from his award. Henry made the caufe be examined before his great council, and gave a fentence, which was willingly fubmitted to by both parties. Thefe two Spanifh Kings fent each a ftout champion to the court of England, in order to defend his caufe by arms, in cafe the way of duel had been chofen by Henry ff. Henry fo far abolifhed the barbarous and abfurd prattice of forfeiting fhips, which had been wrecked on the coaft, that if one man or animal was alive in the fhip, the veffel and goods were reftored to the owners ||. Tue reign of Henry was remarkable for an innovation, which was afterwards carried farther by his fucceffors, and was attended with the moft important con- fequences to the government. This prince was difgufted with the fpecies of military force, which was eftablifhed by the feudal inftitutions, and which, tho’ it * Bened. Abb. p. 196. + Bened. Abb. 197, 198. ; { Rymer, vol. 4. p. 43. Bened, Abb. p. 172. Diceto, p. §97. Brompton, p. 1120. f Rymer, vol. 1. p. 36. 3 was Pose He Ear I. 329 was extremely burdenfome to the fubjeét, yet rendered very little fervice to the fovereign.. The barons, or military tenants, came late into the field ; they were obliged to ferve only for forty days; they were unfkilful and diforderly in all their operations; and they were apt to carry into the camp the fame refrac- tory and independant fpirit, to which they were accuftomed in their civil govern- ment. Henry, therefore, introduced the practice of making a commutation of their military fervice for money; and he levied fcutages from his baronies and knights fees, inftead of requiring the perfonal attendance of his vafials. There is mention made, in the hiftory of the exchequer, of thefe fcutages in his fecond, fifth, and eighteenth year*; and other writers give us an account of three more of them-+. When the prince had thus obtained money, he made a contra& with fome of thofe adventurers, in which Europe at that time abound- ed: They found him foldiers of the fame character with themfelves, who were bound to ferve for a ftipulated time: The armies were much lefs numerous, but more ufeful, than when compofed of all the military vaflals of the crown: The feudal inftitutions began to relax; The Kings became rapacious for money, on which all their power depended : The barons, feeing no end of exactions, fought to defend their property: And as the fame caufes had nearly the fame effect in the different countries of Europe, the feveral crowns either loft or acquired au- thority, according to their different fuccefs in this ftruggle. Tuis prince was alfo the firft who levied-a tax on the moveables or perfonal eftates of his fubjects, nobles as well as people, Their zeal for the holy wars made them fubmit to this innovation; and a precedent being once obtained, this taxation became, in following reigns, the ufual method of fupplying the necefii- ties of the crown. The tax of Danegelt, fo generally odious to the nation, was remitted in this reign. Ir was an ufual practice of the Kings of England, to repeat the ceremony of their coronation thrice a-year, on affembling the {tates at the three great feftivals. Henry, after the firft years of his reign, never renewed this ceremony, which was found to be very expenfive and very ufelefs. None of his fucceffors ever re- vived it. It isdeemed a great act of grace in this prince, that he mitigated the rigor of the foreft-laws, and punifhed any tranfgreffions of them, not capitally, but by fines, imprifonments, and other more moderate penalties. Since we are here colle¢ting fome detached inftances, which fhow the genius of the age, and which could not fo well enter into the body of the hiftory, it may not be amifs to mention the quarrel between Roger archbifhop of York, and * Madox, p. 435, 436, 437, 438. + Tyrrel, vol. 2. p. 466. from the records. Vou. I. | Uu Richard Chap. [X. 1189. ES ae ee che = Set a err ee od ——— ete) ges = - 1S.F ORY Gr ENGLAN D. Richard archbifhop of Canterbury. We may judge of the violence of military I men and laymen, whea ecclefiaftics could proceed to fuch extremities, Cardinal Haguezun being fent, in 11476, as. legate into Britain, fummoned an affembly of the clergy at London; and as both the archbifhops pretended to fit on his right hand, this queftion of precedency begot a controverly between them. »The monks and retainers of archbifhop Richard fell upon Roger, in the prefence of the cardinal and of the fynods; threw him on the ground, trampled him under foot, and fo bruifed bim with blows, that he was taken up half dead, and his life was, with difficulty, faved from their violence, The archbifhop of Canter- bury ‘was obliged to give a large fum of money to the legate, in order to fup- prefs all complaints of this enormity *. aes Tuis King left only two legitimate fons, Richard, who fucceeded him, and John, who ‘nherited no territory, tho’ his father had often intended to Jeave him a part of his extenfive dominions. He was’ thence commonly denominated Lackland. -Hienry left three legitimate daughters ; Maud, born in 1156, and married to Henry, duke of Saxony 3 Eleanor; born in 1162,° and’ married to- Alphonfo, King of Caftile ; Joan, born in 1165, and married to William, King of Sicily f-. Hewry is faid by antient hiftorians to have been of a very amorous difpofi- tion ; and they mention two of his natural fons by Rofamond, daughter of lord Clifford, viz. Richard Longefpée, or Long-fword, (fo called from the fword he ufually wore) who was afterwards married to Ela; the daughter and heirefs of the earl of Salifbury ; and Geoffrey, firft bifhop of Lincoln, and then archbifhop of York. All the other circumftances of the ftory commonly told of that lady feem to be fabulous. * Bened. Abb. p. 138, 139. Brompton, p. 1109. Chron.’Gerv, p. 1433. Neubrig. ps 413 + Diceto, p, 616. : CHAP, < 4 eS he «vee pe os ieee =, af . “eX onli: Fete as ~ “ ae Ra Bapcic Mw, A Rr nate 331 Sk. ee Se Ree & D> sali, Aor wradeba vi honk ieshnba icin Sets out on the crotfade State of The King’s veroic attions in Captivity in Germany The King’s preparations for the croifade Tranfactions in Sictly King’s arrival in Palefiine Paleftine-——Diforders in England Paleftine His return from Palefiine War with France The King’s delivery Return to England War with France Death and charatter of the King cellaneous tranfattions of this reign. Mij~ Pasir compunétion of Richard, for his undutiful behavicur towards his fa- ther, was very durable, and influenced him in the choice of his minifters and fervants after ‘his acceflion. Thofe who had feconded and favoured his re- bellion, inftead of meeting with that honour and truft which they expected, were furprifed to find, that they lay under difgrace with the new King, and were on all occafions hated and defpifed by him. ‘The faithful minifters of Henry, who had vigoroufly oppofed all the enterprizes of his fons, were received with open arms, and were continued in thofe employments, which they hid honourably dif- charged to their former mafter *. “This prudent conduct might be the refult of reflection; but in a prince, like Richard, fo much guided by paffion, and fo little by policy, it was commonly afcribed to a principle ftill nore virtuous and more honourable. Ricuarp, that he might take atonement to one parent for his breach of duty to the other, immediately fent orders for releafing the Queen-dowager from the confinement in which fhe had been fo long detained + ; and he entrufted her with. the government of England, till his arrival in that kingdom. His bounty to his brother John was rather profufe and imprudent. Befides beftowing on him the county of Mortaigne in Normandy, granting him a penfion of four thoufand marks a-year, and marrying him to Avifa, the daughter of the‘earl of Glocetter, by whom he inherited all the pofleffions of that opulent family; he increafed this *‘Hloveden, p. 6s¢. Bened. Abb. p. 547. M. Paris, p. 107. + Ben. Abb. p. 549- M: Patis, p. 107.- Trivet, p. 97. Diceto, p.€46. Gervas, p. 1547. (J u.2 appanage, Chap. X. 1189. Chap. X. 1189. The King’s preparation for the croi- fade. 332 HISTORY or ENGLAND. appanage, which the late King had deftined him, by other extenfive grants and conceMions, He conferred on him the whole eftate of William Peverel!, which had efcheated to the crown’: He put him in poffeffion of eight caftles, with all the forefts and honours annexed to them *: He delivered over to him no lefs than fix earldoms, Cornwal, Devon, Somerfet, Nottingham, Dorfet, Lanca- {ter and Derby’+: And endeavouring, by favours, to fix that vicious prince in his duty, he put it too much in his power, whenever he pleafed, to depart from it. Tue King, impelled more by the love of military glory tham by fupertftition, acted, from the beginning of his reign, as if the fole purpofe of his government had been ‘the relief of the holy land, and the recovery of Jerufalem from the Sa- racens. This zeal againft infidels, being communicated to his fubjects, broke out qn London on the day of his coronation, and made them find a croifade lefs dan- gerous, and attended with more immediate profit. The prejudices of the age had made the lending of money on intereft pafs. by the invidious name of ufury ; yet the neceflity of the praétice had {till continued it, and the oreateft part of that kind of dealing fell every where into the hands of the Jews; who, being already infamous on account of their religion, had -no honour to lofe, and were apt to exercife a profeffion, odious in itfelf, by every kind of rigor, and even fome- times by rapine and extortion. The induftry and frugality of that people had put them in poffeffion of all the ready money, which the idlenefs and profufion of the Englifh, as well as of other European nations, enabled them to lend on exorbitant and unequal intereft. The monkith writers reprefent it as a great ftain on the wife and equitable government of Henry, that he had carefully protected this infidel race from all injuries and infults ; but the zeal of Richard afforded the populace a pretence for exercifing their animofity againft them. The King had ifued a proclamation, prohibiting their appearance at his coronation; but fome of them, bringing him large prefents from their nation, prefumed, in confidence of that merit, to approach the hall in which he dined ; and being difcovered, they were expofed to the infults and injuries of the byftanders [. They took ta flight; the people purfued them ; the rumor was fpread, that the King had given orders to maffacre all the Jews; a command fo agreeable was executed in an in- ftant on fuch as fell into théshands of the populace. thofe who had kept at home were expofed to equal danger; the people, moved by rapacity and zeal, broke into their houfes, which they plundered, after having murdered the owners 5, where the Jews barricadoed their doors, and defended themfelves with vigour, * M. Paris, p. 1672 + Hoveden, p. 645. Bened. Abb. p. 5555 577. W. Heming. p. 518. Brompton, p. 1178. Knyghton, p. 2401. { Hoveden, p. 657. Bened, Abb, p- 560. M. Paris, p. 108. Brompton, p. 1156. Knyghton, p. 2401. 8 - the Rie a OA I Ee. 333 the rabble fet fire to the houfes, and made way thro’ the flames to exercile their pillage and violence * 5 the ufual licentioufnefs of London, which the fovereign power with difficulty reftrained, broke out with fury, and continued thefe out- were next attacked and rages; the houfes of the rich’ citizens, tho’ Chriftians, plundered + ; and wearinefs and fatiety at laft put an end to the diforder +. .XYet when the King im powered Glanville, the jufticiary, to inquire into the authors of thefe crimes, the guilt was found to involve fo many of the moft confiderable inhabitants, that it was efleemed more prucent to drop the profecution ; and very few fuffered the punifhment due to this enormity t.. But the diforder ftopped not at London. The inhabitants of the other cities of England, hearing of this execution of the Jews, imitated, the barbarous example ||; and in Yoik, five hundred of that nation, who had retired into the cattle fur fafety,. and found themfelves unable to defend the place, murdered their own wives and children, threw the dead bodies over‘the walls upon the populace, and then fetting fire to the houfes, perifhed in the flames §. The gentry of the neighbourhood, who were all indebted to the Jews, ran to the cathedral, where their bonds were kept, and made a folemn bonefire of the papers before the altar 4. Tre antient fituation of England, when the people poflefied little riches and the public no credit, made it impoflible for the fovereigns to bear the expences of a fteady or durable war, even on their frontiers ; much lefs could they find regu- Jar means for the fupport of fuch diftant expeditions as thofe into Paleftine, which were more the refult of popular frenzy than of fober reafon or deliberate policy, Richard, therefore, knew, that he muft carry with him all the treafure requifite for his enterprize, and that both the remotenefs of his own country and its po- verty made it unable to furnifh him with thofe continued fupplies, which the exi- gencies of fo perilous a war muft necefiarily require. His father had left him a treafure of above an hundred thoufand marks * ; and the King, negligent of every intereft, but that of prefent glory, endeavoured to augment this fum by all expedients, however pernicious ta the public, or dangerous to royal autho- rity | : He put to fale the revenues and manors of the crown ; the offices of greateft truft and power, even thofe of forefter and fheriff, which antiently were fo important [, became venal; the dignity of chief jufticiary, in whofe hands, * Ann. Waverl. p. 163. Knyghton, p. 2402. + Hoveden, p. 657. Bened. Abb. p. 560. M. Paris, p.108. W. Heming. p. 514. t Diceto, p.647. Knyghton, p. 2401. i) Chron. de Duntt. p. 43. Wykes, p. 34s W. Heming. p. 516. Diceto, p. 651. § Hoveden, p. 665. Bened. Abb. py 586, M. Paris, p. 111. |. W. Heming. p. 513. * Hoveden, p. 656. + Bened. Abb. p. 568. + The fheriff had antiently both the adminiftration of juftice and the management of the King’s revenue committed to him in the county. ‘See Hale of Sheriffs Accounts. Was Chap. X. 1189. 334 MIS TORY or ENG DL AMD: was lodged the whole execution of the laws, was fold to Hugh de Puzas, bifhop of Durham, for a thoufand marks; the fame prelate bought the earldom of Northumberland for his life*; many of the croifes, who bai repented of their vow, purchafed the liberty of violating it; and Richard, who ftood lefs in need of men than money, readily, onthefeconditions, difpenfed with their attendance. Elated with the hopes of fame, which, } Jn that age attended no wars but thofe again{t the infidels, he was blind to every other inGtenebinn: ; and when fome of his wifer minifters objeted againft this diffipation of the revenue and power of the crown, he replied, that he would fell London itfelf, if he could find a pur- chafer +. Nothing indeed could be a ftronger proof how negligent he was of all future interefts in comparifon of the croifade, than his felling, for fo {mall a fum as 10,000 marks, the vaffalage of Scotland, together with the fortrefles of Rox- borough and Berwic, the greateft acquifition which had been made by his father during the courfe of his victorious reign ; and his accepting the homage of William in the ufual terms, merely for the territories which that prince held in England {: Numerous exactions were practifed on the Englith of all ranks and ftations : Me- naces were employed both againft the innocent and the guilty, in order to force money from them: And where a pretence was wanting againft the rich, the King obliged them, by the fear of his difpleafure, to lend him fums, which, he knew, it ged never be in his power to repay. But Richard, tho’ he facrificed every intereft and confideration to the fuccefs of this pious enterprize, carried fo little the appearance of fan¢tity in his conduét, that Fulk, curate of Neuilly, a zealous preacher of the croifade, who from that merit had acquired the privilege of fpeaking the boldeft truths, advifed him to rid himfelf of his notorious vices, particularly his pride, avarice, and voluptuouf- nefs, which he called the King’s three favourite daughters. You counfel wells replied Richard ; and I hereby difpofe of the firft to the Templars, of the fecond to the Benediftines, and of the third to my prelates. RicHARD, jealous of attempts which might be made on England during his abfence, laid prince John, as well as his natural brother Geoffrey, archbifhop of York, under engagements, confirmed by their oaths, that neither of them fhould enter that kingdom til! his return, tho’ he thought proper, before his departure, to withdraw this prohibition ||. The adminiftration was left in the hands of Hugh, bifhop of Durham, and of Longchamp, bifhop of Ely, whom he ap- pointed jufticiaries and guardians of the realm §.. The latter, was a Norman of * M. Paris, p. 109. + W. Heming. p.519. Knyghton, p. 2402. _} Hoveden, p. 662. Rymer, vol. 1. p, 64. M. Weft. p. 257. i) Hovedeny p. 664. . Bened. Abb. p. 584, Brompton, p. 1171. § Hoveden, p. 663. Bered, Abb. p. 584. M. Paris, p, 110. 3 ' mean ~~ Ro ihice WR A ® aot 335 mean birth, and of a violent charaéter; who by art and addrefs had infinuated Chap, %. himfelf into favour, whom ‘Richard had created chancellor, and whom he had engaged the Pope alfo to inveft with the legatine authority, that,- by centeriig every kind of power inhis perfon, he might the better enfure the public tranquil- lity *. All the military and turbulent fpirits flocked about the perfon of the King, and were impatient to diftinguifh themfelves againft the infidels in Afias whither his inclinations, his engagements, led him, and whither he was impelled by meflages from the King of France, ready to embark in this enterprize 7. Tue Emperor Frederic, a prince of great fpirit and conduct, had already taken the road to Paleftine at the head of 150,coo men, collected from Germany and all the northern ftates; and having fufmounted every obftacle thrown in his way by the artifices of the Greeks and the power of the infidels, had penetrated to the borders of Syria; when, bathing in the cold river Cydnus, during the greatelt heat of the fummer-feafon, he was feized with a mortal diftemper, which put an end to his life and his rath enterprize +. _ His army, under the command of his fon Conrade, reached Paleftine ; but was fo diminithed by fatigue, famine, maladies, and the {word, that it fcarce amounted to eight thoufand men ; and was infufficient to make any progrefs againft the great power, valour, and conduct of Saladin. Thefe reiterated calamities, attending the croifes, had taught the Kings of France and England the neceffity of trying another road to the holy land ; and they de- termined to conduct their armies thither by fea, to carry provifions along with them, and by means of their naval power to maintain an open communication with their own ftates, and with the weftern parts of Europe. The firft place of ren- — 1190, dezvous was appointed in the plains of Vezelay, on the borders of Burgundy || ; 2gth June, and Philip and Richard, on their arrival there, found their armies amount to 100,000 men §; an invincible force, animated with glory and religion, con- ducted by two warlike monarchs, provided with every thing which their feveral dominions could afford, and not to be overcome but by their own mifcondutt, or by the unfurmountable obftacles of nature. - Tue French and Englifh princes here reiterated their promifes of mutual King fets out friendfhip, pledged their faith not to invade each other’s dominions during the ° the croi- croifade, exchanged the oaths of al] their barons and prelates to the fame effect, and fubjected themfelves to the penalty of interdi¢ts and excommunications, if they fhould ever violate this public and folemn engagement |. They then fepa- * Hoveden, p. 665.702. Bened. Abb. p. §85. + M. Paris, p. 109. Diceto, p. 649. ‘ Rymer, vol, 1 p. 63. { Bened, Abb. p. 506, | Hoveden, p. 660. § Vinifauf, P- 35 4 Hoveden, p. 664. Bened. Abb. p, 583. Trivet, p.gg. Vinifauf, p. 395. rated ; ~ Fe! I Salina rcaytet 9 Le NE I PS em nan Sno ne os =o - = — — son nang mere — ee a se a a ee ee ee = = a ges : — —— Laws aga eee 9 Sins ew ww, Chap. X. 1190. r4th Septem. 'Tranfactions in Sicily. ST ee es - — — : . . = - - — - . ——-—— a a — - a , 336 HISTORY or ENGLAND. rated; Philip took the road to Genoa, Richard that to Marfeilles, with a view of meeting their fleets, which were feverally appointed to rendezvous in thefe harbours *. They put to fea; and nearly about the fame time, were obliged, by ftrefs of weather, to take fhelter in Meffina, where they were detained during the whole winter. This event laid the foundation ef animofities, which proved fatal to their enterprize. Rrewarp and Philip were, by the fituation and extent of their dominions, rivals in power; by their age and inclinations, competitors for glory ; and thefe caufes of emulation, which, had the princes been employed in the field againft the common enemy, might have ftimulated them to martial enterprizes, foon excited, during the prefent leifure and repofe, quarrels between monarchs of fuch a fiery character. Equally haughty, ambitious, intrepid, and inflexible; they were irritated with the leaft appearance of injury, and were incapable, by mutual condefcenfions, to efface thofe caufes of complaint, which unavoidably arofe be- tween them. Richard, candid, fincere, undefigning, impolitic, violent, laid himfelf open, on every occafion, to the defigns of his antagonift; who, provi- dent, interefted, deceitful, failed not to take all advantages againft him: And thus, both the circumftances of their difpofition in which they were fimilar, and thofe in which they differed, rendered it impoffible for them to perfevere in that harmony, which was fo effential to the fuccefs of their enterprize. Tue Jatt King of Sicily and Naples was William II. who had married Joan, fifter to Richard, and who, dying without iffue, had bequeathed his dominions to his paternal aunt, Conftantia, the only legitimate offspring furviving of Roger, the firft fovereign of thofe ftates who had been honoured with the royal title. This princefs hac, in expectation of that rich inheritance, been married to Hen- ry VI. the prefent Emperor +; but Tancred, her natural brother, had fixed fach an intereft among the barons, that, taking advantage of Henry’s abfence, he had acquired poffeffion of the throne, and maintained his claim, by force of arms, againft all the efforts of the Germans +. The approach of the croifes na- turally gave him apprehenfions for his unftable government ; and he was uncer- tain, whether he had moft reafon to dread the prefence of the French or of the Englith monarch. Philip was engaged in a ftrict alliance with the Emperor, his competitor: Richard was difgufted by his rigors towards the Queen-dowager, whom the Sicilian prince had confined in Palermo ; becaufe fhe had oppofed with all her intereft his fucceffion to the crown. Tancred, therefore, fenfible of the * Hoveden, p. 666. Bened. Abb. p. 590. M. Paris, p. 112. Diceto, p. 605. + Bened. Abb. p, 580. ¢ Hoveden, p. 663. prefent sie R! fhe; BA OR. oe 337 prefent neceffity, refolved to pay court to both thefe formidable princes; and acs i he was not unfuccefsful in his endeavours. He perfuaded Philip that it was = highly improper for him to interrupt his enterprize againf{t the infidels, by any at- tempt againft a Chriftian prince: He reftored Queen Joan to her liberty; and even found means to make an alliance with Richard, who ftipulated by treaty to marry his nephew, Arthur, the young duke of Brittany, to one of the daughters of Tancred *, But before thefe terms of friendfhip were agreed on, Richard, jealous both of Tancred and of the inhabitants of Meffina, had taken up his quar- ters in the fuburbs, and had poffeffed himfelf of a fmall fort, which commanded the harbour; and he remained extremely on ‘his guard againft their enterprizes. The citizens took umbrage : Mutual infults and attacks paffed between them and 3d O&tober, the Englifh: Philip, who had quartered his troops in the town, endeavoured to accommodate the quarrel, and held a conference with Richard for that pur- pofe. While the two Kings, meeting in the open fields, were engaged in dif- 4th O&ober courfe on this fubject, a body of thefe Sicilians feemed to be drawing towards them; and Richard pufhed forwards, in order to inquire into the reafon of this extraordinary movement +. The Englifh, infolent from their power, and inflamed with former animofities,; wanted but a pretence for attacking the Meffinefe; and they foon chaced them from the field, drove them intothe town, and entered with them at the gates. The King employed his authority to reftrain them from pil- laging and maffacring the defencelefs inhabitants; but he gave orders, in token of his viétory, that the ftandard of England fhould be erected on the walls, Philip, who confidered that place as his quarters, exclaimed again{t the infult, and ordered fome of his troops to pull down the ftandard : But Richard informed him by a meffenger, that tho’ he himfelf would willingly remove that ground of offence, he would not permit it to be done by others; and if the French King attempted fuch an infult upon him, he fhould not fucceed but by the utmoft ef- fufion of blood. Philip, contented with this fpecies of haughty fubmiffion, re- called his orders {: The difference was feemingly accommodated; but left ftill the remains of rancour and jealoufy in the breaft of the two monarchs, Tancrep, who, for his own fecurity, defired to inflame their mutual hatred, prattifed an artifice, which might have been attended with confequences ftill more “9” fatal. He fhowed Richard a letter, figned by the French King, and delivered him, as he pretended, by the duke of Burgundy; in which that prince de- fired Tancred to fall upon the quarters of the Englifh, and promifed to affift * Hoveden, p. 676,677. Bened, Abb. p. 615. t Bened. Abb, p. 608, t¢ Hoveden, p, 674. Vou. I. X xX him Chap. X. 1igl. r2th April. 338 HEiSTORY er EN-GL AWN D. him in putting them to the fword, as common enemies, The unwary Richard gave credit to the information ; but was too candid not,to betray his, difcontent to Philip, who abfolutely demed the letter, and charged the Sicilian prince with forgery and falfehood. Richard either was, or pretended to. be, entirely fatisfied *, Lest .thefe jealoufies. and complaints; fhould multiply between, them, it was propofed, that, by a folemn treaty, they thould cut otf the root.of all future dif- ferences; and adjuft every,point which could poffibly, hereafter become a -contro- verfy between them. But this expedient ftarted a new difpute, which might have proved more dangerous than any of the foregoing, and;which deeply, concerned the honour of. Philip’sfamily,. .When.Richard, in every. treaty.with Henry I.. infifted fo ftrenuoufly. on being allowed to:marry Alice of France,, he had only fought a pretence for quarrelling 5and never meant to take into his bed a princefs fufpected of acriminal amour with his own father. After. he became mafter, he no longer talked of compleating that alliance :, He even took meafures for efpou- fing Berengaria, daughter of Sanchez, King of Navarre, with whom he had be- come enamoured during his abode in Guienne >} : Queen Eleanor. was daily.ex- pected with that princefs at Meffina {: And when Philip renewed to him his ap- plications for efpoufiig his fifter Alice, Richard was obliged to give him an ab- folute refufal.. It is pretended by Hoveden and other hiftorians ||, that he was able to produce fuch convincing proofs of Alice’s infidelity, and even of, her ha- ving born a child to Henry, that her brother defifted from his applications, and chofe to wrap up the difhonour of his family in filence and oblivion. It is cer tain, from the treaty itfelf, which yet remains §, that, whatever were his mo- tives, he permitted Richard to give his hand to Berengaria; and having fettled all other controverfies with that prince, he immediately fet fail for the holy Jand, Richard awaited fome time the arrival.of his mother and bride; and when they joined him, he feparated his ficet into two fquadrons, and fet forward on his en- terprize. Queen Eleanor returned to England ; but Berengaria, and the Queen- dowager of Sicily, his fifler, attended him on the expedition . Tus Englith fleet, on leaving the port of Meflina, met with.a furious tempett ; and the fquadron, on which the two princefies were embarked, was drove on the coaft of Cyprus,.and fome-of the veflels were wrecked near Limiffo in that ifland. Haac, prince of Cyprus, who. affumed the magnificent title of Emperor, pillaged the fhips that were tt:anded, threw the feamen and paflengers into prifon, and even refufed to the princefles liberty, in their dangerous fituation, of entering, * Hoveden, p. 688. Bened. Abb. p. 642, 643. Brompton, ps 1195+ + Vinifauf, p. 316. t M. Paris, p. 112. ‘Trivet,*p. 102. W. Hemiig. ps § igs - || Hoveden,. p. 688. & Rymer, vol. 1. p. 69. Chron, de Dunit. p. 44. 4. Bened. Abb. p. 644. 8 ites tha ~~. 5 oe til a tee a Rios a Re oS Se 39 the harbour of Limiffo *. - But Richard, who arrived foon after, took ample Chap. X. vengeance on him for the injury. He difembarked his troops; defeated the ty- Hees rant, who oppofed:his landing » entered Limiffo by ftorm;. gained nextday a fe- cond victory ; obliged Iaac to furrender.at difcretion ; and eftablifhed governors over the ifland +. The Greek prince, being thrown into prifon and loaded with irons, complained of the little regard with which he was treated: Upon whichs Richard ordered filver fetters to be made for him and this Emperor, pleafed with the diftinétion, exprefied a fenfe of the generofity of his Conqueror f.. The . King here efpoufed Berengariaj, who, immediately embarking, carried along 12th May. with: her to Paleftine the .daughter.of the Cypriot prince; a dangerous rival, who was believed to have feduced the affections of her hufband. Such were the libertine character and conduct of the heroes engaged in this’ pious enter- prize ! Tue Enelifh army arrived in time to partake in the glory of the fiege of Acre The King’s or Ptolemais, which had been attacked for above two years by the united force OF ine. eapstcs all the croifes in Paleftine, and had been defended by the utmoft efforts of Saladin and the Saracens. ‘Phe remains of the German army, conducted by the Em- peror Frederic, and the feparate bodies of croifes, who continually poured in from the weft, had enabled the King of Jerufalerm to form this important ‘enter- prize §:, But Saladin, having thrown a ftrong garrifon into the place under the command of Caracos[, hisown mafter in the art of war; and molefting the be- fiegers with continual attacks and inroads, had protracted the fuccefs of. the eri- terprize, and wafted the force of his enemies. The arrival of Philip and Ri- chard infpired new life-into. the Chriftians ; and thefe princes, acting by concert, and fharing the honour and danger of every action, gave hopes of a final victory over the infidels. .They. agreed on this plan. of operations: When the French monarch attacked the town, the Englifh guarded the trenches : Next day, when the Englifh prince conducted the affault, the French fucceeded him in providing for the “Tafety of the affailants. The emulation between thefe rival Kings and rival nations produced. extraordinary acts of valour; ‘and Richard! in particular, ani= mated with. a more precipitant courage than Philip, and more agreeable to the romantic fpirit of that.age, drew tojhimfelf the attention of allhthe world, and ac La i i it “ + + ety f hy) 1 ie ols yer ' . y) 4 ‘3 , iH) % iP an ‘ea g + hy Are, a Fh BA } i y , ew vt ae ee fb ‘ at } if yeh 4 as ! Hn Ph ote inh | » MT eh aD sae et 1 ys i 4 ye ub hr rt ‘ ie UY ad ° 2 )) t ba MG) ts . ty ] i ey { ri H wh t it ? Dh , 4 ‘ al , in) wth Pi 2404. § Vinifanf, p. 269, bi . 2715 279. + Diceto, p. 654. | ax S | ration ; Chap. X. 11gt. State of Pa- lefline. rath July. 340 HISTORY or ENGLAND. ration; and occafions of difcord foon arofe between thefe jealous and haughty princes. Tur family of Boulogne, which had been firft placed on the throne of Jerufa- lem, ending in a female, Fulk, count of Anjou, erandfather to Henry II. of England, married the heirefs of that kingdom, and tranfmitted his title to the younger branches of his family. The Anjevin race, ending alfo in a female, Guy de Lufignan, by efpoufing Sibylla, the heirefs, had fucceeded to the title; and tho’ he loft his kingdom by the invafion of Saladin, he was {till acknow- ledged by all the croifes for King of Jerufalem *. But as Sibylla died without iffue during the fiege of Acre, Ifabella, her younger fitter, put in her claim to that titular kingdom, and required Lufignan to refion his pretenfions to her huf- band Conrade, marquis of Montferrat. Lufignan, maintaining that the royal title was unalienable and indefeazable, had recourfe to the prote¢tion of Richard, attended on him before he left Cyprus, and engaged him to embrace his caufe +. There needed no other reafon for throwing Philip into the party of Conrade; and the oppofite views of thefe great monarchs brought faction and diffenfion into the Chriftian army, and retarded all its operations [. The Templars, the Genoefe, and the Germans, declared for Philip and Conrade; the Flemings, the Pifans, the knights of the hofpital of St. John, adhered to Richard and Lufignan. But notwithftanding thefe difputes, as the length of the fiege had reduced the: Saracen garrifon to the laft extremity, they furrendered themfelves prifoners of war; fti- pulated, for the faving their lives, other advantages to the croifes ||, fuch as the reftoting of prifoners, and the delivery of the wood of the true crofs §; and this great enterprize, which had long engaged the attention of all Europe and Afia, was at laft, after the lofs of 300,000 men, brought to a happy period. But Philip, inftead of purfuing the hopes of farther conquefts, and redeeming the holy city from flavery, being difgufted with the afcendant affumed and ac- quired by Richard, and having views of many advantages, which he might reap by his prefence in Europe, declared his refolution of returning into France; and he pleaded his bad ftate of health as an excufe for his defertion of the common ccaufe |... He left, however, to Richard ten thoufand of his troops, under the command of the duke of Burgundy ; and he renewed his oath never to commence hoftilities againft that prince’s dominions during his abfence. But he had no fooner reached Italy than he applied to Pope Celeftine IH. for a difpenfation * Vinifauf, p. 281. + Trivet, p. 104, Vinifauf, p. 342. W. Heming, p. 524. t Hoveden, p. 693. M. Paris, p. 11s, W. Heming. p. 524. Knyghton, p. 2406. i Hoveden, p. 695. M. Paris, p. r1g. § Vinifauf, p. 341. 