-iitle
'XI7
Pv6' sentefT bT * j*
- ■’ o n . J u s t i c y Iri « o It a
LETTER
FROM
t’ontaining ^oiT;e observations and strictures on
a late Manipesto published in the Ncws^' ’’
papers, in a sinister form of an Address
from a Juhto of Members of the
Provim ini ParJiainent of
X O WE R C A N A T) A
To which is added an Af-rrNoix, ronsistiiig of the Speech of
Hts Excntf-rvc’, the Governor in Ciiiej?
On proroguing tiic last session of Provincial Parliament,
and the said
TO
TEIEIR CONSTITUENTS ;
MANIFESTO.
I hate when Vice can bolt her argunie ts,
And Virtue has nu tongue to chuck
MONTREAL.
Pfintod at the Montrcai Gazette Office
TO SENEX.
SIR!
KNOWING you, from your name and your
public writings, to be the oldest and most in-
trepid Patriot that Canada has yet produced,
and one whose name, both real and assumed,
will go down to future ages as the best defender
of our Constitutional Rights against the ma-
chinations of an Ignorant and Factious Party,
I am somewhat surprised at not having met you In
Public at a period so critical to the welfare of
the Country, and when so many Wolves, from the
troubled domains of Dissention and Democracy,
are howling so loudly and daringly around us.
I therefore hope you will pardon me for calling
your attention thus publicly to the state of mat-
ters in this unfortunate part of His Majesty’s do-
minions, and submitting to your consideration
a few hasty thoughts which have occured to my-
self upon the subject ; assured, that, if they
will have the effect of once more rousing the
spirit of that Old Lion who has so often stood
(lone in the breaches made on our Constitu-
V
4
tioN, by the enemies of order and good govern*
ment, not only to defend them from further out.
rage, but to repair them j the pests of society I
allude to, will soon slink away into the dens and
caves peculiar to such canine, and leave the
Citadel to that peace and security which of
right belongs to it, and which, sooner or latCr,
it will inevitably enjoy. 2b you, I trust it will
be unnecessary to make any more apology for the
following observations. As to Public Opinion,
I both despise it, and altogether deny its juris-
diction, AVHEN not fbundea~nr~the“^welfare of
society in all that contributes to the main-
tenance of those noble, and, I hope,* Jmperi st-
able, monuments of civil and moral government
which have been so long and so happily esla-
blished throughout almost every region of this
Great Empire.
I have just returned from the reading room,
where, on perusing the Canadian Specfatov of
the 28th uititno, I met with an Address, or ra-
ther, a Manifesto to their Constituents super-
scribed by the following names i — L. J. Papi-
neau, Hugues Heney, J. Leslie, Joseph Valois,
Joseph Perrault, Austin Cuvillier, J. M. Ray.
mond, F. A. Quesnel. Not being either a very
diligent or attentive reader of the advertising
department of a newspaper, and taking it fot
1 gianted that so many obscure names, which I
1
5
had hitherto been accustomed only to associate
with auction bills, cheesemonger's advertisements,
grocery puffs, and distress warrants, could be
the means of conveying very little news of im-
portance to the public, I was about to put the
paper aside, when my curiosity was accidental
excited by a variety of words and expressions
which seldom figure in advertisements, however
much their authors may sometimes be inclined
to strain the tomes of Johnson and Walker to their
own petty purposes. It was very fortunate that
this was the case, otherwise it is likely I should
have missed one of the greatest treats, in my
estimation at least, that this country has ever
produced, not even excepting the description of
the battle of Chateauguay — the Canadian Ther-
mopylue— which was given soine years ago at a
tavern dinner, set forth in Montreal for the bene-
fit of those sublime oi'ators and patriots who
voted against the union.
I had not gone very deep into this extraordi-
nary document when I perceived its cue. I
found it to have sprung from that concentric
circle of gross ignorance, factious principles,
and anti-British views which have so long dis-
turbed with impunity the peace of this province,
and arrested but too effectually the course of its
improvements. I found it to have come from
jnen, who, though unfortunately for the coun-
6
try, endowed with a public and official charac.
ter, have entirely renounced the constitutional
responsibility of that sacred character, and lent
their whole power and influence to the dissemi-
nation of erroneous views of the motives which
n^' do, and have ever actuated the Imperial, as
well as the local, governments of this country. I
Ibund it to proceed from entire strangers to
Bi itish feelings, British generosity, and, above all,
to British warmth of heart, good humour and
fair-play. I found it to proceed from those whose
amorpatrite is confined to the Iiovels of prejudice,
the conclaves of faction, and the brothels of
party. I found it to proceed from men, who
having little truly worthy of admiration among
themselves, and conscious at every turn, of the
superiority of Britons, hate those Britons with
a hatred, rank as the weeds that grow in their
native forests, and whose banishment from a pro-
vince conquered by their blood and arms, would
be hailed with a yell of savage triumph worthy
of the ancestors of the majority of them. I
found it to proceed from those who, strangers to,
and grossly ignorant of the first principles of our
Constitution, arrogantly seek to grasp executive
power, where they can only be recognized as
Alembers of a co-ordinate branch of a subordi-
nate provincial legislature. 1 found it had come
from men who have devoted their liv'es to th?
promotion of anarchy, by endeavouring to de-
prive His Majesty of the power and the means of
maintaining the civil government of this colony,
and of extending those blessings of civilization
and improvement to this part of his dominions
which are so extensively and manifoldly enjoyed
in almost all the other regions of the empire. I
found it coming from men who never cease to bawl
loyalty I loyalty ! while, almost in the same
breath, they deny the supremacy of His Majesty
in parliament, reject with disdain the deliberate
opinion of his law council, and treat the des-
patches of one of his principal Secretaries of
State with scorn and derision. I found it coming
from men who, though protected in their persons
and property by laws unparalleled in the world,
and to which their fathers were strangers, refuse
to place the judges of the land on the same inde-
pendent footing with those of the mother coun-
try, notwithstanding the overtures made for that
purpose by the King himself. I found it to pro-
ceed from men who Voluntarily pledged them-
selves to defray all the civil expences of the coun-
try in a constitutional way ; for as such it could
only be accepted of ; but who, the moment the}
were called upon to redeem their pledge, slunk,
like cowards and assassins from the broad glare
and sunshine of honour and patriotism, to the
tainted shades and corrupt pandemoniums of
8
f
i
treachery, democracy, and all their train of par-
ty intrigue and factious ambition. I found it to
proceed from men, whose national prejudice
being not only inherent, but as dark and deep as
Erebeus, endeavour by all the means in their
power to fortify these prejudices still stronger in
the minds of their rude Countrymen, with the
infamous and seditious view of perpetuating a
distinction betwixt them and Britons, and thus
paving the way to an ultimate separation from
the mother country. I found it to proceed from
men who, if they love education at all— which
is very doubtful — love it only while it is subser-
vient to the basest purposes — that of instilling
political poison into the minds of their deluded
Countrymen ; and who scruple as little to deceive
the ignorant and unwary as to insult and deride
the informed and respectable. I found it to pro-
ceed from men, who, with a view of shewing
their contempt of the plastic hand of legitimate
authority, and their disregard of all decency,
order, and good government, have established,
by the petty clubbings of a party, a variety of pe-
riodical publications in several parts of the coun-
try for the express purpose of bringing the Ma-
jesty of government and the laws into contempt,
and sowing the seeds of discord, hatred, and dis-
union amongst a people, of all others, the most
disposed to peace and cordial intercourse ; and
who have raised from the dung hills and purlieus
of political wretchedness to be the conductors of
those channels of public and private libel, men
who arc not only a disgrace to letters, but who
can only exist in the tainted air of insolence,
arrogance, and slander ; men on whose tongues
“ detraction ever burns men in whom
“ Corruption with corrosive smart
“ Lies cank’ring on their guilty heart?
and men to whom I may safely apply the follow-
ing words of Juvenal ;
Sed quo cecidit sub crimlne P Quisnam
Delator ? Quibus indiciis ? Quo teste probabit ?
Nil horum ! verbosa et grandis epistola venit/\
I found this notable document coming from per-
sons who, possessing neither rank, dignity, nor
manners themselves, and being as ignorant of
the respect due to their superiors as they are
ready to trample upon their equals — for they
have no inferiors, and cannot have — daily insult
the King himself in the person of his noble re-
presentative, whom, with a ferocity peculiar to
themselves and the lanterne gentry of the Country
of their language, they not only introduce as a
private individual into all their discussions, but
set up, in his public character, as a mark of
abuse so rancorous, so scandalous, so unmanly,
so cowardly, that every honorable mind in thq
10
country is sliocked, and every generous senti-
ment outraged. — But
In vain malicious tongues assail,
Let envy snarl, let slander rail,
From virtue’s shield— secure from wound
Their blunted venom’d shafts rebound.
Oh unwise, unfeeling men ! is tliis your gra-
titude to a country, that found you slaves and
made you freemen ! Is this your gratitude to a
people who found you destitute of security both
of person and property, but who gave you all by
the free communication of two of the most noble
monuments of human ingenuity — Magna Char-
TA, and the Habeas Corpus ! Is this your grati-
tude to a country and a people, \vho found you
writhing under the lash of the Provost Marshal,
cruelly tearing your flesh fiom your bones and
scattering it in quivering atoms to the four winds
of heaven, but jilucked you from his bloody
grasp, restoring you to independence, and to
that rank in civilized society which Britain
alone, among all the nations of the earth, is
capable of conferring and securing. Is this your
gratitude to that Britain who found you the
victims of military despotism — the helots of mo-
dern Spartans — and the obedient and unrelen-
ting assassins of the unprotected aborigines of
the soil, and, by snapping your chains, made
doubly heavy by the rust of centuries, placed
Juk.
11
you ill a station far above your oppressors, and
called you back to humanity and reason, by in-
spiring you with proper sentiments of freedom,
and your high rank amongst civilized nations !
Is this your gratitude to a countiy who found
you without law, without legislation, and the
power to open your lips in your own concerns,
gave you alike law, political consequence, and
the power to do justice to yourselves in every
thing that contributes to the improvement of
Society ! Is this your gratitude for the Constitu-
tion you IP much boast of, and which, you say,
you would rather die than part with ; but which,
I fear, you are on the high way to forfeit and
cancel! Gratitude! O much abused term !
We may find thee in the humble cottage of the
peasant whose children have been plucked out
of the gaunt arms of famine by the meek but
potent hand of charity : we may find thee bu-
ried deep in the bosom of unobtrusive genius j
we may find thee forging thy golden chains round
the souls oftruefriendship,andknittingthem closer
and closer in harmony and social intercourse ; we
may find thee a never-dying flame in the bosom of
the innocent rescued from pollution and infamy :
and we may find thee consoling the liberated cap.
tive for the marks left in his limbs by the pressure
of his chains. But, Never, O Never ! sliall we
find thee midst the polluted haunts of faction.
12
«
the dark retired cells of intriguing party, or in
the creed of
‘‘ an impious crew
Of men conspiring to uphold their state
By worse than hostile deeds, violating the ends
For which our Country is a name so dear.”
But why should I treat the document whicli
has elicited these observations in a mood so seri-
ous ? It is not, 1 assure you, my dear Sir, be.
cause there is any thing in itself that merits any
remarks beyond the most ineffable sneer that
contempt can dictate or derision provoke ; but
rather because it forms a part of that motley fa-
bric of sedition, discontent and insult which
the authors have been rearing, like the builders
of the plain of Shiriar in opposition of supreme
authority, to cover themselves ultimately, it is
to be hoped, with confusion and ruin. In the
present state of this Province, which, to my ima-
gination, and, I have no doubt, to yours also,
presents in a forcible manner the unhap j)y repre-
sentation of a ship deserted by her crew and
tossed in the storm for want of a sufficient num-
berof trusty hands to exccute’the orders of the
pilot, it may not, however, be amiss to examine
a little more closely the grounds and pretensions
of this manifesto, in order to ascertain with some
accuracy the real motives and springs of action
which gave rise to it. In doing so I shall not
trouble you with any account of the rise and
progress of our present difficiiUies ; these being
sufficiently well known to yourself’, and having
so lately been decided on by his Majesty’s go-
vernment in England in terms so plain and unequi-
vocal, that none but the most obdurate and unre-
lenting could hesitate in yielding their assent
and obedience to a sentence coming from a
quarter so respectable and authoritative ; and
your long experience in the world will have
taught you, that Pertinacice nullum remedium po~
suit Deus, God has provided no remedy for the
obstinacy of men.
Wincing under the stings of wounded con-
sciences, and convinced in their souls that there
was not a word in the late ])roroguing speech
of His Excellency the Governor in Chief
which did not deservedly hold them up to the
whole British Empire as the sole, the worst, and
most implacable enemies of their native coun-
try, the subscribers to the manifesto could think
of no other method of acquitting themselves,
even in their own eyes, of the stigma thus fast-
ened on their public conduct, than by an appeal
to the tribunal of the Mob ; a tribunal whom
they knew be entirely subservient to their own
purposes, and who would pronounce sentence,
not according to law or the principles of our
constitution, for of these their general want
of knowledge renders them totally ignorant, but *
14
according to those ill-fated principles of decision
which, in every age and every country, places
the uninformed multitude at the mercy of vulgar
declaimei’s — the timid peasant at the feet of the
scurrilous and designing demagogue. It is thus
that these inconsiderate I'ailers generally catch
the attention of the people ; it is thus that they
fill their minds with imaginary grievances, flat-
ter their vanity with improper notions of their
own importance, call them from industry, use-
ful labour and contentment, to idleness, discon-
tent and bloody-handed rebellion. It is, howe-
ver, somewhat unfortunate for our present de-
magogues, that the first step they took for the
accomplishment of their wicked ends betrays in
a remarkable manner the real object in view, ov
in other words, that their pretences belie their
actions, hor what can possibly be more absurd
and ridiculous than a printed appeal to Consti-
tuents, not one in a hundred of whom, can either
Read or Write ! Nay, more. Not One of
Avhoin has ever yet been able either to arrive at
the smallest understanding of the differences so
long subsisting between the upper and lower
branches of the Legislature, or the simplest prin-
ciple of the Constitution under which we live and
arc piotected. When an arbiter is chosen, he is
geneially one who not only understands the rights
and pretensions of both parties, but has an accu-
15
rate and extensive knowledge of those genera
principles in equity, law, or politics, by which
points in dispute are always decided. But, in
the present instance, the parties at issue are not
so well otf. There is, to be sure, a cause in de«
pcndence, a very important one, too, and counsel
on each side ready to plead it ; but one of the
parties, instead of a willingness to plead at the
ONLY bar that can legally decide on the matter —
at the legitimate bar of that country from whence
all its privileges and honours are derived, flies otf
with a railing accusation against, not only it
equals, but its superiors, to a tribunal illegal in,
deed in itself, but rendered doubly so by the ille-
gal mode in which its interference has been solici-
ted, and the want of consent of the other party. —
Not only so ; but this party, rendered insolent by
indulgence, litigious by procrastination, and clam-
orous by security, have travelled from the arctic
to the antarctic circles, from the torrid to the
frigid zones, from the tropfc of Cancer, to the
tropic of Capricorn, from Dan to Beersheba,
and from post to pillar of our political planet,
with the view of evading, like so many Franken-
steins, an evil of their own creation and the ef-
fects of a decision already pronounced by the
legal tribunal on the first and most important
points at issue.
What can savour more of democracy than this?
What can sliow the spirit that is now abroad
amongst us, disturbing the peace of families, anif
breaking asunder the ties of loyalty and patriotism,
more than this unmanly abandonment of every
constitutional tie, connection, and principle, in
order to enlist blind physical force to the decision
of a question wliich should, and can only be put
to rest by constitutional authority ? In the na'me
of all that is good and generous, let such folly be
abandoned ere it be too late. Let the voice of affes,
whose echo has not unfrequently been heard even
in this distant corner of the world, warn us against
the precipitancy of popular influence and popu-
lar clamour. For what can be more abhorred
than a state of society in which the comfort of
private life is interrupted by factious brawlers and
intriguing demagogues ; in which the mean tram-
ple upon the wise and enlightened, and innocence
aftords no security against calumny, nor ra2ik and
dignity against insult and centumely ; where, in
public, eminent ser^ces are sure to be repaid by
eminent ingratitude, and an unjust surmise is al-
ways snflicient to cancel the obligation of a life
of benefits. The idle mob of Athens, though,
perhaps, the most sagacious mob the world has
ever produced, deciding questions of which it
had not the slightest comprehension, and clamor-
ing for amusements which were to exhaust the
resources of the state ; or the more ferocious mob
17
ol Rome, bawling fora division of lands to whicii
they liad not the smallest claim in justice ; or the
revolutionary tigers of Paris yelling for blood i
blood ! to slake tlieir cannibal thirst ; or the craftv
republicans of the United States, bartering honor
and independence, with an avidity peculiar to
V .
themselves, for the places and emoluments of their
country, almost equally excite the disgust and
horror of the true philosopher. All poweii
WITHOUT A CHECK IS DESPOTISM ; and of all des-
potism none is so barbarous and hopeless as that
of the POPULACE. It is a tyranny without the
possibility tliat the tyrant should ever be good
or enliglitencd ; and will, therefore, be detested
utterly by all who feel the genuine love of liberty.
Indeed, you are as well, if not better, aware
than I am, that the sentiments of all wise and
constitutional writers, have been uniform on this
head ; so much so, that their expressions must
be fresh in the remembrance of every candid ami
unbiassed reader. Here a sentence or two mav
•/
nearly embrace them all. The end of Govern-
^ ment is the general good j all constitutions
ought to be permanent means for the attainment
and security of that good. If men generally pur-
sued what is most conducive to their happiness,
certainly those governments who admitted most
fully of the operation of the general will, would
be the best. Men do not generally will that which
IS
is best for themselves, therefore it is not general-
ly expedient for them, that their will should ope.
rate. Want of education to give them habits of
just thinking and reasoning ; want of knowledge
concerning public affairs and the nature of ex-
isting causes; want of resolution to forego pre-
sent temporary enjoyments, for future permanent
advantage, and various other disqualifications, in-
tellectual and moral, under which the common
people must labour, render it totally inexpedient
that the general will should be the rule of Go-
vernment. Need I inform you, that there is no
country on earth, enjoying the blessings of civil
government, where these wants are more appa.
lent than in Lower Canada ; and, consequently*
that no country can be worse adapted for the
species of government which the demagogues are
anxious to establish on the ruins of our present
glorious constitution, than this province ?
Experience teaches us, thatthe wills of men most
frequently become worse, from having the power
of complete gratification. Those who have uni-
formly the power of doing as they please, more fre-
quently please to do ill than to do good. 'J’he
capriciousness of their desires increases with their
j)ower. Like spoiled children, they become trou-
blesome to all those who come within the sphere
of their action, and eventually hurtful to them-
selves. Classes of men, as well as individuals*
when their will uniformly operates without re-
gtraint, become capricious and destructive to
others and to themselves. As the wills of indi-
viduals require the opposing wills of other indi-
viduals to check and correct their caprice and
extravagance, so do those of classes. In politi-
cal establishments, as well as in private compa-
nies and societies, the selfish passions of’ some,
restrain the selfish passions of others ; a recipro-
cal check becomes a general corrective and con-
venience. On this account, the wisest men have
always been friendly to a government of check,
in opposition to the uncontrouled dominion of
any individual, set of individuals, or the people
at large. •
Now, being convinced of the general absurdi-
ty of democratic rule, and its insufficiency in se.
curing to society that peace and protection so
much sought after by all men, what can exceed
(.he folly of the demagogues of this jirovince, in
their endeavour to introduce this newly exploded
mode of government, but the intolerable insolence
of the MANNER of doing so ; that is, placing them-
selves in immediate juxtaposition with the King’s
representative, and accusing him at the tribunal
of the RABBLE for delinquencies which have nei-
ther foundation in truth nor so much as a name
in the constitution ! I will not stop to inquire,
whether it be against the man or the represen-
tative that their projects are directed ; but.
'20
tvhicliever of these it be, sure I am,, that both tlie
proceeding itself, and the manner of it, are no
less destructive of the peace of society, good go-
vernment, and the constitutional rights and pri-
vileges of Britons, than disgraceful to the pro-
jectors themselves. Setting aside the impolicy
of the act altogether, what can be more scanda-
lous than the terms made use of in reference to
His Excellency, and the total disregard and
want of respect that are shown to him both in his
political capacity, and high rank and dignified
station in jirivate society. What, indeed, can be
more preposterous, than that His Excellency,
THE Governor in Chief of British North
.America, who, besides being of noble dignity
and the first blood of the Kingdom, has served
his coimlry in every clime, and distinguished
himself in no ordinary or common manner, du-
ring the last thirty years, in all tlie splendid the-
atres of B41TISI1 glory, shouhl be thus bullied
nnd balked at by a set of curs, w'ho ha\'e scarce-
ly ever emerged from their own stinking and
mangy kennels, and who would be afraid to howl
beyond the jirecincts of their own native dung-
bills? It is, in sooth, in my humble opinion,
really more than the most sensible part of the
community ought to bear, with any degree of
patience ; especially when there is such a wide
distinction betw'een the parties, both in their pub*
lie and private characters. In his private char-
21
actcr iiL is in the indisputed enjoyment ot'aname
that will go down to future times conspicuous for
every virtue that adorns humanity : Theiu names
and their acts of private muniticence will he de-
posited in the grave with themselves. His acts
ofbenevolence to the destitute stranger, the un-
fortunate but meritorious pilgrim, and the abso-
lute mendicant will always entitle him to be rank-
ed amongst the most beneficent of men, and en-
sure to him the respect and gratitude of society
at large : Tiieii?, deeds of charity are confined
to the protection and maintainance of a few mis-
erable wretches, pretending to be men of talents,
and wonderful political research, whom, finding
fit instruments for any purpose, they breed in
hot-houses of faction and sedition, in order to
disseminate political poison among society when-
ever a suitable opportunity occurs.* His hospi-
tality is extensive, generous and magnificent:
Theirs is confined to the club rooms of party,
and the tavern-dinners of disaffection and Dis-
criminating ToASTs.t He has never bee n heard
* It is not unworthy of remark in this place, that the name of ** L. J.
