THE publications of tbe Prince ^ociet^. Eftablilhed May 25th, 1858. Champlain’S Voyages. Boston: PRINTED FOR THE SOCIETY, Bv John Wilson and Son. 1878. TWO HUNDRED AND FIFTY COPIES, SMALL PAPER. VOYAGES OF Samuel de Champlain. TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH By CHARLES POMEROY OTIS, Ph.D. WITH HISTORICAL ILLUSTRATIONS, AND A MEMOIR By THE REV. EDMUND F. SLAFTER, A.M. VOL. II. 1604- 1610. HELIOTYPE COPIES OF TWENTY LOCAL MAPS. 98ci6tan: PUBLISHED BY THE PRINCE SOCIETY. 1878. Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1878, by EDMUND F. SLAFTER, In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. lEKttor: The rev. EDMUND F. SLAFTER, A.M. PREFACE. HAMPLAIN’S edition of 1613 contains, in con- ne( 5 lion with the preliminary matter, two pieces of poetry, one figned L’ange, Paris, the other Motin. They were contributed doubtlefs by fome friend, intended to be complimentary to the author, to embellifh the volume and to give it a favorable introduc- tion to the reader. This was in conformity to a prevailing cuftom of that period. They contain no intrinfic hiflorical intereft or value whatever, and, if introduced, would not ferve their original purpofe, but would rather be an incumbrance, and they have confequently been omitted in the prefent work. Champlain alfo included a fummary of chapters, identical with the headings of chapters in this tranflation, evidently intended to take the place of an index, which he did not fupply. To repeat thefe headings would be fuperfluous, particularly as this work is furniflied with a copious index. The VI Preface. The edition of 1613 was divided into two books. This divilion has been omitted here, both as fuperfluous and confufing. The maps referred to on Champlain’s title-page may be found in Vol. III. of this work. In France, the needle defleds to the eaft; and the dial-plate, as figured on the larger map, that of 1612, is conftrudfed accordingly. On it the line marked nornordejl reprefents the true north, while the index is carried round to the left, and points out the variation of the needle to the weft. The map is oriented by the needle without reference to its variation, but the true meridian is laid down by a strong line on which the degrees of latitude are numbered. From this the points of the compafs between any two places may be readily obtained. A Note, relating to Hudfon’s difcoveries in 1612, as de- lineated on Champlain’s fmall map, introduced by him in the prefatory matter, apparently after the text had been ftruck off, will appear in connexion with the map itfelf, where it more properly belongs. E. F. S. Boston, ii Beacon Street, Odlober 21, 1878. TABLE OF CONTENTS, Page Preface v Champlain’s Dedication of his Work to the King xi Address to the Queen Regent xiii Extract from the License xv Voyage 1604 to 1608 i First Voyage as Lieutenant, 1608 to 1610 159 Second Voyage as Lieutenant, 1610 231 Local Maps: Port de la H^ve, 10; Port du Roiflignol, ii ; Port du Mouton, 22; Port Royal, 24; Port des Mines, 26 ; Riviere St. Jehan, 29 ; Ifle de Sainte Croix, 32 ; Habitation de L’lfle Ste. Croix, 35 ; Quinibequy, 56 ; Chouacoit R., 65 ; Port St. Louis, 78 ; Malle Barre, 82 ; L’Abitafion du Port Royal, 97; Le Beau Port, 1143 Port Fortune, 122; The Attack at Port Fortune, 129; Port de Tadoucac, 170; Quebec, 175; Abitation de Quebecq, 183; Defeat of the Iroquois at Lake Champlain, 221. Index 259 THE VOYAGES OF SIEUR DE CHAMPLAIN, Of Saintonge, Captain in ordinary to the King in the Marine; OR, A MOST FAITHFUL JOURNAL OF OBSERVATIONS made in the exploratiofi of New France, describing not only the countries, coasts, rivers, ports, and harbors, with their latitudes and the various deflections of the Magnetic Needle, but likewise the religious belief of the inhabitants, their superstitions, mode of life and warfare; furnished with numerous illustrations. Together with two geographical maps : the first for the purposes of navigation, adapted to the compass as used by mariners, which deflects to the north-east ; the other in its true meridian, with longitudes and latitudes, to which is added the Voyage to the Strait north of Labrador, from the 53d to the 63d degree of lati- tude, discovered in 1612 by the English when they were searching for a northerly course to China. PARIS. Jean Berjon, Rue St. Jean de Beauvais, at the Flying Horse, and at his store in the Palace, at the gallery of the Prisoners. M. DC. XIII. WITH AUTHORITY OF THE KING. TO THE KING. IRE, Your Majejly has doubtlefs ftill knowledge of the difcoveries made in your fe'rvice in New France^ called Canada^ through the defcriptions^ given by certain Captains and Pilots^ of the voyages and difcoveries made there during the pafi eighty years. Thefe., however^ prefent nothing fo honorable to your Kingdom^ or fo profitable to the fervice of your Majefiy and your fubjedls.^ as will, I doubt not^ the maps of the coafis^ harbors^ rivers^ and the fituation of the places defcribed in this little treatife^ which I make bold to addrefs to your Majefiy^ and which is entitled a foumial of Voyages and Difcoveries^ which I have made in connection with Sieur de MontSy your Lieutenant in New France. This I doy feeling myf elf urged by a jufi fenfe of the honor I have received during the lafi ten years in commiffions, not onlyy Sirey from your Majefiy y but alfo from the late king, Henry the Greaty of happy memoryy who com- mijfioned me to make the mofi exaCl refearclies and explo- rations in my power. This I have doncy and addedy more- overy xii Dedication to the King, oveTj the maps contained in this little book^ where I have fet forth in particular the dangers to which one would be liable. The fubje6ls of your Majefly,^ whom you may be pleafed here- after to employ for the prefervation of what has been dif covered,, will be able to avoid thofe dangers through the knowledge afforded by the maps contained in this treatife,, which will ferve as an example in your kingdom for increaf ing the glory of your Majefly^ the welfare of your fubjeTts,, and for the honor of the very humble fervice,, for which,, to the happy prolongation of your days,, is indebted^ Sire, Your mofl humble, mofl obedient, and mofl faithful fervant and fubje6l. CHAMPLAIN. TO THE QUEEN REGENT, Mother of the King. ADAME, Of all the moll: ufeful and excellent arts, that of navigation has always feemed to me to occupy the firft place. For the more hazardous it is, and the more numerous the perils and Ioffes by which it is attended, fo much the more is it efteemed and exalted above all others, being wholly unfuited to the timid and irrefolute. By this art we obtain knowledge of different countries, re- gions, and realms. By it we attract and bring to our own land all kinds of riches, by it the idolatry of paganifm is overthrown and Chrillianity proclaimed throughout all the regions of the earth. This is the art which from my early age has won my love, and induced me to expofe myfelf almoft all my life to the impetuous waves of the ocean, and led me to explore the coafts of a part of America, efpecially of New France, where I have always defired to fee the Lily flourifh, and alfo the only religion, catholic, apoftolic, and Roman. This I truft now to accomplifli with the help of God, affifted by the favor of 5'our Majefly, whom I moft humbly entreat to 1 xiv Address to the Queen Regent. to continue to fuftain us, in order that all may fucceed to the honor of God, the welfare of France, and the fplendor of your reign, for the grandeur and profperity of which I will pray God to attend you always with a thoufand bleffings, and will remain, Madame, Your molt humble, moft obedient, and moft faithful fervant and fubjed, CHAMPLAIN. EXTRACT FROM THE LICENSE. Y letters patent of the King, given at Paris the ninth of January, 1613, and in the third year of our reign, by the King in his Council, Perreau, and fealed with the fimple yellow feal, it is per- mitted to Jean Berjon, printer and bookfeller in this city of Paris, to print, or have printed by whomfoever it may feem good to him, a book entitled The Voyages of Samuel de Champlain of Saintonge, Captain in ordinary for the King in the Marine^ &C., for the time and limit of fix entire confecutive years, from the day when this book lhall have been printed up to the faid time of fix years. By the fame letters, in like manner all printers, merchant bookfellers, and any others whatever, are forbidden to print or have printed, to fell or diflribute faid book during the aforefaid time, without the fpecial confent of faid Berjon, or of him to whom he fhall give permiffion, on pain of confifcation of fo many of faid books as fhall be found, and a difcretionary fine, as is more fully fet forth in the aforefaid letters. VO YAG E S OF SIEUR DE CHAMPLAIN. VOYAGE IN THE YEAR 1604. CHAPTER I. The Benefits of Commerce have induced Several Princes to seek an Easier Route for Traffic with the People of the East. — Several Unsuccessful Voyages. — Determination of the French for this Purpose. — Undertaking of Sieur de Monts: his Commission and its Revocation. — New Commission to Sieur de Monts to enable him to continue his Undertaking. HE inclinations of men differ according to their varied difpofitions ; and each one in his calling has his particular end in view. Some aim at gain, fome at glory, fome at the public weal. The greater number are engaged in trade, and efpecially that which is tranfadled on the fea. Hence arife the principal fupport of the people, the opulence and honor of flates. This is what raifed ancient Rome to the fov- ereignty and mattery over the entire world, and the Vene- tians to a grandeur equal to that of powerful kings. It has I 2 Voyages of in all times caufed maritime towns to abound in riches, among which Alexandria and Tyre are diftinguiflied, and numerous others, which fill up the regions of the interior with the objedts of beauty and rarity obtained from foreign nations. For this reafon, many princes have ftriven to find a northerly route to China, in order to facilitate commerce with the Orientals, in the belief that this route would be fliorter and lefs dangerous. In the 3^ear 1496, the king of England commiffioned John Cabot and his fon Sebaftian to engage in this fearch.^ About the fame time, Don Emanuel, king of Portugal, defpatched on the fame errand Gafpar Cortereal, who returned with- out attaining his objedf. Refuming his journeys the year after, he died in the undertaking; as did alfo his brother Michel, who was profecuting it perfeveringly.^ In the years 1534 3 .nd i 535 i JS'Cques Cartier received a like commiffion from King Francis I., but was arrefted in his courfe.® Six years after, Sieur de Roberval, having renewed it, fent Jean 1 The firft commiffion was granted by Henry VII. of England to John Cabot and his three fons, Lewis, Sebaftian Sancius, March 5, 1496. — Ry pier's Fadera,yo\. XII. p. 595. The firft voyage, however, was made in 1407. The fecond commiflion was granted to John Cabot alone, in Vide Hak- luyt, 1600, London, ed. 1810, Vol ITT pp. 25-31. ^ Cortereal made two voyages under i^e patronage of Emmanuel, King of Portugal, the firft in 1500, the fecond J’® failed with two Ihips from Lif bon, and explored fix hundred miles or more on our north- ern coaft. The veflel in which he failed was loft ; and he periflied, together with Alfonfe fifty natives whom he had captured. The other veflel returned, and reported the incidents of the expedition. The next year, Michael Cortereal, the brother of Gafpar, obtained a commiflion, and went in fearch of his brother ; but he did not return, and no tidings were ever heard of him. . Jacques Cartier made three voyages P ^,534’ I535» and 1540, refpe6lively, in which he effedled very important dif- covenes ; and Charlevoix juftly remarks at Cartier’s Memoirs long ferved as a ^ide to thofe who after him navigated e gulf and river of St. Lawrence. For Canier s commiflion, fee Hazard^ s State Papers, Vol. I. p. 19 3 Sieur de Champlain. Alfonfe of Saintonge farther northward along the coaft of Labrador;^ but he returned as wife as the others. In the years 1576, 1577, and 1578, Sir Martin Frobiflier, an Englifli- man, made three voyages along the northern coafts. Seven years later, Humphrey Gilbert, alfo an Englifliman, fet out with five fhips, but fuffered fhipwreck on Sable Ifland, where three of his veffels were loft. In the fame and two following years, John Davis, an Englifhman, made three voyages for the fame objedl; penetrating to the 7 2d degree, as far as a ftrait which is called at the prefent day by his name. After him. Captain Georges made alfo a voyage in 1590, but in confequence of the ice was compelled to return without having made any difcovery.® The Hollanders, on their ^ Roberval’s voyage was made in 1 542, and is reported by Jean Alfonfe. — Vide Hakluyt., 1600, London, ed. 1810, Vol. III. p. 291. On an old map, drawn about the middle of the fixteenth cen- tury, Roberval is reprefented in a full- length portrait, clad in mail, with fword and fpear, at the head of a band of armed foldiers, penetrating into the wilds of Canada, near the head- waters of the Saguenay. The name, “ Monfr- de Roberual,” is inferted near his feet, — Vide Monuments de la GSographie., XIX., par M. Jomard, Paris. ® For the narrative of the voyages of Frobiflier, Gilbert, and Davis, vide Hak- luyt, Vol. III. Of the fleet of five veflels commanded by Sir Humphrey Gilbert, in 1 583, the Ralegh put back to England, on account of ficknefs on board ; the Golden Hinde returned fafely to port ; the Swallow was left at Newfoundland, to bring home the fick ; the Delight was loft near Sable Ifland ; and the Squirrel went down on its way to England, fome days after leaving Sable Ifland. Thus two only were loft, while a third was left. There muft have been fome error in re- gard to the voyage of Captain Georges. There is no printed account of a voy- age at that time by any one of this name. There are two theories on which this ftatement may be explained. There may have been a voyage by a Captain Georges, which, for fome un- known reafon, was never reported ; or, what is more likely, Champlain may refer to the voyage of Captain George Weymouth, undertaken in 1602 for the East Ind. Company, which was defeated by the icebergs which he encountered, and the mutiny of his men. It was not uncommon to omit part of a name at that period. Of Pont Gravd, the laft name is frequently omitted by Cham- plain and by Lefcarbot. The report of Weymouth’s voyage was not printed till after Champlain wrote ; and he might eafily have miftaken the date. 4 Voyages of their part, had no more precife knowledge in the direction of Nova Zembla. So many voyages and difcoveries without refult, and at- tended with fo much hardfliip and expenfe, have caufed us French in late years to attempt a permanent fettlement in thofe lands which we call New France,® in the hope of thus realizing more eafily this objedt ; fince the voyage in fearch of the defired paflage commences on the other fide of the ocean, and is made along the coafl: of this region/ Thefe confiderations had induced the Marquis de la Roche, in 1598, to take a commiffion from the king for making a fettlement in the above region. With this objed, he landed men and fupplies on Sable Ifland;* but, as the conditions which had been accorded to him by his Majefty were not fulfilled, he was obliged to abandon his undertaking, and leave his men there. A year after. Captain Chauvin accepted another commiffion to tranfport fettlers to the fame region ; * but, as this was fhortly after revoked, he profecuted the matter no farther. After the above,*® notwithftanding all thefe accidents and difappomtments, Sieur de Monts defired to attempt what had been Ihe name of New France, Nows Vrancifca, appears on a map in Ptolemy publifhed at Bafle in 1530. ^ ’ The controlling objeft of the nu- merous voyages to the north-eaft coaft of America had hitherto been to difcover a Ihorter courfe to India. In this re- Ipett, p Champlain ftates above, they had all proved failures. He here inti- mates that the fettlements of the French on this coaft were intended to facilitate this defign. It is obvious that a colo- nial eftablifhment would offer great ad- vantages as a bafe in profecutingfearches for this defired paflage to Cathay. ^ fome account of this difaftrous expedition, fee Memoir^ Vol. I. ® Vide Memoir^ Vol. I. It will be obferved that Champlain oes not mention the expedition fent out by Commander de Chaftes, probably becai^e its objedl was exploration, and o actual fettlement. — Vide an account ot De Chaftes in the Memoir, Vol. I. Sieur de Champlain. 5 been given up in defpair, and requefted a commiflion for this purpofe of his Majefty, being fatisfied that the previous enterprifes had failed becaufe the undertakers of them had not received affiftance, who had not fucceeded, in one nor even two years’ time, in making the acquaintance of the regions and people there, nor in finding harbors adapted for a fettlement. He propofed to his Majefty a means for cov- ering thefe expenfes, without drawing any thing from the royal revenues; viz., by granting to him the monopoly of the fur-trade in this land. This having been granted to him, he made great and exceflive outlays, and carried out with him a large number of men of various vocations. Upon his arrival, he caufed the neceffary number of habita- tions for his followers to be conftrudfed. This expenditure he continued for three confecutive years, after which, in con- fequence of the jealoufy and annoyance of certain Bafque merchants, together with fome from Brittany, the monopoly which had been granted to him was revoked by the Council to the great injury and lofs of Sieur de Monts, who, in con- fequence of this revocation, was compelled to abandon his entire undertaking, facrificing his labors and the outfit for his fettlement. But fince a report had been made to the king on the fer- tility of the foil by him, and by me on the feafibility of dif- covering the paffage to China,“ without the inconveniences of the ice of the north or the heats of the torrid zone, through In Champlain’s report of the voyage the laft lake in the chain was fait, and of 1603, after obtaining what informa- he therefore believed it to be the South tion he could from the natives relating Sea. He doubtlefs enlarged verbally to the St. Lawrence and the chain of before the king upon the feafibility of a lakes, he fays they informed him that paffage to China in this way. 6 Voyages of through which our failors pafs twice in going and twice in returning, with inconceivable hardfhips and rifks, his Maj- efty diredted Sieur de Monts to make a new outfit, and fend men to continue what he had commenced. This he did. And, in view of the uncertainty of his commiffion,’® he chofe a new fpot for his fettlement, in order to deprive jealous perfons of any fuch diftruft as they had previoufly conceived. He was alfo influenced by the hope of greater advantages in cafe of fettling in the interior, where the people are civilized, and where it is eafier to plant the ChrifUan faith and eftablifh fuch order as is neceffary for the protedlion of a country, than along the fea-fhore, where the favages generally dwell. From this courfe, he believed the king would derive an ineftimable profit ; for it is eafy to fuppofe that Europeans will feek out this advantage rather than thofe of a jealous and intradlable difpofition to be found on the fliores, and the barbarous tribes.*® CHAPTER II. The commijQ&on here referred to was doubtlefs the one renewed to him in 1608, after he had made his fearches on the fliores of New England and Nova Scotia, and after the commiflion or charter of 1603 had been revoked. Champlain is here ftating the advantages of a fettlement in the interior, on the fliores of the St. Lawrence, rather than on the Atlantic coaft. In this chapter, Champlain fpeaks of events ftretching through feveral years ; but in the next he confines him- felf to the occurrences of 1603, when De Monts obtained his charter. Sieur de Champlain. 7 CHAPTER II. Description of Sable Island ; Cape Breton ; La Heve ; Port au Mouton; Port Cape NECRfe ; Sable Bay and Cape; Cormorant Island ; Cape Fourchu ; Long Island ; Bay of Saint Mary ; Port Saint Margaret; and of all Noteworthy Objects along this Coast. I EUR DE MONTS, by virtue of his commif- fion having publifhed in all the ports and har- bors of this kingdom the prohibition againft the violation of the monopoly of the fur-trade ac- corded him by his Majefty, gathered together about one hundred and twenty artilans, whom he embarked in two veffels; one of a hundred and twenty tons, com- manded by Sieur de Pont Grave ; another, of a hundred and fifty tons, in which he embarked himfelf,’® together wdth feveral noblemen. We fet out from Havre de Grace April 7th, 1604, and Pont Grave April loth, to rendezvous at Canfeau,'’ twenty leagues from Vide CommiJfLon du Roy au Steur de Monts, pour Vhabitation is terres de la Cadie, Canada, et autres endroits en la Nouvelle- France, Hiftoire de a Nouvelle- France, par Marc Lefcar- bot, Paris, 1612, Qvat. Liv. p. 431. This charter may alfo be found in Eng- lifh in a Colleilion of Voyages and Trav- els compiled from the Library of the Earl of Oxford, by Thomas Of borne, London, I745» Vol. II. pp. 79 ^ 79 ^ > alfo in Murdochs Hiflory of Nova Sco- tia, Halifax, 1865, Vol. I. pp. 21-24* The fecond officer, or pilot, was, according to Lefcarbot, Captain Morel, of Honfleur. 16 This was under the dire< 5 lion of De Monts himfelf ; and Captain Timo- thde, of Havre de Grace, was pilot, or the fecond officer. i"^ Lefcarbot writes this name Camp- feau ; Champlain’s orthography is Can- ceau; the Englifh often write Canfo, but more corre6Uy Canfeau. It has been de- rived from Canfoke, an Indian word, meaning the frowning cliffs. 8 Voyages of from Cape Breton.’® But, after we were in mid-ocean, Sieur de Monts changed his plan, and diredled his courfe towards Port Mouton, it being more foutherly and alfo more favor- able for landing than Canfeau. On May ift, we fighted Sable Ifland, where we ran a rifk of being loft in confequence of the error of our pilots, who were deceived in their calculation, which they made forty leagues ahead of where we were. This ifland is thirty leagues diftant north and fouth from Cape Breton, and in length is about fifteen leagues. It con- tains a fmall lake. The ifland is very fandy, and there are no trees at all of confide rable fize, only copfe and herbage, which ferve as pafturage for the bullocks and cows, which the Portuguefe carried there more than fixty years ago, and which were very ferviceable to the party of the Marquis de la Roche. The latter, during their fojourn of feveral years there, captured a large number of very fine black foxes,’® “ The Cape and Ifland of Cape Bre- ton appear to have taken their name from the fifhermen of Brittany, who fre- quented that region as early as 1504. — Vide Champlain^ 5 Voyages^ Paris, 1632, p. 9. Thdvet failed along the coaft in 1556, and is quoted by Laverdi^re, as follows : “ In this land there is a province called Campeftre de Berge, extending towards the fouth-eaft ; in the eaftern part of the fame is the cape or promontory of Lor- raine, called fo by us ; others have given It the name of the Cape of the Bretons, fince the Bretons, Bifayans, and Nor- mans repair thither, and coaft ^long on their way to Newfoundland to fifti for codfifti.” An infcription, “ tera que foy de/cu- berta por bertomhf on an old Portu- whofe guefe map of 1520, declares it to be a country difcovered by the Bretons. It is undoubtedly the oldeft French name on any part of North America. On Gaftaldo’s map in Mattiolo^s Italian tranflation of Ptolemy, 1548, the name of Breton is applied both to Nova Scotia and to the Ifland of Cape Breton. ^ Winthrop fays that Mr. John Rofe, ■vmo was call away on Sable Ifland about j[o33> “ faw about eight hundred cattle, fmall and great, all red, and the largeft he ever faw ; and many foxes, wherof fome perfea black.” —Winthrop' s Hijl. New E 7 ig., Bofton, 1853, Vol. I. p. 193 - Champlain doubtlefs obtained his in- formation in regard to the cattle left upon Sable Ifland by the Portuguefe from the report of Edward Haies on the Sieur de Champlain. 9 whofe fkins they carefully preferved. There are many fea- wolves “ there, with the fkins of which they clothed them- felves fince they had exhaufled their own flock of garments. By order of the Parliamentary Court of Rouen, a veffel was fent there to recover them.^‘ The directors of the enterprife caught codfifh near the ifland, the neighborhood of which abounds in fhoals. On the 8th of the fame month, we fighted Cap de la Heve,^ to the eaft of which the voyage of Sir Humphrey Gilbert in 1583: “ Sablon lieth to the fea-ward of Cape Briton about twentj;^-five leagues, whith- er we were determined to goe vpon in- telligence we had of a Portugal (during our abode in S. Johns) who was himfelfe prefent, when the Portugals (aboue thirty eeres part) did put in the fame Ifland oth Neat and Swine to breede, which were fince exceedingly multiplied. This feemed vnto vs very happy tidings, to haue in an Ifland lying fo neere vnto the maine, which we intended to plant vpon, fuch ftore of cattell, whereby we might at all times conueniently be relieued of vi6luall, and ferued of nore for breed. — Edward Haies in Hakluyfs Voyages, London, ed. 1810, Vol. III. p. 197. ^ “ Loups marins,” feals. “ The forty poor wretches whom he left on Sable Ifland found on the feafhore fome wrecks of veflels, out of which they built barracks to fliield them- felves from the feverity of the weather. They were the remains of Spanifli vef- fels, which had failed to fettle Cape Breton. From thefe fame fliips had come fome Iheep and cattle, which had multiplied on Sable Ifland ; and this was for fome time a refource for thefe poor exiles. Fifli was their next food ; and, when their clothes were worn out, is a bay, containing feveral iflands they made new ones of feal-fldn. At laft, after a lapfe of feven years, the king, having heard of their adventure, obliged Chedotel, the pilot, to go for them ; but he found only twelve, the reft having died of their hardftiips. His majefty defired to fee thofe, who returned in the fame guife as found by Chedotel, covered with feal-flcin, with their hair and beard of a length and diforder that made them refemble the pretended river- gods, and fo disfigured as to infpire hor- ror. The king gave them fifty crowns apiece, and fent them home releafed from all procefs of law.” — Sheds Charlevoix, New York, i866, Vol. I. p. 244. See alfo Sir William Alexander and Ameri- can Colonization, Prince Society, 1873, p. 174 ; Murdoch's Nova Scotia, Vol. I. p. II ; Hakluyt, Vol. II. pp. 679, 697. This cape ftill bears the fame name, and is the weftern point of the bay at the mouth of a river, likewife of the fame name, in the county of Lunenberg, Nova Scotia. It is an abrupt cliff, rifing up one hundred and fifty feet above the level of the fea. It could therefore be feen at a great diftance, and appears to have been the firft land fighted by them on the coaft of La Cadie. A little north of Havre de Grace, in Normandy, the port from which De Monts and Cham- plain had failed, is to be feen the high. 10 Voyages of iflands covered with fir-trees. On the main land are oaks, elms, and birches. It joins the coaft of La Cadie at the latitude of 44° 5', and at 16° 15' of the defledlion of the mag- netic needle, diftant eafi-north-eafi; eighty-five leagues from Cape Breton, of which we fhall fpeak hereafter. On the 1 2th of May, we entered another port,^ five leagues from Cap de la Heve, where we captured a veffel engaged in the fur-trade in violation of the king’s prohibition. The mafter’s Champlain’s Explanation of the accompanying Map. Port db la Hevk. The figures indicate fathoms of water. A. The place where velTels anchor. B. A fmall river dry at low tide. C. Places where the favages have their cabins. ^ D. Shoal at the entrance of the harbor.2 E. A fmall ifland covered with wood.® F. Cape de la H^ve.'* G. Bay where there are many iflands covered with wood. H. A river extending fix or feven leagues inland with but little water. /. A pond near the fea. Notes, i. The letter C is wanting, but the location of the cabins is obvious. 2. The letter D is alfo wanting, but the figures fufficiently indicate the depth of the water.^ 3. The letter E appears twice oy miflake. 4. The letter F is like- wife wanting. It has been fuppofed to be reprefented by one of the £’’s on the fmall ifland, but Cap de la H^ve, to which it refers, was not on this ifland, but on the main land. The i^fliould have been, we think, on the weft of the harbor, where the elevation is indicated on the map. Vide note 22. commanding, rocky bluff, known as Cap de la Hhfe. The place which they firft flighted, fimilar at leafl: in fome refpe<5ls, they evidently named after this bold and ftriking headland, which may, perhaps, have been the lafl: objedl which they flaw on leaving the fliores of France. The word Heve feems to have had a local meaning, as may be inferred from the following excerpt : “ A name, in Lower Normandy, for cliffs hollowed out below, and where fifhermen fearch for crabs.’’ — Littre. The harbor delineated on Champlain’s local map is now called Palmerfton Bay, and is at the mouth of Petit River. The latitude of this harbor is about 44° 15'. De Laet’s defcription is fuller than that of Champlain or Lef- carbot . — Vide Noviis Orbis, 1633, p. 2® Liverpool, which for a long time bore the name of Port Roffignol ; the lake at the head of the river, about ten miles long and two or three wide, the largefl: in Nova Scotia, Hill bears that appellation.- The latitude is 44° 2' 30". i(. Voyages of covered with fir-trees. On the main land arc oaks £. H .s!vi birches. It joins the coaft of La Cadie at the i:;df t.. i 44" 5', and at 16“ 15' of the defiedlion of the mag. c r “vdle, Jiflant eaft-north-eaft eighty-five leagues trom v;? i ‘ l-f, t.;. of which ’ve fhall fpeak hereafter. ;;c 5 2th of Mav, we entered another port,® five leagues frofv. rii. de la Hcv«., where we captured a veffel engraed in »h,-. f’!'- u-ade in vi;-;atiwa of the king’s prohibition. The mailer's Cm^S^PLAIN’S Ii\ laMATION of TKK ACCOMPA.NY7'm Map, PoKT 0« LA. Hxvs. Tk<' jfigurts indu aU fathoms of w'ltrr. A, That pb. : =■ ..rt arc h«>r. B, A fmall river dry af 1 < -x tide. C Placeh -Ahen!: thr a ";rc<> h their cabins.^ D. Shoal at the entraace of tht harbor.^ A ..n i 1 v. a;V': c< ’. f*r ^ with wood-* F. Cape de la H^ve.* 6. Bay where there are r.-.iny iHa-.ids c^sv.-.rei^ wood. N. A river extending; hx or feven leagues inland wnh but 1 tic waicr., /. A pond near the fea. Notes, i. The letter T h warning, but the location of thi; cabins is obvious. 2. The letter J7 is aifo vaating. but the figures fufSciently indicate the depth n.f the Viter. 3. The lett^nr A .ipj^ars twice oy millake. 4 Tlic letter F is iiVc wife wa-iung. It has Ixen fuppofed to be reprefented by one vf ^he /T’s on t fmall dand, but Cap de la Heec , to which it refers, was not or* thisifland, but ci! the rjvr m land. The rViunfM have f>eeu, we think, on the vi h of the harbor, wlhrn the elevation ts UKficattid oi> •Mr. Vfe/n note 22. Ut la The place which tliey hr}' >?. • ] ,'iy. and is .at the mouth rt lighter fo\n.ir at leaft in feme lefpei'n ;, I t * i The latitude of this harlx* they evidently named iPter (hi-: Oold a.-aJ is r -v. f f Cham-.lain or Lcf hiv . irij the iallobicAl whir rnh carb.,:. • . . -r' AvvJts Of f>is\ 1G33, r* vAv-.ig tKt fte»r -s of The 51. .ecmr ro L^ve had U load JLiver. >t. v. inch for a long tlm ■ - -r . V fp-Mt, the bore the a. ... .( l>ort Rolfign(3; thr ‘ \ :u . : :ij i „>wer lake at tht ’ r the river, about t ' ‘b- . : ’ii indow, miles 10% wo or three wide, th'*- '‘i ‘ " iargeft in Hill bears tbirt H .: 17 * »f <.n appella^; '/ ^ Vm- bv^tude is 445* 2^ • 9 Port du Mouton. a Toccafion dhin mouton ad, whk’;* narficd Port Royal* Three riwrs empty inw r nys which is very large, extending eailwvard, and cii}k« - ■ de i Jiiquille,^ from a little fiili of the (ize of an ^ is caught there in large numljers, as is alfo tiie & feverai other kinds of fifli found in abundance i?. tiv • # -jp. This river is neaWy a quarter of a league inroad ;si i -eV trance, whe re there is an ifland* perhaps h.‘li i ' circuit, anei covered with wcK>d like all the t»£ t|ii' Cbampi. AIN’S Description of the ACtoMPANyiwa Pc*T *0 JifHrii imficaft /srfhrmf cf A, Place vefTels lie. B. Place where we made our camp " / D, An ifUn4 at the entrance to the harbor, covered with wood. E A fhallow, F. A pond. G. A very Urge brook « 2 oming frrim the f " i' little Iflandii m the harbor. L. Country, contaLnii^ only copfe and t ; ' fmall fixe. M Sea-fhore. Note. — The wanting letter L Should probably be p!.^ced where trer j-K -i - reprefented aa v^ry fmaVl, between the letters B ai>d the in?did V. •• Ch3mplain here names the whole harbor or Hmln h’ort Royal, and not the place ot bahitiitlcm afterward fo called. The f«rA i«t dement was on the iM>rth fide of the in the prefen t hamlet of Lower <.^ramiUe, not as often al^ leged at Anna^polia. — Vidg Champlain’s engraving or m.ap ot Port Royal, ^ F.quiLe A name, on the coafts between Cacr^ xnd Ha\Te, of the ^ih call<^d at Granville and St. a kiad ot maUcopterygioiis nlh, living on Tandy 'horen nv^. f- .< ^ the lanti at l»>w 4 |v ctes of fand eel‘ Thb known IS the . innaj:><>iiw carbot cidU H Klvif'i - an L ’ “ This ifiand is where the AnnajmHs bay, or ai;»p«t niae mil's.* straight. Champlain on ;• + u no name, bu^ L«‘.'t B iewccurville. It is r»©tv- Bland. ^ 'r ©•£ - * OQV r 0 Qt 23 Sieur de Champlain. try, as pines, firs, fpruces, birches, afpens, and fome oaks, although the latter are found in fmall numbers in compari- fon with the other kinds. There are two entrances to the above river, one on the north, the other on the fouth fide of the ifland. That on the north is the better, and veffels can there anchor under fhelter of the ifland in five, fix, feven, eight, and nine fathoms. But it is neceffary to be on one’s guard againft fome fhallows near the ifland on the one fide, and the main land on the other, very dangerous, if one does not know the channel. We afcended the river fome fourteen or fifteen leagues, where the tide rifes, and it is not navigable much far- ther. It has there a breadth of fixty paces, -and about a fathom and a half of water. The country bordering the river is filled with numerous oaks, afhes, and other trees. Between the mouth of the river and the point to which we afcended there are many meadows, which are flooded at the fpring tides, many little flreams traverfing them from one fide to the other, through which fhallops and boats can go at full tide. This place was the moft favorable and agreeable for a fettlement that we had feen. There is another ifland within the port, diftant nearly two leagues from the former. At this point is another little ftream, extending a confider- able diftance inland, which we named Riviere St. Antoine.®* Its mouth is diftant from the end of the Bay of St. Mary fome four leagues through the woods. The remaining river is Lefcarbot calls it Claudiane. It is rived from the French pronunciation of now known as Bear Ifland. It was the lafl: fyllable of Imbert. fometimes called He d’H^bert, and ^ At prefent known as Bear River ; likewife Imbert Ifland. Laverdi^re Lefcarbot has it Hebert, and Charle- fuggefts that the prefent name is de- voix, Imbert. 24 Voyages of is only a fmall ftream filled with rocks, which cannot be afcended at all on account of the fmall amount of water, and which has been named Rocky Brook“ This place is in latitude®^ 45“; and 17° 8' of the defledlion of the magnetic needle. After having explored this harbor, we fet out to advance farther on in Baye Fran9oife, and fee whether we could not find the copper mine,®* which had been difcovered the year before. Heading north-eafl, and failing eight or ten leagues along Champlain’s Description of the Map. Port Royal. The figures indicate fathoms of water. A. Our habitation.* B. Garden of Sieur de Champlain. C. Road through the woods that Sieur de Poutrincourt had made. D. Itland at the mouth of Equille River. E. Entrance to Port Royal. F. Shoals, dry at low tide. G. River St. Antoine.* H. Place under cultivation for fowing wheat.’ /. Mill that Sieur de Poutrincourt had made. L. Meadows overflowed at higheft tides. M. Equille River. N. Seacoaft of Port Royal. O. Ranges of mountains. P. Ifland near the river St. Antoine. Q. Rocky Brook." R. Another brook.’ .S’. Mill River.* T. Small lake. V. Place where the favages catch herring in the fea- fon. X. Trout brook.'^ Y. A lane that Sieur de Champlain had made. riv^r sf AntA-.? • ‘!if Lower Granville. 2. The ftream weft of nanolk ^ No nUA 3 - The fite of the prefent town of An- Uroov Brook. 5. Morris River. 6. Allen River. 7. Trout fecond ScofieldkKk " Thorne’s, Ld the un modern maps called Moofe River, and fometimes Deep Brook. It IS a few miles eaft of Bear River. The latitude is here overftated : it mould be 44° 39/ 30". preceding year, M. Prevert ot bt. Malo had made a glowing report oitenlively bafed on his own obferva- tions and information which he had ob- tained from the Indians, in regard to certain mines alleged to exift on the coaft dire( 5 lly fouth of Northumber- land Strait, and about the head of the Bay of Fundy. It was this report of Prevert that induced the prefent fearch. 24 Voyages oj is only a fmall ftream filled with rt>c.k afeended at all on account of the fma and which has been named Rocky Brook.** T'hi* i, latitude‘s 45®; and 17° 8' of the detiection of th^ needle. After having explored this harbor, we fet i farther on in Baye Fran9oife, and fee whether = ; find the copper mine,*® which had been difcvv« before. Heading north-eaft, and failing eight or :? Champlain’s Dp,siKiPTio->r or thk Majp. F- vT R jyal. j ktr yifrurei indicaU ^ TtMtrr. A. Our habitation.* B. Garden of Sieur de Charftjfttin r the wood-s that .Sieur de I’outrincourt had made. IK m Equille River. B. Entrance to Port Royai F. Shoals, dry *•: River St. Antoine.* H. Place under cultiv.ition for fowin» wh«« J Sieur de Pmifrincourt had made. L. Meadow.s overflowe.1 at s:- , " Equille River, N. Seacoaft of Port Royal. O. Rang. t. c' ,.c,a.n'Iv near the river St Antoine. Q. Rocky Brook.' /?. River.* T. .‘r niaJI lake. V. Place where the favatres cat.,), t. -i • ; fon. A’. Trout brook.' V. A lane that Sieur de Charoj.i3!« Notes, i. On the prefent fite of Lower Granvill -. j> 3 - The lite of th. r>re ta, napolis. 4 - -Now called Deep Brook. 5. Morris Kiw-r, 6. . SVlcorelS ■* * ■ « On modern maps called Moofc River, and fometimes Deep Brook. It IS a few miles call of Bear River. •3 xhe latitude is here overftated mould be 44® ^f“c prV. vear, M. Preven ot bt. Male n ui UHifit* u liJowing report olteniivcly baira on rJs own obferv^a- tlons and ?nf*or?n;4»jv:n k uliied frofu tin* V wx* certain mines ufl - It covift direcLiy . land Strait, and Bay of Kund\b ; . . Prevert that ^ 25 Sieur de Champlain. along the coaft of Port Ro5'aI,®^ we croffed a part of the bay fome five or fix leagues in extent, when we arrived at a place which we called the Cape of Two Bays;®® and we paffed by an ifland a league diflant therefrom, a league alfo in circuit, rifing up forty or forty-five fathoms.®® It is wholly furrounded by great rocks, except in one place which is doping, at the foot of which Hope there is a pond of fait water, coming from under a pebbly point, having the form of a fpur. The fur- face of the ifland is flat, covered with trees, and containing a fine fpring of water. In this place is a copper mine. Thence we proceeded to a harbor a league and a half diflant, where we fuppofed the copper mine was, which a certain Prevert of St. Malo had difcovered by aid of the favages of the country. This port is in latitude 45° 40', and is dry at low tide.®^ In order to enter it, it is neceffary to place bea- cons, and mark out a fand-bank at the entrance, which borders a channel that extends along the main land. Then you enter a bay nearly a league in length, and half a league in breadth. In fome places, the bottom is oozy and fandy, where ^ Along the Bay of Fundy nearly parallel to the bafin of Port Royal would better exprefs the author’s mean- ing. ^ Cape Chigne6lo, the point where the Bay of Fundy is bifurcated; the northern arm forming Chigne6lo Bay, and the fouthern, the Bay of Mines or Minas Bafin. I fie Haute, or high ifland . — Vide CharlevoiTds Map. On fome maps this name has been ftrangely perverted into Ifle Holt, Ifle Har, &c. Its height is 320 feet. This was Advocate’s Harbor. Its diftance from Cape Chigne6fo is greater than that ftated in the text. Further on, Champlain calls it two leagues, which is nearly corredf. Its latitude is about 45° 20'. By comparing the Ad- miralty charts and Champlain’s map of this harbor, it will be feen that impor- tant changes have taken place fince 1604. The tongue of land extending in a fouth-eaflerly diredlion, covered with trees and flirubbery, which Cham- plain calls a fand-bank, has entirely dif- appeared. The ordinary tides rife here from thirty- three to thirty-nine feet, and on a fandy fliore could hardly fail to produce important changes. 26 Voyages of where veffels may get aground. The fea falls and rifes there to the extent of four or five fathoms. We landed to fee whether we could find the mines which Prevert had reported to us. Having gone about a quarter of a league along cer- tain mountains, we found none, nor did we recognize any refemblance to the defcription of the harbor he had given us. Accordingly, he had not himfelf been there, but probably two or three of his men had been there, guided by fome favages, partly by land and partly by little flreams, while he awaited them in his fhallop at the mouth of a little river in the Bay of St. Lawrence.®* Thefe men, upon their return, brought him feveral fmall pieces of copper, which he fliowed us when he returned from his voyage. Neverthelefs, we found Champlain’s Description of the Map. Port des Mines. The figures indicate fathoms of water, A, A place where veffels are liable to run aground. B. A fmall river. C, A tongue of land compofed of fand. D, A point compofed of large pebbles, which is like a mole. E. Location of a copper mine, which is covered by the tide twice a day. E, An ifland to the rear of the Cape of Mines. ^ G. Roadftead where veffels anchor while waiting for the tide. H. Ifle Haute, which is a league and a half from Port of Mines. I, Channel. L, Little River. M. Range of moun- tains along the coaft of the Cape of Mines. Note. i. Now called Spencer’s Ifland. Champlain probably obtained his knowledge of this ifland at a fubfequent vifit. There is a creek extending from near Spencer’s Ifland between the rocky elevations to Advocate’s Harbor, or nearly fo, which Champlain does not appear to have feen, or at leaft he does not reprefent it on his map. This point, thus made an ifland by the creek, has an elevation of five hundred feet, at the bafe of which was the copper mine which they difcovered. — Vide note 67. According to the Abb^ Laverdi^re, the lower part of the Gulf was fometimes called the Bay of St. Lawrence. •IX c : 'Jf 26 i 'oyiiges of ..vh •: u '.-. Vi.jty get aground. The fea falls and tf» r t 'X four or five fathoms. We 'ati * <• ' .id find the mines which Prevert to u v H -.ving gone about a quarter of a leagu** i?nti wt found none, nor did we rec r« ftmb'faiio; ii. the defeription of the harbor he us. A'- ;rt!M;z!y. he had not himleii heeu there, h-vl t’.vf> m three of his men had L'teen there, guide^tf fi?* tbr' '>f Lawience.* Thcie men, ujx>n thetr brcujght him h.'vtrai fmaii pieces of t.Oj-.per, which he m when he returned from his voy-’ge, NeverttefJB#|,- #s>r: A where vttjlcis itt liable to run agf<«iDb ' A faiall river. * . lungne <>/ Hml ccwnp''^t'e#J 0 / u«. A point comr “ . pebbk- ^ is like a of 21 copper mine, whicn > .-• * by the Itjc ^ • a day. F. .Vn iJland to the rear of the Cape ^soadilead vc‘ffels anchor wh i?- yraituijg tor the tide, //. Ifle ui a leagu-^ ;r a Itaif from Port o! iV1 /. Channel. Z.. Little : / i^ange of Uk> ~ tains the tOwA of the Cape of Mines, .Son; i Snv!^ lailcd Spencer's Ifland. ChatTi • >-* i'4 this idawfl at a fubiequent vilit. Th;=r > % -. T?:rk *>1 ; . aV.r ?' Sj?«*r- the rocky elevati»>>i« u .1^ - ^ ^ U>, which Ora.mpUm docs not appear to have ■ -c ^ c. . > repfcKol it «*ii jirip. i bis point, thns made an 1 . tleraP.on o4 lirr feet, at tbc bale of which ^ * ihev divC.vrri >7r or Tkf (aMc^ v/ 91 • ) I if" K> >o, VO 27 Sieur de Champlain. found in this harbor two mines of what feemed to be copper, according to the report of our miner, who confidered it very good, although it was not native copper. The head® of the Baye Fraii9oife, which we croffed, is fifteen leagues inland. All the land which we have feen in coafting along from the little paffage of Long I Hand is rocky, and there is no place except Port Royal where vef- fels can lie in fafety. The land is covered with pines and birches, and, in my opinion, is not very good. On the 20th of May,™ we fet out from the Port of Mines to feek a place adapted for a permanent flay, in order to lofe no time, purpofmg afterwards to return, and fee if we could difcover the mine of pure copper which Prevert’s men had found by aid of the favages. We failed weft two leagues as far as the cape of the two bays, then north five or fix leagues ; and we croffed the other bay,^^ where we thought the copper mine was, of which we have already fpoken: inafmuch as there are there two rivers,™ the one coming from the diredlion of Cape Breton, and the other from Gafpe or Tregatte, near the great river St. Lawrence. Sailing weft fome fix leagues, we arrived at a little river,™ at the mouth of which is rather a low They had juft croffed the Bay of The rivers are the Cumberland Mines. From the place where they Bafin with its tributaries coming from croffed it to its head it is not far from the eaft, and the Petitcoudiac {petit fifteen leagues, and it is about the fame and coude., little elbow, from the angle diftance to Port Royal, from which he formed by the river at Mon6lon, called may here eftimate the diftance inland. the Bend), which flows into Shepody Read June . — Vide antea, note 53. Bay coming from the north or the di- Chigne6to Bay. Charlevoix has reftion of Gafp^. Champlain men- Chignitou ou Beau Baffin. On De tions all thefe particulars, probably as Laet’s Map of 1633, on Jacob von anfwering to the defcription given to Meur’s of 1673, and Homenn’s of 1729, them by M. Prevert of the place where we have B. de Gennes. The Cape of copper mines could be found. Two Bays was Cape Chigne6fo. ** Quaco River, at the mouth of which 28 Voyages of low cape, extending out into the fea ; and a fhort dillance in- land there is a mountain, having the fliape of a Cardinal’s hat. In this place we found an iron mine. There is anchorage here only for fhallops. Four leagues weft fouth-weft is a rocky point’® extending out a fhort diftance into the water, where there are ftrong tides which are very dangerous. Near the point we faw a cove about half a league in extent, in which we found another iron mine, alfo very good. Four leagues farther on is a fine bay running up into the main land at the extremity of which there are three iflands and a rock ; two of which are a league from the cape towards the weft, and the other is at the mouth of the largeft and deepeft river we had yet feen, which we named the river St. John, becaufe it was on this faint s day that we arrived there.” By the favages it is called Ouygoudy. This river is dangerous, if one does not ob- ferve femblance, as Champlain fuggefts, to the chapeau de Cardinal. McCoy’s Head, four leagues weft of Quaco : the “ cove ” may be that on the eaft into which Gardner’s Creek flows, or that on the weft at the mouth of Emmerfon’s Creek. 1 he Bay of St. John, which is four leagues fouth-weft of McCoy’s Head. The iflands mentioned are Partridge Ifland at the mouth of the harbor, and two fmaller ones farther weft, one Meo- genes, and the other Shag rock or fome unimportant iflet in its vicinity. The rock mentioned by Champlain is that on which Spit Beacon Light now ftands. ^ The feftival of St. John the Bap- tift occurs on the 24th of June ; and, arriving on that day, they gave the name of St. John to the river, which has been appropriately given alfo to the city at its mouth, now the metropo- lis of the province of New Brunfwick. the water is fhallow : the low cape ex- tending out into the fea is that on which Quaco Light now ftands, which reaches out quarter of a mile, and is compara- tively low. The fhore from Goofe River, near where they made the coaft, is very high, meafuring at different points 783, 73S.» 650, 400, 300, 500, and 380 feet, while the “low cape” is only 250 feet, and near it on the weft is an elevation of 400 feet. It would be properly repre- fented as “ rather a low cape ” in contra- diftin6lion to the neighboring coaft. Iron and manganefe are found here, and the latter has been mined to fome extent, but is now difcontinued, as the ex- penfe is too great for the prefent times. ^ This mountain is an elevation, eight or ten miles inland from Quaco, which may be feen by veffels coafting along from St. Martin’s Head to St indicated on the charts as Mt. Theobald, and bears a ftriking re- ■•Hf t3 aiid rocks on the two fules. It is its entrance, and then becomes broader. certain ||i^ being paiied, it becomes narrower again, and forms a fat! between two large < lilfs, where the water runs fo ♦hat a j)«ece of wood thrown in is drawn,iinder and not feca ac^iin. But by waiting t'.’l high tide youcanpafs this fall very eathy." Then it expands again to the extent of about a ChAMFI DESCRIFriON OF THE ACCOMPANYING MAP. IRmhuu St. Jbmah. •i Afwrer itUicoU falhom* ^ v/aUr, A. Three iflands above 1 ’ r falts.» B. Mountains riang up from the main land, two leagues fouth of the nvei. C. The fall in the river. D. Shoals where vefiels, when the tide is oat, .n liat-h- ran aground. E. Cabin wl^re the fav- ao-es fortify themfelves. E. A pebh’y '.w'iti! where there is a crofs. G. ^n 'flan at the entrance of the rlver.» //. A fmall brook coming trom a h^e pood. /. Arm of the fea dry at low tide.* L. Two little rocky iflets.* M. A fmall pond. .V. Two brooks. O. Very dangerous fhoals along the coaft, which tide. P. Way by which the favages carry their canoes in paffing the falls. ^ Place for anchoring where the river runs with full current Notes, i. The iflands are not clofe together here 'f very near the main land on one fhore. am! t y - lirv at "low a. MiU Pond. 4 . Marsh Creek, vr, fhahow but 0>rt en«uUy i1r> at it w i Thefe iflets are not now reprelentr.i on the charts, and aye he -here from which the foil may haw been waflied away Imre 1604. *’* Champlain was under a about paf!in }4 the (>*.1! -it sft.iuth of the .‘>1. John ai high tid r H ' \Ti i.iCi ouly be pifl’ed at The waters of the river at -ow are a?v.ut twelve feet higher U;-r the oC the feuL At high tide*, d the i'r This occitrs twice everv rkle. It tnc t vei pc .inr at Die flood and lihe wifc a» **hc cob. The perif>d for ^talhng ah.i^Vt iitteen or twenty mimurs^ and oi ct7urfu o rurs four a day. VefTrii* rihembk* in coniidensble num- bers ib'.^ve and Ulow to embrace - 29 Sieur de Champlain, ferve carefully certain points and rocks on the two fides. It is narrow at its entrance, and then becomes broader. A certain point being paffed, it becomes narrower again, and forms a kind of fall between two large cliffs, where the water runs fo rapidly that a piece of wood thrown in is drawn^nder and not feen again. But by waiting till high tide you can pafs this fall very eafily.'* Then it expands again to the extent of about Champlain’s Description of the accompanying Map. Rivihre St. Jkhan. The figures indicate fathoms of water. A. Three iAands above the falls.i B. Mountains rifmg up from the main land, two leagues fouth of the river. C. The fall in the river D. Shoals where veflels, when the tide is out, are liable to run apund. E. Cabin ^„d ages fortify themfelves. F. A pebbly point where there is a “ at the entrance of the river.* H. A fmall brook coming from a little pond. /. Arrof“a dry at low tide.^ L. Two little rocky iflets.* M E fmall pond. N. Two brooks. O. Very dangerous flioals along the tide. P. Way by which the favages carry their canoes in paffing the tails. ^ Place for anchoring where the river runs with full current. notes. I. The iflands are not clofe together as here ^^^rt^fd^e ?dand ve^y near the main land on one Ihore, two on the other^^^ 2^^^ aSow tidt 1' fcsfi - ?he fcore fZ which the foil may have been walhed away fince 1604. ■^8 Champlain was under a miffappre- henfion about paffing the^ fall at the mouth of the St. John at high tide. 1 can in fa6l only be palled at about half tide. The waters of the river at low tide are about twelve feet higher than the waters of the fea. At high -tide, the waters of the fea are about five teet higher than the waters of the river. Confequently, at low tide there is a tali outward, and at high tide there is a a vard, at neither of which times can j fall be paired. The only time for [Ting the fall is when the waters of > fea are on a level with the waters of 2 river. This occurs twice everv tide, the level point at the flood and fe at the ebb. The period for paffing Is about fifteen or twenty minutes, d of coiirfe occurs four times a day. ‘flels alfemble in confiderable num- rs above and below to embrace the 30 Voyages of a league in fome places, where there are three iflands. We did not explore it farther up.™ But Ralleau, fecretary of Sieur de Monts, went there fome time after to fee a favage named Secondon, chief of this river, who reported that it was beautiful, large, and extenfive, with many meadows and fine trees, as oaks, beeches, walnut-trees, and alfo wild grape- vines. The inhabitants of the country go by this river to Tadouffac, on the great river St. Lawrence, making but a fhort portage on the journey. From the river St. John to Tadouffac is fixty-five leagues.^ At its mouth, which is in latitude 45° 40', there is an iron mine.