A POLITICAL AND HISTORICAL ACCOUNT OF II ill LOWER CANADA. A POLITICAL AND HISTORICAL ACCOUNT OF LOWER CANADA; WITH REMARKS ON THE PRESENT SITUATION OF THE PEOPLE, AS REGARDS THEIR MANNERS, CHARACTER, RELIGION, <$*c. By A CANADIAN. LONDON: WILLIAM MARSH AND ALFRED MILLER, OXFORD STREET; CONSTABLE & Co., EDINBURGH. / 1830. PREFACE. Some years since I left Lower Canada, the country of my birth, and have, from that period, resided chiefly in England. Here I have had both time and opportunity to reflect upon the state of the various colonies which belong to the British Empire, and of that which to me is most interesting—my native country. Her present political situation has occupied a large portion of my thoughts ; the want of correct information among the people of England, respecting that situation, has been long to me a subject of deep regret and solicitude; and, at length, in the absence of others more competent to the task, I have sum¬ moned resolution to hazard an explanation of the affairs of my country, persuading myself, that the candid statements of a Canadian by extraction may diminish, if they cannot destroy, the many unfavour- VI PREFACE. able and incorrect impressions which have been created by the relations of various English travellers and resident Anglo-Canadians, respecting the feelings and situation of my countrymen. The matter is laid before the public, as one in which they themselves are interested; and an appeal is made to the good sense of the English people, in hopes that they will listen to both sides of the question. Few persons are ignorant that, for some years past, there has existed in Canada a misunderstanding between the Local Government and the House of Assembly, which is the popular branch of the Legis¬ lature ; that this misunderstanding became more than ever decided during the late administration of Lord Dalhousie; and that it was at last deemed advisable by the colony to have recourse to the Imperial Go¬ vernment, in order to settle the differences existing. To enable the British Legislature justly to adjudge between these contending parties, much information is required—part of this information the present Work is intended to afford. Many pamphlets have been published in Quebec and Montreal on the same subject, and some of these are in the hands of per¬ sons in this country, directly interested in the affairs of the colony. The tone of these works shows to PREFACE. vii what height party feelings have arrived, and the strong desire that exists on all sides to justify tlieir conduct in the eyes of the public; but none of them has been written for the English people— none of them, however deserving, has had an opportunity of being circulated here. Being, for the most part, written by persons ignorant of the state ol the in¬ formation of Englishmen respecting Canada, they seldom contain such matter, or are put into such a form, as to gratify or excite the curiosity of the English public. These circumstances have induced me to take upon myself the character of an Author; to endeavour, as far as lay in my power, to expose the complicated causes of our complaints; and to seek from the hands of the British nation, what they are ever ready to grant—justice to an injured people. In this undertaking, I hope for little success as an Author; still less do I expect any approbation from the contending political parties themselves, since I have attached myself strictly to the truth, without reference either to persons or parties. The task of blaming the proceedings of the various individuals composing or connected with the Local Government, is to me too painful to have been undertaken lightly, or without a deep feeling of the necessity of its being impartially and completely performed: no personal feelings have interfered; and I therefore request all those who have been, and are members of the local administration, to believe that I have no desire to attack them as individuals, and that my reflections regaid solely their public functions; my sole aim is to afford the people of this country a knowledge of our situation, so that they may be able to rescue the province from its present difficult situation. In giving my feeble talents to the common cause, I aspire to no literary reputation; I submit to an im¬ partial public, with the greatest possible humility, my opinion respecting the political affairs of Lower Canada; and should I succeed in creating an im¬ pression favourable to the cause of my country and my compatriots, I shall consider myself amply re¬ warded for my trouble. The greatest part of the Canadians, of whom it is my lot to form one, unfortunately know by expe¬ rience, that advances in literature have, amongst us, of necessity been far from rapid: the cause of this is evident. In a new country, every man is neces¬ sarily more employed in the business of procuring the mere' necessaries and conveniences of life, than attaining a cultivated understanding. No class exists PREFACE. ix there, sufficiently rich and extensive to maintain a body of literary men, by purchasing their labour. Every man is engaged in seeking after the more immediate necessaries for his livelihood ; few or none depending on the proceeds of accumulated wealth. In spite of this absence of motives to literary excel¬ lence, however, some few remarkable exceptions are to be found; men who, in any country, would be re¬ spectable for their literary attainments, but who, when their means of instruction are considered, must be esteemed men of wonderful acquirements. If I have undertaken to write a book (a strange kind of amusement for a man of my habits), it is not that I have the vanity to place myself amongst this class of rare exceptions; but because, in a time so critical as the present, I think it the duty of every man, interested in the welfare of the Canadian people, to expose before the British public, by all means in his power, the true cause of our evils, and the manner in which they ought to be remedied. This work is not hastened by immediate circum¬ stances, but is the produce of long reflection and observation, reduced into a small form, to suit the present purpose. Had there been need, it might easily X PREFACE. have been made to assume a more bulky shape, and imposing appearance ; it was believed, however, that the object of the undertaking would be best attained, by confining the work to its present moderate di¬ mensions. In the Appendix (No. III.) will be found a list of such works as might be read with advantage, by those who are desirous of procuring information re¬ specting the colony. One of these I cannot help noticing en passant. This work was printed at Montreal, and designed exclusively for the colonial office, and a few private friends of the Author in England, and is styled, “ Political Annals of Lower Canada, being a Review of the Political and Legislative History of that Pro¬ vince, &c. &c.; by a British Settler.” The honourable Author, who, with his politics, is perfectly well known, has, for the last twenty or twenty-five years, abused and cried out against every thing connected with the Canadian inhabitants of French extraction—“ French Canadians,” as he calls them. This is not surprising to persons in the colony, who are acquainted with the politics of the country; PREFACE. XI but in England, where the secrets of the local cabinet are little known, such a work as the above produces some effect. It is to be regretted, that the talents of its Author have not been used to destroy, rather than to foment the animosity of the different parties. As a member of the Executive and Legislative Councils, he has had it greatly in his power, during his long residence in Canada, to render himself useful to the Province; had not a desire of domination, and the extraordinary power which he and a few indi¬ viduals obtained gradually in the administration of the local government, as well, perhaps, as some feelings of private interests (at no time a matter to be passed over as of little consideration), induced him to neglect the public good, and the welfare of its ancient in¬ habitants, under pretext of favouring a single class, the British settlers, which class, according to him, has not, and never can have interests the same as those of the ancient people of the Province. It would have been easy for me to prove, to what an amazing extent he has been in error, and how much his pre¬ judices have got the better of his reason; such an explanatory digression, however, would be endowed with little interest in the eyes of the public; and they who possess the work will be able, if they please, to judge by the exposition which I am about to lay xii PREFACE. before the reader, respecting the policy of the line of conduct which the honourable Author proposes. In Appendix No. I. will be found a description of the Saguenay territory, an immense tract of country, yet imperfectly known, with some observations re¬ specting the advantages it possesses for new Settle¬ ments ; and in No. II. a short description of the most useful minerals, and other natural produce of the country. I have only to add, that the present Work was originally nearly all written in French, and that I have had it translated, in hopes that thereby it may be more generally read. THE AUTHOR. CONTENTS. Page. CHAP. I. Discovery of the Country, and Origin of its Name- Passes into the Hands of the English—Boundaries Object of the present Work . 1 ciiap. ii. Act of 1791* for dividing the Province into Upper and Lower Canada — Legislative and Administrative Bodies _ The Governor—Executive Council—House of Assembly—Judiciary . chap. III. A List of the Governors, from 1791 to the present time—Observations on the State of Canada under Sir James Craig-Sir George Prevost-General Drummond—Sir John Sherbrooke—The Duke of Richmond—Lord Dalhousie—Sir James Kempt . M XVI CONTENTS. CHAP. IV. Page. Of the Character, Manners, Customs, Industry, and Religion of the Canadians—French Population _ State of the People — Agriculture — Food—Clothing — Habitations—Amusements of the People—Their Character . CHAP. V. State if Education 151 CHAP. VI. Of the Waste Lands of the Crown, and the Lands reserved for the Protestant Clergy/ . 168 CHAP. VII. Remedies proposed 192 APPENDIX. No. I. The Saguenay Territory . 207 II. Minerals and other Productions of Canada ... 212 III. Historical and Descriptive Works relating to Canada . CONTENTS. XV No. Pi « e - IV. Articles of Capitulation agreed on between General Townshend and M. de Ramsay, Commander of Quebec, on the \8th of Sep¬ tember, 1759. V. Articles of Capitulation between General Am¬ herst, Commander-in-Chief of His Britannic Majesty's Troops and Forces in North Ame¬ rica, and the Marquess de Vaudreuil, Lieute¬ nant-General for the King of France, in Canada, on the 8th of September, 1760 . 216 VI. An Act for making more effectual Provision for the Government of the Province of Quebec, in North America, passed in the Fourteenth Year of the Reign of George III . 226 VII. An Act to repeal certain Parts of the preced¬ ing (No. VI.), and to make further Provision for the Government of the Province, passed in the Thirty-first Year of the Reign of Geo. III. 231 VIII. An Address to the Electors of Lower Canada... IX. Extract from a Bill for uniting the Legisla¬ tures of Lower and Upper Canada ; printed by Order of the House of Commons, on the 31 . H of July, 1822. X. A Poetical Composition inserted in the Quebec Gazette on New Year's Day, 1829. 251 XI. Statement of the different Establishments for Education in Lower Canada, from the Re¬ turns made to the House of Assembly, in 1829 .. . . XII. Extract from the First Report of the Committee of the House of Assembly, respecting the Settlement of Crown Lands; printed on the 12 th of February, 1821. XIII. Extract from the Resolves of the Council, re¬ specting the Introduction of Tenure in Free 247 249 252 253 XVI CONTENTS. No. Page. and Common Soccage , in lieu of the Ancient Tenure of the Country . 261 XIV. Observations on the Report of the Committee of the whole Council , respecting a Change in the Tenures of the Province of Lower Canada 266 XV. List of the Counties and Members for each , according to the Representation Bill , as a- mended by the Legislative Council , and agreed to by the House of Assembly, on the 11 th of March, 1829. 273 XVI. Provisions of a Bill to encourage Emigration ... 275 POLITICAL AND HISTORICAL ACCOUNT OF LOWER CANADA. CHAPTER I. Discovery of the Country , and Origin of its Name—Passes into the Hands of the English— Boundaries—Object of the present Work . In the year 1497, Sebastian Cabot, holding a commission from Henry VII. of England, discovered the countries situated on the south-west of the river St. Lawrence. The appellation of Canada was given to these territories, as well as to those afterwards discovered by Jacques Cartier, a sub¬ ject of France. Of the origin of the word Canada there are various accounts. It is by some asserted to be a word of the Iroquois language, signifying a collection of huts; others, however, give it a fanciful derivation from the Spanish. It is said that the Spaniards, long before Verazani was dispatched by Francis I. on a voyage of discovery, had disembarked in the bay now called Chaleurs, and, in their B 2 ORIGIN OF ITS NAME. search after mines, pronounced constantly before the savages of the country the two words, aca nada—here nothing; which words the Indians afterwards repeated to the French. Others, again, assert, that the term is a corruption of capo de nada—cape of nothing; which appellation the Spaniards are supposed to have conferred on the country, believing it utterly barren and desolate. The territory now known by the name of Canada was, until the year 1759, in possession of France; and, together with the remainder of her pos¬ sessions in that part of America, was distinguished by the appellation of La Nouvelle France. In 1629, Canada was taken by the English, but was then held in so little estimation as to be returned to its former owners, the French, in three years afterwards*. In 1759, however, General Wolfe was dispatched for the purpose of conquering the country ; and on the plains of Abraham, under the walls of Quebec (the capital), he defeated the French troops, who had been induced to leave their almost impregnable fortress. Wolfe lost his life in the action ; but the victory he had gained decided the fate of Canada, which then passed for ever from under the dominion of France. A capitulation was entered into by the inhabitants of Quebec and Montreal, and ratified by the regular authorities. *1 o this capitulation I shall hereafter have to revert*f*. For some time the country was under the direction of one government, and was generally designated the Province of Quebec. In 1791, the province of Quebec was divided into the two provinces of Upper and Lower Canada. To Lower Canada alone, as then marked out, are the succeeding obser¬ vations intended to apply. Le conseil de Louis XIII. tenait aussi si peu a cet £tablissement, qu’il opinait ane pas en demander la restitution; mais Richelieu, qui avait e put in circulation (large bills, of twenty-five dollars and upwards, bearing interest at the rate of four-pence per day for every eP.100.) ; they were made current in the revenue, were to have the effect of a legal tender, and were redeemable at the Army Bill Office, either in cash or go¬ vernment bills of exchange on London, at the option of the commander of the forces. Small bills of four dollars were at all times payable, in cash, at the Army Bill Office. All contracts, in which any distinction should be made between army bills and cash, were to be void ; and at the expiration of five years, all those who might be holders of such army bills were entitled to receive the amount of the same, with the interest due upon them, out of the Provincial Treasury. To defray the expenses of the Army Bill Office, in issuing, circulating, and cancelling the army bills, the Legislature also granted the further sum of £.2,500 per annum. On the 1st day of August, 1812, this Bill received the royal sanction ; and the Governor prorogued the Parliament, with acknowledgments for the liberal aid they had granted him to meet the exigencies of the public service. This seasonable provision of the Legislature at once enabled the Government to meet the demands of the public service, and revive the public spirit. A want of means, at so urgent a crisis, must have paralysed the energies of Government; and this circumstance alone might have created a doubt in the minds of the Canadians of the indifference of the mother country towards the colony, that would have induced a despondency fatal to the provinces*. General Prevost was, without contradiction, the first Go¬ vernor who properly appreciated the feelings of the Canadian people; and we may see that, in as far as the people’s repre¬ sentatives were able, he was fully recompensed for his good feeling. The critical situation in which he found himself, and that which, in all cases, weighs more than feelings of Christie * Memoirs, p. 43. SIR GEORGE PREVOST. 39 immediate interest with a high-minded gentleman, sentiments of honour and honesty, induced him to pursue this path ; by which conduct, indeed, he saved an important colony, but in¬ jured his own personal interests. The reproaches that have been heaped upon him, are pretended to be grounded on his ill success in his military expeditions : this ill success is but a pre¬ tence, the real cause of displeasure being his impartial beha¬ viour towards the whole people whom he governed. To those who will take the pains fully to investigate his military conduct, it will appear throughout, to have been directed by prudence and forethought; he will be found to have sacrificed nothing to his personal vanity, but to have been guided, rather by the cool calculation of a general, than the blind and headlong fury of a soldier. True it is, that he was unsuccessful in his expe¬ dition at Plattsburg; true it is, that our whole fleet was captured; and true it is, that the General determined to retreat: the loss was not the consequence of the General’s want of forethought or skill, but his want of fortune; the retreat was not the consequence of want of courage, but the dictate of sound sense and humanity. Had he persisted in his enterprise, a large number of men must have been lost, without the possibility of maintaining the post for an instant; and thus, for the mere purpose of performing a brilliant action, he would have uselessly sacrificed a large portion of his army. This, however, as I have already observed, was but the pretence ; the real cause of hatred to him originated in a far different source. From the moment that Sir George Prevost took the reins of government, he endeavoured, as much as his power per¬ mitted, to recompense, by honourable and lucrative situations, those persons who had been ill-treated by his predecessor. He assembled around him every person who possessed the esteem of the Canadian public, and thus formed a powerful Canadian party; re-established confidence in the minds of the inhabitants, and softened, by acts of clemency, the rigour of the measures pursued in former administrations. By this means he made implacable enemies in the opposite party, 40 Silt GEORGE PREVOST. who did not fail to attempt'his ruin. He, nevertheless, steadily pursued the same conduct, contemned their en¬ deavours, and forced them, eventually, to feel an unwilling respect for him. Unfortunately, he was surrounded by per¬ sons of whom he was necessarily suspicious; he was ill sup¬ ported by his staff, and believed it absolutely necessary for him to be in the field, when he ought to have been employed in the cabinet. Two expeditions, in which he commanded in person, were unsuccessful; and no more was required for his enemies to attempt his ruin. Different representations were made against him in England, which induced him, un¬ fortunately, to undertake a painful and dangerous voyage to Europe, on purpose to justify his conduct. Four heads of accusation were brought against him, by Sir James L. Yeo; and to these he was endeavouring to answer. Lest he should lose time, he left Quebec on the (3rd of April, with the in¬ tention of proceeding to Halifax, or St. John’s, New Bruns¬ wick, traversing three-fourths of the time, on foot, woods buried in snow; he arrived at Halifax, and embarked for England. On the 25th of March, 1815, previous to his departure, he prorogued the Provincial Parliament; informed them that he was commanded by the Prince Regent to return to England ; that it was his intention to depart immediately, in order to de¬ fend his character, w hich had been assailed by the naval com¬ mander who had acted in conjunction with him on the lakes. u However intent (said he) on the subject that thus sum- mons^my attention, be assured I shall bear with me a lively recollection of the firm support I have derived from you; and I shall be gratified, at an early period, in representing, personally, to His Royal Highness the Prince Regent, the zeal and loyalty evinced by every class of His Majesty’s subjects in British North America, during my administration, their attachment to his august person and government, and, most particularly, the spirit and devotion manifested by the people of the Canadas, in the late contest with the United States of America.” SIR GEORGE PRKVOST. 41 The fatigues of his painful voyage, combined with a deli¬ cate constitution, and the inquietude of mind caused by the accusations brought against him, caused his death, before opportunity was afforded of justifying his conduct. It is satisfactory to learn, however, that justice was done to his memory; that his great services have been properly appre¬ ciated, and the calumnies against his character have met the contempt and refutation they have so richly deserved. By this stroke of political intrigue, the Canadians found themselves suddenly deprived of a Governor who appreciated their merits ; the House of Assembly showed its attachment to his person and his measures, by voting the sum of o£\5OO0 sterling, for the purpose of buying a service of plate, to be presented to him, in remembrance of their gratitude for the services he had rendered ; the Legislative Council, however, opposed the grant, thus showing where the real enemies of Sir George Prevost were to be found; and directing the at¬ tention of every* man of common sense to the causes which rendered him unpopular with the class to which they belonged. It is to be regretted, that the Canadians have not yet erected a monument to his memory, in acknowledgment of his me¬ ritorious services, as the founder of their constitutional rights. Let all those who have blamed, and who yet blame, the military conduct of Sir George Prevost (his civil government has, by every one, been acknowledged to be beyond all praise); let them, I say, recollect, that he was chosen Governor-in- Chief at the commencement of a war with America; that in the whole country there were only 4000 regular troops to defend an immense frontier ; that there was no organized militia ; and that the Canadian population were far from well disposed under the preceding administration ; and then let them remember the promptitude with which the battalions of militia and other provincial forces were collected and es¬ tablished ; with what judgment the exposed points of the country were fortified ; with what enthusiasm the unoccupied militia, when needed, offered their assistance ; let them, I say, recollect all these things, and then state, to what else than the u 42 SIR GEORGE PREVOST. talents of the Governor they ought to be ascribed ? Let the public remember, that to Sir George Prevost it is alone owing, that Canada is now a part of the British dominions; and then let them ask, if he deserved the treatment lie received ? “ Peuples, dont la douleur aux larmes obstin£e, De ce Prince clieri deplore le trepas, Approchez, et voyez, quelle est la destinee Des grandeurs d’ici bas*.” I should not so long have dwelt upon the administration of Sir George Prevost, had it not been intimately connected with the cause of the Canadian people; and had it not been an admirable illustration of the effects of the present system of our Government. I will here close my remarks on his conduct by the following extract:— “ The administration of the civil government of Lower Canada, under Sir George Prevost, was mild, equitable, and unquestionably popular, among the entire mass of the Ca¬ nadian population; in whose loyalty, from the commencement, he placed the most implicit confidence. To their fidelity, and to the prudent and conciliating policy of the Governor, Great Britain is indebted for the preservation of the Canadas, unavoidably left destitute of money and troops, at the outset of hostilities with America, by reason of the urgent demands of the war in Spain. The provincial Legislature, by giving a currency to army bills, and guaranteeing their redemption, effectually removed all apprehensions of a deficiency in the financial resources of the colonial government. The organi¬ zation of a respectable force of embodied militia, and the power delegated to the Governor of turning out the whole of the effective male population of the province, in cases of emer¬ gency, enabled him to withstand the efforts of the United States during two successive campaigns, with scarcely any other resources than those derived from the colony. They who had been partial to the preceding administration, and who, probably, may have been instrumental in the arbitrary measures with which it is reproached, were, as might be * J. B. Rousseau, Ode tur le Prince de Conti. GENERAL DRUMMOND. 43 expected, adverse to the policy of the present Governor, and spared no pains to represent in England the affairs of the colony in the falsest colours. The disappointments expe¬ rienced at Sackett’s Harbour and Plattsburg, gave occasion to his enemies to discredit his military character; but, what¬ ever may have been his capacity as a general (which we leave to the judgment of military men), it must be admitted, that, as a civil Governor, at the head of a people irritated by arbitrary measures under the preceding administration, he judiciously explored his way, through a period of unpre¬ cedented embarrassments and danger, without a recurrence to martial law, or the least exertion of arbitrary power. His manners are represented, by those who were familiarly ac¬ quainted with him, as unassuming and social; his public speeches, or addresses, partook of even a classic elegance; his smooth and easy temper placed him beyond the ordinary passions of men in power; and, though aware of the intrigues of unprincipled and implacable enemies, labouring at his destruction, and loaded with the obloquy of the press, he is known to have harboured no resentment against the former, and to have reasoned with that coolness and unconcern with respect to the latter, which can only spring from a virtuous and ingenuous mind*.” Immediately upon the departure of Sir George Prevost, the government of the country was assumed by General Drummond, who had greatly distinguished himself during the campaign in Upper Canada. The intimacy which had existed between him and Sir James Craig, was, in the opinion of the Canadians, no favourable augury as to the conduct he would pursue. His administration, though short, gave evidence that the people had judged correctly. A dispute at this time arose between the Government and the House of Assembly, the history of which it is of importance to relate. During the administration of Sir George Prevost, seventeen heads of accusation were carried, in the Plouse of Assembly, * Chkistie’s Memoirs , Postscript. 44 GENERAL DRUMMOND. against the two Chief Justices of the province : the matter of these accusations was, that they, the judges, had given illegal advice to Sir James Craig in 1810, and unconstitutionally aided his arbitrary proceedings; and that they had gone beyond their legal powers, in introducing certain rules of practice into their respective courts. The Governor was requested to transmit the accusations to England : he did so, but no favourable answer having been returned, and the matter having laid at rest in England a year before it was noticed, the House considered it requisite to choose an agent for the purpose of supporting and furthering their complaints. The House also voted the impeachment of the judges, and presented a request to Governor Sir George Prevost, to suspend them from the exercise of their judicial functions, and at the same time to transmit to the Prince Regent the accusations drawn up. The Legislative Council refused to join in this proceeding, and resolved, that the Lower House possessed no right of impeachment. The Governor, in consequence, refused to comply with the request of the House of Assembly, stating to the deputation of the House, that, without the concurrence of the Legislative Coun¬ cil, he deemed the measure unconstitutional . The House was exceedingly dissatisfied by the answer of the Governor, and finished by resolving,—“ That His Excellency the Go¬ vernor in Chief, by his answer to the address of the House, had violated the constitutional rights and privileges thereof” The Legislative Council having refused their assent to the Bill, raising money for the support of an agent, that project of the Lower House necessarily failed. Their complaints, however, were, in spite of the Governor’s former opinion* transmitted to England; but, as no agent was there to explain their grievances, and as the Chief Justice was allowed to depart to England, in order to defend himself, it is nothing wonderful, that the accusations of the people’s representatives failed of producing their proper effect. As the political influence of the Chief Justice of the province, the Honourable Jonathan Sewell (certainly a man GENERAL DRUMMOND. 45 of superior abilities), lias been, in the opinion of many persons, most injurious to the interests of the country, I shall be somewhat minute in the detail I shall give of the fate of the accusations brought against him by the House of Assembly. When Mr. Sewell reached England, he found Lord Bathurst disposed to listen to his statements, and believe his insinuations against the characters of his accusers. Interest, on the part of one of the chief leaders of the Canadian party, was by him stated to have given rise to the present storm. Mr. James Stuart, now Attorney-General of Lower Canada, was, in 1810, abruptly dismissed from the situation of Solicitor-General, and that important office was conferred upon a person of the name of Sewell. The anger felt by Mr. Stuart, on account of this proceeding, was asserted to be the real cause of the persecution, as it was termed, of the Chief Justice ; and the statements of the Assembly to be mere figments used to colour, and lend a sanction to private malice. Lord Bathurst, and consequently the Privy Council, were, for many reasons, willing to give ear to such an explanation, and fancied that the originating cause of an accusation being found, or supposed to be found, nought but private malice, the truth of the accusation of itself was a matter of no mo¬ ment, inasmuch as private malice might be believed to have given birth to the accusations ; insomuch was it requisite to investigate with care and suspicion the evidence by which they were to be supported. The accusation, however, ought to have been tried by its own merits; and, supposing it to have been discovered to be founded in truth, no matter what called it into existence, the culprits ought to have been pu¬ nished. The Privy Council reasoned not in this manner, but unceremoniously dismissed the complaints of the House. General Drummond, now the Governor, communicated this intelligence to the House, saying, that the Privy Council of His Majesty, to whom their complaints and impeachments had been submitted, had decided that they were ill founded, and consequently they had been dismissed , and that this 46 SIR JOHN SHERBROOKE. decision had been approved of by the Prince Regent. The House was justly indignant at this cavalier treatment, having, without doubt, a right to complain and to be heard. To this right, however, the Privy Council had paid no regard. The House, therefore, ordered a general call of the members, to take this affair into their most serious considera¬ tion, and selected a special committee, to inquire into the most efficacious means of giving effect to their complaints. This committee, trusting to the justice of His Majesty’s Government, was of opinion, that the Commons of Lower Canada should present a petition to the Prince Regent, praying him to give them an opportunity of exposing their grievances, in accordance with the right which justly belonged to them. The public was now in a state of great excitement, and all other business in the House was sus¬ pended, when, on a sudden, and quite unexpectedly, the Parliament was dissolved. This conduct on the part of the Governor, General Drummond, as might be expected, created great dissatisfaction, and gave an opportunity to Sir John Sherbrooke (who succeeded General Drummond on the 12th of July, 1816) of exercising the remarkable talent he pos¬ sessed in conciliating all parties, and of inducing the popular leaders to abandon a measure that, for two sessions, had occupied the whole attention of the Assembly. Before I proceed to explain the cause of this latter con¬ duct in the House, I am desirous of laying before my reader an extract of the accusations brought by them against the Chief Justice of the province, Jonathan Sewell, Esq., and the Chief Justice of the Court of King's Bench, for the dis¬ trict of Montreal, James Monk, Esq.* “ HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY. “ Saturday , February 26, 1814. “ Mr. Stuart, from the committee appointed to prepare * See the Proceedings in the Assembly of Lower Canada on the Rules of Prac¬ tice of the Courts of Justice , and the Impeachments of Jonathan Sewell and James Monk , Esqrs .—Printed by order of the House, 1814. SIR JOHN SHERBROOKE. 47 heads of impeachment against Jonathan Sewell, Esq., Chief Justice of the province, and James Monk, Esq. Chief Justice of the Court of King's Bench, for the district of Montreal, acquainted the House, that the committee had prepared heads of impeachment accordingly, and also a humble representation to His Royal Highness the Prince Regent, which they had directed him to report to the House; and he read the report in his place, and afterwards delivered it in at the table, where the same was read, and the said heads of impeachment and humble representation, so reported, are as follow:— “ Heads of impeachment of Jonathan Sewell, Esq., Chief Justice of the province of Lower Canada, by the Commons of Lower Canada, in this present Provincial Parliament assembled, in their own name, and in the name of all the Commons of the said province. “ First ,—That the said Jonathan Sewell, Chief Justice of the province of Lower Canada, hath traitorously and wickedly endeavoured to subvert the constitution and es¬ tablished government of the said province, and instead thereof, to introduce an arbitrary tyrannical government, against law, which he hath declared by traitorous and wicked opinions, counsel, conduct, judgments, practices, and actions. u Secondly ,—That, in pursuance of those traitorous and wicked purposes, the said Jonathan Sewell hath disregarded the authority of the Legislature of this province, and in the courts of justice wherein he hath presided and sat, hath usurped powers and authority which belong to the Legis¬ lature alone, and made regulations subversive of the consti¬ tution and laws of this province. “ Thirdly ,—That the said Jonathan Sewell, being Chief Justice of this province, and President of the Provincial Court of Appeals, in pursuance of the traitorous and wicked purposes aforesaid, did, on the 19th day of January, in the year of our Lord 1809, make and publish, and cause to be made and published, by the Court of Appeals, various regu¬ lations, under the name of * Rules and Orders of Practice,' 48 SIR JOHN SHERBROOKE. repugnant and contrary to the laws of this province, whereby the said Jonathan Sewell, wickedly and traitorously, in so far as in him lay, endeavoured and laboured to change, alter, and modify, and to cause to be changed, altered, and modi¬ fied, by the said Court of Appeals, the laws of this province, which he was sworn to administer; and assumed legislative authority, and by the said regulations imposed illegal burthens and restraints upon Ilis Majesty’s subjects in the exercise of their legal rights, and attributed to the said Court unconsti¬ tutional and illegal powers and authority, altogether incon¬ sistent with the duties of the said Court, and subversive of the liberty and just and legal rights of His Majesty’s subjects in this province. “ Fourthly ,—That the said Jonathan Sewell, being Chief Justice of this province, and as such presiding in His Ma¬ jesty’s Court of King’s Bench for the district of Quebec, in pursuance of the traitorous and wicked purposes aforesaid, did, in the term of October, in the year of our Lord 1809, make and publish, and cause to be made and published, by the said last-mentioned Court, various regulations, under the name of ‘ Rules and Orders of Practice,’ repugnant and contrary to the law, &c., &c. “ Fifthly ,—That the said Jonathan Sewell, being such Chief Justice and President of the Provincial Court of Appeals, as aforesaid, and as well by the duties as the oaths of his offices, bound to maintain, support, and administer, the laws of this province, and award justice to His Majesty’s subjects according to the said laws, hath, nevertheless, in contempt of the said laws, and in violation of his said duty and oaths, set aside the said laws, and substituted his will and pleasure instead thereof, by divers unconstitutional, illegal, unjust, and oppressive rules, orders, and judgments, which he hath made and rendered, to the manifest injury and oppression of His Majesty’s subjects in this province, and in subversion of their most important political and civil rights. “ Sixthly ,—That the said Jonathan Sewell, being Chief Slit JOHN SHERBROOKE. 49 Justice, as aforesaid, and also Speaker of the Legislative Council of this province, and Chairman of His Majesty’s Executive Council therein, did, by false and malicious slan¬ ders against His Majesty’s Canadian subjects, and the Assembly of this province, poison and incense the mind of Sir James Craig, being Governor-in-Chief of this province, against them, and mislead and deceive him in the discharge of his duties as such Governor ; and did, on the 15th day of May, in the year of our Lord 1809, advise, counsel, and induce the said Sir James Craig, being Governor-in-Chief, as aforesaid, and being under the influence of the false and pernicious suggestions of the said Jonathan Sewell, as afore¬ said, to dissolve the Provincial Parliament, without any cause whatever to palliate or excuse that measure; and did also counsel, advise, and induce the said Sir James Craig to make and deliver, on that occasion, a speech, wherein the constitutional rights and privileges of the Assembly of Lower Canada were grossly violated, the Members of that body insulted, and their conduct misrepresented. “ Seventhly ,—That the said Jonathan Sewell, being such Chief Justice, Speaker of the Legislative Council, and Chairman of the Executive Council, as aforesaid, in pur¬ suance of his traitorous and wicked purposes aforesaid, and intending to oppress His Majesty’s subjects and prevent all opposition to his tyrannical views, did counsel and advise the said Sir James Craig, being Governor-in-Chief, as afore¬ said, to remove and dismiss divers loyal and deserving sub¬ jects of His Majesty from offices of profit .and honour, who were accordingly so removed and dismissed, without the sem¬ blance of reason to justify it, but merely because they were inimical, or supposed to be inimical, to the measures and policy promoted by the said Jonathan Sewell, and in order, in one instance, to procure the advancement of his brother*.” m * “Among the arbitrary measures which characterize the times (1810), the dismissal of the Solicitor-General, James Stuart, Esq., from his office, without E 50 SIR JOHN SHERBROOKE. “ Eighthly ,—That the said Jonathan Sewell, &c., &c., induced Sir James Craig to dismiss Jean Antoine Panet, Esq. who had been during fifteen years, and was still, Speaker of the House of Assembly, from His Majesty’s service as Lieutenant-Colonel of a battalion of militia, without any reason, &c., &c. “ Ninthly ,—That the said Jonathan Sewell, regardless of the dignity and duties of his high offices, persuaded and induced Pierre Edward Desbarats, printer of the laws of the province, to establish a newspaper, under the name of the Vrai Canadien , to promote his factious views, and for the purpose of calumniating and vilifying part of His Majesty’s subjects, and certain Members of the Assembly, who were obnoxious to the said Jonathan Sewell, &c., &c. “ Tenthly ,—That the said Jonathan Sewell, in pur¬ suance of his traitorous and wicked purposes aforesaid, and intending to extinguish all reasonable freedom of the press, destroy the rights, liberties, and security of His Majesty’s subjects in this province, and suppress all complaints of tyranny and oppression, did, in the month of March, in the year of our Lord 1810, counsel, advise, promote, and approve the sending of an armed military force to break open the dwelling house and printing office of one Charles Lefrancois, being one of His Majesty’s peaceable subjects in the city of Quebec; and there arrest and imprison the said Charles Lefrancois, and seize and bring away forcibly a printing press, with various private papers; which mea¬ sure of lawless violence was accordingly executed, and the said press and papers have since remained deposited in the court-house in the city of Quebec, with the knowledge and approbation, and under the eye of the said Jonathan Sewell. “ Eleventhly ,—That the said Jonathan Sewell, &c., &c., with the intention of oppressing individuals supposed to be any other ostensible reason than his independent conduct as a Member of the House of Assembly, is not the least remarkable. He was succeeded by Stephen Sewell, Esq., an advocate at Montreal.”— Christie’s Memoirs . SIR JOHN SHERBROOKE. 