VESPUCCI
FIRST FOUR VOYAGES
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THE FIRST FOUR
VOYAGES

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AMERIGO VESPUCCI
REPRODUCED IN FACSIMILE
WITH
1
TRANSLATION, INTRODUCTION
A MAP, AND A FACSIMILE OF A DRAWING
BY STRADANUS
LONDON
BERNARD QUARITCH
15 PICCADILLY
1893
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THE FIRST FOUR

VOYAGES
OF
67984
AMERIGO VESPUCCI
REPRINTED IN FACSIMILE
AND
TRANSLATED
From the rare original edition (Florence, 1505-6).
LONDON
BERNARD QUARITCH
15 PICCADILLY
1893
E
125
.V5
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003 944 jul
LONDON:
G. NORMAN AND SON, PRINTERS, HART STREET,
COVENT GARDEN.

DESIGN ILLUSTRATING VESPESCCI'S DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.
AN ORIGINAL DRAWING BY STRADANUS, ABOUT 1580.

PREFACE.
THE name of the Florentine is imperishably recorded in that of
the New World. We all know that it was not he who invented
the word America, and that no portion of the wrong inflicted on
Columbus attaches to Vespucci. Formerly, however, it was not
unusual to find him abused as a base supplanter who had
maliciously stolen the glory of his fellow-countryman. That
feeling has not wholly passed away even from the minds of those
who ought to be exempt from prejudice. While acquitting
Vespucci on the charge of theft, they raise a fresh indictment
against him for forgery. It is to be hoped that the second
accusation will be dropped in time like the first; and that the
world will learn to speak of the Florentine in the words of
Columbus "Amerigo Vespucci . . is a very worthy man; fortune
has been adverse to him as to many others. His labours have
not benefited him so much as justice would require." This
testimony was written by Columbus to his son Diego in February,
1505, a date which is significant in connexion with the allegations
made by Humboldt and others to the discredit of Vespucci. His
"Four Voyages"—that is, his first four voyages to the New
World, are described by himself as having taken place in 1497-98,
1499-1500, 1501, and 1503-04; the first two in the Spanish
service, the other two in that of the King of Portugal. The
impugners of his veracity assert that the first voyage was made
with Alonso de Hojeda in 1499, not in 1497, and that his account
of it is wilfully falsified and garbled so that he might magnify
himself by concealing the names of the men under whom he
15020
iv
Preface.
sailed, and by giving an exaggerated idea of the work done. It
would follow, as a matter of course, that the second voyage was
wholly fictitious, and that the third and fourth ought to be
called second and third. Then it is said that the "Quatuor
Navigationes" was first published in 1507-an assumption to be
corrected below-and that, consequently, Amerigo had no longer
the fear of Columbus (dead in 1506) before his eyes when he
uttered his fabricated narrative.
The fact is that Vespucci's first published Epistola contains a
clear reference to three voyages which he had already made, two
of them "ex mandato serenissimi Hispaniarum regis." As he
wrote that letter before June, 1503, and as all bibliographers agree
that it was printed (in a Latin form) three or four times in 1503
(although the first dated edition did not appear till 1504) and
several times in 1504-5, Columbus must have been well aware of
Vespucci's pretensions at the date (1505) when he recommended
him as a worthy man who "has ever had a desire to do me
pleasure." This circumstance suffices to upset a portion of the
anti-Vesputian case. It gives absolute proof that in 1502-3 the facts
and dates given in the book of 1507 had been publicly announced by
or for Vespucci; and the absence of all contemporary denial enables
us to accept his account as equally veracious with the narratives
of other explorers. Confused and ill-written we must allow it to
be; for although Vespucci had been educated by his own uncle as
a fellow-pupil with Pier Soderini (the future head of the Florentine
republic), he became in later days, probably through companion-
ship with the Spanish and Portuguese seamen, almost unfit to
handle a literary pen. The "Lettera" now reproduced gives ample
evidence of that fact, being written in rude and ungrammatical
language, jargonised by the admixture of Spanish or Portuguese
words and idioms. Such as it is, however, we must regard it as
the only genuine piece of sustained composition which Vespucci
has left; the Epistola being extant only in a Latin version, and
the well-written letters published by Italian editors in the last
and the present century, being admittedly supposititious and
modern.
The great interest which attaches to Vespucci's first voyage
Preface.
lies in the probability that he sailed along the entire coast of the
Mexican gulf as far as the point of Florida, and some distance up
the shores of what is now Carolina. A side-light is thrown upon
the subject by the map of the New World which appeared in
the Latin Ptolemy of 1513, and which had been in the wood-
engraver's hands six years earlier. That map, we have some
reason to suspect, was derived from Vespucci's design. It is, in
fact, called "the Admiral's map" by the editor of Ptolemy, and
has, on the strength of that name, been assigned rather to
Columbus or Cabral than to Vespucci. It gives to the continental
shores behind and above Cuba a conformation which agrees
tolerably with the actual outline of the coast from Central
America to Florida; and only a very special pleader can persuade
us that it is meant for anything else. Columbus, although he
was a map-maker, did not possess sufficient knowledge to have
designed that particular map; Cabral was a nobleman and soldier,
who had neither the knowledge nor the skill required. Only
Vespucci remains, and only in the narrative of his first voyage
can we find any hint of such a course of exploration as would
furnish the chartographer with the necessary details. As a
commander of one of the ships in the Portuguese expedition of
1503-4, he would probably be regarded among foreigners as a
Portuguese admiral.
The "Lettera" was printed, as the type indicates, by Gian
Stefano di Carlo di Pavia at Florence not earlier than 1505,
and not later than 1516. As a matter of demonstrable fact,
it must have appeared in the former year. The substance has
been familiar to the world since the publication of the Latin
translation in 1507, but the Italian text seems to have
virtually dropped out of sight from the time of its appearance
down to the middle of the last century, when Bandini met with a
single copy.
Even now only five copies are recorded: one is
in the British Museum, a second in the Biblioteca Palatina at
Florence, a third belonged to Varnhagen and is perhaps now in
Brazil, a fourth was in the Capponi library at the beginning of
this century; and the fifth (from which the present reproduction
is derived) is in the library which belonged to the late Charles
Kalbfleisch of New York. Thus it has been practically inacces-
vi
Preface.
sible and unknown to the world; while the faulty Latin version
frequently reprinted and translated since 1507 has, in its blunders,
furnished the anti-Vesputians with arguments which a sight of
the actual Italian original could have nullified.
Amerigo Vespucci is always said to have been born on the
9th March, 1451, but I suspect an error in the date. 1461 would
harmonise better with his position as a student in 1476, when he
wrote a boyish letter in Latin to his father. His uncle Giorgio
Antonio Vespucci, a friend of Savonarola, was his tutor, and one
of his fellow-pupils was that Pier or Pietro Soderini who became
in 1502 the Gonfaloniere or Chief of the republic of Florence.
