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Maguyfycence.
Early English Text Society.
Extra Series, XCVIII,
1906.

.Penth
CMagnyfycence,
CA goodly interlude and a ine-
ry deuyled and made by
maylter Skelton/ poet
laureate late DE-
ceafyd.*.
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Magny fycence
A MORAL PLAY
BY
JOHN SKELTON.
EDITED BY
ROBERT LEE RAMSAY, PH.D.,
ASSISTANT IN ENGLISH IN THE JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY,
FROM THE EDITION IN UNIV. LIBRARY, CAMBRIDGE,
WITH INTRODUCTION, NOTES, AND
GLOSSARY.
LONDON:
PUBLISHED FOR THE EARLY ENGLISH TEXT SOCIETY
By KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRÜBNER & CO., LIMITED,
DRYDEN HOUSE, 43, GERRARD STREET, SOHO, W.
1906 (issued in 1908)
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611 999
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7 PHILADELPHIA: J. B. LIPPINCOTT & Co.
Extra Series, XOVIII.
RICHARD CLAY & SONS, LIMITED, LONDON AND BUNGAY.
:
6-15-33
>
DEDICATED
To My Mother.

182327
CONTENTS.
INTRODUCTION
PART 1.-I. EDITIONS
II. DATE
...
✔III. PLOT
...
IV. DRAMATIS PERSONÆ
V. STAGING:
...
:
a. Stage and Costumes
b. Ideal Localization
c. Division of Rôles
VÍ. VERSIFICATION :
a. The Verse
b. Rime-schemes
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PAGE
ix
xvi
xxi
xxvi
xxviii
xliv
xlvii
xlviii
li
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lxii
lxv
...
lxxi
...
...
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c. Use made of Metrical Variations
VII. SOURCES
VIII. CHARACTERIZATION :
a. Abstractions and Types
b. Humor and the "Vice "
:
:
...
lxxxix
xcvii
し
​IX. SATIRE
...
...
...
cvi
...
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:
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PART 2.-I. EXTERNAL CHANGES
II. VERSIFICATION
III. PLOT:
...
...
...
a. General Historical Development
b. Growth of the Stages...
IV. CAST:
EDITOR'S NOTE
a. General Historical Development
b. Growth of the Groups
c. The Fools, or Vices
V. CHARACTERIZATION
...
...
...
...
:
ERRATA
TEXT
NOTES
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GLOSSARIAL INDEX...
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cxxviii
cxxxiv
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cxlvii
clviii
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clxxiii
clxxvii
CXC
cxciv
cxcix
сс
1
81
89
ix
INTRODUCTION.
SKELTON'S Magnificence has been accessible to students of the drama
longer than almost any play of its class; but this advantage, due to the
reputation of its author, has proved of doubtful value. While the other
moral plays have one by one been brought to light and studied,
Magnificence has been left almost entirely to one side. The undeniable
intrinsic dulness and monotony of the play affords much to justify this
neglect. Although in bulk the most considerable production of a famous.
if unjustly neglected poet, it is less interesting than most of his other
poems to a cursory reader. It also falls short in many respects when
compared with other specimens in its own department. Beside the
universality and transparency of the plot of the Castle of Perseverance,
its allegorical framework seems narrow and forced. {The peculiar achieve-
ment of the morality was perhaps the sincerity and real dignity with
which it could present some of the Church's most solemn lessons. In one
scene, which has been selected as a favorable specimen, Magnificence gives
a picture of the coming of Adversity that does attain some measure of
this high seriousness. But it nowhere reaches the impressive level kept
throughout in Everyman. On the other hand, its contrasted scenes of
vice and low life have little of the racy realism and less of the humor so
notably present in Mankind and Hickscorner. To the Tudor audience
doubtless the chief interest lay in its political satire; but this is obscure
and dull beside that of the Scottish political morality, Lyndsay's Three
Estates. The play's one point of incontestable superiority, the dramatic
construction of its plot, is well hidden under tedious monologues and
unduly protracted discussions. One is not surprised at the depreciative
account given in general treatises on the moralities and in the single brief
study devoted wholly to it (Heinrich Krumpholtz, John Skelton und sein
Morality Play Magnificence; Programm, Prossnitz, 1881: 6 pages) or
even at the dictum of an eighteenth century critic (quoted by Dyce, intro.
I. 1) who pronounced it "the dullest play ever written."
But a different point of view with regard to the moralities has
recently been made practicable, and by this change none of them will
sh!
not so in Ho Mama
Мата
""
X Magnificence" the Centre of the Change from the Moral Play.
gain more than Magnificence. With the E. E. T. S. edition of the Macro
Plays (1904), the task of publishing all the known earlier moralities is
complete, and an opportunity is afforded to study this central period in
the history of the drama as a whole. One effect, indeed, of such com-
parison is to invalidate the claim that was put forward in behalf of
Magnificence by Skelton's latest biographer (Dict. Nat. Biog.): it will
hardly continue to "rank with Sir David Lyndsay's Satire of the Three
Estates as one of the two most typical morality plays in existence"; for
an examination of the earlier moralities, particularly of the Castle of
Perseverance, will show how far both the plays mentioned have departed
from the original type. But wider study, if it discredits some premature
pretensions, will bring with it an increased appreciation of the true
significance of Skelton's contribution to the English drama.
The undeniable right of Magnificence to an important place in the
history of the drama rests not on its intrinsic merit but on its peculiar
position. It belongs to that essentially intermediate form of the drama
known as the morality; the form which dominated the period of transi-
tion from the medieval religious to the modern secular drama, or as
Creizenach puts it, was the bridge from the miracle play to the comedy.
Within this central period Magnificence occupies a central position. It
has already been pointed out that English moralities fall naturally into
two divisions, an earlier and a later group. Mr. Pollard has suggested
the use of the terms "moral play" and "interlude " for this distinction.
The rule will be adhered to in this study, although it of course has no
basis in contemporary usage. The moral plays (mostly earlier in date
than Magnificence) were still purely religious in aim, restricted to a
narrow range of plots and characters, peopled with abstractions rather
than types, and but little removed from the technique of the miracle in
presentation, length, and versification. Such at least is the type adhered
to in the main. The later interludes became more and more secularized,
freer, shorter, and less abstract; they introduced comic elements; and
they absorbed many of the characteristics of the new, largely foreign
technique. Though never quite merging with the modern types of drama
which partly sprang from them, partly grew up around them, they kept
their place on the stage throughout the Elizabethan period. Magnificence
shares the characteristics of the two groups between which it falls. Far
from being a typical moral play, it is precisely its departures from the
traditional norm that constitute its real claim to attention.
The key to most of its departures is to be obtained only by a con-
sideration of the character and aims of its author. The starting-point in
Skelton, first literary Dramatist; his Contemporaries & Successors. xi
the study of Magnificence, now as always, is the study of the dramatist
who wrote it. Skelton was the first English man of letters to become a
dramatist. For many as are the restrictions to be made in estimating his
Titerary talent, he cannot be denied the name of man of letters. Most of
his contemporaries regarded him, and with almost pathetic conviction he
regarded himself, as the legitimate successor of those "auncient poetys"
whom he enumerated at such length in his Garland of Laurel. He allows
passage through the gate inscribed with the capital A for Anglia only to
Gower, Chaucer, Lydgate, and himself. Yet he had ventured on a step
for which he could find no sanction in these models when he took up
the despised popular form of the drama. Chaucer, with the most
dramatic genius in English literature before Elizabeth's reign, never
thought of the drama as a possible literary form. It is less to be
wondered at that neither Gower, Lydgate, nor Occleve was attracted by
the drama; but when Hawes took up the Chaucerian mantle in the reign
of Henry VII, and when Barclay began to write in competition with
Skelton himself, plays, both miracles and moralities, had been written for
more than a century. Skelton was the first professed poet to try his hand
at writing a morality.
He is, indeed, the first personality of any sort whom we encounter in
the annals of the stage, with the exception of Henry Medwall, author of
Nature. Medwall was not a man of letters. He acquired no literary
fame apart from his dramatic efforts, and only the accident of his position
secured the survival of his name. A chaplain of Archbishop Morton's, he
belonged to the class by whom moralities had always been written. The
v composition of interludes was probably a part of his duties, as it was for
the almoner of the Earl of Northumberland. Skelton too had taken
orders, but his dramatic venture, though perhaps connected with this fact,
cannot be wholly thus explained; for so had Barclay, and so had
Lydgate and Occleve in the preceding century. Skelton's priesthood at
all times sat lightly on him. His talent was essentially undramatic. His
experiment in the new field was both a proof of his audacity and a sign.
of the times. The drama was at last ready to take its place as a literary
form. Skelton was closely followed by Heywood and Lyndsay, Bale and
Udall, and a host of others, all professional penmen.
Not only do we have in Magnificence our first example of a profes-
sional literary man attempting a play, but also our first example of a
moral play written with a secular and literary instead of a theological
aim. The morality had hitherto been what the miracle always remained,
strictly theological in purpose. Essentially it had always continued a
xii
Skelton's Lost Plays. He secularized the Moral Play.
sort of religious service. To make a distinction, it had been laicized but
never secularized. Both processes were necessary before the drama
could take its place as a form of literature.
It is hardly likely that even Skelton himself took so radical a step
abruptly. Besides Magnificence, we know of at least two other plays
written by him but not preserved. He mentions in his Garland of
Laurel the "souerayne enterlude of Vertu" (1. 1177), and the "commedy
called Achademios" (1. 1184). We cannot affirm anything from the
mysterious second title, but the first suggests a conventional handling of
the stock theme. Magnificence, however, has certainly made the transi-
tion, and it has good claims to priority in doing so. It precedes the
interludes of Heywood, which show the. secularization completed.
Whether it precedes the Four Elements is not so certain. But although
the Four Elements was also secular in purpose, it merely substituted
scientific for religious instruction, and so remained equally outside the
bounds of literature. The didactic path which it opened was a false
trail, whereas Magnificence was in the main highway of dramatic.
development.
The literary purpose that prompted Magnificence and animated
almost all of Skelton's work was none of the purest, although distinctly
a literary purpose. It was the expression of personal satire. Almost the
first in our language to cultivate this department, Skelton had to make.
his own tools and discover by experiment the aptest form. Although
acquainted with (Against Garnesche, Dyce, I. 130)
"The famous poettes saturicall,
As Percius and Iuuynall,
Horace and noble Marciall,"
he was unfortunately not enough of a humanist to follow the classical
models used by Pope in much the same task at a later date. It is
interesting to watch Skelton's attempts to fit his grievances into several
of the old cadres before manufacturing a new one. His early Bowge of
Court is an experiment with the old courtly allegory. He twists the
form inherited from the Romaunt of the Rose, the House of Fame, and
the Legend of Good Women, into a satire on court life. Herford has
shown how intimately he combined with the old framework new motives,
more to his purpose, drawn from the German satirist Sebastian Brant and
his epoch-making Ship of Fools. Magnificence is a precisely similar
experiment with the other allegorical form, the morality. It was if any-
thing less congenial to the new employment, and Skelton again drew not
little inspiration from the Ship of Fools. By this time (1516) his point.
-
Skelton's imperfect treatment of his new Change.
xiii
of attack had become more definite, and his allusions betray more of the
bitterness of personal hatred. His best satire, Colin Clout (1518-21), came
still later. In this he had at last learned to be direct. He had shaken
off all allegorical fetters, and retained but one mark of conscious art, the
clever device of the mouthpiece Colin Clout, a typical figure afterwards
borrowed by Spenser. In his latest satires, Why Come Ye Not to Court?
(1522-3) and the Doughty Duke of Albany (1523-4), even this device is
discarded, and we have simply vigorous unadulterated abuse.
Magnificence was thus for Skelton merely one of a series of experi-
ments, the primary object of which was far from being the cultivation of
the dramatic form for its own sake. The transformation of the moral
play into a secular allegorical drama embodying political satire was for
him an incident in a more comprehensive attempt. For us it constitutes
the main object of interest, and we shall study the play in its relations to
the models that preceded it rather than in its relations to Skelton's
other satires.
The transformation cannot be regarded as very successful. It was a
first attempt, and naturally kept too much of its originals. The main
outlines of the traditional morality plot were all too carefully followed.
Skelton's text is no longer the affirmation that the wages of sin is death,
but instead that the wages of imprudent spending on certain unnamed
evil advisers will be for a certain unnamed rich prince adversity and
poverty. But the new wine is presented in the old bottles. Heywood
wisely discarded the old morality plot altogether. But in Magnificence
we still have the contest; the customary central figure around whom the
contest is waged; on one side a group of figures still called vices, but
really types of bad courtiers or abstractions of evil political tendencies;
on the other, good counsellors, whom we easily recognize as personifica-
tions of Skelton's own political party. At the point where earlier plays
might have represented the entrance of Death, the allegorical figures of
Adversity and Poverty appear; and after his conversion to wiser views
of economy, the prince is restored to his palace instead of being carried to
heaven. Naturally much of the old material proved refractory to this
metamorphosis, and we shall see that it is responsible for many incon-
gruities.
A notable short-coming in Magnificence is the character-drawing. To
make the satire effective the characters ought to have been personal
portraits, or at least types of the different factions or classes. The first
method was not attempted; perhaps it was too early for such a device
to be conceived. The second was realized only partially. There is a
xiv "Magnificence" half-way between the Moral Play and Interlude.
perceptible tendency to change the abstract vices and virtues which had
reigned hitherto into types of the good and bad counsellors of the prince;
but they remain half allegorical still, and the other personages are all
pure shadows. Lyndsay in the Three Estates succeeded better in
accomplishing much the same design.
Magnificence is valuable, however, for literary study precisely on
account of these evidences of transition. Perhaps no other play so truly
represents the half-way point between the old and the new. On almost
every side-plot and cast, character-drawing, treatment of the "vice,"
even the handling of the metre-it exhibits, like its author, a curious
blending of originality and conservatism. Skelton was a priest, with
enough in his works to establish his sincere religious feeling and his
orthodox theological views; yet he was guilty of many irregularities, "as
most poets are," and the poet in him, and at times the reformer, was
evidently stronger than the priest. He was one of the learned men of
the time, but his learning was of the preceding generation; in his Speak
Parrot he attacks the New Learning, and he cannot be classed, as has
sometimes been done, among the Humanists. Magnificence is quite as
much of a cɔmbination. From our point of view, its defects are as
interesting as its merits. It affords what is perhaps the most convenient
point from which to survey the progress of the moral play in the past
and to forecast the development of the interlude in the future.
Among the plays which it seems best on the whole to class as moral
plays rather than as interludes, some almost as much as Magnificence
contain features characteristic of the latter type. On the whole, however,
the year 1520, which Mr. Gayley¹ has fixed as the limit of the period of
"older morals and moral interludes," forms the most convenient chrono-
logical boundary line. It is understood as excluding the interludes of
Heywood, which show the new type as an accomplished fact. It includes
a sufficiently homogeneous group: the ten extant moral plays and the
three mixed miracle-moralities, which belong in chronological order
approximately as follows: Pride of Life² (about 1410); the two Coventry
plays,³ nos. xi. and xix., the Salutation and Conception, and the Slaughter
of the Innocents (1400-1425); Castle of Perseverance (1400-1440);
1 C. M. Gayley, Representative English Comedies. New York, 1903. Intro.,
p. lvii.
2 Cited in the edition of A. Brandl, Quellen des weltlichen Dramas in England
vor Shakespeare. Quellen und Forschungen, vol. LXXX. Strassburg, 1898.
3 J. O. Halliwell, Ludus Coventriae. Printed for the Shakespeare Society,
London, 1841.
4 F. J. Furnivall and A. W. Pollard, The Macro Plays. E. E. T. S., Extra Series,
XCI. London, 1904. I desire to express my thanks for the courtesy of Dr. Furnivall.
Two Parts of this Introduction: 1. the Play; 2. It & its Forerunners. xv
Wisdom¹ (before 1483); Mankind¹ (before 1483); Mary Magdalene²
(1470-1490); Nature³ (1486-1500); Everyman¹ (1495–1530); Hick-
scorner5 (1509-1512); Mundus et Infans (1500-1522); Magnificence
(about 1516); Four Elements (1515–1520).
6
The present study naturally falls into two parts. In the first,
Magnificence is studied and analyzed, as far as possible, in itself. So little
attention has been so far paid to the play, or indeed to any of Skelton's
works, that a considerable field remained open for the examination of the
more obvious problems. The editions have been described and an effort
made to fix the date within narrower limits. The plot has been analyzed
into stages, and the cast into groups, with a special study of the nomen-
clature and origin of the different characters. Various questions con-
nected with the mise en scène have been studied, and the different verse-
forms, and the use made of them, have been examined. Finally the external
relations which Magnificence bears, whether to sources other than the
morality plays themselves, or as a satire to historical persons and events,
and to Skelton's other satires, have been discussed. Only the purely
literary characteristics have been studied; a study of the language of
Magnificence would afford material for another treatise, and could not be
adequately performed without including all of Skelton's works.
The second part deals with the relations between Magnificence as a
moral play and its predecessors, and studies the leading changes which
took place in the dramatic period illustrated by the thirteen moral plays
cited above, changes of which in many cases, though not in all, Magnifi-
cence presents a culmination. Where necessary for adequate generaliza-
tion, the comparison is extended into the later period of interludes.
Here the arrangement followed in the first part has necessarily been
altered. First in order of time, and largely responsible for all the other
changes, come the external developments: the change in the stage, from
the great out-of-door enclosure, after the manner of certain miracle-cycles,
to the closed and comparatively small hall; the change in the actors,
from an unlimited number of amateur performers to a small fixed troupe
who kindly supplied me with proof-sheets of his edition of the Castle of Perseverance
in advance of its appearance.
1 See note 4, previous page.
2 F. J. Furnivall, The Digby Plays, E. E. T. S., Extra Series, LXX. London, 1896.
3 See note 2, previous page.
4 W. W. Greg, Everyman, reprinted from the edition by John Skot preserved at
Britwell Court. Materialien zur Kunde des älteren englischen Dramas, Band IV.
London, 1904.
5 J. M. Manly, Specimens of the Pre-Shaksperean Drama. Boston, 1903.
6 J. Fischer, Das" Interlude of the Four Elements," mit einer Einleitung neu
herausgegeben. Marburger Studien, Heft 5. Marburg, 1903.
xvi Change in Versification; original Ed. contained these works. [Pt.I, §1
of professionals; and accompanying these, the continuous shortening in
the length of the plays. Another change in external form was that in
versification—the progress from the popular rime-schemes of the miracles
to the learned Chaucerian stanzas and the serviceable couplet, and the
development of a new and rather subtle technique in applying metrical
distinctions to the characterization of differing scenes and personages.
The logical dependence on all this of the internal changes in plot, cast,
and characterization is clear enough. Beginning with several distinct
and rigidly fixed plots competing for preference, the morality adopted
one of them as its typical form, and at the same time developed this plot
till all its dramatic capabilities had been utilized. Beginning with a
cast quite as rigid as its plot, it attained freedom of treatment much
sooner, especially with the vice-figures, concentrated upon these the
growing humor of the drama, and developed one of them, as the official
fun-maker, into the stock figure known later as the "Vice." Finally, in
the matter of characterization, the morality advanced from drawing pure
abstractions to pure types, passing through all degrees of mixture on the
way; and, since the characters of comedy are essentially types rather than
individuals, thus more than in any other way revealed its kinship with
comedy.
ᏢᎪᎡᎢ 1.
I. EDITIONS.
1. Magnyfycence, | A goodly interlude and a me- | ry deuysed and
made by mayster Skelton poet laureate late de- | ceasyd. No imprint
and no date; small folio; black letter.
The edition is in "fours" (A-G4, H2); pp. 59+[1]; numbered by
folios, Fo. ii-Fo. xxx. Contents: p. 1, title, within an ornamental
border; pp. 2-59, play, ending on p. 59 with list of the names of the
players, and colophon "Cum priuilegio"; p. 60 blank. There are forty-
five to forty-seven lines on a full page. The numbering of the folios is
occasionally incorrect: in place of "Fo. iij" stands "Fo. xxix"; "Fo.
xxi" is repeated in place of "Fo. xxiiij," and again for "Fo. xxvi."
There are no signature-titles, running-titles, or catchwords. There are
no woodcuts; the border on the title-page is of "Renaissance" design,
such as was introduced into England by Pynson about 1518 (see A. W.
Pollard, Early Illustrated Books, 1893, p. 239). The watermark of the
paper is a gauntlet and star.
Of this original edition we know of the existence of one perfect
copy in the University Library at Cambridge, one imperfect copy,
Pt. I, § 1] The Cambridge copy & Bodleian fragment of the Play. xvii
wanting the first leaf, in the British Museum, and a fragment of a third
copy in the Bodleian Library.
corner:
The Cambridge copy (AB. 8. 464) belongs to the collection of Bishop
Moore received in 1715 (Dibdin-Ames, III. 106; C. K. Hartshorne's
Book Rarities at Cambridge, 1829, pp. 18-24, 167). The British
Museum copy (C. 34. m. 1) has replaced the missing first leaf, which
contained the title on its recto and the first forty-five lines on its verso,
by a manuscript transcript, taken, according to a note at the bottom,
"From a perfect Copy in the University Lib. Cambridge." The
transcript, however, differs from the spelling of the Cambridge copy in
a few instances, pointed out in the notes, and follows modern usage in
the employment of u and v. On the second leaf, the first remaining of
the original, there is an interesting MS. note in the upper right-hand
"MAGNIFICENCE. A goodly Interlude and a mery, devysed
and made by Mayster Skelton, poete laureate, late deceasyd. Printed
by John Rastell. G. Steevens. This John Rastell died in 1536." The
copy is known to have formed a part of David Garrick's celebrated
collection of plays, bequeathed to the British Museum (see Warton's
History of English Poetry, octavo ed., 1824, III. 188; Dibdin-Ames,
III. 106; and also p. 55 of the MS. Catalogue of Plays in the Collection
of David Garrick, Esq. (British Museum, Bks. 2. h. 2), compiled,
according to the Museum catalogue, by E. Capell probably in 1778).
A previous owner is perhaps indicated in the "nat" or "Nathanael
wilkinson" whose name, in a different hand from that of Steevens's
note, is twice scribbled on the margin. The fragment in the Bodleian
(Douce fragm. d. 7) consists of but two leaves, G ii and G iii (numbered
Gii
"Fo. xxi" for "xxvi"; and "Fo. xxvii," pp. 51-54), and contains lines
2198-2364. On the first leaf, recto, is written at the bottom :
"Fragment of Shelton's Magnyfycence, a goodly Interlude and a mery.'
No date. Mr. Garrick had an imperfect Copy, which Mr. Warton
supposed an Unique."
The three exemplars are manifestly of the same edition. But the
Cambridge and British Museum copies, though identical in every other
respect, differ in three unimportant readings. These are probably alter-
ations made while the edition was passing through the press. In the
first instance, the British Museum is evidently the later, giving (1. 633)
the speaker's name as "Crafty conuey" instead of the misprint, "Crafty
onucey," of the Cambridge. The other two instances, however, do not
support this order: at 1. 1883, where Cambridge reads "plucke," British
Museum "pluke," and at 1. 2014, where Cambridge reads "with curteyns
Ъ
MAGNYFYCENCE.
xviii
The supposed Printer of "Magnificence."
[Pt. I, § 1
of sylke," British Museum "with courtely sylkes," the Cambridge version
seems more likely to be the corrected form. This condition might have
arisen if the play was printed off only part at a time. None of the
points of difference happen to occur in the Bodleian fragment.
The MS. note by "G. Steevens "-doubtless the Shaksperian com-
mentator and friend of Garrick-is probably the source of Warton's
ascription (quarto ed., 1778, II. 336) of the edition to the printer John
Rastell, although it lacks Rastell's name or imprint. This ascription,
repeated by Ritson, Jones, and Dibdin, as well as by Mr. Robert Proctor
in E. G. Duff's Hand-List of English Printers, and in W. W. Greg's
List of English Plays, is supported by the appearance of the same type,
In
though not of the same border,¹ in some of Rastell's known works.
itself it is not improbable, although the fact is noteworthy that no other
edition of any of Skelton's numerous works has ever been claimed for
Rastell. John Rastell's name does appear, however, in editions of
Gentleness and Nobility and Calisto and Melibea, and his son William
Rastell's in four of Heywood's interludes; and John Rastell's personal
interest in "stage-plays and interludes," in the light of what we have
learned in recent years (Pollard's Fifteenth-Century Prose and Verse,
p. 305), is indubitable.
Warton's dictum 2 about the printer is more easily explained than his
1 Mr. Pollard, who has very kindly looked up the matter for me, writes: "I have
called in Mr. Gordon Duff and Mr. Campbell Dodgson over the question of the
Magnificence border, and have searched every source I can think of, but can find no
other use of it. It must be a copy of a German border, and has all the appearance of
being from one of those made at Basel by Ambrosius Holbein, but if so the original
has hidden itself as effectually as the copy. At present all I can say is that both the
types used on the title-page were used also by John Rastell.'
""
>>
2 In the course of his chapter on Skelton, Warton describes the play three times,
and in each case differently. In the middle of his long bibliographical note at the
beginning of the chapter (quarto ed., 1778, II. 336) we read: "Magnificence, a goodly
Interlude and a mery devysed and made by mayster Skelton, poet laureate, late
4to.
deceased, was printed by Rastell, in 1583. This is not in any collection of his
poems. At the end of his description of the "Nigramansir" (p. 363) occurs the
remark: "I have before mentioned Skelton's play of Magnificence," and (in a note),
"It is in Mr. Garrick's valuable collection. No date. 4to." Finally, there is an
additional passage, not found in the quarto, but inserted at this point in brackets
in the octavo edition of 1824 (III. 188-190), revised by Richard Price; this passage
gives a full outline of Magnificence, beginning: "The only copy of Skelton's moral
comedy of Magnificence now remaining, printed by Rastal, without date in a thin
folio, has been most obligingly communicated to me by Mr. Garrick, whose valuable
collection of old Plays is alone a complete history of our stage. The first leaf and
the title are wanting. It contains sixty folio pages in the black letter, and must
That this additional
have taken up a very considerable time in the representation."
note is from Warton's pen, though first published after his death, and not au
"communicated to
interpolation by his editor, is shown by internal evidence (e. g.
me by Mr. Garrick," "I have been prolix in describing these two dramas," i. e.
Nigramansir, the description of which is certainly Warton's, and Magnificence), as
well as by the consistent distinction Price makes between inserted passages marked
Pt. I, § 1] The Re-printer of "Magnificence" in 1821.
xix
conflicting accounts of the date and size of the edition. These, indeed,
have led Mr. Proctor, in the Hand-Lists of English Printers, and Mr.
Chambers in the Medieval Stage (II. 441), to suppose that two editions
were known to Warton: one a quarto dated 1533, the other the folio
without date which we still possess. But even this supposition fails to
reconcile all three of Warton's statements; and it is altogether more
probable that we have under this head but another instance of Warton's
habitual carelessness in dates and figures, and that his third and latest
statement was the only one made with book in hand. His date of 1533
must accordingly be treated as a conjecture, based, doubtless, on the
information of the title-page. Skelton died June 21, 1529. Since the
title-page refers to him as "late deceasyd," 1533 is not far astray, although
1531 or 1530 would seem more probable dates to assign to the edition.
2. Joseph Littledale. Magnyfycence; an Interlude. By John
Skelton, Poet Laureat to Henry VIII. London Re-printed by G.
Woodfall, Angel Court, Skinner Street, 1821. Presented to the
Roxburghe Club, June 17, 1821.
The preface states that the interlude is "re-printed from a Copy in
small Folio in the Library of the British Museum, with the exception of
the Title, and the following Page, which, being in Manuscript, have
been supplied by a Transcript made from a Copy in the Public Library
at Cambridge." The edition uses black-letter type and aims to reproduce
the exact orthography of the original edition; but it is far from doing
SO. Those departures noticed in a single careful collation have been
recorded in the textual notes at the foot of the page.
3. Rev. Alexander Dyce. The Poetical Works of John Skelton:
""
"Additions as here, and those marked "Edit., a distinction neglected in later
editions of the History.
Warton elsewhere not infrequently assigns printer and date to a book without
indicating that he has not obtained his information from the title-page. Thus he
says (quarto ed., II. 238) that Nature was printed by "Rastel" in 1538, whereas
our extant edition shows neither printer's name nor date. Similar instances reveal
themselves in a comparison of his list of Skeltonic editions (II. 336, note) with the
bibliography of Dyce (Dyce, I. xci-ciii; note especially pp. xcv, ci).
But Warton's chapter on Skelton is open to graver suspicions even than that of
inaccuracy. It has been pretty clearly shown (H. E. D. Blakiston, Eng. Hist. Rev.,
XI. 282) that Warton elsewhere indulged in that favourite amusement of eighteenth-
century antiquaries, the fabrication of new material to relieve the tedium of an
uninteresting original or to beguile a credulous rival. The suspiciously circumstan-
tial account of that remarkable drama the " Nigramansir," "plaid before the King
and other estatys at Woodstoke on Palme Sunday," and printed by Wynkyn de Worde
in a thin quarto, in the year 1504," the disappearance of the sole copy of which
Warton is so careful to explain, bears a strong family likeness to such pastimes,
although cleverer than most of them. I have accordingly omitted any consideration
of this play in my study of Magnificence.
xx Dyce's Edition of Skelton. Pollard's Extract from "Magnificence.”
with Notes, and Some Account of the Author and his Writings. London,
Thomas Rodd, 1843. 2 vols. The Magnificence is found vol. I. 225-
310 (text), vol. II. 236-277 (notes).
In general a satisfactory edition of the text, with comparatively few
departures from the original. A number of corrections are made, or
suggested at the foot of the page; but some of the errors of the first
printer are retained. The orthography is that of the original; punctuation
and capitalization are modern. An admirable body of notes is appended
in the second volume.
Dyce's text and notes, with a few unimportant additional notes, were
reprinted at Cambridge, Massachusetts, and issued at Boston anonymously
in 1855: The Poetical Works of Skelton and Donne. Four volumes in
two. Boston, Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1855.
4. A. W. Pollard. English Miracle Plays, Moralities, and Interludes.
Oxford, Clarendon Press. First edition, 1890; fourth edition, revised,
1904. An extract from Magnificence (lines 1843-2047) is taken out of
Dyce's edition. Pp. 106-113 (text); 207-209 (notes).
There is no indication that any earlier edition of Magnificence existed
than the posthumous one that we possess. The long interval thus made
between production and publication ill accords with the assertion of
Prynne (Histrio-Mastix, p. 834, quoted by Chambers, II. 186) that
"Skelton's Comedies, de Virtute, de Magnificentia, et de bono Ordine
were penned only to be read, not acted." To an Elizabethan it is not
surprising that the dreary interlude seemed undesigned for the stage; but
we shall see that it shows distinct marks of adaptation to the theatrical
requirements of its day. Its issue from the press just after the death
of its author may not be without significance. Skelton's death was
followed within a few months by the fall of the great Cardinal whom
the play had attacked in the very dawn of his supremacy. On October
19, 1529, Cavendish tells us, not less than a thousand boats, filled
with men and women of the city of London, waited upon the Thames
to see Wolsey borne to the Tower. By bringing out just at this time
the play of Wolsey's old enemy, the deceased poet laureate whom Wolsey
had at last silenced so recently, the printer may well have given a proof
of business sagacity.
Not so much can be said for the printer's professional skill. Magnifi-
cence is badly printed, even for the sixteenth century. The number of
obvious misprints is large, and many of them can be rectified easily.
The metre shows that in a number of cases lines have been omitted
altogether. Extraordinarily few stage-directions are preserved, many of
xxi
Pt. I, § 2] The Date of the Play. Its earliest limit, 1515.
the most obvious needing to be supplied. The difference which might
result from the presence or absence of an author's oversight is well shown
by the contrast between the printed copies of Magnificence and the Four
Elements. Whether the author of the latter play was also its printer,
John Rastell, or not, it was certainly carefully prepared for the press;
and it shows comparatively few misprints or omissions, full directions
for performance, and an explanatory preface. In Medwall's Nature, on
the other hand, which was written for a performance before 1500, and
probably not printed till after 1530 (cf. Brandl's ed., intro. p. xxxviii),
we have a parallel to Magnificence both in the long interval between
production and publication and in the number of errors.
II. DATE.
The passage in Magnificence which fixes an earlier limit for its date
was first noticed by Ritson (see Dyce's note, II. 236). It is the reference
to King Louis of France in 11. 279–282 :
"FAN. Largesse is he that all prynces doth auaunce;
I reporte me herein to Kynge Lewes of Fraunce.
FEL. Why haue ye hym named, and all other refused?
FAN. For, syth he dyed, Largesse was lytell vsed."
Skelton, who was born not much earlier than 1460, was contemporary with
the following kings of France: Louis XI (1461-1483), Charles VIII
(1483-1498), Louis XII (1498-1515), Francis I (1515-1547). It is
certainly Louis XII to whom Skelton refers in the above lines. At the
death of Louis XI, he was hardly more than twenty-three, and had not
yet written the earliest of his dated poems, the elegy on the death of
Edward IV. Magnificence gives evidence of long experience in Court,
and shows Skelton's mature style, which is curiously unlike that of his
youthful poems. Louis XI was distinguished for anything but liberality,
and the passage could refer to him only in a spirit of bitter satire which
it does not seem intended to convey.
Dyce has also noted a reference that fixes a later limit for the play,
in the long list of his productions that Skelton inserts into his Garland
of Laurel. In ll. 1192-1197 (see Dyce, II. 318) he gives the following
item:
"And of Magnyfycence a notable mater:
How Cownterfet Cowntenaunce of the new get
With Crafty Conueyaunce dothe smater and flater,
And Cloked Collucyoun is brought in to clater
With Courtely Abusyoun; who pryntith it wele in mynde,
Moche dowblenes of the worlde therein he may fynde.
xxii
Date of the Play. Its latest limit, 1523.
[Pt. I, § 2
The minuteness with which Skelton describes the play in this list of his
works would seem to indicate that it was comparatively recent, and hence
fresh in his mind. Unfortunately, we are unable to fix exactly the date
of the Garland of Laurel itself, but we know that it was written before
1523, for the edition of Richard Faukes bears the date October 3, 1523
(Dyce, I. xxxix, xciii, 361). Dyce is inclined to date it "about 1520,
or a little later" (Dyce, II. 318).
The certain limits for the date of Magnificence are thus 1515 to 1523,
probably 1515-1520.¹ It remains to see if a closer examination of the
historical environment of the play will not enable us to narrow the
margin.
""
In the light of the estimate of their characters which history has
bequeathed to us, the contrast which Skelton draws in the passage cited
between the practice of "largesse" by Louis XII and his successor,
Francis I, is surprising. The elderly Louis, the "father of his people,
was an amiable and by no means ungenerous monarch, but it is perhaps
to his credit that he left no reputation for especial freedom in distributing
his wealth. The statement, however, that "syth he dyed, largesse was
lytell vsed," is distinctly at variance with the tradition that has made
the name of Francis a synonym for splendid profligacy. His recklessness
in scattering among the crowd of his favorites the sums wrung from his
people by grinding taxation exceeded even that of his contemporary
Henry VIII; and it would seem that his court should have furnished a
chosen paradise for Fancy and his crew, instead of proving inhospitable.
After 1520, at least, the monarch whose magnificence dazzled the eyes of
Europe at the Field of the Cloth of Gold could not be accused even by
his worst enemies of over-scrupulous adherence to the virtues of measure
and circumspection in his expenditure.
In Magnificence, however, we are certainly looking at the first five
years of Francis's reign, and, moreover, through hostile English eyes.
From the materials that exist it is possible to reconstruct the English
point of view during these earlier years, and from this point of view
Skelton's judgment of the two French monarchs is much more explicable.²
1 The N. E. D. (under cue, fancy, and other words) gives the date 1526.
certainly too late.
This is
2 The sources for the earlier years of Henry's reign are unusually abundant.
Among those used for this section and section IX may be mentioned: 1. Con-
temporary-J. S. Brewer, Letters and Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII, 4 vols.
(London, 1862); R. Brown, State Papers relating to English Affairs in the Archives
of Venice (London, 1867), and a selection from the above of despatches by the
Venetian ambassador, Sebastian Giustinian, Jan. 12, 1515, to July 26, 1519, entitled
Four Years at the Court of Henry VIII, 2 vols. (London, 1854); Hall's The
Date of the Play. The "Largesse" of K. Louis XII of France. xxiii
King Louis's reputation in England for generosity is easily accounted for
by the events that marked the last year of his reign. Wolsey had brought
the campaign of 1513, only partially successful on its military side, to a
brilliant conclusion by the alliance which he effected between England
and France in 1514, and ratified by the marriage of Henry's sister Mary
to the aged French king in October of the same year. The royal espousals
were the occasion for the first of the splendid fêtes that light up the
annals of Henry's reign. Hall gives a long and minute account of the
elaborate festivities that were held on both sides of the Channel, but
naturally with greater display in France. Brewer sums it up as follows :
"The marriage dazzled the eyes of Europe. France was in one continual
dream of delight. English ambassadors swarmed about the French
court, which they had never visited before, to congratulate the bride
and bridegroom, to feast their eyes on the pageants or take part in the
tournaments." Among these English ambassadors a prominent figure
was Sir Christopher Garnesche (see Hall, quoted in Dyce, I. xxxi), who
was Skelton's opponent in the poetical contest undertaken "by the
kynges most noble commaundement," of which we have Skelton's side
preserved in the four poems Against Garnesche (Dyce, I. 116); and it is
quite likely that Skelton was himself a witness and perhaps a partaker in
the French king's "largesse." At any rate, he may well have been
impressed, in common with his countrymen, at the lavishness of French
friendship, to which they had so long been strangers. Louis's generosity
seems to have been extraordinary, especially in his gifts of diamonds and
jewelry to his English wife (see Brewer, I. 84). The festivities were
still going on when he died a few months later (Jan. 1, 1515), before
the first flattering impressions of his new English friends had time to
wear away.
A much less favorable side of French as well as of English character
was presented after Louis's death. The same jewels which had been so
lavishly bestowed upon the royal bride a short time before now formed.
the subject of a long and intricate negotiation, in the conduct of which
Triumphant Raigne of Kynge Henry the VIII (1548); Polydore Vergil, Anglica
Historia, lib. xxvii. (Basileae, 1555); Cavendish's Life of Wolsey; Dugdale's
Baronage.
2. Later histories-Herbert's Life and Reign of King Henry VIII (London,
1741-1st ed., 1649); J. S. Brewer, The Reign of Henry VIII from his Accession to
the Death of Wolsey, 2 vols. (London, 1884); M. Creighton, Cardinal Wolsey,
Twelve English Statesman Series (London, 1888); A. F. Pollard, Henry VIII
(London, 1902); The Cambridge Modern History; vol. I, The Rennaissance (New
York, 1902), Chap. XIV., The Early Tudors (Jas. Gairdner), pp. 463-492; Dict.
Nat. Biog.
xxiv Date of the Play. Ill-feeling between Henry VIII & Francis I.
Mary's happiness and the obligations of "largesse" were alike forgotten
by both Henry and Francis. Brewer says (p. 85): "In a fit of stinginess,
more befitting his father, Henry demanded the restoration of Mary's
jewels and furniture; all the expenses of her passage were to be returned,
and the sums reimbursed that had been laid out in providing her bridal
apparel." Not unnaturally the French objected; the negotiations were
daily more complicated and embittered; "the generous spirit in which
they had been commenced was fast disappearing, and was superseded by
the less amiable desire of each party to outwit and overreach the other."
Not until April 14, 1515, did Mary obtain a moiety of her dowry
(Brewer, I. 92); "but her gold plate and her jewels, with the exception
of 'four bagues of no great value,' were never restored, on the beggarly
plea that Francis, sorely displeased at the loss of the diamond called the
Mirror of Naples, would do no more."
Naturally the reputation of Francis for liberality was at a low ebb in
England after these transactions, and the state of feeling at the English
Court would probably have been exactly expressed by Skelton's disparag-
ing comparison. But there were other causes for hostile feeling on the
part of Englishmen toward France and its king. Notwithstanding the
fact that an alliance had been concluded between the two countries by
Wolsey soon after Francis's accession, their relations became exceedingly
strained during the first two years of Francis's reign. Henry was opposed
to the Italian expedition which Francis undertook immediately, and was
much disappointed on hearing of his great victory at the battle of
Marignano (Sept. 14, 1515; see Brewer, I. 105 ff.). The English king
was suspected by the French of preparing his fleet against them. Up to
the battle he had not been guilty of any overt act that could be con-
strued into a breach of the treaty. After that time, till the treaty of
Noyon (Aug. 13, 1516), England was virtually at war with France, by
subsidizing the Swiss at great expense to accompany Maximilian the
emperor in a futile expedition into the north of Italy. The first volume
of Brown's Four Years at the Court of Henry VIII is full of these trans-
actions, and of the bitter complaints that were rife at the English
Court against Francis.
This state of hostility to France seeins to be reflected in yet another
passage of Magnificence, besides the slur at Francis's liberality. When
Fancy produces his forged letter (1. 308), he affirms that he received it.
from Circumspection at Pountesse "beyonde the se" (1. 341), and then
delivers a harrowing tale of his return and his experiences "at the see
syde" (1. 346 ff.):
Date of the Play, before 1518. Peace between France & England. xxv
"there is suche a wache,
•
That no man can scape but they hym cache.
They bare me in hande that I was a spye.
To gete me fro them I had moche warke.
By my trouthe, had I not payde and prayde,
And made Largesse, as I hyght,
I had not ben here with you this nyght.
But surely Largesse saued my lyfe."
•
Whether the crowd at the seaside was an English or a French crowd
does not appear; but the point of the allusion can hardly be understood
in any other way than by supposing such a state of semi-hostility as we
know to have existed in 1515 and 1516.¹
In the treaty of Noyon (Aug. 13, 1516) England was not included;
but from this time began negotiations for peace. Peace was finally
arranged Oct. 1518, through the efforts of Wolsey, by the betrothal of
Francis to the infant Princess Mary. On this occasion there was all
embassy from France to England and vice versa (see Brewer, I. 197-206);
with enormous expense on both sides. English criticism of Francis for
neglect of "largesse" could hardly have found place after this display of
it, during which the king of France is said (Brewer, I. 205) to have
spent 450,000 crowns on a single entertainment.
If such data for determining the time when Magnificence is likely to
have been written are admitted as valid, we have a criterion by which we
may fix its dates within much narrower limits than have been heretofore
suggested. It must have been composed after the full extent of Francis's
meanness over the question of the dowry became apparent, and after
friendly relations between the two countries had ceased, hence hardly
before the battle of Marignano (Sept. 14, 1515); and, on the other hand,
it must have been composed while hostility was still acute, and before
Francis's rare display of "circumspection" could be forgotten or effaced
by later proofs that he could rival Henry himself in devotion to "fancy"
and “folly" in his money affairs, hence probably before the treaty of
Noyon (Aug. 13, 1516), and surely before Francis's betrothal to the
Princess Mary in October, 1518.
1 Fancy's unpleasant experience had an interesting parallel in fact in the troubles
encountered by the Venetian ambassador, Andrew Badoer, on his journey from Venice
to England in 1509. The relations between England and France were much the
same then as in 1515-1516; Louis was away on his Italian expedition, and the two
countries were on the eve of war (cf. Brewer, I. 13), which actually broke out a few
years later. The Venetian is relating his difficulties in getting across the French
territory into Calais (Rawdon Brown, Four Years at the Court of Henry VIII, I. 66):
"I experienced greater difficulty in getting into this place, than had befallen me
throughout the rest of my journey, the country being open on every side with
xxvi The Plot and five Parts or Stages of "Magnificence." [Pt. I, § 3
III. PLOT.
Magnificence contains no trace of act or scene-division. As with all
the earlier native drama, it still lacks any attempt to mark the joints in
its structure by breaks in its performance. Indeed, during the whole of
the play's 2567 lines,¹ the stage is never once left unoccupied. But the
articulation wanting in the external form is present none the less in the
structure itself. The different stages of the action are treated with a
distinctness, a contrast in method of development, a sense for their
separate unity, in which Skelton undeniably surpasses his predecessors.
Magnificence falls into five parts whose points of demarcation are clearly
marked and carefully worked up to. In this edition, these parts, which
amount virtually though not formally to acts, have been indicated under
the name of "stages"; and a further division into scenes after the
continental system has been added for convenience in marking the exits
and entrances and the arrangement of rôles.. The five stages find their
natural limits at the departure of the hero Magnificence from the stage,
1. 395, his re-entrance, 1. 1374, and the two well-prepared dramatic
climaxes, of prosperous insolence, 1. 1874, and of abasement and despair,
1. 2324. In order to show this important characteristic of the structure
of the play, the following brief analysis by "stages" may be of service :-
I. Prosperity. The first stage has for its objects to present the hero
uncorrupted and secure, and to expound the issue that is to be fought
out around him. The second of these objects is accomplished first, in
the formal opening dispute, or débat, between the two courtiers Felicity,
or Wealth, and Liberty. They discuss the question, Which aim should
a prince put first, the preservation of his wealth or the gratification of
his will? The side of prudence is reinforced by the entrance of Measure,
one of the oldest ministers of the prince; and it has already triumphed
in the argument, when Magnificence enters and ratifies Measure's decision.
1
numerous fortified towns belonging to the French on the borders, which are very
strictly guarded from fear of the English, so that, on one and the same morning, I
was thrice stopped by three French companies, who inquired my errand; and finding
myself at one time distant two miles from Calais, and at the other one mile, I answered
haughtily, that I was an Englishman coming from Flanders, having been sent by my
master for the presents, and then on my way home, so that they let me pass, but
rode after me to within a bow-shot's distance from the walls of Calais, where I found
an English armed bark bound to London, on which I took passage with my horses,
and in one day and night reached London in safety, praised be God. I like to give
you all these details that you may know what a pleasant journey I had on my way
to this country."
1 According to Dyce's numbering, 2596 lines,-the difference being due to about
thirty cases where he counts a single line divided between two or more speakers, but
metrically one, as more than one.
Pt. I, § 3] The Plot of "Magnificence." The 2nd and 3rd Stages. xxvii
Liberty is quite discredited, and finally, to his disgust, is dismissed in
Measure's custody. But a cloud appears on the horizon with the entrance.
of Fancy, that is, caprice, who, not without difficulty, ingratiates himself
with Magnificence by a false name and a forged letter from the prince's
old friend Circumspection. Magnificence takes him into service and
carries him home to the palace, but not before he has already dropped
some seeds of future mischief into his master's ear (lines 1-402).
""
II. Conspiracy. The second stage does for the so-called "vices
what the first has done for the "virtues," but in a different way. The
conspirators reveal themselves by long monologues interspersed with
lively scenes of quarrelsome plotting. When Fancy returns to the stage
alone, he finds there an accomplice in the new-comer, Counterfeit Counten-
ance, who is followed successively by three other confederates, Crafty
Conveyance, Cloaked Collusion, and Courtly Abusion. These four are
partly abstractions, partly types, representing evils prevalent at court.
Finally Fancy's own brother Folly enters and proves his right to be
considered less wise and at the same time more crafty than all the rest.
We see during this stage only the representatives of evil. But we are
kept informed of the action going on off the stage, which is as important
as that on it. At the palace Fancy presents each of his friends under
false names, and each accomplishes his special bit of mischief. The
conspiracy has triumphed when at last we hear that Measure has been
thrown out of favor, and Courtly Abusion and Folly have been appointed
respectively master of revels and chief butler (lines 403-1374).
III. Delusion. The third stage shows, arranged in strict order of
climax, the remaining steps in the ensnarement of Magnificence by evil
counsellors. When he returns to the stage, he naturally betrays a
decided deterioration of character. He tells how he has dismissed
Measure and put his Felicity in the keeping of Liberty and Fancy, and
then indulges in a lofty and distinctly Herodean monologue. He is still
further corrupted by the profligate counsels of Courtly Abusion.
Measure now enters humbly to make a last suit for re-instatement, but
through the cunning of Cloaked Collusion is rejected with insult.
the advice of Collusion, under whose influence he now passes, Magnifi-
cence transfers the chief supervision to the four court vices. At last he
sinks to the level of Folly, and marks, by diverting himself with the
fool's nonsense rimes, his lowest depth of moral and intellectual degrada-
tion. He is rudely awakened by Fancy, who announces that the four
supervisors have absconded, and ushers in the doom for which the
unfortunate prince is ripe (lines 1375-1874).
On
xxviii The 4th & 5th Stages of the Play with its Players. [Pt. I, § 3, 4
IV. Overthrow. The third stage has risen to the climax of folly;
the fourth descends to the climax of disgrace and despair. While his
false counsellors are fleeing, Adversity enters, and Magnificence is “beten
downe and spoylyd from all his goodys and rayment." Adversity
explains himself at length, and hands the wretched "caytyfe" over to
Poverty, who paints his cheerless future. Then he is visited by a
succession of figures more and more sinister, and after each visit he
bewails his lot in a brief monologue. Liberty returns to enforce the
moral. Three of the conspirators, who at first fail to recognize him in
his rags, and then gloat over him, further embitter his misery. When
they depart, Despair enters and advises suicide; and finally Mischief
brings him a knife and a halter. Magnificence is on the point of killing
himself, when Good Hope rushes in and snatches the knife from his
hands (lines 1875-2324).
""
V. Restoration. The fifth stage is the least dramatic, and consists
merely in the re-enlightenment of Magnificence by the successive
instructions of four of the virtues. Part of it seems to have been lost.
Good Hope cheers the unfortunate victim, and as his "potecary'
administers to him the "rubarbe of repentaunce." He confesses his
folly to Redress, and is clothed with a new habiliment. Then his old
friend Circumspection enters and points out how his error sprang from
hasty credence. Lastly Perseverance adds his good advice to the rest.
Then in a formal epilogue all turn to the audience and once more.
carefully repeat the moral. Thereupon they resort home to the palace
"with ioy and ryalte,"
66
"There to indeuer with all Felycyte" (lines 2325–2567).
IV. DRAMATIS PERSONAE.
In most of the moral plays preserved to us, the personages introduced
fall easily into three main groups: neutral characters, vices, and virtues.
Such a division is self-evident where a play uses the favorite conflict
form. It had doubtless become conventional; the printer of Magnifi-
cence seems to have had it in mind in arranging and grouping his list of
the eighteen names of the players" (see p. 1). The terms "virtues "
and "vices" are, indeed, less strictly applicable in Magnificence than in
the purely theological moralities that first brought allegory into the
drama. In the earlier plays the issue had been between good and evil;
in Magnificence it is simply between prudence and folly. The shift in
point of view is all-important for the position of the play in the history
Pt. I, § 4]
The Characters in “Magnificence.”
xxix
of the morality species. Otherwise, however, the analogy in character-
grouping is perfect, and easily accounts for the retention in the play
itself of the terms as names for the respective sides (see 11. 134 and
2101, 2).
The chief neutral figure in the play, and the only figure wholly
neutral, is the hero Magnificence. With him, however, we shall most
naturally classify two other personages, Felicity and Liberty, who may
be called semi-neutral. They announce very clearly to which side their
respective sympathies are inclined, but the author is just as careful to
insist that they do not belong to either side. Felicity is the prize of the
war, and passes, though reluctantly, from the control of the virtue
Measure to that of the vices; and Liberty is made to say expressly
(11. 2101, 2):
"For I am a vertue yf I be well vsed,
And I am a vyce where I am abused.”
Only
The "virtues," so called, of Magnificence are five in number.
one of them, Measure, appears during the first three stages of the play.
The other four enter for the first time in Stage V. But Circumspection
is also virtually present in Stage I, through the use made of his name
and the forged letter (see 11. 308-15, 334, 5). His absence has an
essential place in the original allegory: it is while Circumspection is
temporarily "beyonde the se" that Measure is ousted by Fancy and
Folly, and Magnificence thereupon visited by Adversity and Poverty;
and when Circumspection returns (1. 2418), Magnificence is soon restored
to Felicity. Measure and Circumspection thus naturally belong together.
They are the old counsellors of the prince; and while they correspond to
the virtues proper of the older plays, they bear new names in morality casts,
consciously translated into terms of the new allegory. The other three,
on the contrary, Good Hope, Redress, and Perseverance, are stock figures,
found, one or more of them, substantially in the "repentance" scenes
which form a regular stage in the earlier moral plays. Here it is seldom
difficult to distinguish them from the virtues proper, which are
primarily objective personifications of good qualities rather than agents.
of reformation. The distinction may be marked by naming these
characters Graces rather than virtues. In Magnificence they are further
distinguished by remaining outside the secular allegory; no effort is
made to invent for them any place in the court.
Eight characters are ranged on the other side of the contest. Among
them we can distinguish three groups. Balancing Measure and Circum-
spection are their two opposites, the brothers (1. 1069) Fancy and Folly.
V
XXX
The Vices and Virtues etc. of the Play.
[Pt. I, § 4
But the symmetry is broken by the insertion of a group of four other
vices precisely between Fancy, who begins the delusion of the prince,
and Folly, who consummates it. These are the four court vices,
Counterfeit Countenance, Crafty Conveyance, Cloaked Collusion, and
Courtly Abusion. The depicting of this group of four consumes much
of the bulk and strength of the drama. They embody the particular
abuses of court-life which Skelton wished to satirize. Fancy and Folly,
on the contrary, are more general conceptions; and they are furthermore
distinguished by being assigned the special role of fools or jesters;
exactly the rôle which, as I shall attempt to show, we find in later
plays named that of the "Vice."
All six of these figures, however, are alike in correspondence to the
vices proper of the older plays, and in opposition to the virtues proper
rather than to the "graces" of Magnificence. To balance the latter we
find Despair and Mischief, formal contraries of Good Hope, Redress,
and Perseverance, and like them taken from the traditional morality
cast without being wrought into adequate connection with the new
allegory. A special feature of Despair and Mischief is their noticeable
reminiscence of the devil-figures of the earlier moral plays and miracles,
shown particularly in their last exclamations when they flee leaving
Magnificence in the act of suicide.
Two figures remain yet unclassified, Adversity and Poverty. They
form a group distinct from both vices and virtues. As hostile to
Magnificence, they might be classed with the vices; and this is apparently
what the printer has done in his list. But essentially as well as
historically, they are not vices at all, but rather punishments of vice,
and sent from God. They are pious, and their conversation is distinctly
edifying; in this respect they differ essentially from Despair and
Mischief, with whom they share the restriction of appearing only in the
fourth Stage of the play,-the Overthrow. Yet their names forbid them
to be classed as virtues. Dramatically they must be regarded as a fourth
group,-Agents of Punishment.
The complexity of this division and sub-division must obtain its
final justification in comparison with the other morality casts. It is
worth noting here that the real identity which this will reveal is obscured
on first acquaintance with Magnificence by a quality distinctively
Skeltonic, the originality, not to say capriciousness, of his vocabulary.
In the nomenclature of his characters he has in many cases disguised
real kinship with earlier figures. The other moral plays inherited with
their casts the traditional names for hero, vices, and virtues, and seldom
xxxi
Pt. I, § 4] Skelton's characteristic Style and Choice of Words.
varied them. Skelton accepted in the main the traditional cast, but in
most cases invented his own names.
The originality of Skelton's choice of words was remarked in the
very earliest allusion we possess to his literary work. In Caxton's well-
known petition in the preface of his Boke of Encylos, 1490 (E. E. T. S.,
Extra Series, LVII, p. 3; quoted by Dyce, I. xi), to "mayster Iohn
Skelton, late created poete laureate in the vnyuersite of oxenforde, to
ouersee and correcte this sayd booke. . . . For he hath late translated
the epystlys of Tulle, and the boke of dyodorus syculus, and diuerse
other werkes oute of latyn into englysshe, not in rude and olde langage,
but in polysshed and ornate termes craftely, as he that hath redde
vyrgyle, ouyde, tullye, and all the other noble poetes and oratours, to
me vnknowen," what is significant is that at thirty Skelton was known
as a translator rather than a poet, and had impressed contemporaries
chiefly by his ornate diction. Unfortunately for the history of a critical
period of English prose, these translations are lost or remain unpublished;
but a specimen of his prose, which surely contains more than a prophecy
of the Euphuism to come, is preserved in the Replycacion agaynst
Certayne Yong Scolers (Dyce, I. 206-24), written, to quote an irresistible
passage, to show "Howe yong scolers nowe a dayes enbolned with the
flyblowen blast of the moche vayne glorious pipplyng wynde, whan they
haue delectably lycked a lytell of the lycorous electuary of lusty lernyng,
in the moche studious scolehous of scrupulous Philology, countyng them
selfe clerkes exellently enformed and transcendingly sped in moche high
connyng. .... as touching the tetrycall theologisacioun of these demy
diuines, and Stoicall studiantes, and friscaioly yonkerkyns, moche better
bayned than brayned, basked and baththed in their wylde burblyng and
boyling blode, feruently reboyled with the infatuate flames of their
rechelesse youthe and wytlesse wontonnesse, enbrased and enterlased
with a moche fantasticall frenesy of their insensate sensualyte, surmysed
vnsurely in their perihermeniall principles, to prate and to preche
proudly and leudly, and loudly to lye." Few passages that could be
selected from Skelton's poetical pieces vie with this in the use of
"polysshed and ornate termes craftely"; but how much ornateness has
been carried over into the poems is apparent on comparing their
extraordinarily wide and difficult vocabulary with the simple and
remarkably modern language of a contemporary such as Barclay.
For a part of the nomenclature of Magnificence, Skelton has used
some of his craftiest terms, and their force is not always easy to grasp,
even when they are put beside their traditional predecessors. Only
L
✓
xxxii
1
The Names of the Characters or Players. [Pt. I, § 4
three of the personages of the play,-Perseverance, Folly, and Mischief,
-bear older morality names. Four of the rest, Measure, Despair,
Adversity, Poverty,-are really new allegorical conceptions, which
replace and not merely rename older figures. In the remaining eleven
the naming is new, the conception beneath only partly so. The tradi-
tional figures are translated more or less successfully from the religious
into the secular atmosphere; and it is this translation more than
anything else that is reflected in the change of names. Accordingly
most of them are Aristotelian in coloring, for Aristotle is the ultimate
source of the fundamental allegory. Magnificence, Measure, Felicity,
are distinctively Aristotelian terms, and the same origin, less immediate,.
is discernible for Circumspection and Liberty, Fancy and Largess, Folly
and Conceit. Another source, the Romuunt of the Rose, from which
Skelton had already drawn largely in his Bowge of Court, is traceable in
such names as Largess, Good Hope, Wealth or Richesse (for Felicity),
and Reason (for Circumspection).
""
Skelton has given a valuable clue to the intention of his terminology
in the abundant synonyms which he uses everywhere for his conceptions,
both when personified and when apparently unpersonified. I have in the
text attempted to capitalize these varying terms, as better expressing their
value as employed in the morality form. For the six "vices proper
Skelton has further, and in a more formal way, chosen antonyms or
aliases, in accordance with a frequent practice of the moralities. In the
following classified character-list, I have attempted to give with each
name the variant terms used most frequently, then the Skeltonic meaning
where this differs from the modern, and finally the antecedents of the
term, whether in the older moralities, in Aristotle, or elsewhere.
The names of the players.
(I. Neutral characters: a. wholly neutral.)
The
1. MAGNIFICENCE. Synonyms: Nobleness (11. 18, 194, and frequently),
High or Noble Estate (2, 370), Honor (204), Dignity (2495), Worship (267).
Meaning Princely munificence or bounty (N. E. D. 2).
:
modern sense of glory or greatness of name (N. E. D. 3) was also strongly
felt, as appears from the use of the word in 11. 229, 1516, 2558, and
from the synonyms; but the name was doubtless chosen with primary
reference to the play's special moral.
Antecedents. In using an abstract term for his hero's name Skelton
differs from all the earlier plays except the Pride of Life (King of Life);
elsewhere, even when a specialized type, the central figure is called
Pt. I, § 4] "Magnificence" in Aristotle, Spenser, and Skelton. xxxiii
Mankind, Man, Everyman, etc. Skelton has here adopted the term
regularly used to translate the Aristotelian virtue μeyаλожрéeα, which
is explained in the Nichomachean Ethics as signifying suitable expendi-
ture on a large scale (Book IV, Chapters IV.-VI.). In part, however,
the conception as it appears in the play answers better to the virtue
which Aristotle treats just before magnificence, viz. ¿λevßeptórηs, liberality
(Chapters I.-III.). The confusion is pardonable, for the two virtues
are closely akin, as Aristotle himself declares. Magnificence exceeds
liberality in scale; it is the liberality of the great. Doubtless for
this reason Skelton selected it as the name of his prince. But Aristotle
adds to this distinction that magnificence includes good taste, and
accordingly makes it the mean between vulgarity on one side and
meanness on the other; whereas liberality is a mean between prodi-
gality and illiberality. This element is quite absent from Skelton's
conception, which, except for the high rank of its exponent, is exactly the
liberality of Aristotle. When, as above noted, Magnificence is used for
nobility or greatness in general, we apparently have another confusion,
this time with the Aristotelian μeyaλoyvɣía, magnanimity (Chapters VII.-
IX.), which, as Aristotle says, shows the possession of such greatness as
belongs to every virtue. This is due, however, less to the mistake of the
poet than to the change of the language, which had long before (see
N. E. D. 3) generalized the word. But the double usage of the word by
Skelton is interesting in view of the unquestionable mistake made later by
Spenser in his introductory letter to the Faërie Queene, when he says:
"In the person of Arthur, I sette forth magnificence in particular, which
virtue for that (according to Aristotle and the rest) it is the perfection of
all the rest, and containeth in it them all" (see Jusserand, "Spenser's
Twelve Private Morall Vertues," Mod. Phil. III. 373-384). Spenser in
all probability owes the name Colin Clout to Skelton's satire by that
title; and it is not impossible that he was misled by the ambiguous usage
of Skelton's morality.
(b. semi-neutral.)
2. FELICITY. WEALTH is everywhere used as a second name. Other
synonyms: Plenty (121), Riches (2522), Substance (1445), Prosperity
(141, 197).
Meaning: That which causes or promotes happiness or felicity in the
modern sense (N. E. D. 2).
Antecedents. In the figure Goods (Everyman) we have an embodi-
ment of the same conception on the side merely of wealth. But Skelton's
MAGNYFYCENCE.
C
xxxiv. The Characters: Felicity or Wealth, and Liberty. [Pt. I, § 4
Felicity is a much broader idea. The name is again from Aristotle ;
evdaiμovía, or happiness, the summum bonum or aim of all the virtues
(Nichomachean Ethics, Bk. I.). In identifying felicity so closely with
wealth, Skelton seems to run counter to his master, who expressly denies
that wealth can be considered the true end (Chapter III.). Yet the dis-
agreement is largely superficial. Aristotle lays down the principle
(Chapter VI.) that the nature of happiness depends on the proper
function of man; and Skelton by emphasizing the element of wealth
probably had in mind merely the happiness proper to exalted rank,
and naturally most prominent in connection with virtues that in
Aristotle's words "have to do with property" (IV. iv.).
3. LIBERTY. Synonyms: Will (19, 148, and frequently), Corage
(47), Free Will (147), Appetite (1420, 1793); when excessive, Wanton-
ness (149, 2504), Insolence (85).
Meaning Faculty or power to do as one likes (N. E. D. 3).
Antecedents. The characters Will in Wisdom and Free Will in
Hickscorner are nearly equivalent conceptions. Both Will and Liberty
represent mental faculties, Will being distinguished from Mind and
Understanding, and Liberty from Circumspection. Both in a degraded
state are especially given to the sins of the flesh; Will turns into Lechery,
and Liberty enters in Stage IV. (II. 2064-77) singing a licentious song.
But Magnificence probably draws its psychology directly from Aristotle,
and independently of the earlier plays, which add much theological color-
ing. In the Ethics (V. ii.), Aristotle discusses the two faculties of the
soul which alone can originate moral action, vous or λoyos, reason, and
opeģis, appetite or desire. The reason is always on the side of virtue,
whereas the other faculty may be either virtuous or vicious according as
it obeys or resists reason, but is naturally disposed to resist reason. This
is well brought out in an earlier passage, where Aristotle is discussing
whether to class this part of the soul as rational or irrational (I. xiii.).
I quote a part from Welldon's translation (J. E. C. Welldon, The Nicho-
machean Ethics Translated with an Analysis and Critical Notes, 1892):
"It seems that there is another natural principle of the soul which is
irrational and yet in a sense partakes of reason. For in a continent or
incontinent person we praise the reason, and that part of the soul which
possesses reason, as it exhorts men rightly and exhorts them to the best
conduct. But it is clear that there is in them another principle which is
naturally different from reason, and fights and contends against reason.
But it appears that this part too partakes of reason, as we said; at
all events in a continent person it obeys reason, while in a temperate or
•
XXXV
Pt. I, § 4] Aristotle on Virtues. Skelton's view of Liberty.
courageous person it is probably still more obedient as being absolutely
harmonious with reason. It appears then that the irrational part of the
soul is itself twofold; for the vegetative faculty [i. e. that part of the
soul which we share with all living things] does not participate at all in
reason, but the faculty of desire or general concupiscence participates in
it more or less, in so far as it is submissive and obedient to reason.
Virtue or excellence, again, admits of a distinction which depends on this
difference. For we speak of some virtues as intellectual and of others as
moral, wisdom, intelligence, and prudence, being intellectual, liberality
and temperance being moral virtues." Liberality is thus a virtue in which
this faculty of desire or appetite plays an essential part. In discussing
the other moral virtue, temperance, Aristotle adds some remarks on this
subject which are particularly illuminating for Magnificence (III. xv.):
"For the longing for pleasure which a foolish person has is insatiable
and universal, aud the active exercise of the desire augments its native
strength, until the desires, if they are strong or vehement, actually expel
the reasoning power. They ought therefore to be moderate and few, and
in no way contrary to reason. . . . In the temperate man then the con-
cupiscent element ought to live in harmony with the reason, as nobleness
is the object of them both.”
Close as Aristotle comes to covering exactly the ideas of Magnificence,
-and the last passage quoted is very nearly the plot of the play, it is
noticeable that he gives us nowhere the name Liberty itself. Indeed he is
apparently undecided what to call this "part of the soul," varying between
such terms as desire, concupiscent element, appetite, which are reflected,
as we have seen, as well as the earlier morality terms will and free will,
in the synonyms used for Liberty. This happy name suggests still a
different point of view. In brief, the reason for its use would seem to
be as follows. It might seem that Liberty should have been opposed to
Reason (or as Skelton calls it, Circumspection) instead of to Felicity; and
indeed it would have been patently illogical to have set up a mental
faculty, such as Will or Desire, over against a condition or state such as
Felicity. But Reason could not have been made in any degree a neutral
figure here, as it is in earlier moralities, without violating the central
Aristotelian principle which enrolled it on the side of virtue. The
problem was solved by inventing the term Liberty. As Felicity is the
goal to be achieved by perfect submission to Reason, so Liberty might
be regarded as the aim of the desires or will. It is an ideal which
like the desires themselves is unobjectionable in restraint, but which
xxxvi
Skelton's "Virtues": Measure or Moderation. [Pt. I, § 4
naturally tends to the obscuring and destroying of the higher ideal of
Felicity.
Thus we have a struggle for supremacy between two ideals, both of
which are legitimate; as Liberty puts it (11. 1431–3):
'LYB. Whether sholde Welth be rulyd by Lyberte,
Or Lyberte by Welth? let se, tell me that.
FEL. Syr, as me semeth, ye sholde be rulyd by me.”
The primitive moral play depicted with theological fury a life-and-death
combat between cardinal virtues and deadly sins. Here we have entered
into the calmer waters of philosophy.
The three conceptions, Magnificence, Felicity, Liberty, which Skelton
has thus put at the centre of his drama, appear again combined in a
notable stanza of Dunbar's Golden Targe (1. 172 ff.), which is cited in
the N. E. D. under Liberty:
"Unto the pres persewit Hie Degree;
Hir folowit ay Estate and Dignitee,
Comparisoun, Honour, and Nobill Array,
Will, Wantonness, Renoun, and Libertee,
Richesse, Freedome, and eke Nobilitee."
(II. Virtues or representatives of good: a. virtues proper.)
4. MEASURE. Synonyms: the "mean" (188), Prudence or Sober
(Sad) Direction (16, 18, 149), Continence or Moderation (44, 47, 2490),
Law or Judicial Rigor (68, 69, 75).
Antecedents. No character answering to Measure can be found in
the earlier moral plays, although the principle is several times advocated,
especially in Mankind and Nature. It is clearly a first-hand importation
from the Ethics of Aristotle, of whose system it forms the centre, in
accordance with the famous dictum that virtue lies in the mean. The
synonymous terms are also distinctly Aristotelian. Used interchangeably
by Skelton, they are of course carefully analyzed and distinguished by
Aristotle, but are all alike based on the principle of the mean: Prudence
(V. v.) is the use of measure in determining one's actions, Continence
(VII. ii.) is adherence to measure in resisting one's desires, Law (V.
ii.-v.) is the outward test of measure in respect to justice.
1
In one passage Skelton cites Horace as his authority for advocating
Measure (11. 114, 115):
"Oracius to recorde in his volumys olde,
With euery condycyon Measure must be sought."
Pt. I, § 4] Skelton's "Virtues": Circumspection or Reason. xxxvii
He refers of course to the Tenth Ode of the Second Book:
"Auream quisquis mediocritatem
Diligit tutus.
Rebus angustis animosus atque
Fortis appare; sapienter idem
Contrahes uento nimium secundo
Turgida uela."
That he was also familiar with the general Greek idea of measure as
the keynote of the proper conduct of life is also evident from a stanza of
that curious polyglot production Speak Parrot (Dyce, II. 4, 11. 52–8),
where the oracular bird delivers himself as follows:
“Moderata juvant, but toto doth excede;
Dyscressyon is moder of noble vertues all;
Myden agan in Greke tonge we rede;
But Reason and Wyt wantyth theyr prouyncyall
When Wylfulnes is vycar generall.'
Haec res acu tangitur, Parrot, par ma foy !
Ticez vous, Parrot, tenez vous coye."
But the mediocritas of Horace's worldly wise philosophy has in reality
little to do with measure as an ethical principle (cf. Muirhead, Chapters
from Aristotle's Ethics, London, 1903, p. 88), and Skelton's careful
philosophical scheme is based on something more than a chance quotation
or proverb.
5. CIRCUMSPECTION. Synonyms: Reason (1, 19, 38, and frequently),
Wisdom, Sapience, or Skill (4, 1401, 2372, 148), Thought (207), Wit
(1868); usually with the epithet "sad," i. e. sober.
Antecedents. Although the name Circumspection had not been used
before, the conception had been used, in somewhat different connection, in
a number of earlier plays. In Wisdom, where we found Will almost equiva-
lent to Liberty, we have two characters, Mind and Understanding, which
together correspond to Circumspection. In Nature, we have Reason, who
is however there opposed to Sensuality instead of to the will or desires. In
Four Elements, Studious Desire is merely the Reason of Nature under
another name. From the Aristotelian point of view, Circumspection is the
reason or λóyos which constitutes the corrective or regulative part of the soul
as over against appetite or desire in the contest described above. It
would seem somewhat more suitable if Skelton had adhered here to the
traditional name Reason instead of substituting for it Circumspection, but
at all events. the identification is unmistakable. In the play, it is in the
absence of Circumspection that Liberty reinforced by the vices succeeds
•
xxxviii Aristotle's Circumspection. Skelton's "Graces": Good Hope.
All
in deluding and misleading Magnificence; and they delude him by lead-
ing him, through a forged letter, to believe that they are really servants
of the absent Circumspection. Measure unaided in spite of a valiant
struggle is unable to hold his own and is expelled; but when Circum-
spection returns to the fallen prince his recovery follows at once.
this is flawlessly Aristotelian. Aristotle accepted the Socratic doctrine,
that vice is possible only in the absence of knowledge, but only after
carefully defining in what sense he wished knowledge to be understood.
Possibly by substituting Circumspection for Reason Skelton had in mind
this restricted Aristotelian definition. A significant passage may be cited
from the middle of the discussion, which occupies Chapters III-V of the
Seventh Book:
"But we use the word knowledge in two distinct senses; we speak
of a person as knowing if he possesses knowledge but does not apply it,
and also if he applies his knowledge. There will be a difference then
between doing wrong, when one possesses knowledge but does not reflect
upon it, and so doing when one not only possesses the knowledge but
reflects upon it. It is in the latter case that wrong action appears
strange, but not if taken without reflection."
Circumspection then represents this knowledge applied or reflected
upon, which is the one indispensable ally of virtue; for when it is absent,
mere prudence or measure alone is unable permanently to resist the
onslaught of the passions.
(b. Graces.)
6. GOOD HOPE.
Compare Mercy (Cast. of Pers., Mankind), Pity (Hickscorner), and
Knowledge (Everyman). We here abandon Aristotle and return to the
distinctly theological groove of the older plays. Good Hope, although not
himself found previously, is representative of a familiar class. He is one
of the three chief Christian graces, Faith, Hope, and Charity, to whom
may be added such figures as Mercy and Justice, Truth and Peace, Pity,
and the like. Almost any one of them might have been selected here
instead of Good Hope, and perhaps to indicate this most of them are
mentioned by Despair, their special opponent, just before he is put to
flight (11. 2287-90):
"Of faruent Charyte I quenche out the bronde;
Faythe and Good Hope I make asyde to stonde.
In Goddys Mercy, I tell them, is but Foly to truste;
All Grace and Pyte I lay in the duste.”
Pt. I, § 4] Skelton's "Redress" and "Perseverance." His "Vices." xxxix
Skelton was also familiar with the use of the name in the Romaunt of
the Rose (see 11. 2768-2896).
7. REDRESS.
Meaning: Correction, amendment, or reformation of something wrong
(N. E. D. 2 b). Compare Penitentia (Cast. of Pers.), Shamefastness
(Nature), Confession (Everyman). Good Hope represents those graces
which proceed from God to the repentant sinner, Redress those which
the sinner himself manifests toward God. Redress clothed Magnificence
with a new "abylyment," just as Knowledge does in Everyman. But
the symbolism is slightly different: Everyman's garment is the “garment
of sorrow
or contrition, Magnificence's is a garment of "solace"
(1. 2403).
""
8. PERSEVERANCE.
A stock figure, found with the same name in Hickscorner and Mundus
et Infuns; compare also the castle where the virtues dwell in the Cast. of
Pers. The word is used in the moralities with a force considerably
broader than to-day; cf. the definition given in the Kalendar of Shep-
herdes (ed. H. O. Sommer, London, 1892, vol. III. 99):
"Perseuerance is a uertue that establysheth and confermeth the
courage by a perfeccyon of vertues that is in a man, and ben perfyte by
force of longanymyte." It is equivalent to Chaucer's "constaunce," one of
the five " speces of fortitude" in the Parson's Tale (1. 735), defined as
“stablenesse of corage."
(III. Vices or representatives of evil: a. vices proper.
or "Vices.")
1. vice-fools,
9. FANCY. Synonyms: Wilfulness (1594, 2379, 2432), Wilful Way-
wardness (2486), Lust-and-Liking (1607, 2078), Insolence (2116), Wanton
Excess (2409).
Meaning: Wilfulness, caprice, or fantasticalness (N. E. D. 7, and 7 b).
Skelton's "Fancy" is closer in meaning to modern "fantasy" than to
"fancy"; cf. N. E. D. sub fantasy: "The shortened form Fancy, which
apparently originated in the 15th c., had in the time of Shakespere
become more or less differentiated in sense"; but compare such modern
phrases as "to take a fancy to,” etc.
Antecedents. Compare Voluptas, also called Lust-and-Liking (Cast.
of Pers.), Will, in its degraded state (Wisdom), and Wanton and Lust-
and-Liking, two of the names assumed by Man (Mundus et Infans).
Fancy, as opposed to Measure, corresponds most nearly to the Aristotelian
xl
Skelton's "Largess or Liberality," and "Folly." [Pt. I, § 4
vice of incontinence, used in a general sense (VII. vi.), in which it
might be qualified, as Aristotle says, by speaking of a man as incontinent
in respect to money or honour or passion. It is thus little more than
excess, the essential element of every vice, induced by yielding to the
desire or appetite and disregarding reason, i. e. exactly "Wanton Excess."
With respect to the particular virtue of the play, excess would take the
form of prodigality; but Skelton keeps to the general conception, which
affords a logically precise counterpart to Measure.
Another class of epithets brings out the other side of Fancy's
character, that of the fool: Fondness (1866), Fansy Sinall-Brayne (583),
frantyke Fansy (1024), and the constant use of adjectives like fonnish,
fond, frantic, brainsick, feeble-fantastical (1073). These are to be dis-
tinguished from his allegorical function as embodiment of an abstract vice,
and will require separate study.
Alias: LARGESS (270, 520). Synonym: Liberal Expense (2115),
Liberality (2117, 2483).
Like all the rest of the vices proper, Fancy is provided with a false
name. These, like the forged letter, are part of the mechanism by which
Magnificence is persuaded that they are all servants of Circumspection.
The aliases are naturally names of the virtues of which the vices them-
selves are excessive forms, although the correspondence is not always
quite logical. Here Largess or liberality (N. E. D. 1) is the special
virtue of the play, whose opposite, prodigality, is included under the wider
term fancy or wanton excess. The name Largess, hardly an Aristotelian
term, had for Skelton perhaps a special historical application (see p. cxxi),
although it must have come to him in the first instance from the
Romaunt of the Rose.
10. FOLLY.
Meaning: A combination of the sense "wickedness or evil” (N. E. D. 2),
now obsolete, with the modern sense, “lack of understanding" (N. E. D. 1).
Antecedents. Folly appears as the name of a character in Cast. of
Pers. and Mundus et Infans. Compare also Ignorance (Four Elements).
As Circumspection is the cardinal Aristotelian virtue, so Folly, its
opposite, is the cardinal vice, and is indeed a collective name for all vice.
Several of the other vices are expressly called forms of Folly (Cou. Cou.,
11. 411, 478; Cou. Ab., 858-64; Cra. Con., 1206, 8), and Fancy says to
him (11. 1291, 2);
"I wote not whether it cometh of the or of me,
But all is Foly that I can se."
Pt. I, § 4] Skelton's "Conceit" and "Counterfeit Countenance."
xli
In Mundus et Infuns (see ll. 457 ff.), Folly is given the same compre-
hensive function. It is noteworthy that in the play Folly does not take
Circumspection's place at once, but only after a long period of conflict,
after Measure has been finally expelled (scene 25) and when the victim
has fallen to the lowest point of delusion (scene 28).
The other side of Folly's character, as of Fancy's, is brought out by
the epithets that mark him as a professional fool: fool (passim), “dyser "
(1177), "daw" (1061), "farly freke" (1161), "mery knave" (1455).
one who plays "at the hoddypeke" (1162), or "cocke wat" (1192).
Alias: CONCEIT (1310, 1452).
Meaning: Wit, "gaiety of imagination" (N. E. D. 8 d).
Antecedents. Here it is possible that Skelton has borrowed another
of Aristotle's virtues, that usually translated wittiness, eurpareλía, which
he defines (Ethics, IV. xiv.) as such fun as befits an honorable gentleman,
the essence of which is tact. This is about the meaning of conceit as
used in the play. Folly's real character, further, as a professional jester,
exactly fits the definition that Aristotle gives of his vice buffoonery,
Baμoloxía, the excess of this virtue: "Now they who exceed the proper
limit in ridicule seem to be buffoons and vulgar people, as their heart is
set upon exciting ridicule at any cost, and they aim rather at raising a
laugh than at using decorous language and not giving pain. to their butt.
But the buffoon is the slave of his own sense of humour; he will
spare neither himself nor anybody else, if he can raise a laugh, and he
will use such language as no person of refinement would use or sometimes
even listen to."
(2. Special or court-vices.)
11. COUNTERFEIT COUNTENANCE.
Counterfeit
Pretending to be
what he is not; false, deceitful (N. E. D. 3 b); countenance: Bearing,
demeanor, comportment (N. E. D. 1).
The application of "counterfeit" to persons was common throughout
the sixteenth century. It is interesting to note that Skelton's combina-
tion was caught up by Puttenham to translate the name of the figure
prosopographia, Arte of English Verse (Arber Reprints, VII. 246, quoted
in N. E. D.): "This kinde of representation is called the Counterfait
countenance as Homer does in his Iliades, diuerse personages: namely
Achilles and Thersites, according to the truth and not by fiction. And as
our poet Chaucer doth in his Canterbury tales set foorth the Sumner,
Pardoner, Manciple, and the rest of the pilgrims, most naturally and
pleasantly."
Alias: GOOD DEMEANANCE (674, 1861). Modern "demeanor.
xlii
Skelton's "Collusion, Conveyance, and Abusion." [Pt. I, § 4
12. CLOAKED COLLUSION. Collusion: Secret agreement for purposes
of trickery, underhand scheming (N. E. D. 1).
Alias: SOBER SADNESS (681, 1631, 1855); i. e. seriousness.
13. CRAFTY CONVEYANCE. Conveyance: Cunning management or
contrivance, jugglery, underhand dealing (N. E. D. 11 b).
Alias: SURE SURVEYANCE (525, 1862); i. e. supervision.
14. COURTLY ABUSION. Courtly: Pertaining to the court (N. E. D. 1);
abusion: Anything opposed to propriety, improper usage, corrupt or
shameful practice (N. E. D. 4).
Alias: LUSTY PLEASURE (11. 965, 1452, 1860). Lusty Merry,
cheerful (N. E. D. 1 b).
These four figures are in their nomenclature the most strikingly novel
of the play. It would seem that Skelton prided himself especially on the
invention and delineation of this little group of typical evil courtiers; for
in his description of the play in the Garland of Laurel (quoted above,
p. xxi) he selects these alone for special mention. They are evidently
somewhat unsymmetrically inserted into the character-scheme, having
nothing to balance them on the side of the virtues; and the parts of the play
where they appear seem to the modern reader drawn out to dispropor-
tionate length. Skelton has here departed from the Aristotelian terms
and conceptions which he elsewhere levies upon for his additions to the
traditional cast. The novelty in the group
The novelty in the group is indeed to some extent
superficial. A distinct analogy can be made out with the degenerate
shapes assumed by the three powers of man in Wisdom: Cloaked
Collusion is roughly equivalent to certain followers of the debased Mind,
such as Malice, Wreche, Discord; Counterfeit Countenance and Crafty
Conveyance are both to be found essentially among the satellites of
Understanding, the former in Perjury, Doubleness, Falsehood, Deceit, the
latter in Wrong, Rapine, Sleight; and Courtly Abusion resembles the
fallen Will, who becomes Lechery. Another side of the conception
embodied in Courtly Abusion, viz. the devotee of fashion, is anticipated
in Mankind in the trio Nought, New Guise, Nowadays. More than a
hint of Cloaked Collusion might have been taken from the character
Detractio in the Castle of Perseverance. But the probability that Skelton
did owe anything to these anticipations in the earlier moralities is slight.
The true succession is clearly indicated by the likeness which the group
bears to the seven typical portraits of his earlier court satire, the Bowge of
Court; for these, as Herford has pointed out, owed their inspiration to
the Narrenschiff of Brandt. The details of the relation of the four figures
1
·Pt. I, § 4] Skelton's " Despair, Mischief, Adversity, and Poverty.” xliii
to this third source belong in another section; the fact that they come
from a common source is significant here as another link binding together
the group.
(b. Diabolical figures.)
15. DESPAIR. Synonym: Wanhope (2337).
This figure is not found in any of the earlier moral plays, except so
far as it is contained in the vice Accidia.
16. MISCHIEF.
Also found in Mankind.
4
Exactly the same office is performed in Mankind by Mischief and his
subordinate vices, as here by Mischief and Despair, viz. inciting to
suicide. Also to be noted is the contrast between the pious Adversity
and Poverty who begin Stage IV of Magnificence, and the devilish
Despair and Mischief who close it,-a contrast marked in the parting
words of the latter pair (11. 2323, 4):
"Mrs. Alarum, alarum! to longe we abyde!
Dys. Out larowe! hyll burneth! where shall I me hyde?"
"Out harowe!" is, as Cushman has shown (The Devil and the Vice
in the English Dramatic Literature before Shakespeare, Stud. 2. engl. Phil.,
VI. Halle, 1900; pp. 29, 42), a characteristic exclamation of the devils.
in the mysteries.
(IV. Agents of Punishment.)
17. ADVERSITY. Cf. the lines:
"I am Aduersyte, that for thy mysdede
From God am sent to quyte the thy mede."
"The Stroke of God, Aduersyte, I hyght."
"I am Goddy's Preposytour-
>>
(11. 1876, 7)
(1. 1882)
(1. 1941)
i. e. according to Dyce's note, a scholar appointed by the master to
overlook the rest.
18. POVERTY. Cf. the lines:
"Nowe, syth it wyll no nother be,
All that God sendeth, take it in gre."
“With harte contryte make your supplycacyon
Vnto your Maker, that made bothe you and me."
{
(11. 1978, 9)
(II. 1991, 2)
These two figures are both new to the allegorical stage. They fill an
office, however, that goes back to the very sources of the morality. Before
Magnificence, but one agent of divine punishment had appeared,-Mors
or Death (Pride of Life, Cast. of Pers., Death of Herod, Everyman).
He is here replaced by Adversity and Poverty in harmony with the
xliv
"
The Stage and Costumes of “ Magnificence.”
[Pt. I, § 5
transference into the secular sphere which reigns throughout. From the
Aristotelian point of view, the two figures may be considered the contraries
of the one figure Felicity with his alternative name Wealth. Felicity
and Adversity are the two general states toward which virtue and vice
respectively tend; Wealth and Poverty are the particular forms which
are appropriate to the particular virtue Magnificence, or liberality, and
its excess.
V. STAGING.
a. Stage and Costumes. Magnificence is strikingly poor in its
indications of scene and staging. Much of this must doubtless be
ascribed to imperfect transcription. No part of the play has suffered
more at the hands of the printers than the stage-directions. Those
which are given are about half in English, half in Latin, the latter
barbarously transcribed and frequently defying emendation (cf. Dyce,
passim); and a great many of the most necessary directions have been
omitted. But it must be noted that those which remain, while they furnish
many explicit notes as to gestures and method of acting, contain almost
no allusions to the stage-setting. This poverty on the scenic side is in
decided contrast to most of the preceding moral plays. Even where we
have not a carefully elaborated stage-plan, as in the Custle of Perseverance,
numerous and exact references to the positions of the actors and the
stage-furniture generally show that a plan must have existed. We are
not warranted in making such a supposition for Magnificence. What
we can learn about its mounting is principally by indirect reference.
The play was evidently intended for a closed and comparatively
small room, and apparently at night (see 1. 365); it was thus what.
Rastell would probably have called an "interlude" and not a "stage
playe" (cf. Chambers, II. 183, and refs.). That it was an indoors
morality is shown by the exits and entrances of the characters, who were
not compelled, as in the Castle of Perseverance, to remain on the stage
continuously, but could and did frequently even shift their parts. In the
usual term "place" or "locus" applied to the stage in the directions,.
however, we have a survival from the earlier use. Since there are never
but four actors present together on the stage, a small platform would have
sufficed. No reference is made to painted scenery, and little assistance
could have been given to the imagination. There would seem to have
been two exits (called "dores," 1. 1725), to admit of the stage-play in
11. 395 ff., where Counterfeit Countenance enters on one side as Magnifi-
cence goes out on the other; cf. also 1. 2324: "Hic intrat Good Hope,
Pt. I, § 5] The Stage and Costumes of “Magnificence.”
xlv
fugientibus Dyspayre et Myschefe." Perhaps the characters coming
from abroad entered on one side, those from the palace on the other.
Since the stage was never entirely cleared, there was evidently no
curtain. No one of the actors has any scaffold or fixed place, as Mundus
in Mundus et Infans, Confession in Everyman, and Jupiter in Heywood's
Weather. They do not seem even to make use of any seats or stage
furniture, as at the beginning of Nature. The whole drama is acted
standing, except when Magnificence is stricken down.
The matter of costume is often referred to, but very inexactly
described. It may or may not have been emphasized, but it certainly
did not form so essential a part of the play as in Wisdom, which is as
purely a costume drama as any on the modern stage. The most
elaborately dressed personage in Magnificence seems to have been Courtly
Abusion, who is arrayed in the extremest and newest fashions (cf. 11. 745–
766). Cloaked Collusion is astonished at the waste (1. 754), and unkindly
remarks that his clothes "smell musty" (1. 761). Courtly Abusion
himself gives a long description of his dress (11. 829-855), and Fancy
on entering is also struck by its richness (1. 960). As the character
was intended as a satire on the fashionable follies of the court, caricature
of the prevailing excess in dress was naturally vital to his part. Fancy's
dress, on the other hand, is rather careless; he has no cap, and has lost
his hat (1. 1031). Magnificence, at first evidently dressed as became his
rank, is "beten downe and spoylyd from all his goodys and rayment
(1. 1875), but is restored again from his beggarly condition by Redress's
"abylyment" (1. 2405). Poverty is "raggyd and rent, as ye may se"
(1. 1962). Some use is also made of stage disguises. Cloaked Collusion
enters (1. 572) so disguised that he is not recognized by his old friends.
Fancy and Crafty Conveyance. He wears priestly disguise-a cope or
vestment, probably stolen, as it is too small for him (1l. 594–608)—
which well befits his assumed name Sober Sadness. Magnificence has
few stage properties, as compared with Wisdom and Mankind. Besides
the indumentum of Redress, there are the knife and halter which
Mischief offers to the despairing prince.
""
Of all questions of costume, the most important to the student is that
relating to the dress of Fancy and Folly, which has an essential connec-
tion with their part in the play. The indications of their costume are,
as we shall see, by no means the only marks to show that they were
professional court fools; but this constitutes a part of the proof. In the
disappearance of most of the stage directions and the corruption of those.
which remain, we have probably lost some explicit statements of their
xlvi The Stage and Costumes of “ Magnificence."
[Pt. I, § 5
intended rôles. But enough remains or can be gathered from the text
to put the matter beyond doubt. As soon as Folly meets his long-lost
brother, he remarks that Fancy is attired in the professional dress
(1. 1047):
"What, frantyke Fansy! in a foles case?"
""
Cushman, p. 123, notes, would explain "case here as meaning skin.
The word may take both meanings (N. E. D. 4 and 4 b); but Folly is
here considering externals,—he goes on to discuss the bird which Fancy
has on his fist. Folly's costume is similarly indicated. When he first
enters (1. 1043), we have the puzzling stage-direction: "Hic ingrediatur
FOLY quatiendo crema et faciendo multum, feriendo tabulas, et similia.”
The word crema baffles elucidation; if we read cremia (one of Dyce's
suggestions), i. e. pieces of dry wood or brush, we may perhaps under-
stand the word as used of one form of the fool's bauble; cf. Douce,
Dissertation on the Clowns and Fools of Shakespeare (p. 509): "In some
old prints the fool is represented with a sort of flapper or rattle
ornamented with bells. It seems to have been constructed of two round
and flat pieces of wood or pasteboard." At any rate, it can hardly be
doubted that we have here an allusion to the attributes and tricks of the
professional jester. A little further down, we have an explicit mention
of the fool's coat and mask worn by Folly: Crafty Conveyance, nettled
at Folly's sarcastic remarks, says (1177,8):
"In a cote thou can play well the dyser.
FOL. Ye, but thou can play the fole without a vyser."
Douce (p. 512) mentions another mark of the professional fool's
costume as the purse or wallet: "A large purse or wallet at the girdle is
a very ancient part of the fool's dress. Tarlton, who personated the
clowns in Shakespeare's time, appears to have worn it. The budget
given by Panurge to Triboulet the fool is described as made of a tortoise
shell." Both Fancy and Folly are provided with purses which figure
prominently in their acting: cf. 11. 347 and 1103 ff. Fancy and Folly
are further distinguished from the other courtiers by being accompanied
by animals. Fancy has a falcon on his wrist, Folly leads in a mangy
dog (11. 923, 1055). These were the natural appurtenances for the
domestic or court fool.
All the characters must have been so dressed as to indicate their parts
at a glance, but still so as to permit rapid shifting of costume to assume
new parts. Time is always provided for this shifting, sometimes to the
decided detriment of the action.
Pt. I, 5] The References and Places in " Magnificence.'
§
xlvii
There are no female characters, as there are in the Pride of Life,
Wisdom, and Nature.
b. Ideal localization.
If the poet had given little thought to the scenic mounting of his
play, he had, on the other hand, very distinctly in mind its ideal
localization. The difference here from the older plays is significant.
We have no longer the vague country where Humanum Genus fluctuates
between the Castle of Perseverance and "Covetyse scaffold," or where
Everyman is summoned by Death and repairs to the House of Salvation.
As the characters grew more personal in the passage from allegory to
satire, the localities became more definite. We have in place of the
generalization Mankind not only the prince, but an English prince.
References to England are fairly numerous (11. 715, 883, etc.), and
the action is still further localized to London by many allusions: e. g.
1. 1404, "Taylers Hall"; 1. 423, 910, "Tyburne "; 11. 2263 ff., "the
halfe strete" (cf. Dyce's note). With considerable ingenuity and a care
for the unity of place which would have delighted the critics of a later
age, Skelton has fixed his action at a spot some distance from the
"palace" (1. 2562; also referred to as the "place," 1. 394, or "court,"
1. 660) of Magnificence. The prince comes here to meet his new
friends; here, in his absence, the conspirators plot his destruction; here
he returns to exhibit the closing scenes of his fatuity and degradation ;
then Adversity and Poverty overthrow him and leave him here in rags
to be gloated over by his betrayers; and finally his spiritual advisers find
him here and lead him clothed and in his right mind
"Home to your paleys with ioy and ryalte."
There is no shift of scenes, but from time to time we have reports of
what is taking place at the palace (11. 500-508, 639-646, 778, 933 ff.,
1306 ff.).
It is this definite relation to the palace, rather than the London
allusions, which is the specific novelty in the localization of Magnificence.
The latter are also frequent in the contemporary or slightly earlier
Nature, Mundus et Infans, Hickscorner, and Four Elements, but they
created the atmosphere without fixing the place. As to the actual
whereabouts of his action, Skelton probably had in mind a London
street; cf. 11. 957 and 2263, and the stage direction at 1. 1966: "et
locabit eum super locum stratum.”
xlviii Four Actors and a Boy form the Company. Two Fools.
c. Division of rôles.