51 suspicious of his character and views and inimical to his policy, &c., &c., did counsel, advise, promote, and approve the arrest of Pierre Bedard, Francois Blanchet, and .Jean Thomas Tachereau, Esquires, upon the false and unfounded pretext of their having been guilty of treasonable practices, whereby they might be deprived of the benefit of bail, and, by means of the influence derived from his high offices under the Government, caused them to be imprisoned on the said charge, in the common gaol of the district of Quebec, for a long space of time, and at length to be discharged without having been brought to a trial. “ Twelfthly ,—That the said Jonathan Sewell, &c., &c., instigated and promoted various acts of tyranny and oppres¬ sion similar to those last mentioned, in other parts of the province, whereby divers individuals, upon the false pretext of having been guilty of treasonable practices, were exposed to unjust prosecutions, imprisoned, and oppressed, and one of then), Francois Corbeil, being old and infirm, was by the rigour of his imprisonment deprived of life, and whereby general alarm and apprehension were excited in His Majesty’s subjects. “ Thirteenthly ,—That the said Jonathan Sewell, &c., &c., on the 21st day of March, 1810, being a time when pro¬ found tranquillity prevailed in the province, &c., &c., did wickedly infuse into the mind of the said Sir James Craig, being Governor-in-Chief, as aforesaid, the most false and unfounded suspicions of alarm respecting the dispositions and intentions of His Majesty’s Canadian subjects, and did counsel, advise, and induce the said Sir James Craig to issue a proclamation*, extraordinary and unprecedented, as well in style as in matter, &c., &c.; wherein such statements were made as implied that the province was in a state approaching open insurrection and rebellion, whereby the character of His Majesty’s Canadian subjects was most * This proclamation will be found in the Appendix (Letter B.) to Christie’s Memoirs. 52 SIR JOHN SHERBROOKE. falsely calumniated, and foreign states may have been drawn, and there is the greatest reason to believe, from subsequent events, were drawn, into a belief of such dis¬ loyalty in Ilis Majesty’s Canadian subjects as would render the province an easy conquest*. “ Fourteenihly ,—That the said Jonathan Sewell, &c., &c., did labour and endeavour, by means of his official influence, to extend and confirm the unfounded imputations made, and alarm excited by the said proclamation ; and in the term of the Court of Criminal Jurisdiction, held in the said month of March 1810, read the said proclamation in open court, for the purpose of influencing the minds of the grand and petit juries in the exercise of their respective duties. “ Frfteentlily ,—That the said Jonathan Sewell, &c., &c., hath laboured and endeavoured to produce, in His Majesty’s Government, an ill opinion of His Majesty’s Canadian sub¬ jects, with a view to oppress them, and favour the progress of American influence in this province, and promote the advantageous establishment of Americans, &c., &c., to the great prejudice and injury of His Majesty’s Canadian sub¬ jects, and with a view to the subversion of His Majesty’s Government. “ Siocteenthly ,—That the said Jonathan Sewell, &c., &c., influenced by a desire to accelerate a political connection of this province with part of the United States of America, and to deprive His Majesty’s Canadian subjects of their present constitution and laws, did, in or about the month of January, in the year of our Lord 1809, enter into a base and wicked confederacy with one John Henry, an adven¬ turer of suspicious character, for the purpose of sowing and exasperating dissension among the subjects of the government of the said United States, and producing among them insurrection and rebellion, and a consequent dismemberment of the Union; and, in furtherance of the * The reader will easily comprehend, after die perusal of these accusations, what we have previously stated respecting the judicious conduct of Sir George Prevo8t SIR JOHN SHERBROOKE. 53 objects of the said confederacy, did, by artful and false representations, counsel, advise, and induce Sir James Craig, being Governor-in-Chief of this province, to send the said John Henry on a mission to the said United States, whereby the attainment of the views of the said Jonathan Sewell was to be promoted, and the said Jonathan Sewell became and was a channel for the correspondence of the said John Henry respecting his mission aforesaid; by which conduct the said Jonathan Sew'ell hath exposed His Majesty’s Govern¬ ment to imputations reflecting on its honour, and hath rendered himself unworthy of any place of trust under His Majesty’s Government*. “ Seventeenthly ,—That the said Jonathan Sewell, &c.,&c., hath laboured and still doth labour to promote disunion and animosity between the Legislative Council and Assembly of this province, and hath exerted his influence as Speaker as aforesaid, to prevent the passing, in the said Council, of salutary laws, which had been passed in the said Assembly; and hath, during the present war with the United States of America, fomented dissension among His Majesty’s subjects in this province, and endeavoured, by various acts and practices, to prevent a reliance on the loyalty and bravery of His Majesty’s Canadian subjects, and produce a want of confidence in the administration of His Majesty’s Govern¬ ment, and thereby weaken its exertions. “ For all which crimes and misdemeanours, &c., &c., above mentioned, the said Commons do impeach the said Jonathan Sewell, hereby reserving to themselves the liberty of ex¬ hibiting, at any time hereafter, any other accusation or impeachment against the said Jonathan Sewell, and adopting such conclusions and prayer upon the premises, as law and justice may require.” * I have heard some American gentlemen say, that this business of Henry, and our,useless expedition to New Orleans, contributed more than any thing else to raise the spirit of the nation, and to destroy the unpopularity of the late war in the United States. 54 Silt JOHN SHERBROOKE. Heads of impeachment of James Monk, Esq. &c., &c. “ First ,—That the said James Monk, Chief Justice of His Majesty’s Court of King’s Bench for the district of Montreal, in the province of Lower Canada, hath traitorously and wickedly endeavoured to subvert the constitution and established government of the said province, and instead thereof to introduce an arbitrary tyrannical government, against law, which he hath declared by traitorous and wicked opinions, counsels, conduct, judgments, practices, and actions. “ Secondly ,—That, in pursuance of those traitorous and wicked purposes, the said James Monk hath disregarded the authority of the Legislature of this province, and in the courts of justice wherein he hath presided and sat, hath usurped powers and authority which belong to the Legislature alone, and made regulations subversive of the constitution and laws of this province. “ Thirdly ,—That the said James Monk, &c., &c., did, on the nineteenth day of January, in the year of our Lord 1809, make, consent to, concur in, approve, and publish, and caused to be made and published, by the Court of Appeals, various regulations, under the name of 6 Rules and Orders of Practice,’ in the Provincial Court of Appeals, repugnant and contrary to the laws of this province, &c., &c.; and, by the said regulations, imposed illegal burthens and restraints upon His Majesty’s subjects in the exercise of their legal rights, and attributed to the said Court un¬ constitutional and illegal powers and authority, altogether inconsistent with the duties of the said Court, and subversive of the liberty and just and legal rights of His Majesty’s subjects in this province. “ Fourthly ,—That the said James Monk, &c., &c., did, in the term of February 1811, make and publish, and cause to be made and published, by the said last-mentioned Court, various regulations, under the name of ‘ Rules and Orders of Practice,’ repugnant and contrary to the law r s of this, province, by which regulations the said James Monk, in so Silt JOHN SHEltBltOOKE. 55 far as in him lay, endeavoured and laboured to change, alter, and modify, the laws of this province, &c., &c. “ Fifthly ,—That the said James Monk, &c., &c., bound, by the oaths of his offices, to maintain, support, and ad¬ minister the laws of this province, hath, nevertheless, in contempt of the said laws, and in violation of his said duties and oaths, set aside the said laws, and substituted his will and pleasure instead thereof, &c., &c. “ Sixthly ,—That the said James Monk, &c., &c., hath, in the exercise of his judicial powers, openly and publicly ascribed to the said Court of King’s Bench the power of altering, changing, and modifying the laws of this province, and hath alleged and declared that such power had been recognized by all the judges of the law in the Provincial Court of Appeals, and on such, his false, traitorous, and wicked opinions and declarations, hath founded judgments of the said Court. “ Seventhly ,—That the said James Monk, &c., &c., hath, contrary to his duty and in contempt of the laws of the province, denied writs of Habeas Corpus to persons legally entitled to them, &c., &c. “ Eighthly ,—That the said James Monk, &c., &c., hath, in certain cases, promoted, counselled, and advised criminal prosecutions, and hath afterwards exercised his judicial powers, as Chief Justice, and hath sat in judgment upon such prosecutions. “ All which crimes and misdemeanours, above mentioned, were done and committed by the said James Monk, Chief Justice of the Court of King’s Bench for the district of Montreal, &c., &c. “ For all which the said Commons do impeach the said James Monk, &c., &c.” And now, for the purpose of showing that the political substance of these was not considered by the Privy Council, viz. what related to his private advice to Sir James Craig, I insert the Order in Council on the subject, of the 29th of June, 1815:— 56 sm JOHN SHEHBllOOKE. “ At the Court of Carlton House , the 29 th qfJune, 1815, “ PRESENT, “ His Royal Highness the Prince Regent in Council. “ Whereas there was this day read at the board a report from a Committee of the Lords of His Majesty's Most Honourable Privy Council, dated the 24th of this instant, in the words following, viz .:— “ Your Royal Highness having been pleased, by your Order in Council of the 10th of December instant, in the name and on behalf of His Majesty, to refer unto this Com¬ mittee a letter from Earl Bathurst, one of His Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State, to the Lord President of the Council, transmitting a copy of a letter from Sir George Prevost, dated Quebec, the 18th of March, 1814, forwarding an address of the House of Assembly of Lower Canada to your Royal Highness, with certain articles of complaint therein referred to, against Jonathan Sewell, Esq., His Majesty's Chief Justice of the province of Lower Canada, and James Monk, Esq., Chief Justice of the Court of King’s Bench for the district of Montreal; and also trans¬ mitting a memorial from the Executive Council, Judges in the Court of Appeals, and of the Puisne Judges of the Court of King's Bench for the district of Quebec, and of the Court of King's Bench for the district of Montreal, in the said province of Lower Canada, praying to be included in the examination and decision of the said articles of com¬ plaint, together with a petition from the said Jonathan Sewell, Esq.; in which letter the said Earl Bathurst requests that so much of the said complaints of the House of Assembly as relate to the rules of practice stated to have been introduced by the said chief justices into their re¬ spective courts, may be submitted to your Royal Highness in Council, in order that, if such rules shall be found to have been introduced, it may be decided whether, in so doing, the said chief justices have exceeded their authority. “ The Lords of the Committee, in obedience to your Royal Highness’s said order of reference, have taken the 57 SIR JOHN SHERBROOKE. 57 said letter and its inclosures into consideration, and having received the opinion of His Majesty’s Attorney and Solicitor General, and been attended by them thereon, and having maturely deliberated upon the complaints of the said House of Assembly, so far as they relate to the said rides of' practice , their lordships do agree humbly to report, as their opinion to your Royal Highness, that the rules which are made the subject of such complaints of the said House of Assembly of Lower Canada, against the said chief justices, Jonathan Sewell, Esq., and James Monk, Esq., which their lordships observe were not made by the said chief justices respectively, upon their own sole autho¬ rity, but by them, in conjunction with other judges of the respective courts, are all rules for the regulation of the practice of their respective courts, and within the scope of that power and jurisdiction with which, by the rules of law and by the colonial ordinances and acts of legislation, these courts are invested; and, consequently, that neither the said chief justices, nor the courts in which they preside, have, in making such rules, exceeded their authority, nor have been guilty of any assumption of legislative pow r er.” “ His Royal Highness the Prince Regent, having taken the said report into consideration, was pleased, in the name and on behalf of His Majesty, and by and with the advice of His Majesty’s Privy Council, to approve thereof, and to order, as it is hereby ordered, that the said complaints, so far as they relate to the said rules of practice , be, and they are hereby, dismissed this board.” < 1111 ( Signed ) ( Signed) “ Jas. Buller. “ G. D.” v I if* '•;i I * t! Whether these complaints were just or unjust, the House of Assembly, in our opinion, had a right to be heard ; and they, very properly, felt indignant at the manner in which their complaints had been disposed of, and on the 14th of February, 1816, after a call of the House, referred this important subject to the consideration of a special committee, vj 58 Silt JOHN SHERBROOKE. with directions to report their opinion on the most expedient manner of proceeding on the same. Resolutions of the Committee , reported to the House on the 23rd of February, 1816. “ Resolved, as the opinion of this Committee, that the resistance and opposition of the Legislative Council, of which the said Jonathan Sewell and James Monk were and are members, to the rights of the Commons of Lower Canada, to exhibit the said charges, and the obstructions subse¬ quently interposed to the prosecution of them, prevented this House from being represented by an agent to maintain and support the charges. “ Resolved, as the opinion of this Committee, that this House has always been, and is desirous of an opportunity of being heard on the said charges, and of supporting them by evidence, and hath reason to lament that no such oppor¬ tunity hath hitherto been offered to them. “ Resolved, as the opinion of this Committee, that a humble representation and petition, on the behalf of the Commons of this province, to His Royal Highness the Prince Regent, be prepared, appealing to the justice of His Majesty’s Government, and praying that an opportunity may be afforded to His Majesty’s dutiful Commons of this province to be heard upon and maintain the said charges.” This determination of the House, apparently, caused the dissolution of Parliament, for Sir Gordon Dummond, in his speech, expressed his regret that they should have al¬ lowed any consideration to overbear the respect due to the decision of His Royal Highness the Prince Regent; and an¬ nounced his determination to prorogue the present Parlia¬ ment, and recur to the sense of the people, by an immediate dissolution*. If these accusations were true and important in 1815, it may easily be supposed that they were equally true and * Christie’s Memoirs. Silt JOHN SHERBROOKE. 59 equally important in the year 1817. In the eyes of the Assembly, however, such appears not to have been the fact. On a sudden, in a manner totally inexplicable, they aban¬ doned the subject, and gave rise to suspicions in the minds of the people, which their conduct indeed seemed but too much to justify. This* conduct has compromised the dignity of the Members, both in the eyes of the people and the Government, and being one of the most extraordinary, as well as important events in the history of the House, de¬ serves to be minutely recorded. It has been attributed, though I hope incorrectly, to interested views on the part of the Speaker of the Lower House, who, in sustaining the accusations of the Commons against the Speaker of the Legislative Council, risked the loss of a salary of .f.lOOO per annum, which the House had voted to him, and which the Governor agreed to sanction, provided the same sum was voted to the Speaker of the Legislative Council. This the House could not refuse, unless the Speaker of the Lower House had been determined to sacrifice his private interest, and had requested the House to be firm in their determina¬ tion on a subject in which their own honour and the welfare of the country were concerned. Unfortunately the Speaker, Mr. Papineau, took an entirely different view of the subject, giving the House to understand that, after the decision of the Privy Council in England, and the approbation of this decision by the Prince Regent, it was dangerous to push matters further; that any further proceedings would cause a dissolution ; and that, in the critical situation in which the House stood, with respect to the Legislative Council, it would be wise to remit the question to another session. This eventually proved to be no other than a subterfuge, by which the House escaped entirely all further discussion of the matter. It is just to remark, however, that, with this exception, the whole conduct of the Speaker, in his long political life, has been above reproach, and such as to merit the approbation and entire confidence of his countrymen —this approbation and confidence he has not only merited, f 60 Slit JOHN SHERBROOKE. but obtained, and he still fills the important office of Speaker of the House of Assembly. That he yielded on this occasion, we, not being acquainted with his political views, must lament as one of the weaknesses of human nature. He was not alone, however, if reports are correct, in succumbing to temptation. The abandonment of the question was also partly attributed to promises made to some of the principal Members, on the part of the Governor, of certain important and lucrative places, such as judgeships, colonelships, and what not. These promises, as it happened, he could not fulfil, inasmuch as he soon after fell ill, and was obliged to leave the province abruptly. The independent and honour¬ able conduct of one member, of British origin , namely, of Mr. James Stuart, a man of genius and superior talents, deserves to be mentioned. He supported till the last mo¬ ment the right of the House to carry its complaints to the foot of the throne, and declared that they ought to pass a resolution, that they were determined to be heard before they would submit. This remarkable steadiness and deter¬ mination on his part have been attributed to his hatred of the Chief Justice ; we hope, however (as we cannot judge of his private feelings), that far more honourable motives were acting upon him ; and it is to be regretted, for the honour of those who had promised to support him, that they should, in so critical a moment, have suddenly aban¬ doned his cause, and thus exposed themselves to severe and disagreeable reflections, and induced their former friend and colleague to take a resolution never again to act in conjunction with them; to which resolution he has steadfastly adhered. To me, it has always appeared highly improper to confound and mix together the private quarrel of Mr. Stuart and the Chief Justice with the public conduct of the former in the political affair of which we are now speaking; and I must frankly avow, that the manner in which the opposite party gained their majority, after the energetic speech which Mr. Stuart pronounced on the occasion, and the irresistible arguments he adduced, has been to me, from that time to SIR JOHN SHERBROOKE. Gl the present, an inexplicable mystery. I myself was present at the debate, and I speak according to my own feelings at the moment, and I believe of all those who have taken the trouble to reflect carefully on the matter, when I say, that the decision of the House was as extraordinary as ill- advised, and that this same decision has contributed, ever since that epoch, materially to diminish the influence of the popular branch of the constitution with the Imperial Government. Although the accusations against the Chief Justice were abandoned, another judge of the King’s Bench was, some time after, impeached for “ divers crimes and misdemeanours committed in his official capacity.” This impeachment was, at the desire of the Assembly, transmitted to the Prince Regent by the Governor, and the judge was suspended from the exercise of his judicial functions. Let it be remarked that the same judge was permitted to resume his duties during the administration of the Duke of Richmond, no trial having taken place—no method having been adopted to prove the accusations of the Assembly ill founded. Re¬ turning to the order of time, which we have hitherto pur¬ sued, it may here be proper to state some further circum¬ stances connected with this important question. The disputes, respecting the power of the House of Assembly to lay their complaints against various officers before His Majesty without the concurrence of the Legisla¬ tive Council, having been communicated to His Royal Highness the Prince Regent, his Royal Highness decided that every case of impeachment by the Commons should be left to the discretion of the Legislative Council, and should be judged by them. It is to be regretted that the instructions received by His Excellency Sir John Sherbrooke, upon this subject, have never been sufficient to induce the Legislative Council to act upon them; they, the Council, declaring that no sufficient explanation was given respecting the mode to be pursued, inasmuch as it was not determined whether the Council was to take the impeachments into ()2 SIR .JOHN SHERBROOKE. consideration, in virtue of a special commission named for the purpose; or whether it was to exercise this privilege as belonging to the Upper House , in accordance with its analogy to the House of Lords. The idea of so great a privilege as the latter course implied quickly produced a change of opinion in the Legislative Council upon the nature of im¬ peachments, and the rights of the Commons , and, in spite of the opposition hitherto maintained, they now determined to support the opinion they had formerly decried. A misun¬ derstanding now arose between the Governor and the Coun¬ cil, the latter declaring that the conduct of His Excellency, in not immediately coinciding with their views, was a direct attack upon the privileges of the Legislative Council. The other party, however, in the measure as decided by the Council, seeing only the establishment of an aristocracy, supported the Governor, and asserted that an Act of the Imperial Legislature was required to confer such a privilege upon the Legislative Council. The Governor, in the mean time, wrote to England for instructions as to the mode he was to pursue. Unfortunately, however, illness obliged him to leave the country before any answer could be returned, and the matter remained in the same unsettled state as before. During the administration of the Duke of Richmond, the Legislative Council passed a resolution to the effect, that the House of Assembly possessed not the right to impeach without the concurrence of them, the Legislative Council. The Assembly immediately came to the following reso¬ lution :— “ That the claims of the Legislative Council, touching the complaints brought by the Assembly, were not founded on the constitutional law, or any analogy thereto; that they tended to prevent offenders out of the reach of the ordinary tribunals of the country from being brought to justice; and to maintain, perpetuate, and encourage, an arbitrary, illegal, tyrannical, and oppressive power over the people. 1 ’ SIR JOHN SHERBROOKE. 63 If the reader will recall to his recollection the statements we have made respecting the formation of the Executive and Legislative Councils, he will perceive the cause of the deter¬ mination, on the one hand, of the Legislative Council to deem all accusations illegal in which they were permitted to bear no part; and of the determinations of the Commons, on the other, to insist upon the right of being the accusers of great offenders without need of any concurrence whatsoever. The great offenders must, almost of necessity, be either members of the Executive and Legislative Councils, or inti¬ mately allied to them. They have, among themselves, a brotherly love*; an affection begotten by a similarity of interests. One councillor, therefore, naturally stands by and supports another; need we hope that they will expose a brother’s failings, more especially when the secret whisper of conscience tells them that their brother’s failings are com¬ mon to themselves? The Commons wisely determined to insist upon calling these offending councillors to justice, without the assistance of their fellow offenders. Seeing the justice of this determination, it is the more to be lamented that the House ever wavered in its course—ever permitted a suspicion of interested views to lower them in the estimation of their countrymen. Succeeding parliaments have partly effaced this stain; they have strenuously re-insisted on their right; and have consequently called forth the never-failing opposition of the Legislative Council. The misunder¬ standing between the two branches of the Legislature has gone on increasing, in exact proportion with the increasing determination of the House of Assembly to investigate the conduct of the public officers, the Council thus showing that private pecuniary interest is the cause of their anger; that their patriotism is but a screen, under which they shelter their selfish schemes of individual aggrandizement. Under the administration of Sir John Sherbrooke, another ♦ “ La force de l’amitie, dit Helvetius, est toujours proportion^ au besoin que les homines ont les uns des autres .”—De VEsprit, Dis. III., chap, xiv., p. 327. 64 SIR JOHN SHERBROOKE. equally important question, as regarded the government of of the country, was finally adjusted. The House of Assembly had offered, for many years, to defray the expenses of their own government, but their offers had, hitherto, been dis¬ dainfully rejected ; and, in truth, during the administration of Sir James Craig, in the year 1810, the offers of the House had been deemed almost high treason, and were followed by an immediate dissolution of Parliament. The reason of this apparently extraordinary feeling on the part of the Govern¬ ment, is, upon reflection, sufficiently obvious: so long as the Executive was responsible to the authorities in England for the public expenditure, their responsibility was a shadow ; but the moment that a body of men were on the spot, ap¬ pointed to superintend the public expenses, and naturally jealous respecting the method in which their money and that of the people was used, the responsibility of those entrusted with its immediate management became real, and exceed¬ ingly distressing to men who had long indulged in un¬ licensed extravagance: strenuous, consequently, were the endeavours of the Executive Council to reject the dangerous advances of the Assembly ; at length, however, they were obliged to yield, and submit themselves to the pain of inspec¬ tion. The Governor, Sir John Sherbrooke, accepted the offers of the House, and the civil expenditure was thus brought under the control of the country. The joy of the people can easily be conceived, when they learned, that the Governor had yielded to the wishes of their representatives, and that now an efficient check was at last established over the ulers of the country. The people were aware, that what¬ ever difficulties this defraying of their own expenses might en¬ tail upon them—whatever immediate troubles it might create; yet that, in the course of time, it must necessarily enforce complete obedience from the most refractory of their servants. The price was not deemed by them too high for so valuable a privilege. The reader is left to judge, respecting the intentions of those who had so long and so strenuously opposed themselves to its salutary exercise. SIR JOHN SHERBROOKE. 65 Sir John Sherbrooke had hitherto, by the affability of his manners, and his upright conduct, preserved his popularity among the people ; and, from the authority which his situa¬ tion conferred, was enabled to maintain some influence over the Executive Council. The time, however, was fast ap¬ proaching when this neutrality of the Governor could no longer exist: one party or the other would, of necessity, deem him their friend or their foe, as, day by day, new questions were arising, in which it was requisite for him to take a decided part. In this critical moment the Governor fell alarmingly ill, and was obliged, eventually, to leave the pro¬ vince ; he thus, till the end of his administration, was in favour with both parties; no governor, before or since his time, has been equally fortunate*. “ That he assumed the government of Lower Canada (says an author I have already quoted), when the nicest management was required to heal the divisions which recent * For the purpose of conveying a conception of the opinion which Sir John Sherbrooke had formed of those by whom he was daily surrounded, and whose duty it was, by their advice, to direct his conduct, I will relate an anecdote, which will serve instead of volumes. This opinion was communicated to me, in a con¬ versation which I had the honour to hold with him at the Chateau St. Louis, at one of the balls given there by the Governor. After the ordinary salutations, we entered into conversation; these salutations w r ere by no means expected, inasmuch as he only knew me indirectly; and as I was neither lieutenant-colonel, nor com¬ missary-general, nor chief justice, nor attorney-general, nor even member of the Provincial Parliament, but one of that plain and honest class of citizens who are to be seen at public parties only, congregated in an obscure corner of the ball-room, or who may be found at one end of the supper table, endeavouring to drown their mortifications in wine, sometimes good, but oftentimes indif¬ ferent. In spite of my insignificance, however, the Governor addressed me, and asked me various questions, upon various subjects; but more particularly respecting the Canadien, a newspaper, of which I was incorrectly believed to be one of the proprietors. I gave such information as I thought, at that time, correct to these different questionings, when, all at once, the Governor said, a propos of what I cannot recollect at this moment:—“ Why, sir, if I believed all that is said to me, I should not believe that there is an honest man in Quebec." This observation struck me so forcibly, that I am glad to be able to adduce it as a fact, to show to what lengths things had been pushed under his administration, and to mark how difficult it must be for an honest man to maintain a good understanding with parties in such a state of hostility. F 66 THE DUKE OF RICHMOND. events were on the point of producing, will be as readily admitted, as that the prudence of his measures conciliated those differences which might have involved his adminis¬ tration, from the beginning, in the most unpleasant alter¬ cations. Prompted by the best of principles, and superior to the local prejudices which too frequently predominate in colonial politics, he gave a free scope to the legislature of the province, and imparted to it a new and more liberal cha¬ racter than it had hitherto possessed. Those pretensions, which a few years before had embroiled the Executive with the Assembly, were now gratuitously yielded to the latter; and the constitution of the colony made more progress in the acquisition of solid advantages during this administration than it had previously gained since its establishment. That trifling errors may have been occasionally committed, it is but natural to suppose ; but there are none which, upon a proper remonstrance, he would not readily have repaired, and which are not compensated by a multitude of virtuous actions* ” He quitted the province, according to some, really ill; others, however, have asserted his malady to have been feigned : upon this subject we can give no opinion. He was regretted by all parties; and before his embarkation for England, which took place on the 12th of August, 1818, he received the most flattering addresses from the citizens of Quebec, Montreal, and Three Rivers, and from all the members of the Executive and Legislative Councils. The Duke of Richmond succeeded ; and it is not remark¬ able, considering the circumstances under which he arrived, that he was far from being so popular as his predecessor, who would, as we have already stated, have had great dif¬ ficulty in maintaining, for another session, the favour of both parties. Nothing, however, very particular happened in the session of 1819, except the discussion respecting the appro¬ priation of the public money to the expenses of the civil government. The Executive required that the money for Christie’s Memoirs , p. 181. THE DUKE OF RICHMOND. 67 this purpose should be voted en bloc, that is, in one sum ; and that the division of that sum, among the various officers of the government, should be left entirely at its own ( i . e. the Executive’s) disposal. The House objected to this method, and claimed the right of voting the sums required by items , that is, giving, according to the discretion of the House, the remuneration which each individual officer was to receive. Although this may not be done in England to the same ex¬ tent to which they were desirous of proceeding, still (they said) the difference existing between their situation with respect to the Government, and that of the House of Commons with respect to the Ministers, rendered such a deviation from the English practice absolutely necessary. The ministers in Eng¬ land were responsible to the House of Commons; the persons entrusted with the management of the Canadian Government were, in reality, responsible to no one, and not even in name responsible to the House of Assembly ; the only means, there¬ fore, in the power of the House, of controlling these irrespon¬ sible officers, was, to preserve an immediate control over their salaries. They, consequently, decided upon voting the public money by items. This conduct was judged unconstitutional by the Legislative Council, and a most liberal Bill, passed in the Lower House, was thrown out in theUpper; the pretext being, that theAssembly was endeavouring, by this proceeding, to in¬ fringe upon the prerogatives of the crown. No great acumen is required fully to appreciate their lively interest in the Royal prerogatives. The Governor was now obliged to pay the civil officers of Government, without assistance from the Assembly ; and thus began the troubles, respecting the public expenditure, which have existed unto the present moment. The House of Assembly has stoutly adhered to its first determination ; the Legislative Council, goaded on by private interest, has hitherto as stoutly resisted the attempts of the Assembly to attain an efficient control over the appropriation of the public money. The speech of the Governor, at the proroga¬ tion of the Parliament, was not of a description to reconcile 68 THE DUKE OF RICHMOND. the contending parties: the high idea that had been formed respecting the Duke of Richmond ; the experience that he was supposed to have acquired in his government of Ireland, would certainly have led one to expect a very different production at his hands. The evil effects of the measure were quickly seen: the favourable disposition of the House towards the Governor was at once destroyed, and jealousy and suspicion took possession of the minds of the popular party. I insert the speech, for the purpose of allowing the reader to judge for himself. “ I came to this province to take the government of His Majesty’s dominions in North America, with a sincere desire of carrying into practice the intentions and liberal views of His Royal Highness the Prince Regent; to promote, by every practical measure, their general prosperity ; to improve their natural resources, and the individual happiness of His Majesty’s people. “ A reasonable hope and expectation was entertained by me, in accepting this command, that I should meet, in those pursuits, with the cheerful support of every well-informed person, who could appreciate in his own mind my motives in undertaking the charge. “ With these impressions on my mind, and with full con¬ fidence in your zeal, your loyalty, and your local knowledge of the public and private interests of the country, I met you in your legislative duties, and have most patiently attended to your proceedings during a long session, which I am now to close by prorogation. You , Gentlemen of the Legislative Council , have not disappointed my hopes; and I beg to return you my thanks for the zeal and alacrity you have shown in all that more immediately belongs to your body- “ It is with much concern I feel myself compelled to say, that I cannot express to you^ Gentlemen of the Assembly , the same satisfaction, nor my approbation at the general result of your labours, at the expense of so much valuable time , and of the public principles upon which they rest, as recorded in your journals. THE DUKE OF RICHMOND. 69 “ You proceeded, upon the documents which I laid before you, to vote a part of the sum required for the expenses of the year 1819; but the Bill of Appropriation which you passed was founded on such principles, that it appears from the jour¬ nals of the Upper House to have been most constitutionally rejected. His Majesty's Government has been thus left without the necessary supplies for supporting the civil admini¬ stration of the province for the ensuing year, notwithstanding the voluntary pledge given to His Majesty by the resolve of the House of the 13th of February, 1810.” In another part of the same address he says:— “ I recommend particularly to your attention, as indi¬ viduals, the value of your constitution of government, which affordsHhe most complete and ample protection and freedom of person and property that can possibly be desired, and is superior to every system of government enjoyed by any colony that lias heretofore existed, your sister colony of Upper Canada excepted ; and, as branches of the Legis¬ lature, it is of the first importance that you should fully understand your constitutional rights*.” Considered in its true point of view, the House of Assembly had every right to be discontented with this address, inasmuch as the House had taken what they deemed constitutional means for providing liberally for the public expenditure. It must be recollected that the two branches of the Legis¬ lature, known by the names of Legislative Council and * This precisely was what the more instructed members of the Provincial Parliament had for many years been attempting; and it is to this strong desire to understand their constitutional rights that we owe their honest and deter¬ mined opposition to the pretensions of the Legislative Council. They deem, from the evidence which their studies have afforded them, that those pretensions are unconstitutional; and that, certainly, they are prejudicial. The courage and perseverance which this small number of well-intentioned and instructed men have manifested, in their struggle against every thing powerful in the shape of opinion in the province, deserves rather the unmingled admiration of the Imperial Government, than scorn or displeasure; and the persons who represent the English Government ought to judge for themselves, and not be hoodwinked by the interested partisans of a petty local despotism. 70 THE DUKE OF RICHMOND. House of Assembly are theoretically equals; the opinion of one body is equal in worth to the opinion of the other, in matters in which they have equal concern ; but, in others, there is a very different weight given to their authority. The matter peculiar to the Lower House is invariably allowed to be, the granting of money; and assuredly, if the opinion of the Lower House be of weight in any matter, it is in this. But in this it had declared its opinion, which opinion the Legislative Council deemed unconstitutional. If we consider the point equally concerning both branches, the declaration of the Lower House was equal in worth to the declaration of the Upper; if we consider the point peculiarly within the province of the Lower House, the declaration of that House ought to have had greater weight with the Executive than that of the Council. Why then, let me ask, did the Duke of Richmond believe, merely upon the dictum of the Council, that the conduct of the Lower House had been unconstitutional ? If we look to the point in a practical light, let us ask who were most qualified, in point of intelligence, to give an opinion. Here I boldly appeal to any candid man respecting the matter. The leaders of the Commons are well known to be the most intelligent men in the country; and, when compared with the members of the Legislative Council, although men of great information are there to be found, no one, for an instant, can doubt of the superiority of the popular leaders. If, again, we look to the interests of both parties, who will hesitate a moment in determining on which a sinister influence was acting? In what view should we look upon a servant in private life, who aimed at placing his wages at his own disposal, and freeing himself entirely from the control of his master? The servant who did this, we should call a knave; the master who permitted it, a fool. The Duke, as we have already stated, lost, by this im¬ prudent act, the whole of his former popularity, in spite of his hospitable conduct and high rank; which rank had pre¬ viously induced the people to believe, that he would be LORD DALHOUSIE. 71 above, and would despise, all petty local intrigues. They now believed him to be the defender of arbitrary power—one who would, either through inclination or ignorance, favour the evil designs of interested counsellors. The Duke, how¬ ever, might eventually have changed his opinions and his conduct, had he not, by an unexpected accident, been suddenly hurried to the grave. He died in consequence of an attack of hydrophobia, produced by the bite of a fox, with which he had been playing on board one of the steam boats. The province was grieved at his unhappy and painful end, but lamented not the loss of his services. From the death of the Duke of Richmond to the arrival of Lord Dalhousie, in June 1820, little happened that was interesting, or that had a tendency to heal existing differences; on the contrary, the conduct of the Executive served rather to augment the evil. Mr. Justice Monk, being the oldest member of the Council, at the death of the Duke of Richmond, assumed the chief place in the Government, and immediately determined, without giving any reason for his conduct, and probably not having any, to dissolve the Parliament; Sir Peregrine Maitland did the same upon the death of our venerable King, George III., which happened opportunely enough for the purposes of the Executive: the House having closed its doors to every communication, declared itself incomplete, and con¬ sequently incompetent, inasmuch as no Member had been returned for the district of Gaspe; the following resolution passed the House:— “ That the representation of the province being incomplete, no Member as yet having been returned for Gaspe, the House was incompetent, and could not proceed to the dispatch of business.” And thus Lord Dalhousie, on his arrival in the country, found the minds of the people in a state of high excitation, and little prepared to agree with the plan that he proposed, upon meeting the Parliament, of making a permanent appro¬ priation of money for the expenses of the civil Government. 