He had friends likewise among the Medici, to whose expulsion
from the city in 1502 Soderini owed his elevation to that dignity.
Vespucci remembered them both in the after years, since he sent
several letters to his patron, Lorenzo di Pier Francesco dei
Medici (of which only one, the Latin Epistola, has survived) and
addressed his "Lettera" to Soderini. He was despatched to
Cadiz by Lorenzo di Pier in 1492, on business of the Medici
banking-house, and he seems to have remained there trading or
speculating on his own account after the object of the mission
had been attained. He was employed by the Spanish sovereigns
in 1496 to complete a contract which had been undertaken by
the naval outfitter, Berardi (now dead), for the supply of some
ships to the king. Ferdinand was engaged in a speculation of
his own, and Vespucci took service on one of the four vessels.
which were sent out by the king for adventure in the New World,
and which started from Cadiz on May 10th, 1497. His function
was probably that of astronomer and chartographer, under the
command of Vincente Yañez Pinzon and Juan Diaz de Solis,
although he does not mention their names, but writes as if he
were himself master of one of the ships. He returned to Cadiz
on October 15th, 1498. The account of the voyage is anthropo-
logical rather than geographical. From the distances traversed
and the latitudes specified (usually with exaggeration) he seems
to have reached Honduras on the 4th July and thenceforward to
have sailed along the coast-nearly always in sight of it-in a
direction necessarily verging northward, for 870 leagues (as he
computed, which would ordinarily be equal to 3480 miles, but
Preface.
vii
his leagues, like those of Columbus, were always meant to repre-
sent three miles) until he turned back in the August of the
following year. Only two geographical names are mentioned in
this long voyage: the province of Lariab and the island of Ity.
Neither can be identified, but the former was perhaps in the
region of Vera Cruz, and the latter cannot have been the
island of Ha-iti, since it was reached in a seven days' voyage
E.N.E. from the continental coast. It may have been Lucayo.
He went out again in an expedition of three ships led by
Alonso de Hojeda, which started from Cadiz on May 16th, 1499.
He reached Brazil on June 27th, and sailed along the northern
coast line of South America as far as Venezuela; then proceeding
northward from the islands of St. Margaret and Curaçao, followed
his commanders to San Domingo. Vespucci stayed there for
two months and a half, during which time he must have seen
Columbus, to whom he alludes as being then on the island. He
returned to Cadiz on September 8th.
Towards the close of 1500, Vespucci was induced to transfer
his services to Dom Manoel of Portugal, and on May 10th, 1501,
sailed in an expedition of three ships to the South American
coast. On the 17th August he touched at Cape St. Roque, and
then turned southwards, reaching Bahia on November 1st, and
the harbour of Rio on January 1st, 1502. The object aimed at in
this voyage seems to have been to find a south-western passage,
as it had been in the two preceding to discover a north-west
passage. When they failed somewhere in the latitude of La
Plata, Vespucci struck out southwardly into the ocean until at
52 degrees S.L. he thought it time to return. On May 10th he
reached Sierra Leone and arrived in Lisbon on September 7th.
It was about the close of the year when he wrote the letter tox
Lorenzo di Pier Francesco dei Medici, which is so well known in
its Latin form, the Italian original having perished. We know
who was the translator-Fra Giovanni del Giocondo, of Verona,
then residing in Paris-but we do not know how the original got
into his hands, although Vespucci's reference to his friend
Giuliano del Giocondo, at the beginning of his account of the
third voyage, suggests an explanation. This Latin Epistola
was printed several times in 1503 and 1504, the first edition
viii
Preface.
being probably the undated Paris one by Jehan Lambert. It
circulated so widely, and became so well known, that the
fame of Vespucci began to overshadow that of Columbus.
The Florentine thus became accidentally the rival and sup-
planter of the Genoese, but had himself no part in shaping
the circumstances. Neither he nor Columbus ever published
a narrative by any personal exertion or desire. Each of
them wrote letters which passed from the hands of their
recipients into those which consigned them to the press. The
Epistola is not an account of Vespucci's third voyage, as it is
usually considered, but a sort of gossipy, anthropological account
of the savages he had seen in the New World, with a special
reference to some portion of his third voyage. Ramusio regarded
it as a summary of two voyages. It was probably Vespucci's
intention at some time to publish his journal—which at that time
he called his "Tre Giornate," but, in 1504, after his return
from the fourth voyage," Le Quattro Giornate." From the nature
of his references to it, that journal must have been a much ampler
and more exact record of his wanderings than we possess other-
wise, and was apparently illustrated with charts and drawings.
We venture to express a hope that the manuscript may yet be
found in some Spanish hiding place.
On the 10th of May (or June), 1503, he sailed again from
Lisbon, and was very unsuccessful, but left twenty-four men with
provisions in a fort at Cape Frio (near Rio Janeiro), and returned
to Lisbon, which he reached on June 18th, 1504. This was far
from being the last of his American voyages, but it was the last he
had accomplished, when, on September 4th of that year, he wrote
the long "Lettera" here reproduced, giving an account of his four
expeditions. In its printed form, it is addressed to an individual
of high rank in Florence concerned in the government of the
State, whom he reminds of their early association as pupils under
Fra Giorgio Vespucci. This individual, to whom he forwarded
his letter by the hands of Benvenuto di Domenico Benvenuti, is
clearly revealed by that circumstantial evidence as Pier Soderini,
the anti-Medicean Gonfaloniere of Florence. The autograph
letter must naturally have borne his name; why this is omitted
in the printed book can only be guessed at. The publisher was
Preface.
ix
apparently Pietro Pacini di Pescia, an adherent of the Medici
party, and therefore adverse to Soderini. None of the books
which were issued by him during the reign of Soderini contained
any of the formal dedications to the Gonfaloniere which were
used by other contemporary publishers at Florence, and it
was probably he who suppressed Soderini's name. The letter
got into his hands, perhaps, in the form of a copy made by
Benvenuti. Gian Stefano di Pavia, mentioned above, who set
it in type, was Pacini's printer from 1505 to 1513, but was not
in the habit of setting down his own name till the latter year.
His imprint appears for the first time, along with Pacini's name,
in the “Giostra di Giuliano dei Medici," which came out in 1513
after Soderini's death and the restoration of the Medici; but
three of the books produced by Pacini in 1505 are in Gian
Stefano's types, identical with those of the "Lettera." Gian
Stefano used the same types still in 1516 when he printed
Corsali's letter about East India, but the woodcut design on the
title of Vespucci's Lettera belonged to Pacini and had been used
by him as far back as 1493. The honorific title with which
Vespucci addresses Soderini throughout the Lettera is Vostra
Magnificentia, everywhere except in the first instance abbreviated
into Vostra Mag. or V. M. This is a point to be noted, in
connexion with the following circumstances.