I have already noted that there are never but four actors on the stage
at once. The play shows evident traces of the struggle to comply with
this limitation. Its existence explains a number of awkward oddities in
the dramatic arrangement of the scenes. So in the second stage, the
six conspirators are never brought on together. They enter separately
and depart one by one on trivial excuses, to be replaced after a sufficient
interval for costume shifting by another member of the band. Certain
of them never meet during the whole play. Thus Folly, Counterfeit
Countenance, and Courtly Abusion apparently remain strangers to
each other, evidently because one actor took all three parts. In the
third part, the vices, together with Felicity, Liberty, and Measure,
are similarly introduced by piecemeal to the presence of Magnificence;
and one of them, Counterfeit Countenance, is overlooked altogether. In
the dramatic 37th scene in the fourth Stage (11. 2198–2276), where the
successful conspirators discover their victim in rags and gloat over him,
we miss Courtly Abusion, if not also Fancy and Folly. Good Hope is
banished without much reason at line 2401, to permit the entrance of
Perseverance at the close.
The natural inference from this patent restriction to four interlocutors,
that there were but four actors, is however a mistake, as a practical trial
of dividing the parts shows. It can be done only by splitting a single
part between two actors in at least four cases, the parts of Felicity,
Fancy, Measure, and Cloaked Collusion. Not only would this have
been extremely awkward, but in one case, that of Fancy, it would have
spoiled one of the main points of the characterization. Skelton evidently,
and appropriately, intended for the part of Fancy to be taken by a very
diminutive actor, probably a boy. Besides being a fool, Fancy is also a
dwarf. The point is dwelt on with insistence. It is expressly intimated
on Fancy's first entrance in scene 6, in the rebuke which Magnificence
gives to his audacious interruption (11. 288, 9):
"MAGN. What! I haue aspyed ye are a carles page.
FAN. By God, Syr, ye se but fewe wyse men of myne age."
When Fancy announces that he has been made a knight, Counterfeit
·Countenance puns on his assumed name Largess as follows (11. 522, 3):
"A rebellyon agaynst Nature,-
So large a man, and so lytell of stature !"
Again the contrast in size between the two fools is brought out at length
on their meeting (11. 1069-79):
Four Actors and a Boy form the Company. Two Fools. xlix
"FAN. But, Broder Foly, I wonder moche of one thynge, .
That thou so hye fro me doth sprynge,
And I so lytell alway styll.
FOL. By God, I can tell the; and I wyll:
Thou art so feble-fantasty call,
And so braynsyke therwithall,
And thy wyt wanderynge here and there,
That thou cannyst not growe out of thy boyes gere;
And as for me, I take but one folysshe way,
And therfore I growe more on one day
Than thou can in yerys seuen."
The other personages are apparently men of even more than ordinary
size. Besides Folly, Cloaked Collusion (1. 607) has stolen a vestment
or cope which proves noticeably too small for him, and Courtly Abusion
is expressly called a "tawle man" (1. 821). Yet with only four actors,
the same man would have had to enter as Crafty Conveyance, as Fancy,
and as Measure within a little over two hundred lines (11. 1400–1630),
while a second would have changed with bewildering rapidity from
Cloaked Collusion (1. 1798) to Fancy (1. 1842), and back to Cloaked
Collusion again (1. 2160).¹
On the other hand, with five actors the assignment of parts is simple.
and natural. Allowing one actor for the heaviest part, Magnificence,
and one for the distinctive role of Fancy, it is comparatively easy to
distribute the other characters to the remaining three actors. The
scheme of distribution may have been as follows, the numbers referring
to the scenes:
A. Felicity, 1-6; Cloaked Collusion, 10-13; Felicity, 20-22;
Cloaked Collusion, 25 and 26; Adversity, 31; Cloaked Collusion, 36
and 37; Despair, 39 and 40; Redress, 42-45.
B. Liberty, 2-4; Counterfeit Countenance, 7-10; Courtly Abusion,
12-15; Folly, 17 and 18; Liberty, 20-22; Courtly Abusion, 24 and
25; Folly, 28 and 29; Liberty, 34; Counterfeit Countenance, 37;
Mischief, 40; Circumspection, 44 and 45.
¹ A slight examination of the scenes here included will show that with but four
actors we cannot escape this partition of the role of Fancy. At 1. 1400 there are
four present on the stage, and Crafty Conveyance goes out. The other three are
still on when Fancy enters nine lines further down. For Crafty Conveyance to
change into Fancy in nine lines would have been an unusual demand for Skelton, who
had a supply of inexhaustible monologues, to make. But at 1. 1400 Crafty Convey-
ance had been on continuously from 1. 1158; and in 11. 1158-1326 had been engaging
in a vigorous dialogue with this same Fancy. Again, in Ìl. 573-688 we have four
interlocutors. Magnificence is absent during this part, and the actor of his rôle
must here have taken the place of one of the four. But each of them is later
brought face to face with Magnificence: cf. 11. 1374, 1514, 1842, 2197. In the other
cases the necessity is not so evident at first glance, but it exists.
MAGNYFYCENCE.
d
1 Four Actors and a Boy form the Company. Two Fools. [Pt. I. § 5
C. Measure, 3 and 4; Crafty Conveyance, 9 and 10, 13, 18-20;
Measure, 25; Poverty, 32; Crafty Conveyance, 36 and 37; Good Hope,
41 and 42; Perseverance, 45.
D. Magnificence. 4-7, 20-45.
E. Fancy, 6 and 7, 9 and 10, 15-18, 22, 29 and 30.
We thus have to do with the normal interlude troupe of four men and
a boy, who was probably serving as apprentice, which Chambers (II. 188)
has shown was the rule at this period. The reason for keeping one-
actor always off the stage was perhaps to act as prompter (cf. Chambers,
II. 140), an official much needed, no doubt, for the extended monologues.
and dialogues which form so notable a feature of Skelton's play. At
1. 2150 it was also necessary for some one to slip around to the back of
the audience to blow a horn (Hic aliquis buccat in cornu a retro post
populum), and such duties would naturally have fallen to the member of
the company who was off duty for the time. This important rôle behind
the scenes would in the above scheme have been taken by D during
Stage II, and by E during Stages IV and V; Stages I and III must
have been shared between E and C.
This analysis of the distribution of parts in the play is worth making
for the light which it throws on the construction, especially on the
defects of construction, of Magnificence. These may be very largely
traced to the hampering necessity of writing for an insufficient corps of
actors. The tediousness which effectually conceals the really large
amount of wit and the frequent achievement of dramatic effects, is
nowhere more noticeable than in the second Stage, where the plotting
scenes are dragged out to the disproportionate length of 972 lines,
considerably more than a third of the whole. It can hardly be doubted
that much of this was due to the necessity of bringing the plotters in one
by one. The poet cannot be denied to have shown a fondness for his
monologues, and he has put some of his best strokes into them; but the
convenience of the intervals for the frequent costume changes must
have reinforced this undramatic tendency. A glance at the table will
show that in scenes 11, 16, 19, and 23 at least, the soliloquist on the
stage was talking "against time," while one or more of his companions
was busy in the dressing-room. Heywood has far exceeded Skelton in
the length and gravity of these formidable speeches, without his excuse,
since his characters do not usually exceed the number of his actors.
Pt. I. § 6]
Versification. The old 4-stress Line used.
li
VI. VERSIFICATION.
""
a. The verse. The principal verse of Magnificence is that which
forms the staple of the drama up to and until long after its time, the
rimed native long line of four stresses. This has been analyzed, with
numerous examples from our play, by Schipper (Altenglische Metrik),
Vol. I. Kap. 12: "Die vierhebige Langzeile im altenglischen Drama,
pp. 226–242). His views about its character, and those of Luick (see
especially Anglia, xii. 437 ff.) are substantially adopted in the present
study. The line preserves traces of its earlier treatment in the abundant,
alliteration that it contains, but this has ceased to be a requisite and has
become a rhetorical figure, which can be omitted or redoubled at will to
secure different effects. The essential elements of the verse are the rime
and the presence of four stresses. To these may be added the caesura
after the second stress, dividing the line into two rhythmic halves of
practically equivalent weight. In Magnificence the caesura is noticeably'
strong, and the halves naturally fall apart, more than in the miracle
plays and earlier moralities. Skelton felt it as two short lines rather
than one long one; he frequently divides it between two speakers, a
habit which is responsible for some confusion in Dyce's numbering.
This splitting of the line is in harmony with Skelton's partiality to the
two-stress line in the play itself and still more in his other works. The
number of unstressed syllables is extremely variable, but it averages
considerably in excess of the number of stressed syllables. Thus the
whole line has a range of from nine to fourteen syllables, and the rhythm
is anapaestic or dactylic in character.
This scansion of the metres of the early dramas has not been
universally accepted. The dictum of Schipper was accepted and
applied by Swoboda to the scansion of Heywood's interludes (W.
Swoboda, John Heywood als Dramatiker: Wien, 1888, pp. 83-107);
but it has been contested by Brandl (Quellen und Forschungen, vol. 80)
and Fischer (ed. of the Four Elements). Brandl (pp. xxxvii, lii, lx)
regards the serious parts of Nature written in the Chaucerian stanza,
all of Heywood's Weather and Love, and all of Bale's God's Promises,
John Baptist, and King John, as well as other plays not specifically
named, as written in the five-foot verse (loser Fünffüssler), and Fischer
(p. 29) takes the same view with regard to that portion of the Four
Elements in the Chaucerian stanza. Nature and Heywood's two plays.
had not specifically been included by Schipper in his list, but he does.
mention the Four Elements (I. 232), and in the Grundriss (pp. 101 ff.)
lii
Wrong Scansion brings unjust Criticism.
[Pt. I. § 6
devotes considerable space to illustrating the use of the native four-stress
line from King John. Although Brandl does not apply his theory to
Magnificence, it would consistently extend to such parts as are written in
the Chaucerian stanza. The technique of the whole group of plays is
manifestly the same.
It is noteworthy that the attempts to read the passages specified as
five-foot verse involves in each case severe depreciation of the poet's
metrical ability. Of Nature Brandl says (p. xxxvii): "... der Rhythmus
zwar Fünfhebigkeit deutlich durchschimmern lässt, aber in so loser
Form, dass alle Freiheiten der ine. Metrik nicht hinreichen, um die
Verse einzurenken"; of Heywood's plays (p. liii): "Der Rhythmus ist
zu lose und holperig, als dass ihm durch alle Mittel der Verschleifung
und Synkope Regelmässigkeit abzugewinnen ware"; and Fischer's
estimate of the author of the Four Elements (p. 37) is: "Der Verfasser
unseres Interlude war ein sehr mittelmässiger Dichter, wie der
übermässige und regellose Gebrauch aller möglichen metrischen
Freiheiten zeigt." Such estimates of the authors of Nature and the
Four Elements, whose primary interests were not in the form of their
work, might be accepted, although the mediocre poct has generally been
distinguished by monotonous regularity rather than "regellose Gebrauch
aller möglichen metrischen Freiheiten." But Heywood, the professional
court dramatist, and Skelton, the leading poet of his time, were probably
able to turn out decent pentameters had they so desired. It is entirely
possible that in using the Chaucerian stanza they thought that they were
using also Chaucer's metre, for at this time Chaucer's lines were in
all likelihood sometimes read as tumbling verse of four accents (see
Academy, no. 1262, p. 28, letter by Mr. C. II. Herford). But it is
depriving them of their just artistic due to scan their vigorous four-stress
lines as lame pentameters.
Among the verses of Magnificence, it is true, we can find many that
Since the
by themselves might well be scanned as regular verse.
unstressed syllables can occupy any position in the line, it naturally
often happens that a line of ten or eleven syllables can be easily read as
an iambic pentameter, one of twelve or thirteen as an alexandrine. But
the number of lines which cannot thus be read, even by the aid of all
possible metrical licences, forbid the assumption that any such metre was
attempted. Thus in the opening stanza of Magnificence:
"Al thýng ys contrýuyd
The world, enuýronnyd
Be it érly or láte,
by mánnys Réason,-
of Hýgh and Low Estáte.
Welth hath a season.
Pt. I. § 6]. Four-stress Lines in "Nature," "4 Elements," etc. liii
Wélth is of Wýsdome
J
A fóle is he with Wélth
But mén nowe a dáyes
That nóthynge than Wélth
the véry trewe probáte;
that fallyth at debáte.
•
so vnháppely be ýryd,
may worse be endúryd,"
the second and sixth lines would make easy alexandrines, the first, third,
and seventh somewhat harsh pentameters. But the stanza as a whole
cannot possibly have been intended for either form of regular metre. To
attempt so to scan it would be to turn verse that of its kind is smooth
and artistic into wretchedly mangled work.
The case is quite the same with the following stanzas, specifically
classed by Brandl and Fischer as composed of five-foot lines:
Nature, 11. 1–7 :
"Thalmýghty Gód,
As well in héuen
By Hys wýse ordynaúnce
To bé as mynyster
For thénchesón
Hys créatures
As ýt hath pleased
Four Elements, 11. 22-28:
The Grékes, the Rómayns,
In their móder tónge
[reálme
Than (qy. that?) yf clérkes in this
Consyderyng that our tónge
To éxpoun ány
They mýght, yf they wólde,
Wryte wórkys of gravyté
Weather, 11. 43-49:
How bé yt he allédgeth,
Lýttell hath preuáyled
Full óft vppon yérth
All thynges húrtfull
But Phébus, enténdynge
When he hath labored
His glárynge beámys
that made éche creatúre
as other place erthlý,
hath puruéyd me Natúre
vnder hym immédyatelý;
that I shold perpétually
in súche degre mayntáyne
Hys gráce for theym to ordéyne.
with many other mó,
wrot wárkes excellent;
wold take payn só,
is nów suffycyént
hard sentence evydént,
in our Énglyshe tónge
somtyme amónge.
that of lónge tyme pást
his great dylygéns;
his fayre fróst he hath cást,
to bánysh out of preséns ;
to képe hym in syléns,
all nýght in his pówres,
maryth all in two hówres.
Three or four lines in each stanza could be read at a pinch as pentameters.
But the percentage of such lines is not nearly so high in the plays as it
is in a classical later instance of the use of so-called tumbling verse,-
the August eclogue in Spenser's Shepherd's Calendar. Here, until the
reader reaches the thirteenth line, he cannot be sure that he is not
reading slightly harsh pentameters; and out of eighty-four non-lyrical
·
liv Spenser's "Tumbling Verse." Skelton's four-foot Line. [Pt. I. § 6
lines in the poem, there are but fourteen quite refractory to such a
scansion. So many possible pentameters does the eclogue contain that
Herford in his edition (Shepheards Calender, ed. C. H. Herford, London,
1897) speaks of it as in effect fluctuating "between the five-foot iambic
and the four-stress verse." In the other two "tumbling" eclogues also,
February and May, such lines occur often enough, though notably less
often than in the August eclogue. They occur, in fact, whenever three
syllables are introduced between any two of the four stresses. In his
treatment of the tumbling rhythm, Herford (p. lxix) regards such an
extension of the thesis as a blemish, and suggests, plausibly enough, that
Spenser was influenced by a mistaken scansion of Chaucer's heroic verse
as tumbling with four accents. But however closely Spenser may have
imagined that he was imitating the metre of Chaucer, he was in fact
within the prescriptive rights of the native verse when he preserved its
freedom in the number of unstressed syllables. And with such freedom
its frequent apparent coincidence with the five-foot iambic was
mathematically certain.
Besides the long four-stress verse, and in contrast to it, Magnificence
has a considerable amount of another verse of equally long standing in
the drama, the four-foot verse, identical with Chaucer's octosyllabic line
or iambic tetrameter (cf. Schipper, I. Kap. 14: "Das viertaktige kurze
Reimpaar in seiner weiteren Entwickelung und Verwendung," pp. 258-
293). Even in Chaucer's hands the octosyllabic verse received much
freer treatment than the decasyllabic. It frequently omitted at least
the initial thesis, and on the other hand sometimes admitted expanded
thesis of two syllables. These liberties were much increased in the
popular treatment of the line in the drama of the fifteenth and six-
teenth centuries. As used in Magnificence, it admits frequent and
free omission of the thesis and expansion to two or three syllables.
Naturally it draws near to the long four-stress line. The two are still
'distinguished by two marks. The four-foot line, taken in the mass, is
distinctly shorter and lighter in effect than the four-stress line. The
former normally should have an equal number of stressed and unstressed
syllables, and usually approximates this requirement, its length ranging
commonly from seven to ten syllables; while the latter is quite unre-
stricted by such a principle, and usually possesses, as stated above,
from nine to fourteen syllables. The heavy line is also marked by its
decided caesura in the middle, and pause at the end, whereas the light
four-foot line frequently dispenses altogether with a caesura, and lends
itself to run-on effects. It is evident that the lines might still be
1
Pt. I. § 6] Skelton's Distinction of Metre according to Character. lv
distinguished by a careful writer, and also that they might be hopelessly
confused. Skelton shows his ability to distinguish them by the contrast
in rhythm which he has made between the first six scenes (11. 1–324),
where the more dignified characters Felicity, Measure, and Magnificence
give the tone to the discourse, and the seventh scene (11. 325-402), in
which the volatile Fancy first begins to obtain the upper hand. Contrast
the movement of the following two passages, the first a defence of
measure by the counsellor Measure himself, the second, Fancy's attack
on that cardinal virtue:
(11. 114–120)
"Orácius to recórde,
With éuery condýeyon,
Wélthe without Measure
Lýberte without Meásure,
I pónder by nómber;
As at the fýrst orýgynall,
Whych próuyth wéll
66
in his vólumys ólde,
Meásure must be soúght.
wolde bére hymselfe to bólde;
próue a thynge of noúght.
by Measure all thynge is wroúght,
by gódly opýnyon;
[yon."
that Measure shold have domýn-
(11. 382-389) 'Measure is méte | for a már chauntes háll,
But Lárgesse becometh a státe | ryáll.
What! shólde you pýnche | at a pécke of grótes,
Ye wólde | sone pýnchie | at a pécke | of ótes.
Thús is the tálklynge of óne | and of óder,
|
As mén dare spéke | it húgger múgger:
'A lórde a négarde, it ís | a shame';
But Lárgesse máy | aménde | your náme.”
A similar difference is made, with evident intent, between the descriptions
which the formidable Despair and the malicious Mischief give of them-
selves in scenes 39 and 40:
(11. 2284-2296)
"Dyspáre is my náme,
In týme of Dystrésse
I make héuy hértys,
Of fáruent Cháryte
Fáythe and Good Hope
In Góddys Mercy, I téll them,
All Gráce and Pýte
What! lýest thou there lýngrynge,
It is to late nówe
Thou hást bene so wáy warde,
And so fér thou árte
And so vngrácyously
That thou arte not worthy
that Aduérsyte dothe fólowe.
I am rédy at hánde;
with éyen full hólowe.
I quénche out the brónde;
I make asýde to stónde.
is but Fóly to trúste;
I lay in the dúste.
léwdly and lóthsome?
thy sýnnys to repént.
so wránglyng, and so wróthsome,
behýnde of thy rént,
thy dáyes thou hast spént,
to loke Gód in the fáce."
lvi
Occasional Confusion of Skelton's Versification.
Í,
(11. 2309-2316): "And I, | Myschéfe, | am cómlyn at néde,
Out of thy lyfe | the fór | to léde;
Ánd | loke that it bé | not lónge
1
Ór that thý | selfe thou | go hónge
With this hálter goód and stronge;
[Pt. I. § 6
Or éllys with this knýfe | cut oút | a tónge
Of thy thróte | bole, and rýd | the oút | of payne:
Thou arte not the fýrst | hymsélfe | hath sláyne.”
In such passages the two measures are as distinct as could be wished,
and have little more in common than that each contains four stresses.
But the distinction is by no means everywhere so carefully preserved.
In the monologue of Counterfeit Countenance in scene 8 (11. 403–493),
the first seventy lines are clearly in the lighter measure, although
some of them contain a high number of unstressed syllables; but with
line 466, the verse is suddenly expanded to unmistakable four-stress, with
marked caesura, and so continues from there to the end of the monologue.
"What! wólde | ye wýues | coúnt|erfét
452.
462.
The coúrt|ly gyse | of thé | newe iét?
To counterfét she wýll | assáy
All the néwe gyse, frésshe | and gáye,
And bé | as práty ás | she máy,
And iétit ióly ás | a iáy.
466. "Coúnterfet préchynge,
Coúnterfet cónscyence,
Coúnterfet sádnesse,
and byléue the contrary;
péuysshe pope holý;
with délynge full madlý;" etc.
We have more serious confusion in the scenes of rapid dialogue between
the vices, which Skelton draws out to astonishing length. Here it is
impossible definitely to classify the verse under either head, and some-
times to be sure that it is verse at all. As a rule the lines are
comparatively light, and most passages that are at all extended belong
clearly with the four-foot verse; but in passages of rapid stichomythy
lines of extraordinary length as well as of extraordinary brevity occur,
and the greatest facility is shown in dividing the lines in half. It is
here that most of the lines divided between two speakers are found.
Two examples will show the extreme freedom of the versification of
these scenes, where the only rule adhered to is that of four stresses to
the line, and even these often presuppose vigorous acting to bring them
out.
(11. 516-523):
“Cou. Cou. But I say, képest thou the olde name styll that thou hád?
CRA. CON. Why, wényst thou, hórson, that I were so mád?
Pt. I. § 6] The four-foot Line in "Nature" and "4 Elements." lvii
FAN. Nay, nay; hé hath chaunged hís, and Í haue chaunged myne.
COU. Cou. Nowe what is his name? and what is thýne?
FAN. In fáythe, Lárgesse Í hýght;
Ánd I am máde a knýght.
Cou. Cou. Á rebéllyon agáynst Náture,-
So large a mán, and so lýtell of státure!
(11. 2251-2258):
"MAGN. Nowe gyue me sómwhat, for Gód sake, I cráue!
CRA. CON. In fáythe, Í gyue the four quarters of a knáue.
Cou. Cou. In fáythe, and I bequethe hym the tóthe áke.
CLO. COL. And I bequéthe hym the bóne áke.
CRA. CON. And I bequéthe hym the gówte and the gyn.
CLO. COL. And Í bequéthe hym sórowe for his sýn.
Cou. Cou. And I gýue hym Crýstys cúrse,
With néuer a pény ín his púrse."
In dramatic colour these verses are to be classed with the light four-
foot line; in reality they probably exhibit the consummation of that
process of assimilation which had been going on between the four-stress
and the four-foot line for the past century.
But the distinction had by no means faded out in Skelton's day, nor,
indeed, till long afterward. It is precisely this distinction that Brandl
notes in Nature between the virtue-scenes and vice-scenes, and calls a
distinction between five-foot and four-stress metre. Both are in reality
verse of four accents; and the former, as has been illustrated in the
passage quoted above, is the old native heavy line. With it may be
contrasted a stanza (for Nature gives examples of both in rime-royal) of
the lighter line (11. 1163-9):
"SENSUALITY. For whán | they faúght | I rán | bytwéne,
And cryed, Kepe péce | and léue | debáte';
But ye wold háue | laughed hád | ye séne
How I depárted theym, ánd | for all thát
Sometýme | I clapped Reáson on the páte,
C
And cryed, Kepe the péce,' | as fást as I coúde,
Tyll I was horse, | I cryed so loúde."
In the Four Elements the vice-scenes are distinguished by use of the
tail-rimed stanza, with lines of four and three accents. The four-accent
lines again illustrate the light line. Compare with the passage given
above 11. 427-32:
"SENSUAL APPETITE. For rather than I wolde úse| suche fóly
To práy, to stúdy, or bé | pope-hóly,
I hád | as lyf | be déd;
♫
lviii Later instances of the two Types of 4-stress Verse. [Pt. I. § 6
By Góggys bolly I tell you tréw,
I spéke | as I thýnke, now éls | I beshiréw
Evyn my next féllowes héd."
The effect of such verse, in the mass, is clearly distinct, and quite
unlike that of the heavy lines quoted above; and yet single lines might
often be transferred from one to the other. One falls as a rule short of
pentameter length, just as much as the other generally exceeds it. Yet
it is to be noted that each of the two stanzas just quoted has one line
that could by itself be scanned as a pentameter.
It is unnecessary further to illustrate the light line from Heywood's
briefer interludes, Johan Johan, the Four P's, etc., which are entirely
composed in it. But it is of interest to find that the two contrasting
types of four-stress verse remained distinguishable till long after the reign.
of regular verse had begun. The few poems of Wyatt usually characterized
as tumbling verse seem to be specimens of the popularized octosyllable;
whereas Tottel's Miscellany preserves some samples of the true old native
line, or the heavy tumbling verse. A few lines from each, put side by
side, give precisely the contrast utilized by the moralities.
Wyatt (Aldine ed., p. 147):
"I am as I ám,
and só | will I bé;
none knoweth truly.
be I bónd, | be I frée,
But how that I ám,
Be it évil, be it well,
I ám | as I ám, | and só | will I bé.
But how
that ís | I leave | to yóu;
Júdge as ye list, fálse or trúe,
Ye knów | no móre | than afóre | ye knów,
Yet I am as I ám, | whaté ver ensúe.”
Tottel's Miscellany (Arber Reprints, p. 179):
"Crúell and vnkínd,
Hérbour of vnháppe,
The ground of my griéfe,
To tickle to trúst,
Thou rigorous rocke
whom mércy cannot móue,
where rigours rage doth raígne,
where pítie cannot próue:
of all vntrúth the traíne,
that rúth cannot remóue."
If this early and persistent differentiation of tumbling verse into two
varieties, the heavy and the light, be admitted as valid, we have, further-
more, an explanation ready to hand of the striking differences between
Spenser's three eclogues. The February eclogue has not among its
lines quite 10% that can possibly be read as five-foot iambics; the May
eclogue has about 43%; and the August eclogue, as we have noted
above, has in its non-lyrical parts 83%. This affords a rough test of the
Both appear in Spenser. Alliteration in “Magnificence.". lix
comparative weight of the verse; a better showing is made by quoting a
short passage, arranged like those above, from the two extremes.
February, 11. 85-93 :
66
Cúddie, I wóte | thou kénst | little good,
So váinely tadváunce | thy héad lesse hood;
For yoúngth is a bubble blown úp | with bréath,
Whose witt is weakenesse, whose wáge is déath,
Whose way is wildernesse, whose ýnne | Penáunce,
And stoope-gallaunt Áge, | the hóste | of Greeváunce.
But shall I tél | thee a tále | of trúth,
Which I cónd of Títyrus ín | my youth,
1
Kéeping his shéepe on the híls | of Ként?"
August, 11, 25-30:
“ Then lóe, Périgot,
A mázer ywroúght
Wherein is enchased
Of Béres and Týgres,
And over them spréd
Entráiled with
the Plédge which I plight,
of the Máple wárre,
mány a fayre sight
that máken fiers wárre;
a goodly wild víne,
a wánton Yvie twíne."
The first is a rude descendant of the metre of the Hous of Fame,
with much of the looseness and licence of a century of popular use; the
second, which perhaps Spenser fancied a copy of the metre of the Canter-
bury Tales, is actually a descendant of the rhythm of Piers Plowman,
considerably assimilated in external dress to the ways of regular verse,
and further polished by a succession of "learned" poets, from Skelton to
Spenser himself. The two types were on the point of coalescing. It is
impossible to say to which the May eclogue belongs; and the tumbling
verse that succeeded was the final blending of the two. In the period
of Skelton, the limits of which have for the moment been exceeded in
order to fix a neglected distinction, the process of blending had already
begun; but it could easily be suspended by any careful poet.
If the greater part of the verse of Magnificence is indeed descended
from the old alliterative verse of Piers Plowman, we shall naturally
expect to find traces of the alliteration formerly essential to it. The
light line, on the other hand, having sprung from regular verse, has no
ancestral right to much alliteration. This we find actually to be in
general the state of things. The play as a whole is extraordinarily
alliterative, a fact exemplified in the names of some of the characters.
The comparatively brief passages in the light line have some alliterative
lines, but distinctly fewer than the rest of the play. But the heavy line
is far from being uniformly alliterative. What was once a characteristic
Dork
•
Ix Alliteration in Boasting Speeches. The Half-line. [Pt. I. § 6
has become a tradition, and like an organ that has lost its first office, has
either vanished or, where kept, has been adapted to a new use. In
passages designed to be specially impressive, like the epilogue of the
play, a double quantity of alliteration is used along with the similar
device of the refrain. A more intelligible use of alliteration, and one
that has many parallels in the other plays, is to heighten the effect in
speeches of empty boasting. No part of Magnificence is so alliterative as
scene 23, the hero's monologue on the crest of his fancied prosperity; 36
of its 58 lines, or 62%, alliterate. Slightly different is the effect in
scene 28, where alliteration appropriately marks almost every one of
Folly's impromptu nonsense verses.
Of course no trace of any regulation as to the number or position of
the alliterating syllables remains. All possible combinations can be
freely illustrated. So we have with four alliterating syllables:
1471.
1506.
2291.
"For I am prynce perless, prouyd of porte."
"What man is so maysyd with me that dare mete,
I shall flappe hym as a fole to fall at my fete."
"What! lyest thou there lyngrynge, lewdly and lothsome?"
1010 (light line). "Somtyme to sober, somtyme to sadde,"
with three of the four stressed syllables alliterating:
46.
295.
"For Lyberte at large is lothe to be stoppyd."
Though Largesse ye hyght, your langage is to large."
1477. "I am the dyamounde dowtlesse of dygnyte,
Surely it is I that all may saue and spyll."
382 (light line). "Measure is mete for a marchauntes hall
and finally with any two-stressed syllables alliterating; the most frequent
form of all, contrary to the ancient rule, being for the first two or the
last two to alliterate :
1
4.
2451.
"Welth is of Wysdome the very trewe probate."
"Remembre you, therfore, howe late ye were low."
In view of its general vagueness, the fading distinction between the
heavy and light line, after all, was at best a somewhat unreliable tool.
It was natural that an attempt should be made to fashion a new one.
This was found in the introduction of the half-line (Schipper, I. 238-242).
Though not the inventor of the half-line, as Schipper has pointed out,
Skelton was extremely fond of it, and made it his own by the vigor with
which he used it. He had already made extended use of it in Philip
Sparrow; and it afterwards became the chosen metre for his satires. But
Pt. I. §6]
Development of the Half-line in "Magnificence.”
A
lxi
its origin can nowhere be studied better than in Magnificence. Since
the four-stress line so regularly broke in half, it was a natural step to
mark the division by internal rime, which left the rhythm unchanged.
The step is shown in the taking in a passage, in scene 3. Measure
enters, and the two disputants appeal to him simultaneously. The effect
of two trying to speak at once is conveyed aptly by the full line passing
into the rimed half-lines (81-91):
"Hic intrat Measure.
MEA. Crýst you assyste
FEL. Whý, haue you hárde
MEA. I parcéyue wéll
LYB. Máyster Meásure,
MEA. And it is wonder
Cán be contént
FEL. Wolde it please you thén—
LYB. Vs to infórme and kén—
MEA. A! ye be wonders mén !
in your áltrycácyon!
of our dysputácyon?
howe éche of you doth reáson.
you be cóme in good séason.
that your wylde Iusolénce
with Measure presénce
Your lángage is lyke the pénne
Of hym that wrýteth to fást."
The line here developed, as half of the heavy or four-stress line, may
be called the two-stress line, or the heavy half-line. It shows an unre-
stricted number of unstressed syllables, running from five to eight
syllables to the line, and commonly having a distinct pause at the end.
We also find a half-line in connection with the light or four-foot line,
which we may call the two-foot line, or light half-line. It is much more
restricted, with usually but four, occasionally five or six syllables, and
shows a large percentage of run-on lines. Its origin and character are
illustrated in the following quotation from scene 14, the monologue of
Courtly Abusion.
(11. 825-834):
|
"Nay, purcháce | ye a párdon fór | the póse;
For Pryde hath plúcked | the bý | the nóse
As well as mé; | I wólde, | and I dúrste,—
But nowe I wýll not say the wórste.
What nowe? | Let sé
Who loketh on mé
Well rounde aboúte,
Howe gay and howe stoute
That I can wére
Cóurtly my gére:" etc.
The distinction between the light and heavy half-lines, however, is
not maintained in other passages, any more than the distinction between
1
lxii The Heavy and Light Lines and Lincs. The 3 Rime-schemes.
the light and heavy full lines. It was, indeed, even more difficult to
preserve, since it rested solely in the number of syllables. In the mono-
logue cited above, the light two-foot line has been preserved with fair
rigidity for ninety lines; but the succeeding monologue of Fancy (11. 968–'
1043), of which thirty-six lines are half-lines, is as variable as its
speaker.
+
To sum up, we have two perfectly distinct kinds of line in the play,
one of four and one of two accents; each of these falling into two imper-
fectly distinguished species; giving as a result what we may call the
heavy full line, or simply the heavy line, with nine to thirteen syllables;
the light line, with seven to ten syllables; the heavy half-line, with five
to eight syllables; and the light half-line, with three to six syllables. The
four form a descending scale in point of weight and dignity. But the
variability to which all of them are subject makes the contrasts thus
secured, except that between the four-accent and the two-accent line, too
imperfect and vague to be effective. Skelton reinforced them by a
harmonious variation in the rime-schemes.
b. Rime-schemes. Three principal rime-schemes are employed in
Magnificence: the Chaucerian seven-line stanza or rime royal, the couplet,
and the repeated rime or "leash." These form a second descending scale.
Of the three metrical schemes the most original is the third. The
exact form which Skelton uses does not appear in the drama before
Magnificence. Schipper (I. 241) considers it a development from the
tail-rime strophe, whose function in the preceding moralities it nearly
supplies. His theory is strengthened by the term with which Skelton
characterizes it on its introduction. He makes Counterfeit Countenance
say, just before launching into his long monologue couched in this rime-
scheme (11. 407-409):
"But nowe wyll I, that they be gone,
In bastarde ryme, after the dogrell gyse,
Tell you where of my name dothe ryse ;
""
and the name "dogrell" seems like a reminiscence of Chaucer's applica-
tion of the same term to the tail-rimed strophes of Sir Thopas. On the
other hand, the leash as found in Magnificence has features which connect
it with both the rime-royal and the couplet. As used in the monologue
of Counterfeit Countenance, it consists always of just seven lines, suggest-
ing an adaptation from the rime-royal by using one rime instead of three.
In the scenes in couplets, morcover, the effect of the leash is frequently
given by extending the rime to three, four, or five lines, and such licences
may easily have suggested the more constant employment of repeated
Pt. I. § 6] Surprising Variety of Verse-forms. List of them. lxiit
rimes. The origin of the scheme may have been in any one of these
three sources, or all of them.
The rime-royal, Skelton's most formal metrical scheme, is at one place
given a special artificiality by the use of the refrain. This is in the
epilogue (11. 2505-2560). The four personages on the stage turn frankly
to the audience, and each points the moral in two stanzas bound together
by identity of the final couplet. The refrain is a favorite device of
Skelton's. He uses it in much the same way in the first and second
poems Against Garnesche (Dyce I. 116, 118), and in several passages of
the Garland of Laurel (Dyce I. 361, 11. 330 ff., 836 ff.); and other
forms are found in many poems (Dyce I. 1, 27, 77, 139, 163; II. 22,
337).
To these three main rime-schemes must be added the isolated occur-
rence of two others. At 1. 2064, a song is inserted consisting of a single
fourteen-line stanza, in light four-foot lines, and rimed (aaaaaabccccccb)
like the tail-rimed strophes (rime couée) so abundant in the earlier
moralities and miracle plays. And at 1. 1155 is a single couplet which
seems a humorous experiment in the hexameter, interesting in view of
the serious attempts inspired fifty years later by the Renaissance in its
full tide. It is macaronic, but differs from the macaronic verse indulged
in so freely elsewhere by Skelton, particularly in Philip Sparrow and
Speak Parrot, in that elsewhere he inserts scraps of Latin and Greek into
English rhythm, whereas in this burlesque of an old school exercise.
English words are used to piece out a Latin line.
By combining his different rime-schemes with his different lines,
Skelton secures a surprising variety of verse-forms. The three principal
rime-schemes are each combined both with the four-accent and with the
two-accent lines, giving six distinct measures,--or eight if we include the
two sporadic forms mentioned above. Further, the distinction of heavy
and light lines and half-lines subdivides four of the six, though these
varieties, as we have seen, are not everywhere perfectly differentiated.
These eight different measures (though not their subdivisions) are
indicated in this edition in the margin wherever they occur. It may be
convenient to give here a complete list with the occurrences of each :
A. Four-accent lines.
1. Rime royal, with heavy line (light four-foot line not found).
(Stage I. 11. 1-28, 41-54, 67-80, 114-324; stage II. 11. 689-744, 1327–
1374; stage III. 11. 1375–1514, 1797-1803; stage IV. 11. 2048-
2063, 2153-2159, 2277-2308; stage V. 11. 2419–2567.)
Ixiv
A Macaronic Hexameter. Four Lacunae ?
2. Couplet (a) with heavy line.
[Pt. I. § 6
(Stage I. 11. 29-40, 81-86; stage III. 11. 1515-1796, 1841-1874; stage
IV. 11. 1875-2047, 2078-2152; stage V. 11. 2325-2418.)
(b) with light line.
(Stage I. 11. 325-402; stage II. 11. 403-409, 825-828, 1008-1043; stage
IV. 11. 2309-2316.)
(c) with mixed and anomalous lines.
(Stage II. 11. 494-688, 745-824, 917-971, 1044-1326; stage IV. 11.
2160-2276, 2317-2324.)
3. Leash (a) with heavy line (Stage II. 11. 466-493; stage III. 11.
1804-1840.)
(b) with light line (Stage II. 11. 410-465).
4. Tail-rimed stanza, with light line (11. 2064-2077).
B. Two-accent lines.
5. Rime royal, with light half-line (heavy half-line not found) (11. 835-
916).
6. Couplet (a) heavy (ll. 55–66).
(b) light (11. 829-834).
7. Leash (a) heavy (11. 87-113).
(b) light (11. 972–1007).
C. Anomalous. S. Macaronic hexameter (Il. 1155, 1156).
In the following out of his varied rime-schemes Skelton has fallen
into many irregularities. A number of these may be due to the faulty
transcription, but others must be attributed to the author's carelessness.
In the rime-royal stanzas, superfluous lines, like the extra line (ababbbcc)
at the beginning of a new scene (11. 247-254), must have been due to a
slip of the poet's; at 11. 2062, 3 and 2298, 9 we seem to have a super-
fluous final couplet. The two lines 2307, 8 are the beginning of a stanza
the rest of which may have been lost; the whole passage seems mutilated.
The same is true of 11. 2461-2470: 11. 2461-3 are the first three lines of
one stanza, 11. 2466–70 perhaps the last five of another, and the interven-
ing two lines are unconnected by rime or meaning. A line is missing in
each of the two stanzas at 11. 1334-9 and 11. 2492-7.
The couplets are treated much more freely than the stanzas. Very
often a rime is repeated for a third, a fourth, or even a fifth successive
line, thus giving, as has been noted above, the effect of the leash.
Examples are as follows: triplets, 11. 557-9, 748-50 (vous: lowce
Pt. I. § 6] Skelton's Rimes Pure. Use of Metrical Variations. lxv
dawce = douce?), 939-41, 1148-50, 1875-7; four lines, passim (hardly
an irregularity); five lines, 624-8. There also occur a number of single
unrimed lines among the couplets: 11. 552, 745, 779, 1117, 1179, 2082,
2250, 2276. Dyce conjectures in most of these cases that a line has
fallen out; in view of their number it seems unlikely. Most of these
irregularities occur in those passages where the construction of the line is
also anomalous (cf. table above). Corruption of the text, however, does
without doubt account for many other apparent irregularities in the
riming, as for instance a single unrimed line in the middle of a stanza, or
two adjoining unrimed lines among couplets. In most of these cases,
which are treated in the notes at the foot of the page, there is an evident
remedy in a transposition of words or an easy substitution.
Skelton's rimes are notably pure, especially when compared with
earlier and later dramatists, and betray the conscience of a professional
poet. Most rimes of his that would be imperfect to-day find their justifi-
cation in the rapid changes that were going on in English vowel-sounds.
at the beginning of the sixteenth century. In one case, at least, he was
too conservative to admit a rime which has since become good, and which
even then was employed by most of his contemporaries. The old
Chaucerian distinction between the suffixes -ly and -ty (from the French
-té) is never neglected in the play, although words with these endings are
among the most common in its rimes. In the stanza 11. 2048-54, the
two rimes occur side by side without confusion (a-Destyny, b-Cruelte,
a-Mysere, b-Pouerte, b-Aduersyte). In one case (1. 479) we have "flye"
rimed with words in -te; but the common confusion between the verbs
"fly"
" and "flee" probably accounts for this. There are extremely
few cases of impure rimes as far as consonants are concerned (see the
list given in the note to 1. 727), and most of these will yield to emenda-
tion. Phonetic justification can be made for such rimes as ferther :
murder (2317, 18), conuayed: dysceyued (534, 5; see note), and the
like.
Magnificence deserves on the whole a high place among moralities for
care and attention to metrical details. Compared with such extremely
negligent pieces as Mundus et Infans and Everyman, indeed, it seems a
model.
c. Use made of metrical variations. Clearly the remarkably varied
and somewhat complicated assortment of verse-forms in Magnificence
could not have been invented without a purpose. The possession of so
rich a scale of metrical variations, far richer than any other morality can
boast, gave Skelton the opportunity of making subtle and effective dis-
MAGNYFYCENCE.
e
lxvi Skelton's Descending Scales of Line and of Rime-scheme. [Pt. I. § 6
tinctions in characterizing the tone of different scenes and characters; and
the studied care with which this is done is perhaps the play's best title to
be considered a work of conscious art. We cannot be sure everywhere
of the poet's intention in choosing a certain verse form for a particular
use, but we can maintain that each of his verse-forms was chosen for a
definite dramatic effect. In most cases his object is quite evident. The
method he employs can be best presented by first characterizing the
different forms, and then analyzing the metrical plan on which each
division of the play seems to be built.
Skelton had in his possession two descending scales, one of line, the
other of rime-scheme. The distinction between the heavy and light line,
as we have seen, is used everywhere in the moralities to mark off the
dignified seriousness of virtuous scenes and characters from the frivolity
and vivacity of the vices. This distinction is preserved by Skelton, but
he adds to it the further distinction between full line and half-line. The
half-line is one grade below the light full line in dignity. Supplement-
ing these somewhat fluctuating contrasts is the more definite scale
afforded by the three principal rime-schemes. The rime royal, true to
its literary associations, is the most stately and formal. It is preferred
for serious and pathetic passages, and gives a conventional dignity to the
beginning and ending. It is, however, evidently felt as too stiff for the
freedom of dramatic composition. Consequently it is superseded, in some
passages where we might have expected it, by the couplet. The couplet
gives the proper tone for intermediate passages, and is primarily the form
for rapid dialogue. It has spread, however, beyond these confines into
territory which we might have expected to find above it, in the domain
of the rime royal, or below it, in the domain of the leash or the "Skel-
tonical" half-line. It has gone far to becoming with Skelton what it
afterwards became, the common form of dramatic verse, used wherever no
special reason exists for the choice of some other form. The leash is at
the opposite pole from the dignified rime royal. It is consistently placed
in the mouths of the most comic and, from the morality point of view,
most degraded characters,-Counterfeit Countenance, Fancy, Folly,—and
accentuates the humor of the broadest scenes.
The combination of the two scales gives the eight or, counting the
subdivisions, the thirteen different metrical forms listed above. They
are arranged below in approximately descending order of weight with an
attempted characterization of the specific coloring of each.
1. Rime royal with heavy line. This stands at the top of Skelton's
spectrum; it connotes formality (scenes 1, 45), wisdom and uprightness
Pt.I.§ 6] Skelton's Descending Scales of Line and of Rime-scheme. lxvii
(scenes 3, 44), innocence and prosperity (scenes 4, 23, 44, 45), tragic
pathos (scenes 33, 35, 38), and occasionally in the mouth of vices, mock-
seriousness or pretended dignity (scenes 11, 19, 39).
2. Couplet with (a) heavy, (b) light, (c) anomalous lines. The heavy-
line couplet is essentially the intermediate form: it is used by characters.
who are not strictly to be classed as either vices or virtues, as Felicity
and Liberty (scenes 2, 34), Adversity and Poverty (scenes 31, 32); and
in scenes where the hero is either sinking (24-26) or rising (scenes 41-
43) without having reached a climax either way. The light couplet, on
the other hand, is confined to vices, and particularly to the volatile
buffoons Fancy (scenes 7, 16) and Folly (parts of scene 18). The mixed
and anomalous-line couplet is the reigning measure for the vice-scenes,
except for the monologues; it finds its natural place in the prolonged
scenes of debate and mutual abuse (scenes 9, 10, 12, 13, 15, 17, 18, 36,
37), in which Skelton unfortunately delights, and it lends itself well
enough to the short cut-and-thrust speeches of these passages.
3. Leash with (a) heavy, (b) light line. This is especially devoted to
Counterfeit Countenance, the typical vulgar upstart, whose monologue
(scene 8) is divided between the light and heavy forms, and to Folly in
the scene where Magnificence reaches the depth of his infatuation just
before his downfall (scene 28). Folly's nonsense rimes in this scene
are strikingly similar in rhythm as well as content to the modern Mother
Goose.
4. Tail-rimed stanza. The use of this stanza for the single lyrical
passage of the play, the ribald song sung by Liberty (scene 34), is the sole
survival in Magnificence of the "Schweilreimstrophe," the reigning form
for the vice-scenes in many of the other moralities. As used here it has
an unusual number of repetitions of the rimes (aaaaaabccccccb), and
presents an intermediate form that might well, according to Schipper's
theory, have given rise to the leash, which to a large extent supplants its
office in this play.
5. Half-line rime royal. The half-line must have arisen from the full
line by the introduction of internal rime, and accordingly must at first
have been written in couplets. The fact that Skelton applies to it all
the various rime-schemes of the full line shows that it had become to him
an independent metrical unit. The combination of the light half-line
with the aristocratic Chaucerian stanza is found only in the monologue of
Courtly Abusion (scene 14),—a happy invention of the poet's to char-
acterize the typical court dandy and rake, at the same time one of the
most frivolous and the most aristocratic of the vices.
lxviii Use of Skelton's 8 Forms of Verse in the 5 Stages of the Play.
6. Half-line couplet (a) heavy, (b) light.
This is found only in two brief passages: for a few lines of vigorous
dialogue (scene 2) in the débat between Liberty and Felicity, the first
occurrence of the half-line in the play; and in transition at the beginning
of Courtly Abusion's monologue (scene 14).
7. Half-line leash (a) heavy, (b) light.
This verse-form is the one used so extensively by Skelton in other
poems, and called after him "Skeltonical." In Magnificence it occurs
only twice in the opening débat (scene 3) at a point still more animated
than that of the half-line couplet; and in a prolonged passage for the first
half of Fancy's monologue (scene 16). The shortest of Skelton's lines
is thus combined with the "dogrell" rime-scheme to characterize the
"frantick" Fancy.
8. Macaronic hexameter (scene 17). Used as an element in the
burlesque parody and horse-play of the fools' dialogue.
On
These various forms are not used without relation to each other.
the contrary, each of the five stages is constructed on an easily recogniz-
able metrical plan, and the analysis of these plans throws an interesting
light on the architecture of the play itself. Each stage differs more or
less from every other.
Stage I has two distinct objects, to expound the issue at stake, and to
present the hero in his first estate of innocence, surrounded on one side
by good, on the other by evil counsellors. After the first scene, in which
Felicity speaks a sort of prologue in formal stanzas, two scenes are
devoted to the former object. The issue is unfolded by means of a débat,
which is begun by Felicity and Liberty, the representatives of the two
opposing ideals, and completed by Measure, who brings victory to the
side of Felicity. The metrical structure of this débat is intricate, and
presents an interesting if somewhat distant analogy to the complex
metrical arrangement in the Greek drama of the agon of an Aristophanic
comedy (cf. Zielinski, Die Gliederung der altattischen Komoedie, Leipzig,
1885; M. W. Humphries, "The Agon of the Old Comedy," Am. Jour.
of Phil., viii. 179). Skelton has distinguished the formal statement that
each speaker makes of his position from the intervening stichomathy,
and has further varied this intervening repartee in a way that seems to
indicate degrees of liveliness. The arrangement in the two scenes can
best be given by the following plan:
Lines 29-40.-Couplets (full line).
""
""
41-54.-Two stanzas.
55-66.-Couplets (half-line).
Discussion.
Felicity states his position.
Discussion (livelier).
Pt. I. § 6] The Forms of Verse in Stages I and II of the Play. Ixix
Lines 67-80.-Two stanzas.
""
""
8186. Couplets (full line).
87-113.-Leash (half-line).
114-127.-Two stanzas.
""
""
128-162.-Five stanzas.
Liberty states his position.
Discussion (as Measure enters).
Discussion (becoming exasperated).
Measure states his position.
Agreement in Measure's favour.
In scenes 4-7, which accomplish the second object of the initial stage,
the metrical structure is less complex, and consists simply of a contrast
between scenes 4, 5, and 6 in rime royal, and scene 7 in the light couplet.
In scenes 4 and 5, Magnificence is presented as both wise and wealthy,
cleaving to Measure's counsel and deciding against Liberty; in scene 6,
Fancy the vice enters but makes until the end no headway, hence the
stanzas are appropriately continued; but in scene 7, where he secures the
prince's ear and begins to seduce his judgment, the shift of power is
neatly mirrored in the change of both line and rime-scheme.
Stage II, the longest of the five, is built up on an entirely different
principle. It is devoted to the vices proper, and during its twelve scenes
only these six characters appear on the stage. Metrically, the scenes
divide themselves into those of dialogue and those of monologue. The
scenes of dialogue, participated in by two, three, or four characters (scenes
9, 10, 12, 13, 15, 17, 18), are all in that specially irregular form of the
couplet which I have called anomalous. Against this monotonous back-
ground the five monologues stand out in striking metrical diversity.
There is one for each vice, with the exception of Folly; and it is
not an over-refinement to see in the various forms chosen a reflection
of the characters of the speakers. The Stage begins with the mono-
logue of Counterfeit Countenance (scene 8) in the leash, the lowest of
the three rime-schemes; and the choice strikes the keynote of the whole
section, and stigmatizes Counterfeit Countenance, the typical social upstart,
as the special object of Skelton's contempt. For the next monologue,
that of Cloaked Collusion (scene 11), as well as for that of Crafty Con-
. veyance (scene 19), the rime royal is used,-a rather bold way of char-
acterizing these two "heavy villains" of the play. Cloaked Collusion,
alias Sober Sadness, who is disguised as a priest, and Crafty Conveyance,
alias Sure Surveyance, who is the typical hypocrite, are grave and reverend
personages outwardly, and quite unlike the dandy Courtly Abusion or
the frivolous Fancy. These last two have equally appropriate forms, the
former (scene 14) with the half-line rime royal, the latter (scene 16) with
the half-line leash and couplet, schemes the connotation of which has
already been commented on. A curious feature of both monologues, as
well as of that of Counterfeit Countenance, appears in the little head-
lxx The Forms of Verse in Stages III and IV of the Play. [Pt. I. § G
pieces, in different metre from the rest of the scene, and apparently
intended as a sort of transition. The light-line couplet is used for them,
and Courtly Abusion has also, after four lines of this (11. 825-8), six lines
of half-liné couplets (11. 829-34), before he begins his stanzas.
The reason why Folly alone has no monologue becomes clear when we
examine the latter part of scene 18. The lengthy tirades in which he
indulges there supply the missing place, and it is not difficult to see why
they require an audience. They consist of a succession of personal hits.
at Wolsey and others, and the comments of his listeners (11. 1253-6,
1277, 8) are needed to point out unmistakably the personal application.
In Stage III, the Delusion, the metrical scheme is again compara-
tively intricate. Magnificence's degradation is portrayed by passing from
the rime royal to the (heavy) couplet and from the couplet to the leash.
The first four scenes after the prince's return (scenes 20-23) are put into
the dignified stanzas. He has not yet surrendered his Felicity, and,
indeed, he is apparently at the height of his prosperity. His own com-
placency reaches a climax in his boastful monologue in scene 23.
Immediately after it the metre changes to the couplet, as Courtly Abusion
enters to begin the final and fatal temptation. During scenes 24, 25,
and 26, the outcome is in doubt, and Measure makes a last effort to
obtain his recall; but finally Cloaked Collusion obtains the coveted
control of the prince's wealth and departs to complete his destruction.
These three scenes have been in the couplet; but next (scene 27), by an
artistic stroke, Skelton puts into the prince's mouth another rime-royal
stanza that reads like a continuation of his bombastic monologue. Then
Folly enters, mockingly completing the stanza for him, and launches forth
(scene 28) into a string of buffoonery and gibberish composed in the
leash. In his words and appropriate rhythm is suggested the lowest depth
of the prince's folly. The Stage ends with two premonitory scenes (29
and 30), which return to the couplet.
Stage IV, which portrays the overthrow and increasing misery of
Magnificence, shows an equal number of effects secured with fewer means.
The metrical groundwork of the Stage is the couplet. The heavy-line
couplet is used for the intermediate figures Adversity, Poverty, Liberty
(scenes 31, 32, 34), and the anomalous-line couplet of Stage II reappears
with the vices in scenes 36 and 37. Whenever left to himself, Magnifi-
cence breaks out into a brief monologue of lamentation consisting of one
or two rime-royal stanzas (scenes 33, 35, and 38). The climax of his
misery comes with the arrival of Despair and Mischief in the last two
scenes and these two diabolic figures are effectively discriminated, as we
Pt. I. § 6, 7] The Verse in Stage V of the Play. § 7. Sources. lxxi
have already seen, by assigning the heavy rime royal to Despair (scene 39)
and the frivolous light couplet to Mischief. In the hurried close of the
scene we have some couplets of anomalous length.
Stage V is comparatively simple in its metrical scheme. It reverses
the direction of Stage III and mirrors Magnificence's rise in fortune by
rising from the couplet to the rime royal. The first three scenes (41-43)
are in the heavy-line couplet; when the old counsellor Circumspection
enters (scene 44), the metre changes to rime royal, which continues in the
last scene. The epilogue in eight coupled stanzas (II. 2505–2560) has the
special formality of the refrain, but at the very end (11. 2561-7) comes a
simple stanza to complete the story.
VII. SOURCES.
The primary source of Magnificence is to be sought in the other moral
plays that precede it. Its relation to these, however, forms the subject
for the second part of this introduction; and only the secondary sources
will be discussed in this section. In the case of Magnificence, the
secondary sources are unusually important. The form of Skelton's moral
play is substantially the same as that of the Castle of Perseverance, written
nearly a century before, and of almost every other moral play which is
extant from that date to its own; but its theme is an absolutely novel
one for the morality department. For the first time, the morality was
devoted to giving advice for this world instead of for the next; it was
only a step till it should cease to give advice altogether. The theme of
every morality that preceded Magnificence was the salvation of the soul,
that of Magnificence is the preservation of worldly prosperity. The basis
of the play, accordingly, is no longer a theological but a philosophical
allegory.
The radical change in theme is connected with a change in the public
to whom the advice is directed. This change is first of all indicated by
the specialization which the hero has undergone. He is no longer the
typical man, but the typical prince; and it is, ostensibly at least, to the
somewhat restricted public of royalty that the lesson of the play is
addressed. But the lesson of prudence for the prince is accompanied by
a vast deal of satire directed at, if not to, the prince's court. Magnificence
was not the first moral play to indulge in social satire, which forms the
strength of Hickscorner, or even political satire, which is the impelling
purpose of Wisdom; but it was the first to satirize the follies of the court,
and the first to direct satire at particular parties and actual persons. For
レ
​lxxii Sources, "Magnificence" a Philosophical Allegory. [Pt. I, § 7
this element also, which the play pushes into the foreground, models must
be sought outside the preceding moralities.
The extent to which novel material has been injected into the old
morality fabric can best be gauged through the characters. We have
already seen, in section IV, which of them are new to morality casts.
Among these are representatives of both the novel elements outlined
above. The underlying philosophical allegory is embodied in the names
Magnificence, Felicity and Liberty, Measure and Circumspection, and
Fancy and Folly with their aliases. The court satire is put chiefly in the
mouths of the four court vices. The original source for the first group,
as was pointed out, is the Ethics of Aristotle, for the second, the
Narrenschiff of Brant.
In neither case, however, does it seem likely that Skelton drew
directly from the original sources, although he was doubtless familiar
with them both, in translation at least. Just as the purely theological
moral plays drew their allegorical scheme of vices and virtues originally
from the Bible, but shaped and modified by a long tradition of specula-
tion and homiletic application, so in Skelton's Aristotelian allegory there
are evidences of the influence of intermediate adaptations. In the case
of Brant the interval was far shorter, but the evidence is also against
immediate connection. In both cases, the most important intermediary
was in all probability an earlier work of Skelton himself.
Skelton was perhaps as much accustomed to fitting his moral advice
to a princely Magnificence as were other priestly writers to Humanum
Genus or Mankind. All that we know of his life goes to make the
change which he effected in the morality aim and theme seem natural.
As the old tutor of Henry, he doubtless felt privileged to follow his
pupil's career with something of his former authority. Magnificence must
have seemed to the king, if he ever saw the play, like a reminiscence
of his school days.
Unfortunately there is little preserved with regard to Skelton's
instruction of his royal charge except the fact and the tradition of the
text-book. We have no means of knowing how Skelton secured so
honourable a position, nor do we know certainly just when it began and
ended. It must have begun after 1494, for in that year Henry, who was
just three years old, was made Duke of York, and Skelton himself
informs us in the Garland of Laurel (11. 1226-1232):
"The Duke of Yorkis creauncer whan Skelton was,
Now Henry the viij., Kyng of Englonde,
A tratyse he deuysid and browght it to pas,
The lost "Speculum Principis." The "Regement of Prynces." lxxiii
Callid Speculum Principis, to bere in his honde,
Therin to rede, and to vnderstande
All the demenour of princely astate,
To be our Kyng, of God preordinate.”
The Speculum Principis has not survived. Tanner (Biblioth. p. 676,
quoted by Dyce, I. cii.) mentioned the following book as extant in his
day among the MSS. of Lincoln Cathedral Library: "Methodos Skeltoni-
dis laureati, sc. Praccepta quaedam moralia Henrico principi postea Henr.
VIII. missa, Dat. apud Eltham A.D. MDI. Principium deest." This
work would seem in all probability to have been the same as the
tratyse" which Skelton describes, but we are not able to put the
question to a test, since it too has since disappeared.
Its loss has probably deprived us of the most direct source of
Magnificence. As the other moralities were little more than the homilies
of their clerical authors put on the stage, so Magnificence was in all likeli-
hood a dramatization of a chapter from the Speculum Principis. In such
a chapter we might expect to find foreshadowed most of the alterations
and innovations which we have already noted as preventing Magnificence
from being a slavish copy of Aristotle in terms or conceptions: the broader
use of the term Magnificence itself, the change of name from Reason to
Circumspection, from Incontinence to Fancy, from Liberality to Largess,
and especially the introduction of the quite new conception of Liberty to
put over against Felicity.
Such a conjecture is of course impossible to verify. But it is at
least confirmed by an examination of other royal handbooks which have
remained extant, and which do contain similarities to some of the
distinctive features of Skelton's play.
One of the most famous of these, and one which Skelton must have
used freely in compiling his own, is Occleve's Regement of Prynces (vol.
III. of Hoccleve's Works, ed. by F. J. Furnivall, E. E. T. S., extra series,
LXXII; London, 1897). Section 11 of the poem is entitled, De Virtute
Largitatis, et De Vicio Prodigalitatis (pp. 149-161). The discussion
begins by giving "Aristotle's" distinction between the virtue Largess and
what is called "Fool-Largess." The following lines are significant for our
play; phrases which bear an especial similarity to characters or incidents
in Magnificence have been italicized:
4128.
"As the men disseruen, so be fre;
Yif in mesure vnto the indigent
And the worthi, and that is wel dispent."
(Cf. Magn. scene 3 and 11. 2483–91.)
lxxiv Sources of "Magnificence." Hoccleve's "Regement of Prynces."
4135.
4138.
"Of verray folye also it procedith
To geve the vnworthi; for that cost
All mysse dispendid is, for it is lost.”
(Cf. the character Folly, and the whole of Stage III.)
“And he that dispendith out of mesure
Shal tast anone pouertes bitternesse ;
Foole largesse is therto a verray lure."
(Cf. Stage IV.)
4152. "Aftir his goode man may geue and dispende,
Wher as nede is; but he that al dispendith
And wastith al, shal himselue first offende.
Foole largesse al day wrycchedly endith;
Many a man hir foule outrage shendith ;
But of largesse is goode the gouernaunce;
Bothe to God and man it is plesaunce."
4355.
4408.
4411.
4422.
(Cf. Magn. 11. 1896 ff., and 11. 269-282.)
Among folies all is noon, I leue,
More than a man his gode ful largely
Despende, in hope men wol hym releue
Whan his gode is despendid vtterly ;
The indigent men setten no thing by.
I, Hoccleue, in swich case am gilty, this me touchith,
So seith pouert, which oon foole large him vouchith.”
(Cf. scene 37.)
"Foole largesse and avarice, tho tweyne,
If that a kyng eschue, and large be,
Reioyse he schal his real dignitee."
(Cf. Magn. 11. 2487-9.)
"How fool largesse a kyng destroye may,
As blyue wole I vnto yow declare
Fool largesse yeueth so moche away,
That it the kynges cofres maketh bare.”
(Cf. Magn. 1. 2163.)
"Good is beware of Goddes long suffrance;
Thogh he to venge hym tarie, and be suffrable,
Whan his strook cometh, it is importable."
(Cf. scene 31, especially 1. 1882.)
From this chapter alone Skelton might wellnigh have derived the
basal allegory of his moral play. The fundamental opposition of
Magnificence is that of Measure to Folly, and this appears verbally in
Occleve. The fault that Occleve describes folly as inspiring, "to geue
the vnworthi," is exactly that through which Folly destroys Magnificence.
Occleve's conceptions of Folly and of Fool-Largess, as opposed to the
wise Largess, have clearly been analyzed in the play into Fancy with his
Sources of “ Magnificence.” Lydgate and Burgh's “Secrees."
lxxv
alias Largess, and Folly with his alias Conceit. Occleve's warning that
he who "dispendith out of measure shal tast anone pouertes bitternesse,”
and especially that the "strook" of God will come upon him, might
well have suggested the characters of Poverty and Adversity, with their
impressive scenes. Another of the most effective scenes in the play (no.
37), where the successful thieves gloat over their downfallen victim, is
hardly more than an expansion of a stanza of Occleve.
As Occleve himself informs us (1. 4124), he takes the larger part of
his moralizing from "Aristoteles de regimine principum, capitulo de largi-
tate"; that is, of course, from the pseudo-Aristotelian Secreta Secretorum.
Turning to this, we find not only most of the features above enumerated
wherein Magnificence agrees with the Regement of Prynces, but others
wherein it departs from Occleve and from the Ethics as well. Skelton
could hardly fail to have known either the original Latin or some one of
the numerous translations of the fifteenth century. Among the latter, two
seem more nearly than the rest to approach the conceptions and phrase-
ology of Magnificence. The first is Lydgate and Burgh's Secrees of Old
Philisoffres (ed. R. Steele, E. E. T. S., extra series, LXVI., 1894), which
was completed from Lydgate's fragments by his disciple Burgh after his
death (about 1452?); the second is the last of the three prose translations
printed in the E. E. T. S., extra series, LXXIV, 1898, and said by Mr.
Steele to have been translated by James Yonge in 1422. The chapter
De Largitate appears in Lydgate and Burgh's translation under the title
"Of foure maner kynges diuers of disposicion" (1. 736). After dis-
tinguishing between kings who are "skars" and "large" respectively to
themselves and their subjects, he continues:
764. "Ther is a maner straunge difference,
For lak of Resoun, twen prodigalyte
And in a kynges Royal magnificence,
Whan he lyst parte of liberallite
To his sogettys as they been of degre,
So Egally I-holdyn the ballaunce,
Ech man contente with discreet Suffysaunce."
771. “Ther is a mene peysed in ballaunce
Atwixen hym that is a greet wastour,
To kepe a meene by attemperaunce,
That ech thyng be peysed be mesour.
813. "Nature hath set tweyne extremytees;
First be a maneer discreet providence,
That the streemys of liberallite
""
Set in good mesour Reffreytes of prudence,
lxxvi
Sources of "Magnificence." James Yonge, 1422. [Pt. I. § 7
Peysed in ballaunce; so that Sapience,
Queen of vertues, as lady souereyne,
That suych a meene be set atwen hem tweyne,
First conceyved and peysed ech Estat,
That ther be no froward transgressyoun
Of wylfulnesse, nor no froward debut;
Ech thyng in Ordre Conveyed by Resoun,
That mesour haue domynacyoun,
As it is ryght of trouthe and Equite,
Twen Avaryce and prodigalyte."
It is unnecessary to continue such quotations, by which the same
ideas could be illustrated again and again, repeated with the same familiar
terms, and in equally incoherent sentences, for over two hundred lines
(736-973).
The prose translation is much more intelligible. In capitulum II
occur the suggestive sentences (p. 128): "For who-So by witte and
conynge doth ryght to euery man, wel as frende he owyth to be louyd of
euery man, and as a ryghtful lorde to be dowtid and dredid. Onto Suche
a prynce al men gladly obeyeth. This obeyaunce and force is not only by
ryghtfulnes, but also by fredome and larges, And therfor a prynce owyth
frely despende amonge his folke, and wysly eueryman rewarde aftyr his
deserwynge. But whate myschefe folwyth of chynchry and folargesse, ye
schal sene hit aftyr in this boke." In the next chapter, after making the
same distinction between the four manners of kings, the translator con-
tinues (p. 130): "For the forsayd thyngis hit be-howyth to witte whate
is Fraunchise. Fraunchise in Englyshe is callid frenys, or fredome.
Nede hit is to witte how hit may be conquerid, Ihad, and mayntenyd.
Also nede hit is witte whate harmes dothe folargesse and scarcite.
Wherfor hit Is to wytte, that hard is to knowe in al poyntis to holde the
meene, and lyght is hit to faile. And therefor the more Maystri hit
is, to know and conquere fraunchis, that holdyth the meen wey, than
folargyse or auarice, that bene of two boundys. . . . Thow shalt Vndyr-
stonde that thow mayste despende, that frely aftyr thy Power thow
mayste yeue of thyne owyn. For yf thow spendyst or yeveste othyr
men goodes, thow Passyste Frauncesse, and out of Fredome thow walkyst.
And who despendyth more than his Powere or his goodis strechyth, descende
he moste in Powerte; And that is ayeynne the vertu of larges, and his rule
ouer-Passyth. Forwhy whosoeuer folyche hym Mayntenyth in ouergrete
costis ouer his Pouer, and wythoute nede, he is a wastoure of his goodes,
and destrueth his roialme whate he may he is not worthy to be a gouer-
noure. Suche is callid a folle-large, or a wastoure, that ouer-Passyth
•
Measure or Moderation.
Skelton and Sir Thos. Elyot. lxxvii
Wysdome and Purveyaunce. . . . For whoso yewyth hyme that neddyth
noght and hath noght deservid, that yefte is loste, For hit Is not aftyr
Fraunches and wertu. ... Alexandyr, y do the to witte certeynly, that a
kynge that more yewyth than his roialme may sustene, he shal anoone be
·destrued and broght to noght. . . . Fraunchis and largesse auere makyth
longe a royalme to Endure."
To be noted is the emphasis in both versions laid on the virtue of
Measure, or the mean. This is mentioned by Occleve, but the brief
reference that he gives to it hardly corresponds with the central position
that it holds in the allegory of Magnificence. Here of course we have
fidelity to the system of the real Aristotle, as in the use in the metrical.
version of the word "6 magnificence" as synonymous with munificence
(11.766, 970). In another feature we have a common divergence from
Aristotle, in the interesting introduction of the notion of Franchise or
Freedom, corresponding exactly to the Liberty of Magnificence, who is
also called Freedom. In the translations Freedom and Largess walk
hand in hand as desirable virtues, so long as they are "conveyed by
Reason," or provided "that Measure have domynacioun," so that there
shall be no (6
wylfulnesse, nor no froward debat.” The career of Liberty,
a virtue when well used but a vice when abused, who escapes from
Measure and passes under the unhappy control of Fancy or Wilfulness,
is precisely the same.
A more famous royal handbook than any of those mentioned is the
Governour of Sir Thomas Elyot. This, published first in 1531, of course
could not have been known to Skelton. Elyot, on the other hand,
may well have made use of Skelton's Speculum Principis. It is interest-
ing to compare Elyot's treatment of the subjects of the play with that of
his predecessor. A thorough classical scholar, he reproduces the ideas
of Aristotle far more faithfully than Skelton, and seldom shows any
such divergence as we have noted in the play. In one case, however,
when he gives the distinction between liberality and magnificence, he
fails just as Skelton does to make magnificence include good taste. The
passage occurs in the tenth chapter of the second book, entitled, “Of
beneficence and liberalitie," and forms a suggestive parallel to our play
(The Gouernour, ed. H. H. S. Croft, London, 1883, 2 vols.; vol. II.
p. 111): "All thoughe philosophers in the description of vertues haue
deuised to set them as it were in degrees, hauing respecte to the qualitie
and condition of the persone whiche is with them adourned; as applying
Magnificence to the substaunce and astate of princes, and to priuate
persones Beneficence and Liberalitie, yet be nat these in any parte
lxxviii
Elyot's Circumspection and Henry VII.
[Pt. I. § 7
defalcate of their condigne praises. For if vertue be an election annexed
unto our nature, and consisteth in a meane, which is determined by
reason, and that meane is the verye myddes of two thynges viciouse, the
one in surplusage, the other in lacke, than nedes must beneficence and
liberalitie be capitall vertues. And magnificence procedeth from them,
approchinge to the extreme partes; and may be tourned in to vice if
he lacke the bridle of reason. But beneficence can by no menes be
vicious and retaine still his name. Semblably liberalitie (as Aristotle
saith) is a measure, as well in gyuing as in takyng of money and goodes."
Another chapter (Bk. I. chap. xxiv) deals with Circumspection, the
"fifth branch of prudence," which "signifieth as moche as beholdynge on
euery parte, what is well and sufficient, what lackethe, howe and from whens
it may be prouided." Elyot's leading historical exemplar of this virtue
is one which, there is little doubt, Skelton had prominently in mind in
preaching circumspection to his imaginary prince (p. 256): "What
more clere mirrour or spectacle can we desire of Circumspection, than
kyng Henry the seuenth, of most noble memorie, father unto our mooste
dradde soueraigne lorde, whose worthy renome, like the sonne in the
myddes of his sphere, shyneth and euer shall shyne in menues remem-
brance? What incomparable circumspection was in hym alway founden,
that nat withstandynge his longe absence out of this realme, the dis-
turbance of the same by sondrye seditions amonge the nobilitie, Ciuile
warres and batayles, wherin infinite people were slayne, besyde skir-
misshis and slaughters in the priuate contentions and factions of diuers
gentilmen, the lawes layde in water (as is the prouerbe) affection and
auarice subduinge iustice and equitie; yet by his moste excellent witte,
he in fewe yeres, nat onely broughte this realme in good ordre and under
due obedience, reuiued the lawes, auaunced Justice, refurnished his
dominions, and repayred his manours; but also with suche circum-
spection traited with other princes and realmes, of leages, of aliaunce,
and amities, that during the more parte of his reigne, he was litle or
nothyng inquieted with outwarde hostilitie or martiall businesse."
Such parallel passages are of value chiefly as indications of the
probable contents of Skelton's lost treatise, in all likelihood the true
intermediary between Aristotle and Magnificence. When we come,
however, to examine the dependence of Magnificence on the Narrenschiff,
we are fortunate enough to have the intermediate work preserved. It is
Skelton's earliest satire on court life, the Bowge of Court (Dyce, I. 30-50).
The dependence of the Bowye of Court on the Narrenschiff, or rather
on Barclay's translation of it in 1509 (The Ship of Fools, translated by
:
Sources. The "Bowge of Court" and Brant's "Ship of Fools." lxxix
Alexander Barclay, ed. by T. H. Jamieson, 1874), was pointed out by
Herford in the Literary Relations between England and Germany in the
Sixteenth Century (pp. 350-357), to which little is added by the
dissertation of Rey (A. Rey, Shelton's Satirical Poems in their relation
to Lydgate's Order of Fools, Cock Lorell's Bote, and Barclay's Ship of
Fools, Bern, 1899). Brie, however, whose recent article (F. Brie,
Skelton-Studien, Engl. Stud. xxxvii. 1) introduces order for the first
time into the confusion of Skelton's chronology, places the Bowge of
Court on stylistic grounds before 1509, and ascribes any reflection in it
of Brant's work to Locher's Latin translation in 1497. It would be
difficult to determine by internal evidence alone, which'translation is
used in the Bowge of Court; but for the sake of convenience, references
in what follows have been made to the English version.
Herford shows that the Bowge of Court is based mainly on the
chapter of the Ship of Fools that treats of the 'Fools who seek court
favor' (Barclay, II. 211, "Of flaterers and glosers";) and that Skelton
selected from Brant's all-embracing list the courtiers just as the author of
Cock Lorell's Bote selected the tradesmen. In drawing his seven typical
courtiers, however, Skelton clearly did not confine himself to one chapter
of the Ship of Fools. The fools who seek court favor' are not
differentiated, and but three distinct accusations seem to be made against
them,-flattery, deceit, and mischief-making or love of discord. These
three vices are embodied in the Bowge of Court in Favell, Dissimulation,
and Subtility or Deceit, who may well owe their inspiration to this.
chapter. But the other four find closer originals in other parts of the
Ship of Fools. In Herford's convenient classification of Brant's fools into
six groups (pp. 333-338), the first three mentioned are the criminal,
the insolent, and the riotous fools. From each of these Skelton has
obviously drawn one or more types, which differ from their originals only
in being put into court dress.
The criminal fools, according to Herford, include those guilty of
"offences against the law and common morality,-oppression, crafty
dealing of various kinds, forging and appropriation, dishonest borrowing
and extortionate usury,"-the various forms of dishonesty that belong
under "folly" only by virtue of the wide extension of meaning given
that word by Brant and all his imitators. The second class includes
"the insolent and quarrelsome people, who take offence at the slightest
provocation or correction," and . . . "insolent upstarts, like the peasants."
The third class, the riotous fools, include all who indulge in any form of
dissipation. In the Bowge of Court we evidently have a member of the
1xxx Sources. The "Bowge of Court" and its Four Classes of Folly.
first class in Harvey Hafter, the thief, of whom the poet says: "Whan I
loked on hym, my purse was half aferde" (1. 238). The "insolent and
quarrelsome" are represented respectively by Disdain, who "loked
hawte" and "sette eche man at noughte" (1. 284), and Suspect, with
"his hede full of gelousy" (1. 192). To the third class evidently belongs
Riot, with his dice and his bawdy talk.
Exactly these four classes among whom the seven figures of the
Bowge of Court are divided,—the criminal class with one, the insolent
with two, the riotous with one, and the courtiers proper, false and
malicious, with three,—are represented more economically in Magnificence
by the four court-vices. The four are far from being mere repetitions
from the earlier poem; but they are types, more or less different, belong-
ing to the same general groups. The specific character-painting, it is to
be noted, is done in the long monologues with which each of them is
furnished, and in the case of Courtly Abusion and Cloaked Collusion, in
the scenes of Stage III where they beguile Magnificence; in the long
scenes where they are alone together, they are indistinguishable,—all
evil courtiers with common traits, swearing, quarrelling, cowardice, and
self-conceit.
With such restrictions, we may safely say that Harvey Hafter, the
crafty thief of the Bowge of Court, reappears in the play as Crafty Con-
veyance, who tells us in his monologue (11. 1354-7):
“Thefte also and pety brybery
Without me be full ofte aspyed;
My inwyt delynge there can no man dyscry.
Conuey it be crafte, lyft and lay asyde.
""
Elsewhere he tells us that he "conuayed" the letter that deceives the
prince (1. 534), and boasts how well he has rifled Magnificence's coffers.
But he is perhaps the least developed and most abstract of the four
figures, and very far from being so vividly drawn a rascal as Harvey
Hafter. His craft, too, is by no means so sharply restricted to theft.
He can ably conceal any sort of wrong-doing such as is commonly
restrained by "drede, that we dare not ofte, lest we be spyed"; and he
boasts especially of his aid in love-passages and in defeats of justice.
The fools of insolence and presumption are represented in Magnificence
by Counterfeit Countenance. He gives us, however, a different type of
this quality from either Disdain or Suspect. They embody the insolence
and touchiness of the fool of high rank; he embodies the insolence of
the upstart. The reason for Skelton's substitution is not far to seek.
During the interval had come the success of the conspicuous upstart who
Pt. I. § 7]
((
Counterfeit Countenance" and Wolsey. lxxxi
became his chief target. All his later satires against Wolsey contain
shafts aimed at him as "suddenly upstarte from the dung-cart" (Colin
Clout, 11. 646, 7), or cast out of a butchers stall" (Why Come Ye Nat to
Court, 1. 491); and the monologue of Counterfeit Countenance has
similar expressions, not so plain, but pretty certainly intended for the
low-born minister. Note for example 11. 417, 8 ff.:
"A knaue wyll counterfet nowe a knyght,
A lurdayne lyke a lorde to syght,"
and particularly 11. 480-86, which clearly have in mind a definite person.
For this portrait Skelton could have owed little to the Ship of Fools.
The chapter which Herford cites for this form of insolence (Chap. 82,
see Barclay, II. 95) treats rather of the loss of simplicity and content
among “rude men of the countrey." Much closer are some lines from
the chapter "Of the mutabylyte of fortune" (I. 186); e. g. p. 187:
"Promote a yeman, make hym a gentyl man,
And make a Baylyf of a Butchers son,
Make of a Squyer knyght; yet wyll they if they can
Coueyt in theyr myndes hyer promosyon.
•
Suche lokys so hye that they forget theyr felte
On fortunes whele, whiche turneth as a ball.
They seke degrees for theyr small myght vnmelte
Theyr folysshe hertis and blynde se nat theyr fall."
There is considerable similarity here also to another patent reference to
Wolsey, which Skelton puts in the mouth of Folly (11. 1238–62).
In the accessory features of the portrait, Skelton is more dependent
on Barclay. For Counterfeit Countenance, like Crafty Conveyance, ist
largely an abstraction, and is made to cover a much wider field than
would appear from the central conception. He is used by thieves, play-
wrights, judges, grocers, captains, forgers, talkers, lovers, preachers,
women, canons, and monks (ll. 431-93), as well as by upstart courtiers ;
and among means of counterfeiting special emphasis is laid on dress.
All that Skelton has to say on this topic had been said before by Barclay
in his chapter, "Of newe fassions and disgised garmentes" (I. 34). But
dress belongs more properly to the domain of Courtly Abusion, and the
parallels bearing on the subject had better be put together.
The riotous fools are represented in Magnificence by Courtly Abusion.
He answers to Riot in the Bowge of Court in sharing his addiction to
"rebaudrye" and "harlotrye" (compare Bowge of Court, 11. 368-73,
400-13, and Magn., 11. 1545-87, where Courtly Abusion tempts his
master to indulge in "Carnall Delectacyon"); parallels to this side of
MAGNYFYCENCE,
f
lxxxii
Parallelisms in the "Ship of Fools."
[Pt. I. § 7
both characters are to be found in such chapters of the Ship of Fools as
those entitled, “Of disordred and venerious loue" (I. 79), and “The
obieccion of lust blamynge vertue" (II. 289). But they differ in almost
every other respect. Riot is a reckless debauchee, utterly careless of
appearances,—“A rusty gallande, to-ragged and to-rente" (l. 345),—and
rude of speech. Courtly Abusion, on the other hand, is a polished
villain who charms his master with his language and manners (Magn.,
11. 1515–40) and drops his dissolute maxims with a superior air (ll. 1545–
1628); and his most striking characteristic is his courtly dress, com-
mented on by his associates and described in full by himself (11. 745–67,
829-55, 960-63). Counterfeit Countenance merely induces extravagant
dress in others, whereas Courtly Abusion exemplifies it himself as well.
In
The allusions made in connection with both characters can be
strikingly paralleled in the chapter of the Ship of Fools cited above.
it the names of both occur frequently:
"Drawe nere, ye Courters and Galants disgised,
Ye counterfayt Caytifs, that ar nat content
As god hath you made.”
(p. 35)
(p. 36)
"Thus by this deuysinge such counterfayted thinges
(p. 37)
They dysfourme that figure that god hymselfe hath made,
On pryde and abusion thus ar theyr myndes layde."
"But if I shulde wryte al the ylles manyfolde
That procedeth of this counterfayt abusion
And mysshapen Fassions, I never shulde have done."
With both characters Skelton emphasizes the crime and consequent ruin
into which such aping of their betters is apt to lead its victims (11. 421–3,
473-4, 863-76, 891-911). But he is hardly so vigorous on this topic.
as Barclay :
(p. 37) "Than the Courters careles that on theyr mayster wayte,
Seinge hym his Uesture in such fourme abuse,
Assayeth suche Fassion for them to counterfayte.
And so to sue Pryde continually they muse;
Than stele they, or Rubbe they. Forsoth they can nat chuse ;
For without Londe or Labour harde is it to mentayne,
But to thynke on the Galows, that is a careful payne.
But be it payne or nat, there many suche ende,
At Newgate theyr garmentis ar offered to be solde;
Theyr bodyes to the Jebet solemnly ascende,
Wauynge with the wether whyle theyr necke wyl holde."
Both monologues are particularly severe upon women in this connec-
tion (11. 452-65, 889-90). Barclay is even more bitter :
Pt. I. § 7]
Barclay on Women and Flatterers.
lxxxiii
(p. 38) "And ye Jentyl wymen whome this lewde vice doth blynde,
Lased on the backe, your peakes set a loft,
Come to my Shyp; forget ye nat behynde
Your Sadel on the tayle, yf ye lyst to sit soft.
Do on your Decke Slut if ye purpos to come oft,
I mean your Copyntanke...
So doth these women, dampnyng theyr soule to hell."
Peculiar to Courtly Abusion is the elaborate description of a gallant's
dress, with "bushing" hair, wide robe, extraordinarily wide sleeves, strait
hose, and wide buskins set with glittering gold (11. 829-55, 902-6). All
this tallies closely with Barclay's picture of a "yonge Jentylman's "
array:
(p. 36, 7) "Blasinge and garded; to lowe or else to hye,
•
•
And wyde without mesure; theyr stuffe to wast thus gothe,
But other some they suffer to dye for lacke of clothe.
Theyr sleues blasinge lyke to a Cranys wynges.
To Shyp, Galauntes, come nere, I say agayne,
Wyth your set Busshes Curlynge as men of Inde,
Ye counterfayted Courters."
Courtly Abusion asserts that all these costly fashions have been brought
from France (11. 877-88); Barclay makes the same statement, adding
that some less pleasing importations had also been introduced to the
court from France (p. 39).
As the most skilful flatterer of the whole band, Courtly Abusion
really combines with the character of Riot in the Bowge of Court the
character of Favell,-(11. 134, 5):
"Favell, full of flatery,
Wyth fables false that well coude fayne a tale,"-
and on this side he goes back to the chapter Herford cites as the chief
original of the Bowge of Court, the chapter "Of flaterers and glosers "
(II. 210). The following lines describe exactly the part he is made to
play with the prince in scene 24 :
(p. 211) "The kynges Court nowe adayes doth fede
Suche fayninge flaterers; and best they ar in grace,
As chefe with theyr lorde, by lyes gettinge mede,
Some with a fals herte, and a payntyd face."
•
་
•
(p. 212) "These faynynge flaterers theyr lordes thus begyle;
Yet ar theyr lordes therwith right well content.
They flater theyr lorde with wordes fayre and gay."
"For grettest statis nowe a dayes
To be disceyued ar glad, and haue pleasour
(p. 213)
lxxxiv
Barclay's Courtiers.
In a dowble tunge, beleuynge that it sayes.
None is nowe beloued but suche as vse the wayes
Of adulacion."
[Pt. I. § 7
The other two courtiers proper of the Bowge of Court, Dissimulation
and Subtylte or Disceyte, are combined in Magnificence in Cloaked
Collusion. Cloaked Collusion is without doubt the best-drawn character
in the play. The vivid description that he gives of himself in his
monologue (11. 689-744) is consistently verified in his actions. He
describes himself as a consummate dissembler and a determined tale-
bearer and mischief-maker; and his hypocritical deception of Measure in
scene 25 and then of Magnificence himself in scene 26 prove his words.
In Dissimulation we have a first sketch of this figure, with in one case.
verbal agreement (1. 428):
"Than in his hode I sawe there faces tweyne" (cf. Magn. 1. 710).
Disceyte attempts to play with Drede the same part that Cloaked
Collusion plays with Measure; and Drede tells us how (11. 526–7)
“he rounded thus in myne ere
Of false collusyon confetryd by assente.'
""
Some lines that
Deceit and mischief-making are two of the leading characteristics that
Barclay dwells upon in his chapter on the courtiers.
Skelton probably had in mind are :
(p. 211) "Some with a false herte and a payntyd face,
(p. 212)
In his lordes seruyce to haue chefe rowme and place,
Into his lordes erys yetyth secretly
Lyes venemous, debate to multiply." (Cf. Magn. scene 26.)
. with fals talys his neyghbour doth greue,
•
Vnto a ryche man accusynge hym falsely,
To syt at his dysshe and get some mete therby. .
Whan a symple seruaunt must nedes stande arere.
The playne man hungreth, the lyer hath the chere."
(Cf. Magn. 11. 938-54, and scene 25.)
The strokes that Skelton borrows in depicting his four courtiers do
not exhaust his debt to the Ship of Fools. As we glance over Barclay's
list of chapter-headings, we find many that suggest features of the play.
The chapter of "Couetyse and prodigalyte" (I. 29) comes very close to
the fundamental theme of Magnificence; but the treatment of the two
extremes is disappointingly unequal, only one stanza dealing with
prodigality:
(p. 30) "Yet fynde I another vyce as bad as this,
Whiche is the vyce of prodygalyte.
He spendyth all in ryot and amys,
Without all order pursuynge pouertye," etc.
Pt. I. § 7]
Barclay on Superfluous Boasting.
lxxxv
The chapter "Of nat folowers of good counsel" (I. 57) contains much
that fits the case of the prince Magnificence, particularly the following
stanza :
(p. 60) "If that it were nat for cawse of breuyte,
I coude shewe many of our predecessours
Whiche, nat folowynge counceyll of men of grauyte,
Soone haue decayed from theyr olde honours.
I rede of Dukes, Kynges, and Emperours,
Whiche, dispysynge the counsayle of men of age,
Haue after had great sorowe and damage.”
Much the same expressions occur in the chapter "Of suche Folys as
begyn to do well and contynue nat" (II. 108). The chapter "Of Folys
bostyng them in fortune" (I. 124) might also have been aimed at Mag-
nificence, who does in scene 23 exactly what is there forbidden, and who
is lengthily enlightened in the closing scene on the danger of trusting
in fortune (11. 2505-60). The following stanza is apt:
(p. 125) "He shakyth boost and oft doth hym auaunte
Of fortunes fauoure and his prosperyte,
Whiche suffreth hym nought of his wyll to wante,
So that he knoweth nought of aduersyte,
Nor mysfortune, nor what thynge is pouertee.
O lawles fole, o man blyndyd of mynde!
Say what suretye in fortune canst thou fynde?"
Similar passages might also be drawn from the chapter "Of proude,
vayne, and superflue bostys of Folys" (II. 64). Finally, Magnificence's
experiences in poverty (Stage IV) are possibly suggested in part by two
stanzas in II. 30:
"If suche a fole have patrymony and londe,
Or in his Coffres great treasour and riches,
He shall haue frendes and felawys at honde
To egge hym forwarde vnto vnhappynes,
And sawynge in hym sede of moche vnthryftynes,
And than to spoyle hym, and leue hym pore and bare,
Wherby he often must lyue in payne and care. . . .
So whan he by them is brought to pouertye,
Hauynge no thynge his bodye to sustayne,
Than all his frendes away fast from hym fle
As trayters vntrue, leuynge the Fole in payne.
Than cryeth he on god and sore doth hym complayne
With wofull wordes, mournynge with herte full faynt,
And than forthynkyth; but late is his complaynt.
>>
(Cf. scenes 37, 38, and 39.)
lxxxvi
Barclay's Metrical Experiments
[Pt. I. § 7
The dissertation on the sins of fathers and children that is brought
in quite extraneously in the monologue of Adversity (11. 1920-35)
is in all likelihood based on the two chapters of the Ship of Fools
entitled "Of negligent Fathers" (I. 45) and “Of children that dysdayne
to honoure and worshyp theyr parentis" (II. 147). It is interesting
thus to trace one at least of the sources of a topic so favored in later
moralities.
Two other chapters of special interest for the reader of Magnificence
remain to be treated,-one for its metre, the other for its possible hint at
personal reference. Near the end of the Ship of Fools occurs a curious
section, not found in the original German, and much altered and enlarged
by Barclay from the form in which it first appeared in Locher's Latin
version. This addition, entitled "A concertacion or stryuynge bytwene
vertue and voluptuosyte" (II. 286) is really a morality in miniature,
occupying three chapters: the first an introduction, the second the
"Obiection of lust blamynge vertue," and the third the "Answere of
vertue agenst this obiection of voluptuosyte." Chapters first and third are
in the same rime-royal stanza which with an occasional eight-line stanza is
used elsewhere throughout the poem. Chapter second, however, presents
a very unusual metrical structure; beginning with two and ending with
eleven of the regular rime royals, it puts between eleven stanzas unlike
anything else in the poem. Most of them are in half-lines, whereas in
the rest of the Ship of Fools Barclay uses the same heavy four-stress line
found in Magnificence. The half-line is used in a way very instructive
for its probable origin in internal rime. Thus it begins with what is
evidently a rime-royal stanza that has undergone this process, which
however is imperfect at one point; the rime-scheme is aa bb aa bb xb
cc cc². Then follows a highly intricate tail-rime stanza in 24 half-lines
with but two rimes (aab aab bba bba aab aab bba bba²); two stanzas that
alternate between four-accent and three-accent lines (abab¹ aaab³); a six-
teen-line stanza in half-lines, evidently an eight-line stanza that has been
subjected to the same internal rime process as the rime royal above (aa bb
aa bb bb cc bb cc²); a rather anomalous twenty-line stanza (aa bb aa bb
cb cd bb bd² dbdb4); and five half-line stanzas in ordinary tail-rime form
(aaab aaab²). Two stanzas may be quoted for illustration (pp. 290 and
292, the doubled rime royal and one of the tail-rime stanzas):
"All my vesture
Is of golde pure;
My gay Chaplet,
With stonys set;
With couerture
Of fyne asure;
In syluer net
My here up knet;
A possible Parody of Barclay.
Pt. I. § 7]
Soft sylke bytwene
Lyst it myght fret;
My purpyll pall
Ouercouereth all,
Clere as Christall,
No thynge egall."
“Who euer they be
That folowe me
And gladly fle
To any standarde,
They shall be fre,—
Nat sek, nor se
Aduersyte,
Nor paynes harde."
lxxxvii
The passage is of course a tour de force, but it is worth analyzing for
the sake of comparison with Skelton's use of the half-line in Magnificence.
As has been noted in the preceding section, Skelton reveals in Magnificence
the origin of the half-line as he does not in any of his other poems. He
had of course made extended use of it before the play, and in Phillip
Sparrow before Barclay's translation as well. But elsewhere he had used
it alone, and only with "leash" rimes,—the so-called Skeltonical. In
Magnificence we see it arising out of the four-accent line by the introduc-
tion of internal rime, and we find it with different rime-schemes for
different effects,-notably with rime royal. We find it used with inten-
tion to characterize the more frivolous vices, in a way not paralleled by its
sporadic occurrence in some of the earlier moralities. All these features
appear in Barclay's experimental half-lines. The diminutive rime royals
of Courtly Abusion seem to echo the similar stanzas of Voluptuosity,
with whom in conception he is partly identical; and in the even more
tentative and capricious way in which Barclay plays with the new device,
we seem to see the half-line form in the making. It is not impossible
that Skelton here stooped again to take a hint from his rival and
improve it.
The other parallel has the appearance of an intentional parody on a
feature of Barclay's poem that was open to ridicule. Barclay, who must
have been something of a time-server, interlarded his translation with a
number of flattering allusions and addresses to Henry VIII, some added
out of whole cloth, others adapted from similar passages addressed by his
originals to their various rulers. The most elaborately pedantic of these
is called " A specyall exhortacion and lawde of the kynge Henry the viij”
(II. 205), and contains the following lines worthy of our particular
notice :
"For Henry the eyght, replete with hye wysdome,
By iust tytyll gydeth our Septer of kyngdome.
This noble Prynce begynnyth vertuously
By iustyce and pyte his roylme to meyntayne,
So that he and his, without mo.company,
lxxxviii
Barclay versus Skelton on Henry VIII.
May succour our sores by his manhode souerayne,
And get with his owne hande Jerusalem agayne.
He passyth Hercules in manhode and courage,
(Hauynge a respect vnto his tender age);
He passeth Achylles in strength and valyance;
His fame nere as great; but as for his larges
And lyberalyte, he sheweth in countenaunce
That no auaryce can blynde his rightwysnes.
Couetyse hath left behynde hym his ryches
Vnto the hyghe possessyon of lyberalyte,
Whiche with the same shall keepe our lybertye.
Let go Pompeius, and Camyllus also,
And Sylla; for none of them wyll I commende.
This Prynce I prayse alonely and no mo
Whiche is moste abyll our fayth for to defende."
