A 
 
 LETTER 
 
 Addressed to 
 
 Two GREAT MEN. 
 
 [ Price One Shilling. ] 
 
A 
 
 E R 
 
 LETT 
 
 Two GREAT MEN, 
 
 O N T H E 
 
 Prospect of PEACE; 
 
 And on the Terms neceflary to be infifted 
 upon in the NEGOCIATION. 
 
 Mea quidem fententia, path qu‘^ habitura fit inftdiarum, 
 femper ejl confulendum, Dc Offic. Lib. i. 
 
 There is a Tide in the Affairs of Men, 
 
 Which taken at the Flood, leads on to Fortune ; 
 
 Omitted, all the Voyage of their Life 
 Is bound in Shallows and in Miferies. 
 
 On fuch a full Sea are we now a-float. 
 
 And we muft take the Current when it ferves, 
 
 Or lofe our Ventures. Shakesp, 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 Printed For A. Millar, in the Strand. 
 MDCC i^a7 
 

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A 
 
 LETTER 
 
 Addressed to 
 
 Two GREAT MEN. 
 
 My Lord, and Sir, 
 
 Y OU will be furprized at an Addrefs made to 
 you jointly in this Manner ; but as I have 
 not the Honour to be much acquainted with ei- 
 ther of you, (though I efteem you both, at leaft 
 while you remain connefted) I hope you will for- 
 give me for troubling you, in this public Way; 
 and the rather, as as I think the Matters I lhall 
 write upon, to be of very great Importance ; and 
 as you will difeover by what I am going to fuggeft 
 to you, that I am a true Friend to Old England^ 
 and a fincere Lover of my Country. 
 
 I have long thought that our Minifters of State 
 may be much afllfted, in their Deliberations, by 
 Perfons who have not the Honour of fitting at the 
 Council-board. The wifeft Meafures have often 
 
 B been 
 
been pointed out, in the Courfe of parliamentary 
 Debate ; ai d Members of either Houfe, perhaps 
 thofe lead confultcd by Government, have fre- 
 quently been earlieft in fuggefting fuch Plans of 
 public Policy, as Government itfelf has been glad 
 to adopt. 1 he Extinftion of fadious Oppofition, 
 the Unanimity of every Party, and the Acquief- 
 cence of every Connection, in whatever Schemejs 
 propofed by his Majefty’s Servants, while it hath 
 produced infinite Advantages to the Public ; hath 
 deprived thofe who direCt the Cabinet, of all fuch 
 Parliamentary Inftrudion, as their Predeceffors in 
 Power ufed to receive. You, my Lord, of late, 
 fcarcely hear any Speech in the Houfe of Lords, 
 but that of a I .awyer on a Scotch Appeal ; and the 
 hereditary Council of the Nation rarely affemble 
 for higher Purpofes than to alter Settlements and de- 
 liberate on Bills of Divorce. And you. Sir, in the 
 other Houfe, where fo many fkillful Champions 
 ufed formerly to engage, and ftruggle for Victory, 
 remain fingle in the Field of Battle ; and your 
 Speaker takes the Chair only to vote Millions and 
 levy Thoufands, without the lead Debate or Op- 
 pofition. 
 
 The Channel of Parliamentary Inftrudion being 
 thus ftopt, no other but that of the Prefs is left 
 open, for thofe Heads of Advice to which it may 
 be worth your while to attend. For this Reafon 
 it is, that I have thought of addrefling you in this 
 Manner. Who I am, it matters not. Let it fuf- 
 fice, that, unpenfioned and unemployed, I can vie, 
 in Zeal for the Public, with thofe who tafte the 
 Sweets of exorbitant Salaries, and unfathomed Per- 
 quifites. Whether my Knowledge be equal to my 
 Zeal ; whether my Acquaintance with the World, 
 and Experience in Bufinefs, have enabled me to 
 offer any Thing that may be of real Utility, muft 
 
 be 
 
[ 3 ] 
 
 be determined by you, and by the Public. This 
 1 am certain of, that my Intention is honeft •, and 
 while I pleafe myfelf, I fhall endeavour, at the fame 
 time, not to oft'end either of you. Some Produc- 
 tions, in which you have, of late, been jointly taken 
 Notice of, proceeded from ^faSi'tous Difpofition, 
 which I am unacquainted with, and deteft. For, 
 far from wilhing to difunitc and feparate your In- 
 terefts, I am fully perfuaded that without your per- 
 fect Harmony and Union, the great Events which 
 have happened under your Adminiftration, will 
 not have thofe permanent good Confequences fo 
 much to be wilhed tor : And it is only from your 
 joint Concurrence, that we can hope for any of 
 thofe prudent, fpirited and national Meaiures con- 
 cerning which I propofe to offer you a few Hints, 
 in this Addrefs. 
 
 Confidering the prefent diftreffed Condition of 
 fallen from its alarmingPower,andGreatnefs, 
 into the loweft State of Diftrefs and Impotence ; un- 
 fortunate in its military Operationsin every Quarter 
 of the Globe ; beaten all Europe o\tx by Sea and Land; 
 its Fleets failing, only to be deftroyed ; its Armies 
 marching, only to run away ; without Trade j no 
 Credit j flopping Payments, protefting Bills, and 
 to all Intents and Purpofes a Bankrupt Nation •, 
 their King, the Princes of the Blood, the Nobility, 
 and the Clergy carrying in all their Plate to be 
 coined, for the prefent extreme Exigency of their 
 Affairs*, difappointed and baffled in all their 
 Schemes on the Continent, and taught to think 
 no more of Invajions, by the Deflrudion of the 
 only Fleet they had left; — I fay, confidering all 
 thefe Circumfiances, which I have not exaggerated, 
 in the leaft, it is not unnatural to imagine, that 
 a Period will foon be put to the Troubles of Eu- 
 rope. France^ unable to carry on the War, muft 
 B 2 foon 
 
foon be reduced to the Neceflity of fuing for 
 Pesce* 
 
 We have had Bloodfhed enough. God forgive 
 thofe who have occafioned this terrible Deftruftion 
 of the human Species, and fpread Mifery, and De- 
 vaftation, for fo long a Time, in almoft every 
 Corner of the Globe. The great Succefs with 
 which the Arms of Britain have been blefled, puts 
 it in our Power to give Peace to Europe : and it 
 is to the Honour of his Majefty and thofe who di- 
 red his Councils, that the Diftrefles of our Ene- 
 mies have only enabled him to give the World a 
 Proof of his Moderation *, and to fhew that his In- 
 clination to make Peace, keeps Pace with the In- 
 ability of France to prolong the War. 
 
 “ As his Majefty entered into this War, not 
 “ from Views of Ambition, fo he does not wi(h 
 “ to continue it, from Motives of Refentment. 
 The Defire of his Majefty’s Heart is, to fee a 
 Stop put to the Effufion of Chriftian Blood.” 
 What was declared, in the above Paragraph of 
 his Majefty’s Speech from the Throne, to our own 
 Parliament, at the Opening of this Scflion, has fince 
 that, been notified in Form to our Enemy. The 
 Readinefs of England^ and Prujfia^ to enter into a 
 Treaty, and to give Peace to Chriftendom, which 
 Prince Lewis of Wolfenbuttle hath been authorized 
 to communicate to the French Minifter at the Hague, 
 will, no doubt, open the Door for a Negociation, 
 in a Manner the moft likely to be embraced by the 
 Court of Vcrfailles •, whofe Difgraces and Diftrefles 
 too great to be difliembled, and too extenfive to 
 be remedied, will difpofe them to liften with At- 
 tention to every propofal of Accommodation, made 
 to them by an Enemy whofe Sword was unflieath- 
 ed only to punilh Perfidy ; and whofe Succefles, 
 as appears from their making the firfl: Advances 
 
 towards 
 
[ 5 ] 
 
 towards a Treaty, have not infatuated them to 
 prefer unneceffary and ruinous Conqudt, to a rea- 
 fonable and folid Peace. 
 
 It is, therefore, to be hoped, and to be believed, 
 that Peace is not at a great Diftance; and upon' 
 this Suppofition I Ihall beg Leave to offer a few 
 Confiderations to jyo«, as to the Perfons on whom 
 the Fate of this Country depends ; Confiderations 
 which are equally important as they are feafonable ; 
 and an Attention to which, before you enter upon 
 any Negociation, may, perhaps, affift you fif I 
 may be allowed to fuppofe you ftand in Need of 
 any Afliftance) in direfting this Negociation to 
 fuch an Iflue, as may be equally honourable to your- 
 felves, and ufeful to the Public. 
 
 In this Situation of Affairs, one of the firft Mat- 
 ters relative to the future Negociation, which, no 
 doubt, muft occur to you, will be, the Choice of 
 thofe Perfons who are to be trufted with the 
 great Concerns of this Nation as Plenipotentiaries. 
 And, as much will depend upjn this Point, I 
 lhall beg Leave to begin with giving you my 
 Thoughts upon it, and the other Topics on which 
 I propofe to trouble you will naturally arife from 
 each other without obferving any other Order, or 
 Connexion, befides that in which they fhall pre- 
 fent themfelves to a Mind intent upon its Subject. 
 
 With regard then, to the Choice of Plenipoten- 
 tiaries, I cannot but lament the Difficulties you 
 have to encounter, before you will be able t » find 
 fuch as the Public will have Reafon to thank you 
 for. — I am not totally unknowing in the Charac- 
 ters and Capacities of many among the great. But 
 when I call my Fyes around me, I own that I am 
 furprized, greatly furprized, but ftill more grieved', 
 to find fo few among us, capable of condufting the 
 arduous Tafk of making a Peace. Whether this 
 4 hath 
 
hath arifcn from Negleft in the Education of our 
 Men of Quality ; or whether the Qualifications 
 which fit them for Statefmep, have been negleded, 
 in Comparifon of luch as fit them for Arthur ^ or 
 Newmarket •, or whether it be owing to the State 
 Policy fo fyftematically adopted, of late Years, of 
 giving Places, not to the Ferfons who can beft exe- 
 cute the Bufinefs — but to thoi'e who can beft do a 
 Job. Whatever be the. Caufe,the Fad is certain; and 
 it is Matter of Amazement that there fliould be fo few 
 in this Ifland, who have given any Proofs that they 
 are capable of conduding with Ability, much lefs 
 with Dexterity, this important Bufinefs of a Nego- 
 ciation with Frame. Men who are verfed in Trea- 
 ties, knowing the Interefts, Pretenfions, and Con- 
 nexions of the fcveral Princes of Europe ; ficilled in 
 the Principles of public Law, and capable of ap- 
 plying them on every particular Occafion ; ac- 
 quaimed with the Commerce, the Colonies, the 
 Manufadures of their own Country ; Matters of 
 all the Inftances of Infradion of former Treaties, 
 which occafioned the War we are now engaged in: 
 In a Word, Men whofe Rank and Confequence 
 amongft ourfelves, may command Refped, and 
 procure them Authority, amongft our Enemies ; 
 and who to every other Qualification, already 
 enumerated, can boaft of an Integrity not to be cor- 
 rupted, and a Steadinefs in fupporting the Inter- 
 efts of their Country, which no Difficulties can dif- 
 
 courage, and no Temptations can fhake: 
 
 Such are the Men, whom you muft endeavour to 
 employ, in the approaching Negociation, and fuch, 
 I hope, ye will be able to find ; though, I own, 
 I am puzzled to guefs on whom the Choice will 
 fall, none being, as yet, pointed out by the pub- 
 lic Voice, nor, perijaps, fixed upon, by yourfelves. 
 Times have been, when we might have expeded. 
 
[ 7 ] 
 
 fee One named to fuch an important Office, mcer- 
 ly becaufe he was a Favourite, or a Favourite’s Fa- 
 vourite •, becaufe he was connedled with this Mini- 
 fter, or was a Relation of that great Man. But if 
 we have too frequently trifled with our national 
 Concerns, by trufting them in fuch Hands, I need 
 not fay that there are Circumftances at prefent 
 which give us reafonable Ground for hoping that 
 the fame Sagacity, and Defire to ferve the Public 
 which hath found out, and employed the propereft 
 Perfons to conduft the Operations of the War, will 
 be exerted to find out the propereft Perfons (few 
 as there are to be found) to condudt the Delibera- 
 tions of the Treaty. 
 
 And very deplorable indeed muft be the Inabi- 
 lities of the Perfons we lhall employ, if their Nego- 
 ciations for Peace be conduced fo awkwardly as to 
 rob us of the Advantages we have gained by the 
 War. If we may judge from late Events, France 
 feems as little to abound with Wifdom in the Ca- 
 binet, as it doth with Courage and Condudt in the 
 F'ield. And if the Ncgociations at Utrecht^ in 
 which almoft all the Advantages of a War equally 
 fuccefsful with the prefent, were given up, be urg- 
 ed as an Inftance of the fuperior Dexterity of French 
 Politics, it ought to be remembered that this was 
 more owing to our own Divifions, than to their 
 Sagacity, and to the Inabilities of our Plenipotenti- 
 aries at Utrecht^ tho’ we had no great Reafon, God 
 knows, to brag of them. What, therefore, may 
 we not expe(5t from a Negociation to be begun in 
 very different Circumftances ; when there exifts no 
 Faftion whofe Intereft it may be to perplex and de- 
 feat it; and when that national Unanimity to which 
 we, in a great Meafure, owe the Succefs of the 
 War, will ftill continue to exert it’s blelTed Effeefs, 
 till it make us happy with a fafe and honourable 
 
 Peace ? 
 