*** From the river St. John we went to four iflands, on one of which we landed, and found great numbers of birds called magpies,®^ of which we captured many fmall ones, which are as good as pigeons. Sieur de Poutrincourt came near get- ting loll: here, but he came back to our barque at lall, when we had already gone to fearch for him about the illand, which is three leagues dillant from the main land. Farther well are other iflands ; among them one fix leagues in length, called by the favages Manthane,*® fouth of which there are opportunity of pafling at the favoring moment. There are periods, however, when the river is fwollen by rains and melting fnow, at which the tides do not rife as high as the river; and confe- quently there is a conftant fall outward, and veflels cannot pafs until the hieh water fubfides. They afcended the river only a Ihort diftance into the large bay juft above the falls, near which are the three iflands mentioned in the text. The diftance from the mouth of the river St. John to Tadouflac in a direcft line is about flxty-five leagues. among But by the winding courfe of the St. John it would be very much greater. Champlain’s latitude is inexa6l. St. John’s Harbor is 45® 16'. 82 Margos, magpies. The four iflands which Champlain named the Magpies are now called the Wolves, and are near the mouth of Paflamaquoddy Bay. Charlevoix has Oifeaux, the Birds. 88 Manan. Known as the Grand Manan in contradiftindion to the Petit Manan, a fmall ifland ftill further weft. It is about fourteen or fifteen miles long, and about fix in its greateft width. On the fouth and eaftern fide are Long 31 Sieur de Champlain. among the iflands feveral good harbors for veffels. From the Magpie Iflands we proceeded to a river on the main land called the river of the Etechemins,®* a tribe of favages fo called in their country. We paffed by fo many iflands that we could not afcertain their number, which were very fine. Some were two leagues in extent, others three, others more or lefs. All of thefe iflands are in a bay,*® having, in my eftimation, a circuit of more than fifteen leagues. There are many good places capable of containing any number of veffels, and abounding in fifh in the feafon, fuch as codfifli, falmon, bafs, herring, halibut, and other kinds in great num- bers. Sailing weft-north-wefl; three leagues through the iflands, we entered a river almofl: half a league in breadth at its mouth, failing up which a league or two we found two iflands : one very fmall near the weftern bank ; and the other in the middle, having a circumference of perhaps eight or nine hundred paces, with rocky fides three or four fathoms high all around, except in one fmall place, where there is a fandy point and clayey earth adapted for making brick and other ufeful articles. There is another place affording a flielter for veffels from eighty to a hundred tons, but it is dry at low tide. The ifland is covered with firs, birches, maples, and oaks. It is by nature very well fituated, except in one place, where for about forty paces it is lower than elfewhere : this, however, is eafily fortified, the banks of the main Ifland, Great Duck, Rofs, Cheyne, and The St. Croix River, fometimes White Head Iflands, among which good called the Scoudic. harborage niay be found. The name, Paflamaquoddy Bay. On Gaftal- as appears in the text, is of Indian do’s map of 1550 called Angoulefme. origin. It is fometimes fpelled Me- On Rouge’s Atlas Ameriquain,” 1778, nane, but that in the text prevails. it is written PalTamacadie. 32 Voyages of main land being diftant on both fides fome nine hundred to a thoufand paces. Veffels could pafs up the river only at the mercy of the cannon on this ifland, and we deemed the loca- tion the moft advantageous, not only on account of its fitua- tion and good foil, but alfo on account of the intercourfe which we propofed with the favages of thefe coafts and of the interior, as we fliould be in the midft of them. We hoped to pacify them in the courfe of time, and put an end to the wars which they carry on with one another, so as to derive fervice from them in future, and convert them to the Chriftian faith. This place was named by Sieur de Monts the Ifland of St. Croix.*® Farther on, there is a great bay, in which Champlain’s Description of the accompanying Map. Isle de Sainte Croix. The figures indicate fathoms of -water. A. A plan of our habitation. B. Gardens. C. Little iflet ferving as a plat- form for cannon.^ D. Platform where cannon were placed. E. The Cemetery. F. The Chapel. G. Rocky Ihoals about the Ifland Sainte Croix. H. A little iflet.^ /. Place where Sieur de Monts had a water-mill commenced. L. Place where we made our coal. M. Gardens on the weftern fliore. N. Other gardens on the eaftern fliore. O. Very large and high mountain on the main land.^ River of the Etechemins flowing about the Ifland of St. Croix. Notes, i. This refers to the fouthern end of the ifland, which was probably leparated at high tide, where a cannon may be feen in pofition. 2. Little De Monts s Ifland, fometimes called Little Dochet’s Ifland. 3. This “mountain” is now called Chamcook Hill. Its height is 627 feet. At the northern end of the 1 and on the right there is an extenfive fandy fhoal, dry at low tide, of a triangular lhape as formerly, and has apparently changed very little fince the days of Cham- rp, . Holy SamBe Croix, ifland, two flreams flow into the main 1 his name was fuggefted by the cir- channel of the river at the fame place, m ance that, a few miles above the one from the eaft and the other from the weft, f I ti t ■ !■ . , 0 O si « -• ' i' ;‘. /* ’ '’l 32 Voyages of . " main land being didant on both fides fome thoufand paces. VefTels could pafs up the mv" mercy of the cannon on this ifland, and v/e : '' tion the moft advantageous, not onl}' on ai> o .'at tion and good foil, but alfo on account of ? ;.c which we propofed with the favages of theft ; ‘ . i of the interior, as we fliould be in the ml- ill c-? ;» '.e hoped to pacify them in the courfe of time, ana > .. ;id to the wars which they carry on with one an< th*f. • to derive fervice from them in future, and coir.v: t ths ■ ; > -die Chriftian faith. This place was nair.,.d by tjicur d<; Mv nts the Ifland of St. Croix.*** Farther on, there v a grt ar ;.„y in .» ’r ;ch CHAJtfrtiiK S Description of ths a<« , asiing Mat. 5 - |=‘- l»LM on S.A.il«r« ^ tffiiicAi* /aik^tnzs 0/ 1 A, plan of habitU:ion. />. C. Uttic !*, . M .-.l'ig as a plat- form for caiinon.* />. Platto-'m whrre cannoit went phic^ vi, I’hc Cemetery. The Chapel. G, Kocky DuKsisj afwt the Illand SaiMt / x. //. A little iflet * I, PWe where Siea»' cle Monts had a wate'^-min - r^d L, Place where we made our coal. A/. C 4i«ifta:> on ihv wclUtf? fh- .rc ' « >! her gardens on the eahern tbof d. O. Very Wge and kigh mounrai^ rm if ^ r , land.* P. Khrer of the Eiechemins flowing ^bfjut the Ifland of • : b: Notes, i. This refers to th# end of the i.dajK^ 'rh-.h probably feparated at high tide, where a cannon maybe iee« -n > Ljhdc Dt j MoiUshx Ifland, fometimes caUeil Uuh; iKiChet's IiUftd. 3 I r-^unrun’’ i« now called Chiimcook HiU lu height Is 627 feet. At the n n r-'.' the I ifland on the right the?.:: iu an extenllve fan:;rtkr-v . vtrr? JiUh ??«? Jkyr. .'hjao- phiin. ^ The Holy Croh^ Sair. G tw j llream.% H'sm &-'■ iwfe This name was fuggetted ry iSe* cir t Uatme! ->f the rivet ai cumftance that, a few ad'c.s ^ from the eafl and the 33 Sieur de Champlain. which are two illands, one high and the other flat ; alfo three rivers, two of moderate fize, one extending towards the eaft, the other towards the north, and the third of large fize, towards the weft. The latter is that of the Etechemins, of which we fpoke before. Two leagues up this there is a waterfall, around which the favages carry their canoes fome five hundred paces by land, and then re-enter the river. Faffing afterwards from the river a fiiort diftance overland, one reaches the rivers Norumbegue and St. John. But the falls are impafiable for veflels, as there are only rocks and but four or five feet of water.®^ weft, while a bay makes up between them, prefenting the appearance of a crofs. “ Et d’autant qu’k deux lieues au def- fus il y a des ruilTeaux qui viennent com- me en croix de ddcharger dans ce large bras de mer, cette ile de la retraite des Frangois fut appelde Saincte Croix.^^ — His. Nouvelle- France^ par Lefcarbot, Paris, 1612, Qvat. Liv. pp. 461, 462. It is now called De Monts’s Ifland. It has been called Dochet’s Iftand and Neutral Ifland, but there is great appro- priatenefs in calling it after its firft oc- cupant and proprietor, and in honor of him it has been fo named with fui table ceremonies. — Vide Godfrey's Centen- nial Difcourfe., Bangor, 1870, p. 20. The United States maintain a light upon the ifland, which is feventy-one feet above the level of the fea, and is vifible twelve nautical miles. The ifland itfelf is moderately high, and in the wideft part is one hundred and eighty paces or about five hundred and forty feet. The area is probably not more than fix or feven acres, although it has been eftimated at twice that. It may have been diminifhed in fome flight de- In May and June, fo great a number gree fince the time of Champlain by the a6lion of the waves, but probably very little. On the fouthern extremity of the ifland where De Monts placed his cannon, about twenty-five years ago a workman in excavating threw out five fmall cannon-balls, one of which was obtained by Peter E. Vofe, Efq., of Dennyfville, Me., who then refided near the ifland, and was converfant with all the circumftances of the difcovery. They were about a foot and a half below the furface, and the workman was exca- vating for another purpofe, and knew nothing of the hiftory of the ifland. At our folicitation, the ball belonging to Mr. Vofe has recently been prefented to the New England Hiftoric Genealogi- cal Society, of which he is a member. It is iron, perfe6lly round, two and a quarter inches in diameter, and weighs 22| oz. avoirdupois. There can be no reafonable doubt that thefe balls are relics of the little French colony of 1604, and probably the only memorial of the kind now in exiftence. The defcription in the text of the environs of the Ifland of St. Croix is entirely accurate. Some diftance above, 5 and 34 Voyages of number of herring and bafs are caught there that veffels could be loaded with them. The foil is of the fineft fort, and there are fifteen or twenty acres of cleared land, where Sieur de Monts had fome wheat fown, which flourifhed finely. The favages come here fometimes five or fix weeks during the fifiiing feafon. All the reft of the country confifts of very denfe forefts. If the land were cleared up, grain would flourifli excellently. This place is in latitude 45° 20',®® and 17° 32' of the defledtion of the magnetic needle. CHAPTER IV. Sieur de Monts, finding no Other Place better adapted for a Per- manent Settlement than the Island of St. Croix, fortifies it and BUILDS Dwellings. — Return of the Vessels to France, and of Ralleau, Secretary of Sieur de Monts, for the Sake of Arrang- ing SOME Business Affairs. OT finding any more fuitable place than this ifland, we commenced making a barricade on a little iflet a fhort diftance from the main ifland, which ferved as a ftation for placing our cannon. All worked fo energetically that in a little while it was put in a ftate of defence, although the mofquitoes and in view from the ifland, is the fork, or Divide, as it is called. Here is a meeting of the waters of Warwig Creek from the eaft, Oak Bay from the north, and the river of the Etechemins, now called the St. Croix, from the weft. Thefe are the three rivers mentioned by Champlain, Oak Bay being confid- ered as one of them, in which may be feen the two iflands mentioned in the text, one high and the other low. A (which little above Calais is the waterfall, around which the Indians carried their bark canoes, when on their journey up the river through the Scoudic lakes, from which by land they reached the river St. John on the eaft, or, on the weft, pafling through the Mettawam- keag, they reached the Norumbegue, or Penobfcot River. The latitude of the Ifland of St. Croix is 45° 7' 43". 35 Sieur dc ^^ainpla --. '/.h’ch are little flies) ai-ijKi- v-“ us excefl. vely in our work. ■ >r there were feveraJ of ih;! ni« n whofe faces were fo fwol- I by their bites that rb-.- • o fld- Icarcely fee. The barri- v af-e l>eing finithed, Sieur 1 ’.louts fent his barque to notify ' . roft of our party, who w r.. with o^r veffel in the bay of Mar)', to come to St. Croix. This wls promptly done, i rhile awaiting them we fpent our lime very pleafantly. S days after, our velfcis having arrived and anchored, cCfcmharked. Then, without lofing time, Sieur de Monts UTiW:.**' h^d to employ the workmen in building houfes for our snd allowed me to determine the arrangement of oor A irK .,t After Sieur de Monts had determined the place for t: lorehoufe, which is nine fathoms long, three wide, and ' A f.' feet high, he adopted the plan for his owm houfe, whv, ^ oad promptly built by gotxl workmen, aud then u. c'v u) fach one his location. Straightway, the men K ,;i:= V!) g tlv^r t<»gc?litr hy fives and fixes, each according iii rft-'rt , Then all fet to work to clear up the ifland, to Ch. 4 4 A.m’s Description cr the accom‘»a vying Map, HA»TTi^TION DE ' ' 5»TE. C*0»X. indkuie fiiifutms o/ toaier. t Sieur dq Monts. B. Public building where we fpent our time ^ ^ C. The llorehoufe. D. Dwelling of the guard. E, Thcblack- frreO. ■ / Dwelling of the carpenters. G, The well. //. The oven where the i . #5 WAS made. A KLitchen. A. Gardens, /kf. Other gardens. A\ Place in t'< -tvsree v^Vurre a tree (lands. O. Palifade. P, Dwellings of the Sieurs fi vVwiTlir, Ch»r:»p?aiii, and Champdord. Q. Dwelling; of .Sieur Boulay, and other aurdK*i% R, dwelling where the Sioura de Geneftou, Sourin, and other artifans r IM tiling of the Sieurs de Beaumont, la Motte Bourioli, and Fouge- f ‘. Dweiling of our curate. A'. Other gardens. Y, The river furronnd- ^ 'thaarl 35 Sieur de Champlain, (which are little flies) annoyed us exceffively in our work. For there were feveral of our men whofe faces were fo fwol- len by their bites that they could fcarcely fee. The barri- cade being finiflied, Sieur de Monts fent his barque to notify the reft of our party, who were with our veffel in the bay of St. Mary, to come to St. Croix. This was promptly done, and while awaiting them we fpent our time very pleafantly. Some days after, our veffels having arrived and anchored, all difembarked. Then, without lofmg time, Sieur de Monts proceeded to employ the workmen in building houfes for our abode, and allowed me to determine the arrangement of our fettlement. After Sieur de Monts had determined the place for the ftorehoufe, which is nine fathoms long, three wide, and twelve feet high, he adopted the plan for his own houfe, which he had promptly built by good workmen, and then afligned to each one his location. Straightway, the men began to gather together by fives and fixes, each according to his defire. Then all fet to work to clear up the ifland, to go Champlain’s Description of the accompanying Map. Habitation dk l’Isle Sth. Croix. The figures indicate fathoms of water. A. Dwelling of Sieur de Monts. B. Public building where we fpent our time when it rained. C. The ftorehoufe. D. Dwelling of the guard. E. The black- fmith fliop. E. Dwelling of the carpenters. G. The well. //. The oven where the bread was made. /. Kitchen. L. Gardens. M, Other gardens. N. Place in the centre where a tree ftands. O. Palifade. P. Dwellings of the Sieurs d’Orville, Champlain, and Champdord. Q. Dwelling of Sieur Boulay, and other artifans. R. Dwelling where the Sieurs de Geneftou, Sourin, and other artifans lived. T. Dwelling of the Sieurs de Beaumont, la Motte Bourioli, and Fouge- ray. V, Dwelling of our curate. X. Other gardens. K The river furround- ing the ifland. 36 Voyages of go to the woods, to make the frame work, to carry earth and other things neceffary for the buildings. While we were building our houfes, Sieur de Monts de- fpatched Captain Fouques in the veffel of Roffignol,®* to find Pont Grave at Canfeau, in order to obtain for our fettlement what fupplies remained. Some time after he had fet out, there arrived a fmall barque of eight tons, in which was Du Glas of Honfleur, pilot of Pont Grave’s veffel, bringing the Bafque fhip-mafters, who had been captured by the above Pont Grave while engaged in the fur-trade, as we have ftated. Sieur de Monts received them civilly, and fent them back by the above Du Glas to Pont Grave, with orders for him to take the veffels he had captured to Rochelle, in order that juflice might be done. Meanwhile, work on the houfes went on vigoroufly and without ceffation ; the carpenters engaged on the florehoufe and dwelling of Sieur de Monts, and the others each on his own houfe, as I was on mine, which I built with the afliftance of fome fer- vants belonging to Sieur d’Orville and myfelf. It was forth- with completed, and Sieur de Monts lodged in it until his own was finiflied. An oven was alfo made, and a hand- mill for grinding our wheat, the working of which involved much trouble and labor to the moft of us, fince it was a toil- fome operation. Some gardens were afterwards laid out, on the main land as well as on the ifland. Here many kinds of feeds were planted, which flourifhed very well on the main land, This was the veflel taken from fays Grav6 was his furname. — Vide Captain Roflignol and confifcated. — Hijloire de la Nou. Fran,^ Paris, 1612, Vide antea^ pp. 10, 12 ; alfo note 26. Qvat. Liv. p. 501. To prevent any con- ^ Champlain and others often write fufion, we write it Pont Grav^ in all only Pont for Pont Gravd. Lefcarbot cafes. 37 Sieur de Champlain. land, but not on the ifland, fince there was only fand here, and the whole were burned up when the fun (hone, although fpecial pains were taken to water them. Some days after, Sieur de Monts determined to afcertain where the mine of pure copper was which we had fearched for fo much. W^ith this objedt in view, he defpatched me together with a favage named Meffamoiiet, who afferted that he knew the place well. I fet out in a fmall barque of five or fix tons, with nine failors. Some eight leagues from the ifland, towards the river St. John, we found a mine of copper which was not pure, yet good according to the report of the miner, who faid that it would yield eighteen per cent. Farther on we found others inferior to this. When we reached the place where we fuppofed that was which we were hunting for, the favage could not find it, fo that it was neceffary to come back, leaving the fearch for another time. Upon my return from this trip, Sieur de Monts re- folved to fend his veffels back to France, and alfo Sieur de Poutrincourt, who had come only for his pleafure, and to explore countries and places fuitable for a colony, which he defired to found ; for which reafon he aflced Sieur de Monts for Port Royal, which he gave him in accordance with the power and directions he had received from the king.*^ He fent back alfo Ralleau, his fecretary, to arrange fome matters concerning the voyage. They fet out from the Ifland of St. Croix the lafl day of Auguft, 1604. ^ CHAPTER V. De Monts’s charter provided for difcrepancy in the orthography of this the diftribution of lands to colonifts. name. Lefcarbot, De Laet, and Char- This gift to De Poutrincourt was con- levoix write Poutrincourt. In his Latin firmed afterwards by the king. We epitaph, vide Murdoch's^ Nova Scolia, may here remark that there is the ufual Vol, I. p. 59, it is Potrincurbus, w 1 e 38 Voyages of CHAPTER V. Of the Coast, Inhabitants, and River of Norumbegde, and of all THAT OCCURRED DURING THE EXPLORATION OF THE LATTER. FTER the departure of the veffels, Sieur de Monts, without lofing time, decided to fend perfons to make difcoveries along the coaft of Norumbegue; and he intruded me with this work, which I found very agreeable. In order to execute this commiffion, I fet out from St. Croix on the 2d of September with a patache of feventeen or eighteen tons, twelve failors, and two favages, to ferve us as guides to the places with which they were acquainted. The fame day we found the veffels where Sieur de Poutrincourt was, which were anchored at the mouth of the river St. Croix in confequence of bad weather, which place we could not leave before the 5th of the month. Having gone two or three leagues feaward, fo denfe a fog arofe that we at once loll; light of their veffels. Continuing our courfe along the coaft, we made the fame day fome twenty-five leagues, and paffed by a large number of illands, banks, reefs, and rocks, which in places extend more than four leagues out to fea. We called the illands the Ranges, moft of which are covered with Champlain has Poitrincourt. In Pou- trincourt’s letter to the Roman Pontiff, Paul V., written in Latin, he fays, Ego Johannes de Biencour, vulgb De Pov- trincovr a vita reltgiofiis a?nator et attejlor perpetuus^ etc. This muft be conclufive for Poutrincourt as the proper orthography. — Vide His. Nov, Fra., par Lefcarbot, Paris, 1612, p. 612. 39 Sieur de Champlain. with pines, firs, and other trees of an inferior fort. Among thefe iflands are many fine harbors, but undefirable for a permanent fettlement. The fame day we paffed alfo near to an ifland about four or five leagues long, in the neigh- borhood of which we juft efcaped being loft on a little rock on a level with the water, which made an opening in our barque near the keel. From this ifland to the main land on the north, the diftance is lefs than a hundred paces. It is very high, and notched in places, fo that there is the ap- pearance to one at fea, as of feven or eight mountains ex- tending along near each other. The fummit of the moft of them is deftitute of trees, as there are only rocks on them. The woods confift of pines, firs, and birches only. I named it Ifle des Monts Deferts.** The latitude is 44° 30'. The next day, the 6th of the month, we failed two leagues, and perceived a fmoke in a cove at the foot of the moun- tains above mentioned. We faw two canoes rowed by fav- ages, which came within mufket range to obferve us. I fent our two favages in a boat to affure them of our friendthip. Their fear of us made them turn back. On the morning of the next day, they came alongfide of our barque and talked with our favages. I ordered fome bifcuit, tobacco, and other trifles to be given them. Thefe favages had come beaver- hunting The natives called this ifland Mount Manfell. But the name given Pemetiq. IJle que les Sauuages appel- to it by Champlain has prevailed, and lent Pemetiq. — Vide Relation de la fl;ill adheres to it. Nouvelle-France^ par P. Biard, i6i6, The defcription here given of the Relations des J^fuites, Quebec ed. 1858, barrennefs of the ifland clearly fuggefts p. 44. When the attempt was made in the origin of the name. Defert fliould 1613 to plant a colony there by the therefore be pronounced with the ac- Marchionefs de Guercheville, the fettle- cent on the firfl: fyllable. The latitude ment was named St. Sauveur. This of the mofl: northern limit of the ifland ifland was alfo by the Englifli called is 44° 24'. 40 Voyages of hunting and to catch filh, fome of which they gave us. Having made an alliance with them, they guided us to their river of Pentegoiiet,®® fo called by them, where they told us was their captain, named Beffabez, chief of this river. I think this river is that which feveral pilots and hiftorians call Norumbegue,** and which moft have defcribed as large and extenfive, with very many iflands, its mouth being in latitude 43°, 43° 30', according to others in 44°, more or lefs. With regard to the defledfion, I have neither read, nor heard any one fay any thing. It is related alfo that there is a large. Penobfcot. The name of this river has been varioufly written Pentagoet, Pentagwet, Pemptegoet, Pentagovett, Penobfkeag, Penaubfket, and in various other ways. The Englifh began early to write it Penobfcot. It is a word of Indian origin, and different meanings have been affigned to it by thofe who have undertaken to interpret the lan- guage from which it is derived. The Abbd Laverdi^re is of the opinion that the river Norumbegue was identical with the Bay of Fundy. His only authority is Jean Alfonfe, the chief pilot of Roberval in 1541-42. Alfonfe fays : “ Beyond the cape of Noroveregue defcends the river of the faid Norove- regue, which is about twenty-five leagues from the cape. The faid river is more than forty leagues broad at its mouth, and extends this width inward well thirty or forty leagues, and is all full of iflands which enter ten or twelve leagues into the fea, and it is very dangerous with rocks and reefs.” If the cape of Norumbegue is the prefent Cape Sable, as it is fuppofed to be, by coafting along the fliores of Nova Scotia from that cape in a north-wefterly diredlion a little more than twenty leagues, we fliall reach St. Mary’s Bay, which may be regarded as the beginning of the Bay thickly of Fundy, and from that point in a ftraight line to the mouth of the Penob- fcot the diftance is more than forty leagues, which was the breadth of the Norumbegue at its mouth, according to the ftatement of Alfonfe. The Abb^ Laverdi^re is not quite corred in faying that the river Norumbegue is the fame as the Bay of Fundy. It includes, ac- cording to Alfonfe, who is not altogether confiftent with himfelf, not only the Bay of Fundy, but likewife the Penobfcot River and the bay of the fame name, with its numerous iflands. Alfonfe left a drawing or map of this region in his Cofmography, which Laverdi^re had not probably feen, on which the Bay of Fundy and the Penobfcot are corredlly laid down, and the latter is defignated the “Riviere de Norvebergue.” It is therefore obvious, if this map can be relied upon, that the river of Norum- begue was identical, not with the Bay of Fundy, but with the Penobfcot, in the opinion of Alfonfe, in common with the “plufieurs pilottes et hiftoriens” referred to by Champlain. — Vide copy of the Chart from the MS. Cofmogra- phy of fean Alfonfe in Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, in Mr. Murphy’s Voy- age of Verrazzano, New York, 1875. Sieur de Champlain. 41 thickly fettled town of favages, who are adroit and fkilful, and who have cotton yarn. I am confident that moft of thofe who mention it have not feen it, and fpeak of it becaufe they have heard perfons fay fo, who knew no more about it than they themfelves. I am ready to believe that fome may have feen the mouth of it, becaufe there are in reality many iflands, and it is, as they fay, in latitude 44 its entrance. But that any one has ever entered it there is no evidence, for then they would have defcribed it in another manner, in order to relieve the minds of many of this doubt. I will accordingly relate truly what I explored and faw, from the beginning as far as I went. In the firfl place, there are at its entrance feveral iflands diftant ten or twelve leagues from the main land, which are in latitude 44°, and 18“ 40' of the defledion of the magnetic needle. The Ifle des Monts Deferts forms one of the extremities of the mouth, on the eaft ; the other is low land, called by the favages Bedabedec,®* to the weft of the former, the two being diftant from each other nine or ten leagues. Almoft midway between thefe, out in the ocean, there is another ifland very high and confpicuous, which on this account I have named Ifle Haute.^ All around there is a vaft number of varying extent and breadth, but the largeft An indefinite region about Rock- Ifle Haute, high ijland.^ which name land and Camden, on the weftern bank it flill retains. Champlain wrote it on of the Penobfcot near its mouth, ap- his map, 1632, “ Ifle Haulte. pears to have been the domain of the been anglicized by fome into Ifle Holt. Indian chief, Beflabez, and was denomi- It is nearly fix miles long, and has nated Bedabedec. The Camden Hills average width of over two miles, and is were called the mountains of Bedabe- the highest land in its vicinity, re^^hing dec, and Owl’s Head was called Beda- at its higheft point four hundred feet bedec Point. above the level of the fea. 6 42 Voyages of largeft is that of the Monts Deferts. Fifliing as alfo hunting are very good here; the fifli are of various kinds. Some two or three leagues from the point of Bedabedec, as you coaft northward along the main land which extends up this river, there are very high elevations of land, which in fair weather are feen twelve or fifteen leagues out at fea.®^ Faff- ing to the fouth of the Ifle Haute, and coafting along the fame for a quarter of a league, where there are fome reefs out of water, and heading to the weft until you open all the moun- tains northward of this ifland, you can be fure that, by keep- ing in fight the eight or nine peaks of the Monts Deferts and Bedabedec, you will crofs the river Norumbegue; and in order to enter it you muft keep to the north, that is, towards the higheft mountains of Bedabedec, where you will fee no iflands before you, and can enter, fure of having water enough, although you fee a great many breakers, iflands, and rocks to the eaft and weft of you. For greater fecurity, one fhould keep the founding lead in hand. And my obfervations lead me to conclude that one cannot enter this river in any other place except in fmall veflels or fliallops. For, as I ftated above, there are numerous iflands, rocks, fhoals, banks, and breakers on all fides, fo that it is marvellous to behold. Now to refume our courfe : as one enters the river, there are beautiful iflands, which are very pleafant and contain fine Camden Hills or Mountains. They are five or fix in number, from 900 to 1,500 feet high, and may be feen, it is faid, twenty leagues at fea. The more prominent are Mt. Batty, Mt. Pleafant, and Mt. Hofmer, or Ragged Mountain. They are fometimes called the Megunti- cook Range. Colonel Benjamin Church denominates them “ Mathebeftuck’s Hills.’’ — Vide Churches Hijtory of King Philip'^s War^ Newport, 1772, p. 143. Captain John Smith calls them the mountains of Penobfcot, “againfl: whofe feet doth beat the fea,” which, he adds, ‘‘you may well fee fixteen or eighteen leagues from their fituation.” 43 Sieur de Champlain. fine meadows. We proceeded to a place to which the fav- ages guided us, where the river is not more than an eighth of a league broad, and at a diftance of fome two hundred paces from the weflern fliore there is a rock on a level with the water, of a dangerous chara6ter.®* From here to the Ifle Haute, it is fifteen leagues. From this narrow place, where there is the leafi; breadth that we had found, after failing fome feven or eight leagues, we came to a little river near which it was neceffary to anchor, as we faw before us a great many rocks which are uncovered at low tide, and fince alfo, if we had defired to fail farther, we could have gone fcarcely half a league, in confequence of a fall of water there coming down a dope of feven or eight feet, which I faw as I went there in a canoe with our favages ; and we found only water enough for a canoe. But excepting the fall, which is fome two hundred paces broad, the river is beautiful, and unob- ftrudled up to the place where we had anchored. I landed to view the country, and, going on a hunting excurfion, found it very pleafant fo far as I went. The oaks here appear as if they were planted for ornament. I faw only a few firs, but numerous pines on one fide of the river; on the other only oaks, and fome copfe wood which extends far into the interior.®® And This narrow place in the river is Col. Me. His. Soc., Vol. V. p. 385. juft above Caftine, where Cape Jellifon The “ rock ” alluded to by Champlain ftretches out towards the eaft, at the is Fort Point Ledge, bare at half tide, head of the bay, and at the mouth of fouth-eaft by eaft from the Point, and the river. At the extremity of the cape diftant over half a mile. Champlain’s is Fort Point, fo called from Fort Pow- diftances here are fomewhat overefti- nall,ere6led there in 1759, ^ fteep rocky mated. elevation of about eighty feet in height. The terminus of this exploration Before the ere6lion of the fort by Gov- of the Penobfcot was near the prefent ernor Pownall, it was called Wafaum- fite of the city of Bangor. The fmall keag Point . — Vide PownalVs Journal^ river near the mouth of which they an- chored 44 Voyages of And I will ftate that from the entrance to where we went, about twenty-five leagues, we faw no town, nor village, nor the appearance of there having been one, but one or two cabins of the favages without inhabitants. Thefe were made in the fame way as thofe of the Souriquois, being covered with the bark of trees. So far as we could judge, the favages on this river are few in number, and are called Eteche- mins. Moreover, they only come to the iflands, and that only during fome months in fummer for fifh and game, of which there is a great quantity. They are a people who have no fixed abode, fo far as I could obferve and learn from them. For they fpend the winter now in one place and now in another, according as they find the beft hunting, by which they live when urged by their daily needs, without laying up any thing for times of fcarcity, which are fometimes fevere. Now this river muft of necelfity be the Norumbegue; for, having coafted along paft it as far as the 41° of latitude, we have found no other on the parallel above mentioned, except that of the Quinibequy, which is alrnofl in the fame latitude, but not of great extent. Moreover, there cannot be in any other place a river extending far into the interior of the country, fince the great river St. Lawrence wafhes the coaft of La Cadie and Norumbegue, and the diftance from one to the other by land is not more than forty-five leagues, or fixty at the wideft point, as can be feen on my geographical map. Now I will drop this difcuffion to return to the favages who chored was the Kendufkeag. The falls which Champlain vifited with the In- dians in a canoe are thofe a Ihort dif- tance above the city. The fentence, a few lines back, beginning “But ex- had cepting this fall” is complicated, and not quite logical, but the author evi- dently means to defcribe the river from its mouth to the place of their anchor- age at Bangor. Sieur de Champlain. 45 had condudled me to the falls of the river Norumbegue, who went to notify Beffabez, their chief, and other favages, who in turn proceeded to another little river to inform their own, named Cabahis, and give him notice of our arrival. The 1 6th of the month there came to us fome thirty fav- ages on alTurances given them by thofe who had ferved us as guides. There came alfo to us the fame day the above- named Beffabez with fix canoes. As foon as the favages who were on land faw him coming, they all began to fmg, dance, and jump, until he had landed. Afterwards, they all feated themfelves in a circle on the ground, as is their cuf- tom, when they wifli to celebrate a feftivity, or an harangue is to be made. Cabahis, the other chief, arrived alfo a little later with twenty or thirty' of his companions, who withdrew one fide and enjoyed greatly feeing us, as it was the firft time they had feen Chriftians. A little while after, I went on fliore with two of my companions and two of our favages who ferved as interpreters. I diredled the men in our barque to approach near the favages, and hold their arms in readinefs to do their duty in cafe they noticed any movement of thefe people againfl us. Beffabez, feeing us on land, bade us fit down, and began to fmoke with his companions, as they ufually do before an addrefs. They prefented us with veni- fon and game. I diredted our interpreter to fay to our favages that they fhould caufe Beffabez, Cabahis, and their companions to underftand that Sieur de Monts had fent me to them to fee them, and alfo their country, and that he defired to preferve friendftiip with them and to reconcile them with their ene- mies, the Souriquois and Canadians, and moreover that he defired 46 Voyages of defired to inhabit their country and fliow them how to culti- vate it, in order that they might not continue to lead fo miferable a life as they were doing, and fome other words on the fame fubje( 5 l. This our favages interpreted to them, at which they fignified their great fatisfadlion, faying that no greater good could come to them than to have our friend- fhip, and that they defired to live in peace with their enemies, and that we fliould dwell in their land, in order that they might in future more than ever before engage in hunting beavers, and give us a part of them in return for our pro- viding them with things which they wanted. After he had finiflied his difcourfe, I prefented them with hatchets, pater- nofters, caps, knives, and other little knick-knacks, when we feparated from each other. All the reft of this day and the following night, until break of day, they did nothing but dance, fing, and make merry, after which we traded for a certain number of beavers. Then each party returned, Beffabez with his companions on the one fide, and we on the other, highly pleafed at having made the acquaintance of this people. The 1 7th of the month I took the altitude,^®® and found the latitude 45° 25'. This done, we fet out for another river called Quinibequy, diftant from this place thirty-five leagues, 100 interview with the Indians on the place where they then were, and the i6th, and the taking of the altitude nearly twenty leagues diftant from Be- on the 17th, muft have occurred before dabedec. Confequently, they were fif- the party left their anchorage at Bangor teen leagues above Bedabedec, which with the purpofe, but which they did was fituated near the mouth of the ^t ac^mplifti that year, of vifiting the river. The latitude, which they ob- Kennebec. Tbis may be inferred from tained from their observations, was far Champlain s ftatement that the Kenne- from corre6l : it fliould be 44° 46'. bee was thirty-five leagues diftant from 47 Sieur de Champlain. leagues, and nearly twenty from Bedabedec. This nation of ravages of Quinibequy are called Etechemins, as well as thofe of Norumbegue. The 1 8th of the month we paffed near a fmall river where Cabahis was, who came with us in our barque fome twelve leagues; and having afked him whence came the river No- rumbegue, he told me that it paffes the fall which I mentioned above, and that one journeying fome diftance on it enters a lake by way of which they come to the river of St. Croix, by going fome diftance over land, and then entering the river of the Etechemins. Moreover, another river enters the lake, along which they proceed fome days, and afterwards enter another lake and pafs through the midft of it. Reaching the end of it, they make again a land journey of fome diftance, and then enter another little river, which has its mouth a league from Quebec, which is on the great river St. Law- rence.“* All thefe people of Norumbegue are very fwarthy, dreffed The Indian chief Cabahis here points out two trails, the one leading to the French habitation juft eftablifhed on the Ifland of St. Croix, the other to Quebec ; by the former, pafling up the Penobfcot from the prefent fite of Ban- gor, entering the Matawamkeag, keep- ing to the eaft in their light bark canoes to Lake Bofcanhegan, and from there pafling by land to the ftream then known as the river of the Etechemins, now called the Scoudic or St. Crojx. The expreflion “by which they come to the river of St. Croix ” is explanatory : it has no reference to the name of the river, but means Amply that the trail leads to the river in which was the ifland of St. Croix. This river had not then been named St. Croix, but had been called by them the river of the Etechemins. — Vide antea., p. 31. The other trail led up the north branch of the Penobfcot, pafling through Lake Pemadumcook, and then on through Lake Chefuncook, Anally reach- ing the fource of this ftream which is near that of the Chaudi^re, which latter flows into the St. Lawrence, near Que- bec. It would feem from the text that Champlain fuppofed that the Penobfcot flowed from a lake into which ftreams flowed from both the obje6live points, viz. St. Croix and Quebec ; but this was a miftake not at all unnatural, as he had never been over the ground, and ob- tained his information from the Indians, whofe language he imperfe6lly under- ftood. 48 Voyages of dreffed in beaver-fkins and other furs, like the Canadian and Souriquois favages, and they have the fame mode of life. The 20th of the month we failed along the weftern coaft, and paffed the mountains of Bedabedec,“^ when we anchored. The fame day we explored the entrance to the river, where large veffels can approach ; but there are infide fome reefs, to avoid which one muft advance with founding lead in hand. Our favages left us, as they did not wifli to go to Quini- bequy, for the favages of that place are great enemies to them. We failed fome eight leagues along the weftern coaft to an ifland'®® ten leagues diftant from Quinibequy, where we were obliged to put in on account of bad weather and contrary wind. At one point in our courfe, we paffed a large number of iflands and breakers extending fome leagues out to fea, and very dangerous. And in view of the bad weather, which was fo unfavorable to us, we did not fail more than three or four leagues farther. All thefe iflands and coafts are covered with extenfive woods, of the fame fort as that which I have reported above as exifting on the other coafts. And in confideration of the fmall quantity of provifions which we had, we refolved to return to our fettlement and wait until the following year, when we hoped to return and ex- plore more extenfively. We accordingly fet out on our return on the 23d of September, and arrived at our fettle- ment on the 2d of Odtober following. 1 he above is an exadl ftatement of all that I have ob- ferved 102 Bedabedec is an Indian word, fig- ws Mofquito and Metinic Iflands are nitying Mpe of the waters, and was each about ten leagues call of the Ken- plamly the point known as Owl’s Head, nebec. As the party went but four t gave name to the Camden Mountains leagues further, the voyage muft have alio. Vide antea, note 95. terminated in Mufcongus Bay. 49 Sieur de Champlain. ferved refpedling not only the coafts and people, but alfo the river of Norumbegue ; and there are none of the marvels there which fome perfons have defcribed.^®* I am of opinion that this region is as difagreeable in winter as that of our fettlement, in which we were greatly deceived. CHAPTER VI. Of the Mal de la Terre, a very Desperate Malady. — How the Sav- AGES, Men and Women, spend their Time in Winter. — And all THAT OCCURRED AT THE SETTLEMENT WHILE WE WERE PASSING THE Winter. HEN we arrived at the Ifland of St. Croix, each one had finifhed his place of abode. Winter came upon us fooner than we expedted, and prevented us from doing many things which we had propofed. Neverthelefs, Sieur de Monts did not fail to have fome gardens made on the ifland. Many began An idle llory had been circulated, and even found a place on the pages of fober hiftory, that on the Penobfcot, or Norumbegue, as it was then called, there exifted a tair town, a populous city, with the accelTories of luxury and wealth. Champlain here takes pains to fhow, in the fulleft manner, that this ftory was a bafelefs dream of fancy, and utterly without foundation. Of it Lefcarbot naively fays, “If this beautiful town hath ever exifted in nature, I would fain know who hath pulled it down, for there are now only a few fcattered wigwams made of poles covered with the bark of trees and the (kins of wild beafts.^^ There is no evidence, and no proba- bility, that this river had been navi- gated by Europeans anterior to this ex- ploration of Champlain. The exiftence of the bay and the river had been noted long before. They are indicated on the map of Ribero in 1529. Rio de Gamas and Rio Grande appear on early maps as names of this river, but are foon dif- placed for Norumbega, a name which was fometimes extended to a wide range of territory on both fides of the Penob- fcot. On the Mappe- Monde of 1 543-47, iffued by the late M. Jomard, it is de- nominated Auorobagra, evidently in- tended for Norumbega. Thevet, who vifited it, or failed along its mouth in 1556, fpeaks of it as Norumbegue. It is alleged that the aborigines called it Agguncia. According to Jean Alfonfe, 50 Voyages of began to clear up the ground, each his own. I alfo did fo with mine, which was very large, where I planted a quantity of feeds, as alfo did the others who had any, and they came up very well. But fince the ifland was all fandy, every thing dried up almoft as foon as the fun flione upon it, and we had no water for irrigation except from the rain, which was in- frequent. Sieur de Monts caufed alfo clearings to be made on the main land for making gardens, and at the falls three leagues from our fettlement he had work done and fome wheat fown, which came up very well and ripened. Around our habita- tion there is, at low tide, a large number of fhell-fifh, fuch as cockles, mufcles, fea-urchins, and fea-fnails, which were very acceptable to all. The fnows began on the 6th of Odober. On the 3d of December, we faw ice pafs which came from fome frozen river. The cold was fharp, more fevere than in France, and of much longer duration; and it fcarcely rained at all the entire winter. I fuppofe that is owing to the north and north-weft: winds paffing over high mountains always covered with fnow. The latter was from three to four feet deep up to the end of the month of April ; lafting much longer, I fup- pole, than it would if the country were cultivated. During the winter, many of our company were attacked by a certain malady called the mal de la terre ; otherwife fcurvy, as I have fince heard from learned men. There were pro- duced, in the mouths of thofe who had it, great pieces of fuper- it was difcovered by the Portuguefe and Spaniards. His. de la N. France, par M. Lefcarbot, Paris, 1612, Qvat. Piv. p. 495. The orthography of this fluous name is various among early writers, but Norumbegue is adopted by the moft approved modern authors. 51 Sieur de Champlain. fluous and drivelling flefh (caufing extenfive putrefadlion), which got the upperhand to fuch an extent that fcarcely any thing but liquid could be taken. Their teeth became very loo.'e, and could be pulled out with the fingers without its caufing them pain. The fuperfluous flefli was often cut out, which caufed them to ejeft much blood through the mouth. Afterwards, a violent pain feized their arms and legs, which remained fwollen and very hard, all fpotted as if with flea- bites ; and they could not walk on account of the contradion of the mufcles, fo that they were almoft without ftrength, and fuffered intolerable pains. They experienced pain alfo in the loins, ftomach, and bowels, had a very bad cough, and fhort breath. In a word, they were in fuch a condition that the majority of them could not rife nor move, and could not even be railed up on their feet without falling down in a fwoon. So that out of feventy-nine, who compofed our party, thirty-five died, and more than twenty were on the point of death. The majority of thofe who remained well alfo complained of flight pains and fhort breath. We were unable to find any remedy for thefe maladies. A pojl mortem examination of feveral was made to inveftigate the caufe of their difeafe. In the cafe of many, the interior parts were found morti- fied, fuch as the lungs, which were fo changed that no natural fluid could be perceived in them. The fpleen was ferous and fwollen. The liver was legueux? and fpotted, without its natural color. The vena cava, fuperior and inferior, was filled with thick coagulated and black blood. The gall was tainted. Neverthelefs, many arteries, in the middle as well as lower bowels, were found in very good condition. In 52 Voyages of the cafe of fome, incifions with a razor were made on the thighs where they had purple fpots, whence there iffued a very black clotted blood. This is what was obferved on the bodies of thofe infedled with this malady.^^® Our furgeons could not help fuffering themfelves in the fame manner as the reft. Thofe who continued fick were healed by fpring, which commences in this country in May.^*^® That led us to believe that the change of feafon reftored their health rather than the remedies prefcribed. During this winter, all our liquors froze, except the Span- ifh wine. Cider was difpenfed by the pound. The caufe of this lofs was that there were no cellars to our florehoufe, and that the air which entered by the cracks was fharper than that outfide. We were obliged to ufe very bad water, and drink melted fnow, as there were no fp rings nor brooks ; for it was not poffible to go to the main land in confequence of the great pieces of ice drifted by the tide, which varies three fathoms between low and high water. Work on the hand- ^ 0 ® Mai de la terre. Champlain had bitter experiences of this difeafe in Quebec during the winter of 1608-9, when he was Itill ignorant of its char- a6ler ; and it was not till feveral years later that he learned that it was the old malady called fcurbut^ from the Scla- vonic fcorb^ Latinized into fcorbuticus, Lefcarbot fpeaks of this difeafe as little underftood in his time, but as known to Hippocrates. He quotes Olaus Mag- nus, who defcribes it as it appeared among the nations of the north, who called it forbet^ from KaKos, bad, and ffiy, a habit. This undoubtedly ex- prelTes the true caufe of this difeafe, now familiarly known as the fcurvy. It follows expofure to damp, cold, and mill impure atmofphere, accompanied by the long-continued ufe of the fame kind of food, particularly of fait meats, with bad water. All of thefe conditions exifted at the Ifland of St. Croix. Champlain’s defcription of the difeafe is remarkably accurate. 106 paflage might be read, which is in this country in May:” lequel com-- 7 nence en ces pays IcL eji en May. As Layerdi^re fuggefts, it looks as if Cham- plain wrote it firft commencey and then, thinking that the winter he had experi- enced might have been exceptional, fub- flituted efly omitting to erafe co^nmencey fo that the fentence, as it ftands, is faulty, containing two verbs inftead of one, and being fufceptible of a double fenfe. 53 Sieur de Champlain. mill was very fatiguing, fmce the moft of us, having flept poorly, and fuffering from infufficiency of fuel, which we could not obtain on account of the ice, had fcarcely any ftrength, and alfo becaufe we ate only fait meat and vegeta- bles during the winter, which produce bad blood. The lat- ter circumftance was, in my opinion, a partial caufe of thefe dreadful maladies. All this produced difcontent in Sieur de Monts and others of the fettlement. It would be very difficult to afcertain the character of this region without fpending a winter in it ; for, on arriving here in fummer, every thing is very agreeable, in confequence of the woods, fine country, and the many varieties of good fiffi which are found there. There are fix months of winter in this country. The favages who dwell here are few in number. During the winter, in the deepeft fnows, they hunt elks and other animals, on which they live moft of the time. And, unlefs the fnow is deep, they fcarcely get rewarded for their pains, fince they cannot capture any thing except by a very great effort, which is the reafon for their enduring and fuffering much. When they do not hunt, they live on a fhell-fifti, called the cockle. They clothe themfelves in winter with good furs of beaver and elk. The women make all the gar- ments, but not fo exadlly but that you can fee the flefti under the arm-pits, becaufe they have not ingenuity enough to fit them better. When they go a hunting, they ufe a kind of fnow-ffioe twice as large as thofe hereabouts, which they attach to the foies of their feet, and walk thus over the fnow with- out finking in, the women and children as well as the men. They fearch for the track of animals, which, having found. 54 Voyages of they follow until they get fight of the creature, when they fhoot at it with their bows, or kill it by means of daggers attached to the end of a fhort pike, which is very eafily done, as the animals cannot walk on the fnow without finking in. Then the women and children come up, eredt a hut, and they give themfelves to feafting. Afterwards, they return in fearch of other animals, and thus they pafs the winter. In the month of March following, fome favages came and gave us a portion of their game in exchange for bread and other things which we gave them. This is the mode of life in winter of thefe people, which feems to me a very miferable one. We looked for our veffels at the end of April ; but, as this paffed without their arriving, all began to have an ill-boding, fearing that fome accident had befallen them. For this rea- fon, on the 15th of May, Sieur de Monts decided to have a barque of fifteen tons and another of feven fitted up, fo that we go at the end of the month of June to Gafpe in quell of veffels in which to return to France, in cafe our own Ihould not meanwhile arrive. But God helped us better than we hoped; for, on the 15th of June enfuing, while on guard about II o clock at night, Pont Grave, captain of one of the veffels of Sieur de Monts, arriving in a fliallop, informed us that his Ihip was anchored fix leagues from our fettlement, and he was welcomed amid the great joy of all. The next day the veffel arrived, and anchored near our habitation. Pont Grave informed us that a veffel from St. Malo, called the St. Ellienne, was following him, bringing us provifions and fupplies. On the 17th of the month, Sieur de Monts decided to go in 55 Sieur de Champlain. in queft of a place better adapted for an abode, and with a better temperature than our own. With this view, he had the barque made ready, in which he had purpofed to go to Gafpe. CHAPTER VII. Discovery of the Coast of the Almouchiquois as far as the Forty- second Degree of Latitude, and Details of this Voyage. N the 1 8th of June, 1605, Sieur de Monts fet out from the Ifland of St. Croix with fome gentlemen, twenty failors, and a favage named Panounias, together with his wife, whom he was unwilling to leave behind. Thefe we took, in order to ferve us as guides to the country of the Almouchi- quois, in the hope of exploring and learning more particu- larly by their aid what the charader of this country was, efpecially fince fhe was a native of it. Coafting along infide of Manan, an ifland three leagues from the main land, we came to the Ranges on the feaward fide, at one of which we anchored, where there was a large number of crows, of which our men captured a great many, and we called it the Ifle aux Corneilles. Thence we went to the Ifland of Monts Deferts, at the entrance of the river Norumbegue, as I have before Hated, and failed five or fix leagues among many iflands. Here there came to us three favages in a canoe from Bedabedec P oint, where their captain was; and, after we had had fome converfation with them, they returned the fame day. On Friday, the ill of July, we fet out from one of the iflands 5 6 Voyages of iflands at the mouth of the river, where there is a very good harbor for veffels of a hundred or a hundred and fifty tons. This day we made fome twenty-five leagues between Beda- bedec Point and many iflands and rocks, which we obferved as far as the river Quinibequy, at the mouth of which is a very hio-h ifland, which we called the Tortoife.