[Pt. I. § 7
$
Compare with this the boisterous monologue of the prince in
Magnificence, scene 23. Barclay was evidently serious in placing Henry
above Hercules and Achilles, Pompey, Camillus, and Sulla; Skelton
outdoes him by placing his prince, who we shall see is a not altogether
respectful prototype of Henry, by his own confession above thrice as
many heroes: Hercules, Theseus, Alexander, for the Greeks; Porsena,
Cato, Scipio, Caesar, Vespasian, Nero, Galba, and Bassianus for the
Romans; and Cyrus and Darius, Hannibal, Alericus, Charlemagne, and
Arthur for good measure. The satire on Barclay's style, if such it is
intended to be, is notably more delicate than most of Skelton's attacks
on his literary and political enemies. But Skelton was for some reason
surprisingly gentle in his treatment of Barclay, if we may judge by his
extant writings. In reply to Barclay's numerous and always con-
temptuous references to him, the only retort, unless this be one, is hist
mild defence of Phillip Sparrow in the Garland of Laurel (11. 1254-60),
against Barclay's sneer in the Ship of Fools (II. 331). Barclay's political
allusion to Henry VIII's liberality as contrasted with his father's parsi-
mony is also noteworthy. Barclay, it is evident, agreed with Skelton
and Elyot as to the facts, although, unlike Skelton, he regarded the son's
lavishness as a virtue, and, unlike Elyot, the father's "circumspection "
as a vice.
In view of so wholesale a permeation into Magnificence of the
philosophy and the language of the Ship of Fools, it is difficult to
explain the doubt expressed by Brie (Engl. Stud. xxxvii. 40), "dass
sich . . . der einfluss des Narrenschiffs bemerkbar macht.
in irgen-
ednier uns bekannten dichtung Skelton's." The reality of the depend-
Pt. I. § 7, 8]
lxxxix
ence of the play on Brant's satire is emphasized by the contrast of its
relations to the earlier English fool-satires, Lydgate's Order of Fools and
Cock Lorell's Bote, from which it borrowed practically nothing. As
regards the form in which Skelton had access to the Narrenschiff, there
is, so far as I have observed, no evidence to prove that he used Barclay's
translation when he composed the Bowge of Court; but such evidence
abounds in the case of Magnificence. To the many verbal correspondences.
cited above may be added the fact that the two last correspondences
mentioned concern passages in the Ship of Fools that are independent of
the original, one in its metre, the other in its application to the English
monarch. The estrif between virtue and voluptuosity is in general a
very free rendering of Locher; and the chapter "Of newe fassions and
disgised Garmentes" from which Magnificence draws so many touches, is
almost wholly original with Barclay (cf. F. Fraustadt, Über das Verlhültuis
von Barclay's Ship of Fools zur lateinischen, französischen, und deutschen
Quelle, Breslau diss., 1894; pp. 16, 33).
Skelton's Debt to Barclay and to Brant.
More important than any influence in detail exerted by the Ship of
Fools was its general influence, on the English drama as a whole and on
Magnificence in particular, in assisting the vital change then taking place
in dramatic characterization. To trace the extent of this process in
Magnificence will require a special chapter. But if, as we shall see, the
Narrenschiff helped to transform the personified abstraction into the type,
it gave new life to at least one specimen of the former class, namely,
Folly; and it must have encouraged one undramatic feature of Magnifi-
cence, namely, the long monologues in which each of the vices describes
his own character. In the Ship of Fools, it is true, the description of
the successive types is usually put in the mouth of the author; but ir
the chapters beginning I. pp. 19 and 41, the fool speaks in the first
person, and so do the abstractions Wisdom (I. 119), Voluptuosity
(II. 289), and Virtue (II. 296). In these chapters we have precisely the
monologue form as it appears in Magnificence.
VIII. CHARACTERIZATION.
a. Abstractions and types. In summing up the influence that Brant's
Ship of Fools exerted upon Skelton and his contemporaries, Herford
gives perhaps the clearest statement of the momentous change in
characterization then taking place in the drama (p. 324): "It helped to
bridge over the difficult transition from the literature of personified
abstractions to that which deals with social types. It helped to substitute
XC
Successful Types in Heywood.
[Pt. I. § 8
study of actual men and women at first hand for the mere accumulation
of conventional traits about an abstract substantive; to turn allegory
into narrative, moralities into dramas . . .". The same idea has been
expressed, not so exactly, by ten Brink (Gesch. der eng. Litt., II. 470)
and by Ward in his article on Barclay in the Dict. Nat. Biog. (cited by
Herford, p. 324). Since the personified abstraction was the essential
feature of a morality, and the type, though not necessarily the social
type, is an essential feature of a comedy, we cannot assign Magnificence
its proper place in the transition from one dramatic species into the other
without discovering to what extent it partook of the new method of
characterization.
For the process in its completion we can find no better illustration
than Skelton's immediate successor Heywood. With the exception of
the "vyce" Mery Report in Weather, and the mythological figure of
Jupiter, all of Heywood's characters are pure types; and in Johan Johan,
if that be his, he has taken the important additional step of giving to his
typical husband, wife, and priest individual names. In discarding the
abstraction altogether, however, Heywood differs from the contemporary
and later interludes. It is also to be noted that his types all represent
either social classes as in Weather, Four P's, and Pardoner and Friar, or
sentimental states, as in Love; he has no moral types, that is, represent-
ative embodiments of some moral trait. These were the specific invention
of the dissolving morality; and they find their legitimate descendants in
Jonson's comedy of humors. Their absence in Heywood is one thing
that prevents his interludes from being real comedies. Heywood stands
a little on one side of the regular course of English dramatic development.
A careful study of his characterization would probably confirm the view
already put forward (Karl Young, "Influence of the French Farce upon
the Plays of John Heywood," Mod. Phil., II. 97, June, 1894), that he
drew rather from the French farce than directly from the moral plays.
Yet his use of the social type was, so far as it went, quite in harmony
with the stage that dramatic art had reached. It is curiously significant.
to find him appropriating almost without change the character of the
pardoner from Chaucer. Chaucer, who passed from the abstractions of
the Romaunt of the Rose to the social types of the Prologue, arrived in a
single life-time at the same point in the creation of dramatic character
which the actual drama had not reached until Heywood's day (cf.
Swoboda, p. 66).
In this development Skelton holds a much less advanced position
than Heywood, and indeed, as I shall attempt to show in the second part
Pt. I. § 8]
Skelton's Backwardness in Characterization.
xci
of this study, than some of the older moral plays. As compared with
some other sides of his own dramatic art also, his characterization appears
backward. In no single one of his personages has he completely shaken
off the allegorical dress. In one of them he has even taken a slight
retrograde step. The original morality cast contained among its abstrac-
tions one typical figure in its hero Mankind, a real type, though the
broadest logically conceivable. This was gradually narrowed in succeed-
ing plays. Skelton continues the narrowing process properly enough by
making his hero a typical prince, and thus produces, in every respect but
one, a social type drawn with considerable realism. But the selection of
the allegorical name Magnificence gives the character a slight abstract
coloring from which all its prototypes, with the exception of the " King
of Life" in the early Pride of Life, are free.
Skelton's conservatism in this respect is doubtless to be explained as
due to his learning. Allegory had in its origin been a learned develop-
ment; and in none of its forms did it become popular. The morality
itself was in spirit a sort of compromise between the purely popular
miracle-play and the purely aristocratic courtly allegory. To this fact,
indeed, it owes its adoption into literature in the narrower sense, from
which the miracle always remained excluded. Naturally moral-play-
wrights with popular sympathies would neglect the allegorical side,
while men of learning, such as Skelton pre-eminently was, would cling
to it.
Whatever its explanation, the mixture of allegorical and typical
elements in the delineation of his personages is characteristic of Skelton.
Magnificence blends the old and the new method more evenly than in
any other moral play; perhaps it is on that account a better example of
the transition. The same curious blending is found in equal measure in
the Bowge of Court; a work peculiarly analogous to Magnificence, for in
it Skelton adapted the courtly allegory to the purpose of personal satire
exactly as in Magnificence he adopted the morality. We have seen how
intimately he introduced into both the old forms the new motives taken
from the Ship of Fools. In the seven characters of the Bowge of Court,
he has combined no less closely the two kinds of portraiture characteristic
of his two sources. A comparison of four of these descriptions will serve
to illustrate Skelton's method in its varying proportions.
In the first, we have, except for the abstract name, a lively picture of
a purely typical spendthrift and profligate. In the second, the name is
concrete, and the description portrays a typical court gambler, but contains
one allegorical touch. In the third we have an abstract name and more
xcii "Riot," "Harvey Hafter," and "Disdain."
[Pt. I. § &
allegory in the description, which is partly a portrait of Disdain the
haughty courtier and partly a symbolic personification of the emotion
disdain. The fourth is almost wholly allegorical, but uses an alternative
concrete name. The allegorical portions are italicised. First the portrait
of Riot (Bowge of Court, 11. 344-364):
66
Wyth that came Ryotte, russhynge all at ones,
6
A rusty gallande, to-ragged and to-rente;
And on the borde he whyrled a payre of bones;
Quater, treye, dews,' he clatered as he wente,
'Now haue at all, by Saynte Thomas of Kente!'
And euer he threwe, and kyst I wote nere what.
His here was growen thorowe oute his hat.
Thenne I behelde how he dysgysed was:
His hede was heuy for watchynge ouer nyghte;
His eyen blered; his face shone lyke a glas
His gowne so shorte that it ne couer myghte
His rumpe, he wente so all for somer lyghte;
His hose was garded wyth a lyste of grene,
Yet at the knee they were broken, I wene;
His cote was checked with patches rede and blewe;
Of Kyrkeby Kendall was his shorte demye;
And ay he sange, 'In fayth, Decon, thou crewe ';
His elbowe bare, he ware his gere so nye;
His nose a-droppynge; his lyppes were full drye;
And by his syde his whynarde and his pouche,-
The deuyll myghte daunce therin for ony crowche.”
The portrait of another figure who is entitled Harvey Hafter (i. e. robber,
thief) is as follows (11. 230-238):
"But as I stode musynge in my mynde,
Haruy Hafter came lepynge, lyghte as lynde.
Vpon his breste he bare a versynge boxe ;
His throte was clere, and lustely coude fayne;
Methoughte his gowne was all furred wyth foxe;
And euer he sange, 'Sythe I am no thynge playne.'
To kepe him from pykynge it was a grete payne.
He gased on me with his gotyshe berde;
Whan I loked on hym, my purse was half aferde."
Disdain is thus described (11. 284-294):
"He loked hawte, he sette eche man at noughte.
His gaudy garment with scornnys was all wrought;
With indygnacyon lyned was his hode.
He frowned, as he wolde swere, 'By Cockes blode!'
Pt. I. § 8]
"Dissimulation" or "Dyscymular."
He bote the lyppe; he loked passynge coye;
His face was belymmed as byes had him stounge;
It was no tyme with him to jape nor toye.
Enuye hathe wasted his lyuer and his lounge;
Hatred by the herte so had hym wrounge
That he loked pale as asshes to my syghte.
Dysdayne, I wene, this comerous crabes hyghte.”
xciii
Finally we have the picture of Dissimulation, or "Dyscymular" (both
titles are used) (11. 427-440):
"Anone Dyscymular came where I stode.
Than in his hode I sawe there faces tweyne :
That one was lene and lyke a pyned goost ;
That other looked as he wolde me haue slayne.
And to me warde as he gan for to coost,
Whan that he was euen at me almoost,
I sawe a knyfe hyd in his one sleue,
Whereon was wryten this worde, ' Myscheue.'
And in his other sleue me thought I sawe
A spone of golde full of hony swete,
To fede a fole, and for to preue a dawe;
And on that sleue these wordes were wrete :
‘A false abstracte cometh from a fals concrete.'
His hode was syde; his cope was roset graye."
The same remarkable blending of conceptions is to be found in the
character-drawing of the play, with the same variety of proportion
between the allegorical and the typical elements. The closest parallel
to the characterizations cited above is naturally found in the related
figures of the four court-vices. These furnish the nearest approach
made by the play to drawing a pure type, with the exception of
Magnificence, who, as I have said, was a type by dramatic descent.
The extent to which they have shaken off the abstraction is to be
ascribed, as in the Bowge of Court, to the influence of the Narrenschiff
from whose treasury they are substantially taken. Skelton was justified
in pluming himself chiefly on them in boasting of his play in the
Garland of Laurel, for they constitute its main dramatic achievement.
In considering their characterization we must distinguish between
Skelton's two means, action and objective description. Such advance as
is made from the abstraction to the type is chiefly in the action. In the
description of his characters, which Skelton puts into their own mouths.
in the long monologues, emphasis is generally laid on the allegorical side.
This is not surprising. These curious monologues, which are quite
xciv
The Monologues of "Magnificence."
[Pt. I. § 8.
different from the true dramatic monologue of the mature drama, being
in reality speeches addressed frankly to the audience (cf. 11. 407-9,
721-3, 829-31, 992-5, etc.), form an essentially alien feature. They
are, however, an almost universal feature of the moralities, and Skelton's
are surpassed in length and dulness by many in the other plays; and in
reality the morality has in them its closest affinity with its ancestor the
narrative allegory. In the increasing introduction of portrayal by action,
on the other hand, lies its closest affinity with its descendant the mature
drama; and the new means of portrayal favored the new sort of
characterization.
The comparison of the monologues, then, with the descriptions cited
above from the Bowge of Court is historically fair. Precisely the same
varieties of mixture of allegorical and typical elements occur in the self-
descriptions of the four court-vices as in the objective portraits of the
narrative poem. The monologue of Counterfeit Countenance (scene 8) is
purely allegorical. He forgets that he is a person and a villain, and
characterizes himself solely as a vice, that variety of pride which leads
men, especially the inhabitants of courts, to pretend to be above their
stations (compare particularly 11. 411, 417-23, 429-30, 437). The
monologue of Cloaked Collusion (scene 11), on the other hand, has the
two elements rather evenly blended. Many of the phrases he uses fit
only the abstract vice,-the form of malice which is especially active at
courts in spreading slander and making trouble for one's neighbour (see
11. 695-6, 699-702, 706, 710-11, 713, 727); but as many would if
taken separately give us the portrait of a typical villain inspired with
such a spirit (11. 698, 707-9, 716-21, 724-6, 730–4, 736-44). Courtly
Abusion's monologue (scene 14) also has both elements, but not so
inextricably entangled as with Cloaked Collusion. The first half gives
a description of his costume as a typical dandy dressed in the latest
fashions (11. 832-55); all the rest has to do with the abstraction Courtly
Abusion, the vice prevalent at courts of extravagance in dress and habits
(11. 856-911). Finally, the monologue of Crafty Conveyance (scene 19),
like that of Counterfeit Countenance, is almost entirely a dissertation
on the vice signified by his name, the cunning of the thief that enables
hypocrites in the glare of court life to conceal their crimes and indulgences
(compare especially II. 1332-43, 1354–60, 1368–9); only at the end do
we have a touch of personal character given (11. 1370, 1372–4).
In the more dramatic parts of the drama, where there is real action or
dialogue, the four figures become fairly unmixed types. At the same
time, they are much less distinct from each other. Skelton's dramatic
Pt. I. § 8]
Characterization in the Action.
XCV
art was too immature for him to make distinctions as fine in his
presentation of character as in his morality. When the four act or
debate together as in scenes 9, 10, 12, 13, 15, 18, 36, and 37, they act
simply as typical dishonest courtiers, without particular addition. They
are equally proficient in curious and variegated oaths, all of them like to
make a show of power by pride and rudeness, and all are extremely
quarrelsome, but only with words, not swords.
In their relations to the prince, however, considerable approach is
made toward giving individuality to two of them,-Courtly Abusion and
Cloaked Collusion. These scenes (24-26) and these two characters
represent the summit of Skelton's achievement in the play in the
direction of character creation. In scene 24, Courtly Abusion preserves
and develops exactly the role indicated for him in his monologue. He
appears as much of an adept in courtly language and manners as in
courtly dress, and charms Magnificence with his polished flattery (11.
1529-38); and thereupon advises him "to fall in aquayntaunce with
euery newe facyon," and especially "to fasten your Fansy vpon a fayre
maystresse," proceeding to air his knowledge of the world and his cynical.
views about women. In scenes 25 and 26 equal distinctness is given to
a contrasted type, the treacherous and subtle Cloaked Collusion. Scene
25, where he enters with Measure, pretending to be his friend and
promising to intercede for his restoration to favor, only to betray him
in a whisper to the prince, is the most dramatic of the play. In scene
26 he continues to realize the character he has described in his monologue,
betraying his own accomplices, as well as the prince, by persuading him
to take his purse from Fancy and Liberty, and entrust it to himself and
one or two others (11. 1762-89).
There is no such individualization
such individualization of the figures Counterfeit
Countenance and Crafty Conveyance. In their monologues, as we saw,
they are almost purely allegorical; in their action they are not
differentiated from the other courtier types. In one passage (11.
529-35) there seems to have been an effort to make them act as befits
their names, where Counterfeit Countenance is said to have "counter-
feited" the forged letter and Crafty Conveyance to have "conveyed" it;
but the connection is merely verbal, for these acts do not reflect the real
signification of the names.
The other two vices, Fancy and Folly, stand on a different footing.
As part of the fundamental allegory, their acts are in general necessarily
symbolical; and they represent so much broader conceptions than the
court-vices that it would have been difficult to individualize them as,
1
xcvi
Characterization of Fools, Vices, and Hero [Pt. I. § 8
for instance, Cloaked Collusion is individualized. By an essentially
different process, however, they have been given a special sort of
personality; by the concentration in them of the humor of the play,
they have become buffoons, fools, or "vices" in the later technical use
of the word, a development that will require special notice. Their
counterparts Measure and Circumspection have a slight typical
characterization. As with Fancy and Folly, the broad outlines of their
parts are purely allegorical Measure's falling out of favor with the
prince and being banished from the court, Circumspection's absence on a
journey and return. But in the detailed execution, Measure becomes at
times a typical honest counsellor, somewhat prosy, and simple-minded in
his very honesty; and Circumspection an old and respected adviser. All
the other figures around the hero are abstractions and nothing more.
Felicity is stolen away, Liberty is set free from restraint, Adversity beats
down the prince, Poverty, Despair, and Good Hope visit him in turn, be
is about to embrace Mischief and is persuaded to embrace Redress and
Perseverance instead, all this is pure allegory. These figures overflow
with generalization and moral advice, without assuming a trace of
personality, except what is implicit in their talking and acting at all.
The hero himself presents a problem of characterization different in
kind from all the other figures in the play. In his case we have to
determine, not how far an abstract conception has been transformed into
a type, but how far a generalized type, the most general possible, has been
narrowed down to the type of a special class. The original hero of the
moral play, to trespass for a moment on the territory to be entered in the
second half of this study, was Man in general, and the hero of Skelton's
play is intended as a representative of the very restricted class of kings.
It is true, as has been noted, that he has been given a slight touch of the
abstraction by his name; this gives him a place in the allegory, but it
has not left a trace in his characterization, either in the action or in his
monologue. As "your magnificence was a common substitute for the
royal name, perhaps the term was not felt as really abstract. On the
other hand, the antecedent Man sometimes peeps through the specialized
figure of the Prince; notably in Stage V, where he confesses to sin and
repents in the traditional manner, rather as would befit an ordinary man
than a king who has committed blunders in state-craft. He is deprived
of many of the scenic accessories of royalty because the action takes place
near the palace instead of at the palace itself. Still, the intention to
depict a king is unmistakable and repeatedly emphasized.
""
The doubt on this head raised by Hooper ("Skelton's Magnyfycence
<<
Magnificence" clearly a King. Humorous Elements.
xcvii
and Cardinal Wolsey," Mod. Lang. Notes, xvi. 213), in an article that
attempts to identify Magnificence with Wolsey, seems to rest on a strange
misunderstanding of the word "negarde" (1. 388) as implying low birth.
Directly the opposite is shown when Magnificence speaks of his "noble
blood" (1. 2060), a passage that could never have been put into the mouth
of Wolsey. There occur, of course, many terms that are non-committal as
to exact rank, though none that would not be applicable to a king:
"noblenesse" (11. 194, 225, 265, 2021, etc.), a "noble man" (ll. 404,
1626, 2112,-not a nobleman), a "lorde" (11. 270, 388, 1606, 1886,
2123), and the forms of address" magnificence" and "your grace" (11.
1521, 25, 34 and 1633, 44),—the last-mentioned, which to-day is restricted
to dukes and archbishops, was then used freely in addressing kings (cf.
N. E. D. sub grace; 16. b.). But even more frequently are terms
unmistakably royal used: Magnificence is repeatedly called a "prynce
(11. 279, 1457, 71, 1545, etc.), a "noble prynce" (11. 166, 273, 2280), a
prynce ryall" (1. 173), or a "state ryall" (1. 383), and is alluded to as
a "sufferayne" (1. 1271); he "raynes" (11. 265, 1485), makes a knight.
(1. 521), has the court (11. 764, 834), and a "paleys" (1. 2562); and is
classed with other kings (11. 280, 1466-1514).
""
b. Humor and the "vice." The two fun-makers of the morality are
the brothers Fancy and Folly. Its humor is confined, as usual, to the
rôles of the evil characters; and of these Fancy and Folly alone make
fun for its own sake. There is humor in the depiction of the cowardice
of Collusion, Conveyance, and Abusion in scenes 12 and 13, but it is
introduced with the ulterior purpose of satisfying the court"
gyse nowe
adayes" (see 11. 808-14). So the humorous description of Courtly
Abusion strutting in his fine raiment is merely part of his role, a satire
on the fashionable excesses of the court. But the jokes made by or at
Fancy or Folly have in most cases no particular connection with court
life or satirical aim of any kind.
The concentration of the pure humor of the play into these two rûles
is explained by the fact, hitherto unnoticed, that both Fancy and Folly
are meant to be court-fools. The evidence for this identification comes
partly from the allusions in the text to their character and their dress,
and partly from the nature of the roles themselves. We have already
considered (pp. xlv, xlvi) the unmistakable references to the fool's habit
worn by both Fancy and Folly. Other external testimony is afforded
by the terms applied to them throughout the play, and this is corroborated
by the internal evidence gained from an examination of Skelton's handling
of the parts.
MAGNYFYCENCE.
g
xcviii
The two Court-fools-External Evidence.
[Pt. I. § 8
The term "fole" and the epithets "folyshe," "fond," "fonnish,"
"brainsick," "frantic," are constantly applied to Fancy and Folly, and
in a professional way differing from the occasional use of them with other
characters. Thus in 1. 1092 Folly accepts the term and applies it to
himself and Fancy:
"Ye, a fole the tone, and a fole the tother."
In 1. 1171, Folly puns on the double meaning, literal and professional, of
the word, when Crafty Conveyance expresses a desire to have him in
the band:
"CRA.CON. Cockys armys! a mete man for vs.
FOL.
What? wolde ye haue mo folys, and are so many?
In 1. 1162, Folly's role is described as playing "at the hoddypeke"; in
1. 1192, as playing "Cocke Wat." Both expressions are synonyms for
playing the fool (cf. Dyce's notes and the N. E. D.).
An indirect light is thrown upon the nature of Fancy's rôle by a
passage in scene 7, which has also an independent interest. Fancy here
(11. 346–61) describes his unpleasant experience with the rustic crowd at
the seaside when coming from France to England, and inserts in his
description one of our earliest references to Friar Tuck:
"And boyes to the pylery gan me plucke,
And wolde haue made me Freer Tucke,
To preche out of the pylery hole
Without an antetyme or a stole."
The reference is justly used by Brie (pp. 35–37) in support of Skelton's
probable authorship of a Robin Hood play. In an earlier study
(R. Fricke, Die Robin-Hood-Balladen; ein Beitrag zum Studium der
englischen Volksdichtung, Braunschweig, 1883; p. 52) it was used as the
basis of a theory regarding the origin of this popular figure: "Wir
werden nicht weit fehlgreifen, wenn wir auf Grund dieser wenigen Worte
die Vermutung aufstellen, dass der friar Tuck zuerst die alte Rolle
eines boy-bishop spielt, jener Figur, welche so lange und so häufig das
Volk belustigt hat, und dass er erst später zu einer wichtigen Persönlich-
keit im Morris-dance geworden ist. In den Maispielen, wo fast alle
Volksbelustigungen sonst verschiedenen Ursprungs zusammenliefen, um
mit anderen zu verschmelzen oder ganz unterzugehen, kam er auch in
einen gewissen äusseren Zusammenhang mit Robin Hood, und es lag
gewiss nicht fern, den Kampf Robins mit einem friar speciell auf den
friar Tuck zu übertragen." (Cf. also A. Ruckdeschel, Die Quellen des
Dramas "The Downfall and Death of Robert, Earle of Huntington,
Pt. I. § 8]
Internal Evidence in Nature of Rôles.
xcix
otherwise called Robin Hood," Erlangen, 1897; p. 17). Our identification
of Fancy with the Fool in character and habit lends and receives some
confirmation from this theory. The Fool and the Friar were companion
figures in the May games and the Morrisdance (Chambers, I. 195-198).
If Friar Tuck was ultimately derived from the Boy-Bishop, the Fool
came from the Feast of Fools (Chambers, I. 372 ff.). The Fool's
costume, too, was essentially a parody on the ecclesiastical shaven head
and cowl (cf. Douce, p. 508). It was natural that the French crowd, on
seeing Fancy so attired, should be reminded of their favorite May
sport; natural, too, that the first form that their horseplay took should
be a proposal to cut off his ears (1. 349: “Or elles I had lost myne eres
twayne"), for the two large ass's ears formed the most prominent feature
of the fool's headdress.
The internal evidence, in the handling of the rôles themselves, is even
more conclusive. The principal characteristic of the court fool as dis-
tinguished from other denizens of the court was perhaps his licence of
speech. His freedom, sometimes offensive, toward his master and all
around him marked him off from the obsequious courtiers quite as sharply
as his cap and bells. Precisely this contrast is made in the play. Nothing
more uncourtierlike can be imagined than the rude familiarity of Fancy's
manner toward Magnificence on his first introduction in scene 6. His
impudence, indeed, almost costs him his success in his mission, and he is
fain to win back the prince's favor by producing his forged letter. In
the whole scene we have a by no means unhappy picture of the "allt
licensed" fool with types of whom Skelton was familiar in real life
note his rude interruption on entering (11. 251-60), and the saucy retorts
with which he finally infuriates the prince (11. 292-305). We are no7
shown Folly's introduction to Magnificence; but there are sufficient
examples of his insolence to others, and he is described as being capable
of as much to the prince himself (cf. scene 18, especially 11. 1167-9).
Of them both Crafty Conveyance says (1. 1331):
"Foly and Fansy all where euery man dothe face and brace."
e;
So far the two fools share the common characteristics of their station.
But they do not by any means duplicate each other. With considerable
ingenuity, and evident familiarity with all varieties of the type, Skelton
has given us two court fools who are quite distinct. Fancy and Folly are
contrasted, first of all, in stature. Folly is of ordinary size, or even
above it; Fancy is diminutive, apparently a dwarf. As we have seen.
above (p. xlviii), the point is dwelt on with some insistence, and received.
T
C
The Fool natural and the Fool artificial.
[Pt. I. § &
consideration in dividing the parts among the actors. The dwarf was as
much in demand at medieval courts as the fool; and when, as was not
unnatural, the attractions of diseased brain and stunted body were united,
the combination became a treasure indeed (cf. J. Doran, A History of
Court Fools, 1858, p. 39; and A. Canel, Recherches historiques sur les
Fous des Rois de France, 1873, p. 26). Skelton's Fancy is evidently
intended as such a combination.
Another distinction constantly made between the fools of real courts.
is well described by Robert Armin in the Nest of Ninnies, p. 12 (Shake-
speare Society, 1842): "Here you haue heard the difference twixt a flat
foole naturall, and a flat foole artificiall; one that did his kinde, and the
other who foolishly followed his owne minde: on which two is written
this Rime:
Naturall fooles are prone to selfe conceipt;
Fooles artificiall with their wits lay wayte
To make themselues fooles, liking the disguise,
To feede their owne minds, and the gazers eyes."
Cf. also Douce, p. 499. The natural fool included all varieties of the
feeble-minded, from idiots to those silly by nature, yet cunning and
sarcastical. The artificial fool, on the other hand, had to possess an
amount of wit considerably above the ordinary; he took the cap and
bells as a profession, and aped the vagaries of his weak-minded brother.
The fascination which the first class had for their medieval owners lay
chiefly in their occasional deviations into sense, their startling expressions
of truths, often unpleasant, that secured them a popular reputation for
something like inspiration. The humor of the second class, on the
other hand, lay solely in their departure from sense, and their mimicry of
the real fools.
In Skelton's day, when the maintenance of domestic fools was a
universal custom, there existed an extraordinary number of both classes.
Of the first class, the fool natural, we know of Sir Thomas More's
Patenson (the passage on fools in the Utopia, Bk. II. Chap. vii, will
recur), Wolsey's Patch (cf. Cavendish's Life, Morley's Universal Library
ed., p. 148), who was afterwards presented to the King, and the famous
Caillette and Triboulet of Francis I, who, according to their French
biographer (J. F. Dreux de Radier, Histoire des Fous en titre d'Office,
for which see C. Leber, J. B. Salgues, et J. Cohen, Collection des meil-
leures Dissertations, Notices, et Traités particuliers, relatifs à l'Histoire de
France, 1826–38, vol. viii. p. 152), “était de ces fous imbécilles dont
la naïveté est telle, que leurs actions ou leurs réponses ont quelque
The Fool in "Kingbear" versus Touchstone; Fansy versus Folly. ci
chose d'aussi amusant que la vivacité et l'esprit des autres." The most
celebrated fool of his age and the longest remembered, Henry's Will
Summers, was, on the other hand, evidently a fool artificial or professional
jester, with more than ordinary wit. Finally, the same distinction was
later observed by Shakspere in his gallery of fools. Lear's Fool was, of
course, a natural-an "innocent," as he is called by Edgar--notwith-
standing his "sarcastical flashes of wit" (cf. Douce, p. 419); whereas
Touchstone, Feste, and most of the others were what Shakspere calls in
Twelfth Night "allowed fools" or "set fools," that is, fools artificial.
""
This distinction appears unmistakably in Magnificence. In Fancy,
Skelton has depicted a "fool naturall,”—not an idiot, but, to use the
epithets constantly applied to him in the play, weak-brained, frantic,
fantastical. The humor of his part is almost wholly that of which he is
the butt. He is constantly abused by his companions: "this is Fansy
Small-Brayne" (1. 583); “A, Fansy, Fansy, God sende the brayne!
(1. 608); "fonnysshe Fansy, thou arte frantyke" (1. 650); "What!
canest thou all this Latyn yet, And hath so mased a wandrynge wyt?"
(1. 1144), says even his brother Folly, who greets him on another
occasion with, "What, Brother Braynsyke! how farest thou?" (1. 1845).
At 1. 1103 ff., he is beguiled by Folly to exchange purses "sight unseen";
he finds in Folly's purse "nothynge but the bockyll of a sho," while hist
own contained "twenty marke." Fancy is, somewhat unsuitably, con-
scious of his own mental infirmities, which he describes at length in his
monologue in scene 16 (l. 1006-43), after having previously characterized
himself as "mery as a Marche hare” (I. 922).
4
Folly, on the other hand, is an "allowed fool" like Touchstone or
Feste. He is a shrewd, witty fellow who has assumed the fool's dress
and part the better to serve his own end, i.e. to beguile Magnificence. Of
such artificial fools Puttenham remarks (Arte of English Poesie, Arber
Reprints, 1869), "a buffoune or countrefet foole, to here him speake wisely
which is like himselfe, it is no sport at all; but for such a counterfait to
talke and looke foolishly it maketh us laugh, because it is no part of his
naturall." Folly fulfils this recipe so thoroughly that Crafty Conveyance,
to whom he is a stranger, is disposed at first to take him for a real
"natural," but he is speedily undeceived (11. 1192-1209); and when
Folly, by a clever trick, even divests him of his coat, as he has previously
cozened Fancy of his purse, Crafty Conveyance acknowledges that he is
master of them all,-
"CRA. CON. And for a fole a man wolde hym take.
FOL. Nay, it is I that foles can make" (ll. 1213, 4).
cii
Folly's tricks. Cushman on the "Vice."
[Pt. I. § 8
Folly uses two notable devices in playing the fool that further dis-
tinguish him from the other characters of the play, including Fancy. The
first is inconsequent answers. When he is abused, or is asked incon-
venient questions, he becomes suddenly deaf and very stupid; and his
incongruous replies must have aroused peals of laughter in the Tudor
audience. This occurs especially in scene 17, during his dialogue with
Fancy (cf. 11. 1059-66, 1085–97). The secoud device is employed before
Magnificence in scene 28. Folly performs his office of amusing the
prince by reciting, to his great delight, strings of nonsense verse,-
tirades that have a curious resemblance both in metre and manner to
modern "Mother Goose" rimes such as "Who killed Cock Robin?”
(cf. especially 11. 1828-32, 1834-40).
The presence of two contrasted types of the domestic fool in Magnifi-
cence is of considerable significance for the vexed question of the origin
and early history of the "Vice." This term is not used by Skelton in
its technical sense. Cushman, who attempts to identify the Vice of most of
the early moralities, regards Magnificence as lacking the figure altogether.
But Cushman draws his conception of the Vice solely from its use in
later moralities, and is puzzled by the application in Heywood's Weather
and Love (cf. p. 67: "But the question still remains, how came the term
to be applied to the buffoon in John Heywood's Play of the Weather?
It has been maintained, for example, by Swoboda, John Heywood als
Dramatiker, p. 60, that Heywood borrowed the character of his buffoon
from the Moralities. Perhaps so, but certainly not the name, for as
already shown the name first occurs in a Morality twenty years later."
It is difficult to see the force of the last remark.) Since these are the
first extant occurrences of the term by at least twenty years, it would
certainly seem more logical to take them as the starting-point in a study
of its use and origin. Its absence in the early moralities is certainly no
proof that they did not contain the figure which it named. For a morality
to use the term "the Vice" in its text would have been as unnatural as
for a novel to speak of one of its own characters as "the villain." The
preservation of the word even in Heywood is largely an accident; it
occurs, not in his text, but in one case appended to his list of characters,
in the other in a chance stage-direction. But the casual, matter-of-course
way in which he uses it shows that the Vice was a perfectly familiar
dramatic figure. The question whether such a figure or figures occur in
Magnificence must be settled by examining Heywood's Vices, Mery
Report and Neither Lover Nor Loved, and inquiring whether Magnificence
can show anything analogous. Such an examination reveals a decided
similarity between Heywood's Vices and Skelton's Fools.
Pt. I. §. 8]
Weather” and “Love.”
Parallels in "Weather
ciii
The specialization of the humor of Magnificence in the two rûles of
Fancy and Folly finds its exact parallel in Weather and Love. Mery
Report and Neither Lover Nor Loved are the buffoons of their respective
plays. On them rests the duty of amusing the audience by all sorts of
jokes and horseplay. Mery Report is assisted in this task by the
clownish figures of the Wind Miller, the Water Miller, and the Launder;
but these, like Courtly Abusion and the rest in Magnificence, are types of
classes, and their humor is largely satirical in aim. Very close, again,
is the resemblance between Fancy's manner of entering in Magnificence,
which we have seen reflected all the traditional licence of the fool, and
the entrance of the Vices in Love and Weather. In Love, at 1. 302,
Neither Lover Nor Loved comes in, interrupting the speaker, Lover
Loved, with the rude salutation:
"Nowe god you good euyn, Mayster Woodcock.
LOUER LOUED. Cometh of rudenesse or lewdnesse that mock?
Come wherof it shall, ye come of such stock,
That god you good euyn, Mayster Woodcock.
LOUER LOUED. This loselì by lyke hath lost his wit."
NO LOUER NOR LOUED.
(Cf. also 11. 377, 8, 402.)
Mery Report enters in similar impudent fashion in Weather, at 1.99 :
“Now, I beseche you, my lorde, loke on me furste;
I truste your lordshyp shall not fynde me the wurste.
JUPITER. Why! what arte thou that approchyst so ny?
MERY-REPORTE. Forsothe, and please your lordshyppe, it is I.
JUPYTER. All that we know very well; but what I?
MERY-REPORTE. What I? Some saye I am I perse I;
But what maner I so ever be I,
I assure your good lordshyp, I am I.
JUPYTER. What maner man arte thou? shewe quickely.
MERY-REPORTE. By God, a poore gentylman, dwellyth hereby.
JUPITER. A gentylman! Thyselfe bryngeth wytnes naye,
Both in thy lyght behavour and araye."
Cf. also 11. 130-132. The approach of Mery Report to Jupiter, as a
burlesque suitor for a place in the royal service, duplicates exactly the
approach of Fancy to Magnificence in scene 6. There is even less refer-
ence to costume by Heywood than by Skelton, and without the parallel
of Fancy and Folly to help us we should be unable to maintain that
Heywood's Vices were habited as fools. Mery Report, however, does
certainly wear some dress distinctive for its frivolity. In the lines above
(and II. 113–116), Jupiter objects to the "lyghtness" of his apparel; and
in II. 133, 4, Mery Report defends himself:
civ
Later "
Vices." The "Fool" and the "Vice." [Pt. I. § 8
"And syns your entent is but for the wethers,
What skyls our apparell to be fryse or fethers?"
We have no clue to the costume of Neither Lover Nor Loyed, except
perhaps the fool's purse (1. 1257); he is, however, constantly referred to
as "this fole" (11. 1270, 1293, etc), "this nody" (11. 798, 1282); and he
describes one of the duties of his role as follows (1. 404):
"Till tyme I perceyve this woodcok commyng,
My part herof sholde pas euyn in mummyng."
→
We are then certainly justified in regarding Fancy and Folly as the
dramatic ancestors of Heywood's two Vices; and consequently of identi-
fying them as the Vices of Magnificence.
Such an identification receives further support from a comparison of
Fancy and Folly with other and later recognized Vices. Both of the two
comic devices noted above as employed by Folly, inconsequent answers
and nonsense, are included by Cushman among the distinctive motives
used by the Vices in the comical parts of their roles (pp. 104, 5; 108-12);
cf. especially the distorted echo as used by Nichol Newfangle in Like
Will to Like, Sin in All for Money, and Inclination in Trial of Treasure,
and the nonsensical tirades of Courage in Tide Tarrieth for No Man,
Haphazard in Appius and Virginia, and, still more noteworthy, of
Ignorance in Four Elements and Ambidexter in King Cambyses. Cush-
man's citation (p. 105) from Richard III in this connection seems to
show that such verbal tricks had become in Shakspere's day the essential
mark of the "Vice" figure. Still another motive on Cushman's list, the
absurdity or irrelevant statement (pp. 111, 12), illustrated from the
armory of Ambidexter, Inclination, Sin, Haphazard, and Iniquity, is
constantly used by both Fancy and Folly; cf. 11. 298, 607, 988, 1050,
1051, 1053, 1059, 1121, 1124, 1164, 1298, 1814, 1823, 1825, 1832,
1836.
This identification carries with it another. If Skelton's Fools are
Vices, Heywood's Vices must also have been Fools. They were fools
rather of the type of Folly than of Fancy, that is, fools artificial or pro-
fessional jesters. And if this is so, the earlier identification of the
dramatic roles of the fool and Vice is immensely strengthened. Cushman
has disputed this view, or regards the identification as a confusion "in
the period of deterioration of the Moralities, probably after 1560" (p. 68),
of two characters originally distinct (see also pp. 64, 120, 125, 145; and
so Gayley, pp. xlvi-liv). In Magnificence, however, and besides
Magnificence, probably in Medwall's lost Interlude of the Finding of
་
•
Pt. I. § 8]
The "Vice" and the Deadly Sin.
CV
Truth, in which (Collier I. 69, quoted by Chambers II. 201, 442) the
"foolys part was the best"-we find the fool playing a prominent part
in the morality at the beginning of the century, and adopted by Heywood,
who gives him a title apparently also adopted from the morality, the
."" Vice."
Cushman's theory of the "Vice," valuable as much of it is, is open to
the objection of being based principally on the Vice figures so called after
1550. These later moralities are in many respects less advanced in their
dramatic technique than those of Skelton's and Heywood's period. The
morality lost its place in the forefront of dramatic progress after 1550.
The specimens that still continued to be written were constrained by the
presence of rival types of drama to confine themselves strictly within
their own bounds, and even to surrender ancestral territory newly usurped.
They were survivals. Instead of making further progress along the lines
that had been thrown out by Skelton and Heywood, and passing com-
pletely, for instance, from abstractions to types, they became reactionary,
nor did they always retreat in a straight line. Generalizations, drawn
from these degenerate examples, which neglect the period when the
morality was the living and leading type, are liable to be as erroneous as
generalizations from their contemporary miracle plays would be for the
classical miracle.
But in avoiding Cushman's unjustifiable rejection of the Fool-element
in the role of the "Vice," we shall try not to lose sight of its other
element, the Deadly Sin, or vice in its original sense. Cushman has
indeed emphasized this too much in defining the "Vice" (p. 63) as
"the
summation of the Deadly Sins." The definition is true enough for some
later vices,-Infidelity, Wager's Mary Magdalene, 1567; Sin, All for
Money, 1578; Iniquity, Nice Wanton, 1560; Iniquity, King Darius,
1565—and Iniquity seems to have been to Shakspere the Vice's regular
name; but there is not the smallest symptom of a "summation of the
Deadly Sins" about the two earliest vices, those of Heywood, nor yet
about Skelton's Fancy and Folly. The derivation is not so mechanical
as such a definition would seem to make it. Yet it exists. The ultimate
origin of all the "Vices" in the vices of the earlier moral plays is proved
by one circumstance, their invariably allegorical names. Mery Report,
in Weather, has the only abstract name of the play, although there is
nothing of the abstraction about his character. The only satisfactory
explanation, too, of the term "Vice" itself, as Pollard admits, is the
obvious one.
The progressive combination of these two aspects of the "Vice's"
cvi
King Folly." Satire in the Play.
[Pt. I. § 8, 9
character, each of which in turn, in Heywood and in the later moralities,
dwarfs the other, remains to be traced through the moral plays in our
second division. We may note here how in Magnificence, as is the case
with so many other dramatic features, the two are pretty evenly balanced.
Its "Vices," Fancy and Folly, as we have seen, are carefully drawn fools;
but they also fit into the allegorical scheme of the play, and it is import-
ant not to neglect this side of their portraiture. Fancy, or capricious
self-indulgence, is the cardinal sin of the play; when Magnificence yields
to that, all his subsequent degradation follows as a natural result.
last stage is the embracing of Folly.
Its
The allegorical value of the character Folly is also brought out in a
different and special way, a way peculiar in that it makes Folly actively
instead of passively vicious without turning him into a type,—or in other
words, gives him personality of exactly the kind possessed by the Devil
and his fellows in the infernal Trinity, the World and the Flesh, one or
more of whom appear in most of the earlier plays. After Folly has
played the Fool and demonstrated his ability to befool his accomplices,
and before he comes on as the abstract vice of folly to body forth visibly
the hero's degradation, he appears in a brief but important passage (11.
1214-1304) as a conception of still a third order,-King Folly, who
reigns throughout the world, and in the hearts of all men (1. 1215),-
"For be he cayser or be he kynge,
To felowshyp with Foly I can hym brynge."
He proceeds to tell of his "scolys," and his manner of securing
recruits for them; specifying certain individuals with whom his hearers
declare they are quite familiar. Among these allusions is an evident
reference to the great Cardinal. But this historical allusion, as well as
the meaning of the rôle that Folly here briefly assumes, must be else-
where discussed. We shall see that this aspect of Folly's complex part,
and also the "Vice" rôle proper of both Fancy and Folly, can be
adequately explained only through a study of the dramatic parallels.
IX. SATIRE.
(For bibliography see note on p. xxii.)
Our preceding discussion has shown nothing unless it has shown the
presence throughout Magnificence of a compelling practical purpose. Its
adaptation of the traditional morality plot, its innovations in the tradi-
tional cast, its adoption of novel sources for theme and motives, its
altered method of characterization, are all mysteries to be unlocked by a
cvit
Pt. I. § 91 Is Wolsey attacked? Nature of Problem.
single key, its political application. For obvious reasons, however,
nowhere in the play is this application made explicit. Skelton's primary
concern was certainly with the internal politics of the time; but it is
from a chance reference to external affairs that we are enabled, most
fortunately, to date the play. Indeed, so cautious are his allusions that
there has been no agreement among scholars who have attempted to
interpret them. Ten Brink (Gesch. des engl. Litt., II. 480) explained
the hero Magnificence as an allegorical portrait of Henry VIII in the
reckless expenditure of his earlier years, but went no further into detail.
In the Mod. Lang. Notes, as we have seen above, Mr. Hooper pointed
out the connection of Wolsey with the play, but by a misconception of
certain terms and passages was led to affirm that its hero himself was
meant to be a portrait of the Cardinal. Finally Koelbing (Zur Char-
acteristik John Skeltons, Stuttgart, 1904; pp. 32, 151), admitting as
possible a mild satirical allusion to Henry, thinks it unlikely that
Skelton attacked Wolsey so early, and is inclined in general to minimize the
personal application. Obviously the problem will bear a closer scrutiny.
Three of the conclusions that we have already reached need to be
kept in mind in seeking its solution. First, the play reflects conditions,
so far as it does reflect them, as they existed at approximately the date
1516. If we examine the historical material from this fixed point, we
shall escape many of the difficulties of trying to locate an undated play.
Secondly, the characters of the play are certainly not to be interpreted as
personal portraits. At best they are types of more or less simple qualities,
good or evil, which might each be shared by many real persons, or a
number of which might well be united in one real person. Even Magni-
ficence is not the portrait of a person, although in drawing it a single
person was clearly in mind; on its face it is a class-type of the traditional
sort. Such personal adaptation as it has was superadded, and no obliga-
tion was felt to carry this beyond a certain point. Hence we must try to
identify the characters of the play, not with the personages of con-
temporary history, as we should in the work of a later dramatic satirist
like Lyly, but with the characteristics that Skelton would have assigned
to contemporary personages or parties. Thirdly, it is only in the adapted
elements of the play, or, in other words, where the older morality form
has been secularized, that we need look for a secular application. Thus
we may exclude altogether the fifth stage, which is merely the conventional
theological close, the three "graces," Good Hope, Redress, and Persever-
ance, and the two "diabolical figures" Despair and Mischief, all of which
convey old theological conceptions. We must include those elements.
1
cviii
Answer to Problem. The Answer justified.
[Pt. I. § 9
which show wholly or partly either the Aristotelian or the Brantian
inspiration. These are, in the first place, the hero Magnificence with his
two attendants Wealth, or Felicity, and Liberty, who are later exchanged
for Adversity and Poverty, and, in the second place, the two contending
parties, consisting of those characters which I have called the six "vices
proper" and the two "virtues proper."
Stated in these terms, the problem is susceptible of a definite answer.
To a spectator of 1516 who was acquainted with the character of the
English monarch as it had impressed itself on his contemporaries during
the first seven years of his reign, and also with the party-relations at the
English court as they had so far worked themselves out, there could have
been no doubt of the play's political application. Such a spectator must.
have instantly recognized in its central figure constant allusion to the
openhanded Henry with the wealth of his earlier years and the self-will
that always remained his dominant trait, and in its "vices" and "virtues"
the alleged qualities of the two parties that had been fighting bitterly
almost since the reign began,—one the party of young favorites and
counsellors of whom Wolsey, now at the height of his power, had become
leader and chief representative, the other the party of the old nobility
headed by the Duke of Norfolk, which had just suffered its worst defeat.
If, furthermore, he had known Skelton himself and Skelton's political
affiliations, he would have found his attitude toward the two parties, and
especially toward their leaders, entirely natural. We can share in some
measure the vision of such an onlooker by comparing the play with some
of the contemporary documents that have come down to us.
The character of the prince in the play, it is worth noting, although
necessarily condemned for "hasty credence," is always treated with con-
siderable respect. He is wilful and often boastful, but withal noble-
spirited and generous; too credulous, but misled by bad advisers and
finally obedient to good ones. He is put in possession of Wealth, and at
the same time of Liberty or power; he is induced to abuse the latter and
loses the former. The applicability of all this to Henry hardly needs.
proof. Accounts of the early years of his reign are full of reflections of
the impression produced by his wealth and lavish expenditure. Mount-
joy's letter to Erasmus on his accession (cf. Pollard's Henry V, p. 30)
shows the enthusiasm aroused by expectations of his generosity: "The
heavens laugh, the earth exults, all things are full of milk, of honey, of
nectar! Avarice is expelled the country. Liberality scatters wealth
with a bounteous hand. Our King does not desire gold or gems or
precious metals, but virtue, glory, immortality." The same year saw the
Pt. I. § 9]
Henry's Wealth and its disappearance.
cix
eulogy of Barclay on Henry's liberality, already quoted (see p. lxxxvii),
which furnishes an even more striking parallel to Skelton's terminology.
A more precise estimate of Henry's wealth is given by Herbert, in speak-
ing of the influence wielded at the beginning of his reign by the Duke of
Norfolk (p. 10): “his very Place of Lord Treasurer (which he held ever
since the 16 of Henry VII) made him much in Request; as one who
both kept and dispensed that Mass of Wealth left by Henry VII;.
which, if we may believe Authors, was 1,800,000 Pounds Sterling. A
greater Sum doubtless than any King of this Realm before had in his
Coffers and such as might be thought effectively quadruple to so much
in this Age." These expectations were more than fulfilled during the
seven years that elapsed before the date of our play. Brewster (I. 230)
sums up in the year 1516 as follows: "Hitherto Henry's reign had been
one of uninterrupted prosperity. He was the most popular, the most
wealthy, the most envied of monarchs. Possessed of vast royal
demesnes, he could gratify his love of pleasure, his taste, his magnifi-
cence, without stint.
His rule formed a striking contrast to that of
the impoverished Maximilian, and the famished and grasping policy of
Charles."
:
•
A few years later the picture presented was a very different one.
History had unrolled itself in a way that afforded ample justification for
Skelton's warning. Henry's Felicity had indeed consisted in his Wealth;
and it was stolen away with almost the very consequences predicted by
the poet. Pollard (p. 173), in discussing the reasons for the final failure
of Wolsey's policy, finds the main one in the failure of his master's
wealth: "Wolsey's policy was, indeed, an anachronism; with a pre-
eminent genius for diplomacy, he thought he could make England, by
diplomacy alone, arbiter of Europe. Its position in 1521 was artificial;
it had not the means to support a grandeur which was only built on the
wealth left by Henry VII and on Wolsey's skill. England owed her
advance in repute to the fact that Wolsey made her the paymaster of
Europe. The reputation of England for wealth,' said an English
diplomatist in 1522, 'is a great cause of the esteem in which it is held.'
But, by 1523, that wealth had failed; Parliament refused to levy more
taxes, and Wolsey's pretensions collapsed like a pack of cards."
In 1516, no special insight was needed to see the danger. Henry's
treasury was not quite exhausted, it is true, but the bottom of the chest
was beginning to appear. That very year saw what must have seemed
the most reckless expenditure of the reign, in the vast sums squandered
in subsidizing Maximilian and the Swiss against the French in the ill-fated
CX The Two Parties of Prodigality and Economy. [Pt. I. § 9
Milan expedition, in which England was completely duped. Brewer
(I. 226) brings this out more clearly than could the most laborious descrip-
tion by citing from the "King's Books of Payments" the totals for 1512-
1517. The sum total of all expenditures in 1512 was 286,269 1.; in 1513
it rose to 699,714 1.; in 1510 it declined to 155,757 1. These were
years of war and foreign invasion. The next three years, when there was
undisturbed peace, show the account as follows: 1515, 74,007 1.; 1516,
130,779 1.; 1517, 78,887 1. The year 1516 thus presented a budget
nearly twice as great as its predecessor, and closely approaching a year
of war.
The identification of Magnificence with Henry carries with it the
identification of the vices and virtues in the play with the two contend-
ing parties at court, the party of prodigality and the party of economy.
But independently the same result may be reached by a comparison with
the history. As in the case of the hero, the correspondence lies first in
the characterization of the contestants, then in the plot, or the actions
ascribed to them; and these two divisions must be taken separately.
Skelton's characterization of the party he attacks is much more
detailed than of the one he approves: there are six vices, Fancy and
Folly and the four court-types, over against but two virtues proper, one
of whom does not appear till the end of the play. It is also more
personal. Although, as we have postulated, none of the six can be
regarded as a personal portrait, several of the qualities they personify are
significantly qualities of a person rather than of a party. This is not sur-
prising when we find that what I have called the party of prodigality at
court consisted, in fact, and still more in Skelton's view, of one man-
Cardinal Wolsey. Accordingly, the six vices are to be regarded as all
mainly intended as vehicles for satire against Wolsey, although here and
there others were certainly also in Skelton's mind. Each in turn gave
an opportunity for scornful allusion to some defect in his character and
policy. In Fancy we have the recklessness, in Folly the unwisdom of
his financial policy. When Counterfeit Countenance enlarges on the
fruitful theme of low-born upstarts, and Crafty Conveyance on perverters
of justice, the Cardinal came at once to the spectators' mind. In Courtly
Abusion we have the loose living, the extravagant dress, and the con-
summate flattery, in Cloaked Collusion the dissimulation and artful
breeding of dissension, and alike in all the courtiers the quarrelsome-
ness, false courage, and habit of forgetting old friends, that Skelton wished
to ascribe to Wolsey.
So extended an attack on Wolsey has not heretofore been suggested,
Pt. I. § 9]
Protective Value of the Morality Form.
cxi
and Koelbing, as we have seen, ventured to question the application to
him altogether. Koelbing's principal reason for doubting that Skelton
began his warfare with Wolsey so early was the dedication to him that
we find affixed to subsequent poems, thus apparently testifying to
friendly relations at later periods. But Brie (pp. 11-13) has shown con-
clusively that the dedications have been wrongly placed in the positions
they now occupy, if indeed they were ever written by the poet at all.
And if they were, there is nothing in Skelton's character that shows him
incapable of outward complaisance and formal flattery of his powerful
enemy at the same time that he was composing disguised and anonymous
attacks on him, just as Wolsey's bitterest foe, the Duke of Norfolk, con-
ducted him to receive the Cardinal's cap at Westminster Abbey (Brewer,
I. 272). The actual protection that a satirist might secure by using the
morality form and avoiding names and explicit references is well shown
in a later instance cited by Hall. Hall was of course violently prejudiced
against Wolsey (v. Brewer, II. 50), and it would be easy to see through
his partisan account how well the Cardinal was justified in his suspicions,
even if we had not direct evidence from Foxe (Acts and Monuments, ed.
Cattley, IV. 657) that Roo's play did contain matter against Wolsey.
The morality here described as presented in 1526 is parallel in so many
ways to Magnificence that the passage is worth citing in full (Hall, p. 719):
"This Christmas was a goodly disguisyng plaied at Greis inne, whiche
was compiled for the moste part by master Ihon Roo, seriant at the law,
xx. yere past, and long before the Cardinall had any aucthoritie; the
effecte of the plaie was that Lord Gouernance was ruled by Dissipacion
and Negligence, by whose misgouernance and euill order Lady Publike
Wele was put from Gouernance; which caused Rumor Populi, Inward
Grudge, and Disdain of Wanton Souereignetie to rise with a greate multi-
tude to expell Negligence and Dissipacion and to restore Publik Welth
again to her estate, which was so done. This plaie was so set furth with
riche and costly apparel, with straunge diuises of maskes and morrishes,
that it was highly praised of alle menne, sauying of the Cardinall, whiche
imagined that the plaie had been diuised of hym, and in a greate furie
sent for the said Master Roo, and toke from hym his coyfe and sent hym
to the Flete, and after he sent for the yong gentlemen that plaied in the
plaie and them highly rebuked and thretened, and sent one of them
called Thomas Moyle of Kent to the Flete; but by the meanes of frendes
Master Roo and he wer deliuered at last. This plaie sore displeased the
Cardinall, and yet it was neuer meante to hym, as you haue harde, wher-
fore many wise men grudged to see hym take it so hartely; and euer the
cxii John Roo's Escape. Skelton's later Attacks. [Pt. I. § 9
Cardinall saied that the Kyng was highly displeased with it, and spake
nothyng of hymself."
Roo's play may well have been an old one, though we may accept
twenty years as a convenient exaggeration. In 1516, however, when
Wolsey had already been vigorously hated and denounced at court for at
least five years, such a morality from a court-poet like Skelton was
entirely natural. Unfortunately he did not adhere in his later satires to
the caution of his initial one, or he might have escaped as lightly as
John Roo, instead of dying in asylum. But there is nothing in the facts,
either of history or of the poet's life, that precludes the view that
Magnificence in 1516 was his opening gun in a campaign followed up by
Colin Clout (1518-21), Speak Parrot (1519-25), Why Come Ye Not to
Court (1522), the famous couplet on the Convocation of 1523, and very
possibly Queen Hester.
66
The positive evidence that Skelton is aiming at Wolsey behind each
of his six vices rests not only on the closeness with which in each case
the cap fits him, but on the repetition of the charges in his later satires
in nearly the same language and often with a personification of the same
abstractions. Magnificence is thus bound into an unmistakable unity of
purpose with these bolder attacks in which Wolsey is specifically named.
This may be illustrated first by the passage of the play in which Skelton
probably comes nearest to dropping his veil of reserve, though even here
no names are mentioned; it is the tirade put in the mouth of Folly
(11. 1238–62; cf. above, p. cvi) describing certain among his servants,
come vp of nought" and "set in auctorite," who "waxyth so hy and
prowde" that "all that he dothe muste be alowde"; such men, he informs
his hearers, are "not ferre, and yf it were well sought," and they recognize
the allusion, admitting mysteriously that they "knowe dyuerse that vseth
the same"; and Folly goes on, gradually and somewhat ungrammatically
passing into the singular number, to prophesy the early fall of this
person. If it were possible to mistake the application here, we could
not do so when we find the same description in the later satires aimed
avowedly at Wolsey, and the same prophecy, which the poet died just too
soon to see fulfilled: compare Colin Clout, 11. 585-614, 643-9, Speak
Parrot, 11. 500, 501, for the one, and for the other Colin Clout, 11. 469–
79 (the so-called "prophecy of Skelton "), 666-72, and 990-8. The last
passage reads:
"It is a besy thyng
For one man to rule a kyng
Alone, and make rekenyng
To gouerne ouer all
And rule a realme royall
Pt. I. § 9]
The Vices of the Play in the Later Satires.
cxiii
By one mannes verrey wyt;
Fortune may chaunce to flyt,
And whan he weneth to syt,
Yet may he mysse the quysshon.'
"}
Quite as manifestly intended for Wolsey is what may be called the
new satire of the play. We have already seen (pp. lxxx-lxxxiv) how in
Magnificence Skelton took his old material for general court satire used
in the Bowge of Court, and condensed, reworked, and added to it to
produce the four courtiers of the play. The changes that he made were
evidently for Wolsey's benefit. He selected and added precisely those
attributes that could most easily be charged against Wolsey and Wolsey's
party. For instance, the figure of Counterfeit Countenance, which had no
parallel in the Bowye of Court (cf. p. lxxxi), gives occasion for unlimited
satire on the upstart; and Wolsey's low origin was the most common of
all jibes used against him (cf. Colin Clout, 11. 586, 588, 647-9, Speak
Parrot, 1. 500, Why Come Ye Not to Court, 11. 295, 486-95, 533-75,
612-43). Similarly, the dishevelled and almost ragged rake Riot in the
Bowge of Court is replaced (cf. p. lxxxii) in Magnificence by the rake
Courtly Abusion, who is distinguished for the splendor and extravagance
of his dress; and in this we find another universal charge against
Wolsey (cf. Colin Clout, 11. 310-22, Speak Parrot, ll. 451-3, 510, Why
Come etc., 11. 1136-43).
But the Wolsey references cannot be restricted even to these elements,
for there are equally cogent parallel ascriptions in the later satires for all
six of the vices. The characteristics of Fancy and Folly are again and
again imputed to him, and their opposites Measure and Circumspection
are often mentioned as his opposites. Thus in Speak Parrot, 11. 410, 11,
the oracular bird is asked:
"Speke, Parotte, my swete byrde, and ye shall haue a date,
Of Frantycknes and Folysshnes whyche ys the grett state?"
whereupon it answers (11. 414-8):
"Frantiknes dothe rule and all thyng commaunde;
Wylfulnes and Braynles now rule all the raye;
Agayne frentike Frenesy there dar no man sey nay;
For Frantiknes and Wylfulnes and Braynles ensembyll,
The nebbis of a lyon they make to trete and trembyll."
In Why Come etc., 11. 101-7, we are told :
"Ther vayleth no Resonynge,
For Wyll dothe rule all thynge;
Wyll, Wyll, Wyll, Wyll, Wyll,
He ruleth alway styll.
MAGNYFYCENCE.
Good Reason and good Skyll,
They may garlycke pyll,
Cary sackes to the myll," etc.
h
cxiv
The Court-types. Polydore Vergil.
And at 11. 1005-22:
"But as touchynge Dyscrecyon
With Sober Dyrectyon,
He kepeth them in subiectyon;
But all must be tryde
And abyde the correctyon
Of his Wylfull Affectyon.
For as for Wytte,
The deuyll spede whitte!
[Pt. I. § 9
But Braynsyk and Braynlesse,
Wytles and Rechelesse,
Careles and Shamlesse,
Thriftles and Gracelesse,
Together are bended
And so condyscended
That the Commune Welth
Shall neuer haue good helth."
Cf. also 11. 1-14. In the terms here used the familiar synonyms of
the play are at once brought to mind; compare the list given above
(pp. xxxii-xliv).
The four court-types are similarly grouped in a passage that might
have been inserted into the play itself (Why Come etc., 11. 844-62):
"Where Trouth is abhorde
It is a playne recorde
That there wantys grace;
In whose place
Dothe occupy,
Full vngracyously,
Fals Flatery [Cou. Ab.?]
Fals Trechery [Clo. Col.?]
Fals Brybery [Cra. Con.?]
Subtyle Sym Sly, [Cou. Cou.?]
With madde Foly;
For who can best lye,
He is best set by.
Then farewell to the,
Welthfull Felycite!
For Prosperyte
Away than wyll fle;
Than must we agre
With Pouerte."
Cf. also 11. 17-23, 569–75, and Colin Clout, 11. 1074-80. The different
vicious propensities represented by each of the four might also be
illustrated separately in many passages.
The evidence of Skelton's own later satires may be helpfully supple-
mented from other contemporary attacks on Wolsey. Of these perhaps
the most helpful is Polydore Vergil's contemporary Latin history. Dis-
credited as Polydore is by modern writers (cf. Brewer, I. 266) on account
of his manifest personal prejudice against Wolsey, he is for that very
reason the more valuable for our purpose; for he occupies almost exactly
the same attitude toward events as Skelton does himself, although not
quite so favorable to Norfolk. His description of the effect of prosperity
on Wolsey is very like the conduct of Skelton's vices (scenes 13, 36, 37,
especially 11. 2216-19) in similar circumstances (cited from the Basel
edition, 1555; Book xxvii, p. 633 (italics are mine):
"Volsaeus per hunc modum magnam repente nactus potestatem coepit.
per licentiam rempublicam gerere, multa suo iure atque arbitrio agere ; .
qui breui permagnis affluens diuitiis, et autoritate simul florens, animo
statim effertur fitque plane superbus, sic ut ad nobiles etiam uiros haud
Pt. I. § 9] Wolsey as seen by Polydore and Roy & Barlowe. CXV
multum haberet respectum; neque amicos praesertim ueteres magni facie-
bat qui ad ipsum concurrebant, . . . quorum aliquos non libenter alloque-
batur, aliquos uero ne intueri quidem uolebat, quibuscum a pueritia
coniunctissimus fuisset familiaritate, usu, consuetudineue. Etenim prioris
aetatis eius status non solum animus sed aures quoque a commemmoratione
abhorrebant, qui parentem habuit uirum probum at lanium, id quod
reminisci nolebat."
(p. 645) "Hanc fortunae abundantiam habere in summa laude pon-
endum est, si ad uiros illa graues, modestos, et temperatos affluat et
illabatur, qui se non efferunt in potestate, non fiunt insolentes in pecuniis,
non se in bonis praeferunt aliis. Horum omnium nihil extitit in Volsaeo,
qui, tot uno ferme tempore adeptis dignitatibus, tantum superbiae animo
concepit ut sese cum regibus exaequatum existimans coeperit mox uti sella
aurea, uti puluino aureo, uti uelo aureo ad mensam, habere galerum Car-
dinalium ordinis insignem loco cuiusdam idoli sacri, qui, cum ille pedibus.
iret, sublime a ministro praeferebatur, in sacelloque regio super altare
collocabatur tantisper dum res fieret diuina."
Here we find Wolsey strutting in the fashion of Courtly Abusion
(scene 14). A little later Polydore represents him as taking the same.
malicious pleasure in compassing the downfall of those who are noble and
prosperous as is ascribed to Cloaked Collusion (scene 11) and illustrated
in the betrayal of Measure (scene 25), in his alleged treatment of the
Duke of Buckingham (cf. pp. 659, 660, 665, especially the following
sentence from p. 660): "Heroes Angli inter haec cum suis cohortibus
Londinum conueniunt, et cum primis Buchyngamiae dux cunctis rebus.
multo ornatissimus, quem Volsaeus immane odium in eum ante conceptum
dissimulanter continens humaniter aperte tractauit.”
In the most important poetical satire on Wolsey outside of Skelton's
own, Roy and Barlowe's Rede me and be not wrothe, the Cardinal is also
conceived in the likeness of Courtly Abusion, Cloaked Collusion, and
Counterfeit Countenance. Dissolute life, a frequent charge against
Wolsey, but one that Skelton, perhaps for reasons of his own, does not
press outside of Magnificence, is in this poem made a chief feature (Arber
Reprints, pp. 50, 51, 53, 58); and extravagance in dress also reappears.
Treachery and mischief-making are ascribed to Wolsey with specific
instances (p. 50). Throughout the satire the taunt of low birth is
reiterated (pp. 20, 52, 53, 57). One form of this latter furnishes an
especial parallel to Magnificence that has as yet been unnoted. In a
stanza of Counterfeit Countenance's monologue (11. 480-6), we are told
mysteriously of a certain carter, "that with his whyp his mares was wonte
cxvi
<<
Queen Hester" and "Magnificence."
[Pt. I. § 9
to yarke," who tries to counterfeit the courtier. The allusion would
remain dark, since Wolsey is elsewhere spoken of as butcher or butcher's
son, not as carter, did we not find him expressly called twice in Rede me
and be not wrothe "the carter of Yorcke" (pp. 20, 52). The taunt must
then have been a common one, and perhaps applied to some early passage
of Skelton's life.
Another contemporary Wolsey-satire must not be overlooked at this
point, for it shows a closer parallelism to Magnificence than any yet
discussed. The fact that Queen Hester is indeed a satire against Wolsey,
as first pointed out by W. W. Greg in the recent edition of that play
(Queene Hester, ed. W. W. Greg, Materialien z. k. ält. engl. dramas, bd.
V., 1904), admits of no doubt. In addition to allusions mentioned by
Greg and by Brie (p. 33), the declaration by the Tertius Generosus (11.
78-93) that personal justice, not delegated, is needed from the king, is
evidently directed at Wolsey; and the remark (11. 282-6), that the Queen
must be prepared to rule wisely the common weal when war calls the
king with his Council to be absent from the realm, seems like a reminis-
cence of the French campaign of 1513, when Queen Katherine, left to a
large extent in charge of the government, was, as Brewster says (I. 30), the
"soul of the enterprize" against the Scots that ended at Flodden. Greg's
further suggestion that Queen Hester is Skelton's has much in its favor
and nothing, except the absence of positive proof, that can be urged
against it. Brie's objection, that it is not Skeltonic in metre, is surely
overlasty. The metrical technique seems nearly the same as that of
Magnificence, though less complicated: the same lines and half-lines,
largely the same strophe-forms, and exactly the same principle of varying
the metre to characterize different scenes. The court-fool Hardydardy
also presents a striking parallel to the two fools of Magnificence; he
speaks similarly of his "fooles cote" (1. 690), thus confirming the pro-
fessional interpretation given of that expression in the morality (see above,
p. xlvi), and uses much the same comic devices. A passage at the begin-
ning (11. 29–35) is very nearly a direct reference to Magnificence:
"how vice did confuse
Many noble princes whiche were in dede.
Of such magnificence that we not nede
To doubt of theyre riches, power, and wisdome;
And yet for lacke of vertue vice them ouer came."
This is followed by a list of Biblical and classical examples in the same
manner as the list in Magnificence (Magn., 11. 1457-1514).
Queen Hester would, furthermore, fit nicely into the series of Skelton's
Pt. I. § 9]
Queen Hester" Skelton's? Others attacked. cxvii
satires. Logically, though not necessarily chronologically, it would belong
just after Magnificence. The Bowge of Court adapts the courtly allegory
to the purposes of satire, and Magnificence the dramatic allegory or
morality; we might well expect an attempt to adapt the other dramatic
form, the miracle, to the same purpose. And this is what we find in
Queen Hester. Surely if not by Skelton himself, it was composed by one
who thoroughly shared his literary point of view.
The miracle at any rate affords a parallel and a confirmation to some
of the applications to Wolsey that we have found in the morality. Pride,
who has surrendered to Aman all his own goodly apparel (11. 368-81),
and Adulation, who tells how Aman has "turned law into flattering
(1. 404), repeat the two chief features of the character of Courtly Abusion;
and Ambition, who explains how Aman has caught every office and fee
and kept them for himself, evidently makes him out a close relation of
Cloaked Collusion (cf. Magn. scene 26). Hardydardy shows Aman to be
as great a fool as himself (11. 662 ff.), just as Folly in the passage cited
above reports he has done for the "knave" so recently "set in auctorite."
It would be surprising if Skelton found no one else to abuse in the
play but Wolsey; for even in his later and bitterer attacks he nowhere
refrains from occasional digressions from the main object to touch sharply
upon one or more of his numerous other enemies. Doubtless there were
others beside Wolsey in the reckless youthful group that surrounded the
king, whom the king's old tutor looked upon with disapproving eyes;
and doubtless Wolsey did not then so completely overshadow his adher-
ents in the council and court as he does to us to-day. But in only one
passage of the play is it certain that Skelton has other individuals in
mind. In Folly's harangue, after exposing as mentioned above the
upstart so recently set in authority, he goes on at the request of his
delighted hearers to tell them (11. 1263–78) of “ dyuerse mo that hauntyth
my scolys," especially
"two lyther, rude and ranke,
Symkyn Tytyuell and Pers Pykthanke,"
who are always spying and reporting to the "sufferayne" conversations
overheard, and if possible making the matter "mykyll worse than it is.”
Who these two treacherous individuals were, from whom possibly the
poet or some of his patrons considered that they had suffered, it would
be impossible to guess. The enemies must have occupied a similar
position to Christopher Garnesche, whom Skelton attacked in the surviv-
ing poems written about this period (according to Brie, 1514-1518). It
could hardly have been Garnesche who is here attacked, however, for
X
(C
cxviii Against Venomous Tongues." The Virtues. [Pt. I. § 9
among
all his accusations against that knight Skelton nowhere accuses
him of gossiping or poisoning the king's ear. More probably the persons
here nicknamed Symkyn Tytyuell and Pers Pykthanke are the same as
those attacked in Against Venomous Tongues (Dyce, I. 132-6). This
curious production was evidently composed in close connection with
Magnificence. The metre is similar, long-line couplets intermingled with
the leash; and the poem is not more loosely constructed than is usual
with Skelton, although Dyce's printing of the Latin glosses in the text
makes it appear so. It is really a continuous poem, and the lines should
be numbered consecutively. Koelbing (p. 57) is certainly wrong in
calling it a general satire; it evidently relates to some definite occasion
when meddlers had slandered Skelton to some "noble man." Skelton's
defence is merely an expansion of the rebuke in Folly's harangue. Two
passages are especially close to Magnificence. The first, ridiculing the
triviality of the ill-reports brought against him, suggests Fancy (p. 132):
"For ye said that he said that I said,-wote ye what?
'I made,' he said, 'a windmil of an olde mat !'
If there be none other mater but that,
Than ye may commaunde me to gentil Cok Wat."
Compare the soliloquy of Fancy, 11. 1028, 9.
Another passage is a
still closer echo of the scene in Magnificence where Courtly Abusion and
Cloaked Collusion betray the confidence of Measure to slander him to
his lord (p. 134):
"Such tunges vnhappy hath made great diuision
In realmes, in cities, by suche fals Abusion;
Of fals fickil tunges suche Cloked Collusion
Hath brought nobil princes to extreme confusion."
To how large an extent Skelton meant to include other members of
the hostile party as exemplifying his six vices, we cannot be certain;
but this comparison is enough to show that he did not neglect them
altogether.
The favored party is dealt with much less elaborately. Until the
last stage, it is represented solely by Measure, an old and trusted adviser.
Measure remains in charge of the prince's wealth until deposed through
the slander and deceit of the vices, which he is unable to overcome on
account of his very honesty and simplicity. The other virtue, Circum-
spection, though mentioned in Stage I with great respect, remains absent
till after the prince's downfall.
No effort has yet been made to identify the historical figure or
figures thus characterized. Yet if the prince and the one party can be
Pt. I. § 9] Circumspection and Henry VII. The Howards. cxix
identified it should be possible to find the other party. In spite of the
comparative slightness of the portrait, I believe that this identification
can also be made, and that it throws a valuable light on the genesis of the
play and on the poet's whole life.
At the word Circumspection there must at once have leaped to the mind
of the Tudor spectator the thought of Henry VII and his policy. It was
indeed by the complete contrast to his father's remembered habits that
Henry VIII acquired his initial reputation for extraordinary liberality.
Those who, like Mountjoy and Barclay, approved of the son's policy, con-
demned the father for avarice and greed; and Hall thinks it necessary
formally to defend him from the charge. Skelton, however, evidently
found this a trait that met his entire approbation; in his Latin Elegy
(dated 1512) he speaks expressly in words that reveal the attitude he
was already taking (see Dyce I. 178):
“Immensas sibi divitias cumulasse quid horres ?
Ni cumulasset opes, forte, Britanne, luas.
Ni sua te probitas consulta mente laborans
Rexisset satius, vix tibi tuta salus."
To a somewhat later observer the name of Henry VII was also almost
a synonym for circumspection (cf. the passage from Eliot's Gouernour
quoted above, p. lxxviii).
It is of course the spirit merely of the king's father that is suggested
in Skelton's play; and that spirit is embodied, as it was in actual history,
in the old counsellors whom the young prince finds around him. Henry
VIII, like Magnificence, began his reign under the tutelage of a body of
old and conservative counsellors: Archbishop Warham, Thomas Howard.
Earl of Surrey, Bishops Fox and Fisher, and others of lesser note, all of
whom were inherited from the council of his father. Of these the Earl of
Surrey, afterward Duke of Norfolk, was more particularly in charge of his
purse, being Lord High Treasurer. He held this office till his death, and
bequeathed it to his son, the third Duke of Norfolk. Norfolk more than
any one else must have been in Skelton's mind in drawing his characters
Measure and Circumspection.
The Howards were perhaps the one most persistent element in all the
history of Henry's reign. With varying fortunes and many defeats they
yet outlasted all their enemies. Three generations appeared on the stage
during the reign. The Thomas Howard whom Henry found at the head
of the Council on his accession was already in his sixty-sixth year, and
had served under Edward IV, Richard III, and, after a three years'
1
CXX
Interpretation of the Plot.
[Pt. I. § 9
sojourn in the Tower, under Henry VII, who had first taken away and
then restored to him the Earldom of Surrey. He had yet sufficient.
energy to win the battle of Flodden, for which he was made Duke of
Norfolk in 1514. His son, Thomas Howard II, was at the same time
created Earl of Surrey, and in 1524 by his father's death succeeded as
Duke of Norfolk, handing on to his son, Henry Howard the poet, the
title of Earl of Surrey. The dramatic story of the end of the reign,
when Surrey was executed for treason and his father Norfolk escaped
with a few hours' margin, by the old king's death, is well known. We
are concerned in discussing the play only with the first two Howards, in
1516 Duke of Norfolk and Earl of Surrey respectively. Both were bitter
enemies of Wolsey, and both grounded their enmity chiefly on the
question of extravagance. The party of economy found in them its
centre, just as Wolsey came on his rise to power to head the party of
liberality.
We have thus 'shown a correspondence in characteristics between
Skelton's vices and virtues and the two opposing parties, as Skelton
would have seen them. Equally close is the correspondence in plot,
between the fictitious contest described in the play and the actual contest
at court in the years from 1509 till 1516. This period of Henry's reign
may easily be viewed as an uninterrupted struggle, with varying fortune,
between the two parties in the Council headed respectively by Wolsey
and Norfolk. In spite of the wealth of information about Henry's reign,
we have nowhere a consecutive account of this struggle, which really made
the policy of the reign; but we have sufficient material to trace its incep-
tion and its principal crises. Here again Polydore's history, through its
very unfairness, is closer to the standpoint doubtless occupied by Skelton
himself than anything else we possess, though it needs correction and
amplification from the contemporary documents collected by Brewer, and
from other authorities.
In the play, the methods used by the prodigal advisers to gain a foot-
hold at court, and afterward to oust the defender of a wiser policy, are
narrated with some minuteness. A number of points are emphasized
that seem quite unmeaning unless we are to look beneath the abstract
allegory. In the first place, in describing the ingress of Fancy and his
crew, a curious prominence is given to their connection with France; cf.
Fancy's reference to King Louis and his seemingly irrelevant account of
his experiences on the French coast, both of which have already been
discussed in other connections; Courtly Abusion is also represented as
coming from France (1. 878), and Counterfeit Countenance swears
"" by
Pt. I. § 9]
Wolsey's Rise to Power.
cxxi
the armes of Calys" (1. 675). Wolsey, of course, came from France when
he first entered the king's service, having been for four years (1503–7) in
the service of Sir Richard Nanfan, deputy of Calais. This fact was used
by some to account for the pro-French policy that he always affected,
whercas Norfolk sided throughout with German interests (see Brewer, I.
258, note). Skelton's expressions can hardly be explained unless intended
in some such way as a personal allusion.
Polydore's account of Wolsey's first rise to power has a number of
other suggestive points for the reader of Magnificence. He traces it back.
to the jealousy existing between Norfolk, then Surrey, and another old
councillor, Richard Fox, Bishop of Winchester. Compare the following
from Book xxvii (p. 621) (italics are mine):
". . . ad duos, Ricardum Vintoniensem episcopum et Thomam comi-
tem Surrae eius administratio peruenit, qui inter se secretas habebant
simultates, quas autoritatis aemulatio in dies singulos magis magisque
augebat.... Ista Vintoniensi uisa sunt eo breui tempore euasura, ut
comes primas apud principem teneret omnino nisi mature obuiam conati-
bus eius praeiretur, id quod sibi modis omnibus faciundum deliberauit. . .
(p. 632). Erat in familia regia Thomas Volsaeus sacerdos diuinis literis
non indoctus, unus ex eo numero qui quotidie coram principe rem diuinam
faciebant, homo sagax, idem et audax, ac ad quidlibet agendum multo
paratissimus. Hunc Vintoniensis, quanquam ei non bene sutis cognitum,
ut par est credere, putauit idoneum quem ad latus principis adiungeret . . .
Haec Volsaeus non surdis audiuit auribus, qui in eam protinus spem
uenit, ut iam tum profiteretur se omnes certe uias persecuturum quibus
ad id quod uolebat perueniri posset, ad efficiendum ut comes ab omni
curatione et administratione rerum deinceps uacaret, si semel apud regem
locum obtineret ex quo uoces quas missurus esset ad eius aures perduci ac
sine interprete percipi possent. Quibus rebus constitutis, Vintoniensis
paucis post diebus Volsaeum praefectum largitionis regiae inopibus
hominibus faciendae, quem eleemosynarium dicunt, creandum, et in
numerum consiliariorum regis adscribendum, adsciscendum, in consilium-
que cum primis adhibendum curat.”
Wolsey was thus introduced, just as Fancy with his letter, through
an old councillor, who might have been expected to have more circum-
spection, and whom Polydore hints was deceived in him. He set out
with the determination of driving Surrey from the chief oversight of
Henry's business, just as Fancy plots with his associates (1. 568) "that
Mesure were cast out of the dores." Further, the alias Largess, under
which Fancy introduces himself, and which is not an Aristotelian term as
cxxii
Character and Methods of Wolsey.
[Pt. I. § 9
are the parallel names, may have been a hint at Wolsey's first office of
Almoner (praefectum largitionis regiae).
Again, the arguments used in the play by Fancy and the others to
seduce the prince, which are given with notable particularity, are much
the same as those put into Wolsey's mouth by Polydore. Fancy depre-
cates over-serious attention to business (11. 283-7); Folly amuses him
with nonsense and jokes (II. 1803-42); Courtly Abusion charms him
with his polished flattery (11. 1525-40), and argues at length for indulg-
ence in base pleasures (11. 1545-69); and Cloaked Collusion urges the
wisdom of selecting two or three favorites and entrusting to them the
supreme power, to the exclusion of the rest (11. 1768-96). Cf. Polydore
(p. 632):
'Atqui Volsaeus ubi eam praefecturam est adeptus, et iam ad latus
principis adhaerescere coepit, mirum dictu est quantum breui gratus
acceptusque fucrit ei et iuuenum cohorti quam ille in delitiis habebat;
nam homo facetus, tam persona sacerdotali abiecta quam nulla grauitatis
ratione habita, saepenumero cum illis adolescentibus una psallebat, salta-
bat, sermones leporis plenos habebat, ridebat, iocabatur, ludebat; at extra
iocum, regi grandia de se pollicebatur, quod, ut remotis arbitris commodius
ageret, domi suae uoluptatum omnium sacrarium fecit, quo regem frequenter
ducebat, ibi eius auribus inculcabat, instillabat, iterabatque, rem publicam
per multos rectores male se habere, cum pro se quisque suo commodo
inseruiret, sed, si sibi summa rerum administrandarum crederetur, non
dubitandum quin longe melius cum rebus publicis ageretur, sine molestia
principis, quem potius deceret in flore suae aetatis animum literis ac inter-
dum honestis uoluptatibus delectare quam afligere curis. Haec et eiusmodi
identidem memorando in eam spem iuuenem impulit, ut sibi persuaderet
procurationem gubernandi regni tutius uni quam pluribus ac alteri quam
sibi committi licere, donec adesset maturitas aetatis; et iam tum eum
rebus gerendis praefecit."
Brewer supports this account of the part played by Wolsey's wit in
his fortunes (I. 61): "Beneath the malice of his personal enemies it is
easy to trace the more obvious traits of his person and character. He was
extremely popular in his manners; offended the older courtiers of the last
reign by his wit, and by the absence of that reserved and solemn
demeanour which, we can readily believe, was acceptable at the court of
Henry VII." And in two passages of Queen Hester, Assuerus compli-
ments Aman on his "pullyshyd langage" in the same way as Magnificence.
does Courtly Abusion in the passage cited above (11. 1525-40; cf. Queen
Hester, 1. 611):
Pt. I. § 9]
The Struggles in the Council.
"Aman, we harde wyth deliberation,
Vttered and pronounsed by language cleane,
A very elygante and prudente oracion
Of you as euer to fore was seene.”
(758) "My lorde Aman, we haue harde ryght well
All your oration, which is so elegante
And so well towched that nedes we muste fele
cxxiii
And perceyue your minde, your wordes be so pregnante."
The one object of Fancy and his crew is to expel Measure from among
the prince's advisers (11. 566-S, 656-61); and they succeed in doing this
after much chiding and debate (11. 938-54, 1315-18). When he makes
an effort to return, he is again betrayed and ignominiously cast out. Pre-
cisely the same thing befel Norfolk (then Surrey) under Wolsey's instiga-
tion. The old noble was first cast out of the council in 1512, not long
after Wolsey's entrance, and just before the war with France began, as
we learn from a letter written by Wolsey himself to Fox, Sept. 30,
1512 (summarized by Brewer, Letters and Papers, I. 3443; cf. D. N. B.,
Thomas Howard I.): "My Lord Treasurer (Surrey) being discountenanced
by the King, has left the court. Wolsey thinks it will be a good thing
if he were ousted from his lodging there altogether." But this expulsion
was only temporary. Wolsey was himself partially discredited by the
failure of the campaign of 1512; and Surrey's military talents came into
play in 1513, when his splendid victory at Flodden restored him to all
the favor he had lost, and earned him a dukedom. We next find him,
on the occasion of the marriage of Mary to King Louis, entrusted with
the conduct of the princess. This alliance, however, was a signal defeat
for the Duke; cf. Brewer (Reign of Henry VIII, I. 75): "The old
nobility, represented by Norfolk, opposed it; and the more so as Wolsey's
success sealed his supremacy and their downfall. The debates upon this
marriage and the alliance with France had given rise to a mortal struggle
in the Privy Council between the old party and the new, of which only
feeble indications have reached us. Would the King yield to this new
influence and new nobility, . . . or would he continue his old advisers ?
The struggle had ended in a triumph for Wolsey, to be dissipated by the
death of Lewis XII." On the accession of Francis the two parties again
joined swords; and the final battle came over the extravagant Milan
expedition of 1516, just the time we have seen indicated for our play.
Polydore tells the result as follows (p. 646):
"Ex quo nempe factum est ut aliquot principes viri consiliarii, cum
uidissent tantam potestatem ad unum peruenisse, alii alio ex curia abiue-
cxxiv The Howards cxpelled. Wolsey's Triumph.
•
[Pt. I. § 9
rint et cum primis Cantuariensis [Archbishop Warham] et Vintoniensis,
qui in suas dioeceses perrexerunt, sed antea, ut optimi reipublicae patres,
regem summe rogarunt ut ne pateretur quenquam seruum maiorem esse
domino suo.
Ad ea Henricus, non utique ignorabat in Volsaeum esse
dicta, respondit se illud primum omnium curare sedulo uti seruus quisque
pareat non imperet. Deinde Thomas dux Northfolchiae in suam patriam
se recepit, et postremo Carolus Suthfolchiae dux alios etiam secutus est.”
Herbert connects his departure more closely with Henry's prodigality (p.
53): "Then Thomas Duke of Norfolk craved Leave to go to his Country
House. For, as the King's Coffers were much exhausted by his late
Wars and Triumphs, so not finding it easy to supply those vast Expences,
which (in Pageants and Devices) increased daily, he wisely withdrew
himself" (cf. also Dugdale's Baronage, II. 268). A contemporary letter
of Thos. Allen's (May 31, 1516, Brewer, Letters and Papers, II. 1959,
also 2018) mentions others dismissed in this general change of ministry,
among them the Duke's son, now Earl of Surrey : "The Lord Marquis,
the Earl of Surrey, the Lord of Abergavenny were put out of the Council
chamber within this few days, whatsoever that did mean. Still others
are mentioned by the Venetian ambassador Guistinian in a letter of July
17, 1516 (Brewer, Letters and Papers, II. 2183). The triumph of the
Cardinal is thus summed up by Brewer (Reign, I. 257): “Before a single
measure was submitted to the Privy Council, it was shaped by Wolsey's
hands; he managed it unaided and alone when it had passed their
approval. Fox, the only minister of any experience, seldom attended;
Suffolk dared not offer opposition. Norfolk, who had endeavoured and
once had partly succeeded in thwarting Wolsey's authority, had been
defeated and yielded" (cf. also Pollard, p. 68, and D. N. B., sub Thomas
Howard II.).
The year 1516 thus marks the most crushing defeat of the party of
Norfolk and the crowning triumph of Wolsey. He had already (1515)
been made cardinal; now he became chancellor of the realm. In the
ecclesiastical world he was destined to attain no higher rank, and nothing
higher in the political realm was within his reach. From then until his
downfall he continued virtually prime minister and all-powerful, and we
hear no more of Council disputes. His height of popularity was perhaps.
marked by his diplomatic triumph in arranging the French alliance in
1518. Thenceforth troubles began to surround him. A curious incident
that occurred in 1519 perhaps marks the first symptom of reaction.
Pollard (p. 95) narrates it as follows: "In 1519, there was a sort of
revolution at court, obscure enough now, but then a subject of some
Pt. I. § 9]
Wolsey's Downfall. Place of the Play.
CXXV
comment at home and abroad. Half-a-dozen of Henry's courtiers were
removed from his person and sent into honourable exile, receiving posts
at Calais, at Guisnes, and elsewhere. Giustinian thought that Henry had
been gambling too much and wished to turn over a new leaf. There
were also rumours that these courtiers governed Henry after their own
appetite, to the King's dishonour; and Henry, annoyed at the report and
jealous as ever of royal prestige, promptly cashiered them, and filled their
places with more grave and reverend seniors." Had Magnificence been
written after this, the incident might have figured as a reinstatement of
Measure and an expulsion of Courtly Abusion and Folly. Wolsey him-
self, however, had by this time risen too high to be much concerned in
the dismissal of men who earlier may have been his confederates. In
1522 came the trial and execution of Buckingham, an event that
embittered the people, and especially the nobility, who were forced into
outward acquiescence, still further against Wolsey. The aged Duke of
Norfolk returned to court to preside over this trial.
years later, his son took up the legacy of enmity. When the question of
divorce entered politics, Wolsey's power crumbled, and the nobles began
to regain their lost ground. In 1527 we hear (Pollard, p. 146) that there
were high words between Wolsey and the new Duke of Norfolk in
Henry's presence; and when Wolsey at last fell in 1529, the last touch
of bitterness must have been added by the fact that Norfolk and Suffolk,
his lifelong enemies, were sent to take the Great Seal from him.
On his death two
These events find no place in the allegory of the play. Nor did any
marked Adversity befall Henry while under the direction of Wolsey, as
the poet would seem to have expected, although his Wealth did vanish
and Poverty come to take its place. Neither do we find any repentance
on the part of the monarch or recall of his earlier councillors. When
Wolsey fell at last, most of the old councillors, as well as the poet him-
self, had died before him; nor did any representative of their party
succeed to Wolsey's place. The dividing line between veiled narrative
and attempted prophecy comes just after scene 28 in Stage III; Stages
IV and V are partly vague warning, partly merely the conventional
dénouement of every moral play. This fact is no slight confirmation to
the conclusion, reached above (p. xxv) from the references to external
history, that the play is to be dated in the year 1516.
The fact that Skelton allied himself so closely with the party of the
nobility will arouse no surprise in a careful reader of his poems. Through-
out at least the twenty years of his life under Henry VIII he was the
laureate of the nobles much more than of the monarch. Nearly fifty
cxxvi
Skelton a Conservative and an Aristocrat.
[Pt. I. § 9
years old at his accession, he was, quite as much as the old councillors, at
survivor of the former reign, in which he had won his fame and honors.
It was altogether natural that he should look with more or less suspicion.
upon the new order of things introduced by his royal pupil. Long
before, in fact, in one of his earliest poems, the elegy Upon the Death of
the Earl of Northumberland (Dyce, I. 6), he had shown his complete
adoption of the aristocratic point of view. This nobleman was slain in
1489, in a popular uprising against oppressive taxation. Skelton berates
the "
commons vncurteis " like schoolboys for so far forgetting their duty
as to slay a lord,
"At his commaundement which had both day and nyght
Knyghtes and squyers, at euery season when
He calde vpon them, as meniall houshold men" (11. 31–3).
Another passage uses the precise terminology of Magnificence, and to
express the same attitude (11. 50–61):
"I say, ye comoners, why wer ye so stark mad?
What frantyk Frensy fyll in your brayne?
Where was your Wit and Reson ye should haue had?
What wilful Foly made yow to ryse agayne
Your naturall lord? Alas, I can not fayne
Ye armyd you with Will and left your Wit behynd;
Well may you be called comones most vnkynd.
He was your cheftayne, your shelde, your chef defence,
Redy to assyst you in euery tyme of nede;
Your Worshyp depended of his excellence.
Alas, ye mad men, to far ye did excede;
Your hap was vnhappy, to ill was your spede."
Especially to one noble house-the Howards-did the poet, through-
out his career, show proofs of constant respect and devotion. On the
occasion of the Earl of Surrey's victory at Flodden, Skelton found
opportunity to compliment him by an adroit reference to his heraldic
emblem, the White Lion (Against the Scottes, Dyce, I. 186, 11. 135-138).
The compliment is repeated in his Latin poem on the same subject
(Dyce, I. 190, 11. 17, 18; compare the mention of the White Lion in
Roy's Read me and be not wroth, Arber Reprint, p. 20). But the greatest
literary expression of his attachment to the house, with the exception of
Magnificence itself, is the Garland of Laurel. This poem is inscribed as
written at Sheriff-Hutton Castle, the home of the Duke of Norfolk; and
is especially devoted to the praise of the Countess of Surrey (mother of
the poet Surrey) as his patroness. The incident from which it derives its
Pt. I. § 9]
His lifelong Attachment to the Howards. cxxvii
name, the weaving of a garland for the author by a party of noble ladies
at the desire of the Countess, seems to have been actual; if so, it may
well have been earned by valiant literary service to the Duke's party by
just such productions as his morality. Mention is made in this poem (1.
1219) of still another work written under the patronage of the Countess, the
translation of the "Perigrinacioun of Mannes Lyfe"; for the expression
Skelton uses here, "Of my ladys grace at the contemplacyoun," doubtless
refers, as Brie (p. 9) explains it, to his hostess on this occasion.
It is, indeed, not unlikely that this clue, of lifelong attachment to the
Howards, may throw an altogether new and valuable light on Skelton's
whole biography. The fact that his benefice of Diss was in the Duke's
county of Norfolk may be merely a coincidence. But a very much earlier
connection is indicated by the appearance of his name in the Household
Book of John Duke of Norfolk, the father of the victor of Flodden
(Household Books of John Duke of Norfolk and Thomas Earl of Surrey;
temp. 1481-1490. Edited for the Roxburghe Club, no. 61, by J. P.
Collier; London, 1844). This source, which seems to have been over-
looked by all his biographers, mentions the name John Skelton three
times. Under the date Oct. 3, 1483 (p. 466), we have the entry:
“Item, the same day, paid to Jhon a Godsalfe and to John Skelton for
to bey them leverey gownys vjs. viij.d."; to which Collier adds the note:
“This was, possibly, John Skelton the poet, at this period in the house-
hold of the Duke of Norfolk: if so, he must have entered the church
subsequently." He is mentioned again on Oct. 19, 1483 (p. 477), in
a list of the Duke's household who were attending him to London; and
again (p. 481), where it is interesting to find John Skelton named among
"the M. men that my Lord hath graunted to the King." These formed
the Duke of Norfolk's contingent at the battle of Bosworth, where he lost.
his life. The thousand names are given under the different towns; and
under "Reygate" are listed nine, among them "John Skelton" and the
same "John a Goddishalf" who is found with him in both the other
passages. The identification of this John Skelton with the poet is of
course doubtful at best, since the name was by no means rare in the
fifteenth century (see Brie, p. 4). But Skelton, who was about twenty-
three years old in 1483, did not take orders till 1498; and there is
nothing in his life and character as we know it inconsistent with the
supposition that he saw military service in his youth.