4 Bened. Abb. p. 667. Vinifauf, p. 343. .W. Heming. p. 527- Knyghton, p. 2405+ from Rm Loci BA WMA Ota. 241 fom this vow *; and when denied that requeft, he ftill proceeded, tho” after a Chap. *. more covert manner, in a project, which the prefent fituation of England ren- a dered fo inviting, and which oratified, in fo eminent a degree, both his refent- ment and his ambition. ; ImmMepIaTELy after Richard had left England, and begun his march to the Diforders in holy land, the two prelates, whom he had appointed guardians of the realm, England. broke out into the fierceft animofities againft each other, and threw the whole kingdom into combuftion. Longchamp, prefumptuous in his nature, elated by the favour of his mafter, and armed with the legatine commiffion, could not fub- mit to an equality with the bifhop of Durham ; and even went fo far as to arreft the perfon of his colleague, and to extort from him a refignation of the earldom of Northumberland, and of his other dignities, as the price of his liberty f. The King, informed of thefe diffenfions, ordered, by letters from. Marfeilles, that the bifhop should be reinftated in all his offices;. but Longchamp had itill the boldnefs to refufe compliance, on pretence that he himfelf was better ac- quainted with the King’s fecret intentions +. He proceeded ftill to govern the kingdom by his fole authority; to treat all the nobility with the greateft arro- gance; and to difplay his power and riches with an invidious oftentation. He never travelled without a ftrong guard of fifteen hundréd foreign foldiers, col- leéted from that licentious tribe with which the age was generally infefted || : Nobles and knights were proud of being admitted into his train §: His retinue wore the afpect of royal magnificence: And when, in his progrefs thro’ the kingdom, -he lodged.in any monaftery, his attendants, it is faid, were fufficient to devour, in one night, the revenue of feveral years }. The King, who was detained in Europe longer than the haughty prelate expected, hearing of this oftentation, which exceeded even what the habits of that age indulged to ecclefi- aftics ; being alfo informed of the infolent, tyrannical conduct of his minifter ; thought proper to reftrain his exorbitant power; and he fent new orders, ap- pointing Walter archbifhop of Roiien, William Marefhal earl of Strigul, Geof- frey Fitz- Peter, William Briewere,. and Hugh Bardolf, counfellors to Long- champ, and commanding him to take no meafures of importance without their concurrence and approbation *.. But fuch general terror had this man imprefied by his violent conduct, that even the archbifhop of Roiien and the.earl of Strigul durft not produce this mandate of the King and Longchamp {till maintained an s -1® Bened. Abb. p. 720. W. Heming. p.527- Brompton, p. 1221. + Hoveden, p. 665. Knyghton, p. 2403. + W. Heming. p. 528. | Hoveden, p. 702. -- § M. Paris, p. 114. W. Heming. p.528. | Hoveden, p. 680. Bened.’Abb. p. 626, 700. Brompton. p. 1193. * Hoveden, p, 687. Bened, Abb, p. 640, Diceto, Pp 65> Brompton, p. 1194. | “A 5 uncontrouled ~ Chap. X. 419}. rIO2. The King’s heroic actions in Paleitine. 242 HES TORY Or HE NOG LAN D,. uncontrouled authority over the nation *, | But'when he proceeded fo far as to throw-into prifon Geofirey archbifhop of York, whovhadoppofed his meafures -, this breach of écclefiaftical privileges excited fuch ian univerfal ferment, that prince John, difgufted with the fmall fhare he poffeffed in the goverment, and perfon- ally difobliged by, Longchamp,. ventured to fummon at! Reading :a general coun- cil of the nobility and prelates, and cite him to appear before them. Longchamp hought it dangerous to.entruft his perfon in their hands, and-he thut himfelf up in the tower, of London. { ;,,But being foon obliged to furtender that fortrefs, ‘he fied beyond, fea, concealed-under a female habit;..and was deprived of | his/offices of chancellor and chief. jufticiary, ; the laft of which was conferred on the arch- bifhop of Roiien, a prelate of ‘great prudence and moderation | The office of legate, however, .which had been... renewed..to Longchamp. by: Pope Celeftine, fill gave him, notwithftanding his abfence, great: authority in the kingdom, enabled nim: to difturb the govérnment, :and forwarded the views of Philip, who watched every opportunity.of annoying Richard’s dominions, ‘That monarch firftattempted to carry open- war into Normandy ; but as the French nobility re- fuled to follow him in an invafion of a tate’ which they had fworn to protect, and as the Pope, who was the general: guardian‘ of all princes that had taken the crofs, threatenedshim with: ecclefiaftical cenfures, he'defifted from his enterprize, and employed. againft England the: expedient of fecret policy and intrigue. He debauched prince John from his/allegiance ; promifed him his fifter Alice in mar- riage; offered to give him poffeffion :of all Richard’s tranfmarine dominions . and had not’the authority: of Queen Eleanor, andthe menaces of the Englith council, prevailed over the inclinations of that tarbulent prince, he was ready to have crofied the feas, and to have putin execution his criminal enterprizes, | Tue jealoufy of Philip wasevery moment excited by the glory which the’ he- roic actions of Richard were’ eaihing him'in ‘the Fatt, and which, being ‘com- pared’ to his Own defertion of that popular caufe, threw a double luftre on his ri- val. His envy,’ therefore, prompted him to obfcure that fame, which he had not equalled; ‘and’ he embraced every pretence of throwing the moft violent and moft improbable-calumnies on'the King of England. ‘There was’a petty ‘prince in ‘Afia, ‘commonly ‘called ‘The old man’ of ‘the mountain, who had acquired fuch an’afcendant over his fanatical fubjects, that ‘they paid’ the moft implicit deférence to ‘all -his‘commands ; - efteemed affaffination- meritorious, when ‘fandified by his mandate 5. courted danger, and even certain death, in the execution of his orders ; *, Hoyeden, p. 687. “ih , d Hoveden, p. “Ol, ‘Bened. Abby :p...697. Ww. Heming, Pp. $29, })Bened. Abb. p..698. M,. Parity P+ £87) We Heming? p. 530: Brompton, .p. 112 = | W. Heming. p. 530. io “and ln BRB .3O:0 Sa: BOR GT SX. 342 and fancied, that where they facrificed their lives for his fake, the higheft joys Chap X. of paradife were the infallible reward: of their devoted obedience *. It was the a a cuftom-ef this prince, when he imagined ‘himfelf injured, to difpatch fecretly fome of his fubjeGts- againft the aggreflor, foccharge them with the execution of his revenge,: to inftruét them. in every art of difguifing their purpofe ; “and no precautien was fufficient to guard: any man, however) powerful; againft the at- tempts of thefe fubtle and determined. ruffians. The greateft monarchs ftood in awe of this prince.of the affaflins, (for that was the n«me.of his people ; whence the word. has-been, transferred: intoinoft: European: languages) andvit- was: the higheit . indifcretion of. Con‘ade,» marquis: of }Montfertat, to offend and affront him. . The inhabitants of Tyre;owho were:governed by thit nobleman, had put to death fome, of this dangerous people :» Phesprince: demanded fatistaction ; for as he. piqued-himfelf, on: never beginning “any offence +, he had his regular and eftablithed formalities ,in-requiring atonement : Conrade treated~ his meflengers with difdain,:.. The prince iffued, his-fatal orders : wor of. shis furye&s, who had infinuated themfelves in difguife among Conradeé’s guards, openly, im the ftreets of Sidon, put him to death; and) when they were ferzed and’ condemned to the moft cruel tortures, they triumphed amidft their agonies, and rejoiced that they had been deftined by heaven to fuffer in fo. juft-and meritorious a caufe. Every. one in -Paleftine knew ftom what hand the blow ‘came. Richard: was entirely free from fufpicion: Tho’ that. monarch had formterly maintained the caufe of. Lufignan againft Conrade, he had become fenfible of the bad effects at- tending thefe diffenfions,; and had voluntarily conferred on the former the king- dom of Cyprus, oniconditionsthat :he-fhould refign to. his rival all pretenfions to the crown of Jerufalem tf... Conrade-hitnfelf} with liis‘dying breath, had recom- mended his. widow; to the protection ‘of: Richafd ||; the. prince of the affaffins avowed the. action in a formal narrative which -he fent to Europe § ; yet; on:this foundation, the King, of France thought fit to build the molt egregious calum= nies; and to impute to Richard the murder of the marquis of Montferrat, whofe elevation he, had jonce,epenly oppofed, oHe‘filled ‘all Purope’ with exclamations again{ft the crime; appointed a guard to! his own’perfon, in order to-defend hin- felf againft-a like attenipt4.5. and:endeavoured, by thefe fhallow artifices, to cover the infamy of attacking the dominions ofa prince,- whom he himfelf had de- ferted, and who was engaged with fo much glory in'a' war, univerfally acknow- ledged to be the common cavfe of Chriftendom. : e = = > “>i Bt x [=o rt A © eg oe =< as ee StS = eS - ee 50 oe : 7 a a % — Es ~s iS ~gisS = _ : jn P — ee rele - : gt, 7 ar : =e2z3 Be ‘ =— ieee < = <5 =e a = SS = — - >. = z - Pree = SA oo ENE SRS Ee a= : = 7 a ——— = S mate: ae ee Se eee —— - => - - I= - =: Ls at = ; Ta eee i arabe ce oe ay ber ee * “sa \ a f 4 ks ‘are ee * W. Heming. p. 532. Brompton, p. 1243. + Rymer, vol. 1. p. 7. t Vinifavf, P: 391. _. {, Brompton, p. 1243. § Rymer, ‘vol. 1 p. 71. Trivet, p.124. W. Heming. p.544. Diceto, p, 680. + W, Heming. p. 532. Brémpton, p. 1243. Se | But Gi Chap. X. 1192. 344 HISTORY or ENGLAND: Bur Richard’s heroic aétions in Paleftine wefe the beft apology for his con: duét. The croifes under his command determined, on opening the campaign, to attempt the fiege of Afcalon, in order to prepare the way for that of Jerufalem; and they marched along the fea-coaft with that intention. Saladin propofed to in- tercept their paflage ; and he placed himfelf on the road with an army, amount- ing to 300,000 combatants. On this occafion was fought one of the greateft battles of that age; and the moft celebrated, for the military genius of the com- manders, for the number and valour of the troops, and for the great variety of events which attended it. Both the right wing of the Chriftians, commanded by d’Avefnes, and the left, headed by the duke of Burgundy, were, in the be- ginning of the day, broken and defeated ; when Richard, who led on the main body, reftored the battle; attacked the: enemy with admirable intrepidity and prefence of mind; performed the part both of a confummate general and gallant foldier ; and not only gave his two wings leizure to recover from their confufion, but obtained a compleat victory over the Saracens, of whom forty thoufand are faid to have perifhed in the field *. Afcalon foon after fell into the hands of the Chriftians: Other fieges were carried on with fuccefs: Richard was even able to advance within fight of Jerufalem, the object of all his enterprizes ; when he had the mortification to find, that he muft abandon all hopes of immediate fuc- cefs, and muft put a ftop to his career of victory. The croifes, animated with an enthufiaftic ardor for the holy wars, broke at firft thre’ all regards to’ fafety or intereft in the profecution of their purpofe; and trufting to the immediate afliftance of heaven, fet nothing before their eyes but fame and victory in this world, and a crown of glory in the next. But long abfence from home, fatigue, difeafe, want, and the varieties of fuccefs which naturally attend war, had pra- dually abated that fury, which nothing was able direétly to withftand ; and every one, except the King of England, exprefied a defire of fpeedily returning into Europe. The Germans and the Italians declared their refolution of defifting from the enterprize: The French were {till more obftinate in this purpofe : The duke of Burgundy, in order to pay court to Philip, took all Opportunities of mortifying and oppofing Richard +: And there appeared an abfolute neceffity of abandoning for the prefent all hopes of farther conqueft, and of fecuring the acquifitions of the Chriftians by an accommodation with Saladin, - Richard, therefore, concluded a‘truce with that monarch ;~ and ftipulated, that Acre, Joppa, and other feaport towns of Paleftine, fhould remain in the hands of the croifes, and that all Chriftians fhould have liberty to perform their pilgrimage * Hoveden, p. 698, Bened, Abb, p.677. Diceto, p.66z. Brompton, p. 1214, + Vinifanf, p. 38@. Ss aa te ,) . man ie SS AA Rr 4 i Soy ? at a ‘ ; Rs Fn: OA Se ee 345 €0 Jerufalem unmolefted *. This truee was concluded for three years, three Chap. * months, three weeks, three days, and three hours; a magical number, whicl had probably been devized by the Europeans, and which was fuggefted by a fu- perftition well fuited to the object of the war. Tue liberty in which Saladin indulged the Chriftians, to perform their pilgri- mages to Jerufalem, was an eafy facrifice on his part ; and the furious wars, which he waged in defence of the barren territory of Judea, were not with him, as with the croifes, the refult of fuperftition, but of policy. The advantage indeed of fcience, moderation, humanity, was at that time entirely on the fide of the Sara- cens; and this gallant Emperor, in particular, difplayed, during the courfe of the war, a fpirit and generofity, which even his bigotted enemies were obliged to acknowledge and admire. Richard, equally martial and brave, carried with him more of the-barbarian chara€ter; and was guilty of aéts of ferocity, which throw a ftain on his celebrated victories. “When Saladin refufed to ratify the ca- pitulation of Acre, the King of England ordered all his prifoners, to the number of five thoufand, to be butchered; and the Saracens found themfelves obliged to retaliate upon the Chriftians by a like cruelty T. Saladin died at Damafcus foon after the conclufion of the truce with the croifes ; and it is memorable, thar, before he expired, he ordered his winding-fheet to be carried as a {tandard thro* every ftreet of the city; while a crier went before, and proclaimed with a loud yoice, This is all that remains to the mighty Saladin, the conqueror of the Haft. By his Jatt will, he ordered charities to be diftributed to the poor, without diftinction of Jew, Chriftian, or Mahometan. THERE remained, after the truce, no bufinefs of importance to detain Richard The King’s in Paleftine ; and the intelligence which he received, of the intrigues of his bro- tied ther John, and of the King of France, made him fenfible, that his prefence was necefiary in Europe t. As he dared not to pafs thro” France, he failed to the Adriatic; and being thipwrecked near Aquileia, he put on the difguife of a pil- grim, with a purpofe of taking his journey fecretly thro’ Germany. Purfued by the governor of Iftria |, he was forced out of the dire&t road to England, and was obliged to pafs by Vienna; where his expences and liberalities betrayed the monarch in the habit of the pilgrim ; and he was arrefted by orders of Leopold, duke of Auftria§. This prince had ferved under Richard at the fiege of Acres but being difgufted by fome infult of this haughty monarch, he was fo ungene- rous as to feize the prefent opportunity of gratifying at once his avarice and re- zoth Decema 119} * Trivet, p. 123. + Hoveden, p. 697. Bened. Abb. p. 673. M. Paris, p.115- Vie nifauf, p. 346. W.Heming. p. 531. t Brompton, p. 1243. || Rymer, vol. t. p. 7@ § Hoveden, p. 717, M, Paris, p. 121. Trivet, p. 124, Knyghton, p. 2407. Vou. I, yy venges ara ——= — Se Captivity in Germany. War with France. 346 HISTORY or ENGLAND, sy. venge; and he threw the King into prifon *. The Emperor, Henry VI. who alfo confidered Richard as an enemy, on account of the alliance contraéted by hith with Tancred, King of Sicily, cifpatched meflengers to the duke of Auftria, required the royal prifoner to be delivered to him, and) ftipulated a large fum of money as a reward for this fervice f. Thus, the King of England, .who had filled the whole world with his renown and glory, found himfelf, during the moft critical ftate of his affairs, confined to a dungeon, and, loaded with irons, in the heart of + Sap +, and entirely at the mercy of his enemies, the bafeft and moft fordid of mankind. Tue Englith council were aftonifhed on receiving this fatal intelligence ; and forefaw all the dangerous confequences, which might naturally arife from that event. The Queen-dowager wrote reiterated letters to Pope Celeftine, exclaim; ing againft the injury which her fon had fuftained, reprefenting, the impiety of detaining in prifon the moft illufkrious prince who had. yet carried the banners of Chrift into the holy land; claiming the proteétion. of the: apoftolic fee, which was due even to the meanefi of the croifes; and upbraiding the Pope, thatin a caufe where juftice, religion, and the dignity of the church, were fo much.con- cerned; a caufe, which it might well befit his Holinefs himfelf to fuppert by ta- king in perfon a journey into Germany, the fpiritual thunders fhould be io long fufpended. over thefe facrilegious offenders |]. The zeal of Celeftine correfponded not to the impatience of the Queen-mother ; and the regency of England were, for a long time, left by themfelves, to firuggle with all their domeftic and fo- reign enemies, ¢ Tue King of. France, quickly informed of Richard’s confinement, by a mief- fase from) the: Emperor'§, prepared: himf{ctf to take advantage of that incident 3 and he employed, every, means .of force:-and intrigue, of war and: negotiation, againit the dominions and the perfon. of his watonenae rival. Hie revived the calumny of Richard’s. affaffinating the marquis of Montferrat.; and-by, that-ab- furd pretence, he induced ,his. barons ‘to. violate. their oaths, by which they had engaged, that, during the croiade, they ‘never would; on any account, attack the dominions of the King of- England’... He»made the Emperor the: largeft offers, if he would deliver into: his hands the royal prifoner, or at leaft detain him in perpetual captivity 5, and he even formed an alliance by marriage with the King of Denmark, defired that the antient Danifh claim to the crown of England * M. Paris, p. 118. -W. Heming.-p. 535. Brompton, p. 1250. + M. Wet. p. 258. t Chron. LT. Wykess p. 353 |. Rymer, vol. 1. Pp. 723 739 745 755 76, &c. § Rymer, vol. 1,-p. 70. 4+ Hoveden, p. 717; Brompton, p. 1244. fhould RA § Oot fH cA RE DT OR 34 thould be transfertéd to him, and follicitéd a fupply of fhippihg to’maintain it *. But the moft fuccefsful of Philip’s ségotiations was with"prince John, who, for- eétting every tye to‘his brother, his fovercign, and his benefactor, thousht of nothing but how to make his own advantage of the public calamities. That traitor, on the fitft invitation from the court of France, faddenly went abtoad, held-a conference with Philip, and made a treaty, of which the object was the perpe- tual ruin of Ais unhappy brothér +. He ftipulated to deliver into Philip’s hands 4 great patt’ of Normandy ¢;° and. in return, he received the inveftiture of all Richard’s tratfmatiné dominions ;\ and-it is reported by feveral hiftorians; that he even did Homage to the French King for the crown of England. In confequence of this treaty, Philip invaded Normandy ; and by the treachery of John’s emiffaries, made himfelf mafter, without oppofition, of many fortrel- fes, Neuf-chatel, Néaufle, Gifors, Pacey, Ivreé |: Hefubdued the counties of Eu and Aumale; and advancing to form the fiege of Rotien, he threatened to put all the inhabitants to the fword, if they dated to make the leaft refiftance to his arms. Happily, Robere earl of Leicefter appeared in that critical moment ; a gallant nobleman, who had acquired great honour during the croifade, and who being more fortunate than his miafter in finding his paflage homewards, took on him thé command in Rojien, and exerted himfelf, by his prefence and ex- ample, to infufe courage into the difmhayed Normans §. — Philip was repulfed in every attack; the.time of his vaffals’ fervice expired; and he confented toa truce With the Enelifh regency, received in return the promife of 20,000 marks, and had four caftles put into his hands, as fecurity for the payment +. Patnce John, who, with a view ef increafing the general confufion, .went over to England, was lefs fuccefsful in his enterprizes. Ee was only able to make himfelf mafter of the.cafiles of Windfor and Wallingford ; but when he arrived in London, .and claimed the kingdom as heir to his brother, of whofe death he-pretended to have received certain intelligence, he was rejected by all the barons, and meafures were taken to oppofe and fubdue him *. The jattici- aries, fupported by the general affections of the people, provided fo well for the defence for the kingdom, ‘that; John was obliged, after fome fruitlefs efforts, to conclude a truce with them ; and before its expiration, he thought it prudent to return into France, and he openly acknowledged his alliance with Philip +. * Hoveden, p.731.. W. Heming. p- 533- Brompton, p.1244. _ Knyghton, p. 2406. + Hoveden, p.724;. W. Heming. p. 636. t Rymer, vol. 1. p. 85. || W. Heming. pes37:> =} Hoveden,' p. 724. M. Paris, p. 122. |. Hoveden, P. 730.730 Ry- mer, vol. I. p» 81, * Hoveden, p. 724- + W. Heming. p. 535: Yy2 - MEAN Chap. X. 1193. Chap. X. i 1G 3. 348 HISTORY or ENGLAND Mean while, the high fpirit of Richard fuffered in Germany every kind of in- fult and indignity. The French ambaffadors, in their mafter’s name, renounced him as a vaflal to the crown of France, and declared all his fiefs to be forfeited ‘to his liege-lord. ‘The Emperor, that he might render him more impatient for the recovery of his liberty, and make him fubmit.to the payment of ‘a larger ranfom, treated him with the greateft feverity, and reduced him to a condition worfe than that of the meaneft malefaétor. He was even produced before the _ diet of the empire at Worms, and accufed by Henry of many crimes and milde- meanors; of making an alliance with Tancred, the ufurper of Sicily ; of turn- ing the arms of the croifes againft a Chriftian prince, and fubduing Cyprus; of affronting the duke of Auftria before Acre ; of obftructing the progrefs of the Chriftian arms by his quarrels with the King of France ; of affaffinating Conrade, marquis of Montferrat; and of concluding a truce with Saladin, and leaving Jerufalem in the hands of the Saracen Emperor *. Richard, whofe fpirit was not broke by all his misfortunes, and whofe genius was rather rouzed by thefe frivolous or fcandalous imputations; after premifing, that his royal dignity ex- empted him from anfwering before any jurifdiction, except that of heaven; yet condefcended, for the fake of his reputation, to juftify his conduct before that ereat aflembly. He obferved, that he had no hand in Tancred’s elevation, and only concluded a treaty with a prince, whom he found in poffeffion of the throne: That the King, or rather tyrant of Cyprus, had provoked his indigna- tion by the moft ungenerous and unjuft proceedings 5 and tho’ he chaftifed this agoreffor, he had not retarded a moment the progrefs of his chief enterprize : That if he had been at any time wanting in civility to the duke of Auftria, he had already been punifhed fufficiently for that fally of paffion ; and it better became men, embarked together in fo holy a caufe, to forgive each other’s infirmities, than to purfue a flight offence with fuch unrelenting vengeance : That it had fuf- ficiently appeared by the event, whether the King of France or he was moft zea- lous for the conqueft of the holy land, and was moft likely to facrifice private paffions and animofities to that great object : That if the whole tenor of his life had not fhown him incapable of a bafe affaffination, and juftified him from that imputation in the eyes of his very enemies, it was in vain for him, at prefent, to make his apology, or plead the many irrefragable arguments, which he could produce in his own favour: And that, however he might regret the neceflity, he was fo far from being afhamed of his truce with Saladin, that he rather gloried in that event; and thought it extremely honourable, that, tho’ abandoned by all the world, .fupported only by his own courage and by the {mall remains of his * M. Paris, p. tags W. Heming.. p. $30 : “8 national = @! RR $o a A. RSME 349 Chap. X. national troops, he could yet obtain fuch conditions from the moft powerful and 1iQ3. moft warlike Emperor that the Eaft had ever yet produced, Richard, after thus deigning to apologize for his conduct, burft out into indignation at the cruel treat- ment which he had met with; that he, the champion of the crofs, ftill wearing that honourable badge, fhould, after expending the blood and treafure of his fub- jeéts in the common caufe of Chriftendom, be intercepted by Chriftian princes in his return to his own country, be thrown into a dungeon, be loaded with irons, be obliged to plead his caufe, as if he were a fubject and a malefactor ; and what he {till more regretted, be thereby prevented from making his preparations fora new croifade, which he projected, after the expiration of the truce, and from re- deeming the fepulchre of Chrift, which had fo long been profaned by the domt- nion of the infidels. ‘he fpirit and eloquence of Richard made fuch impreffion on the German princes, that they exclaimed loudly againft the conduct of the Emperor ; the Pope threatened him with excommunication ; and Henry, who had hearkened to the propofals of the King of France and prince John, found that it would be impradticable for him to execute his and their bafe purpofes, and detain the King of England any longer in captivity. He therefore concluded with him a treaty for his ranfom, and agreed to reftore him to his freedom for the fum of 150,000 marks, about 300,000 pounds of our prefent money 5 of which 100,000 marks was to be paid before he received his liberty, and fixty-feven ho- {tages delivered for the remainder * The Emperor, as if to glofs over the infa- my of this tranfaction, made at the fame time a prefent to Richard of the kingdom of Arles, comprehending Provence, Dauphiny, Narbonne, and other ftates, over which theempire had fome antiquated claims, that the King very wifely neglected T. Tue captivity of the fuperior lord was one of the cafes provided for by the feudal tenures ; and all the vaflals were in that event obliged to give an aid for his ranfom, Twenty thillings were therefore levied on each knight’s fee in Eng- land ¢; but as this money came in flowly, and was not fufficient for the intended purpofe, the voluntary zeal of the people readily fupplied the defect |. The churches and monafteries melted down their plate, to the amount of 30,000 marks; the bifhops, abbots, and nobles, paid a fourth of their yearly rent; the parochial clergy contributed a tenth of their tythes: And the requifite fum being thus collected, Queen Eleanor, and Walter archbifhop of Roiien, fet out with — 2784. it for Germany ; paid the money to the Emperor and the duke of Auftria at + Februarys -Mentz; gave-them hoftages for the remainder; and freed Richard from The King’s elivery. * THloyeden, p. 728. M. Paris, p. 122. Diceto, p. 670. Rymer, vol. 1. p. 84, + Hoveden, p, 732- { Hoveden, p. 720) 734: | M. Paris, p. 322. Ann, Waverl, p. 164. W,. Heming. p. 53%: - his 250 HISTOR ¥ oF ENGLIA ND. Chap. X. his captivity. His efcape was very critical: Heriry had beer detéeted in the af: ‘194 faMination-of the bifhop of Liege, and in’an attemipt 6f'a' like nature’on thé duke of Tcouvaine ; and finding himfelf extremely ‘obnoxious to the Gerfrfian prifices on account of thefe odious practices, he had determined to feek fupport ‘from an alliance with the French King *; to detarn Richard, the enemy of. that prinee, in perpetual captivity; to keep in his ‘hands the money which he had already re- ceived for his ranfom 3 and to extort new fums from Phi lip and prince John, who were very liberal in their offers to Hitn*f: ” He therefore gave orders that Richard fhould be purfued and arrefted ; bat the King, making all imaginable hafte, had already embarked at the mouth of “the Schelde, and was out of fight of land when the meflengers of the Emperor reached Antwerp. King’s return "Pre joy of the Englith was extreme on the appearance of their monarch, to England. abe i : 36 -zoth ‘arch, who had fuffered fo many calamities, who had acquired {6 much glory, ahd who had {pread the repuitation of their name into the fartheft Fatt, whither their fame had never before been able to extend ft. He gave them, fein after his arrival, , an opportunity of difplaying publicly their exultation, by ordering himfelf to be crowned anew at Winchefter; as if he intended, by. that céremony, to reinftate himfelf. in his throne, and to wipe off the ignominy of his captivity ||. ‘Their fatisfaction was not even damped, when he declared his putpofe of making a ceneral refumption of thofe exorbitant grants, which he had been necefiitated to agree to before his departure for the holy land, The barons alfo, in a great Coie forfeited, on account of his treafon, all prince John’s pofieffions in England; and they affifted the King in reducing the fortreftes which ‘ftill re- mained in thé hands of His brother’s adherents § :* And Richard, having fettled every thing in England, pafled over with an army ‘into Normandy; being impa- tient to make war on‘Philip, and to revenge hinifelf for the many injuries which he had received from that monarch |. So foon as Philip heard of thé King’s delivery from captivity, he wrote to his confederate, John, in theéfé fernis: Take care of yourfelf: The devil is broke loofe *, Wuewn we. confider two fuch powerful and martial monarchs, inflamed with War with -perfonal animofity to each other, enraged by mutual injuries, excited by rivalfhip, France, impelled by oppofite interefts, and inftigated by the pride and violence of their own temper ; our curiofity is naturally raifed, and‘we expect an obftinate and fu- rious war, diftinouifhed by the greateft events, and concluded by fome remark-~ * Hoveden, p. 727. Nenubrig. W. Heming. p. 539. + Hoveden, p. 733. t W. Heming-"p. 539. | Hoveden, p: 738. M. Paris, p. 122. § Hoveden, p.737: Ann. Waveérl, ‘prrés. W. Heming. p. 540. “~ & 4 Hovedén, p+ 740. * Hoveden, P+ 739: able Oe . - - as a = i oe ane fe am Maing Pe a eee Bel Ri hcuw A Raw =k 361 able cataftrophe. Yet are the incidents which attended thefe hoftilities fo frivo- lous, that fearce any hiftorian can entertain fuch a paffion for military defcriptions as to venture ona detail of them: A certain proof of the extreme weaknefs of princes in thofe ages, and.of the little authority they poffeffed over their refractory vaffals!... The whole amount of the exploits on both fides is,. the taking a cattle, the furprife of a ftraggling party, a rencounter of horfe, which refembles more a rout than a battle. Richard obliged Philip to raife the fiege of Verneiiil; he took Loches, a {mall town in. Anjou; he made himfelf mafter of Beaumont, and fome other places of ‘little confequence; and after thefe trivial exploits, the two Kings began already. to hold conferences for an accommodation. . Philip infifted, that, if,a genéral peace was’ concluded,. the barons on. each fide fhould be prohi- bited from carrying..on private wars againtt each other: But Richard replied, that this was a right claimed by his vaflals, and he could not debar them of it *. After this. fruitlefs negotiation, there enfued an action between the French and Englifh cavalry at Fretteval, in which the former were routed, and the King of Firance’s cartulary;and records, whichicommonly at thar time attended his perfon, were taken >... Philip had ‘his, revenge for this defeat, by an advantage which he obtained before Vaudreiiil: And a.truce for a year was at laft, from mutual weaknefs, concluded between the two monarchs.3. Dvurine this war, prince Jobn deferted Philip, threw himfelf at his brother’s feet, craved. pardon for his:offences, and by the interceflion of Queen Eleanor, was received into favour ||. J forgive him, fai¢ the King, aud hope I hall as eafily forget bis injuries, as he-will my pardon. John was.incapable even of returning to his duty, withour committing acbafenefs.. Before he left Philip’s party, -he in. vited to dinner all theofficers: of the garrifon, which that: prince had placed.in the citadel of Evreux ‘he treacheroufly maffacred them ‘during the entertainment ; fell,\ wich: the*affiftance of the townfmeén) on: the garnfon, whom. he put: to. the {word ; and then delivered up the place! to-his: brother §. Tue King of France was the great object of Richard’s refentment and animo- fity: The conduct of his brother John,’ as‘well as of the Emperor and duke’ of Auftria, had Been fo bafe and mean, and was expofed to fuch general odium and reproach, that the King deemed himfelf fufficiently revenged for°their injuries ; and'as'it is impoflible to hate heartily a perfon whom one defpifes, he feems never to have entertained any project of vengeance againft any of them. The duke of Auftria, about this time, having crufhed his leg by the fall of his horfe at a tour- hament, was thrown into a fever; and being ftruck, on the approaches of death, * Hoveden, p. 741, + Ibid. ft W. Heming. p. 541. | || M. Paris, p, 122. W. Heming. p. 542. § Phillipid. lib. 4. p. 143. Rigord, ‘p. 77. ch ” wit Chap. X, LiQ4. £195. #196. 