^*" Between the latter and the main land there are fome fcattering rocks, which are covered at full tide, although the fea is then feen to break over them.^®* Tortoife Ifland and the river lie fouth- fouth-eaft and north-north-weft. As you enter, there are two medium-fized iflands forming the entrance, one on one fide, the other on the other ; and fome three hundred paces far- ther in are two rocks, where there is no w^ood, but fome little grafs. We anchored three hundred paces from the entrance in Champlain’s Description of the accompanying Map. Quinibequv. The Jigures indicate fathoms of water. A. The courfe of the river. B. Two iflands at the entrance of the river. C Two very dangerous rocks in the river. D. Iflets and rocks along the coaft. E. Shoals where at full tide veflels of flxty tons’ burden may run aground. F. Place where the favages encamp when they come to fifli. G. Sandy Ihoals along the coaft. H. Pond of frefli water. I. Brook where fliallops can enter at half tide. L. Iflands to the number of four juft within the mouth of the river. IJle de la Tortue.^ commonly known as Seguin Ifland, high and rocky, with precipitous fliores. It is nearly equi- diftant from Wood, Pond, and Salter’s Iflands at the mouth of the Kennebec, and about one mile and three quarters from each. The United States light upon it is i8o feet above the level of the fea. It may be feen at the diftance of twenty miles. 108 Ellingwood Rock, Seguin Ledges, and White Ledge. 100 Pond Ifland on the weft, and Stage Ifland on the eaft : the two rocks re- ferred to in the fame fentence are now called the Sugar Loaves. «;6 P^oyages of i(I:u>ds at t’lc u'louth of the ri.-er, -.vhere thi'pe » harl«jr for velTels of a hundred or a huo.or'^d Thi> day we made C>me tweal. lw f |< t i| f i|| i bedcc Point and many iila;;d' in - liW jjj as far as the river Quinibeqiu . P’i ■ high idand, which w'e called lisc latter and the main land thoc r n r nSJfewllii which are covered at full tide. ;d;r . ..y- to break over To» 1 '*;k' ! ^ fouth-eafl; and north-north-weft. ;;t; v ■» , :v- jjiipf. medium-fized ifiands forming th* ■ / j .*> % the other on the other;’®* and k.imc i. Vi>>itw 4 j| th< r in ar?: two rocks, where the n ; grafs. Wt: anchored three hundre* ■ ■ ^ ij Cil.i»r»CAi}»'s T>itsciur-i ■ - s r KfTfe r'vt? ;-=e»tom. dV. A point of lajkd cle*'ired up where to us. O* Ftnir idands. P, Little b*wk drv at iow tide. -•vvg ihe coail. P. Roaolted can anchor while waiting for blto'b fhi* 05 the \viy die lancer, marked ^ i;*** H *nrr a.>j ;« r.*!- , anti a hr^Jf firf?m Prouds ^ - >i '< ’'Vom Stmtpm is bluff Ifland, - i* ifis- the fomherri end of ?he bay, wbiuh iv.Ord Si Ltes maintain a light. E8H himdred ind 6t:v yatvot t^ is ixegro liland. The s 3 iage lilaiui. T)ic . iH.rttr c»f mile weft of the " diUet The neck or foutb weft of the iftands, is ,i, - ' C i i: t»ML, much retorted to on ;ng place in tne fummer. The 4 -> * mouth of the river in Krup. lUand, and that directly north of it is : ..'^x Prt>m the mouth of riie River to ProuPs Neck, marked A' is one of :hes in New England, extending about fix nautical miles. Its fouth- - *.c >cty is known as Ferr}", the northern Scarborough, and midway between !'»h 1 v)rchard Beach, the latter a popular refort in the fummer mouths of . • ^roia diftant parts of the United States and Canada* - It is indigenous to America. Jguajhy their Vine aples, which the ^ : o fqtiafh is oerived from the In- En^lijk from them call Sguajke^^ about * -ntafquajfi or ifqu^terfqua/h. the bignelfc of Apples, of fevcrall col- ' ...:vjer, when their come is fpent, ours, a fweet, light, wholefome refrelh- -;rr»iquafhes is their beft bread, i^’' — Williams^ Key^ 1643, bke the young Pumpion.” — htarraganfett Club ed., p. 125. /• England Profpe^y 1634, Cour^eSy the pumpkin, Cucurhita ed., p. 76. AJkutor maxima^ indigenous to America. As 9 the Sieur de Champlain, 65 and pumpkins,*^ vate/®* and tobacco, which they likewife culti- The Champlain’s Explanation of the accompanying Map. Chouacoit R. The figures indicate fathoms of water* A. The river. B. Place where they have their fortrefs. C, Cabins in the open fields, near which they cultivate the land and plant Indian corn. D. Exten- five trad of land which is fandy, but covered with grafs. E. Another place where they have their dwellings all together after they have planted their corn. f. Marfhes with good pafturage. G. Spring of frefli water. H* A large point of land all cleared up except fome fruit trees and wild vines. /. Little ifland at the entrance of the river. L. Another iflet. M. Two iflands under Ihelter of which vefiels can anchor with good bottom. N* A point of land cleared up where Marchin came to us. O. Four iflands. P. Little brook dry at low tide, gf* Shoals along the coaft. P. Roadfted where veflels can anchor while waiting for the tide. Notes. Of the two iflands in the northern part of the bay, the larger, marked Aff is Stratton Ifland, nearly half a mile long, and a mile and a half from Front’s Neck, which lies north of it. A quarter of a mile from Stratton is Bluff Ifland, a fmall ifland north-weft of it. Of the four iflands at the fouthern end of the bay, the moft eaftern is Wood Ifland, on which the United States maintain a light. The next on the weft, two hundred and fifty yards diftant, is Negro Ifland. The third ftill further weft is Stage Ifland. The fourth, quarter of a mile weft of the laft named, is Baflcet Ifland. The neck or peninfula, fouth-weft of the iflands, is now called the Pool, much reforted to as a watering-place in the fummer. The ifland near the mouth of the river is Ram Ifland, and that dire6tly north of it is Eagle Ifland. From the mouth of the River to Prout’s Neck, marked W, is one of the fineft beaches in New England, extending about fix nautical miles. Its fouth- ern extremity is known as Ferry, the northern Scarborough, and midway between them is Old Orchard Beach, the latter a popular refort in the fummer months of perfons from diftant parts of the United States and Canada. fitroules. It is indigenous to America. Our word fquafli is derived from the In- dian ajkutafqua/h or ifquouterfquajh. “In fummer, when their come is fpent, Tfquouterfquaflies is their beft bread, a fruit like the young Pumpion.” — IVooPs New England ProfpeCl,, 1634, Prince Society ed., p. 76. AJkuta- fquajh,^ their Vine aples, which the Englijh from them call Squa/hes^ about the bigneflfe of Apples, of feverall col- ours, a fweet, light, wholefome refrefli- ing.” — Roger Williams,, Key,, 1643, Narraganfett Club ed., p. 125. Courses, the pumpkin, Cucurbita maxUna^ indigenous to America. As 66 Voyages of The Indian corn which we faw was at that time about two feet high, fome of it as high as three. The beans were beginning to flower, as alfo the pumpkins and fquafhes. They plant their corn in May, and gather it in September. We the pumpkin and likewife the fquafh were vegetables hitherto unknown to Champlain, there was no French word by which he could accurately identify them. The names given to them were fuch as he thought would defcribe them to his countrymen more nearly than any others. Had he been a bota- nifl, he would probably have given them new names. Petum, Tobacco, Nicotiana ruf- iica^ fometimes called wild tobacco. It was a fmaller and more hardy fpecies than the Nicotiana tab^cum^ now culti- vated in warmer climates, but had the fame qualities though inferior in ftrength and aroma. It was found in cultivation by the Indians all along our coaft and in Canada. Cartier obferved it growing in Canada in 1535. Of it he fays: “ There groweth alfo a certain kind of herbe, whereof in Sommer they make a great prouifion for all the yeere, making great account of it, and onely men vfe of it, and firfl they caufe it to be dried in the Sunne, then weare it about their neckes wrapped in a little beafts fkinne made like a little bagge, with a hollow peece of ftone or wood like a pipe ; then when they pleafe they make pon- der of it, and then put it in one of the ends of the faid Cornet or pipe, and lay- ing a cole of fire vpon it, at the other ende fucke fo long, that they fill their bodies full of fmoke, till that it commeth out of their mouth and noftrils, euen as out of the Tonnell of a chimney. They fay that this doth keepe them war me and in health : they neuer goe without fome of it about them. We ourfelues haue tryed the fame fmoke, and hauing put it in our mouthes, it feemed almoft as hot as Pepper.” — Jacques Cartier^ 2 Voyage^ 1535 j Hakluyt^ London, ed. 1810, Vol. III. p. 276. We may here remark that the efcu- lents found in cultivation at Saco, beans, fquafties, pumpkins, and corn, as well as the tobacco, are all American tropical or fubtropical plants, and muft have been tranfmitted from tribe to tribe, from more fouthern climates. The Indian traditions would feem to indicate this. ‘‘ They have a tradition,” fays Roger Williams, “ that the Crow brought them at firfi: an Indian Graine of Come in one Fare, and an Indian or French Beane in another, from the Great God Kau- tantouwit'‘s field in the Southweft from whence they hold came all their Come and Beanes.” — Key to the Language of America, London, 1643, Narraganfett Club ed., p. 144. Seventy years before Champlain, Jacques Cartier had found nearly the fame vegetables cultivated by the In- dians in the Valley of the St. Lawrence. He fays : “ They digge their grounds with certaine peeces of wood, as bigge as halfe a fword, on which ground grow- eth their come, which they call Offici ; it is as bigge as our fmall peafon. . . . They haue alfo great ftore of Mulke- milions, Pompions, Gourds, Cucumbers, Peafon, and Beanes of euery colour, yet differing from ours.” — Hakluyt, Vol. III. p. 276. For a full hiftory of thefe plants, the reader is referred to the Hiflory of Plants, a learned and elabo- rate work now in prefs, by Charles Pickering, M.D.^ of Bofton. Sieur de Champlain. 67 We faw alfo a great many nuts, which are fmall and have feveral divifions. There were as yet none on the trees, but we found plenty under them, from the preceding year. We faw alfo many grape-vines, on which there was a remarkably fine berry, from which we made fome very good verjuice. We had heretofore feen grapes only on the Ifland of Bacchus, diftant nearly two leagues from this river. Their permanent abode, the tillage, and the fine trees led us to conclude that the air here is milder and better than that where we paffed the winter, and at the other places we vifited on the coaft. But I cannot believe that there is not here a confiderable degree of cold, although it is in latitude 43° 45'.*®* The for- efls in the interior are very thin, although abounding in oaks, beeches, afhes, and elms ; in wet places there are many wil- lows. The favages dwell permanently in this place, and have a large cabin furrounded by palifades made of rather large trees placed by the fide of each other, in which they take refuge when their enemies make war upon them.'®^ They cover their cabins with oak bark. This place is very pleaf- ant, and as agreeable as any to be feen. The river is very abundant in fifh, and is bordered by meadows. At the mouth there is a fmall ifland adapted for the conftrudtion of a good fortrefs, where one could be in fecurity. On Sunday,’® the 12th of the month, we fet out from the river The latitude of Wood Ifland at the mouth of the river, which Champlain the mouth of the Saco, where they were fpeaks of as a fuitable location for a for- at anchor, is 43° 27' 23". trefs, is Ram Ifland, and is low and The fite of this Indian fortification rocky, and about a hundred and fifty was a rocky bluff on the weftern fide of yards in length. the river, now owned by Mr. John For Sunday read Tuefday . — Vide Ward, where from time to time Indian Shurtleff's Calendar. relics have been found. The ifland at 68 Voyages of river Chouacoet. After coafting along fome fix or feven leagues, a contrary wind arofe, which obliged us to anchor and go afhore,*®^ where we faw two meadows, each a league in length and half a league in breadth. We faw there two ravages, whom at firfl; we took to be the great birds called buftards, to be found in this country ; who, as foon as they caught fight of us, took flight into the woods, and were not feen again. From Chouacoet to this place, where we faw fome little birds, which fing like blackbirds, and are black excepting the ends of the wings, which are orange-colored,’® there is a large number of grape-vines and nut-trees. This coafl: is fandy, for the mofl; part, all the way from Quinibe- quy. This day we returned two or three leagues towards Chouacoet, as far as a cape which we called Ifland Harbor,’® favorable for veffels of a hundred tons, about which are three iflands. Heading north-eaft a quarter north, one can enter another harbor’®^ near this place, to which there is no ap- proach, although there are iflands, except the one where you enter. At the entrance there are fome dangerous reefs. There are in thefe iflands fo many red currants that one fees for the mofl; part nothing elfe,’^ and an infinite number of This landing was probably near xhis harbor is Goofe Fair Bay, Wells Neck, and the meadows which from one to two miles north-eaft of Cape they faw were the fait marfties of Wells. Porpoife, in the middle of which are 1 *® The Red-wing Blackbird, Age- two large ledges, “ the dangerous reefs ” IcBus phcEfiiceus^ of luftrous black, with to which Champlain refers, the bend of the wing red. They are xhis was the common red currant ftill abundant in the fame locality, and of the gardens, Ribes rubrum^ which is indeed acrofs the whole continent to the a native of America. The fetid currant, Pacific Ocean. — Vide Cones' s Key^ Bof- Ribes projlratum^ is also indigenous to J^72, p. 156; Baird's Report^ this country. It has a pale red fruit, Wamington, 1858, Part II. p. 526. which gives forth a very difagreeable Le Port aux IJles. This Ifland odor. JofTelyn refers to the currant Harbor is the prefent Cape Porpoife both in his Voyages and in his Rarities. Harbor. ^ Tuckerman Sieur de Champlain. 69 of pigeons, of which we took a great quantity. This Illand Harbor'*® is in latitude 43° 25'. On the 15th of the month we made twelve leagues. Coaft- ing along, we perceived a fmoke on the fhore, which we approached as near as poffible, but faw no favage, which led us to believe that they had fled. The fun fet, and we could find no harbor for that night, fince the coaft was flat and fandy. Keeping off, and heading fouth, in order to find an anchorage, after proceeding about two leagues, we obferved a cape'*' on the main land fouth a quarter fouth-eafl: of us, fome fix leagues diftant. Two leagues to the call we faw three or four rather high iflands,'*^ and on the weft a large bay. The coaft of this bay, reaching as far as the cape, extends inland from where we were perhaps four leagues. It has a breadth of two leagues from north to fouth, and three at its entrance.'*® Not obferving any place favorable for putting Tuckerman found it growing wild in the White Mountains. The paffenger pigeon, EClopiJies mi^raioriuSf formerly numerous in New England. Commonly known as the wild pigeon. Wood fays they fly in flocks of millions of millions. — JVew England ProfpeCl, 1634, Prince Society ed., p. 31. Champlain’s latitude is lefs in- accurate than ufual. It is not poflible to determine the exa6l point at which he took it. But the latitude of Cape Porpoife, according to the Coaft Survey Charts, is 43° 21' 43". Cape Anne. The point at which Champlain firft faw Cape Anne, and the “ ifles aflez hautes,” the Ifles of Shoals, was eaft of Little Boar’s Head, and three miles from the fliore. Nine years afterward. Captain John Smith vifited thefe iflands, and de- nominated them on his map of New England Smith’s Ifles. They began at a very early date to be called the Ifles of Shoals. “Smith’s Ifles are a heape together, none neere them, againft Accominticus.” — SmitEs Defcrtption of New England. Rouge’s map, 1778, has Ifles of Shoals, ou des Ecoles, For a full defcription and hiftorv of thefe iflands, the reader is referred to “ The Ifles of Shoals,” by John S. Jennefs, New York, 1875. Champlain has not been felicitous in his defcription of this bay. He prob- ably means to fay that from the point where he then was, off Little Boar’s Head, to the point where it extends fartheft into the land, or to the weft, it appeared to be about twelve miles, and that the depth of the bay appeared to be fix miles, and eight at the point of greateft depth. As he did not explore 70 Voyages of we refolved to go to the cape above mentioned with fliort fail, which occupied a portion of the night. Approach- ing to where there were fixteen fathoms of water, we anchored until daybreak. On the next day we went to the above-mentioned cape, where there are three iflands^® near the main land, full of wood of different kinds, as at Chouacoet and all along the coaft ; and ftill another flat one, where there are breakers, and which extends a little farther out to fea than the others, on which there is no wood at all. We named this place Ifland Cape,*^ near which we faw a canoe containing five or fix ravages, who came out near our barque, and then went back and danced on the beach. Sieur de Monts fent me on the bay, it is obvious that he intended to fpeak of it only as meafured by the eye. No name has been affigned to this expanfe of water on our maps. It wafhes the coaft of Hampton, Salifbury, Newburyport, Ipfwich, and Annifquam. It might well be called Merrimac Bay, after the name of the important river that empties its waters into it, midway between its northern and fouthern ex- tremities. It is to be obferved that, ftarting from Cape Porpoife Harbor on the morn- ing of the 15th of July, they failed twelve leagues before the fail of the night com- menced. This would bring them, allow- ing for the fmuofities of the fhore, to a point between Little Boar’s Head and the Ifles of Shoals. In this diftance, they had pafted the fandy ftiores of Wells Beach and York Beach in Maine, and Fofs’s Beach and Rye Beach in New Hampftiire, and ftill faw the white fands of Hampton and Salifbury Beaches ftretching far into the bay on their right The excellent harbor of Portfmouth, fliore land-locked by numerous iflands, had been pafted unobferved. A fail of eighteen nautical miles brought them to their anchorage at the extreme point of Cape Anne. Straitfmouth, Thatcher, and Milk Iftand. They were named by Captain John Smith the Three Turks’ Heads,” in memory of the three Turks’ heads cut off by him at the fiege of Caniza, by which he acquired from Sigifmundus, prince of Tranfylvania, their effigies in his fhield for his arms. — The true Trav- els^ Adventures, and Obfervations of Captaine John Smith, London, 1629. 146 What Champlain here calls “le Cap aux Iftes,” Iftand Cape, is Cape Anne, called Cape Tragabigzanda by Captain John Smith, the name of his miftrefs, to whom he was given when a prifoner among the Turks. The name was changed by Prince Charles, after- ward Charles I., to Cape Anne, in honor of his mother, who was Anne of Den- mark. — Vide D^cription of New Eng- land by Capt. John Smith, London, 1616. 71 Sieur de Champlain. {hore to obferve them, and to give each one of them a knife and fome bifcuit, which caufed them to dance again better than before. This over, I made them underftand, as well as I could, that I defired them to fhow me the courfe of the Ihore. After I had drawn with a crayon the bay,“'^ and the Ifland Cape, where we were, with the fame crayon they drew the outline of another bay,^^® which they reprefented as very large ; here they placed fix pebbles at equal diftances apart, giving me to underftand by this that thefe figns reprefented as many chiefs and tribes.^^ Then they drew within the firft mentioned bay a river which we had paffed, which has fhoals and is very long.*®* We found in this place a great many vines, the green grapes on which were a little larger than peas, alfo many nut-trees, the nuts on which were no larger than mufket-balls. The favages told us that all thofe inhab- iting this country cultivated the land and fowed feeds like the others, whom we had before feen. The latitude of this place is 43° and fome minutes.*®* Sailing half a league far- ther. This was the bay weft of a line drawn from Little Boar’s Head to Cape Anne, which may well be called Merri- mac Bay. 1^8 MalTachufetts Bay. It is interefting to obferve the agreement of the lign-writing of this favage on the point of Cape Anne with the ftatement of the hiftorian Gookin, who in 1656 was fuperintendent of In- dian affairs in Maffachufetts, and who wrote in 1674. He fays : “Their chief fachem held dominion over many other petty governours ; as thofe of Weecha- galkas, Neponfitt, Punkapaog, Nonan- tam, Naftiaway, and fome of the Nip- muck people, as far as Pokomtacuke, as the old men of Maffachufetts af- firmed.” Here we have the fix tribes, reprefented by the pebbles, recorded feventy years later as a tradition handed down by the old men of the tribe. Champlain remarks further on, “ I ob- ferved in the bay all that the favages had defcribed to me at Ifland Cape.” This was the Merrimac with its fhoals at the mouth, which they had paffed without obferving, having failed from the offing near Little Boar’s Head diredlly to the head of Cape Anne, dur- ing the darknefs of the previous night. The latitude of the Straitfmouth Ifland Light on the extreme point of Cape Anne is 42° 39' 43". A little eaft of it, where they probably anchored, there are now fixteen fathoms of water. 72 Voyages of ther, we obferved feveral favages on a rocky point^®^ who ran along the ftiore, dancing as they went, to their companions to inform them of our coming. After pointing out to us the diredtion of their abode, they made a fignal with fmoke to fhow us the place of their fettlement. We anchored near a little ifland,^® and fent our canoe with knives and cakes for the favages. From the large number of thofe we faw, we concluded that thefe places were better inhabited than the others we had feen. After a day of fome two hours for the fake of obferving thefe people, whofe canoes are made of birch bark, like thofe of the Canadians, Souriquois, and Etechemins, we weighed anchor and fet fail with a promife of fine weather. Continu- ing our courfe to the weft-fouth-weft, we faw numerous iflands on one fide and the other. Having failed feven or eight leagues, we anchored near an ifland,^®^ whence we ob- ferved many fmokes along the fhore, and many favages run- ning up to fee us. Sieur de Monts fent two or three men in a canoe to them, to whom he gave fome knives and pater- nofters to prefent to them ; with which they were greatly pleafed, and danced feveral times in acknowledgment. We could not afcertain the name of their chief, as we did not know their language. All along the fhore there is a great deal Emmerfon’s Point, forming the eaftern extremity of Cape Anne, twenty or twenty-five feet high, fringed with a wall of bare rocks on the fea. Thatcher’s Ifland, near the point juft mentioned. It is nearly half a mile long and three hundred and fifty yards wide, and about fifty feet high. It is not poffible to determine with abfolute certainty the place of this an- chorage. But as Champlain defcribes, at the end of this chapter, what muft have been Charles River coming from the country of the Iroquois or the weft, moft likely as feen from his anchorage, there can be little doubt that he an- chored in Bofton Harbor, near the weftern limit of Noddle’s Ifland, now known as Eaft Bofton. 73 Sieur de Champlain. deal of land cleared up and planted with Indian corn. The country is very pleafant and agreeable, and there is no lack of fine trees. The canoes of thofe who live there are made of a fingle piece, and are very liable to turn over if one is not Ikilful in managing them. We had not before feen any of this kind. They are made in the following manner. After cutting down, at a coft of much labor and time, the largefl and talleft tree they can find, by means of ftone hatchets (for they have no others except fome few which they received from the favages on the coafts The fifhermen and fur-traders had vifited thefe coafts from a very early period. — Vide antea^ note i8. From them they obtained the axe, a moft im- portant implement in their rude mode of life, and it was occafionally found in ufe among tribes far in the interior. La Cadie. Careleflhefs or indifference in regard to the orthography of names was general in the time of Champlain. The volumes written in the vain attempt to fettle the proper method of fpelling the name of Shakefpeare, are the fruit of this indifference. La Cadie did not efcape this treatment. Champlain writes it Arcadie, Accadie, La Cadie, Acadie, and L’ Acadie ; while Lefcarbot uni- formly, as far as we have obferved, La Cadie. We have alfo feen it written L’ Arcadie and L^ Accadie, and in fome, if not in all the preceding forms, with a Latin termination in ia. It is deemed important to fecure uniformity, and to follow the French form in the tranfla- tion of a French work rather than the Latin. In this work, it is rendered La Cadie in all cafes except in quotations. The hiftory of the name favors this form rather than any other. The commiflion or charter given to De Monts by Henry IV. in 1603, a ftate paper or legal docu- of La Cadie,*® who obtained them ment, drawn, we may fuppofe, with more than ufual care, has La Cadie, and re- peats it four times without variation. It is a name of Indian origin, as may be inferred by its appearing in compo- fition in fuch words as PalTamacadie, Subenacadie, and Tracadie, plainly de- rived from the language fpoken by the Souriquois and Etechemins. Fifty-five years before it was introduced into De Monts’s commiflion, it appeared writ- ten Larcadia in Gaftaldo’s map of “Terra Nova del Bacalaos,” in the Italian tranflation of Ptolemy’s Geogra- phy, by Pietro Andrea Mattiolo, printed at Venice in 1548. The colophon bears date 06 lober, 1 547. This rare work is in the pofleflion of Henry C. Murphy, LL.D., to whom we are indebted for a very beautiful copy of the map. It appeared again in 1561 on the map of Rufcelli, which was borrowed, as well as the whole map, from the above work. — Vide Rufcelli' s map in Dr. KohPs Docu 7 nentary Hijlory of Maine, Maine Hift. Soc., Portland, 1869, p. 233. On this map, Larcadia ftands on the coaft of Maine, in the midft of the vaft territory included in De Monts’s grant, between the degrees of forty and forty-fix north latitude. It will be obferved, if we take 10 74 Voyages of them in exchange for furs), they remove the bark, and round off the tree except on one fide, where they apply fire gradu- ally along its entire length ; and fometimes they put red-hot pebble-ftones on top. When the fire is too fierce, they extin- guifh it with a little water, not entirely, but fo that the edge of the boat may not be burnt. It being hollowed out as much as they wifh, they fcrape it all over with ftones, which they ufe inftead of knives. Thefe ftones refemble our mulket flints. On the next day, the 17th of the month, we weighed anchor to go to a cape we had feen the day before, which feemed to lie on our fouth fouth-weft. This day we were able to make only five leagues, and we pafled by fome iflands covered with wood. I obferved in the bay all that the favages had defcribed to me at Ifland Cape. As we con- tinued our courfe, large numbers came to us in canoes from the iflands and main land. We anchored a league from a cape, which we named St. Louis, where we noticed fmoke in take away the Latin termination, that the pronunciation of this word as it firft appeared in 1547, would not differ in fomid from La Cadie. It feems, there- fore, very clear that the name of the territory ftretching along the coaft of Maine, we know not how far north or fouth, as it was caught from the lips of the natives at fome time anterior 1547, was beft reprefented by La Cadie, as pronounced by the French. Whether De Monts had obtained the name of his American domain from thofe who had recently vifited the coaft and had caught its found from the natives, or whether he had taken it from this ancient map, we muft remain uninformed. Several writers have ventured to interpret the word, and give us its original meaning. The following definitions have been offered: i. The land of dogs; 2. Our village; 3. The fifh called pollock; 4* Place; 5. Abundance. We do not undertake to decide between the dif- agreeing dodfors. But it is obvious to remark that a rich field lies open ready for a noble harveft for any young fcholar who has a genius for philology, and who is prepared to make a life work of the ftudy and elucidation of the original languages of North Amer- ica. The laurels in this field are ftill to be gathered. The iflands in Bofton Bajr. This attempt to land was in Marth- field near the mouth of South River. Not 75 Sieur de Champlain. in feveral places. While in the a6l of going there, our barque grounded on a rock, where we were in great danger, for, if we had not fpeedily got it off, it would have overturned in the fea, fince the tide was falling all around, and there were five or fix fathoms of water. But God preferved us, and we anchored near the above-named cape, when there come to us fifteen or fixteen canoes of favages. In fome of them there were fifteen or fixteen, who began to manifeft great figns of joy, and made various harangues, which we could not in the leaft. underfland. Sieur de Monts fent three or four men on fhore in our canoe, not only to get water, but to fee their chief, whofe name was Honabetha. The latter had a num- ber of knives and other trifles, which Sieur de Monts gave him, when he came alongfide to fee us, together with fome of his companions, who were prefent both along the fhore and in their canoes. We received the chief very cordially, and made him welcome ; who, after remaining fome time, went back. Thofe whom we had fent to them brought us fome little fquafhes as big as the fift, which we ate as a falad, like cucumbers, and which we found very good. They brought alfo fome purflane,^®® which grows in large quantities among the Indian corn, and of which they make no more account than of weeds. We faw here a great many little houfes, fcattered over the fields where they plant their Indian corn. There Not fucceeding, they failed forward a corn in New England, and is regarded league, and anchored at Brant Point, with no more intereft now than in 1605. which they named the Cape of St. It is a tropical plant, and was intro- Louis. duced by the Indians probably by acci- 168 This purflane, Portulaca oleracea, dent with the feeds of tobacco or other ftill grows vigoroufly among the Indian plants. 76 Voyages of There is, moreover, in this bay a very broad river, which we named River du Guaft/® It ftretches, as it feemed to me, towards the Iroquois, a nation in open warfare with the Montagnais, who live on the great river St. Lawrence. CHAPTER VIII. Continuation of the Discoveries along the Coast of the Almou- CHIQUOIS, AND WHAT WE OBSERVED IN DETAIL. HE next day we doubled Cap St. Louis, fo named by Sieur de Monts, a land rather low, and in latitude 42° 45'.*®^ The fame day we failed two leagues along a fandy coaft, as we pafled along which we faw a great many cabins and gardens. The wind being contrary, we entered a little bay have reprefented to him that it was fmall, winding in its courfe, and that it came from the fouth. We infer, there- fore, that he not only faw it himfelf, but probably from the deck of the little French barque, as it was riding at anchor in our harbor near Eaft Bolton, where Charles River, augmented by the tide, flows into the harbor from the well, in a ftrong, broad, deep current. They named it in honor of Pierre du Guall, Sieur de Monts, the commander of this expedition. Champlain writes the name “ du Gas ; ’’ De Laet has “ de Gua ; ” while Charlevoix writes “du Guaft.” This latter orthography generally prevails. It will be obferved that, after doub- ling this cape, they failed two leagues, and then entered Plymouth Harbor, and confequently this cape mull have been what is now known as Brant Point. The latitude is 42® s'. Here at the end of the chapter Champlain feems to be reminded that he had omitted to mention the river of which he had learned, and had probably feen in the bay. This was Charles River. From the weftern flde of Nod- dle’s Illand, or Fall Boflon, where they were probably at anchor, it appeared at its confluence with the Myftic River to come from the welt, or the country of the Iroquois. By reference to Cham- plain’s large map of 1612, this river will be clearly identified as Charles River, in connexion with Bofton Bay and its nu- merous iflands. On that map it is rep- refented as a long river flowing from the weft. This defcription of the river by Champlain was probably from per- fonal obfervation. Had he obtained his information from the Indians, they would not have told him that it was broad or that it came from the weft, for fuch are not the fadls ; but they would 77 Sieur de Champlam. bay to await a time favorable for proceeding. There came to us two or three canoes, which had juft been fifhing for cod and other fifh, which are found there in large numbers. Thefe they catch with hooks made of a piece of wood, to which they attach a bone in the ftiape of a fpear, and fallen it very fecurely. The whole has a fang-fhape, and the line attached to it is made out of the bark of a tree. They gave me one of their hooks, which I took as a curiofity. In it the bone was faftened on by hemp, like that in France, as it feemed to me, and they told me that they gathered this plant without being obliged to cultivate it; and indicated that it grew to the height of four or five feet.‘®^ This canoe went back on fliore to give notice to their fellow inhabitants, who caufed columns of fmoke to arife on our account. We faw eighteen or twenty favages, who came to the fhore and began to dance. Our canoe landed in order to give them fome bagatelles, at which they were greatly pleafed. Some of them came to us and begged us to go to their river. We weighed anchor to do fo, but were unable to enter on account of the Imall amount of water, it being low tide, and were accordingly obliged to anchor at the mouth. I went aftiore, where I faw many others, who received us very cordially. I made alfo an examination of the river, but faw only an arm of water extending a fhort diftance inland, where the land is only This was plainly our Indian hemp, Academy^ Vol. I. p. 424. It is the Afchpias incarnata, “The fibres of Swamp Milkweed of Gray, and grows in the bark are ftrong, and capable of being wet grounds. One variety is common wrought into a fine foft thread ; but it in New England. The Pilgrims found is very difficult to feparate the bark from at Pl^outh “ an excellent ftrong kind the ftalk. It is faid to have been ufed of Flaxe and Hempe.” — Vide Mourt's by the Indians for bow-ftrings.’* — Vide Relation^ Dexter’s ed., p. 62. Cutler in Memoirs of the American 78 Voyages of only in part cleared up. Running into this is merely a brook not deep enough for boats except at full tide. The circuit of the bay is about a league. On one fide of the entrance to this bay there is a point which is almoft an ifland, covered with wood, principally pines, and adjoins fand-banks, which are very extenfive. On the other fide, the land is high. There are two iflets in this bay, which are not feen until one has entered, and around which it is almoft entirely dry at low tide. ^ This place is very conspicuous from the fea, for the coafl: is very low, excepting the cape at the entrance to the bay. We named it the Port du Cap St. Louis,*®® diftant two Champlain’s Explanation of the accompanying Map. Port St. Louis. The figures indicate fathoms of water. A. Indicates the place where veflels lie. B. The channel. C. Two iilands > D. Sandy downs.“ E. Shoals. F. Cabins where the favages till the ground. G. Place where we beached our barque. H. Land having the appearance of an ifland, covered with wood and adjoining the fandy downs.* /. A hio-h prom- ontory which may be feen four or five leagues at fea.< bv ChJmniain now the fole reprefentative of the two figured fwent o^of ®'‘her united the two, or ^ower ” who^w^.: “^^^i^fter Clark, the mafter’s mate of the “May fro^C^Lno when the party of Pilgrims, fent out niffht^f^thp landed on this ifland, \nd pafied the Sh Ed n Morton’s Memorial, j 66 g, Ply- tat^^n d^ 87^ Thic^H Chronicles, p. i6o ; Bradford’s His. Plym.Plam PWuth delineation removes all doubt as to the mifling ifland in SaS n mcorrednefs of the theory as to its being St’s Refat’ion^^^n Chronicles, p. 64. Fid, also Head whkh Saquifli Neck. (3) Saquifli Sare rift S^rvlv rT ^®"J°«ewhat changed fmce the time of ChampLn. compare Coaft Survey Chart of Plymouth Harbor, 1857. (4) Manomet Bluff. Q^p From the drawing of this Harbor left by Cham- plain, the map in his edition of 1613, and alfo that of the edition of 1632, it is 78 Voyages of | • o?-h' in part cii-ared up. Running into this k not dvcp enough ff>r boats except at full tldt-. TW of thi hay is about a league. On one fide to this bay there is a point which is almoll an with wood, principally pines, and adjoins are very extenfive. On the other hd**. the fcuji There are two iflets in this bay, whic h .jrc i,v.4 has entered, and around which it is aisne A entirer^ tide. This place is very conspicuous fn*!', tiie coaft is veiy low, excepting the cay>e .u iTv ■ bay. We named it the Port du Cap vs j ' Champlain s Explanation of init Port .St, Lor-ii. ^ ;ir indie •tzd Jutkamt id • A, Indicates the place where vefTels lie. B. riic -^po II D. Samivd^>wns« K, Shoals. F. Cabins wh^c - O. Pi.'icc: where we l>eachcd mr barque. //. an rewered w-?h wood and adjoining the fa^civ ri >v.i3:5 - l omory whu^. n'.ay be iecn four or five leagues at foa " - - Clark's IflaiHi is now the ibic > by Champlain m 1605. The action of the b *. : >' 1 wept one of them away. It was named after Clark Flower, who was the firtt to ftep on fhore, when - i from Cape Cod Harbor to felea a habitation, iari;:- -*> ra ^ night of the 9th of Decemlrer, O.S. 1620. i /y- : - .i- mwith Ed. 1826. p. 35 : Young's Chronicles, p ' bdicn. p- 8/. ihis delineation removes all doL* -j: ^vd!0^v^, f,rho- »na ihows the incorreaneis rU i t ; *#' M*^' **" ., 7' »n a aote in Young's - ^-d.. note 197. "2} %A: i / V , . Somt what changed ■ '^•’*5^' i h,trt OT Flymouti, Harbor. 1.H5 .. ^ }\ h 4 ^ drawing oi ‘^v ' ^ ijiuis. From the *niR >iarl)or left by Cham- plain, the wjtp and alfo that I 4 J :v K\ 79 Sieur de Champlain, two leagues from the above cape, and ten from the Ifland Cape. It is in about the fame latitude as Cap St. Louis. On the 19th of the month, we fet out from this place. Coafting along in a foutherly direftion, we failed four or five leagues, and palTed near a rock on a level with the furface of the water. As we continued our courfe, we faw fome land which feemed to us to be iflands, but as we came nearer we found it to be the main land, lying to the north-north-weft of us, and that it was the cape of a large bay,^®* containing more than eighteen or nineteen leagues in circuit, into which we had run fo far that we had to wear off on the other tack in order to double the cape which we had feen. The latter we named Cap Blanc, fince it contained fands and downs which is plain that the “Port du Cap St. Louis ” is Plymouth Harbor, where anchored the “ Mayflower ’’ a little more than fifteen years later than this, freighted with the firft permanent Eng- lifh colony eftabliflied in New England, commonly known as the Pilgrims. The Indian name af the harbor, according to Captain John Smith, who vifited it in 1614, was Accomack. He gave it, by dire6lion of Prince Charles, the name of Plymouth. More recent in- veftigations point to this harbor as the one vifited by Martin Pring in 1603. — Vide Paper by the Rev, Benj. F. De Cojla,^ before the New England His. Gen. Society,^ Nov. 7, 1877, New Eng- land His. and Gen. Regifter, Vol. XXXII. p. 79. The interview of the French with the natives was brief, but courteous and friendly on both fides. The Eng- lifli vifits were interrupted by more or lefs hoftility. “ When Pring was about ready to leave, the Indians became hof- tile and fet the woods on fire, and he faw it burn Hor a mile fpace.*’’ — De Cojla. A fkirmifh of fome ferioufnefs occurred with Smith’s party. “After much kindnefle vpon a fmall occafion, wee fought alfo with fortie or fiftie of thofe : though fome were hurt, and fome flaine, yet within an hour after they became friends.” — Smith's New Eng- land,, Bofton, ed. 1865, p. 45. Cape Cod Bay. They named it “ le Cap Blanc,” the White Cape, from its white appear- ance, while Bartholomew Gofnold, three years before, had named it Cape Cod from the multitude of codfifli near its fliores. Captain John Smith called it Cape James. All the early navigators who pafled along our Atlantic coaft feem to have feen the headland of Cape Cod. It is well defined on Juan de la Cofa’s map of 1 500, although no name is given to it. On Ribero’s map of 1529 it is called C. de arenas. On the map of Nic. Vallard de Dieppe of 1543, it is called C. de Croix, 8o Voyages of which had a white appearance. A favorable wind was of great affiftance to us here, for otherwife we fliould have been in danger of being driven upon the coaft. This bay is very fafe, provided the land be not approached nearer than a good league, there being no iflands nor rocks except that juft mentioned, which is near a river that extends fome diftance inland, which we named St. Suzanne du Cap Blanc,*®® whence acrofs to Cap St. Louis the diftance is ten leagues. Cap Blanc is a point of fand, which bends around towards the fouth fome fix leagues. This coaft is rather high, and con- fifts of fand, which is very confpicuous as one comes from the fea. At a diftance of fome fifteen or eighteen leagues from land, the depth of the water is thirty, forty, and fifty fathoms, but only ten on nearing the fliore, which is unob- ftrudted. There is a large extent of open country along the fliore before reaching the woods, which are very attradfive and beautiful. We anchored off the coaft, and faw fome favages, towards whom four of our company proceeded. Making their way upon a fand-bank, they obferved fomething like a bay, and cabins bordering it on all fides. When they were about a league and a half from us, there came to them a favage dancing all over, as they expreffed it. He had come down 166 Wellfleet Harbor. It may be ob- leagues. Now, as the diftance acrofs ferved that a little farther back Cham- to Brant Point, or Cap St. Louis, from plain fays that, having failed along in a Wellfleet Harbor, is ten leagues, and as foutherly diredtion four or five leagues. Cap Blanc or Cape Cod is north-north- they were at a place where there was a weft of it, it is plain that Wellfleet Har- “ rock on a level with the furface of the bor or Herring River, which flows into water,” and that they faw lying north- it, was the river which they named St. north-weft of them Cap Blanc, that is, Suzanne du Cap Blanc, and that the Cape Cod ; he now fays that the ^‘rock” “rock on a level with the water” was is near a river, which they named St. one of the feveral to be found near the Suzanne du Cap Blanc, and that from entrance of Wellfleet Bay. It may have it to Cap St. Louis the diftance is ten been the noted Bay Rock or Blue Rock. Sieur de ChciMplain. 8i down from the high fhore, but turned about fhortly after to inform his fellow inhabitants of our arrival. The next day, the 20th of the month, we went to the place which our men had feen, and which we found a very danger- ous harbor in confequence of the fhoals and banks, where we faw breakers in all diredlions. It was almoft low tide when we entered, and there were only four feet of water in the northern paffage ; at high tide, there are two fathoms. After we had entered, we found the place very fpacious, being per- haps three or four leagues in circuit, entirely furrounded by little houfes, around each one of which there was as much land as the occupant needed for his fupport. A fmall river enters here, which is very pretty, and in which at low tide there are fome three and a half feet of water. There are alfo two or three brooks bordered by meadows. It would be a very fine place, if the harbor were good. I took the altitude, and found the latitude 42°, and the defledion of the magnetic needle 18° 40'. Many favages, men and women, vifited us, and ran up on all fides dancing. We named this place Port de Mallebarre.^®’^ The next day, the 21ft of the month, Sieur de Monts determined to go and fee their habitation. Nine or ten of us accompanied him with our arms; the reft remained to guard the barque. We went about a league along the coaft. Before reaching their cabins, we entered a field planted with Indian Port de Mallebarre^ Naufet Har- fouth, and this has apparently changed bor, in latitude 41° 48'. By comparing its interior channel, and the whole form Champlain’s map of the harbor, it will of the bay. The name itfelf has drifted be feen that important changes have away with the fands, and feebly clings taken place fince 1605. The entrance to the extremity of Monomoy Point at has receded a mile or more towards the the heel of the Cape. 82 Voyages of Indian corn in the manner before defcribed. The corn was in flower, and five and a half feet high. There was fome lefs advanced, which they plant later. We faw many Brazilian beans, and many fquaflies of various fizes, very good for eat- ing ; fome tobacco, and roots which they cultivate, the latter having the tafle of an artichoke. The woods are filled with oaks, nut-trees, and beautiful cyprefles,^®® which are of a red- difli color and have a very pleafant odor. There were alfo feveral fields entirely uncultivated, the land being allowed to remain Champlain’s Explanation of the accompanying Map. Mallbbarrb. The figures indicate fathoms of water, A. The two entrances to the harbor. B, Sandy downs where the favages killed a failor belonging to the barque of Sieur de Monts. C Places in the har- bor where the barque of Sieur de Monts was. D, Spring on the fhore of the har- bor. E. A river flowing into the harbor. F. A brook. G, A fmall river where quantities of fifli are caught. H. Sandy downs with low fhrubs and many vines. /. Ifland at the point of the downs. L, Houfes and dwelling-places of the fav- ages that till the land. M . Shoals and fand-banks at the entrance and infide of the harbor. O, Sandy downs. P, Sea-coaft. q. Barque of Sieur de Poutrin- court, when he vifited the place two years after Sieur de Monts. R, Landing of the party of Sieur de Poutrincourt. Notes. A comparifon of this map with the Coafl: Survey Charts will Ihow very great changes in this harbor fince the days of Champlain. Not only has the mouth of the bay receded towards the fouth, but this receflion appears to have left entirely dry much of the area which was flooded in 1605. Under refer- ence q, on the above map, it is intimated that De Poutrincourt’s vifit was two years Jiter that of De Monts. It was more than one, and was the fecond year after, but not, ftridly fpeaking, “ two years after.’' 168 N’ot flridfly a juniper, the Savin, perus Virginiafta^ cyprefs, but rather a or red cedar, Juni- a tree of exclufively American origin ; could not be truly name then known and confequently it charadlerized by any to Champlain. 82 Voyages of JncHarr corn in the manner befote " *n lunver, and five and a half feet bi^- ^wJvanced. which they plant later. W - brans, and niany fquathes of varii^i* a -■■■ ine : Ibme tobacco, and roots which ib hawing the tafte of an artichoke, j oaks, nut-trees, and beautiful ' dilh color and have a very plcafa » ■ feveral fields entirely uncultivac ? Ch.\mplain’s Explanation op rr-;. Mallssamas. Tke JiguTfi indicaU - A The two entrances to the harbor. kilhMi a iailor belonging to the barque of Sh ui bur wl»ere the barque of- Si eur de Moms wa4. ^ ^ bor. £. A river flowing into the harbor. / A ^ of fifli are caught. H, Sandy ~ ^ /. Tlhui^i at the point of the downs. L. age^ that HSI the land. AT, Shoals and ?: ♦nc O. Sandy downs. P. Sea-coaft r. Vtn n he vidted the place two years a;l^• th* d Sleur de Poutrincourt. Nrrrvw- A cotnparlfon of this map with v«T' * i.hanges in this harbor fiuce th j:? tr . r .►< the bay receded towards th^ 4 .. ;«:a irukely dr>* much of the area which v-. - tnt^T y. -ft the above map, it is intimated d.At tif De Monts. It was uiuii dncHy fpeaking, “two years after . H ryprefs, bat rather a " f* or red cedar, yum- : a tree of oxclurjvely W P 4cs';^=--V^-:;v:.;:?-i:v ^ . 3. ' -H— ^ sa-r' -^i-; . • -• •o^.-»oo.i^ ^.300.|^p* goo Sieur de Champlain. 83 remain fallow. When they with to plant it, they fet fire to the weeds, and then work it over with their wooden fpades. Their cabins are round, and covered with heavy thatch made of reeds. In the roof there is an opening of about a foot and a half, whence the fmoke from the fire paffes out. We afked them if they had their permanent abode in this place, and whether there was much fnow. But we were unable to afcer- tain this fully from them, not underftanding their language, although they made an attempt to inform us by figns, by taking fome fand in their hands, fpreading it out over the ground, and indicating that it was of the color of our collars, and that it reached the depth of a foot. Others made figns that there was lefs, and gave us to underftand alfo that the harbor never froze ; but we were unable to afcertain whether the fnow lafted long. I conclude, however, that this region is of moderate temperature, and the winter not fevere. While we were there, there was a north-eafl ftorm, which lafted four days; the fky being fo overcafl that the fun hardly fhone at all. It was very cold, and we were obliged to put on our great-coats, which we had entirely left off. Yet I think the cold was accidental, as it is often experienced elfe- where out of feafon. On the 23d of July, four or five feamen having gone on fhore with fome kettles to get frefli water, w'hich was to be found in one of the fand-banks a fhort diftance from our barque, fome of the favages, coveting them, watched the time when our men went to the fpring, and then feized one out of the hands of a failor, who was the firfl to dip, and who had no weapons. One of his companions, ftarting to run after him, foon returned, as he could not catch him, fince he ran much 84 Voyages of much fafter than himfelf. The other favages, of whom there were a large number, feeing our failors running to our barque, and at the fame time fhouting to us to fire at them, took to flight. At the time there were fome of them in our barque, who threw themfelves into the fea, only one of whom we were able to feize. Thofe on the land who had taken to flight, feeing them fwimming, returned ftraight to the failor from whom they had taken away the kettle, hurled fev- eral arrows at him from behind, and brought him down. Seeing this, they ran at once to him, and defpatched him with their knives. Meanwhile, hafte was made to go on fhore, and mufkets were fired from our barque : mine, burft- ing in my hands, came near killing me. The favages, hearing this difcharge of fire-arms, took to flight, and with redoubled fpeed when they faw that we had landed, for they were afraid when they faw us running after them. There was no likeli- hood of our catching .them, for they are as fwift as horfes. We brought in the murdered man, and he was buried fome hours later. Meanwhile, we kept the prifoner bound by the feet and hands on board of our barque, fearing that he might efcape. But Sieur de Monts refolved to let him go, being perfuaded that he was not to blame, and that he had no pre- vious knowledge of what had tranfpired, as alfo thofe who, at the time, were in and about our barque. Some hours later there came fome favages to us, to excufe themfelves, indi- cating by figns and demonftrations that it was not they who had committed this malicious a(5l, but others farther off in the interior. We did not wifh to harm them, although it was in our power to avenge ourfelves. All thefe favages from the Ifland Cape wear neither robes Sieur de Champlain. 85 nor furs, except very rarely : moreover, their robes are made of graffes and hemp, fcarcely covering the body, and coming down only to their thighs. They have only the fexual parts concealed with a fmall piece of leather; fo likewife the women, with whom it comes down a little lower behind than with the men, all the reft of the body being naked. When- ever the women came to fee us, they wore robes which were open in front. The men cut off the hair on the top of the head like thofe at the river Chouacoet. I faw, among other things, a girl with her hair very neatly dreffed, with a fkin colored red, and bordered on the upper part with little shell- beads. A part of her hair hung down behind, the reft being braided in various ways. Thefe people paint the face red, black, and yellow. They have fcarcely any beard, and tear it out as faft as it grows. Their bodies are well-propor- tioned. I cannot tell what government they have, but I think that in this refpe<5l they refemble their neighbors, who have none at all. They know not how to worfhip or pray ; yet, like the other favages, they have fome fuperftitions, which I fhall defcribe in their place. As for weapons, they have only pikes, clubs, bows and arrows. It would feem from their appearance that they have a good difpofition, better than thofe of the north, but they are all in fa6t of no great worth. Even a flight intercourfe with them gives you at once a knowledge of them. They are great thieves and, if they cannot lay hold of any thing with their hands, they try to do fo with their feet, as we have oftentimes learned by experience. I am of opinion that, if they had any thing to exchange with us, they would not give themfelves to thiev- ing. They bartered away to us their bows, arrows, and quiv- ers. 86 Voyages of ers, for pins and buttons ; and if they had had any thing elfe better they would have done the fame with it. It is neceffary to be on one’s guard againfl this people, and live in a date of diftruft of them, yet without letting them perceive it. They gave us a large quantity of tobacco, which they dry and then reduce to powder.