PaP1NF.au” is not to be found in the list of those humane individuals who
so generously contributed to the relief of the suflerers from the New-Bruns-
WICK conflagration, though the person bearing that name, enjoys, besides,
private property to a considerable amount, a salary of £1000 j)er annum, as
Speaker of the Ilonse of As.sembly ; a birth as comfortable in this respect,
as it is convenient for uttering inflammatory harangues against the govern.-
raent of his country, and rallying the drooping spirits of his coadjutors iu
opposing, through diick and thin, the most reasonable measures of that go^
veriinient,
f I need scarcely call to your rememlirance the manner in whicli llie
press of the Montreal junto .luSTlFlED the omission of The Governor in
Chief’s healtli, at a public dinner, given in that place, during his absence
in England. It will be fresh in the recollection of every one whose sense
of public decorum has not been completely extinguished by feelings of pri-
rate malic^
to have either insulted or abused any of the mean-
est of His Majesty’s subjects, but to have pro-
tected and succoured them on all occasions : —
They, on the contrary, not only revile all who
take a side with government, in their private and
public character, but insult the head ot the Ex-
ecutive himself, both as a legislatorand as an indi-
vidual ; and if they cannot do so directly, with*
out too glaring an infringement on the rules of
propriety, they will find Ways and Means — the
only species of Ways and Means that they have
hitherto discovered — to do so by innuendo. In
a public point of view, the parallel will be found
to be equally distinct. He, born in a sta-
tion which entitled him to the highest rank,
in the council of the nation, and educated in
those principles of virtuous patriotism which have
ensured to Britain that solid glory and conspicu-
ous dignity among empires for which she has
been so long distinguished, soaring far above the
tainted and corrupted atmosphere indigenous to
party factions, spurns with tUsdain every senti-
ment and every act that does not promote the
welfare of his country ; They, born in i>lebeian
solitude, educated in plebeian manners, with no
other worldly hopes than those which generally
reward plebeian industry, finding themselves
raised a little above their natural condition in life
by some accidental piece of good fortune similar
to that which some philosophers tell us about the
23
eoncourse of atomi,, forgot, in an evil hour for
their country, the source, from whence they
sprung, and vainly imagining, when, in an equal-
ly evil hour, they became legislators, that there
existed no check upon their actions but the check
of self-will and self-satisfaction, foolishly busied
themselves in pulling down the fabric of our con-
stitution, as established in this Province, in order
to clear the area for some Chinese temple of their
own, through which true Britons could never find
their way, and filling it with oracles at whose un-
hallowed shrines Britons would never bend the
knee to worship. He, in possession of a comiwis-
sioN authorising him to represent his Majesty |
in all those high powers and prerogatives with
which he is invested by the constitution itself,
knows too well the dignity and responsibility of
his situation, and entertains too exalted notions
of his own manly integrity, and the innate ho-
nour of him whom he officially personifies, than
to compromise an iota of the duties entrusted to
him, or to suffer himself to be overpowered by
the inroads of envious and insolent faction ; —
They, without any other authority than the same
constitution confers upon them, through the
voice of a few unlearned and uninformed men,
who have no opinions of their own, and, conse-
quently, no instructions to give, shamefully ne.
gleet the real interests of their constituents, and
24 .
abandon the ark of their country’s safety and
prosperity, for the empty prize of personal views
of aggrandisement, and the corrupted siiout of
faction. He, in the exercise of his important
functions, is regulated not only by his own per*
sonal view of things, by his own individual know-
ledge, sense, judgment, and discretion, but by
the most pointed instructions, proceeding direct-
ly from the King, and corresponding despatches
from His Majesty’s government: They have
but the whim of the moment and the noxious
plea of national jealousies and prejudices to re-
gulate their actions. He has the Constitltion
and the Laws on his side : They have undue
ambition and democratic insolence on theirs.
LIis motives are pure, upright and patriotic :
Theirs are personal, seditious and full of
DANGER to the connection presently subsisting be-
tween the mother country and her colonies. His
measures have the support and countenance of
every enlightened mind and every loyal Bri-
tish HEART in the Province : Their insidious
machinations are only approved by the dissolute
and DEPRAVED, the ignorant and jealous, the
Malicious and cowardly !
Sir, 1 do not think there is a man in the coun-
try of sufficient boldness and corruption of heart
to deny the truth of tliis statement, if I except
the juftio of representatives immediately interest-
fell, and whose pliability of “conscience” render
them as daring in assertion as they are prone to
insult. In considering the subject before us, it
will therefore be particularly incumbent upon
you and all to weigh well the distinguishing and
characteristic features of the above parallel,
in order to ascertain w'ith every possible degree
of accuracy to which party belongs the palm of
patriotic wisdom and the infamous and eternal
stigma of factious zeal. If you should be of
opinion that the King's representative has in the
least overstepped the constitutional bounds of
his duty to the country, or placed the rights and
privileges of British freemen in jeopardy by any
of his actions, why, then, let him suffer the pu- ^
nishment due to his crimes. But, if, on the other
hand, you should be of opinion, as I am every
way disposed to think you will be, that he has
discharged his duty with honour and integrity —
with meekness and humanity — with dauntless
courage and unswerving resolution ; and that in-
stead of meeting on the part of the majority of
the representatives of this Province with that ohe-
dience to our constitutional laws, that respect
due to His Majesty’s commands, and that impli-
cit confidence which has ever been found due to
an authority so high, his official situation has been
held in the highest contempt, his dignity insult-
ed, his entreaties spurned, his recommendations
26
laughed at, his explanations misconstrued, and
the whole arm of the government, over wliich he
presided shackled and paralyzed by the ignorance
of men, or the intrigues of faction, — why, then,
I say, let the voice of the law pronounce the on-
ly constitutional decision that can be pronounced,
and if that fail in its proper effect, let the pow-
er that gave us at first that law, resume it,
and give us in its place such other constitution of
things or machine of government as will send us
down to posterity, the envy instead of the mock-
ery of surrounding nations ! I will repeat the
proposition : Will any honest Canadian, bear-
ing in his bosom a spark of loyalty to his King
and affection for his country, lay his hand upon
that bosom, and in the full view of the parallel I
have drawn, and in the full knowledge of the true
situation of his country, its moral and political
necessities, and the parental anxiety of the mo-
ther country for her prosperity and happiness,
say that the band now ranking themselves in
hostile and menacing attitudes against the go-
vernment of the country and its head, are his
true and legitimate “ delegates ?” Fully con-
vinced that he will not, I shall now leave this
part of my subject, and proceed to consider as
briefly as I possibly can, a few of the most pro-
minent features of the Manifesto itself j a pro-
duction which, the more I reflect on, the more I
r/
mourn over the misapplication of faculties which
were given by the Great Author of our exist-
ence, not to be a curse, but a blessing ; not to
spread the brand of misrule and contention among
mankind, but rather the olive-branch of peace
and security.
1 pronounce the late proroguing Speech of
His Excellency a most able and excellent, a
most masterly and [tmoitnii^suoD performance. —
Is it possible that it could otherwise have excited
so much clamour. It was too true and too ef-
fective not to have stung to the quick those to
whom it was intended its terms should apply ; and
it was impossible that the junto could refrain
from crying out ; for it is the first caustic that
has reached the centre of their stinking sore for
many a year. I have no doubt in my own mind
but it will penetrate still deeper, and that it will
be the means, with the aid and experience of the
FAMILY PHYSICIANS, of bringing about a radical
change in the health of the patient, notwithstand-
ing his wry faces and restless disposition. No-
thing can exceed the solemn grimace and imper-
turbable assurance with which the junto blow
their penny trumpets towards the commence-
ment of their Manifesto, expressive of their as-
tonishment that the Governor-in-Chief should
dare to refer them to their “constituents” in
the manner his Lordship has so justly done, and
28
for which the thanks of every loyal and patriotic
bosom in the country is due to him ; just as if this
had been the first instance of the kind on re-
cord, and that either their memory failed them,
the thong had not penetrated deep enough on
former occasions, or that the cattle had become
more audacious in their pretensions and insults.
With your permission, I shall endeavor to refresli
their memory a little by calling them back to
some periods of our provincial history, wdien,
if the exercise of the prerogative of the Crown,
in sending obstinate and ignorant representatives
to herd w'ith the troop of blockheads that made
them legislators, was unconstitutional in its adop-
tion, and illegal and improper in its manner, and
yet passed without incurring the penalty of a
Manifesto, the late prorogation, both in form
and execution, deserved somewhat more gentle-
manly treatment than that which it experienced.
But I cannot do so without adding, that the late
Manifesto, though a mere piece of tawdry de-
clamation, contains something so entirely hypo-
critical and peculiar to itself) that it is impossible
to read it otherwise than with sentiments of dis»
gust and abhorrence ; of disgust because, while
pretending to exculpate themselv'es. in the eyes
of their constituents from the reflections so just-
ly thrown upon their parliamentary conduct by
His Excellency’s Speech, they have the pre^
V.I
29
sumption to toss their darts of personal vitupera-.
tion about them in a way as unjustifiable as dis-
honourable ; and of abhorrence, because, by
placing themselves above tlie law, in daring to
place themselves at issue with the Crown, they
have openly declared their contempt for the best
of constitutions, and, consequently, their disin-
clination to be subject for the future to its juris-
diction. If they persevere, the propriety of the
choice will be best proved by the fate which will
inevitably attend it.
When, on the 15th of May, 1809, Sir J. II.
Craig, in consequence of the wild unconstitu-
tional behaviour of tiie Assembly, who then for
the first time began to arrogate to themselves that
presumptuous controul over the Executive, which
has now entailed so much misery on the country,
found it necessary to prorogue and dissolve the
parliament, this was his language ; and, I would
ask the junto whether the constitutional lash was
a whit less severe than when exercised on a late
occasion ?
Gentlemen of the House of Assembly ^
** When I met you at the commencement of the presont
session, I had no reason to doubt your moderation or your
prudence, and I therefore willingly relied upon both. Un-
der the guidance of these principles, 1 expected from you a
manly SACRIFICE OF ALL PERSONAL ANIMOSITIES AND IN^
DIVIDUAL DISSATISFACTION, A WATCHFUL SOLICITUDE FOR
THE CONCERNS OF YOUR COUNTRY, AND A STEADY PERSEVE-
RANCE IN THE EXECUTING OF YOUR PUBLIC DUTY WITH
ZEAL AND DISPATCH. 1 looked for earnest endeavors to pro-
mote the general harmony of the Province, and a careful
abstinence from whatever might have a tendency to disturb
so
IT ; for DUE, and therefore indispensable attention to the
OTHER BRANCHES of the LEGISLATURE, and for prompt and
cheerful co-operation and assistance in whatever might con-
duce to the happiness and welfare of the Colony. All this
I had a right to expect, because such was your constitution-
al DUTY ; because such a conduct would have been a lasting
testimony, as it was the only one sought for by His Majesty's
Government, of that ik)yalty and affection which you
have so warmly professed, and which I believe you to pos«-
sess; and because it was particularly called for by the critical
conjuncture of the times, and especially by the precarious sit-
uation in which we then stood with respect to the American
States. I AM SORRY to add, that 1 HAVE BEEN DISAP-
POINTED IN ALL THESE EXPECTATIONS, AND IN EVERY HOPE
ON WHICH 1 RELIED.
“ You have wasted in fruitless debates, excited by
PRIVATE and personal animosities, or by FRlVILOUS con-
tests UPON trivial matters of FORM, that time and those
talents to which within your walls, the public have an ex--
CLUSIVE title; this abuse OF YOUR FUNCTIONS, YOU HAVE
PREFERRED TO THE HIGH AND IMPORTANT DUTIES WHICH
YOU OW’E TO YOUR SOVEREIGN AND TO YOUR CONSTITUENTS;
and you have thereby been forced to yieglect the consideration of
matters of moment and necessity which were before you, while
you have at the same time virtually prevented the introduction of
such others as may have been in contemplation^ If any further
proof of this MISUSE (f your time xvere necessary, I have just
presented it, in having been called on, after a session of five
weeks, to exercise his Majesty's prerogative cf assent to the same^
number f bills, three of which were the mere renewal of annual
acts to which you stood pledged, and which required no discussion.
So much of INTEMPERATE HEAT has been manifested in
all your proceedings, and you have shewn such a prolonged
AND DISRESPECTFUL INATTENTION TO MATTERS SUBMITTED
TO YOUR CONSIDERATION BY THE OTHER BRANCHES OF THE
LEGISLATURE, that wliatevcr might be the moderation and
forbearance exercised on their parts a general good under-
standing isscarcely to be looked for without a new Assembly.
I shall not particularly advert to other acts which appear
to be UNCONSTITUTIONAL INFRINGEMENTS OF THE RIGHTS
OF THE SUBJECT, repugnant to the very Letter of that statute nf
the Imperial Parliament under which you hold your seats, and
to have been matured by proceedings which amount to dereliction
of the first principles if natural justice ; and I shall abstain from
any further enumeration of the causes by which I have been
induced to adopt the determination which I have taken, be-
cause the part of your conduct to which I have already re-
31
fcrred Is obviously and in a high degree detrimentai,
TO THE best interests OF THE COUNTRY, such as mydut}ft§
the Crouon forbids me to countenance^ and such as compels me to
have recourse to a dissoluliony as the only constitutional means by
which its recurrence may be prevented.''
Notwithstanding the peculiar circumstances at-
tending this dissolution, and the severity of the
lecture thus read to the House of Assembly for
its inroads upon the constitution, the measures of
the next session were equally, if not much more,
at variance with the principles of good govern-
ment. But Sir J. H. Craig was not a man to
be trifled with, nor insulted with impunity in the
discharge of his duty; and he had, therefore, no
hesitation in sending the gentlemen of the As-
sembly again to their homes with the following
constitutional warning tingling in their Ctirs
'^Gentlemen of the Legislative Council, and
^^Gentlemen of the House of Assembly,
“ 1 am come down here for the purpose of proroguing the
present Parliament. And, upon a mature consideration of the
circumstances that have taken place, I am to inform you of my
determination of again referring to the sense of the people, by
an immediate dissolution.
“Called again to the unpleasant exercise of one of the func-
tions of his Majesty’s prerogative with which I am entrusted,
I feel it to be again expedient, that I should state to you, and
that through you, which is indeed the only channel of com-
munication that I have with them, the people may be distinct-
ly informed of the motives by which I am actuated.
“ Whatever might be my personal wishes, or however strong
might be my desire, that the public business should suffer no
interruption, I feel, that on tlris occasion, nothing is left to my
t discretion ; it has been rendered impossible for me to act oth-
erwise, than in the way lam proposing.
“The House of Assembly has taken upon themselves,
without the participation of the other branches of the Legislature,
to pass a vote that a Judge of his Majesty’s Court of King’s
52
Bench, cannot sit, nor vote in their HousCi However I might
set aside the personal feelings which would not be unnatural
in me, as to the mode in which this transaction has been con-
ducted towards myself there is another, and infinitely high-
er consideration, arises out of it, which I must not overlook.
“ It is impossible for me to consider what has been done, in
any other light, than as a direct violation of an act
OF THE Imperial Parliament : — of that Parliament which
conferred on you the constitution, to which, you profess to
owe your present prosperity ; nor can I do otherwise than con
sider the House of Assembly as having unconstitutional
LY, DISFRANCHISED a large portion of his Majestfs subjects
and rendered inclegible, by an authority which they do no
possess, another not inconsiderable class of the comnumit3^
“Such an assumption, L should, at any rate feel mysel
bound by every tie of duty, to oppose ; but, in consequence o.
the expulsion of the member for the county of Quebec, a va-
cancy in the representation for that county has been declared ;
and it would be necessary that a new writ should issue, for
the election of another member. That writ w'ould not be
signed by me — Gentlemen, I cannot — dare not, render
MYSELF a partaker IN A VIOLA I ION OF AN ACT OF THE
IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT; and I know no Other way, by which
I can avoid becoming so but that which I am pursuing.’* *
I cannot in conscience omit, nor can any well-
\vi»her of this province, treating of this sub-
ject, omit to give the last speech of Sir. J. H.
Craig to the Legislature of this Province. This
document may well be termed The Legacy of
Governor Craig; the advice which it contain
being not only Constitutionally sound, but
full of the most pathetic moral instruction — in-
struction which, I am sorry, has not sunk deeper
into the minds of those to whom it was more
particularly addressed. Tliis speech was pro.
nounced on the 21st March, 1811.
GE^TLEME^f,
“ You are now about to return to your homes, and to mi;
33
— ^
again in the common mass of your fellow-citizens, let me
entreat you to reflect upon the good that ma> arise from your
efforts to inculcate those true principles of regularity and sub-
mission to the laws, that can alone give stability to that de-
gree of happiness which is attainable in the present state of
society. Your Province is in an unexampled progress of pros-
perity : riches are pouring in upon the people ; but their at-
tendant evils, luxury and dissipation, will inevitably accom-
pany tliem ; the danger of these is too well known to require
that I should detain you by enlarging upon it ; it will de-
mand all the efforts of religion and of the magistracy, with
the scarcely less powerful influence of example and advice in
the well disposed and better informed, to counteract their
efiects, to preserve the public morals from sudden relaxation,
and. Anally, to bar the entry to crime and depravity.
“ A large tract of country, hitherto little known has, been
opened to you ;its inhabitants are industrious and intelligent,
and they cultivate their lands with a productive energy, well
calculated to encrease the resources of the Colony. Let them
not on these grounds be objects of envy or of jealousy ; ra-
ther let them be examples, to be caref dly watched and imita-
ted till in the whole Province, no other difference of fertility
shall appear, but what may arise from variety of soil, or dif-
ference of climate.
“ And now’, Gentlemen, I have only further to recommend,
that as in an early part of the session, you, yourselves took
occasion to observe on the difficulty of the task, you will
proportionally exert your best endeavours to do away all
MISTRUST AND ANIMOSITY FROM AMONG YOURSELFES ; WHILE
THESE ARE SUFFERED TO REMAIN, ALL EXERTION FOR THE PUB-
LIC GOOD MUST BE PALSIED, No BAR CAN EXIST TO A CORDIAL
UNION — RELIGIOUS DIFFERENCES PRESENT NONE INTOLERANCE
IS NOT THE DISPOSITION OF THE PRESENT TIMES AND LIFING
UNDER ONE GOVERNMENT, ENJOYING EQUALLY ITS TROT* CTION
AND ITS FOSTERING CARE, IN THE MUTUAL INTERCOURSE OF
KINDNESS AND BENJ'VOL NCf-, ALL OTHERS WILL BE FOUND TO
BE IDEAL, 1 am earnest in this advice, Gentlemen, It is
probably the last legacy of a very sincere well wisher, who,
if he lives to reach the presence of his sovereign, w’ould in-
deed present himself with the proud certainty cf obtaining
his approbation, if he could conclude his report of his admi-
nistration, with saying ; I found, Sire, the portion of your
subjects that you committed to my charge, divided among
themselves, viewing each other with mistrust and jealousy,
and animated, as they supposed, by separate interests. I left
them, Sire, cordially united in the bonds of reciprocal esteem
and confidence and rivalling each other only in affectionate
T
i
34
attacliiiient to your Majesty’s Government, and in generous
exertions for the publie good.”
The manly and decisive administration of Sir
J. Craig could not fail in the accomplishment
of its ends, which was the cordiality and unani-
mity of the legislature in prosecuting with unre-
mitting perseverance ev'cry measure calculated
to promote the welfare and improvement of the
province. Yet his Successor, .mr George Pre-
vosT, no sooner grasped the reins of govern-
ment, than the leaders of that body began to
exhibit strong symptoms of that abominable fac-
tious spirit which had so long been the bane of
the country ; so much so, that though Sm
George succeeded in rendering himself a gene-
ral favourite in that branch of the legislature,
he was under the necessity to terminate the very
first session of his administration in the following
words : —
Gentlemen of the House Assembly,
“ 1 cannot but lament, that tlie course of proceeding adopt-
ed by you, has occasioned the loss of a productive revenue
bill, and of the liberal appropriations you made for the de-
fence of the Province, and for ameliorating the situation of
the Militia, and I regret that in sacr^cing these desirable ob-
jects, yon should have been swayed by any considerations which
seemed to you of higher importance, than the immediate security
of the country, or the comfort of those engaged in Us protec-
tion,"
Sir Gordon Drummond was not more fortu-
nate in meeting the constitutional support and
co-operation of the Assembly, who, in the Ses-
35
sion of 1 8 IG, plunged so deep in refractoriness
as to refuse their assent to the solemn decision of
the Prince Rkgent with respect to the famous
impeachment of the Judges, and were even pro-
ceeding the length of bearding His Royal High-
ness in Council by a “ Humble Hepresentation
and Petition on behalf of the Conenn ms of l.ovfi'.K
Canada, when His Excellency, finding the
constitutional path totally forsaken, and deem-
ing it neither honourable, courtly, prudent, nor
desirable to be anywise accessary to any indi«ni-
ty to the Crown, very properly dissolved the
Assembly ; expressing his regret “ that they
should have allowed any consideration to
OVERBEAR THE HESPECT DUE TO THE DECISION OF
His Royal Highness the Prince Regent?
The just and the last proroguing Speech of
THE Duke of Richmond, pronounced on the
24 th of April, 1819 , exhibits the same melan-
choly traces of the unconstitutional conduct of
the House of Assembly, aiul called forth the
marked disapprobation of his Grace, who evi-
dently felt disappointed at the contempt of all
decent respect manifested to his measures as the
constitutional liead of the government and re-
presentative of the King, He spoke in the fol-
lowing terms.
“ I came to this Province to take the Government of
His Maiesty’s Dominions in North America, with a sincere
desire of carrying into practice the intentions and liberal
36
Views of His Royal Highness the Prince Regent, to pro*
mote by every practicable measure, their genen 1 prosperity,
to improve their natural resources, and the individual happi-
ness of His Majesty’s people.
“ A reasonable hope and * expectation was entertained by
me, in accepting this command that I should meet in those
pursuits, with the cheerful support of every well informed
person, who could appreciate in his own mind my motives in
undertaking the charge.
“ With these impressions on my mind, and with full confi-
dence in your zeal, your loyalty, and your local knowledge
of the public and private interests of the country, I met you
on your legislative duties, and have most patiently attended
to your proceedings during a long Session, which I am now
to close by prorogation. You, Gentlemen of the Legislative
Council have not disappointed my hopes, and 1 beg to return
you my thanks for the zeal and alacrity you have shown in
all that more immediately belongs to your Body.
“ It is with much concern I feel myself compelled to say,
that I cannot express to you, Gentlemen of the Assembly,
the «ame satisfaction, nor my approbation at the general re-
sult of your labours, (at the expense of so much valuable
time,) and of the public principles upon which they rest, as
recorded on your Journals.