If this be the poet, it is further conjecturable from the above entry
that "Reygate," which is clearly Reigate in Surrey, was Skelton's native
town; the former assertions, to the effect that he was a native of
-
cxxviii The Howards as Patrons.
Change in Moral Plays.
Cumberland or Norfolk (see Dyce, I. v.), being altogether without
support.
Whether we can thus carry back the poet's connection with the
Howards to his youth or not, it is clear that he was very close to them.
in later life. Nor was he the only writer so connected. The Howards
were also patrons of Skelton's nearest rival Barclay (v. Introd. to Ship
of Fools, pp. lviii, lxxiii, lxxvi), who composed an allegorical elegy on
the heroic death in 1514 of Admiral Edward Howard, the second duke's
son,
and who dedicated to the Duke his translation of Sallust (1519–24)
and his French Grammar (1521). William Roy also, as we have seen,
sided with the Howards against Wolsey. Unsuccessful as they often
were in the intrigues of politics, it is manifest that the house was at all
times in command of the forces of literature.
PART 2.
I. EXTERNAL CHANGES.
The effect of external conditions on the history of the moral plays is
fundamental. To it is due, more than to anything else, the dissolution
of the old plots and casts, and the liberation of the dramatist to follow
his own ingenuity; and to it is also partly due the imposition of new
laws and the growth of a technique more refined and more complex. The
original morality schemes arose in a time when authors were unshackled
by any restrictions on either the length of their plays or the number of
their actors. They enjoyed, like the popular miracle cycles, the advan-
tage of a patient public, who had come to spend their holiday and had no
other use for their time. Their performers were drawn from the abundant
source of the amateur guild actors, and any number could easily be
supplied.
The transition which was effected from 1450 to 1520 from these
popular moral plays to the interludes was influenced chiefly by two
external factors: the change in the character of the audience, and the
change in the status of the actors. The former had its principal effect
on the length of the plays. As they were gradually refined, taken in
hand by professional men of letters, and introduced to the court of arch-
bishop and king and to the indoor audience, they were necessarily
shortened. Kings had neither the time nor the inclination to spend
their days or many of their hours in attending moral plays. The unlucky
dramatist who forgot to compress his production had only himself to
blame if his play suffered the fate recorded of Medwall's Finding of
Pt. II. § 1]
Contraction in Length and Number of Actors.
от
cxxix
Truth at the Christmas of 1513 (see Chambers, II. 201), which appeared
to Henry so long, that he rose and 'departyd to his chambre.' The
change from amateur to professional actors, on the other hand, had its
principal effect on the number of actors. It was difficult to procure a
large number of trained performers. The professional troupes were small;
the most common size, as we have seen in the case of Magnificence, being
four men and a boy. Consequently, various devices had to be employed
to adjust to the new conditions the comprehensive demands of the
primitive models on time and men.
This double process of contraction, in length and in number of per-
formers, can be illustrated best by a table of the moral plays such as the
following. Some moralities outside of our chronological limits have been
added for the sake of comparison. Where part of a play is lost, an
estimate of its original length has been made and the number of lines.
preserved added in parentheses. The arrangement is intended to show
at a glance the stages which the process assumed.
Speaking parts. Supernumeraries.
Length.
Castle of Perseverance. ab. 3800 (3650)
35
Mary Magdalen.
2144
ab. 50
ad lib.
Three Estates.
4628+
ab. 40
1st part.
2297
2nd part.
2331
Pride of Life.
ab. 900 (502)
ab. 12
Everyman.
921
ab. 20
Nature.
2860
21
1st part.
1439
2nd part.
1421
Magnificence.
2567 +
18
Four Elements.
Wisdom.
ab. 2000 (1457)
1168
8
6
(dancers)
29
Mankind.
ab. 1000 (907)
7
Hickscorner.
1026
6
Mundus et Infans.
979
5
Love.
1573
4
Weather.
1255
10
Four P's.
1236
4
Pardoner and Friar.
640
4
Wit and Folly.
739
3
Johan Johan.
680
3
With respect to their length, we can distinguish four stages among
the plays which have been listed above:
1. We have three examples of what may be called, from the analogy
MAGNYFYCENCE.
¿
CXXX
Four Stages in the Reduction of Length. [Pt. II. § 1
of the miracles, the cyclic stage: the popular out-door type of moral play,
designed evidently to consume a half-day, or even a whole day. These
are: the Castle of Perseverance, Mary Magdalen, and the belated Three
Estates. The last-named was divided into two parts, for the forenoon
and afternoon respectively, which in their original bulk may have each.
contained from 2500 to 3000 lines. The length of moral plays of this
primitive stage was from 2000 to 4000 lines.
2. Next come a group of moralities written for in-door performance,
but evidently based directly on the former group. Their authors have
manifestly felt the necessity for compression, but still resist the demand,
or attempt to compromise. Nature is divided arbitrarily into two parts,
of a little over 1400 lines each. Magnificence retains almost the full
measure of the primitive dimensions, without any visible break from
beginning to end; but its length is its worst defect, and must have
appeared nearly as excessive to its auditors as to us. Four Elements
shows most clearly the feeling that abbreviation was becoming necessary.
In its original state, it must have contained about 2000 lines; but the
author's guilty conscience appears in his preface when he says (see
Fischer's ed., p. 39): "whiche Interlude, yf the hole matter be playd, wyl
conteyne the space of an hour and a halfe; but yf ye lyst, ye may leve
out muche of the sad mater, as the Messengers parte, and some of Naturys
parte, and some of Experyens parte, and yet the matter wyl depend con-
venyently, and than it wyll not be paste thre quarters of an hour of
length." The sad and merry parts are very nearly evenly balanced, and
if the author's directions for cutting it were followed, the result would
approximate 1000 lines. The length of the plays of this stage, then, is in
their complete form from 2000 to 3000 lines.
3. The division of Nature and the provision for cutting in the Four
Elements gives us a clue as to the approximate length which had been
found generally desirable by the end of the fifteenth century; and we are
not surprised to find that the majority of the plays preserved range.
from 900 to 1400 lines. The fixing of this as the normal length may
have been aided by the fact that it was the usual length of one form of
the popular morality, the Coming of Death type, which had never
supplied material for productions as lengthy as those of the Conflict type.
The earliest play we possess, the Pride of Life, may be estimated to have
originally contained approximately 900 lines; and Everyman has 921.
Within the limits thus determined fall Wisdom, Mankind, Hickscorner,
Mundus et Infans, and Heywood's Four P's and Weather. Heywood's
Love, with its 1573 lines, is evidently too long.
Pt. II. § 1] Reduction in number of Performers-3 Stages. cxxxi
4. The length was again cut in half by Heywood, who perhaps had a
difficult audience to deal with. In his Pardoner and Friar, Wit and
Folly, and Johan Johan, he establishes a new norm of 600 to 700
lines.
scenes.
The reduction which has thus taken place from 4000 to 600 lines is
susceptible of an interesting comparison with the dimensions of a Shak-
sperean play. From 3500 to 4000 lines is the average length of a play
of Shakspere's; 600 lines is nearly the average length of his weightier
The division into scenes and acts is altogether a foreign import-
ation, only faint tendencies thereto being perceptible in such phenomena
as the two parts of Nature. Usually, as in Magnificence, the stage is
never cleared from beginning to end (probable exceptions to this state-
ment occur in Wisdom, 1. 325, Hickscorner, 1. 155, Mundus et Infans,
1. 744). The length of time during which an audience's attention can be
safely held continuously, is more or less a fixed quantity dependent upon
physical conditions; and in the absence of a device for breaking the
action, the working out of the morality to a length finally coincident with
the normal scene-length of the late drama, affords an interesting proof
that both rested upon a practical basis.
The other side of the transition, the compression in the number of
characters, is susceptible of a similar division into stages, although some-
times the same play shows a more advanced condition in the one respect
than in the other. We may conveniently make three stages.
1. The popular moral plays, which were acted out-of-doors, and which
show no restriction in the number of their actors, are: Pride of Life,
Castle of Perseverance, Mary Magdalen, Everyman (in all probability),
and the Three Estates. These vary widely in their actual numbers, from
not more than 12 in the original Pride of Life to considerably over
50 in Mary Magdalen; but the difference is caused by the different
demands of their themes, and there is no trace in any of them that the
author was deterred from introducing all the characters he wished, or
that any actor was obliged to assume more than one rôle.
2. All the remaining moral plays of our period fall into another
single group, the characteristic of which is compression. The number of
characters ideally desirable is, as we have already seen, gradually cut
down by selection, and combination. But in each play of this group, the
number of characters whom the author feels obliged to keep is greater
than the size of his troupe. This conflict is met in two ways: first, by
the use of mutes, whose parts were probably then, just as to-day, entrusted
to amateur performers; second, by doubling of roles. The first device is
cxxxii
The Device of doubling the Rôles.
[Pt. II. § 1
carried to a great extent in Wisdom. By a lavish use of costume, dancing,
and other means directed to the eye instead of to the ear, it contrives to
have 35 characters with but six speaking parts. In the other plays,
however, this evident makeshift is but little used; the only other
example being the dancers who are brought in in Four Elements at 1.
1320. The second device, on the other hand, may be detected in each
play of the group, and must be taken up for more detailed consideration.
3. All of Heywood's interludes fall into a third group. In the
plays of the preceding group, the number of characters gradually
approaches that of the actors, and the awkward device of doubled rôles
is less and less used. Heywood discarded it altogether. In his plays,
indeed, the necessity for it had ceased to exist with the abandonment of
the old plots and the invention of simpler substitutes. The number of
his rôles is always the same as the number of his actors, and both are
usually small four for Love, Four P's, Pardoner and Friar, three for
Wit and Folly and Johan Johan. In Weather we have apparently a
much larger troupe, probably a company of children.
The practice of doubling the rôles was continued down to a far later
day, and has never been worked out, as it deserves to be, for the morality
as a whole. In the period under discussion it can be detected in seven
plays. The partition has already been traced for Nature by Brandl
(pp. xlv, xlvi), who reports that the 21 characters could be taken by five.
men and a boy. Mr. Pollard (pp. xiii, xvi) has noted the single case of
doubling in Mankind, that of Mischief and Titivillus. The others have
never been ascertained. The following table will show the relations
which may be detected between characters and actors in these plays :
No. characters. No. actors: (a) men. (b) boys.
Wisdom-speaking
6
...
-silent
29
""
Mankind
7
Nature
21
Hickscorner
6
...
Mundus
5
Magnificence
18
Four Elements
8
: :
4
•
1
6
3
1.
5
3LO 4++
1
4
1
The six parts of Hickscorner may be divided as follows:
A. Pity (1-154, 457-644); Imagination (889-1026).
B. Contemplation (33-155); Imagination (192-544); Contemplation
(601-1026).
""
(C
"Hickscorner," "Mundus et Infans," Wisdom."
cxxxiii
C. Perseverance (75-155); Hickscorner (304-544); Perseverance
(601–1026).
D. Freewill (156-483, 511-544, 645-1026).
This gives each actor three entrances. The only difficulty is the splitting
of the role of Imagination. We might avoid this by supposing, as in
Magnificence (see p. xlviii), that there were five actors, but that one must
always remain off the stage, to act as prompter or for some other reason.
There is not, however, the same objection here to dividing a rôle as in
Magnificence, for no mention is made of any difference in the size of
characters. The effect of the restriction to four actors is apparent in
the premature exit of Pity at 1. 644, and the disappointing failure of
Hickscorner to return to the stage and get converted together with his
two brothers in vice.
The smallest troupe is that of Mundus et Infans, which is clearly
intended for but two actors, who divide the play as follows:
A. Manhood with his various names: Infans (25-67), Wanton (68–
122), Lust-and-Liking (123-159), Manhood (160-683), Shame
(684-720), Age (767-853), Repentance (854-979).
B. Mundus (1-236); Conscience (288-494); Folly (522-699);
Conscience (713-744); Perseverance (745-979).
The stage is left empty for a moment at 1. 744, while Conscience goes out
to return as Perseverance.
1
The remaining three plays are evidently designed for the troupe of
four men and a boy, which we have seen above was the normal size for
the moralities. The boy took the female parts, and the diminutive
figures which were related to the Garcio of the miracles and the dwarf-
fools of later moralities (cf. Nought, New Guise, and Now-a-Days in
Mankind, and see Pollard, p. xiv; the maiden Innocency and the Garcio
in Nature, and see Brandl, p. xlv; and Fancy in Magnificence). The
parts in Wisdom are to be assigned as follows :
A. Wisdom (1-324); Lucifer (325–380, 381–551); Wisdom (876–
1168).
¹ Cf. Sir Thomas More, ed. A Dyce (Shakespeare Society, London, 1844), p. 56 :
"Moore.
How manie are ye?
Player. Foure men and a boy, sir.
Moore. But one boy? then I see,
Ther's but fewe women in the play.
Player. Three, my lord; Dame Science, Lady Vanitie,
And Wisdome she herselfe.
Moore. And one boy play them all? bir lady, hees loden."
cxxxiv
B. Mind.
C. Will.
"Four Elements." Characterization in Versification.
D. Understanding.
E (the boy). Lady Anima (17-324, 906-1000, 1068-1168).
For the supernumerary parts there would be needed
1. 5 boys: Five Virgins (165–324, 1068–1168).
2. 6 boys: Mind's suit (696–710); Understanding's suit (728–737) ;
Will's suit (756-779); Six small devils (906–982).
Among the main rôles the only doubling is that of Wisdom and
Lucifer. The author has not yet learned to cover up the consequent
interruptions by suitable monologues, and the stage remains empty for a
few moments at 11. 324 and 380, while this actor is shifting his costume.
The closest similarity to the method employed in Magnificence of
assigning the parts is that found in the Four Elements.
A. Messenger (1-147); Taverner (553-655, 884-975); Ignorance
(1142-1457).
B. Natura (148-324); Experience (664-1141); Natura (1434-1457).
C. Humanity.
D. Studious Desire.
E (the boy). Sensual Appetite.
Sensual Appetite is a diminutive humorous figure like Fancy; the fool
Ignorance, on the other hand, bears a striking resemblance to Folly. The
number of supernumeraries used for the dance (1320-1382) is not
specified.
II. VERSIFICATION.
The artistic use in the earlier English drama of changes in verse and
strophe to characterize the tone of different parts or of different characters
forms an exceedingly interesting chapter in the history of dramatic.
technique; and it is a chapter that begins with the moral plays. Here
as in many other features, the development of the English drama bears a
close analogy to that of its ancient counterpart in Greece, especially to
Greek comedy. The Old Comedy, as exemplified by Aristophanes, had a
rich scheme of different metres, partly lyrical and partly popular in their
tone, which it applied with a nice sense for their differing os. A com-
parative newcomer in the list, the iambic trimeter, was discovered to be
the most flexible, least lyrical, and closest to prose; and in the New
Comedy the comic trimeter obtained exclusive possession of the field. The
Summary of the Story. The Experimental Period.
CXXXV
Old Comedy of the English drama was the morality and the interlude;
and although it was far from being glorified by the genins of an Aristo-
phanes, it employed at times an almost equally abundant array of
different measures.
The principle of making dramatic use of verse-changes persisted
almost into the perfected drama of the Elizabethan age, but the methods
employed changed many times. The characteristic of the moral plays
and earlier interludes in this respect was the use of contrasted stanzas
rather than of contrasted lines. In the moral plays the popular rhythm
inherited from the mysteries was still employed. The looseness with
which all forms of this had come to be written made it difficult to dis-
tinguish differences of line; hence these were usually reinforced by
differences of rime-scheme. Throughout the period before us, lines of
different weight and length are combined in contrasted strophes; these
strophes in the earlier moral plays are generally long and complicated,
later they are gradually shortened and simplified, and the couplet becomes
the favorite form. A new period is marked by the re-introduction, first
in the lyrical verse of Wyatt and Surrey, afterwards in the drama, of
strictly regular rhythm, long almost a lost art in England. When such
lines as the septenarius and the alexandrine began to be used in the
drama side by side with the old tumbling verse, an effective contrast in
rhythms was provided that supplanted the earlier and less delicate
contrast in rime-schemes. The complex stanzas were discarded entirely
for simple quatrains or couplets. This stage is exemplified in such early
comedies as Misogonus (1560) and Common Conditions (1576), in which
dignified scenes and characters are marked by the use of the septenarius,
while clowns and farcical scenes are throughout assigned the popular
rhythm. At a still later period the pentameter and blank verse were
introduced into the drama, and soon had ousted well-nigh all their com-
petitors, in tragedy and comedy alike. The couplet, of course, always
remained a means of obtaining particular artistic effects; and the con-
trast between verse and prose was used by Shakspere to accomplish much
the same purposes as had prompted the earlier contrasts between dignified
and popular rhythms and strophes. In the main, however, the subtler
methods of characterization discovered by advancing dramatic art super-
seded the older variations; and dramatists no longer found it necessary
to label their humor or pathos by conventional metrical signs.
The long period of experiment, however, had its value. It tested the
dramatic availability of many different verse-forms, and discovered which
were too lyrical, which too crude, and which too complicated. The fact,
cxxxvi Metrical Structure of " Pride of Life" and Coventry Plays.
moreover, that such experiments were going on affords a not unneeded
proof that these much-abused metrists were concerned over the choice of
their measures and alive to metrical values.
The period which closed with Magnificence saw only the inception of
these metrical experiments. For the most part, as has been said, it
utilized only the broader effects obtainable from stanza-contrasts. The
distinction of line which we found in Magnificence, between the heavy
and light line of four-accents, was also used, and in the earliest plays was
the sole method; but it vanished in the hands of careless writers, and
revived only in connection with the rime royal, when rime royal was
introduced into the drama, the heavy line possibly being a supposed
Chaucerian imitation. The changes in popularity and in the use made
of the different stanza-forms are instructive, and reveal as does no other
single feature the unity of development in the group as a whole. Before
attempting to generalize we need to see exactly what the metrical structure
of each play is, and an analysis is here attempted, taking the plays in the
order of development rather than chronologically.
Pride of Life. The fragments preserved are composed throughout in
quatrains with a uniform rime-scheme (abab), but varying length and
weight of line. The first fragment (11. 1–126), including the prologue and
what remains of the King of Life's opening speech, is written in four-accent
lines throughout. In the prologue these are light and show no effort at
alliteration (abab¹); in the King's boastful speech (11. 113-126) they are
heavy and very alliterative (ABAB; I have ventured to distinguish
between the heavy and light four-accent lines by using capitals for the
former, small letters for the latter). The rest of the play, including dialogue
and the Bishop's sermon, is written in alternate four and three-accent lines
(at b3 c4 b³). We have apparently an attempt to indicate by contrast of line
but not of stanza, the formality of the conventional opening and the dignity
of the hero (cf. Magnificence's alliterative monologue), as distinguished
from the level of the play. The loss of so much of the play prevents us.
from knowing how much further the attempt was carried.
4
Coventry Plays (cf. Hohlfeld, Anglia, xi. 250). The miracle plays:
generally carried the same stanza-form throughout the play. Where
different stanzas have been used we are usually pointed to a change of
authors or to interpolation. Whether this explanation can be accepted
in every case is to be doubted. Naturally there was very little occasion
for making metrical contrasts in the miracle plays, as compared to the
Pt. II. § 2] Use of Alliteration. "Castle of Perseverance." cxxxvii
moralities with their essential opposition of the virtue-scenes and vice-
scenes. But a thorough study of the numerous shifts that occur within
plays would probably prove some of them intentional variations of a
single author. We do not need, however, to account for any change of
stanza-form in either of the two moralities imbedded in the Ludus
Coventriae. The first, the Debate of the Heavenly Graces, which includes
only 11. 1-191 of the play numbered xI. and called by Halliwell and
Manly the Salutation and Conception, is written throughout in an eight-line
stanza, with light four-stress lines (ababbcbc). The second, the Death
of Herod, beginning in the middle of Halliwell's play xIx., the Slaughter
of the Innocents, on p. 183, with the words, "In sete now am I sett," is
composed throughout in a thirteen-line stanza, consisting of eight four-
stress and five two-stress lines. But although this remains uniform in
rime-scheme, it varies, like the Pride of Life, in character of line. In the
first half of the play, portraying King Herod in boastful prosperity, the first
eight lines of each stanza are heavy and alliterative (ABABABAB4); in
the second half (beginning on p. 186, "Hic dum buccinant Mors inter-
ficiat Herodem "), where Death comes with sudden destruction, the first
eight lines are light and non-alliterative (abababab4). The contrast is
striking and unquestionably deliberate, but is again a matter of line and
not of stanza.
Castle of Perseverance (cf. Mr. Pollard's intro. in the E. E. T.S. 91,
pp. xxvi, xxvii). We have here the first hesitating efforts at dramatic
use of stanza-contrasts. The bulk of the play, 284 stanzas out of 315, is
written in the same thirteen-line stanza that is used in the Death of
Herod, or in an abbreviated form of this with nine lines.
The same
distinction between heavy and light lines in the first part of this stanza
is also found here: the heavy form (ABABABAB¹) is used for the
formal prologue (stanzas 1-12), the lofty opening monologues of Mundus,
Belial, and Caro (13-21; stanza 21 is evidently an oversight with its
repetition of the cauda), and apparently also in the opening monologues
of the vices (78-80, 82-84); elsewhere the light form (abababab* or
abab4) is used. The distinction, though clear enough at times (compare
stanzas 1 or 13 with stanzas 22, 23) is not so carefully preserved as in
the Death of Herod. Both forms have abundant alliteration. Naturally
the fading contrast had to be reinforced by a tentative use of different
stanzas. Mr. Pollard notes that the author scrupled to divide a stanza
between two speakers; hence no doubt his use of the abbreviated form;
and hence also, for very brief speeches, the introduction of the uneven
-cxxxviii
The "Tail-rimed" Stanza. Progress in "Wisdom."
·couplet (a² a³) or quatrain (a² a³ a2 a³), which occurs 32 times. This is put
in the mouth of all the characters, and can hardly be a means of character-
contrast. But in two passages a significant use is made of a special stanza
for the three lowest and most depraved of the vices. The three servants
of Mundus, Voluptas, Stultitia, and Detraccio, are additions to the
original scheme of vices inserted evidently to balance the three attend-
ants of Belial and the three attendants of Caro. They approach nearest
to the later conception denominated the "Vice of the play," Voluptas
and Stultitia, as we shall see, showing kinship with one side of that con-
ception, Detraccio with the other. When Humanum Genus ascends into
Mundus's scaffold (1. 618), thus marking the culmination of Evil's first
triumph over him, Mundus hands him over to Voluptas and Stultitia and
they accept him in three stanzas (54-56) which constitute the first
appearance of the "Schweifreimstrophe" in the moralities. They are
further distinguished by being put into half-lines (aaabcccb²). A little
later Humanum Genus is introduced to Detraccio, who welcomes him
in a single "Schweifreimstrophic" (no. 67) of somewhat fuller form
(aaa¹ b³ ccc4 b³). This "tail-rimed stanza," or rime couée, used indis-
criminately in the romances and miracles, was well adapted by its rattling
repetition of the same rime for two, three, four, or more lines, and its
jingling tags, to characterize the farcical vice-figures and scenes. Per-
mitting wide variation in form, but always preserving an easily recog-
nizable character, its use was to become general in succeeding moral
plays.
Wisdom. In this play we have for the first time the system of con-
trasted metres in its completeness. Wisdom has two stanzas, whose
boundaries accurately divide the parts dominated by the two sides. The
eight-line stanza (ababbcbe; Warton's "octave "), extended thrice (11. 49-
60, 885-896, 1057-1068) to twelve lines (ababbebeeded) and once (11.
1085-1088) shortened to four (abab), is used in the serious parts (11. 1-324
and 11. 877-1168) where Wisdom is on the stage. The tail-rimed stanza
(aaab cccb) is used for the vice-scenes (11. 325-876). The uneven couplet
(a² a4), which in the Castle of Perseverance is used for a definite purpose.
and in a curious symmetrical arrangement, survives here without visible
purpose in three places as a tag to the tail-rimed stanza (1. 518, which
should be printed as two lines, 11, 736, 7, and 746, 7). A single violation
of the distinction is the presence of the serious octave stanza (no. 61, 11..
485–92) isolated amid the tail-rimed stanzas in a vice-scene,-evidently a
slip. No use is made of contrast of line: in the octave stanzas there are
Pt. II. § 2]
Further Progress in "Mankind."
cxxxix
always four accents, but the range in length of the lines is very great;
the tail-rimed stanzas begin (no. 41) with half-lines, but soon increase to
three-accent and four-accent lines. The contrast of line, in the hands of
careless poets, was too evanescent for practical use; and it was naturally
neglected when a more patent method had been discovered. The author
of Wisdom was a careless poet, as his atrocious rimes bear witness.
Mankind. The system of Wisdom is further refined in Mankind. In
Wisdom each metre is carried unbroken through the whole stage of the
play belonging to it; in Mankind the shifts are much more numerous,
and occur wherever the forces of one side intrude, as they often do, upon
the counsels of the other. The metre chosen for the virtues is the
quatrain (abab), sometimes linked (abab bcbc cdcd, etc.) (as in Il. 1–44,
the formal prologue; 11. 181–196, Mankind's opening address; 11. 270–
281, beginning of Mercy's warning sermon; 11. 727-746, beginning of
Mercy's lament); the linked form thus seems used for special dignity,
much as the rime royal is in Magnificence, but not very consistently.
Irregularities are the extra line (aabab) (11. 197-201) and the isolated
couplet (11. 302, 3). For the vices the tail-rime stanza (aaabcccb) is
used, but the regular form of this is often extended, abbreviated, or
twisted. The following forms occur (x is used for a single unrimed line):
aaa b ccc b ddd b (522–33), aaa b ccc b dd bx (114–25), aaa b x ccc b
ddd b (385-97), aa b ccc b (476-82), aaa b cc b (624-30), aaa b c bi
(438-43), aaa x ccc x (550-57), aaa b ccc (680-86), aaa ccc b (765-71),
aaa c b cc b (506–13); in ll. 53–63, 468–75, 483-87, we have stanzas,
that are mixed or hopelessly corrupt. Couplets are used in one passage
(324–35) for a song, and twice added as a tag to a stanza (496, 7; 598, 9).
In length of line Mankind is still more irregular than Wisdom. We may
assume four-accent lines throughout, but in Mercy's latinizing speeches
they are certainly stretched to their fullest capacity, while in the vice-
scenes they are usually shorter. The somewhat intricate arrangement of
the two stanzas can best be shown by the following table :
1. Virtue supreme.
quatrains tail-rime
1-44
45-156
157-237 238-245
246-253 254-269
270-315
!
The vices make three incursions, two
of them very brief, upon the stage
while Mankind is still innocent and is
receiving the instructions of Mercy;'
and they carry with them each time
their own metre..
raf-
cxl
"Nature" introduces "Rime Royal."
2. Vice supreme.
316-726
727-764 765-803
3. Virtue supreme.
804-907 |
[Pt. II. § 2:
So while Mankind is still living in
sin with the vices Mercy enters and
laments in his own quatrain.
The points worthy of note, then, in
Mankind are the growing carelessness
in the construction of the line, as also in the riming (cf. Mr. Pollard's
intro., p. xix), and in the construction of the tail-rime stanza; combined
with an increasing delicacy in fitting each scene with its appropriate metre.
Nature (cf. Brandl, Q. und F., LXXX. xxxvii). In Nature we have,
substantially continued, the double system of Mankind, but with a
significant change of the metre of the virtue scenes to the rime royal.
This seems the first instance of its use in the drama, for the passages in
the Chester Plays are certainly late interpolations. Its wide acceptance
in the later moral plays marks the growing refinement of the species.
Nature also utilizes the distinction of heavy and light lines, which
Wisdom and Mankind neglect. This enables the writer to secure an
intermediate form which would otherwise have been out of reach. The
dignified scenes are of course composed in the heavy line (ABABBCC),
the vice-scenes in the light line and commonly in the tail-rime stanza
(aaa4b3 ccc4b³ or aa4b3 cc4b³); but we also find a number of occurrences
of the rime royal in the light line (ababbec), always mixed with tail-rimo
verses, for the more important vices or more elevated vice-scenes, or for
what may be called a half-way repentance scene, where virtue is only
partly triumphant. The rime royal is written with great care two lines.
have fallen out (554, II. 1273), one has been added (II. 1350), and in one-
case (II. 1076-85) two stanzas have apparently run together. The tail-rime
stanza, on the other hand, shows an even greater variety of forms than in
Mankind; the following is a list, with references for those not given by
Brandl (b always stands for the three-accent tag): aaab cccb dddb, aab
ecb ddb, aaab ccb, aaab ccccb (1027-35; read by Brandl as aaaa bbbba),
aab cccb; and the following, which may be regarded as stanzas abbre-
viated at one end or the other: aaab, aab (II. 635-7), aab cc (II. 611–
15), b aaab, b aab, b aaaab, b aab ccb (II. 101-7, 622-8). Couplets are
also scattered pretty freely among these scenes, usually two together, once
a longer passage (II. 83-100); once we have three lines (aaa) (844–6);
once there is a passage of prose; and a number of unrimed lines occur.
Brandl cites a number of half-lines, but most of them are to be read as
parts of a divided line. The distribution of the metres follows the same
4
Pt. II. § 2] "Four Elements" imitates metres of "Nature." cxli
plan as in the preceding plays, the only noteworthy points being the
mixed scenes. The prologue and the debate held before Man (11. 1-399)
are wholly rime royal, as is also the first temptation scene before the
lordly Mundus (400-655) which ends in the expulsion of Innocency, with
the exception of a few lines at its close in which Man gives his final
assent in tail-rime. Then begins the vice portion proper. Lines 656-
74 are in tail-rime. Lines 675-723, spoken principally by Worldly
Affection or Covetousness, the leading vice, and Sensuality, the Bad
Angel, are in rime royal. Lines 724-1051 again revert to the tail-rime,
as Man falls under the power of more degraded vices. Lines 1052–
1292, which are written in tail-rime with the light rime royal stanzas
described above interspersed, is a long scene where Man is off the stage
and the vices gleefully report his increasing degradation at the tavern;
the rime royal stanzas reflect the boastful tone, also perhaps the speakers,
Sensuality and Worldly Affection. The remainder of the first part
(11. 1293-1439) constitute a hurried and ineffective repentance scene,
also composed in a mixture of tail-rime and rime royal. Part II begins
with a short prologue (1-63), of course in rime royal. The second
temptation scene (64-163) is quickly successful, and after only two rime
royal stanzas Man plunges into vice in couplets and tail-rime strophes.
The second vice-portion (164-1012) is altogether in the tail-rime, except
for two of the light rime royal stanzas put in the mouth of Pride (304–17).
Then follows a weighty and thoroughly adequate repentance scene (1013-
1421), in heavy rime royal throughout.
Four Elements (Fischer, pp. 27-37). The close dependence of this
play on Nature in plot and cast is evident also in its metrical structure
Its two metres are the same: the heavy-line rime-royal (ABABBCC4) and
the tail-rime strophe with light four and three-stress-lines (aaa4b3 ccc¹b³
or aa4b³ cc4b³). Both are written even less regularly than in Nature. In
five cases the rime-royal stanzas have an irregular extra line (for refer-
ences see Fischer). The variants in the tail-rime run more to extension
by inserting superfluous lines than in Nature; the following novel forms.
are given by Fischer: aaab ccb ddb, aab cccb ddb, aab ceb dddb, aaab
cccb ddb, aab cccb dddb; and aab ccb b, aab cccb, aaab b ccb. To these
may be added the abbreviated aab (505-7), aab b (593-7), and the
curious extension aab ccddb eeb (598-608; these are differently inter-
preted by Fischer). The abbreviated forms so common in Nature are
otherwise wholly absent, as is also the rime-royal in the light line. Four
Elements uses the couplet only sporadically (405, 6 as a mocking echo;
cxlii Negligence in "Four Elements" and in other Plays.
884, 5; 1005–9, with an extension to three lines). A novel feature is the
insertion of songs or comic recitations in special metrical' form: a mock
blessing in half lines (413-20: aab ab ccb ?); a nonsense medley with
the lines intentionally rimeless (1410-33); and three songs (1320-31;
1343–59; 1379-82) given in such abbreviated form that the exact metrical
intention is uncertain. The metrical distinction which is thus taken
ready-made from Nature is, however, not adhered to. The play begins.
with the rime royal, and changes on the first entrance of the vice Sensual
Appetite (1. 405) to the tail-rime; but thereafter the tail-rime remains.
unchanged, and is carried through for the "merry" and "sad" matter
alike. The following table will show the division, those parts which we
should expect to find in rime royal instead of tail-rime being put in
parenthesis.
rime royal
1-404
tail-rime
405-663
(664-883)
884-1037
(1038–1141)
1142-1433
(1434-1457).
The neglect to preserve the
metrical boundaries which he had
begun is of a piece with the lack of
literary conscience and the unin-
telligent copying of models that the
author betrays in most of the other
features of his play, as we shall
come to observe. He frankly ac-
knowledges a purely didactic pur-
pose. Naturally the loose tail-rime
was much more easily composed than the rime royal, and the temptation
to continue it was yielded to.
Side by side with these plays in which metrical distinctions are
evidently kept in mind, and more or less conscientiously observed, are
others in which the device is wholly given up. These plays are all com-
paratively late. In them all literary finish is conspicuously forsaken in
favor of practical dramatic effectiveness. They are all incredibly loose
in the purity of their rimes. It may be suspected that distinctions of
stanza were beginning to break down before the practical test of the
stage. The old distinction of line, which required a still more delicate
handling, was naturally also unavailable, and no substitute had yet arisen
to supply the demand. The plays which come under this head are Mary
Magdalen, Everyman, Hickscorner, Mundus et Infans, all of which are
metrically aimless, although not to the same degree metrically incoherent.
The two latter are still written in stanzas, though these are often irregular
in form, and though different forms are interchanged without motive;
Mary Magdalen and Everyman are written in lines that rime at random
or not at all.
"Mary Magdalen," "Everyman," "Hickscorner," "Mundus." exlii
The attempt of Schmidt (Anglia, viii. 387–390) to explain the con--
fusion of stanza-form in Mary Magdalen as due to imperfect transcription.
and interpolation, breaks down before the necessity of rewriting the
whole play that it would involve. In the morality portion of this play
the only scheme that the writer had in mind is apparently the octave
(ababbcbc), and an unbroken example is occasionally though not often.
found.
Everyman offers a marked contrast to the neat couplets of the Dutch.
play in its hopeless welter of couplets, quatrains, and rime royals. The
quatrains (abab) are inserted quite at random, and show numerous
variants (aabab, abaab, ababb, abaabb, aabba, ababbcbc). The rarer rime-
royal stanzas are apparently used in more solemn passages, though with-
out consistency; there are two, one faulty, at the beginning, when God
speaks; one in Everyman's speech at 1. 131; and one in Everyman's
dying prayer, 1. 880; and there is one stanza, with a couplet, in short
two-accent lines at the beginning of the Death and Everyman scene, that
marks the quick exchange of surprised conversation, and anticipates the
metre of Courtly Abusion's monologue (Magn. 1. 838). The couplet is
the predominant rime-scheme, and its extended use would be significant
if it were not probably due to the example of its probable Dutch
original. The prologue,-not found in the Dutch play,-which in every
other play that has one calls for the most dignified stanza available, here
strangely enough is put into the only tail-rime of the play, but it is made
somewhat more formal by carrying the same rime throughout for the
tag (aab ccb ddb eeb, etc.).
Hickscorner has for its chief metres the quatrain (abab), often linked
in various ways with a second quatrain, the tail-rime in many forms, and
the couplet. A few rime-royal stanzas occur at random. There is no
visible order. The play opens with linked quatrains in the mouth of the
virtues, and brings the vices on (1. 156) with tail-rime, as in Mankind;
but elsewhere the two are hopelessly mixed. The play possesses, how-
ever, one significant metrical feature,-the extensive use of the couplet,
for long speeches as well as for dialogue (see 11. 231-316, 331-391, 662-
694, 752-852, 901-932). This use is very similar to that found in
Magnificence. The couplet, the simplest of all the rime-schemes yet intro-
duced into the drama, was replacing the others by a sort of natural selection.
Mundus et Infans occupies a much less advanced stage in its metrical
structure. It has no couplets, and indulges in stanzas of the longest and.
•
cxliv
Distinctions of Line and of Rime-scheme.
[Pt. II. § 2
most complicated form, invented apparently on the spur of the moment
and not repeated. The quatrain (abab) occurs frequently; but the bulk
of the play is in tail-rime stanzas (aaab cccb). These occur with most of
the variations and abbreviations already noted in Nature and the Four
Elements. A mixed stanza is frequently found, consisting of a quatrain
plus part of a tail-rime stanza (abab cddde), or vice versa (aaab abab), or
still more intricately (ab ccb addda, 757–66); and the so-called "bob-
wheel" stanza, not found elsewhere in the moralities, occurs not less than
five times (abab e dddc, 482-90; aaab cccb dddb e fffe, 794-810; three
times with the bob-verse consisting curiously of an echo of the last word
in the preceding line, aaab cccb b dddb, 275-87, 308-20; abab b bba,
300-7). No aim is apparent in any of these metrical changes. Some
use is perhaps discernible of the heavy alliterative form of the quatrain
and tail-rime in passages of lofty boasting such as 11. 1-12, 216–231,
267-282, as compared with the light form found elsewhere in the play;
but the adaptation is merely sporadic, and the other shifts and turns in
the metre can hardly be taken as other than whimsical.
With the foregoing data from the thirteen moral plays before us, we
are enabled more safely to characterize the metrical development of the
whole dramatic period. Of the two sorts of metrical distinctions utilized
for dramatic characterization, the first on the field was the distinction of
line. In the Pride of Life, the Death of Herod, to some extent in the
Castle of Perseverance, and possibly in two or three passages of Mundus
et Infans, this distinction was used alone; that is, the same stanza-forms,
differing only in weight of line and in the presence or absence of allitera-
tion, are used for contrasted effects, the light lines giving the tone of
ordinary passages, the heavy line marking formality, dignity, or elevation,
and the alliteration giving the special connotation of confident but vain
boasting. The difficulty of this distinction appears in the uncertainty of
its use in the Castle of Perseverance and in the relinquishment of it in
later plays. When the rime royal was introduced, the distinction of line
was again brought in, but this time to reinforce the distinction of rime-
scheme dignified stanzas, such as the rime royal, are put in the heavy
line; the unregenerate tail-rime, in the light line. This is the rule in
Nature and the Four Elements. Practice in the distinction naturally
suggested a revival of its use alone, and this appears tentatively in the
light-line rime-royal stanzas of Nature, and still better in Magnificence
with its heavy and light couplets and leash.
Magnificence has also the credit for actually using the distinction
1
Pt. II. § 2] The full and half-line. Six Rime-schemes.
cxlv
between the full line and the half-line. The half-line is frequent enough
in the caudas of the long stanzas of the Death of Herod, the Castle
of Perseverance, and Mundus et Infans; and scattered indications that
the contrast between it and the full line was felt are to be seen in
the half-line tail-rime stanzas of the Castle of Perseverance, and in its
sporadic occurrence in Wisdom and Nature. Its capricious and novel
treatment by Barclay, besides (see above, p. lxxxvi), must not be for-
gotten. But it was practically unused before Skelton, and the credit
for the many different rime-schemes with which he varied it is all
his own.
Not counting miscellaneous varieties, six different rime-schemes occur
in the plays that precede Magnificence. Most characteristic of the earliest
period is the long thirteen-liner of the Death of Herod and the Castle of
Perseverance, with its nine-line variant in the latter play. Neither appears
again, except for sporadic examples of the nine-line form along with random
bob-wheel and irregularly-shaped stanzas in Mundus et Infans. Equally
old is the alternate quatrain of the Pride of Life. This occurs again as
the metre of the virtue-scene in Mankind, and is used more or less
frequently and quite at random in Mary Magdalen, Everyman, Hick-
scorner, and Mundus et Infans. The "octave," which is really nothing
more than two quatrains linked, has a precisely similar history: used
throughout in the Debate of the Graces (Coventry XI), in the virtue-
scenes of Wisdom, and more or less frequently in Mary Magdalen and
Everyman. The tail-rime stanza arises somewhat later, appearing first, as
we have seen, in the Castle of Perseverance, but has a much more crowded
history. It became at once the chosen metre for the vice-scenes, and held
that position while quatrain, octave, and rime royal were successively tried
for the opposite office. From the first it showed an extreme flexibility
in both number and length of lines, and what would have been suicidal
irregularities in any other stanza failed to disguise its peculiar character.
Consequently it evidently became a favorite in the hands of negligent
writers. Restricted in Wisdom, Mankind, and Nature to vice-scenes, it
encroached, as we have seen, in the Four Elements on the serious parts as
well, was adopted in Everyman for the formal prologue, and became in
Hickscorner and Mundus et Infans the dominant metre of the play.
Seemingly it was in a fair way to make good its position in the drama;
but its low origin and its doggerel associations were a fatal handicap.
When the drama came into the hands of men who remembered how
Chaucer had ridiculed it in Sir Thopas, the tail-rime stanza was inevitably
discarded. Skelton omitted it from his list, except for an isolated song,
MAGNYFYCENCE.
hi
cxlvi
Refinement and Simplification.
[Pt. II. § 2
as he also omitted the quatrain and octave with their miracle associations.
The increasing refinement of the drama is shown even better by the com-
paratively late introduction of the rime royal. Before Skelton it was used
practically only by the learned author of Nature and by his imitator in
the Four Elements; for the few stray examples in Everyman and Hick-
scorner are fortuitous. Even later was the rise of a form destined to be
the most permanent of the period-the couplet. The peculiar uneven
couplet of the Castle of Perseverance and Wisdom has no connection with
the later form, and the scattered examples in Mankind, Nature, and Four
Elements are too few to be significant. In Everyman, and especially in
Hickscorner, we have the first evidence in extended use of appreciation
for its special dramatic fitness. Skelton may have been influenced by
Chaucerian authority in making it his most widely used rime-scheme,
but he showed also sound judgment of the metrical needs of the drama.
Two principles were evidently at work in this metrical development:
refinement and simplification. There was a tendency to abandon the
rude technique of the miracle play and to conform to recognized literary
models; and another tendency, far more organic, because it was the out-
ward expression of the inward change from edifying declamation addressed
to the audience to living dialogue, to discard stanzas that were long and
complicated, and finally to shake off altogether the shackles of rime. The
two principles did not always coincide. The refining process contributed
to the passing of the quatrain, octave, thirteen and nine-liner, and finally
of the tail-rime stanza, and the introduction of the rime royal. Simplifi-
cation was also inimical to the stanzas of eight, nine, and thirteen lines;
but it was equally inimical to the rime royal, and if anything it must
have favored the tail-rime stanza, which as written was certainly the
freest form in use at the time. The one conflict perhaps accounts for the
restriction of the rime royal that is discernible in Nature and Magnifi-
cence, to say nothing of the Four Elements; the other probably explains
the persistence of the tail-rime stanza in the use of writers of learned
traditions like Medwall, and later. The couplet was in harmony with
both processes, and the extension of its use was perhaps the chief metrical
contribution of the period.
In nothing else does Skelton's workmanship shine better by com-
parison than in his handling of the problem of measures. His notably
careful rimes and stanzas, his judicial selection among the metrical com-
binations hitherto employed, his development of useful forms like the
half-line and the couplet that had before been no more than introduced,
and his introduction of a variety of absolutely new forms are cases in
Pt. II. § 2, 3] Skelton as a Metrist. The Morality Plots. cxlvii
point; but most remarkable of all is the quite unparalleled nicety of his
adaptation of his different measures to their different purposes. Standing
distinctly with the earlier dramatic school as he does, his technique yet
contains prophecies of the methods that were to follow. The introduc-
tion of regular rhythm had not yet come to make easy the distinctions of
line, and he was still forced to rely mainly on his different rime-schemes.
But such differences as were at hand, the contrast of heavy and light line
and of full line and half-line, he did experiment with. Neither differ-
ence was destined to permanent adoption in the drama, although both
were employed by Heywood and other successors. We must at least put
down to Skelton's credit a lively interest and a considerable originality in
the application of metrical distinctions for dramatic purposes.
III. PLOT.
a. General Historical Development. It has usually been affirmed
(cf. ten Brink, Gesch. d. eng. Litt., II, 318 ff., Gayley, p. xxxv) that
the morality made its chief contribution to the advance of dramatic art
in the freedom which it gave the playwright to invent his own plot and
to create his own characters. It is said that whereas the miracle play
was tied to a traditional circle of stories and personages, which the
sacredness of their source forbade altering, the writer of moralities
was merely given a theme, and was expected then to construct an
allegory for himself and supply it with original characters. A study of
the moralities of the period before us, however, shows that grave
restrictions must be made before this dictum can be accepted. It is true
in a measure for the later interludes; but is far from being true for the
moral plays. Indeed, an analysis of these earlier moralities reveals quite
as close an adherence to stock plots, and a range of choice even more
limited, than was open to the writers of contemporary miracles. There
is as much variation between the four miracle cycles in treating a common
subject, as for example Noah or the Pastores, as between the different
handlings of the surprisingly few morality plots. Freedom was won
gradually. When it came, it was naturally much more complete than it
had ever been for the miracle plays. Yet in no one of the plays before
us did the dramatist dream of inventing his own plot. The plot of
Magnificence is borrowed like the rest; but Skelton approaches freedom.
more closely than any of his predecessors. We can appreciate the extent
of his constructive originality only by an analysis of the earlier plots.
In the extant twelve moral plays and miracle-moralities contemporary
cxlviii
The four Plots and their Distribution.
[Pt. II. § 3
with or earlier than Magnificence, there existed but three, or at the most
four distinct plots. These may be denominated as follows: the Debate
of the Heavenly Graces, the Coming of Death, the Conflict of Vices and
Virtues, and the Debate of the Soul and Body. Of the last-named no
exemplar remains. It has been supposed from the contents outlined in
the prologue of the Pride of Life, though, as we shall see, on rather
uncertain grounds, that it was used in the lost second part of that play;
if so, we have been deprived of the means of knowing exactly how this
favorite old English motif was adapted to the drama. The plots occur
sometimes singly, sometimes in combination. The three miracle-moralities
each combine one of them with miracle elements of various nature.
Among the nine pure moral plays, the Castle of Perseverance is a
combination of three plots, and Pride of Life possibly of two; the
remaining seven are simple.
The distribution of these plots is significantly uneven. The Debate
of the Heavenly Graces occurs twice, both times in combination: in
Coventry XI with a miracle theme, in the Castle of Perseverance with
two other morality themes. The Coming of Death occurs four times:
three times in combination, in Coventry XIX, the Pride of Life, and the
Castle of Perseverance, and once singly, in the translation from the Dutch
Elkerlijk, Everyman. But by far the most important of the plots is the
Conflict of Virtues and Vices. It is used twice in combination, in the
Castle of Perseverance and the miracle-morality Mary Magdalen; and
singly supplies the theme of no less than seven of the moral plays. It
is also evidently the theme of the oldest English morality of which we
have any account, the Paternoster Play, which dates from the end of the
fourteenth century.
But if we can trust to the chronology of the extant plays as an
indication, the Conflict of Vices and Virtues did not win its later
predominant position without a struggle. If we divide the Moral Plays
by the year 1450, we find a significant contrast between the composition
of the earlier and later groups. Of the five plays before 1450 (counting
the Paternoster Play), but two use the Conflict theme; whereas the
Coming of Death is employed three times, the Debate of the Heavenly
Graces twice, and the Debate of the Soul and Body once. The period is
one of complex plots, and a number of rival themes are competing for
preferment. After 1450, on the other hand, we have in the period
under consideration, exclusive of Magnificence, eight moral plays. They
are all constructed with simple plots, and the use of the Conflict theme
for seven of the eight shows to what extent this plot had become master
Superiority of the "Conflict of Vices and Virtues.”
cxlix
of the field. The late appearance of the Coming of Death in Everyman,
even if it be only a translation, is, however, an indication that this former
favorite retained some of its attraction. But all other themes had
apparently been relegated to obscurity.
The selection of the Conflict of Vices and Virtues as the typical English
plot was by no means an accident. The conflict was incomparably the
most dramatic form of plot that had yet been discovered on the English
stage, and like the Agon of the Old Comedy in Greece, was destined to
dominate the first period of English Comedy. Until the dramatists had
learned to conceive characters and had transferred their main interest
from the discussion of ideas to the delineation of personages, the conflict
was almost the inevitable form. The other themes might supply
convenient dénouements, or, like the Coming of Death, form a powerful
climax; but at best they were merely scenes, hardly plays. The Coming
of Death, too, which was its nearest rival, was inherently a tragedy;
and the morality writers, who are persistently optimistic, were unwilling
to leave it a tragedy. They always contrived to attach an after-scene,
such as the Debate of the Soul and Body, or the Debate of the Heavenly
Graces, to relieve the gloom of the sinner's final condemnation. Finding.
this an awkward matter, they learned more and more to take refuge in
the plot of Conflict of Vices and Virtues, which offered a self-evident
and beautifully regular series of peripeteiae, and naturally ended, with
the triumph of the virtues, as a comedy in the medieval sense.
The development of this plot, natural as it seems, was not by any
means an affair of a single step. It appears, indeed, completed in its
main features in the very earliest of the extant examples, the Castle of
Perseverance. But we have means of going farther back in the history
of the plot, and such an examination reveals the fact that, in its customary
morality form, the plot is itself a combination of at least two distinct
elements. The ultimate source of the theme of the Conflict of Vices and
Virtues is, as has been universally recognized (cf. Creizenach, I. 463,
Chambers, II. 153), the Psychomachia of Prudentius. A comparison of
the regular morality form of the plot with the plot of the Psychomachia
shows that a significant variation has been introduced.
The normal form of the Conflict type of moralities, as found in eight
of our moral plays, runs approximately as follows when stripped to its
lowest terms. Humanity, or Mankind, is presented surrounded on the
one hand by certain Vices, on the other by certain Virtues. The Vices
are assisted by the Devil or his agents, or else combine in themselves the
functions of Vices plus Devils or Tempters; and the Virtues are
Dor M
•
cl
The Morality Plot and the "Psychomachia." [Pt. II. § 3
similarly assisted by God or divine agents, or themselves act as both
Virtues and agents of God. Humanity is innocent, and usually inclines
to the side of the Virtues. A conflict ensues between the parties of good
and evil, which takes the form of a strife for the favor of Humanity.
The powers of evil successfully accomplish their temptation. Humanity
joins their side, and lives in sin for a season. Another conflict arises;
this time the powers of good advance to the attack by persuading
Humanity to repentance. Humanity is convicted of sin, and after
exhibiting the proper marks of penitence is reclaimed once more to the
side of virtue. The plot was often doubled by depicting a renewed
assault by the Vices, a renewed fall and life in sin by Humanity, and a
renewed repentance; in this case one of the two battles might be made
subordinate to the other, or turned into a mere skirmish.
Turning back to the fountainhead, the Psychomachia, we find that
the road traversed has been a long one. The following brief outline is
adapted from that given in the edition of Bergman (Ioannes Bergman,
Aurelii Prudentii Clementis Psychomachia rerum et verborum copia
explicata, Upsaliac, 1897; intro., p. xxv). The Psychomachia begins.
with an invocation to Christ, in contrast to the traditional epic invocation
of the muse.
Then the virtues are introduced contending with the vices
in single combat. First is described the duel of Fides and Idololatria,
second that of Pudicitia and Libido, third that of Patientia and Ira,
fourth that of Humilitas, aided by Spes and Superbia, fifth that of
Sobrietas and Luxuria, sixth that of Operatio and Avaritia; in each of
these the Virtue is victorious. Next begins the second part of the poem ;
the first part having described the conflict led by Fides, i. e. Christianity,
against the vices of heathenism, in the second the internal battles of
Christianity with heresies are represented under a contest between
Concordia and Discordia. After the victory, Concordia is leading the
forces as they march back to camp in triumphal procession. But
Discordia has lain disguised among the ranks, and on the very threshold
she gives Concordia a secret wound. In the tumult that follows, she is
detected and promptly put to death. The triumphal procession is
resumed, and the poem closes with discourses by Fides and Concordia
and the erection of a temple.
The most striking difference from the later morality form is the entire
absence, in the Psychomachia, of the hero and central figure of the
moralities, Humanity. This omission explains the further omission of
the Devils, or devils on the one side and God or his angels on the other.
In the conception of Prudentius, Humanity or the Soul of Man furnished
46
Pt. II. § 3]
Limitations of Prudentius's Plot.
cli
the theatre of his action (cf. the exordium, especially 11. 5, 6, and 14, 15,
and also ll. 740-3); naturally it could not appear as one of the actors.
The passages cited show the ruling conception of the poem; although as
Bergman notes (to 1. 741), the poet was naturally not altogether consistent
in the use of his allegorical soldiery: "Non sibi constat poeta cum de
militibus allegorice canit; quibusdam locis militum catervae i. q. christiani
populi, multitudines christianorum hominum sunt (ita ex. gr. vv. 36, 38,
509); alibi autem i. q. sensus varii mentis humanac (ita ex. gr. vv. 5,
729, et hic)." But the representation of the supporters of the Virtues as
"multitudines christianorum hominum," even where it occurs, is
sufficiently removed from the collective abstraction of a single Humanity.
This absence of the central figure makes an essential difference in the
form of the plot. The conflict has no specified object. The combatants
fight merely for supremacy. In place of the varied and natural succession
of scenes that appear in the later form,-innocence, temptation, life in
sin, repentance-we have really but a single scene, the conflict, preceded
by a presentation of the combatants and followed by the exultation of the
victor, motives hardly affording the material for separate scenes. The
story could continue only by a repetition of the same process; and the
natural result of the lack of any common object of the conflict was the
tendency to break it up into a series of single combats.
Prudentius's plot as originally conceived still lacked much of being a
drama. A series of single combats between opposed Vices and Virtues
might be turned into a pageant, but could hardly have been unified into
a play. In the extant moralities, however, precisely this unification has
been given by the addition of the story of frail Humanity, his sinning
and his repentance. We naturally look for some intermediate form that
may throw light on this very important development. The extant
moralities, with one exception, all belong to the later type. But there
are strong reasons for thinking that the lost Paternoster Play presented
exactly the transitional type that we require. Examined from this point
about it takes on a new
of view, the scanty information we possess
interest.
The oft-quoted description of the Paternoster Play of York is
significant (given in Chambers, II. 404): "Once upon a time, a Play
setting forth the goodness of the Lord's Prayer was played in the city of
York; in which play all manner of vices and sins were held up to scorn,
and the virtues were held up to praise." Such a description could hardly
have been applied to the later form, as seen in Nature, Mankind, or even
in the Castle of Perseverance. The opposition of the Vices and Virtues
clii The "Paternoster Play" perhaps the missing Link. [Pt. II. § 3
is manifestly in the Paternoster Play still the essential thing, and
Humanity certainly has not yet become the hero, if indeed he is present
at all.
More illuminating is the account given in the Minute-book of
Beverley under the date May 29, 1469 (A. F. Leach, Some English
Plays and Players; Furnivall English Miscellany, pp. 205-234). The
following points may be noted from Mr. Leach's report (p. 221):
"Seven places for the performance were assigned, and were practically
the same as for the Corpus Christi play . The players (lusores) were:
Pryde Invy Ire: Avaryce: Sleweth: Glotony: Luxuria: Vicious.'
Under the heading, 'the craftsmen (artifices) and misteries are assigned
to play the said play,' is the entry:
6
:
'All these worshipful persons (venerabiles) and craftsmen were appointed
to play the different pagends of Pater Noster, as appears below, namely;
To the pageant of Viciose; the gentilmen, merchands, clerks and valets,
and Roger Kelk and John Copy were appointed aldermen of the said
pageant."" The other seven pageants follow,-Pride, Lust, Sloth, Gluttony,
Hatred, Avarice, Anger,—and after each are placed the names of four to
eight crafts. A single alderman was appointed to each pageant except
the first, Vicious,' which had two.
(
The last seven pageants are exactly what we might have expected
from an attempt to stage the Psychomachia. Its series of single combats are
here recognizable under the seven pageants named after the seven deadly
sins, which have replaced Prudentius's somewhat confused list of vices.
They have been completely separated, and, like the different miracle
plays of a cycle, are presented by different crafts. It is always unsafe to
speculate as to the contents of lost plays, which may some day "return
to plague the inventor"; but if we may hazard a guess, these pageants
may have been conducted somewhat as follows. The bloody fighting of
Prudentius must have passed to the background and been represented
more or less symbolically; while the long preliminary or triumphal
speeches, which Prudentius, following the epic fashion of describing a
single combat, put into the mouths of some of his duellists (Pudicitia,
11. 53-97; Ira, 11. 118-120; Patientia, 11. 155–161; Superbia, 11. 206–
252; Spes, 11. 285-304; Sobrietas, 11. 351-406; Avaritia, ll. 511–550;
Operatio, 11. 606-628), would inevitably come to the front. The Vice
and the corresponding Virtue, attended by appropriate companions
(cf. the companions of Humilitas, 11. 243-246; of Luxuria, ll. 432-449;
of Avaritia, 11. 464-466), would advance and introduce themselves by
indefinitely extended monologues or dialogues in which the clerical
Pt. II. § 3] Roses as Weapons. The pageant of "Vicious." clii
dramatist found a welcome field for the insertion of all his homilies.
When the discussion at last was ended, the patience of the auditors
would be rewarded by a bit of dumb-show like the throwing of roses¹ in
the Castle of Perseverance, or by some rough horse-play in which the
Vice would be "beten downe" by the Virtue. After the moral had
been properly drawn in additional monologues, the pageant would retire-
and a new pair of combatants would take their place.
66
It only remains to identify the eighth (or first) pageant, that of
Vicious," with the additional element that we find in the extant moral
plays, Humanity with his fall into sin and subsequent repentance. This
identification has already been suggested by Mr. Chambers (II. 154):
"Vicious,' probably a typical representative of frail humanity." It
seems altogether likely. The pageant of Vicious was evidently the most
important of the eight, being placed at the head of the list, assigned to
the most dignified classes of the community, and put under the direction
of two instead of one alderman. When the time arrived for combining
the various members of the morality cycle, as it did for the miracle cycle
(witness the Digby Plays), it was necessary only to combine the eight
Beverley pageants into one to produce something very like the Castle of
Perseverance.
It forms no part of this study to trace back the superadded allegory
of "Vicious" or Humanity through its earlier form, any more than to-
carry the history of the conflict theme proper through the countless
intermediaries that separated Prudentius and the English moralities
(the field here remains almost unexplored, but cf. K. Raab, Uber vier
allegorische Motive in der lateinischen und deutschen Literatur des Mit-
telalters, Leoben, 1885, and W. A. Neilson, The Origin and Sources of
the Court of Love, Harvard Studies in Phil. and Lit., VI. 1899, pp. 19 ff.).
1 It is interesting to note that the roses, which in the Castle of Perseverance are
mentioned as the weapons of Charity and Patience (cf. 11. 2209-2226), had been
employed on the opposite side in the Psychomachia, where they are used with deadly
effect by Luxuria against the squadrons of Sobrietas (11. 323–331):
"Non ales arundo
nervo pulsa fugit, nec stridula lancea torto
emicat amento, frameam nec dextra minatur.
Sed violas lasciva iacit, foliisque rosarum
dimicat, et calathos inimica per agmina fundit.
Ille eblanditis virtutibus halitus illex
inspirat tenerum labefacta per ossa venenum,
et male dulcis odor domat ora et pectora et arma,
ferratosque toros obliso robore mulcet.'
On a similar use of roses as weapons in Goethe's Faust, 1. 641, and Schiller's.
Maria Stuart, II. 1, 5-20, the passage from the Castle of Perseverance has been cited.
by Max Koch, Goethejahrbuch, V. 322 (1884).
cliv
The "Hamartigenia." Fusion in "Castle of Perseverance."
But it may be noted that we have just this story of "Vicious," seduced
by devils in spite of the aid of angels, in another poem of Prudentius
that has been somewhat overshadowed by the Psychomachia,—Hamarti-
genia. The allegory in the latter occupies a much smaller part and is
less ingeniously presented than in the more famous poem; but it contains
the desired plot, at least in germ, in the passage where its theme, the
origin of evil, is elucidated by presenting a typical history (11. 354-444;
ed. Dressel, pp. 144-8). The devil attacks the soul with a crowd of
vices who are as much active tempters as passive abstractions; cf. the
following (capitals mine), 11. 393-7, 406-8:
Namique illic numerosa cohors sub principe tali
militat, horrendisque animas circumsidet armis,
Ira, Superstitio, Maeror, Discordia, Luxus,
sanguinis atra sitis, vini sitis, et sitis auri,
livor Adulterium, Dolus, Obtrectatio, Furtum
Heu! quantis Mortale Genus premit inprobus Hostis
armigeris! quanto ferrata satellite ductor
bella gerit! quanta victos ditione triumphat!"
The
The auxiliaries of the Evil One are then described as the seven tribes
of Canaan, with their thousands of various weapons and armor.
means of combat is rather deceit than violence (ll. 424-8); and the
Human Race, once conquered, submits with blind willingness to its
captivity (11. 429-31). No victims are here mentioned as the aids of
mankind; for the vices keep the control when once gained, or at least
the writer does not pursue the subject further.
Whether our interpretation of the Beverley Paternoster Play is or is
not correct, our earliest moral play, the Castle of Perseverance, carries in
itself evident traces of being the result of some such fusion. In it, the
two elements-the Humanity element and the Vices and Virtues element
are far from being joined as organically as in later plays like Mankind
or Mary Magdalen. With a little difficulty they might even be separated,
except for the vice Coveytyse, who has been worked into vital connection
with the history of Humanum Genus. In ll. 2061-2405, taken by them-
selves, we have a passage in which the fate of Mankind is lost sight of,
and the vices and virtues are pitted against each other very much as in
the Psychomachia. Some progress has been made in uniting them by
grouping them, three under Belial, three under Gula; but they fight as
individuals with their appropriate opponents. We have a challenging
stanza from each Vice, followed by a reply in two stanzas by the cor-
responding Virtue; then after the first three have thus freed their minds,
comes the direction (1. 2199): "tunc pugnabunt domini": the Vices
"Hickscorner" primitive. Development of "Conflict" Plot. clv
and their leader are repulsed and retire bewailing their wounds; the
second three take their place and repeat the very same performance.
When Avaritia advances singly to the attack, he adopts a device as
characteristic of the later form of the plot as mimic warfare is of the
earlier, namely, temptation of Humanum Genus,—and he succeeds where
the others failed.
If the theory that the original form of the Conflict of Virtues and
Vices lacked the central figure of Mankind, and was an actual conflict,
not a competition in winning the favor of a passive hero, is correct, it is
reasonable to suppose that we should find some trace of this form of the
plot surviving. In answer to such a demand, we can point to a single
moral play which evidently belongs to the category of those based on the
theme of the Conflict of Vices and Virtues, but differs from all the rest
in lacking the central figure of Humanity or any representative of him.
This moral play is Hickscorner. Comparatively late, it shows a cast much
altered and developed, instead of the primitive Deadly Sins and Cardinal
Virtues, but its plot preserves the more primitive form, as our analysis
will show.
We are thus able to divide the development of the Conflict plot into
two stages, which we may call those of the simple and of the blended
form. Each of these again falls into two, giving four successive forms.
The most primitive form of the simple Conflict plot was a series of single
combats, directly reflecting Prudentius, and possibly exemplified in the
lost Paternoster Play, but not actually found. In this form, more
properly a series of plays than a play, the sole characters were the
abstract Vices and Virtues. The second form, exemplified in Hickscorner,
combined the single combats into a general engagement, thus producing
a plot unified indeed but still without a central figure and still withi
characters that were pure abstractions.
The third form blended the pure Conflict plot with another, the plot
of typical Humanity tempted, falling, and restored, and thus worked a
radical transformation in characterization, action, and construction. In
the presence of the central figure of Humanity, the Vices and Virtues
became no longer mere personifications of good and evil, but active
tempters or saviors-an immense dramatic gain. The action, instead
of attempting to represent temptation allegorically by mimic warfare,
represented it actually. But the greatest gain was in construction, the
chief superiority of the later Conflict form over the other available
allegorical plots being its natural succession of varied scenes, which
yield easily to analysis. The most primitive form of the plot fell
clvi
Four Stages evolved. Doubling the Plot.
[Pt. II. § 3
into two stages: 1. Exposition; 2. Conflict,-in the first of which
the combatants explained themselves in lengthy speeches, and in the
second fought it out. In the second form, or at least in Hickscorner, we
find an attempt at greater variety, by having two successive conflicts
with different issues, viz. a defeat of the virtues in the first, followed
by their triumph in the second. Between the two conflicts would
naturally be placed a scene of humorous rejoicing on the part of the
Vices or of grief on the part of the Virtues. Thus we get for Hickscorner
the four stages: 1. Exposition; 2. First Conflict; 3. Triumph of Evil;
4. Second Conflict. In the third form, this repetition of the conflict
was necessary, for Mankind must pass from one party to the other and
back again. The intervening scene where evil is supreme was also
immensely developed in the later plays, and, with the joyous welcome
and careful instruction in their lore which the Vices give their newly
won companion, became dramatically the strongest scene in the play.
In these plays the four stages are more appropriately named from the
new point of view of the hero: 1. Innocence; 2. Temptation; 3. Life.
in-Sin; 4. Repentance. This form occurs in Wisdom, Mankind, and the
morality part of Mary Magdalen.
The fourth form differs from the third merely by again doubling the
plot, giving seven stages: 1. Innocence; 2. Temptation; 3. Life-in-Sin;
4. Repentance; 5. Temptation; 6. Life-in-Sin; 7. Repentance,—the
stage of Innocence being of course omitted the second time. This
doubled form of the plot is found in the Castle of Perseverance (modified
by combination with other plots), in Nature, and in the Four Elements.
It also occurs in Mundus et Infans, with a further peculiar modification;
this dramatist, evidently an adherent of the doctrine of original sin, begins
his play with Mankind on the side of the Vices, and so omits the first
two stages, giving the scheme: 1. Life-in-Sin; 2. Repentance; 3.
Temptation; 4. Life-in-Sin; 5. Repentance.
Next in importance to the Conflict of Vices and Virtues for the
English student is the plot that we have called the Coming of Death.
This plot is as naturally a tragedy as the other is a comedy; it begins and
ends with evil in possession. Thus it violates the fundamental morality
canon, a happy ending. This was a troublesome defect. In its pure
form, it could be used in England only as a means of disposing of a
villainous character like Herod in the course of a miracle play; but it
could never be tolerated alone for the hero, who must always be preserved
from final ruin and made to triumph in the end. Hence the morality-
writers had much ado to superadd a happy ending by the application of
The "Coming of Death" and the "Debate of the Graces." clvii
other plot-forms for the dénouement. On the other hand, the Coming of
Death affords a much more dramatic peripateia than anything which the
Conflict of Vices could be made to produce. It was therefore employed
in spite of its difficulties, though evidently with diminishing frequency,
throughout our period.
Its ways of treatment, in the four examples before us, fall into two
distinct groups,-the native plays and the probably foreign Everyman.
The native plays overcome the difficulty of the tragic ending, except
where as in the case of Herod this is appropriate, by combining with
another plot-form. One of them, the Pride of Life, uses the Debate of the
Soul and Body; the other, the Castle of Perseverance, the Debate of the
Heavenly Graces. Their version of the plot is dramatically much better
than the foreign handling, for it evinces an appreciation of the value of
the climax furnished by the entrance of Mors, and carefully prepares the
way for it.
As thus treated, the plot falls into two natural stages:
1. Prosperity; 2. Destruction.
The Dutch Everyman is animated by a radically different purpose.
The English plays are essentially portrayals of the death of the wicked
man, a sudden collapse of his defiant security. The foreign play
portrays the death of the repentant sinner with all the comforts of
religion, certainly a much less dramatic story. Thus the saving device,
which in the two English plays is tacked on after death, here comes
before death, dispensing with the necessity of any other plot. This
would be an advantage, if it did not necessitate putting the climax,
the dramatic coming of Death, at the beginning, and separating it from
his actual coming by a long repentance scene, which is very similar to
the corresponding scene in the Conflict of Vices and Virtues. The two
stages here, in harmony with the difference in purpose, may be called:
1. Repentance; 2. Pious Death.
1
The third plot, the Debate of the Heavenly Graces, forms but a single
scene, and is not susceptible to division into stages. Since the fourth,
the Debate of the Soul and Body, has not been actually preserved, and
is not altogether beyond doubt, we cannot make any analysis of the way
in which it was treated.
Between some of these stages there existed an equivalence or a
sequence that afforded a natural peg on which to hang a combination of
two or more plots. Thus the third stage of the Conflict plot, Life-in-Sin,
is practically equivalent to the first stage in the Death plot, sinful and
defiant Prosperity; and accordingly in the Castle of Perseverance the two
plots are joined by the overlapping of these two stages. Again, the first
V
Ј
clviii Combination of Plots and Transmutation. The Stages.
stage of Everyman, Repentance, is identical with the fourth and last
of the Conflict theme. The Death plot, finally, may be followed in
natural sequence by either the plot of the Graces or of the Soul and
Body, and it is in fact so followed.
In the final play of our series, we have combination of a different
sort, combination joined with transmutation. The four stages of the
Conflict theme evidently reappear, transmuted in accordance with the
shift from theological to economic basis, in the first, second, third, and
fifth stages of Magnificence. The old stage of Innocence naturally
becomes from the new point of view the stage of Prosperity; the
Temptation of Mankind by the Vices becomes a Conspiracy against the
prince by evil counsellors; instead of Life-in-Sin we have a period of
fancied prosperity and real Delusion by the triumphant conspirators ;
and the play ends with a Restoration to wisdom and prosperity that
exactly parallels the Repentance scenes of Skelton's predecessors.
To this manifest parallelism Skelton's fourth stage alone presents an
apparent break. But the model for this stage is at hand in the second
stage of the Coming of Death. Skelton's portrayal of the sudden
Overthrow of his mad hero by Adversity and Poverty is quite as evident
a transmutation from the stage of Destruction by the unexpected
approach of Death as any cited above. The first stage of the Coming
of Death plot here too fits in with the third of Magnificence-Delusion
and Prosperity, and here we have the same overlapping of the two
plots noticed above in the Castle of Perseverance. Magnificence is thus
a combination, and the most successful combination, of the chief morality
plots.
b. Growth of the Stages. These generalizations about the development
of the morality plots need, of course, the illustration and support of a
detailed analysis of the extant examples of their use up to the time of
Magnificence. The analysis that follows takes up the three plots in the
order of development as sketched above, an order naturally often.
different from the chronological. Of the Conflict of Vices and Virtues
we have examples of the second, third, and fourth forms, in seven of our
plays; of the Coming of Death three examples, the two native plays
being radically distinct from Everyman; of the Debate of the Heavenly
Graces one example; and finally a combination of the three plots in the
Castle of Perseverance. In the case of the mixed miracle-moralities, only
the morality part is analyzed,
Pt. II. § 3]
"Hickscorner" and "Wisdom" analyzed.
clix
1. Hickscorner. 1. Exposition (1-456). This naturally falls into two-
parts a. Virtues introduced successively (1-155). b. Vices intro-
duced successively, quarrelling and finally fighting (156-456).
2. First Conflict (457-544). Pity remonstrates with the three-
Vices, but is assaulted, overpowered, and put in the stocks.
3. Triumph of Evil (545-600). The Vices leave the stage; Pity
in the stocks laments the evil times.
4. Second Conflict (601-1026). a. With the aid of the other two
virtues, Pity converts Free Will (601-888). b. Next Imagina-
tion is converted (889-1026).
There is an evident lack of symmetry in the play, due probably to the
necessity for compression to fit the number of actors: thus only one of the
three virtues is overpowered by the vices in the first conflict, and only two-
of the three vices converted by the virtues in the second, while the third
vice, Hickscorner, unaccountably disappears. The emphasis is laid on
the two stages of conflict, and the third stage is disproportionately short.
and consists only of lamentation, without the corresponding jubilation on
the part of the vices. The mode of combat is argument, but the use also
of physical violence is a strong mark of the more primitive form. The
latter appears only in the First Conflict; in the Second Conflict, the
vices are conquered by being converted instead of being destroyed. This is
probably a feature borrowed from the dominant form of the plot. It was
also more in harmony with the character-development; for the characters
have advanced far from the primitive abstractions, and become to all
intents and purposes persons.
2. Wisdom. 1. Innocence (1-324). a. Prologue by Wisdom (1–16).
b. Wisdom exhorts Anima, and shows her her five wits and three
powers (17-324).
2. Temptation (325-519). a. Monologue by Lucifer (325-380).
b. Lucifer debates with the three powers, and persuades them
to follow his counsel (381-519).
3. Life-in-Sin (520-876). a. Triumphant monologue by Lucifer
(520-551). b. The three powers describe their sinful life, in-
troduce their retainers, and lay their plans (552-876).
4. Repentance (877-1168). a. Awakening, on the return of
Wisdom and the appearance of Anima in sorrowful plight (877-
1000). b. Sermon by Wisdom while they go to confess (1001-
1068). c. Return of Anima and her three powers restored to.
their former state (1069-1168).
clx
(C
Mankind," "Mary Magdalen," "Nature.”
[Pt. II. § 3
3. Mankind. 1. Innocence (1-315). a. Prologue by Mercy (1-44).
b. Mischief introduced, then the other Vices by a colloquy with
him (45-156). c. Mankind introduced and instructed by Mercy,
though with two interruptions (157-315).
2. Temptation (316-599). a. The first temptation, by Nought,
Newguise, and Nowadays, fails ignominiously (316-405). b.
Mischief comforts his followers, they collect money, and summon
Titivillus (406-517). c. The second temptation by Titivillus is
successful (518-599).
3. Life-in-Sin (600-764). a. Merry-making with the vices (600–
726). b. Lament of Mercy (727–764).
4. Repentance (765-907). a. Awakening on the return of Mercy;
the vices very nearly induce him to commit suicide in his despair
(765-803). b. Converted by Mercy (804-895). c. Epilogue
by Mercy (896-907).
4. Mary Magdalen. (The morality part of the mixed play is contained
in ll. 49-747, omiting 11. 114-304, 572-587.)
1. Innocence (49-113, 305-739). a. Mary appears as still inno-
cent, with her father, Martha, and Lazarus (49-113). b. The
World, Flesh, and Devil introduce themselves in a monologue
each, and lay their plots (305-439).
2. Temptation (440-469). The Vices besiege the castle; mean-
while the Bad Angel enters with Lady Lechery and entices Mary
away.
3. Life-in-Sin (470-563). a. Tavern scene, Mary with Lady
Lechery and Pride called Curiosity (470-546). b. Triumph
among the devils (547-563).
4. Repentance (564-571, 588-747). a. Awakening of Mary by
her good angel, and her despair (564–571, 588–614). b. Biblical
scene and conversion; expulsion of the seven devils (615-704).
c. Rejoicing of the Good Angel; lament of the devils (705-747).
5. Nature (Part I). 1. Innocence (1-399). a. Prologue by Nature
(1-70). b. Man introduced and exhorted (71-238). c. Debate
between Reason and Sensuality (239-399).
2. Temptation (400-655). Mundus persuades Man to join his
service and dismiss Innocence.
3. Life-in-Sin (656–1320). a. Man put his land in the charge
of Covetousness (Worldly Affection) (656-723). b. He puts his
wardrobe in the charge of Pride (Worship) (724-1051). c. He
Traces of Construction in "Nature." The "Four Elements." clxi
repairs to the tavern, whence we hear a report that he has made
friends with Lechery (Bodily Lust) and dismissed Reason (1052–
1292). d. Lament of Reason (1293–1320).
4. Repentance (1321-1439, II, 1-63). a. Awakening on the
return of Reason; Man is troubled and summons Shamefastness
(1321-1390). b. Converted by Reason (1391-1439).
Part II. (Repentance, continued). c. Reason exhorts Man (1-63).
5. Temptation (64-163). Man is easily persuaded by Sensuality
again to embrace Lechery.
6. Life-in-Sin (164-823). a. His old friends Lechery, Covetousness,
and Pride reappear; and again he sets off for the tavern (164–
366). b. Introduced to Sloth and Gluttony (367-635).
troduced to Envy and Wrath (636–823).
7. Repentance (824-1421). a. A report that Man, quelled by
Age, has again summoned Reason (824-1012). b. Man is ex-
horted by Reason, and then by each of the seven virtues in turn
(1013-1379). c. Finally converted by Reason (1380–1421).
With deadly conscientiousness, the scheme is extended to its farthest
limits, and all possible combinations are used. The doubling of the plot
found here is handled somewhat more crudely than in the other three
plays where this feature occurs; and possibly its use has an intimate
connection with the curious division into two parts. We have seen above
how external conditions demanding compression cut down the number of
actors while multiplying their roles, and how the division was an attempt
to evade the same external necessity for abbreviating the length. The
disproportionately short first repentance and second temptation stages
(nos. 4 and 5) have the air of being arbitrarily inserted to round off
the ends of the fracture. If they were removed, together with the
recapitulatory scenes at the beginning of the sixth stage (11. 164–366), the
Life-in-Sin stage, evidently the strength of the play, would run
symmetrically through the list of the seven vices, from Covetousness to
Wrath. We should then have a perfect parallel to the successive
introduction of the seven virtues in the last stage.
6. Four Elements. Prologue by the Messenger (1-147).
1. Innocence (148-404). a. Humanity introduced and instructed
by Natura (148-324). b. Further instructed by Studious Desire
(325-404).
2. Temptation (405-505). Debate between Studious Desire and
Sensual Appetite, by which the latter wins the adherence of
Humanity.
MAGNYFYCENCE.
7
clxii
Arbitrary Handling of Plot. "Mundus et Infans,”
3. Life-in-Sin (506-975). a. Humorous scene with the Taverner
(506-663). [b. Instructive scene between Experience and
Studious Desire (664-883).] c. Another humorous scene between
Humanity, Sensual Appetite, and Taverner (884–975).
4. Repentance (976-1141 +. This stage evidently ended some-
where within the pages lost after 1. 1141). a. A second debate
between the Virtues and Sensual Appetite; this time Sensual
Appetite is defeated and dismissed (976-1037). b. Humanity
again instructed (1038-1141+).
5. Temptation (part lost, 1142-1319). a. A rough scene, in which
Sensual Appetite, with the aid of some companions, drives out the
"losophers" by force (lost). b. Ignorance enters and is told of
the combat (1142-1199). c. The two discover Humanity and
persuade him again to embrace their delights (1200-1319).
6. Life-in-Sin (1320-1433). a. Dancers introduced give a per-
formance (1320-1382). b. Ignorance amuses Humanity by a song
(1383-1433).
7. Repentance (1434-1457 + several pages lost at end). Awaken-
ing on the return of Natura (the rest lost).
The author evidently had before him a moral play, perhaps Nature, the
plot of which he took as a model. But he has treated it arbitrarily, with
no sense of organic development. New characters, the virtue Experience
and the vice Ignorance, are crudely introduced in the middle or near the
end. The only principle is to alternate the "merry" and "sad matter” in
approximately equal doses. This appears in the insertion of a wholly
inorganic and inappropriate "sad" scene (11. 664-883) in the midst of
the humorous second stage, which perhaps seemed to the author too long
a stretch of merriment to waste.
7. Mundus et Infans. 1. Life-in-Sin (1-287). a. Prologue by Mundus
(1-24). b. Infans introduced and immediately enrolled in the
service of Mundus (25-75). c. Continuing in this service, at
his seventh year Infans becomes Wanton, at his fourteenth
year Lust-and-Liking, at his twenty-first (apparently in 1.
144 we should read xxi for xix) year Manhood, after which he
is introduced to the seven kings (Vices), and dubbed a Knight
(76–287).
2. Repentance (288-521). a. Converted by Conscience after long
debate (288-494). b. Monologue of Manhood (495–521).
3. Temptation (522-712). After long debate with Folly, Manhood
Pt. II. § 3]
"Coventry XIX" and the "Pride of Life.
clxiii
is persuaded to follow him to London; he now takes the name
of Shame.
4. Life-in-Sin (713-766). The sinful life is supposed to be in
progress in London; on the stage the two Virtues bewail Man-
hood's fall.
5. Repentance (767-979). a. Awakening when he returns, now
under the name of Age, old and broken; in despair at his misspent
life he looks for death (767-810). b. Again converted by Per-
severance, he assumes the name of Repentance (811–979).
The plot is somewhat complicated by the truncated begininng mentioned
above, by the biographical feature, which is present in a number of other
plays, but nowhere so much emphasized, and by the remarkable restriction
to two actors.
8. The Slaughter of the Innocents, Coventry XIX. (Only the latter part
is here considered, pp. 182-188.) Plot: The Coming of Death. ·
1. Prosperity (pp. 182-184). a. The soldiers report to Herod that
all his commands have been executed. b. Herod boasts his
power and prepares a great banquet; he has reached the height
of self-satisfaction.
2. Destruction (pp. 184–188). a. Mors appears invisible and tells
how he is God's messenger. b. He kills Herod and the two
soldiers in the midst of their revel. c. He hands them over to
Diabolus and points the moral.
9. Pride of Life. Prologue (1-112).
A. The Coming of Death.
1. Prosperity (113-502 +). a. The King of Life disdains his
Queen's warning of death, and boasts of his soldiers Strength and
Health and his messenger Mirth (113-306). b. The Bishop
comes, summoned by the Queen, but his warning is likewise
rejected (307-450). c. The king sends his messenger Mirth
with a challenge for Death (451-502+).
2. Destruction (lost, but cf. Prologue, 81-96). (Death fights with
the King of Life, overthrows his knights, slays him, and hands
over his soul to the fiends.)
B. The Debate of the Soul and Body (?).
(Lost, but cf. prologue, 97-112.) (Soul and Body dispute which
is more guilty; through the intercession of Our Lady the Soul
is saved.)
The Pride of Life would thus appear to have been an example of
clxiv Evidence for 2nd Plot.
<<
Everyman,” “Coventry XI.”
combination of two plots. If the old soul and body motif, as Brandl'
surmises (Q. und F., LXXX, p. xviii), did appear in the closing part,
we have lost the only known example of its dramatic use. But it is at
least doubtful whether the words of the prologue will support this recon-
struction. A comparison of the prologue of the Castle of Perseverance
shows what limits we must observe in taking these advertising prelim-
inaries for faithful abstracts of what was to come. Indeed, on the basis.
of this comparison it seems not unlikely that the same plot was used as:
finale in Pride of Life as in the Castle of Perseverance, namely, the
Debate of the Heavenly Graces; for in the prologue to the latter (C. of P.
11. 118-130) this method of salvation seems to be described as the inter-
vention of “oure lofly lady," who does not actually appear in the play at.
all; and we have a precisely similar reference to "oure lady mylde" in the
prologue to the Pride of Life (1l. 97-108). The Coming of Death plot,
as here treated, has evidently come under the influence of the more
allegorical Conflict plot. So we find the hero's companions ranged into
good and evil advisers; and Stage 1 is not dissimilar to the Life-in-Sin
stage of the other plot.
10. Everyman. Prologue by the Messenger (1-21).
1. Repentance. (22-654). a. Awakening at the summons of Death
(22-183). b. Failure of worldly friends and despair (184-
479). c. Cheered by good deeds and properly converted by
Confession and Knowledge (480-654).
2. Pious Death. (655-901). a. His faculties of mind and body
promise to remain with him (655-705). b. He goes to receive
the sacrament while the rest discuss the sacredness of priesthood
(706-768). c. His faculties all desert him and he descends into
the grave (769-901).
Epilogue by the Doctor (902-921).
The awakening of the sinner is here accomplished by Death instead
of by Wisdom, the Good Angel, Reason, or Nature; otherwise, however,
the scene is handled very much as in the Conflict plays, and gives us
what is perhaps our most detailed example of the Repentance stage.
11. The Salutation and Conception, Coventry XI. (Only the former
part is here considered, pp. 105-111.) Plot: The Debate of the
Heavenly Graces.
a. Contemplacio and the Virtues call on the Pater to show grace
to mankind (pp. 105-107). b. Veritas and Justitia dispute
1
Pt. II. § 3]
The "Castle of Perseverance."
clxv
with Misericordia and Pax (pp. 107-109). c. They are recon-
ciled by the offer of Filius (pp. 109-111).
12. The Castle of Perseverance. Prologue by the Vexillatores (1–
156). A. The Conflict of the Vices and Virtues.
1. Innocence (157-326). a. Mundus, Belial, and Caro introduced
(157-274). b. Humanum Genus introduced as an infant (275-
326).
2. Temptation (327-448). Debate between Bonus and Malus.
Angelus; the latter wins the adherence of Humanum Genus.
3. Life-in-Sin (449-1262). a. Grief of Bonus Angelus (449–457).
b. Humanum Genus presented to Mundus (458-788). c. Next
conducted to Avaricia (789-882). d. The other six sins
summoned and presented (883-1262).
4. Repentance (1263-1717). a. Bonus Angelus reinforced by
Confessio and Penitentia (1263-1339). b. Humanum Genus
converted (1340-1535). c. Taken for security to the Castle
and presented to the seven Virtues (1536–1717).
5. Temptation (1718-2557). a. Lament of the Vices and marshal-
ling of both forces (1718-2060). b. The first assault by Belial
and the second by Caro repulsed (2061-2405). c. Mundus,
aided by Avaricia, succeeds where the others failed, by enticing
Humanum Genus to leave the Castle (2406-2557).
6. Life-in-Sin (2558-2778). a. Lament of the Virtues (2558-2648).
b. Humanum Genus cleaves to Avaritia and his greed becomes
insatiable (2649-2778).
B. The Coming of Death.
1. Prosperity (identical with last stage of the preceding).
2. Destruction (2779-3129). a. Mors suddenly appears and
pierces Humanum Genus to the heart (2779-2869). b. After
being shown his heir by Mundus, he dies (2870-3008). c.
Anima is thereupon carried off to hell by Malus Angelus (3009-
3129).
C. The Debate of the Heavenly Graces (3130-3650).
a. The four sisters dispute (3130-3229). b. They take the case
before Pater-sedens-in-trono (3230-3586). c. He decides for
mercy and rescues Humanum Genus from the clutches of Malus
Angelus (3587-3650).
clxvi Treatment of the Prologue and the First Stage. [Pt. II. § 3
•
From the foregoing analysis, which has purposely been made as
uniform in expression as possible, it is not difficult to detect the unity
and to trace the growth of the separate stages of each plot in their
successive forms. Perhaps the simplest method of doing this is to study
the dramatic genealogy of each of the five stages of Magnificence, since
in so doing we shall cover nearly all the stages enumerated above. A
detailed analysis of Magnificence has already been given (pp. xxvi-xxviii).
Magnificence has no formal prologue. The prologue, as distinct
from the play itself and spoken by a special character, a Messenger or
Vexillator, is found only in the two earliest moral plays, Pride of Life
and Castle of Perseverance, in Four Elements, and in Everyman. It
seems inherited from the miracle cycles, such as the Coventry and
Chester. The later plays discard it for an informal prologue,-a more or
less introductory monologue which forms an integral part of the opening
scene and which is spoken by a regular character. The speaker is usually
the most important Virtue,-in Hickscorner, Pity, in Wisdom, Wisdom,
in Mankind, Mercy, in Nature, Nature; Mundus et Infans, however, in
accordance with its peculiar opening noticed above, puts its initial speech
in the mouth of the evil power Mundus. Magnificence, in choosing
Felicity to pronounce its opening monologue, follows neither plan, for
Felicity is neither Virtue nor Vice, but neutral, though inclined toward
virtue's side.
The first stage of Magnificence, which we have called Prosperity,
finds its antecedents in the stages of the Conflict plot which have been
each headed as Innocence, or in the single example, Hickscorner, of its
earlier form, as Exposition,-seven examples in all. The manifest
purpose of the stage, to introduce the three parties, virtues, vices, and
hero, and the impending issue-is accomplished in these examples with
an increasing success and a growing technical skill. First, we have the
crude monologue method, in which each group is brought forward
separately and made to present itself either by directly addressing the
audience or by dialogue within the group. Thus in the Castle of
Perseverance first the chief Vices and then the hero speak at length, in
Mary Magdalen we have the heroine with her family and then the Vices,
in Hickscorner first the Virtues and then the Vices. The method is
undramatic and succeeds at best in introducing only the characters and
not the issue.
It must be counted as an advance when we find what may be called
the sermon introduction, in Wisdom, Mankind, Nature, and Four
Elements, where one of the virtues exhorts the still untried hero and
Pt. II. §3] Three Ways of Introduction. The Second Stage. clxvii
forecasts the coming struggle. The sermon, it is true, is not less tedious
than and not very unlike the monologue, with which, indeed, in all four
of these plays except the last, it is combined; but it is at least formally
addressed to a character and not to the audience, and it unites two of the
three groups, virtues and hero. In Mankind we have the vices and the
one virtue also brought together in a sort of rude debate. But a consider-
able step forward is taken when in Nature, along with both the other
methods, we have for the first time the formal débat. The débat is
clearly the most dramatic way to present the issue, and it is found only
in Nature and in Magnificence. It is conducted in both cases not
between a vice and a virtue, but between the two semi-neutral characters,
and this merely suggests the real struggle that is to follow.
Magnificence is certainly the most skilful of the plays in its handling.
of this difficult stage. It dispenses with both the monologue, except the
brief opening one of Felicity, and the sermon, and introduces the hero
and his two satellites, the chief virtue, the chief vice, and the issue, by
its formal débat and a good deal of informal and lively dialogue.
In
The second stage of Magnificence, Conspiracy, is anticipated in the
First Conflict of Hickscorner, and the various Temptation stages, ten in
all, of the other plays. In these scenes, where the powers of evil gain
temporary victories over the powers of good, I have already pointed out
the change in the character of the struggle from physical to intellectual.
In Hickscorner the Vices are victorious in a purely physical contest.
the fifth stage of Four Elements also, although the page describing it has
been lost, the "losophers" were evidently discomfited by Ignorance and
Sensual Appetite in a hand-to-hand brawl. The most obvious refinement
upon this method was to replace the physical by an intellectual duel;
and the débat, which, unlike the merely illustrative ones just cited for the
introductory stage, here constitutes a decisive struggle, is found in two
cases (Castle of Perseverance, stage 2, and Four Elements, stage 2).
A more realistic method, however, and a method which is adopted by
most of the later plays, does away with any formal contest between
abstractions, and substitutes for it a representation of actual temptation,
in the shape of subtle persuasion addressed to the hero by some particular
Vice. In the Castle of Perseverance (stage 5), as has been noted above,
we have the older plan of physical combat tried at first but unsuccess-
fully, and then the newer and craftier method succeeding. Something
of the same sort was perhaps intended in Mary Magdalen; we have a
similar show of violence when the seven sins besiege the castle at 1. 439,
but the actual conquest made by the evil persuasions of Lady Lechery
clxviii
Temptation by Persuasion. The Third Stage. [Pt. II. § 3
within. In Mankind also we find an unsuccessful first attempt repulsed
by violence, and a success when Titivillus tries the power of suggestion.
Persuasion is the sole method, finally, employed in Wisdom, Nature
(both stages 2 and 5), and Mundus et Infans.
It is also the method of Magnificence, which, however, has one
peculiar feature: the temptation, which is accomplished by several of the
Vices and at different times, takes place off the stage, and is brought to
us only by report. On the stage we continue to watch the introduction
and elaborate characterization of the six Vices, of which the first stage
gives us only the beginning. For these later introductions Skelton falls
below the high level of the first stage. He returns to the undramatic
method of monologue mixed with dialogue between the vices, and during
the whole stage banishes the other groups, thus making it necessarily
episodic. Accordingly the second stage is the most tedious of
Magnificence.
The third stage of Magnificence, Delusion, in part corresponds to the
stage of Life-in-Sin of the Conflict plot. Of this there are twelve
examples before us, counting the third stage of Hickscorner as a
rudimentary form of it. In Hickscorner, in the absence of any hero, the
stage could have no other content than an expression of the triumph of
the Vices or the grief of the Virtues over the outcome of the preceding
struggle, and the latter is the one employed. Either motive was com-
paratively barren, and in the other moral plays we find both less used
as time goes on. Only in the Castle of Perseverance (stages 3 and 6) and
Mankind have we a formal lament of the Virtues, and only in Wisdom
and Mary Magdalen a formal jubilation of the Vices.
The portrayal of the hero's sinful life, on the other hand, was
heavily emphasized, and usually became the chief scene of the play.
The ways in which it is treated may be considered as two, the analytic
and the humorous. The former conducts the hero, once fallen, through
a series of vices which with theological preoccupation it carefully
distinguishes; the latter is concerned only in extracting from these
improper experiences their natural humor. The analytic method sprang
inevitably from the process of combining the earlier single combats
between separate vices and virtues such as we seem to have in the
Paternoster Play; from this point of view it might be called with equal
justice synthetic. Its gradual passing and the growth of the humorous
spirit is of course vitally important for the development of the whole
morality species. This stage was the womb of the nascent comedy.
The analytic method is illustrated in the Castle of Perseverance
Analytic versus Humorous Presentation. Stage of Prosperity. clxix
(stage 3), which introduces the reader, in succession, to the three powers
of evil and the seven deadly sins; in Wisdom, which plunges the three
faculties of the soul finally into no less than twenty-one separate sins;
in Nature (if we combine stages 3 and 6), which describes at length the
hero's acquaintance with the seven sins under their various aliases; and
in Mundus et Infans, which carries the sinner through the first four
successive ages of his life and also presents him to the seven sins (the
seven "kings," 11. 168-195). But even in these, except Wisdom, we
can find some admixture of the humorous: in the Castle of Perseverance
principally in the scenes where Detractio, Voluptas, and Stultitia appear;
in Nature principally in the tavern scenes that occur off the stage and
are reported to us; and in Mundus et Infuns in the hero's London life,
similarly reported. The humorous spirit alone reigns in the mock court
scene of Mankind, the song and dance of the Four Elements (stage 6),
and the tavern scenes of Mary Magdalen and the Four Elements (stage 3).