[ n 
 
 t*eace ? — However, favourable as thefe Circum- 
 ftances are, the Choice of fuch Plenipotentia- 
 ries as may, be likely to condudt the Negociation, 
 with Dignity, Dexterity and Integrity, becomes a 
 Confideration which the Public will expeft fhould 
 be weighed with the utmoft Attention. And, if 
 fuch Ferfons cannot be found amongft us (which I 
 hope may not be the Cafe) there is a very defirable 
 Alternative ftill in your Power. Fix the Scene of 
 Negociation, where, indeed, for the Honour of 
 our Country, I could wifh to fee it fixed, name no 
 other Plenipotentiaries to condu6t the Peace but 
 thofe Miniders who directed the War: And a 
 Treaty of London, in fuch Hands, will make ample 
 Amends for our wretched Management at Utrecht. 
 
 But let Peace be never fo well made ; let Mi- 
 nifters plan Treaties with the greatcft Sagacity, and 
 Plenipotentiaries negociate the Articles with the ut- 
 moft Skill and Dexterity, yet we know from Hiftr* 
 ryand Obfervation, that they never can be perpetual, 
 and, moft commonly, are not lafting. Princes, too 
 frequently, feem to own no other Rule of Adion, 
 than prefent Convenience •, and the Law of Nations 
 is feldom appealed to, but to fandify Injuftice, and 
 fave Appearances. Nor are the pofitive Compads 
 folemnly agreed upon between Nation and Nation, 
 better obferved. For how feldom do we fee a 
 Treaty religioufly adhered to, bythe Parties whofe 
 Intercft it is to break it, and who think they are in 
 fuch Circuinftances as to be able to break it with 
 Impunity? — If fuch Infidelity be too common a- 
 mor.gft Princes in general. Experience, long Ex- 
 perience teaches us, that the Nation with whom 
 we are foon to treat, excel us, at leaft, in this 
 Part of Policy. For no Cords are ftrong enough 
 to bind them. 
 
f 9] . 
 
 Gallic Faith is become proverbial, and the Neigh- 
 bours of France can reproach her with innumerable 
 Inftances of a moft profligate Difregard to the moft 
 folemn Treaties. And the Reafon feems to be ob- 
 vious, without fuppofing that Nation more perfi- 
 dious than others. The Power, the Populoufnefs, 
 the Extent, the Strength of the French Monarchy, 
 free them from thofe Apprehenfions which bind the 
 weaker Side to be faithful to it s Engagements } 
 and depending upon the Inability of their Neigh- 
 bours, confidered fingly, to procure to themfelves 
 Juftice, this, too frequently, has tempted them to 
 the moft lhameful and barefaced Inftances of na- 
 tional Breach of Faith. 
 
 It well becomes us, therefore, at this Juncture, 
 when the Diftrefles of France will oblige them to 
 confent to Terms of Peace, unfavourable to the In- 
 tereft, and difgraceful to the Glory of their Mo- 
 narch, to take every Method in our Power to fe- 
 cure the Obfervancc of thofe ConcelTions they may 
 make •, and to infift upon their giving us fuch 
 Proofs of their Sincerity, before any Negociation 
 be entered upon, as may give us fome AflTura Ke 
 that they mean to be more faithful to their future 
 Engagements. 
 
 What Proof of their Sincerity, I would recorn- 
 mend it to you to demand, what Conceffions it will 
 be neceflary to infift upon, I fliall- beg Leave to 
 mention j after having firft fatisfied you by a De- 
 tail of fome Particulars, that fuch Demands as I 
 would propofe cannot be looked upon as the Info- 
 lence of a Conqueror, but as the wife Forefight of 
 a People whom dear bought Expence hath taught 
 the proper Way of doing itfclf Juftice. 
 
 It may not, therefore, be unneceflary to place 
 before your Eyes, fome of the moft remarkable In- 
 
[ 10 ] 
 
 to all the Troubles of Europe for above thefe hun- 
 dred Years. 
 
 The Peace of Weftphalia* ^ while it fecured the 
 Liberties and Religion of Germany, alfo laid the 
 Foundation of that Power which hath made France, 
 ever fince, the Terror of Europe. By this Treaty *, 
 the Upper and the Lower Alface, a Country of 
 great Extent, and of infinite Confequence in Point 
 of Situation, was ceded to France. In this Country 
 there were Ten Imperial Cities, whofe Privileges 
 and Liberties were in the moft folemn Manner fe- 
 cured by the fame Treaty, which exprefly fays, 
 *’ that they jhall preferve their Freedom, and that the 
 King (^France Jhall not ajfume over them, any ‘Thing 
 more than the bare Right of Protebiion. How was 
 this Article obferved ? The ten Imperial Cities 
 were foon humbled to receive the French Yoke, e- 
 qually with the reft of Alface, and remain, now, 
 lafting Monuments, what others may expeift from 
 Power unreftrained by Juftice. 
 
 The Treaty of the Pyrenees ftill enlarged the 
 Boundaries of France, efpecially on the Side of Flan- 
 ders ', and the Spaniards thought themfelves fafe 
 from farther Lofles, by the Marriage of their In- 
 fanta to Louis the XIV. who, upon that Occafion, 
 jointly with her, made a formal Renunciation of 
 all her Rights, to fucceed to any Part of the Spanijh 
 PofTeflions. And yet, with unparalleled Infolence, 
 feven Years had fcarcely elapfed before Flanders was 
 again attacked, on Pretence of thofe very Rights 
 which had been fo lately renounced, and which, 
 even tho’ they had not been renounced, muft have 
 
 * 1648. • Article 73, & feq. K Article 88. 
 
 Le Roi de France ne f ’arrogera, fur les voiles de la Prefefture, 
 tjue le Umple Droit de Proteftion, qui appartenoit a la Mailbn 
 «’ Autriche. f 1659. 
 
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 appeared chimerical, unlefs a Sifter can have a 
 Right to fucceed in Preference to her Brother. 
 
 The Peace of Nimeguen if reftored the Tranquil- 
 quillity of Europe, which the Invafion of Holland 
 by the French had difturbed. But fcarcely was the 
 Peace figned before it was fhamefully violated. The 
 Decrees of the Chambers of Re- union, by which 
 Lewis the XIV. feized fo many Territories, to 
 which he has not the leaft Right ; the Surprifal of 
 Strafiurgh, and theBlockade of Luxemburgb, (hew- 
 ed fuch a Wantonnefs of Perfidy, as no Hiftory of 
 the moft barbarous and unpolilhed Savages could 
 well exceed •, and juftly drew upon the common 
 Oppreflbr, the joint Vengeance of offended Eu- 
 rope. 
 
 Who is ignorant of the Story of the Partition 
 Treaty ? Solemnly ratified and agreed to preferve 
 that Tranquillity which the Treaty of Refwyck had 
 juft reftored to Europe, it was no fooner made than 
 It was fhamefully abandoned by the Court of 
 France •, and for fuch Reafons as will, upon every 
 Occafion, juftify every Injuftice. The Letter of 
 the Treaty, indeed, was violated, they muft own ; 
 — but the Spirit of it was what ought to be attend- 
 ed to. And by fuch a Comment, worthier of a 
 pitiful Sophifter, than of a moft Chriftian King, his 
 Grandfon was affifted in placing himfclf on the 
 Throne of Spain. 
 
 The Politics of Lewis the XV. have been faith- 
 fully copied from thofe of his Great-Grandfather ; 
 and the Behaviour of France, upon the Death of 
 Charles the VI. is a frefh Proof, of how little Ufe 
 are the moft folemn Treaties, with a Power that 
 knows no Ties but thofe of Intereft. — The Treaty 
 of Vienna had but two or three Years before *, an- 
 
 C 2 
 
 • In 1738. 
 
 X 1679. 
 
 nexed 
 
nexed to the Crown of France, the Dutchy of 
 rain a Ceflion which was purchafed, and purchaf- 
 ed cheaply, by the Guarantee of the t Pragmatic 
 SanSlion. By this Stipulation, France was under, 
 the mod folemn Engagements to fupport the ^en 
 of Hungary in the Polfeflion of all her ® 
 
 minions. But how was the Engagement fulfilled ? 
 Pofterity will fcarccly believe fuch bare-faced Per- 
 fidy was pofiible, as our Times faw was aftually a- 
 vowed upon that Occafion. Germany was, inftant-, 
 ly, covered with the Armies of France, to allift. 
 the Ekaor of Bavaria, in an Attempt to overturn 
 the Pragmatic Sancton fo lately guaranteed by them, 
 and to dethrone that Princefs whom they were 
 bound by a Treaty, fworn to in the Name of the 
 Holy Trinity, to protedt and defend from all her 
 
 Enemies. 
 
 I have brought down this Sketch of French Faith 
 to the prefent Times ; imperfeft indeed ; but, as 
 far as it goes, ftridly conformable to Hiftorical 
 
 'j'ruth. What Confidence then, can France ex- 
 
 pe6t any of it’s Neighbours will put in her, after 
 fo many and fuch flagrant Inftances of national Per- 
 jury, as Ihe appears to be guilty of? The Ca- 
 
 talogue of her Infidelities will ftill be encreafed j 
 and the little Reafon that our Ifland, in particular, 
 has to trqft Her, will ftill be more apparent, by 
 reminding you of fome of the many Proofs, which 
 Great Britain itfelf can appeal to, of French Inge- 
 nuity in Treaty-breaking. — I fhall go no higher 
 than the Peace of Utrecht, becaufe the Inftances in 
 which it hath been violated by France, have produ- 
 ced the prefent Vfar ; and becaufe the Enumera- 
 tion of them will lead me, naturally, to thofe Hints 
 which I mean to throw out, as neceflary to be at- 
 
 f Treaty of Vienna, Article ic; 
 
 tended 
 
[ 13 ] 
 
 tended to in our future Negociatlons ; and which, 
 if negle(3:ed, will lofe to this Nation all the Fruits 
 of thofe Succeffes, to gain which, we have {trained 
 every Nerve, and loaded ourfelves with a Burthen 
 under which it is a Miracle that we have not alrea- 
 dy funk. 
 
 The War which was clofed by the Peace of Utrecht 
 had been undertaken with Views confined, altoge- 
 ther, to the Continent of Europe^ and carried on, 
 though at an immenfe Expence, more to gain Con- 
 quells for our Allies than for ourfelves. However, 
 in the Treaty of Peace, fome Advantages and Con- 
 ceflTions were ftipulated in Favour of the Crown of 
 Great Britain, and it’s commercial Interefls. 
 
 By the 12th Article % All Nova Scotia or Acadia^ 
 with iCs ancient Limits, and with all it's Dependent 
 . cies, is ceded to the Crown of Great Britain. 
 
 And by the 15th Article, 'The Subjedls of France, 
 Inhabitants of Canada, and elfewhere, Jhall not dijlurb 
 cr.moleji, in any Manner whatever, the Five Indian 
 Nations which are fubjebl to Great Britain, nor it's 
 other American Allies. 
 
 Let us now fee how thefe Articles have been ob- 
 ferved. The French feem to have had two Capital 
 Views in all their American Schemes, ever fince 
 they have thought Trade and Commerce an Objeft 
 worthy of their Attention. The firft was to ex- 
 tend themfelves from Canada, Southwards, through 
 the Lakes, along the Back of our Colonies ; by 
 which Means they might anfwer a double Purpofe, 
 of cutting*oflf our Communication with the Indian 
 Nations, and of opening a Communication for 
 themfelves, between the Rivers St. Lawrence and 
 Mifsiftppi, and thus to join, as it were, their Colo- 
 
 a Not having, in my Pofll-flion, an Original Copy of the 
 Treaty of Utrecht, lhave made Ufe of Lambtrti's Tranflation. 
 
r 14 ] 
 
 nies of Canada and Louijtana. The other Parc of 
 their Plan, equally important, and more immedi- 
 ately fatal to our Interefts in North America^ was 
 to gain a Communication with the Ocean; the only 
 Acccfs th^y now have to Canada, through the Ri- 
 ver St. Lawrence, being ihut up half the Year. 
 
 Full of this favorite Projeft of American Em- 
 pire, foon after the Treaty oi Utrecht, they began 
 to enlarge their Boundaries on that Continent, in 
 direct Violation of the folemn ConcelTions they had 
 fo lately made. 
 
 As long ago as 1720, they feized and fortified 
 the moft important Pafs in America, at Niagara ; 
 in that very Country of the five Indian Nations, 
 from which the 15th Article of the Treaty of ( 7 - 
 trecht had excluded them. The infinite Confe- 
 quence of Niagara made them lefs fcrupulous, no 
 Doubt, about Treaties. For by Means of this U- 
 furpation they, in a Manner, became Matters of 
 the Lakes, and could, at Leifure, extend them- 
 felves to the Ohio, and carry their Chain of Forts 
 and Settlements down to the Mifsijippi. 
 
 The Plan ot Ufurpaiion on the Back of our Co- 
 lonies went on gradually and fuccefsfully from 
 Year to Year ; the Indians owned by the Peace of 
 Utrecht to be our Subjefls, were debauched from 
 our Interett, and fpirited up to maflacre, and fcalp 
 the Englijh ■, and in 1731, the Infolence of the 
 French grew to fuch an Heighth, that they erefted 
 their Fort at Crown-Point, in a Country indifput- 
 ably ours ; whether conlidered as in the Center of 
 the five Nations, or as aftually within the Limits of 
 New-Tork. And whoever catts his Eye upon the 
 Situation of this Fort, in the Map, will fee how 
 greatly the Poficfiion of it facilitated the Comple- 
 tion of the gre.it Obje<tt of opening a Communica- 
 tion with the Ocean ; and, how much it cxpofed 
 
 our 
 
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 li- 
 
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 C *5 3 
 
 our moft valuable Colonies to Indian Mafiacres and 
 French Tnvafions. 
 