72 LORD DALHOUSIE. The Legislative Council, however, passed the following resolution:— u That the Legislative Council will not pro¬ ceed upon any Bill of Appropriation for the civil list which shall contain specifications therein by chapters or items; nor unless the same shall be granted during the life of His Majesty the King.” Upon the refusal of a permanent appropriation by the House, the Governor had given them to understand that he would accept the required sums annually, passed by chapters*, in place of items, as had been proposed. The resolution just mentioned, however, passed by the Council, put an end to all hopes of this amicable mode of adjustment. It was now perfectly evident that the end in view was to obtain money without being subject to the control of the Commons. The Governor, not having succeeded, during the session of 1822, in obtaining a grant during the King’s life, bethought himself of a new and ingenious expedient to answer the same end. He said, that he had hitherto advanced the sums of money required to carry on the government, on his own responsibility, from the military chest; but that he could continue to do so no longer; he therefore requested the House to advance about ^.35,000 “ for local establishments and objects of public charge, which form no part of His Majesty’s civil government, and are not connected with the administration of justice.” Ordinarily, requests for money, to be applied to local purposes, had been accompanied by specific details and descriptions, respecting the end in view ; but, accompanying this extraordinary demand of the Governor, there was no explanation whatsoever. The House therefore suspecting (and with reason) that this sum of money was to be applied to other than the alleged purposes, refused to accede to the Governor’s request. All these tortuous methods of proceeding tended not to create a good understanding * By chapters, was meant classes of Expenditure, e. g. Administration of Justice, Collection of the Revenue, &c., &c. LORD DALHOUSIE. 73 between the Governor and the House; and the suspicions of the latter were materially increased by the open and un¬ disguised conduct of the Executive Council, who soon gave the people to understand, that they possessed the entire confidence of His Excellency, and led him according to their own desires: of this fact convincing evidence was soon afforded. In His Excellency’s first address to the House, in the year 1820, he stated, “ that it should be his constant study to administer the government according to the laws.” He now declared to the Parliament, that he intended to use every means he was able, and ail the powers His Majesty had confided to him, to establish the well-being of His Majesty’s subjects*; insinuating thereby, that he intended to dispense, as much as possible, with all co-operation from the House. He reproached the Assembly “ with having withheld the necessary supplies;” accused them of evil intentions ; and complimented the Legislative Council “ on their maintaining the true principles of the constitution.” The disputes which had arisen between Upper and Lower Canada, respecting the divisions of the revenue proceeding from the Customs, came, happily for the Governor, in sup¬ port of the representations he transmitted to Ministers in England respecting the affairs of the province. The con¬ fusion existing was represented to be so great, and, by ordi¬ nary methods, so completely irremediable, that nothing less than a change in the constitution was deemed sufficient to check the increasing evil; and, consequently, a Bill was at this time (viz. the 20th of June, 1822) introduced into the House of Commons in England, for the purpose of uniting, under one Legislature, the provinces of Upper and Lower * It is difficult to discover what was the precise meaning of these terms, as used by His Excellency ; if, to express unbounded contempt for a people, to endeavour to degrade and oppress them, be to provide for their well-being, His Excellency was marvellously successful. 74 u LORD DALHOUSIE. Canada*. Of this Bill no notice had been given to the people of the province; their opinions were therefore, we suppose, considered as of no importance in a matter, never¬ theless, intimately connected with their own welfare. In the month of July following, positive information on the matter was received in Canada; and, by the fortunate opposition of Sir James Mackintosh, Mr. Labouchere, and Mr. Hume, time was given to the people to inform the Imperial Parliament of their exceeding repugnance to the measure. Sir James Mackintosh and Mr. Hume took oc¬ casion to express their decided opposition to passing an Act of so much importance to the colony, without information as to the opinions of the people at large respecting it, and they happily succeeded in persuading the Ministry to defer the passing of the Bill till the next session of Parliament. The whole colony almost, cn masse , petitioned against the mea¬ sure, and the Bill was eventually abandoned. No measure has yet been contemplated which has created the same degree of interest among the Canadian people, as was produced by that of the intended union of the two provinces, under one Administration and one Parliament. For the first time were seen in the province, public meetings of the people in every part of the country, as practised in England upon matters interesting the various portions of the population. In Upper Canada the same meetings took place; and the result was, that an immense majority in both provinces, but more particularly in Lower Canada, declared against the proposed union. It was by them repre¬ sented to His Majesty, that the project was diametrically opposed to the wishes of his subjects, the interests of the country, and to the maintenance of the good understanding which had hitherto existed between the inhabitants of the two provinces, which last representation, doubtless, appeared * This measure was supported here by Mr. Kllice, acting for the Unionists in Canada, and Mr. Wilmot Horton, who introduced the Bill. .LORD DALHOUSIE. 75 extraordinary, seeing that the projected union was founded upon the complaints which Upper Canada had made respect¬ ing the division of the revenue. It is probable, that the persons who were desirous of carrying this project of the union into effect would have succeeded, had not the Attorney-General of Upper Canada, and the person whom that province had deputed to support their complaints respecting the revenue, believed it their duty to explain openly to the Ministers the real consequences of this impolitic measure. These gentlemen well knew that the complaints of Upper Canada, respecting the particular object of a part of their revenue, was not the real reason for the proposed union; they knew, and so did every man in Canada, that the object of those who gave birth to the pro¬ ject was, to destroy the political influence of the French Canadians; to overturn their laws, their religion, and their language ; and to make the people quickly forget, by a lapse of years, that they ever had been French Canadians. If any one will take the trouble to inspect, and reflect upon the different clauses of the Bill of Union*, these observations will be found perfectly correct; and it will also be seen that it was impossible for a people, attached to their various usages, laws, language, and religion, to contemplate with indifference or patience so vital a change. When this project was first communicated to me, I was, upon the whole, rather its ad¬ vocate, and I remember having signed an address in accord¬ ance with that opinion ; but the moment we heard the warm partisans of a union far different from that originally pro¬ posed, and which I had favoured, cry loudly and steadily, that it was requisite to strike at the root; that English in¬ terests (meaning, not the interests of England, but certain persons in the colony who usually speak English) must be made dominant; that there was but one way of destroying the power of the French Canadians, which was, for the English party to return an equal proportion of representa- Scc Appendix, No. IX. u 76 LOUD DALHOUSIE. tives to the Assembly; to augment the qualifications of a member; to make the representatives come to a great dis¬ tance from their homes, and thus neglect their private affairs; so that the rich only could possibly afford to be representa¬ tives: when I heard these assertions, and others equally just, I repented of my former opinion, and opposed the union with the same openness that I had formerly supported it: and I did this, not on account of hatred or jealousy of England, but from a sincere desire to forward the interests of my country, which interests are not incompatible with those of the mother country, but which, unfortunately, are too often stated to be so; and thus that hatred of every thing English, which, in words, is deprecated by the self-styled English party, is, in fact, generated solely by their selfish and ill-advised proceedings. It is constantly objected to the Canadians, as a crime, that they are attached to every thing which is French ; that they . have preserved, under an English government, all their ancient prejudices, their customs, and their language; that in fact they are, at the present moment, as much a French people as at the time of the conquest. This, say some idle talkers, is unpardonable, after the protection and encou¬ ragement which England has afforded you. We suppose it will be universally allowed, that the object of England, in affording this protection and encouragement, was to increase the happiness of the Canadian people; we suppose, also, that no one will deny, that a people is always unhappy when forced to leave one set of manners and to follow another*; that the only mode compatible with the happiness of the people, is to instruct them in the benefits of one class of manners and the evils of another; to show that virtue, and general and individual welfare and ease, are forwarded by one, and retarded and destroyed by the other. It will also * “ C’est la folie des conquerans de vouloir dormer & tous les peuples leurs lois et leurs coutumes: cela n’est bon a rien; car, dans toute sorte de gou- verncment, on est capable d’obeir.” —Montesquieu, Grandeur ct Decadence des Romainsy cap. vi., p. 83. LORD DALHOUSIE. 77 be allowed, we believe, that any body of teachers, or ad¬ vocates of a certain class of manners and usages, if they wish to obtain an influence over those to be taught, must, in their own proper persons, place before their pupils an example of the virtues which they pretend to teach. These things being allowed, we ask why the Canadian people should be blamed for adhering to old feelings and old opinions, when no pains have been taken to teach them better ? When the persons professing to be conversant with a higher degree of cultivation, and a higher standard of morality, are coarse and haughty in their behaviour, unscru¬ pulous and grovelling in their plans of individual aggrandize¬ ment? When, in place of mild persuaders of the truth, they are but loud and infatuated partisans of early habits, who, instead of weighing ail observance by its intrinsic worth, try it only by its resemblance to their own observances; who them¬ selves being incapable of self-governance, yet set themselves up as the teachers of others ? Surely we are not to be blamed for not following the blind—for not endeavouring to imitate those whom we should blush to resemble. One word as to the feelings of the Canadian people re¬ specting Government. Under the French dominion, they were political ciphers; the officers of the King ruled, the people obeyed. When England took possession of the country, a new set of feelings was introduced. In England, it was said, the great body of the people are represented; they pay the expenses of their own government, determining what shall be disbursed, and how it shall be disbursed. By the control over the public purse, the people have possessed themselves of the real government of their country*—have beaten down the old feudal tyranny, and erected a liberal government in its stead. The Canadian people listened to these discourses, and sighed after a similar power; that power was given: a constitution like that of England * This is the language of every English constitutional writer. See Blackstone, Hume, Hallam, &c. 78 LORD DALIIOUSIE. was conferred on them, and in a few years (so thoroughly had English feelings been engrafted upon their former habits) the people claimed, and have at length obtained, a complete control over the public purse. Here we see a wise method of teaching—here we see its beneficial effects. English feelings are not here scouted: we are all English on this point. The truth, however, is, that we have been taught by English books, and not by the representatives of England, sent to us in the shape of rulers. If we were to judge of the satisfaction likely to be felt by those who now style themselves English, par excellence , in our future progress towards English habits, by that which they feel by our complete change in this one particular, we should be apt to believe that no sincere desire exists of creating any alteration. Our English proceedings on the subject of money have given no pleasure to these gentlemen : and if we must state our honest opinion, we will frankly own, that we believe they had rather that our English tendencies had been effectually checked; and that, with all their affected hatred to French feelings, they sincerely desire that we should possess all the yielding pliability which formerly characterized the subjects of the grand monarque . We return, however, to our history, from which the sub¬ ject of the Union has induced us somewhat to depart. His Excellency the Governor-in-Chief, being supported by the Treasury in England, continued to defray the ex¬ penses of the civil government, upon his own authority, without the concurrence of the Assembly. “ During the whole of the difficulties, since 1819, up to the 1st of November, 1823, inclusive, the entire expenses of the civil administration of the government were paid under the authority of the Governor’s warrants, with the con¬ currence of the Executive Council, with very little (if any) regard to the votes of the Assembly; generally, according to the estimates sent down (excepting, perhaps, that of 1819), and, in some instances, with the addition of new salaries and increased expenses. Notwithstanding the Go- LORD DALHOUSIE. 79 vernor’s express declaration, in his message of the 6th of February, 1822, and his speech from the throne at the close of that session, new salaries and expenses are stated to have been allowed and paid, while appropriations, expressly made by an Act of the Provincial Parliament, remained unpaid. Since the half-year due on the 1st of May last, the gentle¬ men who hold commissions under the crown in this province, but c form no part of His Majesty’s civil government, or of the administration of justice therein,’ as well as other neces¬ sary expenses of His Majesty’s civil government in the colony, have remained unpaid; while the money appro¬ priated by law generally, for the support of the civil govern¬ ment and the administration of justice, has been divided among such of the public officers as the Governor and Council have thought fit, in payment of their entire salaries: the Governor and Council, and their connexions, partaking of a large proportion of the whole amount; the Lieutenant- Governor exclusive, which was granted by Act of the Legis¬ lature in 1823, during his residence in the province*.” But affairs could not remain in this situation; and, in 1824, the Governor communicated officially to the House, the fact (of which he had long been cognizant), that there was no more money in the coffers of the lleceiver-General; and that this officer was a defaulter, in the sum of £. 100,000 sterling - !*; and, for the first time since the establishment of * Financial Difficulties , &c., p. 15. f “ According to the Report of the Committe, to whom were referred the public accounts for the year 1827, on the message of the present Governor, Sir James Kempt, the 24th of December, 1828, the defalcation of the Receiver- General was known to the Governor, Lord Dalhousie, in the year 1823, in March or April, to be £.96,117. 135. 0 \d. sterling, equal to one year’s nett revenue of the province. Nothing was paid by Mr. Caldwell, the Receiver- General, save £.4000, while revenues of estates to the amount of £.10,000 were left in his possession ; the Lords of the Treasury not admiting that the province had a right to require of the British Government compensation. This was by message, dated Treasury Chambers, October 30, 1826. By that refusal, the committee was of opinion, that this, and all public Acts, should be left to the legislative authority of the colony; that the House should have nothing more to do with the Treasury, but should make an appeal to the Im¬ perial Parliament, for the said recovery .”—Quebec Gazette . 80 LORD DALHOUSIE. the constitution, the Receiver-General was compelled to lay his accounts before the Assembly. “ It is understood*, that Sir J. Sherbrooke, shortly after his assuming the government of the province, represented to His Majesty’s principal Secretary of State for the Colonies, that the provincial accounts were in an unsatisfactory state. The Governors of Canada have always' a been particularly charged, by their commissions and instructions, to watch over the re¬ ceipts and expenditure of the province, and transmit regular accounts thereof. The practice had been, to have the ac¬ counts examined, checked, and reported on, by the Executive Council; they were then sent home, for the final audit at the Treasury. So long as only the monies received under Imperial Acts, and from the military chest, were to be ac¬ counted for, the business was simple ; but when money came in also from duties under Colonial Acts, and payments were made under the authority of colonial laws, it became more complicated. A scale of civil expenditure was formerly es¬ tablished by the Treasury, but it was increased in the colony, sometimes upon the authority of letters from the Colonial Department; sometimes by colonial Acts ; sometimes with¬ out colonial Acts: so that the auditors of the Treasury could hardly know how to check the accounts transmitted by the Governors, as reported on by the Executive Council.” “ The Receiver-General kept only one account with the Treasury, viz. of receipts and of expenditures, under the Governor’s warrants; this he transmitted through the Go¬ vernor and Council, with copies of the warrants; but it must have been difficult to judge of the legality of the pay¬ ments ; the 31st of George III., cap. 31, section 47, positively enjoining that certain monies should be applied for the public uses of the colony, in such manner only as directed by the colonial Legislature. As deficiencies of revenue were long made up from the military chest, the Colonial Assembly appears to have been remiss in the exercise of its duty of closely attending to the revenue and expenditure. The last Sketch of Business, &rc.,p. 26. LORD DALHOUSIE. 81 quietus given by the Treasury, to the late Receiver-General, is to the 10th of October, 1814; when, it is to be supposed, that the accounts of the receipts and expenditure were finally audited. Lord Bathurst, in answer to Sir John C. Sherbrooke’s representation, signified His Majesty’s com¬ mands, that the expenditure should be voted by the Assembly, and the accounts settled annually . But, as the objections taken in the Legislative Council (first to the mode of appro¬ priation, and afterwards, to the duration of the grant) were followed by the rejection of the Bills sent up by the As¬ sembly, excepting those of 1823 and 1825, the accounts, subsequently to the year 1818, still remain in an unsettled state. How the Receiver-General can be legally quieted at the Treasury, in such a state of things, seems to be a matter of difficulty. Several attempts to facilitate the settle¬ ment of accounts of advances made under executive au¬ thority, and for a general settlement of the past accounts, have been made: a Bill for the first purpose was passed by the Assembly in 1824, but failed in the Council; at the last and previous session, the appointment of commissioners for stating the public accounts was proposed, and failed in the Assembly. Bills of indemnity passed the Assembly in 1823, for the years 1819, 1820, 1821, and 1822; but they failed in the Council. The mode pointed out by Lord Bathurst, would certainly keep the accounts of the revenue and ex¬ penditure in a state satisfactory to all concerned in the colony, and render the business, at the final audit of these accounts, and quietus of the Receiver-General at the Treasury, as their officer, and according to law, a matter of ease and certainty. “ The defalcation of the late Receiver-General was a conse¬ quence always to be apprehended, when public accountants are not brought to regular and strict settlement at short periods, under the check of those who furnish the money. In the accounts transmitted to the Assembly last year (1823), by the Executive, the whole of this defalcation (i?.96,l 17. 13s. 0|d. sterling) stands against the part of the revenue allowed to be at the disposal of the Legislature. It is well G 82 LORD DALHOUSIE. known, however, that the late Receiver-General did not keep separate chests or accounts of his receipts ad ex¬ penditures. The defalcation, of course, was on the whole of his receipts. As the province had no hand in the appointment of the Receiver-General, and, in fact, was prevented from ex¬ ercising any control over him, it addressed His Majesty, to the end that the Imperial Government should make good the amount deficient. If the colonists were to lose this amount, by an officer over whom they had no control, it ought not, at least, to fall on any particular portion of the receipts ; it ought to be borne equally by the whole, Upper Canada as well as Lower Canada. If the latter were to bear the whole of it, it would, indeed, be in a singular situation. The Treasury would appoint such person as it thought proper, to receive and pay over the revenue in Lower Canada; he would also perform the business of Upper Canada; and Lower Canada, besides paying and advancing the money, would run all the risk, and bear all the losses which might occur ; even any deficiency of money put into his hands from the military chest.” At the last session the Assembly addressed the Lieutenant- Governor, to know if any answer had been received to its address to His Majesty on this subject; when it was in¬ formed, that orders had been received, “ to proceed at law against the late Receiver-General.” We may terminate this subject by observing that, for many years, more than the half of the public revenues have been employed by the different Governors, and more parti¬ cularly by Lord Dalhousie, without the consent of the Legis¬ lature ; that the salaries of different civil officers have been augmented, in spite of an extraordinary diminution in the profits of commerce ; and that the danger which was appre¬ hended, of being called upon to support the extravagancies of the Government, accompanied by anger, resulting from a multitude of petty vexations, and mal-administration, were the sole causes of the people rising up, en masse , against the proceedings of the Executive. Petitions and addresses have LOWER CANADA PETITIONS. 83 been forwarded from all parts of the colony, manifesting the utmost respect and loyalty towards the King; but, at the same time, complaining bitterly of the conduct of his repre¬ sentative, and praying for a change in toto , in the whole proceedings in the government of the colony. These ad¬ dresses were accompanied by a deputation of three Members of the Provincial Parliament, who were fortunately heard be¬ fore a special committee of the House of Commons appointed to inquire into the state of Canada. The determination of the committee was in accordance with the wishes of the people, and the orders transmitted to Sir James Kempt, the present Governor, and his conduct during the last session of the Provincial Parliament, augur favourably as to the future. We will close our account of the administration of Lord Dalhousie, by inserting the petitions presented to the King, on the subject of his government: the reader will thus learn the general feeling of the people. LOWER CANADA PETITIONS. 4 Emigrant 7 4 4 40 ) Families. A. Buchanan, 10 Henry Patten, 3 3 2 1 2 2 1 4 3 30 John Mather, 2 3 3 2 1 20 Andrew Kerr, 2 2 2 1 Robert Goodfellow, 3 1 Mr. Neilson, River side, 1 1 2 7 2 35 Wm. White, 2 2 2 1 2 4 5 20 Wm. White, 4 Joseph Pierce, 4 John O’Hara, 4 Peter Dawsey, 4 37 30 11 19 8 7 1 8 13 31 26 370 WASTE LANDS. 187 S3 g 1 • Jij Names of Householders. M c 6 Servants CO o CO Z, ° O to 3 O X 2 Male. 'c3 £ o &M Males 3 « J- O a Oxen. Cows. Hogs. 'w Jl 4th Concession. Paschal Mercier, 2 2 1 1 1 1 5 Mr. Pozer’s Man, 2 6 4 2 2 2 1 6 50 - Heney, 2 5 2 3 1 1 1 4 3 4 36 Wm. Corrigan, 1 3 1 6 9 John 0‘Neil, 2 3 1 2 3 4 4 30 Wm. Brown, 24 Richard Ward, 2 3 1 2 1 1 1 2 4 14 John Mather, 9 20 John Imrie, 2 2 2 5 5 1 3 6 40 Richard Coughtrie, 1 2 2 12 Edward Sweeney, 2 7 4 3 1 1 2 4 20 James Sweeney, 2 2 1 1 2 2 2 9 18 30 14 16 13 13 8 15 28 27 260 5th Concession. Serjeant Major Wolff, Captain Barrington, 3 1 3 1 50 6 4. John Lavery, Richard Coughtrie, John Sinclair, 4 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 T 5 25 20 John Imrie, John M‘Cartney, 2 4 1 3 1 3 1 8 6 J. B. Noreau, 2 2 1 1 James Sweeney, Edward Sweeney, Richard Ward, John O’Neil, Several Gentlemen, names / 4 6 4 20 40 unknown, 8 8 3 5 5 5 2 5 2 198 6th Concession, - - - - - - - - - 40 t n . o Pm s Is CONCESSIONS. CD 3 S o a5 CO 3 O X 1 2 o Male. Femali 3 rt > 8m m Male. -3 £ CD o> £ o a Oxen. Cows. Hogs. Jg 73 C -s 8 2 1st Concession, 4 12 5 7 1 1 l 8 1 31 1 75 2nd Ditto, 3rd Ditto, 4th Ditto, 5 37 3 30 1 11 2 19 8 7 1 13 2 26 23 370 18 30 14 16 13 13 8 15 28 27 260 5th Ditto, 6th Ditto, 8 8 3 5 5 5 2 5 2 190 40 72 1 83 34 49 27 26 1 19 28 65 58 95S Lands cleared in the 5th Concession, adjoining 6th Concession, 20 Total Number of Souls, 182. Arpents, 078 188 WASTE LANDS. “ Q. Has there been any, and what increase, within the period alluded to ? “ A. There has been an increase of sixty souls; there are twenty houses and upwards. The increase of stock is not very considerable. There has been four hundred acres of land cleared and clearing. “ Q. Did you act as agent for any individuals who con¬ tracted for the clearing of land there with emigrants ? “ A. Yes; I did. “ Q. What is the number of emigrants, and the number of their families; and when did they arrive, and from what country came they ? “ A. Four men, three women, and four children of the age of seven years; they arrived in the month of November, from Ireland; they were three Protestants, and one Catholic. The gentleman who employed me had, as I understood from him, been requested by the Emigrant Society of Quebec to give each of these four heads of families a job of ten acres, upon four several lots, to clear and fence, for four gentlemen in Quebec, who had undertaken to employ these individuals for this purpose, in consideration of the Committee of the Emigrant Society obtaining from the Commissioners of the Jesuits’ estates a grant of these lots. My duty was, to see that these individuals worked faithfully, and to take care that they should be as little in advance as possible; to communi¬ cate from time to time with the principal respecting their wants; obtain supplies from time to time from Quebec or within the settlement, distribute them amongst them, and keep just and true account. “ Q. How were the purchases made ? “ A. The pork, which is the most expensive article, was purchased by the barrel at the wholesale price; the flour was bought in the market; and the fish from the wholesale dealers. The pork cost 3d. per pound; fish, 14$. a quintal; flour, 10 $. 6d. a quintal; pease, 4$. 6d. per bushel. The costs con¬ stituted the whole amount of the advances, except bedding and blankets, which were also purchased at the lowest prices. / WASTE LANDS. 189 u Q. What was the amount to be paid to these emigrants, upon the fulfilment of each of their jobs ? “ A. Thirty pounds, of which one half could be earned during the winter season. “ Q. Does this afford a fair prospect of maintaining them by their labour ? “ A. Yes; and upon an average they receive about seven pounds in advance up to this season. “ Q. Do you think that an honest and industrious emi¬ grant, obtaining a job of this nature, and a lease upon share of the land cleared by him for a term of three years or more, would have a fair prospect of supporting his family, and becoming himself ultimately a landholder ? “ A . Yes. “ Q. I believe you are yourself an emigrant; and what country ? “ A. Yes; I am from Scotland. “ Q. How long have you been in this country; and how long have you been employed since your arrival here ? “A. I have been three years in this country in May last. I came out as a hired farm servant to John Neilson, Esq. of this city, and resided with him in that capacity from the time of my arrival to the month of September, 1819. Mr. Neil¬ son, to oblige me, had previously sold to me, at a moderate rate, a farm at Valcartier (upon which there was no clearing), of three arpents in front, upon thirty in depth, where I now reside. I subsequently obtained from the Commissioners of the Jesuits’ estates, in the month of November, 1819, in common with nine others, a lot of ground of three acres in front, by somewhat more than thirty acres in depth, in the fifth concession. “ Q. Is this the same fifth concession which is mentioned in the statistical table which you laid before this Committee ? “ A. Yes; and all the settlers, except one Canadian, are emigrants from Scotland and Ireland; five of them are Irishmen, four of them Scotchmen : they arrived here chiefly in the year 1818, and they have a fair prospect, by industry 190 WASTE LANDS. and honesty, to become landholders, and to support their families with the produce of their farms*. “ Q. In what length of time does an able-bodied emigrant usually learn to chop wood and clear land,and build log houses and barns P “ A . In about three months.'” Ferdinand Murphy was also examined by the Committee, and said, “ that he belonged to the south of Ireland, and came to Canada in the year 1821. He arrived in Quebec with his sister, and had only twenty-one shillings in money. He went to Valcartier, and chopped and cleared five acres of land, at the rate of three pounds per acre; he had received an advance of provisions, clothes, and other necessaries, amounting to about half the fifteen pounds he was to receive on having completed the job. In the spring he received the balance. Afterwards he took a farm of ninety acres on the Jesuits’ estates, cleared fifty-six acres, and in 1827 his crop was 946 bushels of potatoes, the produce of forty-seven bushels planted, 100 bushels of oats, 700 bundles^ of hay, &c. &c. He now has the means of buying cattle, and living comfortably,” &c. &c. This evidence will, I hope, suffice to convince my readers that an industrious emigrant, without any other assistance than his own activity, is able to settle upon a seigneurie; and in which, possessing a lot of land of about two acres in breadth and forty or fifty in depth, and for which he pays an exceedingly small rent, say twelve or fifteen shillings, he can provide abundantly for his family at the end of three or four years. On the contrary, to obtain the same quantity of land in the townships, he must of necessity have a large sum of ready money, which, unfortunately, in the greater number of cases, is impossible. Two other objects, of the greatest im¬ portance in a new settlement, are also attained in a seigneurie, * The new settlements on Lake Beauport, in Stoneham, St. Patrick, and Port Neuf, are all in a flourishing state, and come in support of the statement made by Coughtrie. f A bundle weighs eighteen pounds. WASTE LANDS. 191 viz . a flour mill and a saw-mill; for not only is the seigneur obliged in, most cases, by law, but it is also for his own in¬ terest, to provide the inhabitants with the means of grinding their corn and constructing their houses; which cannot be done in a township till the population is sufficiently dense to pay the proprietor of the mill. I must, however, allow that each tenure has advantages and disadvantages not possessed by the other; and that when a country is once settled, the tenure of free and common soccage is probably more advantageous; but that to form, with rapidity, new settlements, the tenure en fief gives to a poor man decided advantages. This, in Lower Canada, has been proved by experience. A Bill for the encouragement of emigration passed in both Houses of the Provincial Parliament during the last session, and is one of those reserved for the approbation of His Majesty*. * See Appendix, No. XV. Remedies Proposed. A cox vers at ion which occurred during the last meeting of the Imperial Parliament gives us reason to believe that, in the approaching session, some legislative measures will be proposed as a remedy for the evils which now, by all, are allowed to exist in the Canadian Government. For the pur¬ pose of contributing, as far as my humble abilities permit, to the desirable end of improvement, I will endeavour to point out the circumstances which, in my opinion, can alone bring about any beneficial result. In every thing I shall here advance, one assumption will, throughout, be kept in view: I shall take it as incontroverti¬ ble, that the interests of England and Canada are identical; that, to promote the welfare of Canada, will never be to oppose that of the mother country; that what injures the former injures the latter; that inasmuch as the welfare of Canada must be in jeopardy while the government is a had one, it is for the interest of England that such government should not exist; that existing, it should he reformed. If, therefore, by any observation, I hereafter prove an institu¬ tion to be advantageous to the colony, as respects its govern¬ ment, I shall consider it useless to prove it useful, or not injurious, to England. It is the intention of England to pro¬ vide for the good government of her colonies; her aid to them is afforded partly for that purpose; never for one opposed to it. A more bitter libel upon the justice of the mother REMEDIES PROPOSED. 193 country could hardly be imagined, than to suppose the as¬ sumption here mentioned, unwarranted. If the reader have carefully gone through the statements I have already made, and if he believe those statements to be true, he cannot have failed to perceive that there are two evils in the Canadian Government, both springing from the same source: the one being the hindrance to improve¬ ment, created by the discord existing among the various portions of the Legislature; the other, positive mischief that has been created by the conduct of one section of the Government. The discord and the positive mischief have had their immediate origin in the interests of the Executive Council; which interests have been rendered powerful to bad purposes, by the faulty composition of the Legislative Council. From circumstances already explained, the Legislative Council has hitherto been almost entirely composed of persons holding the office of Executive Councillor. The Executive and Legislative Councils have, in fact, been shown to be two bodies differing in name, but identical as to the persons composing them. The immediate consequence of this arrangement has been, to give the Executive Council a power both over the conduct of the Governor and the deliberations of the Legislature; no desire of the Governor, however beneficial, could be carried into execution, when opposed to their wishes; no proposed enactment could receive the sanction of the Legislature, if contrary to their interests. For years this has continued ; while the country was passive or powerless, misconduct in the acting members of the Government was the invariable result: when the country began to exercise the power in the Legislature, wisely conferred by the mother country, confusion, discord, and at length a complete stoppage of the wffiole working of the Government ensued. These are the evils complained of—the circumstance here mentioned is the cause of those evils. Now, for the remedies. It has been proposed to alter the composition of the 194 REMEDIES PROPOSED. Legislative Council; to make it (like the House of Peers in England) the representation of the landed aristocracy. There is one fatal objection to this proposal: there is no landed aris¬ tocracy in Canada. The seigneurs are not entitled to that appellation ; the rights they possess, hitherto, has conferred on them no political, no monied predominance; they are not richer—they are not more enlightened than some of the other portions of the community ; their rights over the land are not so important as the rights of the tenants; they have not so great an interest in what concerns the land as the tenants who hold under them. If these be the material out of which to form this landed aristocracy, the greatest number of the seigneurs afford it not; we should rather take the vassals as the more eligible, but the vassals are too numerous. There is no reason for choosing one rather than another. The vassals, therefore, cannot properly be used for the purpose of erecting this nobility. Suppose, however, that, in spite of these considerations, the seigneurs were constituted the Legislative Council, what would be the result? They either agree with the House of Assembly, or they do not; if they agree, what need is there for this cumbersome and expensive machinery ? They possess no great wealth ; they cannot, therefore, exercise that sort of influence over society and the government which wealth allows. Let not the world here believe that this body would be what its prototype is supposed to be—the encouragers of science; the creators of polished and elegant society ; the supporters of the pleasure-creating arts: they, of necessity, would either be hard-working citizens, or be poorer than the rest of the educated community. Moreover, they would have precisely the same feelings, the same opinions as the House of Assembly ; they would introduce no new element into the composition of the government; it w'ould still be of the same materials, with this difference, it would be more clumsy and expensive. If we suppose this new Legislative Council opposed to the House of Assembly, what then would be the result ? Precisely the same discord as at present; REMEDIES PROPOSED. 195 the same hindrance of business; the same ill feeling and jealousy which now exist. The House of Assembly must for years, as at present constituted, represent the community. If the Legislative Council opposed the House, it would oppose the wishes of the community; it could not possibly exercise any influence upon the elections; in spite of all endeavours, the community would return whom they pleased, and thus discord would be insured under this supposition between two members of the Legislature. As by this arrangement the council would be composed of hereditary members, the Government of England would find that they had added another difficulty to those now existing in ruling the colony ;—they would find that to all good purposes the council would be an untractable body. If the council differed from the House, it would be on ac¬ count of its own'interests, as opposed to that of the colony generally ; with this class the English Government would have nothin^ in common. The Government would therefore O meet the council in constant opposition ; and meeting it thus, they would quickly learn, to their own cost, how unyielding an assembly they had unluckily created. The interests of England would, in the eyes of such an hereditary council, be a constant source of jealousy : the council would desire to be dominant—dominant for its own ends ; in this supre¬ macy of rule they would fear and hate so powerful a parti¬ cipant as England; their constant endeavour therefore would be, to rid themselves of this disagreeable compeer ; a constant scene of vexation, trouble, and retardment of business can easily be conceived as resulting from this proposed alteration. If, however, it be proposed to render the council an assem¬ blage of persons chosen for life at the will of the King ; and to render it imperative on the Executive to choose the mem¬ bers from the class of seigneurs, some persons may believe all the evils above mentioned to be completely obviated : such would not be the case. One of two sets of circumstances would occur: either the councillors would be kept in the government interest by obtaining the lucrative posts of the 196 REMEDIES PROPOSED. country; or being not so retained and being elected for life, they would be completely independent of the government of England. Under the first supposition, the state of things would differ nothing from the present; the government would, in fact, be in the hands, not of the English Ministry, but of a few grasping councillors. England would derive no benefit from the colony, more than at present; she would be hated as the abettor of bad government, and stand in great danger of losing the colony for ever. Under the second supposition, the council, being inde¬ pendent of the English ministry, would fall under one of the two states I had before supposed; either being friends and coinciding with the House of Assembly—and then all the uselessness of the council, as then explained, would be mani¬ fest : or it would oppose the House, and then the mischiev¬ ousness before pointed out would result from its establishment; so that a Legislative Council, even under this last arrange¬ ment, is shown either to be useless or mischievous. The alteration which T propose is, to abolish the Le¬ gislative Council, and to place the legislative powers in he House of Assembly and the Governor. Let us discuss the objections to this proposal. It is first objected, that it would be injurious to the inte¬ rests of England. To this it may be answered— 1st. That if it be beneficial to the colony, it is but decent to consider it beneficial to England ; for if it be of use to the colony, but mischievous to England, the consequence that England is mischievous to the colony is but too manifest. This, however, is a suppo¬ sition which I cannot for a moment entertain; nor would those, I believe, who put this objection forward: they would not maintain it in so many words, but they constantly sup¬ port the opinion by such statements as the present. England, however, cannot desire such advocacy, or ground her objec¬ tions to the arrangement proposed upon such a plea. How¬ ever, let us for an instant entertain the objection. \ REMEDIES PROPOSED. 