352 HISTORY or ENGLAN Di with remorfe for his injuftice to Richard, he ordered, by will, all the Englifh hoftages to be fet at liberty, and the remainder of the debt to be remitted *: His fon, who feemed inclined to difobey thefe orders, was conftrained by his ecclefi- aftics to execute them +, The Emperor alfo made advances for Richard’s friendfhip, and offered to give him a difcharge of all his debt, provided he would enter into an offenfive alliance againft the King of France; a propofal which was very acceptable to Richard, and was greedily embraced by him. The treaty with the Emperor took no effect ; but it ferved -to rekindle the war between France and England before the expiration of the truce. This war was not diftin- euifhed by any more remarkable incident than the former. After mutually ravaging the open country, and taking a few infignificant caftles, the two Kings concluded a peace at Louviers, and yielded up fome territories to each other ¢. Their inability to make war occafioned the peace: Their mutual anti- pathy engaged them again in war before two months expired. Richard ima- gined, that he had now got an opportunity of ftriking a fevere blow on his rival, by forming an alliance with the counts of Flanders, Tholoufe, Boulogne, Cham- ad other confiderable vaffals of the crown of France ||. But he foon ex- pagne, al tinces; and was not able to make any impref- perienced the infincerity of thefe p fion on that kingdom, while governed by a prince of fo much vigour and acti- vity as Philip. The moft remarkable incident of this war was the taking pri- foner in battle the bifhop of Beauvais, a martial prelate, who was of the family of Dreux, and a near relation of the French King. Richard, who hated that bi- fhop, threw him into prifon, and loaded him with irons; and when the Pope demanded his liberty, and claimed him as his fon, the King fent his Holinefs the coat of mail which the prelate had worn in battle, and which was all bef{meared with blood: And he replied to him, in the terms employed by Jacob’s fons to that patriarch, This have we found: Know now whether it be thy fon’s coat or no. This war-between England and France, tho’ carried on with fuch animofity, that both Kings frequently put out the eyes of their prifoners, was foon finifhed, bya truce of five years; and immediately after figning this treaty, the Kings were ready, on fome new offence, to break out again into hoftilities; when the medi- ation of the cardinal of St. Mary, the Pope's legate, accommodated the diffe- rence |. This prelate even engaged the princes to commence a treaty for a more durable peace ; but the death of Richard put an end to the negotiation. * M. Paris, p. 125. W.Heming. p. 542. Diceto, p. 678. | + Rymer, vol. 1. p. 88, 102. ¢ Rymer, vol. 1. p- 91. | W. Heming. p. 549. Brompton, p. 1273. Rymer, vol. 1. Pp. 94: § Genef. chap. xxxvii. verfe 32. M. Paris, p.128, Brompton, p. 1273. 4 Rymer, vol. 1. Pp» 109) I10, - | VIDOMAR, RAhc a SA RB 253 tn} Pe | Vipomar, vifcount of Limoges, a vaffal of the King, had found atreafure, Chap. X. of which he fent a part to that prince as a prefent. Richard, as fuperior lord, "9% claimed the whole; and at the head of fome Brabangons, befieged the vifcount 10 the caftle of Chalus, near Limoges, in order to make him comply with his de- mand *, The garrifon offered to furrender ; but the King replied, that, fince he had taken the pains to come thither and befiege the place in perfon, he would take it by force, and would hang every one of them. The fame day, Richard, ac- companied by Marcadée, leader of his Brabangons, approached the caftle in order to furvey it; when one Bertrand de Gourdon, an archer, took an aim at him, and pierced his fhoulder with an arrow. The King, however, gave orders for the affault, took the place, and hanged all the garrifon, except Gourdon, who had wounded him, and whom he referved for a more deliberate and more crue! exe- cution +. THE wound’ was not in itfelf dangerous ; but the unfkilfulnefs of the furgeon made it mortal: He fo rankled Richard’s fhoulder in pulling out the arrow, that a gangrene commenced; and that prince was now fenfible that his life was draw- ing towards a period. He. fent for Gourdon, and afked him, Wretch, what have I ever done you, to oblige you to feck my lifes What have you done me? re- plied coolly the prifoner : You killed with your own hands my. father, ana my two brothers; and you intended to have hanged myfelf: fam nw in your power, and you may take revenge, by inflitiing on me the moft fevere torments: But I fball en- durethem all with pleafure, provided 1 can think that with my own hands I have vid the world of fuch a nuifance {. Richard, ftruck with the reafonablenefs of this reply, and humbled by the near approach of death, ordered Gourdon to be fet at liberty, and a fum of money to be given him; but Marcadée, unknown to him, feized the unhappy man, flead him alive, and then hanged him. Richard died in the tenth year of his reign, and the forty-fecond of his age; and he left 6th April. no iffue behind him. \ | | Death Tue mott fhining part of this prince’s character were his military talents. No and charaéter man, even in that romantic age, carried perfonal courage and intrepidity to a “° ae greater heights and this quality gained him the appellation of the lion-hearted, ceur de lion. We paffionately loved glory, chiefly military glory ; and as his con- du&tin the field was not inferior to his valour, he feems to have pofiefied every talent neceflary for acquiring it. His refentments alfo wefe high ; his pride ua- conquerable ; and -his fubjeéts, as well as his neighbours, had therefore reafon to 28th March. * Hoveden, p. 791. Knyghton, p. 2413. + Ibid. t Hoveden, p. 791- Brompton, p.1277. Kuyghton, p 2413. . Vor. I. fA apprehend, ey 354 mIS TORY of ENG LIAB D. Chap. X. apprehend, from the continuance of his reign, a perpetual fcene of bloodand vio- lence. Of an impetuous and vehement fpitit,. he was diftinguifhed by all the good, as well as the bad qualities, which are incident to that character: He was open, frank, generous, fincere, and brave; he was revengeful, domineering, ambitious, haughty, and cruel; and was thus better calculated to dazzle men by the fplendor of his enterprizes, than either to promote their happinefs or his own grandeur, by a found and well regulated policy. As military talents make great impreffion on the people, he feems to have been much beloved by his Englith {ubjects; and he is remarked to have been the firft prince of the Norman line who bore a fincere affection and regard to them. He pafied however only four months of his reign in that kingdom: The croifade employed him near three years ; he was detained about fourteen months in captivity ; the reft of his reign waas {pent either in war, or preparations for war, again{t France; and he was fo pleafed with the fame which he had acquired in the Eaft, that he feems to have determined, notwithftanding all his paft misfortunes, to have farther exhaufted his kingdom, and to have expofed himfelf to new hazards, by conducting another expedition againft the infidels, __, | Mi‘cellaneous spike tes of Tuo’ the Englifh pleafed themfelves with the glory which the King’s martial this reign. talents procured them, his reign was very Oppreffive, and fomewhat arbitrary, by the high taxes which he levied on them, and often without the confent of the {tates or great council. In the ninth of his reign, he levied five fhillings. on each hyde of land; and becaufe the clergy refufed to contribute their fhare, he put them out of the protection of law, and ordered the civil courts to give them no fentence for any debts which they might claim *. ‘Twice in his reign he ordered all his charters to be fedled anew, and the parties to pay fees for the renewal +. It is faid that Hubert, his jufticiary, fent him over to France, in the fpace of two years, no lefs a fum than 1,100,000 marks, befides bearing all the charges of the government in England. But this account is quite incredible, unlefs we fuppofe that he made an extreme dilapidation of the demefnes of the crown. A King who pofleffed fuch a revenue utd never have endured fourteen months captivity, for not paying 150,000 marks to the Emperor, and be obliged at laft to leave hoftages for a third of the fum. The prices of commodities in this reign are alfa a certain proof, that no fuch enormous fum could be levied from the peo- ple. A hyde of land, or a hundred and twenty acres, was commonly let for twenty fhillings a-~year, money of that time. The general and ftated price of an ox was four {Rillings; of a labouring horfe, the fame; of a fow, one fhilling; * Hoveden, p. 743. Tyrrel, vol. z. p. 563. + Prynne’s Chronol. Vindic. tom. i. p, 1133- of Bios OC RB BOR Bea BS 255 of a fheep with fine wool, ten pence; with coarfe wool, fix pence *. Thefe commodities feem not to have much advanced in their prices fince the time of the Conquett. * Ricuarp renewed the fevere Jaws againft tranfgreffors in his forefts, whom he punifhed by caftration and putting out their eyes, as in the reign of his great- grandfather. He eftablifhed by law one weight and meafure throughout his king- dom+: An ufeful inftitution, which the mercenary difpofition and neceffities of his fucceffor engaged him to difpenfe with for rioney. Tue diforders in London, derived from its bad police, had tifen to a great height during this reign; and in the year 1196, there feemed to be formed a regular confpiracy of the malefactors, which threatened the city with deftruc- tion. ‘There was one William Fitz-Ofbert, commonly called Longbeard, a law- yer, who had rendered himfelf extremely popular among the lower rank of citi- zens; and by defending them on all occafions, had acquired the appellation of the advocate or faviour of the poor. He exerted his authority, by injuring and mfulting the more fubftantial inhabitants, with whom he lived in a ftate of hofti- lity, and who were every moment expofed to. the moft outrageous violences from him and his licentious emiffaries. _Murders were daily committed in the ftreets 5 houfes were broke open and pillaged in day-light; and it is pretended, that no lefs than fifty-two thoufand perfons had figned an affociation, by which they bound themfelves to obey all the orders of this dangerous ruffian. Archbifhop Hubert, who was then chief jufticiary, fummoned him before the council to an{wer for his conduct ; but he came fo well attended, that no one durft accufe him, or bear evidence againft him; and the primate, finding the impotence of laws, contented himfelf with exacting from the citizens heftages for thei good behaviour. He kept, however, a watchful: eye on William; and feizing a favourable opportu- nity, attempted to commit him to cuftody ; but the criminal, murdering one of the public officers, efcaped with his concubine to the church of St. Mary le Bow, where he defended himfelf by force of arms. He was at laft forced from his re- treat, condemned, and executed, amidft the infinite regrets of the populace, who were fo devoted to his memory, that they ftole his gibbet, paid it the fame vene- ration as to the crofs, and were equally zealous in propagating and attefting re- ports of the miracles which were wrought by it {. But tho* the feCtaries of this fuperftition were punifhed by the jufticiary ||, it received fo little en¢ouragement from the eftablifhed clergy, whofe property was endangered by fuch {gditious practices, that it fuddenly funk and vanifhed. * Hoveden, p. 745. + M. Paris, p. 109, 134. ‘Trivet, p.127. Ann, Waverl. p, 165. Hoveden, -p. 774. t Hoveden, p. 765. Diceto, p. 691. Neubrig. p. 492, 493- ervas, p. : Sis nz 2 C0: AY ?, Chep. XI. 1199. Accefloa of the King. 356 HISTORY or ENGLAND. 7, Or War with France Mur- Accefion of the King His marriage der of Arthur, duke of Brittany. The King expelled from ail the French provinces. The King’s quarrel with the court of Rome Cardinal Langton appointed archbifhop of Canterbury dict of the kingdom Excommunication of the King fubmiffion to the Pope Difcontents of the barons the barons Magna Charta. Prince Lewis called over-——Death lnter- The King’s Renewal of the civil wars and character of the King. HIE noble and free genius of the antients, which made the government of a fingle perfon be always regarded by them asa fpecies of tyranny: and ufur- pation, and kept them from forming any conception of a legal and regular monar- chy, had rendered them entirely ignorant both of the rights of primogeniture and a reprefeniation in facceffion ; inventions fo neceffary to preferve order in the lines of princes, to obviate the evils of civil difcord and of ufurpation, and to beget mo- deration in that fpecies of government, by giving fecurity to the ruling fovereign. Thefe innovations arofe from the feudal law ; which, firft introducing the right of primogeniture, made fuch a diftinction between the families of the elder and younger brothers, that the fon of the former was thought intitled to fucceed to his erandfather, preferably to his uncles, tho’ nearer allied to the deceafed monarch, But tho’ this progrefs of ideas was natural, it was gradual. In the age of which we treat, the practice of reprefentation was indeed introduced, but not thorough- ly eftablifhed ; and the minds of men floated between oppofite principles. Ri- chard, when he entered on the holy war, declared his nephew, Arthur duke of Brittany, his fucceffor; and by a formal deed, he {fet afide, in his favour, the title of his brother John, who was younger than Geoffrey, the father of that prince *, But John fo little acquiefced in this deftination, that when he gained the afcendant in the Englifh miniftry, by expelling Longchamp, the chancel- lor and great jufticiary, he engaged all the Englifh barons to fwear, that they * Hoveden, p- 677. M, Paris, p. 112. Chron. de Dunft, p. 43. Rymer, vol. 1. p. €6, 68. Bened. Abb. p. 19. would Infurreétion of J O H N, 357 would maintain his right of fueceffion; and Richard, on his return, to-k no fteps towards reftoring or fecuring the order which he had at firft eftablifhed. He was even careful, by his laft will, to declare his brother John heir to all his dominioné*; whether, that he now thought Arthur, who was only twelve years of age, incapable of afferting his claim againft John’s faction, or was influ- enced by Eleanor, the Queen-mother, who hated Conftantia, mother to the young duke, and who dreaded the influence which that princefs would naturally acquire during the reign of her fon. The authority of a teftament was great in that age, even where the fucceffion of a kingdom was concerned ; and John had reafon to hope, that this title, joined to his plaufible right in other refpects, would enfure him the fucceffion. But the idea of reprefentation feems to have tnade, at this time, greater progrefs in France than in England ; and the barons of the tranfmarine provinces, Anjou, Maine, and Touraine, immediately decla- red in favour of Arthur’s fucceffion +, and applied for the affiftance of the French monarch as their fuperior lord. Philip, who defired only an occafion to em- barafs John, and difmember his dominions, embraced the caufe of the young duke of Brittany, took him under his protection, and fent him to Paris to be edu- cated, along with his fon Lewis [. In this emergence, John haftened to efta- blifh his authority in the chief members of the monarchy; and after fending Ele- anor into Poictou and Guienne, where her right was inconteftible, and was rea- dily acknowledged, he hurried to Roiien, and being there invefted in the dutchy of Normandy, he pafled over without lofs of time into England. Hubert, arch- bifhop of Canterbury, William Marefchal, earl of Strigul, foon after created earl of Pembroke, and Geoffrey Fitz-Peter, the jufticiary, the three moft favoured minifters of the late King, were already engaged on his fide || ; and the fubmit- fion or acquiefcence of all the other barons put him, without oppofition, in pof- fefion of the throne. Tue King foon returned to France, in order to conduét the war againft Philip, and to recover the revolted provinces from his nephew, Arthur. The alliances which Richard had formed with the earl of Flanders §, and other potent French barons, tho’ they had not been very effetual, ftill fubfifted, and enabled John to defend himfelf againft all the efforts of his enemy. In an action between the French and Flemings, the elect bifhop of Cambray was taken prifoner by the former ; and when the cardinal of Capua claimed his liberty, Philip, inftead of complying, reproached him with the weak efforts which he had employed in fa- * Hoveden, p. 791. ‘Trivet, P- 138. + Hoveden, p. 792. M. Paris, p. 137+ M, Weft. p. 263. Knyghton, p. 2414. t Ibid. | Hoveden, p. 793. Ms Paris, p. 137+ ~ § Rymer, vol. i. p. 114. Hoveden, p. 794: M. Paris, p. 138. your Chap. xn 1199. Chap. XI. I 199+ The King’s mairiage, 358 mis T O.R Yer JONG; L AiNap. vour of the bifhop of Beauvais, who was ina like condition. The legate, to fhow his impartiality, laid at the fame time the kingdom of France and the dutchy of Normandy under an interdict; and the two Kings found themfelves obliged to make an exchange of thefe military prelates. Noruine enabled the King to bring this war to a happy iffue fo much as the felifh, intriguing character of Philip, who acted, in the provinces that had decla- red for Arthur, without any regard to the interefts of that prince; and infpired Conftantia with a violent jealoufy, that he intended to ufurp the entire dominion of them *, She therefore found means to carry off her fon. fecretly from Paris ; fhe put him into the hands of his uncle; reftored the provinces which had ad- hered to him; and made him do homage for the dutchy of Brittany, which was ufually regarded as a rere-fief of Normandy. From this incident, Philip faw, that he could not hope to make any progrefs againft John; and being threatened with an interdict on account of his irregular divorce from Ingelburga, the Danifh princefs, whom he had efpoufed, he became very defirous of concluding a peace with England. After fome fruitlefs conferences, the terms were at Jaft adjufted ; and the two monarchs feemed in this treaty to have an intention, befides ending the prefent quarrel, of preventing all future caufes of difcord, and of obviating every controverfy which could hereafter arife between them. They adjufted the limits of all their territories; mutually fecured the interefts of their vaflals; and to render the union more durable, John beftowed his niece, Blanche of Cattile, in marriage to prince Lewis, Philip’s eldeft fon, and gave with her the baronies of Iffoudun and Gragai, and other fiefs\in Berri. Nine barons of the King of England, and as many of the King of France, were guarantees of this treaty ; and all of them fwore, that, if their fovereign violated any article of it, they would declare themfelves againft him, and embrace the caufe of the injured mo- narch +. Such independance was at that time affumed by thefe vaflals, and ad- mitted by their princes ! : Joun, now fecure, as he imagined, on the fide of France, indulged his paf- fion towards Ifabella, the daughter and heir of Aymar Taillefer, count of An- gouleme, a lady with whom he had become much enamoured. His Queen, the heirefs of the famfly of Glocefter, was ftill alive: Ifabella was married to the count de la Marche, and was already delivered into the hands of that nobleman; tho’, by reafon of her tender years, the marriage was not yet confummated. The paflion of John made him overlook all thefe obftacles: He perfuaded the * Hoveden, p. 795. + Norman. Duchefnii, p. 1055. Rymer, vol. i. p. 117, 118, 119. Hoveden, p. 814. Chron. Dunit. vol, i. p, 47. count Fe 359 count of Angouleme to carry off his daughter feom her hufband; and having, on fome pretence or other, procured a divorce from his own wife, he efpoufed Ifabella * ; regardlefs both of the menaces of the Pope, who exclaimed againft thefe irregular proceedings, and of the refentment of the injured count, who foon found means to punifh his powerful and infolent rtvat. Joun had not the art of attaching his barons either by affection or by fear. The count de Ja Marche, and his brother the count d’Eu, taking advantage of the general difcontent againft him, excited commotions in Peictou and Norman- dy ; and obliged the King to have recourfe to arms, in order to fupprefs the in- furreétion of his vaflals. He fummoned together the barons of England, and re- quired them to pafs the feas under his ftandard, and toquell the rebels: He found that he poffeffed as little authority in that kingdom as in his tranfmarine provin- ces. The Englifh barons unanimoufly replied, that they would not attend him on this expedition, unlefs he would promife to reftore and preferve their pri- vileges +: The firft fymptom of a regular affociation and plan of liberty among thefe noblemen! But affairs were not yet fully ripe for the revolution projected. John, by menacing the barons, broke the concert; and both engaged many of them to follow him into Normandy, and obliged the reft, who ftaid behind, to pay him a fcutage of two marks on each knight’s fee, as the price of their ex- emption from the fervice. Tue force which John carried abroad with him, and that which joined him ip Normandy, rendered him much fuperior to his malecontent barons ; and fo much the more, as Philip gave them not publicly any countenance, and feemed as yet determined to perfevere fteadily in the union which he had formed with Eng- land. But the King, elated with his fuperiority, advanced claims, which gave an univerfal alarm to his vaffals, and diffufed ftill wider the general difcontent- As the jurifprudence of that time required, that the caufes in the lord’s court fhould chiefly be decided by duel, he carried along with him certain bravos, whom he retained as champions, and whom he deftined to fight with his barons, in order to determine any controverfy which he might raife againft them {. The count de la Marche, and the other noblemen, regarded this proceeding as an affront, as well as an injury; and declared, that they would never draw their {words againft men of fuch inferior quality. The King menaced them with ven- * Hoveden, p. 803. M. Paris, p. 140. Trivet, p. 140. Ann, Waverl. p. 166. Ypod Neuf, p.458. Ann. Murgan, p.12. M. Weft. p. 263. + Annal, Burton, p. 261. t Annal. Burt. p. 263. Qeawce 5 Chip. XI. 1ZCO~ i201. < S = 2 poe. = eS fF “=== SSS iy i va an | a} i he Chap. Xf. "1201, War - with France. a 260 mts TOR Y #*e ENGL A Mw. geance; but he had not vigour to employ againft them the force in his hands, or to profecute the injuftice, by crufhing entirely the nobles who oppofed it. Tuis government, equally feeble and violent, gave courage as well as inclina- Hon to the injured barons to carry farther their oppofition : They appealed to the Kine of France; comp ained of the denial of juftice in John’s courts; demanded re jrefs from him as their fuperior lord ; and entreated him to employ his autho- rity, and prevent their final ruin and oppreffion. Philip perceived his advan- tage, opened his mind to great projects, interpofed in behalf of the French ba- rons, and began to talk in a high and menacing ftyle to the King of England. Tohn, who could not difavow Philip’s authority, replied, that it belonged to him firft to grant them a trial by their peers in his own court; it was not till he failed in this duty, that he was anfwerab'e to his peers in the fupreme court of the French King *; and he promifed, by a fair and equitable judicature, to give fatisfaction to his barons. When the nobles, in confequence of this engage- ment, demanded a fafe-conduct, that they might attend his court, he firft re- fufed it: Upon the renewal of Philip’s menaces, he promifed to grant their de- mand he violated this promife ;. frefh menaces extorted from him a promife to furrender to Philip the fortrefles of Tillieres and Boutavanr, as a fecurity for per- formance; he violated again this engagement ; his enemies, fenfible both of his weaknefs and want of faith, combined {till clofer in the refolution of pufhing him to extremities; and a new and powerful ally foon appeared to encourage them in their invafion of this odious and defpicable government. Tue young duke of Brittany, who was now rifing to man’s eftate, fenfible of the dangerous charaéter of his uncle, determined to feek both his fecurity and advancement by an union with Philip and the malecontent barons. He joined the French army, which had begun hoftilities againft the King of England: He was received with great marks of diftinétion by Philip; was knighted by him ; eipoufed his daughter Mary; and was invefied not only in the dutchy of Brit- tany, but in the counties of Anjou and Maine, which he had formerly reigned to his uncle +. Every attempt fucceeded with the allies. Tilliercs and Bouta- vant were taken by Philip, after making a feeble defence: Mortimar and Lions fellinto his hands almoft without refiftance. That prince next invefted Gour- nai; and opening the fluicés of a lake, which Jay in the neighbourhood, poured fuch a torrent of water into the place, that the garrifon deferted it, and the French monarch, without ftriking a blow, made himfelf mafter’ of that impor- tant fortrefs.. “The progrefs of the French arms was rapid, and promilcd more * Philipp. lib. 6. + Trivet, p* 142. confiderable J O EH N. e3 361 Chap. XI. confiderable fuccefs than ufvally in that age attended military enterprizes. in 120}, anfwet to every advance which the King of England made towards peace, Phitip till infifted, that he fhould refign all his tranf{marine dominions to his nephew, and reft contented with the kingdom of England; when an event happened, which feemed to tutn the feales in John’s favour, and to give him a decifive fu- periority over his enemies. | Youne Arthur, fond of military renown, had broke into Poitou at the head of a fmall army, and pafling near Mirabel, he heard, that his grandmother, Queen Eleanor, who had always oppofed his interefts, was lodged in that place» and was protected by a weak garrifon, and ruinous fortifications *, He imme- diately determined to lay fiege to the fortrefs, and make himfelf mafter of her per- fon: But Jobn, rouzed from his indolence by: fo preffing an occafion, collected an army of Englifh and Brabangons, and advanced from Normandy with hafty marches to the relief of the Queen-mother. He fell on Arthur’s camp before. that prince was aware of the danger ; difperfed his army took him prifoner, together with the count de la Marche, Geoffrey de Lufignan, and the moft con- Gderable of the revolted barons ; and returned in triumph to Normandy f+. Phi- if Augut. lip, who was lying before Arques in that dutchy, raifed the fiege, and retired upon his approach {. The greater part of the prifoners were fent over to Eng- land; but Arthur was fhut up in the caftle of F alaife. Tue King had here a conference with his nephew ; reprefented to him the folly of his pretenfions; and required him to renounce the French alliance, which had encouraged him to enter into enmity againft all his family : But the brave youth, rendered more haughty from misfortunes, maintained the juftice of his caufe; af- ferted his claim, not only to the French provinces, but to the crown of England ; and in his turn, required the King to reftore the fon of his elder brother to the poffeffion of his inheritance |. John, fenfible, from thefe fymptoms of fpirit, that the young prince, tho? now a prifoner, might fome time prove a moft dan- gerous enemy, determined to prevent all future peril by difpatching his nephew ; and Arthut was never more heard of. “Fhe circumftances which attended this Murder of Ar- deed of darknefs, were, no doubt, carefully concealed by the actors, and are thur, duke of — : oat , : Brittany. varioufly related ‘by hiftorians : But the moft probable account is as follows. The King, it is faid, firft propofed to William de la Braye, one of his fervants, to difpatch Arthur ; but William replied, that he was a gentleman, not a hang- man; and he pofitively refufed compliance. . Another imftrument of murder was no theo siete ates —_ : et SS - Sat a= = > 6 3ST - 22 a = a t —s = : a ss — esa _- - ~ ~ mg nm —— = Fe As % i ‘ c} ; " % ae ee See ee a SS Be eS eae. =. Se ae == 3 STS ce - 2 Ser Fea * * Ann. Waverl. p.167. M. W@&. p. 264. + Ann. Marg. p. 213. M. Weft. p. 264- . + M. Weft. p. 264. lt Lbid. Voi, L g A | found, Chap. XI. 797092 : => OF 262 HISTORY or ENGLAND. found, and was difpatched with proper orders to Falaife,; but Hubert de Bourg, chamberlain to the King, and conftable of the caftle, feigning, that he himfelf would execute the Mie s mandate, fent back the affaffin, fpread the report that the young prince was dead, and publicly performed all the ceremonies of his in- terment: But finding, that the Bretons vowed vengeance for the murder, and that all. the revolted barons perfevered more obitinatély in their rebellion, he thought it prudent to reveal the fecret, and to inform the world that the duke of Brittany was ftill alive, and in his cuftody. This difcovery proved fatal to the young prince: John firft removed him to the caftle of Roiien ; and coming ina boat, during the night-time, to that place, commanded Arthur to be brought forth to him. The prince, aware of his danger, and now more fubdued by the continuance of his misfortunes, and by the approach of death, threw himfelf on his knees before his uncle, and begged for mercy: But the barbarous tyrant, making him no reply, ftabbed him with his own hands ; and faftening a ftone to the dead body, threw it into the Seine. Tue whole world was ftruck with horror at this inhuman deed; and from that moment, the King, detefted by his fubjects, retained a very precarious au- thority over both the people and the barons in his dominions. The Bretons, en- raged at this difappointment in their fond hopes, waged implacable war againft him; and fixing the fucceffion of their government, put themfelves in a pofture to revenge the murder of their fovereign. John had got into his power his niece, Eleanor, fifter to Arthur, commonly called the dam/el of Brittany; and carrying her over to England, detained her ever after in captivity *: But the Bretons, in defpair of recovering this princefs, chofe Alice for their fovereign; a younger daughter of Conftantia, by her fecond marriage with Gui de Thouars; and they entrufted the government of the dutchy to that nobleman. Conftantia, mean while,. the mother of the murdered prince, feconded by all the ftates of Brittany, carried their complaints before Philip as their liege-lord, and demanded juftice for the inhuman violence committed by John on the perfon of Arthur, fo near a rela- tion, who, notwithftanding the homage which he did to Normandy, was always regarded as one of the chief vaffals of the crown. Philip received their applica- tion with pleafure ; fummoned John to ftand a trial before him; and’on his non- appearance, paffed fentence, with the concurrence of the peers, upon that prince ; declared him guilty of felony and parricide ; and adjudged him to forfeit to his {uperior lord all his feignories and fiefs in France T. * Trivet, p. 145. T. Wykes, p. 36. Ypod Neuf. p. 459. + W. Heming. p. 455. M. Welt. p. 264. Knyghton, p. 2420. T LE e+ we doctin . 5 a mae —a ee ey J oO: as N. | 363 Tue King of France, whofe ambitious and active fpirit had been hitherto con- Chap. XI. fined, either by the found policy of Henry, or the martial genius of Richard, Tee feeing now the opportunity favourable againft this bafe and odious prince, em- The King ex- braced the project of expelling the Englith, or rather the Englifh King, from te SOY France, and of annexing to the crown fo many confiderable fiefs, which, during provinces. feveral ages, had been dif{membered from it. Many of the other great vaflals, whofe jealoufy might have interpofed, and have obftruéted the execution of this project, were not at prefent in a fituation to oppofe it; and the re{t either looked on with indifference, or gave their affiftance to this dangerous aggrandizement of their fuperior lord. The earls of Flanders and Blois were engaged in the holy war: The count of Champagne was an infant, and under the guardianthip of Philip : The dutchy of Brittany, enraged: at the murder of their prince, vigo- roufly promoted all his meafures: And the general defection of John’s vailals made every enterprize eafy and fuccefsful againft him. . Philip, after taking feve- ral caftles and fortrefles beyond the Loire, which’ he either garrifoned or difman- tled, received the fubmiffions of the count of Alencon, who deferted John, and delivered up all the places under his command to the French King : Upon which, Philip feparated his army, in order to give them fome repofe after the fatigues of the campaign. John, fuddenly collecting fome troops, laid fiege to Alencon; and Philip, whofe difperfed army could not be brought together in time to fuccour it, faw himfelf expofed to the difgrace of fuffering the oppreffion of his friend and confederate. But his active and fertile genius found an expedient againft this evil. There was held at that very time a tournament at Moret in the Gatinois » whither all the chief nobility of France and the neighbouring countries had reforted, in order to fignalize their courage and addrefs. Philip prefented himfelf before them ; craved their affiftance in his diftrefs ; and pointed out the plains of Alen- con as the moft honourable field, in which they could difplay their generofity and martial fpirit. ‘Thefe yalorous knights vowed, that they would take vengeance on the bafe parricide, the fain of arms and of chivalry ; and putting themfelves, with all their retinue, under the command of Philip, inftantly marched to raife the fiege of Alencon. John, hearing of their approach, fied from before the place ; and in the hurry abandoned all his tents, machines, and baggage, to the enemy. 