“ You proceeded upon the Documents which 1 laid before
you, to vote a part of the sum required for the Expenses of
the year 1819, but the Bill of Appropriation which you pas-
sed, was founded upon such principles, that it appears from
the Journals of the Upper House, to have been most consti-
tutionally rejected : His Majesty’s Government has been thus
left without the necessary supplies for supporting the Civil
Administration of the Province for the ensuing year, notwith-
standing the voluntary offer and pledge given to His Majes-
ty, by the Resolve of your Elouse, of the 13th of Febru-
ary, 1810.
* *
The present time affords you an opportunity of maturely
deliberating on these important objects, and on others essen*^-
tially necessary to be better considered. I recommend par-
ticularly to your attention as individuals, the value of your
constitution of Government, which affords the most complete
and ample protection and frecdon\ of Person and Property
that can possibly be desired, and superior to every system of
Government enjoyed by any Colony that has heretofore ex-
isted, your sister Colony of Upper Canada excepted. And
as branches ot the Lesiislature, it is of the first importance
that you should fully understand your Constitutional Rights |
that privilege may not come into question with prerogative,
anl that while you maintain tliose rights which respectively
belong to you by the Constitution, you may be equally care-
ful of encroaching on each other, and respectively pay a due
regard to the rights of the Crown. 1 shall lay before His
Majesty's Ministers the proceedings of the Session and the
general state of the Revenue, the Expences, Agriculture and
Commerce of the Province, and request instructions on such
points as may be necessary to be more fully understood, that
difference of opinion amongst those who ought to have only
one object in view, may as much as possible be avoided.’*
I shall not in this place trouble you with a
recapitulation of the untoward and heartburning
circumstances wliich have invariably attended
every prorogation and dissolution which have
taken place from the day on which the above
speech was pronounced to this, though it is a
period well calculated for the elucidation of my
subject. Indeed, their effects are too legibly
written on the face of the country, and on the
character, the conduct, the i)iinciples, the senti-
ments, and the feelings of the inhabitants, to
merit any particular observations from me. I
shall at once approach that part of the late
speech of the Earl of Dalhousie, which forms
so complete a counterpart of those of His Ex-
cellency’s predecessors, and which, it is sincere-
ly to be hoped, will form the ne plus ulira x>f
this species of instruction and warning.
Gentlemen of the Assemhlyi
‘‘ It is painful to me, that I cannot speak my sentiments to
you in terms of approbation and thanks. The proceedings
i?f this Session impose upon me a duty, of which, however
38
W
Tinpleasant, I will acquit myself as a faithful Servant of the
Kin^r, and as a sincere friend of the Province.
“Many years of continued discussion on forms and accounts
ave pioved unavailing to clear up and set at rest a dispute,
w iich moderation and reason might have speedily ternnnat-
14* ** iarnentable to see, that no efforts or concessions of
Ills Majesty’s Government have succeeded in reconciling
those differences of opinion in the Legislature; but it is in-
nnitely more so, that differences^on one subject should cause
a rejection of every other measure which His Majesty’s Go-
vernment recommends to your consideration.
“ The duties expected of you in this Session were not diffi-
cult ; among the first was an examination of the Public Ac-
counts of last year, and a report upon them, whether of ap-
proval or otherwise ; has that duty been done so that your
country can know the result?
“ Have you considered the Estimated Expenditure for the
current year, and granted the supply required in His Majes-
ty s name ? or have reasons been assigned for the refusal of
them, that can be known and understood by the country?
“ Have the Messages from His Majesty’s Representative
been duly acknowledged, and answered according to the
rules and forms of Parliament, or according with the respect
which is due by each branch of the Legislature to the
others ?
“ Have the Rules or Orders of proceedings in the House of
Assembly been duly attended to, in so far as the}^ affect and
recognize the Prerogative Rights of the Crown ?
“ These are questions. Gentlemen, which you are now^ to ask
yourselves individually, and answer to your constituents on
your return to them.
“ These are questions which you arc to answer to your ow’n
consciences, as men who are bound by Oaths of fidelity to
your Country and to your King. ^
“ In my administration of this Government, I have seen se-
ven years pass away without any conclusive adjustment of the
public accounts; thus accumulating a mass for future inves-
tigation, w’bich must lead to confusion and misunderstanding.
Ii^the same years I have seen the measures of Government,
directly applicable to the wants of the Province, throw n aside
without attention and without any reason being assigned. I
have seen the forms of Parliament utterly disregarded ; and
in this Session a positive assumption of Executive authoritv,
instead of that of Legislative, which last is alone your share
in the constitution of the State.
“Ihe results of your proceedings in this Session have
been, the refusal of the Supplies necessary for the ordinary
3'J
expenses of Government, the loss of the Militia Bill, the fai-
lure of all provisions for the maintenance of Prisoners in
your Gaols and Houses of Correction, for the support of In-
sane and Foundlings, and for the establishment of Education
and Charity, and a total obstruction of local and public im-
provement
“ In this state of things, and with this experience of past
years, it is now no longer consistent witli a proper discharge
of the high trust committed to me, to entertain hopes of a
return to better reason in the representative branch of this
Parliament ; hut it is still my duty to call upon you as public
men, and to call upon the country, as deeply interested in the
result, to consider seriously the consequences of perseverance
in such a course.
I shall conduct the Government with the means in my
power, and with an undiminislied desire to do good ; but
while I must submit myself to the interruption of all public
improvement, under the authority of the Civil Government, I
will declare my deep regret at such a state of things : I think
it right to convey to the ('ountry, a free and unreserved ex-
pression of my sentiments upon these public misfortunes ;
and 1 will leave no doubt on the public mind of my determi-
nation to persevere firmly in the path of my duty, with a
faithful regard to the Uights of my Sovereign, with which are
also combined the best interests of the Province.
“ It only remains for me now, compelled by existing cir-
cumstances, to * Prorogue this Parliament, whatever may be
the inconvenience resulting from such a measure.
N^ow Sir, I again beg leave to ask you — T ask,
fearlessly ask, the whole coinitry — I ask every
Honest Canadian in it, who is capable of dis-
tinguishing his right hand from his left — whe-
ther this (\>NCATENATION of DISAPPROVAL de-
claTed, spc ken, and written Censure — on the
part of Every individual who has represented
the King of Grrat Britain and Ireland in
this province for the last Twenty years, of tlie
measures pursued by The House of Assembly,
or, in other words, tiiose calling themselves
The Faithful llfirRESENTAXivES of the Peo-
ple, be not a most convincing proof ot the exist-
ence of some serious errou, if' not criminal
WRONG, on the part of these Representatives?
How dare these individuals. distinguished asthev
were by birth, education, and rank — nay, by the
countenance of the king himself^ — so far to tram-
ple under foot all the decencies and charities of
society, all the privileges and principles of our
constitution, as to call our Assemblies before
them, and thus tell them to their faces, that they
were little less than villains and scoundrels in
presuming to arrest, as they did, every principle
of good government and improvement, unless
the laws put them in possession of some autho-
rity for doing so, and unless the conduct of those
reprimanded, and so frequently dismissed to their
constituents with such a load of disgrace and
contumely on their backs, justified the unparal-
lelled severity of such proceedings? How dare
these individuals leave this province and ap-
proach the august presence of their king, and
the tribunals of a country, where, of all other
countries, the conduct of public officers is most
canvassed and scrutinized, wdth the same senti-
ments upon their lips, if they were wrong and
feared to be called in question for them ? How
dare they take their seats in the Senate of the
parent state — that Assembly where the genius
of Libsrty is personified, and the spirit of Jus^
TICE presides so triumphantly — if their legislative
conduct in this country was contrary to law, or
if they dreaded the most thorough investigation
of it? How dare they cross the sea, carrying the
execrations of the representatives of half a mil-
lion of British subjects on their heads, if they
feared :o abide the consequence, or, rather, were
not convinced, that the People, so far from par-
ticipating in the sentiments of their ^'faithful de-
legates” did not even so much as know that any
disputes existed betwixt them and his Majesty’s
government; and this, too, at a time when we are
told, in the brutally malicious and insulting lan-
guage of the pestiferous oracles of the Assembly,
*Hhat the Governor of the province partakes no
more of the King’s inviolability, than any other
of his representatives that '•*he is one of the
King’s officers^ and no more ; ” that “ he is not
even one of his ministers, ” but “ is subordinate to
the Ministers-, ” that he can be ’•'cashiered, ”
"rebuked,” and “ made personally responsible in
a court of law for an act of administration, and
subject to a vei diet of twelve citizens”* Yet we
find the distinguished personages in question re.
turning to their native country every other year
•See the Editorial mud, if, by any means, you can wade your way
fhrough such mire, of that glorious luminary of sedition, faction, anti
▼nlgar TltuperatioDj the Cnnac//a>i gpectator of the 4th of j^pril, 1827,-r-
42
with an account of their Stewardships, without a
charge having ever been brought against any of
them, except two, who were found fault with,
not for fulfilling their duty to their King — not for
exercising too rigidly the rights and prerogative*
which the constitution has vested in his Majes-
ty, in order to check the tumultuous incroach-
inents of popular assemblies— but, on the* other
hand, tor tamely and unconstitutionally giving
up the rights of their master to a clamorous and
insiduous faction ! W hich of these personages,
so much condemned, insulted and traduced in
this country, has been brought to trial for his
delinquencies, or against wdiom even a complaint
was laid at the foot of the throne ? Which of
them was ever attempted to be brought to any
bar, except that of vituperative Fachon, where
instead of that impartiality, justice, generosity,
and humanity, so characteristic of British
LAWS, they have, one and all of them, experien-
ced the bitterest abuse, the grossest insults, and
the most unmanly and cowardly treatment that
the lo\vest and basest miscreants of Africa have
ever heaped on their petty tyrants when placed
in their power. It only w'anted the dagger or
the club to finish the parallell ; and, were it not
for the immeasurable distance which the dignity
of correct conduct and the satisfaction inherent
in every noble, well-adjusted mind at the pro
per discharge of its duties, places betwixt it and
4S
the pestilential breath of vulgar defamation, sure
I am, that any individual of feeling would prefer
the loss of his life to the poisonous sting of brawl-
ing demagogues and contentious factions.
If then, I say, the governors of this province
have really committed any wrong — if they have
really been guilty, 1 will not say of any gross vi-
olation of the laws, but of any the least vior
lationofthem — why, in the name of justice, de-
lay a moment in bringing them to trial ? The
courts of law are open, and the highest tribunals
of the state are accessible to the meanest and the
lowest subject, who is supposed to know his rights
as well as the highest individual in the kingdom.
Why else this clamour and uproar against the pro-
ceedings of our governors ; wliy this flood-tide of
abuse— this calling of names — these epithets of
Thief and Rogue — these yells of vulgar defama-
tion, that are daily rung around us, if there be no
real cause of complaint— if there be no fault but
in the perturbed imagination of one or two fran-
tic demogogues who have set themselves up as
both the accuser and judge in matters in which
they have no cognizance, and on men over whom
they hold neither authority nor jurisdiction. But
the fact is, that there is not now and never exist-
ed any grounds of complaint to justify such pro-
ccedings ; otherwise, it is more than probable,
that the malicious and cold-blooded hearts that
- 3 ^
44
are now rending the air with the shouts of disap-
pointed malignity, would carry the daggers of
their revenge into the bosoms of their country
and the objects of their hatred. You very well
know that, with the exception of two individuals
whom I shall afterwards point at more conspi-
cuously, there is not a British or an Irish born
subject in the whole province who has joined in
this absurd clamour raised by a few discontented
spirits in the Assembly against the measures of
the government. And will any man in his right
reason, however biased or prejudiced, pretend
to tell us, that Natives of the United Kingdom
— educated, and well educated too, in the spi-
rit of freedom of that country — in the knowledge
and practice of her laws, both civil and political,
—and, as it were, at the very feet of the Gama-
liel of her rights and privileges — are not as capa-
ble ofjudging of the public measures of our go-
vernors, and as willing and ready to bring them
to condign punishment, if necessary, as their Ca-
nadian fellow subjects ? How long, I should
be glad to know, has the Canadian become so
sensitive to his rights and privileges as a British
subject,and the Englishman so dull and phlegma-
tic to them ? How long since the sun of free-
dom has gone down on poor John Bull and ri-
sen with such accumulation of splendour on
the long benighted Jean Baptiste ? How
X
long since the ensign of liberty has be-
come so dazzling in the eyes of the Cana,
dian, and can no longer rouse the ancient hero-
ism of poor John ? How long'since the chains of
ignorance and prejudice have'ireen snapped from
the minds ot the children of-Canada, and riveted
so fast round those of Englishmen ? How long
since those have became such adej)ts in decypher-
ing every letter of the British Constitution, and
these have forgotten them all, the moment tliey
lost the last sad glimpse of the land which gave
them mutual birth ? How long -ince the timid
yelping of the bear and the beaver of the forest
has drowned the growl of the Lion of England ?
How long since Neptune has resigned the trident
of the Ocean into the hands of the Naiads of
the Sahit Lawrence ? How long since ail this has
taken place, and then I shall endeavour to tell
you how it has happened, that the Canadians are
30 vociferous in crying vengeance ! vengeance !
on the heads of our governors, and British horn
subjects stand looking on the scene with meins
so placid and countenances so unruffled ? Bur
let me bear down a little more closely upon the
Manifesto, which, as I am of opinion it is the
only species of trial to which our gov'ernors shall
ever be called, i shall endeavour to discuss and
•et aside as briefly and effectually as possible.
I believe I have already given you a sketch of
46
the character of this famous documeut, I shall,
therefore, in this place, endeavour to finish the
picture by a few strokes which, I trust, will be
found to be as legible as they are true.
It is then, an Unconstitutional document
which has no precedent but in the blood-stained
pages of sedition and open rebellion. If the ob»
jects which it has in view are not thwarted in
time by the strong arm of legitimate authority, it
will inevitably lead to anarchy and ruin. It has
its foundation in a factious spirit of discontent
and design, whose end is democracy and popular
rule, totally at variance with the principles of our
present glorious constitution. It is founded in
error, reared in corruption, and published in de-
fiance of all order, decency, and justice. It is a
tissue of the grossest falsehoods from- begin*
ning to end. It does not contain a single hon-
ourable or manly sentiment. It is the production
of fools and the palladium of haters of their
country. It is a brand thrown by a malignant
arm midst the shrines and the altars of domestic
peace and social intercourse. It is calculated to
throw the whole of this province into confusion,
and to deprive it of the mild sway and stable
protection of the mother realm, in order to place
them in the hands of men, who seek power that
they may exercise it without controul, and ty-
ranny, that they may practice it with impunity.
It will entail eternal disgrace on the names and
the character of its authors, and will send them
down to posterity as the first and worst enemies
of that harmony which has so long subsisted be-
tween this province and the parent country, and
in the rank of those incarnate demons who prefer
to gorge the blood of their country than cultivate
those principles of arts and morals which lead to
distinction and happiness i
The exordium of this infamous production is
one of the most extraordinary specimens of manu-
factured insolence 1 have ever seen ; and I con-
fess to you, that I feel at a loss whether to treat
it with ridicule or silent contempt. But let me
introduce these gasconading demagogues chew-
ing the cud of their own very eloquent and ve-
racious expressions : —
“ We, the undersigned, Members of the House of Assembly,
residing in the City and District of Montreal, having ta-
ken into consideration the Speech pronounced by His Ex •
cellency the Governor in Chief on proroguing the Provin-
cial Parliament, in which his Excellency refers us to our
Constituents, conceive it a duty to evince in a public and
solemn manner, both the rcspecl which we bear to our Elec-
tors, and the noble pride which we feel for having in
difficult times, discharged our duties towards them with fideli-
ty and in a manner worthy of those who had chosen us for
their Delegates. Representatives of subjects obedient, ho-
nest and devoted to the British Government, our line of con-
duct seemed perfectly traced out for us : Representatives of
free born English subjects, our duties were clear and evi-
dent ; and we appeal wTtb confidence to our Constituents ;
it belongs to them to judge of our conduct.
“ In other times and under other circumstances, we should
not consider it necessary to enter into any discussion, well
48
assured at we are of not having done any thing which could
Jose us the esteem and the confideuce of our Constituents, the
recompence of our labours ; but accused of a body, in a grave
manner, but by a public document, which at the same time
that it accuses all of us, takes from us the power of answer-
ing as a body, we consider it to be our duty, not to
exculpate ourselves (for this, we are sensible, is not requisite)
but to put it in the power of our constitueuts to judge with
greater certainty of the accusations urged against their
Kepresentatives.”
Here, you will readily perceive, that the poor
solitary Octavians who issued this Appeal be-
tray no hesitation in taking upon themshlves —
lor I find none else in the field — the whole bur-
*den and responsibility of the misconduct laid to
the charge of the Whole House of Assembly
INDISCRIMINATELY AND WITHOUT ANY DISTINCi
TiON ! Truly the responsibility is not to be en-
vied them. Yet such is the fact ; and, like so
many assassins, instead of being ashamed of the
deed, and exhibiting' contrition for the black cri-
minality of its intentions, they openly avow
and declare the “ Noble Pride which they feel
for having, in difficutt times, discharged their du-
ties to their constituents with Fidelity, and in
a manner worthy of those wdio had chosen them
for their delegates.” Dees this piece of intoler-
able assurance not put you in mind of the lan-
guage of Zanga ? —
Know, then, *twas I.
I forged the letter 1 disposed the picture—
I hated, I despis’d, and I destroy/*
40
Seeing, then, but EiGHt obscure individuals, out
of an Assembly consisting of Fifty members, ta-
king upon themselves the heavy responsibility of
entering the lists with armour, neither justified
by cir cumstances nor authorized by the constitu-
tion, and setting the civil and political authori-
ties of the country at defiance, we may in rea-
son suppose, as I have already partly done, ei-
ther that they give utterance to the sentiments
that are peculiarly their own, or that they stand
forth in the capacity of double delegates repre-
senting the constituents whom they addressed
and the remaining members of the Assembly
who generally vote with them. Which of these
capacities the Octavians are most anxious to be
recognized in, I leave you and the public to de-
cide. But for my own part, from the well known
influence which these fellows have gained amidst
the majority of the House of Assembly, I have no
hesitation in asserting to their face, tliat the lan-
guage, made use of, on this and every other oc-
casion, betrays an anxious solicitude on their part
to be considered as the sole channel throuffh
which the feelings of the country can be uttered.
Having thus constituted themselves the champions
and oracles of the people, they vainly think that
no blow can come amiss from their arms, and no
unwise or unreasonable precept from their tri*
pods ; and we consequently meet them at ever)'
so
corner brandishing their weapons and proclaim-
ing their dogmas, just as if the happiness and
prosperity of the country were alone centered in
their views and projects. It is thus we discover
the dangerous lengths to which the self-constitu-
ted impeccability of the Octavians would
lead us : it is thus that we trace their real aim, ’
however much they may endeavour to disguise
it: and it is thus that the crafty and designing
are generally entangled in their own snare.
I know not whether the coadjutors of the Oc-
tavians IN the Assembly approve or disapprove
of the late step. If we did not know the high-
handed influence which prevails in that Assembly,
this would be a point worth while inquiring into.
But as matters stand, I cannot do otherwise than
express my fears, that a sentiment of approbation
is far more general in that quarter than disap-
probation. Whence else the grave-like silence
which prevails among that majority on the subject
under consideration? Whence else that taciturn
sneer to be found on every face, the moment the
subject of the Manifesto is introduced? I suppose
the channels of public communication are as op-
en to them as to the Octavians. Why not make
use of them then, to say which side of the impor-
tant question they are on ? They too, have
“ Constituents,” to consult and explain their
conduct to, and why therefore not do so, and say
whether they plead guilty or not guilty to the
charge brought against them by the head of the
government ? It is very true that, whether they
do so or not, their conduct in the Assembly has
uniformly placed them under the same ban with
the OcTAViANS ; but according to their senti-
ments with respect to the Manifesto, we should
have to decide as to the extent oi’ the influence al-
luded to, and the valire and character of that con-
fidence which thus serves to constitute so great a
proportion of the representatives of a free peo-
ple, the dupes and mercenaries of a few unprin-
cipled demagogues ; or, in other words, enable
us to decide at once how far the better informed
part of the people is bound to suffer wrongs so
unbounded and alarming, from those who seem
to care not a single dollar about the prosperity
of the province, provided their own petty ends
be attained.
The OcTAVLANS then say : — “Representatives
of free born English subjects, our duties were
clear and evident ; and we appeal with confi-
dence to our Constituents : It belongs te them to
judge of our conduct.'* It belongs to them to
JUDGE OF our conduct ! This I deny in the
most positive terras j because in the first place,
being a direct appeal to popular decision of a
more constitutional question which has been a
triors, decided by the constitution itself^ the
52
people, of such, have no earthly jurisdiction in
the matter ; and, in the second place, if they had
and were the ultimate resort in this question they
must of necessity, not only be so in every other
question of a similar nature, but we must re-
nounce at once our present system of govern-
ment, which is Monarchy and Democracy, so as
to produce the most regular and splendid effect
ever contemplated by the imagination of man, and
adopt that of Democracy alone, which is the
wildest and most dangerous species of govern-
ment that can possibly exist. * I need not tell
you what Democrats are, and what the voice of
history has declared them to be in every age. I
have said something already upon this subject; but
I may here add, that Democrats are inconstant
in all their ways, and their can be no stability in
their relations to each other ; since none of them
acts uniformily or consistently, nor remains long
* It may not be amiss to give in this place Aristolle’s description of the
dificrent forms of Government.
There are three just forms of government, each of which is liable to
ckviate into a corrupt form, which is a counterfeit resemblance of the former.
The Just forms arc royalty, aristocracy, and what may be called timocracy,
which last most writers distinguish by the general name of polity or a repub-
lic. It is the worst of all legal governments, as royalty is the best. Tyranny is
the corrupt resemblance of royalty. Timocracy naturally degenerates into
democracy, which is nearly akin to it; since whenever men of limited for-
tunes are entitled to share the government, power will have a natural tendency
to fall into the hands of the people. Democracy is but a triHing deviation
from a republic. The paternal authority is the model for that of Kings, for
children are their father's dearest coneern. Whence Homer addressed Ju-
piter by the appellation of father, denoting the near affinity between royalty
and the paternal power. Domestic authority is the best model for aris-
tocracy. Timocracy resembles the equal commonwealth of brothers, among
whom there is no other distinction than that made by a slight difference of
age.’*
53
like to himself. I'heir friendsliip is but a league
in villainy, which, for the most part, ends when
it ceases to be profitable. Wiiat is said by Black,
stone with respect to the j)owers by the Peopi.f.
in cases of this kind is worthy of attention as
proving my position. “ It must be owned,”
says he, “ that Mr. Locke, and other theoretical
writers, have held that, there remains still in-
herent in the people, a supreme power to re-
move or alter the legislative, when they find the
legislative act contrary to the trust reposed in
them : for when such trust is abused, it is there-
in forfeited ami devolves on those who give it.