^®* When they eat Indian corn, they boil it in earthen pots, which they make in a way dif- ferent from ours.^™ They bray it alfo in wooden mortars and reduce it to flour, of which they then make cakes, like the Indians of Peru. In this place and along the whole coaft from Quinibequy, there are a great many Jiguenocsg which is a fifh with a The method of preparing tobacco here for fmoking was probably not dif- ferent from that of the Indian tribes in Canada. Among the Huron antiquities in the Mufeum at the Univerfity Laval are pipes which were found already filled with tobacco, fo prepared as to refemble our fine-cut tobacco. — Vide Laverdilre in loco. The following defcription of the Indian potterv, and the method of its manufacture by their women, as quoted by Laverdi^re from Sagard’s Hiftory of Canada, who wrote in 1636, will be in- terefting to the antiquary, and will illuf- trate what Champlain means by “ a way different from ours : ” — “They are fkilful in making good earthen pots, which they harden very well on the hearth, and which are fo ftrong that they do not, like our own, break over the fire when having no water in them. But they cannot fuftain dampnefs nor cold water fo long as our own, fince they become brittle and break at the leafl: fhock given them ; otherwife they laft very well. The favages make them by taking fome earth of the right fliell kind, which they clean and knead well in their hands, mixing with it, on what principle I know not, a fmall quantity of greafe. Then making the mafs into the fhape of a ball, they make an inden- tation in the middle of it with the fill, which they make continually larger by ftriking repeatedly on the outfide with a little wooden paddle as much as is nec- elTary to complete it. Thefe veffels are of different fizes, without feet or han- dles, completely round like a ball, ex- cepting the mouth, which proiefts a little.” ^ This cruflacean, Limulus poly- pheinus, is Hill feen on the ftrands of New England. They are found in great abundance in more fouthern waters : on the fhores of Long Ifland and New Jer- fey, they are colleCled in boat-loads and made ufeful for fertilizing purpofes. Champlain has left a drawing of it on his large map. It is vulgarly known as the king-crab, or horfe-foot; to the latter it bears a ftriking fimilarity. This very accurate defcription of Champlain was copied by De Laet into his elabo- rate work “Nows Orbis,” publifhed in Sieur de Champlain. 87 Ihell on its back like the tortoife, yet different, there being in the middle a row of little prickles, of the color of a dead leaf, like the reft of the fifh. At the end of this fhell, there is another ftill fmaller, bordered by very fharp points. The length of the tail varies according to their fize. With the end of it, thefe people point their arrows, and it contains alfo a row of prickles like the large fhell in which are the eyes. There are eight fmall feet like thofe of the crab, and two behind longer and flatter, which they ufe in fwimming. There are alfo in front two other very fmall ones with which they eat. When walking, all the feet are concealed except- ing the two hindermoft. which are flightly vifible. U nder the fmall fhell there are membranes which fwell up, and beat like the throat of a frog, and reft upon each other like the folds of a waiftcoat. The largeft fpecimen of this fifh that I faw was a foot broad, and a foot and a half long. We faw alfo a fea-bird with a black beak, the upper part flightly aquiline, four inches long and in the form of a lancet ; namely, the lower part reprefenting the handle and the upper the blade, which is thin, fharp on both fides, and fhorter by a in 1633, accompanied by an excellent exceedingly long ; they fly in clofe flocks, wood-engraving. This Ipecies is pecu- moving flmultaneoufly. They feem to liar to our Atlantic waters, and naturally feed as they Ikim low over the water, at that time attra6led the attention of the under-mandible grazing or cutting Europeans, who had not feen it before, the furface, and thus taking in their The Black Skimmer or Cut- water, food. — Vide Cones' s Key to North Rhynchops nigra. It appears to be dif- American Birds^ Bofton, 1872, p. 324. tin6l from, but clofely related to, the Whether Champlain faw this bird as Terns. This bird is here defcribed with a ‘‘ ftray ’’ on the fhores of Cape Cod, or general accuracy. According to Dr. whether it has fince ceafed to come in Coues, it belongs more particularly to the large numbers as far north as formerly. South Atlantic and Gulf States, where offers an interefling inquiry for the orni- it is very abundant ; it is frequent in the thologifts. Specimens may be feen in Middle States, and only occafionally the Mufeum of the Bofton Society of feen in New England. The wings are Natural Hiftory. . 88 Voyages of a third than the other, which circumftance is a matter of aftonifhment to many perfons, who cannot comprehend how it is poffible for this bird to eat with fuch a beak. It is of the fize of a pigeon, the wings being very long in proportion to the body, the tail fhort, as alfo the legs, which are red ; the feet being fmall and flat. The plumage on the upper part is gray-brown, and on the under part pure white. They go always in flocks along the fea-fhore, like the pigeons with us. The ravages, along all thefe coafts where we have been, fay that other birds, which are very large, come along when their corn is ripe. They imitated for us their cry, which refembles that of the turkey. They fhowed us their feathers in feveral places, with which they feather their arrows, and which they put on their heads for decoration ; and alfo a kind of hair which they have under the throat like thofe we have in France, and they fay that a red crefl; falls over upon the beak. According to their defcription, they are as large as a buftard, which is a kind of goofe, having the neck longer and twice as large as thofe with us. All thefe indications led us to conclude that they were turkeys.'^® We fhould have been very Champlain was clearly corre6l in tides. Such as love Turkie hunting, his conclufion. The wild Turkey, Me- moft follow it in winter after a new-falne leagris gallopavo, was not uncommon Snow, when hee may followe them by in New England at that period. Wood their tradls ; fome haue killed ten or a and Joflelyn and Higginfon, all fpeak of dozen in half a day ; if they can be it fully : — ^ found towards an evening and watched “Of thefe, fometimes there will be where they peirch, if one come about ten forty, threefcore and a hundred of a or eleven of the clock, he may flioote as flocke ; fometimes inore, and fometimes often as he will, they will fit, unleffe leffe ; their feeding is Acornes, Hawes, they be flenderly wounded. Thefe Tur- and Berries ; fome of them get a haunt kies remaine all the yeare long, the price to frequent our Englifh come: In win- of a good Turkey cocke is foure fhillings ; ter, when the fnow covers the ground, and he is well worth it, for he may be they refort to the Sea fhore to look for in weight forty pound ; a Hen, two Shrimps, and fuch fmal Filhes at low Ihillings.’* — Wood^s New England Profpefli Sieur de Champlain. 89 very glad to fee fome of thefe birds, as well as their feathers, for the fake of greater certainty. Before feeing their feathers, and the little bunch of hair which they have under the throat, and hearing their cry imitated, I flaould have thought that they were certain birds like turkeys, which are found in fome places in Peru, along the fea-fhore, eating carrion and other dead things like crows. But thefe are not fo large ; nor do they have fo long a bill, or a cry like that of real turkeys ; nor are they good to eat like thofe which the Indians fay come in flocks in fummer, and at the beginning of winter go away to warmer countries, their natural dwelling-place. CHAPTER IX. ProfpePl., 1634, Prince Society ed., Bof- ton, p. 32. <‘The Turkic^ who is blacker than ours ; I haue heard feveral credible per- fbns affirm, they haue feen Turkic Cocks that have weighed forty, yea fixty pound ; but out of my perfonal experimental knowledge I can affure you, that I haue eaten my ffiare of a Turkic Cock., that when he was pull’d and garbidg’d, weighed thirty [9] pound ; and I haue alfo feen threefcore broods of young Turkics on the fide of a marfh, funning themfelves in a morning betimes, but this was thirty years fince, the Englijh and the Indians having now deflroyed the breed, fo that ’tis very rare to meet with a wild Turkic in the Woods ; But fome of the Engli/h bring up great flore of the wild kind, which remain about their Houfes as tame as ours in Eng- land?'* — New England"* s Rarities., by John Joffelyn, Gent, London, 1672, Tuckerman’s ed., pp. 41, 42. “Here are likewife abundance of Turkies often killed in the Woods, farre greater then our Englifh Turkies, and exceeding fat, fweet, and flefhy, for here they haue aboundance of feeding all the yeere long, as Strawberriees, in Summer at places are full of them and all manner of Berries and Fruits.” — New England Plantation., by Francis Higginfon, London, 1630. Vide alfo Bradford's Hijl. Plym. Plantation., 1646, Deane’s ed., Bofton, 1856, p. 105. It appears to be the opinion among recent ornithologifts that the fpecies of turkey, thus early found in New Eng- land, was the Meleagris A mericana^ long fince extirpated, and not identical with our domefticated bird. Our domeflic turkey is fuppofed to have originated in the Weft Indies or in Mexico, and to have been tranfplanted as tamed to other parts of this continent, and to Europe, and named by Linnaeus Me- leagris gallopavo. — Vide Report on the Zo 'ology of Pacific Railroad Routes., by Baird, Wafhington, 1858, Vol. IX. Part II. pp. 613-618; Cones'* s Key, Bofton, 1872, pp. 231, 232. 12 90 Voyages of CHAPTEjR IX. Return from the Discoveries along the Coast of the Almouchiquois. E had fpent more than five weeks in going over three degrees of latitude, and our voyage was limited to fix, fince we had not taken provifions for a longer time. In confequence of fogs and ftorms, we had not been able to go farther than Mallebarre, where we waited feveral days for fair weather, in order to fail. Finding ourfelves accordingly preffed by the fcantinefs of provifions, Sieur de Monts determined to return to the Ifland of St. Croix, in order to find another place more favorable for our fettlement, as we had not been able to do on any of the coafls which we had explored on this voyage. Accordingly, on the 25th of July, we fet out from this harbor, ih order to make obfervations elfewhere. In going out, we came near being loft on the bar at the entrance, from the miftake of our pilots, Cramolet and Champdore, matters of the barque, who had imperfedlly marked out the entrance of the channel on the fouthern fide, where we were to go. Having efcaped this danger, we headed north-eaft for fix leagues, until we reached Cap Blanc, failing on from there to Champlain is in error as to the Anne, and about i6' eaft of the weftern longitude of Mallebarre, or Naufet har- point of Cap Blanc, or Cape Cod ; and, bor, from which they took their depart- to reach their defti nation, they muft ure on the 25th of July, 1605. This port have failed north-weft, and not north- is about 38' eaft of Ifland Cape, or Cape eaft, as he erroneoufly ftates. 91 Sieur de Champlain. to Ifland Cape, a diftance of fifteen leagues, with the fame wind. Then we headed eaft-north-eaft fixteen leagues, as far as Chouacoet, where we faw the favage chief, Marchin,*^® whom we had expedled to fee at the Lake Quinibequy. He had the reputation of being one of the valiant ones of his people. He had a fine appearance : all his motions were dig- nified, favage as he was. Sieur de Monts gave him many prefents, with which he was greatly pleafed ; and, in return, Marchin gave him a young Etechemin boy, whom he had captured in war, and whom we took away with us ; and thus we fet out, mutually good friends. We headed north-eaft a quarter eaft for fifteen leagues, as far as Quinibequy, where we arrived on the 29th of the month, and where we were expedling to find a favage, named Safinou, of whom I fpoke before. Thinking that he would come, we waited fome time for him, in order to recover from him an Eteche- min young man and girl, whom he was holding as prifoners. While waiting, there came to us a captain called Anaffou, who trafficked a little in furs, and with whom we made an alliance. He told us that there was a fhip, ten leagues off the harbor, which was engaged in fifliing, and that thofe on her had killed five favages of this river, under cover of friend- fiiip. From his defcription of the men on the veffel, we concluded that they were Englifh, and we named the ifland where they were La Nef ; for, at a diftance, it had the They had failed to meet him at the lake in the Kennebec ; namely, Merrymeeting B^y.— Vtde antea, p. 60. The ifland which they thus named La Nefy the Ship, was Monhegan, appearance about twenty-five nautical miles eaft from the mouth of the Kennebec, a mile and a third long, with an elevation at its higheft point of a hundred and forty feet above the level of the fea, and in latitude 43° 45' 52". Cham- plain’s 92 Voyages of appearance of a ship. Finding that the above-mentioned plain’s conje6lure as to the nationality of the fhip was corre6l. It was the “ Archangel,” commanded by the cele- brated explorer, Captain George Wey- mouth, who under the patronage of the Earl of Southampton came to explofe our Atlantic coaft in the fpring of 1605, for the purpofe of feledling a fite for an Englifh colony. He anchored neaf Monhegan on the 28th of May, N. S. ; and, after fpending nearly a month in reconnoitring the iflands and mainland in the vicinity, and capturing five of the natives, he took his departure for Eng- land on the 26th of June. On the 5th of July, juft 9 days after Weymouth left the coaft, De Monts and Cham- plain entered with their little barque the mouth of the Kennebec. They do not appear to have feen at that time any of the natives at or about the mouth of the river ; and it is not unlikely that, on account of the feizure and, as they fup- pofed, the murder of their comrades by Weymouth, they had retired farther up the river for greater fafety. On the return, however, of the French from Cape Cod, on the 29th of July, Anaflbu gave them, as Hated in the text, a friendly reception, and related the ftory of the feizure of his friends. To prevent the interference of other nations, it was the policy of Weymouth and his patron not to difclofe the local- ity of the region he had explored ; and confequently Rofier, the narrator of the voyage, fo fkilfully withheld whatever might clearly identify the place, and couched his defcriptions in fuch indefi- nite language, that there has been and is now a great diverfity of opinion on the fubje< 5 l among local hiftorians. It was the opinion of the Rev. Thomas Prince that Weymouth explored the Kennebec, or Sagadahoc, and with him coincide Mr. John McKeen and the Safinou Rev. Dr. Ballard, of Brunfwick. The Rev. Dr. Belknap, after fatisfadlory examinations, decided that it was the Penobfcot ; and he is followed by Mr. William Willis, late Prefident of the Maine Hiftorical Society. Mr. George Prince, of Bath, has publiftied an elabo- rate paper to prove that it was St. George’s River ; and Mr. David Culh- man, of Warren, coincides in this view. Other writers, not entering into the difcuflion at length, accept one or an- other of the theories above mentioned. It does not fall within the purview of our prefent purpofe to enter upon the difcuflion of this fubjedl. But the ftatement in the text, not referred to by any of the above-mentioned writers, “ that thofe on her had killed five fava- ges of this riverf que ceux de dedans auoient tuS cinq fauuages d'icelle riu- iere, can hardly fail to have weight in the decifion of this interefting queftion. The chief Anaflbu reported that they were “ killed,” a natural inference under the circUmftances ; but in fadl they were carefully concealed in the hold of the ftiip, and three of them, having been tranfported to England and introduced into his family, imparted much impor- tant information to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, whofe diftinguifhed career was afterward fo intimately connedled with the progrefs of American colonization. For the difcuflion touching the river explored by Weymouth, vide P rinds Annals^ 1736, in loco; Belknafis Amer- ican Biogrciphy^ 1794, Vol. II., art. Weymouth ; Re 7 narks on the Voyage of George Waymouth^ by John McKeen, Col. Me. His. Society, Vol. V. p. 309? Comments on WaymoutRs Voyage, by William Willis, idem, p. 344 ; Voyage of Captain George Weymouth, by George Prince, Col. Me. His. Soc., Vol. VI. p. 293 ; WeymoutRs Voya^, Sieur de Champlain. 93 Safmou did not come, we headed eaft-fouth-eaft,"®* for twenty leagues, to Ifle Haute, where we anchored for the night. On the next day, the ift of Auguft, we failed eaft fome twenty leagues to Cap Corneille,”^ where we fpent the night. On the 2d of the month, we failed north-eaft feven leagues to the mouth of the river St. Croix, on the weflern fhore. Having anchored between the two firft iflands,”* Sieur de Monts embarked in a canoe, at a diftance of fix leagues from the fettlement of St. Croix, where we arrived the next day with our barque. We found there Sieur des Antons of St. Malo, who had come in one of the veffels of Sieur de Monts, to bring provifions and alfo other fupplies for thofe who were to winter in this country. CHAPTER X. by David Cufhman, idem.^ p. 309 ; George Weymouth and the Kennebec., by the Rev. Edward Ballard, D.D., Memorial Volume of the Popham Cele- bration, Portland, 1863, p. 301. 176 i-n lYe headed eajl fouth-eajl. It is poffible that, on leaving the mouth of the Kennebec, they failed for a fhort diftance to the fouth-eaft ; but the gen- eral courfe was to the north-eaft. Cap Corneille, or Crow Cape, was apparently the point of land advancing out between Machias and Little Ma- chias Bays, including perhaps Crofs Ifland. De Monts and his party prob- ably anchored and paffed the night in Machias Bay. The pofition of Cap Corneille may be fatisfa6lorily fixed by its diftance and dire6lion from the Grand Manan, as feen on Champlain’s map of 1612, to which the reader is referred. This anchorage was between Cam- pobello and Moofe Ifland, on which is fituated the town of Eaftport. 94 Voyages of CHAPTER X. The Dwelling-Place on the Island of St. Croix transferred to Port Royal, and the Reason why. lEUR DE MONTS determined to change his location, and make another fettlement, in order to avoid the fevere cold and the bad winter which we had had in the Ifland of St. Croix. As we had not, up to that time, found any fuitable harbor, and, in view of the fhort time we had for building houfes in which to eftablifli ourfelves, we fitted out two barques, and loaded them with the frame-work taken from the houfes of St. Croix, in order to tranfport it to Port Royal, twenty-five leagues diftant, where we thought the cli- mate was much more temperate and agreeable. Pont Grave and I fet out for that place ; and, having arrived, we looked for a fite favorable for our refidence, under flielter from the north-weft wind, which we dreaded, having been very much haraffed by it. After fearching carefully in all diredlions, we found no place more fuitable and better fituated than one (lightly elevated, about which there are fome marflies and good fprings of water. This place is oppofite the ifland at the mouth of the river Equille.^^^ To the north of us about a y® In the original, Champlain has written the name of this river in this particular inftance Guille, probably an abbreviation for Anguille, the French name of the fifli which we call the eel. Lefcarbot fays the “river was named LEquille becaufe the firft fifh taken therein was an Squille, — Vide antea, note 57. 95 Sieur de Champlain. a league, there is a range of mountains/*® extending nearly ten leagues in a north-eaft and fbuth-weft diredlion. The whole country is filled with thick forefts, as I mentioned above, except at a point a league and a half up the river, where there are forne oaks, although fcattering, and many wild vines, which one could eafily remove and put the foil under cultivation, notwithftanding it is light and fandy. We had almofl: refolved to build there; but the confideration that we fliould have been too far up the harbor and river led us to change our mind. Recognizing accordingly the fite of our habitation as a good one, we began to clear up the ground, which was full of trees, and to eredl houfes as foon as poflible. Each one was bufy in this work. After every thing had been arranged, and the majority of the dwellings built, Sieur de Monts determined to return to France, in order to petition his Majefty to grant him all that might be neceffary for his undertaking. He had defired to leave Sieur d’Orville to command in this place in his abfence. But the climatic malady, mal de la terre, with which he was afflidled would not allow him to gratify the with of Sieur de Monts. On this account, a conference was held with Pont Grave on the fub- je6l, to whom this charge was offered, which he was happy to accept ; and he finifhed what little of the habitation remained to be built. I, at the fame time, hoping to have an oppor- tunity to make fome new explorations towards Florida, determined to flay there alfo, of which Sieur de Monts ap- proved. CHAPTER XI. The elevation of this range varies from fix hundred to feven hundred feet. 96 Voyages of CHAPTER XL What took Place after the Departure of Sieur de Monts until NO Tidings of what he had promised being received, we departed FROM Port Royal to return to France. S foon as Sieur de Monts had departed, a portion of the forty or forty-five who remained began to make gardens. I, alfo, for the fake of occu- pying my time^ made one, which was furround- ed with ditches full of water, in which I placed fome fine^ trout, and into which flowed three brooks of very fine running water, from which the greater part of our fettle- ment was fupplied. I made alfo a little fluice-way towards the^ fhore, in order to draw off the water when I wifhed. This fpot was entirely furrounded by meadows, where I con- ftrudled a fummer-houfe, wdth fome fine trees, as a refort for enjoying the frefli air, I made there, alfo, a little refervoir for holding falt-water fifli, which we took out as we wanted them. I took efpecial pleafure in it, and planted there fome feeds which turned out well. But much work had to be laid out in preparation. We reforted often to this place as a paftime ; and it feemed as if the little birds round about took pleafure in it, for they gathered there in large numbers, warbling and chirping fo pleafantly that I think I never heard the like. The plan of the fettlement was ten fathoms long and eight wide, making the diftance round thirty-fix. On the eaftern fide is a ftore-houfe, occupying the width of it, and a very fine ! ! i 97 the northern fi& handfomely ffnilTied, of the workmen, a platform, whgre four can- . t!w corner, towards the eaft, ariorm, y\: p b Sieur de Champlain. 1 1 5 dance again. This they did in a circle, putting all their arms in the middle. But they had hardly commenced, when they oMerved Sieur de Poutrincourt in the wood with eight muflceteers, which frightened them. Yet they did not flop until they had finifhed their dance, when they withdrew in all diredlions, fearing left fome unpleafant turn might be ferved them. We faid nothing to them, however, and fliowed them only demonftrations of gladnefs. Then we returned to launch our ftiallop, and take our departure. They entreated us to wait a day, faying that more than two thoufand of them would come to fee us. But, unable to lofe any time, we were unwilling to flay here longer. I am of opinion that their objedl was to furprife us. Some of the land was already cleared up, and they were conftantly making clearings. Their mode of doing it is as follows : after cutting down the trees at the diftance of three feet from the ground, they burn the branches upon the trunk, and then plant their corn between thefe ftumps, in courfe of time tearing up alfo the roots. There are likewife fine meadows here, capable of fupporting a large number of cattle. This harbor is very fine, contain- ing water enough for veflels, and affording a fhelter from the weather behind the iflands. It is in latitude 43“, and we gave it the name of Le Beauport.^®® The laft day of September we fet out from Beauport, and, pafling Cap St. Louis, flood on our courfe all night for Cap Blanc.^ In the morning, an hour before daylight, we Le Beauport. The latitude of Ten- 207 j-g^der may be reminded that Pound Ifland, near where the French Cap St. Louis is Brant Point; Cap barque was anchored in the Harbor of Blanc is Cape Cod ; and Baye Blanche Gloucefter, is 42° 5". is Cape Cod Bay. ii6 Voyages of we found ourfelves to the leeward of Cap Blanc, in Baye Blanche, with eight feet of water, and at a diftance of a league from the fhore. Here we anchored, in order not to approach too near before daylight, and to fee how the tide was. Meanwhile, we fent our fhallop to make foundings. Only eight feet of water were found, fo that it was neceffary to determine before daylight what we would do. The water fank as low as five feet, and our barque fometimes touched on the fand, yet without any injury, for the water was calm, and we had not lefs than three feet of water under us. Then the tide began to rife, which gave us encouragement. When it was day, we faw a very low, fandy fliore, off which we were, and more to the leeward. A fhallop was fent to make foundings in the diredlion of land fomewhat high, where we thought there would be deep water ; and, in faff, we found feven fathoms. Here we anchored, and at once got ready the ftial- lop, with nine or ten men to land and examine a place where we thought there was a good harbor to flielter ourfelves in, if the wind fliould increafe. An examination having been made, we entered in two, three, and four fathoms of water. When we were infide, we found five and fix. There were many very good oyfters here, which we had not feen before, and we named the place Port aux Huiftres.^®* It is in lati- tude Le Port aux Hui/lres, Oyfter the inattention of their pilot, or all thefe Harbor. The reader will obferve, by together, they had paffed to the leeward looking back a few fentences in the nar- of the point aimed at, and before morn- rative, that the French coafters, after ing found themfelves near a harbor, leaving Cap St. Louis, that is, Brant which they fubfequently entered, in Point, had aimed to double Cape Cod, Cape Cod Bay. It is plain that this and had direfled their courfe, as they port, which they named Oyfter Harbor, fuppofed, to accomplifh this purpofe. was either that of Wellfleet or Barn- Owing, however, to the ftrength of the ftable. The former, it will be remem- wind, or the darknefs of the night, or bered, Champlain, with De Monts, entered Sietir de Champlain. 1 1 7 tude 42®. Three canoes of favages came out to us. On this day, the wind coming round in our favor, we weighed anchor to go to Cap Blanc, diftant from here five leagues north a quarter north-eaft, and we doubled the cape. On the next day, the 2d of Odober, we arrived off Malle- barre,^ where we flayed fome time on account of the bad weather. During this time, Sieur de Poutrincourt, with the fhallop, accompanied by twelve or fifteen men, vifited the harbor, where fome hundred entered the preceding year, 1605, and named it, or the river that flows into it, St. Suzanne du Cap Blanc. — Vide antea., note 166. It is obvious that Champlain could not have entered this harbor the fecond time without rec- ognizing it ; and, if he had done fo, he would not have given to ft a name en- tirely different from that which he had given it the year before. He was too careful an obferver to fall into fuch an extraordinary miflake. We may con- clude, therefore, that the port in queftion was not Wellfleet, but Barnftable. This conclufion is fuftained by the conditions mentioned in the text. They entered, on a flood-tide, in twelve, eighteen, and twenty-four feet of water, and found thirty or thirty-fix when they had paffed into the harbor. It could hardlvbe ex- pelled that any harbor among the fhift- ing fands of Cape Cod would remain precifely the fame, as to depth of water, after the lapfe of two hundred and fifty years. Neverthelefs, the difcrepancy is fo flight in this cafe, that it would feem to be accidental, rather than to arife from the folidity or fixednefs of the harbor-bed. The channel of Barnftable Harbor, according to the Coaft Survey Charts, varies in depth at low tide, for two miles outfide of Sandy Neck Point, from feven to ten feet for the firft mile, and fifty favages, finging and dancing and for the next mile from ten feet to thirty-two on reaching Beach Point, which may be confidered the entrance of the bay. On pafllng the Point, we have thirty-fix and a half feet, and for a mile inward the depth varies from twelve to twenty feet. Add a few feet for the rife of the tide on which they entered, and the depth of the water in 1606 could not have been very different from that of to-day. The “ low fandy coaft ” which they faw is well reprefented by Spring Hill Beach and Sandy Neck ; the “ land fomewhat high,’’ by the range of hills in the rear of Barnftable Harbor. The diftance from the mouth of the harbor to Wood End light, the neareft point on Cape Cod, does not vary more than a league, and its difedlion is about that mentioned by Champlain. The differ- ence in latitude is not greater than ufual. It is never fufficiently exa6l for the identification of any locality. The fubftantial agreement, in fo many partic- ulars with the narrative of the author, renders it quite clear that the Port aux Huijtres was Barnftable Harbor. They entered it on the morning of the ift of 06lober, and appear to have left on the fame day. Sandy Neck^ light, at the entrance of the harbor, is in latitude 41® 43' 19". 209 Naufet Harbor. 1 1 8 Voyages of dancing according to their cuftom, appeared before him. After feeing this place, we returned to our veffel, and, the wind coming favorable, failed along the coaft towards the fouth. CHAPTER XIV. Continuation of the above Discoveries, and what was observed OF Particular Importance. HEN we were fome fix leagues from Mallebarre, we anchored near the coaft, the wind not being fair, along which we obferved columns of fmoke made by the favages, which led us to determine to go to them, for which purpofe the fhallop was made ready. But when near the coaft, which is fandy, we could not land, for the fwell was too great. Seeing this, the favages launched a canoe, and came out to us, eight or nine of them, finging and making figns of their joy at feeing us, and they indicated to us that lower down there was a harbor where we could put our barque in a place of fecurity. Unable to land, the fhallop came back to the barque; and the favages, whom we had treated civilly, returned to the fhore. On the next day, the wind being favorable, we continued our courfe to the north five leagues, and hardly had we gone this diftance, when we found three and four fathoms of water at a diftance of a league and a half from the fhore. On going a little farther, the depth fuddenly diminifhed to a fathom and a half and two fathoms, which alarmed us, fince we Clearly a mi flake. Champlain here whereas, the whole context fhows that fays they “ continued their courfe north,” they mufl have gone fouth. Sieur de Champlain. 1 1 9 we faw the fea breaking all around, but no paffage by which we could retrace our courfe, for the wind was diredly con- trary. Accordingly being fhut in among the breakers and fand- banks, we had to go at hap-hazard where there feemed to be the moft water for our barque, which was at moft only four feet: we continued among thefe breakers until we found as much as four feet and a half. Finally, we fucceeded, by the grace of God, in going over a fandy point running out nearly three leagues feaward to the fouth-fouth-eaft, and a very dan- gerous place.^“ Doubling this cape, which we named Cap Batturier,^^ which is twelve or thirteen leagues from Malle- barre,^’® we anchored in two and a half fathoms of water, fince we faw ourfelves furrounded on all fides by breakers and fhoals, except in fome places where the fea was breaking but 211 «The fandy point running out nearly three leagues ” was evidently the ifland of Monomoy, or its reprefentative, which at that time may have been only a continuation of the main land. Cham- plain does not delineate on his map an ifland, but a fand-bank nearly in the fliape of an ifofceles triangle, which ex- tends far to the fouth-eaft. Very great changes have undoubtedly taken place on this part of the coaft fince the vifit of Champlain. The fand-bar figured by him has apparently been fwept from the fouth-eaft round to the fouth-weft, and is perhaps not very much changed in its general features except as to its pofition. “ We know from our ftudies of fuch flioals,” fays Prof. Mitchell, Chief of Phyfical Hydrography, U. S. Coaft Survey, “ that the relative order of banks and beaches remains about the fame, however the fyftem as a whole may change its location.’* — Mafs. Harbor Commijfioners* Report., 1873, P- 99* 212 Batturier. This word is an ad- je<5live, formed with the proper termina- tion from the noun, batture., which means a bank upon which the fea beats, reef or fand-bank. Cap Batturier may there- fore be rendered fand-bank cape, or the cape of the fand-banks. Batturier does not appear in the di6lionaries, and was doubtlefs coined by Champlain himfelf, as he makes, farther on, the adje6live truitilre., in the expreflion la rivilre truiti^re., from the noun, truite. 218 The diftances here given appear to be greatly overftated. From Naufet to the fouthern point of Monomoy, as it is to-day, the diftance is not more than fix leagues. But, as the fea was rough, and they were apparently much delayed, the diftance might naturally enough be overeftimated. 120 Voyages of but little. The ftiallop was fent to find a channel, in order to go to a place, which we concluded to be that which the favages had indicated. We alfo thought there was a river there, where we could lie in fecurity. When our ftiallop arrived there, our party landed and examined the place, and, returning with a favage whom they brought off, they told us that we could enter at full tide, which was refolved upon. We immediately weighed anchor, and, under the guidance of the favage who piloted us, pro- ceeded to anchor at a roadftead before the harbor, in fix fathoms of water and a good bottom ; for we could not enter, as the night overtook us. On the next day, men were fent to fet flakes at the end of a fand-bank at the mouth of the harbor, when, the tide rifing, we entered in two fathoms of water. When we had arrived, we praifed God for being in a place of fafety. Our rudder had broken, which we had mended with ropes ; but we were afraid that, amid thefe fhallows and flrong tides, it would break anew, and we fhould be loft. Within this har- bor there is only a fathom of water, and two at full tide. On the eaft, there is a bay extending back on the north fome three leagues,**'^ in which there is an iftand and two other The anchorage was in Chatham Roads, or Old Stage Harbor. 215 Harding’s Beach Point. 215 They were now in Stage Harbor, in Chatham, to which Champlain, farther on, gives the name of Port FortunL 21^ This is the narrow bay that ftretches from Morris Ifland to the north, parallel with the fea, feparated from it only by a fand-bank, and now reaching beyond Chatham into the town of Orleans. By comparing Champlain’s map of Port Fortune with modern charts, it will be feen that the “ bay extending back on the north fome three leagues ” terminated, in i6o6, a little below Chat- ham Old Harbor. The ifland on Cham- plain’s map marked G. was a little above the harbor, but has been entirely fwept away, together with the neck north of it, reprefented on Champlain’s map as covered with trees. The bay now ex- tends, I 2 I Sieur de Champlain. other little bays which adorn the landfcape, where there is a confiderable quantity of land cleared up, and many little hills, where they cultivate corn and the various grains on which they live. There are, alfo, very fine vines, many wal- nut-trees, oaks, cypreffes, but only a few pines.^^® All the inhabitants of this place are very fond of agriculture, and provide themfelves with Indian corn for the winter, which they ftore in the following manner : — They make trenches in the fand on the flope of the hills, fome five to fix feet deep, more or lefs. Putting their corn and other grains into large grafs facks, they throw them into thefe trenches, and cover them with fand three or four feet above the furface of the earth, taking it out as their needs require. In this way, it is preferved as well as it would be poffible to do in our granaries.®*® We tends, as we have Hated above, into the town of Orleans. The ifland G, known in modern times as Ram Ifland, difap- peared in 1851, although it ftill continued to figure on Walling’s map of 1858. The two other little bays mentioned in the text fcarcely appear on Champlain’s map ; and he may haVe inadvertently included in this bay the two that are farther north, viz. Crow’s Pond and Pleafant Bay, although they do not fall within the limits of his map. 218 Vide antea., notes 168, 204, 205. 212 Indian corn, Zea mays., is a plant of American origin. Columbus faw it among the natives of the Weft Indies, “ a fort of grain they call Maiz, which was well tafted, bak’d, or dry’d and made into flour.” — Vide Hijlory of the Life and Actions of Chris. Columbus by his Son Ferdinand Columbus., ChurchilVs Voyages, Vol. II. p. 510. It is now cultivated more or lefs extenfively in nearly every part of the world where the climate is fuitable. Champlain is the firft who has left a rec- ord of the method of its cultivation in New England, vide antea, p. 64, and of its prefervation through the winter. The Pilgrims, in 1620, found it depofited by the Indians in the ground after the manner defcribed in the text. Bradford fays they found “ heaps of fand newly padled with their hands, which they, digging up, found in them diverce faire Indean baflkets filled with come, and fome in eares, faire and good, of diverce collours, which feemed to them a very goodly fight, haveing never feen any fuch before.” — His. Plym. Plantation, p. 82. Squanto taught the Englifli how to “fet it, and after how to drefs and tend it.” — Idem, p. 100. “ The women,” fays Roger Williams, “ fet or plant, weede, and hill, and gather and barne all the come and Fruites of 1 2 2 Voyages of We faw in this place feme five to fix hundred favages, all naked Champlain’s Explanation of the accompanying Map. Port Fortune. The figures indicate fathoms of water, A, Pond of fait water.^ B, Cabins of the favages and the lands they cultivate. C. Meadows where there are two little brooks. C. Meadows on the ifland, that are covered at every tide.^ D. Small mountain ranges on the illand, that are cov- ered with trees, vines, and plum-trees.® E, Pond of frelh water, where there is plenty of game.^ F. A kind of meadow on the ifland.® G, An ifland covered with wood in a great arm of the fea.® H. A fort of pond of fait water, where there are many fliell-fifli, and, among others, quantities of oyflers."^ /. Sandy downs on a narrow tongue of land. L, Arm of the fea. M, Roadftead before the harbor where we anchored.® N. Entrance to the harbor. 0 . The harbor and place where our barque was. P, The crofs we planted. Q. Little brook. R. Mountain which is feen at a great diftance.^ S, Sea-fliore. T. Little river. V, Way we went in their country among their dwellings : it is indicated by fmall dots.io X, Banks and flioals. K Small mountain feen in the interior.ii Z. Small brooks. 9. Spot near the crofs where the favages killed our men. ^2 Notes. ^ This is now called Oyfter Pond. 2 xhe letter C appears twice in the index, but both are wanting on the map. The former feems to point to the mea- dows on the upper left-hana corner : the other fliould probably take the place of the O on the weftern part of the ifland above F. ® This range of hills is a marked feature of the ifland. ^ This pond is ftill diftinguifhed for its game, and is lea.fed by gentlemen in Bofton and held as a preferve. ® This is known as Morris Ifland ; but the ftrait on the north of it has been filled up, and the ifland is now a part of the main land. ® This ifland has been entirely obliterated, and the neck on the north has likewife been fwept away, and the bay now extends feveral leagues farther north. The deftru( 5 lion of the ifland was completed in 1851, in the gale that fwept away Minot’s Light. In 1847, it i^3,d an area of thirteen acres and an elevation of twenty feet. — Vide Harbor Com. Report., 1873. ^ This is now called the Mill Pond. ® Chatham Roads, or Old Stage Harbor. ® A moderate elevation, by no means a mountain in our fenfe of the word. The circuit here indicated is about four or five miles. Another path is indicated in the fame manner on the extreme northern end of the map, which fhows that their excur- fions had been extenfive. This is now called the Great Chatham Hill, and is a confpicuous landmark. ^2 xhis is a creek up which the tide fets. The other brook figured on the map a little fouth of the crofs has been artificially filled up, but the marfhes which it drained are ftill to be feen. Thefe landmarks enable us to fix upon the locality of the crofs within a few feet. the field,” and of drying the corn, he adds, “ which they doe carefully upon heapes and Mats many dayes, before they barne it up, covering it up with Mats 123 Sieur de Champlain. naked except their fexual parts, which they cover with a fmall piece of doe or feal-fkin. The women are alfo naked, and, like the men, cover theirs with fkins or leaves. They wear their hair carefully combed and twifted in various ways, both men and women, after the manner of the favages of Chouacoet.^® Their bodies are well-proportioned, and their fkin olive-colored. They adorn themfelves with feathers, beads of fliell, and other gewgaws, which they arrange very neatly Mats at night, and opening when the Sun is hot” The following are teftimonies as to the ufe made by the natives of the In- dian corn as food : — “ They brought with them in a thing like a Bow-cafe, which the principall of them had about his waft, a little of their Come powdered to Powder, which put to a little water they eate.’^ — Mourfs Relation., London, 1622, Dexter’s ed., p. 88. “ Giving vs a kinde of bread called by Maiziuml'* — Idem, p. 10 1. “ They feldome or never make bread of their Indian corne, but feeth it whole like beanes, eating three or four comes with a mouthfull of fifti or flefti, fome- times eating meate firft and comes after, filling chinckes with their broth.” — IVood's New Eng. Prof pell, London, 1634, Prince Society’s ed., pp. 75, 76. “ Nokekich. Parchld meal, which is a readie very wholefome food, which they eate with a little water hot or cold : . . . With a fpoonfull of this meale and a fpoonfull of water from the Brooke, have I made many a good dinner and fupper.” — Roger Williamses Key, Lon- don, 1643, Trumbull’s ed., pp. 39, 40. “Their food is generally boiled maize, or Indian corn, mixed witn kidney beans or fometimes without. . . . Alfo they mix with the faid pottage feveral forts of roots, as Jefufalem artichokes, and ground nuts, and other roots, and pom- pions, and fqualhes, and alfo feveral forts of nuts or mails, as oak-acorns, chefnuts, walnuts : Thefe hulked and dried, and powdeted, they thicken their pottage therewith.” — Hifiorical Collec- tions of the Indians, by Daniel Gookin, 1674, Bolton, 1792, p. 10. The character of the Indian drefs, as here defcribed, does not differ widely from that of a later period. — Vide Mourfs Relation, 1622, Dexter’s ed., p. 135 ; Roger Williamses Key, 1643, Trumbull’s ed., p. 143, et feq . ; Hiftory of New England, by Edward Johnfon, 1654, Poole’s ed., pp. 224, 225. Champlain’s obfervations were made in the autumn before the approach of the winter frofts. Thomas Morton, writing in 1632, fays that the mantle which the women “ ufe to cover their nakednefle with is much longer then that which the men ufe ; for as the men haue one Deeres Ikinn, the women haue two foed to- gether at the full length, and it is fo lardge that it trailes after them, like a great Ladies trane, and in time,” he Iportively adds, “ I thinke they may haue their Pages to beare them up.” — New Eng. Canaan, 1632, in Force’s Tradls, Vol. II. p. 23. 1 24 Voyages of neatly in embroidery work. As weapons, they have bows, arrows, and clubs. They are not fo much great hunters as good filhermen and tillers of the land. In regard to their police, government, and belief, we have been unable to form a judgment ; but I fuppofe that they are not different in this refpedt from our favages, the Souriquois and Canadians, who worfhip neither the moon nor the fun, nor any thing elfe, and pray no more than the beafts.“‘ There are, however, among them fome perfons who, as they fay, are in concert with the devil, in whom they have great faith. They tell them all that is to happen to them, but in fo doing lie for the mofl part. Sometimes they fucceed in hitting the mark very well, and tell them things fimilar to thofe which adtually happen to them. For this reafon, they have faith in them, as if they were prophets; while they are only impoflors who delude them, as the Egyptians and Bohemians do the limple villagers. They have chiefs, whom they obey in matters of war, but not otherwife, and who engage in labor, and hold no higher rank than their companions. Each one has only fo much land as he needs for his fupport. Their dwellings are feparate from each other, according to the land which each one occupies. They are large, of a cir- cular fhape, and covered with thatch made of graffes or the hufks of Indian corn.^ They are furniflied only with a bed 221 This conclufion harmonizes with Winflow was at firft of the fame the opinion of Thomas Morton, who opinion, but afterward faw caufe for fays that the natives of New England changing his mind. — Vide WtnJloTds are fine fide, fine lege, et fine rege,^"‘ and Relation, 1624, in Young’s Chronicles, that they have no worfhip nor religion p. 355. See alfo Roger Williamses Key, _n ^ 1632, in Trumbull’s ed., p. 159. or 222 u Their houfes, or wigwams,” fays Gookm, 125 Sieur de Champlam. or two, raifed a foot from the ground, made of a number of little pieces of wood preffed againft each other, on which they arrange a reed mat, after the Spanith ftyle, which is a kind of matting two or three fingers thick : on thefe they fleep.^ They have a great many fleas in fummer, even in the fields. One day as we went out walking, we were befet by fo many of them that we were obliged to change our clothes. All the harbors, bays, and coafts from Chouacoet are filled with every variety of fifh, like thofe which we have before our habitation, and in fuch abundance that I can confidently affert that there was not a day or night when we did not fee and hear pafs by our barque more than a thoufand porpoifes, which were chafing the fmaller fry. There are alfo many fliell-fifh of various forts, principally oyflers. Game birds are very plenty. It Gookin, “ are built with fmall poles fixed in the ground, bent and faftened together with barks of trees, oval or arborwife on the top. The beft fort of their houfes are covered very neatly, tight, and warm with the bark of trees, ftripped from their bodies at fuch feafons when the fap is up ; and made into great flakes with preflures of weighty timbers, when they are green ; and fo becoming dry, they will retain a form fuitable for the ufe they prepare them for. The meaner fort of wigwams are covered with mats they make of a kind of bulrufli, which are alfo indifferent tight and warm, but not fo good as the former.” — Vide Hijtorical Colle^ions, 1674, Bofton, 1752, p. 9. ^ The conflru6lion of the Indian couch, or bed, at a much later period may be feen by the following excerpts : “ So we defired to goe to reft : he layd vs on the bed with himfelfe and his wife, they at one end and we at the other, it being only plancks layd a foot from the ground, and a thin mat upon them.” — Mourfs Relation^ London, 1622, Dex- ter’s ed., pp. 107, 108. “ In their wig- wams, they make a kind of couch or mattrelfes, firm and ftrong, raifed about a foot high from the earth ; firft covered with boards that they fplit out of trees ; and upon the boards they fpread mats generally, and fometimes bear (kins and deer (kins. Thefe are large enough for three or four perfons to lodge upon ; and one may either draw nearer or keep at a more diftance from the heat of the fire, as they pleafe ; for their mattreffes are fix or eight feet broad.” — Cookings Hijlorical Colle^ions^ 1674, Bofton, 1792, p. 10. 126 Voyages of It would be an excellent place to eredt buildings and lay the foundations of a State, if the harbor were fomewhat deeper and the entrance fafer. Before leaving the harbor, the rudder was repaired ; and we had fome bread made from flour, which we had brought for our fubfiftence, in cafe our bifcuit fliould give out. Meanwhile, we fent the fliallop with five or fix men and a favage to fee whether a paffage might be found more favorable for our departure than that by which we had en- tered. After they had gone five or fix leagues and were near the land, the favage made his efcape,®®^ fince he was afraid of being taken to other favages farther fouth, the enemies of his tribe, as he gave thofe to underfland who were in the fliallop. The latter, upon their return, reported that, as far as they had advanced, there were at leaft three fathoms of water, and that farther on there were neither fliallows nor reefs. We accordingly made hafle to repair our barque, and make a fupply of bread for fifteen day's. Meanwhile, Sieur de Poutrincourt, accompanied by ten or twelve arquebufiers, vifited all the neighboring country, which is very fine, as I have faid before, and where we faw here and there a large number of little houfes. Some eight or nine days a^fter, while Sieur de Poutrincourt was walking out, as he had previoufly done,®^® we obferved the favages taking down their cabins and fending their women, children, provifions, and other neceffaries of life into the woods. This exploration appears to have ““ On the map of Port Fortune, or extended about as far as Point Gam- Chatham, the courfe of one of thefe mon, where, being “ near the land,’’ excurhous is marked by a dotted line, their Indian guide left them, as ftated to which the reader is referred . — Vide in the text. notes on the map of Pqrt Fortund. 127 Sieur de Champlain. woods. This made us fufpedl fome evil intention, and that they purpofed to attack thofe of our company who were work- ing on fhore, where they flayed at night in order to guard that which could not be embarked at evening except with much trouble. This proved to be true ; for they determined among themfelves, after all their effedls had been put in a place of fecurity, to come and furprife thofe on land, taking advantage of them as much as poffible, and to carry off all they had. But, if by chance they fhould find them on their guard, they refolved to come with figns of friendfhip, as they were wont to do, leaving behind their bows and arrows. Now, in view of what Sieur de Poutrincourt had feen, and the order which it had been told him they obferved when they wifhed to play fome bad trick, when we paffed by fome cabins, where there was a large number of women, we gave them fome bracelets and rings to keep them quiet and free from fear, and to mofl of the old and diflinguifhed men hatchets, knives, and other things which they defired. This pleafed them greatly, and they repaid it all in dances, gam- bols, and harangues, which we did not underftand at all. We went wherever we chofe without their having the affurance to fay any thing to us. It pleafed us greatly to fee them fhow themfelves fo fimple in appearance. We returned very quietly to our barque, accompanied by fome of the favages. On the way, we met feveral fmall troops of them, who gradually gathered together with their arms, and were greatly aftonifhed to fee us so far in the in- terior, and did not fuppofe that we had juft made a circuit of nearly four or five leagues about their territory. Faffing near us, they trembled with fear, left harm fhould be done them. 128 Voyages of them, as it was in our power to do. But we did them none, although we knew their evil intentions. Having ar- rived where our men were working, Sieur de Poutrincourt inquired if every thing was in readinefs to refift the defigns of this rabble. He ordered every thing on fhore to be embarked. This was done, except that he who was making the bread ftayed to finifh a baking, and two others with him. They were told that the favages had fome evil intent, and that they fliould make hafle to embark the coming evening, fmce they carried their plans into execution only at night, or at daybreak, which in their plots is generally the hour for mak- ing a furprife. Evening having come, Sieur de Poutrincourt gave orders that the fhallop fliould be fent afliore to get the men who remained. This was done as foon as the tide would permit, and thofe on fhore were told that they muft embark for the reafon afligned. This they refufed in fpite of the remon- ftrances that were made Petting forth the rifks they ran and the difobedience to their chief. They paid no attention to it, with the exception of a fervant of Sieur de Poutrincourt, who embarked. Two others difembarked from the fliallop and w'ent to the three on fhore, who had ftayed to eat fome cakes made at the fame time with the bread. But, as they were unwilling to do as they were told, the fliallop returned to the veffel. It was not mentioned to Sieur de Poutrincourt, who had retired, thinking that all were on board. The next day, in the morning, the 15 th of Odtober, the favages did not fail to come ^nd fee in what condition our men f Sieur de Champlain. 