7 Tis feeble effort was the laft exploit of that fothful and cowardly prince for the defence of his dominions. He thenceforth remained in total inactivity at Roiien ; and pafied all his time, with his young wife, in paftimes and amufe- ments, as if his ftate had been in the moft profound tranquillity, or his affairs in the moft profperous condition, If he ever mentioned war, it was only to give 3A. 2 himfelf ; oo neeeitlae tee na =- a3 ae Set ater St ee eae at 7 hag ¢ ¢ Bt ,' 7 } " { 5 4 if U Wit i ri] ik ah 4) oy) | eee } ah A Neu Hie tT. ea Ne it Wal ity at wie ' mA AU ih, ite! | | Rita 5 ta) 4s vite Ny i » fe a yy 4 i} ft Fai Sheath) Te 4 ¥ 2 | 1 it ily Sig: tat VF | rede hs " isa ate | ae yae ie i Ay eat if ‘ ) ms i} H ' % \ uur iin! Ata) ‘ se % P\ wr lle ; : Lat By hy j Ve a iyi Ae tad + eee os ras 2 <2 ae ae - a d ™~ 23S ee Chap. XI. 1203. F 20 4«% 364 HISTORY or ENGLAND. himfelf vaunting airs, which, in the eyes of all men of fenfe, rendered him ftill more defpicable and ridiculous. Let the French go on, faid he 3 7 will retake in a day what has coft them years to acquire *. Elis {tupidity and indolence appeared fo extraordinary, that the people endeavoured to account for the infatuation by forcery, and believed, that he was thrown into this lethargy by fome magic or witchcraft. The Englifh barons, finding that their time was wafted to no pur- pofe, and that they mult fuffer the difgrace of feeing, without refiftance, the progrefs of the French arms, withdrew from their colours, and fecretly returned to their own country +. Noone thought of defending a man, who feermed to have deferted himfelf; and his fubjeéts looked on his fate with the fame indif- ference, to which, in this prefling exigency, they faw him totally abandoned, Joun, while he negleéted all domeitic refources for his fafety, had the mean- nefs to betake himfelf to a foreign power, whofe protection he claimed: He ap- plied to the Pope, Innocent III. and entreated him to interpofe with his autho- rity between him and the French monarch. Innocent, pleafed with any occafion of exerting his fuperiority, fent Philip orders to ftop the progrefs of his arms, and to make peace with the King of England. But the French barons received this meffage with indignation ; difclaimed the temporal authority challenged by the pontiff; and vowed, that they would, to the uttermoft, affift their prince againit all his enemies: And Philip, feconding their ardour, proceeded, inftead of obey- ing the Pope’s envoys, to lay fiege to Chateau Gaillard, the moft confiderable fortrefs which remained to guard the frontiers of Normandy. __Cuatreav GAILiarD was fituated partly on an ifland in the river Seine, partly on a rock oppofite to it; and was fecured by every advantage, which either art or Nature could beftow upon it. The late King, having caft his eye on this fa- vourable fituation, had {pared no labour nor expence in fortifying it; and it was defended by Roger de Laci, conftable of Chefter, a determined officer, at the head of a numerous garrifon. Philip, who defpaired of taking the place by force, propofed to fubdue it by famine; and that he might cut off its communication with the neighbouring country, he threw a bridge acrofs the Seine, while he himfelf with his army blockaded it by land. The earl of Pembroke, the man of greateft vigour and capacity in the Enghifh court, formed a plan for breaking thro’ the French entrenchments, and throwing relief into the place. He carried with him an army of 4000 infantry and 3000 cavalry, and fuddenly attacked, with great fuccefs, Philip’s camp in the night time ; having left orders, that a fleet of feventy flat-bottomed veffels fhould fail up the Seine, and fall at the fame * M. Paris, p. 146. M. Welt. p. 266. + M. Paris, p. 146. M. Weft. p. 264. ; inftant a Se: * i. . 1 vs , tl AEE OR, Ne Te P85 FE Sa 367 “join the King of England with all his forces ; and John ventured abroad witha Chip. XI. confiderable army, and landed at ‘Rochelle. He marched to Angers; which he 1206. took and reduced to afhes. But the approach of Philip with an army threw him into terrors; and he immediately made propofals of peace, and fixed a place of interview with his enemy : But inftead of keeping this engagement, he ftole off with his army, embarked at Rochelle, and returned, loaded with new fhame and difgrace, into England. The mediation of the Pope procured him at laft a truce for two years with the French monarch *; almoft all the tranfmarine provinces were ravifhed from him; and his:Englifh barons, tho’ harafied with arbitrary taxes and fruitlefs expeditions, faw themfelves and their country baffled and af- fronted in every enterprize. In an age, when perfonal valor was regarded as the chief accomplifhment, fuch conduct as that of John, difgraceful at any time, muft be expofed to pecu- liar contempt ; and he could thenceforth expect to rule his turbulent vafials with a very doubtful authority. But the government, exercifed by the Norman princes» had wound up the royal power to fo high a pitch, and fo much beyond the ufual tenor of the feudal conftitutions, that it behoved him to be debafed by new af- fronts and difgraces, ere his barons could. entertain the views of confpiring againft him, in order to retrench his exorbitant prerogatives. The church, which, at that time, declined not a conteft with the moft powerful and vigorous monarchs, took firft advantage of John’s imbecillity ; and with the moft ageravating Cir- cumftances of infolence and fcorn, fixed her yoke upon him. Tue papal chair was then filled by Innocent IM. who, having attained that . Fr 22 ese. eat i" ‘ s 1207, dignity at the age of thirty-feven years, and being endowed with a lofty and en- oe os . . wits : e ings terprizing genius, gave full {cope to his ambition, and attempted, perhaps more guarrel weeh openly than any of his predeceffors, to convert that fuperiority, which was yielded the court of him by all the European princes, into a real dominion over them. The hierarchy, ps protected by the Roman pontiff, had already carried to an enormous height its ufurpations upon the civil power; but in order to extend them farther, and ren- der them ufeful to the court of Rome, it was neceffary to reduce the ecclefiaftics themfelves under an abfolute monarchy, and to make them entirely dependant on their fpiritual leader. For this purpofe, Innocent firft attempted to impofe taxes at pleafure upon the clergy ; and in the firft year of this century, taking advan- tage of the popular frenzy for croifades, he fent collectors over all Europe, who levied by his authority the fortieth of all ecclefiaftical revenues, for the relief of the holy land, and received the voluntary contributions of the laity to a like * Rymer, vol. 1. p. 141. amount. _ sll i: 368 HISTORY ofr ENGLAND. amount *. The fame year Hubert, archbifhop of Canterbury, attempted another inhovation, favourable to ecclefiaftical and papal power : In the King’s abfence, he fummoned, by his legantine authority, a fynod of all the Englith clergy, contrary to the prohibition of Geoffrey Fitz-Peter, the chief jufticiary ; and no proper cenfure was ever paffed on this encroachment, the firft of the kind, upon the royal power. But a favourable incident foon after happened, which enabled fo afpiring a pontiff as Innocent, to extend ftill farther his ufurpations on fo con- temptible a prince as John. Hvusert, the primate, died in 12055 and as the monks or canons of Chrift church, Canterbury, poffeffed a right of voting in the election of their archbithop, fome of the juniors of the order, who lay in wait for that event, met clandeftinely the very night of Hubert’s death ; ahd without any conge d’elire from the King, chofe Reginald, their fub-prior, for the fucceffor ; inftalled him in the archi- epifcopal throne before midnight; and having enjoined him the ftricteft fecrecy, fent him immediately to Rome, in order to follicit the confirmation of his elec- tion +. The vanity of Reginald prevailed over his policy ; and he no fooner arrived in Flanders, than he revealed to every one the purpofe of his journey, which was immediately known in Englandt. The King was enraged at the novelty and temerity of the attempt, in filling fo important an office without his knowledge or confent : “The fuffragan bifhops of Canterbury, who were accuf- tomed to concur in the choice of their primate, were no lefs difpleafed at the exclufion given them in this election: The elder monks of Chrift-church were injured by the irregular proceedings of their juniors: The juniors themfelves, athamed of their condué, and difgufted with the levity of Reginald, who had broke his engagement with them, were willing to fet afide his election ||: And all men concurred in the defign of remedying the falfe meafures, which had been taken. But as John knew, that this affair would be convaffed before a fuperior tribunal, where ,the interpofition of royal authority, in beftowing ecclefiaftical benefices, was very invidious; where even the caufe of fuffragan bifhops was not fo favourable as that of monks; he determined to make the new election entirely unexcep- tionable: He fubmitted the affair wholly to the canons of Chrift-church ; and, departing from the right, claimed by his predeceffors, ventured no farther than to inform them privately, that they would do him an acceptable piece of fer- vice, if they chofe John de Gray, bifhop of Norwich, for their primate §. The election of that. prelate was accordingly made without a contradictory vote; and ® Rymer, vol.t.p.t1g. + M. Paris, p. 148. M. Welk. p. 266. t Ibid. 4) M, Weft. p. 266. § M. Paris, p.149. M. Welt. p. 266. the 0° 2 ONS | 26g ‘he King, to obviate all contefts, endeavoured to perfuade the faffragan bifhops not to infift on their right of concurring in the election : But thefe prelates, per- fevering in their pretenfions, fent an agent to maintain their caufe before Inno- cent ; while the King, and the convent of Chrift church, difpatched twelve monks of that- order to fupport, before the fame tribunal, the election of the bifhop of Norwich. Tuus, there lay three different claims before the Pope, whom all parties allowed to be the fupreme arbiter of the conteft. The claim of the fuffragans, being fo oppofite to the ufual maxims of the papal-court, was foon fet afide : The election of Reginald was fo obvioutly fraudulent and irregular, that there was no poflibility of defending ‘©-°But Innocent maintained, that, tho’ this elec-- tion was null and invalid, it ought previoufly to have been declared fuch by the fovereign pontiff, before the monks could proceed to a new eleGtion ; and that the choice of the bifhop of Norwich was of courfe as uncanonical as that of his competitor *. Advantage was, therefore; taken of this fubtlety for introducing a precedent, by which the fee of E€anterbury, the moft important dignity in the church after the papal throne, fhould be ever after at the difpofal of the court of Rome. Wuite the Pope maintained fo many erce contefts, in order to wreft from princes the right of granting ‘nveftitures, and to exclude laymen from all autho- rity of conferring ecclefiaftical benefices, he was fapported by the united influence of the clerey; who, afpiring to independance, fought, with all the ardour of ambition, and all the zeal of fuperftition, under his facred banners. But no (ooner was this point, after a great effufion of blood and the convulfions of many {tates, eftablifhed in fome tolerable degree, than the vittorious leader, as is ufual, turned his arms againft his own community, and-afpired to center all power in ‘ Kis perfon. By the invention of referves, provifions, commendams, and other devices, the Pope gradually aflumed the right of filling vacant benefices ; and the plenitude of his apoftolic power, which was not fiubyected to any limitations, fupplied all defects of title in the perfon on whom he beftowed preferment. The canons which regulated elections were purpofely rendered intricate and involved ; Frequent difputes arofe among candidates : Appeals were every day carried to Rome: The apoftolic fee, belices reaping pecuniary advantages from thefe con- tefts, often exercifed the power of fetting afide both the hitigants, and on pre tence of appealing faction, nominated a third perfon, who might be more accep- table to the contending parties. * M, Paris, p» 155. Chron. de Mail. p. 192, , Vou. Kk 2 5B ‘lg Chap, Xi. 1206 Cnap. XI. Ot) a\/Ve Cardinal Lancton ap- ‘ - trol} . \- 7 ia C4) Asser hl poimntea arcn- nS 370 HIéS TOR Y -or EN GrL A ND: THE prefent controverfy. about. the election. to the fee of Canterbury afforded Innocent an opportunity. of claiming this right ; and he failed not to perceive and avail himfelf of his advantage. He fent for the twelve monks deputed’ by the con. vent to maintain the caufe of the bifhop of Norwich; and commanded them,,. un- der the penalty of excommunication, to chufe for. theit primate, cardinal Langton, f ‘ iglifhman by birth, but educated in France, and connected, by his interefts — 4“ on yt bifhopofCan- and attachments, with the fee of Reme *.. In vain did. the. monks -reprefent, terbury, that they had received from their convent no authority to. this purpofe that an election, without a previous writ from the King, would be deemed highly irre- gular; and that they were merely agents for another perfon, whofe right they had no power nor pretence to abandon. None of them had the courage to per- fevere in this Oppolition, except one, Elias de Brantefield: Al} the reft, overe come by the menaces and authority of the Pope, complied with his orders, and made the election required of them. | Innocent, fenfible that this flagrant ufurpation would be highly refented by the court of England, wrote John a mollifying letter; fent him four golden rings fet with precious ftones ; and endeavoured to enhance the value of his pre- fent, by informing him of the many myfteries which were implied in it. He begged him to confider ferioufly the form of the rings, their number, their matter, and their colour, Their form, he faid, being round, fhadowed out Eternity, which had neither beginning nor end; and he ought thence to learn his duty of afpiring from earthly objects to heavenly, from things temporal to things eter- nal. The number four, being a fquare, denoted fteadinefs of mind, not to be fubverted either by adverfity or profperity, fixed for ever on the firm bafis of the four cardinal virtues. Gold, which is the matter, being the moft precious of metals, fignified Wifdom, which is the moft precious of all accomplifhments, and juftly preferred by Solomon to riches, power, and all exterior attainments. . The blue colour of the emerald reprefented Faith ; the verdure of the faphire, Hope ; the rednefs of the ruby, Charity ; and the fplendor of the topaz, Good Works +, By thefe conceits, Innocent endeavoured to repay John for one of the moft im- portant prerogatives of his crown, which he had ravifhed from him; conceits probably admired by Innocent himfelf, For it is eafily poffible for a man, efpe- cially in a barbarous age, to unite ftrong talents for bufinefs with an abfurd tafte in fcience and the arts. Joun was enflamed with the utmoft rage, when he heard of this attempt of the court of Rome; and he immediately. vented his. paffion on the monks of * M. Paris, p. 155. Asn. Wayerl. p. 169. W. Heming. p..53. -Knyghton, p. 2415. + Rymer, voli, p.139. M. Paris, Pp. 155, t Rymer, vol, 1. p. 143. = ¢ Chrift Joe. Sw | Ber Chrift chutch, whom he found inclined to fupport the election imade by their brethren at Rome. He fent Fulk de Cantelupe, and Henry dé Cornhulle, two knights of his train, men of violent tempers and rade manners, to expel them the convent, and take poffeffion of their revenues. ‘Thefe knights entered the mona- {tery with drawn {words, commanded the prior and the monks to depart the kingdom, and menaced them, that, in cafe of difobedience, they would inftantly burn them with the convent *. Innocent, prognofticating, from the violence and imprudence of thefe meafures, that John would finally fink in the conteft, perfevered the more vigoroufly in his pretenfions, and exhorted the King not to oppofe God and ‘the church any longer, nor to perfecute that caufe for which the holy martyr, St. Thomas, had facrificed his life, and which had exalted him equal to the higheft faints in heaven + A fufficient hint to John to profit by the example of his father, and to remember the prejudices and eftablifhed principles of his fubjeéts, who bore a profound veneration to that martyr, and regarded his merits as the fubject of their chief glory and exuitation. Tue pontiff, finding that John was not yet fufficiently tamed to fubmiffion, fent three prelates, the bifhops of London, Ely, and Worcefter, to intimate to him, that, if he perfevered in his difobedience, Innocent would be obliged to put the kingdom under the fentence of interdict [. All the other prelates threw themfelves on their knees before him, and entreated him, with tears in their eyes, to prevent the fcandal of this fentence, by making a fpeedy fubmiffion to his fpi- ritual Father, by receiving from his hands the new elected primate, and by refto- ring the monks-ofChrift church to all their rights and pofieffions. He burft out into the moft indecent invectives againft the prelates; {wore by God’s teeth, his ufual oath, that if the Pope prefumed to put his4eingdom under an interdi&, he would fend to him all the bifhops and clergy of England; and would ‘confifcate all their eftates; and threatened, that, if thenceforth ‘he caught any Romans in his dominions, he would put out. their eyes, and cut off their nofes, in order to fet a mark upon them,, which might diftinguifh them from all other nations q. Amidft all this idle violence, John ftood on fuch bad terms withhis nobility, that he never dared to aficmble the ftates of the kingdom, who, info juft a caufe, would probably have adhered.to any other monarch, and have defended with vi- gour the liberties of the nation againft thefe palpable wfurpations of the court of Rome. Innocent, therefore, perceiving the King’s weaknefs, iffued at lait the fentence of interdi€&t, which he had for fome time held fufpended over him § * M. Paris, p. 166. Trivet, p. 151. Ann. Waverl. p. 169, + .M. Paris, :p. 267. | { Tbid. | Ibid. § M. Paris, p. 157+ ‘Trivet, p. 152. Ann, Wayerl, p. 170. M: Welt. p. 268, “tT 7 2B 2 Tue a Se Sst eet - . - a > = Pate ee —<—S=s — = oe 4 ie ibe Ui, 211 Ou ae +d ei Hs : i. it HAN ad eirk, ‘ wet 1 Ni } + q ,, ha} L iit ay " ' } 1 ' | ' i 272 HISTORY or ENGLAND. J Tux fentence of interdict was at that time the great inftrument of vengeance and policy employed: by the court of Rome; was pronounced-again{t fovereigns for the lighteft offences; and made the guilt of one perfon involve the ruin of millions, even in their {piritual and eternal welfare... The execution of: it was artificially calculated to (trike the fenfes in the highelt degree, and to operate with irrefiftible force on. the fuperftitious. minds:of the people. “Lhe nation was of a e fudden. deprived of all exterior exercife of its religion: The altars were defpoiled of their ornaments: The crofles, the reliques, the images, the ftatues of the faints were laid on the ground; and as if the air itfelf were profaned, and might pollute them by its contac, the priefts carefully covered them up, even from their own approach and veneration. The ufe of bells entirely: ceafed in-all the churches: The belis themfelves: were removed from the fteeples,..and laid on the ground with the other facred utenfils. Mafs was celebrated with fhut doors; and none but the priefts were admitted to that holy inftitution, The laity partook of no religious rite, except baptifm to new-born infants, and the communion to the dying: The dead were not interred in confecrated ground: They were thrown into ditches, or buried. in.common fields; and their obfequies were not attended with prayers or any hallowed ceremony. Marriage was celebrated in the church- yards *; and that every action in life might bear the marks of this dreadful fitu- ation, the people were prohibited the ufe of. meat, as in Lent, or times of the higheft penance ;. were debarred-from all pleafures and entertainments; and were forbid even to falute each other,. or fo much as to fhave their beards, and give any decent attention to their perfon and apparel. Every circumftance carried the fymptoms-of the deepeft diftrefs, and of the moft immediate apprehenfions of *divine vengeance and indignation. Tue King, that he might oppofe is temporal to their fpiritual terrors, int . mediately, from his-own authority, confifcated the eftates of all the clergy who obeyed the interdict + banifhed the prelates, confined the monks to-their con- vent, and gave them only. fuch a fmall allowance from their own eftates, as would fuffice to provide them in food and rayment. He treated with the utmoft rigour all Langton’s adherents, and every one that fhowed any difpofition to obey the orders of Rome: And that he might diftrefs the clergy in the tendereft point, and at the fame time expofe them to reproach and ridicule, he threw into prifon all their concubines, and required high fines and confifcations as the price of thew liberty {. Arter the canons, which eftablifhed the celibacy of the clergy, were, by the zealous endeavours of archbifhop Anfelm, more rigoroufly executed in England, * Chron. Dank. vol, ie p- St. + Ann, Waverl. p. 170. tT Mm. Paris, p. 158; Ann. Waverl. p. 170. a 4 the rhe ecclefiaftics gave, almot univerfally and avowedly, into the ufe of concu- binage ; and the court of Rome, which had no intereft in prohibiting this prac- tice, made a very flight oppofition to it. The cuftom was become fo prevalent, that fome German fynods, before the reformation, not only permitted, but, to avoid feandal, enjoined the ufe of concubines to the younger clergy *. and it was ufual every where for priefts to apply to their ordinary, and obtain from him a formal liberty for this indulgence. The bifhop commonly took care to pre- vent this practice from degenerating ‘nto licentioufnefs : He confined the prieft to the ufe of one woman, required Him to be conftant to her bed, obliged him to provide for her fubfiftance and that of her children ; and, tho’ the offspring was, in the eye of the law, deemed illegitimate, this commerce was really a’kind of’ ‘aferior marriage, fuch as is ftill practifed in Germany among the nobles ; and may be regarded by the candid as an appéal, from the tyranny of civil and eccle- Gaftical inftitutions, to the more virtuous and more unerring laws of nature, Tue quarrel between the King and the fee of Rome continued for fome years ; and tho’ many of the clergy,. from the fear of punifhment, obeyed ‘the orders of Tohn, and celebrated divine fervice, they complied with the utmott reluctance, and were recarded, both by themfelves and the people, as men who betrayed their principles, and facrificed their confcience to temporal regards and interefts. During this violent fituation, the King; 1n order to give a luftre to his govern- ment, attempted military expeditions, againft Scotland, againft Ireland, againft the Welfh +; and he commonly prevailed, more from the weaknefs of his ene- mies than from his own vigour or abilities. Mean while, the danger to which his government foods continually expofed fom the difcontents of the ecclefiaftics, increafed his natural propenfion toltyranny; and he feems even wantonly to have difgufted all orders of men, efpecially his nobles, from whom alone he could rea- fonably expect fupport and affiftance. . He difhonoured their families by his licen- tious amours 3; he publifhed edicts, prohibiting them from hunting feathered game, and thereby reftrained them fom their favourite occupation and amufement ff 5 he ordered all the hedges and fences near his forefts to be levelled, that his deer might have more ready accefs into the fields for pafture; and he continually loaded the nation with arbitrary taxes and impofitions. Confcious of the general Hatred which he had incurred, he required his nobility to give him hoftages for fecurity of their allegiance’; and they were obliged to put’ into his hands their fons, or nephews, or near relations. When his mefiengers came with like or- ders to the caftle of William de Braoufe, a baron of great note, the lady of that * Padre Paolo, Hitt, Conc. Trid, lib, 1. + W. Heming. p. 556. Ypod Neaft. p. 460. Knyghton, p, 2420. t M, Weftm. p. 268. noblernan:> Chap. XL, 12603¢- 7.4 Excomm unj- cation of the Kin g. a 74 HISTORY o: ENGLAND. nobleman replied, that fhe would never entruft her fon into the hands of one who had murdered his own nephew, while in his cuftody. Her hufband reproved her for the feverity of this fpeech ; but, fenible of his danger, he immediately fled with his wife and fon into Ireland, where he endeavoured to conceal himfelf, The King difcovered the unhappy family in their retreat; feized the wife and fon, whom he ftarved to death in prifon; and the baron himfelf narrowly efca- ped, by flying into France *. Te church of Rome had artificially contrived a gradation of fentences by - which fhe kept offenders in awe; {till afforded them an opportunity of preventing _ the next anathema by fubmiffion; and in cafe of their obitinacy, was able to re- frefh the horror of the people againft then, by new denunciations of the wrath and vengeance of heaven. As the fentenze of interdict had not operated the de- fired effect on John, and as his people, tho’ extremely difcontented, had hitherto been reftrained from rifing into open rebellion againft him, he was foon to look for the fentence of excommunication: And hé had reafon to apprehend, that, notwithftanding all his precautions, the moft dangerous confequences might enfue from it. He was witnefs of the other ftenes, which, at that very time, were acting in Europe, and which difplayed tie unbounded and uncontrouled power of the papacy. Innocent, far from being difmayed at his contefts with the King of England, had excommunicated the Emperor Otho, John’s nephew +; and foon brought that powerful and haughty prince to fubmit to his authority. He publithed a croifade againit the Albigenies, “a fpecies of enthufiafts in the fouth of France, whom he denominated heretics, becaufe, like other enthufiafts, they neglected the rites of the church, and ofpofed the power and influence of the clergy: The people from all parts of Europe, moved by their fuperftition and their paffion for wars and adventures, flocked to his {tandard: Simon de Mont- fort, the general of the croifade, acquired to himfelf a foverdignty in thefe pro- vinces: The count de Tholoufe, who protected the Albigenfes, was defpoiled of his dominions: And thefe fectaries thenfelves, tho’ the moft innocent and in- offenfive of mankind, were exterminated with all the circumftances of the moft extreme violence and barbarity. Here was therefore both an army and a general, dangerous from their zeal and valour, reidy to act againft John ; and Innocent, aftcr keeping the thunder long fufpended, gave at laft authority to the bifhops of London, Ely, and Worcefter, to denounce the fentence of excommunication againit him {. ~Thefe prelates obeyed; tho’ their brethren were deterred from * M. Paris, p. 158, 161. Chron. Dunit. vol. : p. 52. Ann. Waverl. p.172. Ann. Marg, pis. M. Welt. p. 268, 260. Tt M. Pars, p. 160. Trivet, p. 154. M. Weft. p. 269, t M. Paris, p- 159. M. Weltp. 240. hie 4 publifhing, . eG 1a Se | 375 publithing, as the Pope required of them, the fentence in the feveral churches of th elf diocefes. No fooner was the excommunication known, than the effects of it appeared. Geoffrey, archdeacon of Norwich, who wasentrufted with a confiderable office in the court of exchequer, being informed of it while fitting on the bench, ob- ferved to his brethren the danger of ferving under an smeonienoeicaned King ; and he immediately left his chair, and departed the court John gave orders to feize him, to throw him into prifon, to cover his head with a great leaden cope; and by this and other fevere ufage, he foon put an end to his life * > Nor was there any thing wanting to Geoffrey, except the dignity and rank of Becket, to exalt him to an equal ftation in heaven with that great and celebrated martyr. Hugh de Wells, the King’s chancellor, being ele&ed, by his appointment, bifhop of Lincoln, upon a vacancy in that fee, defired leave to go abroad, in order to re- ceive confecration from the archbifhop of Rotien; but he no fooner reached France, than he haftened to Pontigny, where Langton then refided, and paid fub- miffions to him as his primate. The bifhops., finding themfelves expofed equally to the jealoufy of the King and hatred of the people, gradually ftole out of the- kingdom ; and at laft there remained only three prelates to perform the functions of the epifcopal office +. Many of the nobility, terrified with John’s tyranny, and obnoxious to him on one account or otber, imitated the example of the bi- fiops ;. and moft of the others, who remained, were with reafon fufpected of ha- ving fecretly entered into a confederacy againt him}. John was sania at his dangerous ficuation ;. afituation, which bait prudence, vigour, and. popularity, miphte have prevented, but which no virtuesnor abilities were now fufficient to remedy. Hedefired a conference with Lanzton at Dover ; offered to acknow- ledge him as primate, to fubmit to the Pope, to reftore the exiled clergy, even to pay them a limited fum of money as a compenfation for the rents of their con- fifcated eftates. But Langton, perceiving his advantage, was not fatisfied with» thefe conceflions: He demanded, that full reftitution and reparation fhould be made to all the clergy ;.a condition fo exorbitant, that the King, who probably had not.the power of fulfilling it, and who forefaw that this eftimation of da- mages might amount'to an tainire fum,. finally broke-off the conference |}. THE next cradation of papal fentences'‘wes to abfolve John’s fubjects from their oaths of fidelity and allegiance, and to declare every one excommunicated * M. Paris, Pp: 159+ + Ann. Waverl. p.17¢. Ann. Marg. p. 14. t -M. Paris,> p- 162. M. Weit.-p. 270, 271. | Anne Waverl. p» 1715 who: Chap. Xi. £209. E21 2s- OOo =a ee FS pot =A Z- xs a ee Sts —_— — ar ae a ee “ee = ey Se Se <4 se —<—ss if 4 ed net bth Hee H f ih nits Hie "Pah ‘ Bet ATH ' } i , i Netra & al { , WERE) é Pye i . ithe’, eT . i + ten ae } ‘ue SD , i W r +} i Vib y f * Ht a Te ; - it Le | - J iy my ’ Beat ip iN 4 t 7 met ta \ ,-] Meas RY) nya hi { ' a i : iP at » ie } } II if Hi 5 hee We 4 th tk! ee att , 4) { s by ; Hoey |) a 4 Fa fk! / : iP Wd Sal thy 5 oe id " a 5 : Yi bee vi oy ie | .e Pidy he pe) be es ‘a ’ \ sh y) i >? et -» Ne i) \ Hi li i * ; bi aM: Hed 4 ’ ; ie ‘ Chap. X!, L202. gE 213. i, 376 HISTORY ©r ENGLAND. who had any commerce with him, in public or in private ; at his table, in his ‘council, or even in private converfation *: And _ this fentence was accordingly, with all imaginable folemnity, denounced againft him, But as John ftill perfe- vered in his contumacy, there remained nothing but the fentence of depofitions which, tho” intimately connected with the former, had been diftinguifhed from it by the artifice of the Romifh church; and Innocent determined to launch this lat thunder-bolt againft the refractory monarch. But as a fentence of this kind required an armed force to execute it, the pontiff, cafting his eyes around, pitched at laft on Philip, King of France, as the perfon, into whofe powerful hand he could moft properly entruft that weapon, the ultimate refource of his ghoftly authority. And he proffered that monarch, befides the remiffion of all his fins and endlefs fpiritual benefits, the property and poffeffion of the kingdom of Eng- land, as the reward of his labour Toh. Ir was the common concern of all princes to oppofle thefe exorbitant pretenfions of the Roman pontiff, by which they themfelves were rendered vaflals, and vafials totally dependant, of the papal crown: Yet even Philip, the moft able monarch of the age, was feduced, by prefent intereft, and. by the profpect of fo tempting a prize, to accept this liberal offer of the pontiff, and thereby to ratify that autho- rity, which, if he ever oppofed its boundlefs ufurpations, might, next day, tumble him from the throne. He levied a great army ; fummoned all the vafflals of his crown to attend him at Rotien ; collected a fleet of 1700 vefiels, great and {mall, in the fea-ports of Normandy and Picardy ; and partly from the zeal of the age, partly from the perfonal regard, univerfally paid him, prepared a force, which feemed equal to the greatnefs of his enterprize. Ihe King, on the other hand, ‘(fued out writs, requiring the attendance of all his military vaflals at Dover, and even of all able-bodied men, to defend the kingdom in this dangerous extremity. An infinite number appeared ; of whom he felected an army of 60,000 men; a power invincible, had they been united in affections to their prince, and animated with a becoming zeal for the defence of their native country {. But the people were fwayed by fuperftition, and regarded their King with horror, as anathematized by papal cenfures: The barons, befides lying under the fame prejudices, were all difgufted with his tyranny, and were, many of them, fufpected of holding a fecret correfpondence with the enemy : And the incapacity and cowardice of the king himfelf, ill fitted to ftruggle with thofe mighty difficulties, made men prognolticate the moft fatal effeéts from the French invafion. * M. Paris, p. 161. “M. Welt. p. 270. + M. Paris, p. 162, M. Welt. p. 271 + M. Paris, p. 163. M. Welt. p. 271. PaNnDoLr, fh oO 2k 377 PawvoF, whom the Pope had chofen for his legate, and appointed to head this Chap. XI. important expedition, had, before he left Rome, applied for a fecret conference 1213. with his mafter, and had afked him, whether, if the King of England, in this defperate fituation, were willing to fubmit to the apoftolic fee, he fhould grant him any terms of accommodation * > Innocent, who expected more advantages from his agreement with a prince fo abject both in character and fortune, than from his alliance with a great and victorious monarch, who, after fuch mighty acquifitions, might become too haughty to be bound by fpiritual chains, ex- plained to Pandolf the conditions on which he was willing to be reconciled to the King of England. ‘The legate, therefore, as foon as he arrived in the north of France, fent over two knights templars to defire an interview with John at Dover, which was readily granted ; and he there reprefented to him, in fuch ftrong, and probably in fuch true colours, his loft condition,. the difaffe€tion of his fubjects, the fecret combination of his vaflals againft him, the mighty armament of France, that John yielded at difcretion +, and fubfcribed to all the conditions which Pan- 13th May. dolf was pleafed to impofe upon him: He promifed, among other articles, that The King’s he would fubmit himfelf entirely to the judgment of the Popes that he would nies to acknowledge Langton for primate ; that he would reftore all the exiled clergy ese and laity, who had been banifhed on account of the conteft ; that he would make thern full reftitution of their goods, and compenfation for all damages, and in- {tantly confign eight thoufand pounds, in part of payment; and that every one outlawed or imprifoned for their adherence to the Pope, fhould immediately