But however just this conclusion may be in theo-
ry, we connot practically adopt it, nor take any
legal steps for carrying it into execution, under
any dispensation of government at present actual-
ly existing. For this devolution of power, to the
people at large, includes in it a dissolution of the
W'holeform of government established by the peo-
ple } reduces all the members to their original
state of equality' j and, by annihilating the sove-
reign power, repeals all positive laws whatsoever
before enacted. No human laws will therefore
suppose a case, which at once must destroy all
law', and compell men to build afresh upon a
new foundation ; nor will they make a provision
for so desperate an event, as must render^all legal
provisions ineffectual.” But what is the question
54s
at issue? However much obscured by the heat and
animosity of the party-spirit discovered by the
House of Assembly on all occasions when it came
to be discussed, and however much it may have di-
verged into minor points of actual disputes and
jealousy, it is simply and solely this — Whether^
on soliciting supplies in aid of the funds already
at the disposal of the Crown, the government of
this province have a right to insist upon these
supplies being voted in a Constitutional way
before they accept of them from the legislature ?
Now, the House of Assembly ha\ing differed witli
the TWO higher branches of the legislature upon
this subject, and not only deny the right of the
Executive to insist upon supplies being granted
in the same constitutional way that they are vo-
ted in the mother country, but adopt a new and
unheard of mode of their own in granting these
supplies, which would at once constitute them
into a second Executive and place every civil
officer of the Crown at their sole disposal, claim-
ing, as they do, the annual granting of each
officer’s salary, as well as the amount of it, — I
shall be glad to know what the People have to
do with the decision of such a question as this,
and where is the section of the Constitution
which, in a dispute of form and privilege of this
kind, constitutes them as the tribunal where it is
to be decided ? This, then, being a mere consti-
oo
tutioiial question, the People have no right tp
judge in it. In tiuth, they have a right neither
of judging nor deciding in awy question. Their
constitutional capacity extends only to the right
of electing representatives, whose duty it is to
judge for them, and see that their interests are
attended to in a constitutional way in common
wth the other classes of society. If any dispute
arise between these representatives and the other
branches of the legislature, an appeal, such as
that now lying before me, does not immediately
lie to the people. This, besides making them
judges in their own cause, would instantly super-
cede the powers of the representatives, who
should themselves endeavour to decide the matter
without any reference to the people, to whom
our constitution has given no voice whatever,
except one — that of Election j and it would be
absurd to maintain, that they enjoy the capacity
of decision in conjunction with election. This
would be Democracy in its utmost bounds. It
is very true, that, when any disputes arise be-
tween the different branches of the legislature,
without any probability of their amicable adjust-
ment by the mutual concessions of the pai ties,
the King steps in with his prerogative and dis-
solves the parliament, and, consequently, their
legislative capacity. But, then, this is not done
w’ith the view that the people should decide and
56
settle the question at issue. Nor do the peopk-
ever presume to do so, and their interposition is
never solicited, and cannot be constitutionally.
They only elect new representatives, leaving
the question still undecided, and, of consequence,
to be taken up, if necessary, by the new legisla-
ture. Besides, even if the people, by inflammatory
appeals to their passions and their powers, as has
been done in the case before us, should, in an
evil hour, be induced to decide in any legislative
dispute, and instruct their I'epresentatives to
carry their judgment into parliament and decide
accordingly, such is the unparalleled wisdom and
beauty of our Constitution, that these represen.
tatives are not bound by the decisions or instruc-
tions of their constituents. They are, indeed,
their representatives individually, but they are at
the same time their representatives m parliament
which is a deliberative body, where every man
decides according to his conscience and judgment,
and not as they do in federativ'e assemblies cf
states distinct from each other. J'or instanccj
Mr. Papineau, the great Apollo of the I'acti-
onists of this province, is elected and sent into
parliament, however injudiciously, by the West
Ward of Montreal ; but when he goes there, he
is not a member for the West Ward of Montreal,
but a member of parliament, where he is bound
to vote as his conscience and ability may direct
him, and not as his ConstUuents may instruct
him, though he has most absurdly and most un-
constitutionally appealed to them for their deci-
sion. On this point, I think all our constitutional
Writers are agreed ; but in case I may not have
explained myself so satisfactorily as 1 could wish,
I will give you tire words of a man whose autho-
rity on almost every subject on which he has
treated, it would be dangerous to dispute — I
mean the immortal Burke, Parliament/’ says
he, “ is not a Congress of ambassadors from dif-
ferent and hostile intei'ests’ ; which interests, each
must maintain as an agent and advocate, against
other agents and advocates, but parliament is a
deliberative assembly of one nation, with one in-
terest, that of the whole ; where, not local pur-
poses, not local prejudices ought to guide, but
the general good, resulting from the general rea-
son of the whole. You chuse a member indeed j
but wlien you chuse him, he is not member of
Bristol, but he is a member of parliament. If the
local constituent should have an interest, or
should form an hasty opinion, evidently opposite
to the real good of the rest of the community,
the members of that place ought to be as far, as
any other from any endeavour to give it effect.”
Blackstone, w'ho is no less authority, speaks to
the same effect, anil says, “ every member, though
chosen by one particular district, when elected
58
and returned, serves for the whole realm. For
the end of his coming thither is not j)articular,
but general j not barely to advantage his consti-
tuents^ but the common wealth, to advise his ma-
jesty, as appears from the writ of summons
" de communi cansilio super negotiis quUmsdam
arduis et urgentilms, regem^ statum et defensio-
nem regni Anglus et ecclesice Anglicanoe coneer*'
nentibus” And therefore he is not bound, like
a deputy in the united provinces to consult with,
or take the advice, of his constituents upon any
particular point, unless he himself thinks it pro-
per or prudent so to do.”
So much as to the gross indecency and impro-*
priety of the Manifesto, to say nothing of the il-
legality of the appeal which it contains to the
passions of the people with the double view of
inflaming them into brute rage and violence
against the government of the country, and
screening the authors from the obloquy and pu-
nishment which they so justly merit. Let us now
see with what success these infatuated men have
exonerated themselves from the charges brought
against them not only by the proroguing speech,
but by the unanimous declaration of every honest
and loyal individual in the country. For this
purpose it will be necessary to collect in this place
from the Manifesto, one or two of its allegations
and grounds of exoneration.
His Excellency seems to desire very much that the public
and our Constituents should he informed of what has taken
place in Parliament: This desire we share with frankness and
honesty. We examined these documents; we were immedi-
ately convinced that they were in direct opposition to the prin-
ciples which the House has followed ever since 1818 ; that they
were opposed to the essential rights of our Constituents, that
free men worthy of enjoying the benefits of the advantages of
a Constitution modelled on that of England could not accede
to them without sacrificing their dearest rights: The Repre^
sentatives such men "were hi duty bound to r^use such demands ;
they have done so ; andy in order that the public might he ena-
bled to hioxv their reasons, they have declared that they would
persist in the resolutions and addresses made and passed by the
House on this subject, as they are recordedAn their Journals,
Electors ! it is for you to judge if the reiterated de^nand of an un-
just thing can constitute a right to obtain it,* * * *
His Excellency tells us; that we have refused the necessary
supplies ; that the Militia Bill has not been passed ; that no
provision has been made for the maintenance of prisoners, of
the insane, of foundlings, for education, for establishments
of charity, and that public and local improvements have been
obstructed.
Electors ! it is a disagreeable duty on us to assure
YOU THAT THERE ARE HERE AS MANY ERRORS AS ACCUSATI-
ONS. Jfthe supplies have not been grantedjt is because they have
been required in such a manner that your Representatives could not
grant them without violating your interests and their duty. But
they have offered to pass a Bill similar to that of 1826, and
similar to the act qf\S2o which was sanctioned and carried into
execution , — This they are still disposed to do,"* ******
“ We have been reproached for not having settled the public
Accounts during ^CvCn years. If recourse be had to the Jour-
nals of the House, it will be found that these accounts have
been settled as far as depended on us in 1823 and in as complete
a manner as we then had it in our power to do.**
Sir! I beg leave to ask you, whether your sen-
ses have ever conveyed to your mind any idea
so full of absolute abhorrence and disgust as must
of necessity arise in your bosom on perusal of
some, if not all, of the foregoing passages?
Their general falsity J could forgive, as proceed-
ihg from a source bent only on deception and in-
sult by whatever means; but who will palliate
their unblushing insolence, except those in whom
every virtuous faculty is extinct? Who can be-
hold without emotion the first and highest person-
age in our little state thus approached in the
execution of his public duties by a band so un-
couth and ruffianly in their manners — so brutal-
ly rude — and so lost to every sense of humanity
and respect, and telling him, not that his con-
duct was unconstitutional, not that he had trans-
gressed the bounds of his duty and prerogative;
but, O tempora ! O mores / — that he had uttered
what was false 1 Who I say, can behold this and
not regret that there does not exist a more potent
punishment for pride and insolence, than mere
derision and contempt, withering though such a
punishment be ! Who can behold this, and ere-
dit what the authors of this document themselves
affirm, or swear allegiance to their infallibilty !
But let me not dwell on a topic, which exhibits^
conduct at variance with every institution as well
as every honourable and decent principle which
binds civilized society together ; and rather en-
deavour to confute the false and malignant re-
presentation which the Manifesto affords us of
the political behaviour of its authors.
Here, then I find the speech and the Manifes-
to completely at. issue. The former with that de-
cision and energy peculiar to itself, asserts, that^
the House of Assembly had neither “ considered
the estimated expenditure of the current year^ and
granted tJve supply required in His Majesty's
name,** nor “ assigned reasons for the refusal of
them, that can be known and understood by the
cofuntry** To this the Manifesto replies, that
tJie House of Assembly, as the representatives
of free men worthy of enjoying the benefits and
- advantages of a constitution modelled on that of
England, could not accede to the demand for,
, supplies “without sacrificing their dearest
RIGHTS “ and, in order that the public might
be enabled to know their reasons, they have de-
CDAUED that they would persist in the resolu-
tions, and addresses made and passed by the
House on this subject, as they are recorded in
tlieir Journals.” With respect to the sacrificing
OF rights, I presume this is the first time you
have ever heard that the granting of supplies iu
the MODE prescribed by the constitution, for in
that MODE they could only be solicited, would
be any sacrifice of .rights. In the present in-
stance, in particular, no rights could possibly be
sacrificed ; for the supplies solicited were not to
be raised and levied on the “ constituents” of
tlie House of Assembly, and by that means
brought out of the pockets of the people, in or-
der to be placed on the unholy, altar of tyranny,
C2
misrule, and despotism as the symbols of “ sa-
crificed rights” They had been levied al-
ready in virtue of laws, over which the Assembly
can claim no controul ; and being deposited in
the Treasury of the Province, it only remained
to transfer them to the Crown, -for the mainte-
nance of its civil authority, by such a legal ami
constitutional title as should ensure both their
undisturbed possession and permanent enjoy,
raent, in the same form and manner that they
are held by the same Crown undei the same con-
stitution in the mother realm. Canadians!
mark this. If it be necessary for you to sacri-
fice any of your rights as freemen, you have ai«-
READY PAID THE FORFEIT, and are unfortunate-
ly plunged in the same deplorable condition with
your fellow-subjects in Great-Britain, w’ho have
not only been so inconsiderate and lavish of their
money as to grant to their good and great king
at the commencement of his reign such a sum as
should enable him through life to maintain the
dignity and glory of his civil authority, but
to ADD to it occasionally such other sums as may
be necessary to protect the country from foreign
insult, and you, Canadians, and your wives and
your little ones, your altars ^nd your properties,
from the polluting and destroying hands of your
enemies. Great as this work be, and valuable,as I
have no doubt, you consider it, you are not des*
sired to enlist either your persons or youi pros-
perties for carrying it on. All you are desired
to do is to contribute for the preservation of
order and good government among yourselves —
to defray the necessary expences of those Courts
of law and equity which afford such unexampled
protection to your persons, and security to your
property — of those Courts and those officers that
bring to justice and punishment, abandoned
characters like those nocturnal assassins that have
lately been prowling like wolves through the
country, plundering the treasures of your temples,
and polluting, by their sacrilegious Iiands, the ve-
ry host on your altars ! By a process of law, both
metropolitan and provincial, which it will be un-
necessary for me to describe to you in this place,
the sums of money requisite for this important
purpose, exist already, and are deposited in the
hands of the provincial treasurer. I'hey are not
taken directly out of your pockets, nor levied on
3'our property, moveable or immoveable. You
never saw the grim haughty visage of the Tax-
gatherer at your door, nor heard his stern impe-
rious voice demanding with impatience that
which you owe to the King and government.
On the contrary your taxes, if they may be called
such, have already been exacted and paid with-
out so humiliating a process. They have been
evied on the produce and manufaebires of fo-
— ■
a4>
tetgn countries which you demand every year for
the comfort and embellishment of your existence,
and YOU pay for them, not in money, but what
is much more easy and convenient for you— the
value of your labour and the spontaneous pro-
duce of your soil. All, then, that is necessary for
you to do, in consequence of the supplies demand-
ed by government for maintaining your peace
and happiness, having been already collected and
deposited, is to renounce all right that the Jaw
gives you over it, and transfer it by a legal deed
to government, in order to be laid out on your
ACCOUNT AND FOR YOUR BENEFIT as the Consti-
tution, you, with so much good reason boast of,
directs. When you buy a piece of land or take
a farm for your children or others committed to
your care and authority by the law, nothing, sure*
ly, can prevail upon you to conclude a bargain
unless you receive a good legal title and are put
in the peaceable possession of your purchase.
How, then, can you expect that the nobleman
who represents your King in this country should
accept from you or your representatives those
supplies which are necessary for carrying on the
operations of the laws amongst you, unless you
convey it by a good title, such as that prescribed
by the same constitution which confers upon you
the high distinction of giving away these supplies.
Yet this I assure you, is what those men calling
65 ’
themselves your Faithful Representatives,
do. They leave you entirely in the dark as to
the nature of the dispute so long subsisting be-
twixt them and government ; and endeavour to
impress upon you the wicked and false notion,
that government, by soliciting supplies in a con-
stitutional way, wish, in the first place, to impose
upon you, and them, to tyrannize over yoii. Ca-
nadians ! do not believe them. They have
private objects of their own in view with regard
to which they have never consulted you
and which, in the innocence and simplicity of
your lives, you are unable to comprehend, if
they did. See therefore to this matter. Do not
let yourselves be imposed upon, and your fine
fertile country ruined by the false representations
of men who pretend by their words to be your
friends, but who, by their actions, are your worst
and bitterest enemies. Do not let the hands of
that government whose fostering care and pro-
tection of every tie and institution dearto you
on earth, you have been experiencing for nearly
seventy years, be longer tied up for want of the
funds necessary for rendering you permanently
happy. Question these representatives — the real
authors of all this mischief — when they come
next before you. Ask them if all that I have
now told you be true. If so, discard them from
your presence, and elect such men as will meet
9
60
government without prejudices or private ends of
their own in view, and who, while guarding those
rights which undoubtedly belong to you, will
manfully and impartially acknowledge those of
government, and lend every aid in their power to
strengthen its hands and confirm its authority.
Be not deceived any longer, Canadians ! It is
YOUR COLLECTIVE HAPPINESS wllich is DOW at
stake, and not that of any other individual or order
of individuals in society! Do not, therefore, I
entreat it of you, again put it in the power of the
men who at present so unfortunately represent
you, any more to abuse your confidence, or to
insult, as they have hitherto been accustomed to
do, the highest and most dignified members of
the state.
Nothing, Sir ! can be more absurd than the
REASONS which the authors of the Manifesto ha\-e .
been pleased to assign for the refusal of the
House of Assembly to grant the supplies de-
manded by the Government. “ In order, ” say
they, “ that the public my^lit he enabled to know
their reasons, they have declared that they would
PERSIST in the resolutions and addresses made
and passed by the House on the subject, as they
are recorded on their Journals.** W hat reasons
and reasoning for withholding the necessary sup-!-
plies for carrying on the civil government of the
country, and supplies, withal, which they had
themselves voluntaril^r tendered ! Because, for-
sooth, the Journals of the House of Assembly,
as if these records of faction and intrigue, like
the laws of the Medes and Persians, which could
not be altered, or like the Bulls of the Pope,
which no man dares to gainsay, are immaculate
and infallible evidence of the Truth of their own
contents ! Well may we parody the sentence
which closes the paragraph from which the above
quotation is made, and retort upon the Octavians>
whether a refusal to comply with a just constitutio-
nal demand constitutes a right not to comply with
it? Journals! God forbid, they should ever
become the palladium of the rights and privileges
of any class of his Majesty’s subjects in this
Province. Journals! God forbid that they
should ever be made the source of reference of
any point calculated to promote the glory or hap-
piness of mankind Journals ! God forbid that
posterity should ever open them; for instead of a
blessing, they will entail the curse of faction and
division on the country that gave them birth.
Journals ! Well do I know what they contain ;
well do I know what they record. They have of
late become the manuals of dissension, the insti-
tutes of prejudice, and the text-book of clamo-
rous abuse and personal vituperation. They have
of late become the shield of obstinacy, the pollu-
ted instruments of slander, and the prostituted
vehicles of insult to the higliest officers of the
state. They have of late become the pandects
of usurped authority, the rolls of blind and par-
tial decisions in matters of the highest political
importance to the country, and the charters of
every unconstitutional privilege and prerogative,
if I may use the term. Yet these are the records
which are now held up as full and sufficient evi-
dence of the RIGHT of the House of Assembly to
“ Persist,” in their refusal to grant the supplies
in the terms solicited by His Majesty through his
representative in this province !
But let us hear a little more of these rights.
“ If” says the manifesto, “ supplies have not
been granted, it is because they have been re-
quired IN SUCH A MANNER, that your represen-
tatives could not grant them without violating
your interests and their duty. But they have of-
fered to pass a bill, similar to the act of 1825,
which was sanctioned and carried into execu-
tion. This they are still disposed to do.” One
does not know which to admire most, the solemn
sophistry of this passage and position, or the
barefaced impudence of its authors in endeavour-
ing to palm an insolent and most notorious
FALSEHOOD upon the public. Who can command
patience to reason with such men ! They have
no objection to pass a bill similar to the act of
1825, which was sanctioned ! The act of 1825
WAS NOT SANCTIONED. How, therefore, could
they expect a similar act would be accepted of ?
But it would appear, that, in their estimation,
words constitute reasoning, and that bold asser-
tions and positions are tantamount, to right, iso
far was the act of 1825, — the great model of all
perfection in the estimation of these people, —
from being “ sanctioned” that it was absolutely
and positively disapproved of, censured and
REJECTED by the King himself, whose rights and
prerogatives, both as a branch of the legislature,
aritl as head of the government, it so obstinately
and violently usurped. I know not whether I
may for once trust to the journals of the House
of Assembly for proof and justification of this
fact; but sure I am, that the clamour raised in
that venerable senate by the patres conscripti of
which it was composed, when the following do-
cuments were laid before them, will long be re-
membered by the whole country as one of the
jnost capital instances of the mock-heroic that
disappointed ambition has ever exhibited.
PROVINCIAL PARLIAMENT OF LOWER-CANADA,
(House of Assembly, Tuesday, I-Ith March, IS26.)
“ Mr. Secretary Cochran delivers the following Message from
the Governor in Chief, with accompanying dispatches from
Lord Bathurst.
Dalhousie froveruor.
“ Tire Governor in Chief considers it to be his indispensable
duty to lay before the House of Assembly, Copies of two dis-
patches from Earl Bathurst, dated 2ith November 1824, and
4 th June 1825.
70
«* Tliese Dispatches, addressed to His Excellency Sir Fraft*
cis Burton, during the short absence of the Governor in Chief
in England, convey the sentiments and the instructions of
His Majesty’s Government upon a subject which has long oc-
cupied the attention of the Provincial Parliament.
‘‘ Anxious as the Governor in Chief has been to remove
the cause of that difference of opinion which has for years
past attended tlie discussions of that particular subject, he ob-
tained special permission to lay these papers before the House,
and he no.v in the most earnest manner recommends them
to their serious and deliberate consideration.
Castle of St. Lewis, Quebec, 14th March, 1826.
(Copy.) Downing Stuekt, 4th June 1825.
SlK,
“ I have received your two dispatches of the dates of the
24th and 30th March ultimo.
‘‘In the first of those dispatches, you state that, you inform
me with infinite satisfaction, that the differences which have
so long subsisted between the legislative bodies on financial
matters have been amicably settled ; and that I shall perceive
by the draft of a bill which yoil enclose, that the Assembly
have decidedly acknowledged the right of the Crown to dis^
pose of the Revenue arising out of the 14th. Geo. III., Sic,
“ I regret that it is not in my power to consider this ar-
rangement as in any degree satisfactory. The special instruct
tions which had been given by His Majesty’s command to
the Governor General, in iny dispatclies of the 11th Septem-
ber 1820 and 13th September 1821, had imposed on him the
necessity of refusing ail arrangements that went in any de-
gree to compromise the integrity of the Revenue known by
the name of the Permanent Revenue; and it appears to me,
on a careful examination of the measures which have been
adopted that they are at variance with those specific and po-
sitive instructions.
“ The Executive Government had sent in an Estimate in
which no distinction was made between the Expenditure charge-
able upon the Permanent revenue of the Crown, and that
which remained to be provided for out of the Revenues raised
under Colonial Acts.
“ In other words : had the whole Revenue been raised un,
der Colonial Acts, there would have been no difference in the
planner of sending in the Estimate.