129 men were, whom they found afleep, except one, who was near the fire. When they faw them in this condition, they came, to the number of four hundred, foftly over a little hill, and fent them fuch a volley of arrows that to rife up was death. Fleeing the beft they could towards our barque, fhouting, “ Help! they are killing us!” a part fell dead in the water; the others were all pierced with arrows, and one died in confequence a fhort time after. The favages made a defperate noife with roarings, which it was terrible to hear. U pon the occurrence of this noife and that of our men, the fentinel, on our veffel, exclaimed, “To arms! They are kill- ing our men ! ” Confequently, each one immediately feized his arms ; and we embarked in the fliallop, fome fifteen or fixteen of us, in order to go aflhore. But, being unable to get there on account of a fand-bank between us and the land, we threw ourfelves into the water, and waded from this bank to Champlain’s Explanation of the accompanying Map. The Attack at Port Fortune. The figures indicate fcUkoms of water. A. Place where the French were making bread, B. The favages furprifing the French, and fhooting their arrows at them. C French burned by the favages. D, The French fleeing to the barque, completely covered with arrows. E. Troops of favages burning the French whom they had killed. F. Mountain bordering on the harbor. G. Cabins of the favages. French on the fliore charging upon the favages. /. Savages routed by the French. L. Shallop in which were the French. M. Savages around our lhallop, who were furprifed by our men. N. Barque of Sieur de Poutrincourt. O. The harbor. P. Small brook. Q. French who fell dead in the water as they were trying to flee to the barque. R. Brook coming from certain marfhes. S. Woods under cover of which the favages came. 17 130 Voyages of to the fhore, the diftance of a mufket-fhot. As foon as we were there, the favages, feeing us within arrow range, fled into the interior. To purfue them was fruitlefs, for they are marvelloufly fwift. All that we could do was to carry away the dead bodies and bury them near a crofs, which had been fet up the day before, and then to go here and there to fee if we could get fight of any of them. But it was time wafted, therefore we came back. Three hours afterwards, they re- turned to us on the fea-fhore. We difcharged at them feveral fhots from our little brafs cannon; and, when they heard the noife, they crouched down on the ground to avoid the fire. In mockery of us, they beat down the crofs and difin- terred the dead, which difpleafed us greatly, and caufed us to go for them a fecond time ; but they fled, as they had done before. We fet up agaiij the crofs, and reinterred the dead, whom they had thrown here and there amid the heath, where they kindled a fire to burn them. We returned without any refult, as we had done before, well aware that there was fcarcely hope of avenging ourfelves this time, and that we fliould have to renew the undertaking when it fliould pleafe God. On the 1 6th of the month, we fet out from Port Fortun^ to which we had given this name on account of the mif- fortune which happened to us there. This place is in lati- tude 41 20^, and fome twelve or thirteen leagues from Mallebarre.^ CHAPTER XV. Port Fortuni, perhaps here ufed to fignify the port of chance or hazard ; referring particularly to the dangers they encountered in paffing round Mon- omoy to reach it. The latitude of Stage Harbor in Chatham is 41® 40'. The dillance from Mallebarre or Naufet to Port Fortune, or Stage Harbor, by water round the fouthern point of Mon- omoy, is at the prefent time about nine leagues. Sieur de Champlain. 131 CHAPTER XV. The Inclemency of the Weather not permitting us AT that Time TO continue our Discoveries, we resolved to return to our Set- tlement. What happened to us until we reached it. FTER having gone fome fix or feven leagues, we fighted an ifland, which we named La Soup9on- neufe,^ becaufe in the diflance we had feveral times thought it was not an ifland. Then the wind became contrary, which caufed us to put back to the place whence we had fet out, where we flayed two or three days, no favage during this time prefenting him- felf to us. On the 20th, we fet out anew and coafted along to the fouth-weft nearly twelve leagues,^ where we paffed near a river which is fmall and difficult of accefs in confequence of the fhoals and rocks at its mouth, and which I called after my own name.^ This coafl leagues. The diftance may poffibly have been greater in 1606, or Cham- plain may have increafed the diftance by giving a wide berth to Monomoy in pafling round it. La Soupqonneufe., the doubtful. Martha’s Vineyard. Champlain and Poutrincourt, in the little French barque, lying low on the water, creeping along the ftiore from Chatham to Point Gam- mon, could hardly fail to be doubtful whether Martha’s Vineyard were an ifland or a part of the main land. Lef- carbot, fpeaking of it, fays, et fut ap- pelie rile Douteufe. is, fo far as we faw, low and fandy. Nearly twelve leagues in a fouth- wefterly dire6lion from their anchorage at Stage Harbor in Chatham would bring them to Noblka Point, at the en- trance of the Vineyard Sound. This was the limit of Champlain’s explora- tions towards the fouth. 229 tt Called after my own name,” viz. Rivilre de Champlain . — Vide map, 1612. This river appears to be a tidal paflage conne6ling the Vineyard Sound and Buzzard’s Bay, having Nonameflet and Uncatena Iflands on the fouth-weft, and Nobfka Point, Wood’s Holl, and Long Neck on the north-eaft. On our Coaft 132 Voyages of fandy. The wind again grew contrary and very ftrong, which caufed us to put out to fea, as we were unable to advance on one tack or the other: it, however, finally abated a little and grew favorable. But all we could do was to return again to Port Fortune, where the coaft, though low, is fine and good, yet difficult of accefs, there being no harbors, many reefs, and shallow water for the diftance of nearly two leagues from land. The moft that we found was feven or eight fathoms in fome channels, which, however, continued only a cable’s length, when there were fuddenly only two or three fathoms ; but one fhould not trufl the water who has not well examined the depth with the lead in hand. Some hours after we had returned to port, a fon of Pont Grave, named Robert, loft a hand in firing a mufket, which burft in feveral pieces, but without injuring any one near him. Seeing now the wind continuing contrary, and being un- able to put to fea, we refolved meanwhile to get poffeflion of fome favages of this place, and, taking them to our fettlement, put them to grinding corn at the hand-mill, as punifhment for the deadly affault which they had committed on five or fix of our company. But it was very difficult to do this when we were armed, fince, if we went to them prepared to fight, they Coaft Survey Charts, it is called Hadley barque, elevated but a little above the River. _ Its length is nearly two miles, furface of the water, its fource in Buz- in a winding courfe. The mouth of zard’s Bay could not be difcovered, ef- this paftage is full of boulders, and in a pecially if they pafled round Noblka receding tide the current is rough and Point, under the lee of which they prob- boifterous, and would anfwer well to the ably obtained a view of the “ flioals defcription in the text, as no other river and rocks ” which they fawat the mouth does on the coaft from Chatham to of the river. Wood’s Roll. On the fmall French 133 Sieur de Champlain. they would turn and flee into the woods, where they were not to be caught. It was neceffary, accordingly, to have recourfe to artifice, and this is what we planned : when they fliould come to feek friendlhip with us, to coax them by Ihowing them beads and other gewgaws, and aflure them repeatedly of our good faith ; then to take the fliallop well armed, and conduft on fhore the moft robuft and ftrong men we had, each one having a chain of beads and a fathom of match on his arm ; ^ and there, while pretending to fmoke with them (each one having an end of his match lighted fo as not to excite fufpicion, it being cuftomary to have fire at the end of a cord in order to light the tobacco), coax them with pleafing words fo as to draw them into the fhallop; and, if they fiiould be unwilling to enter, each one approaching fliould choofe his man, and, putting the beads about his neck, fliould at the fame time put the rope on him to draw him by force. But, if they fhould be too boifterous, and it fliould not be poffible to fucceed, they fhould be ftabbed, the rope being firmly held ; and, if by chance any of them fliould get away, there fliould be men on land to charge upon them with fwords. Meanwhile, the little cannon on our barque were to be kept ready to fire upon their companions in cafe they fliould come to aflift them, under cover of which fire- arms A fathom of match on his arm. was difcharged by means of a notched This was a rope, made of the tow of wheel of fteel, fo arranged that its fric- hemp or flax, loofely twifted, and pre- tion, when in motion, threw fjparks of pared to retain the fire, fo that, when fire into the pan that contained the once lighted, it would burn till the whole powder. The fnaphance was a flight was confumed. It was employed in improvement upon the wheel-lock. The conne6lion with the match-lock, the flint-lock followed, now half a centurv arm then in common ufe. The wheel- fince fuperfeded by the percuflion lock lock followed in order of time, which and cap. 134 Voyages of arms the fliallop could withdraw in fecurity. The plan above-mentioned was well carried out as it had been ar- ranged. Some days after thefe events had tranfpired, there came favages by threes and fours to the fhore, making figns to us to go to them. But we faw their main body in ambufcade under a hillock behind fome bulhes, and I fuppofe that they were only defirous of beguiling us into the fhallop in order to difcharge a Ihower of arrows upon us, and then take to flight. Neverthelefs, Sieur de Poutrincourt did not hefi- tate to go to them with ten of us, well equipped and deter- mined to fight them, if occafion offered. We landed at a place beyond their ambufcade, as we thought, and where they could not furprife us. There three or four of us went afliore together with Sieur de Poutrincourt : the others did not leave the fhallop, in order to protedt it and be ready for an emergency. We afcended a knoll and went about the woods to fee if we could not difcover more plainly the am- bufcade. When they faw us going fo unconcernedly to them, they left and went to other places, which we could not fee, and of the four favages we faw only two, who went away very flowly. As they withdrew, they made figns to us to take our fhallop to another place, thinking that it w'as not favorable for the carrying out of their plan. And, when we alfo faw that they had no defire to come to us, we re-embarked and went to the place they indicated, which was the fecond ambufcade they had made, in their endeavor to draw us un- armed to themfelves by figns of friendfhip. But this we were not permitted to do at that time, yet we approached very near them without feeing this ambufcade, which we fup- pofed 135 Sieur de Champlain. pofed was not far off. As our fliallop approached the fhore, they took to flight, as alfo thofe in anrbufh, after whom we fired fome mufket-fhots, fmce we faw that their intention was only to deceive us by flattery, in which they were difap- pointed ; for we recognized clearly what their purpofe was, which had only mifchief in view. We retired to our barque after having done all we could. On the fame day, Sieur de Poutrincourt refolved to return to our fettlement on account of four or five fick and wounded men, whofe wounds were growing worfe through lack of falves, of which our furgeon, by a great miftake on his part, had brought but a fmall provifion, to the detriment of the fick and our own difcomfort, as the flench from their wounds was fo great, in a little veffel like our own, that one could fcarcely endure it. Moreover, we were afraid that they would generate difeafe. Alfo we had provifions only for going eight or ten days farther, however much economy might be pradlifed ; and we knew not whether the return would lafl as long as the advance, which was nearly two months. At any rate, our refolution being formed, we withdrew, but with the fatisfadlion that God had not left unpunifhed the mifdeeds of thefe barbarians.^* We advanced no farther than They did not capture any of the Nova Scotia. With the latter they had Indians, to be reduced to a fpecies of no hoftile conflidls whatever, although flavery, as they intended ; but, as will the Indians were fufficiently implacable appear further on, inhumanly butchered and revengeful towards their enemies, feveral of them, which would feem to Thofe inhabiting the peninfula of Cape have been an a6l of revenge rather than Cod, and as far north as Cape Anne, were of punilhment. The intercourfe of the more fufpicious, and had apparently French with the natives of Cape Cod lefs clear conceptions of perfonal rights, was, on the whole, lefs fatisfa6lory than efpecially the rights of property. Might that with the northern tribes along the and right were to them identical. What- Ihores of Maine, New Brunfwick, and ever they defired, they thought they had 136 Voyages of than to latitude 41° 30', which was only half a degree farther than Sieur de Monts had gone on his voyage of difcov- ery.^®* We fet out accordingly from this harbor. On the next day, we anchored near Mallebarre, where we remained until the 28th of the month, when we fet fail. On that day the air w^as very cold, and there was a little fnow. We took a diredl courfe for a right to have, if they had the power or wit to obtain it. The French came in conta6l with only two of the many fubordinate tribes that were in polTef- fion of the peninfula ; viz. , the Monomoy- icks at Chatham, and the Naufets at Eaftham. The conflidl in both inftances grew out of an attempt on the part of the natives to commit a. petty theft. But it is quite poffible that the invafion of their territory by ftrangers, an un- pardonable offence among civilized peo- ple, may have created a feeling of hof- tility that found a partial gratification in ftealing their property ; and, had not this occafion offered, the llifled feeling ^ of hoflility may have broken out in fome other form. In general, they were not fubfequently unfriendly in their in- tercourfe with the Englifh. The Nau- fets were, however, the fame that fent a fhower of arrows upon the Pilgrims in 1620, at the place called by them the “ Firfl: Encounter,” and not more than three miles from the fpot where the fame tribe, in 1605, had attacked the French, and flain one of De Monts’s men. It mult, however, be fiid that, be- fide the invafion of their country, the Pil- grims had, fome days before, rifled the granaries of the natives dwelling a few miles north of the Naufet.s, and taken away without leave a generous quantity of their winter’s fupply of corn ; and this may have infpired them with a defire to be rid of vifitors who helped them- Norumbegue or Ifle Haute. Heading felves to their provifions, the fruit of their fummer’s toil, their dependence for the winter already upon them, with fo little ceremony and fuch unfcrupu- lous felfilhnefs ; for fuch it muft have appeared to the Naufets in their favage and unenlightened ftate. It is to be regretted that thefe excellent men, the Pilgrims, did not more fully compre- hend the moral charadler of their con- du< 51 : in this inftance. They loft at the outfet a golden opportunity for impref- fing upon the minds of the natives the great pradlical principle enunciated by our Lord, the foundation of all good neighborhood, llavra ovv ocra av LVa TTOLOiCnv VfJUV ol av6p palTage of La Port aux Angloix. This is the Harbor Bras d Or on the ^ fouth -weft ; and of Louif burgh, famous in the hiftory Champlain corredls his error, as maybe of the Ifland of Cape Breton, teen by reference to his map of 1612. 232 Rofcoff, a fmall feaport town. On It may alfo be Hated that the fea enters Mercator’s Atlas of 1623, it is written irorn the north-eaft. Nordouejl in the Rofcou, as in the text, original is here probably a typographical 157 Sieur de Champlain. fue our route to St. Malo,®®® which formed the termination of thefe voyages, in which God had guided us without fhipwreck or danger. End of the Voyages from the Year 1604 to 1608. 288 According to Lefcarbot, they re- mained at St. Malo eight days, when they went in a barque to Honfleur, narrowly efcaping fhipwreck. Poutrin- court proceeded to Paris, where he ex- hibited to Henry IV. corn, wheat, rye, barley, and oats, produdls of the colony which he had fo often promifed to cher- ifh, but whofe means of fubfiftence he had now neverthelefs ungracioufly taken away. Poutrincourt alfo prefented to him five oujiards^ or wild geefe, which he had bred from the fhell. The king was greatly delighted with them, and had them preferved at Fontainebleau. Thefe exhibitions of the produdls of New France had the defired effedf upon the generous heart of Henry IV. ; and De Monts’s monopoly of the fur-trade was renewed for one year, to furnifh fome flight aid in eflablifhing his colon- ies in New France. THE VOYAGES TO THE GREAT RIVER ST. LAWRENCE, MADE BY SIEUR DE CHAMPLAIN, Captain in Ordinary to the King in the Marine, FROM THE YEAR 1608 TO THAT OF 1612, CHAPTER I. Determination of Sieur de Monts to make Explorations in the In- terior ; HIS Commission, and its Infringement by the Basques, who DISARMED THE VESSEL OF PONT GRAVE ; AND THE AGREEMENT BETWEEN THEM WHICH THEY SUBSEQUENTLY MADE. AVING returned to France after a flay of three 3 years in New France,^ I proceeded to Sieur de n Monts, and related to him the principal events of which I had been a witnefs fmce his depart- — ure, and gave him the map and plan of the moft remarkable coafts and harbors there. Some time afterward, Sieur de Monts determined to con- tinue his undertaking, and complete the exploration of the interior Champlain arrived on the Ihores of had confequently been on our coaft America on the 8th of May, 1604, and three years, three months, and twenty- left on the 3d of September, 1607. He five days. 1 6 o Voyages of interior along the great river St. Lawrence, where I had been by order of the late King Henry the Great ^ in the year 1603, for a diftance of fome hundred and eighty leagues, commencing in latitude 48° 40', that is, at Gafpe, at the entrance of the river, as far as the great fall, which is in lati- tude 45° and fome minutes, where our exploration ended, and where boats could not pafs as we then thought, fince we had not made a careful examination of it as we have fince done.^®® Now after Sieur de Monts had conferred with me feveral times in regard to his purpofes concerning the exploration, he refolved to continue fo noble and meritorious an under- taking, notwithflanding the hardfhips and labors of the paft. He honored me with his lieutenancy for the voyage; and, in order to carry out his purpofe, he had two veffels equipped, one commanded by Pont Grave, who was commillioned to trade with the favages of the country and bring back the veffels, while I was to winter in the country. Sieur de Monts, for the purpofe of defraying the expenfes of the expedition, obtained letters from his Majefty for one year, by which all perfons were forbidden to traffic in peltry with the favages, on penalties ftated in the following com- miflion : — Henry by the grace of God King of France and Navarre, to our beloved and faithful Councillors, the officers of 284 King Henry the Great, died in i6io, and this intro- ductory palTage was obvioufly written after that event, probably near the time of the publication of his voyages in 1613. In the preliminary voyage of 1603, Champlain afcended the St. Lawrence as far as the falls of St. Louis, above Montreal. i6i Sieur de Champlain, of our Admiralty in Normandy, Brittany, and Guienne, bail- iffs, marfhals, prevofts, judges, or their lieutenants, and to each one of them, according to his authority, throughout the extent of their powers, jurifdidlions, and precindls, greeting ; Adling upon the information which has been given us by thofe who have returned from New France, refpedting the good quality and fertility of the lands of that country, and the difpofition of the people to accept the knowledge of God, We have refolved to continue the fettlement previoufly un- dertaken there, in order that our fubjedts may go there to trade without hinderance. And in view of the propofition to us of Sieur de Monts, Gentleman in Ordinary of our chamber, and our Lieutenant-General in that country, to make a fettlement, on condition of our giving him means and fup- plies for fuftaining the expenfe of it,^ it has pleafed us to promife and affure him that none of our fubjedfs but himfelf fhall be permitted to trade in peltry and other merchandife, for the period of one year only, in the lands, regions, harbors, rivers, and highways throughout the extent of his jurifdic- tion: this We defire to have fulfilled. For thefe caufes and other confiderations impelling us thereto, We command and decree that each one of you, throughout the extent of your powers, jurifdidtions, and precindts, fhall adt in our ftead and carry out our will in dillindtly prohibiting and forbidding all merchants, matters, and captains of veffels, alfo failors and others of our fubjedts, of whatever rank and profeffion, to fit out any veffels, in which to go themfelves or fend others in ' order . 286 contribution by Henry IV. monopoly of the fur- trade granted by did not probably extena beyond the him in this commiflion. 21 i 62 Voyages of order to engage in trade or barter in peltry and other things with the ravages of New France, to vifit, trade, or communi- cate with them during the fpace of one year, within the jurif- didtion of Sieur de Monts, on penalty of difobedience, and the entire confifcation of their veffels, fupplies, arms, and merchandife for the benefit of Sieur de Monts ; and, in order that the punifhment of their difobedience may be affured, you will allow, as We have and do allow, the aforefaid Sieur de Monts or his lieutenants to feize, apprehend, and arreft all violators of our prefent prohibition and order, alfo their veffels, merchandife, arms, fupplies, and vidfuals, in order to take and deliver them up to the hands of juftice, fo that aaion may be taken not only againft the perfons, but alfo the property of the offenders, as the cafe fhall require. This is our will, and We bid you to have it at once read and pub- lifhed in all localities and public places within your authority and jurifdiaion, as you may deem neceffary, by the firft one of our officers or fergeants in accordance with this requifition, by virtue of thefe prefents, or a copy of the fame, properly at- tefted once only by one of our well-beloved and faithful coun- cillors, notaries, and fecretaries, to which it is Our will that credence fhould be given as to the prefent original, in order that none of our fubjedfs may claim ground for ignorance, but that all may obey and adt in accordance with Our will in this matter. We order, moreover, all captains of veffels, mates, and fecond mates, and failors of the fame, and others on board of veffels or fhips in the ports and harbors of the aforefaid country, to permit, as We have done, Sieur de Monts, and others poffeffing power and authority from him, to fearch the aforefaid veffels which fliall have engaged in the fur-trade after Sieur de Champlain. 163 after the prefent prohibition fhall have been made known to them. It is Our will that, upon the requifition of the afore- faid Sieur de Monts, his lieutenants, and others having authority, you fhould proceed againft the difobedient and offenders, as the cafe may require : to this end. We give you power, authority, commiffion, and fpecial mandate, notwith- ftanding the a6l of our Council of the 17th day of July laft,^®^ any hue and cry, Norman charter, accufation, objedlion, or appeals of whatfoever kind ; on account of which, and for fear of difregarding which, it is Our will that there fhould be no delay, and, if any of thefe occur. We have withheld and referved cognizance of the fame to Ourfelves and our Council, apart from all other judges, and have forbidden and prohib- ited the fame to all our courts and judges : for this is Our pleafure. Given at Paris the feventh day of January, in the year of grace, fixteen hundred and eight, and the nineteenth of Our reign. Signed, HENRY. And lower down. By the King, Delomenie. And fealed with the fingle label of the great feal of yellow wax. Collated with the original by me. Councillor, Notary, and Secretary of the King. I proceeded to Honfleur for embarkation, where I found the veffel of Pont Grave in readinefs. He left port on the 5th of April. I did fo on the 13th, arriving at the Grand Bank on the 15th of May, in latitude 45” 15'. On the 26th, we This, we prefume, was the a6l abrogating the charter of De Monts granted in 1603. 1 64 Voyages of we fighted Cape St. Mary,“* in latitude 46° 45', on the Ifland of Newfoundland. On the 27th of the month, we fighted Cape St. Lawrence, on Cape Breton, and alfo the Ifland of St. Paul, diftant eighty-three leagues from Cape St. Mary.*® On the 30th, we fighted Ifle Percee and Gafpe,**® in latitude 48“ 40', diftant from Cape St. Lawrence from feventy to feventy-five leagues. On the 3d of June, we arrived before Tadouffac, diftant from Gafpe from eighty to ninety leagues ; and we anchored in the roadftead of Tadouffac,^^ a league diftant from the harbor, which latter is a kind of cove at the mouth of the river Saguenay, where the tide is very remarkable on ac- count of its rapidity, and where there are fometimes violent winds, bringing fevere cold. It is maintained that from the harbor of Tadouffac it is fome forty-five or fifty leagues to the firft fall on this river, which comes from the north-north- weft. like an arch, under which a boat of Bifcay may pafs with its fail up, and this has given it the name of \ht pierced ifland /’ — Letters to the Ducnefs of Lefdiguilres^ by Francis Xavier de Charlevoix, London, 1763, p. 12. The pofition in the roadftead was fouth-eafl; of the harbor, fo that the har- bor was feen on the north-weft. Char- levoix calls it Moulin Baude. The reader will find the pofition indicated by the letter M on Champlain’s map of the Port of Tadouflac. Baude Moulin (Baude Mill), diredlly north of it, was probably a mill privilege. Charlevoix, in 1720, anchored there, and afked them to fliow him the mill ; and they fhowed him fome rocks, from which iflfued a ftream of clear water. He adds, they might build a water-mill here, but probably it will never be done. 288 This cape ftill retains its ancient name, and is fituated between St. Mary’s Bay and Placentia Bay. 28 ® Cape St. Lawrence is the northetn- moft: extremitv of the Ifland Of Cape Breton, and the Ifland of St. Paul is twenty miles north-eaft of it. 2®® The Ifle Percde, or pierced ifland, is a fliort diftance north of the Ifland of Bonaventure, at the entrance of Mai Bay, near the village of Percde, where there is a government light. Gafpd Bay is fome miles farther north. “ Be- low the bay,” fays Charlevoix, ‘‘we perceive a kind of ifland, which is only a fteep rock about thirty fathoms long, ten high, and four in breadth : it looks like part of an old wall, and they fay it joined formerly to Mount loli, which is over againft it on the continent This rock has in the midft of it an opening Sieur de Champlain, 165 weft. The harbor is fmall, and can accommodate only about twenty veffels. It has water enough, and is under ftielter of the river Saguenay and a little rocky ifland; which is almoft cut by the river ; elfewhere there are very high moun- tains with little foil and only rocks and fand, thickly covered with fuch wood as fir and birch. There is a fmall pond near the harbor, fhut in by mountains covered with wood. There are two points at the mouth : one on the fouth-weft fide, ex- tending out nearly a league into the fea, called Point St. Matthew, or otherwife Point aux Allouettes ; and another on the north-weft fide, extending out one-eighth of a league, and called Point of all Devils,^ from the dangerous nature of the place. The winds from the fouth-fouth-eaft ftrike the har- bor, which are not to be feared ; but thofe, however, from the Saguenay are. The two points above mentioned are dry at low tide : our veflel was unable to enter the harbor, as the wind and tide were unfavorable. I at once had the boat lowered, in order to go to the port and afcertain whether Pont Grave had arrived. While on the way, I met a fliallop with the pilot of Pont Grave and a Bafque, who came to inform me of what had happened to them becaufe they at- tempted to hinder the Bafque veffels from trading, according to the commiflion obtained by Sieur de Monts from his Majefty, that no veffels fhould trade without permiflion of Sieur de Monts, as was expreffed in it; and that, notwith- ftanding the notifications which Pont Grave made in behalf of his Majefty, they did not defift from forcibly carrying on their Pointe de tons les Diables. Now is ftill called Pointe aux Alouettes, or known as Pointe aux Vaches, cows. Lark Point. The point on the other fide of the river i66 Voyages of their traffic ; and that they had ufed their arms and main- tained themfelves fo well in their veffel that, difcharging all their cannon upon that of Pont Grave, and letting off many mufket-ffiots, he was feverely wounded, together with three of his men, one of whom died, Pont Grave mean- while making no refiftance; for at the firft ffiower of muf- ketry he was ftruck down. The Bafques came on board of the veffel and took away all the cannon and arms, de- claring that they would trade, notwithftanding the prohibi- tion of the King, and that when they were ready to fet out for France they would reftore to him his cannon and ammu- nition, and that they were keeping them in order to be in a ftate of fecurity. Upon hearing all thefe particulars, I was greatly annoyed at fuch a beginning, which we might have eafily avoided. _ Now, after hearing from the pilot all thefe things, I afked him why the Bafque had come on board of our veffel. He told me that he came in behalf of their mafter, named Darache, and his companions, to obtain affurance from me that I would do them no harm, when our veffel entered the harbor. I replied that I could not give any until I had feen Pont rave. The Bafque faid that, if I had need of any thing in their power, they would affift me accordingly. What led them to ufe this language was fimply their recognition of having one wrong, as they confeffed, and the fear that they would not be permitted to engage in the whale-fiffiery. After talk- ing at length, I went affiore to fee Pont Grave, in order to ^liberate as to what was to be done. I found him very ill. e related to me in detail all that had happened. We con- cluded 167 Sieur de Champlain. eluded that we could only enter the harbor by force, and that the fettlement mull not be given up for this year, fo that we confidered it beft, in order not to make a bad caufe out of a juft one, and thus work our ruin, to give them affurances on my part fo long as I fhould remain there, and that Pont Grave fhould undertake nothing againft them, but that juftice fhould be done in France, and their differences fhould be fettled there. Uarache, matter of the veffel, begged me to go on board, where he gave me a cordial reception. After a long confer- ence, I fecured an agreement between Pont Grave and him, and required him to promife that he would undertake noth- ing againft Pont Grave, or what would be prejudicial to the King and Sieur de Monts; that, if he did the contrary, I fhould regard my promife as null and void. This was agreed to, and figned by each. In this place were a number of favages who had come for traffic in furs, feveral of whom came to our veffel with their canoes, which are from eight to nine paces long, and about a pace or pace and a half broad in the middle, growing nar- rower towards the two ends. They are very apt to turn over, in cafe one does not underftand managing them, and are made of birch bark, ftrengthened on the infide by little ribs of white cedar, very neatly arranged ; they are fo light that a man can eafily carry one. Each can carry a weight equal to that of a pipe. When they want to go overland to a river w’here they have bufmefs, they carry them with them. From Chouacoet along the coaft as far as the harbor of Tadouffac, they are all alike. CHAPTER II. i68 Voyages of CHAPTER II. Of the Riveb Saguenay, and the Savages who visited us there. — Of THE ISLANI OF ORLEANS, AND ALL THAT WE OBSERVED THERE WORTHY OF Note. ■TER this agreement, I had fome carpenters fet to work to fit up a little barque of twelve or fourteen tons, for carrying all that was needed for our fettlement, which, however, could not be got ready before the lafl: of June. Meanwhie, I managed to vifit fome parts of the river Saguenay, afine river, which has the incredible depth of fome one hundrec and fifty to two hundred fathoms.^® About fifty leagues fron the mouth of the harbor, there is, as is faid, a great waterf.ll, defcending from a very high elevation with great impetiofity. There are fome iflands in this river, very barren, beinj only rocks covered with fmall firs and heathers. It is half a hague broad in places, and a quarter of a league at its moutl, where the current is fo ftrong that at three- quarters flocd-tide in the river it is ftill running out. All the land thd I have feen confifls only of mountains and rocky The deep ft founding as laid down on Laurie’ Chart is one hundred and forty-fix fahoms. The faiue au- thority lays the banks of the river throughout its ourfe are very rocky, and vary in height from one hundred and feventy to thee hundred and forty yards above the ftream. Its current is broad, deep, nd uncommonly vehe- ment: in fome paces, where precipices intervene, are falls from fifty to fixty feet in height, down which the whole volume of water rufhes with tremendous fury and noife. The general breadth of the river is about two and a half miles, but at its mouth its width is contradled to three-quarters of a mile. The tide runs upward about fixty-five miles from its mouth. Sieur de Champlah. 169 rocky promontories, for the moft part covced with fir and birch, a very unattradlive country on both Hes of the river. In a word, it is mere waftes, uninhabited h either animals or birds ; for, going out hunting in places /hich feemed to me the moft pleafant, I found only fome 'ery fmall birds, fuch as fwallows and river birds, which go here in fummer. At other times, there are none whatever, ii confequence of the exceflive cold. This river flows from th north-weft. The favages told me that, after palfing te firft fall, they meet with eight others, when they go a da’s journey with- out finding any. Then they pafs ten otbrs, and enter a lake,^ which they are three days in croflig, and they are eafily able to make ten leagues a day up ftrem. At the end of the lake there dwells a migratory peopl. Of the three rivers which flow into this lake, one comesfrom the north, very near the fea, where they confider it muh colder than in their own country; and the other two from other diredtions in the interior,^® where are migratory favges, living only from hunting, and where our favages carr3the merchandife we give them for their furs, fuch as beaver, tiarten, lynx, and otter, which are found there in large nurbers, and which they If the Indians were three days in pean who behel< that magnificent e?^ croffing Lake St. John here referred to, panfe of inland vater.” Vide Tranf- whofe length is varioufly Hated to be adions^ Lit. aniHts. Soc. of Quebec^ from twenty-five to forty miles, it could 1867-68, p. 5- ^ , hardly have been the fhorteft time in The firft f thefe three rivers, which it were polfible to pafs it. It which the trawler will meet as he may have been the ufual time, fome of pafles up the nohern fhore of the lake, which they gave to fiftiing or hunting, is the Periboncalowing from the nortn- “ In 1647, Father Jean Duquen, mif- eaft. The fecorl is the Miftaflina, rep- fionary at Tadouffac, afcending the refented by the idians as commg ^om Saguenay, difcovered the Lake St. John, the fait fea. Tie third is the C o- and noted its Indian name, Picouagami, mouchonan, floing from the nortti- or Flat Lake. He was the firft Euro- weft. 22 170 Voyages of they then carry to our veffels. Thefe people of the north report to our favages that they fee the fait fea ; and, if that is true, as I think it certainly is, it can be nothing but a gulf entering the interior on the north.^ The favages fay that the diflance from the north fea to the port of Tadouffac is perhaps forty-five or fifty days’ journey, in confequence of the difficulties prefented by the roads, rivers, and country, which is very mountainous, and where there is fnow for the moft part of the year. This is what I have definitely afcer- tained in regard to this river. I have often wifhed to explore it, but could not do fo without the favages, who were unwill- ing that I or any of our party fhould accompany them. Neverthelefs, they have promifed that I fhall do fo. This exploration would be defirable, in order to remove the doubts of many perfons in regard to the exiftence of this fea on the north. Champlain’s Explanation of the accompanying Map. Port de Tadoucac. The figures indicate the fathoms of water- A, A round mountain on the bank of the river Saguenay. B. The harbor of Tadouffac. C. A fmall frefh- water brook. D. The encampment of the favages when they come to traffic. E, A peninfula partly enclohng the port of the river Saguenay. E, Point of All Devils. G. The river Saguenay. H. Point aux Alouettes. /. Very rough mountains covered with firs and beeches. L. The mill Bode. M . The roadftead where veffels anchor while waiting for wind and tide. N. A little pond near the harbor. O. A fmall brook coming from the pond and flowing into the Saguenay. P, Place without trees near the point where there is a quantity of grafs. There was doubtlefs an Indian to Rupert River, which flows into the trail from the head-waters of the Miftaf- lower part of Hudfon’s Bay. fiiia to Miftaffin Lake, and from thence 1 y ( Sieur de Champlain. 171 north, where it is maintained that the Englith have gone in thefe latter years to find a way to China.^ I fet out from Tadouffac the laft day of the month to go to Quebec.^ We paffed near an ifland called Hare Ifland,^ diftant fix leagues from the above-named port: it is two leagues from the northern, and nearly four leagues from the fouthern fhore. From Hare Ifland we proceeded to a little river, dry at low tide, up which fome feven hundred or eight hundred paces there are two falls. We named it Salmon River,®^ fince we caught fome of thefe fifh in it. Goatling along the north fhore, we came to a point extending into the river, which we called Cap Dauphin,^' diftant three leagues from Salmon River. Thence we proceeded to another, which we The fait fea referred to by the Indians was undoubtedly Hudfon’s Bay. The difcoverer of this bay, Henry Hud- fon, in the years 1607, 1608, and 1609, was in the northern ocean fearching for a paffage to Cathay. In 1610, he dif- covered the ftrait and bay which now bear his name. He paffed the winter in the fouthern part of the bay ; and the next year, 1611, his failors in a mutiny forced him and his officers into a fhallop and abandoned them to perifh. Noth- ing was heard of them afterward. The fame of Hudfon’s difcovery had reached Champlain before the publi- cation of this volume in 1613. This will be apparent by comparing Cham- plain’s fmall map with the Tabula Nautica of Hudfon, publifhed in 1612. It will be feen that the whole of the Carte G^ographique de la Nouvelle France of Champlain, on the weft of Lumley’s Inlet, including Hudfon’s Strait and Bay, is a copy from the Tabula Nautica. Even the names are in Englifh, a few chara6leriftic ones being omitted, fuch as Prince Henry, the King’s Forlant, and Cape Charles. — Vide Henry Hudfon the Navigator., by G. M. Afher, LL.D., Hakluyt Society, i860, p. xliv. This was June 30, 1608. 29 ^ IJle aux Lilvres., or hares. This name was given by Jacques Cartier,- and it is ftill called Hare Ifland. It is about ten geographical miles long, and generally about half or three-quarters of a mile wide. 800 Ri'vilre aux Saulmons. “From all appearances,” fays Laverdi^re, “ this Salmon River is that which empties into the ‘ Port k I’Equilles,’ eel harbor, alfo called ‘ Port aux Quilles,’ Skittles Port. Its mouth is two leagues from Cape Salmon, with which it must not be confounded.” It is now known as Black River. 991 Cap Dauphin, now called Cape Salmon, which is about three leagues from Black River. 1 72 Voyages of we named Eagle Cape,^“ diftant eight leagues from Cap Dauphin. Between the two there is a large bay,^^ at the ex- tremity of which is a little river dry at low tide. From Eao-le Cape we proceeded to I fie aux Coudres,®®^ a good league dif- tant, which is about a league and a half long. It is nearly level, and grows narrower towards the two ends. On the weftern end there are meadows, and rocky points extending fome diftance out into the river. On the fouth-weft fide it is very reefy, yet very pleafant in confequence of the woods furrounding it. It is diftant about half a league from the northern ftiore, where is a little river extending fome diftance into the interior. We named it Riviere du Gouffre,®*® fince abreaft of it the tide runs with extraordinary rapidity ; and, although it has a calm appearance, it is always much agi- tated, the depth there being great: but the river itfelf is fhallow, and there are many rocks at and about its mouth. Coafting along from Ifte aux Coudres, we reached a cape which we named Cap de Tourmente,*®* five leagues diftant; and Cap d, VAigle^ now known as Cap aux Oies, or Goofe Cape. The Eagle Cape of to-day is little more than two leagues from Cape Salmon, while Goofe Cape is about eight leagues, as Hated in the text. The bay ftretching between Cape Salmon and Goofe Cape is called Mai Bay, within which are Cape Eagle, Murray Bay, Point au Pies, White Cape, Red Cape, Black Cape, Point P^re, Point Corneille, and Little Mai Bay. In the rear of Goofe Cape are Les Eboulemens Mountains, 2,547 feet in height. On the oppofite fide of the river is Point Ouelle, and the river of the fame name. IJle aux Coudres^ Hazel Ifland, fo named by Jacques Cartier, ftill re- tains its ancient appellation. Its dif- tance from Goofe Cape is about two leagues. The defcription of it in the text is very accurate. 806 Ri'Dilre du Gouffre. This river ftill retains this name, fignifying whirl- pool, and is the fame that empties into St. Paul’s Bay, oppofite Ifle aux Coudres. Cap de Tourmente^ cape of the tempeft, is eight leagues from Ifle aux Coudres, but about two from the Ifle of Orleans, as ftated in the text, which fufficiently identifies it. Sieur de Champlain. 173 and we gave it this name becaufe, however little wind there may be, the water rifes there as if it were full tide. At this point, the water begins to be frefh. Thence we proceeded to the Ifland of Orleans,®” a diftance of two leagues, on the fouth fide of which are numerous iflands, low, covered with trees and very pleafant, with large meadows, having plenty of game, fome being, fo far as I could judge, two leagues in length, others a trifle more or lefs. About thefe iflands are many rocks, alfo very dangerous fliallows, fome two leagues diftant from the main land on the fouth. All this fliore, both north and fouth, from Tadouffac to the Ifland of Orleans, is mountainous, and the foil very poor. The wood is pine, fir, and birch only, with very ugly rocks, fo that in mofl places one could not make his way. Now we pafled along fouth of the Ifland of Orleans, which is a league and a half diftant from the main land and half a league on the north fide, being fix leagues in length, and one in breadth, or in fome places a league and a half. On the north fide, it is very pleafant, on account of the great extent of woods and meadows there ; but it is very dangerous failing, in confequence of the numerous points and rocks between the main land and ifland, on which are numerous fine oaks and IJle d^Orldans. Cartier difcovered probably the Froft Grape, Vitis cordi- this ifland in 1635, named it the folia. The “ Ifland of Orleans ’’ foon Ifland of Bacchus, becaufe he faw vines became the fixed name of this ifland, growing there, which he had not before which it ftill retains. Its Indian nanm feen in that region. He fays, “ Et par- is faid to have been Minima.— Vide eillement y trouuafmes force vignes, ce Laverdi^re’s interefting note, CEuvres que n’auyons veu par cy deuant k toute de Champlain., Tome II. p. 24. Cham- la terre, & par ce la nommafmes I’yfle plain’s eftimate of the lize of the iiland de Bacchus.” — Brief Ricit de la Mavt- is nearly accurate. It is, according to gallon Faite en mdxxxv., par Jacques the Admiralty charts, feventeen marine Cartier, D’Avezac ed., Paris, 1863, pp. miles in length, and four in its greateft 14, 15. The grape found here was width. 174 Voyages of and in fome places nut-trees, and on the borders of the woods vines and other trees fuch as we have in France. This place is the commencement of the fine and fertile country of the great river, and is diftant one hundred and twenty leagues from its mouth. Off the end of the ifland is a torrent of water on the north fliore, proceeding from a lake ten leagues in the interior : ** it comes down from a height of nearly twenty-five fathoms, above which the land is level and pleaf- ant, although farther inland are feen high mountains appear- ing to be from fifteen to twenty leagues diftant. CHAPTER III. Arrival at Quebec, where we constructed our Place of Abode ; its Situation. — Conspiracy against the Service of the King and my Life by some of our Men. — Punishment of them, and all that TRANSPIRED IN THE AfFAIR. ROM the Ifland of Orleans to Quebec the dif- tance is a league. I arrived there on the 3d of July, when I fearched for a place fuitable for our fettlement, but I could find none more convenient or better fituated than the point of Quebec, This was the river Montmorency, ters^ London, 1763, p. 19. The foUow- which rifes in Snow Lake, fome fifty ing is Jean Alfonfe’s defcription of the miles in the interior. — Vide Champlain’s fall of Montmorency : “ When thou art reference on his map of Quebec and come to the end of the Ifle, thou ftialt its environs. He gave this name to the fee a great River, which falleth fifteene river, which it ftill retains, in honor of or twenty fathoms downe from a rocke, the Admiral Montmorency, to whom he and maketh a terrible noyfe.” — Hakluyt^ dedicated his notes on the voyage of Vol. III. p. 293. The perpendicular 1603. — Vide Laverdi^re^ in loco; alfo defcent of the Montmorency the falls Champlain^ 162^2 i Charlevoix's Let- is 240 feet. 1 ! i I I [ 175 Sieur de Chainplain. Quebec, fo called by the favages,^ which was covered with nut-trees. I at once employed a portion of our workmen in cutting Champlain’s Explanation of the accompanying Map. Quebec. The fii^ures indicate the fathoms of water, A. The fite where our habitation is built.^ B. Cleared land where we fow wheat and other grain.^ C. The gardens.^ D, Small brook coming from marfhes.'* E. River where Jacques Cartier pafled the winter, which in his time he called St. Croix, and which name has been transferred to a place fifteen leagues above Quebec.^ F. River of the marlhes.® G. Place where was colle6ted the grafs for the animals brought here.*^ //. The grand fall of Montmorency, which defcends from a height of more than twenty-five fathoms into the river.^ /. The end of the Ifland of Orleans. L. A very narrow point on the fliore eaft of Quebec.® M. Roaring river which extends to the Etechemins. N, The great river of St. Lawrence. O. Lake in the roaring river. P, Mountains in the interior; bay which I named New Bifcay. q. Lake of the great fall of Mont- morency.i® R. Bear Brook.^^ Brook du Gendre.^® T. Meadows overflowed at every tide. V. Mont du Gas, very high, fituated on the bank of the river.^^ X. Swift brook, adapted to all kinds of mills. K Gravelly fhore where a quantity of diamonds are found fomewhat better than thofe of Alanfon. Z, The Point of Diamonds. 9. Places where the favages often build their cabins. Notes. The following notes on Champlain’s explanation of his map of Quebec are by the Abbd Laverdi^re, whofe accurate knowledge of that city and ^ its Champlain here plainly means to fay that the Indians call the narrow place in the river Quebec, For this meaning of the word, viz. narrowing of waters, in the Algonquin language, the authority is abundant. Laverdi^re quotes, as agreeing with him in this view, Bellenger, Ferland, and Lefcarbot. “ The narrowing of the river,” fays Charlevoix, “ gave it the name of Que- beio or Quebec^ which in the Algonquin language fignifies contraBion. The Abenaquis, whofe language is a dialedf of the Algonquin, call it Quelibec, which fignifies fomething fliut up.” — Charlevoiod s Letters^ pp. 18, 19. Alfred Hawkins, in his “ Hillorical Recollec- tions of Quebec,” regards the word of Norman origin, which he finds on a feal of the Duke of Suffolk, as early as 1420. The theory is ingenious; but it requires fome other chara6leriftic hif- torical fa6ls to challenge our belief. When Cartier vifited Quebec, it was called by the natives Stadacone. — Vide Cartier's Brief Ricit, 1545, D’Avezac ed., Paris, 1863, p. 14. 1/6 Voyages of cutting them down, that we might conftrud our habitation there : one I fet to fawing boards, another to making a cellar and digging ditches, another I fent to Tadouffac with the barque to get fupplies. The find thing we made was the ftorehoufe for keeping under cover our fupplies, which was promptly accomplifhed through the zeal of all, and my atten- tion to the work. Some days after my arrival at Quebec, a lockfmith con- fpired againft the fervice of the king. His plan was to put me its environs renders them efpecially valuable. They are given entire, with only flight modifications. ^ That is properly the point of Quebec, including what is at prefent enclofed by La Place, the ftreet Notre Dame, and the river. 2 clearing mull have been what was called later the Efplanade du Fort, or Grande Place, or perhaps both. The Grande Place became, in 1658, the fort of the Hurons: it was the fpace included between the C6te of the lower town and the Rue du Fort. » a little above the gardens, on the Hope of the Cote du Saut au Matelot, a crofs is feen, which feems to indicate that at that time the cemetery was where it is faid to be when it is mentioned fome years later for the firft time. " According to the old plans of Quebec, thefe marlhes were reprefented to be weft of Mont Carmel, and at the foot of the glacis of the Citadel. The brook paired eaftward of the grounds of the Urfulines and Jdfuites, followed for fome diftance the Rue de la Fabrique as far as the enclofure of the Hotel Dieu, to the eaft of which it ran down the hill towards the foot of the Cote de la Cano- lerie. ® The river St, Charles. The letter E does not indicate precifely the place where Jacques Quartier wintered, but only the mouth of the river. ® Judging from the outlines of the Ihore, this brook, which came from the fouth-well, flowed into the harbor of the Palais, towards the weftern extremity of the Parc. ^ This is probably what was called later the barn of the Meliieurs de la Compagnie, or fimply La Grange, and appears to have been fomewhere on the avenue of Mont Carmel. ® The fall of Montmorency is forty fathoms or two hundred and forty hrench feet, or even more. ® Hence it is feen that in 1613 this point had as yet no name. In 1629, Champlain calls it Cap de Ldvis : it can accordingly be con- cluded that this point derives its name from that of the Due de Ventadour, Henri de Ldvis, and that it must have been fo named between the years 1625 and 1627, the time when he was regent. The Lake of the Snows is the fource of the weftern branch of the Riviere du Saut. La Riviere de Beauport, which is called likewife La Diftillerie. ^2 Called later Ruifteau de la Cabane aux Taupiers, Riviere Chalifour, and finally Riviere des Fous, from the new infane afylum, by the fite of which it now paftes. Height where is now fituated the baftion of the Roi h la Citadelle. This name was given it, doubtlefs. in memory of M. de Monts, Pierre du Guaft. This figure appears not only at the Point du Cap Diamant, but alfo along the ftiore of Beauport, and at the end of the Ifland of Orleans. 