be received into grace and favour +. Four barons fwore, along with the King, to the obfervance of this ignominious treaty ||. Bur the ignominy of the King was not yet carried to its full height. Pandolf, as the firft fpecimen of his deference to the Pope’s orders, required him to refign his kingdom to the church, and he perfuaded him, that he could no way fo effec- tually difappoint the French invafion, as by thus putting himfelf under the 1m- mediate protection of the apoftolic fee. John, lying under the agonies of prefent * terror, made no {cruple of fubmitting to this condition. He pafled a charter, in which he faid, that, not conftrained by fear, but of his own free-will, and by the common advice and confent of his barons, he had, for the remifion of his own fins and that of his family, refigned England and Ireland to God, to St. Peter and St. Paul, and to Pope Innocent and his fucceflors in the apoftolic chair: He agreed to hold thefe dominions as feudatory of the church of Rome, by the * M., Paris, p. 162. + M. Weft. p..271- t Rymer, vol. i. p. 166, My Parisy: p, 163. Annal. Burt. p. 268. | Rymer, vol, i. p. 170 M. Paris, p. 163. Vat, I. gC annual 7 } SF, 3°78 HISTORY or ENGLAND. annual payment of a thoufand marks; feven hundred for England, three hun- dred for Ireland: And he ftipulated, that if he or his fucceffors fhould ever pre- fame to revoke or infringe this charter, they fhould inftantly, except upon ad- monition they repented them of their offence, forfeit all right to their dominions *. In confequence of this agreement, John did homage to Pandolf as the Pope’s legate, with all the humiliating rites which the feudal law required of vaffals be- fore their liege-lord and fuperior. He came difarmed into the legate’s prefence, who was feated on a throne; he flung himfelf on his knees before him ; he lifted up his joined hands, and put them within thofe of Pandolf; he fwore fealty to- the Pope; and he paid part of the tribute, which he owed for his kingdom as the patrimony of St. Peter. The legate, clated by this fupreme triumph of facerdo- tal power, could not forbear difcovering extravagant fymptoms of joy and exul- tation: He trampled on the money, which was laid at his feet as an earneft of the fubjection of the kingdom: An infolence, which, however offenfive to all the Englifh, no one prefent, except the archbifhop of Dublin, dared to take any no- tice of. But tho’ Pandolf had brought the King to fubmit to thefe bafe condi- tions, he {till refufed to take off the excommunication and interdict, till an efti- mation fhould be taken of the loffés of the ecclefiaftics, and full compenfation and reftitution fhould be made them. 7 Joun, reduced to this abje€t fituation under a foreign power, ftill fhowed the: fame difpofition to tyranny over his fubjects, which had been the chief caufe of all his misfortunes. One Peter of Pomfret, a hermit, had foretold, that the King, this very year, fhould lofe his crown ; and for that rafh prophecy, he had been thrown into prifon in Corfe-caftle. John now determined to bring him to punifhment as an impoftor ; and tho’ the man pleaded, that his prophecy was fulfilled, and that the King had loft the royal and independant crown which he formerly wore, the defence was fuppofed to augment his guilt: He was dragged at horfes tails to the town of Warham, and there hanged on a gibbet with his fon Tt. Wuen Pandolf, after receiving the homage of John, returned to the court of France, he congratulated Philip on the fuccefs of his pious enterprize; and in- formed him, that John, moved by the terror of the French arms, had naw come to a jutt fenfe of his guilt; had returned to obedience under the apoftolic fee ; had even confented to do homage to the Pope for his dominions, and having * Rymer, vol. i, p.176. M. Paris, p.165. Trivet, p.158. Ann. Waverl. p.177. W. Hee ming. p, 554. M. Welt. p. 271,272. Ann, Burt. p. 269, + M. Paris, p. 165. Chron, Dunft. vol. i. p. 56, Chron. Mailr. p. 186, 187. T. Wykes, p» 37. Ann. Waverl. p. 179, M. Weft, p. 270, 272, Knyghton, p. 2324. thus ehus made his kingdom a part of St. Peter’s patrimony, had rendered it impof- fible for any Chriftian prince, without the moft manifeft and moft fagrant im- piety, to attack him *. Philip was in a rage on receiving this intelligence: He exclaimed, that having, at the Pope’s inftigation, undertaken an expedition, - which had coft him: above 60,000 pounds Sterling, he was fruftrated of his pur- pofe, at the time when its fuccefs was become infallible: He complained, that all the expence had fallen upon him ; all the advantage had accrued to Innocent : Ee threatened to be no longer the dupe of thefe hypocritical pretences : And af- fembling his vaffals, he laid before them the il] treatment which he had recerved, expofed the interefted and fraudulent conduct of the Pope, and required their af- Gftance to execute his enterprize againft England, in which, he told them, that, notwithftanding the inhibitions’ and ménaces of the legate, hewas determined to perfevere. The French barons were in that age little lefs ignorant and fuperfti- tious than the Englifh: Yet, fo much does the influence of thefe religious. prin- ciples depend: on the prefent difpofition of mens minds ! they all vowed to follow their prince on his intended expedition, and were refolute not to be difappointed of that glory and thofe riches, which they had long expetted from this enter- prize. The earl of Flanders alone, who-had ptevioufly formed a fecret treaty with John, declaring againft the injuftice and impiety of the undertaking, with- drew with his forces; and Philip, that he might not leave fo dangerous an enemy behind him, firft turned his arms againft the dominions of that prince. Meanwhile, the Englifh fleet was afférnbled under the earl of Salifbury, the Kine’s naturab brother ; and tho’ inferior in number, received orders to attache the French’ in their Rarbotatsae:Salifbury performed this fervice with fo much faccefs, that he took three hundred fhips; deftreyed a hundred more $: And Philip, finding it impoffible to:prevent the reft from falling into’ the hands of the enemy; fet fire to them himfelf, and thereby rendered it impoffible for him: to proceed’ any farther in his enterprize: Gad Joun, exulting in his préfent fecurity, infenfible to his: paft difgrace; was fo élated’ with this faccefs, that he thought of no lefs than of invading France in his suirh, and oF recovering: all thafe provinces which the profperous arms of Philip had formerly ravifhed* from him: | He’ propofed this expedition to the barons, who Wete already affembled for the' defence of the kingdom. But the Englith barons Both Hated ‘and defpifed their prinee + They prognofticated no fuccefs to any en- terprize conducted by fuch a leader * And pretending, that their time of fervice ~~ was elapfed, and all their provifions exhaufted, they refufed to fecond his under- *' Trivet, p. 160. | + M. Paris, p. 166. + M. Paris, p.166., Chrom. Danit. yol. i. p» 59. Trivet, p. 157. Gace 3C 2 taking. Chap. XT L214 Chap. Xf, T2136 ¥ goth. July. 380 HISTORY 6r ENGLAND. taking *. The King, however, refolute in his purpofe, embarked with a few followers, and failed to Jerfey, in the foolith notion, that the barons would at ~Jaft be afhamed to ftay behind +. But finding himfelf difappointed, he returned to Eneland; and raifing fome troops, threatened to take vengeance on all his nobles for their defertion and difobedience. The archbifhop of Canterbury, who was ina confederacy with the nobles, here interpofed ; ftrictly inhibited the King from thinking of fuch an attempt ; and threatened him with a renewal of the fen- tence of excommunication, if he pretended to levy war upon any of his fubyects, before the kingdom was freed from the fentence of interdict {. Tue church had diffolved the feveral anathemas pronounced againft John, by the fame gradual progrefs with which fhe had ‘at firft iffued them. By receiving his homage, and admitting him to the rank of vafial, his depofition was annulled, and his fubjeéts were again bound by their oaths of allegiance. ‘The exiled pre- lates thea returned in great triumph, with Langton at their head; and the King, hearing of their approach, went forth to meet them, and throwing himfelf on: the ground before them, he entreated them with tears to have compafiion on him: and the kingdom of England. The primate, feeing thefe marks of:fincere pe- nitence, led him to the chapter-houfe of Winchefter, and there adminiftered an oath to-him, by which he again {wore fealty and obedience to Pope Innocent and his fucceffors; promifed to love, maintain, and defend: holy. church, and the: clergy ; engaged, that he would re-eftablifh the good laws of his anceftors, par- ticularly thofe of St. Edward, and would abolifh the wicked ones ; and exprefied his refolution of maintaining juftice and right in all his dominions §. The pri- mate next gave him abfolution in the requifite forms, and admitted him to dine with him, to the gteat joy of allthe people. The fentence, however, of inter- di& was {till upheld againft the kingdom. A new legate, Nicholas, bifhop of Frefcati, «ame into England, in the place of Pandolf; and he declared) it-to be the Pope’s intentions never to loofen that fentence, till full reftitution was made, to the clergy of every thing taken from them, and ample reparation for all da- mages which they had fuftained |. He only permitted mafs. to be faid with a low voice in the churches, till-thefe loffes and damages could be eftimated to,the, fatisfaGtion of the parties.. Certain barons. were appointed to take an account of the claims * ;. and. John was aftonifhed at. the greatnefs of the fums,.to which the clergy made. their lofles.to amount. Nolefs than twenty thoufand marks were demanded by.the monks of Canterbury alone ; twenty-three thoufand for the fee * M. Paris, p. 166. + Ibid. t M. Paris, p. 167. | M. Paris, p. 166. Ann. Wayerl._p. 178. §.M. Paris, p, 166, 4. Trivet, .p. 160, Ann, Waverl,.p. 173. * Brady’s Append, N° 103, 104. Ju fos. Hr Fm - ih of Lincoln *; ard the King, finding thefe pretenfions to be infinite and endlefs, Chap. XI. proffered the clergy the fum of an hundred thoufand marks for a final acquittal. = *?"3- The clergy rejected the offer with difdain ; but the Pope, willing’ to favour his new: vaflal, whom he found zealous in his declarations of fealty, and regular in payihg the ftipulated tribute to Rome, directed his legate to accept of forty thou- fand-+. The iffue of the whole was, that the bifhops and confiderable abbots got reparation beyond what they had any title to demand: The inferior clergy were obliged to fit down contented with their loffes +: And the King; after the fentence of interdia&t was taken off, renewed, in the moft folemn manner, and by a new charter, fealed with gold, his profeflions of homage and obedience to the: fee of Rome |. Wuen this vexatious affair was at laft brought to a cenclufion, the King, as. 1214, if he had nothing farther to attend to but triumphs and victories; went over to Poiétou, which ftill acknowledged his.authority § ; and he carried war into Phi- lip’s dominions. He befieged a -caftle near Angiers ; but the approach of prince Lewis, Philip’s fon, obliged him to raife the fiege with fuch precipitation, that he left his tents, machines, and baggage behind him; and he returned to Eng- land with:difgrace. About the fame time, he heard of the. great and decifive victory gained by the King of France at Bovines over the Emperor Otho, who had entered France at the head of 150,000 Germans; 4 victory which eftablifhed for ever. the glory of Philip, and gave full fecurity to all his dominions. John could thereforesthink henceforth of nothing farther, than of ruling peaceably his own kingdom ; ‘and his clofesconjunction with the Pope, which he was deter- mined at any price to maintain, enfured him .aswhe.imagined, the certain attain- ment of this object: But the laft and moft grievous fcene of this prince’s mif- fortunes {till awaited. him; and he was deftined to pafs thro’ a feries of more hu- miliating circumftances than had ever yet fallen to the lot of any other monarchs . Tur introduction of the feudal law into England by William the ConquerormDitcontents of had much infringed the liberties, however imperfect, enjoyed by the Anglo- Gietamgahs Saxons in their antient government, and had reduced the whole people to a ftate. of va(lalage under the King or barons, and even’ the greate(t part of them to a seal ftate of flavery. The neceffity alfo of devolving great power into the hands. of aiprince, who was to maintain a military dominion over a vanquifhed nation, had engaged the Norman barons to fabmitsto a more rigorous and abfolute au- thority, than that to which men of their rank, in other feudal governments, were: * Chron, Dunft. yol. i. p. 64: + M, Paris, p. 173+ Chron, Duntt..volui.p. 62. { Ann. Waverl. p, 179. | M. Panis, p. 172. § Queen Eleanor died in 1203 OF 1204. 4. commonly Chap. XI. L214. P) 382 HISTORY or ENGLAND: commonly fubjefted. ‘The prerogatives of the crown, once raifed to a high pitch were not eafily reduced ; and the nation, during the courfe of an hundred and fifty years, had groaned under a tyranny, unknown to all the kingdoms founded by the northern conquerors, Henry I. that he might allure the people to give an ex¢lufion to his-elder brother Robert, had: granted them a charter, favourable in many particulars to their liberties ; Stephen had renewed this grant; Henry IL. had confirmed it: But the conceffions of all thefe princes had ftill remained with- out effect; and the fame unlimited, at leaft irregular authority, continued to be exercifed both by them and their fucceffors. ‘The only happinefs was, that arms were never yet ravifhed from the hands of the barons and people : The nation, by a great confederacy, might {till vindicate its liberties : And nothing was more likely, than the character, conduct, and fortunes of the prefent fovereign, to produce fuch a general union and combination againft him. Equally odious:and contemptible, borh in public and private life, he afffonted the barons by his in- folence, difhonoured their families by his gallantries, enraged them by his tyran- ny, and gave difcontent to all ranks of men by his endlefs exactions and’ impofi- tions *. "Pie effect of thefe lawlefs practices had already appeared in the general demand made by the barons of a reftoration of their privileges ; and after ‘tie had reconciled himfelf to the Pope, by abandoning the independance of the kingdom, he appeared to all the world in fo mean-a light, that they univerfally thoughe they might with fafety and honour infift upon their pretenfions. Bur nothing forwarded this confederacy fo much as the conctirrence of Lang- ton, archbifhop ef Canterbury; aman, whofe memory, tho” he was obtruded on the nation by a palpable incroachtment of the fee of Rome, ought always to be refpected' by the Englifh. ‘This prelate, whether he was’ moved by the’ se- nerofity of his nature and his affection to public goed, ‘or had entertained an anis mofity againft John, on account of the long oppofition made by that prince to his eleGtion ; or thought, that an acquifition of liberty te the people would ferve to increafe’ and fecure the privileges of the church; had formed the plan of re- forming the government, and had prepared the way for that great innovation, by inferting thofe fingular:claufes above mentioned'inithe«oath,: which he admi- miftered to: the King, before he would -abfolve him from. the fentence of excom- munication, Soon after, in a:private meeting of fome*principal> barons -at Lon- don, he fhowed'them a copy of Henry: 1.’s charter, which, he faid, he had hap- pily fousd in amonaftery; and: he exhorted them: to infifton the renewal, and obfervance-of: it: Thd barons fwore, thatthey would fooner lofe their lives:than *-Chron: Mailr. p. 188. "TP. Wykes, p. 36. Ann, Waverl. p. 181: W. Heming. p. 57: depart depart from fo reafonable a demand *. The confederacy began now to fpread Chap. XI. wider, and to comprehend almoft all the barons of England; and anew and = **"* more numerous meeting was fummoned by Langton at St. Edmondfbury, under November. colour of devotion. He again produced to the affembly the old charter of Henry ; renewed his exhortations of unanimity and vigour in the profecution of their purpofe; and reprefented in the ftrongeft colours the tyranny to which they had fo long been fubjected, and from which it now behoved them to free them- felves and their pofterity +. The barons, inflamed by his eloquence, incited by the fenfe of their wrongs, and encouraged by the appearance of their power and numbers, folemnly took an oath before the high altar, to adhere to each other, to infift on their demands, and to make endlefs war on the King, till he fhould fubmit to grant them $. They agreed, that, after the feltival of Chriftmas, they would prefer in a body their common petition ; and in the mean time, they feparated, after mutually promifing, that they would put themfelves in a pofture of defence, would inlift men and purchafe arms, and would fupply their caftles with the neceflary provifions. Tur barons appeared in London on the day appointed 5 and demanded of the = rats, King, that, in confequence of his-own oath before the primate, as well as in Oth Januarye deference to their jut rights, he would grant them a renewal of Henry’s charter, and a confirmation of the laws of St, Edward. The King, alarmed with their zealand unanimity, as well as with their power, required a delay 3 promifed, that at the feftival.of after, he would give them a pofitive anfwer to their pe- tition ; and offered thenmtheiarchbifhop of Canterbury, the bifhop of Ely, and the earl of Pembroke, the Marefchal, a8 “furetiesisfor his fulfilling this engage- ment... The barons accepted of the terms, and peaceably returned to their caftles. | Durine this interval, John, in order to break or fubdue the league of his 1¢th January} barons, endeavoured to avail himfelf of the ecclefiaftical power, of whofe influ- ence he had, from his own recent misfortunes, had fuch fatal experience. He granted to the clergy a charter, abandoning for ever that important prerogative, for which his father and all his anceftors had zealoufly contended ; yielding to them the free eleétion on all vacancies ; referving only the power to iffue a congé delire, and to fubjoin a confirmation of the eleétion; and declaring, that, if either of thefe were with-held, the choice fhould neverthelefs be deemed juft and * M. Paris, p. 167. + M. Paris, pe 175> t M. Paris, p. 176. ) | M, Paris, p.176, M. Welt. p. 273. | g valid, 984 AISTOR Yor ENGLAND, Chap. Xf, valid ®, Be made a vow to lead an army into Paleftine againft the infidels, and 3215+ hetook on him the crofs; in hopes, that he would receive from the church that protection, which fhe tendered to every one that had entered into this facred and meritorious engagement +. And he fent to Rome his agent, William de Mau- clerc, in order to appeal to the Pope againft the tyranny of his barons, and pro- cure him a favourable fentence from that powerful tribunal t. The barons alfo were not negligent on their part in endeavouring to engage the Pope in their in- terefts: They difpatched Euftace de Vefcie to Rome; laid their cafe. before In- nocent as their feudal lord; and petitioned him to interpofe his authority with the King, and oblige him to reftore and confirm all their juft and undoubted privileges |). Innocent beheld with regret the difturbances which had arifen in England, and was much inclined to favour John in his pretenfions. He had no other hopes of retaining and extending his newly acquired fuperiority over that kingdom, but by fupporting fo bafe and degenerate a prince, who was willing to facrifice every confideration to his prefent fafety ; and he forefaw, that, if the adminiftration fell into the hands of thefe gallant and high-fpirited barons, they would vindi- cate the honour, liberty, and independance of the nation, with the fame ardour which they now exerted in defence of their own. He wrote letters therefore to the prelates, to the nobility, and to the King himfelf. He exhorted the firft to employ their good offices in conciliating peace between the contending parties, and putting an end to civil difcord: To the fecond, he exprefied his difapproba- tion of their condué in employing force to extort conceffions from their reluctant fovereign: The laft, he advifed to treat his nobles with grace and indulgence, and to grant them fuch of their demands as fhould appeaf juft and reafonable §. Tue barons eafily faw, from the tenor of thefe letters, that they muft lay their account with having the Pope, as well as the King, for their adverfary ; but they had already advanced too far to recede from their pretenfions, and their paf- fions were fo deeply engaged, that it exceeded even the power of fuperftition itfelf any longer to controul them. They alfo forefaw, that the thunders of Rome, when not feconded by the efforts of the Englifh ecclefiaftics, would be of {mall avail againft them; and they perceived, that the moft confiderable of the pre- lates, as well as all the inferior clergy, profefied the higheft approbation of their caufe. Befides, that thefe men were feized with the national paffion for laws and liberty ; bleffings, of which they themfelves expected to partake; there concur- * Rymer, vol. i. p, 197. + Rymer, vol. i, p. 200. Trivet, p. 162. T. Wykes, p. 37. M. Welt, p. 273- } Rymer, vol. i, p. 184. | Ibid, § Rymer, vol. i. p. 196, 197- | ; red oa ates 2 Ba ee | 385 “red very powerful caufes to loofen their devoted attachment to the apoftolic fee. Chap. XT. It appeared from all the late ufurpations of the Roman pontiff, that he pretended Bon eh to reap alone all the advantages accruing from that victory, which, under his banners, tho’ at their own hazard, they had every where obtained over the civil magiftrate. The Pope affumed a defpotic power over all the churches : Their particular cuftoms, privileges, and immunities, were treated with difdain: Even the canons of general councils were fet afide by his difpenfing power : The whole adminiftration of the church was centered in the court of Rome: All preferments ran of courfe in the fame channel: And the provincial clergy faw, at leaft felt, that there was a neceflity of limiting thefe exorbitant pretenfions. The legate, Nicholas, in filling thofe numerous vacancies which had fallen in England dur- ing an interdict of fix years, had proceeded in the moft arbitrary manner; and had paid no regard, in conferring dignities, to perfonal merit, to rank, to the inclination of the electors, or to the cuftoms of the country. The Englifh church was univerfally difgufted ; and Langton himfelf, tho’ he owed his eleva- tion to an incroachment of the Romith fee, was no fooner eftablifhed in his high office, than he became jealous of the privileges annexed to it, and formed attach- ments with the country fubjeéted to his jurifdiction. Thefe caufes, tho’ they opened flowly the eyes of men, failed not to produce their effect: They fet bounds to the ufurpations of the papacy: The tide firft ftopped, and then turn- ed againft the fovereign pontiff: And it is otherwife inconceivable, how that age, fo prone to fuperftition, and fo funk in ignorance, or rather fo devoted to a {purious erudition, could have efcaped falling into an abfolute and total flavery under the court of Rome. | | Apnout the time that the Pope’s letters arrived in England, the malecontent Infurrection of barons, on the approach of the feftival of Eafter, when they were to expect the the barons. King’s anfwer to their petitions, met by agreement at Stamford; and they af- | fembled a force, confifting of above 2000 knights, befides their retainers and in- ferior perfons without number. Elated with their power, they advanced in a body to Brackley, within fifteen miles of Oxford, the place where the court then refided ; and they there received a mefiage from the King, by the archbifhop of Canterbury and the earl of Pembroke, defiring to know what thofe liberties were which they fo zealoufly challenged from their fovereign. They delivered to thefe mefiengers a fchedule, containing the chief articles of their demands; which was no foonerfhown to the King, than he burft into a furious paffion, and afked, why the barons did not alfo demand of him his kingdom? fwearing, that he would never grant them fuch liberties as muft reduce himfelf to flavery *. 27th April. * M. Paris, p. 176. Vou. I. 3 D 7 de AF a ee on -— i . > ee OR mas pebt res — . e * 2 ~~ ; “+ — =o tS = = — = ——s = . Hts ¢ . as eS = aa TFS SS ee = == = = SES rehnne = ae es eee = sees a ates ae 2) ed o~. = ——— — ~ —_ > 4 te . — 2 ~ - —— - -_ = ro o = = ~ - —e ~~ Sl OP st —e « < 7 . — me pom a oe ~ ais - a id “ yr _ —. 4 " pmaged £ > 2a ore mo ae ee oe = Oe ne te * 7. 386 HISTORY or ENGLAND. Chap. XI. No fooner were the confederated nobles informed of John’s refufal, than they 1215. Ghote Robert Fitz- Walter for general, whom they called the Mare/chal of the army of God and of holy church, and they proceeded without farther ceremony to make war upon the King. They befieged the cattle of Northampton during fifteen days, tho’? without fuccefs *: The gates of Bedford caftle were willingly opened to them by William, Beauchamp, its owner: They advanced to Ware in their way to London, where they held a correfpondence with the principal citizens; They 24th May. were received without oppofition.into that capital: And finding now the great fuperiority of their force, they iffued out proclamations, requiring the other ba- rons to join them, and menacing them, in cafe of refufal or delay, with com- mitting devaftation on their houfes and eftates +. In order to fhow them» what they night expect. from their profperous arms, they made incurfions from Lon- don, and laid wafte the King’s parks and palaces and all the barons, who had hitherto carried the femblance of fupporting the royal party, were glad of this pretence to join openly a caufe, which they had always fecretly favoured. The King was left ‘at Odiham in Surrey with a poor retinue of only feven knights ; and after trying feveral expedients to elude the blow, after.offering to refer all differences to the Pope alone, or to eight barons, four .to be chofen by-himfelf, and four by the confederates t, he found himfelf at laft obliged to fubmit at dil cretion. Magna Char-- A-conrerence ‘between the King and the barons was appointed at Runnemede ee th Tune, Detween Windfor and Staines ; a place which has ever fince been extremely cele- > beated, on’account of this great event. The two parties encamped apart, like open enemies ; and after a debate of a few days, the King, with a facility which was fomewhat fufpicious, figned and fealed the charter which was required of roth fone. him. This famous deed, commonly called the Great CuHarTer, either grant- ed or fecured very important liberties.and privileges to every order of men in the kingdom, to the clergy, to the barons, and to the people. Tur freedom of elections was fecured to the clergy : The former charter of the King was confirmed, by which the neceflity of -a royal congeé d’clire and con- firmation was fuperfeded: All check upon ‘appeals to Rome was removed, by- the allowance granted every man to depart the kingdom at pleafure: And the fines upon the clergy, for any offence, were ordained to be proportional to their lay eftates, not to their ecclefiaftical benefices. Tue privileges granted to the barons were either abatements in the rigors of the feudal law, or determinations in points which had been left by that law, os * M. Paris, p. 177. Chron, Dunft. vol, i. p. 71. 4+ M. Paris, p. 177% | Rymer, vol. 1. p. 200. had te iH N, i ag ie 387 had become by practice, arbitrary and ambiguous. The reliefs of heirs fucceecing to a military fee were afcertained ; an earl’s at an hundred pounds, a baron’s at.an Lundred. marks, a knight’s at an hundred fhillings. It was ordained by the char- cer, that, if the heir be a minor, he fhall, immediately upon his majority, enter upon his eftate, without paying any relief: The King fhall not fell his wardfhip : He fhall levy only reafonable profits upon the eftate, without committing walte or hurting the property: He fhall uphold the catftles, houfes, mills, parks and ponds: And if he commit the guardianfhip of the eftate to the fheriff or any other, he fhall previoufly oblige them to find furety to the fame purpofe. Dur- ing the minority of a baron, while his lands are in wardfhip, and are not in his own poffeffion, no debt which he owes to the Jews fhall bear any intereft. Heirs {hall be married without difparagement 5 and before the marriage be contracted, che neareft relations of the perfons fhall be informed of it. A widow, without paying any relicf, fhall enter upon her dower, the third part of her hufband’s rents : She fhall not be compelled to marry, fo long as fhe chufes to continue fingle; fhe fhall only give fecurity never to marry without her lord’s confent. The King fhall not claim the wardfhip of any minor, who holds lands by mili- tary tenure of a baron, on pretence that he alfo holds lands of the crown, by foccage or any other tenure. Scutages fhall be eftimated at the fame rate as in the time of Henry I. ; and no fcutage or aid, except in the three general feudal cafes, the King’s captivity, the knighting his eldeft fon, and the marrying his éldeft daughter, fhall be impofed but by the great council of the kingdom ; the prelates, earls and great barons, fhall be called to this great council, each by a particular. writ 5 the lefer barons by a general fummons of the fheriff. The King fhall not feize any baron’s land for a debt to the crown, if the baron pof- feffes as many goods and chattels as are fufhicient to difcharge that debt. No man fhall be obliged to perform more forvice for his fee than he is bound to by his tenure. No governor Of conftable of a caftle fhall oblige any knight to give money for caftle-guard, if he 1s willing to perform the fervice in perfon, or by another able-bodied man ; and if the knight be in the field himfelf, by the King’s command, he fhall be exempt from all other fervice of this nature. No vaiial “ fhall be allowed to fell fo much of his land as to incapacitate himfelf from per- forming his fervice to his lord. ' Pugse were the principal articles. which were calculated for the interefts of the barons; and had the charter contained nothing farther, national happinefs and liberty had been very little promoted by it, as it would only have tended to increafe the power and independance of an order of men, who were already too powerful, and whofe yoke might have become more heavy on the people 3 (3 3 ee than Chap. Xf. izt¢. ——ee —< —— - -—___—— = —* ——— 7 + sod 5S SS SS — —-—.- — = == = sn . ee sae = = —————— F << ¢|] ii i i {Bear Hind ig|| Mh nyt ine 4 = SSS ee Chap. 2 r215. C7 88 SAISTORY of ENGL AND. Gs than even that of an abfolute monarch. But the barons, who alone drew and impofed on the prince this memorable charter, were neceffitated to infert in it other claufes of a more extenfive and more beneficent nature: They could not expect the concurrence of the people, without comprehending, together with their own, the interefts of inferior ranks of men; and all provifions, which the ba- rons, for their own fakes, were obliged to make, in order to enfure the free and equitable adminiftration of juftice, tended directly to the benefit of the whole community. The following were the principal claufes of this nature.” ’ Iy was ordained, that all the privileges and immunities above mentioned, stanted to the barons againit the King, fhould be extended by the barons to their inferior vaffals. The King bound himfelf not to grant any writ, empowering a baron to levy aids from his vaffals, except in the three feudal cafes. One weight and one meafure fhall be obferved throughout the whole kingdom, Merchants fhall be allowed to tranfact all bufinefs, without being expofed to any arbitrary tolls and impofitions : They and all free men fhall be allowed to go out of the kingdom and return to it at pleafure. London, and all cities and burghs, fhall preferve their antient liberties, immunities and free cuftoms: Aids fhall not be required of them but by the confent of the great council. No towns nor indivi- duals fhall be obliged to make or fupport bridges but by antient cuftom. . The goods of every free man fhall be difpofed of according to his will: If he die ins teftate, his heirs fhall fucceed tothem. No officer of the crown hall take any horfes, carts, or wood, without the confent of the owner. The King’s courts of juftice fhall be ftationary, and fhall no longer follow his perfon: They fhall be open to every one; and juftice fhall no longer be bought, refufed, or delayed by them, The fheriffs fhall be incapacitated to hold pleas of the crown; and fhall not put any perfon upon his trial, from rumor or fufpicion alone, but up- on the evidence of lawful witnefles. No freeman fhall be taken or imprifoned, or difpoffeffed of his free tenement and liberties, or outlawed, or banifhed, or > any wife hurt or injured, unlefs by the legal judgment of his peers, or by the law of the land; and all who fuffered otherwife in this or the two former reigns, fhall be reftored to their rights and poffeflions.. Lvery freeman fhall be fined in proportion to his fault; and no fine fhall be levied on him to his utter ruin: Even a villain or ruftic fhall not by any fine be bereaved of his carts, ploughs, and implements of hufbandry. This was the only article calculated for the in- terefts of this body of men, probably at that time the moft numerous in the kingdom. Ir mult be confeffed, that the former articles of the Great Charter contain futh mitigations and explanations of the feudal law as are very reafonable and equi- 3 bea table , e fp eee ose ue 389 , table ; and that the latter involve all the chief outlines of a legal government, and provide for the equal diftribution of juftice, and free enjoyment of property; the great objects for which political fociety was at firft founded by men, which the people have. a perpetual and unalienable right to recall, and which no time, nor precedent, nor ftatute, nor pofitive inftitution, ought to deter them from keep- ing ever uppermoft in their thoughts and attention. Tho" the provifions made by this charter might, conformable to the genius of the age, be efteemed too concife, and too bare of circumftances, to maintain the execution of its articles, in oppofition to the chicanery of lawyers, fupported by the violence of power ; time gradually afcertained the fenfe of all the ambiguous expreffions, and thofe generous barons, who farft extorted this conceffion, {till held their fwords in their hands, and could turn them againft thofe who dared, on any pretence, to depart from the original fpirit and meaning of the grant. It is now eafy, from the te- nor of this charter, to determine what thofe laws were of King Edward, which the Englifh nation, during fo many generations, ftill defired, with fuch an obiti- nate perfeverance, to have recalled and eftablifhed. They were thefe latter arti- cles of Magna Charta ; and the barons, who, at the beginning of thefe commo- tions, required the revival of the Saxon laws, undoubtedly thought, that they had fufficiently fatisfied the people by procuring them this conceffion, which com- prehended the chief objeéts to which they had fo long afpired. But what we are moft to admire, is the prudence and moderation of thefe haughty nobles them- felvesy who were enraged by inyurics, enflamed by oppofition, and elated by a total victory over their fovereign. They were contented, even in this plenitude of power, to depart from fémenatticles. of Henry I.’s charter, which they made the foundation of their demands, particularly from» the abolition of wardtfhips, fo important a point ; and they feem to have been fufficiently careful not to di- minifh too far the power and revenue of the crown. If they appear, therefore, to have carried other demands to too great a height, it can be afcribed only to the faithlefs and tyrannical character of the King himfelf, of which they had long had experience, and which, they forefaw, would, if they provided no farther fe- curity, lead him foon to infringe their liberties, and recall his own conceilions. This alone gave birth. to thofe other articles, feemingly exorbitant, which were ‘added as 2 rampart for the fafeguard of the Great Charter. | ‘Tur barons obliged the King to agree, that London fhould remain in their hands, and the Tower be configned to the cuftody of the primate, till the 15th of Auguft next, or till the execution of the feyeral articles of the great charter *- ® Rymer, vol. i. p, 201. Chron, Duntt. vol. 1. p. 73% “ he Chap. XI. 1245s W My if 7 tt +, ! Ast 4} t if i H ae 4 i N BR Pip mnt £ oe — Chap. Xf. 1215. 