 If it fliould be afked, what was our Miniftry in 
 England employed about, during fuch Inftances of 
 French Perfidy— the Anfwer muft be, (tho’ J wilh 
 I could draw a Veil over this Period ) that our Af- 
 fairs were then conduced by a Minifter who was 
 awake, indeed, to every Scheme of Corruption ; 
 eager to buy a Borough, or to bribe a Member ; 
 but flow to every Meafure of national Importance 
 and Utility. His firft, his only Objedf, was to 
 preferve himfelf in Power ; and as, in Profecu- 
 tion of fuch interefted and mercenary Views, he 
 had aftually engaged this Nation in an Alliance 
 with France, in Europe, (to pull down the exorbi- 
 tant Power of our old and natural Ally) it was no 
 Wonder, that he heard unmoved, and fufFered with 
 Impunity, the Ufurpations in North America. 
 
 Let us next trace the French Infidelity with Re- 
 gard to Nova Scotia or Acadia. Tho’ that Pro- 
 vince had been yielded to us at Utrecht, we had 
 taken very few Steps to fettle it efTcdually, till 
 1749, after the Peace of Aix la Chapelle, And 
 then the French Court gave us a Specimen of Chi- 
 cane worthy, indeed, of thofe whom no Treaty 
 ever bound, in Oppofition to their Convenience; 
 They began to fpeak out, and to tell us, nay to 
 infift upon it ferioufly in Memorials, that the 
 Country ceded to us under the Name of Nova 
 Scotia, comprehended only the Peninfula, and did 
 not extend beyond the IJlhmus. Whereas the 
 Charters of King James I, to Sir William Alexan- 
 der ; and Sir William's own Map as old as the 
 Charter, demonftrate that the ancient Emits of the 
 Country fo named included a vaft Trad of Land, 
 befidcs the Peninfula, reaching along the Coaft till 
 it joined New England-, and extending up the 
 3 Country 
 
[ i6 1 
 
 Country till it was bounded by the South Side of 
 the River St. Laurence, Of fuch an Extent or 
 Country they had formed a Plan to rob us; hop- 
 ing, no Doubt, to find the lame Supinenefs in the 
 Briti/b Adminiftration which had overlooked their 
 former Encroachments. ^Vith this .View they de- 
 fired that Commiflaries might meet to fettle the 
 Limits, promifing not to adt in Ainericcif till thole 
 Commiflaries Ihould agree, or the Conferences break 
 up. But how was this Promife obferved ? While 
 the CommiflTaries trifled away their Time at 
 the Ufurpations went on in America ; Incurfions 
 were frequently made into the Peninfula of Aca^ 
 dia, the Poflefllon of which they did not pretend 
 to difpute with us ; Forts were built by them in 
 leveral Places, and particularly a moft important 
 One to command the Ifthmus •, thus deciding by 
 the Sword, in Time of full Peace, that Contro- 
 verfy which they themfelves had agreed Ihould be 
 amicably adjufted by their Commiflaries •, and fur- 
 nilhing a lafting Warning to us, that a Treaty 
 which leaves Points of Confequence to be de- 
 termined by any after Conferences, only ferves to 
 light up another War. 
 
 While the French Ufurpations went on lo info- 
 Jently in Nova Scotia j the Plan was carrying on 
 with equal Perfidy on the Banks of the Ohio •, a 
 Country, the Inhabitants of which had been in Al- 
 liance with the Englip above an hundred Years 
 ago ; an Alliance frequently renewed ; to which 
 alfo we had a Claim as being a Conqueft of the 
 Five Nations, and from which, therefore, the 
 French were excluded by the 15th Article of the 
 Treaty of Utrecht above recited. But what avail 
 Treaties when Intereft comes in Competition ? The 
 Poflefllon of the Ohio was abfolutely neceflary, 
 that the great Plan of connecting Canada with 
 
 Louifi- 
 
[ *7 ] 
 
 tu)ttijiana might fucceed : And, therefore, they 
 began their Hoftilities againft us, in that Country, 
 the very Year of the Peace of Aix la Chapelle ; op- 
 pofed our Plan of a New Settlement (which hadi 
 been thought of by us above forty Years before) 
 infultcd our Traders, plundered and made them 
 Prifoners; and in 1754 having defeated Wajhing- 
 totiy and deftroyed car Fort, they built their Fort 
 Du ^tefne •, and Troops were fent daily from 
 France to fecure the Porfeffion of this, and of their 
 new and important Ufurpations. 
 
 No Doubt the French Minifters flattered them- 
 felves that England^ inattentive to the Interefts of 
 its Colonies for fo many Years before, and who, 
 fo lately, had fubmitted to a Difadvantageous 
 Peace, would not have the Spirit to oppofe Force 
 ter Force, and do itfelf Juftice by other Weapons 
 than the Complaints of Lord Albemarle, and the 
 Memorials of Mr. Mtldmay. But the Hour of 
 Vengeance was, at laft, come ; the Interefts of the 
 Kingdom were attended to by thofe in Power j the 
 infinite Importance of our American Colonies was 
 underftood, and a Refolution taken to have Re- 
 courfe to Arms. And thus England, which, for 
 half a Century, had been engaged in every Body’s 
 ^larrels but its own •, wafting its Millions, and 
 laviftiing its Blood, to obtain a Barrier in Flanders, 
 which thofe for whom we conquered it could not 
 defend, or rather did not think it worth while to 
 keep; began the pri-fent War, a War truly l^A- 
 FIONAL. 
 
 If there be Merit in this fpirited Conduft, tell 
 your Enemies, My Lord, that you, and a near 
 Relation of yours (whofe Memory always will be 
 refpedled) had then the chief Diredtion of public 
 Bufinefs. And you. Sir, will pardon me for pay- 
 ing this Compliment to thofe who began theWaf 
 • D with 
 
[ 18 ] 
 
 mth Spirit \ while I, at the fame Time, declare 
 it as my Opinion that your coming into 1 ower 
 after it was begun, has contributed to its being car- 
 ried on with a Succefs equally glorious and import- 
 ant to the Nation. r 1 u 
 
 But beiore I make the Application of the above 
 Dedu«ion concerning* our American Complaints 
 fwhich I fliall, by and bye, make XJfe of, when 
 I come to fpeak to the Terms which it will be ne- 
 cejfary to infift upon at the approaching Treaty) it 
 will be proper to mention another moft important 
 Inflrance of French Perfidy in Europe. 
 
 Dunkirk, by its Situation almoft oppofice the Mouth 
 of the Fhames, had done amazing Mifchief to the 
 Trade of England, duringKing/^////^/'w’s and Queen 
 Anne^sW^rs. The Demolition of Dunkirk, therefore, 
 very naturally become a favourite Objeft of the 
 Nation*, the Parliament, in 1708, addrelTed her 
 Majefty to make no Peace without this Condition t> 
 and tho' after a War fo fuccefsful, much more 
 might have been obtained for England than really 
 
 * For the Particulars of the French Encroachments in Arne* 
 rica, which I have only given a Sketch of, fee the Memorials 
 of our CommilTaries, Dr. Mitchell's Conteft in America ; the 
 DofiOr’s and Mr. E<van^s Maps, and many other Treatifes. 
 
 f March 2d 1708. The Lords having fent down an Addrefs 
 to the Commons for thtir Concurrence, relating to certain Con- 
 ditions to be i; fifted upon, as the fme qua non^ of a Treaty with 
 France, Mr. Secretary Boyle reprefented. That the Br t:(h Na- 
 tion having been at a vail Ex pence of Blood and 'Freaiurc, for 
 the Profecution of this neceflary War, it was but jull they 
 Ihould reap fome Benefit by the Peace: And the Town of 
 Dunkirk Ncft of Pyrates, that infelted the Ocean and 
 
 did infinite Mifchief to Trade, He, therefore, moved that 
 the dcmoliftiing of its Fortifications ard Flarbours be infilled 
 upon, in the enfuing Treaty of Peace, and inferted in the Ad- 
 drefs, which wa unanimoully approved of, and carried back 
 to the Lords. See C handlers of Parliament, Vol. vii. 
 
 p. 122. 
 
 was. 
 
r 19 .1 
 
 was, this Point was caref ully infilled upon, and tlie 
 Ninth Article of the Peace of Utrecht obtained. 
 
 By this Article, French King engages to de^ 
 tnoltpj all the Fortificatwns of the City of Dunkirk \ 
 to ruin the Harbour : to break the Dykes and Sluices — 
 Ihe Works towards, the Sea to be deftroyed in Two 
 Months^ and ihofe to the Land in Three Months af- 
 ter ; all this to be done at his own Expence ; and the 
 Fortifications., Harbour., Dykes and Sluices, never af- 
 ter to be rejlored. Could Words be devifed in all 
 the Extent of Language to- ftipulate, in a ftronger 
 Manner, the effectual and fpeedy Demolition of 
 this Place? And yet all Europe’ il&vi with Amaze- 
 ment, and England beheld wiih Indignation, the 
 Peace of Utrecht violated, with Regard to this 
 important Condition, almoft as foon as it was 
 figned. 
 
 By the Article above-recited we fee that Dunkirk 
 was to be demolilhed within five Months after the 
 figning the Peace •, and yet, near an Year after, I 
 find Mr. Walpole, in our Houfe of Commons, in- 
 filling that the Peace had already been broken 
 with Regard to Dunkirk •, Since inflead of ruining 
 the Harbour, the French were then actually repairing 
 the Sluices, and working on a nezv Canal *. And 
 tho’ the pacific Inclinations of the Minillry in 
 j 7 1 3, when Mr. Walpole pulhed this Affair, over- 
 ruled the Inquiry, the Fa6ls on which it would 
 have proceeded were certain. 
 
 The fpirited Remonftrances of Lord Stair at 
 Paris, on the Acceflion of George I. concerning 
 this Infradlion of the Peace, were the lad Inllances 
 of Humiliation which Lewis XIV. faw himfclf 
 expofed to ; and, perhaps, he would have found 
 himfclf obliged to do us that Juftice, by Necef- 
 
 * Chandler's Debates, Vol. 8. p. 69. 
 
 D 2 Tity, 
 
[ 20 1 
 
 fity, which the Regent, who foon after came into 
 Power, willingly agreed to from Views of ■private 
 lntere!i. Tho’ the P^ace of Utrecht had obliged 
 the Spanijh Branch of the Bourbon Family to rcr 
 nounce their Right of Succeffion to the Crown of 
 France, the Duke of Orleans, who, by this Regu- 
 lation, faw only an Infant’s Life between him and 
 the Throne, knew well, that tho’ the Renunciation 
 had been Iblemnly fworn to, the Dodfrine of its 
 Invalidity, of its being an A<5f, void, ab initio, 
 hacl been publickly avowed. ‘Tcrcy, as appears 
 by his * Correfpondence with Lord Bolingbroke, 
 very frankly made no Scruple of telling the Eng- 
 lijh before Hand, that this Expedient, which had 
 been deviled to prevent the Union of France and 
 under one Monarch, would be of little Force, 
 as being inconfillent with the fundamental Laws 
 of France ; by this Declaration giving us a very 
 remarkable Inftance of the Weaknefs or of the 
 Wickednefs of our then Minifters, who could 
 build the Peace of Europe on fo fandy a Founda- 
 tion, and accept of Terms which France itfelf was 
 honeff enough to own were not to be kept. 
 
 However, the Regent was refolved to fupport 
 his Claim to the Crown of France, in Exclufion 
 
 * Ses the Report of the fecret Committee, p- 13. The foI-‘ 
 lowing Extradl from a fetter of Monfr. "forcy to Air. St, John 
 ii remarkable. “ The Renunciation defired would be null and 
 “ invalid by the fundamental Laws of France; according to 
 wh ch Laws the moft near Prince to the Crown is, of Ne- 
 f" ceflity, the Heir thereto.— This Law is looked upon, as the 
 “ Work of him who hath eftablifhed all Monarchies, and we 
 “ are perfuaded in Fn,nce that God only cm abolilh it. No 
 Renunciation, therefore, can deftroy it ; and if the King of 
 Spain fhould renounce it for the Sake of Peace, and in Obe- 
 diene ^ to the King his Grandfather, they would deceive ibcu\- 
 felves that received it as a fufficient Expedient to prevent the 
 t! Mifchief we propjfe 10 avoid.” 
 
 tQ 
 
 I • * 
 
[ 21 ] 
 
 to the Sfamjh Branch ; and as the Support an4 
 Afliftance of England was necefftry for this Piir- 
 pofe, it is not to be wondered at that he fhould 
 court the Friendfhip of a Nation from whom he 
 had fo much to expeft; and, therefore, he was 
 wife enough to do us Juftice, by carrying into Exe- 
 cution, in fome Degree, the Article relating to 
 Dunkirk. 
 