177 Sieur de Champlain, me to death, and, getting poffeffion of our fort, to put it into the hands of the Bafques or Spaniards, then at Tadouffac, beyond which veffels cannot go, from not having a knowledge of the route, nor of the banks and rocks on the way. In order to execute his wretched plan, by which he hoped to make his fortune, he fuborned four of the worft charadters, as he fuppofed, telling them a thoufand falfehoods, and pre- fenting to them profpedts of acquiring riches. Thefe four men, having been won over, all promifed to adt in fuch a manner as to gain the reft over to their fide ; fo that, for the time being, I had no one with me in whom I could put confidence, which gave them ftill more hope of making their plan fucceed : for four or five of my companions, in whom they knew that I put confidence, were on board of the barques, for the purpofe of protedting the provifions and fupplies neceflary for our fettlement. In a word, they were fo fkilful in carrying out their intrigues with thofe who remained, that they were on the point of gaining all over to their caufe, even my lackey, prom- ifing them many things which they could not have fulfilled. Being now all agreed, they made daily different plans as to how they fhould put me to death, fo as not to be accufed of it, which they found to be a difficult thing. But the devil, blindfolding them all and taking away their reafon and every poffible difficulty, they determined to take me while unarmed, and flrangle me ; or to give a falfe alarm at night, and ffioot me as I went out, in which manner they judged that they would accomplilh their work fooner than otherwife. They made a mutual promife not to betray each other, on penalty that the firfl one who opened his mouth fhould be poniarded. *3 They 178 Voyages of They were to execute their plan in four days, before the arrival of our barques, otherwife they would have been unable to carry out their fcheme. On this very day, one of our barques arrived, with our pilot. Captain Teftu, a very difcreet man. After the barque was unloaded, and ready to return to Tadouffac, there came to him a lockfmith, named Natel, an affociate of Jean du Val, the head of the confpiracy, who told him that he had prom- ifed the reft to do juft as they did ; but that he did not in fadl defire the execution of the plot, yet did not dare to make a difclofure in regard to it, from fear of being poniarded. Antoine Natel made the pilot promife that he would make no difclofure in regard to what he fhould fay, fince, if his companions fhould difcover it, they would put him to death. The pilot gave him his affurance in all particulars, and alked him to ftate the charadter of the plot which they wifhed to carry out. This Natel did at length, when the pilot faid to him : “ My friend, you have done well to difclofe fuch a ma- licious defign, and you fhow that you are an upright man, and under the guidance of the Holy Spirit. But thefe things cannot be paffed by without bringing them to the knowledge of Sieur de Champlain, that he may make provifion againft them ; and I promife you that I will prevail upon him to pardon you and the reft. And I will at once,” faid the pilot, “ go to him without exciting any fufpicion ; and do you go about your bufinefs, liftening to all they may fay, and not troubling yourfelf about the reft.” The pilot came at once to me, in a garden which I was having prepared, and faid that he wifhed to fpeak to me in a private place, where we could be alone. I readily affented, and 179 Sieur de Champlain. and we went into the wood, where he related to me the whole affair. I asked who had told it to him. He begged me to pardon him who had made the difclofure, which I confented to do, although he ought to have addreffed himfelf to me. He was afraid, he replied, that you would become angry, and harm him. I told him that I was able to govern myfelf better than that, in fuch a matter ; and defired him to have the man come to me, that I might hear his ftatement. He went, and brought him all trembling with fear left I fliould do him fome harm. I reaffured him, telling him not to be afraid; that he was in a place of fafety, and that I fliould pardon him for all that he had done, together with the others, provided he would tell me in full the truth in regard to the whole matter, and the motive which had impelled them to it. “Nothing,” he faid, “had impelled them, except that they had imagined that, by giving up the place into the hands of the Bafques or Spaniards, they might all become rich, and that they did not want to go back to France.” He alfo related to me the remaining particulars in regard to their confpiracy. After having heard and queftioned him, I dire6led him to go about his work. Meanwhile, I ordered the pilot to bring up his ftiallop, which he did. Then I gave two bottles of wine to a young man, dire(5ling him to fay to thefe four worthies, the leaders of the confpiracy, that it was a prefent of wine, which his friends at Tadouffac had given him, and that he wifhed to fhare it with them. This they did not decline, and at evening were on board the barque where he was to give them the entertainment. I loft no time in going there fliortly after ; and caufed them to be feized, and held until the next day. Then 1 8o Voyages of Then were my worthies aftoniihed indeed. I at once had all get up, for it was about ten o’clock in the evening, and pardoned them all, on condition that they would difclofe to me the truth in regard to all that had occurred ; which they did, when I had them retire. The next day I took the depofitions of all, one after the other, in the prefence of the pilot and failors of the veffel, which I had put down in writing ; and they were well pleafed, as they faid, fmce they had lived only in fear of each other, efpecially of the four knaves who had enfnared them. But now they lived in peace, fatisfied, as they declared, with the treatment which they had received. The fame day I had fix pairs of handcuffs made for the authors of the confpiracy : one for our furgeon, named Bon- nerme, one for another, named La Taille, whom the four confpirators had accufed, which, however, proved falfe, and confequently they were given their liberty. This being done, I took my worthies to Tadoulfac, beg- ging Pont Grav6 to do me the favor of guarding them, fmce I had as yet no fecure place for keeping them, and as we were occupied in conflrudting our places of abode. An- other objedt was to confult with him, and others on the Ihip, as to what fhould be done in the premifes. We fuggelled that, after he had finifhed his work at Tadoulfac, he Ihould come to Quebec with the prifoners, where we fhould have them confronted with their witnelfes, and, after giving them a hearing, order juftice to be done according to the offence which they had committed. I went back the next day to Quebec, to haften the com- pletion of our ftorehoufe, lb as to fecure our provifions, which Sieur de Champlain. i8i which had been mifufed by all thofe fcoundrels, who fpared nothing, without refledling how they could find more when thefe failed ; for I could not obviate the difficulty until the ftorehoufe fhould be completed and fliut up. Pont Grave arrived fome time after me, with the prifoners, which caufed uneafiness to the workmen who remained, fince they feared that I fhould pardon them, and that they would avenge themfelves upon them for revealing their wicked defign. We had them brought face to face, and they affirmed before them all which they had ftated in their depofitions, the prifoners not denying it, but admitting that they had adted in a wicked manner, and fhould be punifbed, unlefs mercy might be exercifed towards them; accurfing, above all, Jean du Val, who had been trying to lead them into fiich a con- fpiracy from the time of their departure from France. Du Val knew not what to fay, except that he deferved death, that all ftated in the depofitions was true, and that he begged for mercy upon himfelf and the others, who had given in their adherence to his pernicious purpofes. After Pont Grave and I, the captain of the veffel, furgeon, mate, fecond mate, and other failors, had heard their depofi* tions and face to face ftatements, we adjudged that it would be enough to put to death Du Val, as the inftigator of the confpiracy ; and that he might ferve as an example to thofe who remained, leading them to deport themfelves corre<5tly in future, in the difcharge of their duty ; and that the Span- iards and Bafques, of whom there were large numbers in the country, might not glory in the event. We adjudged that the three others be condemned to be hung, but that they fhould 1 82 Voyages of fhould be taken to France and put into the hands of Sieur de Monts, that fuch ample juftice might be done them as he fliould recommend ; that they fliould be fent with all the evi- dence and their fentence, as well as that of Jean du Val who was ftrangled and hung at Quebec, and his head was put on the end of a pike, to be fet up in the moft confpicuous place on our fort. CHAPTER IV. Return of Pont Grave to France. — Description of our Quarters AND THE Place where Jacques Cartier stayed in 1535. FTER all thefe occurrences, Pont Grave fet out from Quebec, on the i8th of September, to re- turn to France with the three prifoners. After he had gone, all who remained conduced them- felves corredlly in the difcharge of their duty. I had the work on our quarters continued, which was compofed of three buildings of two flories. Each one was three fathoms long, and two and a half wide. The ftore- houfe was fix fathoms long and three wide, with a fine cellar fix feet deep. I had a gallery made all around our buildings, on the outfide, at the fecond ftory, which proved very con- venient. There were alfo ditches, fifteen feet wide and fix deep. On the outer fide of the ditches, I conflrudted feveral fpurs, which enclofed a part of the dwelling, at the points where we placed our cannon. Before the habitation there is a place four fathoms wide and fix or feven long, looking out upon the river-bank. Surrounding the habitation are very good gardens, and a place on the north fide fome hundred or hundred « Sieur de Champlain. 183 hundred and twenty paces long and fifty or fixty wide. More- over, near Quebec, there is a little river, coming from a lake in the interior,®^® diftant fix or feven leagues from our fettle- ment. I am of opinion that this river, which is north a quarter north-weft from our fettlement, is the place where Jacques Cartier Champlain’s Explanation of the accompanying Map. Abitation db Qubbbcq. A, The ftorehoufe. B, Dove-cote. C. A building where our arms are kept, and for lodging our workmen. D. Another building for our workmen. E. Dial. F. Another building, comprifmg the blackfmith’s fhop and the lodgings of the mechanics. G. Galleries extending entirely round the dwellings. H, The dwell- ing of Sieur de Champlain. /. Gate to the habitation where there is a draw- bridge. L. Promenade about the habitation ten feet wide, extending to the border of the moat. M. Moat extending all round our habitation. N, Plat- forms, of a tenaille form, for our cannon. O, Garden of Sieur de Champlain. P, The kitchen. Q. Open fpace before the habitation on the bank of the river. R, The great river St. Lawrence. The river St. Charles flows from a lake in the interior of the fame name. It was called by the Montagnais, ac- cording to Sagard as cited by Laver- di^re, in loco., “ Cabirecoubat, becaufe it turns and forms feveral points.” Car- tier named it the Holy Crofs, or St. Croix, becaufe he fays he arrived there “ that day ; ” that is, the day on which the exaltation of the Crofs is celebrated, the 14th of September, 1535. — Vide Cartier., Hakluyt, Vol. III. p. 266. The R^colledls gave it the name of St. Charles, after the grand vicar of Pon- toife, Charles des Boues. — Laverdilre., in loco. Jacques Cartier wintered on the north fliore of the St. Charles, which he called the St. Croix, or the Holy Crofs, about a league from Quebec. “ Hard by, there is, in that riuer, one place very narrow, deep, and fwift running, but it is not pafTing the third part of a league, ouer againfl; the which there is a goodly high piece of land, with a towne therein : and the country about it is very well tilled and wrought, and as good as poflibly can be feene. This is the place and abode of Donna- cona, and of our two men we took in our firll voyage, it is called Stadacona, . . . vnder which towne toward the North the riuer and port of the holy crofle is, where we ftaied from the 15 of September vntil the 16 of May, 1536, and there our fhips remained dry as we faid before.” — Vide Jacques Cartier, Second Voyage, Hakluyt, Vol. III. p. 277. 1 84 Voyages of Cartier wintered, fince there are ftill, a league up the river, remains of what feems to have been a chimney, the founda- tion of which has been found, and indications of there hav- ing been ditches furrounding their dwelling, which was fmall. We found, alfo, large pieces of hewn, worm-eaten timber, and fome three or four cannon-balls. All thefe things fhow clearly that there was a fettlement there founded by Chriftians ; and what leads me to fay and believe that it was that of Jacques Cartier is the fadf that there is no evi- dence whatever that any one wintered and built a houfe in thefe places except Jacques Cartier, at the time of his difcov- eries. This place, as I think, muft have been called St Croix, as he named it; which name has fince been tranf- ferred to another place fifteen leagues weft of our fettlement But there is no evidence of his having wintered in the place now called St. Croix, nor in any other there, fince in this direction there is no river or other place large enough for veffels except the main river or that of which I fpoke above ; here there is half a fathom of water at low tide, many rocks, and a bank at the mouth ; for veffels, if kept in the main river, where there are ftrong currents and tides, and ice in the win- ter, drifting along, would run the rifk of being loft ; efpecially as there is a fandy point extending out into the river, and filled with rocks, between which we have found, within the last three years, a paffage not before difcovered; but one muft go through cautioufly, in confequence of the dangerous points there. This place is expofed to the north-weft winds ; and The fpot where Jacques Cartier wintered was at the jun6lion of the river Lairet and the St. Charles. Sieur de Champlain. 185 and the river runs as if it vsrere a fall, the tide ebbing two and a half fathoms. There are no figns of buildings here, nor any indications that a man of judgment would fettle in this place, there being many other better ones, in cafe one were obliged to make a permanent flay. I have been defirous of fpeaking at length on this point, fmce many believe that the abode of Jacques Cartier was here, which I do not believe, for the reafons here given; for Cartier would have left to pofterity a narrative of the matter, as he did in the cafe of all he faw and difcovered ; and I maintain that my opinion is the true one, as can be fhown by the hiftory which he has left in writing. As ftill farther proof that this place now called St. Croix is not the place where Jacques Cartier wintered, as moft perfons think, this is what he fays about it in his difcoveries, taken from his hiftory; namely, that he arrived at the Ifle aux Coudres on the 5th of December,®'^ 1535, which he called by this name, as hazel-nuts were found there. There is a ftrong tidal current in this place ; and he fays that it is three leagues long, but it is quite enough to reckon a league and a half. On the 7th of the month, Notre Dame Day,®'® he fet out from this ifland to go up the river, in which he faw fourteen iflands, diftant feven or eight leagues from Ifle aux Coudres on Cartier difcovered the Ifle of Notre Dame Day, iour de nojlre Coudres, that is, the ifle of filberts or dame^ fhould read “Notre Dame Eve. hazel-nuts, on the 6th of September, Cartier fays, Le feptiejme tour dudtCl I Vide Cartier^ 1545, D’Avezac moys iour nojlre-dame,^^ tic, — Idem, ed., Paris, 1863, p. 12. This ifland is p. 12. Hakluyt renders it, “The feu- five nautical miles long, which agrees enth of the moneth being our Ladees with the ftatement of Champlain, and euen.” — Vol. III. p. 265. its greateft width is two miles and a quarter. 24 1 86 Voyages of on the fouth. He errs fomewhat in this eftimatioii, for it is not more than three leagues^* He alfo fays that the place where the iflands are is the commencement of the land or province of Canada, and that he reached an ifland ten leagues long and five wide, where extenfive fifheries are carried on, fifh being here, in fadl, very abundant, efpecially the fturgeon. But its length is not more than fix leagues, and its breadth two ; a fa6t well recognized now. He fays alfo that he anchored between this ifland and the main land on the north, the fmallefl paffage, and a dangerous one, where he landed two favages whom he had taken to France, and that, after flopping in this place fome time with the people of the country, he fent for his barques and went farther up the river, with the tide, feeking a harbor and place of fecurity for his fhips. He fays, farther, that they went on up the river, coafting along this ifland, the length of which he eflimates at ten leagues ; and after it was paffed they found a very fine and pleafant bay, containing a little river and bar harbor, which they found very favorable for fheltering their veffels. This they named St. Croix, fince he arrived there on this day ; and at the time of the voyage of Cartier the place was called Stadaca,®^® but we now call it Quebec. He fays, alfo, that after he had examined this place he returned to get his veffels for palling the winter there. Now we may conclude, accordingly, that the diftance is only As Champlain fuggefts, thefe in much lefs than feven or eight leagues, iflands are only three leagues higher as Cartier eflimates. up the river ; but, as they are on the op- This was an error in tranfcribing. polite fide, they could not be compalTed Cartier has Stadacone. — Vide Brief Ricit, IS4S, D’Avezac ed., p. 14. Sieur de Champlain. 187 only five leagues from the Ifle aux Coudres to the Ifle of Orleans at the weftern extremity of which the river is very broad; and at which bay, as Cartier calls it, there is no other river than that which he called St. Croix, a good league diftant from the Ifle of Orleans, in which, at low tide, there is only half a fathom of water. It is very dangerous for veffels at its mouth, there being a large number of fpurs ; that is, rocks fcattered here and there. It is accordingly neceffary to place buoys in order to enter, there being, as I have ftated, three fathoms of water at ordinary tides, and four fathoms, or four and a half generally, at the great tides at full flood. It is only fifteen hundred paces from our habitation, which is higher up the river; and, as I have ftated, there is no other river up to the place now called St. Croix, where veffels can He, there being only little brooks. The fhores are flat and dangerous, which Cartier does not mention until the time that he fets out from St. Croix, now called Quebec, where he left his veffels, and built his place of abode, as is feen from what follows. On the 19th of September, he fet out from St Croix, where his veffels were, fetting fail with the tide up the river, which they found very pleafant, as well on account of the woods, vines, and dwellings, which were there in his time, as for other reafons. They cafl anchor twenty-five^ leagues from the entrance to the land of Canada , that is, at the weftern The diftance, according to Laurie’s Chart, is at leaft twenty-fix nautical miles. 817 Canada at this time was regarded by the Indians as a limited territory. lituated at or about Quebec. This ftate- ment is confirmed by the teftimony of Cartier : “ Ledi<5l Donnacona pria noltre cappitaine de aller le lendemain veoir Canada, Ce que luy promift le diCt cappitaine. 1 88 Voyages of weftern extremity of the Ifle of Orleans, fo called by Cartier. What is now called St. Croix was then called Achelacy, at a narrow pafs where the river is very fwift and dangerous on account of the rocks and other things, and which can only be paffed at flood-tide. Its diftance from Quebec and the river where Cartier wintered is fifteen leagues. Now, throughout the entire extent of this river, from Quebec to the great fall, there are no narrows except at the place now called St. Croix, the name of which has been transferred from one place to another one, which is very dan- gerous, as my defcription fliows. And it is very apparent, from his narrative, that this was not the fite of his habitation, as is claimed ; but that the latter was near Quebec, and that no one had entered into a fpecial inveftigation of this matter before my doing fo in my voyages. For the firft time I was told that he dwelt in this place, I was greatly aftoniflied, find- ing no trace of a river for veffels, as he dates there was. This cappitaine. Et le ledemain, 13. iour du did moys, ledid cappitaine auecques fes gentilz hommes accompaigne de cinquante compaignons bien en ordre, alleret veoir ledict Donnacona & fon peuple, qui ell diftat dou elloient lef- dides nauires d’une lieue.” — Vide Brief Rdcit, 1545, D’Avezac ed., p. 29. Of the above the following is Hakluyt’s tranflation : Donnacona their Lord delired our Captaine the next day to come and fee Canada, which he prom- ifed to doe : for the next day bejng the 13 of the moneth, he with all his Gen- tlemen and fiftie Mariners very well appointed, went to vifite Donnacona and his people, about a league from our Ihips.” Their Ihips were at this time at St. Croix, a Ihort diftance up the St. Charles, which flows into the St. Law- rence at Quebec ; and the little Indian village, or camp, which Donnacona called Canada, was at Quebec. Other palfages from Cartier, as well as from Jean Alfonfe, harmonize with this which we have cited. Canada was therefore in Cartier’s time only the name of a very fmall territory covered by an In- dian village. When it became the cen- tre of French interefts, it alTumed a wider meaning. The St. Lawrence was often called the Rivef of Canada, then the territory on its fliores, and finally Canada has come to comprehend the vaft Britifh polfeflions in America known as the “ Dominion of Canada.” Sieur de Champlain. 189 This led me to make a careful examination, in order to remove the fufpicion and doubt of many perfons in regard to the matter^® While the carpenters, fawers of boards, and other work- men, were employed on our quarters, I fet all the others to work clearing up around our place of abode, in preparation for gardens in which to plant grain and feeds, that we might fee how they would flourifh, as the foil feemed to be very good. Meanwhile, a large number of favages were encamped in cabins near us, engaged in fifhing for eels, which begin to come about the 1 5th of September, and go away on the 1 5th of Odlober. During this time, all the favages fublift on this food, and dry enough of it for the winter to lafl until the month of February, when there are about two and a half, or at moft three, feet of fnow ; and, when their eels and other things which they dry have been prepared, they go to hunt the beaver until the beginning of January. At their departure for this purpofe, they intrufled to us all their eels and other things, until their return, which was on the 1 5th of December. But they did not have great fuccefs in the beaver-hunt, as the amount of water was too great, the rivers having overrun their banks, as they told us. I returned to them all their fupplies, which lafled them only until the 20th of January. When their fupply of eels gave out, they hunted the elk and fuch The locality of Cartier’s winter*- overwhelming teftimony which he brings quarters is eftablifhed by Champlain to bear upon the fubjedl. Charlevoix with the certainty of an hiftorical dem- makes the St. Croix of Cartier the onftration, and yet there are to be found Riviere de Jacques Cartier . — Vide thofe whofe judgment is fo warped by Shed's Charlevoix.^ Vol. I. p. ii6. preconceived opinion that they refill the 190 Voyages of fuch other wild beafts as they could find until fpring, when I was able to fupply them with various things. I paid efpecial attention to their cuftoms. Thefe people fuffer fo much from lack of food that they are fometimes obliged to live on certain fhell-filh, and eat their dogs and the fkins with which they clothe themfelves againfl; the cold. I am of opinion that, if one were to fliow them how to live, and teach them the cultivation of the foil and other things, they would learn very aptly. For many of them poffefs good fenfe, and anfwer properly queftions put to them. They have a bad habit of taking vengeance, and are great liars, and you muft not put much reliance on them, ex- cept judicioufly, and with force at hand. They make prom- ifes readily, but keep their word poorly. The moft of them obferve no law at all, fo far as I have been able to fee, and are, befides, full of fuperftitions. I afked them with what ceremonies they were accuftomed to pray to their God, when they replied that they had none, but that each prayed to him in his heart, as he wiflied. That is why there is no law among them, and they do not know what it is to worfhip and pray to God, living as they do like brute beafts. But I think that they would foon become good Chriftians, if people would come and inhabit their country, which they are for the moft part defirous of. There are fome favages among them, called by them Pilotois, whom they believe have intercourfe with the devil face to face, who tells them what they muft do in regard to war and other things ; and, if he fhould order them to exe- cute any undertaking, they would obey at once. So, alfo, they believe that all their dreams are true ; and, in fadt, there are many who fay that they have had vifions and dreams about matters Sieur de Champlain. 19 1 matters which actually come to pafs or will do fo. But, to tell the truth, thefe are diabolical vifions, through which they are deceived and mifled. This is all I have been able to learn about their brutifh faith. All thefe people are well proportioned in body, without deformity, and are agile. The women, alfo, are well-formed, plump, and of a fwarthy color, in confequence of certain pigments with which they rub them- felves, and which give them a permanent olive color. They are dreffed in fkins : a part only of the body is covered. But in winter they are covered throughout, in good furs of elk, otter, beaver, bear, feals, deer, and roe, of which they have large quantities. In winter, when the fnow is deep, they make a fort of fnow-fhoe of large fize, two or three times as large as that ufed in France, which they attach to their feet, thus going over the fnow without finking in ; otherwife, they could not hunt or walk in many places. They have a fort of marriage, which is as follows : When a girl is fourteen or fifteen years old, and has feveral fuitors, fhe may keep company with all fhe likes. At the end of five or fix years, fhe takes the one that pleafes her for her hufband, and they live together to the end of their lives. But if, after living fome time together, they have no children, the man can difun ite himfelf and take another woman, alleging that his own is good for nothing. Hence, the girls have greater freedom than the married women. After marriage, the women are chafte, and their hufbands generally jealous. They give prefents to the fathers or rela- tives of the girls they have wedded. Thefe are the ceremo- nies and forms obferved in their marriages. In regard to their burials : When a man or a woman dies, they dig a pit, in 192 Voyages of in which they put all their property, as kettles, furs, axes, bows, arrows, robes, and other things. Then they place the body in the pit and cover it with earth, putting on top many large pieces of wood, and another piece upright, painted red on the upper part. They believe in the immortality of the foul, and fay that they fhall be happy in other lands with their relatives and friends who are dead. In the cafe of captains or others of fome diftindtion, they celebrate a banquet three times a year after their death, finging and dancing about the grave. All the time they were with us, which was the moft fecure place for them, they did not ceafe to fear their enemies to fuch an extent that they often at night became alarmed while dreaming, and fent their wives and children to our fort, the gates of which I had opened to them, allowing the men to remain about the fort, but not permitting them to enter, for their perfons were thus as much in fecurity as if they had been infide. I alfo had five or fix of our men go out to reaf- fure them, and to go and afcertain whether they could fee any thing in the woods, in order to quiet them. They are very timid and in great dread of their enemies, fcarcely ever fleeping in repofe in whatever place they may be, although I conflantly reaffured them, fo far as I could, urging them to do as we did ; nainely, that they fhould have a portion watch while the others flept, that each one fhould have his arms in readinefs like him who was keeping watch, and that they fliould not regard dreams as the adlual truth to be relied upon, fince they are moflly only falfe, to which I alfo added other words on the fame fubjedl. But thefe remonftrances were of little avail with them, and they faid that we knew better 193 Sieur de Champlain. better than they how to keep guard againft all things ; and that they, in courfe of time, if we continued to flay with them, would be able to learn it. CHAPTER V. Seeds and Vines planted at Quebec. — Commencement of the Winter AND Ice. — Extreme Destitution of Certain Indians. N the I ft of 0 ( 5 lober, I had fome wheat fown, and on the 15th fome rye. On the 3d, there was a white froft in fome places, and the leaves of the trees began to fall on the 1 5th. On the 24th, I had fome native vines fet out, which flourifhed very well. But, after leaving the fettlement to go to France, they were all fpoiled from lack of attention, at which I was much troubled on my return. On the i8th of November, there was a great fall of fnow, which remained only two days on the ground, during which time there was a violent gale of wind. There died during this month a failor and our lockfmith*'® of dyfentery, fo alfo many Indians from eating eels badly cooked, as I think. On the 5th of February, it flowed violently, and the wind was high for two days. On the 20th, fome Indians appeared on the other fide of the river, calling to us to go to their affiftance, which was beyond our power, on account of the large amount of ice drifting in the river. Hunger preffed upon thefe poor wretches fo fe- verely that, not knowing what to do, they refolved, men, women, and Unlefs they had more than one lockfmith, this muft have been Antoine Natel. — Vide antea.^ p. 178. 25 194 Voyages of and children, to crofs the river or die, hoping that I fhould affift them in their extreme want. Having accordingly made this refolve, the men and women took the children and em- barked in their canoes, thinking that they could reach our fhore by an opening in the ice made by the wind ; but they were fcarcely in the middle of the ftream when their canoes were caught by the ice and broken into a thoufand pieces. But they were fkilful enough to throw themfelves with the children, which the women carried on their backs, on a large piece of ice. As they were on it, we heard them crying out fo that it excited intenfe pity, as before them there feemed nothing but death. But fortune was fo favorable to thefe poor wretches that a large piece of ice ftruck againft the fide of that on which they were, fo violently as to drive them afliore. On feeing this favorable turn, they reached the Ihore with as much delight as they ever experienced, notwithftanding the great hunger from which they were fuffering. They pro- ceeded to our abode, fo thin and haggard that they feemed like mere fkeletons, moft of them not being able to hold themfelves up. I was aftonifhed to fee them, and obferve the manner in which they had croffed, in view of their being fo feeble and weak. I ordered fome bread and beans to be given them. So great was their impatience to eat them, that they could not wait to have them cooked. I lent them alfo fome bark, which other favages had given me, to cover their cabins. As they were making their cabin, they difcovered a piece of carrion, which I had had thrown out nearly two months before to attradl the foxes, of which we caught black and red ones, like thofe in France, but with heavier fur. This carrion confifted of a fow and a dog, which had fuf- tained 195 Sieur de Champlain. tained all the rigors of the weather, hot and cold. When the weather was mild, it flank fo badly that one could not go near it. Yet they feized it and carried it off to their cabin, where they forthwith devoured it half cooked. No meat ever feemed to them to tafle better. I fent two or three men to warn them not to eat it, unlefs they wanted to die : as they approached their cabin, they fmelt fuch a flench from this carrion half warmed up, each one of the Indians holding a piece in his hand, that they thought they fhould difgorge, and accordingly fcarcely flopped at all. Thefe poor wretches finifhed their repafl. I did not fail, however, to fupply them according to my refources ; but this was little, in view of the large number of them. In the fpace of a month, they would have eaten up all our provifions, 'if they had had them in their power, they are fo gluttonous ; for, when they have edibles, they lay nothing afide, but keep confuming them day and night without refpite, afterwards dying of hunger. They did alfo another thing as difgufling as that jufl men- tioned. I had caufed a bitch to be placed on the top of a tree, which allured the martens and birds of prey, from which I derived pleafure, fmce generally this carrion was at- tacked by them. Thefe favages went to the tree, and, being too weak to climb it, cut it down and forthwith took away the dog, which was only fkin and bones, the tainted head emitting a flench, but which was at once devoured. This is the kind of enjoyment they experience for the moft part in winter ; for in fummer they are able to fupport themfelves, and to obtain provifions fo as not to be affailed by Martres, The common weafel, Mujlela vulgaris. 196 Voyages of by fuch extreme hunger, the rivers abounding in fiih, while birds and wild animals fill the country about. The foil is very good and well adapted for tillage, if they would but take pains to plant Indian corn, as all their neighbors do, the Algonquins, Ochaflaiguins,®^^ and Iroquois, who are not attacked by fuch extremes of hunger, which they pro- vide againfi: by their carefulnefs and forefight, fo that they live happily in comparifon with the Montagnais, Canadians, and Souriquois along the feacoaft. This is in the main their wretched manner of life. The fnow and ice laft three months there, from January to the 8th of April, when it is nearly all melted ; at the lateft, it is only feldom that any is feen at the end of the latter month at our fettlement. It is re- markable that fo much fnow and ice as there is on the river, and which is from two to three fathoms thick, is all melted in lefs than twelve days. From Tadouffac to Gafp^ Cape Breton, Newfoundland, and the Great Bay, the fnow and ice continue in moft places until the end of May, at which time the Ochajiaiguins. This, fays La- verdi^re, is what Champlain firft called the Hurons, from the name of Ocha- teguin, one of their chiefs. Huron was a nickname : the proper name of this tribe was Wendot or Wyandot. They occupied the eaftern bank of Lake Hu- ron and the fouthern Ihores of the Georgian Bay. The knowledge of the feveral tribes here referred to had been obtained by Champlain, partly from his own obfervation and partly from the Indians. The Algommequins or Al- gonquins, known at this time to Cham- plain, were from the region of the Ottawa. The Yroquois or Iroquois dwelt fouth of the St. Lawrence in the State of New York, and comprifed what are generally known as the Five Nations. The Montagnais or Montaignets had their great trading-poll at Tadouffac, and roamed over a vail territory north and eaft of that point, and weft of it as far as the mountains that feparate the waters of the Saguenay and thofe of the Ottawa. The name was given to them by the French from this mountain range. The Canadians were thofe about the neighborhood of Quebec. The Souriquois were of Nova Scotia, and fubfequently known as Micmacs. Of moft of thefe different tribes, Cham- plain could fpeak from perfonal knowl- edge. 197 Sieur de Champlain. the entire entrance of the great river is fealed with ice ; al- though at Quebec there is none at all, fliowing a ftrange dif- ference for one hundred and twenty leagues in longitude, for the entrance to the river is in latitude 49° 50' to 5 1°, and our fettlement ^ in 46° 40'. CHAPTER VI. The Scurvy at Quebec. — How the Winter passed. — Description of THE Place. — Arrival at Quebec of Sieur des Marais, Son-in- law OF Pont Grave. I HE fcurvy began very late; namely, in February, and continued until the middle of April. Eigh- teen were attacked, and ten died ; five others dying of the dyfentery. I had fome opened, to fee whether they were tainted, like thofe I had feen in our other fettlements. They were found the fame. Some time after, our furgeon died.®^ All this troubled us very much, on account of the difficulty we had in attending to the fick. The nature of this difeafe I have defcribed before. It is my opinion that this difeafe proceeds only from eating exceffively of fait food and vegetables, which heat the blood and corrupt the internal parts. The winter is alfo, in part, its caufe; fince it checks the natural warmth, caufing a ftill greater corruption of the blood. There rife alfo from the Laverdifere gives the exaft latitude His name was Bonnerme. Vide of Quebec at the Obfervatory, on the antea^ p. i8o. authority of Captain Bayfield, as 46° 49 ' 8 ". 198 Voyages of the earth, when firft cleared up, certain vapors which infefl the air : this has been obferved in the cafe of thofe who have lived at other fettlements ; after the firft year when the fun had been let in upon what was not before cleared up, as well in our abode as in other places, the air was much better, and the difeafes not fo violent as before. But the country is fine and pleafant, and brings to maturity all kinds of grains and feeds, there being found all the various kinds of trees, which we have here in our forefts, and many fruits, although they are naturally wild ; as, nut-trees, cherry-trees, plum-trees, vines, rafpberries, ftra wherries, currants, both green and red, and feveral other fmall fruits, which are very good. There are alfo feveral kinds of excellent plants and roots. Fifhing is abundant in the rivers ; and game without limit on the numerous meadows bordering them. From the month of April to the 15th of December, the air is fo pure and healthy that one does not experience the flightefl indifpofition. But January, February, and March are dangerous, on account of the fickneffes prevailing at this time, rather than in fummer, for the reafons before given ; for, as to treatment, all of my com- pany were well clothed, provided with good beds, and well warmed and fed, that is, with the fait meats we had, which, in my opinion, injured them greatly, as I have already ftated. As far as I have been able to fee, the ficknefs attacks one who is delicate in his living and takes particular care of him- felf as readily as one whofe condition is as wretched as poffi- ble. We fuppofed at firfl that the workmen only would be attacked with this difeafe ; but this we found was not the cafe. Thofe failing to the Eaft Indies and various other regions, as Germany and England, are attacked with it as well as in New France. 199 Sieur de Champlain, France. Some time ago, the Flemifli, being attacked with this malady in their voyages to the Indies, found a very ftrange remedy, which might be of fervice to us ; but we have never afcertained the charadler of it. Yet I am confident that, with good bread and frefh meat, a perfon would not be liable to it. On the 8th of April, the fnow had all melted ; and yet the air was ftill very cold until April,®“^ when the trees begin to leaf out. Some of thofe fick with the fcurvy were cured when fpring came, which is the feafon for recovery. I had a favage of the country wintering with me, who was attacked with this dif- eafe from having changed his diet to fait meat ; and he died from its effedls, which clearly fhows that fait food is not nourifhing, but quite the contrary in this difeafe. On the 5th of June, a fhallop arrived at our fettlement with Sieur des Marais, a fon-in-law of Pont Grave, bringing us the tidings that his father-in-law had arrived at Tadouffac on the 28th of May. This intelligence gave me inuch fatif- fadlion, as we entertained hopes of affiftance from him. Only eight out of the twenty-eight at firft forming our company were remaining, and half of thefe were ailing. On the 7th of June, I fet out from Quebec for Tadouffac on fome matters of bufinefs, and afked Sieur des Marais to flay in my place until my return, which he did. Immediately upon my arrival, Pont Grav6 and I had a conference in regard to fome explorations which I was to make in the interior, where the favages had promifed to guide *24 Read May inftead of April. 200 Voyages of guide us. We determined that I fhould go in a flaallop with twenty men, and that Pont Grave fhould flay at Tadouffac to arrange the affairs of our fettlement ; and this determination was carried out, he {pending the winter there. This arrange- ment was efpecially definable, fmce I was to return to France, according to the orders fent out by Sieur de Monts, in order to inform him of what I had done and the explorations I had made in the country. After this decifion, I fet out at once from Tadouffac, and returned to Quebec, where I had a fliallop fitted out with all that was neceffary for making explorations in the country of the Iroquois, where I was to go with our allies, the Mon- tagnais. CHAPTER VII. Departure from Quebec and Voyage to the Ile St. Eloi. — Meeting THERE WITH THE AlGONQUINS AND OCHATAIGUINS. ITH this purpofe, I fet out on the i8th of the month. Here the river begins to widen, in fome places to the breadth of a league or a league and a half. The country becomes more and more beautiful. There are hills along the river in part, and in part it is a level country, with but few rocks. The river itfelf is dangerous in many places, in confe- quence of its banks and rocks ; and it is not fafe failing without keeping the lead in hand. The river is very abundant in many kinds of fifh, not only fuch as we have here, but others which we have not. The country is thickly covered with maffive and lofty forefls, of the fame kind of trees 201 Sieur de Champlciin. trees 3s we hcive sbout our habitation. There are alfo many vines and nut-trees on the bank of the river, and many fmall brooks and ftreams which are only navigable with canoes. We paffed near Point St. Croix, which many main- tain, as I have faid elfewhere, is the place where Jacques Car- tier fpent the winter. This point is fandy, extending fome diftance out into the river, and expofed to the north-weft wind, which beats upon it. There are fome meadows, covered however every full tide, which falls nearly two fathoms and a half. This paffage is very dangerous on account of the large number of rocks ftretching acrofs the river, although there is a good but very winding channel, where the river runs like a race, rendering it neceffary to take the proper time for paff- ing. This place has deceived many, who thought they could only pafs at high tide from there being no channel : but we have now found the contrary to be true, for one can go down at low tide ; but it would be difficult to afeend, in confequence of the ftrong current, unlefs there were a good wind. It is confequently neceffary to wait until the tide is a third flood, in order to pafs, when the current in the channel is fix, eight, ten, twelve, and fifteen fathoms deep. Continuing our courfe, we reached a very pleafant river, nine leagues diftant from St. Croix and twenty-four from Quebec. This we named St. Mary’s River.®®® The river all the way from St. Croix is very pleafant. Purfuing our route, I met fome two or three hundred ravages, who were encamped in huts near a little ifland called St. Iloi,®®® a league and a half diftant from St. Mary. We made This river is now called the Sainte A fmall ifland near Batifcan, not Anne. charts. 26 202 Voyages of made a reconnoiffance, and found that they were tribes of ravages, called Ochateguins and Algonquins,®®'' on their way to Quebec, to affill us in exploring the territory of the Iroquois, with whom they are in deadly hoftility, fparing nothing belonging to their enemies. After reconnoitring, I went on fhore to fee them, and in- quired who their chief was. They told me there were two, one named Yroquet, and the other Ochafteguin, whom they pointed out to me. I went to their cabin, where they gave me a cordial reception, as is their cuftom. I proceeded to inform them of the objedt of my voyage, with which they were greatly pleafed. After fome talk, I withdrew. Some time after, they came to my lhallop, and prefented me with fome peltry, exhibiting many tokens of pleafure. Then they returned to the fhore. The next day, the two chiefs came to fee me, when they remained fome time without faying a word, meditating and fmoking all the while. After due refledlion, they began to harangue in a loud voice all their companions who were on the bank of the river, with their arms in their hands, and lif tening very attentively to what their chiefs faid to them, which was as follows ; that nearly ten moons ago, according to their mode of reckoning, the fon of Y roquet had feen me, and that I had given him a good reception, and declared that Pont Gravb and I defined to affift them againft their enemies, with whom they had for a long time been at warfare, on account of many cruel a6ls committed by them againft their tribe, under color of friendfhip; that, having ever fmce longed for vengeance, they had folicited all the favages, whom I faw on 827 HuFons and Algonquins. 203 Sieur de Champlain. the bank of the river, to come and make an alliance with us, and that their never having feen Chriftians alfo impelled them to come and vifit us ; that I fliould do with them and their companions as I wifhed; that they had no children with them, but men verfed in war and full of courage, acc^uainted with the country and rivers in the land of the Iroquois ; that now they entreated me to return to our fettlement, that they might fee our houfes, and that, after three days, we fhould all together come back to engage in the war ; that, as a token of firm friendfhip and joy, I fliould have muflcets and arque- bufes fired, at which they would be greatly pleafed. This I did, when they uttered great cries of aftonilhment, efpecially thofe who had never heard nor feen the like. After hearing them, I replied that, if they defired, I fliould be very glad to return to our fettlement, to gratify them ftill more ; and that they might conclude that I had no other purpofe than to engage in the war, fince we carried with us nothing but arms, and not merchandife for barter, as they had been given to underftand ; and that my only defire was to fulfill what I had promifed them ; and that, if I had known of any who had made evil reports to them, I fliould regard them as enemies more than they did themfelves. They told me that they believed nothing of them, and that they never had heard any one fpeak thus. But the contrary was the cafe ; for there were fome favages who told it to ours. I con- tented myfelf with waiting for an opportunity to fhow them in fadl fomething more than they could have expedled from me. CHAPTER VIII. 204 Voyages of CHAPTER VIII. Return to Quebec. — Continuation afterwards with the Savages to THE Fall of the River of the Iroquois. HE next day, we fet out all together for our fettle- ment, where they enjoyed themfelves fome five or fix days, which were fpent in dances and feftivities, on account of their eagernefs for us to engage in the war. Pont Grave came forthwith from Tadouffac with two little barques full of men, in compliance with a letter, in which I begged him to come as fpeedily as poffible. The favages feeing him arrive rejoiced more than ever, in- afmuch as I told them that he had given fome of his men to affifl them, and that perhaps we fhould go together. On the 28th of the month,®®® we equipped fome barques for affifting thefe favages. Pont Grave embarked on one and I on the other, when we all fet out together. The firft of J une,®®® we arrived at St. Croix, diftant fifteen leagues from Quebec, where Pont Grave and I concluded that, for certain reafons, I fhould go with the favages, and he to our fettlement and to Tadouffac. This refolution being taken, I embarked in my fhallop all that was neceffary, together with Des Marais and La Routte, our pilot, and nine men. I fet out from St. Croix on the 3d of June®®® with all the favages. We paffed the Trois Rivieres, a very beautiful country, 828 The reader will obferve that this 8^9 Read ill of July, mull have been the 28th of June, 1609. 8so Read 3d of July. 205 Sieur de Champlain. country, covered with a growth of fine trees. From this place to St. Croix is a diflance of fifteen leagues. At the mouth of the above-named river there are fix ifiands, three of which are very fmall, the others fome fifteen to fixteen hundred paces long, very pleafant in appearance. Near Lake St. Peter,®'*® fome two leagues up the river, there is a little fall not very difficult to pats. This place is in latitude 46°, lacking fome minutes. The favages of the country gave us to underftand that fome days’ journey up this river there is a lake, through which the river flows. The length of the lake is ten days’ journey, when fome falls are paffed, and after- wards three or four other lakes of five or fix days’ journey in length. Having reached the end of thefe, they go four or five leagues by land, and enter ftill another lake, where the Sacque has its principal fource. From this lake, the favages go to Tadouffac.®®® The Trois Rivieres extends forty days’ journey of the favages. They fay that at the end of this river there is a people, who are great hunters, without a fixed abode, and who are lefs than fix days’ journey from the North Sea. What little of the country I have feen is fandy, very high, with hills, covered with large quantities of pine and fir on the river border ; but fome quarter of a league in- land the woods are very fine and open, and the country level. Thence we continued our courfe to the entrance of Lake St. Peter, The river is now called St. time called St. Peter, in 1603, on St. Maurice; and the town at its mouth, Peter’s day, the 29th June, and prob- Three Rivers. Two iflands at the mouth ably fo named it from that circumftance. of the river divide it into three ; hence, From the carrying-place they it was originally called Trois Rivieres, enter the Lake St. John, and it or Three Rivers. defcend by the Saguenay to Tadouffac. Laverdi^re fuggefts that Cham- In the preceding paflage, Sacqud was plain entered this lake, now for the firft plainly intended for Saguenay. 2o6 Voyages of St. Peter, where the country is exceedingly pleafant and level, and croffed the lake, in two, three, and four fathoms of water, which is fome eight leagues long and four wide. On the north fide, we faw a very pleafant river, extending fome twenty leagues into the interior, which I named St. Suzanne; on the fouth fide, there are two, one called Riviere du Pont, the other. Riviere de Gennes,®®‘‘ which are very pretty, and in a fine and fertile country. The water is almoft flill in the lake, which is full of fifh. On the north bank, there are feen fome flight elevations at a diftance of fome twelve or fifteen leagues from the lake. After eroding the lake, we paffed a large number of iflands of various fizes, containing many nut- trees and vines, and fine meadows, with quantities of game and wild animals, which go over from the main land to thefe iflands. Fifh are here more abundant than in any other part of the river that we had feen. From thefe iflands, we went to the mouth of the River of the Iroquois, where we flayed two days, refrefhing ourfelves with good venifon, birds, and fifli, which the favages gave us. Here there fprang up among them fome difference of opinion on the fubjedl of the war, fo that a portion only determined to go with me, while the others returned to their country ivith their wives and the merchand- ife which they had obtained by barter. Setting out from the mouth of this river, which is fome four hundred to five hundred paces broad, and very beautiful, running Of the three rivers flowing into gois ; and his De Gennes is now repre- Lake St. Peter, none retains the name lented by the Yamalka. Compare given to them by Champlain. His St. Champlain’s map of 1612 with Laurie’s Suzanne is the river du Loup ; his Chart of the river St. Lawrence. Rivilre du Pont is the river St. Fran- 207 Sieur de Champlain. running fouthward,®^® we arrived at a place in latitude 45°, and twenty-two or twenty-three leagues from the Trois Riv- ieres. All this river from its mouth to the firft fall, a diftance of fifteen leagues, is very fmooth, and bordered with woods, like all the other places before named, and of the fame forts. There are nine or ten fine iflands before reaching the fall of the Iroquois, which are a league or a league and a half long, and covered with numerous oaks and nut-trees. The river is nearly half a league wide in places, and very abun- dant in filh. We found in no place lefs than four feet of water. The approach to the fall is a kind of lake,®*® where the water defcends, and which is fome three leagues in cir- cuit. There are here fome meadows, but not inhabited by favages on account of the wars. There is very little water at the fall, which runs with great rapidity. There are alfo many rocks and ftones, fo that the favages cannot go up by water, although they go down very eafily. All this region is very level, covered with forefts, vines, and nut-trees. No Chnftians had been in this place before us ; and we had confiderable difficulty in afcending the river with oars. As foon as we had reached the fall, Des Marais, La Routte, and I, with five men, went on fhore to fee whether we could pafs this place ; but we went fome league and a half without feeing any profpeft of being able to do fo, finding only water running with great fwiftnefs, and in all direftions many very dangerous, and with but little water about them. ^ o fall is perhaps fix hundred paces broad. Finding that it was ^ impoffible This is an error : the River of the Iroquois, now commonly known as the Richelieu, runs towards the north. 886 The Chambly Bafin. On Charle- voix’s Carte de la Riviere Richelieu, it is called Baffin de St. Louis. 