197 9.nd. The interests of England, as connected with the colony, are usually supposed to consist—in the trade carried on with the colony; secondly , in the employment or salaries found in the colony for portions of the English people. How are either of these interests to be injured by the present arrangement ? As the trade can only be injured, as far as this alteration is concerned, by a supposed alteration in the laws regulating trade, we must believe that the Governor, who possesses a veto upon all laws, would coincide with the House in making these bad laws; that is, laws bad for England. But this is a monstrous supposition. The Governor is an Englishman invariably; he would possess the power, as at present, to delay or refuse his assent to any law ; and we must believe him to have sufficient sense to perceive that a law does influ¬ ence trade ; and if he knows not what influence it may have, that he would be sufficiently prudent to send to England for instructions how to act. If he have not this prudence, he is a bad Governor; and the evil is not in the frame of the go¬ vernment, but the ill-advised conduct of the Ministry in sending out an incapable servant. In proposing laws, how¬ ever—laws necessary from circumstances newly arisen—it may be said the Governor will be powerless; or if not powerless in proposing, he will be utterly incapable of getting them passed. Powerless, as to proposing laws, he would not be : by mes¬ sage, as at present, he might propose any measure; and as to passing laws, he and the Legislative Council are now equally weak. What assistance does he or the English Ministry derive, to this end, from a Legislative Council ? They do not—they cannot forward a law through the House of Assembly at present. How then can any one believe that the government would, on this head be weaker than at present, supposing the council abolished ? These observations apply to every law, whether regarding trade or any other matter; I will therefore now pass to the second consideration. It may be said that the House of Assembly would abolish a large portion of the present offices in the colony, and thus 198 REMEDIES PROPOSED. deprive the English people of the means of deriving support from their Canadian colony. It is somewhat remarkable how all the arguments of the pretended favourers of English in¬ terests invariably insinuate that the dominion of England is a mischievous dominion. In answer to this objection I ask, are the offices now existing necessary or not ? If necessary, what reason has any one to believe that they would not be continued. The House of Assembly has hitherto preserved these offices, having always had the same power to abolish them as would be given to them by the proposed alteration. The House moreover is not entirely destitute of sense, and is as likely to perceive whether an office is or is not neces¬ sary without the assistance of a Legislative Council as with it. If, indeed, the offices are not necessary (and by the manner of those who make this objection, we are led to be¬ lieve such to be their opinion), then they are continued by an evil influence, and for an evil end. The end being, ac¬ cording to these persons, to forward English interests; the consequence, that English interests are mischievous to the colony, is again thrust upon us. But, as before, I will not entertain such an insinuation; I will assume the offices to be necessary offices, and taking the past conduct of the As¬ sembly as an example of its future behaviour, we may fairly assert that the offices being necessary will be continued. So much for the injury to be done to English interests. Let us now see the benefits to be derived to the colony. 1. The first benefit will be, the ridding the colony,of all the load of expense entailed by the mere existence of a double Legislative Assembly. The second w r ould be, the exclusion of all persons iu the government, not really interested therein. 3. The third, the exclusion of such as are improperly interested. 4. The fourth, the prevention of discord between the different members of the government and the different classes of society. REMEDIES PROPOSED. 199 Of the first benefit I need say nothing; the matter is too obvious to need comment. The remainder need some ex¬ planation. The exclusion of persons not really interested in the busi¬ ness of government is an important matter; though not usually esteemed as highly as it deserves. A man not in¬ terested in any proceeding is generally, as regards that proceeding, an idle man; he, by his idleness, delays its execution; moreover, not having much interest in the consideration of questions arising, he takes not the due care to form opinions repecting them. He is also not de¬ sirous of having his opinion opposed or discussed, because trouble is thereby created. He thus usually forms wrong judgments, and is staunch in maintaining them, using, as his means of supporting his own doctrines, the strength of idleness—a dull, silent, dogged opposition. In the present Legislative Council there are some few members placed in this situation. They have little interest in the designs of the major part; they are, therefore, not very actively mis¬ chievous, but generally, from mere habit, and sometimes from a species of sympathy, go with the prevailing party. On such questions as are really open questions, they act as I have described idle men usually to act; not very solicitous whether they come to a right determination, but peculiarly stiff in that which they have first determined to hold. These are excrescences which it would be well to lop off. The excluding from the Legislature persons who have a mischievous interest, is a benefit upon which I need not enlarge; neither need I spend much time in endeavouring to show that such persons have existed, and do exist in the present Council. The whole preceding observations of this work have almost all tended to support this proposition : I can add nothing to what has already been advanced; so that if I should now attempt a proof of the matter, I should merely repeat what has already been laid before the reader. It may, however, be well to observe, that this influence of mischievous interest over the determinations of the Legisla- 200 REMEDIES PROPOSED. tive Councils has been the great source of the evils which have hitherto existed in the Canadian Government; that to destroy the influence of such mischievous interest, is to destroy, in fact, the evils resulting from it; that, in truth, the question at present is, not whether the measure I propose will destroy this evil, but whether, in so doing, other and greater evils may not necessarily arise. This question, I believe, I have already settled, by the answers given to ob¬ jections raised upon the matter. One objection, however, remains, which deserves consideration, and which is usually advanced with no small degree of confidence by those who seek to maintain the present mischievous order of things. How, it is asked, are you to prevent discord from arising between the Governor and the House of Assembly, and creating all the mischiefs which now exist in consequence of hindrance to the business of government? The answer is easy. The present hindrance arises from an opposition existing among the members of the Legislature ; which opposition is created by a difference of interests in these two branches. It is the interest of one branch to permit the Executive Council to act without control; to derive whatever wealth it possibly can from the country, without being subject to inspection or hindrance: it is the interest of the House of Assembly to prevent this. This difference of interests would not exist between the Governor and the House. The Governor is the representative of England, but England has interests identical with those of the colony; and the interests of the colony are fairly represented by the House of Assembly*. How then can discord arise between the Governor and the House. They may indeed take a different view of the same subject, merely from circumstances uncon¬ nected with interest; but such differences seldom last long, and are not likely to create discord. Discussion must in the * If any person assert that the present representation is not a fair one, I answer, make any alteration therein which more nearly approximates to the perfect representation of the interests of every individual in the community. Of the composition of the House of Assembly I shall immediately speak. 201 REMEDIES PROPOSED. end put an end to opposition in conclusions, where such opposition is the result solely of the understanding. Truth will eventually prevail over error, when error is not backed by interest. It may be said, however, that the Governor will have precisely the same interest to derive wealth from the com¬ munity as have the Legislative and Executive Councils ; and that by this means discord will arise. This, again, is paying a bad compliment to English dominion. How does the Governor possess this interest more than other servants of the public ? And how does it happen that, possessing such an evil interest, he has power to turn it to so bad a purpose as creating discord, and hindering the operations of the Government. In the case of the President of the United States, the same interest must exist; but he does not promote it. Why P Because he would thereby lose the good-will of the country, and would inevitably lose his situation : so with the Governor of Canada; he might possess the same interest, but he would not dare to forward it, because the wisdom and justice of the English Govern¬ ment would produce precisely the same effect as the self- interest of the people of the United States. The English Government would recall an officer who used his power to so bad a purpose. To assert that they would not do so, would be to assert, that the control of the English Ministry over their servant is inferior to the control of the United States people over their servant; it is, in fact, asserting, and that pretty broadly, that the Government of England is not so good a Government as the colony could institute if left to its own guidance; which is again a proposition I can by no means consent to entertain. Having discussed the difficulties connected with this part of the subject, I will pass to the consideration of the compo¬ sition of the House of Assembly. Among the persons who call themselves Liberals, in Canada, there are two parties; one is composed of a few commercial men of wealth, who have had sufficient penetra- REMEDIES FROPOSED. 202 tion to detect the evils of the present Government, to see that they themselves derive no benefit therefrom; they are therefore opposed to the present Government, and from this opposition are considered persons of liberal feelings. Existing evils pressing upon ourselves, though they make us join with true philanthropists, by no means make us philan¬ thropists ourselves. The desire to benefit the country by op¬ position, and the desire to benefit our own individual interests, may lead to conduct in some cases similar, while opposition is alone concerned ; but when remedies are to be proposed, when, after having pulled down, we are called upon to build up, the plans and behaviour of the merely selfish opposer, and his truly liberal compeer becomes widely different. Among his first class of opposers are to be numbered the party in Canada I have just mentioned; among the second class come the second party above alluded to, viz. such persons who are opposed to the Government, because they deem it inju¬ rious to the general welfare. Two parties thus existing—two parties having such different ends in view, though the means adopted by them have hitherto been the same, it is not to be wondered at, that their plans of reform should be widely dis¬ similar. The first party propose so to regulate the repre¬ sentation of the country, that a large portion of the members should be returned by persons connected with themselves in feelings and interests; the second party propose, that the representation of the country should, in fact, represent the whole people; and, as a means to this end, they propose, that of the population the greater number should have the greatest weight; that regulating the representation by the population, the French Canadians must of necessity be, from their numbers, the persons having the greatest sway in the House of Assembly. Nine-tenths of the people are French Canadians; and it is monstrous, say this second party, to give the last tenth an equal, or more than equal, share in the Government of the country. English interests, meaning thereby the interest of persons speaking English in the colony, ought not, say they, to be dominant; the first REMEDIES PROPOSED. 203 party exclaim against this assertion, and when called upon to explain why they oppose so reasonable an opinion, they are obliged to confess, that they believe the English, that is, their own interests, to be of more worth than those of the re¬ maining population; in other words, one-tenth of the popu¬ lation, possessing one-tenth of the whole property of the community, is to be set over and considered of more import¬ ance than the other nine-tenths. To state this monstruous proposition is to refute it. What then, I may be asked, is the reform most desirable P My answer is, to make the representation of the people an hourly increasing representation; increasing with the increase of the population, and in precise proportion to that increase. Let this be done without reference to any party, to any sect, to any language. If ever it should happen that the ma¬ jority of the people should be of English extraction, the same principles which now render it just for the French Canadians, being the majority, to be the dominant section, would then render it just that the English Canadians should possess the chief sway. Principles do not change, though our circumstances may ; but men are too apt to use a just principle so long as it accords with their interests, and dis¬ card it so soon as it becomes inconvenient: and it is to be feared that many who now insist on the propriety of the major part of the interests of a country being the subject of major consideration, would, under different circumstances, turn round and desert their principle. I beseech my country¬ men to let no man lead them into this error. That which is just for them to-day, will, under the same circumstances, be just for their neighbour to-morrow. The same principle which ought to govern the representation of the country now, ought to govern it a century hence: the greater number of interests ought to be the subject of greater con¬ sideration. They, however, who would induce the people to believe that the population, because differently descended, have different interests—are enemies to the people—are blind or dishonest guides. My countryman, who dwells in the 204 REMEDIES PROPOSED. u J i s 1 township of Godmanchester, has the same interest in good government that I have, who dwell upon the seigneurie of-. He, like myself, wants justice cheap; wants per¬ fect protection for his person and his property. He, like me, wants good schools and good roads; wise and frugal repre¬ sentatives. In short, he wants a good government—so do I. In what then do we differ ? He, being an honest man, does not desire to plunder my house : I have no desire to plunder his. He does not wish to disturb me while worshipping according to my religion ; I have no wish to interrupt his prayers. He, if honest, has no desire to make me his slave, to rule over me: I want not to rule over him. All I want, all he wants is, to be peaceful and undisturbed in our honest vocations. Let him not believe that deceitful, treacherous, pretended friend who would teach him any other doctrine. Let him live in good fellowship with his neighbour; and whether that neighbour be a French or Anglo-Canadian, so long as he is one of the people, let him be assured they both have precisely the same interests in common; that they are, in truth, members of the same community. T he House of Assembly last year acted upon this prin¬ ciple; and the reader, by turning to the Appendix (No. XV.), will there learn, that a fair representation was by them pro¬ posed, and the Bill, with few amendments from the Legis¬ lative Council, has passed through both Houses, and is one of those left for the approbation of His Majesty.* To the House I would say, persevere in this honest course, and eventually you must succeed. A perfect representation is essential to the happiness of the great majority of the nation ; and, as that nation’s representatives, it is your duty to strive stedfastly for its attainment. To the government of England I sa y>—Abolish the Legislative Council, and you will have done all that is needed of you towards providing for the welfare of Canada. It has since received the sanction of His Majesty. APPENDIX. No. r. ♦ Different survey* have taken place this year which I have no doubt, when published, will thoroughly corroborate my statement. The Saguenay Territory. For several reasons, which will appear in the sequel, I think it advantageous to lay before the public information respecting this important part of Lower Canada. To the Government at home, and to settlers, the subject may be properly regarded as one of considerable interest. In latitude 48° 2(K north, and 72° 3(y west longitude, in the middle of the course of the river St Lawrence, a little above the isle of Bic, where all vessels coming from Europe, or other parts of the world, can arrive without much danger, even without the aid of pilots, is situated an immense and deep river, called the Saguenay, which takes its principal source in the lake St Jean, which much resembles the lakes so well known in Upper Canada. The mouth of the river Saguenay forms the harbour of Tadousac, wherein ships of the greatest burden can ride with perfect safety in the most tempestuous weather, owing to the high lands by which the harbour is surrounded, and which rise immediately from the water. As I am desirous of giving my readers a particular description of this portion of the country, hitherto most shamefully neglected, but which must, eventually, become of the highest po¬ litical importance*, I shall reserve whatever observations it may be requisite to make for the end of this article, and at present lay before them extracts of the evidence given by different persons before the Committee of the House of Assembly. Lieutenant-Colonel Bouchette, Surveyor-General of the province, appeared before the Committee, and said:— V 208 APPENDIX. “ Lower Canada comprehends an extent of territory of 150,000 superficial miles; of that great superficies, not more than about 25,000 to 30,000 may be said to have been explored and tolerably known, and about one-half thereof actually surveyed; therefore, it appears that about four-fifths of Lower Canada remain unexplored and but little known, and even that is obtained from sketches and descriptions through travellers, traders, and aborigines of the soil—the Indians.” On referring to the most recent maps of Canada, it will be perceived, how¬ ever, that numerous large rivers flowing towards the St LawTence, and taking their rise in the mountains which divide these waters from those which dis¬ charge themselves into Hudson’s Bay, traverse an immense tract of country, the most considerable of which are the Saguenay, the St. Maurice, and the Grand, or Ottawa river. The Saguenay, which is navigable for large vessels to Chicoutimy, a distance of about ninety miles, and thence, for boats, to lake St. John, fertilizes in its course a wide expanse of country, by innumerable tributary streams and branches on either side, which should form a compara¬ tive view of the extent of territory fit for culture lying along the borders of the St. Lawrence; and its branches possess equal advantages in a proportional degree. The same may be said of the Ottawa, whose principal source rises in lake Temiskaming, traversing (to its confluence into the St. Lawrence) a space of country of about 300 miles. The river St. Maurice, although not so wide as either of the former, w r inds through as great a space of country as the Saguenay. Can it be doubted that, possessing such natural advantages, such exhaustless treasures, that any encouragement held out, with a view of colo¬ nizing that valuable tract of country, would fail in its object ? Francois Verrault appeared before the Committee, and said:— “ That he was sixty-five years old, and that, from the age of fifteen to last fall, he had remained in the Saguenay country; that the river Saguenay is twenty leagues from its mouth to Chicoutimy, as far as which place the tide extends; the general breadth of the river is three quarters of a league; that it is extremely deep until within three leagues of Chicoutimy.” On being asked what streams flowed into the Saguenay or into lake St. John, their length, breadth, depth, and course respectively, how far navigable, and what kind of fish were found in the Saguenay or in lake St. John, or in the streams which empty themselves into either, his answer was:— “ There are many: the river St. Marguerite, navigable for canoes through an extent of forty leagues, empties itself into the Saguenay, seven leagues from its mouth on the north side; the river L’Ance St. Jean, navigable for canoes fifteen leagues, empties itself into the Saguenay, on the south side, two leagues above the river St. Marguerite, L’Ance de la Trinite, the Baie des Ha, Ha, the river & Valin, all navigable to canoes, from twelve to fifty leagues, fall into the Saguenay; and many streams in which there is excellent salmon fishery. The river Chicoutimy, where the port is situated, flows from the south, is eight arpents wide, and navigable for thirty leagues in canoes. Above the fort of Chicoutimy, the distance, as far as lake St. John, is thirty leagues, by APPENDIX. 209 the Saguenay, which forms the outlet of that lake. The river Chicoutimy is formed by the lake Tsinogomi (long lake), seven leagues long; four rivers, navigable for canoes, empty themselves into this lake, and another into the Saguenay. At the distance of three-quarters of a league another lake is reached, joined by a smaller one and other rivers. Lake St. John is fourteen leagues long and fourteen wide; two leagues from a small river which empties itself into that lake, is a considerable river, navigable for canoes, thirty leagues, and is seven arpents wide; it is called Metabitsliouan , where there is a port. u On the north side of lake St. John is the river Piribonea (the curious river); this name is given to that river because its water is clear, and game and fish abound there. It is navigable for canoes, and is situated twelve leagues from the outlet of lake St John. Two leagues higher up is the river Mistassini (the large rock), navigable for forty leagues, at least; by this river, at least forty small lakes and carrying places are passed to reach lake Mistassini, which empties itself into Hudson’s Bay: this lake is at least ninety leagues long, by sixty in breadth, and full of islands; some of these islands are large. Another lake, called Temiskaming (very deep lake), leads towards the ports in the rear of Montreal, but where he had never travelled. In all the lakes and rivers fish abound, that is to say, pike, white fish (three feet long), salmon trout; he had taken some weighing forty-two pounds; another kind of trout, only found in lakes where the water is clear, the Indians called it Maingouche (which means the long fish), it is extremely fat, of excellent flavour, some¬ times two or three feet long and eight inches thick; there is a great deal of poissoji dor6, perchaudes , carp of two kinds, white and red; he had seen red carp two feet and a half long, &c. &c. “He had only been seventy leagues from Mistassini; the most common timber along the outlet is red spruce : there is also poplar, birch, and a great deal of swamp spruce. “ He had gone round twice to Three Rivers, by the Saguenay.” The description of his travelling would not be interesting to the generality of my readers, and therefore I will proceed at once to matters of more general importance. I must observe, however, that the number of lakes and rivers, apparently communicating or at very small distances from each other, men¬ tioned by this witness and many others, is perfectly astonishing, and shows the necessity of exploring and settling, as soon as possible, a country where there seems to be so many natural and local advantages. On being asked what was the nature of the soil, and when spring and winter began in the various parts through which he had travelled, his answer was: “That the soil about Tadoussac was mere sand, and only fit for the culture of potatoes; on ascending the Saguenay, all the bays and the in¬ terior on both sides consisted of good soil, fit for cultivation; there was little difference between the climate of that place and that of Quebec ; all sorts of pulse, and melons and cucumbers ripened there; towards Chicoutimy, the gen¬ tlemen of that part had gardens which produced cucumbers, melons, onions, and, in a word, every thing that was produced in Quebec; towards lake St. John, and all around it, the lands were excellent; the Jesuits formerly had 210 APPENDIX. a convent and a farm there; some plum, apple, and cherry trees, and some vines planted by them, still exist, and the furrows made by the plough were to be discerned; the settlement is at the entrance of the river Metabitshouan; he had gone fifteen leagues up that river, and found the soil fine and very fit for cultivation, and the climate favourable; for twenty-five leagues, in ascending the rivers Mistassini and Assuapmousoin, which flow into lake St. John, the soil and climate were equally good, &c. &c. It was to be re¬ marked that, although very often the margin of rivers of a certain magnitude did not admit of cultivation, upon removing a little from the shore, or upon passing the mountains which skirt those rivers, there was always found a level country, where the soil was fertile to a very great distance, and the soil along the small rivers, which empty themselves into the larger ones, was invariably good and fertile for a very great distance. « From Tadoussac to the foot of the rapids Pemonka , for a tract of seventy-five leagues, there was a great quantity of lofty trees, consisting of white pine, red pine, ash, spruce of every kind, elm, black birch and maple, besides several other kinds of timber, as white birch, poplar, aspin, gray and red spruce, &c. &c.” On being asked, if these various timber could be brought, by the several streams he had mentioned, to some place where they might be shipped for exportation by the river St. Lawrence, his answer was:— « That timber might be felled on the borders of several rivers which flow into lake St'John and lake Tsinogomi, which, if drifted along the shore of each of those rivers, would of themselves float to Chicoutimy, where vessels may come, and they might be shipped there.” According to this testimony, as well as that of many other persons, which testimony need not now be adduced, but can be found upon a reference to the Report, my readers will perceive, that the House of Assembly has omitted no pains to obtain every information possible respecting this part of the country, which, a short time after the discovery of Canada, seriously occupied the attention of the French government, and upon which the Jesuits formed establishments, the remains whereof are yet to be perceived. It is to be regretted, that for the trifling sum of from £1,000 to £1,200 per annum, all the north side of the river St. Lawrence, to the seigneurie Mount Murray, the property of Mr. Fraser, many leagues above the river Saguenay, has, under the title of the King’s posts, together with a large part of the territory called Saguenay territory, been let for so long a period to some Scotch merchants, known under the name of the North-West Company; and it is also a matter of surprise, as well as of blame, that the Government, until Lord Dalhousie’s visit to this section of the country, have voluntarily neglected to make inquiries as to this interesting district Without wishing to enter into the causes of the dispute between Lord Selkirk and the North-West Company, we believe it right to say, that his Lordship’s extraordinary enterprise to the Red River has had the effect of bringing to light circumstances, and destroying prejudices and interest, which have retarded the settlement of lands, the most eligible in the country for the reception of the surplus population of the mother country, I T APPENDIX. 211 and of awakening the attention of the British Government upon a matter of the highest importance. That his plans were at first represented by certain interested persons as chimerical, need surprise no one: in spite of all oppo¬ sition, however, he surmounted every obstacle, and, by his plan of coloniza¬ tion, destroyed the monopoly of the North-West Company*; which monopoly exercised a pernicious influence over the welfare of the country, tending both to retard its advancement, and demoralize, if we believe the statement of his Lordship, its population. Lord Selkirk, by this hazardous enterprise, united his own and the public interest, and identified himself so much with the welfare of the Canadians, that his death was to them a subject of unfeigned regret We have thought it requisite to mention this circumstance (en passant), in order to make the English public acquainted with the most dis¬ tant causes which have retarded the settlement of the waste lands of the Crown; to give them also a more correct idea of the difficulties to be sur¬ mounted, the prejudices to be combated, and the private interests which are constantly found in opposition to the public welfare. This opposition has unfortunately been the lot of all the colonies; but it is to be hoped that, in time, the evils will become less, that the troubles will cease and animosities be appeased, and that a happy change will be effected by the judicious repre¬ sentations of enlightened persons. We now return to the advantages possessed by the harbour of Tadoussac in a political point of view. I pass by the consideration of the advantages pos¬ sessed by various other bays, even up to the river Chicoutimy, for the establish¬ ment of an agricultural population, which might quickly extend to lake St. John, and many other lakes in the same direction, and by this means facilitate the communication of the interior, and at length reach to Montreal and Upper Canada. From the facility of its entrance, the river Saguenay ought to be considered as the key of Canada, for it cannot be doubted that a port which is situated thirty-six leagues below Quebec, and which can receive, with perfect ease and safety, vessels of the largest burden—to which vessels may sail without the assistance of a pilot, and which has the advantage over Quebec of being open one month earlier for navigation, must, in time, become a place of the highest consequence, not only in a commercial point, but also of the greatest political importance. In case of a sudden declaration of war by the United States, at a time when supplies could be sent from England by no other route, not even by New Brunswick, this port would be open, and all the necessary succours might be dispatched to any part of the country. All that is needed for this desirable object, is to form settlements at the mouth of the river Saguenay, and the inhabitants would quickly find the means of communicating with the capital, as well as with any other part of the country, in every season of the year. It is known that Quebec is not more than three days’ journey distant from the settlement formerly established by the Jesuits on lake St. John, and • Since that period, the North-West Company have been obliged to come to terms with the rival company of the Hudson's Bay, aud finally to unite with them. 212 APPENDIX. that the reverend fathers were accustomed to carry on their communication, and even to pass cattle by this route. There are few places in Lower Canada which, all circumstances considered, offer greater advantages to the surplus population of the country, and the emigrants from Great Britain, than are possessed by the Saguenay territory. The fertility of the soil is equal to that of any other part of the country; and the fish of the various rivers and lakes would alone be sufficient to maintain the settlers, during the period they must necessarily wait for returns from their newly-cultivated lands. We know that the English Government has received applications from individuals, offering, on reasonable terms, to buy lands in this part of the country, and that to these applications they have not paid the least attention; we nevertheless take the liberty of recommending this matter to their notice, as one deserving the most serious consideration. No. II. Minerals and other Natural Productions of Canada . Messrs. Jackson and Alger have just given an excellent description of the mineralogy and geology of Nova Scotia, and I sincerely lament that it is not in my power to imitate their laudable endeavours; my knowledge, unfortunately, on these important subjects, is not sufficiently extended to enable me to attempt such a task: my present purpose is merely to direct attention, if possible, to the subject, to induce others actually to perform what I can only desire. There are few countries which offer a greater field to scientific research, or more deserving the attention of the natural philosopher, than the Canadas. That the people of the country have hitherto neglected to prosecute researches into such matters, need excite no surprise: education has, compa¬ ratively, made small advances among us: our endeavours hitherto have chiefly been directed to the attainment of the means of subsistence, and we have not yet arrived at that degree of wealth, in which the advancement of science becomes a business by which a man may live. We, however, are tending towards that state ; and the pleasures derived from the acquirement of know¬ ledge are becoming, in a greater degree, an object of desire among the more educated classes of the community. This change will operate in various ways, in directing the attention of all to the various products of our country, which hitherto have been unfortunately neglected. The sciences of mineralogy and geology have not been neglected, however, because deemed unimportant, but because no means of acquiring a knowledge of them has hitherto been within the reach of the Canadian youth. Institutions and professors are wanting; and without these it is difficult, almost impossible, to acquire any thing more than a very superficial knowledge, in matters where great tact and 213 u APPENDIX. experience are required to discover the facts upon which the science is built: we are, consequently, far behind the people of Europe. The study ot chemistry has also been greatly neglected, and for the same reason. In botany, greater advances have been made; and the knowledge of the various properties of our indigenous plants is tolerably advanced. Ornithology, not indeed a very important branch of natural philosophy, but still a branch, has, through the activity of a young Canadian, M. Chasseur, made considerable progress. He has already made an exceedingly respectable collection of birds and some other animals, and thus made the first step towards forming a national museum of natural history. It has been discovered by those who, from time to time, have made partial researches into the aspect of the country, that there exist mines of iron in abundance*, and that they are almost always accompanied by mines of coal, of an excellent quality. Mines of copper, lead, and even of silver, have also been discovered. Quarries of slate and of marble, of granite, and other stone fit for building, are spread over the whole country. Some few precious stones are sometimes found; and in the district of Gaspe the white and red cornelian are frequently discovered. The productions of our forests are too well known to need description ; I will only observe, that vegetables of almost every description are there to be found; that tobacco is cultivated in the country with the greatest success; that the vine also for some years, being cultivated with care, has produced fruit of an excellent description, particularly in the district of Montreal; and that the grape of the indigenous vine, although a little acid, is not disagreeable, more especially after the first frosts of autumn. Such part of the natural history of Canada as regards wild animals is that which hitherto has received the greatest attention, on account of the commer¬ cial advantages derived therefrom. The animals which are principally to be found in our woods are stags, elks, deer, bears, foxes, martens, wild cats, ferrets, weasels, squirrels, hares, and rabbits. The southern parts, in particular, breed great numbers of wild bulls, divers sorts of roebucks, goats, wolves, &c. The marshes, lakes, and pools with which this country abounds, swarm with otters and beavers, of which the white are highly valued. The commerce in these articles, however, though at present of importance, must of necessity take a second rank, when compared with other branches which must eventually arise. The productions of agriculture must, ultimately, be the staple commodities of the country; and even now the fisheries might, with care and attention, be made to yield a return far superior to any derived from the trade in peltries. The attention of the Government might well be directed to these matters; and probably would be so, if the disputes which have so long irritated the public, and checked improvement, were happily settled. The time, indeed, appears to have at length arrived when such a fortunate consummation may fairly be expected ; and it will not be among the smallest of the benefits derived from this union, that our trade will be a matter of consideration to the Legislature. At Three River*, a large iron founder? has been for years in existence. (J 214 appendix. No. III. Historical and Descriptive Works . The best history of Canada extant is that by Father Charlevoix, a Jesuit, born at St Quentin, in 1684, entitled “ Histoire Generate de la Nouvelle France,” in 3 vols. 4to.; or 6 vols. 12mo. Paris, 1744. “A Topographical Description of the Province of Lower Canada; with • Remarks upon Upper Canada, and on the relative Connection of both Provinces with the United States of America. By Joseph Bouchette, Esq., Surveyor General of Lower Canada,” published in London, in 1815, is an excellent work, already well known in England and all parts of America. With the assistance of his maps, which are upon an extended scale, a person in this country, willing to go and settle in the colony, may find in that work the necessary information to guide him in the choice of a site*. “ History of Canada, from its first Discovery to the Peace of 1763. By William Smith, Esq., Clerk of the Parliament, and Master in Chancery of the Province of Lower Canada.” This work was printed in Quebec, in 1815, but did not appear till a few years afterwards. It has its merit, being well com¬ piled, and I can easily believe, as he says himself, that his materials have been collected from the most authentic documents,—the colony records, the Jesuits’ journals, and Charlevoix’s history; but not so easily that he has shown no partiality or prejudice. a Memoirs of the Administration of the Colonial Government of Lower Canada, from the Year 1807 to 1820, giving an Account of the late American War, and the Difficulties under which the late unfortunate Sir George Prevost was placed during his Administration. By Robert Christie, Esq., Law Clerk of the House of Assembly.” These Memoirs were published in Quebec ; they are very interesting, and, although intended to please the ruling power, im¬ partially written. a L es premiers Rudiments de la Constitution Britannique, traduits de 1’An¬ glais de Mons. Brooke, precedes d’un Precis historique, et suivis ^Observa¬ tions sur la Constitution du Bas-Canada,” is an excellent little work, published in French by Jaques Labrie, Esq., M.P.P.—Montreal, 1827. In 1828 appeared, “ The Political Annals of Lower Canada, being a Review of the Political and Legislative History of that Provincea work as full of information as it is of prejudice against the French Canadians. Several English travellers have given an account of the Canadas; but “ Gray’s Letters” are certainly the most correct I have seen, although not divested of prejudice. * A new Topographical Description of the province of Lower Canada, with an improved Wap, upon a large scale, will shortly be published in London, by the same Author, under the sanction of the Provincial Government; and, as far as we have been able to judge, highly deserving the attention aud the encouragement of the public. i r appendix. 215 No. IV. Articles of Capitulation agreed on between Gtfn.TowNSHEXD and M. de Ramsay, Commander of Quebec. Article 1. M. De Ramsay demands the honours of war for his garrison, and that it shall be conducted back to the army in safety, by the shortest road, with their arms, baggage, six pieces of brass cannon, two mortars or howitzers, and twelve rounds. The garrison of the town, composed of land forces, marines, and sailors, shall march out with their arms and baggage, drums beating, lighted matches, with two pieces of camion and twelve rounds; and shall be embarked as conveniently as possible, in order to be landed at the first port in France. Art. 2. That the inhabitants shall be maintained in the possession of their houses, goods, effects, and privileges. Granted; provided they lay down their arms. Art. 3. That the said inhabitants shall not be molested on account of their having borne arms for the defence of the town, as they were forced to it, and as it is customary for the inhabitants of the colonies of both crowns to serve as militia. Granted . Art. 4. That the effects belonging to the absent officers, or inhabitants, shall not be touched. Granted. Art. 5. That the said inhabitants shall not be removed, nor obliged to quit their houses, until their condition shall be settled by a definitive treaty between their Most Christian and Britannic Majesties. Granted. Art. 6. That the exercise of the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman religion shall be preserved, and that safeguards shall be granted to the houses of the clergy, and to the monasteries, particularly to the bishop of Quebec, who, animated with zeal for religion and charity for the people of his diocese, desires to reside constantly in it, to exercise freely and with that decency which his character and the sacred mysteries of the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman religion require, his episcopal authority in the town of Quebec, whenever he shall think it proper, until the possession of Canada shall have been decided by a treaty between their Most Christian and Britannic Majesties. The free exercise of the Roman religion; safeguards granted to all religious persons, as well as to the bishop, who shall be at liberty to come and exercise freely, and with decency, the functions of his office, whenever he shall think proper, until the possession of Canada shall have been decided between their Britannic and Most Christian Majesties. 