Perhaps the tavern scenes, in their characterization and spirit in the three
plays where they occur, furnish the nearest approach in the moral play
to the comedy.
Magnificence is distinctly less advanced toward the comic goal in its
treatment of this stage than are several of its predecessors. It employs
principally the analytic method, continuing the process begun in the
second stage of acquainting the prince with its evil advisers until he has
suffered the baleful influence of each of the six in turn. It has, however,
a touch of the humorous spirit in the scene where Folly recites his rimes
(scene 28; cf. Four Elements, stage 6), and a faint suggestion of the
spirit of the tavern in the scene where Courtly Abusion makes his
dissolute proposals (scene 24; cf. Four Elements, stage 3).
But beside the Life-in-Sin stage of the Conflict plot, Magnificence
here, like the Castle of Perseverance in its sixth stage, may also be
regarded as giving a version of the stage of Prosperity in the plot of the
Coming of Death. Of this we have two independent examples in
Coventry XIX and the Pride of Life. Its contribution to the third
stage of Magnificence consists of two features. The overconfidence in
their apparent good fortune of Herod and the King of Life is portrayed
by their boastful speeches, and in the case of the King of Life is further
emphasized by his rejection of warnings. Both of these motives recur in
Magnificence; note the hero's monologue, scene 23, the warning of
Felicity, scenes 20-22, and that of Measure, scene 25.
The fourth stage of Magnificence, Overthrow, comes altogether from:
the plot of the Coming of Death. It is evidently a version, in terms of
clxx
The Fourth Stage. The Fifth Stage.
[Pt. II. § 3
the secularizing metamorphosis of the whole play, of the stage of
Destruction found in the Pride of Life, Coventry XIX, and the Castle
of Perseverance. This stage fell naturally into three divisions: the first
part introduces Mors, or Death, in each case by a solemn monologue in
which he proclaims himself a mere servant of God, an agent of Divine
justice; then the effect of Death's stroke on the hero is represented, in
the case of Herod merely by dumbshow, in the Castle of Perseverance by
a protracted scene in which Humanum Genus is shown his heir and
laments his doom; and finally the soul is turned over to the waiting
fiends. About this order was evidently followed in the Pride of Life, if
we may trust the prologue. In Magnificence, again, we find just these
natural motives worked out with the changes made necessary by the
novel characters and spirit. The monologue of Death is replaced by that
of Adversity and his companion Poverty in the first two scenes of the
stage (scenes 31, 32); the new substitutes speak exactly as in the earlier
monologues of their divine commission The next six scenes (scenes
33-38) portray Magnificence after the stroke of fortune; just as in the
Castle of Perseverance his sorrow is doubled by seeing the successors to
his happiness and prosperity. Finally (scenes 39, 40) he is visited by
Mischief and Despair, who with their sulphurous exclamations "Alarum,'
"Out harowe," "Hyll burneth" (11. 2323, 4), are patently the fiends of
the earlier plays.
"7
For the fifth stage of Magnificence, Restoration, we must return to
the Conflict plot and the stage of Repentance. There are eleven
examples of this stage in the plays before us, or twelve, if we count the
Repentance stage of Everyman, which is in some respects the most
complete form of all. The Second Conflict of Hickscorner of course is
also counted here. There remains still less of the original struggle here
than in the stage of Temptation. No play, not even Hickscorner,
preserves a physical struggle here; only one, Four Elements (stage 4), has
even an intellectual struggle, or débat, between the two sides; and Mary
Magdalen alone has in any form the scene of triumph on the part of the
virtues and lament of the vices that must have followed the original
struggle. All the rest treat this stage as the later plays treat the
Temptation stage, as portraying the peaceful conversion of the hero by
persuasion. This process falls regularly into three parts.
First the hero is awakened to his sinful state, usually by the return
of the virtue whose counsels he has neglected (Wisdom, Mankind, Four
Elements 7) or by his good angel (Mary Magdalen, Nature 4), in two
cases by the coming of age (Nature 7, Mundas et Infans 5), in one case
Pt. II. § 31 The Awakening, Conversion, and Instruction.
clxxi
by Death (Everyman). An important feature of this scene of awakening
is the despair in which the hero is plunged; only touched upon in
Wisdom and Nature 4, it is represented as acute in Mary Magdalen and
Everyman, in Mundus et Infans 5 the sinner looks for Death (1. 804),
and in Mankind he actually tries to commit suicide. This last develop-
ment we have again in Magnificence, where Skelton has cleverly used it
as the hinge between his fourth and fifth stages. His devils, Despair
and Mischief, naturally could not lead the overthrown prince off to hell,
as they were wont to do in the older theological plays; and Skelton
substitutes the suicide motive from the other plot, where it formed a
natural transition to the stage of repentance. No evidence exists for a
direct use on Skelton's part of Mankind, but the practical identity of
these two scenes is enough to show his familiarity either with it or with
others that had a like development of the scene of awakening.
Three of our stages of repentance, in Hickscorner, Mundus et
Infans 2, and the Castle of Perseverance, omit this preliminary scene
of awakening and despair, and pass at once to the actual conversion.
This is of course the main part of the stage, and is always included in
some form, except in Four Elements 4, where as noted above the débat
replaces it, and in Four Elements 7, which probably once contained it in
the pages that are lost. In Hickscorner we should not expect a conversion
in the absence of a hero, but the author was induced by the prevailing
fashion inappropriately enough to convert two of his vices instead. In
Magnificence the scene reappears, less transformed than any other part
of the play, in the dialogue between the despairing prince and Good
Hope. It was indeed capable of little variation, and we find in every
case the Grace or the Good Angel comforting the despondent sinner,
arguing him into a change of heart, and loading him with good advice.
Still a third motive was developed in some plays, apparently more in
the older ones; corresponding to the analytic way of developing the
stage of Life-in-Sin by introducing successively the different vices, there
might be here a presentation to the different virtues. In the Castle of
Perseverance and in Nature 7, the hero, who has formerly met each of
the seven deadly sins, is here introduced to the seven cardinal virtues.
This long and tedious scene was naturally dropped in plays with less
ample limits; but in Magnificence it reappears in modified form. After
Good Hope the hero is introduced successively to Redress, Circumspection,
and Perseverance, and lectured by each in turn.
The formal epilogue, apart from the play and spoken by a special
character, is still rarer than the formal prologue. It is found only in
clxxii.
The Epilogue. Action reported.
[Pt. II. § 3
Everyman. But the informal epilogue, addressed to the audience by one
of the regular characters, usually by one of the virtues, naturally develops
in a number of the plays. In Mundus et Infans it is merely a short
speech by the hero and his adviser; in the Castle of Perseverance and
Mankind it has become more of a sermon; and in Wisdom it has grown
still longer and is followed by exhortations by each of the converted
faculties. In Nature the unusual expedient is adopted of ending by
singing "some goodly ballet." In Magnificence the address to the
audience is made especially artificial and distinct from the preceding, as
has been noted above (p. lxiii), by a special metrical form.
We have thus covered, in tracing the antecedents for the different
stages of Magnificence, almost every part of every previous morality.
There remain only the second stage of Everyman, which I have called
Pious Death, and which has no parallel elsewhere in the English field,
and the two examples of the Debate of the Heavenly Graces, Coventry XI,
and the Castle of Perseverance, with a possible third occurrence in the
lost end of the Pride of Life. This plot passed out of favor in the
moralities too early to admit of much development, of which, indeed, it
was hardly capable.
Before leaving the question of plot, it is of interest to note the rise of
one dramatic device during this period, the device, namely, of reporting
action not actually represented on the stage. It is a part of the naïveté
of the primitive and popular moral play, of which the Castle of Perseverance
is our best example, that everything must be acted, nothing left to the
imagination. The compression which influences these later plays so
powerfully, together with a curious regard for unity of place that runs
through all of them, made necessary the indirect method. The most
natural way to do this, and one in which there was of course nothing
new, was for the character to relate the experiences through which, off
the stage, he has just passed, as the vices do on their entrance in
Hickscorner; and this was often reinforced by a preliminary announce-
ment, as when in Wisdom and Everyman the repentant sinners leave the
stage to go to confession, or by a marked change in appearance on their
return, as when Anima returns befouled in Wisdom, when Shanic
returns from his London life as Age in Mundus et Infans, or when the
revellers in Mankind return, with pieces of the fetters and ropes upon
them, from their encounter with the law. But a distinct heightening of
the dramatic effect is further introduced when the unseen action is
reported while it is still going on. The three plays that include tavern
scenes give us a perfect illustration of the three steps of this process.
Skelton prepares for Character-change. The Cast. clxxiii
The primitive Mary Magdalen is the only one that shows us an actual
tavern with its inmates. The Four Elements merely announces the
hero's visit to it beforehand and gives his reminiscences afterwards.
Nature, finally, brings in messengers from time to time who keep us
posted on the progress of events thereat.
The process, it must be admitted, is not in all respects a gain, and
runs rather counter to the other tendency towards humor. Certainly
in Nature it would have been livelier to have the tavern brought before
us. But there was an undeniable gain in the power thus acquired of
imaginatively extending the stage; and in the feeling for unity of place,
surprising in view of the freedom of the later English drama, lay a
valuable aid in bringing form out of formlessness.
Besides the tavern scene in Nature, the device just discussed occurs
only in Magnificence, in the struggles at court reported to us during
the second stage. Dr. A. Koelbing (Zur Charakteristik John Skelton's,
Stuttgart, 1904) has criticized Skelton's play (p. 150) for the sudden
alteration in character that Magnificence exhibits on his return to the
stage at 1. 1375. But a closer examination of the previous scenes will
show how carefully the alteration has been prepared and how gradual it
really is.
IV. CAST.
a. General Historical Development.
The cast of the primitive moralities was quite as rigidly determined as
their plot.
Just as each story used as the basis of a miracle play carried
with it a set of characters familiar and fixed by holy writ or legend, so
each of the plots used by the moralities had its equally well-known and
equally fixed scheme of personages. Pilate afforded quite as much room
for character invention as Avarice, and Joseph as Penitence. There was
indeed more scope for original character drawing in the miracles, because
the number of rôles, like the number of plots, was vastly larger. But the
original rigidity of the morality casts began to break up much sooner than
the rigidity of their plots. The external demand for simplification and
abbreviation bore especially hard on the available number of performers.
It was met by selection, then by combination, and finally freedom was.
won to introduce altogether new personages to embody new ideas. Each
of the three plots which we have in extant form contributed its quota
to a stock of allegorical figures which later could be drawn on almost.
indiscriminately.
clxxiv
Elements of Cast-Hero. Good and Evil Powers.
In examining the original character-scheme of the Conflict of Vices
and Virtues, we are able to distinguish its earlier and later components
even more clearly than in the plot. The personages of the Psychomachia
are limited to the class of abstract vices and virtues. The same is true
apparently of the personages in the first seven pageants of the Paternoster
Play, called by the names of the seven deadly sins; although the ethical
scheme of Prudentius has been simplified into the canonical list of the
deadly sins on the one side, and their opposite virtues, whose presence in
the Paternoster Play is undoubtedly implied, on the other.
characters had but one object, and that the opposite of a dramatic object,
-to embody allegorically a list of abstract conceptions. It is hard to
see how they could ever, without reinforcements, have become real
dramatis personae.
The eighth pageant, that of "Vicious," may be supposed to have
contained in rudimentary form the additional elements which we find in
the earliest moral plays preserved. Among these the foremost is, of
course, Humanity under his various names. But the opposing sides in
this plot brought into the combined result modifications that were equally
significant. They are still representatives of Evil and of Good, but with
a different and more dramatic object,—to tempt or to win back Humanity.
Accordingly we find beside the abstract vices and virtues a group of devils
on the one side and of angels or divine figures on the other.
Two of these, the Malus Angelus and the Bonus Angelus, seem from
the first to have occupied a position especially close to the hero, and to
have been the most active in tempting and in counteracting temptation.
Both were subordinate, however, and acted as agents for their respective
chiefs. At the head of the side of Evil was the Devil, and with him the
other two members of the infernal trinity, the World and the Flesh,
perhaps to balance the Trinity which may have appeared originally on
the side of the virtues; though in the extant plays only the Father and
the Son actually appear, and these never together. These royal figures.
do not usually approach Mankind directly, but do their work through the
Bad Angel and his companion devils, the Good Angel and his fellow angels
or graces.
It was, of course, inevitable, after the combination, that the regular
vices and virtues should also be employed as tempters or as divine agents.
Even before there was a definite person to be tempted, the vices of
Prudentius are often described as if they were devils, seducing the more
feeble Christians (cf. 11. 11-13, Libido in 11. 55, 56, Luxuria in Il. 340–
343, and especially Avaritia in 11. 493-496). After the introduction of
Pt. II. § 4]
Tempters, Fools, and Evil Types.
clxxv
Mankind, they naturally became important coadjutors to the demons,
acquired still more of the devilish nature, and later were often charged
with the entire task of the temptation. Thus they were drawn into
connection with the infernal hierarchy, and in the earliest types we find
them regularly assigned to their respective superiors, World, Flesh, or
Devil. The virtues are much less modified from their original function
of abstractions than the vices. The task of winning back the sinner to
repentance is usually performed by a distinct class of figures who may be
grouped as the Graces of Penitence.
A third object in the economy of the drama, in the case of the repre-
sentations of evil, brought another important modification. Besides
passively depicting wickedness and actively tempting Mankind, they
were increasingly called upon to afford amusement. The humorous
element appears at first diffused, although usually more conspicuous in
some vice or devil than in the others. Gradually certain figures, and
finally one figure, is specialized for this purpose. The term "Vice,"
originally the proper title for the simple abstractions who represented the
side of evil, persisted for this later development, and came to be used in
some cases, e. g. Heywood's two "Vices," when there was not a trace of
any positively evil quality. Just as the primitive vices had absorbed in
themselves the function of the devils, so they added to their repertory
the new function of the fool. This was an office that naturally found
nothing to correspond to itself on the side of the good; here the growing.
strength of the humorous element had no outlet, except when the
author, as in Mankind, was willing to join his vices in laughing at his
virtues.
Although in the moral plays before us there is no case where, as in
Heywood's farces, the chief humorous figure comes from outside of the
old circle of abstractions, they do contain a number of minor extraneous
characters. These newcomers increase in the later plays. Their earliest
representative is the Taverner, who, though not in any way conceived as
a vice, naturally accompanied the vices during the Life-in-Sin stage of
the play. With him he brought a number of types, whose morals are
more or less questionable, and whose doings blossom forth in the later
interludes into many scenes of low comedy.
To sum up, then, we find three classes of good characters, and four of
evil: on the one side, the virtues proper, who are the most primitive
element, the divine figures, and their agents, the last two being the
ones actively engaged in rescuing Mankind from his tempters and finally
saving him; on the other side, the vices proper, the evil powers, the
clxxvi The Formal Scheme. Personages in the "Death" Plot.
agents of evil, and finally the extraneous evil types, who are nearly always
humorous in purpose, and who are always found on the side of the vices.
Or, to put it formally, the complete ideal scheme of a moral play of the
Conflict type would be as follows:
I. Neutral: Mankind.
II. Representatives of Good. a. virtues proper: Meekness, Patience,
Charity, Chastity, Abstinence, Occupation, Liberality.
b. good powers: the Trinity.
c. agents of good: the Good Angel; Graces such as Peni-
tence, Confession, Mercy.
III. Representatives of Evil. a. vices proper: Pride, Wrath, and
Envy (commonly attached to the Devil); Lust, Gluttony, and
Sloth (commonly attached to the Flesh); Avarice (attached to
the World).
b. evil powers: Devil, Flesh, World.
c. agents of evil: the Bad Angel, other devils, vices.
d. evil types: the Taverner and others.
The personages in the Coming of Death plot differ significantly from
those in the Conflict plot. Man is the central figure here as there; but
it is Man about to die, and yet at the height of his worldly prosperity.
The original dause macabre seems to have had a succession of heroes of
all the social types in turn. In the moral plays, where but one remains,
naturally it is the king who is generally chosen. The hero of the Conflict
plays was often of high rank; but there did not exist the same dramatic
need to exalt him. The two groups between whom he is placed are
here, not the vices and virtues, but the creatures of this world and of the
next, the two worlds of Life and of Death. The former group naturally
tend to be types of his associates, or if allegorical figures, they represent
his external possessions or qualities, not his internal qualities; we find
his servants, friends, wife, his wits, health, or strength. The glance of
the dying man is directed not within, but without, on what he is to leave
behind him. These figures are found in two of our four plays divided
into those of the side of good and evil; but it seems likely that this
division is a reflection of the familiar Conflict plot, and not an original
feature. The next world to which the hero hastens is represented first of
all by Death, and then he enters one of the two kingdoms that divide the
unseen world between them, members of one or both of which may appear
on the stage. Death himself bears a somewhat ambiguous relation to
these two realms. From one point of view he is sent by God and is
Pt. II. § 4] Combination of Casts. Growth of the Groups. clxxvii
simply one of his agents, "Goddys masangere," as he is often called.
On the other hand, he is a friend of the fiends in so far as he hands over
to them their eagerly expected prey.
The formal scheme for the cast of this type of moral play would thus
be as follows:
I. Hero: Man, commonly a King.
II. Representatives of This World: Friends, Officers, Servants,
Kinsmen, Wealth, Strength, Wits (later divided into good
and evil influences).
III. Representatives of the Next World: a. Death.
b. God, and his angels.
c. The devil, and his fiends.
The third of our morality plots, the Debate of the Heavenly Graces,
shows the simplest character scheme. The scene is entirely in heaven.
The principal figures, the debaters, are invariable: the four "daughters,"
Mercy and Peace on the one side, Righteousness and Truth on the other.
As judges of the debate the whole Trinity may be present, or only God
the Father. The occasion in the original form of the play must have
been the council which resulted in the Incarnation; but in the Castle of
Perseverance it is applied to the later settlement of the fate of a typical
sinner's soul. Mankind is potentially though not actually present in both
forms.
In cases of combination, there were as many points of coincidence
between the three casts as we have seen above to have existed between
the three plots. Mankind and God were common to all three; the devils
belonged as much to the Conflict of Vices and Virtues as to the Coming
of Death; and the four "daughters" of the third plot might naturally
offer suggestions for the Graces of the first. We have such combination
in the Castle of Perseverance and probably also in the Pride of Life,
which stand at the beginning of the development; and again in Magnifi-
cence, which comes at the end of it.
b. Growth of the Groups. The arrangement of the moral plays
according to their development of the cast naturally differs somewhat
from that suggested above according to plot. Plays that were primitive
in plot might sometimes, as is the case with Hickscorner, adopt a cast
which was by no means primitive. The logical order here, however, is
not as easy to fix. In handling the cast, the tendency was to advance
along diverse lines, rather than, as in the matter of plot, to follow a
common movement. In the casts of the Conflict plays, we seem to have
MAGNYFYCENCE.
m
clxxviii Diverse Lines of Development. The most primitive Cast.
four of these diverse lines of progress. Nearest to the primitive scheme,
as it is conjectured above, are the casts of the Castle of Perseverance and
Mary Magdalen. The most important direction in which this came to be
modified was perhaps the philosophical, i. e. the gradual substitution of
philosophical and secular ideas for the original purely theological concep-
tions. This direction is pursued by Nature and, in close dependence
upon it, by Four Elements; it is also the one followed for the most part
by Magnificence. Another path, which may be called psychological,
analyzes and separates the mental powers of the central figure Mankind,
and erects a new scheme of vices and virtues on this analysis; here
belong Wisdom and Hickscorner. A third modification which may be
called the biographical, is made by Mundus et Infans. Finally, we have
the purely humorous development, illustrated in Mankind. The four
methods are not mutually exclusive; I have simply classified the plays.
according to that which seems to predominate. In the four Coming of
Death plays, I have put first the two that show no trace of contamination
with the Conflict plot, and hence may be regarded as more primitive, and
last the foreign Everyman, which in cast as in plot has its distinctive
features.
1. Castle of Perseverance. A. The Conflict of Vices and Virtues.
I. Neutral: Humanum Genus, Anima.
II. Good. a. virtues proper: Humilitas, Paciencia, Caritas, Absti
nencia, Castitas, Solicitudo, Largitas.
b. good powers: Pater.
c. agents of good: Bonus Angelus; Confessio and Peni-
tencia.
III. Evil.
a. vices proper (in three groups): Superbia, Ira, and
Invidia; Gula, Luxuria, and Accidia; Avaricia.
b. evil powers: Belial, Caro, Mundus.
c. agents of evil: Malus Angelus; Detraccio, Voluptas, and
Stulticia.
We have here all the figures demanded by our scheme, with the
exception of the other two members of the Trinity. The three infernal
One of
powers are present with the customary assignment of vices.
them, however, Mundus, is made much more important than the other
two; and his special vice, Avaricia, is given the chief part in the
seduction of Humanum Genus, and thus becomes an active tempter as
well as abstract vice. His importance is marked by the possession of
a special scaffold. To Mundus's scaffold are assigned the three novel
Contraction and Modification in "Mary Magdalen."
clxxix
figures, Detraccio, Voluptas, Stulticia, evidently to balance the three vices
each that attend upon Belial and Caro. These three servants of Mundus
no doubt replace the demons that we find used as messengers in Mary
Magdalen.
2. Mary Magdalen.
I. Nentral: Mary.
II. Good. a. (no virtues).
b. good powers: Christ.
c. agents of good: Good Angel.
III. Evil. a. vices proper (in three groups): Pride, alias Curiosity
the Gallant, and Covetise; Sloth, Gluttony, and the Lady
Lechery; Wrath and Envy.
b. evil powers: King of the World, King of the Flesh, and
the "Dylfe."
c. agents of evil: Bad Angel; Belfagour and Belzabub, and
other devils, servants of the "Dylfe"; Sensuality, the
World's messenger.
d. evil types: the Taverner.
Here we find considerable modification. The side of the Good is cut
down ruthlessly; beside Christ, who is furnished by the miracle, we find
only the Good Angel, and no virtues. The vices are present, with a
different and apparently unique grouping, and the three powers. In the
temptation, which is almost entirely in their hands, the Flesh takes the
lead, though the scheme is not so much distorted as, in the Castle of
Perseverance, it is in favor of Mundus. The inferior devils are probably
a primitive feature. We have the first appearance of Sensuality, here a
messenger of the World.
One figure, the Taverner, is introduced merely
for amusement, altogether outside of the allegorical scheme.
3. Nature.
I. Neutral: Man, Innocency.
II. Good. a. virtues proper: Meekness, Charity, Patience, Occu-
pation, Liberality, Abstinence, Chastity.
b. powers of good: Nature.
c. agents of good: Reason; Shamefastness (Man also indicates
Repentance, Confession, Heart's-Contrition, and perhaps
Satisfaction, cf. II. 11. 1404-7).
III. Evil. a. vices proper (grouped as follows): Covetise alias
Worldly Affection (cf. 11. 1217, 1236, II. 995), Pride alias
Worship (cf. 11. 838, 1213), and Lechery alias Lust (cf. 11.
clxxx
New Figures in "Nature" and "Four Elements."
1227, II. 164); Sloth alias Ease (cf. 11. 1224, II. 457) and
Gluttony alias Good Fellowship (cf. 11. 1221, II. 767);
Wrath alias Manhood (cf. 11. 1219, II. 746) and Envy alias
Disdain (cf. 11. 1220, II. 739).
b. evil powers :
Mundus (the Flesh and the "Enemy"
indicated, II. 13).
c. agents of evil: Sensuality.
d. evil types: Garcio (the vices also indicate the Taverner,
Margery, Kate, etc., cf. 11. 1112 ff., II. 92 ff.).
God is replaced by Nature, the Good Angel by Reason, the Bad
Angel by Sensuality. Mundus has here crowded the other two members
of the infernal trinity out of the play entirely. The assignment of vices
is evidently at bottom the same as in the Castle of Perseverance, though
disguised: Man is first introduced to Covetise, the vice of the World, who
is here as in the Castle of Perseverance the chief tempter, and then to
Pride and Lechery, the chief vices respectively of the Devil and the
Flesh; in the second part of the play he meets the other two vices of the
Flesh, Sloth and Gluttony, and then the other two of the Devil, Wrath
and Envy. There are no under-devils, as in Mary Magdalen; the
Devil and his crew is being discarded in favor of the more cultured
Mundus. The author has imagined a rich group of purely humorous
figures; in the interests of comedy, if not of morals, it is a pity that he
did not dare to bring them on the stage.
4. Four Elements.
I. Neutral: Humanity.
II. Good. a. virtues proper Experience.
b. good powers: Natura Naturata.
c. agents of good: Studious Desire.
III. Evil. a. vices proper: Ignorance.
b. evil powers: (none).
c. agents of evil: Sensuous Appetite.
d. evil types: the Taverner.
The original figures here are Experience, i. e. Experiment, who replaces
all the seven virtues for the scientifically-minded author, and Ignorance,
who is the sum of all the vices. For the rest he gives us simply the
chief characters of Nature under thinly disguised names. We have here
evidently to do with no churchman, in his sympathies at least, but a
scientist who cared little for the theological categories. His production is
therefore all the more valuable and significant for us, because he has
Pt. II. § 4]
"Wisdom" and "Hickscorner" closely akin. clxxxi
seized and shows us what were the really living elements of the morality
cast. Both of these closely connected plays, in their substitution of
philosophical for theological conceptions, give us exactly the needed
transition from the primitive cast to the cast of Magnificence.
5. Wisdom.
I. Neutral: Anima; the Five Wits; the three Faculties, Mind,
Will, and Understanding.
II. Good: Wisdom, who is Christ.
III. Evil. a. vices proper (in three groups): Maintenance and his
six yeomen, Indignation, Sturdiness, Malice, Hastiness,
Wreche, and Discord; Perjury and his six "jurors," Wrong,
Sleight, Doubleness, Falseness, Ravine, and Deceit;
Lechery and his six women, Recklessness, Idleness, Surfeit,
Greediness, Spousebreach, and Fornication.
b. evil powers: Lucifer (the World and the Flesh also
indicated, 1. 294).
c. agents of evil: the six small devils, l. 916, with Anima,
who has herself become "fowlere than a fende,"
1. 906.
6. Hickscorner.
I. Neutral: (none).
II. Good. a. virtues proper: Pity, Perseverance, and Contempla-
tion.
b. good powers: (none).
c. agents of good: (none).
III. Evil. a. vices proper: Hickscorner, Free Will, and Imagina-
tion.
b. evil powers: (none).
c. agents of evil: (none).
These two plays, which must be studied together, give us a develop-
ment of the original cast quite apart from that of any of the other moral
plays. Hence Wisdom, although it is earlier in date than either Four
Elements or Nature, cannot be regarded as genetically their predecessor,
except in one particular,—its mention of Reason and Sensuality. These
two parts of the soul, which draw it respectively upward and downward,
are described, though not actually personified, in Wisdom first among the
moral plays (11. 135-160); and later comes the important place assigned
them in Nature as substitutes for the old Good and Bad Angel, and
again in Four Elements, with a change of name to Studious Desire and
clxxxii
Unique Features of "Wisdom."
[Pt. II. § 4
S
Sensual Appetite. The tendency to division of the rôle of Mankind along
psychological lines appears also faintly in the separation of Humanum
Genus and his Anima in the Castle of Perseverance, and of Man and his
Innocency at the beginning of Nature. But none of these cases give us
an adequate parallel to Wisdom, either for the extreme way in which it
carries out the analyzing tendency, or for the actual divisions which it
selects.
The play begins with Anima. Then we have a procession of the five
wits, which serves absolutely no purpose in the play except the spectacular.
Then come the three faculties of the soul, Mind, Will, and Understanding,
who take the leading part in the subsequent temptation. In this scene.
appears another unique feature of the play, the transformation idea,
according to which the sinner becomes actually changed into the vice of
which he is chiefly guilty; as the play puts it (II. 913, 914):
"As many dedly synnys as ye haue vsyde,
So many deullys in yowur soule be.”
Thus Mind is transformed (1. 696) into Maintenance, Understanding
(1. 728) into Perjury, Will (1. 750) into Lechery, and Anima herself
(1. 906) into a fiend. The four are each accompanied by six others like
unto themselves. Thus we have in all twenty-one vices and seven devils,
and many opportunities for the rich costumes and balanced processions in
which the author evidently took special delight.
In this unparalleled multiplicity of vices we seem at first sight to have
mere arbitrary invention and a complete relinquishment of the original
scheme of the seven deadly sins. But closer examination shows that we
have merely a subdivision of the original seven, much as in the "tre of
vices" given in the Kalender of Shepherdes (pp. 42 ff.); many of the
"twigs" of this are identical with characters of our play. The
subdivision is made in close connection with the analysis of Anima into
her three faculties. These are associated each with one of the three evil
powers whom we have seen in the other plays to have divided among
them the seven vices. Through a long scene of painful distinctions
(11. 552-876) the author works his way from the broad vices of the
original scheme to the special political abuses that he wishes to strike.
Thus Mind falls especially under the domination of Belial and his chief
vice, Pride, which takes the form of love of "curious array" (1. 612),
then "service of mighty lordship" (1. 633), then "maintenance" (1. 656);
Understanding follows the World and Covetousness, and the dramatist
develops this idea through love of riches (1. 584), perversion of truth by
Pt. II. § 4]
66
Analysis of Character-correspondences.
clxxxiii
wealth (11. 604–6) to the rather strange conclusion of falseness (1. 613)
and perjury (1. 640-7) (but cf. the Kal. of Shep., which gives
disceyuynge," "lyenge," "false wytnesse" and the like, as among the
branches of covetousness); and Will is seduced principally by the Flesh
through its chief vice Lechery. The conclusion of the process is given
in a single stanza when the three describe their depraved condition as
follows (11. 656-9):
"MIND. Law procedyth not for Meyntnance.
UNDERSTANDING. Trowthe recurythe not for habundance.
WILL. And Lust ys in so grett vsaunce,
We fors yt nought."
The six followers that accompany each of these three vices are either
synonymous with them or derived like them from the other vices that in
the original scheme belonged to the same evil power. These equivalents
will appear in the following table:-
Maintenance.
Indignation,
Hastiness.
Sturdiness,
Malice, Wreche, Discord.
Pride..
Anger.
Mind . . . Devil. .
Envy
Lust
•
Lechery, Spouse-breach,
Sloth.
Gluttony
Under-... World . . .
standing
Covetousness.
•
Will... Flesh . .
•
Fornication.
Idleness, Recklessness.
Surfeit, Greediness.
Perjury, Wrong, Sleight,
Doubleness, Falseness,
Ravine, Deceit.
It would of course have been possible to treat the side of Good with
similar elaboration. This is not done in Wisdom; it has but one
representative of Good, the Second Person of the Trinity, and not a
single virtue. A beginning, however, is made when the three faculties
are associated each with one of the Trinity (11. 279-84) and also with one
of the three Christian graces, Faith, Hope, and Charity (11. 285-8); and
other plays now lost may have carried out the process. At any rate, in
Hickscorner we have the three resultant states of mind in its names for
its three virtues. Only on this supposition can we account for the
selection there made: Pity is the virtuous state of the Mind (see
Wisdom, 11. 183-212, where Mind when innocent sees the benefits of
God and human failings, and is overwhelmed with gratitude and sorrow,
and cf. the monologue of Pity, Hickscorner, 11. 1-32); Perseverance is
the virtue of the Will, which is especially liable to change and fickleness;
clxxxiv
Equivalent Figures in "Hickscorner."
[Pt. II. § 4
and Contemplation is the virtue of the Understanding (cf. Wisdom,
1. 246,"For by wnderstondyng I beholde wat Gode ys"). Similarly,
the vices of Hickscorner are the special vices of the three faculties, the
selection being rather more obviously appropriate than in Wisdom:
Hickscorner, scornful of God and good things, is the rebellious Mind, a
more general form of Pride than Maintenance; Free Will, opposed to
Perseverance, is the unrestrained and fickle Will; and Imagination, as
over against Contemplation, is the depraved and dishonest Understanding,
apt, like Perjury in Wisdom, at devising all kinds of deceit. Thus we
get a new set of correspondences :-
Meekness
Mind .. Faith..
Patience
God the Father
Charity
Will
.. Hope
Chastity
Abstinence
God the Son
Under-... Love. . . . Liberality
Occupation
standing
Holy Ghost
Pity. . . . Hickscorner.
Perse-... Free Will.
verance
•
Contem-.. Imagination.
plation
What the classification of mental faculties into mind, will, and under-
standing means in terms of modern psychology is not clear. Evidently,
in the light of the correspondences given in these two tables, it was
different from our familiar division into mind, emotions, and will. The
Will of the play does correspond approximately to our will; but it is hard
to see why the besetting sins of the mind should be pride, wrath, and
envy; and the understanding, which is prone to the sin of covetousness,
would seem to resemble the desires rather than the emotions.
In using a scheme of vices and virtues which depends on the faculties
of Mankind, Hickscorner is inconsistent with the primitive form of its
plot, which we have seen does not provide for such a neutral figure. But
Mankind is present only by implication, and no figure corresponding to
him appears in the play. The suggestion of Klein (Geschichte des
Dramas, xiii. 2, 35) that Hickscorner takes the part of Mankind is
impossible, if we had not already shown that Hickscorner is a vice, for
this would imply that Mankind is left in his sins. Naturally, since there
is no neutral figure to be tempted, there are also no tempters,—evil
powers or agents of evil,-and no good powers. The three virtues act to
some extent as Graces, in converting Free Will and Imagination; but this
we have seen is another inconsistency that marks the influence upon this
late play of the more common form of the plot.
Interdependence of Plays.
"Mundus et Infans."
clxxxv
The community of ideas that I have pointed out between the
nomenclature of Wisdom and Hickscorner does not imply that the author
of the later play was acquainted with the earlier. It does, however, show
an acquaintance with some form of the system there worked out. Another
tie connecting the two plays is the prominence that both give to the
Second Person of the Trinity: though not brought on the stage in
Hickscorner, he is theme of the introductory speeches of each of its
virtues. At the same time, the theological preoccupation of Wisdom is
conspicuously absent from Hickscorner. If its author intended the
allegorical meaning embedded in the names of his characters, he certainly
does little to bring it out; and it seems not improbable that he simply
took them over readymade. He treats Wisdom, if Wisdom be his
primary source, with even greater freedom than that with which the
author of Four Elements treats Nature. In so doing, he undoubtedly
shows a better realization of the demands of the drama than does
Wisdom; for the analyzing tendency so much indulged in in the earlier
play is exactly contrary to the spirit that was abandoning abstractions
altogether in favor of types, and so creating true dramatic characters.
Although Magnificence belongs mainly in the line of philosophical
development taken by Nature and Four Elements, its particular modifica-
tions of the primitive cast are by no means always identical with theirs;
and some of its characters, such as Liberty, Circumspection, Fancy, and
the four court-vices, as we have noted in the first part of this study in
discussing its dramatis personae, are more or less like characters of
Wisdom and Hickscorner. No trace, however, of the three-fold division
of mental faculties which we have seen to underlie these two plays appears
in Skelton's morality.
7. Mundus et Infans.
I. Neutral: Infans, Wanton, Lust-and-Liking, Manhood, Shame.
Age, or Repentance.
II. Good: Conscience and Perseverance.
III. Evil. a. vices proper: Folly.
b. powers of evil: Mundus.
Economy marks the character scheme of this play, due to the
restriction evidently imposed of using only two actors (see above,
p. cxxxiii). Hence the original cast was sadly mutilated, but it was all
distinctly present to the poet's mind. Of the trinity of evil powers he
selects Mundus, who stands for them all. He is followed by the seven
kings," who do not appear, but, we are told (11. 275 ff.), have sent
CC
clxxxvi
“Mankind” nearest to the Comedy. [Pt. II. § 4
Mundus letters and livery. All the seven are further combined in the
person of Folly, as Conscience tells us (11. 457 ff.). Since the Life-in-Sin
is not actually pictured on the stage, there was little occasion for any
other representation of the vice. The side of Good is, as usual, even less
developed. There are no virtues, and no member of the Trinity appears.
Two Graces, Conscience and Perseverance, come to perform the same
office as Penitencia and Confessio in the Castle of Perseverance. The
special feature of the play is its insistence on the biographical method of
developing the central figure. This progress from youth to age is present
also in the Castle of Perseverance and in Nature, but only here is it
emphasized by the successive changes of name.
But more important for the later drama is the treatment of the
character Folly. He is not only, as we have seen, a vice, the combination
of them all, but also a tempter or agent of evil, like the earlier devils, and
a clown. This burly humorous rascal is vastly more effective than his
faintly-drawn ancestor Stultitia in the Castle of Perseverance, and a
worthy rival to his descendant Folly in Magnificence.
8. Mankind.
I. Neutral: Mankind.
II. Good: Mercy.
III. Evil. a. evil powers: (none).
b. agents of evil: Mischief and Titivillus.
c. evil types: Nought, New-guise, and Nowadays.
It shows no
Mankind in some respects carries the morality farthest in its develop-
ment into the comedy, out of all the plays before us.
kinship with the lines of development taken by any of the plays we have.
considered hitherto, but gives an independent modification of the original
scheme with the single purpose of extracting from it all the humor
obtainable. In treating the central figure, it neglects the unfruitful
psychological divisions of Wisdom and biographical transformations of
Mundus et Infans alike, and gives us in Mankind a specific type, the
farmer. All the traditional virtues, and of course also the members of
the Trinity, are discarded, and the side of Good is represented by one
Grace, whom the author evidently felt at liberty to turn into a pedantic
and long-winded preacher, the butt of his own as well as the vices'
ridicule. On their side, the powers of evil, whom it might also have been
necessary to treat with a certain degree of respect, and the abstract vices
are likewise discarded. The subordinate devils were too easy a source of
mirth to neglect, and two of them appear in Mischief and Titivillus.
Pt. II. § 4]
The "Coming of Death" moralities. clxxxvii
Besides these, a band of revellers, who have no abstract purpose except
perhaps to hit at the fashionable follies of the time, are added to the
original scheme. They resemble somewhat the band of four courtiers in
Magnificence, but certainly are considerably more successful in shaking off
the trammels of allegory.
Next we take up the casts of the four Coming of Death moralities,
beginning with that part of the Castle of Perseverance which follows this
plot. Naturally several of the characters found in the earlier part of the
play reappear here.
1. Castle of Perseverance. B. The Coming of Death.
I. Hero: Humanum Genus, Anima.
II. This World: Avaricia (equivalent to Wealth), and Garcio, the
heir.
III. Next World: a. Mors.
b. Pater; Bonus Angelus.
c. Malus Angelus.
2. The Death of Herod, Coventry XIX.
I. Hero: Herod.
II. This World: the two soldiers.
III. Next World: a. Mors.
b. God (does not appear, but cf. "Goddys masangere,"
p. 184).
c. Diabolus.
3. Pride of Life.
I. Hero: the King of Life.
II. This World: a. Queen and Bishop.
-gg
b. the Knights Strength and Health and the Messenger
Mirth.
III. Next World: a. Death.
b. Our Lady (? cf. 1. 97).
c. Fiends (1. 96).
The influence of the Conflict plot is evident here in the division of
the representatives of this world into influences for good and bad, and
perhaps also for the allegorical meaning injected into the King himself,
his Knights, and his Messenger. Their typical office, however, is still in
large part retained; there are no pure abstractions in the play. The
representatives of the next world are of course merely conjectured from
the prologue.
clxxxviii
Everyman” and the "Heavenly Graces." [Pt. II. § 4
4. Everyman.
I. Hero: Everyman.
II. This World: a. Good Deeds.
b. Fellowship, Cousin, Kindred, Goods; Discretion, Beauty,
Five Wits.
c. Knowledge and Confession.
III. Next World: a. Death.
b. God the Father; angels.
Here the division among the hero's worldly companions and possessions
is sharper than in the Pride of Life, but it is rather into true and false
friends than into representatives of good and evil. The office of the
agents of good (in the nature of the plot there are no agents of evil, since
the hero is to be saved, not tempted) is filled by two pure abstractions,
unlike the characters of any of the English Death plays, but identical
with the Graces of the Conflict moralities. After death the fiends
naturally do not appear, any more than the angels in the Death of Herod.
Last of all I have placed the two examples of the Debate of the
Heavenly Graces, again beginning with the appropriate section of the
Castle of Perseverance.
Ì. Castle of Perseverance. C. The Debate of the Heavenly Graces.
I. Debaters: Misericordia and Pax; Justicia and Veritas.
II. Judge: Pater sedens in trono.
2. Salutation and Conception, Coventry XI.
I. Debaters: Misericordia and Pax; Justicia and Veritas.
II. Judges: Pater and Filius; Contemplacio.
With these casts before us, it is not difficult to trace the origin of each
group of the characters of Magnificence, whose cast we have already
(pp. xxviii-xliv) analyzed. It consists, of course, of a union of the
character-schemes of a Conflict play and a Coming of Death play, with
many omissions and transformations in accordance with the new purpose
of its author. We need only mention, by way of review, its different
groups and their antecedents.
In the hero Magnificence, we have the character most nearly universal
in the moral plays, found, with the exception of Hickscorner, in every
Conflict play and also in every Coming of Death play. Here he is
neither analyzed and disintegrated, as in Wisdom, nor carried from youth
to age as in Mundus et Infans, but represented, in accordance rather with
the Coming of Death conception, as a typical prince.
Pt. II. § 4] The different Groups-Neutral, Good, Evil. clxxxix
In Liberty and Felicity, the two characters that I have classed as
semi-neutral, we have the final step in a very interesting development.
The Good and Bad Angels, whose place in the original scheme they have
undoubtedly taken, were the reverse of neutral, being indeed the most
active agents on their respective sides. Medwall gave a philosophical
explanation of these traditional personages by substituting Reason and
Sensuality for them, but he still left them actively representing the sides
of Good and Evil, as did the author of Four Elements in renaming them
Studious Desire and Sensual Appetite. Skelton has drawn them closer
to the hero, as befits the significance of the names he has chosen, and has
left them partisan only in their sympathies.
The side of Good was perhaps never so much developed as that of evil,
and certainly suffered much more from the general compression. The
full number of virtues is present only in the Castle of Perseverance and
Nature. In Hickscorner, as we have seen, the original seven are reduced
through a complicated process to three. In Four Elements they are
replaced by an entirely new figure, Experience, who represents the new
didactic purpose of this play. The same thing is done in Magnificence
when the Aristotelian Measure and Circumspection are selected as the
special virtues to be exalted. In the other plays no representatives of
the virtues proper are to be found at all.
The good powers are unrepresented in Magnificence. All three members
of the Trinity may have appeared originally, but never more than one is
brought upon the stage in any extant moral play. The Father is chosen
in the Castle of Perseverance, the Son in Mary Magdalen and Wisdom;
in the last-named the Father and the Holy Ghost are also present by im-
plication. Nature makes the characteristic substitution of Nature for
God, and Four Elements imitates this with Natura Naturata. The other
plays omit the group.
Graces appear in five of the nine Conflict plays, also in Everyman, and
of course in the two specimens of the third plot. There is a large assort-
ment of names,-Confession the most frequent, and also Repentance,
Contrition, Shamefastness, Perseverance, Good Hope, Redress, Satisfac-
tion, and Mercy; but there is very little difference in the duties of
the position. In Mundus et Infans and Mankind this group furnishes
the sole representatives of the side of Good.
On the side of Evil, the vices proper persist longer than the virtues
proper. The original seven are found in the Castle of Perseverance,
Mary Magdalen, and Nature; they are expanded to twenty-one in
Wisdom and contracted to three in Hickscorner. They are replaced
Death" Figures.
CXC Evil Powers, Agents, and Types. The "Death
altogether by Folly in Mundus et Infans, by Ignorance in Four Elements,
and by Fancy and Folly in Magnificence. In only one, Mankind, are
the vices proper unrepresented.
The evil powers, like the good powers, are unrepresented in Magnifi-
cence. All three appear in the Castle of Perseverance and Mary Magda-
len, the World being most prominent in the first, the Flesh in the second.
The Devil alone is found in Wisdom, and the World alone in Nature and
in Mundus et Infans. Four plays omit the group. The World has on the
whole a considerable advantage over its two associates, which in a rapidly
secularizing drama is no more than we should expect.
The agents of evil, omitting the Bad Angel, are represented only by
the devils in Mary Magdalen and Mankind, and the devil-like figures
Detraccio, Voluptas, and Stulticia in the Castle of Perseverance.
Evil types are introduced from outside the original scheme first in the
figure of the Taverner in Mary Magdalen, Nature, and the Four Elements.
More significant is the band of three revellers in Mankind, and these are
closely paralleled by the four courtiers of Magnificence. In these last two
cases, however, the typical character is modified and partly destroyed by
the allegorical names adopted.
Since Magnificence uses also the Coming of Death plot, we may expect
to find in it successors of the two special groups, the representatives of
this world and the next, belonging to the moralities of this type. The
representatives of this world in the four plays that we have just analyzed
are either social types,-the soldier, the servant, the friend, the wife, the
kinsman, or personified advantages or possessions of the hero, such as
Strength, Health, Mirth, Goods, Beauty, Discretion. Both are to be
found in Magnificence. Liberty and Felicity, or Wealth, who belong to
this cast as well as to that of the conflict plot, personify the worldly
possessions which desert the prince when the blow falls upon him; and
for the former group we have his servants, who desert him in scene 30,
and mock him after his fall in scenes 36 and 37. In their callous deser-
tion we have a parallel to the flouting of Humanum Genus on his death-
bed by his heir Garcio in the Castle of Perseverance, and the failure of
Fellowship, Cousin, and Kindred to aid the hero of Everyman. For the
representatives of the next world we have already seen (cf. p. xliii) how
Skelton makes radical substitutions, replacing Death by Adversity and
Poverty, and the fiends by Despair and Mischief. God and the angels
he omits, as they are omitted in the Death of Herod and probably in the
Pride of Life.
c. The Fools, or "Vices." It remains to examine the characters of the
Pt. II. § 4]
Derivation and Function of the
"Vice."
cxci
plays before us for the presence of that characteristic figure of the later
moralities, the so-called "Vice." In the preceding discussion in various
connections of this personage (see above, pp. xvi, xxx, xxxix-xli, xlv-xlvi,
xlviii-xlix, xcvi, xcvii-cvi, cxvi, cxxxviii), I have identified, in Mag-
nificence and plays immediately following it, five "Vices"; namely,
Heywood's Mery Report and Neither Lover Nor Loved, Skelton's Fancy
and Folly, and Hardydardy in Queen Hester, perhaps also Skelton's.
Since in this identification, especially in maintaining that all of these
figures are also types of the professional fool, I have disagreed in a num-
ber of points with the chief study hitherto made of the "Vice," that of
Cushman, it may be well to sum up the conclusions which I have
reached.
Cushman is undoubtedly correct in explaining (p. 67) the term
"Vice" as originating with the actors. The simplest definition of it is,
the best, i. e. the strongest role, from the actor's standpoint, on the side
of Evil. Since the side of Evil was called that of "the vices," it was a
natural step to denote the most important part in it as "the Vice” par
excellence. But we wish to determine the nature of this part, and in
doing this it will be helpful to distinguish a little more clearly than has
been done between the derivation of the "Vice" and his actual functions.
In derivation he may descend from any one or more or all of the
different groups that went to make up the side of Evil. Most commonly,
perhaps, as in Magnificence, he is to be classed among the "vices proper";
and it is appropriate for him to be a sort of "summation of the Deadly
Sins," though not at all essential. He may also be one of the "agents of
evil," coming ultimately from the old Bad Angel or one of the minor
devils, if that rôle happens to become the most effective. And since the
temptation is often in later moralities put in the hands of the original
vices, he often combines both characteristics, as do Fancy and Folly. He
may even have a touch of the old "evil power," as we have noted is the
case with Folly (p. cvi). As the old casts contracted, it was seen to be
dramatically more effective to concentrate instead of dividing the interest;
but none of the old groups were excluded from the selection.
The chief function, however, which the dominating character was
called upon to perform was one that did not belong by rights to any one
of the old groups. As the morality grew into the comedy, the duty of
affording amusement was laid upon the side of Evil, and the character who
could be best adapted for that was ipso facto given the leading role. It
made little difference whether he had originally been abstract vice or
devil, for neither was perfectly fitted for the new function; and very
cxcii His two Functions. Comparison of “Vices." [Pt. II. § 4
naturally court-dramatists like Skelton and Heywood grafted upon the old
stocks a typical representation of the personage to whom in actual life
the task of fun-making was usually committed, the domestic or court-fool.
But there was another function which might strengthen a rôle and
help to render it the most important. That was the conduct of the
intrigue. It naturally fell more and more to one character to take the
lead in weaving the plot around Mankind, to assemble his brother con-
spirators, to run errands, to deliver messages. This character could hardly
be the most exalted on the side of Evil, and need not be the greatest
villain; but he must be the one oftenest on the stage.
These two functions of the "Vice," that of the fun-maker and fac-
totum, were of course separable, although the demands of dramatic unity
tended to combine them. There was, indeed, no reason why two fools
instead of one might not be introduced by a generous author to perform
the first function. Hence the presence of the two "Vices" in Magnifi-
cence is not, considering its early date, a matter of surprise. Both of
them, as we have seen, are fools; but a comparison of the two roles will
show that Folly is the fun-maker only, whereas Fancy is also the chief
intriguer. It is the latter who leads the way in the temptation, who
brings the plotters together, and who conveys to Magnificence the final
message of his downfall. Among the other three vices, Hardydardy and
Neither Lover Nor Loved are pure fools like Folly, whereas Mery Report,
the messenger of Jupiter, is a fool more on the order of Fancy. In the
later plays, the second function of the "Vice" often becomes the most
prominent, but these early "Vices" were fools first of all, and sometimes
intriguers afterwards.
ance.
Turning to moral plays before us with this theory of the "Vice" in
mind, we find the closest parallel to Magnificence in its contemporary
Four Elements. Its "Vices" are evidently Sensual Appetite and Ignor-
Both are chiefly occupied in making fun, but Sensual Appetite,
like Fancy, is also the most active tempter of the hero, whereas Ignor-
ance, like Folly, is a fool and nothing more. It is unnecessary to go over
the correspondences in detail; almost every point that I have made in
studying the two "Vices" of Magnificence might be repeated here. We
may note especially the similarity between the entrances of Fancy and
of Sensual Appetite, and between the nonsense verses of Folly and of
Ignorance. Like Folly, too, Ignorance claims (11. 1149-51) to be a lord
"of gretter pusans
Than the kynge of Yngland or Fraunce,-
Ye, the grettyst lord lyvyng." (See above, p. cvi.)
Pt. II. § 4]
"Vices" in earlier Moral Plays.
cxciii
Somewhat more primitive is the condition in Mankind. Sensual
Appetite, whom we have seen is the "Vice" of intrigue in Four Elements,
is derived from the old Bad Angel, one of the group of "agents of evil,"
originally no doubt all devils. The character of Mankind who has charge.
of the intrigue, Mischief, is also an "agent of evil," and a devil disguised
under the abstract name; and for the other "Vice," corresponding to
Ignorance and Folly, the rather unusual choice is made of a devil undis-
guised. Titivillus, who has beyond doubt the strongest humorous role,
certainly has a right to be regarded in position and in function as the
leading "vice" of Mankind, although we cannot parallel the selection of
a devil for this position in the later plays, and we have no means of
knowing whether the actor's term was applied to him, if indeed it was in
vogue as early as this play.
""
In Mundus et Infans we have one of our best developed "Vices in
the character Folly. Folly combines the two functions of the " Vice,"
just as in derivation he combines the seven original vices and all the
agents of evil. The relation which he bears to Mundus, the other evil
character in the play, is not unlike that which Mery Report, in the Play
of the Weather, bears to Jupiter.
In Nature we have a specimen of the "Vice" of intrigue in Sensuality,
the ancestor of Sensual Appetite in Four Elements. He is not, however,
nearly so dominant in this sphere as is his successor. The other "Vice"
does not appear at all, for in place of Ignorance we find the seven original
vices, and the humor of the play, of which there is a good deal, is pretty
evenly distributed among them. Nature is a play in which the demand
for compression has not yet been acceded to, and it is not surprising that
the "Vice" figure, perhaps the most important product of the compression,
is not there developed.
Hickscorner is another play with a marked infusion of the new
humorous spirit,—perhaps as marked as in any morality preserved,—but
without such concentration as is needed to create a Vice." No one of
its three vices is notably funnier than the other two. Naturally it has
no "Vice" of intrigue, for in the absence of a hero it has no intrigue
at all.
In the Castle of Perseverance we find a very interesting group of rudi-
mentary “Vices" in Detraccio, Voluptas, and Stulticia. We can even dif-
ferentiate the two functions of the later plays: Detraccio is the "Vice"
of intrigue (cf. Brandl, intro. p. xv), Voluptas and Stulticia are "Vices"
of humor. There is little of the spirit of humor in the play, but some
attempt at least there is to give a lightsome touch to these worthies by
MAGNYFYCENCE.
72
cxciv Fools as "Vices." Limitations of Characterization.
their special metre (see above, p. cxxxviii), the same as that which
Puttenham (Arte of English Poesie, Arber Reprints, p. 97) noted a centur
later as a characteristic mark of "buffons or vices in playes."
In the very earliest moral play of all, the Pride of Life, we find a
surprisingly well-developed "Vice" in Mirth, the messenger. His role,
though slight, fulfils both functions of the "Vice"; he is the sole
humorous character, and at the same time the active messenger or
factotum.
It is difficult to discover any "Vice" figure in the undisciplined cast
of Mary Magdalen, and there is certainly none in the two remaining
Death-moralities, Herod and Everyman.
Whether any of these "Vices " wore the professional fool's dress as
did Fancy and Folly cannot be decided from the direct testimony of the
plays. It seems probable that Mirth (cf. Brandl, p. xv), Sensual Appe-
tite, Ignorance, and perhaps Sensuality did, and so may the three " Vices "
in the Castle of Perseverance. Mischief and Titivillus, on the other
hand, must have been dressed like the devils that they were; and Folly
in Mundus et Infans, the travelling tinker and buckler-player, is charac-
terized rather as a country clown than as a court-fool.
V. CHARACTERIZATION.
If we look at the members of our thirteen morality casts from the
point of view of their fitness to be used as characters in a comedy, we
shall find that they all fall short, but not all to the same extent nor in
the same way.
The characters of a comedy, as has been often observed,
need not be individuals; they are, on the contrary, usually types of
larger or smaller classes of men, given for the nonce personal names, but
characterized rather by their generic than by their specific qualities. For
the development of such characters the morality contained better material
than the miracle, and the plays before us make considerable progress
toward developing them; but there is no single figure that has quite
arrived.
One group in the Conflict plays, which I have called that of the
"evil types," comes perhaps nearer the goal than any other. The
Taverner of Mary Magdalen and Four Elements lacks only one thing to
make him a full-fledged comedy character. This is a personal name.
The name is not a matter of small importance in this connection, as
appears in the members of this group found in Magnificence, the four
courtier types. Had it not been for their allegorical names, Skelton
CXCV
Pt. II. § 5]
Progress in Characterization of Hero.
would doubtless have given us in these four figures real characters; but
we have seen (pp. lxxxix-xcvii) how his self-imposed allegory has led
him in each case into a mixture of characterization. In Mankind, with
its similar group of three revellers, the allegory sat much more lightly on
the author's conscience; Nought, New-guise, and Nowadays have nothing
of the abstraction but their names. At the same time, no effort is made
to distinguish them from each other, as Skelton has done with some
success.
Types of this kind were usually late importations in the Conflict
plays, whereas in the Death plays they were original. Here, too, only
the personal name is lacking in a number of cases. If the author of the
Pride of Life had named his King, Queen, and Bishop, as Heywood did
his typical husband, wife, and priest in Johan Johan, he would have
crossed the border-line; and the same is true of Fellowship, Cousin, and
Kindred in Everyman.
But the Coming of Death did not happen to be the dominant plot.
The original cast of the Conflict of Vices and Virtues possessed only one
type, and that ill-adapted for the purposes of comedy. The hero Man-
kind, besides the lack of a personal name, had the further disadvantage
of being too broad a generalization. A comedy might contain a type of
almost any class of men, however large, but it could hardly admit Man in
general, for that would leave room for no other characters in the play.
The primitive hero had therefore to undergo the process of specialization
before he could become a real character. Some of the moralities, we have
seen, tried to develop him in other directions; but three of them succeed
in reducing him to manageable dimensions,-Mankind to a typical
farmer, Nature to a typical lord, Magnificence to a typical king. No one,
however, has thought to give him a personal name, and Skelton has even
needlessly given him an abstract name.
A much larger division of the primitive cast was made up of the
superhuman personages,—the angels and devils, the members of the
Trinity, the Devil himself, and, by the association with him, the World
and the Flesh. These figures had one important qualification of the later
dramatic characters, their personality. But they were fatally handi-
capped in attempting to enter the real drama by being non-human.
Dramatic characters, and especially the characters of comedy, had above
all to be human; divine or mythological characters could never obtain
from an audience the imaginative sympathy that was indispensable.
Accordingly we find the members of this division rapidly disappearing
from the plays, although they formed an indubitable part of the
cxcvi
Superhuman Personages.
Abstractions. [Pt. II. §
$5
primitive cast of every form of morality. They are simply omitted very
frequently; and when present they have been generally transformed into
or replaced by abstractions. God becomes Nature, Christ Wisdom, the
Good and Bad Angels Reason and Sensuality, or Felicity and Liberty,
the devils Detraccio, Voluptas, and Stulticia, or Mischief and Despair,
and the angels almost always abstract Graces.
Sometimes, however, these figures are successfully characterized as
types. Thus Lucifer in Wisdom is treated as a proud gallant, and
becomes the most nearly human figure of the play. Studious Desire, the
Good Angel of Four Elements, is drawn as a student of nature, and the
Grace Mercy in Mankind as a typical pedantic moralist. Several of the
"Vices" are derived from this division; and the case of Titivillus shows
that the chief fun-maker of the play may still remain pure devil. Mis-
chief, however, in the same play, is a typical reveler along with Nought,
New-guise, and Nowadays; and Sensual Appetite is a typical "fool."
Another division, which includes most of the remaining morality
figures, comprises those abstractions which come from the original vices
and virtues. These are much more susceptible to character development
than are the class just treated. Denoting human qualities, they have
the humanity that the superhuman figures lack, and need only borrow
from them their personality to become very adequate characters. The
step from such an abstraction to a type, from Pride to proud man, is
easy, as we have scen in Skelton's case, and it is often taken in the
moralities before us.
A comparison of the characterization of the "vices proper" in the
three plays Castle of Perseverance, Mary Magdalen, and Nature illus-
trates well the progress that was possible here. The vices in the Castle of
Perseverance are purely allegorical. In this, as in so many other features,
we find the closest approach to what we may suppose primitive conditions.
In Mary Magdalen two of the seven are given a typical characterization.
Lust appears as "Lady Lechery," and Pride, in the Tavern scene, as
"Curiosity, a dandy"; and the temptation of Mary, crudely as it is
pictured, is thus given a life that is entirely absent from the symbolical
siege of the Castle of Perseverance.
Nature shows us the same process
applied to all the seven. Pride appears as a fine gentleman extravagantly
dressed; Covetousness, who calls himself Worldly Affection, is a crafty
supervisor; Bodily Lust is himself a lecher; Sloth comes straight from
his bed; Gluttony is always eating, and when the summons to war comes,
appears with a cheese and a bottle as his harness; Wrath wears a real
suit of armor and is looking for a chance to use it; and Envy is most
Pt. II. § 5] Order of Success in Character Development.
cxcvii
complaining and quarrelsome. Just as in Skelton's case, many allegorical
strokes remain, as when Pride declares (1. 835) that he is “a gentleman that
alway hath be brought vp wyth great estatys and affeed wyth them";
but the progress is evident. In the twenty-one vices of Wisdom we have
a much slighter modification of the same kind, when seven appear dressed
as retainers, seven as jurors, and seven as women.
In the two "Vices" of Mundus et Infans and Four Elements, Folly
and Ignorance, who each represent a combination of the old "vices
proper," we have two well-drawn types of the buffoon and the "fool.”
Experience, also, in the latter play, the sum of the virtues, is character-
ized like Studious Desire as a typical philosopher.
In Hickscorner we have perhaps the most complete disappearance of
the allegorical element, on both sides of the conflict. The significance of
the names, as we have seen, is almost entirely disregarded in the play;
and instead we have a careful and sympathetic study of three sturdy London
rascals, and a less interested study of three pious believers. All six are
alive. They need only the personal name to be complete characters.
Even this is nearly attained in the name Hickscorner.
If we arrange the Conflict plays, then, in accordance with their success
in character development, we must put Hickscorner, which has good types.
for all its figures, first on the list; next Mankind, all of whose characters
are typical except Titivillus, the devil; next Four Elements, with its two
"fools" and its two wise men; and next Nature, with its specialized hero
and its seven vicious types. Magnificence will come below all of these;
Skelton, as we have seen, kept a great deal of the allegory, partly because
it fitted his satirical purpose, but partly also, we may suspect, because he
liked it. Below Magnificence will come Mundus et Infans with its one
well-drawn type, Wisdom with a partial one in Lucifer, and Mary Mag-
dalen with its two typically treated vices. The Castle of Perseverance
stands at the bottom.
The influence of the Ship of Fools, it is evident from this survey, could
have played but a small part in the change that went on during this
period in the English methods of dramatic characterization. Undoubtedly
it exercised a great influence on Magnificence, and there are signs of its
influence on Hickscorner; but the transformation of abstractions into
types had begun before it was written, and was carried on in plays that
are quite independent of it. The reign of allegory was passing on the
English stage, and the foreign impulse could only accelerate its decline.
EDITOR'S NOTE.
THE text is, except as noted, that of the copy of the original edition
in the University Library at Cambridge (C). With this have been
collated the British Museum copy (B. M.), in its first 45 lines a tran-
script from C, elsewhere varying only in a very few cases; the Bodleian
fragment, which reveals no variant from the corresponding parts of C
and B. M.; and the Roxburghe Club reprint (Rox.), which is full of
errors. These are cited at the foot of the page wherever they vary from
C; but Roxburghe variants in capitalization are not noted. The text
of Dyce's edition (Dyce) is accurate; he has allowed himself some
liberties in normalising the Latin. His variants from C (except the
regular v for u in the Latin) and his valuable emendations (found in the
notes at the foot of the page and II. 236-277, in the Corrigenda and
Addenda, II. 451, 452, and in the Addenda, II. 487) are given. A few
additional emendations are to be gleaned from the review of Dyce's
edition in the Gentleman's Magazine, Sept. 1844, pp. 244, 245 (Gent.
Mag.). The American reprint of Dyce (Am.) and the selection made by
Pollard are cited only for variants from Dyce given in text or notes.
Punctuation, capitals, division into stages and scenes, and indications of
metrical structure are mine. The line numbering differs from that of
Dyce in that a line divided between two speakers is counted as one
instead of two.
ERRATA.
p. xxxix, 12th line from top: for 2403 read 2404
p. li, 4th line: for Metrik), read Metrik,
p. liv, 15th line from bottom: for thesis read theses
p. lxviii, 7th line from bottom: for stichomathy read stichomythy
p. xcvii, 16th line from bottom: for satisfying read satirizing
p. ci, headline: for "Kingbear" read "King Lear"
p. cxxxiv, last line: for trimeter obtained read trimeter has almost
p. clx, 18th line from top: for 739 read 439
p. clx, 3rd line from bottom: for put read puts
p. clxxiv, headline: read Elements of Cast. Hero
p. clxxvi, 19th line from bottom: for dause read danse
p. 17, after 1. 514: delete stars
p. 37, footnote no. 3: for rhyme read rime
164
1
Magnyfycence,
A goodly interlude and a me-
ry deuysed and made by
mayster Skelton, poet
laureate late de-
ceasyd.¹
These be the names of the players 2 :
Felycyte.
Lyberte.
Measure.
Magnyfycence.
Fansy.
Clokyd colusyon.
Courtly abusyon.
Foly.
Good hope.
Redresse.
Cyrcumspeccyon.
Perseueraunce.
Aduersyte.
Pouerte.
Dyspare.
Myschefe.
Counterfet counte.
Crafty conueyaunce.
Cum priuilegio.
[STAGE I. PROSPERITY.]
[SCENE I. Enter FELYCYTE.]
FELYCYTE. Al thyng ys³ contryuyd by mannys Reason,-
The world, enuyronnyd of Hygh and Low Estate.
Be it erly or late, Welth hath a season.
Welth is of Wysdome the very trewe probate;
A fole is he with Welth that fallyth at debate. postD
But men nowe a dayes so vnhappely be vryd,4
That nothynge than Welth may worse be enduryd.
To tell you the cause me semeth it no nede.
The amense therof is far to call agayne;
(Rime royal.)
Monologue
of Felicity.
4 The allegory
in a nutshell.
The manage-
ment of
wealth (i. e.
Felicity) is
7 the true test
of wisdom.
1 On Fo. i. a, within an ornamental border. B M (here a transcript of
C), Magnificence.
2 On Fo. xxx. α, at foot of page and immediately after the last words of
the text; the names are given in the order of coming on, but divided by
spacing, as above, into four groups.
C, Dyce, thyngys; for al thyng ys cf. lines 118, 122, 451.
4 Rox., bryd (sic).
MAGNYFYCENCE.
B
Nowadays
men do not
learn by
experience.
2
Especially
with noble
men has
caprice (i. e.
Liberty) run
away with
sober judg-
ment (i. e.
Circumspec-
tion).
MAGNYFYCENCE.
[I. i, ii.
For, when men by Welth, they haue lytyll drede
Of that may come after; experyence trewe and playne,
Howe after a drought there fallyth a showre of rayne,
And after a hete oft cometh a stormy colde,-
A man may haue Welth, but not as he wolde,
Ay to contynewe¹ and styll to endure.
But yf Prudence be proued with Sad Cyrcumspeccyon,
Welthe myght be wonne and made to the lure,—
11
14
Yf² Noblenesse were aquayntyd with Sober Dyreccyon.
But Wyll hath Reason so vnder subieccyon,
18
And so dysordereth this worlde ouer all,
That Welthe and Felicite is passynge small.
21
Liberty
enters,
and greets
Felicity
courteously,
(Couplets.)
but soon
begins to
quarrel.
But where wonnys Welthe, and a man wolde wyt?
For Welthfull Felicite truly is my name.
[STAGE I. SCENE 2. Enter LYBERTE.]
LYBERTE. Mary, Welthe and I was apoynted to mete,
And eyther I am dysseyued, or ye be the same.
FELYCYTE. Syr, as ye say. I haue harde of your fame;
Your name is Lyberte, as I vnderstande.
LYBERTE. Trewe you say, Syr; gyue me your hande.
23
25
28
FEL. And from whens come ye, and it myght be askyd? 29
LYB. To tell you, Syr, I dare not, leest I sholde be maskyd
In a payre of fetters or a payre of stockys.
FEL. Here you not howe this gentylman mockys?
32
LYB. Ye, to knackynge ernyst what and it preue?
FEL. Why, to say what he wyll Lyberte hath leue.
LYB. Yet Lyberte hath ben lockyd vp and kept in the mew.
FEL. In dede, Syr, that Lyberte was not worthe a cue.
Howe be it, Lyberte may somtyme be to large,
36
The two
commence
a formal
debate: Can
they coexist? But yf Reason be regent and ruler of your barge.
LYB. To that ye say I can well condyssende;
Shewe forth, I pray you, here in what you
intende.
(Rime royal.) FEL. Of that I intende, to make demonstracyon,
It askyth lesure with good aduertence.³
Felicity's
position:
1 B M (here a transcript of C), continewe.
2 Rox., Dyce, If
3 C, Dyce, aduertysment; notice rime and cf. ll. 1334, 1635.
40
I. ii.]
MAGNYFYCENCE.
3
Fyrst, I say, we owght to haue in consyderacyon,
That Lyberte be lynkyd with the chayne of Continence,¹ 44 Liberty must
Lyberte to let from all maner offence;
For Lyberte at large is lothe to be stoppyd,
submit to
Continence
(i. e. re-
straint).
But with Continence¹ your Corage must be croppyd.
47
LYB. Then thus to you-
FEL.
Nay, suffer me yet ferther to say,
And peraduenture I shall content your mynde.
Lyberte, I wote well, forbere no man there may;
It is so swete in all maner of kynde.
Howe be it, Lyberte makyth many a man blynde;
By Lyberte is done many a great excesse;
Lyberte at large wyll oft wax reklesse.
Perceyue ye this parcell?
LYB. Ye, Syr, passyng well;
But and you wolde me permyt
To shewe parte of my wyt,
Som what I coulde enferre
Your Consayte to debarre,
Vnder supportacyon
Of pacyent tolleracyon.
FEL. God forbyd ye sholde be let
Your reasons forth to fet;
51 Else he will
54
grow reck-
less.
55 (Half-line
couplets.)
Liberty pro-
tests that he
has some-
thing to say
60 in reply.
64
Wherfore at Lyberte
Say what ye wyll to me.
66
LYB. Brefly to touche of my purpose the effecte:
Lyberte is laudable and pryuylegyd from Lawe;
Judycyall Rygoure shall not me correcte-
FEL. Softe, my frende; herein your Reason is but rawe.
LYB. Yet suffer me to say the surpluse of my sawe;
What wote ye where vpon I wyll conclude?
(Rime royal
Liberty's
position:
Liberty
should be
70 privileged
I say there is no Welthe where as Lyberte is subdude. 73
I trowe ye can not say nay moche to this:
To lyue vnder Lawe, it is captyuyte;
Where Drede ledyth the daunce, there is no Ioy nor Blysse.
1 C, Dyce, countenaunce; B M (here a transcript of C), countenaunce;
cf. rime and N. E. D. sub "continence."
from all
control;
for where
there is no
freedom,
there can be
no felicity.
•
4
(Couplets.)
Measure
interrupts
the debate.
(Half-line
leash, or
"Skelton-
ical.")
MAGNYFYCENCE.
Or howe can ye proue that there is Felycyte,
And you haue not your owne fre Lyberte,
To sporte at your pleasure, to ryn, and to ryde ?
Where Lyberte is absent, set Welthe asyde!
[STAGE I. SCENE 3.] Hic intrat MEASURE.
MEASURE. Cryst you assyste in your altrycacyon!
FEL. Why, haue you harde of our dysputacyon?
MEAS. I parceyue well howe eche of you doth reason.
LYB. Mayster Measure, you be come in good season.
MEAS. And it is wonder¹ that your wylde Insolence
Can be content with Measure presence.
FEL. Wolde it please you then-
LYB. Vs to informe and ken-
MEAS. A, ye be wonders men!
Your langage is lyke the penne
Of hym that wryteth to fast.
[I. iii.
77
80
84
86
87
90
FEL. Syr, yf any worde haue2 past
Me, other fyrst or last,
He is chosen To you I arecte it, and cast
94
by both as
arbiter of the
question,
Therof the reformacyon.
LYB. And I of the same facyon ;
Howe be it, by protestacyon
97
Dyspleasure that you none take;
Some Reason we must make.
MEAS. That wyll not I forsake,
So it in Measure be.
100
Come of therfore, let se ;
Shall I begynne or ye?
103
and is asked
FEL. Nay, ye shall begynne, by my wyll.
to set forth
his views.
LYB. It is Reason and Skyll
We your pleasure fulfyll.
106
MEAS. Then ye must bothe consent
You to holde content
With myne argument;
109
1 Rox., it is no wonder (sic).
2 Rox., have.
I. iii.] .
MAGNYFYCENCE.
5
And I muste you requyre
Me pacyently to here.
FEL. Yes, Syr, with ryght good chere.
LYB. With all my herte intere.
MEAS. Oracius to recorde in his volumys olde,
With euery condycyon Measure must be sought.¹
Welthe_without Measure wolde bere hymselfe to bolde
Lyberte without Measure proue a thynge of nought.
113
117
(Rime royal.)
Measure's
position :
all things
prove that
Measure
should have
119 dominion,
I ponder by nomber; by Measure all thynge is wrought,
As at the fyrst orygynall, by godly opynyon;
Whych prouyth well that Measure shold haue domynyon.
Where Measure is mayster, Plenty dothe none offence ;
Where Measure lackyth, all thynge dysorderyd is:
Where Measure is absent, Ryot kepeth resydence;
Where Measure is ruler, there is nothynge amysse.
Measure is treasure; howe say ye, is it not this?
FEL. Yes, questyonlesse, in myne opynyon;
Measure is worthy to haue domynyon.
LYB. Vnto that same I am ryght well agrede,
So that Lyberte be not lefte belynde.
MEAS. Ye, Lyberte with Measure nede neuer drede.
124
127
LYB. What, Lyberte to Measure then wolde ye bynde? 131
MEAS. What ellys? for otherwyse it were agaynst kynde;
especially
over Wealth.
Liberty
demurs,
but is silenced
by many
If Lyberte sholde lepe and renne where he lyst,
It were no vertue, it were a thynge vnblyst.2
reasons.
134
It were a Myschefe, yf Lyberte lacked a reyne
Where with to rule hym with the wrythyng of a rest.
All trebyllys and tenours be rulyd by a meyne.
Lyberte without Measure is acountyd for a beste;
There is no surfet where Measure rulyth the feste;
138
There is no excesse where Measure hath his helthe;
Measure contynwyth Prosperyte and Welthe.
141
The two dis-
putants
FEL. Vnto your rule I wyll annex my mynde.
LYB. So wolde I, but I wolde be lothe,
That wonte was to be formyst, now to come behynde.
1 C, songht (misprint); Rox., Dyce, sought.
2 Rox., unblyst.
submit,
although
Liberty is
still reluc-
tant.
UorM
6
MAGNYFYCENCE
It were a shame, to God I make an othe,
Without I myght cut it out of the brode clothe,
As I was wonte euer, at my Fre Wyll.
[I. iii, iv.
145
MEAS. But haue ye not herde say that Wyll is no Skyll?
All three are
indispensable
companions
for any
prince.
Take Sad Dyreccyon, and leue this Wantonnesse.
149
LYв. It is¹ no maystery.
FEL.
Tushe, let Measure procede,
And after his mynde herdely your selfe adresse ;
For, without Measure, Pouerte and Nede
Wyll crepe vpon vs, and vs to Myschefe lede;
152
For Myschefe wyll mayster vs yf Measure vs forsake.
LYB. Well, I am content your wayes to take.
155
MEAS. Surely I am ioyous that ye be myndyd thus ;
Magnyfycence to mayntayne, your promosyon shalbe.
FEL. So in his harte he may be glad of vs.
158
LYB. There is no prynce but he hath nede of vs thre,—
Welthe, with Measure, and plesaunt Lyberte.
MEAS. Nowe pleasyth you a lytell whyle to stande;
Me semeth Magnyfycence is comynge here at hande.
162
enters,
[STAGE 1. SCENE 4.] Hic intrat MAGNYFYCENCE.
Magnificence MAGNYFYCENCE. To assure you of my noble port and fame,
Who lyst to knowe, Magnyfycence I hyght.
and is pre-
sented by
Measure with
his two com-
panions.
But Measure, my frende, what hyght this mannys name?
MEAS. Syr, though ye be a noble prynce of myght,
Yet in this man you must set your delyght.
166
And, Syr, this other mannys name is Lyberte.
MAGN. Welcome, frendys, ye are bothe vnto2 me.
169
He commits
both to
Measure's
control.
But nowe let me knowe of your conuersacyon.
FEL. Pleasyth your grace, Felycyte they me call.
LYB. And I am Lyberte, made of in euery nacyon.
MAGN. Conuenyent persons for any prynce ryall.
Welthe with Lyberte, with me bothe dwell ye shall,
173
To the gydynge of my Measure you bothe commyttynge;
That Measure be mayster, vs3 semeth it is syttynge.4 176
1 C, it; Dyce, is.
4 Rox., fyttynge.
2 Rox., unto.
8 Rox., us.
I. iv.]
MAGNYFYCENCE.
MEAS. Where as ye haue, Syr, to me them assygned,
Suche order I trust with them for to take,
180
So that Welthe with Measure shalbe conbyned,
And Lyberte his large with Measure shall make.
FEL. Your ordenaunce, Syr, I wyll not forsake.
LYB. And I my selfe hooly to you wyll inclyne.
MAGN. Then may I say that ye be seruauntys myne. 183
For by Measure I warne you we thynke to be gydyd;
Wherin it is necessary my pleasure you knowe:
Measure and I wyll neuer be deuydyd,¹
For no dyscorde that any man can sawe;
For Measure is a meane, nother to hy nor to lawe,
In whose attemperaunce I haue suche delyght,
That Measure shall neuer departe from my syght.
FEL. Laudable your Consayte is to be acountyd,
For Welthe without Measure sodenly wyll slyde.
LYB. As your grace full nobly hath recountyd,
Measure with Noblenesse sholde be alyde.
MAGN. Then, Lyberte, se that Measure be your gyde,
For I wyll vse you by his aduertysment.
FEL. Then shall you haue with you Prosperyte resydent.
MEAS. I trowe Good Fortune hath annexyd vs together,
To se howe greable we are of one mynde;
There is no flaterer nor losyll so lyther,
He is deter-
mined never
187 to be divided
190
194
from
Measure.
Felicity and
Liberty as-
sent to this.
198 Measure
regards his
prosperity as
now assured.
7
This lynkyd chayne of loue that can vnbynde.
Nowe that ye haue me chefe ruler assyngned,
I wyll endeuour me to order euery thynge
Your Noblenesse and Honour consernynge.
LYB. In Ioy and Myrthe your mynde shalbe inlargyd,
And not embracyd with Pusyllanymyte ;
But plenarly all Thought from you must be dyschargyd,
If ye lyst to lyue after your fre Lyberte.
201
204
208
Liberty
pleads for a
more joyous
life,
All delectacyons aquayntyd is with me;
By me all persons worke what they lyste.
MEAS. Hem, Syr, yet beware of "Had I wyste!"
1 Rox., never be dyuyded.
211 but is sternly
8
MAGNYFYCENCE.
Measure,
repressed by Lyberte in some cause becomyth a gentyll mynde,—
Bycause course of Measure-yf I be in the way:
Who countyth¹ without me is caste to fer behynde
Of his rekenynge, as euydently we may
Se 2 at our eye the worlde day by day.
who is sup-
ported
by Felicity.
For defaute of Measure all thynge dothe excede.
FEL. All that ye say is as trewe as the crede.
For howe be it Lyberte to Welthe is conuenyent,
And from Felycyte may not be forborne,
Yet Measure hath ben so longe from vs absent,
That all men laugh at Lyberte to scorne.
[I. iv, v.
215
218
222
Welth and Wyt, I say, be so threde bare worne,
That all is without Measure and fer beyonde the mone.
MAGN. Then Noblenesse, I se well, is almoste vndone; 225
Magnificence But yf therof the soner amendys be made;
sends away
the disgusted
Liberty in
Measure's
keeping,
For dowtlesse I parceyue my Magnyfycence
Without Measure lyghtly may fade,
229
Wherfore, Measure, take Lyberte with you hence,
Of to moche Lyberte vnder the offence;
And rule hym after the rule of your scole.
LYB. What, Syr, wolde ye make me a poppynge fole? 232
with a
rebuke.
MEAS. Why, were not your selfe agreed to the same,
And now wolde ye swarue from your owne ordynaunce ?
LYB. I wolde be rulyd and I myght for shame.
FEL. A, ye make me laughe at your Inconstaunce.
MAGN. Syr, without any longer delyaunce,
236
Take Lyberte to rule, and folowe myne entent.
MEAS. It shalbe done at your commaundement.
239
[STAGE I. SCENE 5.] Itaque MEASURE exeat locum
cum LIBERTATE, et maneat MAGNYFYCENCE cum FELICITATE.
When he has MAGN. It is a wanton thynge, this Lyberte;
gone, Magni-
ficence con-
demus him.
Perceyue you not howe lothe he was to abyde
The rule of Measure, notwithstandynge we
Haue deputyd Measure hym to gyde?
By Measure eche thynge duly is tryde:
1 C, countyd; Dyce, countyth.
2
C, So; Dyce, Se.
243
I. v, vi.]
MAGNYFYCENCE.
Thynke you not thus, my frende Felycyte?
FEL. God forbede that it other wyse sholde be!
MAGN. Ye coulde not ellys, I wote, with me endure.
FEL. Endure? No, God wote, it were great payne.
But yf I were orderyd by iust Measure,
It were not possyble me longe to retayne.
246
250
Felicity
commends
the Prince's
decision.
9
[STAGE I. SCENE 6.] Hic intrat FansÝ.
FANSY. Tusche, holde your pece, your langage is vayne.¹
Please it your grace to take no dysdayne,
To shewe you playnly the trouth as I thynke.
MAGN. Here is none forsyth whether you flete or synke.
FEL. From whens come you, Syr, that no man lokyd after?
MAGN. Or who made you so bolde to interrupe my tale?
FAN. Nowe, benedicite, ye wene I were some hafter,
Or ellys some iangelynge Jacke of the Vale;
Ye wene that I am dronken, bycause I loke pale.
253
258
MAGN. Me semeth that ye haue dronken more than ye haue
bled.
FAN. Yet amonge noble men I was brought vp and bred.
FEL. Nowe leue this iangelynge and to vs 2 expounde
Why that ye sayd our langage was in vayne.
FAN. Mary, vpon 3 trouth my Reason I grounde,
That without Largesse Noblenesse can not rayne;
And that I sayd ones yet I say agayne-
I say, without Largesse Worshyp hath no place,
For Largesse is a purchaser of pardon and of grace.
MAGN. Nowe, I beseche the, tell me what is thy name?
FAN. Largesse, that all lordes sholde loue, Syr, I hyght.
FEL. But hyght you Largesse, encreace of noble fame?
FAN. Ye, Syr, vndoubted.
FEL. Then of very ryght,
With Magnyfycence, this noble prynce of myght,
262
Fancy enters
and rudely
interrupts,
contradict-
ing what
265 Felicity has
268
272
said.
He introduces
himself as
Largess,
Sholde be your dwellynge, in my consyderacyon.
MAGN. Yet we wyll therin take good delyberacyon.
275
1 An extra line inserted in stanza here at beginning of a new scene; see
note to line 2299.
2 Rox., us.
2 Rox., upon.
10
employed by
the late King
Lewis,
MAGNYFYCENCE.
FAN. As in that, I wyll not be agaynst your pleasure.
[I. vi.
FEL. Syr, hardely remembre what may your name auaunce.
MAGN. Largesse is laudable, so it be in Measure.¹
FAN. Largesse is he that all prynces doth auaunce ; 279
I reporte me herein to Kynge Lewes of Fraunce.
FEL. Why haue ye hym named, and all other refused?
FAN. For, syth he dyed, Largesse was lytell vsed.
282
and tries to
enliven the
Prince;
Plucke vp your mynde, Syr; what ayle you to muse?
Haue ye not Welthe here at your Wyll?
It is but a maddynge, these wayes that ye vse ;
What auayleth Lordshyp, yourselfe for to kyll
With care and with thought howe Jacke shall haue Gyl?
MAGN. What! I haue aspyed ye are a carles page.
FAN. By God, Syr, ye se but fewe wyse men of myne age.
286
but succeeds
only in of-
But Couetyse hath blowen you so full of wynde,
290
fending him,
That colyca passyo2 hath gropyd you by the guttys.
FEL. In fayth, Broder Largesse, you haue a mery mynde.
FAN. In fayth, I set not by the worlde two Dauncaster
cuttys.
293
MAGN. Ye wante but a wylde flyeng bolte to shote at the
buttes.
and draws
upon
Though Largesse ye hyght, your langage is to large;
For whiche ende goth forwarde ye take lytell charge.
296
FEL. Let se this checke yf ye voyde canne.
FAN. In faythe, els had I gone to longe to scole,
But yf I coulde knowe a gose from a swanne.
draw the pole.
300
MAGN. Wel, wyse men may ete the fysshe, when ye shal
FAN. In fayth, I wyll not say that ye shall proue a fole,
But ofte tymes haue I sene wyse men do mad dedys.
MAGN. Go shake the, dogge, hay,3 syth ye wyll nedys! 303
1 C, Dyce, in measure be; Dyce (note, II. 451) conjectures be in
measure.
2 Dyce, colica passio.
3 Dyce, Go shake the dogge, hay; (query_in_note) the (i. e., thee),
dogge? but (note, II. 226) compares Go shake thy dogge, hay, found twice
elsewhere (I. 193, and II. 72). Context of both passages, however, indicates
that true reading must have been as here, the, 'thee'.
I. vi, vii.]
MAGNYFYCENCE.
You are nothynge mete with vs for to dwell,
That with your lorde and mayster so pertly can prate!
Gete you hens, I say, by my counsell;
I wyll not vse you to play with me checke mate.
FAN. Syr, yf I haue offended your noble estate,
I trow I haue brought you suche wrytynge of recorde,
That I shall haue you agayne my good lorde.
To you recommendeth Sad Cyrcumspeccyon,
307
310
And sendeth you this wrytynge closed vnder¹ sele.
MAGN. This wrytynge is welcome with harty affeccyon!
Why kepte you it thus longe? Howe dothe he? wele? 314
FAN. Syr, thanked be God, he hath his hele.
himself an
angry
rebuke.
He escapes
dismissal
11
only by pro-
ducing a
letter
purporting to
be from
Circumspec-
tion.
The Prince is
mollified,
MAGN. Welthe, gete you home and commaunde me to and sends
Mesure;
Byd hym take good hede to you, my synguler tresure. 317
FEL. Is there ony thynge elles your grace wyll commaunde me?
MAGN. Nothynge but fare you well tyll sone,-
And that he take good kepe to Lyberte.
FEL. Your pleasure, Syr, shortely shall be done.
321
MAGN. I shall come to you myselfe, I trowe, this after none.
I pray you, Larges, here to remayne,
Whylest I knowe what this letter dothe contayne.
Felicity
ahead to the
palace,
remaining to
read the
324
letter.
[Exit FELYCYTE.]
A piece of
between
Fancy and
another
dumb-show
conspirator
[STAGE I. SCENE 7.] Hic faciat tanquam legeret litteras tacite.
Interim superueniat cantando COUNTERFET COUNTENAUNCE
suspenso gradu, qui uiso MAGNYFYCENCE sensim 2 retro-
cedat; ut³ tempus post pusillum rursum accedat COUNTERFET at the door.
COUNTENAUNCE prospectando et uocitando a longe; et FANSY
animat¹ silentium cum manu.
COUNTERFET COUNTENAUNCE. What, Fansy! Fansy!
MAGN. Who is that 5 that thus dyd cry?
Me thought he called Fansy.6
FAN. It was a Flemynge hyght Hansy.
1 Rox., under. 2 C, sensum; Dyce, sensim.
4
* Dyce suggests animet.
5 Rox., om.
325 (Couplets.)
328
3 C, ad; Dyce, at.
6 C, fanfy; Dyce, Fansy.
12
Fancy tells
Magnificence
how he
brought the
letter from
Pontoise in
France,
MAGNYFYCENCE.
MAGN. Me thought he called Fansy me behynde.
FAN. Nay, Syr, it was nothynge but your mynde.
But nowe, Syr, as touchynge this letter-
MAGN. I shall loke in it at leasure better;
And surely ye are to hym beholde,
And for his sake ryght gladly I wolde
Do what I coude to do you good.
FAN. I pray God kepe you in that mood!
MAGN. This letter was wryten ferre hence.
FAN. By lakyn, Syr, it hathe cost me pence
[I. vii.
332
336
And grotes many one or I came to your presence.
MAGN. Where was it delyuered you? shewe vnto me.
340
FAN. By God, Syr, beyonde the se.
MAGN. At what place, nowe, as you gesse?
FAN. By my trouthe, Syr, at Pountesse.
with great
peril at the
sea-side,
This wrytynge was taken me there,
But neuer was I in gretter fere.
MAGN. Howe so?
FAN.
By God, at the see syde,
Had I not opened my purse wyde,
I trowe, by our lady, I had ben slayne,
Or elles I had lost myne eres twayne.
MAGN.¹ By your soth?
FAN. 2
That no man can scape but they hym cache.
344
348
Ye, and there is suche a wache,
352
They bare me in hande³ that I was a spye;
And another bade 4 put out myne eye;
Another wolde myne eye were blerde;
Another bade shaue halfe my berde;
And boyes to the pylery gan me plucke,
And wolde haue made me Freer Tucke,
To preche out of the pylery hole
Without an antetyme or a stole;
356
And some bade sere hym with a marke :
360
To gete me fro them I had moche warke.
MAGN. Mary, Syr, ye were afrayde.
which he
FAN. By my trouthe, had I not payde and prayde,
escaped only
by the use of And made Largesse, as I hyght,
364
Largess.
1 C, Fansy; Dyce, Magn. 2 C omits Fansy; supplied by Dyce.
3 Rox., hand.
4 Rox., baue (sic).
!
I. vii.]
MAGNYFYCENCE.
I had not ben here with you this nyght.
But surely Largesse saued my lyfe;
For Largesse stynteth all maner of stryfe.
MAGN. It dothe so sure nowe and than;
But Largesse is not mete for euery man.
FAN. No, but for you grete estates
Largesse stynteth grete debates;
And he that I came fro to this place
Sayd I was mete for your grace ;
And in dede, Syr, I here men talke,-
By the way as I ryde and walke,—
Say howe you excede in Noblenesse,
If you had with you Largesse.
MAGN. And say they so in very dede?
FAN. With ye, Syr, so God me spede.
MAGN. Yet Mesure is a mery mene.
FAN. Ye, Syr, a blaunched¹ almonde is no bene.
Measure is mete for a marchauntes hall,
But Largesse becometh a state ryall.
What! sholde you pynche at a pecke of grotes,2
Ye wolde sone pynche at a pecke of otes.3
Thus is the talkynge of one and of oder,
As men dare speke it hugger mugger :
"A lorde a negarde, it is a shame ";
But Largesse may amende your name.
MAGN. In faythe, Largesse, welcome to me.
FAN. I pray you, Syr, I may so be;
And of my seruyce you shall not mysse.
MAGN. Togyder we wyll talke more of this;
Let vs¹ departe from hens home to my place.
FAN. I folow euen after your noble grace.
368
372
How men
talk about
Magnifi-
cence's
376 illiberality.
380
13
Measure may
do for mer-
chants but
not for
384 princes.
388
Magnificence
takes him
into service
and carries
392 him off to the
palace.
395
Hic discedat MAGNIFICENS 5 cum FANSY, et intrat COUNTERFET
COUNTENAUNCE. [FANSY is detained for a moment.]
COUNTERFET COUNTENAUNCE. What! I say, herke a worde.
FAN. Do away, I say, the deuylles torde!
1 C, blannched (misprint); Rox., blaunched; Dyce, blannched.
397
Blundering
re-entrance of
Counterfeit
Countenance.
Fancy waits
a moment to
chide him.
2 C, Rox., Dyce, otes.
C, Rox., Dyce, grotes. Cf. lines 1083, 1084.
4 Rox., us.
Rox., magnyfycence.
14
MAGNYFYCENCE.
Cou. Cou. Ye, but how longe shall I here awayte?
FAN. By Goddys body, I come streyte;
[II. viii.
399
I hate this blunderyng that thou doste make.
Cou. Cou. Nowe to the deuyll I the betake,
For in fayth ye be well met.
402
[STAGE II. CONSPIRACY.]
[SCENE 8. COUNTERFET COUNTENANCE solus.]
(Couplets.)
He will
improve the
interval by a
speech in
doggerel.
Fansy hath cachyd in a flye net
403
This noble man Magnyfycence,
Of Largesse vnder the pretence.
They haue made me here to put the stone;
But nowe wyll I, that they be gone,
407
In bastarde ryme, after the dogrell gyse,
Tell you where of my name dothe ryse.
409
(Leash,
seven-line.)
For Counterfet Countenaunce knowen am I;
Monologue of
This worlde is full of my Foly.
Counterfeit
Countenance. I set not by hym a fly
He is fashion-
able now-
adays,
That can not counterfet a lye,
413
Swere, and stare, and byde therby,
And countenaunce it clenly,
And defende it manerly.
416
relied on all
and much
sorts of social A lurdayne lyke a lorde to syght,¹
A mynstrell lyke a man of myght,
climbers,
A 'knaue wyll counterfet nowe a knyght,
by thieves,
and play-
wrights,
A tappyster lyke a lady bryght:
420
Thus make I them wyth thryft to fyght;
423
Thus at the laste I brynge hym ryght
To Tyburne, where they hange on hyght.
To counterfet I can by praty wayes:
Of nyghtys to occupy counterfet kayes;
Clenly to counterfet newe arayes;
Counterfet eyrnest by way of playes.
Thus am I occupyed at all assayes.
What so euer I do, all men me prayse,
And mekyll am I made of nowe adays.
427
430.
1 C, Rox., Dyce., fyght; Dyce (query in note) flyght (scold) or syght?
II. viii.]
Counterfet maters in the lawe of the lande,-
Wyth golde and grotes they grese my hande,
In stede of ryght that wronge may stande;
And counterfet fredome that is bounde; 1
I counterfet suger that is but sande; 2
Counterfet capytaynes by me are mande;
Of all lewdnesse I kyndell the brande.
MAGNYFYCENCE.
Counterfet kyndnesse, and thynke dyscayte;
Counterfet letters by the way of sleyght;
Subtelly vsynge counterfet weyght;
Counterfet langage, fayty bone geyte.
Counterfetynge is a proper bayte.
A counte to counterfet in a resayte,—
To counterfet well is a good consayte.
Counterfet maydenhode may well be borne,
But counterfet coynes is laughynge to scorne ;
It is euyll patchynge of that is torne.
When the noppe is rughe, it wolde be shorne.
Counterfet haltynge without a thorne;
Yet counterfet chafer is but euyll corne.
All thynge is worse whan it is worne.
What! wolde ye wyues counterfet
The courtly gyse of the newe iet?
An olde barne wolde be vnderset;
It is moche worthe that is ferre fet. ❤
What! wanton, wanton, nowe well ymet!
What! Margery Mylke Ducke, mermoset!
It wolde be masked in my net!
434
by lawyers,
grocers,
15
and recruit-
ing officers.