""
One of the members of the St. Dié gymnasium (or college) was
Jean Basin de Sendacour, who in 1503 was in Paris and conveyed
thence a copy of Vespucci's Epistola to his friends at St. Dié,
chief among whom were Gautrin Lud, Nicolas Lud, Philesius.
(Ringmann) and Hylacomylus (Waldseemüller), men who were
busy in reviving the scientific literature of the ancients. It was
probably he, or Philesius, who had the good fortune to obtain a
One of them
translated it, or got it translated, into French; and from the
French version a Latin translation was made, as Lud stated, by
Basin. The translator into French was of course ignorant of the
name of the potentate to whom the original was addressed, since
the Lettera bore no indication of it; and the Latiniser, receiving
the letter along with some maps from his sovereign, Duke René
of Lorraine, King of Sicily and Jerusalem, was misled into the
copy of the Lettera some time before 1507.
Uor M
X
Preface.
blunder of supposing that V. M. and Vostre Mag. stood for Vostre
Majesté and were addressed to René. It is singular that his eyes
were not opened by the allusion to "our school-companionship
under Fra Giorgio," since any such association in boyhood
between the Florentine seaman and the sovereign prince of
Lorraine would have been an impossibility. The letter was
printed thus in Latin, with a factitious address to René, at the
end of the Cosmographiæ Introductio, by Waldseemüller on the
25th April, 1507. Numerous reprints followed, and thus Vespucci's
narrative was made known to the world through a second-hand
Latin translation disfigured with several blunders and omissions,
and beginning with an initial falsification; while the original passed
completely into oblivion. The rarity of the latter may have
arisen from an early attempt by Vespucci's friends to suppress
any token of what might seem a deviation from loyalty to his
patrons the Medici. The copy which had reached Lorraine in a
French guise served to arouse the admiration of Waldseemüller
so strongly that, in the text of the Cosmographia, he declared
that the New World (instead of being called simply Mundus Novus
as Vespucci had proposed) ought to bear the name of America,
and his words have prevailed for all time. Yet Vespucci's own
text was unknown, even at Vicenza and Milan within a couple of
years after it was printed. The famous Paesi nuovamente retrovati
(a compendious collection of voyagers' narratives) printed in
1507, 1508, 1512, 1517, 1519, and 1521, comprises the matter of
the Epistola and the Lettera, not in their original form, but in
retranslations from the Latin.
It is well therefore that the New World for which Vespucci
proposed this name, and to which others gave his own, should
receive a true reproduction of his text, so that he may no
longer be held responsible for the errors of the Lorrainers. The
present publication is intended to supply that want. The text
is given in facsimile by a process which ensures its correct-
ness, and the translation is made with literal exactness. The
work has not been done before so completely there are errors
even in Varnhagen's edition of the text, and his translation, while
not sufficiently literal, is also marked by several faults.
:
Lettera di Amerigo vespucci
delle iſole nuouamente
trouate in quattro
fuoi viaggi.


O
AGNIFICE do
mine.Dipoi del
la humile reue
rentia & debite recomenda
tioni &c. Potra effere che
uoftra Magnificentia fimara
uigliera della mia temerita/
et ufada uoftra fauidoria/ch
táto abfurdaméte lo mimuo
ua a ſcriuere a voftra Mag,
la plente lettera táto pliffa:
fappiendo che di cotínuo uo
ftra Mag. fta occupata nellf
alti configli & negotii fopra
elbuon reggiméto di cotefta
excella Repub, Et mi terra no folo prefumptuofo, fed etiam
perotiofo in pormi a fcriuere cofe nó conuenienti a uoftro
ſtato ne dile&cuoli /& cô barbaro filo fcripte ; & fuora do
gnl ordine di humanita:ma la cõfidentia mia che tengho nel
leuoftre uirtu & nella uerita del mio fcriuere/che fon cofe no
fitruouano fcripte ne pli antichi ne p moderni fcriptori / co
me nel pceffo conoſcera V.M.mifa effere ufaro. La caufa prin
cipale ch moffe a fcriuerut/ fu p ruogho del plente aportato
re/ che fidice Benucnuto Benuenuti noftro fiorétino molto
feruitore fecódo che fidfmoftra di uoftra Mag. & molto amf
co mio:elquale trouandofi qui in queſta citta di Lilbona / mi
prego che io faceffi parte a uotta Mag.delle cofe per me ulſte
in diuerfe plaghe del mondo / per ufttu di quattro niaggi che
ho facti in diſcoprire nuoue terre:edua per mando del Re di
Caftiglia don Ferrado Re.vi.per el gran golfo del mare ocea
no uerfo loccidente:et laltre due p mandato del poderofo Re
don Manouello Re di Portogallo / uerfo lauftro:Dicendomi
che uoftra Mag.nepiglierebbe piacere ; & che in qſto (peraua
feruirul:ilperche mtdifpof a farlo: pche mirendo certo chuo
ftra Mag.mitiene nel numero de fuoi feruidori / ricordădomi
come nel tempo della noltra gioventu uiero amico ; & hora
feruidore:& andando a udire eprincipii di gramatica forto
la buona ulta & do&rina del venerabile religiofo frate di.S.
Marco fra Giorgio Antonio Vespucci: econfigli & doctrina
delquale piaceffe a Dio che io hauefli feguitato che come dice
el perrarcha, lo farei altro huomo da quel chio fono, Que
modocunq fit/ non midolgho: perche fempre mifono dile
ctato in cofe uirtuofe:et anchora che queſte mia patragne nõ
fiano conuenienti alle uirtu uoftre / uidito come dixe Plinio
a Mecenate / Vol ſolauate in alcun tépo pigliare placere del
le mie ciancie:anchora che uoftra Mag.ftia del contínuo occu
pata nepublici negorii / alchuna hora piglierete di ſcanſo di
confumare un poco di tempo nelle coſe ridicule / o dilettevo
lí:et come ilfinocchio ficonftuma dare in cima delle dilecte
uoli uiuande p difporle a miglior digeftione / coli potrete p
difcanfo di tante uoftre occupationi madare a leggere quefta
mía lettera:perche ui apartiño alcun tanto della continua cus
ra & affiduo penfameto delle cofe publiche:er fe faro pliffo
ueniam peto Mag.fignor mio. Voftra Mag.fapra/come el
motiuo della uenuta mia in quefto regno di Spagna fu p tra
ctare mercatantie: & come feguiffi in qfo propofito circa di
quattro anni:nequali uiddi & conobbſediſvariati mouimēri
della fortuna:& come promutaua quelli bent caduci & tranfi
torii: & come un tepo tiene lhuomo nella fommita della ruo
ta: & altro tépo lo ributta da fe/ &lo priua debeni che fipof
fono dire impreftati:di modo che conofciuto elcontínuo tra
uaglio che lhuomo pone in conquerirgli / con fotrometterli
a tanti difagi & pericoli /deliberal lafciarmi della mercancía
& porre elmio fine in cofa piu laudabile & fermarche fu che
midifpof dandare a uedere parte del mondo le fue mara
uiglie: & aquesto mi fiofferie tempo &luogo molto oport
no:che fu/chel Redon Ferrando di Caftiglia hauedo a man
dare quattro nauí a difcoprire nuoue terre uerfo loccidente/
fuf electo per fua alteza che fo fufi in effa flocta per adintare
a diſcoprire et partimo del porto di Calis adi.16.di maggio
1497.et pigliamo noſtro cămino per el gran golfo del mare
oceano :nelqnal uiaggio ftemo ig.mefi;& difcoptimo molta
terra ferma & infinite ifole/& gran parte di effe habtrate:che
dalli árfchi fcriptori nõ feneparla di effe:credo pche nô nheb
bono notitia:che fe ben miricordo / in alcuno ho lecto / che
teneua che qſto mare oceano era mare fenza gente:et di que
fta opinione fu Dante noftro poeta nel.xxvi.capitolo dello
inferno/doue finge la morte di Vlyxe:nelqual ufaggio ufdi
cofe di molta marauiglia / come Intédera noftra Mag.Come
diſo pra dixi/parcimo del porto di Calis quattro naut di con
a.ii.