 The perfona! Interefl: of the Regent was the on- 
 ly Reafon for this Compliance : But fucceeding 
 Adminiftratipns in France not being influenced by 
 the fame private Views to adhere to Treaties fo- 
 Jemnly ratified, Dunkirk began gradually to rife 
 from its Ruins •, its Port again received Ships ; 
 its Trade floiirifhed 5 England faw itfelf deprived 
 of this favourite Advantage gained at Utrecht- 
 and fuch was the Alcendancy of French Councils 
 over thofe of this Ifland, at the Period 1 fpeak of, 
 that we were aftually engaged in Alliances with 
 France^ while that Nation was thus openly infult- 
 ing us, and infulting us, without Obflruaion, in 
 fo eflential an Article. We all remember what 
 paired in Parliament in 1733, relating to the Point 
 
 how before us. Such was the tame Acquief- 
 
 cence of the Britijh Adminiftration, that Dunkirk 
 by this Time, flood upon our Cuflom-Houfe 
 Books as a Port, from whence great Imports were 
 made ; and when an Inquiry concerning this was 
 propofed in the Houfe of Commons by a great 
 Parliament Man *, fince dead, the then Minifter 
 hung his Head, in the Houfe, for Shame. And 
 who could have believed it pofllble, that the fitme 
 Perfon, who had been fo ready to promote a Par- 
 liamentary Inquiry into this Violation of the Peace 
 in 1713, fhould obftru(fl fuch an Inquiry, when he 
 
 * Sir William Wypdham. 
 
 higiT 
 
[ 22 1 
 
 himfelf was in Power, iho’ the Rcafons for it had 
 become much ftronger ? Who fee H m, 
 
 without Indignation, fliut his Ryes to the 
 blifhment of Dunkirk, and obftrua the P^opofed 
 Inquiry, by getting from Cardinal tleury (who 
 then governed France, and, I blufh to lay it, Eng- 
 land too) adelufive, minifterial Letter, promifing 
 what he knew would not be performed and ob. 
 tained, perhaps, only becaufe the Cardinal was af- 
 fured, that the Breach of the Promife would not 
 
 be refented ? ^ j • r ir 
 
 While England remained fo averfe to do itlelt 
 
 Tuftice, no Wonder that France improved the 
 Opportunity. At the Time when that Minjfier 
 was obliged to retire from Power, the Re-eftabhlh- 
 ment of Dunkirk was completed. For, within a 
 few Months after *, we find a Memorial prelent- 
 ed by Lord Stair to the Dutch, complaining of 
 this Violation of the Peace of Utrecht, and urging 
 this as a Reafon for their joining us againft France. 
 And as it is for the Honour of the Adminiftra- 
 tion then entering into Office, that they began 
 with Meaftires fo fpirited and national, it is equal- 
 ly remarkable, that the fame Perfon, who had 
 threatened Louis XIV. in his own Palace, for his 
 Slownefs in demoliffiing Dunkirk, lived to be again 
 employed by his Country at the Diftance of near 
 thirty Years, when the Reftoration of Dunkirk be- 
 came an Objedl of national Refentment. 
 
 The two Nations had not, as yet, begun the 
 late War, when we law, in O/te Inftance, both a 
 Proof that Dunkirk was again a Port, and a Port 
 which may be made Ufe of, to endanger the Safe- 
 ty of Britain. At the Time I now fpeak of t, w® 
 
 ♦ The Memorial is dated July j, 1742. 
 t In *743-4- 
 
C 25 ] 
 
 beheld the Harbour of Dunkirk crowded wltli 
 Tranfports to embark Count Saxe and the Preten- 
 der to invade us. And, if that Invafion had then 
 taken Efrcff, from that very Port which was to be 
 no Port (happily the Winds were contrary to the 
 Fleet from Breft) the infinite Mifchief which this 
 Nation may fuffer from its Re-eftablifliment, would 
 have been fatally experienced. 
 
 Though we have no great Reafon to brag of the 
 Treaty made at the Conclufion of the laft War 
 (which I am afhamed to call a Peace, as it fettled 
 nothing that was before in Doubt between the two 
 Nations) the Peace of concerning Dunkirk, 
 
 was, neverthclefs in its moft elTential Part, re- 
 llored to its full Force. I fay, in its moft EJfen- 
 tial Part ; becaufe, though the 1 7th Article of the 
 Treaty of Jix-la-Cbapelle left Dunkirk in the State 
 it then wa?, with Regard to its Fortifications to the 
 Land ; the fame Article revived our Right, to the 
 Demolition of its Port, by ftipulating That ancient 
 Treaties are to be obferved in Regard to the Port, and 
 the Works on the Sea fide. 
 
 Little or nothing was done between the Conclu- 
 fion of the Peace, and the breaking out of the pre- 
 fent War, towards carrying into Execution this 
 frelh Promile. On the contrary, the enlarging of 
 the^ Fortifications of Dunkirk, is mentioned in his 
 Majefty s Declaration of W^ar, three Years ago, 
 as one of the frelh Heads of Injury offered to 
 land. And whoever refledls upon the Tranfadtions, 
 fince that Period, will fee that Dunkirk is reftored 
 to its original Importance. Its Privateers have 
 done infinite Mifchief to our Trade •, a Squadron of 
 his Majefty’s Navy, in vain blocked up its Har- 
 bour lately, to prevent the failing of Thurot'% 
 Fleet ; and, it is well known, that the long 
 threatened Invafion of thefe Kingdoms, which 
 France, in Defpair, certtinly meditated, would 
 
 have 
 
E^e- 
 
 L 24 } 
 
 h<ive been attempted from this Place, if the? 
 ftruftion of their Ships of War by Hawke, had not 
 tausht them the Abfurdity of invading us in their 
 much celebrated bottom 
 
 well luppofe, will hardly be tried, when their 
 Fleets, really formidable, have been dellroyed in 
 
 above Enumeration of Fretuh Infidelities, in 
 oeneral, and in particular their Behaviour to England 
 with regard to Dunkirk^ and with regard to North- ' 
 America, fo naturally points out the Expediency, 
 and Neceffity of the Hints 1 fliall now ofier, that, m 
 propofing them, I may well hope not to have them 
 ridiculed as the Reveries of a chimerical 5/. Pierre,^ 
 but rather attended to, as the fobet Didtates o 
 Prudence, and of a Zeal not altogether devoid of 
 
 Knowlege. , , r 
 
 Firft Then, my Lord and Sir, before you enter 
 
 upon any New Treaty, or liflen to any plaufible 
 Propofals whatever, infift that Juftice may be done 
 this Nation, with regard to former Treaties. Shew 
 France the ftrong, the folemn Engagement _ 
 ihe entered into at Utretcht to demolifh Dun- 
 kirk', put her in Mind of the amazing Perfidy 
 with* which fire, from Time to Time, eluded the 
 Performance of that Engagement •, and demand 
 immediate Juftice on that Article, as a preliminary 
 Proof of her Sincerity in the enfuing Negociation. 
 
 Be not deceived any longer in this Matter. I he 
 French will, no doubt, allure you that the Demo- 
 lition of Dunkirk (hall be an Article in the New 
 Treaty. But let them know, you are not to ht [o 
 impofed upon. They will, to be fure, when this 
 becomes a new Article, reckon it a new Concef- 
 fion on their Side, and expeft fomething in return 
 for it,— perhaps Guadaloupe, or fome fuch T rifle, 
 as they will call it. But tell them with the Firm- 
 nefs of wife Conquerors, that the Demolition of 
 
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 [ j 
 
 Dunkirk is what you are intitled to by Treaties 
 made lorng ago, and violated ; and that it fiiall not 
 be fo much as mentioned in the in.'uing Negocia- 
 tion, but complied with, before that Ncgociation 
 fhall commence. 
 
 Or, admitting that no ConcefTion fhould be re« 
 quired by France in the New Treaty, in Confide- 
 ration of a New Article to demolKh Dunkirk, place 
 to them, in the ftrongeft Light, the tinanfwerable 
 Reafons we have againfi: putting any Confidence in 
 them, that fuch an Article would be better executed, 
 than that in the treaty of Utrecht has been. 
 
 If they refufe doing us this immediate Juftice, 
 previous to the Peace ; alk them how they can ex- 
 pedl that we fliould have any Reliance on their Sin- 
 cerity to fulfill the New Engagements they may 
 enter into, when they afford us fo ftrong, fo glar- 
 ing an Inftance of Infidelity, in an Article of fuch 
 Confequence, made fo many Years ago Can you 
 have any Dealings with a Power, who, if he refufes 
 this, at the very Time he is treating, affords you 
 fuch manifefl; Proof, that his Word is not to be re- 
 lied upon, and that you cannot trull to the Execu- 
 tion of any Promife ever fo folemnly made ? 
 
 Perhaps France may think it a D.fgrace to them, 
 to comply with any Thing previous to the begin- 
 ning of a Ncgociation. Tell them, that adling 
 honourably, and doing what Juflice requires, can 
 never be difgraceful. But it it be a D Igrace, tell 
 them, with the Spirit of honeft Men, that we owe 
 it them, for the greater Diigrace they put, not long 
 ago, upon us, by requiring us to fend two Peers 
 of this Realm to remain in France as HoHages, till 
 we furrendered Louijburg •, an Indignity which I 
 cannot call to mind, without Pain •, and which, I 
 always thought was fubmitted to without Necef- 
 fity. 
 
 E 
 
 It 
 
[ 26 ] 
 
 It IS now our Turn to vindicate the Honour of 
 our Nation ; and as Dunkirk was put into our Pof- 
 feflion before the Treaty of Utrecht^ as a Pledge of the 
 Sincerity, and to continue in ourPofleflion, till 
 the Demolition fhould be completed ; let fome fuch 
 Expedient be riow agreed upon ; with this Diffe- 
 rence only, that inrtead of five Months after the Peace, 
 the Time fixed, for the Demolition, at Utrecht, 
 let no Peace be figned, at prefent, till this Right 
 acquired to us by former Treaties, dnd of which 
 we have been fo perfidioufly robbed, be adtually 
 carried into full Execution. 
 
 However, if any infuperable Difficulties fhould 
 attend the doing ourfelvcs Juftice, on this Head, 
 before the Peace ; if, for Inllance, which perhaps 
 may be the Cafe, it ffiould be found that it cannot 
 be complied with, un'efs we confent to a Cejfation 
 of Arms, during the Time of Negociation ; rather 
 than give France that Opportunity of recovering 
 from its Diftreffcs, and of being protetffed from the 
 Superiority of our Arms, before we have, finally, 
 obliged them to accept of our own Terms of Peace 
 (which was one Caufe of the Ruin of our Negociation 
 at Utrecht ) I would wave infilling upon the Demoliti- 
 on of Dunkirk, before the Treaty, and think it fuffici- 
 cnt to demand Hoftages from them, as a Security that 
 it fhall be faithfully complied with, within a limit- 
 ed Time after the Treaty fhall be concluded. The 
 Parifians had two Engliflo Milords to flare at, upon 
 the lafl Peace ; and I do not fee why the Curiofity 
 of our Londoners fliould not be gratifieil, in the 
 fame Way and Two Dues Pairs of Trance be 
 fent as Hoftages to England, till Dunkirk ceafe to 
 be a Port. 
 
 1 know well, that Political Opinions, concerning 
 the Importance of any particular Objedl, are as 
 frequently dilated by Whim and Faffiion, as buil« 
 
 oa 
 
[ 27 ] 
 
 on folid Reafbn and Experience. Perhaps, Jbnic 
 may think, that this is the Cafe, with Regard to 
 the Neceflity of demolifhing Dunkirk, But, tho’ 
 it^ may not at prefent be fo favorite an Objecl of 
 National Politics, as it was in the Queen’s Pime ; 
 this has not been owing to any real Change of Cir- 
 cumftances ; but to another Caufe, to the American 
 Difputes between the two Nations, which have 
 been the great Objeft of the prefent War, and 
 fcarcely permitted us, hitherto, to refleft, in what 
 other Inftances, the Infidelities of France m ift be 
 
 checked at the inlying Peace. But as this defir- 
 
 able Event now approaches, we cannot forget, or 
 forgive the Behaviour of our Enemies with Regard 
 to Dunkirk \ and it will be equally neceflary for the 
 Honour and for the Intereji of this Nation to make 
 no Peace, without obtaining full Satisfadtion on 
 this Head. It will be neceflary for t\\t Honour of 
 the Nation to infill upon this, if it were only, to 
 fliew 10 Europe in general, and to France \n parti- 
 cular— 1 hat we have too much Spirit not to relent 
 Injuries ; and too much Wildom not to take Care, 
 w^hen we have it happily in our Power, to prevent 
 them for the future. — But the Demolition of Dun- 
 kirk, IS alfo neceflary, if we would take Care of 
 the Intereji of the Nation. Such hath been our 
 buccefs, in deftroying the Navy of France ; and fo 
 unable doth that Kingdom now appear, to carry on 
 US ambitious Projefts by Land, and to vie at the 
 lame 1 ime, with England, for Dominion on the 
 bea ; that we may rcafonably fuppofe, there is an 
 Lnd of Breji and Toulon Squadrons, fo face our 
 rlects •, and a future War with England, will leave 
 the trench no other Way of diftreffing us by Sea, 
 than to he in watch for our Merchant Ships, with 
 numberlefs Piivateers. In fuch a piratical War, 
 Jjunktrn, it it$ Harbour be not now deftroyed, 
 E 2 will, 
 
f 28 ] ^ ^ r 
 
 will, too late, be found to be of infinite Conle- 
 qiicnce •, and we (liall fatally experience it again, 
 what it was in the Queen’s Time, and in the L.an- 
 guage of her Parliament, a IS! eft of Pyrates, m- 
 fefting the Ocean, and doing infinite Mifchtef to 
 ^ Tilde ^ • 
 
 For thefe Reafons, therefore, Izm^o old- fafhion' 
 ed as to txpeft that our Plenipotennaries will have 
 this Point properly {fated lo them in their Inifruc 
 tioris, and that Delenda eft Carthago, Demolifh Dun- ^ 
 kirk, will be a Preliminary Article in the enfuing 
 Negociation. 
 