“ The Estimate was given in at t‘65,000 sterling of wliich
the Assembly appear to have voted L5tS,074, as “ amount of
votes,” and £3537 specially provided for by IVovincial Acts ;
and they refuse to incur any expenditure for JL‘3390 for dif-
ferent items. Instead of the King’s Permanent Revenue
having certain fixed cliarges placed upon it, of which the As-
sembly were made cognizant, that Revenue was pledged, to-
gether with the Coloniid Revenue, as the ways and means for
providing for the expences of the year. The Assembly having
calculated the amount of the Permanent Revenue and of the
Taxes received under Colonial Acts, proceeded to vote from
the unappropriated Revenues ‘ such sum or sums as might
be necessaiy to make up and complete a sum not exceeding
£58,074* sterling.’ and the extent of which must necessarily
depend on the amount of the Taxes received from the Perma-
nent Revenne. The consequence of this arrangement is, that
the Permanent Revenue will not be applied for the payment
of such expences as His Majesty may deem fit but on the
contrary for the payment of whatever expences the Colonial
Legislature may think necessary, and the only money to be
raised under the King’s Revenue being thus appropriated, no
means remain for the liquidation of those expenses formerly
charged on the King’s Revenue, and many of them especially
authorised by His Majesty, which have been rejected by the
Assembly in this instance. The appropriation of the Perma-
nent Revenue of the Crown will always he laid hy Ilis Majes-
ty’s command before the House of Assembly, as a document
for their information, and for the general regulation of their
proceedings. They will therein see what services are already
provided for by the Crown, and what remains to be provided
for by the Legislature ; and they will be thus assured that the
proceeds of the Revenue of the Crown, (whether more or less,
and from whatever sources derived,) will exclusively, and in-
variably be applied under the discretion of the King’s Govern-
ment, for the bencht of the Province.
“ With respect to the items rejected by the Assembly, I
shall feel it ray duty, after having given attention to each in-
dividual article, to give special instructions to the Governor
General on his return, to direct the payment of those which
it may be thought expedient to continue.
** As the Bill is limited to one year, I shall not think it ne-
cessary to recommend to His Majesty to disallow it, but con-
fine myself to instructing His Majesty’s Representative in the
Province of Lower- Canada, not to sanction any measure
OF A SIMULAR NATURE.
I have the &c. ^
(signed) BATHURST.”
To Lt. Governor, Sir Francis 13urton, Ac.
72
(Copy)
‘‘ Downing Street, 24th November 1824.
My Lord. — “ I have tlie honor to transmit to your LortD
ship by direction of Lord Bathurst, the Copy of a Dispatch
addressed to Sir Francis Burton, conveying the opinion of
His Majesty’s Law Officers on the reference made to them of
your Lordship’s Dispatch of the 28th April 1823, relative to a
question raised by the Assembly of Lower-Canada, as to tho
right of Government to apply the proceeds of the Revenue
arising from the 14th Geo. HI, Cap. 88, towards defraying
the expences of the Administration of Justice and the sup-
port of the Civil Government, without the intervention of tho
Colonial Legislature.”
I have the honor, &c.
(signed) R. W. HORTON.
To Lt. Genl. The Earl of Dalhousie, G. C. B.
(Copy)
Downing Street, 23d November, 1824.
« Sir, — Having referred to the consideration of Flis Ma-
jesty’s Law Officers a Dispatch from the Earl of Dalhousie,
dated 28th April 1823, enclosing a report made by the Assem-
bly of Lower-Canada, upon the Provincial Accounts: in which
a question is raised as to the right of Government to apply
the proceeds of the Revenue arising from the 14th Geo. Ill,
Cap. 88, as they invariably have been since the passing of
that Act, towards defraying the expences of the Administra-
tion of Justice and the support of the Civil Government un-
der the authority of His Majesty, withput the intervention of
the Colonial Legislature. 1 have now to acquaint you that
by the 14th Geo. HI, Cap. 88. the duties thereby imposed are
substituted for the duties which existed at the time ef the
surrender of the Province to His Majesty’s Arms and especi-
ally appropriated by Parliament to defraying the expences of
the Administration of Justice and the support of the Civil Go-
vernment of the Province. This Act is not repealed by the
18th Geo. Ill, Cap. 12, the preamble of which declares that
Parliament tvi/l not impose any Duty, &c. for the purpose of
raising a Revenue, and the enacting part of w’hich states that
Jxom and ojter the passing of this Act^ the King and Parliament
of Great Britain will not impose, &c. ; the whole of which is
prosl)ective, and does not affect the provisions of the Act of
the 14th Geo. HI, Cap. 88th. The Act pf the 18th Geo.
73
appropriation of the Duties imposed by
the 1+th Geo III, Since the 18th Geo. Ill, is condned to duties
thereafter to beiraposed.and imp, sed, also for purposes different
rrom those w hich were contemplated by tlit Lefjislature in pas-
8in^ the 1 4th Geo, 11 J, viz : the regulation of commerce alone,
tie Act of the 14 th Geo. HI, Cap. 88, is not repealed or af-
fected by the 31st Geo. HI, Cap. 31, It is clear that it is not
repealed. If the Act had been repealed, the duties must im-
rnediately have ceased ; and as to the appropriation of the Du-
ties or the Controul over them, nothing is said upon the sub-
ject either in the 46th and 47th Sections, or in any other part of
the Act of 31st Geo. HI, Cap. 31.
“ With respect to any inference to be drawn from what may
have taken place in Canada within the last few years, as to
these duties, it may be observed that the Duties having been
imposed by Parliament at a time when it was competent to
Parliament to impose them, they cannot be repealed or the
appropriation of them in any degree varied, except by the
same authority.”
I have the honor to be, &c. drc.
(Signed) BATHURST.
The Honorable Sir Francis Burton.”
Here, then, are two despatches from one of
His Majesty’s principal secretaries of state; the
one declaring in terms as clear, positive, and de-
cided as language could render tliem, that “ t/ie
act of which the manifesto daringly main-
tains to have been s-werroNED, and a bill “ si-
milar” to which the Assembly have no objec-
tions to pass, could not be considered as “ i.v
ANY DEGREE SATISFACTORY;” but, Oil the Con-
trary, that its author, whom we arc bound to
believe as expressing the sentiments of the King
himself, would give instructions to “77^ J7a-
jesty’s Representative in the Province of Lotcer
Canada not to sanction any measure of a
10
siMTLAn NATURE 1” And the other intimating in
equally clear and decided terms, that the claims so
urgently and incessantly set up by the House of
Assembly to the entire disposal, controul and ma-
nagement of the WH(;LE REVENUE of the province,
were entirely illegal and unconstitutional,
and that the duties which constitute this revenue
“ having been imposed by parliament at a time
when it was competent to parliament to impose
them, they cannot be repealed, or the appro-
priation of them IN ANY DEGREE VARIED, eXCept
by the same authority.” Now, with such docu-
ments before their eyes, documents so plain and
explicit that nothing but the most perverse adhe-
rence to the system of a faction, could resist the
force of their evidence, and documents, withal, e-
manating from the highest authority in the state —
what could seduce the authors of the manifesto so
far from the path of honour and integrity, as to
declare, in the face of the country, that “ ifaup-^
plies have not been granted, it is because they havtr
been required in such a manner, that your represen.
iatives could not grant them without violating
yrrur interest and their duty?” In order, in some
measure, to account for the brutal and malignant
spirit in which the authors of the manifesto have
presumed to stab the character and conduct of the
Governor in ('hief, I would willingly suppose
that his manner of demanding supplies was at
•variance with the constitution and th§ rights of the
people. But when we find, that not only is this^
not the case in point of fact, but that the impe*
rial government in approving of his measures,
and INSTRUCTING him to persevere in them,
CENSURED and CONDEMNED that line of conduct
which the Assembly so much laud, and which
they are so desirous of imitating by passing a
billot supply « SIMILAR to the act of 1825”, I
positively feel at a loss whether I should not la-
ment the evils which uniformly attend the wick-
edness and folly of Our nature, rather than blame
the obstinate infatuation which self-interest and
ill-directed ambition, are sure to entail on the
votaries of faction and political intrigue. Every
man endowed with reasonable faculties will readi-
ly suppose, that, after perusal of the above public
documents, neither the Governor in chief, nor
the House of Assembly would be so foolhardy as
to deviate any more from a system of government
so deliberately considered and distinctly pro-
nounced. Yet, it does not follow, as a matter of
necessary consequence, that because the one
party have been so outrage*, usiy mad as to break
the rule, the other party should do so likewise.
The Assembly have broken the rule, but His
Excellency has not; and besides the mental
consolation incident to the performance of a le-
gal duty prompted and directed by instructions
from authority, it is no doubt most gratifying to
His Excellency to listen to the expressions of ap.
probation and gratitude poured forth by every
well-affected person in the province for his man-
ly intrepidity in arresting the progress and sub-
verting the schemes cf a faction which threatened,
to undermine his government and plunge the
country in ruin. Did they suppose, that His
Majesty’s principal secretary of state, for the Co-
lonies, FORGOT or DELAYED to transmit to “ His
Moji-sty's represejitative in Lou'er-Canada," the
IN^STRUCTIONS to which he alludes at the close
of the despatch of the 4th of June, 1825? He
did not foi get nor delay ; and well do the As-
sembly know, that these instructions were acted
upon, when they were desired to go about their
business, and consult their conscifnces as to the
propriety and integrity of their behaviour. 15ut
even had the case been otherwise, and these in-
structions had never been penned, did they sup-
pose that Mis Excellency was so grossly ignorant
of the principles of the constitution and had so
treacherous a memory as to forget the instruc-
tions of the 11th September, hS20, 13th Sep-
tember, 1821, addressed personally to himself,
and those contained in the despatch of the 4th
of June, 182.>, addressed to the Lieutenant Go-
vernor. as to betray his duty to his King and
country' by yielding up his integrity to the cla-
morous dictates of the Assembly? They entirely
77
mistook the character of the man if they thought
60 for a moment; for however long the meek-
ness of his noble spirit, anil his patient desire to
accommodate matters on as amicable terms as
possible, may have enabled him to brave the
rude shocks of party abuse and factious slander,
he is the last man on earth who would tamely
surrender the rights or the happiness of the peo-
ple, whom their King has committed to his care
and protection.
Who does not now perceive that the House of
Assemblv of Lower-Canada, and its satellites
without doors, are assuming rights and powers
which do not of right belong to them, and usurp-
ing authority which the constitution never in-
tended to \est in that branch of the legislature.
The Assembly, as I have already said, not only
refuse to vote the supplies necessary for carrying
on the civil government of the country and the
administration ot justice, except in a way which
would place iti their hands the entire constitu-
tional powers of the Executive department, but
with an air that betrays the badness of their
cause and the extreme danger of their intentions,
they refuse to listen as well to the admonitions
as to the explanations of the imperial goveinment
upon the subject of their unjust pretentions. —
They will not even be guiiied by the the ex-
ample of the mother country in matters of a
norresponding nature ; never dreaming, in their
!
)
)
gross ignorance of the good faith, liberal Senti-
ment, extensive knowledge, and high integrity of
the people of England, that any interests can
possibly be superior to their own petty cavilings
about they know not what, and that their fellow
subjects in the mother realm, are as callous to
their rights and liberties, as they are lavish of
their’ money in carrying on the administration of
the country. I can, however, tell them, that the
good people of England are as careful of their
rights and economical of their cash as the House
of Assembly, on whom the light of liberty has
only dawned within the last half century, can
possibly be. Yet they give liberally and spontane-
ously whatever may be necessary for carrying on
tlie business of the state, without either calling-
in question the rights of others or assuming new
and unconstitutional powers to themselves. —
They know the constitution, and cheerfully obey
its dictates. They have a higher respect for it
than ever to attempt to destroy the beauty of its
harmony in order to bestow upon any branch
of the legislature a power which does not of right
belong to it. They know their duty and perform
it manfully. They love their country too much
to destroy it by squabbles about pretentions
which they cannot' enjoy, without entirely forfeit-
ing their rank in civil government. They know,
that their government will be no more, either
79
when the Crown shall become independent of
the nation for its supplies, or when their Repre-
sentatives shall begin to share in the Execxntive
authority. They therefore know that the ma-
chine of government depends upon them for its
propelling powers ; but they never allow it to
stop, as is done in this province, in the hope of
becoming masters and directors of its operations,
as well as the moving power. The one is enough
for them ; and while they hold that, they need not
be afraid that any undue advantage can be taken
of them. In particular, a custom has for a long
time prevailed at the begining of every reign to
grant to the King a revenue for bis life j a
provision which, with respect to the great eJrer-
of the commons, but yet puts him in a condition
him, who is the first magistrate in the nation, that
independence which the laws insure also to those
magistrates who are particularly entrusted with
sembly of this province spurn at. They have no
objection, to be sure like so many driving bar-
gain speculators, to consider annually the value
of the legal and physical labour given by the
magistrates, and other public officers, for the a-
mount of salary accorded them ; and to allow
tions of his power, does not destioy flW^^ifiuence
to support the dignity of the Crown, and affords
the administration of justice. But a generous
and constitutional provision of this kind, the As-
80
I^Ir. Justice A. so much, and Mr, Justice B, sd
much, just according to the fancy and prejudices
of the •* Committee of supply but as to placing'
into the hands of 1 1 is Majesty during life a sum for
this purpose, or in aid of this purpose, to be
given by him as the reward of an independent
and industrious discharge of public sendees, is a
thing which their narrow minds can ne\ er ap-
proach, without calling up the worst feelings and
passions of their nature ; exposing the King him-
self and his Rc-presentative to insult, and the con-
stitution to encroachments, vvliich nothing but the
grossest ignorance of its forms and excellence
could justify. I hey have no idea, after the noble
patriotic example of iiis late Majesty, of looking
“ upon the inde-pcndence and uprightness of the
judges, as essential to the impartial administra-
tion of justice ; as one of the best securities of
the rights and liberties of his subjects; and as most
conducive to the honour of the Crown. I hey'
have no notion of honour because they cannot
confer any. They cannot endure public offices
o.- officers, except such as derive their being f rom
themselves, i hey cannot endure that any pow-
er, liowt'vcr, constitutional and agieeable to law,
should stand between them and the servants of
the public ; thui^ setting aside entirely the just and
hitherto acknowledged prerogatives of the crown,
which is the only fountain, in our sy’stem of go-
vernment, at once of justice, of honour, of office
and of privilege. The dignified notion which
they entertain of the crown, is, that though the
constitution says otherwise, it cannot be a safe
deposit for its own revenue, and that it cannot
give away either offices or the rewards of offices,
without corrupting. They must therefore be-
come their own bankers and their own paymas-
ters, They must keep their own books, and have
ap<T centage on all the salaries in the gift of the
crown. They have no objections, indeed, that
the crown should be distinguished by the high
honour of being “ General Agent and correspon.
dent for t/te House of Assembly of Lower- Cana-
da,’* with full powers annually to remit to the
public servants of the country the salary allotted
to them for the services of the past year, and to
take their receipts accordingly, and lay them in
due form before the next session of the Assem-
bly. But greater privileges or prerogatives they
cannot grant. The following may serve as the
form of the letter prescribed by the Assembly
for the crown or its representative in this pro*
vince, in remitting the annual stipends to the
different judges, magistrates and servants of the
crown throughout the country.
Castle of Saint Louis,
Quebec, \st May, 1827.
Sir,— I have the honor of enclosing £ be-
ll
82
ing til* amount of salary voted to you by the
Bousp. of Assembly for the bygone year. I regret
that the amount is £200 less than that voted for
the SAME SERVICE the preceding year ; but you
must be aware that though the privilege of appoint
ting to s tuations is still left in the hands of the
Crown, the Assembly, by depriving it of the old
prerogative of fixing the amount of salary, and
rendering it uniform, are the best judges of the
VALUE of your services. As, therefore that re^
spectable and constitutional body have assum-
ed to themselves the right of canvassing yearlt
the usefulness as well as the propriety of your pub-
lic duties, I hope you will not take it unkind of
me to inform you, that, for the future, you are
bound to consider them, arui not the crown, as
your SOLE supreme patrons and authority, and
the crown only as the nominator to situations.
I have the honour to be, ^c. ^c.
Governor in Chief, and General correspond-
ing Agent for the House of Assembly.
To ' jrg.
Believe me. Sir, the imagination has no part in
making this representation ; and that, if the
House of Assembly were permitted to pursue
their ends without the application of those salu»
tary checks, and interruptions which the consti-
tution lias wisely prescribed, such would be the
actual state of matters ; and we should soon feel
whether a monarchy or a democracy should most
prevail in this province, and whether that loyalty
and patriotism so much boasted of at present
should find its way across the Atlantic or be
confined to the banks of' the Saint Lawrence-
Even if what the manifesto says of the Execu-
tive and its chief were true, as thank God ! it is
not, we should then find which is worst one wild
beast or many. But let them beware, for they
know not what they do. Nothing can be more
at variance with the fundamental principles of
our constitution than the assumption of executive
power by a branch which is solely legislative^ and
nothing can be more dangerous or attended with
more deplorable consequences. ** It is highly
necessary,” says Blackstone, “ for preserving the
balance of the constitution, that the executive
power should be a branch, though not the whole,
of the legislative. The total union of them would
be productive of tyranny ; the total disjunction
of them, for the present, would in the end, pro.
duce the same effects, by causing that union a-
gainst which it seems to provide. The legisla-
tive would soon become tyrannical, by making
continual encroachments, and gradually assum^
ing to itself the rights of the Executive power, •—
Thus the long parliament of Charles the first,
while it acted in a constitutional manner, vitb
the royal concurrence, redressed many heavy
grievances and established many salutary laws.
But when the two houses assumed the power of
legislation, in exclusion of the royal authority,
they soon after assumed likewise the reins of ad-
ministration ; and, in consequence of their united
powers, overturned both church and state, and
established a worse oppression then any they pre-
tended to remedy. The legislative therefore can-
not abridge the executive poicer of any rights
which it now has hy late, without its own consent;
since the Jaw must perpetually stand as it now
does, unless all the powers will agree to alter it.
And herein indeed consists the excellence of the
English government, that all parts of it form a
mutual check upon each other. In the legisla-
tive, the people are a check upon the nobility,
and the nobility, a check upon the people ; by
the mutual privilege of rejecting what the other
has resolved : while the King is a check upon
both, which preserves the executive powet from en.
croachmet.ts." In what manner, then, has this
constitution continued to find a remedy for evils
which from the very nature of men and things,
seem to be irremediable? How has it found
means to oblige those persons to w'hom the peo-
ple have given up their power, to make them ef-
fectual and lasting returns of gratitude ? those
who enjoy the exclusive authority, to seek the
advantage of all? those who make the laws, to
make only equitable ones ? It has been by siib,
jecting themselves to those laws, and for that pur-
pose excluding them from all share in the execu-
tion of them. Thus the parliament can establish
as numerous a standing army as it pleases ; but
immediately another power comes forward, which
takes the absolute command of it, which fills all
the posts in it, fixes and regu'ates the pay of
every individual composing it, and directs its mo-
tions at pleasure. The parliament may levy new
taxes ; but immediately another pmoer seizes up-
on the produce of tliem, and alone enjoys the
advantages and glory arising from the disposal of
it. The constitution has not only excluded from
any share in the execution of the laws, those in
whom the people trust in enacting them, but it
has also taken from them what would have had
the same pernicious influence on their delibera-
tions — the hope of ever invading tJ.at executive
authority and transferHng it to themselves. This
authority has been made in England one single
indivisable prerogative ; it has been made for ever
the inalienable attribute of one person, marked
out and ascertained beforehand by solemn laws
and long established customs,and all the active for-
ces in the state have been left at his disposal. The
power of conferring and withdrawing places and
employments has also been added to it, and am-
8 &
bition itself has been thus interested in its defence
and service. The King is the only self existing
and permanent power in the state. The generals
and ministers of state, are so only by the continu-
ance of his pleasure. He can dismiss the parliament
themselves if they should ever entertain danger-
ous designs; and he need only say one word to.
disperse every power in the state that may threat-
en his authority. Those men to whom the peo-
ple have delegated the power of framing the
laws, are thereby made sure to feel the whole
pressure of them. They can increase the prero-
gatives of the executive powers but they cannot
invest themselves with it: they have it not in
their power to command its motions, they only
can unbind its hands. * “ parliament'*
says Burke, is persuaded to assume the offices
oi executive government, it will lose all the confi-
dence, love and veneration which it has ever en
joyed while it was supposed the corrective and
controul of the acting powers of the state. This
would be the event though its conduct in such a
perversion of its functions should be tolerably
just and moderate ; but if it should be iniquitous,
violent, full of passion, and full of faction, it
would be considered as the most intolerable of
all the modes of tyranny*' “ To the province
• De Lolme.
87
of Executive government^* adds this great man,
“ I wish parliament always to superintend — ne-
ver TO ASSUME.” Seeing therefore that my ob-
servations, with respect to the usurpations of the
Assembly, are borne out and supported by law,
policy, philosophy, nature and reason, it appears
to me to be quite unnecessary to extend them to
greater length. It would be a happy circum-
stance if any thing I have said should meet with
due consideration in the proper quarter. In this
case, I flatter myself the country should not
much longer have to lament^ that extreme dull-
ness and desolation which the improper conduct
of the Assembly, like a winter’s cloud, has spread
over every region of it. But I have despaired so
long on this subject, that hope is almost banished
from my bosom. I shall do my duty, however,
and stand by my post till the last moment of my
existence. My arm, indeed, is feeble, but my
heart is firm, and my resolution, at least, uncon-
querable. I therefore, on this subject, in par-
ticular, warn the country to its duty. Society
cannot exist unless the laws be obeyed, and due
respect paid to those who are entrusted with their
execution. Society cannot exist unless a con-
trouling power upon will and appetite be placed
somewhere ; and the less of it there is within,
the more must be without. It is ordained in
the eternal coilstltution of things, that men of in-
B8
temperate minds cannot be free. “ Their passi-
ons forge their fetters.” In one word, then, if
the Assembly be permitted to pursue their usur-
pation of executive authority, in the manner that
they have done for the last ten years, they will
not stop till they make the same declaration
made by that House of commons, which, on the
4th of January, 1648, passed a vote, “that what-
ever is enacted or declared for law by the com-
mom'wx parliament assembled hath the foice of
law' ; and all the people of this nation -are con-
cluded thereby, although the consent and con-
currence of the King, or liouse of peers be not
had thereto,” The sequel is obvious. It has
already been recorded in the annals of anarchy
and bloodshed !
I cannot pass on to the consideration of the mi-
nor and collateral topics of the manifesto, with-
out pausing in this place for the purpose of
making a few observations with respect to the
Parliamentary privileges with which the con-
stitution has invested the governor of this pro-
vince as the representative of His Majesty ;
and thus be able to ascertain how far an indivi-
dual or any body of individuals out of parlia-
ment are entitled to call in question any act or
deed done by that distinguished personage in
Parliament. 1 do not think the House of As-
sembly wall be prone to admit that they ar^ them-
89
selves destitute of all constitutional parliamentary
privileges. On the contrary, they not only claim
in their fullest extent those secured to the House
of Commons by the first of William and Mary,
which declares it as one of the liberties of the
people, “ that the freedom of speech and debates,
and proceedings in parliament ought not to be
impeached or questioned in any court or place
out of parliament.” by demanding all necessary
privileges and freedom of speech from the Go-
vernor in person, by their speaker, at the open-
ing of every new parliament; but have commit-
ted various overt acts declaratory of their title to
these privileges. So early as the second session
of the first provincial parliament, they resolved
“ that a member had been arrested in direct vio-
« olation of the rights and privileges of the house,
and that the persons who had caused the arrest
were severally guilty of a breach of privilege.”