feruat & comindămo noftra nauigatione diritti afle ifole for
tunate/che ogg!' fidicono la gran Canaria / che fono fituate
nel mare oceano nel fine dello occidente habitato / poſte nel
terzo clyma:ſopra lequall alza elpolo del Septentrione fuora
delloro orizonte,27,gradi & mezo: & diftãno da queſta citra
di Liſbona 280.leghe/per eluento infra mezo di & libeccios
done cítenémo octo di / prouedendoci dacqua & legne & df
altre cofe neceffarie:et di qui / facte noftre orationi cileuámo
& démo le uele aluéto/cominciádo noftre nauigationi pel po
nente / pigliando una quarta di libęccio: Se táto nauicámo/ch
alcapo di 37 glorní fumo a tenere una terra / ch la giudicámo
effere terra ferma:laquale diſta dalle ifole di Canaria piu allo
occidente a circha di mille leghe fuora dello habitato drento
della torrida zona:perche trouámo elpolo del feptentrione al
zare fuora del fuo orizonte 16. gradi & piu occidérale che le
ifole di Canaria/fecōdo che moftrauano enoftri inftrumenti
74.gradi:nelquale anchorámo con noßre nauí ad una legha
& mezo di terra: & buttámo fuora noſtri battelli / & ſtipati di
gente & darme:fumo alla uolta della terra/ & prima che glu
gneffimo ad epfa hauemo uiſta di molte gête che andauano
alungho della ſpiaggia:di che cirallegramo molto: & la tros
uámo effere gente diſnuda:moſtrorono hauer paura di nof:
credo pche ciuiddono ueftiti/& daltra ſtatura:tucti.firirraffe,
no ad un monte ; & co quáti ſegnali facemo loro di pace & di
amiſta/nõ uollon uenire a ragionaméto con effo nol:di mo
do che gta venedo la nocte & pche lenaue ſtauano ſurte i luo
go pericoloso, per fare in cofta brava & fenza abrigo/accor
dámo laltro giorno levarci di qui ; & andare a cercare dalcun
porto/o infenata; doue afficuraffimo noftre naui; & nauigă-
mo per el maeſtrale che cofi ficorreva la cofta fempre a uita
di terra / di continuo ulagglo ueggedo gente perla fplaggia:
tanto ch dipoi nauigati dua giomi i trouamo affal ficuro luo
go plenant, & furgémo ameza legha di terra/doue uedémo
moltiffima gente:& quefto glomo medefimo fumo aterra co
battelli /& fältämo i terra ben 40,huomini bene a ordine;&
le genti di terra ruttania fimoftranano ſchtfi di noftra conuer
fationeset no potauamo tanto afficurarli che veniffino a par
lare cô noi;er queſto glorno tanto travagliamo con dar loro
delle cofe noftre / come furono fonagii & fpecchi centerſpal
Line Agirre frafche / che alcuni di loro fiafficurorono & učn-
nono a tractare con noi:et facto co loro buona amiſta uenen
do la nocte / cl-difpedimo di loro/& tornamoci alle naui:et 'al
tro giorno come fali lalba'suedemo che alla spiaggia ftauano
Infinite genti / & haueuano con loro le loro donne & figliuoli:
fumo a terra/& trouamo che tucte uentuano carichate di loro
mantenimenti / che ſon rali / quali in fuo luogho fidira:et pri
ma che giugneffimo in terra/ molti di loro figittorono a nuo
to /& cluennono a ricevere un tiro di baleſtro nel mare / che ſo
no grandiſſimi notatori / con tanta ficurta / come fe haueffino
con ello noi tractato lungo tempo:er di queſta loro ſicurta pi
gliamo piacere.Quanto di lor uita & coftumfconoſcémo / fu
che del tucto uanno diſnudi fi li huomini come le dōne / ſen
za coprire uergogna neffuna/ nõ altrimenti che come faliron
del uentre di lor madri. Sono di mediana ftatura / molto ben
proportionati:lelor carni fono di colore che pende in roffo co
me pelo dilione:et credo ch fe gliandaffino ueßiti farebbon
bianchi comenof: no tengono pel corpo pelo alcuno / faluo
che fono di lunghi capelli &neri / & maxime le donne che le
rendon formole:no fono di uolto molto belli/pche tengono
eluifo largo che uoglion parere altartaro:nó ſilaſciano crefce
re pelo neffuno nelle ciglia ne necoperchi delli occhi /-ne in
altra parte / faluo che quelli del capo:che tengono epelip brus
ta cofa:fono molto leggieri delle loro perfone nello andare &
nel correre / fili huomini come le donne che no tiene in conto
na donna correre una legha/ò due / che molte uolte le uedé
mo:et in qfto leuon uanraggio grandiffimo da noi chriſtiant;
nuotano fuora dogni credere & miglior le donne che gli huo
mini:pche li habbiamo trouati & uifti molte uolte due leghe
drento in mare fenza appoggio alcuno andare notando.Lelo
ro armi fono archi & faette molto ben fabricati/faluo ch non
tengon ferro/ne altro genere di metallo forte:et in luogo del
ferro pongono denti di animali jo dipefció un fufcello di le
gno forte aricciato nella puncta:fono tiratori certi/che doue
nogliono / danno:et in alcuna parte ufano queſti archt le don
ne:altre arme tenghono / come lance roftate / & altri baftoni
con capocchie benffimo lauorati. Vfono di guerra infra loro
con gente chenon fono di lor lingua molto crudelmente / fen
za përdonjare la ulta a neffuno (ſe non per maggior pena e
2.iii.