 The War having begun, principally, with a 
 View to do ourfelvcs Jufiice in North America, the 
 Reau ation of Matters, on that Continent, ought 
 to be, and no Doubt, will be, the capital Article 
 relating to England, in the coming Treaty. It 
 will be necefTary, therefore, to give you my Senti- 
 ments, on rfiis Head •, and while I do it, with all 
 becoming Diffidence, I fhall, at the fame Time, 
 lupport what I may offer, with Reafons appearing 
 fo ftrong to me, as may perhaps recommend it to 
 your {ei ther Confidcration, though it Ihould fail of 
 producing Conviftion. 
 
 Now it is with the greateft Pleafure, I would 
 obferve, that with Regard to Ncrth America, we 
 have nothing to afk, at the Peace, which we have 
 not already made ourfelves Mafters of, during the 
 War We have been bleffed by Heaven, with a 
 Succefs, in that Part of the World, fcarcely to be 
 paralleled in Hiftory. The Raffinefs of Braddock, 
 the Inexperience of Shirley, the Inadivity of Lou- 
 doun, and the Ill-fticcefs ot Abercrombie, feem only 
 to have been fo many neceffary Means of producing 
 that Unanimity in our Colonies, that Spirit in our 
 ♦ See above, p. i8. 
 
 Troops ; 
 
[ 29 ] 
 
 Troops V and that fteady Pcrfcverance in our Mini- 
 fters, as hath not only recovered from the Enemy 
 all his Ul'urpations, but Lcuifiurg is an Englijh 
 Harbour •, ^u(b(c^ the Capital ot ConodA, is al- 
 ready in our Foffeflion ; and the Reft of that 
 Country will fall of Courfe. It is a Profpea ftill 
 more agreeable •, that by deftroying the Naval 
 Force of France, our ~North American Conquefts 
 cannot be retaken j and the Principle I would now 
 •lay down, and which I would recommend it to you 
 to adopt, is, not to give up any of them. And I 
 rfiall now endeavour to prove to you, that fuch a 
 Demand may be infifted upon, without giving the 
 Enemy any Pretence for accufing us of Infolence to- 
 wards them ; and cannot be omitted without giv- 
 ing the Nation juft Reafon to complain, that we 
 have confented to a treacherous and deluftve 
 Peace. 
 
 It cannot, furely, ever enter the Imagination of a 
 Britijh Adminiftration, to make Peace, without, 
 at leaft, keeping in our Pofieflion, all thole Places, 
 where the French had fettled themfelves, in Viola- 
 tion of former Treaties, and from which we have, 
 fortunately, driven them. Upon this Plan, then, 
 we fhall, at the Peace, be left in l-’ofle(Tion not only 
 of the Peninfula of Acadia, but of All Nova Scolia, 
 according to its old Limits ; the Bay Fundi, and 
 the River St. John. — The important Conejuefts of 
 Crown Point, and Niagara, will not be relinquilh- 
 ed •, and Fort du S^uefne, and the Country near the 
 
 Ohio, will remain Ours. They <.re already Ours ; 
 
 the French know they cannot get them back during 
 the War, and they do not txpe£lthac we fhall give 
 them up at the Peace. 
 
 But though Care fhould be taken to keep all 
 thofe Places juft mentioned •, fomething more muft 
 be done, or our American Colonies will tell you you 
 
 have 
 
r 30 ] 
 
 have done Nolhi-’g. In a Word, you mufl keep 
 Canada, otlicrways you lay the Foundation of an-- 
 other War. 
 
 1 he NccdTity of this may be placed in fo ftrik- 
 ing a V'itw, as to filence the Lreuch Flcnipotentia- 
 ries, and to convince all Eut^ope, of the Juftice of 
 our Demand. 
 
 Aik the French, what Security they can give 
 you, if we reftore Canada to them, however re- 
 {hained in its Boundaries, that they will not again 
 begin to extend them at our Expcnce > If the 
 Tieaty of Utrecht could not keep them from En- 
 croachments, what Realon can we have to fuppofe 
 the future Treaty will be better obferved ? If the 
 I'rench a e left at Montreal, and the three Rive s, 
 can we be certain they will not again crols the 
 Champlain Lake, and attack Crown- Point ? If the 
 liiver St. Lawrence be ftill theirs, what is to infure 
 us againft an Expedition to Niagara ? Can v.e Hat- 
 ter ourfelves, that a People, who in full Peace, 
 erc6fed thofe two ! ortrelTes, in diredl Violation of 
 their Faith plighted at Utrecht, will be reftrained, 
 by any future Treaty, from attemptin.:, alfo in 
 full Peace, to recover them p After having feen the 
 French carrying on a regular Plan of Ufurpation, 
 in North America, for thefe Forty Years pad, fliall 
 we be fo weak as to believe that they will now lay 
 it afide No, depend upon it, if the French 'hink 
 it worth their while to afi< back that Fart of North 
 America, which was their own, they mean to take 
 a proper Opportunity, n't Elbowing all our Colonies 
 round about, and of refuming the fame ambitious 
 Views of Enlargement which the mod facred Ties 
 of fo' mer IVeaties could not redrain. 
 
 The Triuh of the Matter is, they were tired of 
 Canada. The Inclemency of the Climate, the 
 difficult Accels to it; and a Trade darcely defr.ay- 
 
 ing 
 

 C 31 ] 
 
 ing the Expcnre of the Colony, would lon^r ^ao 
 have induced them to abandon it, if the I%n of 
 exicnding its Boundaries, at the F.xpence of the 
 t-nglijh-, and of opening its Communication with 
 Lcuiftana and with the Ocean, had nor made them 
 
 pcrievere. Canada itfclf is not worth their afk- 
 
 ing ; and if they do defire to have it reftored to 
 them, it can only be with a View to repeat the fame 
 Injuries and Infidelities, to punifh which, we en- 
 gaged in the prefent War. Unlefs, therefore, we 
 be refolved, ‘!x;itb cur Eyes open, to expofe our- 
 fcives to a Kepetition of former Encroachments ; 
 unlefs we would choofe to be obliged to keep great 
 Bodies of Troops, in Amsricay in full Peace, at an 
 im.menfe Expence ; we can never confent to leave 
 the French any Footing in Canada. If we do 
 not exclude them, ahfolutely entirely from that 
 Country ; we fliall foon find we have done nothino-. 
 Let the T. reaty be drawn ever fo accurately ; let 
 the Boundaries between Canada and our Colonies, 
 bedefcribed ever fo pr.cifcly, and regulated ever 
 fo much, in our Favour ; what has happened al- 
 ready, ought to teach us what we may expeft a- 
 ga n; the future Treaty will be obferved no bet- 
 ter than the former have been ; Ufurpation and 
 Encroachment will gradually revive ; and thus fhall 
 we have thrown away all our SuccelTes •, fo many 
 Millions will have been expended to no Purpofe ; 
 and the Blood of fo many thoufands of our brave 
 Countrymen fpilt, only to remind us, that thouo-h 
 we knew how to conquer, we knew not how to im- 
 prove, perhaps, the only Opportunity we fliall ever 
 have, of putting it out of the Power of France to 
 violate its Faith. 
 
 I take it for granted that, in the future Nego- 
 ciation, the Ifland of Cape B eton will follow the 
 bate of ^iebec\ I fliall only obferve with Regard 
 
[ 3 ^ 3 
 
 to it, that though the Harbour and Fortification 
 of Lotiijbcurg be of infinite Service to France ; it 
 can be of little or no Ule to England, if Canada 
 be left to us. It is of Confequence to hrance, as 
 a Retreat to their Ships fifiiing on the neighbour- 
 ing Banks oi Newfoundland ^ and as a Security to 
 the Entrance of tiie Gulph of 5*/. Laurence, BiK the 
 Poffeffion o{ Newfoundland itfelt, makes Louijbourg 
 of no Utility to the Engiifh, in the former Refpeft 
 and Halifax, where we ii *vc a good Harbour, an- 
 fwers very nearly the latter kurpofe. Upon this 
 View therefore, may vve not hope and expe6t, that, 
 the Neceflity of Lotiifbourg having end- 
 
 ed with the Conquelf of Ffuebcc, its Fate will be de- 
 termined, without troubling the French Plenipoten- 
 tiaries ? Without waitmg tor a Longrefs, let Orders 
 be forthwith fent to demolifh it, io as not to leave 
 one Stone upon another, of tiie Fortifications ; to 
 remove the Inhabitants to Nova Scotia, a better 
 Country ; and to leave the Ifland, a b^re and bar- 
 ren Rock ; the State it was in, before the Peace of 
 Utrecht gave Leave to France to fortify it. If the 
 Right given to the French by the i ^th Article of 
 the fame Peace, to I ifh in forne Parts of thole Seas 
 fliould be continued (and I could wifh to fee it 
 continued, as the' Kefulal of it would be rather un- 
 reafonable) let Cape Breton unfortified, and ungar- 
 rifoned be left open to them *, and a few Men of 
 War kept 2,1 Halifax, will effeilually prevent Z.^w- 
 ifbourg*Ss being again made a Place of btreng h. 
 
 If you adopt this Meafure, 1 fhould be inclined 
 to think, France will lee that you know your true 
 Interefts *, and that you are refolved fteadily to pur- 
 fue them. And it they fhould make any Remon- 
 ftrances agamft it, tell them they may follow 
 Example and demolifh, if they pleafe, the Forti- 
 fications of Mahon \ which we fee them poffcfs 
 
 with 
 
T S3 ] 
 
 with as great Indifference as we remember the Cir- 
 cumitances of its Lofs, with Shame : Which, as 
 being of no Ul'e to them they will notdefire to keep, 
 and which, having been kept, by us,^at an l:x- 
 pcnce, not counterbalanced by its Utility, we fhall 
 not be very fanguine about recovering. Or, rather 
 tell them, that in demolilhing Louijbourg, before the 
 Peace, we only copy a former Example given us 
 by themfelves, when their Troops were employed 
 in difmantling the Frontier Towns in Flanders., at 
 the very Time that their Plenipotentiaries at Aix 
 la Chapelle were confenting to give them up. 
 
 The Plan which I have had the Honour of fketch- 
 ingout to you, befides being fo reafonable in itfelf, 
 is perfectly agreeable to that Moderation expreffcd 
 by his Majefty, in his Speech, of«;/ having entered 
 into the IVar with Views of Ambition. The PofTef- 
 fion of Canada., is no View of Ambition ; it is 
 the only Security the French can give us, for their 
 future Regard to Treaties. We have made other 
 Conquefts, of great Importance, our Management 
 of which will give us fufficient Means of fhewing 
 our Moderation. And though 1 fhall not prefume 
 to give any Opinion about the future Difpofal of 
 them, I think, however, I may be allowed to hint, 
 that “ the PofTefTion of Guadaloupe” an additional 
 fugar ifland, when we have fo many of our own, 
 ought not to be infilled uprn fo ftrcnuoufiy as 
 to make it a neceffary Condition of the Peace. And 
 though “ Senegal and Goree" are of real Import- 
 ance in the Slave and Gum Trades, our own A~ 
 frican Settlements have hitherto fupplied us with 
 Slaves, fufficient iox our American Vaxpoies-. And 
 the Trade for Gum is, perhaps, not of Confe- 
 quence enough to make us Amends for the annual 
 Mortality, which we already lament, of our brave 
 Countrymen, to guard our African Conquefts. The 
 F People 
 
People of Eng'andy therefore, will not, 1 believe, 
 blaaie the giving them back, for a valuable Con- 
 fideration, — provided Canada be left to us. 
 
 To cor.f: ;er this Affair in its proper Light, it 
 will be neceff ry to refletfl on the infinite Confe- 
 quence of North America to this Country. Our 
 Coiotiies there contain above a Million of Inhab.- 
 t nts, \v1h) arc moftly fupplied with the Manufac- 
 tures of Great Britain i our Trade to them, by em- 
 ploying innumerable Sliips, is one great Source of 
 our maritime Strength ; by fupporting our Sugar 
 lilands with th. ir Provifions, and other Necella- 
 rics, they pour in upon us all the Riches of the 
 IFcji f dies\ we carry their Rice, and Fobacco, 
 and Filh, to all the Markers of Europe •, they pro- 
 duce Indigo, and Iron ; and the whole Navy of 
 England may be equipped, with the Produfts of 
 Engl/}) America. And if, notwithftanding our 
 having loft feveral Branches of Commerce we 
 formerly enjoyed in Europe and to the Levant, wc 
 have ftill more Commerce than ever •, a greater Dc- 
 mard for our Manufaffures, and a vaft Incrcafe 
 of our fiiipping ; what can this be owing to, but 
 to the Trade to our own American Colonies ; a 
 'I'radc- which the Succeflesof this War, will render, 
 every Day, more and more advantageous ? If this 
 Matter, then, be confidered, in the above Light, 
 by th fe whom I now addrefs, they will make our 
 North American Conquefts the fine qua non of the 
 Peace, as being the only Method of guarding our 
 invaluable PofTcliions there, from Ufurpations and 
 Encro climents -, and they will look upon every 
 orher Conqueft, we have made, or may make, in 
 other Parts of the World, as Inftruments put into 
 our Hands by i'rovidence, to enable us to fettle 
 Affairs on the Continent of Europe, as advantage- 
 oufly to our Allies, as our Gratitude could wifh, 
 and as their Fidelity doth deferve. 
 