On the 1 Sth of March 1800, the late respectable
Editor of tlie Quebec Mercury was ordered to be
taken into^custody by the Sergeant at arms, “for
undertaking in his paper of yesterday to give an
account of the proceedings of this house.” In
the session of 1814, the Governor in Chief, Sir
George Prevost, having thought it inexpedient
to suspend the two chief justices of the province
from their offices “ upon an address to that effect
from ONE branch of the legislature alone, founded
12
I
i
-i.
90
on articles ofaccusation, on which the Legislative
Council had not been consulted, and in which
they had not concurred,” the Assembly resolved,
« that Ids Excellency the Governor in Chief, by,
his said answer to the house, hath violated.
THE CON3TITUTIONAL RIGHTS AND PRIVILEGES^
OF THIS HOUSE.” I could adducc several other
instances wherein the House of Assembly claimed,
and exercised a right to privileges *, but this is
suflicient to establish a claim to them, at least, in
their own estimation. Surely therefore, theie
can exist no hesitation on the part of this branch
of the legislature to acknowledge and recognize
a right so similar as privileges on the part of the
other branches of tlie legislature, especially on
the part of the first and highest, as enjoying, so
far as they can possibly be enjoyed in this pro-
vince, all the political attributes of the King. In
a word, if the. Assembly claim and enjoy all the
privileges of the corresponding branch of the
British legislature, surely the Governor in Chief
inav be permitted to do the same thing. As the
one have modelled their privileges on those of-
the Commons, so must the other model them
upon those of tlie King, and with greater rea-
son, for he represents the King ; but the Assem-
bly do not represent the ( ommons. It is by
tracing the parliamentary rights and privileges
of the Commons that the Assembly have been
91
able to ascertain the extent and nature of their
own; so it is only by tracing the pai liainentary
privileges and prerogatives ot the King that we
can ascertain those of the Governor. Of the
great political corporation of the kingdom, the
King is said to be capui, p) incipium et finis ; and
without him, or some person to represent him,
the parliament can neither meet nor separate.—
In this capacity the King is incapable of doing
wrong, and the law ascribes to him absolute per-
fection. « Yet still,” says Blackstone, “ not-
withstanding this personal perfection, which the
law attributes to the sovereign, the constitution
has allowed a latitude of supposing the contrary
in respect to both houses of parliament; each
of which in its turn, has exerted the right of re-
monstrating and complaining to the King, even
of those acts of royalty, which are most properly
and personally his own; such as messages signed
by himself, and speeches delivered from the
throne. And yet, such is the reverence which’
is paid to the royal person, that though the two
HOUSES have" an undoubted right to consider these
acts of state in any light whatever, and accord-
ingly treat them in their addresses as personally-
proceeding from the prince, yet among them,
selves, (to preserve the more perfect decency,
and for the great freedom of debate) they usual-
suppose them to flow from the advice of the
administration. But the privilege of canvassing
thus freely the personal acts of the sovereign
(either directly, or even through the medium of
his reputed advisers) belongs to no moiviDU-
AL, BUT IS CONFINED TO THOSE AUGUST ASSEM-
BLIES’. and there too the objections must be pro-
posed with the utmost respect and deference.-—
One member was sent to the Tower for suggest-
ing that His Majesty’s answer to the address of
the Commons contained “ high words to fright
the members out of their duty and another
for saying that a part of the King’s speech “ seem-
ed rather to be calculated for the meridian of
Germany than Great Britain, and that the King
was a stranger to our language and constitution.”
Mow, let us apply this doctrine in the same
manner as we have done with respect to the
House of Assembly, to whom we have allowed
every attribute and privilege, established by law
to belong to the House of Commons. If such
then be the rights, attributes, privileges and pre-
rogatives of the King in reference to the Impe-
rial Parliament, most unquestionably, such, or
similar to these are the rights, attributes, privi-
leges and prerogatives of his hepresentativi , in
reference to the provincial parliament. He who
will deny this, and still maintain the privileges
of the Assembly, is incapable of entertaining pro-
per sentimeiits of justice, or just principles of
9S
reasoning. He who will do this, is incapable of
ail)itrating in the simplest question of equity.—
He who will do this, would degrade the consti-
tution, and attribute to it principles of injustice
and partiality .which could never belong to such
a masterpiece of human invention. How, then,
is it possible sufficiently to reprobate the conduct '■
of those members of the legislature, who, forget-
ting their own station and cliaracters as members ,
of a constituent part of that legislature, and re-
gardless of the privileges and prerogatives of a co- f
ordinate branch of the same corporation, dared, as
INDIVIDUALS OUT OF PARLIAMENT tO CailVaSS,by an ;■
infamous libel, and base, scurrilous, seditious, and
inflammatory JHoni/esto, the personal and constitu-
tional actsipf His Majesty’s representative in aup-
MAMENT ? Conduct, like this, shows somewhat
more than a disregard of the ordinary decencies of
private or public intercourse and the respect due
to rank. It marks a spirit of innovation at vari-
ance with every principle of justice and our glo- ,
rious constitution, and betrays the authors into
an act which I hope will be damned to fame as
one of the most desperate attempts ever made to
plunge a happy, peaceful and contented people
into ruin and misery. — I liis Manifesto is, indeed, j
a document which is as erroneous in its princi-
ples as it is noxious in its tenets ; and J trust that i
no man of the least decency of character will be
j],
/ (
■ f
94-
found to embark in the scheme, of which I have
every right to conclude, it is the precursor. It
is as mischievous and cruel in its probable effects,
as it is manifestly illegal in its principles. It not
only strikes at the best refuge of society the
constitution, which binds it together— but, in
doing so, encroaches upon the rights and privi-
leges of the first person of the state in a manner
that would deprive him of every political attri-
bute hitherto guaranteed by that constitution
and recognized by every wise man living under
its auspices. But waving every other considera-
tion, it amounts, at all events, to a direct and
positive VIOLATION of the parliamentary privi-
leges and prerogatives of the Governor in Chief,
•which, if the provincial parliament bewntitled to
any privileges at all, must be held as sacred with
respect to him, as any other branch of the legis-
lature. * If the Assembly claim privileges, so
may and ought the Governor. If the Assembly
punish, as we have seen they have done, a breach
of their privileges ; so may and ought the Go-
vernor ; and I trust that those who, under the
false pretence of maintaining their own rights
and privileges, have encroached upon the prero-
* It is a stanciing rule of both houses of the legislature, « That in all un-
provided cases, resort shall be bad to the rules, usages and [o™"
WENT, which shall he followed until this House shall think it fit to tnake a
rule applicable tb sodi unprovided cases.”
95
gatives of others, will not escape the punishment
which the law prescribes ; and that their names
will be thus handed down to posterity, no less as
the infringers on the rights of others, than the
wretched destroyers of tlieir own.
I had scarcely finished the last sentence when
through the medium of that organ of faction, to
which I have already more than once had occa*
sion to refer, a circumstance came to my know-
ledge, to which I cannot help soliciting your par-
ticular attention. I allude to what has been false-
ly and most insidiously termed a “ constituti-
onal PUBLIC MEETING of tlui principal inhabit
tints, of St. Hyacinthe,'* held on the I2th of
April. Who the principal, inhabitants of St.
Hyacinthe are, I know not ; as little do 1 know
any thing of Monsieur Porlkr, their secretary,
though I am bound to presume that he is some
great philosopher or politician, some mighty de-
rai-god, well known and properly esteemed in
those parts. But one thing I know, that this same
meeting at St. Hyacinthe, as if emblematical of
the plant of that name, which is one of the ear-
liest of spring flowers, is the frst fruit of that se-
ditious document which I have all along been
considering. The Resolutions of these Amphic-
tyom of St. Hyacinthe are as perfect an echtt as
you can well conceive of the manifesto ; and
could I once be certain that the dome of the »
96
JiomecouT church of Montreal, * like the whis-
pering gallery of St Paul’s, was capable of reper-
cussion, I should have little difficulty in identi-
fying them, so very much alike are they in all
their tones and modulations, and so completely
are the pipes of St Hyacintbe attuned to the
harps of the sweet singers 6f Democracy of
Montreal. However, be all this as it may, the
evil effects of the manifesto are now begining to
show themselves, and we may easily know the
tree by its fruit. 1 he great impulse has been
given to the ball of discord ; and unless it be
stopped in time by the yet ui n&rvcd arm of au-
thority, we shall soon find, that it will gather
such strength and force in its progress as will
ultimately render it irresistable, and that deeds
of infamy will be inscribed in the comjraratively
obscure volume ofCanadian history, which no
chemic power can ever efface
You will perceive, that the burden of the song
of St. Hyacinthe, as well as of the overture of
Montreal, is the Governor in Chiefs and his au-
dacity in proroguing the late session of the pro-
vincial parliament; so unconscionable are both
parties of the dignity and political privileges of
that personage; and,so anxious are they to level
down to their own base and tanited sphere every
♦ The Apollo of the Manifestoers resides in the immediate vicinity of
th;» edifice, and, in a street heating the same name, holds some property,.
97
thing calculated to withhold from their grasp that
unlimited power which they have so long and so
urgently sought after. You never hear any thing
like a cool and plausible argument to prove the
misdeeds or the misrule of government. You ne-
ver see a charge of delinquency attempted to be
brought against the government. You never see
that section of the constitution pointed out, which
the government have compromised and rendered
ineffectual, either by any misapplication of their
authority, or any undue usurpation of power.—
You never hear it asserted that the Provincial gO‘
vernment have deviated from the line of conduct
chalked out for them by the Imperial government.
We often hear it vociferated, that the one is
amenable to the other j but we never hear of a
meeting being called to appoint deputies for car-
rying a list of grievances to the foot of the throne,
and to the two houses. of parliament, the sole
and true judges when any grievances do actu-
ally exist. JNo, you never do ! Such things are
perfectly irrelevant to tlie purposes of the Oc-
tavians and their satellites. But you often hear of
the governor. He is the man. He alone is the ob-
ject of attack j and could he once be pulled down
from the strong-hold in which he is foi tified by
the constitution, all would be w'ell. The breach
would then be practicable, and the fortress of le-
gitimate government, would then be stormed
13
96
midst the yell of demagogues, and the triumph
of a ferocious band ot execrable wretches who, to
gain their own ends, would sacrifice the dearest ob«
jects of human wishes. Oh miserable ambition i
« Dark densons lead
Thy iiurVied steps o’er slippery heij;hts astray,
Wlien furies urge, and spectres point the way.
To many a foul and ruthless deed.
While to each blast that howls along the sky
Unfurled by Death’s own hand, thy crimson banners fly.
Yet such has been the way that the enemies
of social order have always commenced their
operations. They first endeavour to bring per-
sons of authority in the state into contempt. ■'
This once accomplished, th^patli^ t|^t_ leads to
the overthrow of the laws of which these persons
are the best guarantees and supporters, is short
and easy. Their physical and visible outworks
being dismantled, the laws themselves, are look-
ed upon as a mere chaos of words and terms with-
out meanitfg^ of object, and are scattered to the
winds in order to clear the area for a new edi-
fice of their own imagination, but which was ne-
ver yet found to be either a sound or durable
one. From the mode, therefore, in which the
demagogues of this province carry on their ope-
rations, 1 think 1 am justified, on every princi-
ple of analogy and action, to conclude that their
views are at once dangerous to the country and
destructive of their ultimate hajipiness, in all the
sacred and combined characters of men, hus-
bands. fathers and friends. Were they to allow*.
in
me to reason with them in these hallowed cha.
racters, I think, weak and tender as my powers
of reasoning be, I could appeal to them with
some degree of success. As MtK, I could tell
them, that nothing has entailed greater misery
on mankind, than a restless discontented spirit*
goaded on by the fa^se glare of power and am-
bition in pursuit of a change of government, when
that under which they lived was capable of secur-
ing to them the full enjoyment of all the rights
and comforts of society^and that the day on
which tills province, by the vice or folly of a few
of her own ill advised children, shall forfeit the
British constitution, and the protection of British
laws and arms, from tliat day may we date its
ruin, and subjugation to another state little ca-
pable of prolonging our present prosperity and
happiness. As husbands, I could tell them, that,
if they still love the u\others of their children-—
if they still cherish feelings of tender affection
for those bosoms on which they have so often
leaned for consolation in the hour of distress, and
which they swore at the altar to protect, they
will not involve them in troubles, the entl of
which they cannot foresee ; expose them to in-
juries at which the virtuous soul shudders ; nor
familiarize their minds to crimes which would
soon dissolve every sacred tie, and completely de-
stroy every generous sentiment, by further pursu-
100
ing a course which is every way calculated to foster
siicli awful consequences. As tathers, I could
tell them of their duties to their ofispring, and
how forcibly the laws of God and man combine
in enjoining all parents to secure to their children
all tliose means of moral and political happiness
which the institutions of society afford; and which,
if they do not exist under the British Constitu-
tion, they are no where to be found on this side of
heaven. A*j*iends, I could t ell th em, that no-
thing is so destructive of the confidence and in-
tegrity which, in civilized society, one man finds
it necessary to repose in another, as the course
they are now pursuing ; and that nothing is more
destructive of true friendship than political usur-
pation ; for, says Cicero, “ Non enim solum ipsa
Jortuna ama est, sed eos etiam plenimque efficit
c^cos, quos complexa est” Friendship! hallowed
name! In youth, thou hast been my only preser-
vative against irreparable errors ; in poverty my
best and sole refuge ; in danger the bower an-
chor of my destiny; in manhood the best auxilia-
ry in the execution of my duty; and in retire-
ment my best and most stable companion. Let
me not live to see thee discarded or anywise sul-
lied in this remote province of a great empire,
where I have been loiTg cherished by thee and
known thee best !
But as they will not suffer me to reason with
Uu
them in this way, I must appeal to the constitu-
tion and the laws, and tell them candidly, that
public meetings of the above description, are
NOT CONSTITUTIONAL ; that public meetings, call-
ed in obedience to a manifesto, breathing ven-
geance against the executive of this province,
and hurling insults and defiance at his majesty’s
representative, as the head of it, are most illegal
in themselves and dangerous in their conse-
quences ; that public meetings, called for the ex-
press purpose of draw in g tvpafallcl between the
conduct of one branch of the legislature and ano-
ther ; and raising one branch of that legislature
into popular esteem and admiration to the pre-
judice of another, are altogether at variance with
the principles of our constitution, and subver-
sive of every dictate of law, justice, equity and
decency. Respect must be shewn to those in
authority ; and unless, that be done, the w’hole
fabric of our constitution will fall to pieces. —
The basis of our government is founded in sub-
ord' nation ; and if that rock of social order be
undermined, the entire structure must give
way. Nothing therefore can be more infamous
and intolerable than the disrespect which has all
along been shown to^His Majesty’s repres,enta-
tives in this province ; but, in particular, nothing
can be more foul and indecorous than those per.
sonul insults which have been of late offered to
s.
10 «
His Majesty's present representative; whom,
«uke him all in all," I am firmly persuaded, is
the fittest representative that our beloved and
most gracious sovereign could possibly nominate.
But, has the constitution set no bounds to the
vituperation of vulgar declaimers and seditiouB
malcontents ? To be sure it has ; to be sure it
should. No man dare approach the King with
indecorous language or abusive epithets. His
person is sacred ; his title is sacred ; and his pre*
rogatives are defined and unassailable. “For
though,” says Blackstone, whom, 1 trust, I have
already quoted with some efiect, “ a pliilosophi*
cal mind will consider the royal person merely
as one man appointed by mutual consent to pre-
side over many others, and will pay him that re-
verence and duty which the principles of society
demand, yet the mass of mankind will be apt
grow insolent and refractory, if taught to consi-
der their prince as a man of no greater perfection
than themselves. The laic therefore ascribes t»
the King, in his high political character, not only
large powers aud emoluments, which form his
prerogative and revenue, but likewise certain at^
tributes of a great and transcendent nature, by
which the people are led to consider him in the
light of a superior being, and to pay him that aw-
ful respect, which may enable, him with greater
ease to carry on the business of government.
I
lOS
And shall it be said, that any individual bear-
ing the constitutional impress of His Majesty;
that the Governor in Chief of this province, no-
minated and appointed by the crown to discharge
its functions and superintend its interests ; that
the highest, the most honourable, the most dura-
ble, and most dignified branch of the legislature ;
that the head and administrator of the govern-
ment of this province, has no participation in
the rights and privileges of the King, the source
whence all his Excellency's legal attributes eman-
ate ? Shall it be said, that his personal preroga-
tives, as well as his parliamentary conduct, is
amenable to every brawling demagogue who
chooses to call it in question ; and that the ignoble
vulgar, the beasts of the people, are by law inti-
tled thus to herd together for the purpose of
bringing a character so distinguished in himself,
and so much exalted and protected by the laws,
into contempt in order to bolster up the usurpa-
tions of a few deluded wretches in the House of
Assembly, and otherwise, instituting an order of
things in this province to which we are, or at least
ought to be, by nature, at once strangers and
enemies? Never! The laws forbid it. The con-
stitution positively and emphatically debars it. —
Let us not therefore be so mad — so entirely
lost to every sense of respect for others, and to
every sentiment of attachment for ourselves and
104
our posterity, as to burst through every barrier
that stands between us and ruin, or pull down
upon our heads a fabric consecrated by ages to the
maintenance of civilized society. What would
the wise in England think, if public meetings
were held there for no other purpose than to
make inflammatory speeches and frame resoluti-
ons derogatory of the parliamentary prerogatives
and conduct of the King, and laudatory of the
proceedings of the House of Commons, however
unparliamentary, indecorous or dangerous -
Why, the law must take its course; and we
should soon see the insulters of royalty aud the
disturbers of the public peace bending to the
ground before the majesty of the constitution,
and hiding themselves in caves, dungeons and
brothels from the destroying sword of justice !
Let the gentry of St. Hyacinthe, and such as
may be disposed to follow their example, look
to this. Therj have no right to destroy the con.
stiiution. Let them therefore reflect well be-
fore they proceed further in a course so fraught
with evil consequences, and whose end is inevit-
able destruction to the present most happy and
most enviable prospects of this magnificeiU conn-
trv. Every blow given to the constitution is a
stab at their own happiness. Every inroai) upon
the constitution is a deviation from the path to
fame and glory. Every mark of disrespect shewr^
to the constitution is a thrust at the genius of li*
bei ty. And let them not suppose, that the free,
dom of insulting, as they daily do, the Governor
in Chief, and others in authority in this province,
has either part or portion in genuine liberty ;
which does not consist in the permission to do
any thing that a man thinks proper — a permis-
sion in which even the savages do not partici-
pate — but in securing the freedom and exercise
]\x&\ imdi lawful actions. The great fabric of
our government, as established in this country,
is supported by those three main pillars — the
Governor, the Legislative Council and the House
of Assembly. Pull down one of these, and the
whole edifice will fall in pieces. What then
must we think of those who are straining every
nerve to undermine the first of these pillars with
the view of transferring its strength, powers, and
ornaments to one of the remaining two ,not to di-
vide these between tl'em? They are certainly
mad 1 Do they not already see the structure
bending and trembling in the storm! I can only
add, let them desist, or be crushed in the ruins ;
and let all prudent and sensible men escape for
their lives.
I cannot refrain from regretting in this place,
that our constitution has not defined more legi-
bly the rank and station of the King’s represen-
tatives in this country, and assimilated more
U
106
strongly and closely the public functions of the
Governor with those of His Majesty. T.he King
is never seen nor heard of, but in the execution of
a gracious action. So far is this from being the
case with respect to the Governor, that he is seen
and heard, on t^ery public occasion ; and I ques-
tion whether his name is not introduced into
every petty transaction and communication that
emanates from the focus of government. Now,
this is absurd : at all events, it is impolitic. It
lowers his Excellency into a petty officer of the
government and makes him the channel of cor-
respondence in all its transactions. It brings
him in contact with the rabble, and every minion
that faction or party chooses to set up against
him. The consequence is, that his rank as a
man, his station as a public officer, and his digni-
ty as representative of the King and administra-:
tor of the government, by being daily and hourly
befi-.re the people in all the vaiiety of shapes and
characters that the faithful discharge of public
duties requires, are brought down far beneath
their proper sphere ol action, and his name made
familiar as household words. The rude and ig-
norant vulgar are taught to associate his name
with the commonest transactitff^, and to enter-
tain no other notions of respect for him than be-
longs to the ordinary functionaries of govern-
ment. This sliouhl not be; and I trust, whe»
mmsmmmrn.
i.or
eur constitution comes to be remodelled — a pe-
riod, which, from the untoward aspect of our
affairs, 1 cannot conceive to be very distant-—
this degrading blemish will be corrected. The
communications emanating from government,
except, in some cases of importance necessarily
demanding the interposition of the Governor,
might always be made in the name of the Exc~
mtive Council^ to whom all communications and
references should be addressed as well in re-
turn as originally. This would shed a ray of
splendor and majesty round the person ot the
administrator of government, which is absolutely
necessary in such a polity as ours, and without
which the vulgar will ever be making encroach,
ments unsuitable to the state, and destructive of
their own happiness. In a word, the situation of
the Governor should be rendered as complete a
counterpart of tliat of the King, as circumstances
and the laws can admit of; and indeed, unless
this be done in this province, few men of influ-
ence and rank, tvIio prefer the blessings of re-
tirement to the bustle and stunning noise of fac-
tion and party, will be found to embark in so in-
secure and crazy a vehicle as the state barge of
Lowe r-C an ad a.