f
Quando uanno alla guerra / leuon con loro le donne loro:nd
perche guerreggino / ma perche leuon lor driero el manteni
mento: che lieua una donna addolfo una caricha/che non la
leuera uno huomo/trenta/o quaranta leghe:che molte uolte
le vedemo. No coftumano Capitano alchuno ne uanno con
ordine / che ognuno e/fignore di fe:et la caufa delle lor guer
re no e/per cupidita di regnare ne di allarghare etermini lo
ro/ ne per coditla difordinata / faluo che per una anticha ini
mifta che per tempi paffati e futa infra loro: et domandatf
perche guerreggiavano/non cifapeuono dare altra ragione,
feno che lo faceton paendicare la morte deloro antepaffati /
o de loro padrí:quefti non tenghono ne Re/ne Signore / ne
ubidifcono ad alcuno che uiuono in lor propria liberra: & co
me fimuouino per ire alla guerra e che quando enimici háno
morto loro/o prefo alchuni di loro fileua el fuo parente píu
necchio/&ua predicando perle ftrade che uadin con lui auen
dicare la morte di quel tal parente fuo:er cofi fimuouono per
compaffione:no ufono fuftitia /ne caftigano elmal factore:ne
elpadre ne la madre no caftigano efigliuoli /& p marauiglia
o no mai uedémo far queftione infra loro:moftronti femplich
nel parlate › & ſono molto malitiofi & acuti in quello che loro
cuple:parlano poco/& cô baffa uoce:ufono emedefimi accentf
come not/pche formano le parole o nel palato/0 nedenti/o
nelle labbra:faluo che ufano altri nomi alle cofe, Molte fono le
diuerfita delle lingue che di too.in ioo.leghe trouámo mutas
mento di lingua / che no fintendano luna con laltra. El modo
del lor uiuere e/molto barbaro/perche no mangiano a hore
certe / & tante volte quante nogliono, et non fi da loro molto
che la voglia uengha loro píu a meza nocte ch di giorno/che
a tucte hore mangiano:ellor mangiare e nel fuolo fenza toua
glia/o altro panno alcuno / perche tengono le lor ufuande o
in bacini di terra che lor fanno / o in meze zucche:dormono in
certe rete facte di bambacía molto grande fofpefe nellariatet
ancora che qfto lor dormire paia male / dico chi e dolce dormi
re in epfe:& miglior dormauamo in epſe che ne coltroni.Son
gente pulita & netta de lor corpi per táto continouar lauarſi
come fanno:quando naziano con riuerentia'el uentre / fanno
ogni cofa per non effere ueduti:& tanto quanto in queſto ſono
netti & ſchifi, nel fare acqua fono altretanto fporcí & féza ver
gogna:perche ſtando / parlando con noi ſenza uolgerû¡o wer
gognarfi lafciano fre tal brutteza / che in quefto non tengho
no uergogna alchuna:non ufano infra loro matrimonti: cia
fchuno piglia quante donne uuole: et quando le uuole repu-
diare le repudia / fenza che gli fia tenuto ad ingiuria / o alla
donna uerghogna che in queſto tanta liberta tiene la donna
quanto lhuomo:non fono molto gelofi / & fuora di mifura lu
xuriofi, & molto piu le donne che glhuomini che filaſcia per
honeſta dirui lartificio che le fanno per contar for diſordina
ta luxuria:fono done molto generatiue/& nelle foro pregneze
non ſenſono trauaglio alchuño:eloro parti fon tanto leggierf
che parturito dun di uanno fuora per tucto, & maxime a la,
uarfi a fiumi / &ftanno fane come pefci:fono tanto diſamora,
te & crude / che ſe fi adirono con lor martti / fubito fanno uno
artificio con che famazzano la creatura nel uentre /& fi fcon
ciano / & aquesta cagione amazano Infinite creature:fon don
ne di gentil corpo molto ben proportionate/ che non fiuede
neloro corpi cofa/o membro malfacto:et anchora che del tut
to uadino difunde / feno donne in carne/& della vergogna lo
ro non tïuede quella parte che puo imaginare chi nën ĭha ue
dute / che tacto incuoprono cô le coſcie / faluo quella parte / ad
che natura non prouidde / che e/ honeſtamente parlando, cl
pectignone. In coclufione no tenghon uergona delle loro uer
gogne, non altrimenti che noi tegniamo moftrare el nafo &
la boccha:p marauiglia ucdrete ie poppe cadute ad una don
na / o p molto partorire eluentre caduto /o altre grinze / che
tucre paíon chi mai parturifino: moftrauanfi molto defidero
fe di congiugnerfi con noi chriftiant. In quefte gente no cono
fcemo che teneffino legge alchunane fipoffon dire Mori / no
Giudef & piggiorch Gentili; perche no uedémo ch faceffino
facrificio alchuno: nec etiam non tencuono cafa di orationes
la loro uita giudico effere Epicurea:le loro habitationi ſono in
comunita:& le loro cafe facte ad ufo di capáne / ma fortemen
te facte / & fabricate con grandiffimi arbori / & coperte di fo
glie di palme / ficure delle tempefte & de uenti:& in alcuni luo
ghi di tata largheza & lungheza che in una fola cafa trouámo
cheftauano 600.anime:& populatione uedemo folo di tredici
}
caſe, doue ftauano quattro mila anime:di octo In dieci anni
mutano le populationi: & domádato perche lo faceuano:per
caufa del fuolo che di gìa per ſudiceza ſtaua infecto & corropto
&che caufaua dolentía necorpi loro che ciparue buona ragio
ne:leloro riccheze fono penne di uccelli di piu colori / o paz
ternoffrini che fanno doffi di pefctvo in pietre biáche/o uerdi
lequali fimettono ple gote & ple labbra & orecht: & daltre mol
te cofe chi noi icofa alcuna noleftimtamo:non ufano comer/
tio / ne comperano / ne uendono, In conclufione uiuono / &
ficontentano con quello che da loro natura.Le riccheze che in
queſta noſtra Europa &in altre parti ufiamo / come oro gioie
perle & altre diuitie/non le tenghono in cofa neffuna:et an
chora che nelle loro terre Ihabbino/non trauagliano perha
uerle / ne le ſtimano.Sono liberali nel dare / che per marauf,
glia ui nieghano chofa alchuna:et per contrario liberali nel
domandare / quando ſimonſtrano uoftri amici: per el mag
giore fegno di amiſta 1 che ui dimonſtrano/e/ che ui danno,
le donne loro & teloro figliuole 1 & fi tiene per grandemen
te honorato quando un padrero una madre traendout una
fua figliuola anchora che fia moza uergine/ dormiate con
lei:er in queſto ufono ogni termine di amiſta. Quando muo,
tono/ufono uarii modi di exequie/ & alchuni glinterrano
con acqua & lor uiuande alchapo / penfando che habbino a
mangiat non tenghono/ne ufono cerimonie di lumi / nedf
piangere.In alcuni altri luoghi uſono el píu barbaro & inhu
mano Interramento: che ei che quando uno dolente/o in
fermo fta quafi che nello ultimo paffo della morte /efuoi pa
renti lo leuano in uno grande boſcho / & corichano una di
quelle loro reti / doue dormono / ad dua arbori / & di poi lo
mettono in epfa 1 & li danzano intorno tuctó un giorno: et
uenendo la nocte gliponghono alcapezzale acqua con altre
uiuande/chinfipoffa mantenere quattro/o fei giorni: & dipoi
lo lafciano folo & tornonfi alla populatione: et fe lo infer
mo fi adiuta per fe medefimo & mangia / & bee / &uiua / fi
torna alla populatione & lo riceuono efuoi con cerimonia:
ma pochi ſono quelli che fchampano:fenza che piu fieno uifi>
tati /fimuiono /& quello e/ la loro ſepùltura;et altri molti co
Alumí tenghono / che per prolixita non fi dicono, Vſono nel
leloro infermitadi uarii modi di medicine / tanto different!