 Here, 
 
[ 35 J 
 
 Here, then, let me change the Scene, and hav- 
 ing fettled our Affairs in Canada (would to God 
 they were fo fettled at the Peace !) permit me to ii- 
 nifh my Plan of Negociation, by giving my Sen(i- 
 ments on the Part w e ought to aft, to obtain a pro- 
 per Settlement of Affaiis m Germany. 
 
 If a great Number of Allies can make them- 
 felves formidable to a common Enemy, during 
 the Operations of the War, they are apt to ruin 
 every Advantage they may have gained, by quar- 
 relling amongft themfelves, when they begin their 
 Negociations for Peace. Like an Oppcfition. in 
 our Parliament, carried on againft an overgrown 
 Mihlftcr, all Sorts of Parties and Connexions, nil 
 Sorts of difigreeing and contradidory Iiuereffs, 
 join againft him, at firft, as a common Enemy •, 
 and tolerable Unanimity is preferved amongfl them, 
 fo long as the Fate of tliis Parliamentary W ar con- 
 tinues in Sufpence. But when once they h .ve dri- 
 ven him to the Wall, and think themfelves fure 
 of Vitftory ; the Jealoufies and Sufpicions, which, 
 while the Conteft depended, had been (lifted, break 
 out; everyone who (hared in the Fatigue, expedts 
 to (hare in the Spoils ; feparate Interefts counter-, 
 acft each other; feparate Negociations are fet on 
 F’oot ; till at laft, by untimely and m rcenary Divi- 
 fions, they lofe the Fruits of their Victory, and 
 the Objedl of the common Refentment is able to 
 
 make Terms for himfelf*. This was exaftly 
 
 the Cale, in the Conteft between Ltzvis XU'. and 
 the I'rinces of Eurcpe united againft him, before 
 the Peace Utrecht ; and the unhappy Divifions of 
 the Allies (Divifions too likely to have fprung up, 
 
 * The true Fjiilory of the Tranfaiflion here alluded to, may, 
 poffibly, fome Time or other, appear ; though, as yet, wc arc 
 perfuaded, the World knows very I. tile ol 
 
 F 2 
 
 even 
 
[ 36 ] 
 
 even tho’ there had not been a Party in England.^ who 
 to gratify their private Refentments, blew up the 
 Coals of Difiention) gave the French the Means of 
 procuring more favourable Terms of Peace, than 
 they could well have hoped after fo unfuccefsful a 
 War. 
 
 I have mentioned this, with a View to obferve, 
 that the Circumftances of the prefent War on the 
 Continent are very different *, no fuch unfortunate 
 Difiinion feems pofllble to happen to us, though it 
 may happen amongft the Confederates who are en- 
 gaged on the fame Side with France., againft Hano- 
 ver and the King of Pruffia. 
 
 It may be collefted from more than one Hint 
 dropt in the Courfe of this Letter, that 1 am no 
 Friend to Continental Meafures in general ■, efpeci- 
 ally fuch continental Meafures as engaged us dur- 
 ing the three laft Wars, as Principals when we 
 feemed eager to ruin ourfelves, in Support of that 
 Auftrian Family whom we now find, with unparal- 
 leled Ingratitude, and incredible Folly, in clofe 
 
 Alliance with France. But the Continental Mea~ 
 
 fares now adopted by England were neceflary, both 
 with Regard to Our Honour and Our Intereft. 
 Hanover has been attacked by France, on a Quar- 
 rel entirely EngHdo ; and tho’ Care was taken, by 
 the Ad of Settlement, that England fhould not be 
 involved in Wars on account of Hanover-, yet Gra- 
 titude, Honour, the Reputation of cur Country, 
 eve y Motive of Generofity, bound us, not to al- 
 low the innocent Eledorate to be ruined for Eng- 
 land's American Qiiarrel with France. In Regard 
 to ot:r Intereft, no Englifb Miniftcr, however in- 
 flexible, in his Attachment to his native Country, 
 could have devifed the Means of malting the bell 
 Life of our American Conquefts, if the French could 
 have treated with Hanover in their Hands. It was 
 
 with 
 
[ 37 ] 
 
 with a View to prevent this, to oppofe the French 
 in their Projefts in Germany^ the Succefs of which 
 would have been fo detrimental to England^ that 
 we bonejily and wifely have formed and have main- 
 tained the Army now commanded by Prince Ferdi- 
 nand ; and have entered into an Alliance with the 
 King of Prujfia. 
 
 But tho’ this was a Meafure of Prudence, it was 
 fcarcely poffible for the wifeft Statcfmen to forefce 
 all thofe great Confequences which it hath already 
 produced. The Efforts which tht French have made 
 in Germany, and the Refiftance they have there 
 met with by the Care of the BritiJ}} Adminiftration ; 
 have contributed more than perhaps we could ex- 
 pe<5f, to cur Succefs in America, and other Parts of 
 the \\orld. Full of the Project of conquering Ha- 
 nover, France faw herfelf obliged to engage in ex- 
 orbitant Expcnces •, Armies were to be paid, and 
 maintained in Weflphalia and on the Rhine-, vafi: 
 Sums were to be advanced to the Court of Vienna 
 always as indigent as it is haughty ; the ravenous 
 Ruffians, and the degenerate Swedes, would not 
 move, unlefs allured by Subfidies •, and the Mouth 
 of every hungry German Prince was to be ftopr, 
 with the Louis D’ors of France. Involved in Ex- 
 pences thus enormous, our Enemies have been 
 prevented from ftrengthening themfelves at Sea, 
 where England had mod Keafon to dread their be- 
 coming ftrong. 
 
 The infinite Advantages which this Nation hath 
 reaped from the German War, are indeed now fo 
 well underftood, that we have leen the greateft 
 Enemies of this Meafure acknowledge their Miftake. 
 
 1 hey now confefs that if we had not refifted 
 France, in tier Projetfls of German Conquefts, her 
 beft Troops had not been deftroyed ; her own 
 Coafts would have been better protefled ; fhe 
 
 would 
 
r 38 ] 
 
 would have been able to pay 
 her /Imericnn Concerns •, England mio 
 been threatned, fo ferioudy, with • 
 
 be afraid of parting with thofe ^ f 
 
 which have conquered, at ® ^;V 
 
 Time In a Word, that univerfal Bankruptcy, 
 which hath crowned the DiftrefTes of and 
 
 mves England greater Reafon of Exultation, than 
 rny Event of the War, might have been prevent- 
 ed. It is entirely owing to the German Part of the 
 War that France appears thus low in the political 
 Scale of Strength and Riches •, that fhe is found to 
 be a finking Monarchy, nay a Monarchy already 
 funk. And, perhaps, it might be an Inquiry wor- 
 thy of another Mcntefquieu^ to aflign the Caufes cf 
 the Rife and Fall of the French Monarchy ; and to 
 point out thofe lilent Principles of Decay which 
 have, in our Times, made fo rapid a Progrcfs, 
 that France, in 1712, alter upwards of twenty 
 Years almoft conftant War, maintained againft all 
 Europe^\was ftill more refpe( 3 :able, and lefs exhauft- 
 ed than it now appears to be, when the/«^/e Arm 
 of Great Britain is lifted up againft her, ^d the 
 War has lafted no more than three or tour Years. 
 
 If this then be the State of the W ar in Germany •, 
 if England be bound to take a Part in it, by every 
 Motive of Honour and Intereft ; and if tne infinite 
 Advantagesithath already produced, be ftated fair- 
 jv_the Inference I would draw, and which I believe 
 the whole Nation will alfo draw, is, that we fhould 
 continue to exert thofe Endeavours whi^ 
 have been fo efFcdual, in defeating the Defigns of 
 France to get PofielTion of Hanever. 
 
 His Maiefty, as Eleftor of Hanover, has no 
 Views of Ambition ; His Country has heen attacked 
 cn/y becaufe it belcnged to the King of Great Britain : 
 and nothing more is required ot us, but to be true 
 to ourfelves, by neglefting no Step that may pre- 
 
[ 39 3 
 
 vent Hancver from falling again into the Hands of 
 France^ after having been fo miraculoufly refcued 
 from the Contributions of the repacious Richlieu, 
 and faved from the Military Defen of Belleijk. — I 
 need not fay any 1 hing of the Glory acquired by that 
 Army, which notwithftanding it’s great Inferiority, 
 hath driven the French twice from the Wefer to the 
 Rhine. I Ihall only obferve, that the next Cam- 
 paign (if another Campaign Ihould preceed the 
 Peace) will, in all Probability, lofe us none of the 
 Advantages we have gained, on that Side ; if our 
 Army, ftill headed by Prince Ferdinand who has 
 already gained fo many Laurels, be rendered more 
 formidable, as I hope it will, by fending to it feme 
 ‘Thoufands more of our national Troops who now, 
 fince the Conqueft of Canada^ and the Defeat of 
 the long threatned Invafion, have no other Scene 
 of Adlion left, but to contribute to another Viftory 
 in Germany. 
 
 It would be a very pleafing Profpeft, if we could 
 fpeak. with equal Confidence, and Probability of 
 Succefs, concerning the future Operations of the 
 King of Pruffia. However, when we refledt on the 
 amazing Difficulties he has had to ftroggle with j 
 attacked on every Side by a Number of Confede- 
 rates, each of whom, fingly,one would have thought, 
 an equal Match for his whole Strength ; bearing 
 up, at the fame Time, againft the formidable Power 
 of the Houfe of Auftria ; the brutal Ferocity of the 
 Ruffians-, the Attacks of the Swedes-, the Armies 
 of the Empire; and, at one Time, having the ad- 
 ditional Weight of the French Arms upon him ; 
 when, I fay, we refle«5l on the uncommon Difficul- 
 ties this magnanimous Prince has to refill, we mull 
 rather exprefs our Wonder, and our Satisfadlion 
 that his Situation is ftill fo refpedlable, than indulge 
 our Fears, that it is likely to be worfe. The fever- 
 
C 40 1 
 
 eft Checks he has met with during this War^ have 
 only ferved to fheW how calm he poflefTes himfelf 
 under Diftrefs, and how ably he can extricate him- 
 fclf. The Hour of Adverfity has called forth all his 
 Abilities, and if he has failed fome times, from too 
 great an Eagernefs to conquer, he has always been 
 able to retrieve his Affairs, and like Anteus^ gain- 
 ed frefli Strength from every OverthroWi 
 
 And, upon this Principle, 1 flatter myfelf, his 
 ? ruffian Majcfty will flill be able to fecure to 
 himlelf the great r Part, if not the whole of 
 Saxony for his Winter Quarters, and to recruit 
 his Army, no Doubt much lhattered with it’s 
 I.oflcs and Fatigues, before the opening of an- 
 other Campaign, It is to be hoped alfo, that 
 bcfides the amazing Refources He has flill left 
 in his own unbounded Genius, and the generous 
 and effetlual Support which his Connexion with 
 England., affords him •, the Power of the Confede- 
 racy againft him may be broken, by difuniting the 
 Confederate s. Hiftory fatisfiesus how feldom a Con- 
 federacy of many Princes, has ever ruined a Angle 
 Powerattacked. I have givenoneinftanceof thisal- 
 ready, when I fpoke of the Grand Alliance againfl 
 Lewis XIV, and the League of Cambray againfl the 
 Venetians, in the 1 6 th Century, is an Inftance flill 
 more remarkable. 
 
 But, if contrary to our Hopes, our vViflies, our 
 E'ndeavours, this fliould fail ; if his Pruffian Maje- 
 fly, like a Lion caught in the Toils (after a Re- 
 finance already made, which will hand him down 
 to Poflerity as the greateft of Men) fhould at lad 
 be unable to defend himfelf } let him not defpair 
 while he is in Alliance with Britain: For I would 
 inculcate a Doftrine, which I th nk will not be 
 
 unpopular 
 
 4 
 
[40 
 
 unpopular amongft my Countrymen, and which, 
 therefore, I hope, will not be oppofed by our Mi- 
 nifters, That whatever Conqtiejis we have inade, and 
 whatever Cor.quejis we may Jlill make^ upon the 
 French, except North America, which muft be kept 
 all our own ; jhould be looked upon as given back to 
 France for a moft important Conjideration, if it can 
 he the Means of extricating the King of Frufiia/rc»> 
 any unforefeen Diftreffes. 
 
 Perhaps my Notions on this Subjedl may feem 
 to border on Enthufiafm but, however, I can- 
 not but be perfuaded, that Things are come to 
 that Pafs in Germany, that the Ruin of the King 
 of Prujfia will be foon followed by the Ruin ol the 
 Proteitant Religion in the Empire The blind Zeal 
 of the bigotted Aujirian Family will have no Check, 
 If the Head and Proteiflor of the German Prote- 
 ftants be deftroyed •, and the War begun only to 
 wreft Silefia from him, will, in the End, be found 
 to be a War that will overturn the Liberties and 
 Religion of Germany. If, therefore, the noble 
 Perfeverance of the King of Prujfia the 
 
 Efteem of a generous People ; if his Fidelity tb 
 bis Engagements, which has contributed to fave 
 Hanover and to ruin France, can demand our Gra- 
 titude i if the Danger of the only Proteftanc So- 
 vereign in Germany, able to preferve the Privileges 
 of his Religion from being trampled under Foot, 
 can call forth the warm Support of this Proteftanc 
 Nation ; may I not hope, may I not be confident, 
 that our Minifters will di(5tate, and our People 
 approve of Terms of Peace in his Favour, tho’ 
 they Ihould be purchafed by relinquiftiing lome 
 of our Conquefts •, while the Pofleflion of Canada 
 will be fo reafonable a Bound to the Demands we 
 may make for ourfelves ? 
 