390 HISTORY @r ENGLAND. The better to: infure the fame end, he allowed them to chdofe five and twenty members from their own body, as confervators of the public liberties; and no bounds were fet to the authority of thefe men either in extent or duration. If any complaint was made of a violation of the charter, whether by the King, jufticiaries, fheriffs; or forefters, any four of thefe barons might admonifh the King to re- drefs the grievance; and if {atisfaction was not obtained, they could affemble the whole council of twenty-five ;.who, in conjunction with the great council, were empowered to compel him to obferve the charter, and, in cafe of refiftance, might levy war again{t him, attack his caftles, and employ every kind. of violence, except againft his royal perfon, and that of his Queen and children, All men, through- out the kingdom, were bound, under the penalty of confifcation, to fwear obedi- ence to the five and twenty barons; and the freeholders of each county were to choofe twelve knights, who'were to make report of fuch evil cuftoms as required redrefs, conformable to the tenor of the Great Charter*, ‘The names of thefe con- fervators were the. earls of Clare, Albemarle, Glocefter, Winchefter, Hereford; Roger Bigod, earl of Norfolk, Robert de Vere, earl of Oxford, WillianyMarefchal the younger, Robert Fitz-Walter, Gilbert- de.Clare, Euftace de Vefcey, the mayor of London; William de Moubray,; Geoffrey de Say, Roger de Mombezon, William de Huntingfield, Robert de Ros, the conftable of Chefter; William de Aubenie, Richard de Perci; William Malet, John Fitz-~Robert, William de Lan- valay, Hugh de Bigod, and Roger de Mountfichet +. Thofe men were by this convention, really invefted with the fovereignty of the kingdony: They were rendered. co-ordinate with the King, or rather fuperior to him, in the exercife of the executive power: And as there was no circumftance of government, which, either directly or indirectly, might not beara relation tothe fecurity or obfervance of the great charter; there could {carce occur any incident, in which they might not lawfully interpofe their authority. Joun feemed to fubmit paffively to all thefe répulations, however injurious to majefty : He fent writs to all the fheriffs, ordering them to conftrain every one to fwear obedience to the twenty-five barons [: He difmiffed all his foreign forces: He pretended, that his government was henceforth to run in a new tenor, and to be more indulgent to the liberty and independance of his people. But he only diffembled, *till hé fhould find a favourable opportunity of annulling all his conceffions. The injuries and indignities, which he had heretofore fuffered from * This feems a certain proof that the houfe of commons was not then in being; otherwife the knights and burgefles from the feveral counties could have given in to the lords a lift of the grievances, without any new election, 4- M. Paris, p. 181. } M. Paris, p. 182. the the Pope and King of France, as they came from equals or fuperiors, feemed to make but fmallimpreffion on him : But the fenfe of this perpetual and total fub- jection under his own rebellious vaflals funk deep in his mind, and he was deter- mined, at all hazards, to throw off fo ignominious a flavery *. He grew fullen, filent, and referved : He fhunned the fociety of his courtiers and nobles : He retired into the Ifle of Wight, as if defirous to hide his fhame and confufion ; but in this retreat he meditated the moft fatal vengeance againft all his enemies T. He fe- cretly fent abroad his emiffaries to inlift foreign foldiers, and to invite the rapa- cious Brabancons into his fervice,’ by the profpect of fharing the fpoils of England, and reaping the forfeitures of fo many opulent barons, who had incurred the euilt of rebellion, by rifing in.arms againtt him ¢. And he difpatched a meflenger to Rome, inorder to lay before the Pope: the great charter, which he had been com- ‘pelled to fign, and to complain, before that tribunal, of the vidlence, which had been impofed upon him |. Innocent, confidering himfelf as feudal lord of the kingdom, was incenfed at the temerity of the barons, who, tho’ they pretended to appeal to his au- thority, had dared, without waiting for his confent, to impofe fuch terms on a prince, who, by refigning to the Roman pontiff, his crown and independance, had placed himfelf immediately under the papal protection, He iffued, therefore, a bull, in which, from the plenitude of his apoftolic power, and from the au- thority, which God had committed to him, to build and deftroy kingdoms, to plant and overthrow, he annulied-and vacated the whole charter, as unjuft in itfelf, as obtained by compulfion, and as derogatory to the dignity of the apottolic fee. He prohibited the barons to exact the obfervance of it: Fle even prohibited the King himfelf to pay any regard to it: He abfolved him and his fubjects from all oaths, which they had been conftrained to take to that purpofe : “And ’he denounced a general fentence of excommunication againft every one, who fhould perfevere in maintaining fuch treafonable and iniquitous pretenfions §. Tue King, as his foreign forces arrived along with this bull, now ventured to take off the mafk ; and, under fanétion of the, Pope’s decree, recalled all the liberties, which he had granted to, his fubjects, and, which he had folemnly {worn to obferve. But fhe fpiritual, weapon was found upon trial to carry lefs force with it, than he had reafon from ,his, own experience to apprehend. The primate re- fufed to obey the Pope in publifhing the fentence of excommunication againft the barons; and tho” he was cited to Rome, that he might attend a general council, * M. Paris, p. 123. + M. Paris, p. 183. +_M. Paris, p. 183. Chron. Dunft. yol. i. p. 72. Chron, Mailr. p. 185. | M.. Paris, p. 183. Chron, Dunit. vol, 3..p. 73. § Rymer, vol. i. p, 203, 204, 205, 208. M. Paris, p. 184, 185, 137+ i there Chap. XI. 1215. Renewal of the civil warse. ,;mre-e goth Noy. 392 AYSTOR Y ofr ENGLAND. there affembled, and was fufpended, on account of his difobedience to the Pope, and his fecret correfpondence with the King’s enemies *: Tho’ a new and parti- cular fentence of excommunication was denounced by name againft the principal barons +; John ftill found, that his nobility and people, and even his clergy, adhered to the defence of their liberties, and to their combination againft him : The fword of his foreign mercenaries was all he had to truft to for the reftoration of his authority, Tue barons, after obtaining the great charter, feem to have been lulled into a fatal fecurity, and to have taken no rational meafures, in cafe of the introduc- tion of a foreign force, for re-affembling their armies. The King was from the firft mafter of the field; and immediately laid fiege to the caftle of Rochefter, which was obftinately defended by William de Albiney, at the head of an hundred and forty knights with their retainers, and was at laft reduced by famine. John, irritated with the refiftance, intended to. have hanged the governor and-all the garrifon; but on the reprefentation of William de Mauleon, who fuggefted to him the danger of reprizals, he was contented to facrifice, in this barbarous man- ner, the inferior prifoners only —. The captivity of Williamde Albiney, the beft officer among the confederated barons, was an irreparable lofs to their caufe ; and no regular oppofition was thenceforth made to the progrefs of the royal arms. The ravenous and barbarous mercenaries, incited by a cruel and inraged prince, were let loofe againft the eftates, tenants, manors, houfes, parks of the barons, and fpread devaftation over the face of the kingdom, Nothing was feen but the flames of villages and caftles reduced to afhes, the confternation and mifery of the - inhabitants, tortures exercifed by the foldiery to make them reveal their con- cealed treafures ||, and reprizals no lefs barbarous, committed_by the barons and their partizans on the royal demefnes, and on the eftates of fuch as ftill adhered to the crown §. ‘The King marching thro’ the whole extent of England, from Dover to Berwick, laid the provinces wafte on each fide of him ; and confidered every eftate, which was not his immediate property, as entirely hoftile and the object of military execution. The nobility of the north in particular, who had fhown greateft violence in the recovery of their liberties, and who, acting ina feparate body, had expreffed their difcontent even at the conceffions made by the great charter; as they could expe€t no mercy, fled before him with their wives and families, and purchafed the friendfhip of Alexander, the young King of Scots, by doing homage to him f. * M. Paris, 189. + Rymer, vol.i. p. 211. M. Paris, p. 192. { M. Paris, p. 187. | Chron. de Mailr. p..190. Ann. Waverl. p. 181. M. Weft. p. 274 275. § M. Paris, p. 190. W. Heming. p. 558, $ Chron. de Mailr. p. 190. Heming. p. 558. THE Tux barons, reduced to this defperate extremity, and menaced with the total Chap. XI. lofs of their liberties, their properties, and their lives, employed a remedy no 1216. lefs defperate ; and making applications to the court of France, -offered to ac- Prince Lewis knowledge Lewis, the eldeft fon of Philip, for their fovereign ; on condition, met that he afforded them protection from the violence of their enraged prince *. Tho’ the fenfe of the common rights of mankind, the only rights which are entirely indefeafible, might have juftified them in their depofition of the King; they declined infifting before Philip, on a pretenfion, which is commonly fo unfa- vourable among fovereigns, and which founds harfhly in their royalears: ‘They affirmed, that John was incapable of fucceeding to the crown, by reafon of the attainder, pafied upon him during. his brother’s reign; tho’ that attainder had been reverfed, and Richard had even, by his Jaft will, declared him his {ucceffor: They pretended, that he was already legally depofed by fentence of the peers of France, on account of the murder of his nephew ; tho’ that fentence could not poflibly regard any thing but his tranfmarine dominions, which alone he held in homage to that crown. On more plaufible grounds, they affirmed, that he had already depofed himfelf by doing homage to the Pope, changing the nature of his fovereignty, and refigning an independant crown for a fee or vaffalage under a foreign power. And as Blanche of Caftille, the wife of Lewis, was defcended by her mother from Henry II. they maintained, tho” many other princes ftood before her in the order of fucceffion, that they had not fhaken off the royal family in choofing her hufband for their fovereign. Puitip was extremely tempted to lay hold of the rich prize which was offered tohim. The Pope’s legate menaced: him wath interdiéts and excommunications, if he invaded the patrimony of St. Peter, or attacked a prince, who was under the immediate protection of the holy fee + ; but as Philip was infured of the obe- dience of his own vaffals, his principles were changed with the conjunétures of the times, and he now undervalued as much all papal cenfures, as he formerly pretended to pay refpect tothem. His chief {cruple was with regard to the fide- lity, which he might expect of the Englifh barons in their new engagements, and the danger of entrufting his fon and heir into the hands of men, who might, on any caprice or neceflity, make peace with their native fovereign, by facrificing a pledge of fo much value.. He therefore exacted from the barons twenty-five hoftages of the moft noble birth in the kingdom || ; and having obtained this fe- curity, he firft fent over a fmall army to the relief of the confederates, and then more numerous forces, who arrived with Lewis himfelf at their head. } eh yt! ; ih rae) ' iti if 4 | tal wat < au e Thana ie il " RF , ' 1 Pea ‘ Hh! . ies - j mi . ei! . 1h ‘/ * > i ° N . | | ait a ’ et ach . J : Re ‘ ‘ dt | ae Hi?) | re ty < . ‘ He? i i ul i be | tS aint : , ip’ : it ea 4 14) oe ee el ‘ + ¥ } " sie = THe) Te } Mil ia | ht : wie Ww : AV ep. ek te i WaT Ae ik oe) ie Ru aE by oe ae ’ oy i ea Oth) ) a tf) Dt ieee (aR) Peres 1 ‘i y ; ay Par a) mz , 4 i } ; Beh z Sehiie) ™ + “ts =" = ; Feat + a ae Te Se ie ’ ry + en + M. Weft. p. 274. Knyghton. p. 2423. + M, Paris, p- 194- _M. Weltip- 275; | M. Paris, p, 193. Chron. Dunit, vol. i. p. 74. : Vou. I. 2 BE, TuE Chap. XI. 1216. 994 WisTORY- er ENGLAND: Tur firtt effect of the young prince’s appearance in England was the defertion of John’s foreign troops, who, being moftly levied in Flanders, and other provinces of France, refufed to ferve againft the heir of their monarchy *. ‘Fhe Gafcons and Poitivins alone, who were ftill John’s fubjects, adhered to his caufe ; but they were too weak to maintain that fuperiority in the field, which they had’ hitherto fupported againft the confederated barons. Many confiderable noblemen deferted John’s party, the earls of Salifbury, Arundel, Warrenne, Oxford, Albe- marle, and William Marefchal the younger: His caftles fell daily into the hands of the enemy : Dover was the only place, which, from the valor and fide- lity of Hubert de Burgh, the governor, made refiftance to the progrefs of Lewis’s arms +: And the barons had the melancholy profpect of finally fucceedine” im their purpofe, and of efcaping the tyranny of their own King, by impofing on themfelves and the nation a foreign yoke. But this union was of very fhort du- ration between the French and Englith nobles; and the imprudence of Lewis, who on every occafion fhowed too vifible a preference to the former, encreafed that jealoufy, which it was fo natural for the latter to entertain in their prefent fituation t. The vifcount of Melun, too, it.is faid, one of his courtiers, fell fick at London, and finding the approaches of death, he fent for fome of his friends among the Englifh barons, and warning them of their danger, revealed Lewis’s fecret_ intentions of exterminating them and their families as traitors to their prince, and beftowing their eftates and dignities on his native fubjects, in whofe fidelity he could more reafonably place confidence |. This ftory, whether true or falfe, was univerfally reported and believed ; and concurring with other cir- eumftances, which rendered it credible, did an infinite prejudice to Lewis’s caufe. The earl of Salifbury and other noblemen deferted again to John’s party §; and as men eaftly change fides in a civil war, efpecially where their power is founded onan hereditary and independant authority, and is not derived from the opinion and favour of the people, the French prince had reafon to dread a fudden reverie of fortune. The King was affembling a confiderable army, with a view of fight- ing one great battle for his crown ; but paffing from Lynne to Lincolnfhire, his road lay along the fea-fhore, which was overflowed at high water, and not choof- ing the proper time for his journey, he loft in the inundation all his carriages, . treafure, baggage, and regalia. The affliction of this difafter, and the vexation from the diftraéted ftate of his affairs, encreafed the ficknefs, under which he then laboured ; and tho” he reached the caftle of Newark, he was obliged to halt * Paris, p. 195- + M. Paris, p. 198. Chron. Dunft. vol. §. p. 75, 76. + W. Heming. p. 559- M, Paris, p. 199. M. Welt. p. 277- § Chron. Dunit. vol. 1. p. 78. ' ; there, Peo oe N. te. "895 there, and his diftemper foon after put an end to his life, in the forty-ninth year Chap. XT. 1210, of his age,’ and feventeenth of his reign ; and freed the nation from the dangers, een eatn anc character of to which it was equally expofed, by his fuccefs or his misfortunes. qually ¢xp » DY THe chara@er of this prince is nothing but. a complication of vices, equally mean afd odious ; ruinous to himfelf, and deftructive to his people. Cowardice, inaGtivity, folly, levity, licentioufnefs, ingtatitude, ‘treachery, tyranny, and eruelty; all thefe qualities appear too evidently in the feveral incidents of his life to give us any room to fufpeét, that the difagreeable picture has been any- wife overcharged by the prejudice of the antient hiftorians. It is hard to fay, whether his condué& to his father, his brother, his nephew, or his fubjects was moft culpable ; or whether his crimes in thefe refpects were not even exceeded by the bafenefs, which appeared in his tranfactions with the King of France, the Pope, and the barons. His dominions, when they devolved to him by the death of his brother, were more extenfive than have, ever fince his time, been ruled by any Englifh monarch : But he firft loft by his mifconduct the flourifhing pro- vinces in France, the antient patrimony of his family: He fubjeéted his kingdom the King. to a fhameful vaflalage under the fee of Rome: He faw the prerogatives of his. crown diminifhed by law, and ftill more reduced by faétion : And he died at laft, when in danger of being totally expelled by a foreign power, and of either ending his life miferably in prifon, or feeking fhelter as a fugitive from the pur- fuit of his enemies. Tue prejudices againft this prince were fo violent, that he was believed to have fent an embaffy to the Miramoulin or Emperor of Morocco, and to have offered to change his religion and become Mahometan, in order to purchafe the protection of that monarch. But tho’ that ftory is told us, on plaufible autho- rity, by. Matthew Paris *, it is in itfelf utterly improbable ; except, that there is nothing fo incredible as may not become likely from the folly and wickednefs of John. Tur monks throw great reproaches on this prince for his impiety and even infidelity ; and as an inftance of it, they tell us, that having, one day, caught avery fat ftag; he exclaimed, How plump and well fed is this animal ana yet I dare fwear be never heard mafs \. This fally of wit, upon the ufual corpulency of the pricits, more than all his enormous crimes and iniquities, made him pafs with them, for an atheift. + M. Paris, p. 170- gk 2 Joun Wane AEF a Set Set a a ee = See =< ae ee Por - ? “> " arp: - is ayaa” me Sided” 7s i ae = 1 Wi <4 PAS tert i . t = yy oF Poe i 1! Ree ot aa , 5 > i fs ee : - Paks OEP Ra tt eer 4 * eo ac tt Pir =) oe — Ae " = — ~> = == ; ee Chap. XI. 1216, "wo 306 HISTORY or ENGLAND. Jouw left two legitimate fons behind him, Henry, born on the firft of Oéto- ber, 1207, and now nine years of age; and Richard, born on the fixth of Jan- vary, 1209; and three daughters, Jane married to Alexander King of Scots ; Eleanor married firft to William Marefchal younger, earl of Pembroke, and then to Simon Mountfort, earl of Leicefter ; and Ifabella married to the Emperor, Frederic IJ. All thefe children were born to him by Ifabella of Angoulefme, his fecond wife. His illegitimate children were numerous ; but none of them were any wile diftinguifhed, oc H A Pp; [ 397 4 a op OE ON Dy oe ee The FEUDAL and AN.GLO-NORMAN GovERNMENT and MANNERS+ Origin of the feudal law——Its progrefi——Feudal government of ae land—-The feudal parliament-——The commons judicial power— Re- venue of the crown——-Commer ce———T he Church——Civil Laws —— Manners. . > ad 7 “4° x Tit HE feudal law is the chief foundation, both of the arte eH Appens T and of the jurifprudence, ate! Ee a. 2 this law, in order {fubjeét therefore requires, that we fhouid form a jutt i Es domret : 3 lain the ftate, as well of that kingdom, as of all a Sorin And P which, during thofe ages, were coverned by fimilar infti : . Ses a Fee fenfible, that I muft here repeat many penters am to che ie 7 ers ||; yet, as every > ag Ye mare as ae ase complete $ Ry it ae a sing material, tovother books, it Wi e anh tS Spe Bes oi pi Senor co prodigious fabric; which, » fary, in this p ace, veferved fuch a mixture of liberty and oppreffion; order an pet o tability on revolution, as was never experienced in any other age oF anarchy, | ld. me le : Pa senna fubdued the provinces of the Roman pe is Sa AFTER the northern fablith a fyitem of government, which might fecure t “ ne —. agit the revolt of their numerous fubjects, who wae: page OS from the inroads of other tribes, who might be poet SS in the A Sn ted new acquifitions. The great change of circum cams ~~ eas Sai depart From thofe inftitutions, which prevailed among thems W macs : eS y LE {pais des loix Dr. Robertfon’s hiftory of Scotland. Dalrymple of feudal Tenut % Padre d&Paolo Hitt, Conc. Trid, they : 3 cel | ae!) Wih| ey ra SHH (uh , NW bk, - din a : H Ki. : ; f i BH hia i ae: Hei nat EY! an i aE et! ) i y ' \ i : } > hes inn. ty be. yf Ae MENS wt : ro } ry ay te ty) le ti tigi) Sa bith i 1 eis Reh 2 Ui fi. 0) whl Loe eh 3 ih) ae 5 Bh t } 1H) es ei) i ' hi » ia Cio : © at. dy 2 ‘ i) SS hh img 1 we ality at ' Le. : a % * ui he ; = 4 oe Ath ; .— > , Bet 5 a a) Dib, yal oh ¢ N + ’ , vibe ’ . hike s, a: | ’ > be ate \ 4 4 o? ' 43 y 4 , “ Ryif' i; Tite - re fy 7 eo) CRS ‘i uw heey * ' f 5 i . i} ia} iM) Sime he { ee Hod at (it) & ue hb Fi ty 7 - ¢ be i : rT a : Pe ' “ * : it ty ee i $ ih zr i} j 4 la i fy . ie ' 4 H Leo @ 2 > wid 6 : - ‘ | ED —. an — Appendix I]. 398 PISTOR YT. ot ENGI AND they remained in the forefts of Germany ;, yet was it ftill natural for them to re- tain, in their prefent fettlement, as much of their antient cuftoms as was compa- tible with their new fituation. Tue German governments, being more a confederacy of independant war.’ riors, than a civil fubjection, derived their principal force from many inferior and voluntary affociations, which individuals formed under a particular head or chieftain, and which it became the higheft point of honour to maintain with jn- violable fidelity, The glory of the chieftain confifted in the number, the bravery» and the zealous attachment of his retainers: Fhe duty of the retainers required that they fhould accompany their chieftain in all wars and dangers, that they fhould fight and perith by his fide, and that they fhould efteem his renown or his favour a fufficient recompence for all their fervices *. The prince himfelf was nothing but a great chieftain, who was chofen from among the reft, .on ac- count of his fuperior valour or.nobility ; and who derived his power from the voluntary affociation or attachment of the other chieftains. | | : Wuen a tribe, governed by thofe ideas, and actuated by ‘thofe principles, fubdued a large territory, they found, that tho’ it was neceflary to keep them- felves in a military pofture, they could neither remain united. in a body, nor take up their quarters in feveral garrifons, and that their manners. and infitu- tions debarred them. from ufing thofe expedients, the obvious ones,. which, in a like fituation, would haye- been employed by a civilized nation. Their igno- rance in the art of finances, and perhaps the deyattations infeparable from fuch violent conquelts, rendered it impraéticable for them to levy taxes fufficient for thepay of numerous armies; and their repugnance to a flavith fubordination, with their attachment to rural pleafures, made the life of the caind. or garrifon, if perpetuated during peaceful times, extremely odious and difguftful to:them,. They feized, therefore, fuch a proportion of the conquered. lands as appeared neceflary ; they afligned.a fhare for fupporting the dignity of their prince and government ; they diftributed other parts, under the title of fiefs, to the chief- tains ; thefe made a new partition among their retainers; the exprefs condition of all thefe grants was, that they might be refumed at pleafure, and that the pof- feffor, fo long as he enjoyed them, fhould ftill remain in readinefs to take the field for the defence of the nation. And tho’ the conquerors immediately fepa- rated, in order to enjoy their new acquifitions, their martial difpofition made them readily fulfil the terms of théir engagement : They affembled oa the firtt alarm; their habitual attachment to the chieftain made them willingly fubmit to his command; and thus a regular military force, tho’ concealed, lay always * Tacit, de Mor. Germ, ready, AYR PEN DP Poh cit 399 ready, to defend, on any emergence, the intereft and: honour of the com- Appendix Il, munity. : WE are not to imagine, that all or even the greateft part of the conquered lands was feized: by the northern conquerors 5 or that the whole of the land thus feized was fubjected to thefe military fervices, This fuppofition is confuted by the hiftory of all the nations on the continent." Even the idea given us of the Ger- man manners by the Roman hiftorian, may convince us, that that bold people would never have been contented with fo precarious a fubfiftence, or have fought to procure eftablifhments, which, were only to continue during the good pleaiure of their fovereign. Tho’ the northern chieftains accepted of lands, which, being confidered as a kind. of military. pay,,.might. be refumed at the will of the King or general ; they alfo took poffeffion of eftates, which, being hereditary and in- dependant, enabled them to maintain their native liberty, and fupport, without court-favour, the honour of their rank and family. | Bur there is a great difference, in the confequences, between_the diftribution proorefs of of a pecuniary fubfiftence, and the affignment of lands burdened with the condi- thefeudallaw. tion of military fervice. The delivery of the former at the weekly, monthly; or annual terms of payment, ftill recalls the idea of a voluntary gratuity from the prince, and reminds the foldier of the precarious tenure by which he. holds his commiffion. But the attachment naturally formed with a-fixed portion of land, gradually begets the idea of fomething like property, and makes the pof- feffor forget his dependant fituation, and the condition which was at firit an- nexed to the grantes[tfeemed equitable, that one who had cultivated and fowed a field, fhould reap the harveftesElence fiefs, which were at firft entirely preca- rious, were foon made annual. A man, who"had*employed his money in build- ing, planting, or other improvements, expected to reap the fruits of his labour or expence: Hence they were next granted during a term of years. It would be thought hard to expel a man from his pofieffions, who had always done his duty, and performed the conditions on which he originally received them: Hence the chieftains, in a fubfequent period, thought themfelves entitled to de- mand the enjoyment of their feudal lands during life. It was found, that a man would, in battle, hazard his life more willingly, if affured, that his family fhould inherit his poffeffions, and fhould not be expofed by his death to want and po- verty : Hence fiefs were made hereditary in families, and defcended, during one age, tothe fon; then to the grandfon, next-to the brothers, and afterwards to more diftant relations *. The idea of property ftole in gradually upon that of * Lib, Feud. lib, 1. tit. 8. 1 , military ‘= 400 HISTORY or ENGLAND, Appendix II. military pay; and each century made fome fenfible addition to the ftability of fiefs and tenures. In all thefe fucceffive acquifitions, the chieftain was fupported by his vaffals; who, having originally a {trong connexion with him, augmented by the conftant intercourfe of good offices, and by the friendfhips arifing from neighbourhood and dependance, were inclined to follow their leader againft all his enemies, and voluntarily, in his private quarrels, pay him the fame obedience, to which by their tenure they were bound in foreign wars. While he daily advanced new pretenfions to fecure the pofieffion of his fuperior fief, they expeéted to find the fame advantage in acquiring ftability to their fubordinate ones; and they zea- loufly oppofed the intrufion of a new lord, who would be inclined, as he was fully intitled, to beftow the poffeffion of their lands on his own favourites and retainers. The authority of the fovereign gradually decayed; and the nobles, fortified each in his own territory by the attachment of his vaffals, became too powerful to be expelled by an order from the throne; and he fecured by law what he had at firft acquired by ufurpation. DurineG this precarious ftate of the fupreme power, a difference would imme- diately be experienced between thofe portions of territory which were fubjeéted to the feudal tenures, ~and thofe which were pofleffed by an allodial or free title. Tho’ the latter poffeffions had at firft been efteemed infinitely preferable, they were foon found, by the progreffive changes introduced into public and private Jaw, to be of a much inferior condition to the former. The poffeffors of a feu- dal territory, united by a regular fubordination under one chieftain, and by the mutual attachments of the vafials, had the fame advantages over the proprietors of the other, which a difciplined army enjoys over a difperfed multitude; and were enabled to commit with impunity all injuries on their defencelefs neighbours. Every one, therefore, haftened to feck that protection which he found fo necef- fary ; and each allodial proprietor, refigning his pofleffions into the hands of the King, or of fome nobleman refpected for power or valour, received them back with the condition of feudal fervices +, which, tho’ a burden fomewhat grievous, brought him ample compenfation, by connecting him with the neighbouring pro-. prietors, and. placing him under the guardianfhip of a potent chieftain, The decay of the political government thus neceflarily occafioned the extenfion of the feudal: The kingdoms of Europe were univerfally divided into baronies, and ‘ thefe into inferior fiefs: And the attachment of vaffals to their chieftain, which was at firft an effential part of the German manners, was ftill fupported by the + Marculf. Form. 47. apud Lindenbr. -p, 1238. ‘ fame -. p. poR Ni Dp Pe | oe aime caufes from which it at firft arofe; the neceffity of mutual protection, and t the continued intercourfe, between the head and the members, of benefits and fervices. Bur there. was another circumftance, which corroborated thefe feudal depen- dancies, and tended to connect the vaffals with their fuperior lord by an indiffo- luble bond of union. The northern conquerors, as well as the more early Greeks and Romans, embraced a policy, which ‘; unavoidable to all nations that have made flender advances in refinement ; and they every where united the civil jurif- diGion with the military power. Law, in its commencement, was not an intri- cate fcience, and was more governed by maxims of equity, which feem obvious to common fenfe, than by numerous and fubtile principles, applied to a variety of cafes by profound reafonings from analogy. An officer, tho’ he had pafled his life in the field, was able to determine all legal controverfies which could oc- cur within the diftri€t committed to his charge ; and his decifions were the motft likely to meet with a prompt and ready obedience, from men who refpected his perfon, and were accuftomed to act under his command. The profit arifing from punifhments, which were then chiefly pecuniary, was another reafon for his defiring: to retain the judicial power ; and when his fief became hereditary, this authority, which. was effential to it, was alfo tranfmitted to his pofterity. The counts and other magiftrates, whofe power was merely official, were tempted, jn smitation of the feudal lords, whom they refembled in fo many particulars, to rendertheir dignity perpetual and hereditary ; and. in the decline of the regal power, they found, no difficulty to make good their pretenfions. After this manner, the vait fabric of feudal fubordination became quite folid and compre- henfive; it formed every where an effential part.of.the political conftitution ; and the Norman and other barons, who followed the fortunes of William, were fo accuttomed to it, that they could fcarce form an idea of any other fpecies of cl- vil government *. Tur Saxons, who-conquered England, as they exterminated the antient inha- bitants, and were fecured by the fea againft new invaders, found it lefs requifite to maintain themfelves in a military pofture ; and the quantity of land which they annexed to offices, feems to have been of fmall value ; and for that reafon conti- - ued the longer in its original fituation, and was always poflefed during pleafure by thofe entrufted with the command. ' Thefe conditions were too precarious to fatisfy the Norman chieftains, who enjoyed more independant pofleffions and ju- were fo rooted, that even lawyers, in thofe ages, could not ~* The ideas of the feudal government | Regnum, (fays Bratton, lib, 2. cap. 34.) guod ex comitatibus form a notion of any other conflitution. £5 baronibus dicitur effe compietutum He rifdictions Vou, L gr Appendix Il, i ai t te t 1 i ; Ae ) Vie a Liat | : uy Wa qi 22) marae Ap pen dix II; The feudal government of England. 