1
1
/
dalle noftre che cimarauigliauamo come neffuno fcampausta
che molte volte uiddich ad uno infermo di febre quãdo la te
neua in auguméto lo bagnauano có molta acqua fredda dal
capo alpierdipol giifaceuano un gran fuoco atorno/faccen
dolc uolgere & riuolgere altre due hore tato che lo canfauano
& lofciauano dormire / & molti fanauano:con queſto ufano
molto la dieta che fino tre di fenza mágiare & cofi elcauarfi
fangue / mano del braccio faluo delle cofcie & de lombi & del
le polpe delle gambe:alfi prouocano el uomito con loro herbe
che fimettono nella boccha:& altri molti rimedii ufano/che fa
rebbe lungho a contargli:peachano molto nella flegma & nel
fangue a caufa delle loro uiuande, che elforte fono radici di
herbe & fructe & pefci:no tengono femente di grano/ne daltre
biade: & alloro comune ufo & mágiare ufano una radice duno
arbore/dellaquale fanno farina & affai buona, & la chiamano
Luca & altre che la chiamano Cazabi / & altre ignami:man
gion pocha carne / falco che carne di huomo:che ſapra voſtra
Magnificentia ; che in queto ſono tanto inhumani, che tra
paſſano ogni beftial costume:perche fimangiono tutti eloro nf
mici che amazzano /o piglianofi femine come maſchi con
tanta efferita che a dirlo pare cofa brutta:quãto piu a uederlo
come miaccadde infinitiffime uolte/& Imolte partf uerderlos
&fimarauigliorono udendo dire a noi che no ci mangiamo
noftri nimici:er questo credalo per cerro uoftra Mag.fon táto
glialtri loro barbaricoftumi/che elfacro aldire uten meno:er
pche in quefti quarrro uiaggi ho uifte rante cofe uarie a noſtri
coftumi/midifpofi a feriuere un zibaldone / che lo chiamò le
quattro giornate nelquale ho relato la maggior parte delle ca
fe che io uiddi affai diftinctamete/fecondo che miha porto el
mlo debile ingegno:elquale anchora no ho publicato / perche
fono-di tanto mal ghufto delle mie cofe medefime/che non ren
gho fapore in epfe che ho ſcripro / ancora che molti miconfor
tino alpublicarlo:in epfo fiuedra ogni cofa p minuto:alfi che
nonmi allarghero più in quefto capitolo: perche nel proceffo
della lettera uerremo ad molte altre cose che ſono particulari:
queſto baſti quanto allo uniuerfale. In queſto principle non
uedémo cofa di molto proficto nella terra/ faluo alchuna df>
moftra doro:credo che lo caufaua/perche no fapauamo la lin
gua:che inquanto alfiro & difpofitione della terra/non ſipuo
migliorare:acchordāmo di partirci/& andare piu inanzi co
Reggiando di continuo la terra:nellaquale facemo molte fca
le, & hauemo ragionamenti con molta gente; & alfine di certi
giorni fommunere uno porto/ doue leuamo grandiffimo
pericolepiacque allo Spirito.sialuard:& fu in quefto mo
do.Fumo aterra in un porro ; doue trovamo una populatione
fondata ſopra lacqua come Venetia;erano circa 44.cafe gran
de ad ufo di capānefondate fopra pali groffiffimi/& teneuano
le loro porte/o entrate di caſe ad uſo di ponti leuatoi:& duna
caſa fipoteua correre p tutte / a caula de ponti leuatoi che gitta
uano di caſa in cafa; & come le gente di effe ciucdeffino/ moſtra
rono hauere paura di noi / & difubiro alzaron tutti eponti: &
ftando a uedere queſta marauiglia / uedemo uenire per elmare
circa di 22.Canoe/che fono mantera di loro naulli/fabricati
dun folo arbore:equali uénono alla uolta de noftri battelli / co
me fimarauigliaffino di noftre effigie & habiti, & fi tennon
larghi da noi: & ftando cofi / facemo loro fegnali ch ueniffino
a noi/afficurandoli con ogni fegno di amifta: & uiſto che non
ueniuano / fumo a loro,& non ci afpectorono:ma fi furono a
terra /& con cenni cidíxeno che afpectaflimo/& che fubito tor
nerebbono: & furonc drieto a un monte/ &no tardoron mol
to:quádo tornorono / menauan feco 16.fanciulle delle loro, &
Intraron con effe nelle loro Canoe/& fi uenono a barrelli:&i
ciaſchedun battello nemiſſon 4.che tanto cimarauigliamo di
quefto acto quanto puo penfare V.M. & loro fimifTono co le
Foro Canoe infra noftri battelli / uenendo cô noi parlando:di
modo che lo giudicámo fegno di amifta: & andando in quefto
nedémo uenire molta gente p elmare notando / che uenfuano
dalle caſe,; & come fi ueniffino appreffando a noi ſenza fofpes
ctó alcuno, in qſto ſimoſtrorono alle porte delle cafe certe don
ae uecchte/dando grandiffimi gridi & tirandofi ecapelli / mo
@trando triftitia:p ilche cifeciono fofpectare & ricorrémo clas
fcheduno alle arme:& i un fubito le fanciulle ch tenavamo ne
battelli figittorono aimare / & quelli delle Canoe fallargoron
da nof/ & cominciaron có loro archi a faettarci: & quelli chue
niano a nuoto / ciaſcuno traeua una lancia di baffo nellacqua
piu coperta che poteuano:di modo che conofciuto eltradiméto
cominciamo no folo có loro a difenderci / ma aſpraméte a of,
fendergli / &fozobramo có li battelli molte delle loro Almadie
o Canoe che coli le chiamano / facemo iſtragho,& tucri figit
torono anuoto / laffande diſmanparate le loro canoe / có affai
lor damno fi furono norando aterra:morfron difors circa 14.