437
Men counter-
feit friend-
ship, letters,
weights,
language,
441
and accounts;
444
also maiden-
hood and
merchandise.
448
451
455
458
The women
counterfeit
every new
fashion,
It wolde be nyce, thoughe I say nay;
By crede, it wolde haue fresshe aray,
“And therfore shall my husbande pay";
To counterfet she wyll assay
462
All the newe gyse, fresshe and gaye,
And be as praty as she may,
And iet it ioly as a iay.
465
1 IVith the rime cf. founde: Englonde, l. 882, 3
2 C, Rox., Dyce, founde; Dyce remarks: "This line seems to be
corrupt"; cf. confusion of f and s in ll. 327, 418, 874, 2329.
regardless of
the expense
for their
husbands.
16
MAGNYFYCENCE.
Many virtues Counterfet prechynge, and byleue the contrary;
are counter-
feited,
[II. viii, ix.
Counterfet conscyence, peuysshe pope holy;
Counterfet Sadnesse, with delynge full madly;
Counterfet Holynes is called Ypocrysy;
469
Counterfet Reason is not worth a flye;
Counterfet Wysdome, and workes of Foly;
Counterfet Countenaunce euery man dothe occupy.
472
and there is
much coun-
terfeit pros-
perity and
respect-
ability.
Counterfet Worshyp outwarde men may se;
Ryches rydeth out, at home is Pouerte :
Counterfet Pleasure is borne out by me;
Coll wolde go clenly, and it wyll not be,
476
And Annot wolde be nyce, and laughes, 'tehe, wehe.'
Your Counterfet Countenaunce is all of Nysyte,
A plummed partrydge all redy to flye.
479
There is a
certain carter
who poses as He wolde trotte gentylly, but he is to starke;
a courtier.
A knokylbonyarde wyll counterfet a clarke;
At his Cloked Counterfetynge dogges dothe barke.
A carter a courtyer, it is a worthy warke,
That with his whyp his mares was wonte to yarke;
483
A custrell to dryue the deuyll out of the derke,
A counterfet courtyer with a knaues marke.
486
Friars,
nuns, canons,
and monks
are frequent
counter-
feiters.
The grace of God vnder benedicite.
To counterfet this freers haue lerned me;
This nonnes nowe and then, and it myght be,
Wolde take, in the way of counterfet¹ Charyte,
490
To counterfet thyr counsell they gyue me a fee.
Chanons can not counterfet but vpon thre;
Monkys may not for drede that men sholde them se.
(Couplets.)
493
[STAGE II. SCENE 9.] Hic ingrediatur FANSY properanter 2
cum CRAFTY CONUEYAUNCE, cum famine multo³ adinuicem
garrulantes; tandem uiso COUNTERFET COUNTENAUNCE
dicat CRAFTY CONUEYAUNCE:
CRAFTY CONUEYAUNCE. What! Counferfet Countenaunce !
Cou. Cou. What? Crafty Conueyaunce!
1 C, connterfet (misprint); Rox., Dyce, counterfet.
2 C, properantur; Dyce, -ter.
3 C famina multa; Dyce, famine multo.
495
II. ix.]
MAGNYFYCENCE.
FAN. What the deuyll! are ye two of aquayntaunce?
God gyue you a very myschaunce!
CRA. CON. Yes, yes, Syr; he and I haue met.
Cou. Cou. We haue bene togyder bothe erly and late.
But Fansy,¹ my frende, where haue ye bene so longe?
FAN. By God, I haue bene about a praty pronge,
Crafty Conueyaunce, I sholde say, and I.
500
17
Fancy re-
turns with
Crafty Con-
veyance, a
new arrival
but an old
acquaintance.
a flye.
The two have
504
already begun
the decep-
CRA. CON. By God, we haue made Magnyfycence to ete
Cou. Cou. Howe coulde ye do that, and I² was away?
FAN. By God, man, bothe his pagent and thyne he can play.
COU. Cou. Say trouth?
CRA. CON.
tion of
Magnificence,
508 but need
Yes, yes, by lakyn, I shall the warent,
As longe as I lyue, thou haste an heyre parent.
FAN. Yet haue we pyckyd out a rome for the.
COU. COU. Why, shall we dwell togyder all thre?
CRA. CON. Why, man, it were to great a wonder,
That we thre galauntes sholde be longe asonder.
512
Cou. Cou. For Cockys harte, gyue me thy hande.
FAN. By the masse; for ye are able to dystroy an hole lande.
CRA. CON. By God, yet it muste begynne moche of the.
*
*
*
*
*
FAN. Who that is ruled by vs, it shalbe longe or he thee.
Cou. Cou. But I say, kepest thou the olde name styll that
516
assistance
from Coun-
terfeit Coun-
tenance.
thou had?
CRA. CON. Why, wenyst thou, horson, that I were so mad?
FAN. Nay, nay; he hath chaunged his, and I haue chaunged
myne.
COU. Cou. Nowe what is his name? and what is thyne?
FAN. In faythe, Largesse I hyght;
And I am made a knyght.
Cou. Cou. A rebellyon agaynst Nature,—
So large a man, and so lytell of stature !
520
Fancy, or
"Largess,
has been
made a
knight.
"
But, Syr, howe counterfetyd ye?
CRA. CON.³ Sure Surueyaunce I named me.
Cou. Cou. Surueyaunce! Where ye suruey,
Thryfte hathe lost her cofer5 kay.
FAN. But is it not well? howe thynkest thou ?
524
Crafty Con-
veyance has
secured
admission
under the
alias Sure
528 Surveyance.
2 C omits I; supplied by Dyce.
1 C, fausy; Rox., fansy; Dyce, Fansy.
3 C gives this line to Cou. Cou.; Dyce, Cra. Con.
4 C gives this speech to Cra. Con.; Dyce, Cou. Cou.
MAGNYFYCENCE.
5 Rox., coler.
C
18
The true
origin of the
letter now
comes out.
MAGNYFYCENCE
Cou. Cou. Yes, Syr, I gyue God auowe,
Myselfe coude not counterfet it better.
But what became of the letter
But Liberty
is still mas-
tered by
Measure.
[II. ix.
That I counterfeyted you vnderneth a shrowde?
FAN. By the masse, odly well alowde.
532
CRA. CON. By God, had not I it conuayed,
Yet Fansy had ben dyscryued.¹
Cou. Cou. I wote thou arte false ynoughe for one.
536
FAN. By my trouthe, we had ben gone;
And yet, in fayth, man, we lacked the,
For to speke with Lyberte.
COU. CON. What! is Largesse without Lyberte?
540
CRA. COU. By Mesure mastered yet is he.
Cou. Cou. What is your Conueyaunce" no better?
FAN. In faythe, Mesure is lyke a tetter
That ouergroweth a mannes face,
544
So he ruleth ouer all our place.
CRA. CON. Nowe therfore, whylest we are togyder,—
Counterfet Countenaunce, nay, come hyder,—
I say, whylest we are togyder in same-
548
Cou. Cou. Tushe, a strawe! it is a shame
They study
in vain to
find some
sharp fancy
wherewith to
confound
their enemy,
That we can no better than so!
FAN. We wyll remedy it, man, or we go;
For lyke as mustarde is sharpe of taste,³
Ryght so a sharpe Fansy must be founde,
Wherwith Mesure to confounde.
CRA. CON. Can you a remedy for a tysyke,
That sheweth yourselfe thus spedde in physyke?
Cou. Cou. It is a gentyll reason of a rake.
FAN. For all these iapes yet that ye¹ make-
4
552
556
1 C, Dyce, dysceyued; Dyce (query in note, II. 451) dyscryued, used
as in line 2370 in the (unusual) sense of discover, a meaning which seems
necessary in the present passage. For the M. E. confusion between descrive
and descry, see the N.E.D. sub "descrive.' With the assonance-rime
conuayed: dysccyued, or dyscryued, cf. lines 675, 6, conceyued: conuayed;
1347, 9, conueyed perseyued; and 1651, 2, sayde: dyssayued.
2 Rox., conueyance.
""
3 Dyce (query in note), a line wanting to rime with this? Gent.
Mag., probably such a one as, Nay, let us our heads together caste (cf. line
566). In view of the number of single unrimed lines among the couplets
(552, 745, 779, 1117, 1179, 2082, 2250, 2276), it seems unnecessary to suppose
that a line has fallen out; the case is, however, diferent with the more
strictly handled stanzas (see notes to lines 1336, 2495, and 2464, 2465).
4 C, we; Dycè, ye.
II. ix, x.]
MAGNYFYCENCE.
CRA. CON. Your Fansy maketh myne elbowe to ake.
FAN. Let se, fynde you a better way.
Cou. Cou. Take no dyspleasure of that we say.
CRA. CON. Nay, and you be angry and ouerwharte,
A man may beshrowe your angry harte.
FAN. Tushe, a strawe! I thought none yll.
Cou. Cou. What! shall we iangle thus all the day styll?
CRA. CON. Nay, let vs our heddes togyder cast.
1
560
564
and fall to
jangling.
19
FAN. Ye, and se howe it may be compast
That Mesure were cast out of the dores.
Cou. Cou. Alasse! where is my botes and my spores?
CRA. CON. In all this hast whether wyll ye ryde?
Cou. Cou. I trowe it shall not nede to abyde.
Cockes woundes! se, Syrs, se, se!
568
Counterfeit
Countenance
has an idea,-
572
[STAGE II. SCENE 10.] Hic ingrediatur CLOKED COLUSYON,
cum elato aspectu, deorsum et sursum ambulando.
FAN. Cockes armes! what is he?
CRA. CON. By Cockes harte, he loketh hye;
He hawketh, me thynke, for a butterflye.
Cou. Cou. Nowe, by Cockes harte, well abyden!
•
For had you not come, I had ryden.
576 to ride in
haste for
Cloaked Col-
lusion, who
CLO. COL. Thy wordes be but wynde, neuer they haue no wayght; appears con-
veniently.
Thou hast made me play the iurde hayte.
Cou. Cou. And yf ye knewe howe I haue mused,
580
I am sure ye wolde haue me excused.
CLO. COL. I say, come hyder; what are these twayne ?
Cou. Cou. By God, Syr, this is Fansy Small-Brayne;
And Crafty Conuayaunce, knowe you not hym?
584
CLO. COL. Knowe hym, Syr? quod he. Yes, by Saynt Sym! The four
Here is a leysshe of ratches to renne an hare!
Woo is that purse that ye shall share!
rogues make
themselves
known to one
another.
FAN. What call ye him, this?
588
CRA. CON. I trowe that he is-
COU. Cou. Tushe! holde your pece.
Se you not howe they prece
For to knowe your name?
592
CLO. COL. Knowe they not me? They are to blame.
Knowe you not me, Syrs?
FAN.
No, in dede.
20
MAGNYFYCENCE.
CRA. CON. Abyde-lette me se-take better hede-
Cockes harte! it is Cloked Colusyon !
[II. x.
596
CLO. COL. A, Syr, I pray God gyue you confusyon ¹!
FAN. Cockes armes! is that your name?
Cou. Cou. Ye, by the masse, this is euen the same,
That all this matter must vnder grope.
600
CLO. COL.
Some sly
jests are
broken over
the ill-fitting
priestly dis-
guise of the
new recruit,
Is it not a vestment?
Cou. Cou. Tushe! it is Syr John 2 Double-Cope.3
FAN. Syr, and yf ye wolde not be wrothe—
CRA. CON. What is this he wereth? a cope
CLO. COL. Cappe, Syr? I say you be to bolde.
FAN. Se howe he is wrapped for the colde.
?
A, ye wante a rope.
604
CLO. COL. What sayst?
FAN.
Here was to lytell clothe.
CLO. COL. A, Fansy, Fansy, God sende the brayne !
FAN. Ye, for your wyt is cloked for the rayne.
CRA. CON. Nay, lette vs not clatter thus styll.
CLO. COL. Tell me, Syrs, what is your wyll?
Cou. Cou. Syr, it is so that these twayne
608
612
Then the situ-
ation is
fully explain- With Magnyfycence in housholde do remayne;
od to him:-
4
And there they wolde haue me to dwell.
But I wyll be ruled after your counsell.
FAN. Mary, so wyll we also.
616
CLO. COL. But tell me where aboute ye go.
Cou. Cou. By God, we wolde gete vs all thyder,
Spell the remenaunt, and do togyder.
CLO. COL. Hath Magnyfycence ony tresure?
620
X-
CRA. CON. Ye; but he spendeth it all in Mesure.
CLO. COL. Why, dwelleth Mesure where ye two dwell?
In faythe, he were better to dwell in hell.
FAN. Yet where we wonne, nowe there wonneth he.
CLO. COL. And haue you not amonge you Lyberte ?
COU. COU. Ye; but he is a captyuyte.
624
how Measure
keeps Liberty
in captivity;
1 C, coufusyon (misprint); Rox., Dyce, confusyon.
2 Dyce, Johnn. Cf. lines 961, 1187, 1205. Dyce's form has no parallel;
and the stroke here is probably, as in line 2126 (C. s. for a hundred shillings),
a mark of abbreviation, the full writing being Johan. The rime fon: John,
line 1187, shows the pronunciation also to have been shortened.
³ C, Dyce, cloke. But cf. rime and use of cope in line 601. See note.
to line 728.
C, hane (misprint); Dyce, haue.
T
II. x.]
MAGNYFYCENCE.
CLO. COL. What the deuyll! howe may that be?
Cou. Cou. I can not tell you; why aske you me?
Aske these two that there dothe dwell.
628
1
CLO. COL.¹ Syr, the playnesse you me tell.2
CRA. CON.3 There dwelleth a mayster men calleth Mesure-
FAN. Ye, and he hath rule of all his tresure.
632
CRA. CON. Nay, eyther let me tell, or elles tell ye.
FAN. I care not, I; tell on for me.
634
21
Cou. Cou. I pray God let you neuer to thee!
CLO. COL. What the deuyll ayleth you? can you not agree?
CRA. CON. I wyll passe ouer the cyrcumstaunce
And shortly shewe you the hole substaunce.
Fansy and I, we twayne,
With Magnyfycence in housholde do remayne ;5
And counterfeted our names we haue,
Craftely all thynges vpryght to saue,-
His name Largesse, Surueyaunce myne;
*Magnyfycence to vs begynneth to enclyne,
Counterfet Countenaunce to haue also,
And wolde that we sholde for hym go,—
640 how the two
644
remain in the
household of
Magnificence,
under coun-
terfeit names;
Cou. Cou. But shall I haue myne olde name styll?
CRA. CON. Pease, I haue not yet sayd what I wyll.
FAN. Here is a pystell of a postyke!
648
CLO. COL. Tusshe! fonnysshe Fansy, thou arte frantyke.
Tell on, Syr; howe then?
CRA. CON. Mary, Syr, he told vs, when
We had hym founde, we sholde hym brynge,
And that we fayled not for nothynge.
CLO. COL. All this ye may easely brynge aboute.
652 and how they
are about to
introduce
FAN. Mary, the better and Mesure were out.
656
CLO. COL. Why, can ye not put out that foule freke?
CRA. CON. No; in euery corner he wyll peke,
So that we haue no Lyberte ;
Nor no man in courte, but he,
1 C gives this line to Cra. Con. ; Dyce, to Clo. Col.
660
2 C, you tell me; Dyce (query in note), you me tell for rime?
3 C omits prefix to this line; Dyce, Cra. Con.
The two printed copies differ here (cf. lines 1883 and 2014) in the
prefix: C, Crafty onucey. (misprint); B. M., Rox., Crafty conuey. (as
elsewhere); Dyce, Cr. Con.
5 C, remayue (misprint); Rox., Dyce, remayne.
Counterfeit
Countenance,
22
for whom
they now
select the
alias Good
Demeanance.
MAGNYFYCENCE.
For Lyberte he hath in gydyng.
[II. x, xi.
664
Cou. Cou. In fayth, and without Lyberte there is no bydyng.
FAN. In fayth, and Lybertyes rome is there but small.
CLO. COL. Hem! that lyke I nothynge at all.
CRA. CON.¹ But, Counterfet Countenaunce, go we togyder,
All thre, I say.
Cou. Cou.
Shall I go? whyder?
CRA. CON.2 To Magnyfycence with vs 3 twayne,
And in his seruyce the to retayne.
668
Cou. Cou. But then, Syr, what shall I hyght?
CRA. CON. Ye and I talkyd therof to nyght.
FAN. Ye, my Fansy was out of owle flyght,
For it is out of my mynde quyght.
672
CRA. CON. And nowe it cometh to my remembraunce;
Syr, ye shall hyght Good Demeynaunce.
Cou. Cou. By the armes of Calys, well conceyued!
CRA. CON. When we haue hym thyder conuayed,¹
What and I frame suche a slyght
4
676
The next step
shall be to
secure admis-
sion for
Cloaked Col-
lusion, under
the name
Sober Sad-
ness;
That Fansy with his fonde Consayte
Put Magnyfycence in suche a madnesse
That he shall haue you in the stede of Sadnesse,
680
And Sober Sadnesse shalbe your name?
CLO. COL. By Cockys body, here begynneth the game!
For then shall we so craftely cary
That Mesure shall not there longe tary.
684
whom the
three ask to
await them
while they go
to execute
this plan.
FAN. For Cockys harte, tary whylyst that I come agayne.
CRA. CON. We wyll se you shortly, one of vs twayne.
Cou. Cou. Now let vs go, and we shall, then.
CLO. COL. Nowe let se; quyte you lyke praty men.
688
[5 Exit FANSY, CRAFTY CONUEYAUNCE, and COUNTERFET
COUNTENAUNCE.]
COLUSYON].
[STAGE II. SCENE 11.] Hic deambulat [CLOKED Colusyon].
(Rime royal.) To passe the tyme and order whyle a man may talke
Of one thynge and other to occupy the place,
Then for the season that I here shall walke,
Monologue of
Cloaked Col-
lusion.
1 C omits prefix; Dyce, Cra. Con.
2 C gives speech to Clo. Col.; Dyce, Cra. Con.
+ Assonance-rime; see note to line 535.
5 C omits stage-direction; Dyce supplies.
3 Rox., us.
II. xi.]
MAGNYFYCENCE.
As good to be occupyed as vp and downe to trace
And do nothynge; how be it, full lytell grace
There cometh and groweth of my comynge;
For Clokyd Colusyon is a perylous thynge.
Double Delynge and I be all one ;
Craftynge and haftynge contryued is by me;
I can dyssemble, I can bothe laughe and grone;
Playne Delynge and I can neuer agre;
23
692 He will talk
695
699
to pass the
time.
A dangerous
dissembler
and mischief-
maker.
But Dyuysyon, Dyssencyon, Dyrysyon,-these thre,
And I, am counterfet of one mynde and thought,
By the menys of Myschyef to bryng all thynges to nought.
And though I be so odyous a geste,
And euery man gladly my company wolde refuse,
In faythe, yet am I occupyed with the best;
Full fewe that can themselfe of me excuse.
Whan other men laughe, than study I and muse,
Deuysynge the meanes and wayes that I can,
Howe I may hurte and hynder euery man.
Two faces in a hode couertly I bere;
Water in the one hande and fyre in the other:
I can fede forth a fole and lede hym by the eyre;
Falshode-in-felowshyp is my sworne brother.
By Cloked Colusyon, I say, and none other,
Comberaunce and trouble in Englande fyrst I began;
From that lorde to that lorde I rode and I ran,
And flatered them with fables fayre before theyr face,
And tolde all the Myschyef I coude behynde theyr backe,
And made as I had knowen nothynge of the case,-
706
709
713
But though
odious, he is
everywhere
received.
He is double-
faced,
716 and runs from
I wolde begyn all Myschyef, but I wolde bere no lacke. 720
Thus can I lerne you, Syrs, to bere the deuyls sacke¹;
And yet, I trowe, some of you be better sped than I
Frendshyp to fayne and thynke full lytherly.
Paynte to a purpose Good Countenaunce I can,
And craftely can I grope howe euery man is mynded;
My purpose is to spy and to poynte euery man ;
1 C, säcke (misprint); Dyce, sacke. Cf. line 2190.
723
lord to lord
with flattery
and false-
hood.
He is an all-
accomplished
spy and
hypocrite.
24
MAGNYFYCENCE.
[II. xi, xii.
My tonge is with Fauell forked and tyned.¹
1
727
By Cloked Colusyon thus many one is begyled.¹
Eche man to hynder I gape and I gaspe;
My speche is all Pleasure, but I stynge lyke a waspe.
730
He is never
glad but
when he may
do ill,
I am neuer glad but whan I may do yll,
And neuer am I sory but whan that I se
I can not myne appetyte 2 accomplysshe and fulfyll
In hynderaunce of Welthe and Prospery te.
I laughe at all Shrewdenes, and lye at Lyberte.
3
734
and sow seeds
of discord,
by flattering
those who
are credulous
enough.
To flater and to flery is all my pretence
I muster, I medle amonge these grete estates;
I sowe sedycyous sedes of Dyscorde and debates.
737
Amonge all suche persones as I well vnderstonde
Be lyght of byleue and hasty of credence;
I make them to startyll and sparkyll lyke a bronde;
I inoue them, I mase them, I make them so fonde,
That they wyll here no man but the fyrst tale;
And so by these meanes I brewe moche bale.
741
(Couplets.)
Courtly
Abusion
744
[STAGE II. SCENE 12.] Hic ingrediatur COURTLY ABUSYON
cantando.
COURTLY ABUSYON. Huffa huffa taunderum taunderum tayne
huffa huffa ! 4
CLO. COL. This was properly prated, Syrs! what sayd a?
COU. AB. Rutty bully ioly rutterkyn heyda!
CLO. COL. De que pays este vous ?
enters sing-
ing,
6
with brave
words
Et faciat tanquam exuat beretum ironice.5
COU. AB. Decke your hofte and couer a lowce.
CLO. COL. Say vous chaunter "Venter tre dawce ?”
COU. AB. Wyda, wyda.
749
Howe sayst thou, man? am not I a ioly rutter?
752
CLO. COL. Gyue this gentylman rome, Syrs, stonde vtter!
1 Assonance for rime; Professor Bright suggests blynded for begyled.
Assonance is rarely substituted for rime in this play; cf. lines 1808-1811
and notes to lines 535, 605, 775, 794, 1848.
2 Rox., Dyce, apyetyte.
3 Rox., shrewdness.
4 An unrimed line; see note to line 552.
5 C, exiat beretrum cronice; Dyce (query in note), cxuat (or rather,
exueret) barritum (i. e. pileum) ironice?
6 Rox., hoste.
7 C, Courtly abusyō; Rox., Courtly abusiō.
II. xii, xiii.]
MAGNYFYCENCE.
25
By God, Syr, what nede all this waste?
What is this, a betell or a batowel or a buskyn lacyd?
COU. AB. What! wenyst thou that I knowe the not, Clokyd
Colusyon?
756
CLO. COL. And wenyst thou that I knowe not the, cankard
Abusyon?
760
COU. AB. Cankard Jacke Hare, loke thou be not rusty;
For thou shalt well knowe I am nother durty nor dusty.
CLO. COL. Dusty! Nay, Syr, ye be all of the lusty;
Howe be it, of Scape Thryfte your clokes smelleth musty.
But whether art thou walkynge, in faythe vnfaynyd 2?
COU. AB. Mary, with Magnyfycence I wolde be retaynyd. 763
CLO. COL. By the masse, for the cowrte thou art a mete man;
Thy slyppers they swap it, yet thou fotys it lyke a swanne.
COU. AB. Ye, so I can deuyse my gere after the cowrtly maner.
CLO. COL. So thou arte personable to bere a prynces baner.
3 By Goddes fote, and I dare well fyght, for I wyll not start. 768
COU. AB. Nay, thou art a man good inough but for thy false
hart.
CLO. COL. Well, and I be a coward, ther is mo than I.
and brave
apparel.
But the two
are old ac-
quaintances,
and do not
deceive each
other.
Courtly
Abusion
military
position,
COU. AB. Ye, in faythe, a bolde man and a hardy.
CLO. COL. (A bolde man in a bole of newe ale in cornys.) 772 desires some
COU. AB. Wyll ye se this gentylman is all in his skornys?
CLO. COL. But are ye not auysed to dwell where ye spake?
COU. AB. I am of fewe wordys; I loue not to crake.*
Beryst thou any rome? or cannyst thou do ought?
Cannyst thou helpe in fauer that I myght be brought?
CLO. COL. I may do somwhat, and more I thynke shall.
an ambition
not shared
by his friend,
who admits
his own
776 cowardice,
[STAGE II. SCENE 13.] Here cometh in CRAFTY CONUEYAUNCE,
poyntyng with his fynger, and sayth,
CRA. CON. Hem, Colusyon! 5
779
but magnifies
his favour
at court,
COU. AB. Cockys harte! who is yonde that for the dothe call? and to im-
1 Dyce (query in note), batone? but (II. 247) decides in favour of botowe,
i. e. boot.
2 Rox., unfaynyd.
The
3 Dyce (query in note), change of prefixes in lines 768-772 as follows:
768, Cou. Ab.; 769, Clo. Col.; 770, Cou. Ab.; 771, 772, Clo. Col.
original assignment seems preferable, since elsewhere the boldness of Cou. Ab.
and the cowardice of Clo. Col. are insisted on: cf. lines 809-814, 822-824,
2181-2192.
4 C, Dyce, barke; Am., crake (for rime); cf. line 812. See note to
line 728.
5 An unrimed line; see note to line 552.
press Courtly
Abusion,
!
26
plays the
supercilious
courtier to-
wards Crafty
Conveyance.
MAGNYFYCENCE.
[II. xiii.
CRA. CON.¹ Nay, come at ones, for the armys of the dyce!
COU. AB. Cockys armys! he hath callyd for the twyce.
CLO. COL. By Cockys harte! and call shall agayne;
To come to me I trowe he shalbe fayne.
784
COU. AB. What is thy harte pryckyd with such a prowde
pynne?
CLO. COL. Tushe! he that hath nede, man, let hym rynne.
Crafty Con-
veyance is
puzzled and
alarmed.
CRA. CON. Nay, come away, man; thou playst the cayser.
CLO. COL.2 By the masse, thou shalt byde my leyser.
CRA. CON. Abyde, Syr, quod he? Mary, so I do.
COU. AB. He wyll come, man, when he may tende to.
CRA. CON. What the deuyll! who sent for the?
CLO. COL. Here he is nowe, man; mayst thou not se?
CRA. CON. What the deuyll! man, what thou menyst?
Art thou so angry as thou seinyst 32
788
792
COU. AB. What the deuyll! can ye agre no better?
795
CRA. CON. What the deuyll! where had we this ioly ietter?
COL. COL, What sayst thou, man? why dost thou not supplye?
And desyre me thy good mayster to be?
COU. AB. Spekest thou to me?
CLO. COL. Ye, so I tell the.
800
COU. AB. Cockes bones! I ne tell can
Whiche of you is the better man,
Or whiche of you can do most.
CRA. CON. In fayth, I rule moche of the rost.
804
They have
a bloodless
quarrel,
As skante thou had no nede of me.
CLO. COL. Rule the roste! thou woldest, ye,4
CRA. CON. Nede? yes, mary ; I say not nay.
807
COU. AB. Cockes harte!5 I trowe thou wylte make a fray.
CRA. CON. Nay, in good faythe; it is but the gyse.
CLO. COL. No; for or we stryke, we wyll be aduysed twyse.
COU. AB. What the deuyll! vse ye not to drawe no swordes?
CRA. CON. No, by my trouthe; but crake grete wordes. 812
COU. AB. Why, is this the gyse nowe adays?
and inform
Courtly
Abusion that
such frays
are the
modern guise.
CLO. COL. Ye, for surety; ofte peas is taken for frayes.
But, Syr, I wyll haue this man with me.
1 C gives this line to Clo. Col.; Dyce, Cra. Con. in view of lines 782, 787.
2 C gives this line to Cou. Ab.; Dyce, Clo. Col.
3 Assonance rime; see note to line 728.
4 C, ye thou woldest; Dyce conjectures thou woldest, ye for the rime.
5
C, hate (misprint); Dyce, harte.
H. xiii, xiv.]
MAGNYFYCENCE.
CRA. CON. Conuey yourselfe fyrst, let se.
CLO. COL. Well, tarry here tyll I for you sende.
CRA. CON. Why, shall he be of your hende?
CLO. COL. Tary here; wote ye what I say?
COU. AB. I waraunt you I wyll not go away.
CRA. CON. By Saynt Mary, he is a tawle man.
CLO. COL. Ye, and do ryght good seruyce he can ;
I knowe in hym no defaute
But that the horson is prowde and hawte.
816
27
Then they
depart, pro-
820 mising to
secure a place
for him.
824
And so they go out of the place [i. e. CLOKED COLUYSON and
CRAFTY CONUEYAUNCE].
COU. AB. Nay, purchace ye a pardon for the pose ;
For Pryde hath plucked the by the nose
*
As well as me; I wolde, and I durste,–
But nowe I wyll not say the worste.
828
[STAGE II. SCENE 14.] COURTLY ABUSYON alone in the place.
COU. AB. What nowe? Let se
Who loketh on me
Well rounde aboute,
Howe gay and howe stoute
That I can were
Courtly my gere:
My heyre bussheth
So plesauntly,
My robe russheth
So ruttyngly,
(Half-line
couplets.)
831 Left alone,
834
838
he struts
before the
audience.
(Half-line
rime royal.)
Monologue
of Courtly
Abusion.
Me seme I flye,
I am so lyght
To daunce delyght;
841
Properly drest
All poynte deuyse,
My persone prest
Beyonde all syse
Of the newé gyse,
To russhe it oute
In euery route.
845
848
A dandy,
who pushes
the new guise
to extremes.
28
Wide sleeves,
tightly
gartered hose,
and rich
buskins.
MAGNYFYCENCE.
Beyonde Measure
My sleue is wyde,
Al of Pleasure
My hose strayte tyde,
My buskyn wyde,
He is the
ruin of all
who "use"
him,-
overweening
fools who
seek their
own destruc-
tion,
and then
accuse others.
1
[II. xiv.
852
Ryche to beholde,
Gletterynge in golde.
855
Abusyon
Forsothe I hyght;
Confusyon
Shall on hym lyght
859
By day or by nyght
That vseth me,-
He can not thee.
862
A very fon,
A very asse
Wyll take vpon
To compasse
866
That neuer was
Abusyd before;
A very pore
869
That so'wyll do,
He doth abuse
Hym selfe to to ;
He dothe mysse vse
873
Eche man to akuse,1
To crake and prate;
I befoule his pate.
876
He has
brought the
new fashions
from France,
This newe fonne iet
From out of Fraunce
Fyrst I dyd set;
Made purueaunce
And suche ordenaunce,
That all men it founde
Through out Englonde.
880
883
¹ C, take a fe; Dyce notes apparent corruption but suggests no change ;
Am., to akuse.
II. xiv, xv.]
MAGNYFYCENCE.
All this nacyon
I set on fyre;
In my facyon,
This theyr desyre,
This newe atyre ;
This ladyes haue,
I it them gaue.
Spare for no coste ;
And yet in dede
It is coste loste
Moche more than nede
For to excede
In suche aray;
Howe be it, I say,
A carlys sonne,
Brought vp of nought,
Wyth me wyll wonne
Whylyst he hath ought;
He wyll haue wrought
His gowne so wyde
That he may hyde
His dame and his syre
Within his slyue;
Spende all his hyre
That men hym gyue;
887
890
29
and has
inflamed the
whole Eng-
lish nation
with desire
for them.
894 Prodigality
897
901
904
is found
everywhere.
Nobodies ape
the most
extravagant
modes ;
when they
have run
908 through their
money, they
are apt to end
at Tyburn.
Wherfore I preue,
A Tyborne checke
Shall breke his necke.
Here cometh in FANSY craynge,
FAN. Stow, stow !
Coʊ. AB. All is out of harre
And out of trace,
Ay warre and warre
In euery place.
[STAGE II. SCENE 15.]
But what the deuyll art thou
That cryest, "Stow, stow?"
911
912
Things grow
worse and
916 worse.
(Couplets.)
30
Fancy, with
hawk on fist.
MAGNYFYCENCE.
FAN. What! whom haue we here, Jenkyn Joly?
Nowe welcom, by the God holy !
[II. xv.
920
COU. AB. What! Fansy, my frende! howe doste thou fare?
FAN. By Cryst, as mery as a Marche hare.
COU. AB. What the deuyll hast thou on thy fyste? an owle?
FAN. Nay, it is a farly fowle.
924
COU. AB. Me thynke she frowneth and lokys sowre.
FAN. Torde! man, it is an hawke of the towre.
She is made for the malarde fat.
COU. AB. Methynke she is well becked to catche a rat.
But nowe what tydynges can you tell? let se.
928
comes to
summon
Courtly
Abusion to
the palace,
where there
has just been
a notable
fray.
COU. AB.
FAN. Ye, for the, so I say.
COU. AB. Howe so? tell me, I the pray.
FAN. Why, harde thou not of the fray
FAN. Mary, I am come for the.
For me?
932
That fell amonge vs this same day?
COU. AB. No, mary; not yet.
FAN. What the deuyll! neuer a whyt?
936
COU. AB. No, by the masse; what! sholde I swere?
FAN. In faythe, Lyberte is nowe a lusty spere.
•
Liberty is
now set free;
Measure has
been deposed
COU. AB. Why, vnder whom was he abydynge?
FAN. Mary, Mesure had hym a whyle in gydynge,
from favour, Tyll, as the deuyll wolde, they fell a chydynge
With Crafty Conuayaunce.
Ye, dyd they so?
"crossed
with a
chalk" by
a "pretty
sleight.
944
COU. AB.
FAN. Ye, by Goddes sacrament; and with other mo.
COU. AB. What! neded that, in the dyuyls date?
944
FAN. Yes, yes; he fell with me also at debate.
COU. AB. With the also? what! he playeth the state?
FAN. Ye; but I bade hym pyke out of the gate;
By Goddes body, so dyd I.
948
COU. AB. By the masse,
well done and boldely.
FAN. Holde thy pease! Measure shall frome vs walke.
COU. AB. Why, is he crossed than with a chalke?
FAN. Crossed? ye, checked out of Consayte.
COU. AB. Howe so?
952
FAN.
By God, by a praty slyght,
As here after thou shalte knowe more.
But I must tary here; go thou before.
II. xv, xvi.]
MAGNYFYCENCE.
COU. AB. With whom shall I there mete?
FAN. Crafty Conueyaunce standeth in the strete
Euen of purpose for the same.
COU. AB. Ye, but what shall I call my name?
FAN. Cockes harte! tourne the, let me se thyne aray.
Cockes bones! this is all of Johñ¹ de Gay.
COU. AB. So I am poynted after my Consayte.
FAN. Mary, thou iettes it of hyght.
COU. AB. Ye, but of my name let vs be wyse.
FAN. Mary, Lusty Pleasure, by myne aduyse,2
To name thyselfe; come of, it were done.
COU. AB. Farewell, my frende.
FAN.
Adue tyll sone.
956
960
31
Crafty Con-
veyance is
waiting in
the street for
Courtly
Abusion;
964 who accord-
ingly departs,
after select-
ing as his
alias Lusty.
Pleasure.
[Exit COURTLY ABUSYON.]
[STAGE II. SCENE 16.]
FAN. Stowe, byrde, stowe, stowe!
It is best I fede my hawke now.
There is many euyll faueryd, and thou be foule !
Eche thynge is fayre when it is yonge; all hayle, owle!
Lo, this is
My Fansy, iwys ;3
Nowe Cryst it blysse!
It is, by Jesse,
A byrde full swete,
For me full mete;
She is furred for the hete
All to the fete ;
968 Fancy plays
with his
hawk.
972 (Half-line
leash or
"Skeltoni-
cal.")
Monologue o
Fancy.
976 He is ex-
tremely proud
of the bird,
which is
much like its
master.
I
Her browys bent,
Her eyen glent;
Frome Tyne to Trent,
From Stroude to Kent,
A man shall fynde
Many of her kynde,
Howe standeth the wynde,
Before or behynde ;
1 Dyce, Johnn. See note to line 605.
3 C, Iwys; Rox., Dyce, I wys. Cf. line 1176.
2 Rox., advyse.
980
984
32
Some horse-
play with the
audience.
After re-
newed admir-
ation of the
bird,
(Couplets.)
he turns to a
confession of
his own chat -
acter:
MAGNYFYCENCE.
Barbyd lyke a nonne
For burnynge of the sonne ;
Her fethers donne;
Well faueryd bonne!
Nowe let me se about,
In all this rowte
Yf I can fynde out
So semely a snowte
Amonge this prese,-
Euen a hole mese-
Pease, man, pease!
I rede we sease.
So farly fayre as it lokys!
And her becke so comely crokys!
Her naylys sharpe as tenter hokys!
I haue not kept her yet thre wokys,
And howe styll she dothe syt!
Teuyt, teuyt!
Where is my wyt?
The deuyll spede whyt!
That was before I set behynde;
Nowe to curteys, forthwith vnkynde ;
[II. xvi.
988
992
996
1000
1004.
1008
Somtyme to sober, somtyme to sadde,
scatter-
Somtyme to mery, somtyme to madde;
brained,
light-headed, Somtyme I syt as I were solempe prowde;
1012
Somtyme I laughe ouer lowde ;
Somtyme I wepe for a gew gaw;
Somtyme I laughe at waggynge of a straw;
With a pere my loue you may wynne,
1016
And ye may lese it for a pynne.
I haue a thynge for to say,
And I may tende therto for play;
But in faythe I am so occupyed
On this halfe and on euery syde
That I wote not where I may rest.
Fyrst to tell you what were best,-
Frantyke Fansy-Seruyce I hyght;
1020
1024
II. xvi, xvii.]
MAGNYFYCENCE.
My wyttys be weke, my braynys are lyght;
For it is I that other whyle
Plucke down lede and theke with tyle;
Nowe I wyll this, and nowe I wyll that;
Make a wyndmyll of a mat;
Nowe I wolde, -and I wyst what;
Where is my cappe? I haue lost my hat!
And within an houre after,
Plucke downe an house and set vp a rafter;
Hyder and thyder, I wote not whyder;
Do and vndo, bothe togyder;
Of a spyndell I wyll make a sparre ;
All that I make forthwith I marre ;
I blunder, I bluster, I blowe, and I blother ;
1028
and weak-
witted,
33
1032 he is never of
the same
mind two
hours to-
gether,
1036 but forthwith
mars all he
makes.
I make on the one day, and I marre on the other;
Bysy, bysy, and euer bysy,
I daunce vp and downe tyll I am dyssy;
I can fynde fantasyes where none is;
I wyll not haue it so, I wyll haue it this.
1040
[STAGE II. SCENE 17.] Hic ingrediatur FOLY quatiendo crema¹
et faciendo multum, feriendo tabulas, et similia.
FOLY. Maysters, Cryst saue euerychone!
What, Fansy! arte thou here alone?
FAN. What, fonnysshe Foly! I befole thy face.
FOL. What, frantyke Fansy! in a foles case?
What is this? an owle or a glede ?
By my trouthe, she hathe a grete hede.
FAN. Tusshe thy lyppes hange in thyne eye;2
FOL. By my trouthe, I trowe well;
It is a Frenche butterflye.
But she is lesse a grete dele
Than a butterflye of our lande.
FAN. What pylde curre ledest thou in thy hande ?
1044
Folly enters
in fool's
1048 costume,
1052
1 C, quesiendo crema; Dyce, quatiendo crema; Dyce (query in note),
hardly a misprint for cremia: perhaps crembalum? Gent. Mag., a Latinized
form of the Greek xpñμa, used to denote his thing or bauble; so in Speke
Parrot we find chaire (line 30) and myden agan (54), etc.; Dyce (II. 487)
doubts this solution; Am., crebro?
2 C, eyen; Dyce, eye.
MAGNYFYCENCE.
D
and examines
Fancy's owl.
Fancy in-
quires in
34
return about
Folly's pet, a
mangy cur;
but Folly has
all at once
grown very
deaf.
MAGNYFYCENCE.
FOL. A pylde curre!
FAN.
Ye, so I tell the, a pylde curre.
FOL. Yet I solde his skynne to Mackemurre,
In the stede of a budge furre.
[II. xvii.
1056
FAN. What! fleyest thou his skynne euery yere?
FOL. Yes, in faythe, I thanke God I may here.
1060
FAN. What! thou wylte coughe me a dawe for forty pens?
FOL. Mary, Syr, Cokermowthe is a good way hens.
FAN. What! of Cokermowth spake I no worde.
1063
FOL. By my faythe, Syr, the frubyssher hath my sworde.
FAN. A, I trowe ye shall coughe me a fole.
His hearing
returns when
the subject
changes;
FOL. In faythe, trouthe ye say, we wente togyder to scole.
FAN. Ye, but I can somwhat more of the letter.
FOL. I wyll not gyue an halfepeny for to chose the better.
FAN. But, Broder Foly, I wonder moche of one thynge,
That thou so hye fro me doth sprynge,
1067
and he ex-
plains why
the two
brothers have
become so
And I so lytell alway styll.
FOL. By God, I can tell the; and I wyll:
1072
Thou art so feble-fantastycall,
strangely
And so braynsyke therwithall,
unlike.
And thy wyt wanderynge here and there,
That thou cannyst not growe out of thy boyes gere;
1076
And as for me, I take but one folysshe way,
And therfore I growe more on one day
Than thou can in yerys seuen.
1079
For so with fantasyes my wyt dothe flete
FAN. In faythe, trouth thou sayst nowe, by God of heuen!
'That Wysdome and I shall seldome mete.
Renewed in- Nowe, of good felowshyp, let me by thy dogge.¹
quiry about
the dog
brings a
second attack
of deafness,
with many
irrelevant
answers.
FOL. Cockys harte! thou lyest; I am no hogge.2
FAN. Here is no man that callyd the hogge nor swyne.
FOL. In faythe, man, my brayne is as good as thyne.
1084
FAN. The deuyls torde for thy brayne!
FOL. By my syers soule, I fele no rayne.
1088
FAN. By the masse, I holde the madde.
FOL. Mary, I knewe the when thou waste a ladde.
FAN. Cockys bonys! herde ye euer syke another?
FOL. Ye, a fole the tone, and a fole the tother.
1092
1 C, hogge; Dyce, dogge.
2 C, dogge; Dyce, hogge. Cf. lines 384, 385.
II. xvii.]
MAGNYFYCENCE.
FAN. Nay, but wotest thou what I do say?
FOL. Why, sayst thou that I was here yesterday?
FAN. Cockys armys! this is a warke, I trowe.
FOL. What! callyst thou me a donnyshe crowe?
1096
FAN. Nowe, in good faythe, thou art a fonde gest.
FOL. Ye, bere me this strawe to a dawys nest.
FAN. What! wenyst thou that I were so folysshe and so
fonde?
35
FOL. In fayth, ellys is there none in all Englonde.
FAN. Yet for my Fansy sake, I say,
Let me haue thy dogge, what soeuer I pay.
FOL. Thou shalte haue my purse, and I wyll haue thyne.
FAN. By my trouth, there is myne.
1100
1104
FOL. Nowe, by my trouth, man, take, there is my purse ;1
And I beshrowe hym that hath the worse.
FAN. Torde! I say, what haue I do?
Here is nothynge but the bockyll of a sho,
And in my purse was twenty marke.
FOL. Ha, ha, ha! herke, Syrs, harke!
For all that my name hyght Foly,
At last Folly
consents to
sell his
animal,
cheating his
brother
1108 roundly in
the bargain.
By the masse, yet art thou more fole than I.
FAN. Yet gyue me thy dogge, and I am content;
And thou shalte haue my hauke to a botchment.
FOL. That euer thou thryue, God it forfende!
1112
For, Goddes cope! thou wyll spende.
Nowe take thou my dogge and gyue me thy fowle.2
FAN. Hay, chysshe! come hyder!
FOL.
1116
Nay, torde! take hym be tyme.
Tusshe! his name is Gryme. 1119
FAN. What callest thou thy dogge?
FOL.
FAN. Come, Gryme! come, Gryme! it is my praty dogges.
FOL. In faythe, there is not a better dogge for hogges,
Not from Anwyke vnto Aungey.
FAN. Ye, but trowest thou that he be not maungey?
1123
FOL. No, by my trouthe; it is but the scurfe and the scabbe.
FAN. What? he hathe ben hurte with a stabbe?
FOL. Nay, in faythe; it was but a strype
1 C, Dyce, myne; Dyce (query in note), my purse, for the rime?
2 Dyce (query in note), a line wanting to rime with this? But see
note to line 552.
36
A sorry cur,
but Fancy is
blind to all
his defects.
The two talk
over their
school-days,
and are sur-
prised to find
that they
still retain
MAGNYFYCENCE.
That the horson had for etynge of a trype.
[II. xvii.
FAN. Where the deuyll gate he all these hurtes ?
FOL. By God, for snatchynge of puddynges and wortes.
FAN. What! then he is some good poore mannes curre?
FOL. Ye, but he wyll in at euery mannes dore.
FAN. Nowe thou hast done me a pleasure grete.
FOL. In faythe, I wolde thou had a marmosete.
FAN. Cockes harte! I loue suche iapes.
FOL. Ye, for all thy mynde is on owles and apes.
But I haue thy pultre, and thou hast my catell.
FAN. Ye, but Thryfte and we haue made a batell.
FOL. Remembrest thou not the iapes and the toyes—
FAN. What? that we vsed whan we were boyes?
FOL. Ye, by the rode, euen the same.
FAN. Yes, yes, I am yet as full of game
As euer I was, and as full of tryfyls,—
Nil, nichelum,¹ nihil,—anglice, nyfyls.
FOL. What! canest thou all this Latyn² yet,
And hath so mased a wandrynge wyt?
1128
1132
1136
1140
1144
some scraps
of Latin;
FAN. Tushe, man! I kepe some Latyn in store.
FOL. By Cockes harte, I wene thou hast no more ?
FAN. No? Yes, in faythe; I can versyfy.
1148
whereupon
they gleefully
FOL. Then I pray the hartely,
match rather Make a verse of my butterfly;
doubtful
hexameters.
It forseth not of the reason, so it kepe ryme.
FAN. But wylte thou make another on Gryme?
FOL. Nay, in fayth fyrst let me here thyne.
FAN. Mary as for that, thou shalte sone here myne.
1152
1154
VERSUS. 3
(Macaronic
hexameters.)
[FAN.] Est snaui snago with a shrewde face uilis imago.
FOL. Grimbaldus gredy snatche a puddyng tyl the rost be
redy.
4
FAN. By the harte of God, well done!
FOL. Ye, so redely and so sone!
1 Dyce, nihilum.
2 C, lutyn; Dyce, Latyn.
1157
3 C puts this direction between the hexameters (misprint?); Dyce om.,
mentioned in note.
• C, Gribald; Dyce, Grimbaldus.
II. xviii.]
MAGNYFYCENCE.
[STAGE II. SCENE 18.]
Here cometh in CRAFTY CONUEYAUNCE.
CRA. CON. What, Fansy! Let me se who is the tother.
FAN. By God, Syr, Foly, myne owne sworne brother.
CRA. CON. Cockys bonys! it is a farle freke;
Can he play well at the hoddypeke?
FAN. Tell by thy trouth what sport can thou make.
FOL. A, holde thy peas! I haue the tothe ake.
ye
haue.
CRA. CON. The tothe ake! lo, a torde
FOL. Ye, thou haste the four quarters of a knaue.
CRA, CON. Wotyst thou, I say, to whom thou spekys?
FAN. Nay, by Cockys harte, he ne reckys;
1160
1164
1168
37
Crafty Con-
veyance at
first forms
but a mean
opinion of
Folly;
but when
he is beaten,
first in
repartee,
For he wyll speke to Magnyfycence thus.
CRA. CON. Cockys armys! a mete man for vs.
FOL. What? wolde ye haue mo folys, and are so many?
FAN. Nay, offer hym a counter in stede of a peny.
CRA. CON. Why, thynkys thou he can no better skyll?
FOL. In fayth, I can make you bothe folys, and I wyll.
CRA. CON. What haste thou on thy fyst? a kesteryll¹?
FOL. Nay, iwys,2 fole; it is a doteryll.
1172
CRA. CON. In a cote thou can play well the dyser.
FOL. Ye, but thou can play the fole without a vyser.
FAN. Howe rode he by you? howe put he to you? 3
1176
CRA. CON. Mary, as thou sayst, he gaue me a blurre.
1180
But where gatte thou that mangey curre?
FAN. Mary, it was his, and nowe it is myne.
CRA. CON. And was it his, and nowe it is thyne?
Thou must haue thy Fansy and thy Wyll,
1184
But yet thou shalt holde me a fole styll.
FOL. Why, wenyst thou that I cannot make the play the fon?
FAN. Yes, by my faythe, good Syr John.*
CRA. CON. For you bothe it were inough.
1188
FOL. Why, wenyst thou that I were as moche a fole as thou?
FAN. Nay, nay; thou shalte fynde hym another maner of man.
FOL. In faythe, I can do mastryes, so I can.
CRA. CON. What canest thou do but play Cocke Wat? 1192
1 C, besteryll; Dyce, kesteryll.
2 C, Iwys; Rox., Dyce, I wys. Cf. line 973.
3 Dyce (query in note), for the rhyme, you there? Gent. Mag., We
would rather break the line into two short verses; see also Dyce (note II.
487). Better taken as a single unrimed line; see note to line 552.
Dyce, Johnn. See note to line 605.
38
and then in
a wager,
MAGNYFYCENCE.
FAN. Yes, yet¹ he wyll make the ete a gnat.
FOL. Yes, yes,2 by my trouth; I holde the a grote
That I shall laughe the out of thy cote.
[II. xviii.
CRA. CON. Than wyll I say that thou haste no pere. 1196
FAN. Nowe, by the rode, and he wyll go nere.
FOL. Hem, Fansy! regardes, voyes vous.3
Here FOLY maketh semblaunt to take a lowse from CRAFTY CON-
UEYAUNCE showlder.
FAN. What hast thou founde there?
FOL.
By God, a lowse.
1200
CRA. CON. By Cockes harte, I trowe thou lyste.
FOL. By the masse, a Spaynysshe¹ moght with a gray lyste!
FAN. Ha, ha, ha, ha, ha, ha!
CRA. CON. Cockes armes ! it is not so, I trowe.
Here CRAFTY CONUEYAUNCE5 putteth of his gowne.
FOL. Put on thy gowne agayne, for thou hast lost nowe. 1204
FAN. Lo, John' a Bonam, where is thy brayne?
Nowe put on, fole, thy cote agayne.
FOL. Gyue me my grote, for thou hast lost.
Here FOLY maketh semblaunt to take money of CRAFTY CON-
UEYAUNCE, saynge to hym,
Shyt thy purse, dawe, and do no cost.
1208
FAN. Nowe hast thou not a prowde mocke and a starke?
CRA. CON. With yes, by the rode of Wodstocke Parke.
FAN. Nay, I tell the, he maketh no dowtes
To tourne a fole out of his clowtes.
1212
he changes
his mind.
Folly ex-
plains that
he is himself
no fool,
but can make
fools of all
men.
For be he cayser or be he kynge,
CRA. CON. And for a fole a man wolde hym take.
FOL. Nay, it is I that folés can make;
To felowshyp with Foly I can hym brynge.
1216
FAN. Nay, wylte thou here nowe of his scoles,
And what maner of people he maketh foles?
He describes
what manner
of people he
makes fools
of:
CRA. CON. Ye, let vs here a worde or twayne.
FOL. Syr, of my maner I shall tell you the playne:
Fyrst I lay before them my bybyll
1220
2 Rox., Yet yes.
1 C, Yet yes; Dyce, Yes, yes.
3 C, Dyce, regardes, voyes. Cf. 1. 748: vous: lowce,
4 Rox., spanysshe.
C, Conuaunce; Dyce, Conueyaunce.
6 C, Dyce, for nowe thou hast lost; Dyce (query in note), for thou hast
lost nowe, for the rime?
7 Dyce, Johnn. See note to line 605.
f
II. xviii.]
MAGNYFYCENCE.
And teche them howe they sholde syt ydyll
39
To pyke theyr fyngers all the day longe;
So in theyr eyre I synge them a songe
And make them so longe to muse
That some of them renneth strayght to the stuse ;
To thefte and bryboury I make some fall,
And pyke a locke and clyme a wall;
And where I spy a nysot gay
That wyll syt ydyll all the day
And can not set herselfe to warke,
idle men he
teaches to
1224 commit
robbery,
1228
idle women
he inflames
with lust;
I kyndell in her suche a lyther sparke
That rubbed she must be on the gall
1232
Bytwene the tappet¹ and the wall.
CRA. CON. What, horson! arte thou suche a one?
FAN. Nay, beyonde all other set hym alone.
1236
CRA. CON. Hast thou ony more? let se, procede.
FOL. Ye, by God, Syr; for a nede,
I haue another maner of sorte
That I laugh at for my dysporte;
And those be they that come vp of nought,—
1240
also those
As some be not ferre2 and yf it were well sought,—
Suche dawys, what soeuer they be,
That be set in auctorite ;
Anone he waxyth so hy and prowde,
He frownyth fyersly, brymly browde;
The knaue wolde make it koy, and he cowde;
All that he dothe muste be alowde;
And, "This is not well done, Syr; take hede"
And maketh hym besy where is no nede;
He dawnsys so long, 'hey troly loly,'
That euery man lawghyth at his Foly.
CRA. CON. By the good Lorde, truthe he sayth.
FAN. Thynkyst thou not so, by thy fayth?
who "come
up of
nought,"
clothed with
brief
1244 authority,-
1248
particularly
one indi-
vidual, who
is now drunk
with pros-
perity.
1252 Folly's lis-
CRA. CON. Thynke I not so, quod he? ellys haue I shame;
For I knowe dyuerse that vseth the same.
FOL. But nowe, forsothe, man, it maketh no mater;
For they that wyll so bysely smater,
1256
1 C, tap; Dyce, tappet (form of expression as found in Against
Garnesche, 1. 75, I. 128).
2 C, ferce (misprint); Dyce, ferre.
teners recog-
nize the
portrait.
His early fall
is antici-
pated.
40
MAGNYFYCENCE.
So helpe me God, man, euer at the length
[II. xviii.
I make hym lese moche of theyr strength;
1260
For with Foly so do I them lede
That Wyt he wantyth when he hath moste nede.
FAN. Forsothe, tell on; hast thou any mo¹?
FOL. Yes, I shall tell you or I go
1264
Two others
are contin-
ally bearing
false tales to
the ear of the
sovereign,
continues
Folly.
Of dyuerse mo that hauntyth my scolys.
Cra. Con. All men beware of suche folys!
FOL. There be two lyther, rude and ranke,
Symkyn Tytyuell and Pers Pykthanke;
Theys lythers I lerne them for to lere,
What he sayth and she sayth to lay good ere,
And tell to his sufferayne euery whyt;
And then he is moche made of for his wyt; 2
Another
palpable hit!
Folly has
many more
disciples;
L
1268
1272
And, be the mater yll more or lesse,
He wyll make it mykyll worse than it is;
But all that he dothe, and yf he reken well,
It is but Foly euery dell.
1276
FAN. Are not his wordys cursydly cowchyd?
CRA. CON. By God, there be some that be shroudly towchyd;
But, I say, let se and yf thou haue any more.
FOL. I haue an hole armory of suche haburdashe in store;
For there be other that Foly dothe vse,
1281
That folowe fonde fantasyes and Vertu refuse.
FAN. Nay, that is my parte that thou spekest of nowe.
FOL. So is all the remenaunt, I make God auowe ;
For thou fourmest suche fantasyes in theyr mynde
That euery man almost groweth out of kynde.
1284
CRA. CON. By the masse, I am glad that I came hyder
To here you two rutters dyspute togyder.
1288
FAN. Nay, but Fansy must be eyther fyrst or last.
FOL. But whan Foly cometh, all is past.
FAN. I wote not whether it cometh of the or of me,
But all is Foly that I can se.
1292
CRA. CON. Mary, Syr, ye may swere it on a boke.
FOL. Ye, tourne ouer the lefe, rede there, and loke
Howe frantyke Fansy fyrst of all
Maketh man and woman in Foly to fall.
1296
1 C, more; Dyce, mo.
2 C, whyt; Dyce, wyt.
II. xviii, xix.]
MAGNYFYCENCE.
CRA. CON. A, Syr, a, a! howe by that?
FAN. A peryllous thynge, to cast a cat
Vpon a naked man and yf she scrat.
FOL. So how, I say, the hare is squat!
For, frantyke Fansy, thou makyst men madde;
And I Foly bryngeth them to qui fuit gadde;
With qui fuit, brayne seke I haue them brought,
From qui fuit aliquid to shyre shakynge nought.
CRA. CON. Well argued and surely on bothe sydes;
But for the, Fansy, Magnyfycence abydes.
FAN. Why, shall I not haue Foly with me also ?
CRA. CON. Yes, perde, man, whether that ye ryde or go ;
Yet for his name we must fynde a slyght.¹
FAN. By the masse, he shall hyght Consayte.
CRA. CON. Not a better name vnder the sonne;
1300
1304
41
most of whom
enter his
school after
a first course
with Fancy.
Both Fancy
and Folly
are sorely
needed at the
palace.
1309
Folly
assumes the
alias Conceit.
With Magnyfycence thou shalte wonne.
1312
FOL. God haue mercy, good godfather.}
CRA. CON. Yet I wolde that ye had gone rather;
For as sone as you come in Magnyfycence syght,
All Mesure and good rule is gone quyte.
FAN. And shall we haue Lyberte to do what we wyll?
CRA. CON. Ryot at Lyberte russheth it out styll.
FOL. Ye, but tell me one thynge.
CRA. CON.
What is that?
FOL. Who is mayster of the masshe fat?
FAN. Ye, for he hathe a full dry soule.
1316
Being a "full
dry soul," he
stipulates for
the place of
1320 master of the
CRA. CON. Cockes armes! thou shalte kepe the brewhouse
boule.
FOL. But may I drynke therof whylest that I stare?
CRA. CON. When Mesure is gone, what nedest thou spare?
Whan Mesure is gone, we may slee Care.
FOL. Nowe then goo we hens. Away the mare !
1326
[Exit FANSY and FOLY.]
[STAGE II. SCENE 19.] CRAFTY CONUEYAUNCE alone in the
place.
CRA. CON. It is wonder to se the worlde aboute,
To se what Foly is vsed in euery place;
cellar.
1327 (Rime royal.)
Monologue of
Crafty Čon-
veyance.
1
C, shyfte; Dyce, slyght (cf. slyght: consayte, l. 677, 8 and 952, 3).
42
Next in the
rank of mis-
chief-makers
to Fancy and
Folly them-
selves.
MAGNYFYCENCE.
Foly hath a rome, I say, in euery route;
[II. xix.
To put where he lyst, Foly hath fre chace;
Foly and Fansy all where euery man dothe face and brace;
1332
He is a pro-
moter of
"privy kind-
ness,
>>
and much
other pretty
ware,
such as
clothing the
naked.
An imaginary
dialogue.
Foly fotyth it properly, Fansy ledyth the dawnce,
And next come I after, Crafty Conueyaunce.
Who so to me gyueth good aduertence
Shall se many thyngys donne craftely:
By me conueyed is wanton insolence—
*
*
*
*
*1
Pryuy poyntmentys conueyed so properly,
(For many tymes moche kyndnesse is denyed
1336
For drede, that we dare not ofte, lest we be spyed.) 1339
By me is conueyed mykyll praty ware,-
Somtyme, I say, behynde the dore for nede;
I haue an hoby can make larkys to dare;
I knyt togyther many a broken threde.
It is great almesse the hungre2 to fede,
To clothe the nakyd where is lackynge a smocke,—
Trymme at her tayle or a man can turne a socke,—
“What howe! be ye mery; was it not well conueyed ?”
"As oft as ye lyst, so Honeste be sauyd;
Alas, dere harte, loke that we be not perseyuyd!" 3
Without crafte nothynge is well behauyd.
1343
1346
1350
Though I shewe you curtesy, say not that I craued ; 4
"Yet conuey it craftely, and hardely spare not for me,"
So that there knowe no man but I and she.
1353
By his aid,
also, petty
thieves
escape de-
tection;
Thefte also and pety brybery
Without me be full ofte aspyed ;
My inwyt delynge there can no man dyscry.
Conuey it be crafte, lyft and lay asyde.
1357
Full moche Flatery and Falsehode I hyde ;
And by Crafty Conueyaunce I wyll, and I can,
Saue a stronge thefe and hange a trew 5 man.
1360
1 Sense as well as rime shows that a line is missing here. See note to
line 552.
2
C, hunger; Dyce, hungre.
3 Assonance-rime; see note to line 535.
4 C, craue; Dyce (query in note) craued for the rime, unless something
be wanting.
5 Rox., trewe.
III. xx.]
MAGNYFYCENCE.
But some man wolde conuey, and can not skyll,
As malypert tauernars that checke with theyr betters ;
Theyr Conueyaunce weltyth the worke all by Wyll;
1364
And some wyll take vpon them to conterfet letters,
And therwithall conuey hymselfe into a payre of fetters;
And some wyll conuey by the pretence of Sadnesse,
Tyll all theyr Conueyaunce is turnyd into Madnesse. 1367
Crafty Conueyaunce is no chyldys game:
By Crafty Conueyaunce many one is brought vp of nought;
Crafty Conueyaunce can cloke hymselfe from shame,
1370
but he has
no patience
with bung-
lers.
For by Crafty Conueyaunce wonderful thynges are wrought; It is Crafty
By Conúayaunce Crafty I haue brought
Vnto Magnyfycence¹ a full vngracyous sorte,
For all hokes vnhappy to me haue resorte.
[STAGE III. DELUSION.]
43
Conveyance
who has
brought
together the
crew now
1374 around
[SCENE 20.] Here cometh in MAGNYFYCENCE with LYBERTE and
FELYCYTE.
MAGN. Trust me, Lyberte, it greueth me ryght sore
To se you thus ruled and stande in suche awe.
LYB. Syr, as by my wyll, it shall be so no more.
FEL. Yet Lyberte without rule is not worth a strawe.
MAGN. Tushe! holde your peas; ye speke lyke a dawe;
Ye shall be occupycd, Welthe, at my Wyll.
Magnificence.
1375 (Rime royal.)
Magnificence
has set
Liberty free
from the
control of
1378
CRA. CON. All that ye say, Syr, is Reason and Skyll. 1381
MAGN. Mayster Suruayour, where haue ye ben so longe?
Remembre ye not how my Lyberte by Mesure ruled was?
CRA. CON. In good faythe, Syr, me semeth he had the more
wronge.
LYB. Mary, Syr, so dyd he excede and passe,
1385
Measure.
Felicity pro-
tests in vain.
Crafty Con-
veyance
approves.
They droue me to lernynge lyke a dull asse.
FEL. It is good yet that Lyberte be ruled by Reason.
MAGN. Tushe! holde your peas; ye speke out of season.
Yourselfe shall be ruled by Lyberte and Largesse.
FEL. I am content so it in Measure be.
1389 Magnificence
decides to be
ruled by
Liberty and
LYB. Must Mesure, in the mares name, you furnysshe and dresse? "Largess,"
1 C, Magnyfyce; Dyce, Magnyfycence.
44
and sends to
fetch the
latter.
Again Feli-
city remon
strates in
vain.
He is handed
over to his
MAGNYFYCENCE.
[III. xxi, xxii.
1392
MAGN. Nay, nay; not so, my frende Felycyte.
CRA. CON. Not and your grace wolde be ruled by me.
LYB. Nay, he shall be ruled euen¹ as I lyst.
FEL. Yet it is good to beware of "had I wyst."
MAGN. Syr, by Lyberte and Largesse I wyll that ye shall
Be gouerned and gyded; wote ye what I say?
Mayster Suruayour, Largesse to me call.
CRA. CON. It shall be done.
MAGN.
At ones, and let hym not tary all day.
1395
Ye, but byd hym come away
1400
Here goth out CRAFTY CONUaYaunce.
[STAGE III. SCENE 21.]
FEL. Yet it is good Wysdome to worke wysely by Welth.
LYB. Holde thy tonge, and thou loue thy helth.
1402
MAGN. What! wyll ye waste wynde and prate thus in vayne?
Ye haue eten sauce, I trowe, at the Taylers Hall.
LYB. Be not to bolde, my frende; I counsell you, bere a brayne.
MAGN. And what so we say, holde you content withall. 1406
FEL. Syr, yet without Sapyence your Substaunce may be
smal;
For where is no Mesure, how may Worshyp endure? 1408
[STAGE III. SCENE 22.]
Here cometh in FANSY.
FAN. Syr, I am here at your pleasure.2
Your grace sent for me, I wene; what is your wyll ?
MAGN. Come hyther, Largesse; take here Felycyte.
two enemies, FAN. Why, wene you that I can kepe hym longe styll?
MAGN. To rule as ye lyst, lo, here is Lyberte.
LYB. I am here redy.
1409
1413
FAN.
What! shall we
Haue Welth at our gydynge to rule as we lyst?
Then fare well Thryfte, by Hym that crosse kyst!
1416
who are given FEL. I truste your grace wyll be agreabyll
That I shall suffer none impechment
free rein ;
1 C, rulede uen (misprint); Rox., Dyce, ruled euen.
2 Rox., plesure
III. xxii.]
MAGNYFYCENCE.
By theyr Demenaunce, nor loss repryuable.
MAGN. Syr, ye shall folowe myne Appetyte and Intent. 1420
FEL. So it be by Mesure, I am ryght well content.
FAN. What! all by Mesure, good Syr, and none excesse ?
LYB. Why, Welth hath made many a man braynlesse. 1423
FEL. That was by the menys of to moche Lyberte.
MAGN. What! can ye agree thus and appose?
FEL. Syr, as I say, there was no faute in me.
1426
LYB. Ye, of Jacke a Thrommys bybyll can ye make a glose.
FAN. Sore sayde, I tell you, and well to the purpose.
What sholde a man¹ do with you? loke you vnder kay²?
FEL. I say it is Foly to gyue all Welth away.
LYB. Whether sholde Welth be rulyd by Lyberte,
Or Lyberte by Welth? let se, tell me that.
FEL. Syr, as me semeth, ye sholde be rulyd by me.
1430
MAGN. What nede you with hym thus prate and chat? 1434
FAN. Shewe vs your mynde then, howe to do and what.
MAGN. I say that I wyll ye haue hym in gydynge.
LYB. Mayster Felycyte, let be your chydynge;
1437
45
and his re-
peated warn-
ings and
pleas are dis-
regarded and
mocked.
And so as ye se it wyll be no better,
Take it in worthe suche as ye fynde.
FAN. What the deuyll, man, your name shalbe the greter;
For Welth without Largesse is all out of kynde.
LYB. And Welth is nought worthe yf Lyberte be behynde.
MAGN. Nowe holde ye content, for there is none other
shyfte.
1441
FEL. Then Waste must be welcome, and fare well Thryfte!
MAGN. Take of his Substaunce a sure inuentory,
And get thou³ home togyther; for Lyberte shall byde
And wayte vpon me.
LYB.
And yet for a memory,
Make indentures howe ye and I shal gyde.
FAN. I can do nothynge but he stonde besyde.
1445 The two new
1448
LYB. Syr, we can do nothynge the one without the other.
MAGN. Well, get you hens than and sende me some other.
1 C, mau (misprint); Rox., Dyce, man. 2 C, bay; Dyce, kay.
3 Dyce (query in note), you? possibly due to a contraction in the MIS.
appointees
are anxious
to depart
with their
prize.
46
MAGNYFYCENCE.
[III. xxii, xxiii.
Magnificence FAN. Whom? Lusty Pleasure, or mery Consayte?
sends for
Courtly
Abusion.
MAGN. Nay, fyrst Lusty Pleasure is my desyre to haue;
And let the other another [time]¹ awayte;
Howe be it, that fonde felowe is a mery knaue.
1452
But loke that ye occupye the auctoryte that I you gaue. 1456
Here goeth out FELYOYTE, LYBERTE, and FANSY.
[STAGE III. SCENE 23.] MAGNYFYCENCE alone in the place.
MAGN.2 For nowe, Syrs, I am lyke as a prynce sholde be;
I haue Welth at Wyll, Largesse and Lyberte.
1458
Monologue of Fortune to her lawys can not abandune me;
He is at the
Magnificence.
height of his
ambition,
and above
Fortune's
perplexity.
But I shall of Fortune rule the reyne.
I fere nothynge Fortunes perplexyte.
All Honour to me must nedys stowpe and lene.
I synge of two partys without a mene.
1462
I haue wynde and wether ouer all to sayle;
No stormy rage agaynst me can peruayle.
1465
He is peer-
less: no
compared
with him,-
neither
Alexander,
Alexander, of Macedony kynge,
prince can be
That all the Oryent had in subieccyon,
Though al his conquestys were brought to rekenynge,
Myght seme ryght wel vnder my proteccyon.
1469
To rayne, for all his marcyall affeccyon;
For I am prynce perlesse, prouyd of porte,
Bathyd with blysse, embracyd with comforte.
1472
nor Cyrus,
Syrus, that soleme syar of Babylon,
Porsena,
nor Caesar,
That Israell releysyd of theyr captyuyte,
For al his pompe, for all his ryall trone,
He may not be comparyd vnto me.
I am the dyamounde dowtlesse of dygnyte.
Surely it is I that all may saue and spyll,
No man so hardy to worke agaynst my Wyll.
Porcenya, the prowde prouoste of Turky lande,
That ratyd the Romaynes and made them yll rest,
Nor Cesar July, that no man myght withstande,
1 C, Dyce, another; Dyce (query in note), another time?
2 C gives this speech to Fansy; Dyce, Magn.
1476
1479
III. xxiii.]
MAGNYFYCENCE.
47
Were neuer halfe so rychely as I am drest.
1483
No, that I assure you; loke who was the best :
I reyne in my robys, I rule as me lyst,
I dryue downe these¹ dastardys with a dynt of my fyste.
1487
Cato,
nor Darius,
Of Cato the counte, acountyd the cane,
Daryus, the doughty cheftayn of Perse,-
I set not by the prowdest of them a prane,
Ne by non other that any man can rehersse.
I folowe in Felycyte without reuersse;2
I drede no daunger; I dawnce all in delyte:
My name is Magnyfycence, man most of myght.
Hercules the herdy, with his stobburne clobbyd mase,
That made Cerberus to cache, the cur dogge of hell,
And Thesius, that³ prowde was Pluto to face,—
It wolde not become them with me for to mell;
For of all barones bolde I bere the bell;
Of all doughty I an doughtyest duke as I deme;
To me all prynces to lowte man beseme.4
Cherlemayne, that mantenyd the nobles of Fraunce,
Arthur of Albyan, for all his brymme berde,
Nor Basyan the bolde, for all his brybaunce,
Nor Alerycus, that rulyd the Gothyaunce by swerd,
Nor no man on molde, can make me aferd.
What man is so maysyd with me that dare mete,
I shall flappe hym as a fole to fall at my fete.
Galba, whom his galantys garde for agaspe,
Nor Nero, that nother set by God nor man,
Nor Vaspasyan, that bare in his nose a waspe,
Nor Hanyball, agayne Rome gates that ranne,
Nor yet Cypyo,5 that noble Cartage wanne,
1490
1493
Hercules,
nor Theseus,
1497
1500
Charlemagne,
Arthur,
Bassianus,
1504 nor Alaric,
1507
Galba,
Nero,
Vespasian,
1511 Hannibal,
Nor none so hardy of them with me that durste crake,
But I shall frounce them on the foretop and gar them to
quake.
1 C, thse (misprint); Dyce, these.
2 C, reuesse (misprint); Dyce, reuersse.
1514
3 C, the; Dyce, that.
* C, man be sene; Dyce (query in note) for the rime, beseme? Am.,
may beseme?
5 C, typyo; Dyce, Cypyo.
nor Scipio.
48
(Couplets.)
Courtly
Abusion
exhibits all
his fascina-
tions.
MAGNYFYCENCE.
[III. xxiv.
[STAGE III. SCENE 24.] Here cometh in COURTLY ABUSYON,
doynge reuerence and courtesy.
COU. AB. At your commaundement, Syr, wyth all dew
1515
reuerence.
MAGN. Welcom, Pleasure, to our Magnyfycence.
COU. AB. Plesyth it your grace to shewe what I do shall?
MAGN. Let vs here of your Pleasure, to passe the tyme withall.
COU. AB. Syr, then, with the fauour of your benynge suffer-
aunce,
To shewe you my mynde myselfe I wyll auaunce,
1520
If it lyke your grace to take it in degre.
MAGN. Yes, Syr; so good man in you I se,
And in your delynge so good assuraunce,
That we delyte gretly in your Dalyaunce.
1524
COU. AB. A, Syr, your grace me dothe extole and rayse;
And ferre beyond my merytys ye me commende and prayse:
Howe be it, I wolde be ryght gladde, I you assure,
1528
He charms
Magnificence
with his
polished
Language
and his
flattery.
Any thynge to do that myght be to your Pleasure.
MAGN. As I be saued, with Pleasure I am supprysyd
Of your langage, it is so well deuysed;
Pullyshyd and fresshe is your ornacy.
COU. AB. A, I wolde to God that I were halfe so crafty, 1532
Or in electe vtteraunce halfe so eloquent,
As that I myght your noble grace content!
MAGN. Truste me, with you I am hyghly pleasyd;
For in my fauour I haue you feffyd and seasyd.
1536
He is not lyuynge your maners can amend;
Mary, your speche is as pleasant as though it were pend,
To here your comon, it is my hygh comforte,
Poynt deuyse, all Pleasure is your porte.
1540
He urges
him to fall
in acquaint-
ance with
every new
fashion,
COU. AB. Syr, I am the better of your noble reporte;
But, of your Pacyence vnder the supporte,
1
If it wolde lyke you to here my pore mynde,¹-
MAGN. Speke, I beseche the; leue nothynge behynde. 1544
COU. AB. So as ye be a prynce of great myght,
It is semynge your Pleasure ye delyte,
And to aqueynte you with Carnall Delectacyon;
And to fall in aquayntaunce with euery newe facyon,
1 C, myude (misprint); Rox., Dyce mynde.
1548
III. xxiv.]
MAGNYFYCENCE.
And quyckely your appetytes to sharpe and adresse;
To fasten your Fansy vpon a fayre maystresse
That quyckly is enuyued with rudyes of the rose,
Inpurtured with fetures after your purpose,
The streynes of her vaynes as asure inde blewe,
Enbudded with beautye and colour fresshe of hewe,
As lyly whyte to loke vpon her leyre,¹
1552
1556
49
and especially
to take a
mistress.
Her eyen relucent as carbuncle so clere,
Her mouthe enbawmyd, dylectable, and mery,
Her lusty lyppes ruddy as the chery,-
Howe lyke you? Ye lacke, Syr, suche a lusty lasse.
MAGN. A, that were a baby to brace and to basse !
I wolde I had, by Hym that hell dyd harowe,
With me in kepynge suche a Phylyp Sparowe.
I wolde hauke whylest my hede dyd warke,
So I myght hobby for suche a lusty larke.
These wordes, in myne eyre they be so lustely spoken,
That on suche a female my flesshe wolde be wroken.
They towche me so thorowly and tykyll my Consayte,
That weryed I wolde be on suche a bayte.
A, Cockes armes ! where myght suche one be founde?
COU. AB. Wyll ye spende ony money?
MAGN.
1560 His glowing
description
kindles the
1564
1568
Ye, a thousande pounde.
COU. AB. Nay, nay; for lesse I waraunt you to be sped,
And brought home and layde in your bed.
1572
imagination
of the prince
who is inex-
perienced in
such matters.
MAGN. Wolde money, trowest thou, make suche one to Courtly Abu-
the call?
COU. AB. Money maketh marchauntes, I tell you, over all.
MAGN. Why, wyl a maystres be wonne for money and
for golde?
COU. AB. Why, was not for money Troy bothe bought and
solde ?
1576
sion airs his
cynicism:
every woman
has her price.
L
Full many a stronge cyte and towne hath ben wonne
By the meanes of money without ony gonne.
A maystres, I tell you, is but a small thynge;
A goodly rybon, or a golde rynge,
May wynne with a sawte the fortresse of the holde;
1580
But one thynge I warne you, prece forth and be bolde.
MAGN. Ye, but some be full koy and passynge harde harted.
1 C, heyre; Dyce, leyre.
MAGNYFYCENCE.
E
کا
50
MAGNYFYCENCE.
[III. xxiv.
COU. AB. But blessyd be our Lorde, they wyll be sone
1584
conuerted.
MAGN. Why, wyll they then be intreted, the most and the lest?
COU. AB. Ye, for omnis mulier meretrix si celari potest.
MAGN. A, I haue spyed ye can moche broken sorowe.
COU. AB. I coude holde you with suche talke hens tyll to
1588
Continuing
his counsel,
morowe;
But yf it lyke your grace more at large
Me to permyt my mynde to dyscharge,
I wolde yet shewe you further of my Consayte.
he confirms
Magnificence
in choosing
wilfulness
MAGN. Let se what ye say; shewe it strayte.
1592
COU. AB. Wysely let these wordes in your mynde be wayed:
By waywarde Wylfulnes let eche thynge be conuayed ;
What so euer ye do, folowe your owne Wyll;

1596
as his guide, Be it Reason or none, it shall not gretely skyll;
and forsaking
reason.
Be it ryght or wronge, by the aduyse of me,
Take your Pleasure and vse free Lyberte ;
And yf you se ony thynge agaynst your mynde,
Then some occacyon or¹ quarell ye must fynde,
1600
And frowne it and face it, as thoughe ye wolde fyght ;
Frete yourselfe for anger and for dyspyte,
Here no man what so euer they say,
But do as ye lyst and take your owne way.
1604
MAGN. Thy wordes and my mynde odly well accorde.
COU. AB. What sholde ye do elles? are not you a lorde?
How to treat
a man who
displeases
him.
--Let your Lust and Lykynge stande for a lawe.
Be wrastynge and wrythynge, and away drawe.
And ye se a man that with hym ye be not pleased,
And that your mynde can not well be eased,-
1608
As yf a man fortune to touche you on the quyke,—
Then feyne yourselfe dyseased, and make yourselfe seke.
To styre vp your stomake you must you forge,
Call for a candell2 and cast vp your gorge,
1612
With "Cockes armes ! rest shall I none haue
"Tyll I be reuenged on that horson knaue.
(6
1616
A, howe my stomake wambleth! I am all in a swete.
1 C, accacyon or; Dyce, occacyon of. Occacyon (see N.E.D.) is here
used to mean opportunity of attacking or of fault-finding."
((
2 C, Dyce, candell; Dyce (query in note), caudell? Gent. Mag. prefers
text; Dyce (in later note, II. 487) also decides to retain reading of text.
III. xxiv, xxv.]
MAGNYFYCENCE.
"Is there no horson that knaue that wyll bete?"
MAGN. By Cockes woundes, a wonder felowe thou arte.
For ofte tymes suche a wamblynge goth ouer my harte;
Yet I am not harte seke, but that me lyst.
For myrth I haue hym coryed, beten, and blyst,
51
1620 Magnificence
is an apt
scholar.
Hym that I loued not, and made hym to loute;
I am forthwith as hole as a troute.
1624
For suche Abusyon I vse nowe and than.
COU. AB. It is none Abusyon, Syr, in a noble man ;
It is a pryncely Pleasure and a lordly mynde.
Suche lustes at large may not be lefte behynde.
1628
[STAGE III. SCENE 25.] Here cometh in CLOKED COLUSYON
with MESURE.
CLO. COL. [aside to MEASURE] Stande styll here, and ye
shall se
That for your sake I wyll fall on my kne.
[MEASURE waits at the door.]
COU. AB. Syr, Sober Sadnesse cometh; wherfore it be?
MAGN. Stande vp, Syr; ye are welcom to me.
CLO. COL. Please it your grace at the contemplacyon
Of my pore instance and supplycacyon,
Cloaked Col-
lusion has
1632 pretended to
1636
Measure to
be his friend
and has pro-
mised to
intercede for
him;
Tenderly to consyder in your aduertence,-
Of our blessyd Lorde, Syr, at the reuerence,-
Remembre the good seruyce that Mesure hath you done,
And that ye wyll not cast hym away so sone.
MAGN. My frende, as touchynge to this your mocyon,
I may say to you I haue but small deuocyon;
1640
Howe be it, at your¹ instaunce I wyll the rather
Do as moche as for myne owne father.
CLO. COL. Nay, Syr; that affeccyon ought to be reserued,
For of your grace I haue it nought deserued ;
1644
But yf it lyke you that I myght rowne in your eyre,
To shewe you my mynde I wolde haue the lesse fere.
MAGN. Stande a lytell abacke, Syr, and let hym come hyder.
COU. AB. With a good wyll, Syr; God spede you bothe
togyder.
1648
CLO. COL. [aside to MAGNYFYCENCE] Syr, so it is: this man but he pro-
is here by,
1 C, your (misprint); Rox., Dyce, your.
ceeds to
betray him
by telling
52
Magnificence
"in his ear
that Measure
is unmeet
for him.
MAGNYFYCENCE.
That for hym to laboure he hath prayde me hartely;
Notwithstandynge¹ to you be it sayde,
To trust in me he is but dyssayued; 2
[III. xxv.
1652
For, so helpe me God, for you he is not mete;
(I speke the softlyer because he sholde not wete).
MAGN. Come hyder, Pleasure; you shall here myne entent.
Mesure, ye knowe wel, with hym I can not be content;
1656
And surely, as I am nowe aduysed,
I wyll haue hym rehayted and dyspysed.
Howe say ye, Syrs? herein what is best?
COU. AB. By myne aduyse, with you in fayth he shall not rest.
CLO. COL. Yet, Syr, reserued your better aduysement,
1661
It were better he spake with you or he wente,
That he knowe not but that I haue supplyed
All that I can his matter for to spede.
1664
He confesses
to Magnifi-
cence that he
is working
only to secure A byll of recorde for an annuall rente.
a bribe.
MAGN. Nowe by your trouthe, gaue he you not a brybe?
CLO. COL. Yes, with his hande I made hym to subscrybe
COU. AB. But for all that he is lyke to haue a glent.
CLO. COL. Ye, by my trouthe, I shall waraunt you for me,
And he go to the deuyll,³ (so that I may haue my fee,)
What care I?
1668
By the masse, well sayd.
Magnificence
admires his
cleverness,
and agrees to
further the
deception.
MAGN.
1672
COU. AB. What force ye, so that he be payde?
CLO. COL. But yet, lo, I wolde, or that he wente,
Lest that he thought that his money were euyll spente,
That ye5 wolde loke on hym, thoughe it were not longe.
MAGN. Well cannest thou helpe a preest to synge a songe.
CLO. COL. So it is all the maner nowe a dayes
1677
For to vse suche haftynge and crafty wayes.
COU. AB. He telleth you trouth, Syr, as I you ensure.
MAGN. Well, for thy sake the better I may endure
1680
That he come hyder, and to gyue hym a loke
That he shall lyke the worse all this woke.
CLO. COL. I care not howe sone he be refused,
So that I may craftely be excused.
1684
1 C, Notwithstanyynge (misprint); Dyce, Notwithstandynge.
2 Assonance-rime; see note to line 535.
3 C, deull (misprint); Dyce, deuyll.
4 C, he; Dyce, ye; but the speaker addresses MAGNYFYCENCE.
5
C, he; Dyce, ye.
• C, Tha the (misprint); Dyce, That he.
III. xxv.]
MAGNYFYCENCE.
COU. AB. Where is he?
CLO. COL.
Mary, I made hym abyde,
Whylest I came to you, a lytell here besyde.
MAGN. Well, call hym, and let vs here hym reason ;
And we wyll be comonynge in the mene season.
1688
COU. AB. This is a wyse man, Syr, where so euer ye hym had.
MAGN. An honest person, I tell you, and a sad.
COU. AB. He can full craftely this matter brynge aboute.
MAGN. Whylest I haue hym, I nede nothynge doute.
1692
Hic introducat COLUSION MESURE, MAGNYFYCENCE
aspectante¹ uultu elatissimo.
CLO. COL. By the masse, I haue done that I can,
And more than euer I dyd for ony man;
I trowe ye herde yourselfe what I sayd.
MEAS. Nay, indede, but I sawe howe ye prayed,
1696
And made instance for me be lykelyhod.
CLO. COL. Nay, I tell you, I am not wonte to fode
Them that dare put theyr truste in me;
And thereof ye shall a larger profe se.
1700
MEAS. Syr, God rewarde you as ye haue deserued;
But thynke you with Magnyfycence I shal be reserued?
CLO. COL. By my trouth, I can not tell you that;
But and I were as ye, I wolde not set a gnat
By Magnyfycence nor yet none of his ;
For
go when ye shall, of you shall he mysse.
MEAS. Syr, as ye say.
1704
CLO. COL.
Nay, come on with me.
Yet ones agayne I shall fall on my kne
1708
For your sake, what so euer befall;
I set not a flye and all go to all.
MEAS. The Holy Goost be with your grace.
CLO. COL. Syr, I beseche you let Pety haue some place 1712
In your brest towardes this gentylman.
MAGN. I was your good lorde tyll that ye beganne
So masterfully vpon you for to take
With my seruauntys,2 and suche maystryes gan make,
1716
That holly my mynde with you is myscontente;
1 C, aspectante (the final e very small, and inserted above the t; but not
aspectant, as Dyce implies); Rox., aspectant.
2 C, sernauntys (misprint); Rox., Dyce, seruauntys.
53
Cloaked Col-
lusion brings
Measure for-
ward,
now much
humbler in
spirit than
formerly.
With me no longer.
54
MAGNYFYCENCE.
[III. xxv, xxvi,
Wherfore I wyll that ye be resydent
Say somwhat nowe, let se,
Syr, yf I myght permytted be,
1720
But Magnifi-
cence will not
suffer him to
speak,
and dismisses
him insult-
ingly, his
departure
being hasten-
CLO. CLO.
For your selfe.¹
MEAS.
I wolde to you say a worde or twayne.
MAGN. What! woldest thou, lurden, with me brawle agayne?
Haue hym hens, I say, out of my syght!
That day I se hym I shall be worse all nyght.
1724
Here MESURE goth out of the place [with COURTLY ABUSYON.]
COU. AB. Hens, thou haynyarde! out of the dores fast!
[STAGE III. SCENE 26.]
ed by Courtly
Abusion.
Magnificence
shows his
displeasure
correctly,
MAGN. Alas! my stomake2 fareth as it wolde cast.
CLO. COL. Abyde, Syr, abyde; let me holde your hede.
MAGN. A bolle or a basyn, I say, for Goddes brede!
A, my hede! but is the horson gone?
1726
1728
in the new
fashion just
God gyue hym a myscheffe! Nay, nowe let me alone.
CLO. COL. A good dryfte, Syr; a praty fete;
learned from By the good Lorde, yet your temples bete.
Courtly
1732
Abusion.
Cloaked
Collusion
him
MAGN. Nay, so God me helpe, it was no grete vexacyon;
For I am panged ofte tymes of this same facyon.
compliments
and approves
the dismissal
of Measure,
CLO. COL. Cockes armes! howe Pleasure plucked hym forth!
MAGN. Ye, walke he must; it was no better worth.
CLO. COL. Syr, nowe me thynke your harte is well eased.
MAGN. Nowe Measure is gone, I am the better pleased.
CLO. COL. So to be ruled by Measure, it is a paynė.
MAGN. Mary, I wene he wolde not be glad to come agayne:
CLO. COL. So I wote not what he sholde do here.
Where mennes belyes is mesured, there is no chere;
For I here but fewe men that gyue ony prayse
• Vnto Measure, I say, nowe a days.
1736
1741
1744
MAGN. Measure? tut! what the deuyll of hell!
Scantly one with Measure that wyll dwell.
who is un-
fashionable
nowadays.
CLO. COL. Not amonge noble men, as the worlde gothe.
It is no wonder, therfore, thoughe ye be wrothe
1748
1 Dyce (query in note), for the rime, for your selfe, let se ?-unless for
your selfe was intended to form the commencement of the next verse; the
above text follows the latter suggestion.
2 Rox., stomacke.
III. xxvi.]
MAGNYFYCENCE.
With Mesure. Where as all Noblenes is, there I haue past:
They catche that catche may, kepe and holde fast,
Out of all Measure themselfe to enryche;
No force what thoughe his neyghbour dye in a dyche.
1752
With pollynge and pluckynge out of all Measure,
Thus must ye stuffe and store your treasure.
MAGN. Yet somtyme, parde, I must vse Largesse.
CLO. COL. Ye, mary, somtyme,—in a messe of vergesse, 1756
As in a tryfyll or in a thynge of nought,
As gyuynge a thynge that ye neuer bought.
It is the gyse nowe, I say, ouer all,—
55
Largesse in wordes,-for rewardes are but small;
To make fayre promyse, what are ye the worse?
Let me haue the rule of your purse.
MAGN. I haue taken it to Largesse and Lyberte.
CLO. COL. Than is it done as it sholde be;
But vse your Largesse by the aduyse of me,
1760
His advice is
that Magni-
ficence put
all his trust
1764 in two or
three favour-
ites.
And I shall waraunt you Welth and Lyberte.
MAGN. Say on; me thynke your reasons be profounde.
CLO. COL. Syr, of my counsayle this shall be the grounde:
To chose out ii., iii., of suche as you loue best,
And let all your Fansyes vpon them rest.
Spare for no cost to gyue them pounde and peny;
1769
Better to make iii. ryche than for to make many.
Gyue them more than ynoughe, and let them not lacke;
✓1772
And as for all other, let them trusse and packe.
Plucke from an hundred, and gyue it to thre;
Let neyther patent scape them nor fee;
And where soeuer you wyll fall to a rekenynge,
Those thre wyll be redy euen at your bekenynge;
For them¹ shall you haue at Lyberte to lowte.
1776
Let them haue all, and the other go without ;
1780
Thus Ioy without Mesure you shall haue.
MAGN. Thou sayst truthe, by the harte that God me gaue!
For as thou sayst, ryght so shall it be;
And here I make the vpon Lyberte
To be superuysour, and on Largesse also;
For as thou wylte, so shall the game go;
1 C, then; Dyce (query in note), them?
1784
Magnificence
is convinced,
and selects
him with
"Pleasure"
and "Sur-
voyance,"
to be super-
visers of
Liberty and
"Largess."
56
Cloaked Col-
lusion departs
MAGNYFYCENCE.
[III. xxvii, xxviii.
For in Pleasure and Surueyaunce and also in the,
I haue set my hole Felycyte,
And suche as you wyll shall lacke no promocyon.
CLO. COL. Syr, syth that in me ye haue suche deuocyon,
to take office. Commyttynge to me and to my felowes twayne
1788
Your Welthe and Felycyte, I trust we shall optayne
To do you seruyce after your Appetyte.
1792
MAGN. In faythe, and your seruyce ryght well shall I acquyte;
And therfore hye you hens, and take this ouersyght.
CLO. COL. Nowe Jesu preserue you, Syr, prynce most of
myght!
1796
Here goth CLOKED COLUSYON awaye, and leueth
MAGNYFYCENCE alone in the place.
[STAGE III. SCENE 27.]
Rime royal.) MAGN. Thus, I say, I am enuyronned with Solace;
Monologue:
Magnificence
is stuffed
with high
thoughts and
unaware of
the impend-
ing doom.
I drede no dyntes of fatall Desteny.
Well were that lady myght stande in my grace,
Me to enbrace and loue moost specyally;
1797
1800
A Lorde! so I wolde halse her hartely!
So I wolde clepe her! so I wolde kys her swete!
(Leash.)
Folly enters
to keep the
with his
[STAGE III. SCENE 28.] Here cometh in FOLY.
FOL. Mary, Cryst graunt ye catche no colde on your fete !
MAGN. Who is this?
FOL.
Consayte, Syr, your owne man.
1804
dupe amused MAGN. What tydynges with you, Syr? I befole thy brayne pan.
FOL. By our lakyn, Syr, I haue ben a howkyng¹ for the wylde
strings of
nonsense
rimes,
swan.
My hawke is rammysshe, and it happed that she ran,—
1807
Flewe I sholde say,-in to an olde barne
To reche at a rat,-I coude not her warne;
She pynched her pynyon, by God! and catched harme.
It was a ronner; nay, fole, I warant her blode warme.2
1811
MAGN. A, Syr, thy iarfawcon and thou be hanged togyder!
FOL. And, Syr, as I was comynge to you hyder,
1 Dyce, hawkyng.
2 barne warne: harme : warme, assonance for rime; see note to
line 728.
III. xxviii, xxix.]
MAGNYFYCENCE.
I saw a fox sucke on a kowes ydder;
And with a lyme rodde I toke them bothe togyder.
I trowe it be a frost, for the way is slydder;
Se, for God auowe, for colde as I chydder.
MAGN. Thy wordes hange togyder as fethers in the wynde.
FOL. A, Syr, tolde I not you howe¹ I dyd fynde
1814
1817
L
ㄴ​.
each more
57
meaningless
and extrava-
gant than
the last.
A knaue and a carle, and all of one kynde?
I sawe a wethercocke wagge with the wynde!
1821
Grete meruayle I had, and mused in my mynde.
The houndes ranne before, and the hare behynde.
I sawe a losell lede a lurden, and they were bothe blynde.
I sawe a sowter go to supper, or euer he had dynde.
1825
MAGN. By Cockes harte, thou arte a fyne mery knaue.
FOL. [aside] I make Göd auowe ye wyll none other men haue.2
MAGN. What sayst thou?
FOL.
Mary, I pray God your mastershyp to saue.
I shall gyue you a gaude of a goslynge that I gaue,
The gander and the gose bothe grasynge on one graue ;
Than Rowlande the reue ran, and I began to raue,
And with a brystell of a bore his berde dyd I shaue.
1829
1832
MAGN. If euer I herde syke another, God gyue me shame.
FOL. Sym Sadylgose was my syer, and Dawcocke my dame.
I coude, and I lyst, garre you laughe at a game:
Howe a wodcocke wrastled with a larke that was lame: 1836
The bytter sayd boldly that they were to blame;
The feldfare wolde haue fydled, and it wolde not frame;
The crane and the curlewe therat gan to grame;
The snyte snyueled in the snowte and smyled at the game. 1840
MAGN. Cockes bones! herde ye euer suche another?
FOL. Se, Syr, I beseche you, Largesse my brother.