402 mis 1 OO RX:or ENG 2A DP. rifdictions in their own country ; and William was obliged, in the new diftriby- tion of Jand, to copy the tenures, which were now become univerfal on the con- tinent. England of a fudden became a feudal kingdom * ; and received all the advantages, and was expofed to all the inconveniences, incident to that fpecies of civil polity. : Accorpine to the principles of the feudal law, the King was the fupreme lord of the landed property ; and all pofleffors, who enjoyed the fruits or revenue of any part of it, held thefe privileges, either mediately or immediately, of him ; and their property was conceived to be, in fome degree, conditional +. The land was ftill apprehended to be.a fpecies of Zenefice, which was the Original con- . ception of a feudal property ; and the vaffal owed, in return for it, ftated fer- vices to his baron, as the baron himfelf did for his land to the crown. ‘The vaf. fal was obliged to defend his baron in war ;-and the baron, at the head-of hig vaflals, was bound to fight in defence of the King and kingdom. But befides thefe military fervices, which were cafual, there were others impofed of a civil nature, which were more conftant and perpetual. | Tue northern nations had no idea, that any man, trained up tg.henour, or enured to arms, was ever to be governed, without his-own confent, by the abfo- lute will of another ; or that the adminiftration of juftice was ever to be exercifed by the private opinion of any one magiftrate, without the concurrence of fome other perfons, whofe intereft might induce them to check his arbitrary and ini- quitous decifions, The King, therefore, when he found it neceflary to demand any fervices of his barons or chief tenants, beyond what’was due by their tenures, was obliged to affemble them, in order to procure their confent: And when it was necefiary to determine any controverfy among the barons themfelves, the queftion muft be difcuffed in their prefence, and be decided according to their opinion or advice. In thefe two circumftances of confent and advice, confifted chiefly the civil fervices of the antient barons; ‘and thefe implied all the confi- derable incidents of governments. In one view, the barons regarded this atten- dance as their principal privilege; in another, as a erievous burden. That no momentous affairs could be tranfaéted without their confent and advice, was in general efteemed the great fecurity of their pofleffions and dignities ; but as they reaped no immediate profit from their attendance at court, and were expofed to great inconvenience and charge by an abfence from their own eftates, every one was glad to exempt himfelf from each particular exertion of this power; and was pleafed both that the call for that duty fhould return feldom upon him, and that * Coke Comm. on Lit. p. 1, 2, ad fe&, x, t, Sommer. of Gavelk, p. 109. Smith de. Rep. lib, 3.cap. to. others ASB!) .POECN: D J oot clk 403 others fhould undergo the burden in his ftead. The King, on the other hand, Appendix fi. was ufually anxious, for feveral reafons, that the aflembly of the barons fhould be full at every ftated or cafual time of meeting: This attendance was the chief badge of their fubordination to his crown, and drew them-from that independance which they were apt to affect in their own caftles and manors; and where the meeting was thin or ill attended, its determinations had lefs authority, and were not followed by fo ready an obedience from the whole community. - = a a —— te the : Tur cafe was the fame with the barons in their courts as with the King in the fupreme council of the nation. Tt was requifite to affemble the vafials, in order to determine by their vote any queftion which regarded the barony ; and they fat along with the chieftain in all trials, whether civil or criminal, which occurred within the limits of their jurifdi@ion. They were bound. to pay fuit. and fervice at the court Of their baron; and as their tenure was military, and confequently honourable, they"were admitted into his fociety, and partook of his friendfhip. Thus, a kingdom was only confidered as a great barony, and a barony as a {malt kingdom. ‘The barons were peers to each other in the national council, and, in fome degree, companions to the King: The vaffals were peers to each other in the court of barony, and companions to their baron x. Bur tho’ this refemblance fo far took place, the vaflals, by the natural courfe of things, univerfally, in the fodal conftitutions, fell into a greater fubordina- tion under the baron, than the baron himfelf under his fovereign; and thefe go- vernments had a neceffary and infallible tendency to angment the power of the nobles. The great chieftain, refiding in his country-feat or caftle, ‘which he was commonly allowed to fortifyseloft,..in a great meature, his connexion of ac- quaintance with the prince ; and added every day*newsforce to his authority over the vaflals of the barony. ‘They received from him education in all military ex- ercifes: His hofpitality invited them to live and enjoy fociety in his hall: Their leizure, which was great, made them perpetual retainers on his perfon, and par- takers of his country fports and amufements: They had no means of gratifying their ambition but by making a figure in his train: His favour and countenance was their greateft honour: His difpleafure expofed them to contempt and igno- miny : And they felt every moment the neceffity of his protection, both in the controverfies which occurred with other vafials, and what was more material, in the daily inroads and injuries which were committed by the neighbouring barons, During the time of general war, the fovercign, who marched at the head of his armies, and was the great protector of the ftate, acquired always fome acceflion eS # “i ie ‘ i " * * Du Cange Gloff. in verb. Par. Cujac, Common. in Lib. Feud. lib. 1. titer. pe 18>” Spelm. Gloff. in verb. 3 F 2 to . i) } : Ah i! ; 1 ) “es ht ft is Be : ie) : y t : : : t tt fied 58 z gt t } » - ’ b a M : 4 ] sj . . : rf i it ; thy q ’ i et i . e. Q . j t Bae ; : a i) 404. MaITSTOR 7 ofr EN S BAD D, Appendix Il. to his authority, which he loft during the intervals of peace and tranquillity : But the loofe police incident to the feudal conflitutions, maintained a perpetual, . tho’ fecret hoftility, between the feveral members of the flate; and the vafials found no other means of fecurity againft the injuries to which they were conti- nually expofed, but by clofely adhering to their chieftain, and falling into a fub- mffive dependance upon him. Ir the feudal government was fo little favourable to the true liberty even of the military vaffal, ic was ftill more deftructive of the independance and fecurity of the other members of the ftate, or what ina proper fenfe we call the people. A ereat part of them were ferfs, and lived in a ftate of abfolute flavery or villain-- ace: The other inhabitants of the country paid their rent in fervices. which were. in a great meafure arbitrary, and they could expect no redrefs of injuries in a court of barony from men who thought they had aright to opprefs and tyrannize; over them: The towns were fituated either within the demefnes of the King, or the lands of the great barons, and were almoft entirely. fubjected to the abfolute will of their mafter. The languifhing ftate of commerce kept the inhabitants poor and contemptible; and the political inftitutions were calculated to render. that poverty perpetual. The barons and gentry, living in ruftic plenty and hof- pitality, gave no encouragement to the arts, and had’ no demand for any of the more elaborate produce of manufactures: Every profeffion was held in contempt but that of arms: And if any merchant or manufacturer rofe by induftry and frugality to a degree of opulence, he found himfelf but the more expofed to in- juries, from the envy and avidity of the military nobles. Turse concurring caufes gave the feudal governments fo ftrong a biafs towards * - ariftocracy, that the royal authority was extremely eclipfed. in all the European ftates; and, inftead of dreading the growth of monarchical power, we might ra- ther expect, that the community would every where crumble into fo many. inde- pendant baronies, and lofe the political union by which they were cemented. In eleCtive monarchies, the event was commonly anf{werable to this expectation ; and the barons, gaining ground on every vacancy of the throne, raifed themfelves almoft to a ftate of fovereignty, and facrificed to their power both the rights of the crown and the liberties of the people. But hereditary monarchies had a prin- ciple of authority, which was not fo eafily fubverted; and there were feveral caufes, which ftill maintained a degree of influence in the hands of the fovercign. Tue greateft baron could never lofe view entirely of thofe principles of the feu- dal conftitution, which bound him, asa vaflal, to fubmiffion and fidelity towards his prince ; becaufe he was every moment obliged to haye recourle to thofe prin- ciples, in exacting fidelity and fubmiffion from his own vaflals. ‘The leffer ba- rons, & P PY Ei NeDir # ilk 405 rons, finding that the annihilation of royal authority left them expofed without Appendix i. protection to the infults and injuries of more potent neighbours, naturally ad- hered to the crown, and promoted the execution of general and equal laws. The people had ftill a ftronger intereft to defire the grandeur of the fovereign ; and the King, being the legal magiftrate, who fuffered by every internal convul- fion or opprefiion,. and who regarded the great nobles as his immediate rivals, affumed the falutary office of general guardian or protector of the commons. Befides the prerogatives with which the law endowed him ; his large demefnes and numerous retainers rendered him, in one fenfe, the greateft baron of his kingdom ; and where he was poffeffed of perfonal vigor and ability (for his fitua- tion required thefe advantages) he was commonly able to preferve his authority, and maintain his ftation as head of the community, and the chief fountain of law _ and juitice. 3 Tur firft Kings of the Norman race were favoured by. another circumftance, which preferved them from the encroachments of their barons. They were gene- rals of a. conquering army, which was obliged to continue in a military pofture, and te maintain great fubordination under their leader, in order to fecure them- felves from the revolt of the numerous natives, whom they had bereaved of all their properties and privileges. But tho’ this circumftance fupported the authority of William and his immediate fucceffors, and rendered them extremely abfolute, ‘+ was loft as foon as the Norman barons began to coalefce with the nation,. to ac- quiteva fecurity in their poffeffions, and to fix their influence over their vafials, tenants, and flaves....And the immenfe fortunes, which the Conqueror had be- fowed on his chief captainsyefervedto fupport their independancy, and.make them formidable to the fovereign. maces eiaage He gave, for inftance, to Hugh de Abrincis, his fifter’s fon, the whole county of Chefter, which he erected into a palatinate, and rendered by his grant almoft independant of the crown *. Robert earl of Mortaigne had 973 manors and lordfhips: Allan earl of Brittany and Richmond, 442: Odo, bifhop of Baieux, 439 +: Geoffrey, bifhop of Coutance, 280+: Walter Giffard, earl of Buck- ingham, 107 ||: William, earl Warrenne, 298, befides 28 towns. or hamlets ‘a Yorkthire §: Todenei, 81 [: Roger Bigod, 123 *: Robert, earl of Ewe, tig |: Roger Mortimer, 132, befides feveral hamlets t: Robert de Stafford, 130); Walter de Eurus, earl. of Salifbury, 46 §: Geoffrey de Mandeville, * Cambd. in Chefh. Spel. Gloff in verb. Comes Palatinus. + Brady Hilt. p. 198, 200. + Order. Vital. |. Dug. Bar. vol. i. p. 60. from Domefday-book. § Id. p. 74. | Ido p., 118, 112. * Id. p. 132. + Id. p. 136. t Id. p. 138. | Id, p. 156. § Id. p. 174: 5 | tzs 406 HISTORY or ENGLAND... } Appendix 1].118 *: Richard de Clare, 171 +: Hugh de Beauchamp, 47 ¢: Baldwin de KRidvers, 164 |: Henry de Ferrers, 222 §: William de Percy, 1 19 1: Nor- man de d’Arcy, 33.*. Sir Henry Spelman computes, that in the large county of Norfolk, there were not, in the Conqueror’s time, above fixty-fix proprietors of land +. Men, pofleffed of fuch princely revenues and jurifdi€tions, could noe long be retained in the rank of fubjects.. The ereat earl Warrenne, in afubfequent reign, when he was. queftioned concerning his right to the Jands which he pof- ~ feffed, drew his fword, which he produced as his title ; adding that William the Baftard did not conquer the kingdom himfelf ; but that the barons, and his an- ceftor among the reft, were joint adventurers in the enterprize f. Ve Feiet Tue fupreme legiflative power of England was lodged in the King and great parliament. council, or what was afterwards called the parliament, It is not doubted but © the archbifhops, bifhops, and moft confiderable abbots were conftituent members of this council. . They fat by a double title: By prefcription, as having always poficfied that privilege, thro’ the whole Saxon period, from the firft eftablifhment of Chriftianity ; and by their right. of baronage, as holding of. the King in capite by military fervice. Thefe two titles of the prelates were never accurately diftinguifhed, When the ufurpations of the church had tifen to fuch a height, as to make the bifhops affect a feparate dominion, and regard their feat in parlia- ment as a degradation of their epifcopal dignity ; the King infifted, that they were barons, and on that account, obliged, by the general principles of the feudal law, to attend on him in his great councils j. Yet there ftill remained fome- practices, which fuppofed their title to be derived merely from antient poffeffion : When a bilhop was elected, he fat in parliament before the King had made him reftitution of his temporalities ; and during the vacancy of a fee, the guardian of the fpiritualities was fummoned.to attend along with the bifhops. Tue barons were another conftituent part of the great council of the nation. Thete held immediately of the crown by a military tenure: They were the moft honourable members of the ftate, and had a right to be. confulted in all public deliberations : They were the immediate vaffals of the crown, and owed asa fervice their attendance in the court of their Supreme Lord. A refolution, taken without their confent, was likely to-be but ill executed : And no determination _* Dugd. Bar. vol. i. p. 200, from Domefday-book. tT Id-p. 207. Pad. Pp. 223. | Id p. 254. § Id. p. 257. + Id. 269. * Id. p. 369. Itis remarkable that this family of d’Arcy, with that of Windfor, feems to be the only male defeendants of any of the Conqucror’s barons now remaining among the peers. + Spel. Gloff. in verb. Domefday. ¢ Dugdale Bar. vol. i. p. 79. Id. Origenes Juridiciales, Dp. 143 t Spel. Gloff. in verb. Baro, of x fe BCP ER Nobels Bee AK 407 — 7 — = , ; a - he! Baa y hd P a * > 23 = i 7 of any caufe or controverfy among them had any validity, where the vote and Appendix If. advice of the whole body did not concur. The dignity of earl or count was of- ; ficia! and territorial, as well as hereditary; and as all the earls were alfo barons, they were confidered as military vaffals of thé crown, were admitted in that ca- pacity into the general council, and formed the moft honourable and powerful branch of it. But there was another clafs of the immediate military tenants of the crown, ‘ equally numerous with the barons, the tenants 72 capite by knights fervice; and thefe, however inferior in power or property, held by a tenure, which was equally honourable as that of the others. A barony was commonly compofed of feveral knights fees ; and tho’ the number feems. not tochave been exactly defined, fel- dom confifted of Jefs than forty hydes of land * + But where aman held of the King only one or two knights fees, he was ftill an immediate vaffal of the King, ‘and as fuch had a title to have a feat in the general councils. But as this atten- dance was ufually efteemed a burthen, and one too ‘great for a man of flender fortune to bear conftantly ; it is probable, that tho’ he had a title, if he pleafed, to be admitted, he was not obliged by any penalty, like the barons, to pay a regular attendance. All the immediate military tenants of the crown amounted not fully to 700,. when Domefday book was framed ; and as the members were well pleafed, on any pretext, to excufe themfelves from attendance, the aflembly | was never likely on any occafion to become too numerous for the difpatch of | public bufineis. ) be Ae > ee eee ye ieee ee — OO ee ot wy . ats a — 0 eal ae al F i 1 ’ Se wT =e ee at) 7 f v 4 ¥ So: far the naturesofea cencral council or antient parliament is determined The com- without any doubt or controverfyemaphewonly queftion feems to be with regard “°"” to the commons, or the reprefentatives of counties and Deroughs ; whether they were alfo, in more early-times, conftituent parts of parliament? This queftion was once difputed in England with great acrimony ; but fuch is the force of time and evidence, that they can fometimes prevail even over faction, and the queftion feems, by gencral confent, and even by their own, to be at laft determined againft theruling party. It is agreed that the commons were no part of the great coun- cil, till fome ages after the conqueft ; and that the military tenants alone of the: crown compofed that fupreme and legiflative affembly. Tue vaflals of a baron were by their tenure immediately dependant on him, owed attendance at his court, and paid all their duty to the King, thro’ that dependanée which their lord was obliged by 4s tenure to acknowledge to his * Four hydes madeone knight's fee: The relief of a barony was twelve times greater than that of a knight’s fee ; whence we may conjecture its value. Spelm. Gloff. in verb, Feodum. 2 fovereign 1 he F 4.08 HISTORY or ENGLAND. , fovereion and fuperior. Their land, comprehended in the barony, was repre- fented in parliament by the baron himfelf, who was fuppofed, according to the fistions of the feudal law, to poffefs the direct property of it; and it would have been deemed incongruous to give it any other reprefentation, ‘They ftcod in the fame capacity to him, that he and the other barons did to the King: The former were peers of the barony; the latter were peers of the realm : The vafials pof- feffed a fubordinate rank within their diftri@ ; the baron enjoyed a fupreme dig- nity in the great aflembly: They were in fome degree his companions at home ; he the King’s companion in the court: And nothing can be more evidently re- pugnant to all feudal ideas, and to that gradual fubordination, which was effen- tial to thofe antient inftitutions, than to imagine that the King would apply either for the advice or confent of men, who were of a rank or order fo much inferior, and whofe duty was immediately paid to the me/ne lord, that was inter- pofed between them and the throne *. Ir it be unreafonable to*think, that the vaffals of a barony, tho’ their tenure was military and noble and honourable, were ever fummoned to give their opi- nion in ational councils ; much lefs can it be fuppofed, that the tradefmen or inhabitants of boroughs, whofe condition was till fo much inferior, would be admitted to that privilege. It appears from Domefday, that the boroughs were, at the time of the conquelt, fcarce more than country villages ; and that the inha- bitants dived in entire dependance on the King or great lords, and were of a {tation little better than fervile-+. They were not then fo much as incorpo- rated ; they formed no community; were not regarded™as a body politic; and being really nothing but a number of Jow dependant tradefmen, living, without any particular civil tie, in neighbourhood together, were incapable of being re- prefented in the ftates. of the kingdom. Even in France, a country, which made more. early advances in arts and civility than England, the firft corporation is fixty years pofterior to the conqueft under the duke of Normandy ; and the erecting thefe communities was an invention of Lewis the Grofs to free the people from flavery under the lords, and to give them protection, by means of certain pri- vileges and a feparate jurifdiction {. An antient French author calls them anew and wicked device, to procure liberty to flaves, and encourage them in fhaking off the dominion of their mafters ||. The famous charter, as it is called, of the Conqueror to the city of London, tho’ granted at a time when he aflumed the appearance of gentlenefs and lenity, is nothing but a letter of protection, anda * Spelm. Gloff. in verb. Baro. + Liber home antiently fignified a gentleman: For f{carce any one was entirely free. Spelm. Gloff. in verbo. ¢ Du Cange’s Gloff. in verb. commypne, eommunitase || Guibertus de vata fua, lib. 3. cap. 7. declaration APPENDIX fF. 409 declaration that the citizens fhould not be treated as flaves ®. By the Englifh Appendix 71. feudal law,’ the fuperior lord was prohibited to marry his female ward to a burgefs or a villain +; fo near were thefe two ranks efteemed to each other, and fo much inferior to the nobility and gentry. Befides poffeffing the advantages of birth» riches, civil powers and privileges ; the nobles and gentlemen alone were armed ; a circumftance, which gave them a mighty fuperiority, in an age when nothing but the military profeffion was honourable, and when the loofe execution of laws gave fo much encouragement to open violence, and rendered it fodecifive in all difputes.and controverlies {. Tue great fimilarity among all the feudal governments of Europe is well known to every man, that has any acquaintance. with antient hiftory ; and the antiqua- rians of all foreign countries, where the queftion was never embarafied by party difputes, have allowed, that the commons were wery late in being admitted to.a fhare in the legiflative power. . In Normandy particularly, whofe conftitution was moft likely to be William’s model in raifing his new fabric of the Enghth government, the flates were entirely compofed of the clergy and nobility ; and the firft incorporated boroughs or communities of that dutchy were Roien and Falaife, which enjoyed their privileges by a grant of Philip Auguftus in the year 1207 ||. All the antient Englifh hiftorians, when they mention the great council of the nation, call it an aflembly of the !baronage, nobility or great men; and - none of their expreffions, tho’ feveral hundred paflages might ‘be produced, cal, without the utmo{t violence, be tortured to a meaning, which will adanit the commons.ta.bevconftituent members of that body §. The magna charia of King John provides, that no tax 6rifeatagehould be impofed but by the confent of the great council ; and for more fecurity, it enwireératesthe perfons intitled to @ feat in that council, the prelates and immediate tenants of the crown, without any mention of the commons: An authority fo full, certain and explicite, that nothing but the zeal of party could ever have procured credit to any contrary fyftem. Ir was probably the example of the French barons which firft emboldened the Englifh to require, greater independance from their fovereign : It is alfo probable, that the boroughs and corporations of England were eftablifhed in imitation of * Stat. of Merton, 1235, cap. 6. + Holingfhed, vol. it. p. 15. t Modox’s Baron. Angl. p. 19. f Norman, Du Chefnii, p. 1066, Du Cange Gloff. ia verb. commune. 3 § Sometimes the hiftorians mention the people, populus, as a part of the parliament : But they always mean the laity, in oppofition to the clergy. Sometimes, the word, communitas, is found ; but it always means communitas baronti. Thele. points are clearly proved by Dr; Brady. Vou. I, | 3G | thofe | \ . . 3° vv Appendix H | — * Judicial power. if 4. LO meiS T-O KRY: of. BN GALA ND. thofe ‘of France. It may, therefore, be propofed, as no unlikely conjeéture, that both the privileges of the peers and the liberty of the commons were originally the growth of that country. In antient times, men were very little folicitous to obtain a place in the legif- Jative aflemblies; and rather regarded their attendance as a burden, which was not compenfated by any return of profit or honour, proportioned to the trouble and expence. The only reafon of inftituting thofe public councils, was; on the part of the fubject, that they defired fome fecurity from the attempts of arbitrary power; and on the part of the fovereign, that he defpaired of governing men of fuch independant. fpirits without their own confent and concurrence. But the commons, or the inhabitants of boroughs, had not as yet reached fuch a deerée of confideration, as to defire /ecurity againft their prince, or to imagine, that, even if they were afiembled in a reprefentative body, they had power or rank fufficient to enforce it. The only protection, which they-afpired to, was againft the im- mediate violence and injuftice of their fellow-citizens; and this advantage each of them looked for, from the courts of juftice, or from the authority of fome great lord, to whom, by law or his own choice, he was attached. On the other hand, the fovereign was fufficiently affured of obedience in the whole community, if he procured the concurrence of the nobles ; nor had he reafon to apprehend, that any order of the ftate could refift his and their united authority. The mili- tary vaflals could entertain no idea of oppofing both their prince and their fu- periors : The burgefles and tradefmen could much lefs afpire to fich a thought : And thus, even if hiftory were filent on that head,“We have reafon to conclude, from the known fituation of mankind during thefe ages, that the commons were never admitted as members of the legiflative body. THE executive powet of the Anglo-Norman government. was lodged in the King; and befides the flated meetings of the national council at the three great feftivals of Chriftmas, Eafter, and Whitfuntide *, he was accuftomed, on any fudden exigence, to fummon them together. _ He could at his pleafure command the attendance of his barons and their vaffals, in which confifted the military force of the kingdom ; and could employ them, during forty days, either in refitting a foreign enemy, or reducing his rebellious fubjeéts.. And what was of great importance, the whole judicial power was ultimately in his hands, and was exercifed by officers and minifters of his appointment, Tue general plan of the Anglo-Norman government was, that the court of barony was appointed to decide fuch controverfies as arofe betwecn the feveral * Dugd. Orig. Jurid, p, 15. Spel. Glo, in verbo parliamentum. 4 vafials Ae P Po NN, Dok Il. Alt vaflals or fubjects of the fame barony 3; the hundred-court and county-court, Appendix IL which were ftill continued as during the Saxon times *, to judge between the fub- jects of different baronies +; and the curia Regis or King’s court, to give fentence “ - among the barons themfelves . But this plan, tho’ fimple, was attended with fome circumftances, which, being derived from a very extenfive authority, al- fumed ‘by the Conqueror, contributed to the encreafe of the royal prerogative ; and while the ftate was not difturbed by arms, reduced every order of the com- munity.to fome degree of dependance and fubordination. Tue King himfelf often fat in his court, which always attended his perfon |}: He there heard caufes and pronounced fentence §, and tho’ he was affifted by the advice cf the other members, it is not to be imagined that a decifion could eafily be obtained contrary to his inclination) or opinion... In his abfence the chief juf- ticiary prefided, who was the firft magiftrate in the ftate, and a kind of vice-roy, on whom depended all the civil affairs of the kingdom'{. The other chief of- ficers of the crown, the conftable, marefchal, fenefchal, chamberlain, treafurer, and chancellor *, were members, together with fuch feudal barons as thought proper to attend, and the barons of the Exchequer, who at.firft were alfo feudal barons, appointed by the King t+. This court, which was fometimes called the King’s court, fometimes the court of Exchequer, judged in all caufes, civil and ‘criminal, and comprehended the whole bufinefs, which is now fhared out among four courts, the Chancery, the King’s Bench, the Common Pleas, and the Exchequer {. 76. Spelm. Gloff. in verbo hundred, Pe i _ + None of the feudal governments in Europe had fuch imftitwti@riseas.the county courts, which the great authority of the Conqueror fill retained from the Saxon cuftoms. All the freeholders of the county, even the greateft barons, were obliged to attend the fheriffs in thefe courts, and to affift him in the adminiftration of juftice. By this means, they received frequent and fenfible admonitions of their dependance on the King or fupreme magiftrate : ‘They formed a kind of community with their fellow-barons and freeholders : They were often drawn from their individual and independant ftate, peculiar to the feudal fyftem ; and were made members of a political body : And perhaps, this infti- tution of county-courts in England has had greater effects on the government, than has yet been dif- tingly. pointed out by hiftorians or traced by antiquaries. The barons were never able to free them- felves from this attendance on the fheriffs and itinerant jaftices till the reign of Henry Ill. ” + Brady Pref. 143. \| Madox Hitt. of Exch. p. 103. § Bragton, lib. 3. cap. 9. § 1, cap. 10, § I. 4 Spel. Gloff. in verb, juficiarius. * Madox. Hift. Exch. p. 27. 29- 33: 38.41.54. The Normans introduced the practice of fealing ~ charters ; and the chancellor's office was,to keep the Great Seal. /agu th Dugd. p. 33» 34: 4+ Madox. Hift, of the Exch. p. 134, §35- Gerv. Dorob. p. 1387. t Madox. Hitt, of the Exch. p. 56+ 70. * Ang. Sacras Vol. i. Pe 3394s.&C- ‘Dugd. Orig. Jurif. p. 27. 29. Madox Hift. of Exch. p. 753 2 em Sucu ppendix If. 412 mH1S TOR Y-or- ENG VAN D. SucH an accumulation of powers was itfelfa great fource of authority, and rendered the jurifdiction: of the court terrible to all the fubjeéts ; but the turn, which judicial trials took foon after the Conqueft, ferved {till more to encreafe its authority, and to augment the royal prerogatives. William, among the other violent changes, which he attempted and effected, had introduced the Norman law into England ||, had ordered all pleadings to be in that tongue, and had inter- woven with the Enghfh jurifprudence, all the maxims and principles, which the Normans, more advanced in cultivation, and naturally litigious, were accuftomed to obferve in the diftribution of juftice. Law now became a {cience, which at firlt fell entirely into the hands of the Normans ; and. which, even after it was zommunicated to the Englifh, required fo much ftudy and application, that the Janty, in thofé ignorant ages, were incapable of attaining it, and it was a my ftery almoft folely confined to the clergy, and chiefly to the monks *.. The great of- ficers of the crown and the feudal barons, who were military men, found them- felves unfit to penetrate into thofe obfcurities ; and tho’ they were intitled to a feat in the fupreme judicature, the bufinefs of the court was wholly managed by the chief jufticiary and the law barons, who were men appointed by the King, and entirely at his difpofal +. This natural courfe of things was forwarded by the multiplicity of bufinefs, which flowed into that court, and which daily aug- mented by the appeals from all the fubordinate judicatures of the kingdom, In the Saxen times, no appeal was received in the King’s court, except upon the denial or delay of juftice by the inferior courts ; and the fame ‘practice was ftill obferved in moft of the feudal kingdoms of Europe. But the ereat power of the Conqueror eftablifhed at firft in Ensland an authority, which the monarchs in France were not able to attain till the reign of St. Lewis, who lived near two centuries after : He empowered his court to receive appeals both from the courts of barony and the county-courts, and by that means brought the ad- miniftration of juftice ultimately into the hands of the fovereign {. And left the expence or trouble of a journey to court fhouyld difeourage fuitors, and make them acquiefce in the decifion of the inferior judicatures, itinerant judges were afterwards eftablifhed, who made their circuits thro’ the kingdom, and tried all caufes, that were brought before them §. By this expedient, the courts of ba- rony | Dial. de Scax. p. 30. apud Madox. Hift. of the Exchequer. * Malmef. lib. 4. p. 123. + Dugd. Orig. Jurid, p. 2s. ft Madox. Hift, of the Exch. p. 65. ° Glany, lib. 12. cap. 1, 7- LL. Hen. I. § 31. apud Wilkins, p. 248. Fitz-Stephens, p. 36. Coke’s Comment. on the ftatute of Marlbridge, cap. 20, § Madox. Hift. of the Exch. p. 83, 84. 