216 APPENDIX. Art. 7. That the artillery and warlike stores shall be delivered up bonA fide, and an inventory taken thereof. Granted. Art. 8. That the sick, wounded, commissaries, chaplains, physicians, sur¬ geons, apothecaries, and other persons employed in the hospitals, shall be treated agreeable to the cartel settled between their Most Christian and Britannic Majesties, on the 6th of February, 1759. Granted. Art. 9. That before delivering up the gate and the entrance of the towns to the English forces, their General will be pleased to send some soldiers, to be placed as safeguards at the churches, convents, and chief habitations. Granted. Art. 10. That the commander of the city of Quebec shall be permitted to send advice to the Marquess de Vaudreuil, Governor-General, of the reduction of the town; as also this General shall be allowed to write to the French ministry, to inform them thereof. Granted. Art. 11. That the present capitulation shall be executed according to its form and tenor, without being liable to more execution, under pretence of reprisals, or the non-execution of any preceding capitulation. Granted. The present treaty has been made and settled between us, and duplicates signed at the camp before Quebec, the 18th day of September, 1759. G. TOWNSHEND. DE RAMSAY. No. V. Articles of Capitulation between his Excellency General Amherst, Commander An-Chief of His Britannic Ma¬ jesty's Troops and Forces in North America , and his Excellency the Marquess de Vaudreuil, Grand Cross of the Royal and Military Order of St. Louis , Governor and Lieutenant-General for the King in Canada . Article 1. Twenty-four hours after the signing of the present capitulation, the English General shall cause the troops of His Britannic Majesty to take possession of the gates of the town of Montreal; and the English garrison shall not come into the place till after the French troops shall have evacuated it. 217 APPENDIX. The whole garrison of Montreal must lay down their arms, and shall not serve during the present war. Immediately after the signing of the present capitulation, the King's troops shall take possession of the gates , and shall post the guards necessary to preserve good order in the town. Art. 2. The troops and the militia, who are in garrison in the towm of Montreal, shall go out by the gate of-, with all the honours of war, six pieces of cannon, and one mortar, which shall be put on board the vessel where the Marquess de Vaudreuil shall embark, with ten rounds for each piece : the same shall be granted to the garrison of Trois ltividres, as to the honours of war. Art. 3. The troops and militia who are in garrison in the fort of Jacques Cartier, and in the island of St Helen, and other forts, shall be treated in the same manner, and shall have the same honours; and these troops shall go to Montreal, or Trois Rivieres, or Quebec, to be there embarked for the tirst sea-port in France, by the shortest way. The troops who are in our posts situated on our frontiers, on the side of Acadia, at Detroit Michili- makinac, and other posts, shall enjoy the same honours, and be treated in the same manner. All these troops are not to serve during the present war, and shall likewise lay down their arms. The rest is granted. Art. 4. The militia, after being come out of the above towns, forts, and ports, shall return to their homes without being molested, on any pretence whatever, on account of their having carried arms. Granted. Art. 5. The troops who keep the field shall raise their camp and march, drums beating, with their arms, baggage, and artillery, to join the garrison of Montreal; and shall be treated in every respect the same. These troops, as well as the others, must lay down their arms. Art. 6 . The subjects of His Britannic Majesty, and of His Most Christian Majesty, soldiers, militia, or seamen, who shall have deserted or left the service of their sovereign, and carried arms in North America, shall be, on both sides, pardoned for their crime; they shall be respectively returned to their country: if not, each shall remain where he is, without being sought after or molested. Refused. Art. 7. The magazines, the artillery, firelocks, sabres, ammunition of war, and, in general, every thing that belongs to His Most Christian Majesty, as well in the towns of Montreal and Trois RiviSres, as in the forts and posts mentioned in the third article, shall be delivered up, according to exact inventories, to the commissaries who shall be appointed to receive the same, in the name of His Britannic Majesty. Duplicates of the said inventories shall be given to the Marquess de Vaudreuil. This is every thing that can be asked on this article. Art. 8. The officers, soldiers, militia, seamen, and even the Indians, detained on account of their wounds, or sickness, as well in the hospital as in u 218 APPENDIX. private houses, shall enjoy the privileges of the cartel, and be treated accordingly. The sick and wounded shall be treated the same as our own people. Art. 9. The English General shall engage to send back to their own homes the Indians and Moraigans who make part of his armies, immediately after the signing of the present capitulation; and, in the mean time, in order to prevent all disorders on the part of those who may not be gone away, the said General shall give safeguards to such persons as shall desire them, as well in the town as in the country. The first part refused.—There never has been amj cruelties committed by the Indians of our army ; and good order shall be presei'ved. Art. 10. His Britannic Majesty’s General shall be answerable for all dis¬ orders on the part of his troops, and shall oblige them to pay the damages they may do, as well in the towns as in the country. Answered by the preceding Article. Art. 11. The English General shall not oblige the Marquess de Vaudreuil to leave the town of Montreal before the -; and no person shall be lodged in his house till he is gone. The Chevalier Levis, commander of the land forces; the principal officers and majors of the land forces and of the colony troops, the engineers, officers of the artillery, and commissary of war, shall also remain at Montreal till the said day, and shall keep their lodgings there. The same shall be observed with regard to M. Bigot, intendant, the commissaries of marines, and writers, whom the said M. Bigot shall have occa¬ sion for, and no person shall be lodged at the intendant’s house, before he shall be gone. The Marquess de Vaudreuiland all those gentlemen shall be masters of their houses, and shall embark when the King's ships shall be ready to sail for Europe , and all possible conveniencies shall be granted them. Art. 12 . The most convenient vessel that can be found shall be appointed to carry the Marquess de Vaudreuil, by the straitest passage, to the first sea¬ port in France. The necessary accommodation shall be made for him, the Marquess de Vaudreuil, M. de Rigaud, Governor of Montreal, and suite of this General. The vessel shall be properly victualled at the expense of His Britannic Majesty; and the Marquess de Vaudreuil shall take tvith him his papers, without their being examined; and his equipages, plate, baggage, and also those of his suite. Granted: except the archives which shall be necessary for the government of the country. Art. 13. If, before or after the embarkation of the Marquess de Vaudreuil, news of peace should arrive, and that by the treaty Canada should remain to His Most Christian Majesty, the Marquis de Vaudreuil shall return to Quebec or Montreal, every thing shall return to its former state under the dominion of His Most Christian Majesty, and the present capitulation shall become null and of no effect. Whatever the King may have done on this subject shall be obeyed. Art. 14. Two ships shall be appointed to carry to France Chevalier de Levis, the principal officers, and the staff of the land forces, the engineers, officers of artillery, and their suite. These vessels shall likewise be victualled, and the necessary accommodations provided in them. The said officers shall take with them their papers, without being examined, and also their equipages and baggage. Such of the said officers as shall be married shall have liberty to take with them their wives and children, who shall also be victualled. Granted: except that the Marquess de Vaudreuil and all the officers, of what¬ ever rank they may he, shall faithfully deliver up to us all the charts and plam of the country. Art. 15. A vessel shall also be appointed for the passage of M. Bigot, the intendant, with his suite; in which vessel the proper accommodation shall be made for him, and the persons he shall take with him. He shall likewise em¬ bark with him his papers which shall not be examined, his equipages, plate, and baggage, and those of his suite. This vessel shall also be victualled as before mentioned. Granted : with the same reserve as in the preceding Article. Art. 16. The English General shall also order the necessary and most con¬ venient vessels to carry to France M. de Longuevil, Governor of Trois Rivieres, the staff of the colony, and the commissary of the marine; they shall embark therein their families, servants, baggage, and equipages; and they shall be pro¬ perly victualled during the passage, at the expense of His Britannic Majesty. Granted. Art. 17. The officers and soldiers, as well of the land forces as of the colony, and also the marine officers and seamen, who are in the colony, shall be likewise embarked for France, and sufficient and convenient vessels shall be appointed for them. The land and sea officers who shall be married shall take with them their families, and all of them shall have liberty to embark their servants and baggage. As to the soldiers and seamen, those who are married shall take with them their wives and children, and all of them shall embark with their havresacks and baggage. These vessels shall be properly and suf¬ ficiently victualled at the expense of His Britannic Majesty. Granted. Art. 18. The officers, soldiers, and all the followers of the troops who shall have their baggage in the fields, may send for it before they depart without hindrance or molestation. Granted. Art. 19. An hospital ship shall be provided by the English General, for such of the wounded and sick officers, soldiers, and seamen, as shall be in a condition to be carried to France, and shall likewise be victualled at the ex¬ pense of his Britannic Majesty. It shall be the same with regard to the other wounded and sick officers, soldiers and sailors, as soon as they shall be recovered. They shall be at liberty to carry with them their wives, children, servants, and baggage, and the said soldiers and sailors shall not be solicited nor forced to enter into the ser¬ vice of His Britannic Majesty. Granted. 220 APPENDIX. Art. 20. A commissary and one of the King’s writers shall be left to take care of the hospitals, and of whatever may relate to the service of His Most Christian Majesty. Granted. Art. 21. The English General shall also provide ships for carrying to France the officers of the Supreme Council of Justice, Police, Admiralty, and all other officers having commissions or brevets from His Most Christian Ma¬ jesty, for them, their families, servants, and equipages, as well as for the other officers; and they shall likewise be victualled at the expense of His Britannic Majesty. They shall, however, be at liberty to stay in the colony, if they think proper, to settle their affairs, or to withdraw to France whenever they think fit. Granted : but if they have papers relating to the government of the country they are to be delivered to us. Art. 22. If there are any military officers whose affairs should require their presence in the colony till next year, they shall have liberty to stay in it, after having obtained the permission of the Marquess de Yaudreuil for that purpose, and without being reputed prisoners of war. All those whose private affairs shall require their stay in the country , and who shall have the Marquess de VaudreuiVs leave for so doing , shall be allowed to remain till their affairs are settled. Art. 23. The commissary for the King’s provisions shall be at liberty to stay in Canada till next year, in order to be enabled to answer the debts he has contracted in the colony, on account of what he has furnished; but if he should prefer to go to France this year, he shall be obliged to leave, till next year, a person to transact his business. This private person shall preserve and have liberty to carry off all his papers without being inspected; his clerks shall have leave to stay in the colony or to go to France; and, in this last case, a passage and subsistence shall be allowed them on board the ships of His Britannic Majesty, for them, their families, and their baggage. Granted. Art. 24. The provisions, and other kind of stores, which shall be found in the magazines of the commissary, as well in the town of Montreal and of Trois Rivi&res as in the country, shall be preserved to him, the said pro¬ visions belonging to him and not to the King, and he shall be at liberty to sell them to the French or to the English. Every thing that is actually in the magazines , destined for the use of the troops , is to be delivered to the English commissary for the King's forces. Art. 25. A passage to France shall likewise be granted on board of His Britannic Majesty’s ships, as well as victuals, to such officers of the India company as shall be willing to go thither, and they shall take with them their families, servants, and baggage. The chief agent of the said company, in case he should choose to go to France, shall be allowed to leave such person as he shall think proper till next year, to settle the affairs of the said company, and to recover such sums as are due to them. The said chief agent shall keep possession of all the papers belonging to the said company, and they shall not be liable to inspection. Granted. APPENDIX. 221 Art. 26. The said company shall be maintained in the property of the ecarlatines and castors which they may have in the town of Montreal; they shall not be touched under any pretence whatever, and the necessary facilities shall be given to the chief agent to send, this year, his castors to France, on board his Britannic Majesty’s ships, paying the freight on the same footing as the English would pay it. Granted, with regard to what may belong to the company or to private persons ; but if His Most Christian Majesty has any share in it, that must become the property of the King. Art. 27. The free exercise of the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman religion, shall subsist entire, in such manner, that all the states, and the people of the towns and countries, places and distant posts, shall continue to assemble in the churches, and to frequent the sacraments as heretofore, without being molested in any manner, directly or indirectly. These people shall be obliged, by the English Government, to pay to the priests, the tithes and all the taxes they were used to pay under the govern¬ ment of His Most Christian Majesty. Granted, as to the free exercise of their religion,—the obligation of paying the tithes to the priests , will depend on the King's pleasure *. Art. 28. The chapter, priests, curates, and missionaries, shall continue, with an entire liberty, the exercise and functions of their cures, in the parishes of the towns and countries. Granted. Art. 29. The grand vicars, named by the chapter to administer to the diocese during the vacancy of the episcopal see, shall have liberty to dwell in the towns or country parishes, as they shall think proper; they shall, at all times, be free to visit the different parishes of the diocese with the ordinary ceremonies, and exercise all the jurisdiction which they exercised under the French dominion; they shall enjoy the same rights in case of death of the future bishop, of which mention will be made in the following article. Granted, except what regards the following article. Art. 30. If by the treaty of peace Canada should remain in the power of His Britannic Majesty, His Most Christian Majesty shall continue to name the bishop of the colony, who shall always be of the Roman communion, and under whose authority the people shall exercise the Roman religion. Refused. Art. 31. The bishop shall, in case of need, establish new parishes, and provide for the rebuilding of his cathedral and his episcopal palace ; and, in the mean time, he shall have the liberty to dwell in the towns or parishes, as • There is no compulsion resorted to by the priests in the payment of tithes at present in Canada, although we are not certain that they could not put in force the Edit du Conseil Superieur dc Quebec in 1706, sanctioned by the King in 1707, wherein they are entitled to the twenty-sixth bushel of all kiud of grain. It cannot be expected, however, that they can or will perform their various duties without some remuneration, and those who refuse to comply to certain established regulations in the different parishes are, of course, excluded from the pale of the church. Inke all other priesthood, they are exceed¬ ingly jealous of their rights* 222 APPENDIX. he shall judge proper—he shall be at liberty to visit his diocese with the ordinary ceremonies, and exercise all the jurisdiction which his predecessor exercised under the French dominion, save that an oath of fidelity, or a promise to do nothing contrary to His Britannic Majesty’s service, may be required of him. This Article is comprised under the foregoing. Art. 32. The communities of nuns shall be preserved in their constitutions and privileges; they shall continue to observe their rules; they shall be exempted from lodging any military; and it shall be forbid to trouble them in their religious exercises, or to enter their monasteries. Safeguards shall even be given them, if they desire them. Granted. Art. 33. The preceding article shall likewise be executed with regard to the communities of Jesuits and Recolets, and of the house of priests of St Sulpice, at Montreal. These last, and the Jesuits, shall preserve their right to nominate to certain curacies and missions as heretofore. Refused , till the King's pleasure he known. Art. 34. All the communities and all the priests shall preserve their movables, the property and revenues of the seignories, and other estates which they possess in the colony, of what nature soever they be, and the same estates shall be preserved in their privileges, rights, honours, and exemp¬ tions. Granted. Art. 35. If the canons, priests, missionaries, the priests of the seminary of the foreign missions, and of St. Sulpice, as well as the Jesuits and the Recolets, choose to go to France, a passage shall be granted them in His Britannic Majesty’s ships; and they shall all have leave to sell in whole or in part the estates and movables which they possess in the colonies, either to the French or to the English, without the least hindrance or obstacle from the British Government. They may take with them, or send to France, the produce of what nature soever it be, of the said goods sold, paying the freight, as mentioned in the twenty-sixth article; and such of the said priests who choose to go this year shall be victualled, during the passage, at the expense of His Britannic Majesty, and shall take with them their baggage. They shall he masters to dispose of their estates , and to send the produce thereof as well as their persons and all that belongs to them , to France. Art. 36. If by the treaty of peace Canada remains to His Britannic Majesty, all the French, Canadians, Acadians, merchants, and other persons, who choose to retire to France, shall have leave to do so from the English General, who shall procure them a passage. And, nevertheless, if from this time to that decision, any French or Canadian merchants, or other persons, shall desire to go to France, they shall likewise have leave from the English General. Both the one and the other shall take with them their families, servants, and baggage. Granted. Art. 37. The lords of manors, the military and civil officers, the Canadians, \ APPENDIX. 22S as well in the towns as in the country, the French, settled or trading in the whole extent of the colony of Canada, and all other persons whatsoever, shall preserve the entire peaceable property and possession of their goods, noble and ignoble, movable and immovable merchandizes, furs, and other effects, even their ships; they shall not be touched, nor the least damage done to them, on any pretence whatsoever. They shall have liberty to keep, let, or sell them, as well to the French as to the English, to take away the produce of them in bills of exchange, furs, specie, or other returns, whenever they shall judge proper to go to France, paying their freight, as in the twenty- sixth article. They shall also have the furs which are in the posts above, and which belong to them, and may be on the way to Montreal. And for this purpose they shall have leave to send this year, or the next, canoes, fitted out, to fetch such of the said furs as shall have remained in those posts. Granted , as in the twenty-sixth Article . Art. 38. All the people who have left Acadia, and who shall be found in Canada, including the frontiers of Canada, on the side of Acadia, shall have the same treatment as the Canadians, and shall enjoy the same privileges. The King is to dispose of his ancient subjects; in the mean time they shall enjoy the same privileges as the Canadians. Art. 39. None of the Canadians, Acadians, or French, who are now in Canada, and on the frontiers of the colony, on the side of Acadia, Detroit, Michilimakinac, and other places and ports of the countries above, the married and unmarried soldiers remaining in Canada, shall be carried or transported into the English colonies, or to old England, and they shall not be troubled for having carried arms. Granted; except with regard to the Acadians. Art. 40. The savages, or Indian allies of His Most Christian Majesty, shall be maintained in the lands they inhabit, if they choose to remain there; they shall not be molested on any pretence whatsoever, for having carried arms, and served His Most Christian Majesty ; they shall have, as well as the French, liberty-of religion, and shall keep their missionaries; the actual vicars-general and the bishop, when the episcopal see shall be filled, shall have leave to send them new missionaries, when they shall judge it necessary. Granted , except the last Article , which has been already refused. Art. 41. The French, Canadians, and Acadians, of what state and con¬ dition soever, who shall remain in the colony, shall not be forced to take arms against His Most Christian Majesty or his allies, directly or indirectly, on any occasion whatsoever: the British Government shall only require of them an exact neutrality. They become subjects of the King . Art. 42. The French and Canadians shall continue to be governed accord¬ ing to the custom of Paris, and the laws and usages established for this country; and they shall not be subject to any other imposts than those which were established under the French dominion. Answered by the preceding Articles , and particularly by the last. 224 APPENDIX. Art. 43. The papers of the Government shall remain, without exception, in the power of the Marquess de Vaudreuil, and shall go to France with him. These papers shall not be examined on any pretence whatsoever. Granted, with the reserve already made. Art. 44. The papers of the intendancy, of the offices of comptroller of the marine, of the ancient and new treasurers of the King’s magazines, of the office of the revenues, and forges of St. Maurice, shall remain in the power of M. Bigot, the intendant, and they shall be embarked for France in the same vessel with him. These papers shall not be examined. The same as to this Article . Art. 45. The registers and other papers of the Supreme Council of Quebec, of the prevosti and admiralty of the said city, those of the royal jurisdiction of Trois Rividres and of Montreal, those of the seigneurials jurisdiction of the colony, the minutes of the acts of the notaries of the towns and of the countries, and, in general, the acts and other papers that may serve to prove the fortunes of the citizens, shall remain in the colony, in the rolls of the jurisdictions on which these papers depend. Granted. Art. 46. The inhabitants and merchants shall enjoy all the privileges of trade, under the same favours and conditions granted to the subjects of His Britannic Majesty, as well in the countries above as in the interior of the colony. Granted. Art. 47. The negroes and panis of both sexes shall remain in their quality of slaves, in the possession of the French and Canadians to whom they belong; they shall be at liberty to keep them in their service in the colony, or to sell them, and they may also continue to bring them up in the Roman religion. Granted; except those who shall have been made prisoners. Art. 48. The Marquess de Vaudreuil, the general and staff officers of the land forces, the governors and staff officers of the different places of the colony, the military and civil officers, and all other persons who shall leave the colony, or who are already absent, shall have leave to name and appoint attorneys to act for them, and in their name, in the administration of their effects, movable and immovable, until the peace. And if, by the treaty between the two crowns, Canada does not return under the French dominions, these officers or other persons, or attorneys for them, shall have leave to sell their manors, houses, and other estates, their movables and effects, &c., and to carry away, or send to France, the produce, either in bills of exchange, specie, furs, or other returns, as is mentioned in the thirty-seventh article. Granted. Art. 49. The inhabitants and other persons, who shall have suffered any damage in their goods, movable or immovable, which remained at Quebec, under the faith of the capitulation of that city, may make their representations to the British Government, who shall render them due justice against the person to whom it shall belong. Granted. Art. 50 and last. The present capitulation shall be inviolably executed in all its articles, and bona fide on both sides, notwithstanding any infraction and any other pretence with regard to the preceding capitulations, and without making use of reprisals. Granted. P. S. Art. 51. The English General shall engage, in case any Indians remain after the surrender of this town, to prevent their coming into the towns; and that they do not in any manner insult the subjects of His Most Christian Majesty. Care shall be taJ:en f that the Indians do not insult any of the subjects of His Most Christian Majesty. Art. 52. The troops and other subjects of His Most Christian Majesty, who are to go to France, shall be embarked, at latest, fifteen days after the signing of the present capitulation. Answered by the eleventh Article. Art. 53. The troops and other subjects of His Most Christian Majesty, who are to go to France, shall remain lodged and encamped in the town of Montreal and other posts which they now occupy, till they shall be embarked for their departure. Passports, however, shall be granted to those who shall want them, for the different places of the colony, to take care of their affairs. Granted. Art. 54. All the officers and soldiers of the troops in the sendee of France who are prisoners in New England, and who were taken in Canada, shall be sent back as soon as possible to France, where their ransom or exchange shall be treated of agreeable to the cartel; and if any of these officers have affairs in Canada, they shall have leave to come there. Granted. Art. 55. As to the officers of the militia, the militia, and the Acadians, who are prisoners in New England, they shall be sent back to their own countries. Done at Montreal, the 8th of September, 1760. VAUDREUIL. Granted , except what regards the Acadians. Done in the camp before Montreal, the 8th of September, 1760. JEFF. AMHERST. ( 226 APPENDIX. No. VI. 14th GEO. III., Cap. 83. An Act for making more effectual Provision for the Go¬ vernment of the Province of Quebec in North America . Whereas His Majesty, by his royal proclamation, bearing date the seventh day of October, in the third year of his reign, thought fit to declare the provision which had been made in respect to certain countries, territories, and islands in America, ceded to His Majesty by the definitive treaty of peace, concluded at Paris on the tenth day of February, one thousand seven hundred and sixty-three: And whereas, by the arrangements made by the said royal proclamation, a very large extent of country, within which there were several colonies and settlements of the subjects of France, who claimed to remain therein under the faith of the said treaty, was left, without any pro¬ vision being made for the administration of civil government therein; and certain parts of the territory of Canada, where sedentary fisheries had been established and carried on by the subjects of France, inhabitants of the said province of Canada, under grants and concessions from the government thereof, were annexed to the government of Newfoundland, and thereby sub¬ jected to regulations inconsistent with the nature of such fisheries: may it therefore please your Most Excellent Majesty that it may be enacted; and be it enacted by the King’s Most Excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, in this present Parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, that all the terri¬ tories, islands, and countries in North America, belonging to the crown of Great Britain, bounded on the south by a line from the bay of Chaleurs, along the high lands which divide the rivers that empty themselves into the river St Lawrence from those which fall into the sea, to a point in forty- five degrees of northern latitude, on the eastern bank of the river Connecti¬ cut, keeping the same latitude directly west, through the lake Champlain, until, in the same latitude, it meets the river St Lawrence; from thence up the eastern bank of the said river to the lake Ontario; thence through the lake Ontario, and the river commonly called Niagara; and thence along by the eastern and south-eastern bank of lake Erie, following the said bank, until the same shall be intersected by the northern boundary, granted by the charter of the province of Pensylvania, in case the same shall be so intersected ; and from thence along the said northern and western boundaries of the said province, until the said western boundary strike the Ohio; but in case the said bank of the said lake shall not be found to be so intersected, then following the said bank until it shall arrive at that point of the said bank which shall be nearest to the north-western angle of the said province of Pensylvania, and thence, by a right line, to the said north-western angle of the said province; and thence along the western boundary of the said province, until it strike the river Ohio; and along the bank of the said river, westward, to the banks of the Mississippi, and northward to the southern boundary of APPENDIX. 227 the territory granted to the merchants adventurers of England trading to Hudson’s Bay; and also all such territories, islands, and countries, which have, since the tenth of February, one thousand seven hundred and sixty- three, been made part of the government of Newfoundland, be, and they are hereby, during His Majesty’s pleasure, annexed to, and made part and parcel of the province of Quebec, as created and established by the said royal pro¬ clamation of the seventh of October, one thousand seven hundred and sixty- three. Provided always, that nothing herein contained, relative to the boundary of the province of Quebec, shall in anywise affect the boundaries of any other colony. Provided always, and be it enacted, that nothing in this Act contained shall extend, or be construed to extend, to make void, or to vary or alter any right, title, or possession, derived under any grant, conveyance, or otherwise how¬ soever, of or to any lands within the said province, or the provinces thereto adjoining; but that the same shall remain and be in force, and have effect, as if this Act had never been made. And whereas the provisions, made by the said proclamation, in respect to the civil government of the said province of Quebec, and the powers and authorities given to the Governor and other civil officers of the said province, by the grants and commissions issued in consequence thereof, have been found, upon experience to be inapplicable to the state and circumstances of the said province, the inhabitants whereof amounted, at the conquest, to above sixty-five thousand persons professing the religion of the church of Rome, and enjoying an established form of constitution and system of laws, by which their persons and property had been protected, governed, and ordered, for a long series of years, from the first establishment of the said province of Canada; be it therefore further enacted by the authority afore¬ said, that the said proclamation, so far as the same relates to the said province of Quebec, and the commission under the authority whereof the government of the said province is at present administered, and all and every the ordi¬ nance and ordinances made by the Governor and Council of Quebec for the time being, relative to the civil government and administration of justice in the said province, and all commissions to judges and other officers thereof, be, and the same are hereby revoked, annulled, and made void, from and after the first day of May, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-five. And, for the more perfect security and ease of the minds of the inhabitants of the said province, it is hereby declared, that His Majesty’s subjects, pro¬ fessing the religion of the church of Rome, of and in the said province of Quebec, may have, hold, and enjoy, the free exercise of the religion of the church of Rome, subject to the King’s supremacy, declared and established by an Act, made in the first year of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, over all the dominions and countries which then did, or thereafter should belong, to the imperial crown of this realm; and that the clergy of the said church may hold, receive, and enjoy, their accustomed dues and rights, with respect to such persons only as shall profess the said religion. u 228 APPENDIX. Provided nevertheless, that it shall be lawful for His Majesty, his heirs or successors, to make such provision out of the rest of the said accustomed dues and rights, for the encouragement of the Protestant religion, and for the maintenance and support of a Protestant clergy within the said province, as he or they shall, from time to time, think necessary and expedient Provided always, and be it enacted, that no person, professing the religion of the church of Rome, and residing in the said province, shall be obliged to take the oath required by the said statute passed in the first year of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, or any other oaths substituted by any other Act in the place thereof; but that every such person who by the said statute is required to take the oath therein mentioned, shall be obliged, and is hereby required, to take and subscribe the following oath before the Governor, or such other person in such court of record as His Majesty shall appoint, who are hereby authorized to administer the same; videlicet, I, A. B., do sincerely promise and swear, that I will be faithful , and bear true allegiance to His Majesty King George, and him will defend to the utmost of my power, against all traiterous conspiracies and attempts whatsoever, which shall be made against his person, crown, and dignity; and I will do my utmost endeavour to disclose and malce known to His Majesty , his heirs and successors, all treasons, and traiterous conspiracies, and attempts, which I shall know to be against him, or any of them ; and all this I do swear without any equivocation, mental evasion, or secret reservation, and renouncing all pardons and dispensations from any power or person whomsoever to the contrary. So help me God. And every such person, who shall neglect or refuse to take the said oath before mentioned, shall incur and be liable to the same penalties, forfeitures, disabilities, and incapacities, as he would have incurred and been liable to for neglecting or refusing to take the oath required by the said statute passed in the first year of the reign of Queen Elizabeth. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that all His Majesty’s Canadian subjects within the province of Quebec, the religious orders and communities only excepted, may also hold and enjoy their property and possessions, together with all customs and usages relative thereto, and all other their civil rights, in as large, ample, and beneficial manner, as if the said proclamation, commissions, ordinances, and other acts and instruments, had not been made, and as may consist with their allegiance to His Majesty, and subjection to the Crown and Parliament of Great Britian ; and that in all matters of controversy, relative to property and civil rights, resort shall be had to the laws of Canada, as the rule for the decision of the same; and all causes that shall hereafter be instituted in any of the courts of justice, to be appointed within and for the said province, by His Majesty, his heirs and successors, shall, with respect to such property and rights, be determined agreeably to the said laws and customs of Canada, until they shall be varied or altered by any ordinances that shall, from time to time, be passed in the said / 229 APPENDIX. province by the Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, or Commander-in-Chief, for the time being, by and with the advice and consent of the Legislative Council of the same, to be appointed in manner hereinafter mentioned. Provided always, that nothing in this Act contained shall extend, or be construed to extend, to any lands that have been granted by His Majesty, or shall hereafter be granted by His Majesty, his heirs and successors, to be holden in free and common soccage. Provided also, that it shall and may be lawful to and for every person that is owner of any lands, goods, or credits, in the said province, and that has a right to alienate the said lands, goods, or credits, in his or her life-time, by deed of sale, gift, or otherwise, to devise or bequeath the same at his or her death, by his or her last will and testament; any law, usage, or custom, heretofore or now prevailing in the province to the contrary hereof in anywise notwithstanding; such will being executed, either according to the laws of Canada, or according to the forms prescribed by the laws of England. And whereas the certainty and lenity of the criminal law of England, and the benefits and advantages resulting from the use of it, have been sensibly felt by the inhabitants, from an experience of more than nine years, during which it has been uniformly administered ; be it therefore further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that the same shall continue to be administered, and shall be observed as law in the province of Quebec, as well in the des¬ cription and quality of the offence as in the method of prosecution and trial; and the punishments and forfeitures thereby inflicted to the exclusion of every other rule of criminal law, or mode of proceeding thereon, which did or might prevail in the said province before the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and sixty-four ; anything in this Act to the contrary thereof in any respect notwithstanding; subject nevertheless to such alterations and amend¬ ments as the Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, or Commander-in-Chief for the time being, by and with the advice and consent of the Legislative Council of the said province, hereafter to be appointed, shall, from time to time, cause to be made therein, in manner hereinafter directed. And whereas it may be necessary to ordain many regulations for the future welfare and good government of the province of Quebec, the occasions of which cannot not now be foreseen, nor, without much delay and inconvenience, be provided for, without intrusting that authority, for a certain time, and under proper restrictions, to persons resident there: and whereas it is at present inexpedient to call an Assembly; be it therefore enacted by the authority aforesaid, that it shall and may be lawful for His Majesty, his heirs and suc¬ cessors, by warrant under his or their signet or sign manual, and with the advice of the Privy Council, to constitute and appoint a Council for the affairs of the province of Quebec, to consist of such persons resident there, not ex¬ ceeding twenty-three, nor less than seventeen, as His Majesty, his heirs and successors, shall be pleased to appoint; and, upon the death, removal, or absence, any of the members of the said Council in like manner to constitute and appoint such and so many other person or persons as shall be necessary to supply the vacancy or vacancies ; which Council, so appointed and nominated, or the 230 APPENDIX. major part thereof, shall have power and authority to make ordinances for the peace, welfare, and good government of the said province, with the consent of His Majesty’s Governor, or in his absence of the Lieutenant-Governor, or Commander-in-Chief for the time being. Provided always, that nothing in this Act contained shall extend to autho¬ rize or empower the said Legislative Council to lay any taxes or duties within the said province, such rates and taxes only excepted as the inhabitants of any town or district within the said province may be authorized by the said Council to assess, levy, and apply, within the said town or district, for the pur¬ pose of making roads, erecting and repairing public buildings, or for any other purpose respecting the local convenience and economy of such town or district. Provided also, and be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, that every or¬ dinance so to be made, shall, within six months, be transmitted by the Gover¬ nor, or in his absence by the Lieutenant-Governor, or Commander-in-Chief for the time being, and laid before His Majesty for his royal approbation ; and if His Majesty shall think fit to disallow thereof, the same shall cease and be void from the time that His Majesty’s order in Council thereupon shall be pro¬ mulgated at Quebec. Provided also, that no ordinance touching religion, or by which any punish¬ ment may be inflicted greater than fine or imprisonment for three months, shall he of any force or effect, until the same shall have received His Majesty’s approbation. Provided also, that no ordinance shall be passed at any meeting of the Council where less than a majority of the whole Council is present, or at any time except between the first day of January and the first day of May, unless upon some urgent occasion, in which case every member thereof resident at Quebec, or within fifty miles thereof, shall be personally summoned by the Governor, or in his absence by the Lieutenant-Governor, or Commander-in- Chief for the time being, to attend the same. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that nothing herein contained shall extend, or be construed to extend, to prevent or hinder His Majesty, his heirs and successors, by his or their letters patent under the great seal of Great Britain, from erecting, constituting, and appointing such courts of criminal, civil, and ecclesiastical jurisdiction within and for the said province of Quebec, and appointing, from time to time, the judges and officers thereof, as His Majesty, his heirs and successors, shall think necessary and proper for the circumstances of the said province. Provided always, and it is hereby enacted, that nothing in this Act contained shall extend, or be construed to extend, to repeal or make void, within the said province of Quebec, any Act or Acts of the Parliament of Great Britain heretofore made, for prohibiting, restraining, or regulating, the trade or com¬ merce of His Majesty’s colonies and plantations in America ; but that all and every the said Acts, and also all Acts of Parliament heretofore made concerning or respecting the said colonies and plantations, shall be, and are hereby de¬ clared to be, in force within the said province of Quebec, and every part thereof. APPENDIX. 231 No. VII. 31st GEO. III., Cap. 31. An Act to repeal certain Parts of an Act, passed in the fourteenth Year of His Majesty's Reign , intituled “ An Act for making more effectual Provision for the Govern¬ ment of the Province of Quebec , in North America ; and to make further Provision for the Government of the said Province 1. Whereas an Act was passed in the fourteenth year of the reign of His present Majesty, intituled, “ An Act for making more effectual provision for the government of the province of Quebec in North Americaand whereas the said Act is in many respects inapplicable to the present condition and circumstances of the said province: and whereas it is expedient and necessary that further provision should now be made for the good government and pros¬ perity thereof: may it therefore please your Most Excellent Majesty that it may be enacted ; and be it enacted by the King’s Most Excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, in this present Parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, that so much of the said Act as in any manner relates to the ap¬ pointment of a Council for the affairs of the said province of Quebec, or to the power given by the said Act to the said Council, or to the major part of them, to make ordinances for the peace, welfare, and good government of the said province, with the consent of His Majesty’s Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, or Commander-in-Chief for the time being, shall be, and the same is hereby repealed. 2. And whereas His Majesty has been pleased to signify, by his message to both Houses of Parliament, his royal intention to divide his province of Quebec into two separate provinces, to be called the province of Upper Canada, and the province of Lower Canada; be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, that there shall be within each of the said provinces respectively a Legislative Council, and an Assembly, to be severally composed and constituted in the manner hereinafter described; and that in each of the said provinces res¬ pectively His Majesty, his heirs or successors, shall have power, during the continuance of this Act, by and with the advice and consent of the Legislative Council and Assembly of such provinces respectively, to make laws for the peace, welfare, and good government thereof, such laws not being repugnant to this Act; and that all such laws, being passed by the Legislative Council and Assembly of either of the said provinces respectively, and assented to by His Majesty, his heirs or successors, or assented to in His Majesty’s name, 232 appendix. by such person as His Majesty, his heirs or successors, shall from time to time appoint to be the Governor, or Lieutenant-Governor, of such province, or by such person as His Majesty, his heirs or successors, shall from time to time appoint to administer the government within the same, shall be, and the same are hereby declared to be, by virtue of and under the authority of this Act, valid and binding to all intents and purposes whatever, within the province in which the same shall have been so passed. 3. And be it further enacted, by the authority aforesaid, that for the purpose of constituting such Legislative Council as aforesaid in each of the said provinces respectively, it shall and may be lawful for His Majesty, his heirs or successors, by an instrument under his or their sign manual, to authorize and direct the Governor or Lieutenant-Governor, or person admi¬ nistering the government in each of the said provinces respectively, within the time hereinafter mentioned, in His Majesty’s name, and by an instrument under the great seal of such province, to summon to the said Legislative Council, to be established in each of the said provinces respectively, a suf¬ ficient number of discreet and proper persons, being not fewer than seven, to the Legislative-Council for the province of Upper Canada, and not fewer than fifteen to the Legislative Council for the province of Lower Canada; and that it shall also be lawful for His Majesty, his heirs or successors, from time to time, by an instrument under his or their sign manual, to authorize and direct the Governor or Lieutenant-Governor, or person administering the govern¬ ment in each of the said provinces respectively, to summon to the Legislative Council of such province, in like manner, such other person or persons as His Majesty, his heirs or successors, shall think fit; and that every person who shall be so summoned to the Legislative Council of either of the said provinces respectively, shall thereby become a member of such Legislative Council to which he shall have been so summoned. 4. Provided always, and be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, that no person shall be summoned to the said Legislative Council, in either of the said provinces, who shall not be of the full age of twenty-one years, and a natural- born subject of His Majesty, or a subject of His Majesty naturalized by Act of the British Parliament, or a subject of His Majesty, having become such by the conquest and cession of the province of Canada. 5. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that every member of each of the said Legislative Councils shall hold his seat therein for the term of his life, but subject nevertheless to the provisions hereinafter contained for vacating the same, in the cases hereinafter specified. 6. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that whenever His Majesty, his heirs or successors, shall think proper to confer upon any subject of the crown of Great Britain, by letters patent under the great seal of either of the said provinces, any hereditary title of honour, rank, or dignity of such province, descendible according to any course of descent limited in such letters patent, it shall and may be lawful for His Majesty, his heirs or suc¬ cessors, to annex thereto, by the said letters patent, if His Majesty, his heirs or successors, shall so think fit, an hereditary right of being summoned to the APPENDIX. 233 Legislative Council of such province, descendible according to the course of descent so limited with respect to such title, rank, or dignity; and that every person on whom such right shall be so conferred, or to whom such right shall severally so descend, shall thereupon be entitled to demand from the Go¬ vernor, Lieutenant-Governor, or person administering the government of such province, his writ of summons to such Legislative Council, at any time after he shall have attained the age of twenty-one years, subject nevertheless to the provisions hereinafter contained. 7. Provided always, and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that when and so often as any person to whom such hereditary right shall have descended, shall, without the permission of His Majesty, his heirs or successors, signified to the Legislative Council of the province by the Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, or person administering the government there, have been absent from the said province for the space of four years continually, at any time between the date of his succeeding to such right and the time of his applying for such writ of summons, if he shall have been of the age of twenty- one years or upwards at the time of his so succeeding, or at any time between the date of his attaining the said age and the time of his so applying, if he shall not have been of the said age at the time of his so succeeding; and also when and so often as any such person shall at any time, before his applying for such writ of summons, have taken any oath of allegiance or obedience to any foreign prince or power, in every such case such person shall not be entitled to receive any writ of summons to the Legislative Council by virtue of such hereditary right, unless His Majesty, his heirs or successors, shall at any time think fit, by instrument under his or their sign manual, to direct that such person shall be summoned to the said Council; and the Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, or person administering the government in the said provinces respectively, is hereby authorized and required, previous to granting such writ of summons to any person so applying for the same, to interrogate such person upon oath touching the said several particulars, before such Executive Council as shall have been appointed by His Majesty, his heirs or successors, within such province, for the affairs thereof. 8. Provided also, and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that if any member of the Legislative Councils of either of the said provinces respectively shall leave such province, and shall reside out of the same for the space of four years continually, without the permission of His Majesty, his heirs or successors, signified to such Legislative Council by the Governor or Lieutenant-Governor, or person administering His Majesty’s Government there, or for the space of two years continually, without the like permission, or the permission of the Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, or person adminis¬ tering the government of such province, signified to such Legislative Council in the manner aforesaid; or if any such member shall take any oath of alle¬ giance or obedience to any foreign prince or power, his seat in such Council shall thereby become vacant. 9. Provided also, and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that in every case where a writ of summons to such Legislative Council shall have u 234 APPENDIX, been lawfully withheld from any person to whom such hereditary right as aforesaid shall have descended, by reason of such absence from the province as aforesaid, or of his having taken an oath of allegiance or obedience to any foreign prince or power; and also in every case where the seat in such Council of any member thereof, having such hereditary right as aforesaid, shall have been vacated by reason of any of the causes hereinbefore specified, such hereditary right shall remain suspended during the life of such person, unless His Majesty, his heirs or successors, shall afterwards think fit to direct that he be summoned to such Council; but that on the death of such person such right, subject to the provisions herein contained, shall descend to the person who shall next be entitled thereto, according to the course of descent limited in the letters patent by which the same shall have been originally conferred. 10. Provided also, and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that if any member of either of the said Legislative Councils shall be attainted for treason in any court of law within any of His Majesty’s dominions, his seat in such Council shall thereby become vacant, and any such hereditary right as aforesaid then vested in such person, or to be derived to any other persons through him, shall be utterly forfeited and extinguished. 11. Provided also, and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that whenever any question shall arise respecting the right of any person to be summoned to either of the said Legislative Councils respectively, or re¬ specting the vacancy of the seat in such Legislative Council of any person having been summoned thereto, every such question shall, by the Governor or Lieutenant-Governor of the province, or by the person administering the government there, be referred to such Legislative Council, to be by the said Council heard and determined ; and that it shall and may be lawful either for the person desiring such writ of summons, or respecting whose seat such question shall have arisen, or for His Majesty’s Attorney-General of such province in His Majesty’s name, to appeal from the determination of the said Council, in such case, to His Majesty, in his Parliament of Great Britain; and that the judgment thereon of His Majesty, in his said Parliament, shall be final and conclusive to all intents and purposes whatever. 12. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that the Governor or Lieutenant-Governor of the said provinces respectively, or the person administering His Majesty’s government therein respectively, shall have power and authority from time to time, by an instrument under the great seal of such province, to constitute, appoint, and remove the Speakers of the Legislative Councils of such provinces respectively. 13. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that, for the pur¬ pose of constituting such Assembly as aforesaid, in each of the said provinces respectively, it shall and may be lawful for His Majesty, his heirs or suc¬ cessors, by an instrument under his or their sign manual, to authorize and direct the Governor or Lieutenant-Governor, or person administering the government in each of the said provinces respectively, within the time herein¬ after mentioned, and thereafter, from time to time, as occasion shall require, appendix. 235 in His Majesty’s name, and by an instrument under the great seal of such province, to summon and call together an Assembly in and for such province. 14. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that, for the pur¬ pose of electing the members of such Assemblies respectively, it shall and may be lawful for His Majesty, his heirs or successors, by an instrument under his or their sign manual, to authorize the Governor or Lieutenant- Governor of each of the said provinces respectively, or the person adminis¬ tering the government therein, within the time hereinafter mentioned, to issue a proclamation dividing such province into districts, or counties, or circles, and towns or townships, and appointing the limits thereof, and de¬ claring and appointing the number of representatives to be chosen by each of such districts, or counties, or circles, and towns or townships respectively; and that it shall also be lawful for His Majesty, his heirs or successors, to authorize such Governor or Lieutenant-Governor, or person administering the government, from time to time, to nominate and appoint proper persons to execute the office of returning officer in each of the said districts, or counties, or circles, and towns or townships respectively; and that such division of the said provinces into districts, or counties, or circles, and towns or townships, and such declaration and appointment of the number of repre¬ sentatives to be chosen by each of the said districts, or counties, or circles, and towns or townships respectively, and also such nomination and appoint¬ ment of returning officers in the same, shall be valid and effectual to all the purposes of this Act, unless it shall at any time be otherwise provided by any Act of the Legislative Council and Assembly of the province, assented to by His Majesty, his heirs or successors. 15. Provided nevertheless, and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that the provision hereinbefore contained, for empowering the Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, or person administering the government of the said provinces respectively, under such authority as aforesaid from His Majesty, his heirs or successors, from time to time, to nominate and appoint proper persons to execute the office of returning officer in the said districts, counties, circles, and towns or townships, shall remain and continue in force in each of the said provinces respectively, for the term of two years, from and after the commencement of this Act, within such province, and no longer; but subject, nevertheless, to be sooner repealed or varied by any Act of the Legislative Council and Assembly of the province, assented to by His Majesty, his heirs or successors. 16. Provided always, and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that no person shall be obliged to execute the said office of returning officer for any longer time than one year, or oftener than once, unless it shall at any time be otherwise provided by any Act of the Legislative Council and Assembly of the province, assented to by His Majesty, his heirs or successors. 17. Provided also, and be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, that the whole number of members to be chosen in the province of Upper Canada shall not be less than sixteen, and that the whole number of members to be chosen in the province of Low r er Canada shall not be less than fifty. 236 APPENDIX. 18. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that writs for the election of members to serve in the said Assemblies respectively shall be issued by the Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, or person administering His Majesty’s government within the said provinces respectively, within fourteen days after the sealing of such instrument as aforesaid for summoning and calling together such Assembly, and that such writs shall be directed to the respective returning officers of the said districts, or counties, or circles, and towns or townships, and that such writs shall be made returnable within fifty days at farthest from the day on which they shall bear date, unless it shall at any time be otherwise provided by any Act of the Legislative Council and Assembly of the province, assented to by His Majesty, his heirs or successors; and that writs shall in like manner and form be issued for the election of members in the case of any vacancy which shall happen by the death of the person chosen, or by his being summoned to the Legislative Council of either province, and that such writs shall be made returnable within fifty days at farthest from the day on which they shall bear date, unless it shall at any time be otherwise provided by any Act of the Legislative Council and Assembly of the province, assented to by His Majesty, his heirs or successors; and that in the case of any such vacancy which shall happen by the death of the person chosen, or by reason of his being so summoned as aforesaid, the writ for the election of a new member shall be issued within six days after the same shall be made known to the proper office for issuing such writs of election. 19. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that all and every the returning officers so appointed as aforesaid, to whom any such w r rits as aforesaid shall be directed, shall, and they are hereby authorized and required duly to execute such writs. 20. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that the members for the several districts, or counties, or circles of the said provinces respec¬ tively, shall be chosen by the majority of votes of such persons as shall severally be possessed, for their own use and benefit, of lands or tenements within such district, or county, or circle, as the case shall be, such lands being by them held in freehold, or in fief, or in roture, or by certificate derived under the authority of the Governor and Council of the province of Quebec, and being of the yearly value of forty shillings sterling, or upwards, over and above all rents and charges payable out of or in respect of the same; and that the members for tlie several towns or townships within the said provinces respectively shall be chosen by the majority of votes of such persons as either shall severally be possessed, for their own use and benefit, of a dwelling house and lot of ground in such town or township, such dwelling house and lot of ground being by them held in like manner as aforesaid, and being of the yearly value of five pounds sterling, or upwards, or, as having been resident within the said town or township for the space of twelve calendar months next before the date of the wTit of summons for the election, shall bond fide have paid one year’s rent for the dwelling house in which they shall have so resided, at the rate of ten pounds sterling per annum, or upwards. 21. Provided always, and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid. APPENDIX. 237 that no person shall be capable of being elected a member to sen e in either of the said Assemblies, or of sitting or voting therein, who shall be a member of either of the said Legislative Councils to be established as aforesaid in the said two provinces, or who shall be a minister of the church of England, or a minister, priest, ecclesiastic, or teacher, either according to the rites of the church of Rome, or under any other form or profession of religious faith or worship. 22. Provided also, and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that no person shall be capable of voting at any election of a member to serve in such Assembly, in either of the said provinces, or of being elected at any such election, who shall not be of the full age of twenty-one years, and a natural-bom subject of His Majesty, or a subject of His Majesty naturalized by Act of the British Parliament, or a subject of His Majesty, having become such by the conquest and cession of the province of Canada. 23. And be it also enacted by the authority aforesaid, that no person shall be capable of voting at any election of a member to serve in such Assembly, in either of the said provinces, or of being elected at any such election, who shall have been attainted for treason or felony in any court of law within any of His Majesty’s dominions, or who shall be within any description of persons disqualified by any Act of the Legislative Council and Assembly of the province, assented to by His Majesty, his heirs or successors. 24. Provided also, and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that every voter, before he is admitted to give his vote at any such election, shall, if required by any of the candidates, or by the returning officer, take the following oath, which shall be administered in the English or French language, as the case may require:— 7, A. B., do declare and testify, in the presence of Almighty God, that I am, to the best of my knowledge and belief, of the full age of twenty-one years, and that I have not voted before at this election. And that every such person shall also, if so required as aforesaid, make oath, previous to his being admitted to vote, that he is, to the best of his knowledge and belief, duly possessed of such lands and tenements, or of such a dwelling- house and lot of ground, or that he has bonh fide been so resident, and paid such rent for his dwelling-house, as entitles him, according to the provisions of this Act, to give his vote at such election for the county, or district, or circle, or for the town or township for which he shall offer the same. 25. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that it shall and may be lawful for His Majesty, his heirs or successors, to authorize the Governor or Lieutenant-Governor, or person administering the government within each of the said provinces respectively, to fix the time and place of holding such elections, giving not less than eight days’ notice of such time, subject nevertheless to such provisions as may hereafter be made in these respects by any Act of the Legislative Council and Assembly of the proyince, assented to by His Majesty, his heirs or successors. 238 APPENDIX. 26. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that it shall and may be lawful for His Majesty, his heirs or successors, to authorize the Governor or Lieutenant-Governor of each of the said provinces respectively, or the person administering the government therein, to fix the places and times of holding the first and every other session of the Legislative Council and Assembly of such province, giving due and sufficient notice thereof, and to prorogue the same from time to time, and to dissolve the same, by pro¬ clamation or otherwise, whenever he shall judge it necessary or expedient. 27. Provided always, and be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, that the said Legislative Council and Assembly, in each of the said provinces, shall be called together once at the least in every twelve calendar months, and that every Assembly shall continue for four years from the day of the return of the writs for choosing the same, and no longer, subject nevertheless to be sooner prorogued or dissolved by the Governor or Lieutenant-Governor of the province, or person administering His Majesty’s government therein. 28. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that all questions which shall arise in the said Legislative Councils or Assemblies respectively, shall be decided by the majority of voices of such members as shall be present; and that in all cases where the voices shall be equal, the Speaker of such Council or Assembly, as the case shall be, shall have a casting voice. 29. Provided always, and be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, that no member, either of the Legislative Council or Assembly, in either of the said provinces, shall be permitted to sit or to vote therein until he shall have taken and subscribed the following oath, either before the Governor or Lieutenant- Governor of such province, or person administering the government therein, or before some person or persons authorized by the said Governor or Lieu¬ tenant-Governor, or other person as aforesaid, to administer such oath, and that the same shall be administered in the English or French language, as the case may require. Iy A. B., do sincerely promise and swear, that I will he faithful, and bear true allegiance to His Majesty King George, as lawful Sovereign of the Kingdom of Great Britain, and of these Provinces dependant on and belonging to the said Kingdom; and that I will defend him to the utmost of my power against all traiterous conspiracies and attempts whatever, which shall be made against his person, crown, and dignity; and that I will do my utmost endeavour to disclose and make known to His Majesty, his heirs or successors, all treasons and trai¬ terous conspiracies and attempts which I shall know to be against him, or atiy of them : and all this I do swear without any equivocation, mental evasion, or secret reservation , and renouncing all pardons and dispensations from any person or power whatever to the contrary. So help me God. 30. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that whenever any Bill which has been passed by the Legislative Council, and by the House of Assembly, in either of the said provinces respectively, shall be presented, APPENDIX. 239 for His Majesty’s assent, to the Governor or Lieutenant-Governor of such province, or to the person administering His Majesty’s government therein, such Governor or Lieutenant-Governor, or person administering the govern¬ ment, shall, and he is hereby authorized and required to declare, according to his discretion, but subject nevertheless to the provisions contained in this Act, and to such instructions as may from time to time be given in that behalf by His Majesty, his heirs or successors, that he assents to such Bill in His Majesty’s name, or that he withholds His Majesty’s assent from such Bill, or that he reserves such Bill for the signification of His Majesty’s pleasure thereon. 31. Provided always, and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that whenever any Bill, which shall have been so presented for His Majesty’s assent to such Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, or person administering the government, shall, by such Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, or person admi¬ nistering the government, have been assented to in His Majesty’s name, such Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, or person as aforesaid, shall, and he is hereby required, by the first convenient opportunity, to transmit to one of His Majesty’s principal Secretaries of State an authentic copy of such Bill so assented to; and that it shall and may be lawful, at any time within two years after such Bill shall have been so received by such Secretary of State, for His Miyesty, his heirs or successors, by his or their order in Council, to declare his or their disallowance of such Bill; and that such disallowance, together with a certificate, under the hand and seal of such Secretary of State, testifying the day on which such Bill was received as aforesaid, being signified by such Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, or person administering the govern¬ ment, to the Legislative Council and Assembly of such province, or by proclamation, shall make void and annul the same, from and after the date of such signification. 32. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that no such Bill, which shall be so reserved for the signification of His Majesty’s pleasure thereon, shall have any force or authority within either of the said provinces respectively, until the Governor or Lieutenant-Governor, or person adminis¬ tering the government, shall signify, either by speech or message, to the Legislative Council and Assembly of such province, or by proclamation, that such Bill has been laid before His Majesty in Council, and that His Majesty has been pleased to assent to the same; and that an entry shall be made, in the journals of the said Legislative Council, of every such speech, message, or proclamation; and a duplicate thereof, duly attested, shall be delivered to the proper officer, to be kept amongst the public records of the province : and that no such Bill, which shall be so reserved as aforesaid, shall have any force or authority within either of the said provinces respectively, unless His Majesty’s assent thereto shall have been so signified as aforesaid, within the space of two years from the day on which such Bill shall have been presented for His Majesty’s assent to the Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, or person administering the government of such province. 33. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that all laws, 240 APPENDIX. statutes, and ordinances, which shall be in force on the day to be fixed in the manner hereinafter directed for the commencement of this Act, within the said provinces, or either of them, or in any part thereof respectively, shall remain and continue to be of the same force, authority, and effect, in each of the said provinces respectively, as if this Act had not been made, and as if the said province of Quebec had not been divided; except in so far as the same are expressly repealed or varied by this Act, or in so far as the same shall or may hereafter, by virtue of and under the authority of this Act, be repealed or varied by His Majesty, his heirs or successors, by and with the advice and consent of the Legislative Councils and Assemblies of the said provinces respectively, or in so far as the same may be repealed or varied by such temporary laws or ordinances as may be made in the manner herein¬ after specified. 34. And whereas by an ordinance passed in the province of Quebec, the Governor and Council of the said province were constituted a court of civil jurisdiction, for hearing and determining appeals in certain cases therein specified, be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that the Governor, or Lieutenant-Governor, or person administering the government of each of the said provinces respectively, together with such executive Council as shall be appointed by His Majesty for the affairs of such province, shall be a court of civil jurisdiction, within each of the said provinces respectively, for hearing and determining appeals within the same, in the like cases, and in the like manner and form, and subject to such appeal therefrom, as such appeals might before the passing of this Act have been heard and determined by the Governor and Council of the province of Quebec; but subject nevertheless to such further or other provisions as may be made in this behalf, by any Act of tho Legislative Council and Assembly of either of the said provinces respec¬ tively, assented to by His Majesty, his heirs or successors. 35. And whereas, by the above-mentioned Act, passed in the fourteenth year of the reign of his present Majesty, it was declared, that the clergy of the Church of Rome, in the province of Quebec, might hold, receive, and enjoy their accustomed dues and rights, with respect to such persons only as should profess the said religion; provided nevertheless, that it should be lawful for His Majesty, his heirs or successors, to make such provision out of the rest of the said accustomed dues and rights, for the encouragement of the Protes¬ tant religion, and for the maintenance and support of a Protestant clergy within the said province, as he or they should from time to time think neces¬ sary and expedient: and whereas by His Majesty’s royal instructions, given under His Majesty’s royal sign manual on the third day of January, in the year of our Lord, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-five, to Guy Carleton, esquire, now Lord Dorchester, at that time His Majesty’s Captain- General and Governor-in-Chief in and over His Majesty’s province of Quebec, His Majesty was pleased, amongst other things, to direct, “ that no incum¬ bent professing the religion of the church of Rome, appointed to any parish in the said province, should be entitled to receive any tithes for lands or pos¬ sessions occupied by a Protestant, but that such tithes should be received by APPENDIX. 241 such persons as the said Guy Carleton, esquire, His Majesty’s Captain- General and Governor-in-Chief in and over His Majesty’s said province of Quebec, should appoint, and should be reserved in the hands of His Majesty’s Receiver-General of tire said province, for the support of a Protestant clergy in His Majesty’s said province, to be actually resident within the same, and not otherwise, according to such directions as the said Guy Carleton, esquire, His Majesty’s Captain-General and Governor-in-Chief in and over His Majesty’s said province, should receive from His Majesty in that behalf; and that in like manner all growing rents and profits of a vacant benefice should, during such vacancy, be reserved for and applied to the like uses:” and whereas His Majesty’s pleasure has likewise been signified to the same effect in His Majesty’s royal instructions, given in like manner to Sir Frederick Haldimand, knight of the most honourable Order of the Bath, late His Majesty's Captain-General and Governor-in-Chief in and over His Majesty’s said province of Quebec; and also in His Majesty’s royal instructions, given in like manner to the said Right Honourable Guy Lord Dorchester, now His Majesty’s Captain-General and Governor-in-Chief in and over His Majesty’s said province of Quebec; be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, that the said declaration and provision contained in the said above-mentioned Act, and also the said provision so made by His Majesty in consequence thereof, by his instructions above recited, shall remain and continue to be of full force and effect in each of the said two provinces of Upper Canada and Lower Canada respectively, except in so far as the said declaration or provisions respectively, or any part thereof, shall be expressly varied or repealed by any Act or Acts which may be passed by the Legislative Council and Assembly of the said provinces respectively, and assented to by His Majesty, his heirs or successors, under the restriction hereinafter provided. 36. And whereas His Majesty has been graciously pleased, by message to both Houses of Parliament, to express his royal desire to be enabled to make a permanent appropriation of lands in the said provinces, for the support and maintenance of a Protestant clergy within the same, in proportion to such lands as have been already granted within the same by His Majesty: and whereas His Majesty has been graciously pleased, by his said message, further to signify his royal desire, that such provision may be made, with respect to all future grants of land within the said provinces respectively, as may best conduce to the due and sufficient support and maintenance of a Protestant clergy within the said provinces, in proportion to such increase as may happen in the population and cultivation thereof: therefore, for the purpose of more effectually fulfilling His Majesty’s gracious intentions as aforesaid, and of providing for the due execution of the same in all time to come, be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, that it shall and may be lawful for His Majesty, his heirs or successors, to authorize the Governor or Lieutenant-Governor of each of the said provinces respectively, or the person administering the government therein, to make, from and out of the lands of the Crown within such provinces, such allotment and appropriation of lands, for the support and maintenance of a Protestant clergy within the same, as may bear a due 242 appendix proportion to the amount of such lands within the same as have at any time been granted by or under the authority of His Majesty: and that whenever an y grant of lands within either of the said provinces shall hereafter be made, by or under the authority of His Majesty, his heirs or successors, there shall at the same time be made, in respect of the same, a proportionable allotment and appropriation of lands for the above-mentioned purpose, within the township or parish to which such lands so to be granted shall appertain or be annexed, or as nearly adjacent thereto as circumstances will admit; and that no such grant shall be valid or effectual unless the same shall contain a specifi¬ cation of the lands so allotted and appropriated, in respect of the lands to be thereby granted; and that such lands, so allotted and appropriated, shall be, as nearly as the circumstances and nature of the case will admit, of the like quality as the lands in respect of which the same are so allotted and appro¬ priated, and shall be, as nearly as the same can be estimated at the time ot making such grant, equal in value to the seventh part of the lands so granted. 37. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that all and every the rents, profits, or emoluments, which may at any time arise from such lands so allotted and appropriated as aforesaid, shall be applicable solely to the maintenance and support of a Protestant clergy within the province in which the same shall be situated, and to no other use or purpose whatever. 38. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that it shall and may be lawful for His Majesty, his heirs or successors, to authorize the Go¬ vernor or Lieutenant-Governor of each of the said provinces respectively, or the person administering the government therein, from time to time, with the advice of such Executive Council as shall have been appointed by His Majesty, his heirs or successors, within such province, for the affairs thereof, to constitute and erect, within every township or parish which now is or here¬ after may be formed, constituted, or erected within such province, one or more parsonage or rectory, or parsonages or rectories, according to the establish¬ ment of the church of England; and from time to time, by an instrument under the great seal of such province, to endow every such parsonage or rectory with so much or such part of the lands so allotted and appropriated as aforesaid, in respect of any lands within such township or parish, which shall have been granted subsequent to the commencement of this Act, or of such lands as may have been allotted and appropriated for the same purpose, by or in virtue of any instruction which may be given by His Majesty, in respect of any lands granted by His Majesty before the commencement of this Act, as such Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, or person administering the government shall, with the advice of the said Executive Council, judge to be expedient under the then existing circumstances of such township or parish. 39. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that it shall and may be lawful for His Majesty, his heirs or successors, to authorize the Go¬ vernor, Lieutenant-Governor, or person administering the government of each of the said provinces respectively, to present to every such parsonage or rectory an incumbent or minister of the church of England, who shall have been duly ordained according to the rites of the said church, and to supply APPENDIX. 243 from time to time such vacancies as may happen therein; and that every person so presented to any such parsonage or rectory, shall hold and enjoy the same, and all rights, profits, and emoluments thereunto belonging or granted, as fully and ample, and in the same manner, and on the same terms and con¬ ditions, and liable to the performance of the same duties, as the incumbent of a parsonage or rectory in England. 40. Provided always, and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that every such presentation of an incumbent or minister to any such parsonage or rectory, and also the enjoyment of any such parsonage or rectory, and of the rights, profits, and emoluments thereof, by any such incumbent or minister, shall be subject and liable to all rights of institution, and all other spiritual and ecclesiastical jurisdiction and authority, which have been lawfully granted by His Majesty’s royal letters patent to the Bishop of Nova Scotia, or which may hereafter, by His Majesty’s royal authority, be lawfully granted or ap¬ pointed to be administered and executed within the said provinces, or either of them respectively, by the said Bishop of Nova Scotia, or by any other person or persons, according to the laws and canons of the church of England, which are lawfully made and received in England. 41. Provided always, and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that the several provisions hereinbefore contained, respecting the allotment and appropriation of lands for the support of a Protestant clergy within the said provinces, and also respecting the constituting, erecting, and endowing parsonages or rectories within the said provinces, and also respecting the presentation of incumbents or ministers to the same, and also respecting the manner in ■which such incumbents or ministers shall hold and enjoy the same, shall be subject to be varied or repealed by any express provisions for that purpose, contained in any Act or Acts which may be passed by the Legislative Council and Assembly of the said provinces respectively, and assented to by His Majesty, his heirs or successors, under the restriction hereinafter provided. 