2o8 Voyages of impoffible to cut a way through the woods with the fmall number of men that I had, I determined, after confultation with the reft, to change my original refolution, formed on the affurance of the favages that the roads were eafy, but which we did not find to be the cafe, as I have ftated. We accord- ingly returned to our fhallop, where I had left fome men as guards, and to indicate to the favages upon their arrival that we had gone to make explorations along the fall. After making what obfervations I wifhed in this place, we met, on returning, fome favages, who had come to reconnoitre, as we had done. They told us that all their companions had arrived at our fliallop, where we found them greatly pleafed, and delighted that we had gone in this manner without a guide, aided only by the reports they had feveral times made to us. Having returned, and feeing the flight profpedt there was of paffing the fall with our fliallop, I was much troubled. And it gave me efpecial diffatisfa(^ion to go back without feeing a very large lake, filled with handfome iflands, and with large tra6ls of fine land bordering on the lake, where their enemies live according to their reprefentations. After duly thinking over the matter, I determined to go and fulfil my promife, and carry out my defire. Accordingly, I embarked with the favages in their canoes, taking with me two men, who went cheerfully. After making known my plan to Des Marais and others in the fhallop, I requefted the former to return to our fettlement with the reft of our company, giv- ing them the affurance that, in a fhort time, by God’s grace, I would return to them. I proceeded forthwith to have a conference with the cap- tains 209 Sieur de Champlain. tains of the favages, and gave them to underftand that they had told me the oppofite of what my obfervations found to be the cafe at the fall ; namely, that it was impoflible to pafs it with the lhallop, but that this would not prevent me from affifting them as I had promifed. This communication trou- bled them greatly; and they defired to change their deter- mination, but I urged them not to do fo, telling them that they ought to carry out their firft plan, and that I, with two others, would go to the war with them in their canoes, in order to fhow them that, as for me, I would not break my word given to them, although alone ; but that I was unwill- ing then to oblige any one of my companions to embark, and would only take with me thofe who had the inclination to go, of whom I had found two. They were greatly pleafed at what I faid to them, and at the determination which I had taken, promifing, as before, to ftlow me fine things. CHAPTER IX. 27 210 Voyages of CHAPTER IX. Departure from the Fall of the Iroquois River. — Description of A Large Lake. — Encounter with the Enemy at this Lake ; THEIR Manner of Attacking the Iroquois, and their Behavior in Battle. SET out accordingly from the fall of the Iro- quois River on the 2d of July.®^ All the rav- ages fet to carrying their canoes, arms, and baggage overland, fome half a league, in order to pafs by the violence and ftrength of the fall, which was fpeedily accomplifhed. Then they put them all in the water again, two men in each with the baggage ; and they caufed one of the men of each canoe to go by land fome three leagues,*®® the extent of the fall, which is not, however, fo violent here as at the mouth, except in fome places, where rocks obftrudt the river, which is not broader than three hun- dred or four hundred paces. After we had paffed the fall, which was attended with difficulty, all the favages, who had gone by 88’’' The River of the Iroquois, fo called by Champlain, was long known by that name, fays Charlevoix, becaufe thefe Indians generally defcended it, in order to make their inroads into the colony. Fort Richelieu, at the mouth of the river, ere6led in 1641, was named after the celebrated Cardinal, the river having already taken his name. This fort having been demoliflied, another was built by M, de Sorel, a French officer in command, which took his name, as likewife did the river. A fort was built on the fame river at the pref- ent village of Chambly in 1664, and called Fort St. Louis. This wooden ftru6lure was replaced by another of Hone, ere6led prior to 1721, to which the name of Chambly was given, as likewife by fome writers to the river. The river has likewife fometimes been called the St. Johns, but the prevailing name is the Richelieu. 888 Read the 12th of July. 88® This fall is now avoided, and the navigation of the Richelieu fecured by a canal connefting Chambly Bafin and St. Johns, a dillance of about ten miles. Sieur de Champlain. 21 I by land over a good path and level country, although there are a great many trees, re-embarked in their canoes. My men went alfo by land ; but I went in a canoe. The favages made a review of all their followers, finding that there were twenty-four canoes, with fixty men. After the revmw was completed, we continued our courfe to an ifland,®'*® three leagues long, filled with the fineft pines I had ever feen. Here they went hunting, and captured fome wild animals. Proceeding about three leagues farther on, we made a halt, in order to reft the coming night. They all at once fet to work, fome to cut wood, and others to obtain the bark of trees for covering their cabins, for the fake of Iheltering themfelves, others to fell large trees for conftrudling a barricade on the river-bank around their cab- ins, which they do fo quickly that in lefs than two hours fo much is accomplifhed that five hundred of their enemies would find it very difficult to diflodge them without killing large numbers. They make no barricade on the river-bank, where their canoes are drawn up, in order that they may be able to embark, if occafion requires. After they were eftab- liftied in their cabins, they defpatched three canoes, with nine good men, according to their cuftom in all their encampments, to reconnoitre for a diftance of two or three leagues, to fee if they can perceive any thing, after which they return. They reft the entire night, depending upon the obfervation of thefe fcouts, which is a very bad cuftom among them ; for t ey are fometimes while fleeping furprifed by their enernies, w o daughter J40 It is here pofed tu 2 12 Voyages of flaughter them before they have time to get up and prepare for defence. Noticing this, I remonftrated with them on the miflake they made, and told them that they ought to keep watch, as they had feen us do every night, and have men on the lookout, in order to liften and fee whether they perceived any thing, and that they firould not live in fuch a manner like hearts. They replied that they could not keep watch, and that they worked enough in the day-time in the chafe, fince, when engaged in war, they divide their troops into three parts : namely, a part for hunting fcattered in feveral places ; another to conrtitute the main body of their army, which is always under arms ; and the third to adl as avanf-coureurs, to look out along the rivers, and obferve whether they can fee any mark or fignal fliowing where their enemies or friends have parted. This they afcertain by certain marks which the chiefs of different tribes make known to each other ; but, thefe not continuing always the fame, they inform themfelves from time to time of changes, by which means they afcertain whether they are enemies or friends who have parted. The hunters never hunt in advance of the main body, or avant- coureurs, fo as not to excite alarm or produce diforder, but in the rear and in the diredlion from which they do not antici- pate their enemy. Thus they advance until they are within two or three days’ march of their enemies, when they proceed by night Healthily and all in a body, except the van-couriers. By day, they withdraw into the interior of the woods, where they rert, without rtraying off, neither making any noife nor any fire, even for the fake of cooking, fo as not to be noticed in cafe their enemies fliould by accident pafs by. They make no fire, except in fmoking, which amounts to almort nothing. They 213 Sieur de Champlain. They eat baked Indian meal, which they foak in water, when it becomes a kind of porridge. They provide themfelves with fuch meal to meet their wants, when they are near their ene- mies, or when retreating after a charge, in which cafe they are not inclined to hunt, retreating immediately. In all their encampments, they have their Pilotois, or Oftemoy,*” a clafs of perfons who play the part of foothfayers, in whom thefe people have faith. One of thefe builds a cabin, furrounds it with fmall pieces of wood, and covers it with his robe : after it is built, he places himfelf infide, fo as not to be feen at all, when he feizes and fhakes one of the polls of his cabin, muttering fome words between his teeth, by which he fays he invokes the devil, who appears to him in the form of a ftone, and tells him whether they will meet their enemies and kill many of them. This Pilotois lies proflrate on the ground, motionlefs, only fpeaking with the devil : on a fudden, he rifes to his feet, talking, and tormenting himfelf in fuch a manner that, although naked, he is all of a perfpiration. All the people furround the cabin, feated on their buttocks, like apes. They frequently told me that the fhaking of the cabin, which I faw, proceeded from the devil, who made it move, and not the man inlide, although I could fee the contrary , for, as I have dated above, it was the Pilotois who took one of the fupports of the cabin, and made it move in this manner. They 841 u Thefe two wofds were ufed in Acadie to indicate the jongleur, or for- cerer. The word pilotois, according to P. Biard, Rel. i 6 ii, p. 17, came from the Bafques, the Souriquois ufing the word autmoin, which Lefcarbot writes aoutmoin, and Champlain ojlemoy. P . Leieune, in the Relation of 1636, P* informs us that the Montagnais called their Ibrcerers manitouftouekbi ; and ac- cording to P. Br^beuf, Rel. 1635? P* 35 > the Hurons defignated theirs by the name arendiouanel'^ — Laverdtere, tn loco. 214 Voyages of They told me alfo that I fliould fee fire come out from the top, which I did not fee at all. Thefe rogues counterfeit alfo their voice, fo that it is heavy and clear, and fpeak in a lan- guage unknown to the other favages. And, when they repre- fent it as broken, the favages think that the devil is fpeaking, and telling them what is to happen in their war, and what they mufl do. But all thefe fcapegraces, who play the foothfayer, out of a hundred words, do not fpeak two that are true, and impofe upon thefe poor people. There are enough like them in the world, who take food from the mouths of the people by their impoftures, as thefe worthies do. I often remonftrated with the people, telling them that all they did was fheer nonfenfe, and that they ought not to put confidence in them. Now, after afcertaining from their foothfayers what is to be their fortune, the chiefs take flicks a foot long, and as many as there are foldiers. They take others, fomewhat larger, to indicate the chiefs. Then they go into the wood, and feek out a level place, five or fix feet fquare, where the chief, as fergeant- major, puts all the flicks in fuch order as feems to him bell. Then he calls all his companions, who come all armed ; and he indicates to them the rank and order they are to obferve in battle with their enemies. All the favages watch carefully this proceeding, obferving attentively the outline which their chief has made with the flicks. Then they go away, and fet to placing themfelves in fuch order as the flicks were in, when they mingle with each other, and return again to their proper order, which manoeuvre they repeat two or three times, and at all their encampments, without needing a fergeant to keep them in the proper order, which they are able to Sieur de Champlain. 215 keep accurately without any confufion. This is their rule in war. We fet out on the next day, continuing our courfe in the river as far as the entrance of the lake. There are many pretty iflands here, low, and containing very fine woods and meadows, with abundance of fowl and fuch animals of the chafe as flags, fallow-deer, fawns, roe-bucks, bears, and others, which go from the main land to thefe iflands. We captured a large number of thefe animals. There are alfo many beavers, not only in this river, but alfo in numerous other little ones that flow into it. Thefe regions, although they are pleafant, are not inhabited by any favages, on account of their wars ; but they withdraw as far as poffible from the rivers into the interior, in order not to be fuddenly furprifed. The next day we entered the lake,^^ which is of great ex- tent, fay eighty or a hundred leagues long, where I faw four fine iflands, ten, twelve, and fifteen leagues long, which were formerly inhabited by the favages, like the River of the Iroquois ; but they have been abandoned fince the wars of the favages with one another prevail. There are alfo many rivers falling into the lake, bordered by many fine trees of the fame kinds as thofe we have in France, with many vines finer than any I have feen in any other place ; alfo many cheflnut- trees on the border of this lake, which I had not feen before. There is alfo a great abundance of fifh, of many varieties . among The diftances are here oyerftated by more than threefold, both in refer- ence to the lake and the iflands. This arofe, perhaps, from the flow progrefs made in the birch canoes with a party of fixty undifciplined favages, a methooi of travelling to which Champlain was unaccuftomed ; and he may likewife have been mifled by the exaggerations of the Indians, or he may have faded lo comprehend their reprelenUtion of dil- tances. 2 1 6 Voyages of among others, one called by the favages of the country Cha- oufarou^ which varies in length, the largefl: being, as the people told me, eight or ten feet long. I faw fome five feet long, which were as large as my thigh ; the head being as big as my two fifts, with a fnout two feet and a half long, and a double row of very fliarp and dangerous teeth. Its body is, in fhape, much like that of a pike ; but it is armed with fcales fo flrong that a poniard could Of the meaning of chaoufarou^ the name given by the Indians to this fifh, we have no knowledge. It is now known as the bony-fcaled pike, or gar pike, Le- pidojleus ojfeus. It is referred to by feveral early writers after Champlain. “ I faw,” fays Sagard, “in the cabin of a Montagnais Indian a certain fifh, which fome call Chaoufarou, as big as a large pike. It was only an ordinary fized one, for many larger ones are feen, eight, nine, and ten feet long, as is faid. It had a fnout about a foot and a half long, of about the fame lhape as that of the fnipe, except that the extremity is blunt and not fo pointed, and of a large fize in proportion to the body. It has a double row of teeth, which are very (harp and dangerous ; . . . and the form of the body is like that of a pike, but it is armed with very flout and hard fcales, of filver gray color, and difficult to be pierced.” — Sagard'^s Hijlory of Canada^ Bk. iii. p. 765 ; La'verdi'tre, Sagard’s work was publiffied in 1636. He had undoubtedly feen this fingular fiffi ; but his defcription is fo nearly in the words of Champlain as to fuggefi that he had taken it from our author. Creuxius, in his Hiflory of Canada, publiffied at Paris in 1604, defcribes this fiffi nearly in the words of Cham- plain, with an engraving fufficiently accurate for identification, but greatly wanting in fcientific exadlnefs. He not pierce them. Its color is filver-gray. adds, “It is not defcribed by ancient authors, probably becaufe it is only found in the Lake of the Iroquois ; ” that is, in Lake Champlain. From which it may be inferred that at that time it had not been difcovered in other waters. By the French, he fays, it is called armatus. This is in evident allufion to its bony fcales, in which it is proteded 'as in a coat of mail. It is defcribed by Dr. Kay in the Natural Hiflory of New York, Zo- ology, Part I. p. 271. On Plate XLIII. Fig. 139, of the fame work, the reader will obferve that the head of the fifh there repi'efented flrikingly refembles that of the chaoufarou of Champlain as depidled on his map of 1612. The drawing by Champlain is very accurate, and clearly identifies the Gar Pike. This fingular fiffi has been found in Lake Champlain, the river St. Law- rence, and in the northern lakes, like- wife in the Miffiffippi River, where is to be found alfo a clofely related fpecies commonly called the alligator gar. In the Mufeum of the Boflon Society of Natural Hiflory are feveral fpecimens, one of them from St. John’s River, Florida, four feet and nine inches in length, of which the head is feventeen and a half inches. If the body of thofe feen by Champlain was five feet, the head two and a half feet would be in about the ufual proportion. 217 Sieur de Champlain. filver-gray. The extremity of its fnout is like that of a fwine. This fifli makes war upon all others in the lakes and rivers. It alfo poffeffes remarkable dexterity, as thefe people informed me, which is exhibited in the following manner. When it wants to capture birds, it fwims in among the rufhes, or reeds, which are found on the banks of the lake in feveral places, where it puts its fnout out of water and keeps perfedlly ftill ; fo that, when the birds come and light on its fnout, fuppofing it to be only the flump of a tree, it adroitly clofes it, which it had kept ajar, and pulls the birds by the feet down under water. The favages gave me the head of one of them, of which they make great account, faying that, when they have the headache, they bleed themfelves with the teeth of this fifh on the fpot where they fuffer pain, when it fuddenly paffes away. Continuing our courfe over this lake on the weflern fide, I noticed, while obferving the country, fome very high moun- tains on the eaflern fide, on the top of which there was fnow.^ I made inquiry of the favages whether thefe localities were inhabited, when they told me that the Iroquois dwelt there, and that there were beautiful valleys in thefe places, with plains produdtive in grain, fuch as I had eaten in this coun- try, together with many kinds of fruit without limit.®“ They faid The Green Mountain range in with their refpeftive heights. The Vermont, generally not more than twenty Chin, 4,34^ feet; The Nofe, 4»o44> or twenty-five miles dillant. Champlain Camel’s Hump, 4 ?o 83 ; Js^y’s I^ak, 4 , 010 ; was probably deceived as to the fnow Killington Peak, 3f9^4’ This region on their fummits in July. What he faw was at an early period called Irocofia,^ was doubtlefs white limeftone, which This is not an inaccurate defcnp- might naturally enough be taken for tion of the beautiful as well as rich and fnow in the abfence of any pofitive fertile valleys to be found among the knowledge. The names of the fummits hills of Vermont, vifible from the lake are the following, 28 2 1 8 Voyages of faid alfo that the lake extended near mountains, fome twenty- five leagues diftant from us, as I judge. I faw, on the fouth, other mountains, no lefs high than the firft, but with- out any fnow.®^® The favages told me that thefe mountains were thickly fettled, and that it was there we were to find their enemies ; but that it was neceffary to pafs a fall in order to go there (which I afterwards faw), when we fhould enter another lake, nine or ten leagues long. After reaching the end of the lake, we fhould have to go, they faid, two leagues by land, and pafs through a river flowing into the fea on the Norumbegue coaft, near that of Florida,^^ whither it took them only two days to go by canoe, as I have fince afcertained from fome prifoners we captured, who gave me minute infor- mation in regard to all they had perfonal knowledge of, through fome Algonquin interpreters, who underftood the Iroquois language. Now, as we began to approach within two or three days’ journey of the abode of their enemies, we advanced only at night, refling during the day. But they did not fail to prac- tise conftantly their accuftomed fuperftitions, in order to af- certain 84 ® On entering the lake, they faw the Adirondack Mountains, which would appear very nearly in the fouth. The points vihble from the lake were Mt. Marcy, 5,467 feet high above tide-water ; Dix’s Peak, 5,200 ; Nipple Top, 4,900 ; Whiteface, 4,900; Raven Hill, 2,100; Bald Peak, 2,065 . — Vide Palmer^ s, Lake Chafnpiain^ p. 12. 847 The river here referred to is the Hudfon. By pafling from Lake Cham- plain through the fmall ftream that con- ne6ls it with Lake George, over this latter lake and a fhort carrying place, the upper waters of the Hudfon are reached. The coaft of N orumbegue and that of Florida were both indefinite re- gions, not well defined by geographers of that day. Thefe terms were fupplied by Champlain, and not by his inform- ants. He could not of courfe tell pre- cifely where this unknown river reached the fea, but nati^rally inferred that it was on the fouthern limit of Norumbegue, which extended from the Penobfcot to- wards Florida, which latter at that time was fuppofed to extend from the Gulf of Me^^ico indefinitely to the north. 219 Sieur de Champlain. certain what was to be the refult of their undertaking ; and they often afked me if I had had a dream, and feen their en- emies, to which I replied in the negative. Yet I did not ceafe to encourage them, and infpire in them hope. When night came, we fet out on the journey until the next day, when we withdrew into the interior of the foreft, and fpent the reft of the day there. About ten or eleven o’clock, after taking a little walk about our encampment, I retired. While fleeping, I dreamed that I faw our enemies, the Iroquois, drowning in the lake near a mountain, within fight. When I expreffed a wifti to help them, our allies, the favages, told me we muft let them all die, and that they were of no impor- tance. When I awoke, they did not fail to afk me, as ufua , if I had had a dream. I told them that I had, in fad, had a dream. This, upon being related, gave them fo much con - dence that they did not doubt any longer that good was to happen to them, _ When it was evening, we embarked in our canoes to con- tinue our courfe ; and, as we advanced very quietly and with- out making any noife, we met on the 29th of the month the Iroquois, about ten o’clock at evening, at the extremity of a cape which extends into the lake on the weftern bank. They had come to fight. We both began to utter loud cries, all getting their arms in readinefs. We withdrew out on the water, and the Iroquois went on fhore, where they drew up all their canoes clofe to each other and began to fell trees with poor axes, which they acquire in war fometimes, ufing alfo others of ftone. Thus they barricaded themfelves very well. , 1 • Our forces alfo paffed the entire night, their canoes being drawn 220 Voyages of drawn up clofe to each other, and fattened to poles, fo that they might not get feparated, and that they might be all in readinefs to fight, if occalion required. We were out upon the water, within arrow range of their barricades. When they were armed and in array, they defpatched two canoes by themfelves to the enemy to inquire if they wifhed to fight, to which the latter replied that they wanted nothing elfe : but they faid that, at prefent, there was not much light, and that it would be neceffary to wait for daylight, fo as to be able to recognize each other ; and that, as foon as the fun rofe, they would offer us battle. This was agreed to by our fide. Meanwhile, the entire night was fpent in dancing and finging, on both fides, with endlefs infults and other talk ; as, how lit- tle courage we had, how feeble a refiftance we would make againft their arms, and that, when day came, we fhould realize it to our ruin. Ours alfo were not flow in retorting, telling them they would fee fuch execution of arms as never before, together with an abundance of fuch talk as is not unufual in the fiege of a town. After this finging, dancing, and bandy- ing words on both fides to the fill, when day came, my com- panions and myfelf continued under cover, for fear that the enemy would fee us. We arranged our arms in the beft man- ner poffible, being, however, feparated, each in one of the ca- noes of the favage Montagnais. After arming ourfelves with light armor, we each took an arquebufe, and went on fhore. I faw the enemy go out of their barricade, nearly two hundred in number, flout and rugged in appearance. They came at a flow pace towards us, with a dignity and affurance which greatly amufed me, having three chiefs at their head. Our men alfo advanced in the fame order, telling me that thofe who 22 1 Sieur de Champlain. who had three large plumes were the chiefs, and that they had only thefe three, and that they could be diftinguilhed by thefe plumes, which were much larger than thofe of their companions, and that I fhould do what I could to kill them. I promifed to do all in my power, and faid that I was very forry they could not underftand me, fo that I might give order and fhape to their mode of attacking their enemies, and then we fhould, without doubt, defeat them all ; but that this could not now be obviated, and that I fhould be very glad to fliow them my courage and good-will when we fhould engage in the fight. As foon as we had landed, they began to run for fome two hundred paces towards their enemies, who flood firmly, not having as yet noticed my companions, who went into the woods with fome favages. Our men began to call me with loud cries; and, in order to give me a paffage-way, they opened in two parts, and put me at their head, where I marched fome twenty paces in advance of the reft, until I was Champlain’s Explanation of tHe accompanying Map. Dbfbat of thb Iroquois at Lakb Champlain. A. The fort of the Iroquois. B. The enemy. C. Canoes of the enemy, made of oak bark, each holding ten, fifteen, or eighteen men. D. Two chiefs who were killed. E, One of the enemy wounded by a mufket-fhot of Sieur de Cham- plain. F. Sieur de Champlain. G. Two mulketeers of Sieur de Champlain. H. Montagnais, Ochaftaiguins, and Algonquins. /. Canoes of our allied fav- ages made of birch bark. K. The woods. Notes. The letters A, F,G, and A', are wanting but the objefts to which they point are eafily recognized. The letter If has been placed on the canoes ot the allies inftead of the colleded body of the allies immediately above them. 222 Voyages of was within about thirty paces of the enemy, who at once noticed me, and, halting, gazed at me, as I did alfo at them. When I faw them making a move to fire at us, I refted my mulket againft my cheek, and aimed diredlly at one of the three chiefs. With the fame fliot, two fell to the ground ; and one of their men was fo wounded that he died fome time after. I had loaded my mufket with four balls. When our fide faw this fhot fo favorable for them, they began to raife fuch loud cries that one could not have heard it thunder. Meanwhile, the arrows flew on both fides. The Iroquois were greatly aftonifhed that two men had been fo quickly killed, although they were equipped with armor woven from cotton thread, and with wood which was proof againft their arrows. This caufed great alarm among them. As I was loading again, one of my companions fired a fhot from the woods, which aftonifhed them anew to fuch a degree that, feeing their chiefs dead, they loft courage, and took to flight, abandoning their camp and fort, and fleeing into the woods, whither I purfued them, killing ftill more of them. Our favages alfo killed feveral of them, and took ten or twelve prifoners. The remainder efcaped with the wounded. Fif- teen or fixteen were wounded on our fide with arrow-fhots ; but they were foon healed. After gaining the victory, our men amufed themfelves by taking a great quantity of Indian corn and fome meal from their enemies, alfo their armor, which they had left behind that they might run better. After feafting fumptuoufly, dancing and finging, we returned three hours after, with the prifoners. The fpot where this attack took place is in latitude Sieur de Champlain. 223 latitude 43“ and fome minutes,®^® and the lake was called Lake Champlain.®^® This battle, or Ikirmifli, clearly took place at Ticonderoga, or Cheon- dero/a, as the Indians called it, where a cape juts out into the lake, as de- fcribed by Champlain. This is the logical inference to be drawn from the whole narrative. It is to be obfenred that the purpofe of the Indians, whom Champlain was accompanying, was to find their enemies, the Iroquois, and give them battle. The journey, or war- path, had been clearly marked out and defcribed by the Indians to Champlain, as may be feen in the text. It led them along the weftern Ihore of the lake to the outlet of Lake George, over the fall in the little ftream conneaing the two lakes, through Lake George, and thence to the mountains beyond, where the Iroquois refided. They found the Iro- quois, however, on the lake ; gave thein battle on the little cape alluded to ; and after the vidory and purfuit for fome diftance into the foteft, and the gather- ing up of the fpoils, Champlain and his allies commenced their journey home- ward. But Champlain fays he faw the fall in the ftream that connedls the two lakes. Now this little ftream flows into Lake Champlain at Ticonderoga, and he would naturally have feen the fall, if the battle took place there, while in purfuit of the Iroquois into the foreft, as defcribed in the text. The fall was in the line of the retreat of the Iroquois towards their home, and is only a inile and three-quarters from the cape jutting out into the lake at Ticonderoga. If the battle had occurred at any point north of Ticonderoga, he could not have feen the fall, as they retreated immediately after the battle : if it had taken place fouth of that point, it would have been oft the war-path which they had deter- mined to purfue. We mull conclude, therefore, that the battle took place at Ticonderoga, a little north of the ruins of the old Fort Carillon, direaiy on the ftiore of the lake. If the reader will examine the plan of the battle as given by Champlain’s engraving, he will fee that it conforms with great exadnefs to the known topography of the place. The Iroquois, who had their choice of pofi- tions, are on the north, in the diredion of Willow Point, where they can moft eafily retreat, and where Champlain and his allies can be more eafily hemmed in near the point of the cape. The Iro- quois are on lower ground, and we know that the furface there ftielves to the north. The well-known fandy bot- tom of the lake at this place would fur- nifh the means of faftening the canoes, by forcing poles into it, a little out from the ftiore during the night, as they adbially did. On Champlain’s map of 1632, this point is referred to as the lo- cation of the battle ; and in his note on the map. No. 65, he fays this is the place where the Iroquois were defeated by Champlain. All the fads of the narrative thus point to Ticonderoga, and render it indifputable that this was the fcene ot the firft of the many recorded conflicts on this memorable lake. We fhould not have entered into this difcuflion fo fully, had not feveral writers, not well in- formed, exprefled views wholly incon- fiftent with known faas. 849 The Indian name of Lake Uiam- plain is Caniaderiguariinte., the lal^ that is the gate of the country. — Adminijlration of the Colomes.^ oy Thomas Pownall, 1768, p. 267. 1 ms name was very flgnificant, fince the lake and valley of Champlain was the pte, or war-path, by which the hoftile tribes of Iroquois approached their enemies on the north of the St. Lawrence, and vice verfa. 224 Voyages of CHAPTER X. Return from the Battle, and what took Place on the Way. FTER going fome eight leagues, towards evening they took one of the prifoners, to whom they made a harangue, enumerating the cruelties which he and his men had already practifed towards them without any mercy, and that, in like manner, he ought to make up his mind to receive as much. They commanded him to fing, if he had courage, which he did ; but it was a very fad fong. Meanwhile, our men kindled a fire ; and, when it was well burning, they each took a brand, and burned this poor crea- ture gradually, fo as to make him fuffer greater torment. Sometimes they flopped, and threw water on his back. Then they tore out his nails, and applied fire to the extremities of his fingers and private member. Afterwards, they flayed the top of his head, and had a kind of gum poured all hot upon it ; then they pierced his arms near the wrifls, and, drawing up the finews with flicks, they tore them out by force ; but, fee- ing that they could not get them, they cut them. This poor wretch uttered terrible cries, and it excited my pity to fee him treated in this manner, and yet fhowing fuch firmness that one would have faid, at times, that he fuffered hardly any pain at all. They urged me flrongly to take fome fire, and do as they did. I remonftrated with them, faying that we practifed no fuch cruelties, but killed them at once; and that 225 Sieur de Champlain. that, if they wifhed me to fire a mufket-fhot at him, I Ihould be willing to do fo. They refufed, faying that he would not in that cafe fuffer any pain. I went away from them, pained to fee fuch cruelties as they practifed upon his body. When they faw that I was difpleafed, they called me, and told me to fire a mufket-fliot at him. This I did without his feeing it, and thus put an end, by a fingle fhot, to all the torments he would have fuffered, rather than fee him tyrannized over. After his death, they were not yet fatisfied, but opened him, and threw his entrails into the lake. Then they cut off his head, arms, and legs, which they fcattered in different direc- tions ; keeping the fcalp which they had flayed off, as they had done in the cafe of all the reft whom they had killed in the conteft. They were guilty alfo of another monftrofity in taking his heart, cutting it into feveral pieces, and giving it to a brother of his to eat, as alfo to others of his companions, who were prifoners : they took it into their mouths, but would not fwallow it. Some Algonquin favages, who were guarding them, made fome of them fpit it out, when they threw it into the water. This is the manner in which thefe people behave towards thofe whom they capture in war, for whom it would be better to die fighting, or to kill themfelves on the fpur of the moment, as many do, rather than fall into the hands of their enemies. After this execution, we fet out on our return with the reft of the prifoners, who kept finging as they went along, with no better hopes for the future than he had had who was fo wretchedly treated. Having arrived at the falls of the Iroquois, the Algon- quins returned to their own country; fo alfo the Ochate- guins, 29 226 Voyages of guins,®“ with a part of the prifoners : well fatisfied with the refults of the war, and that I had accompanied them fo readily. We feparated accordingly with loud proteflations of mutual friendlhip ; and they afked me whether I would not like to go into their country, to affift them with continued fraternal relations ; and I promifed that I would do fo. I returned with the Montagnais. After informing myfelf from the prifoners in regard to their country, and of its probable extent, we packed up the baggage for the return, which was accomplifhed with fuch defpatch that we went every day in their canoes twenty-five or thirty leagues, which was their ufual rate of travelling. When we arrived at the mouth of the river Iroquois, fome of the favages dreamed that their enemies were purfuing them. This dream led them to move their camp forthwith, although the night was very inclement on account of the wind and rain; and they went and paffed the remainder of the night, from fear of their enemies, amid high reeds on Lake St. Peter. Two days after, we arrived at our fettlement, where I gave them fome bread and peas ; alfo fome beads, which they afked me for, in order to ornament the heads of their enemies, for the purpofe of merry-making upon their return. The next day, I went with them in their canoes as far as Tadouffac, in order to witnefs their ceremonies. On approaching the fhore, they each “0 The Indian allies on this expedi- who belonged in the neighborhood of tion were the Algonquins {Algoume- Tadouffac, or farther call . — Vide antea^ quins')^ the Hurons (Ochafequins), and p. 202, They now, at the falls near the Montagnais {Af ontagnets). The two the Balin of Chambly, departed to their former, on their way to Quebec, had homes, perhaps on the Ottawa River and met Champlain near the river St. Anne, the fhores of Lake Huron, and joined him and the Montagnais, 227 Sieur de Champlain, each took a flick, to the end of which they hung the heads of their enemies, who had been killed, together with fome beads, all of them finging. When they were through with this, the women undrefled themfelves, fo as to be in a flate of entire nudity, when they jumped into the water, and fwam to the prows of the canoes to take the heads of their enemies, which were on the ends of long poles before their boats : then they hung them about their necks, as if it had been fome coflly chain, fmging and dancing meanwhile. Some days after, they prefented me with one of thefe heads, as if it were fomething very precious ; and alfo with a pair of arms taken from their enemies, to keep and fhow to the king. This, for the fake of gratifying them, I promifed to do. After fome days, I went to Quebec, whither fome Algon- quin favages came, exprefling their regret at not being pref- ent at the defeat of their enemies, and^ prefenting me with fome furs, in confideration of my having gone there and aflifled their friends. Some days after they had fet out for their country, diflant about a hundred and twenty leagues from our fettlement, I went to Tadouffac to fee whether Pont Grave had returned from Gafpe, whither he had gone. He did not arrive until the next day, when he told me that he had decided to return to France. We concluded to leave an upright man. Captain Pierre Chavin of Dieppe, to command at Quebec, until Sieur de Monts fhould arrange matters there. CHAPTER XI. 228 Voyages of CHAPTER XL Return to France, and what occurred up to the Time of Re-embarkation . FTER forming this refolution, we went to Que- bec to eftablifti him in authority, and leave him every thing requifite and neceffary for the fettle- ment, together with fifteen men. Every thing being arranged, we fet out on the firft day of September**^ for Tadouffac, in order to fit out our veffel for returning to France. We fet out accordingly from the latter place on the 5th of the month, and on the 8th anchored at Ifie Percee. On Thurfday the loth, we fet out from there, and on the i8th, the Tuefday following, we arrived at the Grand Bank. On the 2d of 06 tober, we got foundings. On the 8th, we an- chored at Conquet in Lower Brittany. On Saturday the loth, we fet out from there, arriving at Honfleur on the 13th. After difembarking, I did not wait long before taking port to go to Sieur de Monts, who was then at Fontainebleau, where His Majefty was. Here I reported to him in detail all that had tranfpired in regard to the winter quarters and our new explorations, and my hopes for the future in view of the promifes of the favages called Ochateguins, who are good Iroquois.®®® The other Iroquois, their enemies, dwell more to September, 1609. Ochateguins, called by the A fmall feaport town in the de- French Hurons, were a branch of the partment of Finiflerre, twelve miles Iroquois. Their real name was Yendots. weft of Breft. They were at this time allied with the Algonquins, 229 Sieur de Champlain. to the fouth. The language of the former does not differ much from that of the people recently difcovered and hitherto unknown to us, which they underftand when fpoken. I at once waited upon His Majefty, and gave him an ac- count of my voyage, which afforded him pleafure and fatif- faction. I had a girdle made of porcupine quills, very well worked, after the manner of the country where it was made, and which His Majefty thought very pretty. I had alfo two little birds, of the fize of blackbirds and of a carnation color alfo, the head of a fifti caught in the great lake of the Iroquois, having a very long fnout and two or three rows of very ftiarp teeth: A reprefentation of this fifli may be found on the great lake, on my geographical map.®® After I had concluded my interview with His Majefty, Sieur de Monts determined to go to Rouen to meet his affo- ciates, the Sieurs Collier and Le Gendre, merchants of Rouen, to confider what fhould be done the coming year. They re- folved to continue the fettlement, and finifli the explorations up the great river St. Lawrence, in accordance with the prom- ifes of the Ochateguins, made on condition that we fhould affift them in their wars, as I had given them to underftand. Pont Gravb was appointed to go to Tadouflac, not only for traffic, but to engage in any thing elfe that might realize means for defraying the expenfes. Sieur Lucas Le Gendre, of Rouen, one of the partners, was ordered to fee to the purchafe of merchandife and fupplies, the Algonquins, in a deadly war with their Iroquois coufins, the Five Nations. — Vide GallatitPs Synop/is, Tranfaaions of Am. Antiq. Society, Cambridge, 1836, Vol. II. p. 69, et paffitn. 854 The fcarlet tanager, Pyranga rubra, of a fcarlet color, with black wings and tail. It ranges from Texas to Lake Huron. 855 Videantea^ p. 216; and map, 1612. 230 Voyages of Champlain. the repair of the veffels, obtaining crews, and other things neceffary for the voyage. After thefe matters were arranged, Sieur de Monts returned to Paris, I accompanying him, where I flayed until the end of February. During this time, Sieur de Monts endeavored to obtain a new commiffion for trading in the newly difcovered regions, and where no one had traded before. This he was unable to accomplifh, although his requefts and propofals were juft and reafonable. But, finding that there was no hope of obtaining this com- miffion, he did not ceafe to profecute his plan, from his defire that every thing might turn out to the profit and honor of France. During this time, Sieur de Monts did not exprefs to me his pleafure in regard to me perfonally, until I told him it had been reported to me that he did not wifti to have me winter in Canada, which, however, was not true, for he referred the whole matter to my pleafure. I provided myfelf with whatever was defirable and neceffary for fpending the winter at our fettlement in Quebec. For this purpofe I fet out from Paris the laft day of February fol- lowing,^ and proceeded to Honfleur, where the embarkation was to be made. I went by way of Rouen, where I flayed two days. Thence I went to Honfleur, where I found Pont Grave and Le Gendre, who told me they had embarked what was neceffary for the fettlement. I was very glad to find that we were ready to fet fail, but uncertain whether the fupplies were good and adequate for our fojourn and for fpending the winter. Anno Domini i6io. SECOND VOYAGE OF SIEUR DE CHAMPLAIN TO NEW FRANCE, IN THE YEAR i6io. CHAPTER I. Departure from France to return to New France, and Occur- rences UNTIL OUR Arrival at the Settlement. HE weather having become favorable, I em- barked at Honfleur with a number of artifans on the 7th of the month of March.®*^ But, en- countering bad weather in the Channel, we were obliged to put in on the Englifti coaft at a place called Porlan,^ in the roadftead of which we ftaye^ fome days, when we weighed anchor for the Ifle d Huy, near the Englifh coaft, fmce we found the roadftead of Porlan ° very «. 1„ ,h. title .bov., Champkinoll. “ .0 th/llle 232 Voyages of very bad. When near this ifland, fo denfe a fog arofe, that we were obliged to put in at the Hougue.^® Ever fince the departure from Honfleur, I had been afflicfted with a very fevere illnefs, which took away my hopes of being able to make the voyage ; fo that I embarked in a boat to return to Havre in France, to be treated there, being very ill on board the veffel. My expedlation was, on recover- ing my health, to embark again in another veffel, which had not yet left Honfleur, in which Des Marais, fon-in-law of Pont Grave, was to embark ; but I had myfelf carried. Hill very ill, to Honfleur, where the veffel on which I had fet out put in on the 15th of March, for fome ballaft, which it needed in order to be properly trimmed. Here it remained until the 8th of April. During this time, I recovered in a great degree ; and, though ftill feeble and weak, I neverthelefs em- barked again. We fet out anew on the i8th of April, arriving at the Grand Bank on the 19th, and fighting the Iflands of St. Pierre on the 2 2d.®®^ When off Menthane, we met a veffel from St. Malo, on which was a young man, who, while drinking to the health of Pont Grave, loft control of himfelf and was thrown into the fea by the motion of the veffel and drowned, it being impoffible to render him afliftance on account of the violence of the wind. On the 26th of the month, we arrived at Tadouflac, where there La HoMgue. There are two fmall iflands laid down on the carte of Orte- lius, 1603, under the name Les Hougue- aux, and a hamlet near by called Hougo, which is that, doubtlefs, to which Cham- plain here refers. Comparing this flatement with the context, it will Be clear that the paffage fhould read the 8th, and not the i8th of April. The “Iflands of St. Pierre,’^ IJles S. Pierre^ includes the Ifland of St. Peter and the clufter furrounding it. 233 Sieur de Champlain. there were veffels which had arrived on the i8th, a thing which had not been feen for more than fixty years, as the old mariners faid who fail regularly to this country.®*^ This was owing to the mild winter and the fmall amount of ice, which did not prevent the entrance of thefe veffels. We learned from a young nobleman, named Sieur du Parc, who had fpent the winter at our fettlement, that all his compan- ions were in good health, only a few having been ill, and they but flightly. He alfo informed us that there had been fcarcely any winter, and that they had ufually had frefh meat the entire feafon, and that their hardeft talk had been to keep up good cheer. This winter fhows how thofe undertaking in future fuch enterprifes ought to proceed, it being very difficult to make a new fettlement without labor j and without encountering adverfe fortune the firft year, as has been the cafe in all our firft fettlements. But, in fad, by avoiding fait food and ufing frelli meat, the health is as good here as in France. The favages had been waiting from day to day for us to go to the war with them. When they learned that Pont Grave and I had arrived together, they rejoiced greatly, and came to fpeak with us. I went on fhore to affure them that we would go with them, in conformity with the promifes they had made me, namely, that upon our return from the war they would ffiow me the Trois Rivieres, and take me to a fea fo large that the •*2 M. Ferland infers from this ftate- Roberval in IS49) extend their filhing ment that the Bafques, Normans, and and fur-trading voyages as far as Ta- Bretons had been accuftomed for the douffac. — Vide Coursd'HiJl.du Canada, laft fixty years, from the lalt voyage of as cited by Laverdi^re. 30 234 Voyages of the end of it cannot be feen, whence we fliould return by way of the Saguenay to Tadouffac. I afked them if they ftill had this intention, to which they replied that they had, but that it could not be carried out before the next year, which pleafed me. But I had promifed the Algonquins and Ochateguins that I would affift them alfo in their wars, they having promifed to fhow me their country, the great lake, fome copper mines, and other things, which they had indi- cated to me. I accordingly had two firings to my bow, fo that, in cafe one fhould break, the other might hold. On the 28th of the month, I fet out from Tadouffac for Quebec, where I found Captain Pierre,^ who commanded there, and all his companions in good health. There was alfo a favage captain with them, named Batifcan, with fome of his companions, who were awaiting us, and who were, greatly pleafed at my arrival, finging and dancing the entire evening. I provided a banquet for them, which gratified them very much. They had a good meal, for which they were very thankful, and invited me with feven others to an entertainment of theirs, not a fmall mark of refpe6t with them. We each one carried a porringer, according to cuftorn, and brought it home full of meat, which we gave to whomfoever we pleafed. Some days after I had fet out from Tadouffac, the Mon- tagnais arrived at Quebec, to the number of fixty able-bodied men, en route for the war. They tarried here fome days, enjoying themfelves, and not omitting to ply me frequently with queftions, to affure themfelves that I would not fail in my Captain Pierre Chavin, of Dieppe. Vide antea^ p. 227. 235 Sieur de Champlain. m/ promifes to them. I affured them, and again made promifes to them, afking them if they had found me breaking my word in the paft. They were greatly pleafed when I renewed my promifes to them. They faid to me : “ Here are numerous Bafques and Mifti- goches” (this is the name they give to the Normans and people of St. Malo), “ who fay they will go to the war with us. What do you think of it? Do they fpeak the truth?” I anfwered no, and that I knew very well what they really meant ; that they faid this only to get poffefllon of their com- modities. They replied to me : “You have fpoken the truth. They are women, and want to make war only upon our beavers.” They went on talking ftill farther in a facetious mood, and in regard to the manner and order of going to the war. They determined to fet out, and await me at the Trois Rivieres, thirty leagues above Quebec, where I had promifed to join them, together with four barques loaded with merchandife, in order to traffic in peltries, among others with the Ochateguins, who were to await me at the mouth of the river of the Iroquois, as they had promifed the year before, and to bring there as many as four hundred men to go to the war. CHAPTER II. 236 Voyages of CHAPTER II. Departure from Quebec to assist our Allied Savages in their War AGAINST the IrOQUOIS, THEIR EnEMIES ; AND AlL THAT TRANSPIRED UNTIL OUR Return to the Settlement. SET out from Quebec on the 14th of June, to meet the Montagnais, Algonquins, and Ochate- guins, who were to be at the mouth of the river of the Iroquois. When I was eight leagues from Quebec, I met a canoe, containing two ravages, one an Algonquin, and the other a Montagnais, who entreated me to advance as rapidly as poffible, faying that the Algonquins and Ochateguins would in two days be at the rendezvous, to the number of two hundred, with two hundred others to come a little later, together with Yroquet, one of their chiefs. They afked me if I was fatisfied with the coming of thefe favages. I told them I could not be difpleafed at it, fince they had kept their word. They came on board my barque, where I gave them a good entertain- ment. Shortly after conferring with them about many matters concerning their wars, the Algonquin favage, one of their chiefs, drew from a fack a piece of copper a foot long, which he gave me. This was very handfome and quite pure. He gave me to underftand that there were large quantities where he had taken this, which was on the bank of a river, near a great lake. He faid that they gathered it in lumps, and, having melted it, fpread it in flieets, fmoothing it Sieur de Champlain. 237 it with ftones. I was very glad of this prefent, although of fmall value.