 G 
 
 I 
 
[ 42 ] 
 
 I have ftated this Point, upon a Suppofition 
 that the Event of the War may turn out to the 
 Difadvantage of the King of Prujp.a. But * J ^ 
 Fortune, the Capacity, the Perleverance of that 
 Great Prince, fhould enable him (as I think we 
 may Oill hope) to extricate himfelf from the Dan- 
 gers that furround him— it may be aflced, What 
 is to be done with the Conquefts which, befides 
 Canada, we (hall be in Poffeflion of when we treat 
 of a Peace ? — My Propofal is honeft, and per- 
 haps will not be treated as chimerical : Employ 
 them to recover out of the Hands of France thofe 
 Towns of Flanders, gained for the Aujtrian Family 
 by the Valour, and at the Expence of England-, 
 and which have been fo perfidioufly facriliced. A 
 Britijh Adminiftration muft tremble at the Prof- 
 pec't of feeing Newport and Ofiend become French 
 Property, and, therefore, fhould ufe their utmoft 
 Endeavours to prevent this at the Peace -, tho 
 thofe Endeavours may ftrve the Court of Vienna, 
 whofe Ingratitude to Britain never will be forgot- 
 ten ; tho*, at the fame Time, I muft own we lhall 
 draw no fmall Advantage from it. N e (hall learn, 
 for the future, to prefer our own Intereft to that 
 of others ; to proportion our Expences on the 
 Continent to the immediate Exigencies of our own 
 Country, and never to afiift a new Ally, without 
 remembering how much we did for OW 
 and what Return we have had ! 
 
 I have, now, nearly executed my principal De- 
 fign, in the prefent Addrefs ; which was to give 
 my Thoughts on the important Bufinefs of the ap- 
 proaching Treaty. And if it be conduced with 
 as much Ability, as the War has been carried on 
 with Spirit and Succefs, there is great Room for 
 ’ flattering ourfelves, that the Voice of the Publick 
 demands no Advantages or CeiTions, in Favour of 
 
[ 43 ] 
 
 England, which the Minifters of England are not 
 rcfolved to infift upon. 
 
 But amidft the fignal Succefles of our Arms, 
 which give us fo reafonable an Expedaiion of an 
 honourable Peace, and have exalted our Country 
 to the highcft Pinnacle of Glory and Reputation 
 abroad — I wifli it could be faid that our Conjiitu- 
 tion was not greatly in Danger of being hurt, and al- 
 moft loft, at Home . — I fliall beg Leave to take this 
 Occafionoftouchingthis equally melancholy and im- 
 portant Subjedl } with a View, not to blame, butto 
 lament ; not to bring any railing Accufat on againft 
 thofe who are now in Power, but to exhort and to 
 excite them to endeavour, before it be too late, to 
 add to the Services they have done their Country, 
 in faving it from the open Attacks of France, the 
 ftill more important Service of faving our Confti 
 tution, which fome unhappy Circumftances of our 
 prefcnt Situation have already greatly changed, and 
 feem to threaten with intire Deftrudlion-, — Nay, I 
 may fay, would have adually dcftroyed, if it were 
 not lor the good Heart of our gracious Sovereign, 
 who fcorns to take Advantage of them. 
 
 Confiderably above an hundred Millions of Debt, 
 the Sum we muft be obliged to fit down with, at the 
 End ol the prcfent War, is a Burthen which, 
 however immenfe. Experience has taught us, con- 
 trary to all Theory, we lhall be able to bear with- 
 out Bankruptcy. As our Expcnces have increafed, 
 we have found, contrary to the Predidlions of 
 gloomy Politicians, that our Abilities to bear them 
 have increafed alfo. — But tho’ our Debts be not too 
 great for the Riches of our Country, they are 
 much too great for the Independency of its Confti- 
 tution. For, when I confider the infinite Depen- 
 dance upon the Crown, created by Means of Them, 
 throughout the Kingdom, amongft all Degrees of 
 G 2 Men j 
 
f 4+ T 
 
 Men ; when 1 refleft on the many Thoufands or 
 Placemen, of every Denomination, who are em- 
 ploy -d in the Col'eaior, of the vaft Variety of 
 Taxes now levied on th ; Public; and take a lie- 
 view of a far grea t Number of Servants of the 
 Crown, both Civil and Military, for whofe Sup- 
 port fo confiderable a Share of the public Revenue 
 is let apart, too many of whom, I fear, might be 
 temp-ed to aflilf in extending the Influence of the 
 Prerogative to the Prejudice of public Liberty ; 
 when I confider our vaft Load of Taxes, in this 
 Point of View, I cannot help obferving the amaz- 
 ino- Revolution in our Government which this fin- 
 gle Article has brought about ; nor enough lament 
 the unhappy Circumftances of Affairs, and the 
 Neceffities of the War which have forced us to an 
 annual Expence, unknown to former Times, and 
 which will aimoft be incredible to Pofterity. I 
 believe I can venture to fay upon Memory, that 
 the Expences of the War, for all King William'% 
 Reign, about i 3 Years, were not, at a Medium, 
 above 3 Millions and a half a Year; and Queen 
 Anne's, tho’ the laft Years were exorbitant, were 
 little more than 5 Millions. What they are now 1 
 figh to think on. Twelve or Fourteen Millions 
 ar^ demanded without Referve ; and, what is ftill 
 more, voted without Oppofuion. Nay. of fo lit- 
 tle Confequence is it now thought, by our Repre- 
 fentatives, to deliberate on the weighty Bufinefs 
 of raifing Money on the Subjeft, that fcarcely can 
 Forty of them be got together, to hear the Efti- 
 mates for at Icaft One hundred and four /core Fkoufand 
 Men, for fo many we have now in our Pay ; and 
 to borrow Eight Millions, the Sum by which our 
 Expences exceed our Income. 
 
 Thefe are alarming Confiderations ; but another 
 ObjeA, no Icfs threatening the Ruin of our Confti- 
 tution, alfo prefents itfelf. 
 
 lam 
 
[ 45 1 
 
 I am old enough to remember what Uncafinefs 
 and Jealoufies difturbed the Minds of all true Pa- 
 triots, with regard to Handing Armies, and mili- 
 tary Eftablifliments. Principles of Liberty in ge- 
 neral, and, in particular. Whig Principles, excited 
 this Uneafinefs and produced thofe Jealoufies, which, 
 from Time to Time, have been a fruitful Source 
 of Parliamentary Debate. It was no longer ago 
 than the late King’s Time, that the veiling Courts 
 Martial, in Time of Peace, with the Power of pu- 
 nilhing Mutiny and Defertion with Death, was car- 
 riedinthe Houfeof Commons by a fmall Majority 
 Nay, that a Court Martial, however limited in its 
 Jurisdiftion, was inconfiftent with the Liberties'of a 
 free People, in Time of Peace, was the Doftrine of 
 Whigs in thofe Days ; it was the Doftrine, in par- 
 ticular, of Sir Robert Walpole then in Oppofition j 
 whofe remarkable Expreflion, in this great Debate, 
 “ That they who gave the Power of Blood,gaveBlood,'’ 
 never can be forgotten. And though afterwards 
 when he came to be a Minijler, he was better 
 reconciled to Handing Armies and Mutiny Bills, 
 in Time of Peace, feventeen thoufand Men, 
 was all the Army he durft alk; yet even that 
 Demand produced an annual Debate ; and the 
 annual Reafon, on which he founded the Necef- 
 fity of his Demand — being the Danger from the 
 Pretender and the Jacobites-, was the HrongeH 
 Proof, that even in Sir R. Walpole's Opinion, the 
 Kcdudlion in the Army Ihould take Place, when 
 this Danger from Difaffeftion Ihould ceale. But 
 how are Things changed ? — I own indeed that a- 
 midH the Dangers of this War, and the Threats 
 of an Invafion, the vaH Army now on our Efta- 
 
 • In 1717-18 the Numbers on the Divifion were 247 to 2:9. 
 
 ' blifh- 
 
r 4^ ] 
 
 blifhiTicnt, is neceffary : But what I lament is to 
 fee the Sentiments of the Nation fo amazingly re- 
 conciled to the Profpeift of having a far more nu- 
 merous Body of regular Troops, kept up, after 
 the Peace, than any true Lover of his Country in 
 -former Times thought, could be allowed without 
 endangering the Conftitution. Nay, fo unaccount- 
 ably fond are we become of the military Plan, 
 that theEreftion of Barracks, which, twenty Years 
 ago, would have ruined any Minifter who Ihould 
 have ventured to propofe it, may be propofed fafe- 
 ly by our Miniflers now a-Days and, upon Trial, 
 be found to be a favourite Meafure with our Patri- 
 ots, and with the Public in general. 
 
 But what I lament as the greateft Misfortune 
 that can threaten the public Liberty, is to fee the 
 Eagernefs with which our Nobility, born to be the 
 Guardians of the Conftitution againft Prerogative, 
 folicit the Badge of military Subjedtion, not merely 
 toferve their Country, in Times of Danger, which 
 would be commendable, but in Expectation to be 
 continued Soldiers, when 7'ranquillity fhall be rc- 
 fiored, and to be under military Command, during 
 Life. When I fee this ftrange, but melancholy 
 Infatuation, fo prevalent, I almoft defpair of the 
 Conftitution. If it fhould go on in Proportion as 
 it has of late, I fear the Time will, at laft, come, 
 when Independence on the Crown, will be exploded 
 as unfafhionable. Unlefs another Spirit poflefs our 
 Nobility ; unlefs they lay afide their Military Trap- 
 pings ; and think they they can ferve their Coun- 
 try more effedfually as Senators than as Soldiers, 
 what can we expedi but to fee, the Syftem of mili- 
 tary Subordination extending itfelf throughout the 
 Kingdam, univerfal Dependance upon Government 
 nfluencing every Rank of Men, and the Spirit, 
 
 nay 
 
[ 47 ] 
 
 hay the very Form of the Conftitution deftroyed ? 
 We have generally beaten the French^ and always 
 been foolifh enough to follow their Fafliions; 1 was 
 in Hopes we fhould never have taken the Falhion 
 of French Government •, but from our numerous 
 Armies, and the military Turn of our Nobility, I 
 am afraid we are running into it as fait as we can. 
 And, unlefs fomething can be done, to bring back 
 our Conftitution to its firft Principles, we fhall find, 
 that we have triumphed, only to make ourfelves 
 as wretched as our Knemy •, that our Conquefts are 
 but a poor Compenfation for the Lofs of our Liber- 
 ties; in a Word, that, like PFolfe, falling in the 
 Arms of Victory, we are moft glorioully — undone ! 
 
 But though I have drawn io melancholy a Pic- 
 ture, of the Dangers which threaten us with the 
 Lofs of our Liberties, it is wich no other Defign, 
 than to exhort thofe who are placed at the Helm, 
 to fee about the Repairs of our lhattered Veflel, 
 as foon as Ihe can be brought fafe into Har- 
 bour. After the Peace is once fettled, it ought to 
 be the great Object of our Minifters, to devift 
 every Expedient, and to adopt every Plan, tliat 
 may extricate this unhappy Conftitution from the 
 Dangers I have deferibed. Confidering the low 
 Ebb of France, we have fome Reafon to hope that 
 when Peace is once reftored, upon folid Terms, it 
 will not foon be interrupted. Much, therefore, 
 may be done during thofe Years of Tranquility ; 
 if our Minifters be diligent and faithful in this 
 great Work of reviving the Conftitution. The 
 facred, and inviolable Application of the Sinking 
 Fund, which the Increafe of our Trade, and other 
 Circumftances, have fo greatly augmented, and 
 muft ftill augment, will operate gradually, and cf- 
 fcdualiy. Univerfal and invariable CEconomy, 
 
 muft 
 
t +8 ] 
 
 tnuft be introduced into every Branch of Govern- 
 ment j the Revenues of the Kingdom may be 
 vaftly increafed by adopting Schemes that will pre- 
 vent Frauds, and leflen the Expence of Collec- 
 tion ; innumerable unneceflary Places may be abo- 
 liflied, and exorbitant Perquifites, in thofe we leave, 
 may be reftrained ; Attention muft be had to the 
 Morals andPrinciples of the Nation, and the Revival 
 of Virtue and of Religion will go hand in hand, 
 with the Revival of Liberty. But no Objeff will 
 deferve more Attention, than our Military En- 
 croachments on Conftitutional Independance. 
 When this War (hall be over, there will be lefs 
 Reafon, than ever, for numerous Armies. The 
 Kingdom now happily being united, and DifafFec- 
 tion to the Royal Family at an End, we need fear 
 no Rebellions among ourfelves *, and Invafions from 
 France are lefs likely than ever. Befides, by the 
 Care and Perfeverance of fome Patriots, we have 
 acquired a new internal Strength, a Militia trained 
 up to be ufeful, and confequently, we may without 
 any Danger to the Public, reduce the N umber of 
 our Guards and Garrifons, fo low, as to deftroy 
 great Pait of the huge Fabrick of Military Influ- 
 ence and Dependance. But whatever you do, if 
 you mean to reftore the Conftitution, you muft 
 fecure the Dignity and Independance of Parliament. 
 After pairing fuch Laws as may tlill be necelTary to 
 prefer ve the Freedom of Elections, from Influence 
 of every Sort to punilh Bribery both in the Elec- 
 tors and in the Elected fomething, perhaps, may 
 ftill be done by Way of Place-bill, to leflen mini- 
 Iterial Influence over Parliaments, without having 
 Recourfe to an OUverian S&\i-denying Ordinance ; 
 or to fo total an Exclufion of Placemen as was 
 eftablilhed, in the original Atft of Settlement. 
 