Having thus fully discussed, and I hope, com-
pletely overtiirown, to the satisfaction of all rea-
sonable men, the most material points so arro-
108
gantly set forth and contended for in the mani-
festo, it becomes necessary to refer, with a simi.
lar view, to those minor and collateral positions
W'hich are always found suspended, either as pro*
tection or ornament, around political party works
of this kind. In doing so, it will- be useful, if not
amusing, to call your attention to the mode, and
the character of the instrument, by which the
manifesto was ushered into the world in the lam
guage of Britons. It is by the friendship and
companionship formed in life, that the public
gain a knowlege of our principles and sentiments;
it is by considering the channel throng which
the communication in question, was sent into the
world, that its true character and purposes can
be traced,
I know not whether the Canadian Spectator,
the oracle I now allude to, be known beyond
tlie boundaries of Canada ; but, in our domestic
circles, it is not only well known, but is looked
to in all the various characters, conjured up in
our nurseries for the purpose of checking the
wild sallies, and more passionate outrages of our
juvenile heroes and heroines. Some of our more
compassionate and antiquated dames, are disposed
to make use of it in no other light than as a sim-
ple personification of poor Wamba. in the story of
Ivanhoe, who to the humble destiny of swine,
herd, added the more laborious and important
10 &
duties, as he thought, of wearing a collar round
his neck, as the emblem of slavery, and making
sport to strangers, while he acted the fool in obedi-
ence to his taskmasters. Others took it for the si-
ant Gulliver; at all events affirming that,as it came
from the same country, it could not be otherwise
than a near relation of Gulliver’s ; for nothing
could be more sublime than its imitations of that
renowned hero’s prowess in the land of pigmies
and Lilliputians ; tearing up by the roots whole
forests of abuse and misrule — extinguishing im-
mense conflagrations of tyranny and despotism,
sinking whole navies of usurpation and slavery,
and breaking asunder the strongest cords of ini-
quity and falsehood. Some more sentimental ma-
trons would frequently identify it with Harley’s
guide and instructor in Bedlam, who, never
dreaming that he was a fit inmate of such a place
himself, pretended, with great accuracy of know-
ledge and information, to point out the errors
and miserable condition of others;
“ From Macedonia’s madman to the Swede
and then, by wa y o f conv i n o ing the visitor of his
claim to consideration, and his right to the cha-
racter which he assumed, concluded by declar-
ing himself to be no less a personage than the
Cham of Tartary ! Others, of a more poetical
turn, metamorphose it into the ant of Gay,
“ whose forward prate
, Control’d all matters in debate;
Whether he knew the thing or no.
110
His tongue eternally would go ;
For he had impudence at will„
And boasted universal skill.
Ambition was his point in view.” —
Another of the same school said it must be the
Monkey, who,
« to REFORM the times.
Resolved to visit foreign climes ”
and a third likened it to that vixen-tongued Xan-
tippe, who drove her husband to distraction with
perpetual scolding: —
« Good Gods ! ’tis like a rolling river.
That murmuring flows, and flows for ever 1
Ne’er tir’d perpetual discord sowing,
Like fame, it gathers strength by going.”
Those who have \v^brshipped at the shrine of A-
von’s immortal bard, say it is no other than Mah
volio himself, with his yellow stockings and cross
garters ; and that no other human being could
thus “ read politic authors” and “ baffle Sir
Toby” so naturally and effectually; that no
other could so completely become the dupe of
his own pride and vanity, than the tool and play*
thing of the dissolute and brawling Knights of
Illyria; that none but a madman with yellow-
stockings and cross garters, “ let his torigue tang
ARGUMENTS OF state” in the mannei the Spec^
ta'or does ; and that no other existing thing but
itself could thus be
« made tbe most notorious geek and gull,
That e’er invention played on.” —
But other Mirandas of a more virtuous and su-
Ill
pcrstitioiis cast of mind, maintain it to be the de-
formed and savage Calihan himself; for that
none else could with equal facility cast olF the
gratitude due to an old master and protector,
and transfer his services to another in order to
induce him to “ knock a nail into his head,” for
no other reason than that he might sing,
No more dams I’ll make for fish ;
Nor fetch in firing
At requiring.
Nor scrape trencher, nor wash dish ;
’Ban ’Ban, Ca — Caliban
Has a NEW master — Get a new man.
Freedom, hey-day! hey-day! Freedom! hey-day Free-
dom !”
7 his is the table-talk throughout the province
with respect to this arch democrat and vile libel-
ler ; my own sentiments, being less poetical, are
somewhat different, and, perhaps, founded on bet-
ter data.
The Canadian Spectator is the monstrous off-
spring of an impure and deformed parentage. —
It was conceived in faction and brought forth in
sedition. Corruption was its nurse and demo-
cracy its guardian; — Eventnce that Golden pe-
riod when a base and insidious party was formed
in the House of Assembly in this province to
thwart by every possible means, the measures of
government, witli the view of acquiring tlie sole
executive power, every facility that the press
could afford to the laudable and patriotic under-
taking, was greedily resorted to; and in the
112
course of a few years, as will be seen below, * no
less than eleven different newspapers have risen
and fallen, like so many Gothic usurpations, de-
claring their own ignominy and incapacity to ac-
complish the object for which they had been
brought into existence. The Spectator is one of
those papers that still remain to bewail the loss, and
sing the requiem of their fallen comarades; but
which is likelv, at no distant date, to share the
same melancholy fate, and be buried in the same
dreary tomb of everlasting oblivion. It vegi-
tated in the contemplation of the union of this
province with Upper-Canada, and was reared to
its present gigantic strength and maturity by the
discussions which took place on that salutary pro-
ject, and by opposing every thing that tended
to its re-introduction. It had been long contem-
plated to establish a paper of this description in
the English language, with the praiseworthy
Titles.
Commenced.
Le Canadian,
U' Vrai Ca-
nndisn......
Courier de,
Quebec [
Le Spcctateur,
Iaj Spectateuri
Canadian,...*
I j* Aurora*....
I/AbailleCa-'
nadienue. «....:
lie Courier dej
Bus- Canada, . !
.’Le Canadien,j
Le Canadieii,!
L* Argus,
x\’ov. 22,..-..! 80S.'
March 10th, 1810.
January 3, ...1807.
May 27, 1813.
May 29 1815.
March 10^.. .1817.
August 1,,..1318.
October 9... .1819.
January. 12, 1820.
Aupust 17, 1825.
..1825.
Ended.
Feb. 17, 1310.
March 1, 1811.
Dec. 3, 1803.
May 23, 1815.
Jan. 15, 1819.
Nov. 27, 1819,
Sept. 21, 1825.
Principles,
Kepub. or Democrat*
Monarchical.
IVIonarchical.
Democratical.
Democratical.
Democratical. '
Monarchical.
Democratical.
Repnb. or Democrat.^
Repub. or Democrat,.
Democratical.
‘A
113
View, not of combating unjust principles — not of
scouting undue and unconstitutional fneasures—
not of lashing vicious men and manners — but of
galling Britons with abuse which they could
not fail to understand, and otherwise creating a
disgust in their minds of the political state otthis
province, which should induce them either to a-
bandon it altogether, or lend their aid to that re-
nowned NATION and PEOPLE, THE CANADIANS, aS
they are fond of calling themselves, in carrying
on their operations against the system of govern-
ment SO long and so happily established in this
count'y. But unfortunately, no yooL could be
found sufficiently blunted in his feelings — suffi-
ciently lost to shame and decenqjy^ — ^^sufficiently
corrupted in soul and body — sufficiently lost to
the love of country and fame — sufficiently blind-
ed by faction and party — sufficiently the dupe
of intrigue and violeiice — sufficient! v willing to
abuse and libel the great and the good — suffi-
ciently bold to outrage all the harmony anJ cha-
rity of social government - sufficiently abandon-
ed to every principle of political justice and in-
tegrity — sufficiently ready to prostitute every fa-
culty and talent, to a band of disturbers of the
public tranquillity — sufficiently ready to forsake
the humble and peaceful shades of life, and the
happiness of domestic society, for the froth of
party fermentation and the plaudits of an igno-
IS
114 .
rant and debased rabble— nor sufficiently plastic
to receive any impression that his taskmasters
chose to make upon him — to take upon himself
the charge and conduct of such a publication.
At last, however, a happy conjuncture of cir-
cumstances occurred, which gave to the suppor-
ters of the Spectator, all that they desired, and
the present conductor of that great champion of
freedom, honour and good government, was du-
Iv installed the guardian of the people’s rights;
and no one, who has witnessed the manner in
which he has performed his important functions,
can deny but EeTs the most faithful of stAVES
and the most obsequious of minions. He has
left no stone unturned to gratify the wishes of
his masters; he has been their devoted servant
by night and by day: no work is too foul for his
hands, nor indignant to his feelings: and such
are his ardour and indefatigability, that I am
firmly persuaded he would cut throats meiely
to please them. But let me turn to the thing
itself and speak of it as it is. It may be consi-
dered as a sort of reverse to the- prophesies of
Cassandra; it never tells truth on the subject of
the financial concerns of this province, and is yet
believed in the circle of its own admirers. The
enemies of the country, as you must have part-
ly seen from the late United States journal^
are certainH' much chhged to it. It is the .leai
1
115
kvorygatc of intelligence, falsa ad eoelmn
insomnia** and you might as well look for facts
in the Arabian Nights Entertainments. No en.
gine of mischief can perform its functions better.
It never ceases to defame and insult, in the most
gross language, all the respectable characters
in the country who may be concerned directly
®r indirectly in the administiation of public af-
fairs, and, in the sametrealh, gives every viitue
to the vilest. The spirit of those incarnate hell
hounds, Marat, Danton and Robespierre, seems
fo pervade its columns. Every day, it calls the
Governor in Chief a tyrant and despot, and the
judges and other public officers of government,
villains bought with the public money ot the peo-
ple to betray their interest. Such of his Majes-
iy’s ministers, as may have occasion to corres-
pond with the government of this province, it
calls knaves and blockheads. It spares no pains,
it neglects no artifice to subvert the supremacy of
Great Britain, in this country. It calls aloud on
all the other colonies to join the noble enterprizc.
There is no shape which sedition, the arch-fiend
•f society, can assume to efiect this destructive
purpose, but it embraces. Proteus-like, it va-
ries its form with the greatest facilit}'. Now the
daring demagogue, defying the laws, braving the
government, and courting prosecution — then the
■wily incendiary, inflaming the passions of the
116
Ignorant, deluding the simplicity of the young
and unwary, and infusing by every channel that
malicious ingenuity can discover, restlessness and
discontent; ne^t the specious reformer, profess,
ing an enthusiastic regard for both the Imperial
and Provincial Constitutions, but calling for re.
form, with a view to subversion ; and anon the
bold innovator, displaying the ideal forms of spe.
culative perfection to ensnare the harmless and
innocent people of this province, to quit theif
present solid hold of substantial policy.
- Yet such is the channel through which those,
stvling thenf§el?5S"“ THE n-t^RESENTATrvEs or
THE PEOPLE*', give their wishes and sentiments
to the public ; and such is the instrument which
they employ on all necessary occasions to bloM{
their manifestos, uesolutions and other pu.
blic documents into notoriety! It is impossible
thei'efore to mistake the object of the following
eloquent proem in the Spectator, on publishing
the manifesto :
The Address certain Members of Parliament to their Con^
stituents*
The public will read with great pleasure this exceeding*
ly interesting document. With singular neatness and accura-
cy of aim, it picks out each and every allegation in the speech,
which His Ej^ctllency made, in an evil hour, and under very
bad advice, and completely settles the business of each and
every one of them. There is one passage in this document which
is a perfect instance of the sublime; we question whether De-
mosthenes AMIDST HIS At enians could have uttered
A better. The brevity of the expression, aud the tender
m
»nQ noble feelings which tliis brief expression instantaneous^
ly excites, and by which it swells and elevates the mind to the
highest pitcli, produce that powerful effect which is truly sub-
lime; it is a powerful feeling and a powerful argument, for
virtuous feeling and sound reason are closely allied. There is
no breast so callous that will not acknowledge the passage.’*
We question whether Demosthenes amidst
HIS Athenians could have uttered a bet-
ter!!” Gods! wliat extreme bigotry of devotioa
to superior rule ! What slavish adoration of su-
preme authority ! What folding of the hands —
what bending of the knees, nay what absolute
crawling and prostration in the dust does this
man exhibit in the worship of his Baals, in order
to raise their miserable drivelling iuto an equa-
lity with the sublimity of the first profane O-
rator the world has ever produced ! Who will
now say, that slavery has ever been exercised
with such unmitigated severity over physical, as
it is impossible to extend to intellectual man ?
Are not these the gUaius. of the direst and most
abject mental slavery ! Do you not perceive in
every word of the above passage a writhing un-
der the lash of mental despotism ? Do you not
imagine that you hear the howling of the poor
wretch, when compelled by his torture to pro-
claim a few ignorant and obscure Canadian de-
magogues as the rivals, if not the superiors, of
Demosthenes himself? Let us turn from the dis-
gusting and degrading scene, and endeavour to
draw a more just and adequate parallel. It is
118
well known that the manifesto was written by
Mr. Papineau. He has accordingly, in tlie o-
pinion of his friends and admirers, entirely su-
perceded the rivalship of Cicero with Demos-
thenes, and assumed to himself the palm of elo-
quence next to that immortal Orator. Longinus
drew a parallel between .the ancient orators ; and
compared the eloquence of Cicero with a wide-
spreading conflagration, and that of Demosthenes
to irresistible lightnings. 'Ihere is now no harm
in inquiring how far Speaker and Orator Papi-
neau will stand the test of a similar comparison.
In doing s6, I think it proper to adopt local si-
milies, that the parallel may be better under-
stood. The eloquence of Demosthenes, then I
hold, to be like the New-Brunswick conflagrati-
on : that of his modern rival, the graat and pa-
triotic Papineau, like fire by which a misei-able
hut situated in a remote corner of Bonsecour
street of Montreal, and full of poverty and ver-
min, was burned to the ground a few summers
ago. The eloquence of Demosthenes is like the
St. Lawrence, deep, wide and overflowing ; uoav
gliding calm and serene “ o’er its pebbly bed”,
then expanding into immense lakes, whose boun-
daries extend far beyond the human sight, and
anon approaching, like an angry monarch, the
brink of the precipice, determined to be avenged
of his enemies, and then rushing furiously along.
119
involving every thing in its way in one common
and irresistible scene of destruction: that of his
modern rival, the great and patriotic Papineau, is
like the mud and filth which, dissolving into a
polluted liquid, gurgles its way through the sew-
ers of the aforesaid Ilonsecour street, and finding
a subterraneous passage, slowly winds its set pen. '
tine way to the Saint Lawrence, corrupting not
only the purity of that noble river, whenever they
meet, but every other stream that comes in con-
tact with it on its dreary passage. Oh ! ye re-
nowned and hitherto unparalleled shades of Cice-
ro, and Caesar, and Cato, and Pliny, and 'I'aci-
tus, and Chatham, and Pitt, and Fox, and Burke,
and Erskine, “hide your diminished heads,” and
permit the great and patriotic Papineau to pluck
from your brows, the palm of eloquence, and
]dace it on his own, there to flourish and bloom
in everlasting verdure, the pride of his race, and
tire glory of far famed Canada, now the land of
unrivalled keroes and orators! Cedile, Ro-
mani, Canadiemi ; cedite Graii,
But, for a variety of purposes, it may be jrro-
per to introduce, in this place, the whole of the
“sublime” passage alluded toby the Spcct,/(or,
as placing the great and patriotic Papineau on
the same level with Demosthenes. Here it is:
** His Excellency tells us : These are the questions which
you are to, answer to your own consciences, as men who are
bound by oaths of fidelity to their country and to their King*
“ As for the oath of fidelity to their King; there is not a
person in the Province, be his situation what it may, w’ho
would dare to say of member of that Assembly, that he
failed in it. The people of this Province, the Electors, know
too well wKat loyalty is, they have given too many convince
ing proofs of it, to permit any one to suppose that they
would choose for Representatives^ men doubtful on this point,
‘‘ As to the oath of fidelity to the country — w ho has ever
heard any man speaking of an oath of fidelity to his native
country?
- “ Home ! Home ! that single w ord is enough.’*
I. “ As FOR THE OATH OF FIDELITY TO THE
King, there is not a person in the province,
BE HIS SITUATION WHAT IT MAY, WHO WOULD
BARE, TO SAY TO ANY MEMBER OF THE ASSEM-
BLY, THAT iHTtPAtIfd in itH” No indeed? —
What have I been saying all this time? 1 do not
esteem myself a more darivgnxon than my neigh»
hours ; but I think I have more than once dared
to give the lie to this empty and swaggering bra-
vado ; if not, I dare to do it now, and to assert,
that not anly have the majority of the members
of the Assembly failed in their fidelity to the
King, but have for years been in the dail / prac-
tice of subverting His Majesty’s authority in this
Province ! What is fidelity to the King ? Is it the
pertinacious refusal to comply with his instructi-
ons to his representative, in this province ? Is it
to disobey his despatches with respect to these
matters which, by the party-intrigues of the As-
sembly, have so long kept this province in one
uninterrupted scene of ferment ? Is it to deny.
m
In the person of his representative, the privileges
and prerogatives of the crown ; and to usurp his
authority byrefusing to maintain hisgovernmeut,
except in a way destructive of the constitution ?
If it is, I have no hesitation to admit that he is
as intrepid as the Octavians can wish him to be,
who will dare to say that “ an^ member of the As-
sembly'* has failed in his fidelity to his King. I for
my part, confess, that I have no desire to inlist
in such service ; neither have I any ambition to
become a Martyr to daring^ at the risk of forfeit-
ing my veracity and integrity at the same time.
My wish is to serve under banners whose device
is Tuuth, and whose cause is Peace : not under
those which pervert the one and disturb the o-
ther. “Be his situation what it way!” —
This is a curious distinction. Wlien w'e speak
of persons in tiie ordinary ranks of life, we sel-
dom allude to their siiuations, unless they be
hangmen, libellers, or rebels j but when men aie
exalted in station and dignity, the case is other-
wise and we refer to their situation either as
proof of their innocence, security from their in-
solence, or guarantee of their promises. Now, it
is very evident to me, that the manifesto, in coin-
ing the above foolish and childish appellative,
had no less a personage than the nobleman hold-
ing the situation of Governor in Chief in view,
whom, with a cowardice of speech peculiar to
faction without power, the authors dared to the
assertion of their infidelity, as if that personage
had passed the fearful ordeal already, and been
a man to hesitate to dare where his duty called
him. Poor miserable men, how low and grovel-
ling must be their estimate of human nature, who
could thus insult situations and dread those
aVIio hold them! How unworthy of men-— how
truly unworthy of legislators!
II. “ The people of this Province, the
Electors, know too well what loyalty is,
they have given too many convincing proofs
of it, to permit Af?Y ONE’’ To SUPPOSE- THAT
THEY WOULD CHOOSE FOR REPRESENTATIVES
JIEN DOUBTFUL ON THIS POINT!” I shall llOt in.
insult the people of this province by calling in
question either their general knowledge of loyal-
or the practical proofs they have given of it.
But as, in the present instance, the Representa-
fives whom they have chosen, have been made the
criterion of their loyalty, they must pardon me,
if I question the soundness of the loyalty of the
people, which, upon the whole, I believe to be
steady and uniform. What I mean to say, is,
that if that loyalty were to be judged of, as we
arc here desired to do, by the sentiments of their
Representatives, I should be at no loss how to
estimate the general loyalty of the country, and
prepare for the consequences. For, if thwart-
ing in peace and war the measures of govern-
ment — if the perversion of the clearest dictates
of the constitution — if to insult and vilify, in and
out of parliament, fjis Majesty’s Representative ;
if to refuse to comply with His Majesty’s com-
mands — if to deny him the means of carrying on
the public business of the country — if to usurp
the executive authority, be loyalty, then I say
there is not a spark of genuine unsophisticated
loyalty in the country, and that the sooner the
PEOPLE exl)ibit a new and different criterion of
their loyalty, the sooner will the public happi-
ness that awaits them convince them of the po-
licy of the measure. The people ought to sec
and feel, that it is a very ungenerous and un-
gratef id return for the confidence reposed in
their Representatives, thus to measure their loy-
alty by the conduct of these Representatives.—
The people ought iioLtoTearn their loyalty from
their Representatives ; but, on the contrary,
teach their Representatives what true loyalty is,
and if there be any untoward or unwilling to be
taught amongst them, to deprive them of their
authority, and place others in their stead more
willing to obey them and promote the best inte-
rests of the country. If the people be the stem
of our tree of loyalty, let them not be corrupted
by the rottenness of the branches; but rather
let these branches be lopped off) and deprived
124
of all power to pollute where pollution is so con-
tagi^ us. Let not the purity of the fountain be
poisoned by the stream; nor the atmosphere
tainted by exlralations from the putrid carcasses
of faction and sedition.
III. “ As TO THE OATH OF FIDELITY TO THE
COUNTRY, WHO HAS EVER HEARD ANY MAN
SPEAKING OF FIDELITY TO HIS NATIVE COUNTRY/
Home I Home! that single word is enough!!
This is mere bombast, fustian, froth, and sophis-
try, and what Cicero, should he not be confound*
ed by the sublimity and splendour of eloquence
that has for ever deprived him of all rivalship
with the father of oratory, might be tempted to
call artijuies ojficiorum, J3ut this fine trope — this
wonderful prosopopo?ia-*-this extiaordinary tnvU
ta Minet'vd^ besides being false in taste,and mean
aud contemptible in rhetoric, is entirely without
foundation in point of fact. The passage in His
Excellency’s speech here animadverted upon ia
as follows: —
“ T/tese are questions which, ymi are to answer to
your own consciences, as men who are hound by
Oaths ot fidelity to your country and to your Kingfi
Now, what are the intent and meaning of those
oaths which are prescribed by the constitution of
this empire? It was discovered from the begin-
ning. that society could not exist without some
solemn appeal to the great Ruler of the universe,
1
V2S
declarative of the engagements of the people to
maintain the order of things instituted amongst
them. It is true, that, with us, there is a natu-
ral allegiance due from all men boin ^yitliin the
King’s dominions immediately upon their birth,
which is in every respect, as binding upon them
as if, at that instant, they had been capable of
taking all the oaths appointed by law. “ For,”
says our great constitutional writer, “ immedi-
ately on their birth, they are under the King’s
protection ; at a time too when (during their in-
fancy) they are incapable of protecting them-
selves. Natural allegiance is therefore a debt of
gratitude ; which cannot be forfeited, cancelled,
or altered by any change of time, ' place or cir-
cumstance, nor by any thing, but the united con-
currence of the Legislature.” But, besides this
natural allegiance, the law has determined, that
there are express engagements which we must en-
ter into ; for the oath of allegiance must not only
be taken by all persons in office, trust or employ,
ment, but may be tendered to all persons above
the age of twelve years. The King himself,
though by the very desceait of the crown, bound
to all the duties of sovereignty, is obliged to
take an oath, by which he solemnly pronaises to
govern the people according to law. It is^there-
fore evident, that these reciprocal engagements
imply some contract from which sundry great
1€6
advantages are to be derived. The simple ques-
tion, tlien, comes to be who benefits by tliese ad-
vantages ? Is it not the country ? Let us listen
no longer, then, to such idle and profane rhap-
sody about oaths of fidelity to the country. No
honest man who loves and values his country will
hesitate to take any lawful oath prescribed by
law ; nor will he ever dream of applying such an
oath to any other purpose, than to the welfare
and happiness of himself his family, his friends,
his neighbours, and consequently his country!