(Couplets.)
1842
[STAGE III. SCENE 29.] Here FANSY cometh in.
MAGN. What tydynges with you, Syr, that you loke so sad?
FAN. When ye knowe that I knowe, ye wyll not be glad.
FOL. What, Brother Braynsyke! how farest thou?
MAGN. Ye, let be thy iapes, and tell me howe
1 Rox., not howe.
2 Rox., other haue; Dyce (query in note), other man haue?
1846
Fancy enters
with a
mournful
face,
58
and Folly
departs in
haste.
The truth
comes out:
"Sadness"
and his com-
panions,
The case requyreth.
FAN.
MAGNYFYCENCE.
[III. xxix, xxx,
Alasse, alasse, an heuy metynge!
I wolde tell you and yf I myght for wepynge.1
FOL. What! is all your Myrthe nowe tourned to Sorowe?
Fare well tyll sone, adue tyll to morowe.
Here goth FOLY Away.
[STAGE III. SCENE 30.]
MAGN. I pray the, Largesse, let be thy sobbynge.
1848
1851
whose true
names are
FAN. Alasse, Syr, ye are vndone with stelynge and robbynge!
now revealed, Ye sent vs a superuysour for to take hede;
Take hede of your selfe, for nowe ye haue nede.
have made
away with
their charge
Felicity.
All the decep-
tion practised
is now laid
bare;
MAGN. What! hath Sadnesse begyled me so?
FAN. Nay, madnesse hath begyled you and many mo; 1856
For Lyberte is gone, and also Felycyte.
MAGN. Gone? alasse, ye haue vndone me!
FAN. Nay, he that ye sent vs, Clokyd Colusyon,
And your payntyd Pleasure, Courtly Abusyon,
And your demenour with Counterfet Countenaunce,
And your Suruayour,2 Crafty Conueyaunce,
Or euer we were ware, brought vs in Aduersyte,
And had robbyd you quyte from all Felycyte.
1860
1864
MAGN. Why, is this the Largesse that I haue vsyd?
FAN. Nay, it was your Fondnesse that ye haue vsyd.
MAGN. And is this the credence that I gaue to the letter?
FAN. Why, coulde not your Wyt serue you no better? 1868
MAGN. Why, who wolde haue thought in you suche gyle!
FAN. What? yes, by the rode, Syr; it was I all this whyle
That you trustyd, and Fansy is my name;
and Fansy
also flees as
Adversity
enters.
And Foly, my broder, that made you moche game.
1872
Here cometh in ADUERSYTE.
MAGN. Alas, who³ is yonder, that grymly lokys?
FAN. Adewe, for I wyll not come in his clokys.
1874
[Exit FANSY.]
1 An assonance rime; see note to line 728. Or read gratynge?
2 C, superuysour; Dyce, suruayour, by comparison with lines 1398, 643,
1785, etc.
3 C, why; Dyce, who.
IV. xxxi.]
MAGNYFYCENCE.
[STAGE IV. OVERTHROW.
[SCENE 31.]
MAGN. Lorde! so my flesshe trymblyth nowe for drede! 1875 (Couplets.)
Here MAGNYFYCENCE is beten downe and spoylyd from
all his goodys and rayment.
ADUERSYTE. I am Aduersyte, that for thy mysdede
From God am sent to quyte the thy mede.
59
1
Monologue of
Adversity.
Vyle velyarde, thou must not nowe my dynt withstande;
Thou must not abyde the dynt of my hande.
Ly there, losell, for all thy pompe and pryde;
Thy Pleasure now with Payne and trouble shalbe tryde.
The Stroke of God, Aduersyte, I hyght;
I plucke¹ downe kynge, prynce, lorde, and knyght;
I rushe at them rughly and make them ly full lowe;
And in theyr moste truste I make them ouerthrowe.
Thys losyll2 was a lorde and lyuyd at his lust;
And nowe lyke a lurden he lyeth in the duste.
He knewe not hymselfe, his harte was so hye;
Nowe is there no man that wyll set by hym a flye.
He was wonte to boste, brage, and to brace;
Nowe dare he not for shame loke one in the face.
All worldly Welth for hym to lytell was;
Nowe hath he ryght nought, naked as an asse.
Somtyme without Measure he trusted in golde;
1880
Adversity
declares that
he is the
Stroke of
1884 God, sent to
1888
1892
humble the
proud,―
such men
as Magnifi.
cence once
was,-
And now without Measure he shal haue hunger and colde.
Lo, Syrs, thus I handell them all
That folowe theyr Fansyes in Foly to fall;
1896 and to punish
all who follow
their fancies
and fall into
folly.
Man or woman, of what estate they be,
I counsayle them beware of Aduersyte.
Of sorowfull seruauntes I haue many scores:
I vysyte them somtyme with blaynes and with sores;
With botches and carbuckyls in care I them knyt;
With the gowte I make them to grone where they syt;
Some I make lyppers and lazars full horse;
1900
Among his
punishments
are plagues
and diseases,
1904
And from that they loue best some I deuorse;
bereavement,
Some with the marmoll to halte I them make;
And some to cry out of the bone ake;
1 The two printed copies differ here: C, plucke; B. M., with Rox. and
Dyce, pluke. Compare notes to lines 633 and 2014.
2 Rox., losell.
60
MAGNYFYCENCE.
And some I vysyte with brennynge of fyre;
the penalties of some I wrynge of the necke lyke a wyre;
of the law,
war and
violence.
And some I make in a rope to totter and walter;
And some for to hange themselfe in an halter ;
[IV. xxxi.
1908
And some I vysyte with¹ batayle, warre, and murther,
And make eche man to sle other;
1912
To drowne or to sle themselfe with a knyfe,-
And all is for theyr vngracyous lyfe.
Sometimes
where there
Yet somtyme I stryke where is none offence,
is no offence, Bycause I wolde proue men of theyr pacyence.
he strikes to
prove men's
patience.
Parents are
often pun-
But nowe a dayes to stryke I haue grete cause,
Lydderyns so lytell set by Goddes² lawes.
Faders and moders that be neclygent,
ished in their And suffre theyr chyldren to haue theyr entent,
children,
1916
1920
To gyde them vertuously that wyll not remembre,
Them or theyr chyldren ofte tymes I dysmembre;
in their
parents.
and children Theyr chyldren, bycause that they haue no mekenesse,
I vysyte theyr faders and moders with sekenesse ;
And yf I se therby they wyll not amende,
1924
Then Myschefe sodaynly I them sende;
For there is nothynge that more dyspleaseth God
1928
Than from theyr chyldren to spare the rod
Of correccyon, but let them haue theyr Wyll.
Some I make lame, and some I do kyll,
And some³ I stryke with a franesy ;
1932
Of some of theyr chyldren I stryke out the eye;
And where the fader by Wysdom Worshyp hath wonne,
I sende ofte tymes a fole to his sonne.
Wherfore of Aduersyte loke ye be ware;
1936
For when I come, comyth Sorowe and Care;
Lords who do For I stryke lordys of realmes and landys
not rule by
measure
That rule not by Mesure that they haue in theyr handys,
That sadly rule not theyr howsholde men.
1940

are noted by
the record-
ing pen of
Adversity.
He appeals
to the audi-
I am Goddys Preposytour; I prynt them with a pen;
Because of theyr neglygence and of theyr wanton vagys,
I vysyte them and stryke them with many sore plagys.
To take, Syrs, example of that I you tell,
1944
1 C, vysyte to; Dyce (query in note) vysyte with, as in lines 1901, 1908;
Am., ynsyte to. 2 C, godddes (misprint); Rox., Dyce, goddes.
C, syme (misprint); Dyce, some.
IV. xxxi, xxxii.]
MAGNYFYCENCE.
And beware of Aduersyte by my counsell,
Take hede of this caytyfe that lyeth here on grounde;
Beholde howe Fortune on¹ hym hath frounde.
For though we shewe you this in game and play,
1948
Yet it proueth eyrnest, ye may se, euery day.
For nowe wyll I from this caytyfe go,
And take Myscheffe and vengeaunce of other mo
That hath deseruyd it as well as he.
1952
Howe, where art thou? come hether, Pouerte;
Take this caytyfe to thy lore.
[Exit ADUERSYTE.]
[STAGE IV. SCENE 32.] Here cometh in POUERTE.
POUERTE. A, my bonys ake! my lymmys be sore;
Allasse, I haue the cyatyca full euyll in my hyppe!
Allasse, where is youth that was wont for to skyppe?
I am lowsy and vnlykynge and full of scurffe ;
My colour is tawny, colouryd as a turffe.
н
fr 1897.
61
ence to take
heed by the
example of
Magnificence,
and then
hands the
wretched
caitiff over
to Poverty.
1955
Poverty
hobbles in,
diseased
I am Pouerte, that all men doth hate.
1960
I am baytyd with doggys at euery mannys gate;
I am raggyd and rent, as ye may se;
and ragged,
Full fewe but they haue enuy at me.
Nowe must I this carcasse lyft vp;
1964
He dynyd with Delyte, with Pouerte he must sup.
Ryse vp, Syr, and welcom vnto me.
Hic accedat ad leuandum MAGNYFYCENCE, et locabit
eum super locum stratum.
MAGN. Alasse, where is nowe my golde and fe?
Alasse, I say, where to am I brought?
Alasse, alasse, alasse! I dye for thought.
Pou. Syr, all this wolde haue bene thought on before;
He woteth not what Welth is that neuer was sore.
and lifts
Magnificence
upon a couch.
Magnificence
breaks into
1968 lamenta-
MAGN. Fy, fy, that euer I sholde be brought in this snare!
I wenyd ones neuer to haue knowen of Care.
1973
tions;
Pou. Lo, suche is this worlde! I fynde it wryt,
'In Welth to beware; and that is Wyt.
MAGN. In Welth to beware yf I had had grace,
1976
Neuer had I bene brought in this case.
Pou. Nowe, syth it wyll no nother be,
1 C, of; Dyce (query in note), on?
62
MAGNYFYCENCE.
[IV. xxxii.
All that God sendeth, take it in gre;
For thoughe you were somtyme a noble estate,
1980
Nowe must you lerne to begge at euery¹ mannes gate.
1
MAGN. Alasse that euer I sholde be so shamed!
Alasse that euer I Magnyfycence was named!
Alasse that euer I was so harde happed
1984
In Mysery and Wretchydnesse thus to be lapped!
Alasse that I coude not myselfe no better gyde!
1988
but Poverty
rebukes him
for his im-
pious repin-
ing against
the visitation
of God,
Alasse in my cradell that I had not dyde!
Pou. Ye, Syr, ye; leue all this rage,
And pray to God your sorowes to asswage.
It is Foly to grudge agaynst his vysytacyon.
With harte contryte make your supplycacyon
Vnto your Maker, that made bothe you and me;
And whan it pleaseth God, better may be.
1992
MAGN. Alasse! I wote not what I sholde pray.
Pou. Remembre² you better, Syr; beware what ye say,
For drede ye dysplease the hygh Deyte.
1996
Put your Wyll to His wyll, for surely it is He
That may restore you agayne to Felycyte,
And brynge you agayne out of Aduersyte.
Therefore Pouerte loke pacyently ye take,
2000
And remembre He suffered moche more for your sake;
Howe be it, of all synne He was innocent,
And ye haue deserued this punysshment.
MAGN. Alasse! with colde my lymmes shall be marde. 2004
Pou. Ye, Syr, nowe must ye lerne to lye harde,
That was wonte to lye on fetherbeddes of downe;
and tells him Nowe must your fete lye hyer than your crowne.
of the unac-
customed
experiences
Where you were wonte to haue cawdels for your hede,
he must now Nowe must you monche mamockes and lumpes of brede;
expect.
And where you had chaunges of ryche aray,
Nowe lap you in a couerlet, full fayne that you may;
2008
And where that ye were pomped with what that ye wolde, 2012
Nowe must ye suffre bothe hunger and colde.
With curteyns of sylke³ ye were wonte to be drawe;
1 C, enery (misprint); Rox., Dyce, euery.
2 C, Remmbre (misprint); Dyce, Remembre.
3 The two printed copies differ here: C, with curteyns of sylke; B. M.,
with Rox. and Dyce, with courtely sylkes. Compare notes to lines 633 and
1883.

[V. xxxii.]
MAGNYFYCENCE.
63
Nowe must ye lerne to lye on the strawe.
2016
Your skynne that was wrapped in shertes of Raynes-
Nowe must ye be storm ybeten¹ with showres and raynes.
Your hede that was wonte to be happed moost drowpy and
drowsy-
Now shal ye be scabbed, scuruy, and lowsy.
MAGN. Fye on this worlde full of Trechery!
That euer Noblenesse sholde lyue thus wretchydly!
Pou. Syr, remembre the tourne of Fortunes whele,
That wantonly can wynke, and wynche with her hele.
Nowe she wyll laughe; forthwith she wyll frowne;
Sodenly set vp and sodenly pluckyd downe;
She dawnsyth varyaunce with mutabylyte,
Nowe all in Welth, forthwith in Pouerte ;
In her promyse there is no sykernesse ;
All her Delyte is set in Doublenesse.
MAGN. Alas! of Fortune I may well complayne.
Pou. Ye, Syr, yesterday wyll not be callyd agayne.
But yet, Syr, nowe in this case
Take it mekely, and thanke God of his grace;
For nowe go I wyll begge for you some mete.
It is Foly agaynst God for to plete.
1
2020
2024
2028
He must re-
member the
wheel of Lady
Fortune,
2032 and thank
God for his
grace instead
of complain-
ing.
I wyll walke nowe with my beggers baggys,
And happe you the whyles with these homly raggys.
Discedendo dicat ista uerba.
A, howe my lymmys be lyther and lame!
Better it is to begge than to be hangyd with shame;
Yet many had leuer hangyd to be
2036
Then Poverty
limps away
to beg the
wretch a
2040 little meat.
Then to begge theyr mete for charyte.
They thynke it no shame to robbe and stele;
Yet were they better to begge, a great dele;
For by robbynge they rynne to in manus tuas quecke;
But beggynge is better medecyne for the necke.
Ye, mary, is it; ye, so mote I goo;
A Lorde God! howe the gowte wryngeth me by the too!
[Exit POUERTE.]
2044
1 C, stormy beten: Dyce (query in note), perhaps storm ybeten; Pollard
(text), storm ybeten.
2 C, Difidendo; Dyce, Discedendo.

64
MAGNYFYCENCE.
[IV. xxxiii, xxxi.
[STAGE IV. SCENE 33.] Here MAGNYFYCENCE dolorously maketh
his mone.
(Rime royal.) MAGN. O feble Fortune, O doulfull Destyny!
Monologue:
Magnificence
makes dolor.
ous moan,
O hatefull Happe, O carefull Cruelte!
O syghynge Sorowe, O thoughtfull Mysere!
O rydlesse Rewthe, O paynfull Pouerte!
O dolorous herte, O harde Aduersyte!
2048
2051
O odyous Dystresse, O dedly Payne and Woo!
For worldly Shame I wax bothe wanne and bloo.
2054
Where is nowe my Welth and my noble estate?
Where is nowe my treasure, my landes, and my rent?
Where is nowe all my seruauntys that I had here a late?
Where is nowe my golde vpon them that I spent?
Where is nowe all my ryche abylement?
2058
Where is nowe my kynne, my frendys, and my noble blood?
Where is nowe all my Pleasure and my worldly good? 2061
2063
(Couplet.)
(Fourteen-
line stanza,
rime coulée.)
Liberty
enters with a
ribald song,
Alasse my Foly! alasse my wanton Wyll!
I may no more speke tyll I haue wept my fyll.¹
[STAGE IV. SCENE 34. Enter LYBERTE.2]
LYB. With ye, mary, Syrs, thus sholde it be:
I kyst her swete, and she kyssyd me;
I daunsed the darlynge on my kne;
I garde her gaspe, I garde her gle,
With daunce on the le, the le !
2067
I bassed that baby with harte so free;
She is the bote of all my bale.
2070
A, so! that syghe was farre fet!
To loue that louesome I wyll not let ;
My harte is holly on her set;
I plucked her by the patlet;
2074
At my deuyse I with her met;
My Fansy fayrly on her I set;
So merely syngeth the nyghtyngale!
2077
¹ A superfluous final couplet to the stanza; cf. lines 2298, 9, and the
superfluous line, 251.
2 Com. this direction; supplied by Dyce.
IV. xxxiv.]
MAGNYFYCENCE.
In Lust¹ and Lykynge my name is Lyberte.
I am desyred with hyghest and lowest degre.
I lyue as me lyst, I lepe out at large;
Of erthely thynge I haue no care nor charge.
I am presydent of prynces; I prycke them with Pryde.2
What is he lyuynge that Lyberte wolde lacke?
A thousande pounde with Lyberte may holde no tacke.
At Lyberte a man may be bolde for to brake;
Welthe without Lyberte gothe all to wrake.
But yet, Syrs, hardely one thynge lerne of me :
I warne you beware of to moche Lyberte ;
For totum in toto is not worth an hawe,—
To hardy, or to moche, to free of the dawe,
To sober, to sad, to subtell, to wyse,
To mery, to mad, to gyglynge, to nyse,
To full of Fansyes, to lordly, to prowde,
(Couplets.)
65
and exults
over his own
2080 popularity
and import.
2084
ance:
but solilo-
quizes soberly
2088 on the ill
2092
effects of too
much liberty.
To homly, to holy, to lewde, and to lowde,
To flatterynge, to smatterynge, to to out of harre,
To claterynge, to chaterynge, to shorte, and to farre,
2096
To iettynge, to iaggynge, and to full of iapes,
To mockynge, to mowynge, to lyke a iackenapes,-
Thus totum in toto groweth vp, as ye may se,
By meanes of Madnesse and to moche Lyberte.
For I am a vertue yf I be well vsed,
And I am a vyce where I am abused.
L
2100
MAGN. A, Woo worthe the, Lyberte ! nowe thou sayst full Hailed by
trewe;
That I vsed the to moche sore may I rewe.
LYB. What! a very vengeaunce! I say, who is that?
What brothell, I say, is yonder bounde in a mat?
Magnificence,
he recognizes
him with
2104 difficulty,
MAGN. I am Magnyfycence, that somtyme thy mayster was.
LYB. What is the worlde thus come to pass?
Cockes armes, Syrs! wyll ye not se
Howe he is vndone by the meanes of me?
For yf Measure had ruled Lyberte as he began,
This lurden that here lyeth had ben a noble man.
2108
2112
and points
the obvious
moral.
But he abused so his free Lyberte,
1 Rox., luste.
2 Dyce (query in note), a line wanting to rime with this? But see note
to line 552.
MAGNYFYCENCE.
F
66
The differ-
ence between
MAGNYFYCENCE.
That nowe he hath loste all his Felycyte;
Not thorowe Largesse of lyberall expence,
liberality and But by the way of Fansy-Insolence.
For Lyberalyte is most conuenyent¹
present-day
capricious
prodigality.
A prynce to vse with all his hole intent,
Largely rewardynge them that haue deseruyd;
And so shall a noble man nobly be seruyd.
[IV. xxxiv.
2116
The misuse
of liberty
conducts
shortly to
mischief,
as appears
by examples
from every
class.
2120
But nowe adayes as huksters they hucke and they stycke,
And pynche at the payment of a poddynge prycke ;
A laudable Largesse, I tell you, for a lorde,
To prate for the patchynge of a pot sharde!
2124
Spare for the spence of a noble that his honour myght saue,
for
And spende C. s.2 for the pleasure of a knaue.
3
But so longe they rekyn with theyr reasons amysse
That they lose theyr Lyberte and all that there is.
2128
MAGN. Alasse that euer I occupyed suche Abusyon!
LYB. Ye, for nowe it hath brought the to confusyon;
For where I am occupyed and vsyd wylfully,
It can not contynew long prosperyously;
As euydently in retchlesse youth ye may se
Howe many come to Myschefe for to moche Lyberte ;
And some in the worlde, theyr brayne is so ydyll
That they set theyr chyldren to rynne on the brydyll,
In youth to be wanton, and let them haue theyr Wyll,——
And they neuer thryue in theyr age, it shall not gretly skyll.
Some fall to Foly them selfe for to spyll,
2132
2136
And some fall prechynge at the Toure Hyll;
4
2140
Some hath so moche Lyberte of one thynge and other,
That nother they set by father and mother;
Some haue so moche Lyberte that they fere no synne,
Tyll, as ye se many tymes, they shame all theyr kynne.
2144
I am so lusty to loke on, so freshe, and so fre,
That nonnes wyll leue theyr holynes and ryn after me;
Freers, with Foly I make them so fayne.
They cast vp theyr obedyence to cache me agayne;
2148
At Lyberte to wander and walke ouer all,
That lustely they lepe somtyme theyr cloyster wall.
1 Rox., conuenient.
2 C, C. s.; Dyce, c. s. Compare the use of the stroke in Johñ, line 605.
3 C, theyr; Dyce, they.
4 Dyce (note, II. 452), Am. (query in note), fall to prechynge?
IV. xxxv, xxxvi.]
MAGNYFYCENCE.
Hic aliquis buccat in cornu a retro post populum.
Yonder is a horson for me doth rechate;
Adewe, Syrs, for I thynke leyst that I come to late.
[Exit LYBERTE.]
[STAGE IV. SCENE 35.]
MAGN. O good Lorde, howe longe shall I indure
This Mysery, this carefull Wrechydnesse?
Of worldly Welthe, alasse! who can be sure?
In Fortunys frendshyppe there is no stedfastnesse;
She hath dyssayuyd me with her doublenesse.
For to be wyse all men may lerne of me,
In Welthe to beware of herde Aduersyte.
2152
2156
2159
[STAGE IV. SCENE 36.] Here cometh in CRAFTY CONUEYAUNCE
[and]¹ CLOKED COLUSYON, with a lusty laughter.
67
(Rime royal.)
Monologue:
Magnificence
again bewails
his lot.
(Couplets.)
Crafty Con-
veyance and
Cloaked
Collusion
make merry
CRA. CON. Ha, ha, ha! For laughter I am lyke to brast.
CLO. COL. Ha, ha, ha! For sporte I am lyke to spewe and cast.
CRA. CON. What has thou gotted, in faythe, to thy share?
CLO. COL. In faythe, of his cofers the bottoms are bare.
CRA. CON. As for his plate of syluer, and suche trasshe, 2164 villainy;
I waraunt you I haue gyuen it a lasshe.
CLO. COL. What! then he may drynke out of a stone cruyse.
CRA. CON. With ye, Syr, by Jesu, that slayne was with Jewes!
He may rynse a pycher, for his plate is to wed.
2168
CLO. COL. In faythe, and he may dreme on a daggeswane for
over their
successful
ony fether bed.
CRA. CON. By my trouthe, we2 haue ryfled hym metely well.
CLO. COL. Ye, but thanke me therof euery dele.
CRA. CON. Thanke the therof, in the deuyls date!
2172
to brawling,
CLO. COL. Leue thy pratynge, or els I shall lay the on the pate. but soon fall
CRA. CON. Nay, to wrangle, I warant the, it is but a stone
caste. *
CLO. COL. By the messe, I shall cleue thy heed to the waste.
CRA. CON. Ye, wylte thou clenly cleue³ me in the clyfte with
thy nose?
2 Rox., ye.
1 C, om. and; Dyce, and.
8 C, clene (misprint); Dyce, cleue.
and exchange
2176 compliments
unsavoury
and harmless
threats.
68
Counterfeit
Countenance
joins them,
MAGNYFYCENCE. [IV. xxxvi, xxxvii.
CLO. COL. I shall thrust in the my dagger-
CRA. CON.
Thorowe the legge in to the hose.
CLO. COL. Nay, horson, here is my gloue; take it vp and
thou dare.
CRA. CON. Torde! thou arte good to be a man of warre.
CLO. COL. I shall skelpe the on the skalpe; lo, seest thou
2180
that?
CRA. CON. What! wylte thou skelpe me? thou dare not loke
on a gnat.
CLO. COL. By Cockes bones, I shall blysse the and thou be to
bolde.
CRA. CON. Nay, then thou wylte dynge the deuyll and thou
be not holde.
2183
CLO. COL. But wottest thou, horson? I rede the to be wyse.
CRA. CON. Nowe I rede the beware; I haue warned the twyse.
CLO. COL. Why, wenest thou that I forbere the for thyne
owne sake?
CRA. CON. Peas, or I shall wrynge thy be in a brake.
CLO. COL. Holde thy hande, dawe, of thy dagger, and stynt
of thy dyn;
2188
Or I shal fawchyn thy flesshe and scrape the on the skyn.
CRA. CON. Ye, wylte thou, hangman¹? I say, thou cauell 2?
CLO. COL. Nay, thou rude rauener! rayne beten iauell!
CRA. CON. What! thou Colyn Cowarde, knowen and tryde!
CLO. COL. Nay, thou false harted dastarde! thou dare not
abyde.
2193
CRA. CON. And yf there were none to dysplease but thou and I,
Thou sholde not scape, horson, but thou sholde dye.
CLO COL. Nay, iche shall wrynge the, horson, on the wryst.
CRA. CON. Mary, I defye thy best and thy worst.
2197
[STAGE IV. SCENE 37. Enter COUNTERFET COUNTENAUNCE.³]
COU. Cou. What a very vengeaunce nede all these wordys?
Go together by the heddys, and gyue me your swordys.
CLO. COL. So he is the worste brawler that euer was borne.
CRA. CON. In fayth, so to suffer the, it is but a skorne. 2201
1 C, hagman (misprint); Dyce, hangman.
2 C, cauell (misprint); Dyce, cauell. Cf. line 721.
3 Com. this direction; supplied by Dyce.
4 Com.; supplied by Dyce.
IV. xxxvii.]
MAGNYFYCENCE.
Cou. Cou. Now let vs be all one, and let vs lyue in rest;
For we be, Syrs, but a fewe of the best.
2203
CLO. COL. By the masse, man, thou shall fynde me resonable.
CRA. CON. In faythe, and I wyll be to reason agreable.
Cou. Cou. Then truste I to God and the holy rode,
at first
attempting
to end the
fray;
Here shalbe not great sheddynge of blode.
CLO. COL. By our lakyn, Syr, not by my wyll.
2208
CRA. CON. By the fayth that I owe to God, and I wyll syt
styll.
Cou. Cou. Well sayd; but in fayth, what was your quarell?
CLO. CLO. Mary, Syr, this gentylman called me iauell.
CRA. CON. Nay, by Saynt Mary, it was ye called me knaue.
CLO. COL. Mary, so vngoodly langage you me gaue.
Cou. Cou. A shall we haue more of this maters yet?
Me thynke ye are not gretly acomberyd with wyt.
2213
CRA. CON. Goddys fote! I warant you I am a gentylman
borne ;
And thus to be facyd, I thynke it great skorne.
2216
Cou. Cou. I can not well tell of your dysposycyons:
69
And ye be a gentylman, ye haue knauys condycyons.
CLO. COL. By God, I tell you, I wyll not be out facyd. 2220
CRA. CON. By the masse, I warant the, I wyll not be bracyd.
Cou. Cou. Tushe, tushe! it is a great defaute;
The one of you is to proude, the other is to haute.
Tell me brefly where vpon ye began.
2224
CLO. COL. Mary, Syr, he sayd that he was the pratyer man
Then I was, in opynynge of lockys ;
And I tell you, I dysdayne moche of his mockys.
CRA. CON. Thou sawe neuer yet but I dyd my parte,
The locke of a caskyt to make to starte.
2228 but soon all
three are
hotly disput-
ing which is
Cou. Cou. Nay, I know well inough ye are bothe well handyd the cleverer
To grope a gardeuyaunce, though it be well bandyd.
CLO. COL. I am the better yet in a bowget.
CRA. CON.
And I the better in a male.
COU. Cou. Tushe! these maters that ye moue are but soppys
in ale;
ur trymynge and tramynge by me must be tangyd,
had I not bene, ye bothe had bene hangyd,
2233
ve with Magnyfycence goodys made cheuysaunce. 2236
And therfore our Lorde sende you a very wengaunce!
thief,

until Magnifi-
cence bursts
forth in
indignation.
70
When they
are convinced
that it is in-
deed he,
they gloat
over his
degradation,
and mock
him till they
are weary.
MAGNYFYCENCE.
[IV. xxxvii.
COU. Cou. What begger art thou, that thus doth banne and
wary?
2238
MAGN. Ye be the theuys, I say, away my goodys dyd cary.
CLO. COL. Cockys bonys! thou begger, what is thy name?
MAGN. Magnyfycence I was, whom ye haue brought to shame.
Cou. Cou. Ye, but trowe you, Syrs, that this is he?
CRA. CON. Go we nere and let vs se.
CLO. COL. By Cockys bonys, it is the same.
MAGN. Alasse, alasse, Syrs! ye are to blame.
I was your mayster, though ye thynke it skorne;
And nowe on me ye gaure and sporne.
2244
2248
Cou. Cou. Ly styll, ly styll nowe, with yll hayle!
CRA. CON. Ye, for thy langage can not the auayle.
CLO. COL. Abyde, Syr, abyde; I shall make hym to pysse.1
MAGN. Nowe gyue me somwhat, for God sake, I craue!
CRA. CON. In faythe, I gyue the four quarters of a knaue.
Cou. Cou. In faythe, and I bequethe hym the tothe ake.
CLO. COL. And I bequethe hym the bone ake.
CRA. CON. And I bequethe hym the gowte and the gyn.
CLO. COL. And I bequethe hym sorowe for his syn.
Cou. Cou. And I gyue hym Crystys curse,
With neuer a peny in his purse.
2256
CRA. CON. And I gyue hym the cowghe, the murre, and the
pose.
CLO. COL. Ye, for requiem eternam² groweth forth of his nose.
But nowe let vs make mery and good chere.
2261
Cou. Cou. And to the tauerne let vs drawe nere.
CRA. CON. And from thens to the halfe strete,
To get vs there some freshe mete.
2264
CLO. COL. Why, is there any store of rawe motton?
Cou. Cou. Ye, in faythe; or ellys thou arte to great a glotton.
CRA. CON. But they say it is a queysy mete;
2268
CLO. COL. In fay, man, some rybby's of the motton be so ranke
At last they
leave him for
the congenial It wyll stryke a man myscheuously in a hete.
delights of
the tavern
and the
"half street." That they wyll fyre one vngracyously in the flanke.
Cou. Cou. Ye, and when ye come out of the shoppe,
Ye shall be clappyd³ with a coloppe

1 Dyce (query in note), a line wanting to rime with this? But
to line 552.
2 Dyce, æternam.
3
C, clapppyd (misprint); Dyce,
25
IV. xxxviii, xxxix.]
MAGNYFYCENCE.
71
That wyll make you to halt and to hoppe.
CRA. CON. Som be wrestyd there that they thynke on it
forty¹ dayes,
For there be horys there at all assayes.
CLO. COL. For the passyon of God, let vs go thyther2! 2276
Et cum festinacione³ discedant a loco.
[STAGE IV. SCENE 38.]
MAGN. Alas, myn owne seruauntys to shew me such reproche !
Thus to rebuke me and haue me in dyspyght!
So shamfully to me, theyr mayster, to aproche,
That somtyme was a noble prynce of myght!
Alasse! to lyue longer I haue no delyght;
For to lyue in Mysery, it is herder than Dethe.
2280
I am wery of the worlde, for vnkyndnesse me sleeth. 2283
[STAGE IV. SCENE 39.] Hic intrat DYSPARE.
DYSPARE. Dyspare is my name, that Aduersyte dothe folowe ;4
In tyme of Dystresse I am redy at hande;
I make heuy hertys, with eyen full holowe.
Of faruent Charyte I quenche out the bronde ;
(Rime royal.)
Monologue:
Magnificence
once more
renews his
lamentation.
Despair
follows upon
Adversity.
2287
Faythe and Good Hope5 I make asyde to stonde.
In Goddys Mercy, I tell them, is but Foly to truste;
All Grace and Pyte I lay in the duste.
2290
What! lyest thou there lyngrynge, lewdly and lothsome?
It is to late nowe thy synnys to repent.
Thou hast bene so waywarde, so wranglyng, and so wrothsome,
And so fer thou arte behynde of thy rent,
2294
And so vngracyously thy dayes thou hast spent,
That thou arte not worthy to loke God in the face.
MAGN. Nay, nay, man, I loke neuer to haue parte of his
grace;
1 C, Dyce, froty (misprint ?).
2 Dyce (query in note), a line wanting to rime with this? But see note
to line 552.
3 Dyce, festinatione.
4 C, felowe; Dyce, folowe.
5 C, good hope separately, so always except in direction at line 2325;
Dyce, goodhope, and elsewhere consistently as one word.
The sins of
Magnificence
are too great
for mercy,
72
(Couplet.)
MAGNYFYCENCE.
For I haue so vngracyously my lyfe mysusyd,
Though I aske mercy, I must nedys be refusyd.¹
[IV. xxxix, xl.
2298
Drs. No, no; for thy synnys be so excedynge farre,
So innumerable, and so full of dyspyte,
And agayne thy Maker thou hast made suche warre,
That thou canst not haue neuer Mercy in his syght.
MAGN. Alasse my wyckydnesse! that may I wyte!
But nowe I se well there is no better rede,
But sygh, and sorowe, and wysshe my selfe dede.
2300
2303
2306
Drs. Ye, ryd thy selfe rather than this lyfe for to lede;
and Despair
recommends
suicide, for
the world is
weary of him.
The worlde waxyth wery of the; thou lyuest to longe.2 2308
(Couplets.)
[STAGE IV. SCENE 40.] Hic intrat MYSCHEFE.
MYSCHEFE. And I, Myschefe, am comyn at nede,
Out of thy lyfe the for to lede.
Mischief
brings a
knife and
halter,
And loke that it be not longe
Or that thy selfe thou go honge
With this halter good and stronge;
2312
Or ellys with this knyfe cut out a tonge
Of thy throte bole, and ryd the out of payne.
Thou arte not the fyrst hymselfe hath slayne.
2316
Lo, here is thy knyfe and a halter; and or we go ferther,
and repeats
Spare not thy selfe, but boldly the murder.
the advice of
Despair.
Dys. Ye, haue done at ones without delay.
MAGN. Shall I myself hange with an halter? Nay;
2320
Nay, rather wyll I chose to ryd me of this lyue
When Magni-
ficence is
preparing to
follow it,
Despair and
Mischief flee.
In styckynge my selfe with this fayre knyfe.
Here MAGNYFYCENCE wolde slee hymselfe with a knyfe.
Mrs.3 Alarum, alarum! to longe we abyde!
Drs. Out harowe! hyll burneth! where shall I me hyde? 2324
¹ A superfluous final couplet to the stanza; cf. lines 2062, 3, and the
superfluous line, 251.
Perhaps the beginning of a new stanza; cf. 2062, 3, and 2298, 9.
Has the passage been mutilated, as at 2461-2470 ?
3 C, Magn.; Dyce, Mys.
V. xli.]
MAGNYFYCENCE.
[STAGE V.
RESTORATION.]
73
[SCENE 41.] Hic intrat GOOD HOPE, fugientibus DYSPAYRE
and MYSCHEFE; repente GOOD HOPE surripiat illi gladium,¹
et dicat.
GOOD HOPE. Alas, dere sone! sore combred is thy mynde,
Thyselfe that thou wolde sloo agaynst Nature and Kynde.
MAGN. A, blessyd may ye be, Syr! what shall I you call?
G. H. Good Hope, Syr, my name is; remedy pryncy pall 2328
Agaynst all sautes 2 of your goostly foo.
Who knoweth me, hymselfe may neuer sloo.
MAGN. Alas, Syr! so I am lapped in Aduersyte
That Dyspayre well nyghe had myscheued me;
For had ye not the soner ben my refuge,
Of dampnacyon I had ben drawen in the luge.
G. H. Vndoubted ye had lost yourselfe eternally:
There is no man may synne more mortally
Than of Wanhope thrughe the vnhappy wayes,
By Myschefe to breuyate and shorten his dayes.
2332
(Couplets.)
Good Hope
is just in
time to
snatch away
the sword
and prevent
Magnificence
2336 from imperil-
ling his
soul's salva-
tion.
But, my good sonne, lerne from Dyspayre to flee;
Wynde you from Wanhope and aquaynte you with me.
A grete mysaduenture, thy Maker to dysplease,
Thyselfe myscheuynge to thyne endlesse dysease!
2340
2344
There was neuer so harde a storme of Mysery,
But thrughe Good Hope there may come remedy.
MAGN. Your wordes be more sweter than ony precyous narde,
They molefy so easely my harte that was so harde;
There is no bawme ne gumme of Arabe
More delectable than your langage to me.
G. H. Syr, your fesycyan is the Grace of God,
That you hath punysshed with his sharpe rod.
Good Hope, your potecary, assygned am I,
That Goddes Grace hath vexed you sharply
2348
No misery is
too great for
Good Hope
to remedy.
Good Hope is
a spiritual
2352 apothecary,
And payned you with a purgacyon of odyous Pouerte,
Myxed with bytter alowes of herde Aduersyte.
Nowe must I make you a lectuary softe,-
I to mynyster it, you to receyue it ofte,-
2356
With rubarbe of Repentaunce in you for to rest;
With drammes of Deuocyon your dyet must be drest,-
1 C, gladio; Dyce, gladium.
2 C, fautes; Dyce, sautes.
with many
potent
74
"ghostly
gums."
"All things
work
together for
good to them
that love
God."
MAGNYFYCENCE.
With gommes goostly of glad herte and mynde,
[V. xli, xlii.
To thanke God of his sonde; and Comforte ye shal fynde. 2360
Put fro you Presumpcyon and admyt Humylyte,
And hartely thanke God of your Aduersyte ;
And loue that Lorde that for your loue was dede,
Wounded from the fote to the crowne of the hede:
For who loueth God can ayle nothynge but good;
He may helpe you, He may mende your mode.
Prosperyte by¹ Hym is gyuen solacyusly to man;
Aduersyte to hym therwith nowe and than;
Helthe of body his besynesse to acheue;
2364
2368
Dysease and sekenesse his conscyence to dyscryue;
Afflyccyon and Trouble to proue his Pacyence;
Contradyccyon to proue his Sapyence;
2372
Magnificence
begins to
to repent.
Grace of assystence his Measure to declare;
Somtyme to fall, another tyme to beware:
And nowe ye haue had, Syr, a wonderous fall,
To lerne you hereafter for to beware withall.
Howe say you, Syr? can ye these wordys grope?
2376
MAGN. Ye, Syr, nowe am I armyd with Good Hope,
And sore I repent me of my Wylfulnesse;
I aske God Mercy of my Neglygesse,2
2380
Vnder Good Hope endurynge euer styll,
Me humbly commyttynge vnto Goddys wyll.
G. H. Then shall you be sone delyuered from Dystresse,
For nowe I se comynge to youwarde Redresse.
2384
Redress tests
his penitence,
[STAGE V. SCENE 42.] Hic intrat REDRESSE.
REDRESSE. Cryst be amonge you, and the Holy Goste!
G. H. He be your conducte, the Lorde of myghtys moste!
REDR. Syr, is your pacyent any thynge amendyd?
G. H. Ye, Syr, he is sory for that he hath offendyd.
REDR. How fele you your selfe, my frend? how is your
mynde?
2388
MAGN. A wrechyd man, Syr, to my Maker vnkynde.
REDR. Ye, but haue ye repentyd you with harte contryte?
MAGN. Syr, the Repentaunce I haue no man can wryte. 2392
1 C, to; Dyce (query in note) by? Compare the line beneath.
2 C, neglygence; Dyce (query in note) did Skelton write, for the rime,
neglygesse ?
V. xliii, xliv.]
MAGNYFYCENCE.
REDR. And haue ye banyshed from you all Dyspare?
MAGN. Ye, holly to Good Hope I haue made my repare.
G. H. Questyonlesse he doth me assure
In Good Hope alway for to indure.
REDR. Than stande vp, Syr, in Goddys name!
And I truste to ratyfye and amende your fame.
Good Hope, I pray you with harty affeccyon
1
To sende ouer to me Sad Cyrcumspeccyon.
G. H. Syr, your requeste shall not be delayed.
Et exiat.1
[STAGE V. SCENE 43.]
2396
and sends
over for
75
2400 Circumspec-
REDR. Now, surely, Magnyfycence, I am ryght well apayed
Of that I se you nowe in the state of grace.
Nowe shall ye be renewyd with Solace;
Take nowe vpon you this abylyment,
MAGNYFYCENCE accipiat indumentum.
2404
tion.
Meanwhile he
clothes Mag-
nificence
with a new
habiliment,
And to that I say gyue good aduysement.
MAGN. To your requeste I shall be confyrmable.
REDR.2 Fyrst, I saye, with mynde fyrme and stable
Determyne to amende all your Wanton Excesse;
And be ruled by me, whiche am called Redresse.
Redresse my name is, that lytell am I vsed
As the worlde requyreth, but rather I am refused.
Redresse sholde be at the rekenynge in euery accompte,
And specyally to redresse that were out of ioynte.
Full many thynges there be that lacketh Redresse,
2408
2412
The whiche were to longe nowe to expresse ;
2416
But Redresse is redlesse and may do no correccyon.
Nowe welcome, forsoth, Sad Cyrcumspeccyon.
and gives
him some
good advice.
[STAGE V. SCENE 44.] Here cometh in SAD CYRCUMSPECCYON,
sayenge,
SAD CYRCUMSPECCYON. Syr, after your message I hyed me hyder (Rime royal.)
streyght,
For to vnderstande your Pleasure and also your mynde. 2420
REDR. Syr, to accompte you the contynewe of my Consayte,
1 Dyce, exeat.
2 Com.; supplied by Dyce.
76
Circumspec-
tion asks the
occasion of
his fall.
MAGNYFYCENCE.
Is from Aduersyte Magnyfycence to vnbynde.
[V. xliv.
2422
CYRC. How fortuned you, Magnyfycence, so far to fal
It was due
to the long
absence of
Circumspec-
tion,
behynde?
MAGN. Syr, the longe absence of you, Sad Cyrcumspeccyon,
Caused me of Aduersyte to fall in subieccyon.
2425
REDR. All that he sayth of trouthe doth procede;
For where Sad Cyrcumspeccyon is longe out of the way,
Of Aduersyte it is to stande in drede.
2429
{
and to the
forged letter.
All is now
explained;
and Magnifi-
cence is
rebuked for
his hasty
credence,
CYRC. Without fayle, Syr, that is no nay :
Cyrcumspeccyon inhateth all rennynge astray.
But, Syr, by me to rule fyrst ye began.
MAGN. My Wylfulnesse, Syr, excuse I ne can.
CYRC. Then ye of Foly in tymes past you repent 2?
MAGN. Sothely to repent me I haue grete cause ;
Howe be it, from you I receyued a letter sent,3
Whiche conteyned in it a specyall clause
That I sholde vse Largesse.
CYRC.
2432
2436
Nay, Syr, there a pause.
REDR. Yet let vs se this matter thorowly ingrosed.
MAGN. Syr, this letter ye sent to me at Pountes was
enclosed.
2439
CYRC. Who brought you that letter? wote ye what he hyght?
MAGN. Largesse, Syr, by his credence was his name.
CYRC. This letter ye speke of neuer dyd I wryte.
REDR. To gyue so hasty credence ye were moche to blame.
MAGN. Truth it is, Syr; for after he wrought me moch shame,
And caused me also to vse to moche Lyberte,
And made also Mesure to be put fro me.
REDR. Then Welthe with you myght in no wyse abyde.
CYRC. A ha! Fansy and Foly met with you, I trowe.
REDR. It wolde be founde so yf it were well tryde.
2446
1 C, Cyrcumspeccyon; Dyce, Sad Cyr. C always omits the adjective,
as in the list of players, except in the direction above and the prefix to
line 2419.
2 C, Dyce, Then ye repent you of foly in tymes past; Gent. Mag.
(Dyce, II. 487), as above.
C, Dyce, om. sent; supplied by Gent. Mag. (Dyce, II. 487), to restore
the rime.
V. xliv, xlv.]
MAGNYFYCENCE.
MAGN. Surely my Welthe with them was ouerthrow.
CYRC. Remembre you, therfore, howe late ye were low.
REDR. Ye, and beware of vnhappy Abusyon.
2450
77
and warned
against all
such com-
panions for
CYRC. And kepe you from Counterfaytynge of Clokyd the future.
Colusyon.
;
MAGN. Syr, in Good Hope I am to amende.
2454
REDR. Vse not then your Countenaunce for to counterfet.
CYRC. And from Crafters and Hafters I you forfende.
[STAGE V. SCENE 45.] Hic intrat PERSEUERAUNCE.
MAGN. Well, Syr, after your counsell my mynde I wyll set.
REDR. What, Brother Perceueraunce! surely well met! 2458
CYRC. Ye com hether as well as can be thought.
PERSEUERAUNCE. I herde say that Aduersyte with Magny-
fycence had fought.
MAGN. Ye, Syr; with Aduersyte I haue bene vexyd;
But Good Hope and Redresse hath mendyd my estate,
And Sad Cyrcumspeccyon to me they haue annexyd.¹
*
*
*
*
*
*
2461 Perseverance
perfects Mag-
nificence's
change of
2463 heart,
REDR. What this man hath sayd, perceyue ye his sentence??
MAGN. Ye, Syr; from hym my corage shall neuer flyt.³
*
*
*
*
*
[probably in
a speech of
some length.]
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
2466
CYRC. Accordynge to treuth they be well deuysyd.
MAGN. Syrs, I am agreed to abyde your ordenaunce,-
Faythfull assuraunce with good peraduertaunce.
PERS. Yf you be so myndyd, we be ryght glad.
REDR. And ye shall haue more Worshyp then euer ye had.
1 C, amexyd (misprint); Dyce, annexyd.
2469
2 Dyce (query in note), some corruption? This line ought to rime with
the preceding line but one; Am. (query in note) consayte for sentence?
But sense as well as rime show that a number of lines have fallen out here,
probably a hortatory speech by PERSEUERAUNCE to balance those by GOOD
HOPE (2349-77) and REDRESSE (2408-18). C throws no light on the passage.
Cf. note to line 2308.
3 The end of this stanza and the beginning of the next seem to have been
lost. Cf. lines 1336 and 2495.
4 C, Faythfully; Dyce, Faythfull.
Magnificence
promises to
follow his
advice,
-74
снегавые
78
MAGNYFYCENCE.
[V. xlv.
and begs for
further
counsel from
each.
MAGN. Well, I perceyue in you there is moche Sadnesse,
Grauyte of Counsell, Prouydence, and Wyt;
Your comfortable Aduyse and Wyt excedyth all Gladnesse;
But frendly I wyll refrayne you ferther, or we flyt,
Whereto were most metely my corage to knyt;
Your myndys I beseche you here in to expresse,
Commensynge this processe at Mayster Redresse.
Redress bids
him to be
liberal but
not prodigal;
2474
2477
REDR. Syth vnto me formest this processe is erectyd,
Herein I wyll aforse me to shewe you my mynde :
Fyrst, from your Magnyfycence Syn must be abiectyd;
In all your warkys more Grace shall ye fynde;
Be gentyll, then, of corage, and lerne to be kynde;
For of Noblenesse the chefe poynt is to be lyberall,
So that your Largesse be not to prodygall.
2481
2484
Circumspec-
tion, to use
liberty with
measure, but
not way-
wardness;
Г
CYRC. Lyberte to a lorde belongyth of ryght,
But wylfull Waywardnesse muste walke out of the way;
Measure of your Lustys must haue the ouersyght,
And not all the nygarde nor the chyncherde to play: 2488
Let neuer Negarshyp your Noblenesse affray;
In your rewardys vse suche Moderacyon
That nothynge be gyuen without consyderacyon.
2491
and Persever- PERS. To the increse of your Honour then arme you with Ryght,
And fumously adresse you with Magnanymyte;
ance, to
remember
the shortness
of life and the And euer let the Drede of God be in your syght,
fickleness of
fortune.
•
And knowe your selfe mortal for all your Dygnyte ;1
*
*
*
*
*
*
Set not all your affyaunce in Fortune full of Gyle;
Remember this lyfe lastyth but a whyle.
2495
2497
Magnificence MAGN. Redresse, in my remembraunce your lesson shall rest;
And Sad Cyrcumspeccyon I marke in my mynde:
accepts their
instructions
with grati-
tude.
But, Perseueraunce, me semyth your probleme was best;
I shall it neuer forget nor leue it behynde,
2501
But hooly to Perseueraunce my selfe I wyll bynde,
Of that I haue mysdone to make a Redresse,
And with Sad Cyrcumspeccyon correcte my Vantonnesse.
1 A line has apparently fallen out at this point.
V. xlv.]
MAGNYFYCENCE.
REDR. Vnto this processe brefly compylyd,
Comprehendynge the worlde casuall and transytory,
Who lyst to consyder shall neuer be begylyd,
Yf it be regystryd well in memory;
A playne example of worldly vaynglory,
Howe in this worlde there is no Sekernesse,1
But fallyble Flatery enmyxyd with Bytternesse.
Nowe well, nowe wo, nowe hy, nowe lawe degre;
Nowe ryche, nowe pore, nowe hole, nowe in dysease;
Nowe Pleasure at large, nowe in captyuyte;
Nowe leue, nowe lothe, now please, nowe dysplease;
Now ebbe, now flowe, nowe increase, now dyscrease:
So in this worlde there is no Sykernesse,
But fallyble Flatery enmyxyd with Bytternesse.
CYRC. A myrrour incleryd is this interlude,
This lyfe inconstant for to beholde and se:
Sodenly auaunsyd, and sodenly subdude;
Sodenly Ryches, and sodenly Pouerte;
Sodenly Comfort, and sodenly Aduersyte;
Sodenly thus Fortune can bothe smyle and frowne,
Sodenly set vp, and sodenly cast downe.
Sodenly promotyd, and sodenly put backe;
Sodenly cherysshyd, and sodenly cast asyde;
L
79
2505 (Rime royal
with refrain.)
Epilogue:
the four
players turn
to the audi-
2508 ence to point.
2511
the moral.
The play is a
CC
""
process
compiled as
an example
of the in-
security of
2515 worldly
glory;
2518
an "inter-
lude" which
holds up the
mirror to
the sudden
humours of
2522 Fortune;
2525
Sodenly commendyd, and sodenly fynde a lacke;
Sodenly grauntyd, and sodenly denyed;
Sodenly hyd, and sodenly spyed:
2529
Sodenly thus Fortune can bothe smyle and frowne,
Sodenly set vp, and sodenly cast downe.
PERS. This treatyse, deuysyd to make you dysporte,
Shewyth nowe adayes howe the worlde comberyd is,
To the pythe of the mater who lyst to resorte:
To day it is well, to morowe it is all amysse;
To day in delyte, to morowe bare of blysse;
To day a lorde, to morowe ly in the duste:
Thus in this worlde there is no erthly truste.
1 C, sekenesse (misprint); Dyce, sekernesse.
2532
а
"treatise
devised to
show the
daily rever-
sals of
worldly pros-,
2536 perity;
2539
80
and a "mat-
ter" teaching
under pre-
tence of play
the transi-
toriness of
this world's
wealth.
MAGNYFYCENCE.
To day fayre wether, to morowe a stormy rage;
To day hote, to morowe outragyous colde;
To day a yoman, to morowe made of page;
To day in surety, to morowe bought and solde ;
To day maysterfest, to morowe he hath no holde;
To day a man, to morowe he lyeth in the duste:
Thus in this worlde there is no erthly truste.
[V. xlv.
MAGN. This mater we haue mouyd, you myrthys to make,
Precely purposyd vnder pretence of play,
Shewyth Wysdome to them that Wysdome can take:
Howe sodenly worldly Welth dothe dekay;
2543
2546
2550
How Wysdom thorowe Wantonnesse vanysshyth away ;
How none estate lyuynge of hymselfe can be sure,
For the Welthe of this worlde can not indure.
2553
Of the terestre Rechery¹ we fall in the flode,
Beten with stormys of many a frowarde blast,
Ensorbyd2 with the wawys sauage and wode;
Without our shyppe be sure, it is lykely to brast;
Yet of Magnyfycence oft made is the mast:
2557
Thus none estate lyuynge of hymselfe³ can be sure,
For the Welthe of this worlde can not indure.
2560
(Rime royal.) REDR. Nowe semyth vs syttynge that ye then resorte
A final stanza
tells the joy-
ous return to
the palace,
with the
promise of
enduring
felicity.
Home to your paleys with Ioy and Ryalte.
CYRC. Where euery thyng is ordenyd after your noble porte.
PERS. There to indeuer with all Felycyte.
MAGN. I am content, my frendys, that it so be.
2564
REDR. And ye that haue harde this dysporte and game,
Jhesus preserue you frome endlesse wo and shame. 2567
AMEN.
1 C, Dyce, terestre rechery; Dyce (query in note, II. 277), trechery,
as before in line 2020? But rechery for richery, i. e. riches? Cf. line
above.
2 C, Dyce, ensordyd; Dyce (query in note, II. 277) ensorbyd, i. e.
sucked in, swallowed? In N.E. D. ensordyd is cited only in this passage,
given wrongly as from Colin Clout.
8 C, Dyce, hym; Dyce (note, II. 277): "Must be an error of the press
for hymselfe; compare v. 2552."
81
NOTES.
(Such of Dyce's notes as seem of value are here reprinted, with his name
attached; and reference is made to the Introduction for all lines or passages
there discussed.)
C
"That this piece was composed subsequently to the year 1515, seems
evident from the mention made in one place [1. 280] of Kynge Lewes of
France' as an example of liberality [and as dead, 1. 282]; and this could only
mean Louis XII., who died in that year, as his immediate predecessor of that
name [who died in 1483] was the most niggardly of wretches." MS. note by
Ritson on a transcript of Magnyfycence. (Dyce.) Cf. intro. xxi-xxv.
p. 1. Title: intro. xix, xx. Names of the players: xxviii. Stage I: xxvi,
lxviii, clviii, clxvi. Scene I: lxvi. 11. 1-45: xvii. 11. 1-21: clxvi. I. 1–7:
lii. 11. 1-5 This cryptic passage seems to mean: "All things are effected or
brought to pass by the intelligence (cf. 1. 118),-all worldly conditions, both
high and low, are subject to its guidance. Amid the varying turns of fortune
wealth has its season. Wealth is a sure test of intelligence; for he is a fool
who quarrels with his own interests." The curious use of “
The curious use of "enuyronnyd"
suggests a half-personification of the "world," just as in the older
moralities Mundus might appear with Wealth on one side and Poverty on
the other. 1. i: intro. xxxvii. 1. 2: xxxii. 1.3 : xxxiii. 1. 4: xxxvii, lx.
1. 6, vryd. A favorite word with Skelton; Dyce cites the Replycacyon, 1. 95 ;
"Ye are unhappely vred," and 1. 403 :
'Agaynst these heretykes
Nowe of late abiured,
Most vnhappely vred";
The Doughty Duke of Albany, 1. 125 :
"() Scottes pariured,
Vnhappily vred";
Against the Scottes, l. 111, "Male vred was your fals entent"; and Colin
Clout, 1. 1003 :
"Wherefore he hath good vre
That can hymselfe assure
Howe fortune wyll endure."
p. 2. 1. 16: intro. xxxvi. 1. 17, made to the lure. A metaphor from
falconry: "Laure is that whereto Faulconers call their young Hawks, by casting
it up in the aire, being made of feathers and leather, in such wise that in the
motion it looks not unlike a fowl." Latham's Faulconry (Explan. of Words
of Art), 1658. (Dyce, note to Phyllyp Sparowe, 1. 1100, II. 147). For
similar metaphors cf. in the mew (1. 35), he hawketh for a butterflye (1.575),
out of owle flyght (1. 671), hobby for suche a lusty larke (1. 1564). 1. 18: intro.
xxxii, xxxvi. 1. 19 xxxiv, xxxvii. Scene 2: lxvii, lxviii. 1. 29: lxviii.
1. 38 xxxvii.
p. 3. 1. 44: intro. xxxvi. 1. 46: lx. 1. 47: xxxiv, xxxvi. 1. 68: xxxvi.
1. 69; xxxvi. 1. 75: xxxvi.
MAGNYFYCENCE.
G
82
Notes. Pages 4-12, lines 81-359.
p. 4. Scene 3: intro. lxvii, lxviii, lxxiii. 11. 81-91: lxi. 1. 85; xxxiv.
1. 94, arecte. So Skelton again, "Syth vnto me formest this processe is
erectyd" (1. 2478 of the present drama);
Arrectinge vnto your wyse examinacion
How all that I do is vnder refformation
"}
(Garlande of Laurell, 1. 410).
He has also, "Arectyng my syght towarde the zodyake" (Id. 1. 1); "My
supplycacyon to you I arrect" (Id. 1. 55). Arect in our early writers fre-
quently signifies 'impute,' a meaning foreign to the present passages; in the
two last cited, there can be no doubt that it is used in the sense of raise'; in
the others it seems to mean 'offer, refer.' (Dyce.) In all but one of these
five cases (the one in G. of L. 1. 1), we have rather the meaning given in the
N. E. D. under aret: "To commit a charge to, entrust, deliver (a false use of
Spenser's due to misunderstanding the obs. arrett to the charge of in 2 b ;
imitated by others)." The mistake of Spenser seems thus to have been made
earlier by Skelton. This aret or arect, usually with the sense of 'impute,
count', from Latin reputare, is to be distinguished from arrect from arrigere,
which occurs in G. of L. 1. 1.
p. 5. 1. 114: intro. xxxvi. 11. 114-120: lv. 1. 121: xxxiii. 1. 134:
xxix. 1. 137: All trebyllys and tenours be rulyd by a meyne.
"Intercentus,
a meane of a songe." Ortus Vocab. In the notes on Shakespeare, in Todd's
Johnson's Dict., etc., mean is wrongly explained-tenor: what the mean was,
depended entirely on the nature of the composition (Dyce).
Cf. also Wisdom, 11. 620–623 :
"Mynde. A tenowur to yow bothe I brynge;
Wndyrstondynge. And I a mene, for ony kynge;
Wyll. And, but a trebull I owt wrynge,
The "mean
the tenor from
"rules" them.
""
The deuell hym spede, that myrthe exyled! [Et cantent."
or middle voice prevents the treble from going too low, and
rising too high (to avoid crossing of the voices), and thus
Cf. 1. 1463.
p. 5. 1. 141: intro. xxxiii.
p. 6. 1. 147: intro. xxxiv. 1. 148: xxxiv, xxxvii. 1. 149: xxxiv, xxxvi.
Scene 4: 1xvii. 1. 166: xcvii. 1. 173: xcvii.
p. 7. 1. 188: intro. xxxvi. 1. 194:
xxxii. 1. 207: xxxvii. 11. 212, 213:
gentle mind,—in case, that is, of the
also."
xxxii, xcvii. 1. 197: xxxiii. 1. 204:
"Liberty in some cases becomes a
practice of Measure,—if I am present
p. 8. 1. 225: intro. xcvii. 1. 227: xxxii. 1. 232, a poppynge fole. "He
is a popte fool or a starke fole for the nones. Homo fatuitate monstrabilis "
(Hormanni Vulgari, sig. P iii, ed. 1530). Cf. "poppyng dawes" (Replycayon,
1. 39), "poppynge folysshe dawes" (Why Come Ye Nat to Court, 1. 261), and
(6
"And porisshly forthe popped
Your sysmaticate sawes" (Replycayon, 1. 121).
'Popping, blabbing, like a popinjay or parrot," Gloss. to Exmoor Scolding.
(Dyce.) English Dialect Society, no. 25 (1879), p. 146.
p. 9. Scene 6: intro. xcix. 1. 251 lxiv. 1. 265 xcvii. 1. 267: xxxii.
1. 269 lxxiv. 1. 270: xcvii. 1. 271: xl. 1. 273: xcvii.
p. 10. 11. 279-282: intro. xxi. 1. 279: xcvii. 1. 283: cxxii. 1. 288:
xlviii. 1. 289: xcix. 1. 295: Ix. 1. 298: xcix. 1. 301: xcix.
p. 11. 11. 308-15: intro. xxix. 1. 308: xxiv. Scene 7: lv, lxvii.
p. 12. 1. 341: intro. xxiv. 11. 346-367: xxiv.
xcix. 1. 357: xcviii. 1. 359, antetyme, i. e. text.
1. 347: xlvi. 1. 349:
So in the absurd story of
Notes. Pages 13-22, lines 365–681.
83
Skelton's preaching, Merie Tales (reprinted in Appendix to Account of his
Life and Writings), “I say, as I said before in my antethem, vos estis." Tale
vii. (Dyce).
p. 13. 1. 365: intro. xliv. 1. 370: xxxii. 11. 382-389: Iv. 1. 382: lx.
1. 383, state. Cf. Castle of Perseverance, 1. 3616 :
"Kyng, kayser, knyt, and kampyoun
All the statis of the werld."-(see intro. xcvii.)
1. 388 intro. xcvii. 1. 394: xlvii. 1. 395: xxvi. 1. 395, stage direction:
xliv.
p. 14. Stage II:
xciv. 1. 404 xcvii.
xlvii, lxxxii.
intro. xxvii, lxix, clviii, clxvii, clxxiii. Scene 8: lxvii,
11. 407-9: lxii, xciv. 1. 411: xl. 1. 417: lxxxi. 1. 423 :
p. 15. 11. 431 ff.: intro. lxxxi. 11. 452 ff. lxxxii.
p. 16. 1. 466: intro. lvi. 1. 474: lxxxii. 1. 478: xl. 1. 479: lxv. 11.
480-6: lxxxi, cxv.
Scene 9: lxvii, xcv.
p. 17.
11. 500-508: intro. xlvii, clxxiii. l. 512, for Cockys harte.
Magnificence is remarkably full of oaths and expletives, which are extra-
ordinarily variegated and sometimes picturesque. The partial list which
follows may be compared with a catalogue of the oaths in Lindsay's Three
Estates and in Gammer Gurton's Needle, given in Julian Sharman's A Cursory
History of Swearing (London, 1884), pp. 196-8. References for the less
common ones are to be found in the Glossarial Index. They may be classified
roughly as follows: a. by divine names, parts, or attributes: by God (15
times), a Lorde God, by the goode Lorde, by the God holy, by Cryst, by
Jesse, by Jesu that slayne was with Jewes, by Hym that cross kyst, by
Hym that hell did harowe; by Goddys or Cockys body (3), by Cockes
bones (7), by the harte of God, or Cockes harte (15), by Cockes armes (11),
by Goddes fote (2), Cockes woundes; Goddes cope, for Goddes brede, for the
passyon of God, by Goddes sacrament. b. by the saints: Mary (20), by our
lady, by our lakyn, by lakyn, by Saynt Mary, by Saynt Sym. c.by the devil:
what the deuyll (10), where the deuyll, what the deuyll of hell, what the
deuyll ayleth you, the deuylles torde, in the dyuyls date, the deuyll spede whyt,
as the deuyll wolde, to the deuyll I the betake. d. by miscellaneous objects:
by my syers soule, by the masse (13), by the rode, by the rode of Wodstocke
Parke, by the armes of Calys, for the armys of the dyce, by my trouthe, by
your soth, by my (or thy) faythe, by the faythe that I owe to God. e. asse-
verations and imprecations: so God me spede, so helpe me God, God gyue
me shame, I make God auowe, I gyue God auowe, for God auowe, for God
sake, to God and the holy rode; I pray God gyue you confusyon, God sende
the brayne, I befole thy face, I pray God let you neuer to thee, our Lorde
sende you a very wengeaunce. f. mere expletives: in faythe (24), in good
faythe, in fay, for surety, perde, torde (4), hem (3), tusshe (9), tushe l´a strawe
(2). 11. 516-23; intro. lvi. 1.520: xl. 1. 521: xcvii. 1. 523 : xlviii. 1. 525 :
xlii.
p. 18. 1. 532: intro. xcv. 1. 534: lxxx, xcv. 1. 535: lxv. 1. 552: lxv.
11. 557-9: lxiv.
p. 19. 1. 568: intro. cxxi, cxxiii. Scene 10: lxvii, xcv. 1. 583: xl, ci.
p. 20. 1. 607: intro. xlv, xlix. 1. 608: ci. 11. 624-8: lxv.
p. 21. 1. 633 intro. xvii. 11. 639-46: xlvii, clxxiii. 1. 650: ci. 1. 656:
cxxiii. 1. 660: xlvii.
p. 22. 1. 674: intro. xli. 1. 675: cxxi. 1. 681 xlii. Scene 11: 1, lxvii,
lxxxiv, xciv, cxv.
MAG.
G 2
84
Notes. Pages 23-28, lines 710-883.
p. 23. 1. 710: intro. lxxxiv. 1.715: xlvii. 1. 721: xiv.
p. 24. 11. 727, 8; intro. lxv. 1. 747: Rutty bully ioly rutterkyn heyda!
occurs in a song preserved in the Fairfax MS. which once belonged to Ralph
Thoresby, and is now among the Additional MS. in the British Museum (5465,
fol. 114):
"Hoyda joly rutterkyn hoyda
Lyke a rutterkyn hoyda.
Rutterkyn is com vnto oure towne
In a cloke withoute cote or gowne
Save a raggid hode to kouer his crowne
Like a rutter hoyda.
Rutterkyn can speke no englissh
His tonge rennyth all on buttyrd fyssh
Besmerde with grece abowte his disshe
Like a rutter hoyda.
Rutterkyn shall bryng you all good luk
A stoup of bere vp at a pluk
Till his brayne be as wise as a duk
Like a rutter hoyda.
•
""
Sir John Hawkins printed the above song (with the music) and tells us that
it "is supposed to be a satire on those drunken Flemings who came into
England with the princess Anne of Cleve, upon her marriage with king Henry
VIII.” (Hist. of Music, III. 2). But if it be the very song quoted in our text,
it must allude to "rutterkyns" of a considerably earlier period; and, as the
Fairfax MS. contains two other pieces which are certainly known to be from
Skelton's pen, there is a probability that this also was composed by him. . .
Compare the following passage of Medwall's Interlude of Nature [Il. 1077-9]:
"And whan he is in suche aray,
There goth a rutter, inen wyll say,
A ruttor, huf a galand." (Dyce, abridged.)
Scene 12 intro. xlv, lxvii, lxxxii, xcv. 1. 748 : Ixiv.
;
p. 25. 1. 755, a betell or a batowe or a buskyn lacyd. In Ortus Vocab.
(fol. ed. W. de Worde, n.d.), besides "Feritorium anglico a battynge staffe
a batyll dur or a betyll," we find "Porticulus anglice a lytell handstaff or a
betyll." For balowe I have proposed in a note below the text "batone"
(baton), a conjecture which is somewhat supported by the preceding word
but it seems more probable that the right reading is "botowe," i. c. boot, for
the work above cited has "Ocree. anglice botis or botwes [ed. 1514,
botowes]," and Prompt. Parv. (ed. 1499) gives "Botewe, Coturnus." (Dycc.)
Cf. N. E. D., botew; Way's ed., 1843, of the Prompt. Parv. has (p. 45):
"Botow, Coturnus, botula, crepita." With the line cf. Chaucer, Prol. 591, 2:
"Ful longe were his legges, and ful lone, Ylyk a staf, ther was no calf
ysene." I. 764: intro. xcvii. 1. 778: xlvii. Scene 13: lxvii, xcv, cxiv.
p. 26. 1. 809: intro. xcvii.
p. 27. 11. 825-34: intro. lxi, lxix. Scene 14: xlv, lxvii, lxviii, lxxxii,
lxxxiii, xciv, cxv. 1. 830: xciv.
p. 28. 1. 850: My sleue is wyde. Dyce cites the Ship of Fools and quotes
the long speech of Pride in Nature, 11. 748-787; 1. 748, which Brandl was
unable to make out, he gives as
"Behold the bonet vppon my hed."
11. 858-64: intro. xl. 1. 863: lxxxii. 1. 878: lxxxiii, cxx. 1. 883: xlvii.
Notes. Pages 29-34, lines 889-1057.
85
p. 29. 1.889: intro. lxxxii. 1. 906: lxxxiii. 1.910: xlvii, lxxxii. 1. 912 :
Stow, stow. Dyce compares with this passage Ware the Hanke, 1. 73, “ And
cryed, Stow, stow, stow," and quotes from Turberville's Booke of Falconrie,
etc. (p. 182, ed. 1611): "Make them come from it to your fist, eyther much
or little, with calling and chirping to them, saying: Towe, Towe, or Stowe,
Stowe, as Falconers vse." (Dyce, II. 207.) Scene 15: intro. lxvii, xcv.
p. 30. 1. 922: intro. ci. 1. 923: xlvi. 1. 926, an hawke of the toure.
So again our author in the Garlande of Laurell :
"Ientill as fawcoun
Or hawke of the towre" (1. 1006);
i. e., says Warton, “in the king's mews in the Tower" (Hist. of E. P. II. 355,
ed. 4to): and the following lines occur in a poem called Armony of Byrdes,
n.d. (attributed without authority to Skelton), reprinted entire in Typograph.
Antiq. IV. 380, ed. Dibdin:
"The Haukes dyd syng,
Their belles dyd ryng,
Thei said they came from the tower.
We hold with the kyng
And wyll for him syng
To God, day, nyght, and hower.” (p. 383.)
But I apprehend that by a hawke of the toure Skelton means a hawk that
towers aloft, takes a station high in the air, and thence swoops upon her prey.
Juliana Berners mentions certain hawks which "ben hawkes of the towre
(Book of St. Albans, sig. c.v.); and Turberville says: "She [the hobby] is of
the number of those Hawkes that are hie flying and towre Hawks" (Booke
of Falconrie, p. 53, ed. 1611). (Dyce.) Il. 933 f.: intro. xlvii, cÌxxiii.
II. 939-41 : lxv. 1. 952: cxxiii. 1. 953: lxxxiv.
(
p. 31. 1. 957: intro. xlvii. 1. 960: xlv, lxxxii. 1. 965: xlii. Scene 16:
1, lxii, lxvii, lxviii. 11. 968-71: lxix.
p. 32. 1. 993: intro. xciv. 1. 1006 ff. ci. 1. 1010: lx. 1. 1024: xl.
p. 33. 1. 1029: intro. cxviii. 1. 1031: xlv. Scene 17: lxvii. 1. 1044,
stage direction, crema. For Dyce's conjecture cremia Du Cange gives:
Cremium, a cremare: siccamentum lignorum vel frixorum in patella: et
etiam quod remanet in patella aridum de carnibus post pinguedinem lique-
factum, dicitur Cremium, unde Propheta, Ossa mea sicut Cremium aruerunt.
•
•
Sed et ipse Columella 12. 19: Levi primum igne, et tenuibus admodum
lignis, quae Cremia rustici appellant, fornacem incendemus. Gloss. Graec.
Lat.: opúyavov, Creinium...." Cf. intro. xlvi.-feriendo tabulas. Du Cange gives:
"Cf.intro.xlvi.-feriendo
"4. Tabula lignea, cujus percussione excitabantur Monachi, malleolo scilicet
tabulam tundente. Tabulam percutere ad licentiam loquendi ;" and also
"7. Tabula, Genus instrumenti musici, quod tenebat in manibus Cantor in
Ecclesia... Tabulae osseae, quas cantores tenent in manibus.” One of these
senses is probably to be assigned the word here, for the fool, as we have scen
(intro. xcix.), derived his costume and insignia in large measure from the
monastery. 1. 1047 intro. xlvi. 1. 1050: civ. 1. 1051: civ. 1. 1053: civ.
1, 1055 xlvi.
p. 34. 1. 1057, Mackemurre. A proper name, though not printed as such
in the old copy:
"The great Onele, and Makinurre also,
And al the lordes and kynges of Ireland."
(Hurdyng's Chronicle, fol. cxlix., ed. 1543.) (Dyce.)
86
Notes. Pages 34-45, lines 1059-1427.
1. 1059: intro. civ. 1. 1060 ff.: cii. 1. 1061: xli. l. 1069-79 : xxix, xlviii.
1. 1073 ff. xl. 1. 1084 ff.: cii. 1. 1092: xcviii.
p. 35.
1. 1103 ff.: intro. xlvi, ci. 1. 1124: civ.
p. 36.
1. 1144: intro. ci. 1. 1148: lxv. 11. 1155, 6: lxiii, lxviii.
((
•
p. 37. Scene 18: intro. lxvii, lxx, xcv. 1. 1161 xli. 1. 1162: xli, xcviii.
1. 1164: civ. 1. 1167: xcix. 1. 1171: xcviii. 1. 1177: In a cote thou can
play well the dyser. Dysoure. Bomolochus. Nugaculus," Prompt. Parv. ed.
1499:
"Dissar, a scoffar, saigefol," Palsgrave's Lesclar. de la Lang. Fr., 1530,
fol. xxix. Table of Subst. [ed. 1852, p. 214]. "He can play the desarde with a
contrefet face properly. Morionem scite representat," Hormanni Vulgaria,
sig. bb. iiii., ed. 1530. "One that were skylled in the crafte of dysours or
skoffyng fellows," Palsgrave's Acolastus, 1540, sig. II. ii. (Dyce.) Way's ed.
of the Prompt. Parv. (1843) has (p. 122): "Dysowre, that cannot be sad.
Holomochus (other MSS., bonilocus, or bomolochus) Aristoteles in ethicis,
nugaculus, nugax," and in a note cites Elyot as giving "Pantomimus, á.
dyssard which can fayne and counterfayte every mannes gesture. Sannio, a
dysarde in a play or disguysynge: also he which in countenaunce, gesture,
and maners is a fole.'" Nares (ed. Halliwell and Wright, 1859) gives under
Dizard, Dizzard, or Disard, "The dizard was properly the vice, or fool, in a
play; the jester," and cites from the Nomenclator: "Pantomimus, Senecae,
qui fracto corporis motu turpique gesticulatione quasvis actiones repraesentat,
ab omnifaria imitatione indito nomine. Tаvтoμíμos. A dizzard or common vice
παντομίμος.
or jester, counterfetting the gestures of any man, and moving his body as him
list.'" The word seems thus to have been especially appropriate as applied to
the vice-fool of our play. Cf. intro. xli, xlvi. 1. 1192: xli, xcviii.
p. 38. 1. 1206: intro. xl. 1. 1213: ci. 1. 1214: cvi.
p. 39. 11. 1238-62: intro. lxxxi, cxii, cxvii. 1. 1253: lxx.
p. 40. I. 1260: I made hym lese moche of theyr strength. In a number of
passages Magnificence has an apparent confusion of pronoun reference between
the singular and plural. Here, as also in l. 421-423, Il. 1364, 5, we have
evidently a survival of the old spelling "hym," "hymselfe," for the common
plural "hem" (although the latest date given for this form in the N. E. D. is
1380). In other cases, as 11. 1238-52, ll. 1261, 2, 11. 1267-76, 11. 1750-52, how-
ever, we do have an anacolouthon, partially justifiable by taking the "he" as
indefinite in force, as it is in 1. 1215. In 1. 1446, "get thou home togyther,"
we are perhaps to understand, "together with him." 11. 1264-76: intro.
cxvii. 1. 1271: xcvii. 1. 1277: lxx. 1. 1291: xl.
p. 41. 1. 1298: intro. civ. 11. 1306 ff.: xlvii, clxxiii. 1. 1310: xli.
11. 1315-18 : cxxiii. Scene 19: 1, lxvii, xciv.
p. 42. I. 1331: intro. xcix. 1. 1336: Ixiv. 1. 1354: lxxx.
p. 43. Stage III: intro. xxvii, lxx, lxxiv, clviii. Scene 20: clxix.
1. 1375 clxxiii. 1. 1395, had I wyst. Cf. Spenser, Mother Hubbard's Tale, 1. 893.
p. 44. Scene 21: intro. clxix. 1. 1401: xxxiii, xxxvii. 1. 1404: xlvii.
Scene 22: clxix.
p. 45. l. 1420: intro. xxxiv. 1. 1427, Jacke a Thrommys bybyll. Dyce
cites (II. 189), beside the present passage, Against Garnesche, 1. 204, “Good
Latyn for Jake a Thrum"; Colin Clout, 1. 284, "As wyse as Tom a Thrum"
(where the MS. has "Jacke athrum"); Garland of Laurel, 1. 209, “Iack a
Thrummis bybille"; and also "Burlesques," Wright and Halliwell's Reliquiae
Antiquae, I. 84: "And therto acordes too worthi prechers, Jacke a Throme
and Jone Brest-Bale; these men seyd in the bibull that an ill drynker is
unpossibull hevone for to wynne; for God luffus nodur hors nor mare, but
mere men that in the cuppe con stare. And them that all nyght wyll sytte
Notes. Pages 45-65, lines 1431-2112.
87
up and drynke, them forgyves he ther synne." 1. 1431, 2: intro. xxxvi.
1. 1445: xxxiii.
p. 46. 1. 1452: intro. xli, xlii. 1. 1455: xli. Scene 23: 1, lxvii, cxxxvi,
clxix. 1. 1457: For nowe, Syrs, I am lyke as a prynce sholde be.
This speech
of Magnyfycence is very much in the style of Herod in the old miracle-plays:
see, for instance, the Coventry Mysteries [pp. 161, 163, 183]. (Dyce.) Cf.
intro. xcvii. ll. 1466–1514: intro. lxxxviii, xcvii, cxvi. 1. 1471: lx, xcvii.
1. 1477: lx.
p. 47. 1. 1485: intro. xcvii. 1. 1503, Basyan the bolde. Basyan is, I
suppose, Antoninus Bassianus Caracalla (he is called "Basian" in Robert of
Gloucester's Chron., p. 76 sqq.). (Dyce.) 1. 1506: intro. Ix. 1. 1508, Galba,
whom his galantys garde for agaspe, i.e. (I suppose) Galba, whom his gallants
(soldiers) made to gasp,-they assassinated him; see gar in 1. 1514. (Dyce.)
1. 1510, Vaspasyan, that bare in his nose a waspe. This passage is ex-
plained by the following lines of a poem never printed, entitled The Sege of
Jerusalem:
"His fader Vaspasiane ferly bytydde;
A byke of waspes bredde in his nose,
Hyved vp in his hedde he hadde hem of thoght,
And Vaspasiane is called by cause of his waspes."
(MS. Cott. Calig. A. II. fol. 109.) (Dyce.)
p. 48. Scene 24: intro. lxvii, xcv, clxix. 1. 1516: xxxii. 1. 1521: xcvii.
1. 1525: lxxxii, cxxii. 1. 1531: cxxii. 1. 1545: xcvii. 1. 1547: lxxxi, cxv,
cxxii.
p. 50. 1. 1594: intro. xxxix. 1. 1606: xcvii. 1. 1607 : xxxix.
p. 51. 1. 1626: intro. xcvii. Scene 25: xli, lxvii, lxxxiv, xcv, cxv, cxviii,
clxix. 1. 1631: xlii. 1. 1633: xcvii.
p. 54. 1. 1725: intro. xliv. Scene 26: Ixvii, lxxxiv, xcv, cxvii.
p. 55. 11. 1768-96: intro. cxxii.
p. 56. 1. 1793: intro. xxxiv. Scene 27: 1xx. Scene 28: xli, lxvii, cii,
cxxii, clxix. 1. 1803: lxx.
p. 57. ll. 1814, 1823, 1832, 1836: intro. civ. 1. 1842: cxxv. Scene 29:
lxx. 11. 1843-2047: xx. 1. 1845: ci.
p. 58. Scene 30: intro. lxx, cxc. 11. 1855, 1860: xlii. 1. 1861: xli.
1. 1862 xlii. 1. 1866: xl. 1. 1868: xxxvii. 1. 1874: xxvi.
p. 59. Stage IV: intro. xxviii, lxx, lxxiv, lxxxv. clviii, clxix. Scene 31:
lxvii, lxxiv. 11. 1875-7: lxv. 1. 1875, stage direction: xlv. ll. 1876, 7:
xliii, clxxvii. 1.1882: xliii, lxxiv. 1.1883: xvii. 1. 1886: xcvii. ll. 1896 ff.:
lxxiv.
p. 60. 1. 1920: intro. lxxxvi. 1. 1941, preposytour, i. e. a scholar
appointed by the master to overlook the rest. "I am preposyter of my boke.
Duco classem," Hormanni, Vulgaria, sig. R viii., ed. 1530. (Dyce.) Cf. intro.
xliii.
p. 61. Scene 32: intro. lxvii. 1. 1962: xlv. 1. 1966, stage direction:
xlvii. II. 1978, 9: xliii.
p. 62. ll. 1991, 2 : intro. xliii. 1. 2014: xvii.
p. 63. 1. 2021: intro. xcvii.
p. 64. Scene 33: intro. lxvii. 11. 2048-54: lxv. 1.2060: xcvii. 1. 2062 :
1xiv. Scene 34: lxvii. 11. 2064-77: xxxiv, lxiii, lxvii.
p. 65. 1. 2078: intro. xxxix. 11. 2101, 2: xxix. 1. 2112: xcvii.
88
Notes. Pages 66-80, lines 2115–2567.
p. 66. 1. 2115: intro. xl. 1. 2116: xxxix. 1. 2117: xl. 1. 2123: xcvii.
p. 67. 1. 2150, stage direction: intro. 1. Scene 35: lxvii. Scene 36:
lxvii, xcv, cxiv, cxc. I. 2163: lxxiv. 1. 2187, wrynge thy be in a brake.
Professor Bright suggests that be is used here as a quibbling echo of the be
recurring in the preceding dialogue (" and thou be to bolde," "I rede the to be
wyse," "I rede the beware "), so that the line would mean, "I'll put thy 'be'
(i. e. thy injunction) on the rack."
p. 68. Scene 37: intro. xlviii, lxvii, lxxiv, lxxxv, xcv, cxiv, cxc. 11. 2198-
2364: xvii.
p. 69. 1. 2216: intro. cxiv.
p. 70. 11. 2251-8: intro. lvii. 1. 2263, the halfe strete. On the Bank-side,
Southwark, where the stews were: it is mentioned in the following curious
passage of Cocke Lorelles bote, n.d. (where the "wynde fro wynchester" alludes
to the temporary suppression of the Southwark stews at the intercession of the
Bishop of Winchester): [the lines quoted are on pp. 6, 7 of the ed. in Percy
Soc., ǹ. 6, 1843.] (Dyce.) Cf. intro. xlvii.
p. 71. Scene 38: intro. lxvii, lxxxv. 1. 2280: xcvii. Scene 39: lv, lxvii,
lxxxv, clxxi. 11. 2287-90: xxxviii. 1. 2291: lx.
p. 72. 1. 2279: intro. lxiv. 1.2307; lxiv. Scene 40: lv. 1. 2313: xlv.
1. 2317, 18: lxv. 11. 2323, 4: xliii, clxx. 1. 2324 : xxvi.
p. 73. Stage V: intro. xxviii, lxxi, clviii, clxx. Scene 41: lxvii. 1.
2324, stage direction: xliv. 1. 2337: xliii.
p. 74. 1. 2372: intro. xxxvii.
1. 2379 : xxxix. Scene 42 : lxvii.
p. 75. 1. 2401: intro. xlviii. Scene 43: lxvii. 1. 2404: xxxix. 1. 2405 :
xlv. 1. 2409; xxxix. 1. 2418: xxix. Scene 44: lxvii.
p. 76. 1. 2432: intro. xxxix. 1. 2439, Pountes. The repeated naming of
Pontoise (in 1. 343 and here) seems to hint at some particular connection with
the politics of the time; but what this is I have been unable to discover.
p. 77. 1. 2451: intro. lx. Scene 45: lxvi, lxvii. 11. 2461-70: lxiv.
p. 78. 1. 2483: intro. xl, lxxiii. 1. 2486: xxxix. 1. 2487: lxxiv.
1. 2490: xxxvi. 1. 2495: xxxii, lxiv. 1. 2504: xxxiv.
p. 79. 11. 2505-60: intro. lxiii, lxxxv, clxxii. 1. 2522: xxxiii.
p. 80. 1. 2558: intro. xxxii. 11. 2561-67: lxxi. 1. 2562: xlvii, xcvii.
1. 2567: cxxx.
89
a, prep. 626, in.
GLOSSARIAL INDEX.
a, prep. 1205, 1427, of.
a, pron. 746, he.
al interj. 1297, 1532, 1955, 2327, ah !
abandune, v. t. 1459, subject.
abiected, ppl. 2480, cast out.
abusion, n. passim, corrupt or shame-
ful practise (see intro. xlii).
abylement, abylyment, n. 2059, 2405,
habiliment.
accedat, Lat. vb., after 1966, let him
approach.
accompte, v. t. 2421, recount, relate.
acheue, v. t. 2369, accomplish, per-
form.
acomberyd, ppl. 2215, encumbered,
embarassed.
acquite, v. t. 1794, fulfil, perform
(1530, N. E. D. 2).
adinuicem, Lat. adv., before 494,
alternately.
adresse, v. t. 2493, dress, array.
aduertence, n. 42, 1334, 1635, atten-
tion, notice.
aduertysment, n. 196, precept, instruc-
tion.
aduysement, n. 2406, attention,
affeccyon, n. 1470, bent, inclination.
affray, v. t. 2489, daunt, disturb.
affyaunce, n. 2496, confidence.
aforse, v. refl. 2479, exert one's self, do
one's best.
agaspe, v. i. 1508, gasp (for life).
agayne, prep. 1511, against.
alarum interj. 2323.
Albyan, 1502, Albion, England.
Alerycus that rulyd the Gothyaunce
by swerd, 1504, Alaric.
Alexander of Macedony kynge, 1466.
all go to all, and, 1710, at bottom, in
truth (see N. E. D. all, 8 e).
alowde, ppl. 533, received.
alowes, bytter, 2354, bitter aloes.
ambulando, Lat. vb., before 573, am-
bling, stepping high? (cf. Du
Cange).
amense, n. 9, amends, amendment.
animat, Lat. vb., before 325,= hortari,
enjoin? (cf. Du Cange).
annexyd, ppl. 198, 2463, joined (of
persons).
Annot wolde be nyce, 477.
antetyme, n. 359, text.
Anwyke, 1122, Anwick (parish in
Lincolnshire?)
apayed, ppl. 2402, contented,
appetyte, n. 733, 1420, 1549, 1793,
will, inclination, desire (= liberty,
see intro. xxxiv).
appose, v. i. 1425, dispute, question.
Arabe, 2347, Araby.
arecte, v. t. 94, erectyd, ppl. 2478,
commit, offer, direct (see Note).
a retro post, after 2150, from behind.
armys of the dyce, 781, ?
Arthur of Albyan, 1502.
aspectante, Lat. vb., after 1692, behold-
ing.
assayes, at all, 428, 2275, for all pur-
poses; always.
Aungey, 1122, Angers or Anjou.
baby, n. 1560, 2069, darling, term of
endearment (this sense not given in
N. E. D.).
Babylon, 1473.
bandyd, ppl. 2231, bound.
banne, vb. 2238, curse.
barb, n. feathers under the beak of a
hawk; part of a nun's headdress.
barbyd, ppl. 288, wearing a ‘barb.'
bare in hande, 352, charge, accuse.
barretum?, Lat. n., after 748, pillei
genus, a kind of hat (see beretum).
basse, v. t. 1560, 2069, kiss.
Basyan the bolde, 1503, Antoninu
Bassianus Caracalla (see Note).
batone?, n. 755 (note), staff, club.
90
Glossarial Index.
batowe, n. 755, a short boot? (cf. | buskyn, n. 755, 853, boot or half-
N. E. D. botew.)
bayte, n.
n. 442,
temptation.
1568, allurement,
baytyd, ppl. 1961, worried.
be, prep. 1357, 1697, by.
be, wrynge thy, 2187,? (see Note).
becked, well, 928, well-beaked.
bende, n. 818, band.
beretum, Lat. n., after 748, birre-
tum, an ecclesiastical hat (Du
Cange).
betake, v. t. 401, consign, commend.
betell, n. 755, staff, club? (see Note).
betyme, adv. 1118, in good time,
seasonably.
blaynes, n. 1901, blain, swelling.
blerde, ppl. 354, blinded.
bloo, a. 2054, blue, livid.
blother, v. i. 1038, bluther, blubber.
blurre, n. 1180 ? (N. E. D. “ ?
blure,
i.e. blister, swelling; cf. also blur,
blow, blore").
blysse, v. t. 2182, blyst, ppl.
thrash, drub.
1622,
bonne, n. 991, good girl, pretty.
botches, n. 1902, boil, tumor.
botchment, n. 1114, an addition,
a
'make up.'
boot.
bussheth, v. 835, grow thick like a
bush.
575.
butterflye, a Frenche, 1051.
butterflye, hawketh for a,
buttes, n. 294, butt, target.
by, v. t. 10, buy, win.
by Cockys body! 682.
by Cockes bones! 2182, 2244.
by Cryst! 922.
by Goddys body! 399, 948.
by Goddes fote! 768.
by Goddes sacrament! 943.
by Hym that crosse kyst! 1416.
by Hym that hell dyd harowe! 1561.
by Jesse! 975.
by Jesu that slayne was with Jewes!
2167.
by lakyn! 338, 506.
by my syers soule! 1088.
by our lakyn! 2209.
by Saynt Mary! 821, 2212.
by Saynt Sym! 585.
by the God holy! 920.
by the harte of God! 1157.
by the rode of Wodstocke Parke!
1210.
bybyll, Folly's, 1221.
bote of my bale, 2070, remedy of bybyll, Jacke a Thrommys, 1427.
my ill.
botowe, see batowe.
bowget, n. 2232, bag, wallet.
brace, v. t. 1331, 1890, bracyd, ppl.
2221, bluster, domineer over.
brace, v. t. 1560, embrace.
brake, n. 2187, rack, instrument
torture.
bycause, prep. 213, in case of.
byll of recorde, 1677, promissory note.
bytter, n. 1837, bittern.
C. s., 2126, a hundred shillings.
cache, v. i. 1495, run away.
of call, make to the, 1573, attract, make
obedient to summons (metaphor
from falconry).
Calys, 675, Calais.
brast, v. i. 2160, 2557, burst.
brayne, bere a, 1405, be cautious.
breuyate, v. t. 2338, abbreviate.
broken, ppl. 1587, odd, disjointed?
brothell, n. 2106, wretch.
brybaunce, n. 1503, plundering? (not
in N. E.D.). Or for 'bobaunce'?
brybe, n. 1665, bribe, mod. sense
(1555, N. E. D. 2 b).
bryboury, brybery, n. 1227, 1354,
pilfering, plundering.
brydyll, rynne on the, 2136, run on
the bridle, run wild.
brymly, adv. 1246, fiercely.
brymme, a. 1502, fierce, furious.
buccat, Lat. vb., after 2150, blows?
budge furre, 1058, lamb's skin fur.
can, v. t. 555, 1067, 1144, 1587, know.
carbuckyls, n. 1902, carbuncle, tumor.
carefull, adj. 2154, full of care.
carle, n. 1820, churl.
carles, adj. 288, careless.
Cartage, 1512, Carthage.
cary, v. i. 683, manage.
cane, n. 1487, khan.
cankard, adj. 7578, ill-natured, spite-
ful.
cappe, n. 602, 1031, cope? (seems
rather hood than hat; cf. N.E.D.).
case, a foles, 1047, a fool's habit (cf.
intro. xlvi).
cast, vb. 1614, 1726, 2161, vomit.
1
Glossarial Index.
casuall, adj. 2506, precarious.
catell, n. 1136, live stock of any kind.
Cato the cane, 1487.
cauell, n. 2190, a low fellow.
cause, in some, 212, in some cases.
cawdels, n. 2008, caudle, posset.
cayser, n. 787, 1215, kaiser, emperor.
caytyfe, n. 1946, 50, 54, wretch.
Cerberus the cur dogge of hell, 1495.
Cesar July that no man myght with-
stande, 1482, Julius Caesar.
chace, fre, 1330, free scope.
chafer, n. 450, merchandise.
charge, n. 296, 2081, care, heed.
checke, n. 297, a bitter reproach.
checke, v. i. 1362, clash, quarrel.
checked, ppl. 952, given check as in
chess.
checke mate, to play with me, 307.
Cherlemayne that mantenyd the nobles
of Fraunce, 1501.
cheuysaunce, n. 2236, booty.
chydder, v. i. 1817, 'chitter,' shiver.
chyncherde, n. 2488, niggard, miser.
chysshe, 1118, a pet name?
clappyd, ppl. 2272, infected with clap
(1658 in N. E. D.; clap, n. 1587).
clepe, v. t. 1802, clip, embrace.
clokys, n. 1874, clutches.
clowtes, n. 1212, rags, clothes.
Cockes (Cockys) armes ! 573, 598, 782,
etc.
Cockes bones, Cockys bonys! 801,
961, 1091, etc.
Cockes (Cockys) harte! 596, 780, 808,
etc.
Cockes woundes! 572.
Cocke Wat, 1192.
cofer kay, 527, coffer key.
Cokermowthe is a good way hens,
1062, Cockermouth.
Coll wolde go clenly, 476.
coloppe, n. 2272, piece of ineat.
colusyon, n. passim, underhand schem-
ing (see intro. xlii).
colyca passyo, Lat. n. 291, for colica
passio, colic.
Colyn Cowarde, 2192.
come of, 102, come on, come along.
cominaunde, v. t. 316, commend (N.
E. D. 17); 318, command.
comon, n. 1539, discourse.
comonynge, v. i. 1688, conversing.
condycyons, n. 2219, manners, be-
havior.
91
condyssende, v. i. 39, assent (1548 in
N.E. D.).
consayte, n. 60, 191, 1591, 2421, con-
ception, idea (N. E. D. 1); 952,
favor, esteem (N. E. D. 5); 962,
1567, fancy, imagination (N. E. D.
7 b); 444, a trick, practise (N. E.
D. 8 b); 678, 1310, 1452, wit,
"gaiety of imagination" (N. E. D.