 And. 
 
f 4? ] 
 
 And an Houfe of Commons thus cho!en, and 
 thus made independent, now that Jacobitifm is 
 rooted our, can never be formidable but to thofe 
 who have Reafon to tremble. Such an Houfe of 
 Commons, will co-operate with the Adminiftration 
 in every Plan of publick Utility, and at the fame 
 Time inquire carefully into the Abufes of Govern- 
 ment ; Supplies wijl be voted j but only in Pro- 
 portion to the real Income and Abilities of the Na- 
 tion •, and we may expeft to fee, what we have 
 not fcen above thefe fo.ty Years, a Parliamentary 
 Gommiffion of Accounts ereifled to inquire into the 
 Difburfement of near Two Hundred Millions! 
 And unlefs we fee this, foon, I lhall look upon our 
 Conftitutio'n, as loft, for ever. 
 
 Thefe, and many fuch Regulations, as thefe, 
 may^, under an honeft and virtuous Adminiftration, 
 be adopted when once Peace is reftored : And the, 
 Profpeft of feeing them adopted, and fteadily pur- 
 fued, keeps me from defpairing altogether of the 
 Commonwealth. 
 
 To you, therefore, whofe Power, moft likely, 
 will not terminate with the War ; and whom I 
 have prefumed to addrefs, with Regard to the 
 Terms that ftiould be demanded, to fecure us from 
 a perfidious Foe-, To you, My Lordy ar d Sir^ 
 let me earneftly recommend, the ftill more impor- 
 tant Care, of faving us, from ourfelves ; and as you 
 have with an Utianimity,^ that doth you both 
 great Honour, directed our Councils, fo as to 
 humble France, let me intreat you to preferve your 
 Union, till it re-invigprate the almoft loft Powers 
 of the Brilijh Conjiitution. 
 
 If you have any Regard to Virtue, to Liberty, 
 to your Country ; if you would live gre. t, and die 
 lamented ; if you would Ihine in Hiftory, with our 
 H Clarendons 
 
[ 50 ] 
 
 Clarer.dons and Southamptcns ; let not this Oppor- 
 tunity, perhaps, this laft Opportunity of faving 
 Britijh Liberty, and Independence, be thrown a- 
 way. You, my l,ord, whofe Rank, whofe exten- 
 five Influence, and perfonal Authority, have given 
 you the Preeminence, in public Affairs, as it were 
 by Frefeription •, much will depend upon you, in 
 the carrying on this important Work. But when 
 I direfl my Addrefs to you, 5/V, you muft be con- 
 feious that befides the general Expeftations we have 
 from you, as a Lover of Your Country, we have 
 your own repeated Promifes, and Declaration'-, to 
 make us flatter ourfelves that you will not Hop 
 fhort, in your Schemes of national Reformation. 
 Not tutored in the School of Corruption, but lifted, 
 from your earlieft Years, under the Banner of Pa- 
 triotifm ; called into Power, by popular Approba- 
 tion, and ftill uniting, the uncommon Charaders 
 of Minifter and Patriot ; favourite of the Public, 
 and Servant of the Crown ; be not offended, Sir, 
 if I remind you, not to Difappoint that Confidence 
 the Public places in your future Endeavours to 
 prop the finking Conftitution. Nor let it ever fall 
 from your Memory, that the Nation expedls from 
 your Virtue, your CEconomy, your Plans for Li- 
 berty, during the future Peace, as great Advantages 
 as we have already gained, from your Spirit, your 
 bold Councils, and vigorous Eflorts, in carrying 
 on the prefent.War. 
 
 Perhaps I grow too warm, on a favorite Sub- 
 jeft ; and, therefore, from Schemes which cannot 
 take Effecft, till the War be clofed, let me turn 
 your Attention again, for a little while longer, to 
 the Objeft immediately before our Eyes — the in- 
 fuing Conferences for Peace. And, with Regard 
 to thefe, though I fuppofe, they will hegitiy before 
 
 the 
 
C 51 ] 
 
 the Winter be ‘over, I think there is fome Realbn, 
 for be ng ot Opinion that vve muft have another 
 Campaign, before they can be finally clofed. 
 France is too low, to think ferioufly of a Peace, 
 without making fome delperatc Effort, She never 
 would have expofd her Weaknefs to all jEartipc, 
 by fo fhametui and fo humbling a Bankruptcy 
 She never would have ruined her public Credit, 
 and melted her Plate, the laft Keiburce, when 
 every other ha> been exhaufted, only to receive 
 Terms from England. No, (he knows fhe is un- 
 done, for ever, if fhe gets no footing in Hanover \ 
 and, therefore, vve may expedl to fee another At- 
 tempt made for that Purpofe. But, if we are not 
 wanting to ourfelves, another Attempt, will end, 
 as unfortunately for her, as the former have done ; 
 and her Ruin only b* more confirmed. In the mean 
 while, I make no Doubt, the Plenipotentiaries will 
 meet at a Congrefs ; but the Events of the Field, 
 muft regulate the Deliberations ot the Cabinet. 
 \Vc, no Doubt, fhall be firm in our Demand', 
 •whatever they are-, and the French will endeavour 
 to gain Time, to know whether there is any likeli- 
 hood of obliging us to oflTcr them better. In this 
 Situation, then, France muft hear with I'crror, 
 that without breaking our national Faith, without 
 injuring private Property, without giving exorbi- 
 tant Premiums, we have already provided 
 for the Supplies of another Year (and Supplies for 
 Tears may rtill be had) to meet them- -not in Ame- 
 rica ; there they are no more ; — not on the Ocean— 
 the Deftruftion of their Fleets leaves that Empire 
 free to us - but once more, on the Plain' ot another 
 Mindeny again to feel and to confefs the Superiority 
 of Britijh Valour. 
 
[ 52 ] 
 
 I have only a Particular or two, to add, be- 
 fore I conclude. And I cannot help congra- 
 tulating the Public, on the Wifdom of our 
 Manner of Opening the Ncgociation for Peace. 
 I mean to obfetve, that our Minifters have hap- 
 pily got rid of a Set of very ufelefs, or very per- 
 nicious Gentlemen called Mediators^ by apply- 
 ing diredlly to. the Enemy himfelf. Nothing 
 can be more ridiculous than the Figure of the Pope's 
 Nuncio, and the Ambaflador of Venice, adting the 
 Farce of Mediation at Munfter, for feveral Years, 
 while the War went on, till its Events regulated the 
 Terms of Peace. The Mediation of injignificant 
 Powers is therefore abfurd ; and the Danger of cal- 
 ling in a povcerful Mediator, who may threaten 
 to declare againft you, if you do not fubmit to his 
 partial Dccifions, is too obvious to be infilled upon. 
 You have done wifely, therefore, to keep the Ne- 
 gotiation in your own Hands ; the Nation, from 
 this Inftance, has a full Confide. nee that her Inte- 
 refts, are Ikilfully condut5ted> and, therefore, I fhall 
 only add, another Particular, which however fub- 
 ordinate, will, no Doubt be attended to by you j 
 though fome late Negotiators of ours, with Prance, 
 negledled it. 
 
 The French, by taking the Lead in Europe of 
 late, have, of Courfe, been able to introduce their 
 Language as the common Vehicle of the Senti- 
 ments of other Nations, in all public Negociations ; 
 fo that, perhaps, the French is the only Tongue, 
 by the Chanel of which Plenipotentiaries and Mi- 
 nifters of different Countries, can converfe. But 
 when the Negociation is to be put into Writing, 
 and to be drawn up in that Form which is to be 
 binding upon all the Parties, and figned jointly by 
 the treating Powers, neither the Honour, nor the 
 Liteitft of the State, ought to allow us, to accept 
 
of the Original Treaty in the Native tongue of our 
 Enemies. The Honour of the Nation forbids this ; 
 as it would be a Confcflion of Superiority, to which 
 Svitaifty at no Time, much Icis after fo glorious a 
 War, fhould fubmit •, efpecially as we cannot fub- 
 mic to it, without giving the Enemy a real Ad- 
 vantage, and laying the Foundation for future 
 Cavils. — Cardinal Mazarine, in his Letters, boafts, 
 that by a latent Ambiguity and Nicety in the French 
 Stile, he had been able to out- wit Don Louis de 
 Haro, in the Conferences at the Pyrenees. And a 
 much later Inftance, in which we ourfelves were 
 partly concerned, fhould confirm us, in our Refu- 
 lal to treat with the French in their own Language. 
 —I mean the famous Capitulation of the Dutch 
 Gzxnion oi Fournay xa 1745; which, though only 
 reftrained from afUng, for a lim ted Time in any 
 of the Barrier Towns *, as the Dutch believed, 
 when they accepted of plie Capitulation, was foon 
 after interpreted by France, as tying them up from 
 adting in any Part of the World ; and might have 
 been fatal to this Country, if the Rebellion in Scot- 
 land, to afiift in quelling which the Dutch lent us 
 thofe very Troops, had been fo fuccefsful, as to 
 oblige us to put our Foreign Allies to the Teft. 
 
 We have no great Reafon, no more than other 
 Nations, to truft Gallic Faith, as appears from the 
 many Inftancesof their unpalliated Perfidy which I 
 have colleded above. Let us not, tliercfore, be 
 
 *.I have not the original Capitulanon before me, but I 
 remember, pretty exactly on what the Cavil turned. The 
 Troops were not to adl, I think, for two Years,, in any of the 
 Places Us plus reculees de le Barnere, The Dutchy no doubt, un- 
 derftood, de la Earriere to be the Genitivt Cafe, but the French 
 faid they meant it in the Ablative^ 
 
 fo 
 
[ 54 ] 
 
 lb weak as to give them Room for obtruding upon 
 us, any fallacious Interpretations of the Words, in 
 which they plight their Faith. 1 hey are too ready 
 to break it when the Terms are ever fo clear ; and, 
 therefore, let us take Care not to give them that 
 Advantage which fuperior Skill in their own Lan- 
 guage, naturally confers, and which upon fomc 
 future Occafion, they may improve toour Detriment. 
 Let the original and autbentic Copy of the Treaty, 
 therefore be in a dead Language, the Phrafes of 
 wl'.i .'h cannot vary, and whole Meaning is equally 
 underftood by both Parties. We had once a very 
 learned Plenipotentiary in Queen Elizabeth's Time, 
 who, in a Negociation with Spam^ when it came 
 to be debated in what Language the Treaty fhould 
 be made, ludricoufly enough propofed to the Spa- 
 niard,, who was giving himlelf Airs of Superiority, 
 to treat in the Language of his Mafier’s Kingdom 
 of Jerufalem. But leaving the Hebrew, for our 
 Divines •, I w'ould only have cur Negociators treat 
 in Latin : Which ieemed, as it were by Preferip- 
 tion, to have a Right to be the Language of the 
 Public Law of Europe ; till fome late Inflances 
 have fliewn that the French was beginning to be 
 fubftituted in its Room ; by the Lazinefs orNeg- 
 Icul of thofe who treated. As we are fanguine in 
 our Hopes of a much better Peace than we had 
 at Utrecht, with Regard to the Terms ; let it not, 
 be worfe than that at Utrecht, which preferved the 
 Old Cuftom of fettling the Negociation in Latin. 
 We then had a Bifhop indeed, as Plenipotentiary; but 
 without having Recourfe to the very learned Bench, 
 orchoofing a Plenipotentiary ixom Cambridge (I hope 
 in a little Time one may join the other Univerfity, 
 without giving Offence) the Negociators at the cn- 
 
 fuing 
 
fuing Peace, rmy be accommodated with Latin 
 enough for the Purpofe I nxention, at a very mode- 
 
 rate Expence if their Secretary or Chaplain can- 
 not alTift them. ^ 
 
 c begin to be ludicrous on fo ferious a 
 
 ouqect, It IS Time to have done ; And my Ad- 
 drefs has already fwelled to fuch a fize as furprizes 
 myklr, as much, as I fear it will tire the Reader. 
 However, the vaft Variety of f a<5fs, and Particulars, 
 which naturally offered themfelves to me, and which 
 could not be omitted without hurting the Connex- 
 ion, and weakening my Argument, will, perhaps, 
 procure Indulgence for fo long a Pamphlet : And, 
 for the fame Reafon, I flatter myfeif, that if I 
 fhould happen to have been miflakenin any Thing 
 I advance, to have erred in a Date, or to have 
 mif-quoted a Treaty, fome Allowances will be 
 made to me, as I have been obliged to truft much 
 to my Memory, for want of a proper Opportuni- 
 ty of confulting many of thofe Books, which fur- 
 nilh the Materials I have made Ufe of. However, 
 
 I believe a candid Reader, will find no capital, at 
 leaft, no wilful, Miftake. 
 
 I am far from the Vanity of thinking that my 
 Notions on the important Subjeft of the Peace, 
 are a regular Plan or Syftem for the Adminiftra- 
 tion to proceed upon. 1 throw them out, only 
 as loofe Hints for my Superiors to improve as they 
 may think proper. Should there be any Weight 
 in all, or any of them, you, my Lord and Sir, 
 will be able to work them into Utility for this 
 Kingdom, If they are not worth your Notice ; 
 as I am an anonymous Writer, and hope never to 
 be known, I can neither lofe nor gain Reputation 
 
 by 
 
 2 
 
" II 
 
 by them. All T can fay, if they are neglri£lcd, is 
 Operant et oleam perdidi. 
 
 I am, 
 
 . • My Lord and Siiv* 
 
 Yours, 
 
 'J-.3 
 
 F 
 
 ' ‘ r' ^