42. Provided nevertheless, and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that whenever any Act or Acts shall be passed by the Legislative Council and Assembly of either of the said provinces, containing any provisions to vary or repeal the above-recited declaration and provision contained in the said Act, passed in the fourteenth year of the reign of his present Majesty; or to vary or repeal the above-recited provision contained in His Majesty’s royal instructions, given on the third day of January, in the year of our Lord, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-five, to the said Guy Carleton, esquire, now Lord Dorchester; or to vary or repeal the provisions hereinbefore contained for continuing the force and effect of the said declaration and provisions; or to vary or repeal any of the several pro¬ visions hereinbefore contained respecting the allotment and appropriation of lands for the support of a Protestant clergy within the said provinces; or respecting the constituting, erecting, or endowing parsonages or rectories within the said provinces; or respecting the presentation of incumbents or ministers to the same ; or respecting the manner in which such incumbents or ministers shall hold and enjoy the same: and also that whenever any Act or 244 APPENDIX Acts shall be so passed, containing any provisions which shall in any manner relate to or affect the enjoyment or exercise of any religious form or mode of worship; or shall impose or create any penalties, burdens, disabilities, or disqualifications in respect of the same; or shall in any manner relate to or affect the payment, recovery, or enjoyment of any of the accustomed dues or rights hereinbefore mentioned ; or shall in any manner relate to the granting, imposing, or recovering any other dues, or stipends, or emoluments whatever, to be paid to or for the use of any minister, priest, ecclesiastic, or teacher, according to any religious form or mode of worship, in respect of his said office or function; or shall in any manner relate to or affect the establishment or discipline of the church of England, amongst the ministers and members thereof within the said provinces; or shall in any manner relate to or affect the King’s prerogative touching the granting the waste lands of the Crown within the said provinces; every such Act or Acts shall, previous to any declaration or signification of the King’s assent thereto, be laid before both Houses of Parliament in Great Britain; and that it shall not be lawful for His Majesty, his heirs or successors, to signify his or their assent to any such Act or Acts, until thirty days after the same shall have been laid before the said Houses, or to assent to any such Act or Acts, in case either House of Parliament shall, within the said thirty days, address His Majesty, his heirs or successors, to withhold his or their assent from such Act or Acts; and that no such Act shall be valid or effectual to any of the said purposes, within either of the said provinces, unless the Legislative Council and Assembly of such province shall, in the session in which the same shall have been passed by them, have presented to the Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, or person administering the government of such province, an address or addresses, specifying that such Act contains provisions for some of the said purposes hereinbefore specially described, and desiring that, in order to give effect to the same, such Act should be transmitted to England without delay, for the purpose of being laid before Parliament previous to the signi¬ fication of His Majesty’s assent thereto. 43. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that all lands \ which shall be hereafter granted within the said province of Upper Canada shall be granted in free and common soccage, in like manner as lands are now holden in free and common soccage, in that part of Great Britian called England; and that in every case where lands shall be hereafter granted within the said province of Lower Canada, and where the grantee thereof shall desire the same to be granted in free and common soccage, the same shall be so granted; but subject nevertheless to such alterations, with respect to the nature and consequences of such tenure of free and common soccage, as may be established by any law or laws which may be made by His Majesty, his heirs or successors, by and with the advice and consent of the Legislative Council and Assembly of the province. 44. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that if any person or persons holding any lands in the said province of Upper Canada, by virtue of any certificate of occupation derived under the authority of the Governor APPENDIX. 245 I and Council of the province of Quebec, and having power and authority to alienate the same, shall at any time, from and after the commencement of this Act, surrender the same into the hands of His Majesty, his heirs or successors, by petition to the Governor or Lieutenant-Governor, or person administering the government of the said province, setting forth that he, she, or they, is or are desirous of holding the same in free and common soccage, such Governor or Lieutenant-Governor, or person administering the government, shall thereupon cause a fresh grant to be made to such person or persons of such lands, to be holden in free and common soccage. 45. Provided nevertheless, and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that such surrender and grant shall not avoid or bar any right or title to any such lands so surrendered, or any interest in the same, to which any person or persons, other than the person or persons surrendering the same, shall have been entitled, either in possession, remainder, or re¬ version, or otherwise, at the time of such surrender; but that every such surrender and grant shall be made subject to every such right, title, and interest, and that every such right, title, or interest shall be as valid and effectual as if such surrender and grant had never been made. 46. And whereas by an Act passed in the eighteenth year of the reign of His present Majesty, intituled, an Act for removing all doubts and appre¬ hensions concerning taxation by the Parliament of Great Britian, in any of the colonies, provinces, and plantations in North America, and the West Indies; and for repealing so much of an Act, made in the seventh year of the reign of His present Majesty, as imposes a duty on tea imported from Great Britain into any colony or plantation in America, or relates thereto, it has been declared, “ that the King and Parliament of Great Britian will not impose any duty, tax, or assessment whatever, payable in any of His Majesty’s colonies, provinces, and plantations in North America or the West Indies, except only such duties as it may be expedient to impose for the regulation of commerce, the nett produce of such duties to be always paid and applied to and for the use of the colony, province, or plantation in which the same shall be respectively levied, in such manner as other duties col¬ lected by the authority of the respective general courts or general assemblies of such colonies, provinces, or plantations, are ordinarily paid and applied and whereas it is necessary, for the general benefit of the British Empire, that such power of regulation of commerce should continue to be exercised by His Majesty, his heirs or successors, and the Parliament of Great Britian, subject nevertheless to the condition hereinbefore recited, with respect to the application of any duties which may be imposed for that purpose: be it therefore enacted by the authority aforesaid, that nothing in this Act con¬ tained shall extend, or be construed to extend, to prevent or affect the execution of any law which hath been or shall at any time be made by His Majesty, his heirs or successors, and the Parliament of Great Britain, for establishing regulations or prohibitions, or for imposing, levying, or col¬ lecting duties for the regulation of navigation, or for the regulation of the commerce to be carried on between the said two provinces, or between either u 24 6 APPENDIX. of the said provinces and any other part of His Majesty’s dominions, or between either of the said provinces and any foreign country or state, or for appointing and directing the payment of drawbacks of such duties so imposed, or to give to His Majesty, his heirs or successors, any power or authority, by and with the advice and consent of such Legislative Councils and Assemblies respectively, to vary or repeal any such law or laws, or any part thereof, or in any manner to prevent or obstruct the execution thereof. 47. Provided always, and be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, that the nett produce of all duties which shall be so imposed shall at all times hereafter be applied to and for the use of each of the said provinces res¬ pectively, and in such manner only as shall be directed by any law or laws which may be made by His Majesty, his heirs or successors, by and with the advice and consent of the Legislative Council and Assembly of such province. 48. And whereas, by reason of the distance of the said provinces from this country, and of the change to be made by this Act in the government thereof, it may be necessary that there should be some interval of time between the notification of this Act to the said provinces respectively, and the day of its commencement within the said provinces respectively : be it therefore enacted by the authority aforesaid, that it shall and may be law r ful for His Majesty, with the advice of his Privy Council, to fix and declare, or to authorize the Governor or Lieutenant-Governor of the province of Quebec, or the person administering the government there, to fix and declare the day of the com¬ mencement of this Act within the said provinces respectively, provided that such day shall not be later than the thirty-first day of December, in the year of our Lord, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one. 49. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that the time to be fixed by His Majesty, his heirs or successors, or under his or their au¬ thority, by the Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, or person administering the government in each of the said provinces respectively, for issuing the writs of summons and election, and calling together the Legislative Councils and Assemblies of each of the said provinces respectively, shall not be later than the thirty-first day of December, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and ninety-two. 50. Provided always, and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that during such interval as may happen between the commencement of this Act, within the said provinces respectively, and the first meeting of the Legislative Council and Assembly of each of the said provinces respectively, it shall and may be lawful for the Governor or Lieutenant-Governor of such province, or for the person administering the government therein, with the consent of the major part of such Executive Council as shall be appointed by His Majesty for the affairs of such province, to make temporary laws and ordinances for the good government, peace, and welfare of such province, in the same manner, and under the same restrictions, as such laws or ordinances might have been made by the Council for the affairs of the province of u 247 APPENDIX. Quebec, constituted by virtue of the above-mentioned Act of the fourteenth year of the reign of his present Majesty; and that such temporary la\\> or ordinances shall be valid and binding within such province, until the expi¬ ration of six months after the Legislative Council and Assembly ot such pro vince shall have been first assembled by virtue of and under the authority of this Act; subject nevertheless to be sooner repealed or varied by any law or laws which may be made by His Majesty, his heirs or successors, by and with the advice and consent of the said Legislative Council and Assembly. No. VIII. A tous les Elccteurs du Bas-Canada. Mes Compatriotes, Les efforts que vous avez faits k la dernidre election n’ont pas ete inutiles. La Chambre d’Assemblee a eu plus de force qu’elle n’en avait jamais eu. Le paiement de la liste civile y a ete propose avec succds. Mais 1 effect en a et6 terrible; car le Parlement a et6 casse*, et vous allez voir des efforts incroyables k la prochaine election pour faire abandonner les representants en qui vous aviez confiance. Tout va etre mis en oeuvre; toutes les gazettes, jusqu’a celle de Quebec, sont employees; et on en a encore mis une nouvelle sur pied en Francis. Tous les gens en place et tous ceux qui veulent en avoir sont en mouvement. Le coup a ete terrible pour eux ; ils font senti jusques dans la moelle des os; mais quelque chose qu’ils fassent, quelque chose que vous voyez, tenez ferme et soutenez vos representants. On croit le moment favorable. On espiire nous epouvanter par la liste civile, et que la promptitude avec laquelle vont se faire les elections, ne \ ous laissera pas le temps de la reflexion. Vous n’avez point de temps k perdre; allez vous informer au plus vite k ceux en qui vous avez confiance, et faites vous expliquer 1 affaire. On va vous preclier le menagement de votre bourse ; on va crier aux taxes. Remarquez bien qui sont ceux qui prechent et qui crient ainsi; si ce sont ceux qui ont coutume de parler de menagement et de crier contre les taxes. Ces personnes ne se sont pas recriees de voir augmenter les depenses civiles tous les ans; elles ne se sont pas recriees lorsqu’on a propose de mettre des taxes sur les terres, il y a quelques annfces. Elles se sont toujours gardees jusqu’ici de vous parler de ces clioses ; elles jetaient les hauts cris ces der- niSres annees, lorsqu’on publia un compte pour vous donner connaissance des depenses de la province. ♦ It will astonish the English reader whet, he rellects. that the generous offer of the House of Assembly, of paying the ci.il expenditure of the country, was considered then nearly equal to high treason, a*d produced an iu.med.ate dissolution of Parliament. He will, however, easily discover the cause, on reading the present addrws. 248 APPENDIX. Croyez que ce n’est pas le desir de menager votre bourse qui les agite si fort, mais que c’est bien plutot le desir d’en avoir le management eux-memes, et d’etre les maitres d’augmenter la depense tant qu’ils voudront. En 1795, la premiere fois que les comptes ont ete envoyes k la Chambre, la depense de la province ne montait qu’&, £.19,000; en 1800, elle montait k £.32,000; et en 1807, qui est la derni£re annee dont on ait les comptes pub- lies, elle montait k £.43,000. Ils vous diront: Que vous importe que la depense augmente, ce n’est pas vous qui la payez toute. II est vrai qu’il y a une petite partie que nous ne payons pas, et qu’on se garde bien de nous faire payer, afin de pouvoir dire que nous n’avons pas le droit de se meler de la depense. Mais quand la depense sera une fois augmentee autant qu’il aura plu aux gens en place, il faudra que quelqu’un soit charge de la payer. Qu’est-ce qui doit en etre charge & la fin ? La m£re patrie n’a point 6tabli de fond pour la payer; on tire ce qu’elle en paye actuellement de la caisse militaire: cela pourra continuer tant qu’il ne s’agira que de bagatelles; mais quand les sommes seront devenues considerables, on nous dira: II est raisonnable qu’une province florissante comme celle-ci paye ses propres depenses; la m&re patrie est assez chargee de frais de guerres quelle a eu k soutenir pour la protection e 1’empire; et cela sera raisonnable. II sera temps alors, disent les gens en place, de regler la depense, et on aura le meme droit qu’& present Mais quand la depense sera trois ou quatre fois plus grande, il y aura trois ou quatre fois autant de gens en place, qui auront trois ou quatre fois autant d’influence et de puissance, et qui crieront trois ou quatre fois autant; et si actuellement on a dej& tant de peine k s’en defendre, comment pourra-t-on le faire alors ? Faut-il attendre qu’ils se soient entiere- ment empare de la place, et qu’il soit impossible de resister. Ils vont vous exagerer les sommes qu’il faudra payer, afin de vous epouvan- ter ; les uns disent, il faut augmenter de £.25,000, d’autres de £.40,000. On disait avant-hier au greffe que c’etait £25,000; aujourd’hui on dit que c’est £.40,000. S’il fallait se regler sur leur appetit, la somme serait effectivement considerable; mais ce n’est pas U-dessus que la Chambre d’Assemblee se reglera, k moins que le nombre de gens en place qui y seront, ne l’emporte. La somme k payer, suivant les derniers comptes qui ont ete publies, serait de £.16,000. De ces £.16,000, £.11,000 seraient payes par l’Acte des Pri¬ sons, en le continuant; et il ne resterait que 5,000 louis. Un couple de che- lins sur le vin de Mad£re et le vin de Porto, et quelques sous sur le sucre blanc, produiraient £.8,000, ce qui seraient une somme plus que sidfisante, &c. &c. The remainder of it, being directed against individuals, is suppressed. appendix. 249 No. IX. Extract of the Bill, as amended by the Committee, for uniting the Legislatures of the Provinces of Lower and Upper Canada. Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed, the 31s< of July, 1822. 1. The preamble is, that in the present situation of the provinces of Lower and Upper Canada, a joint Legislature for both the said provinces would be more likely to promote their general security and prosperity, than a separate Legislature for each of the said provinces, as at present by law established. 2. That so much of 31st Geo. III., c. 31, as provides a Legislature for each of the provinces of Lower and Upper Canada, be repealed. 3. Provided also, that the Act 14th Geo. III., intituled, “ an Act for making more effectual Provision for the Government of the Province of Quebec, in North America,” should remain repealed. 4. and 5. That from and after the passing of this Act, there shall be one joint Legislative Council, and one joint Assembly for both provinces, and which shall be called “ the Legislative Council and Assembly of the Canadas.” 6. That the present members of the Legislative Councils of Lower and Upper Canada shall constitute together the Legislative Council of the Canadas, and that other persons may be summoned. 7. That such persons only shall be summoned as directed by the Act 31st Geo. III. 8. That the Governor shall have the power to appoint and remove the Speaker of the Legislative Council. 9. That the joint Assembly shall consist of the present members of both, and shall continue until the 1st of July, 1825, unless sooner dissolved. 10. That the Act of Upper Canada, 60th Geo. III., intituled, “ An Act for increasing the Representation of the Commons of this Province in the House of Assembly,” shall continue in force. 11. That the Governor of Lower Canada may erect new counties out of the townships to be represented in the Assembly. 12. That no Act shall alter the number of representatives to be passed, unless by two-thirds of both Houses. 13. That the provisions of 31st Geo. III., respecting elections, to remain in force, except as the same are hereby in anywise altered, until otherwise pro¬ vided for by the joint Legislature. 14. That the Governor, so often as it may be necessary, may summon a new Assembly. 15. That he shall issue writs for the election of members as directed by the Act 31st Geo. III. u 250 APPENDIX. 1G. That in future no person shall be capable of being elected who shall not possess real property to the value of £.500 sterling, and take his oath to that effect. 17. That persons swearing falsely shall be guilty of perjury. 18. That the trials of contested elections shall be according to the mode of proceeding now established by law in that province in which the disputed election or return shall have been made; and that at any time he shall deem it expedient, the Governor may summon two members of the Executive Council of each province to the Assembly. 19. That the joint Legislature shall be summoned, not later than the 1st of September, 1824, and once every twelve months afterwards. 20. That every future Assembly shall continue five years. That the majo¬ rity of votes shall decide, and that the Speakers of the Council and Assembly shall have a casting voice. 21. That no member, either of the Legislative Council or Assembly, shall be permitted to sit until he shall have taken the oath prescribed by the Act 31st Geo. III. 22. That the royal assent shall be declared or withheld, as prescribed by the Act 31st Geo. III.; and that all laws now in force shall continue, except as hereby repealed or altered. 23. That the privileges of members shall continue. 24. That from and after the passing of this Act, all written proceedings, of what nature soever, of the said Legislative Council and Assembly, or either of them, shall be in the English language and none other ; and that, at the end of the space of fifteen years from and after the passing of this Act, all debates in the said Legislative Council, or in the Assembly, shall be carried on in the English language and none other*. 25. That persons professing the religion of the church of Rome shall not be affected. 26. That certain provisions of the Act 31st Geo. III. shall extend to Acts to be passed by the joint Legislature. 27. That all accounts, returns, papers, &c. &c., shall be laid before the Legislature, and that salaries of officers of the Legislature shall continue fill otherwise provided for. • I have abstained from making any observations on any of the preceding clauses; but my readers, no doubt, will easily perceive the interested motives of the framers of this union, expectiug by it to have annihilated for ever the influence of the French Canadians. The present clause, however, appears to me so impolitic, that 1 cannot help placing before them the following questions :—What good can England derive in abolishing the French language in Canada ? What possible political advantages can she expect from our being more assimilated to our neighbours (the Americans) by language, character, and habits ? APPENDIX. 251 No. X. This Composition , which appeared in the Quebec Gazette on New Year's Day , 1829, will assist in giving a tolerable idea of the present feelings and character of the Canadians . Sol Canadien! terre cherie! Par des braves tu fits peuple; I Is cherchaient loin de leur patric Une terre de liberte. Nos pOres, sortis de la France, Etaient 1’elite des guerriers ; Et leurs enfants de leur vaillance N’ont jamais fletri les lauriers. Qu’elles sont belles, nos campagnes; En Canada qu’on vit content! Salut, 6 sublimes montagnes, Bords du superbe Saint Lauren ! Habitant de cette contree, Que nature veut embellir, Tu peux marcher tete levee, Ton pays doit t’enorgueillir. Respecte la main protectricc D’Albion, ton digne soutien; Mais fait Schouer la malice D’ennemis nourris dans ton sein. Ne flechis jamais dans l’orage ; Tu n’as pour maitre que tes lois; Tu n’est pas fait pour l’esclavage: Albion veille sur tes droits. f Si d’Albion la main cherie Cesse un jour de te proteger, Soutiens-toi settle, 6 ma patrie! Meprise un secours etranger. Nos pdres, sortis de la France, Etaient Pelite des guerriers; Et leurs enfants de leur vaillance Ne fletiront pas les lauriers. 252 appendix. No. XI. Statement of the different Establishments for Education in Lower Canada, taken from the Returns made to the Committee of the House of Assembly , on Education , during the Session of 1828-9. Description of the Establishments. Number of Schools. Number of Scholars. Average Price of Tuition. Average Price to Boarders. In the Cities of Quebec and Mont- REAL, AND DISTRICT OF THREE Rivers. Schools established in virtue of the 41st'V £. s. d . £. Geo. III., cap. 17, commonly called > 3 450 2 10 0 36 Schools of the Royal Institution - ) Colleges - -- -- -- -- - 2 434 1 7 6 19 Convents - -- -- -- -- 6 938 0 10 0 15 Gratuitous Schools ------- 11 1,214 — Schools of all other descriptions, con-\ 42 1,764 / Irom i 1 0 15 0 1 taining 20 Scholars and above - - / 1 t0 1 40 - under 20 Scholars - - - - 8 109 ^ 12 0 0 ) Total - - - 72 4,909 — — Country Parts. Schools of the Royal Institution, in-\ 70 1,848 2 0 0 30 eluding Gaspe ------/ Colleges . --- 4 257 3 0 0 19 Convents (Missions of the Soeurs de Za\ 14 672 0 15 0 8 Congregation) - - - - - ; / Established in virtue of 4th Geo. IV., I 10 426 15 0 9 cap. 41, and 7th Geo. IV., cap. 20 / \ Schools of all other descriptions, con- \ 94 2,702 taining 20 Scholars and above - - J l 1 10 0 10 - under 20 Scholars - - - - 61 865 J Total in the Country parts - 253 6,770 — — Ditto in Cities and Towns - 72 4,909 — — Grand Total - - 325 11,679 — — Number of places where no Schools are\ 29 established./ Ditto Ditto from whence no Returns) 34 were received - ----- j n \ APPENDIX. 253 No return was received from Gaspe, except for the schools of the Royal Institution. These establishments are mainly supported as follows:— The schools of the Royal Institution, by an annual grant from the Legislature of about £.1,900, on an average, since 1818. The colleges in the towns, by the revenues of the landed property apper¬ taining to each of those establishments, and by the amount of the boarding and tuition of scholars. The colleges in the country have all been founded by gentlemen of the clergy, and are mainly supported by them. The amount of boarding and tuition forms the remainder of their income. Convents, by the revenues of landed property granted to them, and by the amount of boarding apd tuition. Gratuitous schools have all been established by voluntary subscription; seven of them receive, this year, aid from the Legislature. Schools established in virtue of 4th Geo. IV., cap. 41, by one-fourth of the revenues of the fabriques , in virtue of the said Act; most of them by a further aid from the curates; the remainder by the price of tuition. Of the schools of other descriptions, a large proportion of those in the country parts, and not a few in the towns, were established by the clergy; were, and are still, mainly supported by them, the price of tuition being in¬ sufficient for the support of the masters .—Old Quebec Gazette . No. XII. Extract from the First Report of the Committee of the House of Assembly respecting the Settlement of Crown Lands ; printed on the 1 2th of February , 1821. The Honourable James Cuthbert appeared before your Committee, and answered as follows to the questions put to him:— Q. Have you had any, and what means, of becoming acquainted with the nature and advantages of seigniorial tenure in this country, compared with the tenure of free and common soccage ? A. Being proprietor of the seigniory of Berthier, in the district of Montreal, and having resided upon it for twenty-four years, I have had occasion to bestow much consideration upon this subject, and acquire much experience respecting it. Q. What, in your estimation, are the relative advantages or disadvantages of these two modes of tenure ? A. I hold a very great difference between the two modes of granting land. That under the feudal system, as it is, in my opinion, not accurately called, offers an easy, expeditious, certain, and economical mode of obtaining lands, 254 APPENDIX. in the manner most congenial to the means, habits, wants, and usages of the nineteen-twentieths of the population of this province, and carries in its nature and consequences the only reasonable hope of a long and lasting connection with, and submission to the mother country. Whereas the grants in free and common soccage, after surmounting all difficulties and expense of procuring them, break in upon the habits, customs, manners, and prejudices of the Canadian grantees; the conditions of those grants not only deprive them of the ordinary resources they possess under the system en fief, but also bind them to the ob¬ ligation of employing, in the first instance, at a time they are totally incompe¬ tent, an immense unproductive labour, which, if applied to a land en fief, would alone enable them to subsist their families, &c. &c. Q. What are the causes which prevent the Canadians to settle upon lands in free and common soccage ? A. Grants in free and common soccage strike the great body of the people as a dereliction of all they hold dear; they view the system, and perhaps not without reason, as tending to subvert their institutions, civil and religious, by a slow but unerring progress ; then the difficulty of obtaining the grant, the distance from their friends, their removal from the ordinary support and assist¬ ance they were accustomed to ; and, above all, the .immense tax of labour they incur, not only for their own lot, but also for the clergy and crown reserves, which are to be raised in value by the sweat of their brow : these, and many other objections, deter His Majesty’s Canadian subjects from settling on free and com¬ mon soccage grants. It has been said that American and European emigrants have a total aversion to settle upon lands en fief, &c. &c.; this is substantially and practically contradicted in the seigniories of Dautrai, Lanorai, Ramesay, d’Aillebout, and Terrebonne, under my own personal knowledge, and in many other seigniories throughout the province. It is principally on account of the language, not of the tenure, that any difficulty has arisen. With regard to settling the waste lands of the Crown en fief, it is within my conviction that, were I in possession of ungranted cultivable land, I could con¬ cede some hundred farms en roture, in the short space of twelve months, &c. &c» The Honourable Roderick M‘Kenzie, seignior of Terrebonne, appeared before your Committee. Q. Are there any, and what causes which, in your estimation, have retarded and continue to retard the settlement of the land in the old manors or lord- ships of this country ? A. No augmentations to seigniories having been made since 1759, and of course not expected to be made hereafter, may be a principal cause for the delays observed in the settlement of some seigniorial lands. Proprietors expecting no increase as formerly, wait favourable opportunities to make the most of what they have. Q. Is there any emigration from the said seigniory; and if so, is the same annual and regular, and whither is the same directed ? A. No emigration from the seigniory of Terrebonne. Q. Do any of the inhabitants emigrate to the townships, granted in free and common soccage; and if not, to what causes do you attribute this circumstance ? APPENDIX. 255 A. The inhabitants of this country prefer seigniorial grants to any other. I conceive that system to be the best, since the people who live under it never complain, and seem the happiest in the world. If a settler, who can be recom¬ mended, apply to a seignior for a grant, he instantly becomes a proprietor at the trifling expense of five or six dollars to the surveyor or notary, for deeds of survey and concession. The censitaires, in the seigniories of Terrebonne, pay annually at the rate of half a bushel of wheat and twenty pence for every twenty acres. Some indeed pay less, but no one pays more. As wheat sells at present, this rent may amount to about two pence halfpenny per acre, &c. &c. The Rev. Mr. Demers, Superior of the Seminary of Quebec, answered as follows:— Q. Are the two modes of granting lands in this province, that is to say, that under the feudal system and that in free and common soccage, equally beneficial; and will you please to communicate to the Committee the reasons which induce you to give a preference to either ? A. I am fully persuaded the feudal system, confined within proper limits with regard to seigniorial and permanent rents, is the most advantageous mode of inducing His Majesty’s Canadian subjects to become proprietors of the lands they clear, without being compelled to purchase them. These new proprietors are indeed charged with a permanent rent, but if the original grantees of the Crown enter fully into the spirit of the feudal system, all they can impose is very moderate seigniorial and permanent rents, and such as the new grantees will always be able easily to pay. If the Government adopted the feudal system in granting the Crow r n lands, their grants might regulate the rates of seigniorial rents for every square acre of ground. In this way, the rent in all these new concessions would be uniform, and nothing would remain discretionary. As to the proprietors of these new fiefs, the lods et ventes *, and other feudal dues, woidd afford them a compensation for the lowness of their rent, and even for the expenses they might incur the more speedily to bring their land into cultivation. If the lands are conceded in free and common soccage, it will be quite otherwise. It may be presumed, that the greater part of these lands would shortly become the property of a few rich individuals, who would not fail to retain the best lots, in order to bring them into cultivation themselves, and who would then sell or lease them to the rest. How then shall the young Cana¬ dian formers, whose only wealth is that love of labour of which the habit was formed under the paternal roof, settle upon those lands ? Finding it impossi¬ ble to acquire land sufficient for their future decent support, they will be compelled to take some of those lands on lease, or bail emphyUotique. But in that mode of settling, it is easily seen that they will not experience equal advantages as if the lands were granted them in the feudal manner. To be convinced of this, it suffices to know on what conditions the lots reserved in the several townships for the Crown and for support of the Protestant clergy are leased; every lot is of 200 acres, or 23-5| arpents, or thereabouts, French measure. So early as 1812, three hundred and sixty-three of these lots were * Mutatioa fine paid to the seignior. u 256 APPENDIX, leased for twenty-one years, on the following terms, that is to say, “ for the first seven years, twenty-five shillings, or eight bushels of wheat, per annum ; the second seven years, fifty shillings, or sixteen bushels of wheat; and for the remainder of the period, seventy-five shillings, or twenty-four bushels of wheat, per lot; the lessorshaving the option of requiring payment to be made in either of the modes stipulated.”— Topographical Description of the Province of Lower Canada , p. 14? On an average, every lot of 235$ arpents is charged with an annual rent of fifty shillings, or sixteen bushels of wheat, at the option of the lessor. Esti¬ mating the bushel of wheat at four shillings only, these 235$ arpents will there¬ fore be charged on an average with a yearly rent of sixty-four shillings. This rent is certainly higher than it ought to be, if an equal lot of ground were granted in feudal tenure. Let us suppose this rent to be precisely the same, and that tw r o young Canadian farmers each take one of these lots of land; that one of them take his on lease, the other under a feudal grant: at the close of the twenty-one years, will the situation of both these fanners be alike ? One of them will have become the actual proprietor of the land he has cleared, while the other, with equal care, anxiety, and toil, unattended by any superior advantage during the twenty-one years, will only retain the uncheering recol¬ lection of having, under the sweat of his brow, cleared a land not belonging to himself. But it will be said, will not the lods et rentes due to the seignior on every mutation prevent the young farmer from taking lands by feudal grant ? By no means; because the young farmer w*ell knows he will have no lods et rentes to pay while he remains in possession of his lands, and that such of his descendants as hold it after him will be equally exempt as long as they acquire by descent. Though the due of lods et rentes may appear onerous to the purchaser, I am not the less persuaded that this due has an excellent effect on domestic society ; for it is generally a powerful motive for retaining hereditary lands. This is not one of those vague assertions which are inconsiderately hazarded, but a matter of fact, readily confirmed by numerous instances afforded by such parts of our country as have been longest settled, such as the Cote de BeauprS. It is no rare thing to find in that place families who, at this day, possess the same lands which were granted to their ancestors almost imme¬ diately after the earliest settlements effected in this country. Such are the reasons which induce me to think the feudal system more beneficial, relatively to the cultivation of the ungranted lands of the Crown, than the mode hitherto followed in granting the lands. Q. What are the causes which have prevented His Majesty’s Canadian subjects from settling on the lands in free and common soccage ? A. One of the principal causes is the want of pecuniary means of purchas¬ ing lands, and afterwards clearing them. I do not think there is now to be procured in the townships a tract, adequate to the support of a family, for less than £.100. Very few young Canadian farmers have such a sum, and those who have, will ever prefer purchasing land already in part cultivated, or applying their money to the clearing of lands taken under a feudal grant, APPENDIX. 257 and costing them nothing. As to those who have no pecuniary means, or scarcely any, they will never be reconciled to taking on lease, or bail emphy- thfotiquc , a tract of wood land, remote from the place of their nativity, nor will they more readily take such land on rente constitute , from apprehension of ultimate inability to pay that rent, and thereby becoming liable to ejection from lands which they have in part cleared; unless they can settle in some other way, they will prefer remaining labourers all their lives. I think I know the inhabitants of the country parts sufficiently to feel assured that, in this opinion, I am under no error. To this cause, which is inherent in the system itself, which has been invariably pursued in granting the Crown lands since 1795, others may be added: as the want of ready means of intercourse between the settlements in the townships and the Canadian settlements; ignorance of the language of those among whom the young farmers of our parts would be placed; and, above all, the remoteness of religious aid. This alone, I am persuaded, would have prevented the sounder portion of our Canadian youth from availing themselves of the advantages which new settlements might offer in all other respects; nor would the substantial farmers of our country, sincerely attached as they are to their religious principles, ever consent to the departure of their children, to settle in places where they might suspect their faith or salvation to be in danger. It is easy, with a little attention, to see that these various causes would cease almost instantaneously, if our young farmers had the same facility of settling on the Crown lands as on the unconceded lands in the old seigniories; because they might, by agreement among themselves, depart in sufficient numbers, and take lands at the same place, indulging a most reasonable hope that other young farmers would not fail shortly to join them, &c. &c. J. T. Tachereau, esq., a Member of the House of Assembly, appeared before your Committee:— Q. What causes do you think have prevented the settling of lands in your part of the country ? A. The causes which have prevented the settling of lands beyond the seigniories of La Nouvelle Beauce, are a want of roads; a want of grants by the Crown in the ungranted townships, and in those which are conceded a want of roads; the lots for the Crown and those for the clergy, and also the very considerable expenses which the grantees are obliged to incur for opening roads, expenses of survey and other expenses, with respect to which they are unable to obtain reimbursement of a portion of the interest, whereby they are put under the necessity of selling their lands at a very high price, and the interest of the consideration for the sale is equivalent to a rente which the farmer could not pay; which would not be the case, if, in conceding those lands at a moderate annual rent, the grantees of the Crown could hope here¬ after to be indemnified in some other way, Mr. Dumont, one of the Members of the House of Assembly, appeared before your Committee, and stated as follows:— It is impossible that lands, as they are now granted, can suit the native 258 appendix. French Canadians, for’they cannot ever succeed in opening and cultivating their lands. For instance, a Canadian who is a proprietor of a lot in a given township settles there; he makes a clearing; he wants a cleared interval dti dtcouvert; he wants fences of separation ; he wants water-courses across several lots belonging to Government, the Protestant clergy, or rich pro¬ prietors : is there a moral possibility of bis procuring what is required of neighbourhood? This is one of the chief obstacles to the settling of the townships. Mr. Philemon Wright, of the township of Hull, in the province of Lower Canada, appeared before your Committee, and gave the following informa¬ tion :— I have resided in this country twenty-three years; previous to residing in this country, I resided in the province of Massachussets; I was induced to come to this country by the proclamation of General Clarke, which held forth the prospect of obtaining lands, to persons desirous of investing capital in land, and under their form of government Q. Did you obtain a grant of any, and what waste lands of the Crown, and at what time ? A. I was leader for a quarter of a township; ten of us obtained a patent for twelve hundred acres each. I surveyed the whole of the township of Hull, wherein the lands were situated, being a township of 82,429 acres. I got the Order in Council, on the 22nd of March, 1800; the patent was issued in 1806. Q. At what expense was the survey made ? A, I cannot speak to the exact amount of the expense; it could not be less than £.700. Q. What portion of the land given to your associates remained in their hands ? A. The agreement between me and my associates was, that I should pay out of my own pocket all the expenses of survey, of patent fees, and travelling expenses, in consideration whereof they were to assign to me 1,000 acres each out of the 1,200 assigned to them, which was accordingly done. Q. In what state have been, and are now, the roads and highways in the township of Hull; how and in what manner have they been made, kept up, and repaired ? A. When I first settled in the township of Hull, there was not a single tree cut down; I have opened all the roads, with some assistance, to make it possible for my people to pass and repass. One stone causeway, in particular, cost me above £. 1,000. The total of the amount of money spent by me and some of my neighbours upon these roads, for the twenty years past, amounts to £.2,211 17«. 6d., besides £.955 expended by the commissioners of the county of York, making a total of £. 3,166 17 5 . Gd., and the roads in the front of the township are now very good. Q. What is the extent of the roads made in the said township with this money ? A. About thirty miles. APPENDIX. 