100. Gerv. Dorob. p- 1410. What made the Anglo. Norman barons more readily fubmit to appeals from their court to the King’s court of Exchequer, was, their Aa & > TN Dr SH. 413 rony were kept in awe, and if they ftill preferved fome influence, it was only from Appendix It. the apprehenfions which the vaflals might entertain of difobliging their fuperior, by appealing from his court. But the county-courts were much difcredited ; and as the freeholders were found ignorant of the intricate principles and forms of the new law, the lawyers gradually brought all bufinefs before the King’s judges, and abandoned the antient fimple and popular judicature, After this manner, the formalities of juftice, which, tho’ they appear tedious and cumberfome, are found requifite to the fupport of liberty in all monarchical governments, proved at firft, by a combination of caufes, very advantageous to the royal authority. Tue power of the Norman kings was alfo much fupported by a great revenue; Revenue of and by a revenue, that was fixed, perpetual, and independant of the fubject, te —, The'people, without betaking themfelves to arms, had no check upon the King, and no regular fecurity for the due diftribution of juftice. In thofe days of vio- lence, many inftances of oppreffion pafied unheeded ; and were foon after openly pleaded as precedents, which it was unlawful to difpute or controul. Princes and minifters were too ignorant to be themfelves fenfible of the advantages at- tending an equitable adminiftration ; and there was no eftablifhed council or al- fembly which could protect the people, and by withdrawing fupplies, regularly and peaceably admonith the King of his duty, and enfure the execution of the laws. Tue firft branch of the King’s ftated revenue was the royal demefnes or crown- Jands; ‘which were very extenfive, and comprehended, befide a great number of manors, mot Ofetheschicf cities of the kingdom. It was eftablifhed by law, that the King could alienate no"pai hisdemefne, and that he himfelf, or his fuccef- - for, could, at any time, refume fuch donations""eeBut,this law was never regu- larly obferved ; which happily rendered in time the crown fomewhat more de- pendant. The rent of the crown-lands, confidered merely as fo much riches, was a fource of power : The influence of the King over his tenants and the inha- bitants of his towns, increafed this power: But the other numerous branches of his revenue, befides fupplying his treafury, gave, by their very nature, a creat latitude to arbitrary authority, and were a fupport of the prerogative ; as will ap- pear from an enumeration of them. Tue King was never content with the ftated rents, but levied heavy tailliages at pleafure on the ‘nhabitants both of town and country, who lived within his their being accuftomed to like appeals in Normandy to the ducal court of exchequer. See Gilbert's Hiftory of the exchequer, Pp. 1s 2-5 tho’ the author thinks it doubtful, whether the Norman court was not rather copied from the Englith, p. 6. * Fleta, lib. &. cap. 8, 17. lib. 3. cap,6. § 3. Bratton, lib. 2. Caps 5. demefne, 414 HiS TORY ‘orl ENG GAWD. Appendix H, demefne. All bargains of fale, in order to prevent theft, being prohibited, ex- cept in boroughs and public markets *, he pretended to exact tolls on all goods which were there fold-}. He feized two hogfheads, one before and one behind the maft, from every veffel that imported wine. All goods paid to his cuftoms a proportional part of their value{: Paffage over bridges and on rivers was loaded with tolls at pleafure ||: And tho’ the boroughs by degrees bought the liberty of farming thefe impofitions, yet the revenue profited by thefe bargains, new fums were often exacted for the renewal and confirmation of the privileges §, and the people were thus held in perpetual dependance, Sucn was the fituation of the inhabitants within the royal demefnes, But the poflefiors of land, or the military tenants, tho’ they were better protected, both by law, and by the great privilege of carrying arms, were, from the nature of their tenures, much expofed to the inroads of power, and poffefled not what we fhould efteem in our age a very durable fecurity. The Congucror granted by his laws, that the barons fhould be obliged to pay nothing beyond their ftated fervices |., except a reafonable aid to ranfom his perfon if he were taken in war, to make his eldeft fon a knight, and to marry. his eldeft daughter. What fhould, on thefe occafions, be deemed a reafonable aid, was not determined; and the de- mands of the crown were fo far difcretionary. ; Tue King could require in war the perfonal attendance of his vaflals, that is, of all the landed proprietors; and if they declined the fervice, they were obliged to pay him a compofition in money, which was called a fcutage. The fum was, during fome reigns, very precarious and uncertain-;“it was fometimes levied without allowing the vaffal the liberty of perfonal fervice *; and it was an ufual artifice of the King to pretend an expedition, that he might be intitled to levy the {cutage from his military tenants. Danegelt was another {fpecies of Jand-tax levied by the early Norman kings, arbitrarily, and contrary to the laws of the Conqueror +. Moneyage was alfo a general land-tax of the fame nature, levied by the two firft Norman kings, and abolifhed by the charter of Henry I. t.~ It . was a fhilling paid every three years by each hearth, to induce the King not to ufe his prerogative of debafing the coin. Indeed, it appears from: that charter, that, tho’ the Conqueror had granted his military tenants an immunity from all taxes and tailliages, he and his fon William had never thought themfelves bound to oblerve that rule, but had levied impofitions at pleafure on all the landed eftates * LL. Will. 1. cap, 61. in Madox, p-$30. t Madox, p. 529... This author fays a ; Gfteenth. But itis not eafy to reconcile this account to other authorities, _- | Madox, p. 529. § Madox’s Hift. of the Exch, P. 275, 276, 277, &e. 4+ LL, Will. Cong. § So. * Gervaie de ‘Liibury, p. 25. t Madox’s Hitt. of the Exch. p. 475. 1 Matth. Paris, p. 38. of A Py Po Eo No. D -F mecan AIS of the kingdom. . The utmoft that Henry grants, is, that the land cultivated by Appendix Il. the military tenant himfelf fhall not be fo burdened ; but he referves the power of taxing the farmers: And as itis known, ‘that Henry’s charter was never obfer- ved in any one article, we may be aflured, that this prince and his fucceffors re- tracted even this fma!l indulgence, and levied arbitrary impofitions on all the lands of all their fubjects.° Thefe taxes were fometimes very heavy; fince Malmef- | bury tells us, that, in the reign of William Rufus, the farmers, on account of them, abandoned tillage, and a famine enfued *. Tur efcheats were a great branch both of power and of revenue to the King, efpecially during the firft reigns after the conqueft. In default of defcendants from the firft. baron, his land reverted.to, the crown, and continually augmented the King’s poffeffions. The prince had indeed by law a power of alienating theie efcheats; but by this means he enjoyed an opportunity of eftablifhing the for- tunes of his friends and fervants, and thereby enlarging his authority. Some- times he retained them in his own hands, and they were gradually confounded with his royal demefnes, and became difficult to be diftinguifhed from them. This confufion is probably the reafon why the King acquired the right of alie- nating his demefnes. Bur befides efcheats from default of heirs, thofe which enfued from crimes or breach of duty towards the fuperior lord, were very frequent in antient times. ff the vaffal, being thrice fummoned to attend his fuperior’s court, and do fealty, neglected orefufed obedience, he forfeited all title to his lands. If he denied his tenuresworrefuledthiisHemvice, he was expofed to the fame penalty {. Where he fold his ef{tate without licence FPOMeRIsord 1 or if he fold it upon any other tenure or title than that by which he himfelf held ¥°9yehedoft all right to it. The adhering to his lord’s enemies -., deferting him in war *, betraying his {e- crets +, debauching his wife or his nearer relations [, or even ufing indecent li- berties with them |], might be punifhed by forfeiture. The higher crimes, rapes, robbery, murder, burning houfes, Sc. were called felony; and being interpreted want of fidelity to his lord, made him Iofe his fief §. Even-where che felon was vafial to a baron, tho’ his immediate lord enjoyed the forfeiture, the King might retain poffeffion of his eftate during a year, and had the right of fpoiling and deftroying it, unlefs the baron paid him a reafonable compofition |. # So alf> Chron. Abb, St, Petride Burgo, p. 55. Knyghton, p. 2356. + Hottom. de Feud. Difp. cap.38. col. 886. + Lib, Feud. lib. 3. tit. 1.3 hb. 4. tit. 21, 39- || Lib. Feud. lib. 1. tit. 21 § Lib. Feud. lib. 4. tit. 44. | Id. lib. 3. tit. 1. mtd: lib. 4e tit. 14, 21. 4 Id, lib. 4. tits 14. { Id. lib, 1. tit. 14, 21. | Id. lib. 1. tit. 1. § Spelm, Gloi, in verb. Felenia, + Spelm, Gloff. in verb. Felonia, Glanville, lib. 7. cap- 17- We cy, 416 HWisT@ R Yi ow BENG AND, Appendix II. We have not here enumerated all the fpecies of felonies, or of crimes by which forfeiture was incurred: We have faid enough to prove, that the poffeffion of © feudal property was antiently fomewhat precarious, and that the primary idea was never entirely loft, of its being a kind of fee or denefice. Wuen a baron died, the King immediately took poffeffion of the eftate; and the heir, before he recovered his right, was obliged to make application to the crown, to defire that he might be admitted to do homage for his land, and to pay acompofition to the King. This compofition was not at firft fixed by law, at leaft by practice: The King was often very exorbitant in his demands, and kept poffeflion of the land till they were complied with. Ir the heir was a minor, the King retained the whole profit of the eftate till his majority ; and might grant what fum he thought proper for the education and maintenance of the young baron. This practice was alfo founded on the notion, that a fief was a benefice, and that, while the heir could not perform his military fervices, the revenue devolved to the fuperior, who employed another in his place. It is obvious, that a great proportion of the landed property muft, by means of this device, be continually in the hands of the prince, and that all the noble fa- milies were thereby held in continual dependance. When the King granted the wardfhip of a rich heir to-any one, he had the opportunity of enriching a favour- ite or minifter: If he fold it, he was thereby able to levy a confiderable fum of money. Simon de Mountfort paid Henry III: 1¢,000 marks, an immenfe fum in thofe days, for the wardfhip of Gilbert de Umfreville *. Ir the heir wasa female, the King was erititled-to offer her any hufband of. her rank he thought proper 5 and if fhe refufed him, fhe forfeited her land. Even a male heir could not marry without the royal confent, and it was ufual for men to pay large fums for the liberty of making their own choice in marriage +. No man could difpofe of his land, either by fale or will, without the confent of his fwperior. The poffeffor was never confidered as full proprietor : He was ftill a kind of beneficiary ; and could not oblige his fuperior to accept of any vafial, who was not agreeable to him. ri Fines, amerciaments, ‘and oblatas, as they were called, were another confi- derable branch of the royal power and revenue. The antient records of the exchequer, which are ftill preferved, give furprizing accounts of the numerous fines and amerciaments levied in thofe days {, and of the {trange inventions fallen upon to exact money from the fubject. It appears, ‘that the old kings of Eng- land put themfelves entirely on the footing of the barbarous eaftern princes, * Madox’s Hilt, of the Exch. p, 223. + Id, p. 320. j Id. p.272, 3 whom A PPC EN eDs Xe 419 whom no man muft approach ‘without a prefent, who fell all their good offices, Appendix I. and who intrude themfelves into every bufinefs, that they may have a pretence of extorting money. ‘Even juftice was avowedly bought and fold; the King’s court itfelf, tho’ the fupreme judicature of the kingdom, was open to none that brought not large prefents to the King ; the bribes given for the expedition, de- lay *, fufpenfion, and, doubtlets, for the perverfion of juftice, were entered in the public regifters of the royal revenue; and remain as monuments of the per- : petual iniquity and tyranny of the times: © The barons of the exchequer, for in- ftance, the firft nobility of .the kingdom, ‘were not afhamed to infért, as an ar- ticle in their records, that the county of Norfolk paid a fum, that they might be fairly dealt wath +; the borough of Yarmouth, that the King’s charters, which they have for their liberties, might not be violated $3; Richard, fon.of Gilbert, for the King’s helping Kim: to recover his debt from the Jews ||; Serlo, fon of Terlavafton, that he might be permitted to make his defence, in cafe he was accufed of a certain homicide § ;° Walter de Burton for free law, if accufed of wounding another |; Robert de Effart, for having an inqueft to find whether Roger, the butcher, and Wace and Humphrey, accufed him of robbery and theft out of envy and ill-will, ornot * ; William Buhutt for having an inqueft to find whether he was accufed of the death of one Godwin out of ill-will, or for juft caufe +. 1 have felected thefe few inftances from a great number of a like kind, which Madox had feleéted from a ftill greater number, preferved in the antient rollsvof the exchequer ff. ae iT raat | ; ee . : Solin a ee ERR LL OT AT ——= SomeTimesethe’ partyMlitigant proffered the King a certain portion, a half, a third, a fourth, payable out of the deBespe which he, as the executor of juttice, fhould affift him in recovering |. Theophania de Weftlarid-agreed.to pay. the half of 212 marks, that fhe might recover that fum againft James de Pugh- lefton §; Solomon the Jew engaged to pay one mark out of every feven that he fhould recover againft Hugh de la Hofe |. ; Nicolas Morrel promifed to pay fixty pound, that the earl of Flanders might be diftrained to pay him 343 pound, which the eat! had-taken from him; and this ixty pound was to be paid out of the firft money that Nicholas fhould recover of the earl *. Tue King, as he affumed the entire power over trade, was to be paid for a permiffion to exercife commerce or induftry of any kind +. Hugh Oifel paid 400 matks for liberty to trade in England. : Nigel de Flavene gave fifty marks i : ; { : * Madox’s Hift, of Exch. p. 2742 399+ + Id. p. 295. t Id. ibid. lj Id. p, 296, He paid 200 marks, a great fum in thofe days. § Id. p. 296. + Id. ibid. *Id. p. 298. + Id. p. 302. + Chap. xii. y Id. p. 311. § Id. ibid, 4. Id. p. 795 312+ * Id. p. 312. 4 Id, p. 323: { Id, ibid. Vor. I. 2 fox ee aM aa ON a Bea a 458 “FWISTORY or ENGLAND. Appendix II. for the partnerfhip in merchandize which he had with Gervafe de Hanton *: The men of Worcefter paid 100 hhillings, that they might have the liberty of felling and buying dyed cloth, as formerly, : Several other towns paid for a like liberty t. The commerce indeed of the kingdom was fo much given up to the King, that he erected gilds, corporations, and monopolies, where-ever he pleafed ; and levied fums for, thefe exclufive privileges |}. | THexre were no profits fo fmall as to be below the King’s attention. Henry; fon of Arthur, gave ten dogs, to have a:recognition againft the countefs of Cop- land for one knight’s fee §.. Roger, fon of Nicholas, gave twenty lampreys and twenty fhads for an inqueft to find, whether Gilbert, fon of Alured, gave to Roger 200 mutt6ns to obtain his confirmation for certain lands, or whether Ro- ger took them. from him by. violence |: Geoffrey Fitz-Pierre, the chief jufti- ciary, gave two good Norway hawks, that Walter le Madine might have leave to export an hundred weight of cheefe out of the King’s dominions *. Ir is amufing to remark the ftrange bufinefs in which the King fometimes in- terfered, and never without a prefent: The wife of Hugh de Neville gave the King 200 hens, that fhe might lie with her hufband one night +; and. fhe brought with her two fureties, who anfwered each for an hundred hens. It is pro- bable that her hufband was a prifoner, which debarred her having accefs to him. The abbot of Rucford paid ten marks, for leave to erect houfes and place men upon his land near Welhang, in order to fecure his wood there from being ftolen {: Hugh, archdeacon of Wells, gave one-tun of wine for leave to carry 600 fumms of corn whither he would ||: Peter de Pefarus gave twenty marks for jeave to falt fithes, as Peter Chevalier ufed to do §, | Tue King’s protection and good offices of every kind were bought and fold. Robert Griflet paid twenty marks of filver, that the King would help him againft the earl of Mortaigne in a certain plea |: Robert de Cundet gave thirty marks of filver, that the King would bring him to an accord with the bifhop of Lin- coin *: Ralph de Breckham gave a hawk, that the King would protect him +5 and this is a very frequent reafon for payments: John, fon of Ordgar, gave a Norway hawk, to have the King’s requeft to the King of Norway to let him. have his brother Godard’s chattels ¢: Richard. de Neville gave twenty palfreys to obtain the King’s requeft to Ifolda Bifet, that fhe would take him for a huf- band |: Roger Fitz-Walter gave three good palfreys to have the King’s letter * Madox’s Hit. of Exch. p. 323. + Id. p.324. +t Id. ibid. |] Id. p. 232, 233, &e. § Id. p. 298. 4 Id. p. 305: ald p,. 32%. + Id. p. 326. t Id. ibid. | Id. p. 320. ¢ id. p. 326. 4 Id. p. 329. -* Id. p. 330. =f Id. p. 332: t Id. ibid. ~ {j-Id."p. 333. | to >. a ASB oP MANS DT Se ee Recties i to Roger Bertrain’s mother, that fhe fhould marry Him *; Eling, the dean, paid Appendix If. 100 marks, that his whore and his children might be let out upon bait}: The bifhop of Winchefter gave one tun of good wine for his not putting the King in mind to give a girdle to the countefs of Albemarle {: Robert de Veaux gave five of the beft palfreys, that the King would hold his tongue about Henry Pinel’s wife ||. . There are in the records of exchequer many other fingular inftances of a like nature §.. It will however be juft to remark, that the fame ridiculous prac- tices and dangerous. abufes prevailed in Normandy, and probably in all the other ftates of Europe 4. England was not in this refpeét more barbarous than its neighbours. Tuese iniquitous practices of the Norman kings were fo well known, that on the death of Hugh Bigod, in the reign of Henry I. the -beit and moft juit of thefe princes, the eldeft fon and the widow of this nobleman came to court, and trove, by proffering large prefents to the King, each of them to acquire poffei- Con of that rich inheritance. The King was fo equitable as to order the caufe to be tried by the great council ; but in the meantime, he feized into his own hands all the money and treafutes of the deceafed *. Peter of Blois, a judici- ous, and even an elegant writer for that age, gives a pathetic defcription of the venality of juftice and the oppreffions of the poor, under the reign of Henry; * Madox’s Hift. of Exch. p. 333- + Id. p.342- Pro babenda amica fua Ss filiis, Se. + Id. p..352- t Id. ibid. Ut Kew taceret de uxore Henrici Pinel. §& We fall gratify the reader’s curiofity by Jubjoining a fevs more inftances from Madox, Pp. 332. Hugh Oifel was to give the King two robes of a good green colour, to have the King’s letters-patent to the merchants of Flanders with a requététowender him 1002 marks, which he loft in Flanders- The abbot of Hyde paid thirty marks, to have the King’s lettersiofirequeft to the archbifhop of Can- terbury, to remove certain monks that were againft the abbot. Roger de Trihanton paid twenty marks and a palfrey, to have the King’s requeit to Richard de Uinfreville to give him his fifter to wife, yand to the fifter, that fhe would accept of him for a hufband : William de Cheveringworth paid five marks, to have the King’s letter to the abbot of Perfore, to let him enjoy peaceably his tythes as for- meriy : Matthew de Hereford, clerk, paid ten marks for a letter of requeft to the bifhop of Landaf, to let him enjoy peaceably his church of Schenfrith: Andrew Neulun gave three Flemifh caps,, for the King’s requett to\the prior of Chikefand, for performance of an agreement made between them: Henry de Fontibus gave 4 Lombardy horfe of value, to have the King’s requeft to Henry Fitz-Her- vey, that he would give him, his daughter to wife: Roger, fon of Nicholas, promifed all the lamprcys he could get, to have the King’s requeft to earl William Marefhal, that he would grant him the ma- nor of Langeford at Ferm. The burgeffes of Gloceiter promifed 300 lampreys, that they might not be diftrained to find the prifoners of Poiétou with neceflaries, unlefs they pleafed. Id. p. 352. Jor- dan, fon of Reginald, paid twenty marks to have the. King’s requeit to Will. Painel, that he would erant him the land of Mill Nierenuit, and the cuftody of his heirs; and if Jordan obtained the fame, he was to pay the twenty marks; otherwife not. Id. p. 333. ; Id. p. 359. | * Bened. Abb, p. 180, 181. + Id. p. 359 ; FFs a Appendix II. a Commerce. a : 4 ~< J 420 H I stT O'R Y.1b rv EJNLG AA DD. and he fcruples not to complain to the King himfelf of thefe abufes *, We may judge what mite cafe would be under the government of worfe princes. The ar- ticles of enquiry concerning the con2uct of fheriffs, which Henry promulgated in 11.70, fhow the great power as well as the licentioufnefs.of thefe officers +. AMERCIAMENTS or fines for crimes and trefpafles were another confiderable branch of the royal revenue }.' Moft crimes were atoned for by money ; the fines” im ‘po! fed were not limited by any rule or ftatute; ‘and frequetitly occafioned the total ruin iéf the perfon, even for the flighteft trefpafles, The foreft-laws, parti- cularly, were a great fource of oppreflion. The King pofleffed fixty-cight fo- refts, thirteen chaces, and feven hundred and eighty-one parks, in differen parts of England |; and confidering the extreme paflion of the Enelith and Normans for hunting, thefe were fo’ many fnares laid for the people, by which they were allured into trefpaffes, and brought within the reach of arbitrary and rigorous laws, which the eee had thought proper by his own authority to enact, Bur the moft barefaced acts of tyranny and oppreffion were thofe pradtifed asainft the Jews, who were entirely out of the protection of law, were extremely odious to the bigotry of the people, and were abandoned to the immenfurable rapacity of the King and his minifters. “ Befides many other indignities, to which they were continually expofed, it appears, that they were once all thrown into prifon, and the fum of 66,000 marks exacted for their liberty §: At another time, Ifaac the Jew paid alone 5100 marks |;. Brun, 3e00 marks *; Jurnet, 2000; Bennet, 500: At another, Licorica, widow of David, the Tew of Ox- ford, was required to pay 6000 marks; and the was-deltVered over to fix of the richeft and difcreeteft Jews of Enoland, who were to anfwer for the fum +. Henry Il]. borrowed 5000 marks of the earl of Cornwal; and for his repayment affigned him over all the Jews of England {. The revenue arifing from ex- actions upon this nation was fo confiderable, that there was a particular court of exchequer fet apart for managing it ||. WE may judge of the low flate of commerce among the Englifh, when the Jews, Behe Rar all thefe oppreffions, could ftill find their account in trad- ing among them, and lending them money.. And as the improvements of agri- culture were alfo much check ed, both by the immente poffeffions of the nobility, * Petri Blef. Epift..o5. apud Bibl. Patrum, tom. 24. p. 2044. + Hoveden Chiron. Gery, p., 1410. | Madox, chap. xiy. || Spelm. Gloff. in verbo Forefa. § Madox’s Hift. of the Exch. p. 151. This pa ey in the reion of King John. 4 Id. p. 15t. oe | Es Ae Tee + ld. p. 168. ‘FIG. cn. 186 | Id. chap. vii. . and A POPOR Ne Dr FET at _ and by the precarious ftate of feudal property ; it appears, that induftry of no Appendix I: kind could then have place in the kingdom *. Ir is afferted by Sir Harry Spellman -, as an undoubted truth, that, during the reigns of the firft Norman princes, every edi& of the King, iffued with the confent of his privy-council, had the full force of law. But the barons furely were not fo paflive as to entruft a power, entirely arbitrary and defpotic, into the hands of the fovereign. It only appears, that the conftitution had not fixed any precife ‘boundaries: to the royal power; that the right of iffuing proclama- tions on any emergence and of exacting obedience to them, a right which was always fuppofed inherent in the crown, is very difficult to be diftinguifhed from a leciflative authority. 5 that the extreme imperfection of the antient laws and the fudden‘exigencies, which often occurred in fuch turbulent:governments, obliged the prince to exert frequently the latent powers of his prerogative ; that he:na- turally proceeded, from the acquiefcence of the people, to affume, in many par- ticulars of moment, an authority, from which he had excluded himfelf by exprefs ftatutes, charters or conceflions, and which was, in the main, repugnant to the general genius of the conftitution; and that the lives, the perfonal liberty, and the properties of all his fubjects were lefs fecured by law againft the exertion of his arbitrary authority, than by the independant power and private Connexions of éach individual. ‘It appears from the great charter itfelf, that not only John, a tyrannical prince, and Richard, a violent one, but their: father, Henry, under whof@reign the prevalence of grols abufes is the: leaft to; be fufpected, was ac- cuftomed,, fromuphisefole authority, without procefs of law, to imprifon, banifl and attaint the freemen Of Wigtsimedomiece A creat baron, in antient times, confidered hitifelfas.a kind of fovereign within his territory ; and was attended with courtiers: and dependants” more zealoully attached to him than the minifters of ftate, and the great officers were commonly to their fovereign. He often maintained . in his»court the parade of royalty, by eftablifhing a jufticiary, conftable, marefchal, chamberlain, fenefchal, and chancellor, «and affigning to each of thefe officers a feparate province and com- -mand. “He was: ufually very affiduous in exercifing his jurifdiction ; and took fuch delight in that. image of fovereignty, that it was. found jneceflary to reftrain his a¢tivity, and prohibit him by law from holding courts too frequently {. It is not to be doubted,. that the example, fet him by the prince, of a mercenary and fordid extortion, would be faithfully copied ; and that all his good and bad offices, his Y * We learn from the extracts given us of Domefday by Brady in his Treatife of Boroughs, that almoft all the boroughs of England had faffered in the fhock of the Conquetf, and had decayed ex- tremely between thedeath of the Confeffor, and the time when Domefday was framed. + Gloff in verb, judicium Dei. + Dugd, Jurid. Orig. p- 20, wes: | jultice sf ‘ | 422 HISTOR Yi ot ENGLAND. Appendix Il. juftice and. injuftice, were equally put to fale. He had the power, with the ~ ‘The Church. Civil laws. King’s confent, to exact talliages even from the free-citizens who lived within his barony ; and as his neceflities made him rapacious, his authority was ufually found to be more oppreffive and tyrannical than the fovereign *. He was ever engaged in hereditary or perfonal animofities or confederacies with his neighbours; and often gave protection to all defperate adventurers and criminals, who could be ufeful in ferving his violent purpofes. He was able alone, in times of tran-— quillity, to obftruct the execution of juftice within his territories; and by .com- bining with a few malcontent barons of high rank and power, he could throw the whole ftate into convulfions. And on the whole, tho’ the royal authority was con- fined within bounds, and often within very narrow ones, yet the check was irre- cular, and often the fource of great diforders ; and it was not derived from the li- berty of the people, but from the military power of many petty tyrants, who were equally dangerous to the prince and oppreffive to the fubject, Tue power of the church was another rampart againft royal authority ; but this defence was alfo the caufe of many mifchiefs and inconveniencies. The dig- nified clergy, perhaps, were not fo prone to immediate violence as the barons ; but as they pretended to a total independance on the ftate, and could always cover themfelves with the appearances of religion, they proved, in one refpect, an ob- ftruction to the fettlement of the kingdom, and to the regular execution of the laws: The policy of the Conqueror was in this particular liable to fomeexcep- tion. He augmented the fuperftitious veneration for Rome, to whieh that age was fo much inclined ; and he broke thofe bands of connexion, which, in the Saxon times, had preferved an union between the lay and the clerical orders. He prohibited the bifhops to fit in the county-courts ; he allowed ecclefiaftical caufes to be tried only in fpiritual courts +; and he fo much exalted the power of the clergy, that of 60,215 knights fees, into which he divided England, he placed no lefs than 28,015 under the church ff. Tue right of primogeniture came in with the feudal law : A vesiiblees which is hurtful by producing and maintaining an unequal divifion of private property ; but is advantageous, in another refpect, by accuftoming the people to a pre- ference in favour of the eldeft fon, and thereby preventing: a partition or difputed facceffion in the monarchy. Fhe Normans introduced:the ufe of firnames, which tend to preferve the knowledge of families and pedigrees ; as do alfo, the dil- ' © Madox. H. of Exch. p. 520. + Char, Will. apud Wilkins, p. 230. Spel. Conc. vol. ii. p. 14. t Spel. Gloff. in verb. manus mortua. ‘We are not to imagine, as fome have done, that the church poffeffed lands in this proportion, but only that they and their vaffals enjoyed fach a proportionable part of the landed property. tinction > re <= kh PPE ND he Be 423 tinGion of coats of arms, which came in vogue about the time of King Richard. Appendix II They abolifhed none of the old abfurd methods of trial, by the crofs or ordeal ; and. they added a new abfurdity, that by fingle combat *, which became a re- gular part of jurifprudence, and was conduéted with all the order, method, de- yotion and folemnity imaginable +. The ideas of chivalry alfo feem to have been imported by the Normans : No traces of thefe fantattic notions are to be found among the plain and ruftic Saxons: The feudal: inftitutions, by raifing a fet of Manners, ‘men to a-kind: of fovereign dignity, rendering perfonal ftrength and valor fo re- quifite, and making every knight and baron his own protector and avenger,” be- got that military pride and fenfe of honour, which,- being-cultivated and embel- lifhed by..the, poets: and: romance writers.of.the age, ended in chivalry. The vir- tuous knight fought not only in his own quarrel ; but if ”that=othe innocent, the helplefs, and above all; of. the fair, whom he fuppofed to be for ever under the ouardianfhip of his vatiant arm. The uncourteous khight, who, from his caftle, exercifed robbery. on travellers, and-committed violence on virgins, was the object of his perpetual indignation ; and he put him to death, without fcruple or trial or appeal, wherever he met with him. The great independance of men made perfonal honour and fidelity the chief tie among them 5 and rendered it the capital virtue of every true knight, or genuine profeffor of chivalry. The fo- lemnities of fingle combat, as eftablifhed by law, banifhed the notion of every thing unfair or unequal in rencounters ; and maintained an appearance of cour- tefy between the combatants, till the moment of their engagement. The credu- lity of the age grafted.on | this ftock the notion of giants, enchantefs, dragons, fpells [, and a thoufand. Weliders-which-ftill multiplied during the times of the Croifades ; when men, returning from fo great #Giftanee, ufed the liberty of im- pofing every Sion on their believing audience. Thefe ideas of chivalry infected the writings, converfation, and behaviour of men, during fome ages; and even after they were, in a great degree, banifhed by the revival of learning, they left modern gallantry and the point of honour, which fill maintain their influence, and are the genuine offspring of thofe antient affectations. | Tur conceffion of the Great Charter, or rather its full eftablifhment (for there was a confiderable interval between the one and the other) gave'rife, by degrees, to a new fpecies of government, and introduced fome order and juftice into the adminiftration. The enfuing fcenes of our hiftory are theréfore fomewhat dif- * LL.Will. cap. 68. + Spel. Gloff? in verb. campus.” The laft inflance of thefe duels was in the 15th of Eliz, So long did that abfurdity remain. + Inall legal fingle combats, it was part of the chaimpions ‘oath, that he carried not about him any. herb, fpell, or enchamement, by whichshemight procure victory. Dued. Orig. Jurid; ps 82. | 3 ferent 2 «249 - 424. HISTOR Y¥' or ENGLAND: Appendix Il.ferent from the'preceding. Yet the Great Charter contained no eftablifiment of new courts, magiftrates, or fenates, nor abolition of the old. It introduced no new diftribution of the powers of the commonwealth, and no innovation in the ‘political or public law of the’ kingdom. © It only guarded, and that merely by verbal claufes, againft fuch tyrannical practices as are incompatible with civilized government, and, if they become very frequent, are incompatible with all go- vernment. ‘The barbarous licence of the kings, and perhaps of the nobles, was thenceforth fomewhat more reftrained : Men acquired fome more fecurity for their properties and their liberties > And government approached a little nearer to that end, for which it was originally inftituted, the diftribution of juftice, and the equal protection of the citizens. Acts of violence and iniquity in the crown, which hefore were only deemed injuries to individuals, and:were hazardous chiefly in proportion to the number, power, and dignity of the perfons affected by them, were now regarded, in fome degree, as public injuries, and as infringements of a charter, calculated for general fecurity. And thus, the eftablifhment of the Great Charter, without feeming any-wife to innovate in the diftribution of political power, became a kind of epoch in the conftitution, The. END of th FIRST VOLUME Beg pigs pom, Page 5. 1. 20. read Airebates. P. 37. 1.9. for oppofed read refffed. P. 179: 1. 12. read landed proprietors, P. 185. 1. 7. read infurreétion, P. 200. 1. 1. read guided by. P. 218, I. 2. read difcouraged by. P.231. 1.16. read he extricated bimfelf from the difficulty. P.256, l, 26. read put to fale. P. 270. 1. 5. from the bottom, read the bifbop of Mans, P. 288 1.9, from the bottom, read terminated by, P. 393, 1,26, read was affured. 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