®“ 8®^ This teftimony of the Algonquin chief is interefting, and hiftorically im- portant. We know of no earlier refer- ence to the art of melting and malleating copper in any of the reports of the navi- gators to our northern coaft. That the natives poffelTed this art is placed beyond queftion by this paflage, as well as by the recent difcovery of copper imple- ments in Wifconfm, bearing the marks of mechanical fufion and malleation. The fpecimens of copper in the polTef- fion of the natives on the coaft of New England, as referred to by Brereton and Archer, can well be accounted for with- out fuppofing them to be of native manu- fadure, though they may have been fo. The Bafques, Bretons, Englifti, and Por- tuguefe had been annually on our nor- thern coafts for fiftiing and fur-trading for more than a century, and had dif- tributed a vaft quantity of articles for favage ornament and uie ; and it would, therefore, be difficult to prove that the copper chains and collars and other trinkets mentioned by Brereton and Archer were not derived from this fource. But the teftimony of the early navigators in the lefs frequented region of the St. Lawrence is not open to this interpretation. When Cartier advanced up the Gulf of Lawrence in 1535, the favages pointed out the region of the Saguenay, which they informed him was inhabited, and that from thence came the red copper which they called cai^netdaze. “Et par les fauuaiges que auions, nous a eft^ didl que ceftoit le commence- ment du Saguenay & terre habitable. Et que de la ve noit le cuyure rouge qu’ilz appellSt caignetdaze .” — Brief Ricit., par Jacques Cartier, 1545, D’Avezac ed., p. 9. Vide idem., P- 34* When Cartier was at Ifle Coudres, Arriving fay fifty miles below Quebec, on his return, the Indians from the Saguenay came on board his fhip, and made cer- tain prefents to their chief, Donnacona, whom Cartier had captured, and was taking home with him to France. Among thefe gifts, they gave him a great knife of red copper, which came from the Saguenay. The words of Cartier are as follows : — “ Ddnerent audidl Donnacona trois pacquetz de peaulx de byeures & loups marins auec vng grad coufteau de cuy- ure rouge, qui vient du Saguenay & autres chofes.” — Idem., p. 44. This voyage of Cartier, made in 1535, was the earlieft vifit by any navigator on record to this region. It was eighty years before the Recolleas or any other miffionaries had approached the Gulf of St. Lawrence. There was, therefore, no intercourfe previous to^ this that would be likely to furniffi the natives with European utenfils of any kind, par- ticularly knives of red copper. It is im- poffible to fuppofe that this knife, feen by Cartier, and declared by the natives to have come from the Saguenay, a term then covering an indefinite region ftretching we know not how far to the north and weft, could be otherwife than of Indian manufa6lure. In the text, Champlain diftinaiy ftates on the tefti- mony of an Algonquin chief that it was the cuftom of the Indians to melt copper for the purpofe of forming it into fheets, and it is obvious that it would require fcarcely greater ingenuity to fabricate moulds in which to caft the various implements which they needed in their Ample arts. Some of thefe im- plements, with indubitable marks of having been caft in moulds, have been recently difcovered, with a multitude of others, which may or may not have pafled 238 Voyages of Arriving at Trois Rivieres, I found all the Montagnais awaiting me, and the four barques as I dated above, which had gone to trade with them. The ravages were delighted to fee me, and I went on fhore to fpeak with them. They entreated me, together with my companions, to embark on their canoes and no others, when we went to the war, faying that they were our old friends. This I promifed them, telling them that I defired to fet out at once, fince the wind was favorable ; and that my barque was not fo fwift as their canoes, for which reafon I defired to go on in advance. They earneftly entreated me to wait until the morning of the next day, when we would all go together, adding that they would not go fafter than I fhould. Finally, to fatisfy them, I promifed to do this, at which they were greatly pleafed. On the following day, we all fet out together, and con- tinued our route until the morning of the next day, the 19th of the month, when we arrived at an ifland^ off the river paired through the fame procefs. The teftimony of Champlain in the text, and the examples of moulded copper found in the lake region, render the evi- dence, in our judgment, entirely conclu- five that the art of working copper both by fufion and malleation exifted among the Indians of America at the time of its firft occupation by the French. During the period of five years, be- ginning in 1871, an enthufiaftic anti- quary, Mr. F. S. Perkins, of Wifconfin, colledled, within the borders of his own State, a hundred and forty-two copper implements, of a great variety of forms, and defigned for numerous ufes, as axes, hatchets, fpear-heads, arrow- heads, knives, gouges, chifels, adzes, augers, gads, drills, and other articles of anomalous forms. Thefe are now depofited in the archives of the Hiftor- ical Society of Wifconfin. Other col- le6lions are gradually forming. The procefs is of neceflity flow, as they are not often found in groups, but fingly, here and there, as they are turned up by the plough or fpade or other imple- ments of hufbandry. The ftatement of Champlain in the text, and the teftimony of Cartier three-quarters of a century earlier, to which we have referred, give a new hiftorical fignificance to thefe recent difcoveries, and both together throw a frelh light upon the pre-hiftoric period. This was the Ifland St. Ignace, which 239 Sieur de Champlain. river of the Iroquois, and waited for the Algonquins, who were to be there the fame day. While the Montagnais were felling trees to clear a place for dancing, and for arranging themfelves for the arrival of the Algonquins, an Algonquin canoe was fuddenly feen coming in hafte, to bring word that the Algonquins had fallen in with a hundred Iroquois, who were ftrongly barricaded, and that it would be difficult to conquer them, unlefs they ffiould come fpeedily, together with the Matigoches, as they call us. The alarm at once founded among them, and each one got into his canoe with his arms> They were quickly in readinefs, but with confufion ; for they were fo precipitous that, inftead of making hafte, they hindered one another. They came to our barque and the others, begging me, together with my com- panions, to go with them in their canoes, and they were fo urgent that I embarked with four others. I requefted our pilot. La Routte, to ftay in the barque, and fend me fome four or five more of my companions, if the other barques would fend fome fhallops with men to aid us; for none of the barques were inclined to go with the favages, except Captain Thibaut, who, having a barque there, went with me. The favages cried out to thofe who remained, faying that they were woman-hearted, and that all they could do was to make war upon their peltry. Meanwhile, after going fome half a league, all the favages croffing the river landed, and, leaving their canoes, took their bucklers. which lies oppolite the mouth of the river Iroquois or Richelieu. Champlain’s de- fcription is not fufficiently definite to enable us to identify the exa6l location of this confli6l with the favages. It is, however, evident, from feveral intima- tions found in the text, that it was about a league from the mouth of the Riche- lieu, and was probably on the bank of that river. 240 Voyages of bucklers, bows, arrows, clubs, and fwords, which they attach to the end of large flicks, and proceeded to make their way in the woods, fo faft that we foon loft fight of them, they leaving us, five in number, without guides. This difpleafed us ; but, keep- ing their tracks conflantly in fight, we followed them, although we were often deceived. We went through denfe woods, and over fwamps and marfhes, with the water always up to our knees, greatly encumbered by a pike-man’s corfelet, with which each one was armed. We were alfo tormented in a grievous and unheard-of manner by quantities of mofquitoes, which were fo thick that they fcarcely permitted us to draw breath. After going about half a league under thefe cir- cumftances, and no longer knowing where we were, we per- ceived two favages paffing through the woods, to whom we called and told them to flay with us, and guide us to the whereabouts of the Iroquois, otherwife we could not go there, and fhould get lofl in the woods. They flayed to guide us. After proceeding a fhort diflance, we faw a favage coming in hafte to us, to induce us to advance as rapidly as poffible, giving me to underfland that the Algonquins and Montagnais had tried to force the barricade of the Iroquois but had been repulfed, that fome of the befl men of the Montagnais had been killed in the attempt, and feveral wounded, and that they had retired to wait for us, in whom was their only hope. We had not gone an eighth of a league with this favage, who was an Algonquin captain, before we heard the yells and cries on both tides, as they jeered at each other, and were fkirmifhing flightly while awaiting us. As foon as the favages perceived us, they began to fliout, fo that one could not have heard it thunder. I Sieur de Champlain. 241 I gave orders to my companions to follow me fteadily, and not to leave me on any account. I approached the barricade of the enemy, in order to reconnoitre it. It was conftrudled of large trees placed one upon an other, and of a circular lliape, the ufual form of their fortifications. All the Mon- tagnais and Algonquins approached likewife the barricade. Then we commenced firing numerous mufket-fhots through the brufh-wood, fince we could not fee them, as they could us. I was wounded while firing my firft fhot at the fide of their barricade by an arrow, which pierced the end of my ear and entered my neck. I feized the arrow, and tore it from my neck. The end of it was armed with a very fharp ftone. One of my companions alfo was wounded at the fame time in the arm by an arrow, which I tore out for him. Yet my wound did not prevent me from doing my duty : our lavages alfo, on their part, as well as the enemy, did their duty, fo that you could fee the arrows fly on all fides as thick as hail. The Iroquois were aflonifhed at the noife of our mufkets, and efpecially that the balls penetrated better than their arrows. They were fo frightened at the effe<5t produced that, feeing feveral of their companions fall wounded Champlain’s Explanation of the accompanying Map. Fort dks Iroquois. A. The fort of the Iroquois. B. The Iroquois throwing themfelves into the river to efcape the purfuit of the Montagnais and Algonquins who followed for the purpofe of killing them. D. Sieur de Champlain and five of his men. R. The favages friendly to us. F, Sieur des Prairies of St. Malo with his comrades. G, Shallop of Sieur des Prairies. H, Great trees cut down for the purpofe of deftroying the fort of the Iroquois. 31 242 Voyages of wounded and dead, they threw themfelves on the ground whenever they heard a difcharge, fuppofing that the fhots were fure. We fcarcely ever miffed firing two or three balls at one fhot, refting our mufkets mofl; of the time on the fide of their barricade. But, feeing that our ammunition began to fail, I faid to all the favages that it was neceffary to break down their barricades and capture them by ftorm ; and that, in order to accomplifh this, they mufl take their fhields, cover themfelves with them, and thus approach fo near as to be able to fatten flout ropes to the ports that fup- ported the barricades, and pull them down by main rtrength, in that way making an opening large enough to permit them to enter the fort. I told them that we would meanwhile, by our mufketry-fire, keep off the enemy, as they endeavored to prevent them from accomplifhing this ; alfo that a number of them fhould get behind fome large trees, which were near the barricade, in order to throw them down upon the enemy, and that others fliould protedt thefe with their fliields, in order to keep the enemy from injuring them. All this they did very promptly. And, as they were about finifhing the work, the barques, dirtant a league and a half, hearing the reports of our mufkets, knew that we were engaged in conflidl ; and a young man from St. Malo, full of courage, Des Prairies by name, who like the rert had come with his barque to engage in peltry traffic, faid to his companions that it was a great fhame to let me fight in this way with the favages without coming to my affirtance ; that for his part he had too high a fenfe of honor to permit him to do fo, and that he did not wifh to expose himfelf to this reproach. Accordingly, he determined to come to me in a fhallop with fome of his companions. 243 Sieur de Champlain. companions, together with fome of mine whom he took with him. Immediately upon his arrival, he went towards the fort of the Iroquois, fituated on the bank of the river. Here he landed, and came to find me. Upon feeing him, I ordered our ravages who were breaking down the fortrefs to flop, fo that the new-comers might have their fhare of the fport. I requeued Sieur des Prairies and his companions to fire fome falvos of mufketry, before our favages fhould carry by ftorm the enemy, as they had decided to do. This they did, each one firing feveral ftiots, in which all did their duty well. After they had fired enough, I addreffed myfelf to our fav- ages, urging them to finilh the work. Straightway, they approached the barricade, as they had previoufly done, while we on the flank were to fire at thofe who fhould endeavor to keep them from breaking it down. They behaved fo well and bravely that, with the help of our mufkets, they made an opening, which, however, was difficult to go through, as there was ftill left a portion as high as a man, there being alfo branches of trees there which had been beaten down, forming a ferious obftacle. But, when I faw that the entrance was quite pradticable, I gave orders not to fire any more, which they obeyed. At the fame inftant, fome twenty or thirty, both of favages and of our own men, entered, fword in hand, with- out finding much refiftance. Immediately, all who were unharmed took to flight. But they did not proceed far; for they were brought down by thofe around the barricade, and thofe who efcaped were drowned in the river. We capered fome fifteen prifoners, the reft being killed by mufket-fhots, arrows, and the fword. When the fight was over, there ^me another fliallop, containing fome of my companions This, 244 Voyages of although behind time, was yet in feafon for the booty, which, however, was not of much account. There were only robes of beaver-fkin, and dead bodies covered with blood, which the favages would not take the trouble to plunder, laughing at thofe in the laft fhallop, who did fo ; for the others did not engage in fuch low bufmefs. This, then, is the vi(5lory ob- tained by God’s grace, for gaining which they gave us much praife. The favages fcalped the dead, and took the heads as a trophy of victory, according to their cuftom. They returned with fifty wounded Montagnais and Algonquins and three dead, finging and leading their prifoners with them. They attached to flicks in the prows of their canoes the heads and a dead body cut into quarters, to eat in revenge, as they faid. In this way, they went to our barques off the River of the Iroquois. My companions and I embarked in a fhallop, where I had my wound dreffed by the furgeon, De Boyer, of Rouen, who likewife had come here for the purpofe of traffic. The favages fpent all this day in dancing and finging. The next day, Sieur de Pont Grave arrived with another fhallop, loaded with merchandife. Moreover, there was alfo a barque containing Captain Pierre, which he had left behind, it being able to come only with difficulty, as it was rather heavy and a poor failer. The fame day there was fome trading in peltry, but the other barques carried off the better part of the booty. It was doing them a great favor to fearch out a flrange people for them, that they might afterwards carry off the profit without any rifk or danger. That 245 Sieur de Champlain. That day, I afked the favages for an Iroquois prifoner which they had, and they gave him to me. What I did for him was not a little ; for I faved him from many tortures which he muft have fuffered in company with his fellow-prifoners, whofe nails they tore out, alfo cutting off their fingers, and burning them in feveral places. They put to death on the fame day two or three, and, in order to increafe their torture, treated them in the following manner. They took the prifoners to the border of the water, and faftened them perfedly upright to a flake. Then each came with a torch of birch bark, and burned them, now in this place, now in that. The poor wretches, feeling the fire, raifed fo loud a cry that it was fomething frightful to hear ; and frightful indeed are the cruelties which thefe barbarians practife towards each other. After making them fuffer greatly in this manner and burning them with the above- mentioned bark, taking fome water, they threw it on their bodies to increafe their fuffering. Then they applied the fire anew, fo that the fkin fell from their bodies, they con- tinuing to utter loud cries and exclamations, and dancing until the poor wretches fell dead on the fpot. As foon as a body fell to the ground dead, they flruck it violent blows with flicks, when they cut off the arms, legs, and other parts ; and he was not regarded by them as manly, who did not cut off a piece of the flefh, and give it to the dogs. Such are the courtefies prifoners receive. But fliU they endure all the tortures inflidled upon them with fuch conflancy that the fpedlator is aflonifhed. ^ As to the other prifoners, which remained in pofTeffion o the Algonquins and Montagnais, it was left to their wives 246 Voyages of and daughters to put them to death with their own hands ; and, in fuch a matter, they do not fliow themfelves lets inhuman than the men, but even furpafs them by far in cru- elty; for they devife by their cunning more cruel punifh- ments, in which they take pleafure, putting an end to their lives by the moll extreme pains. The next day there arrived the Captain Yroquet, alfo another Ochateguin, with fome eighty men, who regretted greatly not having been prefent at the defeat. Among all thefe tribes there were prefent nearly two hundred men, who had never before feen Chriflians, for whom they conceived a great admiration. We were fome three days together on an ifland off the river of the Iroquois, when each tribe returned to its own country. I had a young lad, who had already fpent two winters at Quebec, and who was defirous of going with the Algonquins to learn their language. Pont Grave and I concluded that, if he entertained this defire, it would be better to fend him to this place than elfewhere, that he might alcertain the nature of their country, fee the great lake, obferve the rivers and tribes there, and alfo explore the mines and objedls of fpecial interefl: in the localities occupied by thefe tribes, in order that he might inform us, upon his return, of the fa6ls of the cafe. We afked him if it was his defire to go, for I did not wifh to force him. But he anfwered the queftion at once by confenting to the journey with great pleafure. Going to Captain Yroquet, who was ftrongly attached to me, I afked him if he would like to take this young boy to his country to fpend the winter with him, and bring him back 247 Sieur de Champlain, back in the fpring. He promifed to do fo, and treat him as his own fon, faying that he was greatly pleafed with the idea. He communicated the plan to all the Algonquins, who were not greatly pleafed with it, from fear that fome accident might happen to the boy, which would caufe us to make war upon them. This hefitation cooled the defire of Y roquet, who came and told me that all his companions failed to find the plan a good one. Meanwhile, all the barques had left, excepting that of Pont Gravd, who, having fome prefling bufmefs on hand, as he told me, went away too. But I flayed with my barque to fee how the matter of the journey of this boy, which I was defirous fhould take place, would refult. I accordingly went on ftiore, and afked to fpeak with the captains, who came to me, and we fat down for a conference, together with many other favages of age and diflinaion in their troops Then I afked them why Captain Yroquet, whom I regarded as my friend, had refufed to take my boy with him. I faid that it was not aaing like a brother or friend to refufe me what he had promifed, and what could refult in nothing but good to them; taking the boy would be a means of in- creafing flill more our friendfhip with them and forming one with their neighbors; that their fcruples at doing fo only gave me an unfavorable opinion of them; and that if y would not take the boy, as Captain Yroquet had P^^ifed, would never have any friendfhip with them, for y not children to break their promifes in this manner. Th y then told me that they were fatisfied with the a-angeme^ only they feared that, from change of diet to fomethi g than he had been accuflomed to, fome harm mig PP 248 Voyages of to the boy, which would provoke my difpleafure. This they faid was the only caufe of their refufal. I replied that the boy would be able to adapt himfelf with- out difficulty to their manner of living and ufual food, and that, if through ficknefs or the fortunes of war any harm ffiould befall him, this would not interrupt my friendly feel- ings towards them, and that we were all expofed to accidents, which we muft fubmit to with patience. But I faid that if they treated him badly, and if any misfortune happened to him through their fault, I ffiould in truth be difpleafed, which, however, I did not expedt from them, but quite the contrary. They faid to me : “ Since, then, this is your delire, we will take him, and treat him like ourfelves. But you ffiall-alfo take a young man in his place, to go to France. We ffiall be greatly pleafed to hear him report the fine things he fliall have feen.” I accepted with pleafure the propofition, and took the young man. He belonged to the tribe of the Ochate- guins, and was alfo glad to go with me. This prefented an additional motive for treating my boy flill better than they might otherwife have done. I fitted him out with what he needed, and we made a mutual promife to meet at the end of June. We parted with many promifes of friendffiip. Then they went away towards the great fall of the River of Canada, while I returned to Quebec. On my way, I met Pont Grave on Lake St. Peter, who was waiting for me with a large patache, which he had fallen in with on this lake, and which had not been expeditious enough to reach the place where the favages were, on account of its poor failing qualities. We all returned together to Quebec, when Pont Grave went Sieur de Champlain. 249 went to Tadouffac, to arrange fome matters pertaining to our quarters there. But I flayed at Quebec to fee to the recon- flru(5lion of fome palifades about our abode, until Pont Grave fhould return, when we could confer together as to what was to be done. On the 4 th of June, Des Marais arrived at Quebec, greatly to our joy ; for we were afraid that fome accident had hap- pened to him at fea. Some days after, an Iroquois prifoner, whom I had kept guarded, got away in confequence of my giving him too much liberty, and made his efcape, urged to do fo by fear, not- withftanding the affurances given him by a woman of his tribe we had at our fettlement. A few days after, Pont Grave wrote me that he was think- ing of paffing the winter at the fettlement, being moved to do fo by many confiderations. I replied that, if he expedled to fare better than I had done in the pafl, he would do well. He accordingly haftened to provide himfelf with the fup- plies neceffary for the fettlement. After I had finiflred the palifade about our habitation, and put every thing in order. Captain Pierre returned in a barque in which he had gone to Tadouffac to fee his friends. I alfo went there to afcertain what would refult from the fecond trading, and to attend to fome other fpecial bufinefs which I had there. Upon my arrival, I found there Pont Grave, who ftated to me in detail his plans, and the reafons inducing him to fpend the winter. I told him frankly what I thought of the matter ; namely, that I believed he would not derive much profit from it, according to the appearances that were p am y to be feen. 32 He 250 Voyages of He determined accordingly to change his plan, and de- fpatched a barque with orders for Captain Pierre to return from Quebec on account of fome bufinefs he had with him ; with the intelligence alfo that fome veffels, which had arrived from Brouage, brought the news that Monfieur de Saint Luc had come by poll from Paris, expelled thofe of the religion from Brouage, re-enforced the garrifon with foldiers, and then returned to Court ; that the king had been killed, and two or three days after him the Duke of Sully, together with two other lords, whofe names they did not know.®®^ All thefe tidings gave great forrow to the true French in thefe quarters. As for myfelf, it was hard for me to believe it, on account of the different reports about the matter, and which had not much appearance of truth. Still, I was greatly troubled at hearing fuch mournful news. Now, after having flayed three or four days longer at Tadouffac, I faw the lofs which many merchants mufl fuffer, who had taken on board a large quantity of merchandife, and fitted out a great number of veffels, in expedlation of doing a good bufinefs in the fur-trade, which was fo poor on account of the great number of veffels, that many will for a long time remember the lofs which they fuffered this year. Sieur de Pont Grave and I embarked, each of us in a barque, leaving Captain Pierre on the veffel. We took Du Parc to Quebec, where we finifhed what remained to be done 866 por fome account of Saint Luc, the rumor of the death of the Duke of fee Memoir, Vol. I. By thofe of the re- Sully was erroneous. Maximelien de ligion, ceux de la Religion^ are meant the B^thune, the Duke of Sully, died on the Huguenots, or Protenants. 22d of December, 1641, at the age of The aifaflination of Henry IV. oc- eighty-two years, curred on the 14th of May, 1610; but 251 Sieur de Champlain. done at the fettlement. After every thing was in good con- dition, we refolved that Du Parc, who had wintered there with Captain Pierre, fhould remain again, and that Captain Pierre fhould return to France with us, on account of fome bufmefs that called him there. We accordingly left Du Parc in command there, with fix- teen men, all of whom we enjoined to live foberly, and in the fear of God, and in ftridl obfervance of the obedience due to the authority of Du Parc, who was left as their chief and commander, juft as if one of us had remained. This they all promifed to do, and to live in peace with each other. As to the gardens, we left them all well fupplied with kitchen vegetables of all forts, together with fine Indian corn, wheat, rye, and barley, which had been already planted. There were alfo vines which I had fet out when I fpent the winter there, but thefe they made no attempt to preferve ; for, upon my return, I found them all in ruins, and I was greatly difpleafed that they had given fo little attention to the prefervation of fo fine and good a plot, from which I had anticipated a favorable refill t. After feeing that every thing was in good order, we fet out from Quebec on the 8th of Auguft for Tadouflac, in order to prepare our veffel, which was fpeedily done. CHAPTER III. 252 Voyages of CHAPTER III. Return to France. — Meeting a Whale; — the Mode of capturing THEM. N the 1 3th of the month, we fet out from Tadouf- fac, arriving at lie Percee the next day, where we found a large number of veffels engaged in the filhery, dry and green. On the 1 8th of the month, we departed from lie Percee, paffing in latitude 42°, without fighting the Grand Bank, where the green fifliery is carried on, as it is too narrow at this altitude. When we were about half way acrofs, we encountered a whale, which was afleep. The veffel, paffing over him, awak- ening him betimes, made a great hole in him near the tail, without damaging our veffel ; but he threw out an abundance of blood. It has feemed to me not out of place to give here a brief defcription of the mode of catching whales, which many have not witneffed, and fuppofe that they are fhot, owing to the falfe affertions about the matter made to them in their ignorance by impoflors, and on account of which fuch ideas have often been obftinately maintained in my prefence. Thofe, then, moft fkilful in this filliery are the Bafques, who, for the purpofe of engaging in it, take their veffels to a place of fecurity, and near where they think whales are plenty. Then they equip feveral fhallops manned by competent men and provided with hawfers, fmall ropes made of the belt hemp Sieur de Champlain. 253 hemp to be found, at lead a hundred and fifty fathoms long. They are alfo provided with many halberds of the length of a fhort pike, whofe iron is fix inches broad ; others are from a foot and a half to two feet long, and very fharp. Each fhallop has a harpooner, the moft agile and adroit man they have, whofe pay is next higheft to that of the mailers, his pofition being the moft dangerous one. This lhallop being outfide of the port, the men look in all quarters for a whale, tacking about in all diredlions. But, if they fee nothing, they return to the fliore, and afcend the higheft point they can find, and from which they can get the moft extenfive view. Here they ftation a man on the look-out. They are aided in catching fight of a whale both by his fize and the water he fpouts through his blow-holes, which is more than a puncheon at a time, and two lances high. From the amount of this water, they eftimate how much oil he will yield. From fome they get as many as one hundred and twenty puncheons, from others lefs. Having caught fight of this monftrous filh, they haften to embark in their fhallops, and by rowing or failing they advance until they are upon him. Seeing him under water, the harpooner goes at once to the prow of the lhallop with his harpoon, an iron two feet long and half a foot wide at the lower part, and attached to a Hick as long as a fmall pike, in the middle of which is a hole to which the hawfer is made fall. The harpooner, watching his time, throws his harpoon at the whale, which enters him well forward. As foon as he finds himfelf wounded, the whale goes down. And if by chance turning about, as he does fometimes, his tail ftrikes the lliallop, it 254 Voyages of breaks it like glafs. This is the only ritk they run of being killed in harpooning. As foon as they have thrown the har- poon into him, they let the hawfer run until the whale reaches the bottom. But fometimes he does not go ftraight to the bottom, when he drags the fliallop eight or nine leagues or more, going as fwiftly as a horfe. Very often they are obliged to cut their hawfer, for fear that the whale will take them under water. But, when he goes ftraight to the bottom, he refts there awhile, and then returns quietly to the furface, the men taking aboard again the hawfer as he rifes. When he comes to the top, two or three ftiallops are ftationed around with halberds, with which they give him feveral blows. Find- ing himfelf ftruck, the whale goes down again, leaving a trail of blood, and grows weak to fuch an extent that he has no longer any ftrength nor energy, and returning to the furface is finally killed. When dead, he does not go down again : faftening ftout ropes to him, they drag him afhore to their head-quarters, the place where they try out the fat of the whale, to obtain his oil. This is the way whales are taken, and not by cannon-ftiots, which many fuppofe, as I have ftated above. To refume the thread of my narrative : after wounding the whale, as mentioned, we captured a great many porpoifes, which our mate harpooned to our pleafure and amufement. We alfo caught a great many fifli having a large ear, with a hook and line, attaching to the hook a little fifti refembling a herring, and letting it trail behind the veffel. The large ear, thinking it in fadl a living fifh, comes up to fwallow it, thus finding himfelf at once caught by the hook, which is con- cealed in the body of the little fifli. This fifli is very good, and Sieur de Champlain. 255 and has certain tufts which are very handfome, and refemble thofe worn on plumes. On the 2 2d of September, we arrived on foundings. Here we faw twenty veffels fome four leagues to the weft of us, which, as they appeared from our veflel, we judged to be Flemifh. , On the 25th of the month, we fighted the Ifle de Greneze, after experiencing a ftrong blow, which lafted until noon. On the 27th of the month, we arrived at Honfleur. •*8 Guernfey, which lay direftly before that met the eye on their way to Hon them as they advanced up the Engliih lleur. Channel, and was the firft large ifland INDEX. i .\BE! .\bri- Abo] Acac Accc Accc Acb- A& AdJ Alii: Aih Ale I AI Al M Al a: A A A INDEX. A. Abenaque, 175. Abriou, 150. Abuptic River, 105. Acadie, 213. Accomack, 79. Accominticus, 69. Achelacy, 188. Adaudin, 147. Adlaudinech, 147. Adirondack Mountains, 218. Advocate’s Harbor, 25, 26, 149* Ag:guncia, 49. Alexander, Sir William, 9, 16. Alexandria, 2. Alfonfe, Jean, 2, 40, 49, i 74 » 188. Algonquin, I 75 > 226, 227, 228, 229, 234, 236, 237, 239, 240, 241, 244, 245, 246, 247. Allen River, 24, 107, 140 - All Ifles, Bay of, ii. Almouchiquois, S 5 » ^ 3 > I 47 * Alonfon, 175. Alouettes, Point aux, 165, 170. America, 4, 20, 64, 74 > I5S> J^ 59 - American Academy, Memoirs of, 77 - American Antiquarian Society, 229. Anaffou, 92. Androfcoggin, 59. Aneda, its healing qualities, 61. Anglois, Le Port aux, 156. Angoulefme, 31. Annapolis, 22, 24, 107, 140. Annapolis Bafin, 17, loi, 139. Annapolis River, 22, 107, I 44 - Anne, Ste., 201, 226. Anne of Denmark, 70. Annifquam, 70. Annifquam Harbor, 114- Antoine, St. Riviere, 23, 24. Antons, Sieur de, 93, 108. Archangel, 92. Archer, 237. Argal’s Bay, 16. Argyl River, 105. Artichokes, Jerufalem, 82, 112, 123. Afher, G. M., 171. Afli-tree, 113- Aubry, Nicholas, 20. Auguftine, St., 14. Auk, 13, 14 - B. Bacalaos, 73. Bacchus, Ifle de, 62, 67* no, I 73 - 26 o Index, Back River, 57. Bagnall, Walter, 62. Bald Peak, 218. Ballard, Rev. Dr. Edward, 92, 93. Baird’s Report, 68, 89. Bangor, 33, 43, 44, 46- Bank, Grand, 156, 228. Barnftable, 116, 117. Barque, French, 145. Barrington Harbor, 12. Bafques, 12, 154, 165, 166, 177, 213, 233, 235, 237, 252. Bath, 59, 92. Batifcan, 201. Battle, preparation for, by Indians, 214; of Lake Champlain, 219-223; at the mouth of the Richelieu, 240- 246. Batturier, Cap, 119. Baude, Moulin, 164. Baye de Toutes Ifles, 152. Baye Frangoife, 15, 20, 21, 24, 27, 148. Bayfield, Capt., 197. Bay, La Courante, 105, to6. Bay of Fundy, 15, 16, 20, 24, 25, 27, 40, 139- Bay of St. John, 28. Bay of Mines, 25, 27. Bay of St. Lawrence, 26. Bayonne, iii. Bear Brook, 175. Bear Ifland, 23. Bear River, 24. Beaumont, 35. Beauport, iii, 115. Beauport, Riviere de, 176. Bedabedec, 41, 42, 46, 47, 48, 55, 56. Beech-trees, 113. Belknap, Rev. Jer., 92. Bellenger, 175. Berjon, Jean, ix, xv. Beflabez, 45, 46, 142, 143. Biard, P^re, 39, 213. Biblioth^que Nationale, 40. Biencourville, 22. Bigelow, Dr. Jacob, 113. Birds, names of, 14, 15. Black Befs, 114. Blackbird, 68. Black Cape, 172. Black Point, 62. Black River, 171. Black Skimmer, 87. Bluff Ifland, 62. Bohemians, 124. Bonaventure, Ifland of, 164. Bonnerme, 180, 197. Bofcanhegan Lake, 47. Boflon, 1 13, 122. Bofton Bay, 74, 76. Boflon Society of Natural Hiflory, 87, 216. Boues, Charles de, 183. Boulay, 16, 35, 97. Bourioli, la Motte, 35. Boyer, 108. Boyer, De, 244. Bradford, Wm., 78, 89, 121, 136. Brant Point, 75, 76, 80, 115, 116. Bras d’Or, La, 1 56. Brazilian beans, 64, 82, in, 112. Brdbeuf, P^re, 213. Brereton, 237. Brefl, 228. Bretons, 233, 237. Brouage, 250. Brunfwick, 92. Burials, 142, 143, 146, igi, Buflards, 14. Buzzard’s Bay, 131, 13?, Index. '261 c. Cabahis, 45, 47. Cabot, John, 2. Cabot, Sebaftian, 2, 16, 61. Cabirecoubat, 183. Caen, 22. Calais, 34. Calendar Eng. State Papers, 62. Camden, 41. Camden Mountains, 42, 48. Cambridge Mufeum, 14. CamePs Hump, 217. Cammock, Thomas, no. Campbell, 105. Campeftre de Berge, 8. Campobello I Hand, 100. Canada, 3, 7, 61, 66, 72, 86, 186, 187, 188, 216, 230, 233, 248. Canada, River of, 248. Canadians, 45, 48, 124, 196. Caniza, 70. Cannon-balls at St. Croix, 33. Canoes, 72, 73, 74 , 167- Canfeau, 7, 8, 12, 104, 106, I08, 146, ISO, 151, IS 3 , 154 , 15s, 156. Canfoke, 7. Cap aux Oies, 172. Cap Blanc, 79, 80, 90, 115, n6, 117. Cap Corneille, 93, 137, 138. Cap Dauphin, 171, 172. Cap de Tourmente, 172. Cap St. Louis, 74, 75, 76, 80, 115, 116. Cape Anne, 69, 70, 71, 72, 90, iii, 135. Cape Breton, 8, 9, 10, 27, 103, 104, 106, 108, 149, 155, 156, 164, 196 - Cape Breton, I Hand of, 155* Cape Charles, 171. Cape Cod, 79 » 80, 87, 90, 92, 115, 117, 135, 140. Cape Cod Bay, 79, 115, 116. Cape Cod Harbor, 78. Cape, Crow, 93. Cape Elizabeth, 61. Cape James, 79. Cape Jellifon, 43. Cape North, 149. Cape of Mines, 26. Cape Porpoife, 68, 69, 70. Cape Sable, 13, 15, 19, 40, 105, 140, 154 - Cape St. Lawrence, 164. Cape Salmon, 171, 172. Cape St. Mary, 164. Cape Small Point, 61. Cardinal’s Hat, 28. Carillon, Fort, 224. Cartier, Jacques, 2, 61, 66, 171, 172, 173. 175. 176, 183, 184, 185, i86, 187, 188, 189, 201, 237. Cafco Bay, 61. Caftine, 43. Catharine, St, River, 153. Cathay, 4, 171 - Cedar, 82. Chalifour, Riviere, 176. Chaloupe, 146. Chambly Bafin, 207, 210, 226. Chambly, M. de, 210. Chamcook Hill, 32. Champdord, De, 20, 35, 90, 100, loi, 108, 109, 15 1, 154- Champs, Des, 98. Chaoufarou, 216. Chards, 112. Charles L, 70. Charles, Prince, 70, 79. Charles, St., River, 176, 183, 184. Charles River, 72, 76. Charlevoix, 2, 9, ii, 16, 25, 27, 30, 262 Index, 37, IS2> 153, 156, 164, 17s. 189, 207, 210 . Chatham, 120, 126, 130, 13 1, 132, 136, 145. Chatham Hill, Great, 122. Chatham Old Harbor, 120, 122. Chatham Roads, 120, 122. Chaudi^re, 47, 60. Challes, 4. Chauvin, Capt., 4. Chavin, Capt. Pierre, 227, 234, 244, Chebu6lo, 152. [249, 250, 251. Chedabu6lo Bay, 155. Chedotel, 9. Cherry-trees, 198. Chefuncook, 47. Chevalier, 146, 147, 148, 149. Cheyne Ifland, 31. Chigne6lo Bay, 25, 27. Chigne6lo, Cape, 25, 27. Chin, 217. China, 2, 5, 171. Chomouchonan, 169. Chops, 57. Choiiacoet, 62, 64, 68, 70, 85, 91, no, 1 13, 123, 125, 147, T50, 167. Chriftians, 45, 149, 203, 207, 246* Church, Col. Benjamin, 42. Churchill’s Voyages, 121. Clam Bay, 152. Clark’s Ifland, 78. Claudiane, 23. Clyde, 12. Coaft Pilot, 62. Cohoiiepech, 113. Collier, Sieur, 229. Columbus, Chriftopher, 121, 155. Columbus, Ferdinand, 121. Commiflaries, Englifh and French, 15, 16, 148, 149, IS3- Conquet, 228. Copper mines, 25, 27, 37, 97, 98, 149. Coquilles, Port aux, 100. Cormorant, 14. Cormorant Ifland, 13, 105. Corn, Indian, in, 121, 122, 123. Corneilles, Ifle aux, 55. Cortereal, Gafpar, 2. Cortereal, Michael, 2. Cofa, Juan de la, 79. Coudres, Ifle aux, 172, 185, 187. Country Harbor, 153. Coues’s Key, 13, 14, 68, 87, 89. Council, Royal, 163. Coy, Me, Head, 28. Cramolet, 90. Cranes, 14. Croix, St, 15, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 37, 38, 47, 49, 52, SS, 90, 93, 94, 98, 99, J°o, 107, 109, 138, 147, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 201, 204, 205. Croix, St., River, 31, 32, 175, 183. Crofs Ifland, 93. Crow’s Pond, 121. Cruxius, 152, 155, 216. Cumberland Bafin, 27. Curlew, 14. Currant, red, 68, 198. Cufliman, David, 92, 93. Cutler, 77. Cutwater, 87. Cyprefs, 82, 112. D. D’Avezac, 175, 186, 188, 237. Darache, 166. Dauphin, Riviere du, 22. Davis, John, 3. Deane, Charles, 89. ^ Index. 263 De Cofta, Benjamin F., 79. Deep Brook, 24. De Laet, 10, 16, 27, 37, 76, 86, 148, 149, 151, 152, i 53 » i 5 S» 156. De Monts Ifland, Little, 32, 33. Dennyfville, 31. Devils, Point of all, 165, 170. Dexter, Henry M., 77 , 78 , 123, 125, 136. Diamonds, Point of, 175, 176- Dieppe, 79, 227, 234. Divide, 34. Digby Neck, 16, 20, 21, 22. Digby Strait, 10 1. Diftillerie, La, 176. Dix Peak, 218. DochePs liland. Little, 32, 33. Dogs of the ravages, 142, 190. Donnacona, 188, 237. Ducks, 14. Du Glas, 36. Duquen, Father Jean, 168. E. Eagle Cape, 172. Eaft Bofton, 76. Eaftern Point, 114. Eaftham, 136. Eaft India Co., 3. Eaft Indies, 197. Eaftport, 93, 139 - Eboulemens Mountains, 172. Egyptians, 124. Ellingwood Rock, 56. ^loi, St., 201. Emanuel, Don, 2. Emmerfon’s Creek, 28. Emmerfon’s Point, 72. England, 2, 3, 156, 197. Englifti, 171, 237. Englifh Channel, 255. ^quille, Riviere de, 22, 24, 94, 144. Efplanade du Fort, 176. Eftienne, Mafter, 145. Eftienne, St., 54. Etechemins, 31, 32, 44 > 47 > 63, 72, 73, 91, 138, 142, 175- Europe, 15. Europeans, 49, 237. F. Fendu, 6, 148. Ferland, 175, 233. Finifterre, 228. Firft Encounter, 136. Filhing, mode of, by the Indians, 77. Flax, 77. Fleas at Chatham, 125. Flemifti, 199, 255. Florida, 95, 99, 100, 108, 216, 218. Foedera, Rymer’s, 2. Fontainebleau, 157, 228. Force, Peter, 123, 124. Forked Cape, 15. Fort Point, 43, 114 - Fort Point Ledge, 43. Fort Pownall, 43. Fofs’s Beach, 70. Foulgerd de Vitrd, 108. Fougeray, 35. Fouques, Captain, 36, 107. Fourchu Cape, 19, 104, 105, 151- Fourchu Port, 15. Fous, Riviere des, 176. France, 12, 37, 77 . 102. «° 3 . 140, 145, 146, 147, ISO. iSS. 159 . 174. 182, 186, 191, 200, 227, 228, 232, 248. Francis L, 2. 264 Index. Frangois, St., 206. French, 196, 216, 228. Frefli- Water Cove, 114. Frobifher, Sir Martin, 3. G. Gallatin, Albert, 229. Gardner’s Creek, 28. Gafp^, 27, S4, 103, 147, ISS. 160, 164, 196, 227. Gaftaldo, 8, 31, 73. Gas, Mont du, 175. Geefe, 14. Gendre, Lucas Le, 229, 230. Gendre, River du, 175. Geneftou, De, 35. Gennes, B. de, 27. Gennes, Riviere de, 206. Georges, Captain, 3. George, St., River, 92. Georgian Bay, 196. Germany, 197. Gilbert, Humphrey, 3, 14. Gloucefter, in, 112, 114, 115. Goat Ifland, 22. Gondy, Cardinal de, 147. Granary Burial Ground, 113. Grand Bank, 163, 222. Grand Manan, 15. Grandmont, in. Granville, 22. Granville, Lower, 97. Grapes, 71, no, in, 173. Gray, Afa, 76. Great Duck Ifland, 31. Green Ifland, 153. Green Mountains, 217. Grenezd, Ifle de, 255. Godfrey, 33. Gomez, Eftevan, 61. Gookin, Daniel, 71, 123, 125. Goofe Cape, 172. Goofe Fair Bay, 68. Goofe Ifland, 153. Goofe River, 28. Gofnold, Bartholomew, 79. Gouffre, Riviere du, 172. Guaft, Pierre du, 76. Guercheville, Marchionefs de, 39. Guernfey, 255. Guienne, 161. Gulls, 14. Gulliver’s Hole, 21. H. Hadley River, 132. Haies, Edward, 8, 9, 14. Hakluyt, 2, 3, 9, 14, 66, 171, 174, 183, 185, 188. Halliburton, 148. Halifax, 12, 152. Hampton, 70. Harbor Ifland, 1 53. Harding’s Beach Point, 120. Hare Ifland, 171. Haute, Ifle, 25, 26, 41, 42, 43, 93, 136, 137- Havre de Gr^ce, 7, 9, 22, 232. Hawkins, Alfred, 175. Hazard’s State Papers, 2. Hazel Ifland, 172. Head Harbor, 100. Hdbert, Ifle d’, 23. Hell Gate, 57, 59. Hemp, Indian, 77. Henry IV., 157, 160, 229, 250. Henry VII., 2. Herons, 14. Index. Herring River, 8o. H^ve, Cap de la, 9, 10, 12, 62, no, 151. Higginfon, Francis, 88, 89. Hippocrates, 52. Hockomock Bay, 57, 58. Hollanders, 3, 146. Homem Diego, 16. Homenn, 27. Honabetha, 75. Honemechin, 63. Honfleur, 7, 20, 98, 157, 163, 228, 230, 231, 232, 255. Horfe-foot Crab, 86. H6tel Dieu, 176. Hougue, 232. Hougueaux, 232. Hudfon, Henry, vi, 171. Hudfon River, 218. Hudfon’s Bay, 170, 171. Huguenots, 250. Huiftres, Port aux, 116, 117. Hurons, 176, 196, 202, 213, 226, 228. Huron, Lake, 196, 226, 229. Huy, Ifland of, 231. I. Imbert, 23. Indians, at the Kennebec, 39, 58, 91, 92; at Saco, 62^7, no; at Cape Anne, 70-72 ; in Rofton Harbor, 72-74 ; at Brant Point, 74, 75 ; at Plymouth, 77, 78; at Naufet, 81-86; at Gloucefter, n i-n 5 ; at Barnftable, 1 17; at Chatham, 121-136; at St. John, 147 ; at TadoulTac, 167, 233 ; at Quebec, 189-196, 202, 203; at Lake Champlain, 210-227 ; at the river Richelieu, 239-246. Indian corn, 61, 64, 66, 73, 75 ? ^2, 86, III, 115, 121, 222, 251. 265 Indian hemp, 77. Indian houfes, 67, 83, 124. Ipfwich, 70. louanifcou, 138, 141. Irocofia, 217. Iroquois, 76, 196, 200, 202, 203, 207, 218, 221, 223, 224, 225, 226, 228, 229, 235, 239, 240, 241. Iroquois, Lake of the, 216. Iroquois River, 206, 207, 210, 215, 236. Ifland Cape, 70, 71, 74, 84, 90, 91, in. Ifland Bay, 152. Ifland Harbor, 68, 69. Ifles of Shoals, 69, 70. Ifles Ranges, 138. Ifle Verte, Riviere de l\ 153. Italians, 112. j- Jacques, Mafter, 98. Jay’s Peak, 217. Jennefs, John S., 69. Jeunefle, La, 146. Jerremifquam Ifland, 57, 58. Jdfuites, 39, 176. John, St., 28, 29. John, St., Baptift, 28. John, St, Lake, 168, 205. John, St., River, 9, 210, 216. John, St, Riviere, 29, 30, 33, 34, 37 , 97 , no, 147. Johnfon, Edward, 123. Jonas, 106, 107, 150. Jomard, Edme Francois, 3, 49, 61. Joflelyn, John, 68, 88, 89, no, 112, 113. Juniper, 82. K. Kay, Dr., 216. Kendufkeag, 44. 266 Index. Kennebec, 46, 56, 57, 59, 60, 62, 91, 92, 93 » 137 - Killington Peak, 217. King Crab, 86. King’s Forlant, 171. Kohl, Dr., 73. L. Labrador, ix, 3, 14. La Cadie, 7, 9, 10, ii, 12, 44, 73, 74 » 145 - Lair et, River, 184. Lake Champlain, 216, 218, 223. Lake George, 218, 223. L’Ange, Paris, v. Larcadia, 73. Latitude, by Champlain, 18. Laverdi^re, L’Abb^, 23, 26, 40, 52, 86, 152. 153, 154, 171, 173. I 7 S, 183, 196, 197, 205, 213, 215, 233. Lark Point, 165. Laurie, 168, 206. Lejeune, 213. Lennox, 147. Lefcarbot, 3, 7, 10, ii, 12, 17, 18, 20, 22, 23, 33, 36, 37, 38, 50, 62, 63, 73, 94, 103, 106, 107, 108, III, 131, 140, 146, 147, 1497 iSL 153, 154, 157, i 75 » 213. Lefdigui^res, Duchefs of, 164, L6vis, Cap de, 176. Ldvis, Henri de, 176. Licenfe, Extract from, xv. Linnaeus, 89. Lifbon, 2. Lifcomb Ifland, 153. Lifcomb Point, 1 52. Lifcomb River, 12. Little Boar’s Head, 69, 70, 71. Littrd, 10, 22. Liverpool, 10. Lobfter Bay, 105. Long Ifland, 15, 16, 17, 20, 21, 27, 30, 104. Long Ifland Bay, 139. Long Ifland Sound, 14, 18, 136. Long Neck, 13 1. Louif burgh. Harbor of, 1 56. Louis, St., Baflin de, 207. Louis, St., Falls of, 160. Louis, St., Fort, 210. Loup, River du, 206. Lower Granville, 22, 24. Lubeck, 139. Lumley’s Inlet, 171. Lunenburg, 9. Luz, Jean de, 154. M. Mabretou, 103, 143, 144, 147, 150. Machias, 93, 138. Magnetic Needle, 10, 24, 34, 155. Magnus, Olaus, 52. Magpie Iflands, 31. Magpies, 30. Mai Bay, 164, 172. Mallebarre, 57, 81, 90, T07, 109, no, 117, 118, 136, 138. Maine, 61, 135. Maine, Gulf of, 140. Maine Hiftorical Society, 43, 73, 92. Mai de la terre, or fcurvy, 50, 95, 98, 145, 199 Malo, St., 22, 24, 25, 27, 54, 93, 108, 146, 151, IS 7 , 23s. 241, 242. Manomet, 78. Manan, Grand, Petit, 30, 55, 93, 99, 139 - Index. 267 Manthane, 30. Manthoumermer, 57. Mappe-Monde, 49, 61. Marais, Sieur des, 199, 204, 207, 208, 232, 249. Marchin, 58, 60, 91, no, 150. Margaret, St., 17, 18. Marguerite, St., 152. Marie de Medicis, Queen Regent, xiii, 146, 147. Marriage, 191. Marfh Creek, 29. Marfhfield, 74. Martha’s Vineyard, 131. Martin, St., Head, 28. Martyres, Les, 15 1. Mary, Riviere St., 153. Mary’s, St., Bay, 15, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 23, 35 . 40, 104, 164- Mary’s, St., River, 201. MalTachufetts Bay, 71. MalTachufetts Harbor Commiflioners’ Report, 1 19. Matachiats, 143. Match-lock, 133. Mattiolo, 8, 73. Maurice, St., River, 205. May Flower, 78, 79. McKeen, John, 92. Megunticook Range, 42. Membertou, 103. Menthane, 232. Mercator, 156. Merrimac Bay, 70, 71. Merrymeeting Bay, 57, 59, Meflamouet, 37, no, in. Metinic Iflands, 48. Mettawamkeag, 34, 47 * Meur, Jacob von, 27. Mexico, 89. Mexico, Gulf of, 218. Micmacs, 196. Milk Ifland, 70. Milkweed, 77. Mill Pond, 29, 122. Mill River, 24. Minas Bafin, 25, 148, 149. Minigo, 173. Minot’s Light, 122. Miquelet, M., 103. Miffiflippi River, 216. Miftaflina, 169, 170. Miftaffin Lake, 170. Miftigoches, 235, 239. Mitchella, partridge-berry, 20. Mitchell, Prof., 119. Mocodome Inlet, 153. Moll, 16. Monhegan, 91, 92. Monomoy, 81, 130, 131. Monomoyicks, 136. Montagnais, 76, 183, 196, 200, 213, 216, 219, 221, 226, 234, 236, 239, 240, 241, 244, 245. Mont Carmel, 176. Montmorency, 174, i75> ^ 7 ^- Montreal, 160. Monts D^ferts, Ifle des, 39, 41, 55 » I 37 , 138. Monts, Sieur de, 4, 5, 6, 7, 159, 160; his commiffion, 160-163, 165, 167, 176, 182, 200, 227, 228, 229, 230. Moofe Ifland, 93. Moofe River, 24. Morel, Capt, 7. Morris Ifland, 120, 122. Morris River, 24. Morton’s Memorial, 78. Morton, Thomas, 123, 124. Mofquitoes, 34, 240. 268 Index. Mofquito Iflands, 48. Motin, V. Moulin Baude, 164. Mount Joli, 164. Mount Manfell, 39. Mount Marcy, 218. Mouton, Port, 8, ii, 12, 18, 21, 22. Mundlon, 27. Murdoch, Beamifli, 7, 9, 37. Murphy, Henry C., 40, 73. Murray Bay, 172. Mufcongus Bay, 48. Mufeiim of Univerfity Laval, 86. Myftic River, 76. N. Narraganfett Club, 65, 66. Nafhaway, 71. Natel, Antoine, 178, 193. Naufet, 57, 81, 90, 1 17, 1 19, 130, 136. Nef, La, 91. Negro, Cape, 12. Neponfitt, 71. Neutral I hand, 33. New Brunfwick, 28, 135. New England, 6, 14, 64, 69, 77, 79, 86, 87, 88, 1 12, 121, 124, 237. New England, Council for, 62. New England Hiftoric Genealogical Society, 33, 79. Newfoundland, 3, 13, 14, 164, 196. New France, 4, 7, 103, 140, 147, 157, IS9, 161, 197. New Hampfhire, 61, 70. New Jerfey, 86. New York, 196. New York, Natural Hiftory of, 216. Nicomtau Bay, 152. Niganis, 149, 156. Nipmuck, 74. Nipple Top, 218. Noblka Point, 13 1, 132, 136. Noddle’s Ifland, 76. Noix, Ifle aux, 21 1. Nonantam, 71. NonamelTet Ifland, 13 1. Nova Scotia, 7, 8, 9, 10, 14, 40, 97, 135, 140, 196. Nova Zembla, 4. Normandy, 9, 161. Normans, 233, 235. Novus Orbis, 10, 86. North America, 8. North Creek, 17. North Sea, 205. Northumberland Strait, 24. Norumbeque, 33, 34, 4°, 42, 44, 45, 47, 49, 50, 55 , 136, 137, 141, 142, 218. Nofe, 217. O. Oak, 1 13. Oak Bay, 34. Ochateguins, 196, 202, 221, 225, 228, 229, 234, 235, 246, 248. Old Orchard Beach, 113. Old Stage Harbor, 120. Olmechin, 63. Onemechin, no, in, 113, 150. Ordre de Bon Temps, 144. Orleans, 120, 12 1. Orleans, Duke of, 146. Orleans, Ifle of, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 187, 188. Ortelius, 231. Orville, d’, 35, 36, 95. Ofborne, Thomas, 7. Oftemoy, 213. Vw/ Index. 269 Ottawa, 196, 226. Ouagimou, 142. Ouygoudy, 28, 147. Owl’s Head, 12, 41, 48. Oxford, Earl of, 7. Oyfter Harbor, 116. Oyfter Pond, 122. P. Pacific Ocean, 68. Palmer, 218. Palmerfton Bay, 10. Panounias, 55, 63, 142, 146, 150. Parc, Sieur du, 233, 250, 251. Pardoe, Mifs, 147. Paris, 2, 20, 38, 40, 155, 157, 230, 250. Parkhurft, Anthony, 14. Parrf borough, 148. Partridge-berry, 20. Partridge I Hand, 28, 29. Paffage Courant, 155. PafTage, Petit, 16, 18, 20, 21. Paffamacadie, 3I) 73 - PafTamaquoddy Bay, 30, 31. Patache, 146. Paul V., Roman Pontiff, 38. Paul’s, St., Bay, 172. Paul, St., Ifland of, 164. Pemadumcook, Lake, 47. Pememen, 150. Pemetiq, 39. Penguins, 13, I 4 » ^ 9 - Penobfcot River, 34, 4 o> 4 ^? 42 > 43 > 47 > 49, 60, 92, 137, 218. Pentegouet, 40. Perc^e, Ifle, 155, 164, 228, 252. Peribonca, 169. Perkins, F. S., 238. Perpifawick Inlet, 152. Peru, 85, 89. Peter, St., Lake of, 205, 206, 226, 248. Petitcoudiac, 27. Petit PafTage, 104, Petit River, 10. Petum, 66. Pickering, Dr. Charles, 66. Picouagami, 169. Pigeons, 69. Pike, Bony-fcaled, or gar, 216. Pilgrims of Plymouth, 77, 79. Pilotois, 190, 213. Pinckney Point, 105. Placentia Bay, 164. Pleafant Bay, 121. Plum-trees, 198. Plymouth Harbor, 76, 79. Point au Pies, 172. Point Corneille, 172. Point Gammon, 126, 13 1. Point Ouelle, 172. Point P^fe, 172. Pokomtacuke, 71. Pond Ifland, 56. Pont Gravd, 3, 7 , IL 3^, 54, 94, 95, 97, 99, 100, loi, 103, 105, 108, 132, 160, 163, 165, 166, 167, 180, 181, 182, 199, 200, 202, 204, 227, 229, 230, 232, 233, 244, 246, 247, 248, 249, 250. Pont Gravd, Robert, 132. Pontoife, Grand Vicar of, 183. Pont, Riviere du, 206. Poole, William F., 123. Popham Celebration, 93. Port k I’fiquilles, 171. Port du Cap St. Louis, 78, 79. Port Fortune, 120, 126, 130, 132, 138, I39» 145- Portland, Dorfetfhire, 231. Port of Mines, 26, 97, 148, I 49 * 270 Index. Port Royal, 17, 22, 24, 25, 27, 37, 94, 97, 99, 100, 104, 106, 107, 108, 109, 139, 140, 141, 147, 148, 149- Port St. Helaine, 152. Portfmouth, 70. Portugal, 2, 9. Portuguefe, 8, 156, 237. Pottery, Indian, 86. Poutrincourt, Cap de, 149. Poutrincourt, Sieur de, 19, 24, 30, 37, 38, 82, 97, 106, 107, 108, III, 1 13, 1 14, 1 15, 1 17, 126, 127, 128, 134, 135, 140, 141, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 157. Pownall, Governor Thomas, 43, 223. Prairies, Sieur des, 241, 242. Prevert, M., 24, 25, 26, 27, 97. Prince George, 92. Prince Henry, 171. Prince, Rev. Thomas, 9^. Prince Society, 9, 65, 69, 112, I2^. Pring, Martin, 79. Prout’s Neck, 62. Ptolemy, 8, 73. Pumpkins, 65, 112. Punkapaog, 71. Purchas’s Pilgrims, 14. Purflane, 75. Pyrenees, Lower, 154. Q- Quaco Light, 28. Ouaco River, 27. Quebec, 19, 39, 47, 52, 60, 171, 174, i75i 176, 180, 182, 183, 186, 187, 1 88, 196, 197, 199, 200, 201, 202, 204, 226, 227, 228, 230, 234, 23s, 236, 237, 246, 248, 249, 250, 251. Quebec, Lit. and His. Soc., 169. Quelibec, 175. Queconlicq, 150. Quinibequy, 44, 46, 47, 48, 56, 58, 60, 61, 68, 86, 91, 137, 141, 150. Quoddy Roads, Head, 139. Quiouhamenec, 113. R. Ralleau, 12, 29, 37, 106, 149. Ram I Hand, 67, 121. Rangdes, Ifles, 153. Ranges, 38, 55. Raven Hill, 218. Rdcolle6ls, 183, 237. Red Cape, 172. Religion of the favages, 1 90-1 92. Ribero, 49, 61, 79. Richelieu, Cardinal, 210. Richelieu Fort, 210. Richelieu, River, 207, 239. Richmond Illand, 62, no. Rio de Gamas, 49. Rio Grande, 49. River du Guaft, 76. Riviere de Champlain, 13 1. Riviere du Moulin, 140. Roberval, 2, 3, 40. Roche, Marquis de la, 4, 8. Rochelle, 35, 107, 108. Rockland, 41. Rocky Brook, 24. Rome, I. Rofcoff, 156. Rofcou, 156. Rofe, John, 8. Rofier, 92. Rofs Ifland, 31. Roflignol, Capt., 35, 36. Rollignol, Port, 10, it, 12. Index. Roflway, 17. Rouen, 108, 229, 230, 244 " Rouen, Parliamentary Court, 9. Rouge, 16, 31, 69. Routte, La, 204, 207, 239. Rue de la Fabrique, 176. Rue du Fort, 176. Rupert River, 170. Rufcelli, 75. Rye Beach, 70. S. Sable Bay, 12, 13. Sable Ifland, 3, 4, 8, 9, 12, 13, 156. Saco, 62, 64, 112, 113, 147, ISO. 151- Sagadahoc River, 57, 92. Sagard, 86, 183, 216. Saguenay, 3, 164, 165, 168, 169, 170, 196, 205, 234, 237. Saint Luc, M. de, 250. Saintonge, 3. Salifbury, 70. Salmon River, 171. Salter’s Ifland, 56. Salt Ifland, 114. Sambro, 151. Sandy Cove, 16, 17. Sandy Neck Point, 117. Saquifli Head, 78. Safanoa River, 57, 59. Safinou, 57, 60, 93, 150. Saflafras, 112. Saint Lawrence, 2, 5, 6, 27, 30, 44, 47 > 60, 66, 76, 146, I55» ^ 75 , 183, 188, 196, 206, 216, 223, 229, 237. Saint Pierre, Iflands of, 232. Saut, Riviere du, 176. Sauveur, St., 39. Savalette, Port de, 153, I 54 - 271 Savin, 82. Sclavonia, 98. Scofield’s Brook, 24. Scoudic Lakes, 34. Scoudic River, 31, 47. Seal, 14. Seal Cove, 99. Seal Ifland, 13. Sea-Wolf Iflands, 13, 14, I 5 , 18, 19. Secondon, 29,97, 102, no, 147. Seguin Ifland, 56, 60. Seguin Ledges, 56. Sefambre, 151, 152. Shafer’s Brook, 24. Shakefpeare, 73. Shallop, 146. Shea, John Gilmary, 9, 189. Sheepfeot, 59. Shepody Bay, 27. Shipwreck, loi, 102. Shurtleff’s Calendar, 67. Siguenoc, 86. Silver mine, 16. Simon, Mafler Miner, 16. Siflibou River, 17. Skittles Port, 171 - Smelt River, 17. Smith, Capt. John, 42, 69, 70, 79 * Smith’s Cove, 114. Smith’s Ifles, 69. Snipe, 14. Snow Lake, 174. Snows, Lake of, 176. Snow-flioes, 53, 191. Sorel, M. de, 210. Souriquois, 45 » 48 , 63, 72, 73, 196, 213. SoupQonneufe, 131. Sourin, 35. Southampton, Earl of, 92. South Eall Harbor, 114. Index. 272 South River, 74. South Sea, 5. Spain, 154. Spaniards, 177. Spencer’s Ifland, 26. Spit Beacon Light, 28. Split Cape, 148. Spring Hill Beach, 117. Squam River, 114. S quanto, 1 21. Squafh, 64, 66, 75 , 82, 112. Stadacone, 175, 186. Stage Harbor, 120, 130, 131. Stage Head, 114. Stage Ifland, 56. Straitfmouth Ifland, 70, 71. Stratton Ifland, 62, 65. Subenacadie, 73, 149. Suffolk, Duke of, 175. Sugar Loaves, 56. Sully, Duke of, 147, 250. Suzanne, St., du Cap Blanc, 80, 206. T. Tadouflac, 30, 164, 167, 168, 169, 170, I7L I73» 176, 177, 180, 196, 199, 200, 204, 205, 226, 227, 228, 229, 232, 233, 234, 249, 251, 252. Taille, La, 180. Taille, M. La, 103. Ten-Pound Ifland, 114, 115. Teftu, Capt., 178. Texas, 229. Thatcher Ifland, 70, 72. Theatre de Neptune, 140. . Theobald, St., 28. Thdr^fe, St., Ifland of, 21 1, Thevet, 49. Thibaut, Capt., 239. Thorne’s Brook, 24. Three Rivers, 205. Three Turks’ Heads, 70. Tobacco, 66, 82, 86. Tortoife Ifland, 56, 60. Ticonderoga, 223, 224. Timothde, Capt., 7. Tracadie, 73. Tragabigzanda, 70. Tranfylvania, 70. Tregattd, 27. Trelany, no. Trois Rivieres, 204, 207, 233, 235, 238. Truitti^re, 141. Trumbull, 123. Tuckerman, 112. Turkey, 88, 89, Turks, 70. Tufquet Iflands, 13, 105. T>vo Bays, 25, 27. Tyre, 2. U. Uncatena Ifland, 13 1. United States, 33, 56, 62. Urfulines, 176. V. Vaches, Pointe aux, 165. Val, Jean du, 178, 18 1. Vallard, Nic., 79. Veazie, no. Venetians, i. Venice, 73. Ventador, Due de, 176. Vermont, 217. Verrazzano, 40. Index. Vineyard Sound, 13 1. Vofe, Peter E., 33. Vultures, 14. W. Walling’s Map, 121. Walnut, 1 1 2. Ward, John, 67. Warren, 92. Warwig Creek, 34. Wafaumkeag Point, 43. Wedge Illand, 153. Weechagalkas, 71. Wellfleet, 116. Wellfleet Harbor, 80. Wells Neck, 68, 70. Weft Indies, 121. Weft Port, 57, 58. Weymouth, George, 3, 92, 93. Weymouth Harbor, 17. Whale Cove, 139. Whales, mode of taking, 252-254. White Cape, 172. Whiteface, 218. White Haven, 153. White Ifland, 31. White Ledge, 56. White Mountains, 61. 273 Wight, Ifle of, 231. Williams, Roger, 65, 66, 121, 123, 124. Willis, William, 92. Willow Point, 224. Window, Edward, 124. Wifcaflet, 57, 58. Wifconlln, 237, 238. Wifconfm, Hiftorical Society of, 238. Winthrop, John, Gov., 8, 62. Wolves, 30. Wood End, 117. Wood Ifland, mouth of the Kennebec, 56 ; Saco Bay, 67 ; Grand Manan, 99. Wood’s Holl, 13 1, 132. Wood’s New Eng. Profpe6l, 65, 69, 88, 112, 123. Wyandot or Wendot, 196. Y. Yamaflca, 206. Yarmouth, 15. Yendots, 228. York Beach, 70. Young, Alexander, 78. Yroquet, Captain, 202, 236, 245, 246, 2. Cambridge : Press of John Wilson & Son. I' WILLIAM FOGG I.1BKAK^