259 Q. Are there any, and what obstacles, to making roads in the new townships ? A. The crown and clergy reserves constitute one great obstacle to the improvement of the internal communications of the townships. The large tracts of land, in the possession of proprietors absent from the province, constitute another great obstacle. Q. Are the lands through which the road from Hull to Long Sault passes, in the hands of small or large proprietors ? A. Generally in the hands of large proprietors, absentees from the province. Q. What is the expense of clearing and fencing an acre of wild land; and what is the usual produce of an acre of wild land; and in what consists the process of clearing? A. The expense of clearing an acre of land is £. 3; the produce is from two hundred to four hundred bushels of potatoes per acre, or twenty-five bushels of oats, or twenty-five bushels of wheat, or thirty bushels of Indian corn, or two hundred bushels of turnips. The process of clearing consists of three things; first, cutting down the under-brush, which is worth 7s. 6d .; second, chopping down the wood in row r s, two rods wide, w’orth £. 1 5s .; third, firing, burning, and branding, fit for the harrow, worth £. 1 7s. 6d. Then the work is done. Q. What would be the expense of putting in the crop, per acre ? A. The common price is 10s. Q. Do not the poorer sort of settlers find themselves occasionally con¬ strained to adopt a more imperfect mode of clearing, and what is that mode ? A. Yes; they first cut the brush and small trees, leaving the large trees standing, which shade the land, so that they do not get more than half a crop. Lieutenant-Colonel Bouchette, Surveyor-General of this province, appeared before your Committee, and answered as follows:— Q. How long have you been Surveyor-General ? A. I am a commissioned surveyor of lands in this province since 1790. I have been upwards of seventeen years at the head of the Surveyor-General’s department. Q. When did the Provincial Government commence to grant lands in free and common soccage ? A. In 1796. Q. What was the description of persons w r ho were called the leaders of townships ? A. I refer to the statement thereof in my geographical works*. Q. What was the number of signatures usually subscribed to the petition for the grant of a township ? A. About thirty-six in a township of ten miles square, of about 44,000 acres, admitting each individual had 1,200 acres. * See Bouchettc's Topography , p. 24 4. 260 APPENDIX. Q. Has there been any grants in this province in tree and common soccage to any one individual exceeding 1,200 acres, and what were they? A. As far as I recollect, to Sir Robert Shore Milnes, and the members of the Executive Council*, under a special mandamus from home, as an indem¬ nification for their services and great trouble in the land-granting business. Q. By what denomination was generally known that individual, amongst the petitioners, who charged himself with the preparing of the petition, and obtaining signatures thereto, with presenting the same to the Provincial Government, and carrying it through the Council, with the expenses of survey, and ultimately with obtaining the patent, and paying the fees thereof? A. They were called leaders of townships. Q. Upon the face of the patent did they, or any other patentees, receive any more than 1,200 acres ? A. As far as my knowledge goes, not more. Q. What was the average value of lands in those townships, as they were purchased up by speculators, from the year 1796 to 1803 and 1804 ? A. The lands were then considered of little value, as they were sold, as far as my knowledge extends, from 6rf. to Is. 3 d. per acre. Q. How was the leader of a township indemnified for the expense of survey, patent, &c. A. It was generally understood that they were indemnified by receiving from the other patentees a portion of the lands granted to these patentees. Q. Did you ever understand or hear what that portion was ? A. I have generally understood that some conveyed 1,000 acres, and others less. Q. Have there been any new seigniories erected in this country since its conquest by the British ? , . A. None that I know of but Murray Bay and Mount Murray, and Shool- bred, in the district of Gaspe. Q. What is the number of seigniories in the districts of Quebec, Montrea , and Three Rivers ? A As far as I can recollect, 218 in the whole province. Q. Is the surplus agricultural population of the province of Lower Canada at all considerable ? A. I think it is. Q. Is the distribution of lands in the cultivated parts of the seigniories ot Lower Canada, amongst their settlers, tolerably equal ? A. I think it is. Q. What is the usual size of the farms in Lower Canada, in the seigniories . Q What is the usual size ot tne tarms in Dower ^auaua, ..t —&. A. They are generally of three arpents in front by thirty in depth, or of tive Council. APPENDIX. 261 three arpents in front by forty-two in depth, except in a few singular instances, in some of the first original grants, which have not a greater front but a far greater depth. Q. Are they not now, in many instances, subdivided to a degree which renders them insufficient to afford convenience to the farmer and his family ? A. Yes; I believe it to be the case in many parts of this province. Q. What were the rents and services with which the farmers were charged anterior to the conquest ? A. They vary; some at forty sols , others one 4cu tournois ; but I believe never exceeding. Q. Are these charges deemed onerous by the people of the country ? A. I never understood they were. Q. Would they prefer to settle in the seigniories with these charges, in preference to settling on lands in free and common soccage ? A. I presume they would. Q. Have any number of Canadian settlers established themselves on the lands granted in free and common soccage ? A. I believe very few. Q. To what cause do you attribute this ? A. The reasons are obvious: they do not like the tenure, as they do not know it; they do not like to leave their relations and friends; and they like to be within reach of their churches. Q. What are the fees taken in the land-granting business ? A. My patent fees are 1 5s. per 1,000 acres; and, as far as I recollect, those of the secretary of the province 10s.; and the clerk of the council, I believe, 10s.; governor, 15s.; auditor, 6s. Sd. ; registrar, 5s.; attorney-general, 10s. Lands at present granted under military condition produce the following fees in my office: 7s. Sd. per location ticket; certificates of vacancy, 2s. 6d. No. XIII. Extract from the Resolves of the Council respecting the Introduction of Tenure in Free and Common Soccage, in lieu of the ancient Tenure of the Country. That the progress of population and settlement in this province, under the Bovcrnment of France, whatever the cause or causes of it, was slow; the cul¬ tivated parts, even in the central districts of Quebec, Three Rivers, and Mont¬ real, being, to this day, confined to the banks of the St Lawrence, and the mouths of navigable streams that fall into it. That the royal patents, grants on concession of the lands, were either in 262 appendix. seigniory or in roture ; the latter consisting of town lots, farms or small tracts and seigniories ; larger tracts of various dimensions, many of which are in the rear, or a few leagues from the convenience of water-carriage, still in forest. That the French king’s territorial revenue arose from quints or alienation fines, of one-fifth of the consideration money payable by the purchaser of the lands held in seigniories; and of lods et rentes, of one-twelfth on the sale of lands held in roture ; the lands in roture ordinarily paying also cens et rentes; the cens being one sol, or an Englisli-half-penny for a front of one acre or 180 French feet; and the rente, another sol for every acre of the concession, with a bushel of wheat for every forty acres, or two fat capons of the value of twenty sols. That the French Crown did not exact its whole dues, but remitted a third, both of the quint and lods et rentes. That the seigniories were parcelled out into farms, and these conveyed by the seigniors under like charges of cens et rentes, and subject to lods et rentes, except where a large parcel had been granted in arritre fief; on the subsequent transfers whereof a quint became due to the seignior without cens et rentes. That all the grantees, as well of the Crown as of the seigniors, had perma¬ nent estates, under an habendum to them, their heirs and assigns. That, according to the Receiver-General’s accounts, the territorial revenue for the thirteen years, from the 1st of May, 1775, to the 1st of May, 1788, (comprehending arrears) was, in actual receipt at the treasury, not equal to £.10,000 sterling; rC • S. d. The lods et rentes being but. 1,351 9 5£ The quints . 3,148 1 4£ The balance of royal rents from all the King’s own seigniories, Sorel excepted. 4,554 7 5f £.9,053 18 3J From Sorel . . . 216 19 11 £.9,270 18 2£ which, together with certain duties of customs fixed by Act of Parliament, is by the royal grace given to the province towards the support of its government. That, in explaining the causes of the tardy progression of the population of the colony under the government of France, there seems to be little or no ground for ascribing it to the non-compliance of the seigniors with the con¬ ditions for cultivation expressed in their patents or grants; the instances of prosecutions for taking an advantage of these conditions, and returning their seigniories to the royal domain, being rare, and the seigniorial censi- taires so much more numerous than the King’s, that the farmer, or the in¬ habitants of the seigniories, at all times did, and do now, constitute the main body of the landholders of the country. That the feudal system, if that was amongst the causes of the non-settle- appendix. 263 ment aiul proportionable debility of the French colony, operating tu a dis couragement of the royal grants, as well as the grants of the subject, there can be no ground for holding the grantees to a rigorous performance of the conditions of their grants. That it was among the main causes of that low condition in which Canada was found at the British conquest, is deducible from the probability that many thousands of families had found their account in emigrating from the exu¬ berant population of the kingdom of France, if the Government had given their lands here upon easy terms, and especially in the fertile regions and moderate climates on the banks of the rivers and lakes in the south and south-west That the discouragement of that system, to the settlement of the old French grants, must, in future, greatly increase: the population depending now upon the introduction of British subjects, who arc known to be all averse to any but English tenures* : and the Canadian seigniors, of course, be left without a hope of multiplying their cemilaires, except from the predilection of the descendants of the French planters to usages no longer prompted by interest nor recommended by example. That the grant of the waste lands of the Crown in free and common soccage is essential to the growth, strength, defence, and safety of the province. That unless the old French seigniories can be settled upon terms as advan¬ tageous to the husbandman as the lands of the Crown, their land-market must be at a stand, to the detriment of the proprietors, until the cultivation of the waste lands of the Crown is damped, by their remoteness from all water- carriage and the conveniences and benefits of commerce. ~ • • xi__/i nnn u POT1- That, with the advantage of a vicinity to the navigable waters, and a con- the tenures, the seigniories will probably be the first to be fu y of interest will naturally make it the desire also of every m e_ITTltll tn fl That motives cannot be the objects ot special the surest means of securing to the tenant a fair compact, will be to hold the * This aversion, caused by national prejudices, soon ceases when tlie nature of the french tenure is well understood. 264 APPENDIX. lord to his dues to the Crown, until he has discharged his tenants from the feudal incumbrances in his own favour. That the prerogative is competent to put the waste lands of the Crown under a soccage tenure; but the legislative interposition is necessary to make that tenure universal. That if this is to be the work, not of Parliament but of the Colonial Legis¬ lature, the Royal instructions given for the greater security of the property of the subject will require an Act with a probationary or suspending clause, until His Majesty’s approbation can be obtained. That an absolute and universal commutation of the ancient tenures, though for the better, would be a measure of doubtful policy; but that no substantial objection occurs against giving such individuals that benefit as desire it, and especially to such of the seigniories whose tenants or censitaires shall conceive it to be for their own, as well as for the interest and benefit of their landlords, and may therefore signify their consent to the change. That the ends may be accomplished by a law, with clauses to the following tenor or import:— Be it enacted, &c. &c.* DISSENT. Mr. Mabane’s reasons of dissent from the resolution and motion of the Chief Justice, adopted by the Committee. Because the resolutions moved for do not appear to apply to the object of the reference. Because it appears that the slow progress of population and settlement, under the government of France, cannot be ascribed to any inherent vice in the several tenures under which lands are held in the colony; that it arose from the difficulties which the first settlers found in contending with fierce and savage nations which surrounded them ; from their frequent wars with the British colonies; and, above all, from their repeated expeditions in the upper countries, and towards the Ohio, in which the ambitious policy of France had forced them to engage. Because it appears evident, from the rapid and almost unexampled progress of population in the province (from its own resources), being from 65,000 souls in the year 1766, to about 120,000 in 1784, and who are now chiefly employed in agriculture, that the present tenures are not inimical to popula¬ tion and settlement of the colonyf. Because the King s rights in the ancient tenures of the country being * No change of this kind has yet taken place. I understand that the Honourable Mr- Hale, seignior of St. Anne, has lately renewed an application for a changeof tenbre in that part of his seigniory not yet conceded, which application was formerly made by Mr. De Lanaudiere, seignior of the same place; but 1 am not yet acquainted with the result. + The Honourable Mr. Cuthbert, in his examination before the Committee, said : That in no couutrv where he had travelled, had he met with such a dense agricultural population as in Canada, except in French Flanders and Brabant. APPENDIX. expressly reserved in the Act 14th of the King, and by His Majesty’s gracious bounty appropriated to defray the expenses of civil government, ought not to be relinquished or sacrificed without an equivalent compensation. Because, however unproductive the territorial revenue may have hitherto been, from the indulgence or supineness of government, no judgment can be formed, from the sums actually collected, of the revenue that may hereafter arise therefrom, which must increase in proportion to the population and commerce of the province. Because the predilection of the native inhabitants of the province to their ancient tenures and laws ought not to be interfered with, unless by their own consent, and on the strongest and clearest grounds of public utility. Because the alterations proposed by the resolutions, or any other con¬ version of tenure, tending to give the seignior a more absolute and uncon¬ ditional possession of the fief, would not only be a sacrifice of the King’s rights, but would defeat the wise intentions and beneficial effects of the arrets of 1711 and 1732, and the declaration of 1743, by which the seignior is obliged to grant, to such persons as will apply for them, for the purpose of improvement, lands in concession, subject only to the accustomed and sti¬ pulated rents and dues; and upon his non-compliance the Governor is authorized, on the part of the Crown, and for the benefit thereof, to the exclusion of the seignior for ever, to concede or grant the lands so applied for. By the same law the seigniors are forbid, under pain of nullity and a reunion to the Crown of the land attempted to be sold, to sell any part of their improved lands, or en bois debout; dispositions of law highly favourable to the improvement of the colony, and which secure to the children of the censitaircs, or others, the means of settlement, and of employing their industry in cultivation, on fixed and moderate terms; whereas, if the conversion of the seigniories into free and common soccage should take place, the children of the present inhabitants of the country, and all others desirous to settle thereon, should be left entirely subject to the arbitrary exactions of the seigniors, to their infinite prejudice, and the manifest detriment of the country’s improvement Because it appears that the services, or burdens, to which the censitaires , under concessions from seigniors, are subject, are few, clearly understood and ascertained, and are by no means onerous or oppressive. J. WILLIAMS, C.L.C. $ \ n 4 266 appendix. No. XIV. Observations on the Report of the Committee of the whole Council , respecting a Change in the Tenures of the Province of Lower Canada*. Of all the legislators who have preceded the present age, those have been the wisest who have come nearest to an establishment of equality among the subjects. The wisest of all, because he had the Spirit of God, whom we adore, was Moses; he divided the lands amongst the Hebrews with so much justice and equality, that the smallest complaint was never heard. But it would have been little to have established this equality, had he not used the means of maintaining it. To succeed, he rendered these lands by their nature inalienable, and with so much wisdom, that the inalienability con¬ stantly supported itself against the efforts of avarice, which generally overturns all things. In such manner, that if any one had alienated his estate in a time of calamity, he, or his heirs, if he had any, recovered his property the year of the jubilee. Thus, every fifty years, the ancient distri¬ bution was re-established, in full right. He did more: he provided in such manner for the liberty of individuals, that, if any one had trafficked away a part of his property, he recovered it at that epoch. Thus lost members were restored to their country, who, in re-entering into the possession of their lands, recovered the title of citizens, and found themselves in a condition to fulfil the functions of a citizen. Hence, among them were never known those seditious demands of new registers, or new partitions, so common in Greece, any more than those Agrarian laws so often asked by the Romans. If it was at present a question of a new establishment, of giving a form to a new people, a more excellent model could not be proposed. But the present question is only of procuring advantages to a people already esta¬ blished; of correcting faults in the culture of a delicate plant, and not of rooting it up: it is a tree, of which the trunk may be preserved, and provision made for extending its roots. It is a tree that may be pruned; but care must be taken not to destroy it, under a pretext of giving more vigour to the roots already fonned, by de¬ priving them of the means of spreading and dividing themselves into new branches, by removing the surrounding earth. This is what must necessarily happen, if the present tenures be abolished, and the soccage substituted in * On the 25th of August, 1790, a reference was made by His Excellency the Right Honourable Guy, Lord Dorchester, to the Honourable the Legislative Council of the province, upon the expediency of changing the tenures of the country into the tenure by free and common soccage; and it is upon their report that the above observations were made. For further information, see first and seventh Reports of the Committee of the House of Assembly. APPENDIX. 267 \ their place, without obviating two principal inconveniences—the future oppression of the husbandmen, and the ruin of the present seigniors. In fact, if the rights of lods et ventes and of bannalite* be retrenched, without a compensation weighed in the balance of justice, it will be lopping off the head of this tree to give more vigour to the roots. The seigniors must perish, whilst the present race of husbandmen would reap the advantage. But, on the other hand, if the future seigniors be permitted to sell their lands uncleared, and to grant leases on such conditions and charged with such services as they please, it will be taking away from individuals the means of procuring lands for their children; whence the future husbandmen would be exposed to oppression. Thus, the head of the tree being lopped off, the root would be seen sensibly to wither, and the tree would perish. Thus, to a happy and truly free people would succeed a people of slaves and wretches— a people without hope of procuring themselves a decent support, and, conse¬ quently, without any certain means of educating their children; by consequence, without morality, and void of probity. This has not escaped the vigilant attention of the Right Honourable Lord Dorchester, in the order of reference. His views are, to establish in the province the kind of tenures best calculated to insure the progress of agri¬ culture, to render the people happy, to attract new settlers, and procure a numerous population. Views truly wise, and worthy the representative of a great King. To attain this end, His Excellency wishes the soccage to be considered conformable to the clauses inserted in the statute 12th Car. II., cap. 24; that the advantages and disadvantages of this tenure may be compared with the advantages and disadvantages of the present tenures: and in case a change should appear to be advantageous, the mode to be chosen of doing it without prejudice to the rights of individuals and the general interest of the country is shown. Such is the certain route marked out by His Excellency, in following which we cannot run any risk of error. The statute 12th Car. II., cap. 24, retained the tenures in soccage, frank ahnoigne, petit serjeanty, the honorary services of grand serjeanty, and the copyhold, or tenures by copy of court-roll. This may be seen in Blackstone (Chap. I. of the modern Tenures). The soccage, in its most ample signification (says this respectable author), seems to denote a tenure by any certain and determinate service. It is of two species: the free soccage, of which the services are honourable ; and the villain soccage, of which the services, though certain, are of a base nature. Such as hold by honourable services are called liberi sokemanni, free sokemen; freeholders, according to Glanvil, &c. &c. The grand criterion, the touchstone by which to distinguish this kind of * The suppression of bannal mills, it is to be feared, might be prejudicial to individuals; for if a toll be not fixed for grinding, he whose mill might be most advantageously situated, would have it in his power to avail himself of this advantage, to vex those who might oe obliged to have recourse to him, in the too-frequent unhappy case of a universally dry season. n v i \ u 268 APPENDIX. tenure, is by its services being certain and determinate ; such, in particular, are the petit serjeanty, tenure in burgage, or the manner in which boroughs and towns hold of their lords, and gavel-kind. This is confirmed by what he says a little higher, that the military services (as escuage itself), while they remained uncertain, were equivalent to knight service; and that the instant they were rendered certain, they changed both their nature and name, and were called soccage: from whence he concludes, it is the determination of the services that gives the name to this tenure. Nothing, adds he, better proves a great liberality, a great privilege, than the certainty of the nature of the services which frees the tenant from the obligation of obeying, without delay, the caprice of a seignior, who called on him when he pleased, as in the knight service ; for which reason Britton, who describes the tenure in soccage, under the name of fraunke ferme, says, that they consist in lands, of which the nature of the services, being of chivalry, has been changed by feoffment, for certain and determined annual services, among which were reckoned neither homage, ward, marriage, or relief. Blackstone afterwards proves, that the tenure in soccage is not less of feudal origin than the chivalry tenure; and that by the ten instances of com¬ parison, which are too long to insert here, it suffices to say a few words, en passant, on two of these instances. At the fourth, he says, that the tenure in soccage was of common right, subject to aids to the lord, when his son was knighted, when he married his eldest daughter, &c. &c., which aids were fixed by the statute of Westminster 1, chap. 36, at 20s. for every £.20 per annum ; these aids which were origi¬ nally mere benevolences, were afterwards enacted as matter of right. The statute 12th Car. II., abolished them, for what reason is easily seen. These aids, in the first instance, were only benevolences; they were raised by vexation into absolute rights; the seigniors became oppressors. But it was not so with respect to the relief, which was paid by the heir at the death of his ancestor, and which was a year’s revenue of the estate held in soccage, whether considerable or not This relief which Bracton does not look upon as a real relief, but simply as qucedam prtestatio loco relevii in recog - nitionem domini , was retrenched by the statute of Edw I., chap. 1., which declares that the free sokeman shall pay no relief, but after the death of his ancestor shall pay double the usual rent. The statute 12th Car. II., reserves this relief; and on lands in fee simple, holden by a rent, the relief is still due on the death of the tenant. It would be too long to recite the tenures in villainage simple and privi¬ leged ; the different modes of possessing them and their different services; what they have in common with free soccage, and in what they differ; it suffices to remark, that the statute 12th Car. II., chap. 24, sec. 7, has reserved the tenure by copy of court-rolls, with all the services dependent thereon; and, consequently, arbitrary rights, at the will of the lord, are yet acknow¬ ledged in England. It is true that the courts of justice have confined these rights within moderate bounds, to prevent their absorbing tbc inhe¬ ritance, insomuch that, except under particular circumstances, never more appendix. than two years’ revenue of an estate are allowed in case of succession or alienation*. Such are the tenures that have prevailed in England since the statute 12th Car. II. It is clearly seen that the free soccage, if it does not properly admit a relief, admits, at least, of a compensation. The villain soccage admits the rights of heriot, in lieu of the relief, to be paid after the death of the tenant, by his heir; it admits the rights of alien¬ ation, even arbitrarily (at least by fiction), and according to the will of the lord; though, in one sense, they become certain, because the courts, in their judgments, will not suffer them to exceed two years’ revenue on the lands they thus held. Our roturier tenures, according to the custom of Paris, do not admit of relief in any case; and the alienation fines, called lods et ventes , can never extend to two years’ revenuef. These are the tenures I am about to show, according to the custom of Paris, with the tenure in fief in eapite, or imme¬ diately from the King, and the tenure in arritrefief. All the tenures of Canada arc conformable to the custom of Paris, and are divided into noble and roturier. The noble tenures are all subject to the rights of francs fiefs and nouveaux acquets, when they fall into hands of roturiers or in main-morte; that is, a fine which these roturiers or holders in main-morte, becoming possessors of noble estates, are obliged to pay to the King, when he shall be pleased to order a declaration of itj. Those noble tenures are either francs aleux , or fiefs subject to services or redevances ; or fiefs in frmJc almoigne. The only object, at present, being to obviate the odium meant to be thrown on our tenures, it suffices to mention the fiefs held by services and redevances. The fiefs are held either immediately or mediately of the King. The im¬ mediate vassal of the King, owes him, 1st. Fealty and homage, with the aveu et denombrement. 2nd. In case of sale or other act equivalent to a sale, the new possessor owes the quint §. 3rd. In case of succession, in the collateral line only, the heir owes the "'‘in those according to the Vexin le Franfois, which are but few, the relief is due on every mutation, but never any quint. • Notwithstanding the modifications so wisely established against oppression, can any one I" these .ervice, are ver, onerous i .u our present tenures, are there an, that can be Dut in comparison with these ? + They ate but a twelfth part of the amount of the purchase-raoney. + T he Kine orders this declaration nearly every forty years, according to Ferne e, * this change may be looked upon as uncertain; its rate being according ZZ f ;ZL f «Z officers updated for this purpose, from a state of the revenue, arising from the possessions. >> The flf.h part of the Pyo^” 0 ^’ 6 « d b, award, or b, offer of the heir, at'ii^o^hTX 6 ,:/. ThU d rSl cau be paid bu, once in a ,ear, however - rous such mutations may be iu that period. r. u ¥ % " 270 APPENDIX. 5th. The military service in virtue of the ban , if the tenant be not privi¬ leged*. The mediate vassal of the King owes to the seignior of whom he imme¬ diately holds, all the above dues, except the military service, which is never due but to the King. Such are the burdens of common right; there are some others very reason¬ able and of great advantage to the public good, imposed by clauses in the concessions cited in the report of the Solicitor-General, as well as in the replies of the Honourable Charles de Lanaudi&ref. I say nothing of La Justice ,— » 1st. Because it is fallen into disuse, or useless since the conquest, par- ticularly by the Quebec Act. 2nd. Because it would create confusion in the present administration of justice. 3rd. Because it is not inherent in the feudal tenure, fief et justice n'ont rien de commun\. If from all these rights be excepted the right of franc fief and of nouveaux acquets , it may be said, that the noble tenures have no dues repugnant to the soccage, because, in this case, they have none but what are certain. I may venture to say, they are neither onerous to the tenants nor uneasy to the government And as the statute 12th Car. II., by the sect 6, of cap. 24, i ' reserves all these rights, except for estates held immediately of the King in capite f I may add, that they have nothing contrary to this statute, except what may regard the rights owing to the King. What will be said of the rotures will show that these first tenures are not oppressive for the censitaires. A juster idea cannot be given of the roturier tenures, considered with respect to their nature, than by using the proper terms of FerriSre, in his Dictionnaire de Droit. His words are, verbo roture: — “ Roture is an inheritance held en censive , different from fiefs, which are inheritances held nobly. Fealty and homage, the denombrement, relief quint » main-mise , retrait feodal, forfeiture, have no place in rotures. “ Inheritances held in roture owe but two principal rights; the annual cens f and the lods et rentes , which are due from the new proprietor to the seignior censier, in virtue of sale, or other conveyance equivalent to a sale. “ To these two rights must be added the fines for non-payment of the cens , or for failure of notifying the sale ; the first is of five sols Parisis §, the second of three livrcs , fifteen sols. n To form any other idea of the rotures under the custom of Paris, is to * This duty has never been required in Canada. t They are to give notice of what mines may be found in the said fiefs; to reserve oak trees proper for building vessels; and to furnish the necessary ground for erecting forts on. —See 6rst Report of the Committee of the House of Assembly, page 69. J Ferrtere, titre premier des fiefs en general , paragraphe premier No. 35, page 54, to the end. $ Sols Parisis are three-pence and one-third, and three litres fifteen sols make thirty- seven pence halfpenny. APPENDIX. 271 abandon the best layr authorities. It remains to show, that every man has a right to oblige the seignior to grant him lands, at a very moderate and certain return. The right and facility that every individual in the province has of having lands under the present tenures, is manifestly proved by the ordinances cited hy the Solicitor-General and the Honourable Charles de Lanaudidre, as well as by the clauses of the concessions of seigniories, as these gentlemen have also well remarked. 1. By these ordinances, and by these clauses, it is expressly forbid to the seigniors to sell lands uncleared, on pain of re-union to the domain of the crown. 2. It is expressly ordained, that the seigniors shall grant lands to all who ask for them. 3. If the seigniors refuse to grant them, after being required so to do, the persons asking the said lands shall make complaint to the Governors, &c., which Governors are authorized to grant them to them, under the name and for the profit of the King, at the same rate as the other concessions of the said seigniory. To show that the charges and redevances of the rotures are certain and moderate, it suffices to expose the highest rentes that are known to have been stipulated prior to the conquest, without examining if any seignior, under the silence of the government since that epoch, may have stipulated for higher, or put in practice any vexation. 1. The greatest rentes before the conquest, when they were stipulated to be in cash, were two sols tournois per superficial acre*. 2. Those which were stipulated in money and wheat, were ot one sol tournois per superficial acre, and a bushel of wheat for forty superficial acres. As to the censy it consisted, generally speaking, of a sol , or a sol and a half tournoisy for every acre in front, by the whole depth of the concessionsf. This cens is subject to— 1. The right of lods et rentes. 2. La saisine; that is to say, twelve deniers Parisis, for being seized of it: but the eighty-second article of the custom says, Ne prend saisine qui ne rent. There is no obligation to take saisine\. 3. The fine when the case happens §. By the ordinances already cited, and by the clauses inserted in the con¬ tracts, the censitaires are obliged,— * Two sols tournois are equal to a penny and one-ninth; a sol tournois being five- ninths of a penny. . . . . + A sol and a half tournois is fifteen-eighteenths of a penny of cenSy for an arpent in front, by twenty, thirty, forty arpents in depth. Some are known to be one hundred and twenty-six arpents in depth, which are subject but to this cens. t Twelve deniers Parisis are equal to two-thirds of a penny. t This fine is of two sorts: one is incurred by the refusal of paying the cew# et rentes t and U of five sols Parisis; the other arises from the default of notice being given of the sale, and consists of three litres and fifteen sols. But a sentence of the judge is necessary to oblige the proprietor to the payment of these fines. 5272 AVI'ENDIX. 1. To let their grain be ground at the seignior’s mill, and to pay the fourteenth part for grinding. 2. To make, or permit to be made, all roads and bridges necessary for the public. 3. To clear their lands and occupy them, within a year and a day from the date of the contract. [A clause extremely favourable to agriculture, to the advancement of the province, and to population.] 4. They are subject to the reserve of mines, ores and minerals, and oak trees*. Thus every man has a right to insist on a grant of land, without its costing him a sol to become a perpetual proprietor of itf; and if the rentes are all stipulated to be in money, he will pay annually for an estate, for example, of four acres by forty, a rent of sixteen livres tonrnois , and a cens of six sols J. If, on the contrary, the rent is in money and wheat, he will pay eight livres tournois of rentes and six sols of cens f with four bushels of wheat §. If afterwards this land is sold, the purchaser, on entering into all the rights of the settler, becomes also subject to the charges, and will owe the lods et rentes ||. Is it then without reason that, under the present system of tenures, the people of this province are said to be happy ? Is the censitaire exposed on his death to have the fruits of his labour torn from him, after flattering him¬ self with having, by the labour of a whole life, acquired for the children of his bosom the sacred right of an inheritance ? Can these tenures be compared to the leases of ten, twenty years, for life, &c., known in England, of one or of several acres of land for annual rents of two, four, six, ten guineas per acre, which the unfortunate husbandman can¬ not pay without being reduced to live on a fourth part of what is necessary to satisfy his appetite, and that in potatoes, oats, &c. ? Yet, still happy if he be not obliged, after having cleared a great part of his land, to abandon his sacred and natural right to the fruits of his labours, gained by the sweat of his brow, from his incapacity to pay an oppressive rent. Is this a kind of tenure, which draws the blood of the labourer to nourish and satiate the rich lord, as voluptuous as indolent and useless ? Is this a tenure where the earth devours its inhabitants, and must fall, by a natural tendency, into the hands of these great proprietors, the eternal scourge of population ? * As to oak trees, this reserve does not take from them the liberty of cutting them down on the land they clear, nor even on their other lands; custom having ever considered this reserve in this sense: that the King has a right of taking those trees wherever he finds them, as also the seigniors for their milts, &c., without having it in their power to charge their censitaires with culpability for cutting them dowR. There is even a judgment of 31. Begon, of the 20th of July, 1729, which forbids the seigniors to trouble their censitaires in the employment and sale of the oak trees they cut down on their lands, t It will cost him but the notary’s fee for passing the deed. } Making lfts. 1 d. annual rent for one hundred and sixty arpents of land. ^ Making 7 s. 8rf., with four bushels of wheat, for the same quantity of land. || The tods et rentes , as has been already said, are the twelfth part of the amount of the purchase-money; the seigniors generally remit a fourth of this right, without any prescription being established against them by custom. APPENDIX. 273 Asa proof, none are known to leave the province to seek elsewhere a more advantageous kind of tenure ; while we see arrive here families in swarms, to enjoy the benefits that its tenures offer them, and breathe the free air of its husbandmen. Such are the observations I have made, after reading with attention and reflecting on the extract of the proceedings of a Committee of the whole Council of His Majesty, printed by order of his Excellency, dated the 20th of October last. As a citizen and native of the province, of course as much inte¬ rested in its welfare as any can be, I think no one can blame me for them. I submit them, with the most humble respect, to the examination and wisd mi of the Right Honourable Lord Dorchester. THOMAS BEDARD, Priest Quebec , February 16, 1791. No. XV. List of Counties and Members for each , according to the Representation Bill, as amended by the Legislative Coun¬ cil and agreed to by the House of Assembly , 11 th of * March , 1829, taking the Population according to the last Census of 1825. Counties. 1. Gaspe - - - - 2. Bonaventure - - 3. Rimouski - - - 4. Kamouraska - - 5. L’Islet - - - - 6. Belle- Chasse - - 7. Dorchester - - - 8. Beauce - - - 9. Megantic (doubtful) 10. Lothbini&re - - 11. Nicolet - - - - 12. Yamaska - - - 13. Drummond - - - 14. Sherbrooke - - - 15. Standstead - - - 16. Missisquoui - - - 17. Shefford - - - - 18. Richelieu - - - Members. - 1 - I - 2 - 2 _ 2 - 2 - 2 - 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 2 274 appendix. Counties. Members. 19. St. Hyacinthe - 20. Rouville - - - 21. Verch&res - - 22. Chambly - - 23. La Prairie - - 24. Beauliarnais 25. L’Acadie - - 26. Vaudreuil - - 27. Ottawa - - - 28. Deux Montagnes 29. Terrebonne - - 30. Lacbenaye - - 31. L’Assomption - 32. Montreal - - 33. Bertbier - - - 34. St. Maurice - - 35. Champlain - - 36. Portneuf - - 37. Quebec - - - 38. Montmorenci - 39. Saguenay - - 40. Orleans - - - 41. City of Quebec - 42. City of Montreal 43. Three Rivers - 44. William Henry 84 Total In the Bill sent up by the Assembly the number was eighty-nine. The counties of Kamouraska, Belle-Chasse, Richelieu, St. Hyacinthe, Rouville, Chambly, La Prairie, I/Acadie, Deux Montagnes, Terrebonne, Montreal, Bertbier, and St. Maurice, each have one Member by the Bill as amended by the Council (say thirteen); the Bill, as it came from the Council, adds to Rimouski, Beauce, Megantic (doubtful), Lothbinifcre, Sherbrooke, Missisquoui, Lacbenaye, and Orleans, one each (say eight); which leaves the eighty-four Members. The Bill goes into opperation at the next general election, only excepting with regard to tlie townships, which are to elect representatives next sum¬ mer, to be present at the next session of the Assembly. The township Mem¬ bers in all are nine; and, including Beauliarnais, which is partly of land in free and common soccage and partly enfief, eleven; eight only of these, being for the eastern townships, can, however, be returned before the general election. The principle by which the representation is regulated by the amendments APPENDIX. 275 of the Council, is two Members for 4,000 inhabitants and upwards; above 1,000 and under 4,000, one; under 1,000, to vote in the nearest county. The Bill sent to the Council gave one Member for about every 5,000 souls.— Quebec Gazette, March 12, 1829. No. XVI. Encouragement to Emigration . A Bill to encourage emigration from foreign parts into this province has been sent from the Legislative Council, and concurred in by the House of As¬ sembly. Its provisions, we believe, are briefly these Foreigners may pur¬ chase and hold lands in this province, and convey the same in fee simple; and, at the expiration of five years, having complied with certain conditions of registry, &c. &c., and taking the oath of allegiance, shall be considered natural born subjects of His Majesty, and be admitted to all the privileges of subjects, with the right, under our provincial statutes, of voting at elections, and being returned to serve in Parliament, after having completed a residence of seven years in the province. The Bill is one of those reserved for His Majesty’s pleasure .—Quebec Mer¬ cury, March 31, 1829. FINIS. t u LONDON: PRINTED BY T. BRETTELL, RUPERT STREET, HAYMARKET.