o 20.& molti reſtoron feriti: & de noftri furon feriti 4.& ructi
fcamporono gratia di Dio:pigliamo due delle fanciulle & dua
huomini:& fumo allelor cafe & entramo in epſe / & in tut/
te non trouǎmo altro ch due uecchie & uno infermo:togiiēmo
loro molte coſe / ma di pocha ualuta; & non uolemo ardere lo
ro le cafe/perche ci pareua caricho di confcientia: & cornāmo
alli noſtri battelli con cinque prigioni:& fumoci alle nauf / &
mettémo a ciaſchuno de prefi un paio di ferri in pie, faluo che
alle moze; &la nocte uegnente fifuggirono le due fanctulle &
uno delli huomini piu fottilměte del modo; & laltro giorno ac
coŕdāmo di falire di qfto porto & andare piu inanzi:andāmo
dicōrinuo allungho della cofta hauēmo vifta dunaltra gente
che poteua ſtar difcolto da quelta.go.leghe:& la trouămo mol
to differete di lingua & di coftumi:accordamo di furgere, & an
dāmo cõli battelli aterra / & uedémo ftare alla ſpiaggia grans
diffima gente / che poteuano effere alpiedi 4000.anime: & co
me fumo giunti cõ terra / nõ ciaſpetorono, & fimifſono a fug
gire pebofchi/difmamparando lor cofe:faltamo i terra/& fu
mo per un camino che andaua albofcho:&i fpatio dun tiro di
baleltro trouimo lelor trabacche / doue haueuon facto gran
diffimi fuochi, & due ftauano cocendo lor uiuade & arrotten
do di molti animali & pefci di molte forte:doue uedémo che ar
roſtiuano un cerro animale că pareua un ferpéte / faluo că nổ
teneùa alia & nella apparenza táto brutto / che molto címara
utglamo della fua fiereza: Andamio cofi ple lor cafe/o uero tra
bacche / & trouamo molti di quefti ferpëri uiui/ &eron legati
pe piedi / & teneuano una corda allo intorno del mufo/ch no
poreuono aprire la bocca/come fifa a cani alant/pche no mor
dino:eron di tanto fiero aspecto / che neſſuno di noi nõ ardíva
di torne uno / penfando ch eron uenenofi:fono di grandeza di
uno cauretro & di lugheza braccio uno & mezo:regono epiedi
lunghi & groffi &armati cô groffe unghie:tengono la pelle du
rax/& fono di uarii colori:clmufo & faccia tengon di ferpētes
& dal naſo fimuove loro una creſta come una fegha / che paſſa
loro pelmezo delle fchiene infino alla fommita della coda:in
cóclufione gligiudicámo ferpi & uenenofi/& fegli magiauanes
trouamo che faceuono pane di pefci piccholi che pigliauon del
mare / con dar loro prima un bollore amaffarli & farne palta
dielli/o pane/ & li arroftiuano infalla bracie:cofi li mangia
manosprouamolo/& trouẩmo che era buono:teneuono tante
altre forte di mangiari,& maxime di fructe & radice che fareb
be cofa largha raccontarle p minuto; & difto che la gente non
riueniua/accordámo no tocchare ne torre loro cofa alcuna per
miglior afficurarli:& laffamo loro nelle trabacche molte delle
cofe noftre in luogo che le poteffino uedere & tornamoci pla
nocte alle naui: &laltro giorno come ueniffe eldi / ucdémo al
la fpiaggia ifinita gente: & fumo a terra: & anchora che di noi
fimoftraffino pauroſi ſtutta volta fi aſſicurorono a tractare có
nci / dandoci quáto loro domádauame:& moſtrandoſi molto
amici noftri, cidíxeno chi qite crono le loro habitationi & che
eron uenuti quiui p fare pefcheria: & cipregorono che fuffimo
alle loro habitationi & populationi/pche ciuolevano riceuere
come amici: & fimiffeno a tanta amista acaufa di dua huomini
che tenauamo con eſſo noj preſi / perche erano loro nimici:di
modo che uita tanta loro importunatione / facto noftro confi
gho/accordámo 28,di nol chriſtiani andare cõ loro bene aor
dine /& co fermo propofito / fe neceffario fuffe/morire:et di
poi che fumo ftati qui quafi tre giorni / fumo có loro per terra
drento: & a tre leghe della spiaggia fumo co una populatione
daffai genre & di poche cafe / pche no eron píu che noue:doue
fumo riceuuti co tante & tante barbare cerimonie/ cheno ba
fta la penna a feriaerle:che furono con li balli & canti & pianti
meſcolari dallegreza /& con molte utuande; & qui ftémo lano
cte:doue ci offerfeno le loro dōne / ch nó cípotauamo difende
reda loro: & dipoi deffere ftari qui la nocte & mezo laltro gior
no/furon tanti epopuli che per marauiglia ciueníuano a uede
re/che erano fenza conto: & li piu uecchi cipregauano ch fut
mo.con loro ad altre populationi che ftauano piu drento in
terra / mostrando di farci grádiffimo honore:per onde accor
damo di andare:& nó ui fipuo dire quanto honore cifecionos
& fumo a molte populationi / tanto che ftémo noue giorni nel
piaggio / táto ch di gia inoftri chriftiani ch eron reftati alle navi
ftauano co fofpecto di noi: & ftando circa 18.leghe dréto infra
terra/deliberamo tornarcene alle naui; & alritorno era táta la
gente fi huomini come done che uennon co noi infino al ma
re/ che fu cofa mirabile; & ſe alcuno de noftri ficanſaua del ca/
mino / cileuauano in loro reti molto diſcanfataméte: & alpal
fare delli fiumi / che ſono molti & molto grandi / con loro ars
tificii cipallauano tanto ficuri / che nō leuauamo pericolo alcu
no,& molti di loro uenivano caricchi delle cofe che ci haues
uon date / che eron nelle loro rett per dormire / & piumaggl
molto ricchi / molti archt & freccle/infiniti pappagalli di ua
rit colori: & altri traeuano con loro carichi di loro mantent/
menti, & di animali:che maggior marautgiia undiro che per
bene auenturato fireneua quello che hauen do a paſſare una
acqua cipoteua portare adolfo: et giuncti che fumo a ma
re / uenuto noſtri battelli / entrāmo ī epſi:et era ráta la calcha
cre loro faceuano pentrare nelli battelli & venire a uedere
le nostre nauí, chcimarauigliauamo: & con li bartelli leuámo
di epſi quanti porémo ; & fumɔ alle naui / & tanti uënono a
nuoto / che cítenémo per impacciati per uederci tanta gente
nelle naui/che erano piu di mille anime tuctt nudi & fenza
arme: marauigliauonfi dellt noftri apparecchi & artifici /&
grandeza delle naui:et con coftoro ciaccadde cofa ben da ri
dere che fu che accordamo di fparare alcune delle nostre ar
tiglierie & quando fali eltuono / la maggior parte di foro p
paura figirtorono a nuoto no altrimenti che fifanno litanoc
chi chi ſtanno alle prode, che ueden do cofa paurofa/ figitton/
nel pantano tal fece quella gente: & quelli che reftoron nelle
nauf, ftauano tanto temoroli che cenepentimo di tal factor
pure li afficurato con direloro che coquelle armi amażaua-
mo enoſtri nimici:et hauédo folgato tucto elgiorno nelle na
ul / dícémo loro che ſene andaflino / perche uelauam parti,
re la nocte, & cofi fipartiron da noi co molta amifta /&amo
re fene furono a terra. In quefta gente /& in loro terra conob
bi & uiddi tanti deloro coftumf &lor modi di uiuere / che no
curo di allargharmi in epfit perche fapra V.M.come in clas
ſcuno delli miei uiaggi ho notate le cofe piu marauigliofe:&
tutto ho ridocto in un uolume in ftilo di geografia:& le fntf
tulo le quattro giornate:nellaquale opera ficontiene le cofe g
minuto / & per anchora no fene data fuora copia / perche me
neceffario conferirla. Questa terra e/populariffima & di gea
te piena & dinfiniti ftumi / animali pochi:fono fimilt ano
ftri / faluo Líoni / Lonze › cerul / Porci / capriuoli & danit:&
quefti ancora tenghono alcuna difformita:nõ réghono caual
line mult/ne có reuerentia afinine canine di forte alcuna
beftiame peculiofo /ne uaceinorma fono táti li altri animali
che teghonos & tuet foro faluarichi & di neffano fifernono
per loro feruitio y che nofipoffon contare. Che diremo daltr!