8 d; cf. intro. xli).
contemplacyon, n. 1633, request, peti-
tion.
contynewe, n. 2421, 'contenu,' contents.
conuenyent, adj. 173, 219, 2117, suit-
able.
conuersacyon, n. 170, sphere of ac-
quaintance, society (N. E. D. 5).
conuey, v. t. 1352 ff., conueyed, con-
uayed, ppl. 1336 ff., 1594, manage
with secrecy or craft.
conueyaunce, conuayaunce, n. passim,
cunning, underhand dealing (cf.
intro. xlii).
cope, n. 601, 605, 1116, hood, monk's
hood.
corage, n. 47, 2465, 75, 82, desire,
inclination, will (cf. intro. xxxiv).
cornu, Lat. n., after 2150, horn.
cornys, newe ale in, 772, ale as drawn
off the malt? (cf. N. E. D.).
coryed, ppl. 1622, 'curried,' drubbed.
cote, n. 1177, fool's coat or habit.
coughe me a dawe, 1061, a fole, 1065, to
make a fool of me? (probably coff,
buy; cf. N. E. D. cough and coff).
countenance, n. passim, bearing, de-
meanor (cf. intro. xli).
counter, n. 1172, an imitation coin.
counterfet, v. t. and ppl., passim, pre-
tend to be what one is not (cf.
intro. xli.).
course, n. 213, practise.
courtly, adj. passim, pertaining to the
court (cf. intro. xlii).
coynes, n. 446, coyness.
crafters, n. 2456, crafty persons (not
in N. E. D.).
crake, v. i. 775, 812, 875, 1513, boast,
brag.
craynge, ppl. after 911, crying.
credence, n. 2441, credentials.
crema, before 1044, ?
cremia? Lat. n., before 1044, dry or
burnt sticks (cf. intro. xlvi, and
Note).
92
Glossarial Index.
croppyd, ppl. 47, cut short, clipped.
cruyse, n. 2166, earthen pot.
cue, n. 36, half a farthing (cf. N. E. D. 2).
custrell, n. 485, groom of the stable,
base fellow.
cut it out of the brode clothe, 146,
carry it freely; cf. 'to cut the coat
according to the cloth.'
cuttys, n. 293, common or laboring
horse.
cyatyca, n. 1956, sciatica.
Cypyo that noble Cartage wanne,
1512, Scipio.
daggeswane, n. 2169, a coarse cover-
let.
dalyaunce, n. 1524, talk, converse.
dare, v. i. 1342, gaze fixedly as if
fascinated.
Daryus the doughty cheftayn of
Perse, 1488.
Dauncaster, 293, Doncaster.
Dawcocke my dame, 1834.
deambulat, Lat. vb., before 689, pro-
menades.
debarre, v. t. 60, exclude, contravene.
decke, v. t. 749, cover.
defaute, n. 823, fault.
degre, in, 1521, (for 'in gre') kindly.
dell, dele, n. 1276, 2171, part, bit.
delyaunce, n. 237, delay.
demenaunce, n. 1419, etc., demeanor
(cf. intro. xli).
deorsum et sursum, Lat. advs., before
573, up and down.
de que pays este vous, Fr. 748, de quel
pays êtes-vous? of what country are
you?
deuorse, v. t. 1905, divorce, separate.
deuyse, u. 2075, desire, pleasure.
discedant, Lat. vb., after 2276, let
them depart.
discedendo, after 2037, as he departs.
do, v. i. 619, act.
do away, v. i. 397, cease, stop (for 'do
way').
dogrell, adj. 408, doggerel.
donne, adj. 990, dun, dark.
donnysshe, adj. 1096, dunnish, dusky
(1551, N. E. D.).
doteryll, n. 1176, doterel, a sort of
plover; a dotard.
drammes of deuocyon, 2358.
draw, ppl. 2014, drawn over, covered.
drowpy, adj. 2018, drooping.
dryfte, n. 1731, scheme, device.
dyamounde of dygnyte, 1477.
dynt, n. 1486, 1798, 1878, stroke.
dyrysyon, n. 700, derision.
dyscrease, n. 2516, decrease.
dyscry, v. t. 1356, discover, betray.
dyscryue, v. t. 2370, examine, probe.
dyscryued, ppl. 535 (for descried),
discovered, betrayed.
dyser, n. 1177, a professional fool or
jester (see Note).
dysposycyons, n. 2218, situation,
estate.
dysseyned, dyssayued, dyssayuyd,
ppl. 25, 1652, 2157, deceived.
dyuyles date, in the! 944, 2172, ?
dyuylles torde, the 397, 1087.
effecte, n. 67, purport, essential, 'gist.'
elatissimo, uultu, after 1692, with most
lofty air.
elato aspectu, cum, before 573, with
lofty look.
electe, adj. 1533, elegant.
enbudded, ppl. 1554, covered as with
buds.
enbawmyd, ppl. 1557, endued with
balmy fragrance.
enclosed, ppl. 2439, put into its cover,
sent.
enferre, v. t. 59, bring forward, adduce.
Englande, Englonde, 715, 883, 1100.
ensorbyd, ppl. 2556, sucked in, swal-
lowed.
enuy, n. 1963, ill will.
enuyued, ppl. 1551, enlivened.
erectyd, ppl. 2478, see arecte.
estate, n. 2, 370, 736, 1980, 2552, 9,
person of estate, dignity (cf. intro.
xxxii).
est snaui snago, 1155,?
ete a flye, 503, be blinded, befooled
(cf. N. E. D. 1 f).
ete a gnat, 1193, be blinded, befooled.
ete sauce at the Taylers Hall, 1404, be
'saucy.'
exuat, Lat. vb., after 748, pull off.
faciendo multum, before 1044, per-
forming busily, playing pranks?
fallyble, adj. 2511, 2518, fallacious.
famine, Lat. n., before 494, famen,
speech (Du Cange).
fansy, n. passim, wilfulness, caprice,
fantasticalness (cf. intro. xxxix).
Glossarial Index.
93
farly, farle, adj. 924, 1161, strange, | freke, n. 657, 1161, man, fellow.
marvelous.
farly, adv. 1000, marvelously.
far to call agayne, 9, far to seek.
fat, n. 1320, vat, tub.
fauell, n. 727, flattery, duplicity.
fawchyn, v. t. 2189, cut with a fal-
chion.
fay, in, 2269, in faith.
Frenche, 1051.
frounce on the foretop, 1514, to 'curl
the hair of' (N. E. D. 2).
frubyssler, n. 1064, furbisher.
fugientibus, Lat. ppl., before 2325,
fleeing.
fumously, adv. 2493, furiously, zeal-
ously,
fayty bone geyte, Fr., 441, fait à bon furnysshe, v. t. 1391, provide for,
get or geste, elegant? (Dyce).
feble-fantastycall, adj. 1073.
fede forth a fole, 712, (for fode forth,
cf. N. E. D. sub fode) beguile a fool.
fee, fe, n. 1776, 1967, estate of inherit-
ance.
feffyd, ppl. 1536, enfeoffed, invested.
feldfare, n. 1838, fieldfare.
felicite, felycyte, n. passim, that which
causes happiness (cf. intro. xxxiii).
feriendo, Lat. vb., before 1044, beating.
festinacione, cum, after 2276, hastily.
fesycyan, n. 2349, physician.
fet, v. t. 64, fet, ppl. 455, 2071, fetch.
flappe, v. t. 1507, strike suddenly.
flery, vb. 738, 'fleer,' fawn upon.
flete, v. i. 254, float (N. E. D. 1);
1081, overflow, abound (N. E. D. 8).
flye, ete a, 503.
flye net, cachyd in a, 403.
flye, not worth a, 470.
flye, set not a, 1710, 1889.
flyt, v. i. 2465, 2474, remove, depart.
fode, v. t. 1698, beguile.
foly, n. passim, wickedness, evil; lack
of understanding (cf. intro. xl).
fon, n. 863, 1186, fool.
fonde, adj. 1099, 1455, foolish, silly.
fondnesse, n. 1866, foolishness.
fonne, adj. 877, foolish, silly.
fonnysshe, adj. 1046, foolish.
force, forse, v. i. 254, 1672, care.
force, n. 1752, importance, matter.
for Cockys harte ! 512.
forfende, v. t. 1115, 2456, avert, forbid.
forge, v. t. 1613, affect, pretend.
for Goddes brede! 1728.
formest, adj. 2478, foremost.
for the armys of the dyce! 781.
frame, v. i. 1838, succeed, 'go.'
franesy, n. 1932, frenzy.
Fraunce, 280, 878, 1501.
|
supply.
gadde, 1302, ? (Dyce, gadding?).
Galba whom his galantys garde for
agaspe, 1508 (see Note).
gan, vb. pret. 1716, did.
gar, garre, vb. 1514, 1835, garde, pret.
1508, 2067, make, cause.
gardeuyaunce, n. 2231, chest for
valuables (Fr. garde-viande).
garrulantes, Lat. vb., before 494, chat-
tering (= class. garrio, -ire; cf. Du
Cange).
gaude, n. 1829, jest, trick.
gaure, v. i. 2247, stare, gape.
geste, gest, n. 703, 1097, guest;
fellow, customer.'
gle, v. i. 2067, squint.
glede, n. 1048, kite.
glent, adj. 981, glowing, lustrous.
glent, n. 1668, slip, fall.
Goddes cope! 1116.
Goddys fote! 2216.
God haue mercy, 1314, thank you.
gommes goostly, 2359, spiritual reme-
dies.
gone, ppl. 537, undone, ruined.
gorge, cast vp your, 1614, vomit.
Gothyaunce, 1504, Gothic nation?
grame, v. i. 1839, fret.
gre, in, 1979, kindly.
C
greable, adj. 199, agreeing.
Grimbaldus, 1156, the dog Gryme'?
Gryme, 1119, 1120, 1152.
grope, v. t., gropyd, ppl. 291, grasp,
seize (N. E. D. 3); 2231, search,
rummage (N. E. D. 3 e); 2377, ap-
prehend mentally (N. E. D. 4); 600,
725, examine, probe (N. E. D. 4 c).
grote, n. 339, 384, 1194, 1207, groat,
coin worth 4 d.
gyglynge, v. i. 2092, giggling.
free of the dawe, 2090, fond of fooling? Gyl, 287, (Jack and) Gill.
(Dyce).
Freer Tucke, 357.
gyn, n. 2255, rack, engine of torture ?
(N. E. D. 5).
94
Glossarial Index.
gyse, n. 813, 846, etc., guise, fashion. | indentures, n. 1448, formal inventory.
haburdashe, n. 1280, small wares.
hafter, n. 257, 2456, sharper.
haftynge, n. 697, subtle dealing.
haftynge, adj. 1678, tricky.
halfe strete, 2263, the stews.
halse, v. t. 1801, embrace.
Hansy, a Flemynge hyght, 328, Hans.
Hanyball agayne Rome gates that
ranne, 1511.
happe, v. t. 2037, happed, ppl. 2018,
2331, cover, 'tuck up.
happed, ppl. 1984, fortuned, circum-
stanced.
hardely, herdely, adv. 151, 277, firmly
(N. E. D. 3); 1352, 2087, by all
means (N. E. D. 9).
harowe, out! 2324.
harre, out of, 913, 2095, out of joint.
hauke, v. t. 1563, hawk.
haute, hawte, adj. 824, 2223, haughty.
hawe, n. 2089, fruit of the hawthorn;
thing of no value.
hawk of the towre, 926 (see Note).
hawte, see haute.
hay interj. 303.
haynyarde, n. 1725, mean wretch,
niggard? (not in N. E. D., but cf.
hayne, heinsby).
Hercules the herdy with his stob-
burne clobbyd mase, 1494.
herdely, see hardely.
hele, n. 315, health.
heyre parent, 507, heir apparent.
hobby, v. i. 1564, to hawk with a
'hobby.'
hoby, n. 1342, ‘hobby,' a small falcon
flown at larks.
hoddypeke, n. 1162, fool, simpleton.
hofte, n. 749, head.
hokes, n. 1374, wights.
holde, v. t. 1194, bet, wager.
holde, n. 2544, refuge.
how, howel interj. 1300, 1347, 1953, ho!
hucke, v. i. 2121, haggle.
hugger mugger, adv. 387, secretly.
hyll, n. 2324, hell.
iche, pron. 2196, I.
impechment, n. 1418, detriment, dam-
age.
incleryd, ppl. 2519, 'encleared,' made
bright.
inde, n. 1553, indigo.
indeuer, v. i. 2564, endure.
in fay! 2269, in faith.
ingrosed, ppl. 2438, arranged, put into
shape.
inhateth, v. t. 2430, hate inwardly or
intensely? (N. E. D.).
in manus tuas, Lat. 2044, the text used
by repentant criminals at execution.
inpurtured, ppl. 1552, portrayed, de-
lineated? (N. E. D., sub emporture,
"meaning obscure").
interlude, 2519.
inwyt, adj. 1356, inward, secret?
ironice, Lat. adv. after 748, derisively.
Israell, 1474.
iwys, adv. 973, 1176, indeed, truly,
Jacke and Gyl, 287.
Jacke a Thrommys bybyll, 1427.
Jacke Hare, 758.
Jacke of the Vale, 258.
iaggynge, adj. 2097, slashing (of a
garment).
iangelynge, adj. 258, chattering.
iangelynge, n. 262, chattering.
iangle, v. i. 565, chatter, quarrel.
iarfawcon, n. 1812, gerfalcon.
iauell, n. 2191, 2211, a low fellow,
rascal.
Jenkyn Joly, 919.
iet it, vb. 465, 963, strut, swagger.
iet, the newe, 453, 877, the new style.
ietter, n. 796, swaggerer, 'spark.'
iettynge, adj. 2097, strutting, boast-
ful.
Jhesus, 2567.
| John a Bonam, 1205.
John de Gay, 961.
John Double-Cope, Syr, 605.
John, Syr, 1187.
iurde hayte, Fr.? 579, ?
Kent, 983.
kesteryll, n. 1175, kestrel, a small
hawk.
knackynge ernyst, 33, downright
earnest.
knokylbonyarde, n. 480, a clumsy
fellow.
koy, adj. 1247, disdainful; 1583, coy,
sly.
kynde, n. 132, 1441, 2326, nature.
lacke, n. 720, 2528, blame.
Glossarial Index.
95
lap, v. t. 2011, lapped, ppl. 1985, wrap; | lyther, lythers, n. 1267, 1269, bad men
involve.
large, n. 180, freedom.
large, adj. 295, unrestrained, gross.
largesse, n. passim, liberality (cf.
intro. xl).
lasshe, n. 2165, blow.
lazars, n. 1904, lepers.
le, on the, 2068, on the lea (fragment
of a song?).
lectuary, n. 2355, electuary.
lese, v. t. 1260, lose.
leuandum, ad, after 1966, to lift up.
leue, adj. 2515, dear, agreeable.
Lewes of Fraunce, Kynge, 280, Louis
XII.
leyre, n. 1555, face, complexion.
leysshe of ratches, n. 586, a leash, i. e.
three.
locabit, Lat. vb., after 1966, shall put.
locum, Lat. n., exeat locum, before 240,
discedant a loco, after 2276, leave
the stage?
locum stratum, after 1966, pavement?
or coverlet, couch (cf. 1. 2011)?
losell, losyll, n. 200, 1824, 1880, 1886,
a good-for-nothing.
loute, lowte, v. i. 1500, 1623, 1779,
bow, stoop.
luge, n. 2334, 'lodge,' prison.
lurden, lurdayne, n. 418, 1722, 1824,
1887, 2112, a vagabond, sluggard.
lure, made to the, 17, caught, brought
to hand (metaphor from falconry;
see Note).
lust, lustys, n. 1886, 2487, desire, in-
clination.
lustely, adv. 1565, 2150, heartily,
gladly.
lusty, adj. 965, 1452, before 2160,
merry, cheerful (N.E. D. 1 b; cf.
intro. xlii); 1558, 1559, 1564, 2145,
pleasing, beautiful (N. E. D. 2 a);
760, handsome in dress (N. E. D. 2b).
lyberte, n. passim, faculty or power to
do as one likes (cf. intro. xxxiv).
lydderyns, n. 1919, rascal.
lyft, v. t. 1357, steal.
|
(N. E. D. 1 b).
lytherly, adv. 723, wickedly.
Macedony, 1466.
Mackemurre, 1057 (see Note).
maddynge, n. 285, mad behavior.
made mekyll of, 430, made much of.
made of, 172, used.
made of page, 2542, made page of.
made to the lure, 17, see lure.
magnyfycence, n. passim, princely
munificence or bounty; glory or
greatness of name (cf. intro. xxxii).
malarde, n. 927, mallard, wild drake.
male, n. 2232, bag, wallet.
malypert, adj. 1362, impudent, 'saucy.'
mamockes, n. 2009, scraps, shreds.
man, vb. 1500, must.
mande, ppl. 436, provided with fol-
lowers, manned.
Marche hare, mery as a, 922 (1529 in
N. E. D.).
mare, away the! 1326.
Margery Mylke Ducke, 457.
marmoll, n. 1906, ulcer, sore.
marmosete, mermoset, n. 457, 1133,
marmoset, monkey (term of endear-
ment).
maskyd, masked, ppl. 30, 458, meshed,
enmeshed.
masshe fat, 1320, mashing-vat for malt.
mastryes, maystryes, n. 1191, 1716,
feat, trick; it is no maystery, 150,
it is no great achievement.
mater, n. 2547, production, play.
mayntayne, pret. mantenyd, v. t. 1501,
keep, rule (N. E. D. 6); 157, uphold,
support (N. E. D. 12).
maysterfest, adj. 2544, bound to a
master.
mell, v. i. 1497, meddle.
memory, n. 1447, record, memorial.
mermoset, see marmosete.
mese, n. 997, group, set.
metely, adv. 2170, passably, moder-
ately.
metely, adj. 2475, fitting, proper.
lykelyhod, be, 1697, probably, as it mew, in the, 35, in the hawk's coop,
appeared.
lyme rodde, 1815, lime twig.
lyppers, n. 1904, lepers.
lyste, n. 1201, band, stripe.
lyther, adj. 200, 1232, wicked (N. E. D.
1); 2038, withered (N. E. D. 2).
in confineinent.
meyne, mene, n. 137, 1463, an inter-
mediate part in a musical composi-
tion, intercentus (see Note).
moght, a Spaynysshe, n. 1201, moth.
molde, n. 1505, earth.
96
Glossarial Index.
mone, fer beyonde the, 224.
motton, n. 2265, prostitutes.
mouyd, ppl. 2547, performed.
murre, n. 2259," a violent cold, similar
to the pose, but more characterized
by hoarseness" (Nares).
muster, v. i. 736, whisper? (Prompt.
Parv.).
myschefe, myscheffe, 1730, 2309,2338,
injury, destruction (cf. intro. xliii).
myscheuynge, v. t. 2342, myscheued,
ppl. 2332, destroy, hurt.
narde, n. 2345, nard.
negarde, nygarde, n. 388, 2488, nig-
gard.
negarshyp, n. 2489, niggardliness.
neglygesse,? n. 2380 (for neglygence).
Nero that nother set by God nor man,
1509.
no nother, 1978, none other.
noppe, n. 448, nap.
nother, conj. 188, 759, 1509, 2142,
neither.
nyce, nyse, adj. 2092, foolish (opposed
to wyse,' line above; N. E. D. 1);
459, extravagant, flaunting in dress
(N. E. D. 2 c); 477, coy, affectedly
modest (N. E. D. 5).
nyfyls, n. 1143, trifles.
nygarde, see negarde.
nyse, see nyce.
nysot, n. 1229, lazy jade? (Dyce);
evidently from "nyse."
nysyte, n. 478, coyness, affected
modesty.
occacyon, n. 1600, occasion of attack-
ing or fault-finding, a 'handle.'
occupy, occupye, v. t. occupyed, ppl.
428, 705, employ, engage (of a per-
son, N. E. D. 4); 425, 472, 1456,2129,
2131, use (of a thing, N. E.D. 5).
odly, adv. 533, 1605, singularly, re-
markably.
or, conj. 339, 2474, etc., ere, before.
Oracius in his volumys olde, 114,
Horace.
ordenaunce, ordynaunce, n. 234, plan,
arrangement (N.E.D. 3); 181, 2467,
decree (N. E. D. 9).
order whyle, 689, dispose of time?
ornacy, n. 1531, ornateness.
Oryent, 1467.
other, conj. 93, either.
ouer all, 20, 1464, 1574, 1759, every-
where, in every direction.
ouerwharte, adj. 562, 'overthwart,'
testy, 'cross.'
owle flyght, out of, 671.
packe, v. i. 1774, take one's self off,
'go packing.'
pagent, n. 505, part in a play; a part
acted to deceive.
parcell, n. 55, part, portion.
partys, n. 1463, voices in concerted
music.
patlet, n. 2074, a woman's ruff; same
as 'partlet.
paynte, v. t. 724, payntyd, ppl. 1860,
feign, counterfeit.
peke, v. i. 658, 'peek,' peep, pry.
peraduertaunce, n. 2468, thorough
carefulness or attention.
perde! 1308.
perplexyte, n. 1461, intricacy, entangle-
ment.
Perse, 1488, Persia.
Pers Pykthanke, 1268.
Phylyp Sparowe, 1562, a darling.
place, n. 690, after 824, before 829,
before 1327, before 1457, after 1724,
after 1796, the stage?
playnesse, n. 630, the plain truth.
plenarly, adv. 207, fully, entirely.
plete, vb. 2035, plead, maintain a plea.
Pluto, 1496.
poddynge prycke, n. 2122, pudding
prick, skewer that fastened the
pudding bag.
pollynge, n. 1753,plundering, extortion.
pomped, ppl. 2012, pampered.
ponder, v. i. 118, weigh, reflect.
pope holy, adj. 467, hypocritical.
poppynge, adj. 232, blabbing, mon-
strous (see Note).
Porcenya the prowde prouoste of
Turkey lande, 1480, Porsena.
porte, n. 1471, 1540, 2563, bearing,
reputation.
pose, n. 825, 2259, "a cold, or deflux-
ion from the head" (Nares).
postyke, n. 649, ? (see pystell).
potecary, n. 2351, apothecary.
pot sharde, n. 2124, potsherd.
Pountesse, Pountes, 343, 2439, Pon-
toise.
poynte, v. t. 726, prick, puncture (the
secrets of).
Glossarial Index.
97
poynted, ppl. 962, 'appointed,' equip-| quod he? 585, quoth he, forsooth,
ped.
poynte deuyse, Fr., 843, 1540, point-
device, perfectly.
prane, n. 1489, prawn, thing of no
value.
prece, v. i. 591, seek earnestly, solicit;
1582, press, hasten.
precely, adv. 2548, concisely, suc-
cinctly.
preposytour, n. 1941, a scholar ap-
pointed to overlook the rest, prefect.
prese, n. 996, press, crowd.
prest, adj. 844, neat, comely.
preue, vb. 33, 909, prove.
probate, n. 4, test.
probleme, n. 2500, question with dis-
cussion of it.
processe, n. 2477, 2478, 2505, discus-
sion, story, play.
pronge, n. 501, prank? (Dyce).
properanter, Lat. adv., before 494,
hastily.
proue, v. t, 2371, proued, prouyd, ppl.
16, 1471, test, establish.
prycke, poddynge, see poddynge
prycke.
pryckyd with such a prowde pynne,
784.
pullyshyd, ppl. 1531, polished.
pultre, n. 1136, poultry or any domes-
ticated bird.
purposyd, ppl. 2541, proposed, put
forward.
purueaunce, n. 880, provision.
pusyllanymyte, n. 206.
put, v. i. 1330, go, move.
put the stone, 406, cast the stone,
waste time.
pyke, v. i. 947, make off, be off.
pylde, adj. 1055, 6, 'pilled,' bald.
pynche, v. i. 384, 5, be stingy.
pystell, n. 649, epistle; or, story, dis-
course.
pystell of a postyke, 649, ? (Does
this mean epistle with a post-
script'?).
quatiendo (or quassando?), Lat. vb.,
before 1044, shaking, rattling.
quecke, adv. 2044, quickly.
qui fuit, 1302, 3, deceased, defunct?
(Du Cange).
qui fuit aliquid, 1304, who was some-
thing.
indeed.
quyckely, quyckly, adv. 1549, 1551, in
a lively manner.
quyte, v. t. 688, quit, acquit; 1877,
requite.
rammysshe, adj. 1807, wild.
ranke, adj. 1267, corrupt.
ratches, n. 586, a dog that hunts by
scent.
rather, adv. 1314, sooner.
ratyd, v.t. 1481, chide, scold.
ratyfye, v. t. 2398, confirm, consum-
mate.
rauener, n. 2191, robber, plunderer.
Raynes, shertes of, 2016, shirts of
linen made at Rennes.
rechate, v. i. 2151, sound a 'recheat,'
recall.
reche at, v. t. 1809, reach at, aim at.
rechery, n. 2554, riches (for richery ?).
recorde, n. 114, 309, testimony, wit-
ness.
redlesse, adj. 2417, devoid of coun-
sel.
redresse, n. 2413, 2417, 2503, correc-
tion, amendment (cf. intro. xxxix).
redresse, v. t. 2414, correct, ainend.
refrayne, v. t. 2474, question, examine.
refused, v. t. 281, avoid, omit.
regardes, Fr. vb., 1198, regardez-vous,
look.
rehayted, ppl. 1658, hated again?
(Dyce; cf. inhateth) or, rebuked,
rated? (N. E. D. meaning ob-
scure").
rehersse, v. t. 1490, mention, cite.
relucent, adj. 1556, bright, refulgent.
repente, Lat. adv., before 2325, hastily,
suddenly.
reporte me to, I, v. refl. 280, I appeal
to, cite.
reporte, n. 1541, commendation (1588
in N. E. D.).
repare, made my, 2394, resorted.
repryuable, adj. 1419, reprovable.
requiem eternam, 2260.
rest, n. 136, wrist.
retchlesse, adj. 2133, reckless, heed-
less.
Romaynes, 1481.
Rome gates, 1511.
ronner, n. 1811, runner, fugitive (Dyce).
Rowlande the reue, 1831.
rowne, v. i. 1645, whisper.
98
rubarbe of repentaunce, 2357.
rudyes, n. 1551, ruddy hues?
rughe, adj. 448, rough.
rughly, adv. 1884, roughly.
rule the reyne, 1460.
rule the rost, 804, 5.
Glossarial Index.
snyte, n. 1840, snipe.
russhe, v. i. russhe it out, 847, swag-
ger? (cf. Nares, "rush-buckler
swashbuckler"); russheth, 837,
rustle?
rusty, adj. 758, uncivil, surly.
rutter, n. 752, 1288, gallant, man of
fashion.
rutterkyn, n. 747, diminutive of rutter
(see Note).
rutty bully ioly rutterkyn heyda! 747.
ruttyngly, adv. 838, gallantly.
ryd thy selfe, 2307, 2315, despatch
thyself.
sacke, to bere the deuyls, 721.
sad, sadde, adj. 16, 149, 1010, 1690,
sober, serious.
sadly, adv. 1940, soberly.
sadnesse, n. 468, 680, 681, 1366, 2471,
seriousness, gravity.
same, togyder in, 548, together.
sawte, sautes, n. 1581, 2329, assault.
say vous chaunter, Fr. 750, savez-vous
chanter? can you sing?
scabbe, n. 1124, mange.
scabbed, adj. 2019, mangy.
scrat, v. t. 1299, scratch.
seasyd, ppl. 1536, 'seized,' possessed.
sekernesse, sykernesse, n. 2028, 2510,
2517, security.
semblaunt, maketh, after 1198, after
1207, pretendeth.
sensim, Lat. adv., before 325, softly.
sentence, n. 2464, opinion, sentiment.
shakynge nought, shyre, 1304, just
nothing.
shrewdenes, n. 735, wisdom, circum-
spection.
shrowde, n. 532, covert, retreat of any
kind.
skante, adv. 806, hardly, scarcely.
skelpe, v. t. 2180, 1, strike, slap.
skyll, n. 148, etc., circumspection,
reason (cf. intro. xxxvii).
skyll, v. i. 1361, know how; v. imp. it
shall not gretely skyll, 1596, 2138,
it does not signify.
smater, v. i. 1258, talk superficially or
ignorantly.
solacyusly, adv. 2367, for solace or
comfort.
sonde, n. 2360, a sending, visitation.
sowter, n. 1825, shoemaker.
Spaynysshe moght with a gray lyste,
1201.
sped, spedde, ppl. 556, 722, versed;
1571, successful.
spell, v. t. 619, expel.
spence, n. 2125, expense.
spere, n. 938, spire, shoot, stripling?
(Dyce).
sporne, v i. 2247, spurn.
•
sprynge, v. i. 1070, grow, spring up.
spyll, v. t. 1478, 2139, destroy.
starke, adj. 481, 1209, big and clumsy,
strong.
state, n. 383, 946, person of estate,
dignity (see estate).
stow, stowe, interj. 912, 918, 968, a
call used for hawks (see Note).
strayte, adv. 1592, straightway.
streynes, n. 1553, strains.
| stronge, adj. 1360, bold, reckless.
Stroude to Kent, from, 983.
stuse, n. 1226, stews.
subscrybe, v. t. 1666, sign, attest.
substaunce, n. 1407, 1445, wealth,
felicity (cf. intro. xxxiii).
sufferayne, n. 1271, sovereign.
supplye, v. i. 797, supplyed, ppl. 1663,
supplicate.
supportacyon, n. 61, assistance, sup-
port.
surripiat illi gladium, before 2325, let
him snatch away the sword from
him.
sursum, Lat. adv., before 573, up.
suspenso gradu, before 325, on tip-
toe.
swap it, thy slyppers, 765, are odd
ones? or, swapping great ones?
(Dyce). Or, slap (being loose)?
syar, syer, n. 1081, 1473, 1834, sire,
lord.
syke, adj. 1091, 1833, such.
sykernesse, see sekernesse.
Sym Sadylgose my syer, 1834.
Sym, by Saynt, 585.
Symkyn Tytyuell, 1268.
synguler, adj. 317, unique, special.
Syrus that soleme syar of Babylon,
1473, Cyrus.
syse, n. 845, size, measure, standard.
5
Glossarial Index.
99
syttynge, adj. 176, 2561, becoming, | vnlykynge, adj. 1958, in poor condi-
proper.
•
tabulas, Lat. n., before 1044, pieces of
wood, or musical instrument (see
Note).
tacke, holde, 2084, keep at bay (Nares),
hold fast, hold out.
taken, ppl. 344, 1763, given, com-
mitted.
tangyd, ppl. 2234, flavored, spiced.
tappet, n. 1234, tapestry.
tappyster, n. 420, female tapster,
coarse wench.
tawle, adj. 821, brave, bold.
Taylers Hall, 1404.
tende, v. i. 790, intend: 1019, attend.
tetter, n. 543, a disease of the skin.
the, pron. 269, 303, 538, etc., thee.
thec, v. i. 515, 635, 862, thrive.
theke, v. t. 1027, thatch, roof.
Thesius that prowde was Pluto to
face, 1496.
this, adv. 487, 488, 1043, thus.
thought, n. 207, circumspection, reason
(cf. intro. xxxvii); 1969, sorrow.
throte bole, n. 2315, the Adam's apple.
torde, n. 397, 1087, a piece of dung.
to to, adv. 872, 2095, too too, alto-
gether too or too much.
totum in toto, 2089, 2099, all in all,
unlimited?
Toure Hyll, 2140, Tower Hill, place
of execution.
trace, v. i. 692, march, pace.
trace, out of, 914, out of the traces.
treatyse, n. 2533, discussion, play.
Trent, 982.
Troy, bought and solde for money,
1576.
trusse, v. i. 1774, go packing, begone.
trymynge and tramynge, 2234, puny
efforts?
Turky lande, 1480, Etruria.
Tyburne, 423, place of execution.
tyll sone, adue, 967.
tyll sone, fare well, 319, 1850.
Tyne to Trent, from, 982.
tysyke, n. 555, phthisic, phthisis.
Tytyuell, Symkyn, 1268.
vnhappely, adv. 6, evilly.
knavish, wicked.
tion.
vpon three, counterfet, 492, ?
vryd, adj. 6, disposed (see Note).
vtter, adv. 753, outside, out of the
way.
vagys, n. 1942, vagaries, strayings.
vantonnesse, n. 2504, wantonness.
Vaspasyan that bare in his nose a
waspe, 1510 (see Note).
velyarde, n. 1878, old man, dotard.
"Venter tre dawce," Fr. 750, " Ventre
très doux " (first line of a song?).
vergesse, n. 1756, verjuice, liquor of
crabapples or green grapes.
uilis imago, 1155, a "shrewde face."
uocitando, Lat. vb., before 325, calling
out.
voyde, v. t. 297, avoid, refute.
voyes vous, Fr., 1198, voyez-vous, look
you.
vyser, n. 1178, the fool's mask.
walter, v. i. 1910, totter, tumble.
wambleth, v. i. 1617, heave, be nau-
seated.
wamblynge, n. 1620, nausea.
wanhope, n. 2337, 40, despair (cf.
intro. xliii).
warent, v. t. 506, assure, guarantee.
warke, n. 1095, business, complica-
tion.
wary, v. t. 2238, curse.
wed, to, 2168, pledged, pawned.
weltyth, v. t. 1363, overturn (Manip.
Voc.).
weryed, ppl. 1568, wearied, satiated.
whylest, whylyst, conj. 324, 685, 1323,
1563, until.
wode, adj. 2556, mad.
Wodstocke Parke, by the rode of,
1210.
woke, wokys, n. 1003, 1682, weeks.
wonnys, wonneth, v. i. 22, 624, dwells.
worldly, adj. 2054, tempest?
worshyp, n. 267, 1408, 1934, 2470,
honor, dignity (cf. intro. xxxii).
wortes, n. 1129, vegetables.
worthe, take it in, 1439, take it in
good part.
vnhappy, adj. 1374, 2337, 2452, wrastynge, adj. 1608, 'wresting,'
arbitrary.
J
100
Glossarial Index.
wynde, v. i. 2340, wend, go.
wyte, v. t. 2304, blame.
wroken, ppl. 1566, 'wreaked,' satiated | wynche, v. i. 2023, 'wince,' kick.
(cf. Piers Plouman, B. ix. 181).
wrothsome, adj. 2293, ill-tempered.
wrythyng, n. 136, turning.
wrythynge, adj. 1608, twisting, capri-
cious.
wyda, Fr., 751, oui-da, yes indeed.
yarke, v. t. 484, 'yerk,' strike,
lash.
ydder, a kowes, n. 1814, udder.
Richard Clay & Sons, Limited, London and Bungay.
Σ

MAGNIFICENCE
Sa 269
R
A MORAL PLAY
BY
JOHN SKELTON
EDITED
WITH INTRODUCTION, NOTES, AND GLOSSARY
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Magny fycence
A MORAL PLAY
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4
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Society will be put to the cost of fresh copies, Mr. Currie having died in debt.
4
Guillaume de Deguilleville, monk of the Cistercian abbey of Chaalis, in the diocese of
Senlis, wrote his first verse Pèlerinage de l'IIomme in 1330-1 when he was 36.1 Twenty-five
(or six) years after, in 1355, he revised his poem, and issued a second version of it,² a revision
of which was printed ab. 1500. Of the prose representative of the first version, 1330-1,
a prose Englishing, about 1430 A.D., was edited by Mr. Aldis Wright for the Roxburghe Club
in 1869, from MS. Ff. 5. 30 in the Cambridge University Library. Other copies of this prose
English are in the Hunterian Museum, Glasgow, Q. 2. 25; Sion College, London; and the
Laud Collection in the Bodleian, no. 740.3 A copy in the Northern dialect is MS. G. 21, in
St. John's Coll., Cambridge, and this is the MS. which will be edited for the E. E. Text
Society. The Laud MS. 740 was somewhat condenst and modernised, in the 17th century,
into MS. Ff. 6. 30, in the Cambridge University Library: "The Pilgrime or the Pil-
grimage of Man in this World," copied by Will. Baspoole, whose copy was verbatim
written by Walter Parker, 1645, and from thence transcribed by G. G. 1649; and from thence
by W. A. 1655." This last copy may have been read by, or its story reported to, Bunyan,
and may have been the groundwork of his Pilgrim's Progress, It will be edited for the E.
E. T. Soc., its text running under the earlier English, as in Mr. Horrtage's edition of the
Gesta Romanorum for the Society. In February 1464,5 Jean Gallopes-a clerk of Angers,
afterwards chaplain to John, Duke of Bedford, Regent of France-turned Deguilleville's first
verse Pèlerinage into a prose Pèlerinage de la vie humaine." By the kindness of Lord Alden-
ham, as above mentiond, Gallopes's French text will be printed opposite the early prose
northern Englishing in the Society's edition.
The Second Version of Deguilleville's Pèlerinage de l'Homme, A.D. 1355 or -6, was englisht
in verse by Lydgate in 1426, and, thanks to the diligence of the old Elizabethan tailor and
manuscript-lover, John Stowe, a complete text of Lydgate's poem has been edited for the
Society by Dr. Furnivall. The British Museum French MSS. (Harleian 4399,7 and
Additional 22,9378 and 25,5949) are all of the First Version.
Besides his first Pèlerinaige de l'homme in its two versions, Deguilleville wrote a second,
"de l'ame separee du corps," and a third, "de nostre seigneur Iesus." Of the second, a prose
Englishing of 1413, The Pilgrimage of the Sowle (with poems by Hocclove, already printed
for the Society with that author's Regement of Princes), exists in the Egerton MS. 615,10 at
1 IIe was born about 1295. See Abbé GoUJET's Bibliothèque française, Vol. IX, p. 73-4.-P. M. The
Roxburghe Club printed the 1st version in 1893.
2 The Roxburghe Club's copy of this 2nd version was lent to Mr. Curric, and unluckily burnt too with.
his othor MSS.
3 Those 3 MSS. have not yet been collatod, but aro bolioved to be all of the same vorsion.
6 These wore printed in France, late in the 15th or early in the 16th century.
Anothor MS, is in the Pepys Library.
7 15th cent., containing only the Vie humaine.
5 According to Lord Aldenham's MS.
8 15th cent., containing all the 3 Pilgrimages, the 3rd being Jesus Christ's.
9 14th cent., containing the Vie humaine and the 2nd Pilgrimage, de l'Ame: both incomplete.
10 Ab. 1430, 106 leaves (leaf 1 of text wanting), with illuminations of nice little devils-red, groen, tawny,
&c.-and damind souls, firos, angels, &c.
Anglo-Saxon Psalters. More Money wanted. Saints' Lives.
5
Hatfield, Cambridge (Univ. Kk. 1. 7, and Caius), Oxford (Univ. Coll. and Corpus), and in Cax-
ton's edition of 1483. This version has 'somewhat of addicions' as Caxton says, and some
shortenings too, as the maker of both, the first translater, tells us in the MSS. Čaxton leaves
out the earlier englisher's interesting Epilog in the Egerton MS. This prose englishing of
the Soule has been copied and will be edited for the Society by Mr. Hans Koestner. Of the
Pilgrimage of Jesus, no englishing is known.
As to the MS. Anglo-Saxon Psalters, Dr. Hy. Sweet has edited the oldest MS., the
Vespasian, in his Oldest English Texts for the Society, and Mr. Harsley has edited the
latest, c. 1150, Eadwine's Canterbury Psalter. The other MSS., except the Paris one, being
interlinear versions,—some of the Roman-Latin redaction, and some of the Gallican,-Prof.
Logeman has prepared for press a Parallel-Text edition of the first twelve Psalms, to start the
complete work. He will do his best to get the Paris Psalter-tho' it is not an interlinear
one-into this collective edition; but the additional matter, especially in the Verse-Psalms,
is very difficult to manage. If the Paris text cannot be parallelised, it will form a separate
volume. The Early English I'salters are all independent versions, and will follow separately
in due course.
Through the good offices of the Examiners, some of the books for the Early-English Ex-
aminations of the University of London will be chosen from the Society's publications, the
Committee having undertaken to supply such books to students at a large reduction in price.
The net profits from these sales will be applied to the Society's Reprints.
Members are reminded that fresh Subscribers are always wanted, and that the Committee
can at any time, on short notice, send to press an additional Thousand Pounds' worth of work.
The Subscribers to the Original Series must be prepared for the issue of the whole of the
Early English Lives of Saints, sooner or later. The Society cannot leave out any of them,
even though some are dull. The Sinners would doubtless be much more interesting. But in
many Saints' Lives will be found valuable incidental details of our forefathers' social state,
and all are worthful for the history of our language. The Lives may be lookt on as the
religious romances or story-books of their period.
The Standard Collection of Saints' Lives in the Corpus and Ashmole MSS., the Harleian
MS. 2277, &c. will repeat the Laud set, our No. 87, with additions, and in right order. (The
foundation MS. (Laud 108) had to be printed first, to prevent quite unwieldy collations.) The
Supplementary Lives from the Vernon and other MSS. will form one or two separate volumes.
Besides the Saints' Lives, Trevisa's englishing of Bartholomæus de Proprietatibus Rerum,
the medieval Cyclopædia of Science, &c., will be the Society's next big undertaking. An
Editor for it is wanted. Prof. Napier of Oxford, wishing to have the whole of our
MS. Anglo-Saxon in type, and accessible to students, will edit for the Society all the
unprinted and other Anglo-Saxon Homilies which are not included in Thorpe's edition of
Elfric's prose,¹ Dr. Morris's of the Blickling Homilies, and Prof. Skeat's of Elfric's Metrical
Homilies. The late Prof. Kölbing left complete his text, for the Society, of the Ancren
Riwle, from the best MS., with collations of the other four, and this will be edited for the
Society by Dr. Thümmler. Mr. Harvey means to prepare an edition of the three MSS. of
the Earliest English Metrical Psalter, one of which was edited by the late Mr. Stevenson
for the Surtees Society.
Members of the Society will learn with pleasure that its example has been followed, not
only by the Old French Text Society which has done such admirable work under its founders
Profs. Paul Meyer and Gaston Paris, but also by the Early Russian Text Society, which was
set on foot in 1877, and has since issued many excellent editions of old MS. Chronicles, &c.
Mombers will also note with pleasure the annexation of large tracts of our Early English
territory by the important German contingent, the late Professors Zupitza and Kölbing, the
living Hausknecht, Einenkel, Haenisch, Kaluza, Hupe, Adam, Holthausen, Schick, Herzfeld,
Brandeis, Sieper, Konrath, Wülfing, &c. Scandinavia has also sent us Prof. Erdmann and
Dr. E. A. Kock; Holland, Prof. H. Logeman, who is now working in Belgium; France, Prof.
Paul Meyer-with Gaston Paris as adviser (alas, now dead); -Italy, Prof. Lattanzi; Austria,
Dr. von Fleischhacker; while America is represented by the late Prof. Child, by Dr. Mary Noyes
Colvin, Miss Rickert, Profs. Mead, McKnight, Triggs, Perrin, Craig, &c. The sympathy, the
ready help, which the Society's work has cald forth from the Continent and the United
States, have been among the pleasantest experiences of the Society's life, a real aid and cheer
amid all troubles and discouragements. All our Members are grateful for it, and recognise
that the bond their work has woven between them and the lovers of language and antiquity
across the seas is one of the most welcome results of the Society's efforts.
1 Of these, Mr. Harsley is preparing a new edition, with collations of all the MSS. Many copies of
Thorpe's book, not issued by the Elfric Society, are still in stock.
Of the Vercelli Homilies, the Socioty has bought the copy made by Prof. G. Lattanzi,
6
The Original Series of the "Early English Text Society."
ORIGINAL SERIES.
1. Early English Alliterative Poems, ab. 1360 A.D., ed. Rev. Dr. R. Morris. 16s.
2. Arthur, ab. 1440, ed. F. J. Furnivall, M. A. 4s.
3. Lauder on the Dewtie of Kyngis, &c., 1556, ed. F. Hall, D.C.L. 4s.
4. Sir Gawayne and the Green Knight, ab. 1360, ed. Rev. Dr. R. Morris.
1864
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5. Hume's Orthographie and Congruitie of the Britan Tongue, ab. 1617, ed. H. B. Wheatley. 4s.
6. Lancelot of the Laik, ab. 1500, ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat. Ss.
1865
7. Genesis & Exodus, ab. 1250, ed. Rev. Dr. R. Morris. Es.
8. Morte Arthure, ab. 1440, ed. E. Brock.
78.
9. Thynne on Speght's ed. of Chaucer, A.D. 1599, ed. Dr. G. Kingsley and Dr. F. J. Furnivall. 10s.
10. Merlin, ab. 1440, Part I., ed. H. B. Wheatley. 2s. 6d.
11. Lyndesay's Monarche, &c., 1552, Part I., ed. J. Small, M. A. 3s.
12. Wright's Chaste Wife, ab. 1462, ed. F. J. Furnivall, M.A. ls.
13. Seinte Marherete, 1200-1330, ed. Rev. O. Cockayne; re-edited by Dr. Otto Glauning. [Out of print.
14. Kyng Horn, Floris and Blancheflour, &c., ed. Rev. J. R. Lumby, D.D., re-ed. Dr. G. H. McKnight. 5s.
15. Political, Religious, and Love Poems, ed. F. J. Furnivall. 7s. 6d.
16. The Book of Quinte Essence, ab. 1460-70, ed. F. J. Furnivall. 1s.
17. Parallel Extracts from 45 MSS. of Piers the Plowman, ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat. 1s.
18. Hali Meidenhad, ab. 1200, cd. Rev. O. Cockayne, re-edited by Dr. F. J. Furnivall. [At Press.
19. Lyndesay's Monarche, &c., Part II., ed. J. Small, M. A. 3s. 6d.
20. Hampole's English Prose Treatises, ed. Rev. G. G. Perry. 1s.
21. Merlin, Part II., ed. H. B. Wheatley. 4s.
22. Partenay or Lusignen, ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat. 6s.
[At Press.
23. Dan Michel's Ayenbite of Inwyt, 1340, ed. Rev. Dr. R. Morris. 10s. 6d.
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24. Hymns to the Virgin and Christ; the Parliament of Devils, &c., ab. 1430, ed. F. J. Furnivall.
25. The Stacions of Rome, the Pilgrims' Sea-voyage, with Clene Maydenhod, ed. F. J. Furnivall. 1s.
26. Religious Pieces in Prose and Verse, from R. Thornton's MS., ed. Rev. G. G. Perry. 2s. [At Press.
27. Levins's Manipulus Vocabulorum, a ryming Dictionary, 1570, ed. H. B. Wheatley. 12s.
28. William's Vision of Piers the Plowman, 1362 A.D.; Text A, Part I., ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat. 6s.
29. Old English Homilies (ab. 1220-30 A.D.). Series I, Part I. Edited by Rev. Dr. R. Morris. 78.
30. Pierce the Ploughmans Crede, ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat. 2s.
31. Myrc's Duties of a Parish Priest, in Verse, ab. 1420 A.D., ed. E. Peacock. 4s.
32. Early English Meals and Manners: the Boke of Norture of John Russell, the Bokes of Keruynge,
Curtasye, and Demeanor, the Babees Book, Urbanitatis, &c., ed. F. J. Furnivall. 12s.
33. The Knight de la Tour Landry, ab. 1440 A.D. A Book for Daughters, ed. T. Wright, M. A. [Reprinting.
34. Old English Homilies (before 1300 A.D.). Series I, Part II., ed. R. Morris, LL.D. Ss.
35. Lyndesay's Works, Part III.: The Historie and Testament of Squyer Meldrum, ed. F. Hall. 2s.
36. Merlin, Part III. Ed. H. B. Wheatley. On Arthurian Localities, by J. S. Stuart Glennie. 12s.
37. Sir David Lyndesay's Works, Part IV., Ane Satyre of the Three Estaits. Ed. F. Hall, D.C.L. 4s.
38. William's Vision of Piers the Plowman, Part II. Text B. Ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat, M. A. 10s. 6d.
39. Alliterative Romance of the Destruction of Troy. Ed. D. Donaldson & G. A. Panton. Pt. I. 10s. 6d.
40. English Gilds, their Statutes and Customs, 1389 A.D. Edit. Toulmin Smith and Lucy T. Smith,
with an Essay on Gilds and Trades-Unions, by Dr. L. Brentano. 21s.
41. William Lauder's Minor Poems. Ed. F J. Furnivall. 3s.
42. Bernardus De Cura Rei Famuliaris, Early Scottish Prophecies, &c. Ed. J. R. Lumby, M.A. 2s.
43. Ratis Raving, and other Moral and Religious Pieces. Ed. J. R Lumby, M. A. 3s.
44. The Alliterative Romance of Joseph of Arimathie, or The Holy Grail: from the Vernon MS.;
with W. de Worde's and Pynson's Lives of Joseph ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat, M.A. 5s.
45. King Alfred's West-Saxon Version of Gregory's Pastoral Care, edited from 2 MSS., with an
English translation, by Henry Sweet, Esq., B. A., Balliol College, Oxford. Part I. 10s.
46. Legends of the Holy Rood, Symbols of the Passion and Cross Poems, ed. Rev. Dr. R. Morris. 10s.
47. Sir David Lyndesay's Works, Part V., ed. Dr. J. A. H. Murray. 3s.
48. The Times' Whistle, and other Poems, by R. C., 1616; ed. by J. M. Cowper, Esq. 6s.
49. An Old English Miscellany, containing a Bestiary, Kentish Sermons, Proverbs of Alfred, and
Religious Poems of the 13th cent., ed. from the MSS. by the Rev. R. Morris, LL.D. 10s.
50. King Alfred's West-Saxon Version of Gregory's Pastoral Care, ed. H. Sweet, M. A. Part II. 10s.
51. The Life of St Juliana, 2 versions, A.D. 1230, with translations; ed. T. O. Cockayne & E. Brock. 2s.
52. Palladius on Husbondrie, englisht (ab. 1420 A.D.), ed. Rev. Barton Lodge, M. A. Part I. 10s.
53. Old-English Homilies, Series II., and three Hymns to the Virgin and God, 13th-century, with
the music to two of them, in old and modern notation; ed. Rev. R. Morris, LL.D. 88.
5. The Vision of Piers Plowman, Text C: Richard the Redeles (by William, the author of the Vision)
and The Crowned King; Part III., ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat, M. A. 18s.
55. Generydes, a Romance, ab. 1440 A.D., ed. W. Aldis Wright, M. A. Part I. 3s.
56. The Gest Hystoriale of the Destruction of Troy, in alliterative verse; ed. by D. Donaldson, Esq.,
and the late Rev. G. A. Panton. Part II. 10s. 6d.
57. The Early English Version of the "Cursor Mundi"; in four Texts, edited by the Rev. R. Morris,
M.A., LL.D. Part I, with 2 photolithographic facsimiles. 10s. 6d.
5S. The Blickling Homilies, 971 A.D., cd. Rev. R. Morris, LL.D.
59. TheCursor Mundi," in four Texts, ed. Rev. Dr. R. Morris.
Part I. 8s.
Part II. 15s.
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The Original Series of the "Early English Text Society."
60. Meditacyuns on the Soper of our Lorde (by Robert of Brunne), edited by J. M. Cowper. 2s. 6d.
61. The Romance and Prophecies of Thomas of Erceldoune, from 5 MSS. ; ed. Dr. J. A. H. Murray. 10s. 6d.
62. The "Cursor Mundi," in four Texts, ed. Rev. Dr. R. Morris. Part III. 15s.
63. The Blickling Homilies, 971 A.D., ed. Rev. Dr. R. Morris. Part II. 78.
64. Francis Thynne's Embleames and Epigrams, A.D. 1600, ed. F. J. Furnivall. 7s.
65. Be Domes Dæge (Bede's De Die Judicii), &c., ed. J. R. Lumby, B.D. 2s.
66. TheCursor Mundi," in four Texts, ed. Rev. Dr. R. Morris. Part IV., with 2 autotypes. 10s.
67. Notes on Piers Plowman, by the Rev. W. W. Skeat, M. A. Part I. 21s.
68. The "Cursor Mundi,” in 4 Texts, ed. Rev. Dr. R. Morris Part V. 258.
69. Adam Davie's 5 Dreams about Edward II., &c., ed. F Furnivall, M. A. 5s.
70. Generydes, a Romance, ed. W. Aldis Wright, M.A. Part II. 4s.
71. The Lay Folks Mass-Book, four texts, ed. Rev. Canon Simmons. 258.
72. Palladius on Husbondrie, englisht (ab. 1420 A.D.). Part II. Ed. S. J. Herrtage, B.A. 15s.
73. The Blickling Homilies, 971 A.D., ed. Rev. Dr. R. Morris. Part III. 10s.
74. English Works of Wyclif, hitherto unprinted, ed. F. D. Matthew, Esq. 203.
75. Catholicon Anglicum, an early English Dictionary, from Lord Monson's MS. A.D. 1483, ed., with
Introduction & Notes, by S. J. Herrtage, B.A. ; and with a Preface by H. B. Wheatley. 20s.
76. Aelfric's Metrical Lives of Saints, in MS. Cott. Jul. E 7., ed. Rev. Prof. Skeat, M. A. Part I. 10s.
77. Beowulf, the unique MS. autotyped and transliterated, edited by Prof. Zupitza, Ph.D. 25s.
78. The Fifty Earliest English Wills, in the Court of Probate, 1387-1439, ed. by F. J. Furnivall, M. A. 7s.
79. King Alfred's Orosius, from Lord Tollemache's 9th century MS., Part I, ed. H. Sweet, M. A. 13s.
79b. Extra Volume. Facsimile of the Epinal Glossary, ed. H. Sweet, M.A. 15s.
80. The Early-English Life of St. Katherine and its Latin Original, ed. Dr. Einenkel. 12s.
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1884
81. Piers Plowman: Notes, Glossary, &c. Part IV, completing the work, ed. Rev. Prof. Skeat, M. A. 18s.
82. Aelfric's Metrical Lives of Saints, MS. Cott. Jul. E 7., ed. Rev. Prof. Skeat, M. A., LL.D. Part II. 12s. 1885
83. The Oldest English Texts, Charters, &c., ed. H. Sweet, M.A. 20s.
84. Additional Analogs to 'The Wright's Chaste Wife,' No. 12, by W. A. Clouston. 1s.
85. The Three Kings of Cologne. 2 English Texts, and 1 Latin, ed. Dr. C. Horstmann. 17s.
86. Prose Lives of Women Saints, ab. 1610 A.D., ed. from the unique MS. by Dr. C. Horstmann.
87. Early English Verse Lives of Saints (earliest version), Laud MS. 108, ed. Dr. C. Horstmann. 20s.
88. Hy. Bradshaw's Life of St. Werburghe (Pynson, 1521), ed. Dr. C. Horstmann. 10s.
89. Vices and Virtues, from the unique MS., ab. 1200 A.D., ed. Dr. F. Holthausen. Part I.
90. Anglo-Saxon and Latin Rule of St. Benet, interlinear Glosses, ed. Dr. H. Logeman. 12s.
91. Two Fifteenth-Century Cookery-Books, ab. 1430-1450, edited by Mr. T. Austin. 10s.
92. Eadwine's Canterbury Psalter, from the Trin. Cambr. MS., ab. 1150 A.D., ed. F. Harsley, B. A. Pt. 1. 128. 1889
93. Defensor's Liber Scintillarum, edited from the MSS. by Ernest Rhodes, B.A. 12s.
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1887
1888
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94. Aelfric's Metrical Lives of Saints, MS. Cott. Jul. E 7, Part III., ed. Prof. Skeat, Litt. D., LL.D. 12s. 1890
95. The Old-English version of Bede's Ecclesiastical History, re-ed. by Dr. Thomas Miller. Part I, § 1. 18s.
96. The Old-English version of Bede's Ecclesiastical History, re-ed. by Dr. Thomas Miller. Pt. I, § 2. 15s. 1891
97. The Earliest English Prose Psalter, edited from its 2 MSS. by Dr. K. D. Buelbring. Part I. 15s.
98. Minor Poems of the Vernon MS., Part I., ed. Dr. C. Horstmann. 20s.
99. Cursor Mundi. Part VI. Preface, Notes, and Glossary, ed. Rev. Dr. R. Morris. 10s.
100. Capgrave's Life of St. Katharine, ed. Dr. C. Horstmann, with Forewords by Dr. Furnivall. 20s.
101. Cursor Mundi. Part VII. Essay on the MSS., their Dialects, &c., by Dr. H. Hupe. 10s.
102. Lanfranc's Cirurgie, ab. 1400 A.D., ed. Dr. R. von Fleischhacker. Part I. 20s.
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1894
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1899
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Part I. 10s.
1900
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15s.
103. The Legend of the Cross, from a 12th century MS., &c., ed. Prof. A. S. Napier, M. A., Ph.D. 7s. Od.
104. The Exeter Book (Anglo-Saxon Poems), re-edited from the unique MS. by I. Gollancz, M.A. Part I. 20s. 1895
105. The Prymer or Lay-Folks' Prayer-Book, Camb. Univ. MS., ab. 1420, ed. Henry Littlehales. Part I. 10s.
106. R. Misyn's Fire of Love and Mending of Life (Hampole), 1434, 1435, ed. Rev. R. Harvey, M.A. 15s. 1896
107. The English Conquest of Ireland, A.D. 1166-1185, 2 Texts, 1425, 1440, Pt. I, ed. Dr. Furnivall. 15s.
108. Child-Marriages and -Divorces, Trothplights, &c. Chester Depositions, 1561-6, ed. Dr. Furnivall. 15s. 1897
109. The Prymer or Lay-Folks Prayer-Book, ab. 1420, ed. Henry Littlehales. Part II. 10s.
110. The Old-English Version of Bede's Ecclesiastical History, ed. Dr. T. Miller. Part II, § 1. 15s.
111. The Old-English Version of Bede's Ecclesiastical History, ed. Dr. T. Miller. Part II, § 2. 15s.
112. Merlin, Part IV: Outlines of the Legend of Merlin, by Prof. W. E. Mead, Ph.D. 15s.
113. Queen Elizabeth's Englishings of Boethius. Plutarch &c. &c., ed. Miss C. Pemberton.
114. Aelfric's Metrical Lives of Saints, Part IV and last, ed. Prof. Skeat, Litt. D., LL.D.
115. Jacob's Well, edited from the unique Salisbury Cathedral MS. by Dr. A. Brandeis.
116. An Old-English Martyrology, re-edited by Dr. G. Herzfeld. 10s.
117. Minor Poems of the Vernon MS., edited by Dr. F. J. Furnivall. Part II. 15s.
118. The Lay Folks' Catechism, ed. by Canon Simmons and Rev. H. E. Nolloth, M. A.
119. Robert of Brunne's Handlyng Synne (1303), and its French original, re-ed. by Dr. Furnivall. Pt. I. 10s.
120. The Rule of St. Benet, in Northern Prose and Verse, & Caxton's Summary, ed. Dr. E. A. Kock.
121. The Laud MS. Troy-Book, ed. from the unique Laud MS. 595, by Dr. J. E. Wülfing. Part I. 15s.
122. The Laud MS. Troy-Book, cd. from the unique Laud MS. 595, by Dr. J. E. Wülfing. Part II. 20s. 1903
123. Robert of Brunne's Handlyng Synne (1303), and its French original, re-ed. by Dr. Furnivall. Pt. II. 10s.
124. Twenty-six Political and other Poems from Digby MS. 102 &c., ed. by Dr. J. Kail. Part I. 10s.
125. Medieval Records of a London City Church, ed. Henry Littlehales. Part I. 10s.
53.
1901
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126. An Alphabet of Tales, in Northern English, from the Latin, ed. Mrs. M. M. Banks. Part I. 108.
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127. An Alphabet of Tales, in Northern English, from the Latin, ed. Mrs. M. M. Banks. Part II. 10s. 1905
128. Medieval Records of a London City Church, ed. Henry Littlchalcs. Part II. 10s.
129. The English Register of Godstow Nunnery, ed. from the MSS. by the Rev. Dr. Androw Clark. Pt. I. 10s.
130. The English Register of Godstow Nunnery, cd. from the MSS. by the Rev. Dr. A. Clark. Pt. II. 15s. 1906
131. The Brut, or Chronicle of England, edited from the best MSS. by Dr. F. Brio. Part I. 10s.
132. John Metham's Works, edited from the unique MS. by Dr. Hardin Craig.
133. The English Register of Oseney Abbey, by Oxford, ed. by the Rev. Dr. A. Clark. Part I. 15s.
134. The Coventry Leet Book, edited by Miss M. Dormer Harris. Part I. 15s.
135. The Coventry Leet Book, edited by Miss M. Dormer Harris. Part II.
136. Capgrave's Lives of St. Augustine and St. Gilbert of Sempringham, edited by J. J. Muuro
EXTRA SERIES.
The Publications for 1867-1907 (one guinea each year) are:
[At Press.
1907
1908
[At Press.
I. William of Palerne; or, William and the Werwolf. Re-edited by Rev. W. W. Skeat, M. A. 13s.
II. Early English Pronunciation with especial Reference to Shakspere and Chaucer, by A. J. Ellis,
F.R.S. Part I. 108.
III. Caxton's Book of Curtesye, in Three Versions. Ed. F. J. Furnivall. 5s.
IV. Havelok the Dane.
V. Chaucer's Boethius.
M.A.
Re-edited by the Rev. W. W. Skeat, M.A. 10s.
Edited from the two best MSS. by Rev. Dr. R. Morris 12s.
VI. Chevelere Assigne. Re-edited from the unique MS. by Lord Aldenham, M. A. 3s.
VII. Early English Pronunciation, by A. J. Ellis, F.R.S. Part II. 10s.
VIII. Queene Elizabethes Achademy, &c. Ed. F. J. Furnivall. Essays on early Italian and German
Books of Courtesy, by W. M. Rossetti and Dr. E. Oswald. 13s.
IX. Awdeley's Fraternitye of Vacabondes, Harman's Caveat, &c. Ed. E. Vilcs & F. J. Furnivall. 5s.
X. Andrew Boorde's Introduction of Knowledge, 1547, Dyetary of Helth, 1542, Barnes in Defence of the
Berde, 1542-3. Ed. F. J. Furnivall. 18s.
XI. Barbour's Bruce, Part I. Ed. froin MSS. and editions, by Rev. W. W. Skeat, M.A. 12s.
XII. England in Henry VIII.'s Time: a Dialogue between Cardinal Pole & Lupset, by Thom. Starkey,
Chaplain to IIenry VIII. Ed. J. M. Cowper. Part II. 128. (Part I. is No. XXXII, 1878, 8s.)
XIII. A Supplicacyon of the Beggers, by Simon Fish, 1528-9 A.D., ed. F. J. Furnivall; with A Suppli-
cation to our Moste Soueraigne Lorde; A Supplication of the Poore Commons; and The Decaye of
England by the Great Multitude of Sheep, ed. by J. M. Cowper, Esq. 6s.
XIV. Early English Pronunciation, by A. J. Ellis, Esq., F.R.S. Part III. 10s.
XV. Robert Crowley's Thirty-One Epigrams, Voyce of the Last Trumpet, Way to Wealth, &c., ^.D.
1550-1, edited by J. M. Cowper, Esq. 12s.
1867
1868
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1869
1870
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1871
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"
1872
XVI. Chaucer's Treatise on the Astrolabe. Ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat, M.A. 6s.
""
XVII. The Complaynt of Scotlande, 1549 A.D., with 4 Tracts (1542-48), ed. Dr. Murray. Part I.
XVIII. The Complaynt of Scotlande, 1549 A.D., ed. Dr. Murray. Part II. 8s.
XIX. Oure Ladyes Myroure, A.D. 1530, ed. Rev. J. H. Blunt, M. A. 24s.
10s.
1873
XX. Lovelich's History of the Holy Grail (ab 1450 A.D.), ed. F. J. Furnivall, M. A., Ph. D. Part I. Ss
XXI. Barbour's Bruce, Part II., ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat, M,A. 4s.
1874
XXII. Henry Brinklow's Complaynt of Roderyck Mors (ab. 1542): and The Lamentacion of a Christian
against the Citie of London, made by Roderigo Mors, A.D. 1545. Ed. J. M. Cowper. 9s.
XXIII. Early English Pronunciation, by A. J. Ellis, F. R.S. Part IV. 10s.
XXIV. Lovelich's History of the Holy Grail, ed. F. J. Furnivall, M. A., Ph.D. Part II. 10s.
XXV. Guy of Warwick, 15th-century Version, ed. Prof. Zupitza. Part I. 20s.
XXVI. Guy of Warwick, 15th-century Version, ed. Prof. Zupitza. Part II. 14s.
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1875
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1876
XXVII. Bp. Fisher's English Works (died 1535), ed. by Prof. J. E. B. Mayor. Part I, the Text. 16s.
XXVIII. Lovelich's Holy Grail, ed. F. J. Furnivall, M. A., Ph. D. Part III. 10s.
XXIX. Barbour's Bruce. Part III., ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat, M.A. 21s.
XXX. Lovelich's Holy Grail, ed. F. J. Furnivall, M. A., Ph.D. Part IV. 15s.
XXXI. The Alliterative Romance of Alexander and Dindimus, ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat. 6s.
"
1877
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1878
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XXXII. Starkey's "England in Henry VIII's time." Pt. I. Starkey's Life and Letters, ed. S. J. Herrtage. Ss.
XXXIII. Gesta Romanorum (englisht ab. 1440), ed. S. J. Herrtage, B.A. 15s.
15s.
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1879
1880
1881
"
1882
"
15s. 1883
XXXIV. The Charlemagne Romances:-1. Sir Ferumbras, from Aslım. MS. 33, ed. S. J. Herrtage. 15s.
XXXV. Charlemagne Romances:-2. The Sege off Melayne, Sir Otuell, &c., ed. S. J. Herrtage. 12s.
XXXVI. Charlemagne Romances:-3. Lyf of Charles the Grete, Pt. I., ed. S. J. Herrtage. 16s.
XXXVII. Charlemagne Romances:-4. Lyf of Charles the Grete, Pt. II., eu. S. J. Herrtage. 15s.
XXXVIII. Charlemagne Romances:-5. The Sowdone of Babylone, ed. Dr. Hausknecht. 15s.
XXXIX. Charlemagne Romances:-6. Rauf Colyear, Roland, Otuel, &c., ed. S. J. Herrtage, B.A. 15s.
XL. Charlemagne Romances :-7. Huon of Burdeux, by Lord Berners, ed. S. L. Lee, B.A. Part I.
XLI. Charlemagne Romances :-8. Huon of Burdeux, by Lord Berners, ed. S. L. Lee, B.A. Pt. II.
XLII. Guy of Warwick: 2 texts (Auchinleck MS. and Caius MS.), ed. Prof. Zupitza. Part I. 15s.
XLIII. Charlemagne Romances:-9. Huon of Burdeux, by Lord Berners, ed. S. L. Lee, B.A. Pt. III.
XLIV. Charlemagne Romances:-10. The Four Sons of Aymon, ed. Miss Octavia Richardson. Pt. I. 15s.
XLV. Charlemagne Romances:-11. The Four Sons of Aymon, ed. Miss O. Richardson. Pt. II. 20s. 1885
XLVI. Sir Bevis of Hamton, from the Auchinleck and other MSS., ed. Prof. E. Kölbing, Ph.D. Part I. 10s.
XLVII. The Wars of Alexander, ed. Rev. Prof. Skeat, Litt. D., LL.D. 20s.
XLVIII. Sir Bevis of Hamton, ed. Prof. E. Kölbing, Ph.D. Part II. 10s.
XLIX. Guy of Warwick, 2 texts (Auchinleck and Caius MSS.), Pt. II., ed. Prof. J. Zupitza, Ph.D. 15s. 1887
15s. 1884
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1886
""
The Extra Series of the "Early English Text Society." Works preparing. 9
L. Charlemagne Romances:-12. Huon of Burdeux, by Lord Berners, ed. S. L. Lee, B.A. Part IV. 58.
LI. Torrent of Portyngale, from the unique MS. in the Chetham Library, ed. E. Adam, Ph.D. 108.
LII. Bullein's Dialogue against the Feuer Pestilence, 1578 (ed. 1, 1564). Ed. M. & A. H. Bullen. 108.
LIII. Vicary's Anatomie of the Body of Man, 1548, ed. 1577, ed. F. J. & Percy Furnivall. Part I. 158.
LIV. Caxton's Englishing of Alain Chartier's Curial, ed. Dr. F. J. Furnivall & Prof. P. Meyer. 58.
LV.. Barbour's Bruce, ed. Rev. Prof. Skeąt, Litt. D., LL.D. Part IV. 5s.
1887
1888
1889
""
LVI. Early English Pronunciation, by A. J. Ellis, Esq., F. R.S. Pt. V., the present English Dialects. 258.
LVII. Caxton's Eneydos, A.D. 1490, coll. with its French, ed. M. T. Culley, M. A. & Dr. F. J. Furnivall. 13s. 1890
LVIII. Caxton's Blanchardyn & Eglantine, c. 1489, extracts from ed. 1595, & French, ed. Dr. L. Kellner, 17s.
LIX. Guy of Warwick, 2 texts (Auchinleck and Caius MSS.), Part III., ed. Prof. J. Zupitza, Ph.D. 158. 1891
LX. Lydgate's Temple of Glass, re-edited from the MSS. by Dr. J. Schick. 15s.
LXI. Hoccleve's Minor Poems, I., from the Phillipps and Durham MSS., ed. F. J. Furnivall, Ph.D. 158.
LXII. The Chester Plays, re-edited from the MSS. by the late Dr. Hermann Deimling. Part I. 158.
LXIII. Thomas a Kempis's De Imitatione Christi, englisht ab. 1440, & 1502, ed. Prof. J. K. Ingram. 158.
LXIV. Caxton's Godfrey of Boloyne, or Last Siege of Jerusalem, 1481, ed. Dr. Mary N. Colvin. 158.
LXV. Sir Bevis of Hamton, ed. Prof. E. Kölbing, Ph. D. Part III. 158.
LXVI. Lydgate's and Burgh's Secrees of Philisoffres. ab. 1445-50, ed. R. Steele, B.A. 158.
LXVII. The Three Kings' Sons, a Romance, ab. 1500, Part I., the Text, ed. Dr. Furnivall. 10s.
LXVIII. Melusine, the prose Romance, ab. 1500, Part I, the Text, ed. A. K. Donald. 20s.
LXIX. Lydgate's Assembly of the Gods, ed. Prof. Oscar L. Triggs, M.A., Ph.D. 158.
LXX. The Digby Plays, edited by Dr. F. J. Furnivall. 15s.
LXXI. The Towneley Plays, ed. Geo. England and A. W. Pollard, M. A. 15s
LXXII. Hoccleve's Regement of Princes, 1411-12, and 14 Poems, edited by Dr. F. J. Furnivall. 15s.
LXXIII. Hoccleve's Minor Poems, II., from the Ashburnhamn MS., ed. I. Gollancz, M.A. [At Press.
LXXIV. Secreta Secretorum, 3 prose Englishings, by Jas. Yonge, 1428, ed. R. Steele, B. A. Part I. 20s.
LXXV. Speculum Guidonis de Warwyk, edited by Miss G. L. Morrill, M.A., Ph.D. 10s.
LXXVI.. George Ashby's Poems, &c., ed. Miss Mary Bateson. 15s.
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1892
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1893
19
1894
>>
1895
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1896
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1897
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1898
1899
LXXVII. Lydgate's DeGuilleville's Pilgrimage of the Life of Man, 1426, ed. Dr. F. J. Furnivall. Part I. 108.
LXXVIII. The Life and Death of Mary Magdalene, by T. Robinson, c. 1620, ed. Dr. H. O. Sommer.
LXXIX. Caxton's Dialogues, English and French, c. 1483, ed. Henry Bradley, M. A. 10s.
LXXX. Lydgate's Two Nightingale Poems, ed. Dr. Otto Glauning. 58.
58.
1900
LXXXI. Gower's Confessio Amantis, edited by G. C. Macaulay, M.A. Vol. I. 15s.
LXXXII. Gower's Confessio Amantis, edited by G. C. Macaulay, M.A. Vol. II. 15s.
1901
LXXXIII. Lydgate's DeGuilleville's Pilgrimage of the Life of Man, 1426, ed. Dr. F. J. Furnivall. Pt. II. 10s.
LXXXIV. Lydgate's Reason and Sensuality, edited by Dr. E. Sieper. Part I. 5s.
LXXXV. Alexander Scott's Poems, 1568, from the unique Edinburgh MS., ed. A. K. Donald, B. A.
LXXXVI. William of Shoreham s Poems, re-ed. from the unique MS. by Dr. M. Konrath. Part I.
LXXXVII. Two Coventry Corpus-Christi Plays, re-edited by Hardin Craig, M.A. 10s.
LXXXVIII. Le Morte Arthur, re-edited from the Harleian MS. 2252 by Prof. Bruce, Ph.D. 15s.
LXXXIX. Lydgate's Reason and Sensuality, edited by Dr. E. Sieper. Part II. 15s.
XC. English Fragments from Latin Medieval Service-Books, ed. by Hy. Littlehales. 58.
10s.
1902
10s.
""
1903
"}
""
XCI. The Macro Plays, from Mr. Gurney's unique MS., ed. Dr. Furnivall and A. W. Pollard, M.A. 10s.
XCII. Lydgate's DeGuileville's Pilgrimage of the Life of Man, Part III., cd. Miss Locock. 10s.
XCIII. Lovelich's Romance of Merlin, from the unique MS., ed. Dr. E. A. Kock. Part I. 10s.
XCIV. Respublica, a Play on Social England, A.D. 1553, ed. L. A. Magnus, LL.B. 12s.
XCV. Lovelich's History of the Holy Grail, Pt. V.: The Legend of the Holy Grail, by Dorothy Kempe. 6s.
XCVI. Mirk's Festial, edited from the MSS. by Dr. Erbe. Part I. 12s.
1904
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"}
1905
""
XCVII. Lydgate's Troy Book, edited from the best MSS. by Dr. Hy. Bergen. Part I. 15s.
XCVIII. Skelton's Magnificence, edited by Dr. R. L. Ramsay, with an Introduction. 78. 6d.
XCIX. The Romance of Emaré, re-edited from the MS. by Miss Edith Rickert, Ph.D. 78. 6d.
1906
C. The Harrowing of Hell, and The Gospel of Nicodemus, re-ed. by Prof. Hulme, M. A., Ph.D. (At Press. 1907
CI. Ballads and Carols from Richard Hill's Balliol MS., edited by Dr. R. Dyboski. [At Press.
CII.
CIII.
CIV. Lydgate's Troy Book, edited from the best MSS. by Dr. Hy. Bergen. Part II. [At Press.
""
1908
1909
EARLY ENGLISH TEXT SOCIETY TEXTS PREPARING.
Besides the Texts named as at press on p. 12 of the Cover of the Early English Text
Society's last Books, the following Texts are also slowly preparing for the Society:-
ORIGINAL SERIES.
The Earliest English Prose Psalter, ed. Dr. K. D. Buelbring. Part II.
The Earliest English Verse Psalter, 3 texts, ed. Rev. R. Harvey, M.A.
Anglo-Saxon Poems, from the Vercelli MS., re-edited by Prof. I. Gollancz, M.A.
Anglo-Saxon Glosses to Latin Prayers and Hymns, edited by Dr. F. Holthausen.
All the Anglo-Saxon Homilies and Lives of Saints not accessible in English editions, including those of the
Vercelli MS. &c., edited by Prof. Napier, M.A., Ph.D.
10
Works preparing for the "Early English Text Society."
The Anglo-Saxon Psalms; all the MSS. in Parallel Texts, ed. Dr. H. Logeman and F. Harsley, B.A.
Beowulf, a critical Text, &c., edited by a Pupil of the late Prof. Zupitza, Ph.D.
Byrhtferth's Handboc, ed. by Prof. G. IIempl.
Early English Confessionals, ed. Dr. R. von Fleischhacker.
The Seven Sages, in the Northern Dialect, from a Cotton MS., edited by Dr. Squires.
The Master of the Game, a Book of Huntynge for Hen. V. when Prince of Wales. (Editor wanted.)
Ailred's Rule of Nuns, &c., edited from the Vernon MS., by the Rev. Canon II. R. Bramley, M.A.
Early English Verse Lives of Saints, Standard Collection, from the Harl. MS. (Edilor wanted.)
A Lapidary, from Lord Tollemache's MS., &c., edited by Dr. R. von Fleischhacker.
Early English Deeds and Documents, from unique MSS., ed. Dr. Lorenz Morsbach.
Gilbert Banastre's Poems, and other Boccaccio englishings, ed. by Prof. Dr. Max Förster.
Lanfranc's Cirurgie, ab. 1400 A.D., ed. Dr. R. von Fleischhacker, Part II.
William of Nassington's Mirror of Life, from Jn. of Waldby, edited by J. A. Herbert, M.A.
More Early English Wills from the Probate Registry at Somerset House. (Editor wanted.)
Early Lincoln Wills and Documents from the Bishops' Registers, &c., edited by Dr. F. J. Furnivall.
Early Canterbury Wills, edited by William Cowper, B.A., and J. Meadows Cowper.
Early Norwich Wills, edited by Walter Rye and F. J. Furnivall.
Early Lyrical Poems from the Harl. MS. 2253, re-edited by Prof. Hall Griffin, M.A.
Alliterative Prophecies, edited from the MSS. by Prof. Brand), Ph.D.
Miscellaneous Alliterative Poems, edited from the MSS. by Dr. L. Morsbach.
Bird and Beast Poems, a collection from MSS., edited by Dr. K. D. Buelbring.
Scire Mori, &c., from the Lichfield MS. 16, cd. Mrs. L. Grindon, LL.A., and Miss Florence Gilbert.
Nicholas Trivet's French Chronicle, from Sir A. Acland-Hood's unique MS. (Editor wanted.)
Early English Homilies in IIarl. 2276 &c., c. 1400, ed. J. Friedländer.
Extracts from the Registers of Boughton, cd. IIy. Littlehales, Esq.
The Diary of Prior Moore of Worcester, A.D. 1518-35, from the unique MS., cd. Henry Littlehales, Esq.
The Pore Caitif, edited from its MSS., by Mr. Peake.
Trevisa's englisht Vegetius on the Art of War, MS. 30 Magd. Coll. Oxf., cd. L. C. Wharton, M.A.
Poems attributed to Richard Maydenstone, from MS. Rawl. A 389, edited by Dr. W. IIeuscr.
Knighthood and Battle, a verse-Vogetius from a Pembroke Coll. MS., Cambr., ed. Dr. R. Dyboski.
EXTRA SERIES.
Bp. Fisher's English Works, Pt. II., with his Life and Letters, ed. Rev. Ronald Bayne, B.A. [At Press.
Sir Tristrem, from the unique Auchinleck MS., edited by George F. Black.
John of Arderne's Surgery, c. 1425, ed. J. F. Payne, M.D.
De Guilleville's Pilgrimage of the Sowle, edited by Prof. Dr. Leon Kellner.
Vicary's Anatomie, 1548, from the unique MS. copy by George Jeans, edited by F. J. & Percy Furnivall.
Vicary's Anatomie, 1548, ed. 1577, edited by F. J. & Percy Furnivall. Part II. [At Press.
A Compilacion of Surgerye, from H. de Mandeville and Lanfrank, A.D. 1392, ed. Dr. J. F.
William Staunton's St. Patrick's Purgatory, &c., ed. Mr. G. P. Krapp, U.S.A.
Payne.
Trevisa's Bartholomæus de Proprietatibus Rerum, re-edited by Dr. R. von Fleischhacker.
Bullein's Dialogue against the Feuer Pestilence, 1564, 1573, 1578. Ed. A. H. and M. Bullen. Part II. ·
The Romance of Boctus and Sidrac, edited from the MSS. by Dr. K. D. Buelbring.
The Romance of Clariodus, and Sir Amadas, re-edited from the MSS. by Dr. K. D. Buelbring.
Sir Degrevant, edited from the MSS. by Dr. K. Luick.
Robert of Brunne's Chronicle of England, from the Inner Temple MS., ed. by Prof. W. E. Mead, Ph.D.
Maundeville's Voiage and Travaile, re-edited from the Cotton MS. Titus C. 16, &c., by Miss M. Bateson.
Avowynge of Arthur, re-edited from the unique Ireland MS. by Dr. K. D. Buelbring.
Guy of Warwick, Copland's version, edited by a pupil of the late Prof. Zupitza, Ph.D.
Awdelay's Poems, re-edited from the unique MS. Douce 302, by Prof. Dr. E. Wülfing.
The Wyse Chylde and other early Treatises on Education, Northwich School, Harl. 2099 &c., ed. G. Collar, B.A.
Caxton's Dictes and Sayengis of Philosophirs, 1477, with Lord Tollemache's MS. version, ed. S. I. Butler, Esq.
Caxton's Book of the Ordre of Chyualry, collated with Loutfut's Scotch copy. (Editor wanted.)
Lydgate's Dance of Death, ed. Miss Florence Warren.
Lydgate's Lyfe of oure Lady, ed. by Prof. Georg Fiedler, Ph.D.
Lydgate's Life of St. Edmund, edited from the MSS. by Dr. Axel Erdmann.
Richard Coer de Lion, re-edited from Harl. MS. 4690, by Prof. Hausknecht, Ph.D.
The Romance of Athelstan, re-cdited by a pupil of the late Prof. J. Zupitza, Ph.D.
The Romance of Sir Degare, re-edited by Dr. Breul.
The Gospel of Nichodemus, edited by Ernest Ricdel.
Mulcaster's Positions 1581, and Elementarie 1582, ed. Dr. Th. Klaehr, Dresden.
Walton's verse Boethius de Consolatione, edited by Mark H. Liddell, U.S.A.
Sir Landeval and Sir Launfal, edited by Dr. Zimmermann.
Rolland's Seven Sages, the Scottish version of 1560, edited by George F. Black.
Partonope of Blois, cdited from the complete MS., &c., by Dr. A. T. Bodtker.
Early English Fabliaux, a Collection, edited by Prof. George H. McKnight, Ph.D.
MSS. and Books that Editors are wanted for.
11
Among the MSS. and old books which need copying or re-editing, are:-
ORIGINAL SERIES.
English Inventories and other MSS. in Canterbury
Cathedral (5th Report, Hist. MSS. Com.).
Maumetrie, from Lord Tollemache's MS.
The Romance of Troy. Harl. 525, Addit. Br. Mus.
Biblical MS., Corpus Cambr. 434 (ab. 1375).
Kampole's unprinted Works.
be Clowde of Unknowyng, from Harl. MSS. 2373, 959,
Bibl. Reg. 17 C 26, &c. Univ. Coll. Oxf. 14.
Lanterne of Lizt, from Harl. MS. 2324.
*
soule-hele, from the Vernon MS.
Lydgate's unprinted Works.
Boethius de Consol.; Pilgrim, 1426, &c. &c.
Early Treatises on Music: Descant, the Gamme, &c.
Skelton's englishing of Diodorus Siculus.
Boethius, in prose, MS. Auct. F. 3. 5, Bodley.
Penitential Psalms, by Rd. Maydenstoon, Brampton,
&c. (Rawlinson, A. 389, Douce 232, &c.),
Documents from the early Registers of the Bishops of
all Dioceses in Great Britain.
Ordinances and Documents of the City of Worcester.
T. Breus's Passion of Christ, 1422. Harl. 2338.
Jn. Crophill or Crephill's Tracts, Harl. 1735.
Burgh's Cato.
Memoriale Credencium, &c., Harl. 2398,
Book for Recluses, Harl. 2372.
Lollard Theological Treatises, Harl. 2343, 2330, &c.
H. Selby's Northern Ethical Tract, Harl. 2388, art. 20.
Hilton's Ladder of Perfection, Cott. Faust. B 6, &c.
Supplementary Early English Lives of Saints.
Select Prose Treatises from the Vernon MS.
Metrical Homilies, Edinburgh MS.
•
Lyrical Poems from the Fairfax MS. 16, &c.
Prose Life of St. Audry, A.D. 1595, Corp. Oxf. 120.
English Miscellanies from MSS., Corp. Oxford.
Miscellanies from Oxford College MSS.
Disce Mori, Jesus Coll. Oxf. 39; Bodl. Laud 99.
Mirrour of the blessed lijf of Thesu Crist. MSS. of
Sir Hy. Ingilby, Bart., Lord Aldenham, Univ. Coll.
Oxf. 123, &c.
Poem on Virtues and Vices, &c., Harl. 2260.
Maundevyle's Legend of Gwydo, Queen's, Oxf, 383.
Book of Warrants of Edw. VI., &c., New Coll. Oxf, 328.
Adam Loutfut's Heraldic Tracts, Harl. 6149-50.
Rules for Gunpowder and Ordnance, Harl. 6355.
John Watton's englisht Speculum Christiani, Corpus,
Oxf. 155, Laud G.12, Thoresby 530, Harl. 2250, art. 20.
Verse and Prose in Harl. MS. 4012.
The Englisht Disciplina Pastoralis, and Statutes of
Black Roger, in Worcester Cathedral MS. 172.
Erle of Tolous.
Ypotis.
Sir Eglamoure.
Sir Gowther.
Dame Siriz, &c.-
Orfeo (Digby, 86).
Dialogues between the Soul and Body.
Barlaam and Josaphat.
Amis and Amiloun.
EXTRA SERIES.
Sir Generides, from Lord Tollemache's MS.
The Troy-Book fragments once cald Barbour's, in the
Cambr. Univ. Library and Douce MSS.
Poems of Charles, Duke of Orleans,
Carols and Songs.
Songs and Ballads, Ashmole MS. 48.
The Siege of Rouen, from Harl. MSS. 2256, 753, Eger-
ton 1995, Bodl. 3562, E, Museo 124, &c.
Octavian.
Libeaus Desconus.
Ywain and Gawain.
Sir Perceval of Gallas.
Sir Isumbras,
Pilgrimage to Jerusalem, Queen's Coll. Oxf. 357.
Other Pilgrimages to Jerusalem, Harl. 2333, &c.
Horæ, Penitential Psalms, &c., Queen's Coll. Oxf. 207,
St. Brandan's Confession, Queen's Coll. Oxf. 210.
Scotch Heraldry Tracts, copy of Caxton's Book of
Chivalry, &c., Queen's Coll. Oxford 161.
Stevyn Scrope's Doctryne and Wysedome of the
Auncyent Philosophers, A.D. 1450, Harl. 2266.
The Subscription to the Society, which constitutes membership, is £1 1s. a year for the ORIGINAL
SERIES, and £1 1s. for the EXTRA SERIES, due in advance on the 1st of JANUARY, and should be
paid by Cheque, Postal Order, or Money-Order, crost Union of London and Smith's Bank,' to the
Hon. Secretary, W. A. DALZIEL, Esq., 67, Victoria Road, Finsbury Park, London, N. Members
who want their Texts posted to them must add to their prepaid Subscriptions 1s. for the Original
Series, and ls. for the Extra Series, yearly. The Society's Texts are also sold separately at the
prices put after them in the Lists; but Members can get back-Texts at one-third less than the List-
prices by sending the cash for them in advance to the Hon. Secretary,
Foreign Subscriptions can be paid, and the Society's Texts deliverd, thru Asher & Co., 56, Unter
den Linden, Berlin.

Early English Text Society.
ORIGINAL SERIES.
The Publications for 1907 (one guinea) are :—
133. The English Register of Oseney Abbey, by Oxford, edited by the Rev. Dr. Andrew Clark. Part I. 15s.
134. The Coventry Leet Book, edited by Miss M. Dormer Harris. Part I. 15s.
The Publications for 1908 and 1909 will be chosen from :-
The Coventry Leet Book, edited by Miss M. Dormer Harris. Part II. [At Press.
Capgrave's Lives of St. Augustine and St. Gilbert of Sempringham, edited from the MS. by J. J. Munro. [At Press
The English Register of Godstow Nunnery, edited by the Rev. Dr. Andrew Clark. Part III. [At Press.
The English Register of Oseney Abbey, by Oxford, ed. by the Rev. Dr. Andrew Clark. Part II. [At Press.
The Brut, or The Chronicles of England,. edited from the best MSS. by Dr. F. Brie. Part II. [At Press.
An Alphabet of Tales, in Northern English, from the Latin, ed. Mrs. M. M. Banks. Part III.
The Wars of Alexander the Great, Thornton MS., ed. J.S. Westlake, M.A., and L.A. Magnus, Ll.B. [At Press.
Twenty-six Political and other Poems from Digby MS. 102, &c., edited by Dr. J. Kail. Part II.
The Laud Troy-Book, edited from the unique MS. Laud 595, by Dr. J. Ernst Wülfing. Part III.
The Old-English Rule of Bp. Chrodegang, and the Capitula of Bp. Theodulf, ed Prof. Napier, Ph.D. [At Press.
Robert of Brunne's Handlyng Synne (1308), and its French original, re-ed. by Dr. Furnivall. Part III.
The Alliterative Siege of Jerusalem, edited by Prof. E. Kölbing, Ph.D., and Prof. Kaluza, Ph.D. [At Press.
Alain Chartier's Quadrilogue, englisht, edited from the unique MS. by Prof. J. W. H. Atkins, M.A.
Minor Poems of the Vernon MS. Part III. Introduction and Glossary by H. Hartley, M.A.
Sir David Lyndesay's Works. Part VI. and last. Edited by the Rev. Wm. Bayne, M.A. [At Press.
Jacob's Well, edited from the unique Salisbury Cathedral MS. by Dr. A. Brandeis. Part II. [At Press.
✓ Vices and Virtues, from the unique MS., ab. 1200 A.D., ed. Prof. Dr. F. Holthausen, Part II. [At Press.
The Exeter Book (Anglo-Saxon Poems), re-ed. from the unique MS., by Prof. Gollancz, M. A. Part II. [At Press.
Prayers and Devotions, from the unique MS. Cotton Titus C. 19, ed. Hy. Littlehales, Esq. [Copied.
North-English Metrical Homilies, from Ashmole MS. 42 &c., ed. G. H. Gerould, D.Litt.
Vegetius on the Art of War, edited from the MSS. by L. C. Wharton, M.A.
Shirley's Book of Gode Maners, edited from the unique MS. by Hermann Oelsner, Ph.D.
EXTRA SERIES.
The Publications for 1906 (one guinea) will be :—
15s.
XCVII. Lydgate's Troy Book, edited from the best MSS. by Dr. Hy. Bergen. Part I.
XCVIII. Skelton's Magnificence, edited by Dr. Robert L. Ramsay, with an Introduction. 7s. 6d.
XCIX. The Romance of Emaré, re-edited from the MS. by Miss Edith Rickert, Ph.D. 7s. 6d. [At Press.
The Publications for 1907 will probably be :-
C. The Harrowing of Hell, and The Gospel of Nicodemus, re-edited by Prof. Hulme, Ph.D. 15s.
CI. Ballads, Carols, &c., from Richard Hill's Balliol MS, 354, edited by Dr. R. Dyboski. 158. [At Press.
The Publications for 1908 and 1909 will be chosen from :—
Lydgate's Troy Book, edited from the best MSS. by Dr. Hy. Bergen. Part II.
Lydgate's Minor Poems, with the Lydgate Canon, edited by Dr. H. N. MacCracken.
The Non-Cycle Miracle Plays, re-edited by O. Waterhouse, B.A. [At Press.
Lydgate's Siege of Thebes, re-edited from the MSS. by Prof. Dr. A. Erdmann. [At Press.
The Owl and Nightingale, 2 Texts parallel, ed. G. F. H. Sykes, Esq. [At Press.
The Court of Sapience, once thought Lydgate's, edited by Dr. Jaeger.
Mirk's Festial, edited from the best MSS. by Dr. Erbe. Part II.
William of Shoreham's Poems, re-edited by Dr. M. Konrath. Part II. [At Press.
Winner and Waster, &c., two Alliterative Poems, re-edited by Prof. I. Gollancz, Litt.D.
De Medicina, a 12th-century Englishing, edited by Prof. Joseph Delcourt.
Melusine, the prose Romance, from the unique MS., ab. 1500, ed. A. K. Donald, B.A. Part II. [At Press.
Lovelich's Romance of Merlin, edited from the unique MS. by Dr. E, A. Kock. Part II.
›
Promptorium Parvulorum, c. 1440, from the Winchester MS., ed. Rev. A. L. Mayhew, M. A. Part I. [At Press.
Lydgate's Dance of Death, edited from the MSS. by Miss Florence Warren.
Wynkyn de Worde's English and French Phrase-book, etc., edited by Hermann Oelsner, Ph.D.
Secreta Secretorum: three prose Englishings, ab. 1440, ed. R. Steele, B.A. Part II. [At Press.
The Craft of Nombrynge, the earliest English Treatise on Arithmetic, ed. R. Steele, B.A. [At Press.
The Book of the Foundation of St. Bartholomew's Hospital, London, MS. ab. 1425, ed. Dr. Norman Mooro. [Set.
Caxton's Mirror of the World, with 27 Woodcuts, edited by O. H. Prior, M.A.
The Chester Plays, Part II., re-edited by Dr. Matthews. [At Press.
Lichfield Gilds, ed. Dr. F. J. Furnivall; Introduction by Prof. E. C. K. Gonner. [Text done.
John Hart's Orthographie, from his unique MS. 1551, and his black-letter text, 1569, ed. Prof. Otto Jespersen, Ph.D.
John Hart's Methode to teach Reading, 1570, ed. Prof. Otto Jespersen, Ph.D.
Extracts from the Rochester Diocesan Registers, ed. Hy. Littlehales, Esq.
The Three Kings' Sons, Part II, French collation, Introduction, &c., by Dr. L. Kellner..
The Coventry Plays, re-edited from the unique MS. by Dr. Matthews.
The Anoren Riwle, edited from its five MSS., by the late Prof. E. Kölbing, Ph.D., and Dr. Thümmler.
Lovelich's History of the Holy Grail, Part VI, ed. F. J. Furnivall, M.A., Ph.D.
Ipomedon, edited by Dr. A. T. Bödtker.
The Awnturs of Arthur, 2 Texts from the 3 MSS., edited by Wilhelm Wolff.
LONDON: KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRÜBNER & CO., Ltd.
BERLIN: ASHER & CO., 13, UNTER DEN LINDEN.
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LIFE.
I was born at Sumter, South Carolina, December 14,
1880; attended Davidson College (1896-1897) and Johns
Hopkins University (1897-1898); and received the degree
of A.B. from Fredericksburg College in 1899. The next year
I spent as Professor of English at Fredericksburg College.
In October, 1900, I entered the English Seminary of the
Johns Hopkins University. My subordinate subjects were
Greek and French. I was appointed Student Assistant in
1903, and was Fellow in English in 1904-1905. To all of
my instructors I desire to make grateful acknowledgement
of their unfailing helpfulness and courtesy. I am especially
indebted to the inspiring instruction of Professor Gildersleeve.
My deepest obligation is to Professor Bright, for the example.
of his thorough scholarship and the stimulus of his patient
direction of my studies.
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UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
3 9015 00061 1999