Certainly, in order to have a country, itis in the
first place h^Cegsary to have a « Jiome-,'* but is
the mere circumstance of possessing a “ home''
all that is requisite to constitute a good citizen ?
I fear not ; and wonder if the venal orators of
Athens, who sold their country to Philip of Ma-
cedon, had a home ! I wonder if the Syllas, the
Marii, the Coesars, the Catalines, the Gracchi,
the Antonies, the Clodii, the Bruti, the Cassii,
of Rome, had a. home! I wonder it those fiends
of hell and scourges of earth, who sipped with
cannibal ferocity, the blood of Antoineita^ the
most lovely and beautiful woman of her age,
and than whom, to use the sublime language of
Burke, there “ surely never lighted on this orb,
which she hardly seemed to touch, a more delight-
ful vision,” had a home! I wonder if the Piche-
grus, the Jourdans, the Santerres, the Rolands,
the Brissots, the Goras, the Robespierres, the
Carnots, the Tallions, the Dantons, the Fayettes,
die Noailles, the Perigords, and the long et cetera
of the perfidious sans rullottes of France, had a
Acme ! I wonder if the butchers of Lyons, had a
fwme ! I wonder if Cromwell and his train-band
of Roundheads, had a home! I wonder if the au-
thors and executioners of the massacre of Glen-
coe, had a home ! I wonder if the Fitzgeralds,
the O’Connors, the Emmets and the Rocks, of
Ireland, had a home! I wonder if the Mohawks
of Boston, the villagers of Lexington, the sons
of Liberty of New-York, tiie Adamses, the Frank-
lins, the Jeffersons, the Hancocks, and the Wash-
ingtons, of America, had a home ! Yes ! they all
swore they had a “ hotne” and a country^ too.-—
But what W’as that in their estimation, in com.
parison of the grand projects of political reform,
revolution and rebeUknrT Did it prevent them
throwing aside their oaths to tlieir country, or
spilling a single drop of blood less than they o-
therwise w'ould have done; or even less than
the w'ildest savage that wanders in the forest
without either a home or a country would have
done in similar circumstances? Shall we, then,
believe, that because the Reformers and Demo-
crats of Canada, tell us they have a '^home," they
are more honourable and virtuous men than those
1 have been describing ; and that (heir patriotism
128
id more pure, and their passions more under the
controul of reason! Others may do as they like j
for my part, I cannot in conscience favour them
one jot more than their predecessors, in anarchy
and desolation. They are all animals of the same
tiger species that can gorge no fond unless hu-
mln blood is mixed with it. Yet all the guaran-
tee that the Octavians give us of the contrary, is
the parrot-repetition of the monosy llable “ home!
home /”
Sir, upon the whole, I am of opinion, that I
cannot be more zealous for the welfare of this
Province, more friendly to the happ mess of the
people, than by imploring tfiem' to beWjtft"6'me
machinations of these demagogues, who, I am
firmly persuaded, have no other motives to lead
them on in their iniquitous career, than personal
aggrandizement, and the foulest ambition that can
contaminate the human breast. If they gain their
object, which is the sole executive power of
this Province; they will bring inevitable de^
truction on their country ; and when Canada is
involved in ruin, do these ambitious and ill-ad-
vised men, imagine that they can escape the
more dreadful blaze of public indignation? As
FOR us, WE ARE FOR THE CONSTITUTION I
I have the honour to be. Sir,
Your most obedient servant,
DELTA.
30th April, 1827*
POSTSCRIPT
tt was my intention before concluding the fore-
going letter, to have presented you with a Bio-
graphical Cartoon of those mighty and intre-
pid spirits of freedom who have signed the Mani-
festo; but the discussion of their conduct iiaving
been extended to a greater length than I could
possibly have anticipated, I have been undei the
necessity, though reluctantly, of postponing this
interesting portion of my subject till a more con-
venient season. 1 he public may be assured, how-
ever, that 1 shall at no distant period avail myself
of my original intentions, that posterity may not
be deprived of so interesting a piece of informati-
on as the Azves and Characters of those distinguish^
ed Individuals who have restored the Liberty of
Canada to her pristine purity. Indeed , when you
consider the vast mass of Materials which I sliall
have to encounter and examine in the execution
of this task; such as University Diplomas, for I
believe every one of them can boast the first rate
16
classical edacutioriy— Attorney Brieves, Bepotls
of Auction Marts, Commercial Invoices, and Ge-
neral and Private Stock Books, I am sure you will
be of opinion, that I could scarcely have accom-
plished my purpose in so short a time as has e*
lapsed since the commencement of this epistle,
and that there is a chance of its being better per-
formed by taking a proper allowance ot time to
complete it.
DBLTA:
APPENDIX
PROVINCIAL PARLIAMENT OF LOWER-CANADA.
, LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL^
Wednesday, 7th March, 1827.
This day, at three oVloclc, Ilis Excellency the Governor in Chief came
dIown in Slate to the Legislative Council Chamber, and being sooted on the
Throne, the Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod was sent to command the
presence of the Assembly, which being come up, His Excellency was
pleased to give the Royal Assent to nineteen Bills, passed by the Legisla-
tive Council and Assembly. Two other BilU were reserved for His Ma-
jesty's pleasure.
Gentlemen of the Legislative Council, and
Gentlemen of the Assembly,
I come to close this Session of the Provincial Parliament convinced by
the state of your proceedings, that nothing likely to promote the public in-
terests can be now expected from your deliberations.
To you. Gentlemen of the Legislative Council^ w^p hayp attended your
duties in this Session, I offer my thanks on'the part of His Majesty, as an
acknowledgement of the regard which by your presence, you have sho\% n
to the welfare of your country, and also of that proper respect, which you
have manifested for the Sovereign from wliom your honours are derived.
Gentlemen of the Assembly,
It is painful to me, that I cannot speak my sentiments to you in terms
of approbation and thanks. The proceedings of this Session impose upon
me a duty of which, however unpleasant, I will acquit myself as a faith-
ful servant of the King and a sincere friend to the Province.
Many years of continued discussion on forms and accounts have proved
unavailing to clear up and set at rest a dispute, which moderation and rea-
son might have speedily terminated. It is lamentable to see, that no ef-
foru or concessions of His Majesty's Government have succeeded in recon-
ciling those differences of opinion in the Legislature, but it is infinitely
more so, that differences on one subject should cause a rejection of every
t)ther measure which His Majesty's Government recommends to your con-
^ideration. ,
The duties expected ofyouinthis Sessioa were not difficult ; among
\he first was an examination of the public accounts of last year, and a re-
port upon them, whether of approval or otherwise ; has that duty been
done so that your country can know the result?
Have you considered the estimated expenditure for the current year, and
granted the supply required in His Majesty's name? Or have reasons been
assigned for the refusal of them, that can be known and undersiood by the
country? . ^ , , ,
Have the Messages from His Majesty's Representative been duly ac-
knowledged, and answered according to the Rules and forms of Parliament
or according With the respect which is due by each branch of the Legisla-
ture to the others ?
u
Have the Rules or Orders of proceedinj»s in the House of Assembly
f)et*n duly attended to, in so far as they affect, and recognise the Preroga-
tive Rights of the Crov% n ?
These are questions, Gentlemen, which you are now to ask yourselves
individually, and answer to your constituents on your return to them.
These are questions which you are to answer to your own consciences, as
men who are hound by Oaths of fidelity to your Country and to your King,
In my Administration of this Government I have seen seven year>. pass
away without any conclusive adjustment of the Public Accounts : thus
accumulating a mass for futuie investigation which must lead to confusion
and misunderstanding. In the same years 1 have seen the measures of
Government, directly applicable to the wants of the Province, thrown aside
without attention and without any reason being assigned. I have seen the
forms of Pari lament utterly disregarded, and in th s Session a positive as-
sumption of Executive Authority, instead of that of Legislative, which last
is alone your share in the Constitution of the State.
The results of your proceedings in this Session have been, the refusal of
Ibe supplies necessary for tlie ordinary expenccs of Government, the loss
ot the Militia Bill, the failure of all provisions for the maintenance of pri-
soners in your goals and iiouscs of correction, for the support of the in-
sane and foundlings, and the estaolishments of education and charity, anct
^ total obstruction of local and public improvement.
In this state of things and with this experience of past years, it is now
no longer con sisten t with a proper discharge of the high trust committed
to me, to enterfa^h of a return to better reason in the Jiepresenta live
branch of this Parliament, but tt is still my duty to call upon you as public
men, and to call upon the country, as deeply interested in llte result, to
consider seriously the consequences of perseverance in such a course.
I shall conduct the Government with the means in my pow er, and with
an unditvinisbed desire to do good ; but while I must submit myself to
the interruption of all public improvement, under the authority of the ci-
vil Government, I will declare my deep regret at such a state of things.
I think it right tq convey to the country a free and unreserved expression
of my sentiments upon these public misfortunes, and I w ill leave no
doubt on the public mind of my determination to persevere firmly in the
path of my duty, with a faithful regard to the riglits of my Sovereign, with
wltich are also combined the best interests of the Province.
It only remains for me now, compelled by existing circumstances, to
proro-ue this Parliament, whatever may be the inconvenience resulting
from such a measure.
THE MANIFESTO.
TO OUR C0.VSTITUENT5.
We the unders’gned. Members of the House of Assembly, residing in
the City and District of Montreal, having taken into consideration the
Speech proTU)unced by H s Excellency the Governor in Chief on proro-
guing the Provincial Parliament, in which His Excellency refers us to
our (.Constituents, conceive -t otir duty to evince in a public and solemn
manner, both the respect which we bear to our Electors, and the noble
pr de which feel for having, in difficult times, discharged our duties to-
^rds them w ith fidelity and in a manner worthy of those tvho had chosen
Ill
US for oeir Dcleeates. Representatives of sulyeets obedient, honest and
devot«l to the Br.ti-h Government, our line of conduct seemed p rjealy
•rated out for us : Keprosentatives of free born English subjects, our du,
were tear and evident; and we appeal with confidence to our Con-
titituentR . Ir belongs to them to judge of our conduct,
we should not consider it nc,
cessary to emcr into any discusMon, well assuretl as we are of not havinn-
Con*dr^ «'"»S which could lose us tlie esteem and the confidence of our
Constituents, the recompense of our lalmurs ; hut accused in a body in a
cu^'aTuf u'i tV which at the same time that it ac-
cuses all of us, takes from us the power ot answering as a body we con
aider it to be our duty, not to exculpate ourselves, (for this we arc sensi.
bic ,S not requisite) but to put it in the power of our Constituents to lud-e
wi^certainty ol the accusations urged against their Representatives.'’ “
His Excellency declares to the whole Province that the difficulties ex-
Whief, H:“ Vt"? ‘he rejection of all other measures,
which His Majesty . Government has submitted to our considera.ion.
ntn. if i‘"“"* ° 'hi«y days, during which seventy
nine Bills were mtrodueed, sixty of which were passed. It is not possihl^
^at among so many Bills, there should not have been one relating to some
fnd “"less we suppose tl.at tl“e House
and the Council were occupied with a multitude of measurers, of public or
private utility, none of which the Government thought proper to support
by us rwommendation. Might it not be said with more accuracy, that it
IS panful to see that upon the refusal of the House, to vote the supplies in
the form required. Ills Excellency should have considered himself ohli-red
to exercise t.ie Royal Prerogative, and to prorogue the Parliament, wfth-
out giving It time to discuss the measured recommended by His Excellcn
oy. or which interested the whole Province though not recommended by
^ Excellencv lias with
fio much sensibility lamented.
His Excellency reproaches us for not having giving a suitable attention
to the public accounts of the last year, for no! having approved or dtp-
r^uU ' ** roport as would enable the public to judge of the
We have given to those ,\ccounts a suitable attention. We have been
del-tycd in our investigation by multiplictl difficulties which dilTerent public'
tunetionarics made to answer the que^stions of the special Commiuee
without the permission of His Excellency. The special Committee bavin ’
proposed some quesuons to .Messrs. Perceval and Gore, the principal olli-
tcM of the Customs, received as the only answer, that these Gemlenu n
Had submitt^ the questions of the Commiuee to His Excellency the Go-
vernor in Chtci. The Committee, by that alone, was prevented from re-
porting on that part. But in spite of all these obstacles, it did report •
tbe report is printed, and every person can have cognizance of it. ’
His Excellency a-ks us if we have considered the estimates for the ore
fcmt year and pnted the supplies required in His Majesty’s name, Ld
>r oar refusal has been accompanied by reasons that can be known and
underst(X)d by tiie Country?
His Excellency seems to desire very much that the public and our Con
stitucnts should be informed of what has taken place in Parliament • this
desire wc share with fr.inkness and honestv. We examined these ixu
mentis ; we were immediately convinced that they were in direct opposition
to the principles whicirthc House has followed ever since 1818 • that they
were opposed to the essential rights of our Constituents; that free meft
XV
worthy of enjoying the benefits and advantages of a Constitution, medell-
ed on that of England, could not accede to them without sacrificing
dearest righ:s : The Reprebentatives of such men were in duty bound to
refuse such demands ; they have done so ; and in order that the public
might be enabled to know their reasons, they have declared that they would
persist in the resolutions and addresses made and passed by the House on
this subject, as they are recorded in their Journals. Electors I it is for
you to judge if the reiterated demand of an unjust thing can constitute a
right to obtain it.
His Excellency asks if we have given proper attention to the Message
of His ^'ajesty*8 Representatives ; if we have received them, if we have
answered them, according to the rules and forms of Parliament, or ac-
cording to the respect which each branch of the Legislature is bound to
observe towards the others.
His Excellency admits that there ought to exist a mutual respeat among
the different branches of the Legislature ; The Speech of His Excellency,
w hilst it admits the principle, does not in our opinion, seem a very con-
vincing instance of its application.
These questions are too general : It appears to us that it would have
been of more avail, to direct our attention or rather that of the -public to
such or such a particular Message, in order to give us the opportunity for
explaining ourselves. Far from neglecting such messages in general we
have even proceeded on messages of former Sessions, and if we have not
taken them all into consideration, it must not be forgotten that His Ex-
cellency is the sole Judge respecting the duration ojf Parliament, and that
to him alone it belongs to terminate its Sessions' wTieri’ such Is nis pleasure.
His Excellency found it proper to prorogue the Parliament after a Session
of some w'eeks, at a time w hen there was still before it a great deal of bui*
sinessand when the House of Assembly still counted nearly fo^ty members
present.
But if this reproach refers to our not having voted an address of thanks
to His Excel ienev for each of tliose mt^ssages, we avow the fact ; but it is
the usage of the House not fo lessen the merit of those Addresses by multi-
plying them w ithout necessity ; they are reserved for important occasions
w’liich require tlie expression of public thanks. If the Hou-e have not
more frequently voted such Addresses, it is unfortunately because an op-
portunity for doing so has not been afforded ; it is not exactly its fault.
His Excellency tells us : These are the questions which you are to an-
swer to your own consciences, as men who are bound by oaths of fidelity
to their Country and to their K ng.
As for the ojitli of fidelity to he King : there is not a person in thf Pre-
vince, be his situation what it may, w’ho would dare to say of any Mem-
ber of that Assembly, that he failed in it. The people of this Province,
the Electors, know too well what loyalty is, they have given too many
convincing proofs of it to permit any one to suppose that they would choose
for Representatives men doubtful on this point.
As to the oath of fidelity to the Country — who has ever heard any maa
speaking of an oath of fidelity tolas native Country?
Home ! Home ! that single word is enough.
His Excel leney tells us : that we liave refused the necessary supplies ;
that ihe Mi i:ia Bill has nut been passed, that no provision has been niad^
for the mainten.mce of ta isoners, of the insane, of foundlings, for education,
for estahlishineuts of charity, and that public and local improvements have
been obstructed.
• Electors ! it is a disagreeable duty for us to assuro you that there are
fts many enore aa accusaiiona. If the supplies bate not been eranted
U IS because they have been required in such a manner that your Kemesen.
(atives “uW not grant them without violating your interests ami their
duty. But they have offered to pass a Bill similar to that of 1826, and
aimdartothe ActofI825, which was sanctioned and carried into eiecu!
tion This they are still disposed to do. vaecu.
• •'“d been cqg inued for two years. The House had
inwrtcd in the Bil of this year a Clause which m nulled the Act of^
S7th, inasmuch as it provided for the pay of the Militia Staff. It had r“
aeived, on the 7th of hehruary, a Message from His Eacellency concern,
ing the subject, as well as the contingent ejpences of the Militfa, and the
Wropriation of a certain sura lo furnish arms to the Militia in ceruin
«ses. The House Wished to make that iMessage the Abject of a separate
°"'y "anted time. But the Council was pleaLd to
amend the Bill which conunued the .Militia Acts,, and to strike out the
Clau« which annulled the Act of ihe57tli which seemed to have the ef-
hmdmis7iht \v amendment was
Jhelosrnf .bar R^M T ®®®“tdous measures to supply
ParTiamenl ’ "*‘'® prevented by the precipitate prorogatfon
tra?J‘in!d?““ ***® '"*®"® foundlings as usual. Con-
aclo^rdbit “'® ^'°"ncil amended that Bill. Unable,
cn“ot Bill of s'’ ‘^!"®®"y !° consider tlie amendments made by the Coun-
iects of o I r “""'■''•ng. nevertheless, that the unhappy ob-
jects of publio rommisseratipn should, on this a r niinf mfr«l the Hoikip
passed a second Bill incorporating the amendments of the Legislative
Council, and sent it hack there on Tuesday the sixth March. Thefe it has
since remained. We might be disposed to think that time alone w^
wanted to the Council for passing the second Bill ; but the House sent
the day after, tiirec other Bills to the Council at eleven o’clock in the fore-
noon : these Bills were examined and passed before three o’clock in the
afwrnoon, and were sanctioned or reserved by His Excellency on the same
As for what relates to Education and to charitable establishments, we
appeal with confidence to the proceedings of the House of Assembly.
It has voted about £15,000 for Education; if the Biils that were to
carry into execution these votes, have not been passed, if they have remain,
cd without effect in the Legislative Council, if it was not possible to per.
feet them in the Assembly, is it the fault of that H^use? It has done all
that was in its power, and it would be supremely unjust to render it res.
ponsible for the acts of the other branches of the Legislature.
Let those in fault bear the burthen between them, they will diminish the
weight by dividing it. As for charitable establishments the House has not
neglected them either? it provided with liberality for foundlings, for the
insane, for the sick and infirm in tlie different Districts, for the support of
the Hospital (or Emigrants at Quebec, for the General Hospital at Mont-
real, &c. ; And, we cannot too often repeat it, the House is not to blame
if these votes have not been carried into execution.
We have been reproached for not having settled the public Accounts
during seven years. If recourse be had to the Journals of the House, it
will be found that these accounts have been settled as far as depended on
us in 1823, and in as completg a manner as we then had it in our power
to do. ^
Electors ! Of our conduct we have considered it a duty to give you thii
exposition which, at the same time, is a refutation of his Excellency*#
Speech. We have not sou^;bt the occasion ; it has been ofTireil to U 3 ;
ue have been compelled to this step, by the attempt to destroy us in the
opinion of the public and in that of our Con titueiits. That)<ublic opinion
is in itself a power to which the greatest functionaries are amenable in all
cases, even wlien the Laws, in their ordinary course, cannot reach them,
li.ose who appeal to it against iis are not above its reach ; in ibe pK^ent
cause, we respect it without fearing it.
L J. PA PINE AU,
HUGHES HENEY,
J LESLIE,.
JOSEPH VALOIS.
JOSEPH PERRAULT,
AUSTIxN CUVILLIER,
J. M. RAYMOND,
V. A. QUESNEL.
PUBLIC MEETING AT St. HYACINTHE.
Al a meeting <^f the principal inhabitants of St. Hyacinthe held on the%
12th April, the following resolutions were unanimously adopted.
Joseph Bistodeau Esquire in the chair:
* Resolved,— That the conduct of the Hoii^e of ^fscmbly composed of the
Rej>resentaiives ot this Province always firm and constant in maintaining
our pri vileges, has produced in,tlic heart of every good Canadian sentiment
Of gratitude which never wdl be eftaecd.
^ itesolved, Tliat tlie House by declaring that it would grant supplies only
-M>.4bajpanner prov ded bv the act of I8L>.^. has proved to our entire satisfac-
tion that, aliiollJPlI toyr«nt ^ppLea . l u^^arv fo r the Sun.
port ot thc> Government it would never cease to protecT^Tfen^^
poodle of Canada. ® ^
^ Itesolved,— That among the numerous Bills wh ch received ihc r or c'n
in the House of As‘^^embly during the las,t session; there were many which
the situation of the country for many years imperioiisiy required, and that
the I rovince has been deprived of the valuable benefits w bich these biH*
darPafbaniT^^^^ ‘be sudden and unexpected prorogation of the Provin-
lUsolved,— That the province and especially the country paifs which
ere so lately calcul.atmg the knowledge and happiness that the inhabitants
would have acquired l>y the liberal grant of the Repre .enlativis lor the pur-
poce of promoting education have been cruelly disappointed in their ex^c-
tat/ort that so necessary n Bill would meet with no obstacles ^
Ke^.ved.— Tliat we have seen w ith surprise the House of Assembly of
this 1 « ovmce seriously accused in the speech of his Excellency the Go\x>r
nor in Chief of having failed in its duty to its country. ^ ^
Resolved,— That although we have the greatest respect for every thine
(hat emanates from superior authority, it is impossible for us to ceZ reZ
smg confidence the most entire in a body composed of Canadians ^t^
,o t.ie happiness of the country by the closest ties and whose patriotism has
been so eminently distinguished cn many occasions, but particuhrh'rrinl
the ^hort coniinuance of the late session. P^rucuiarij auring
IvCiolved,— That the foregoing resolutions be publishctl.
By order of the Meeting,
Jil. PoRLiER, Secretary,
ERRlTUM.
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