b.i.
uccelli! che fon tanti & di tante forte &colori di penne/che e
marauiglia vedetli. La terra e molto amena & fructuosa / pie
na di grandiffime felue & boſchi; & ſempre ſta uerde/che mal
non perde foglia. Le fructe fon tante che ſono fuora di nume
ro/& difforme altucto dalle noftre. Quefta terra fta dentro del
la torrida zona giuntamente/o di baffo del pararello che de
fcriue eltropico di Cancer:doue alza elpolo dello orizonte 23
gradi nel fine del fecondo clyma. Vennonci a vedere molti
popoli / & fi marauigliauano delle noftre effigie & di noftra
biancheza: & ci domandoron donde nenavamo:& dauamo
loro ad intédere/che venauamo dal cielo /&che andauamo a
uedere el modo ; & lo credcuano. In quefta terra ponemo fon
te di baptefimo:& infinita gente fibaptezo/& cichlamauano
in lor lingua Carabi/che uuol dire huomini di gran fauidor
ria. Partimo di quello perto:& la prouincia fidice Lariab; &
nauigamo allungo della cofta fempre a uifta della tertatan
to che corrémo deffa & 70.leghe tutta ula uerfo el maeftrale
faccendo per epla moire ſcale ; & tractando con molta gentes
& in molti luoghi riſchartãmo oro y ma non molta quanef
ta į che aſſai facémo in difcoprire la terra ; &di fapere che te
neuano oro,Eravamo gia ftar 13.mefi nel ufaggio: & di gia
enauili & li apparecchi erono molto cófumatt & Ithuomini
canfati;acchordamo di comune configlio porre le noftre na
ut amonte & ricorrerle per flancharle che faceuano molta
acqua / & calefatarle & brearle dinuouo / & tornarcene per la
volta di Spagna:et quádo quefto deliberamo / ftauamo giun
ti con un porto elmiglior del mondo:nelquale entramo con
le noſtre nauf:doue trouámo infinita gente:laquale commol
ta amifta ciriceue: & in terra facemo un baftione con It noftri
battelli & con tonelli & botte & noftre artiglierie che gioca
vano per tucto:et difcarichate & alloggiare noftre nauliletiy
gamo in terra, & lecorreggemo di tucto quello che era nes
ceffario; & la gente diterracidette grádiffimo aiuto & di con
tinuo cíprouedeuono delle loro ufuande:che in qfto perto po
che ghuſtámo delle noftre / che cifeciono buon giuoco:perche
tenauamo elmantenimento perla uolta pocho&trifto:doue
ftémo 37.giorni:er andamo molte uolte alle loro populatio
ni:doue cifaccuono grandiffimo honore: et volendoci part!
re per noftro alaggio cifeciono richiamo di come certi tem
pi dellanno uentuano perla ula di mare i gueſta lor terra una
gente molto crudele / & loro nimici: & con rtadimenti /o con

1
forza amazauano molti di loro & felimanglauano: & alcu
ni capriuauanơy & glileuauan prefi- alle lor cafe/o tetra:&ch
apena fiporcuono detendete da loro faccendoci fegnali che
erano gente di iſole / &poteuono ftare drento in mare ioo.le
ghe;et con tanta affectione cidiceuano queſto che lo crede
mo loro: & promettémo loro di uendicarli diranta ingiuria:
& loro reſtoron molto allegri di qito;et molti di loro offer
fono di uenire con ello noi, ma no gliuolemo leuare per mol
te cagioni / faluo che neleuámo fepte /coconditione che li ue
niffimo poi în Canoe; perche nō ciuolávamo obligare a tor,
narli a loro terra:& furon contentiset cofi cipartino da que
fte genti laffandoli molto amici noftri et rimediate noftre
naut & nauigando fepte giorni alla uolta del mare p cluen
to infra greco & leuante:et alcapo delli fepte giorni riſcon
trămo nelle ifole/che eron molte & alcune populate & al
tre deferte: & furgémo con una di epfe:doue uedémo molta
gente che la chiamauano Iti:er ſtipači enoſtri battelli di buoy
na gente/& in ciaſchuno tre tiri di bombarde 1 fumo alla uol
ta di terra:doue trouamo ftare alpie di 400.huomini & mol
te done / & tucti difnudi come epallatí.Eron di buon corpo:
& ben pareuano huomini bellicofi:perche erono armati di lo
ro armi/che ſono archi/factte & lanceret la maggior parte
di loro teneuano tauolaccine quadrare; & di modo fele pone
uano / che non glimpediuono el trarre dello archo: et come
fumo a círcha di terra conli battelli ad un tiro darcho / tutti
faltoron nellacqua a tirarci faette & difenderci che non fal
raffimo i terra: & tutti eron dipincti ecorpi loro di diuerfi colo
rí / & impiumati cô penne; & cidïceuano le lingue chi con nol
etano, che quádo coſi ſimoſtrauano dipinti &ĭpiumati, che
dauon fegnale diuoler cõbattere:&tato perfeueroron i defen
derci la terra/ che fumo fforzati a giocare có noftre artiglie
ric:et come fentirono el tuóno/&uídono de loro cader mortt
alchunt/tucel fitraffeno alla terra per onde facto noftro cófi
glio/accordámo faltare i terra 42.di noi: & fe clafpectaflino/
combatter con loro:cofi faltati i terra conoftre armi/loco fi
uennono a noi, & combatremo a circha duna hora / ch poco
uantaggio leuámo loro faluo chenoftri balestrieri & fpingar
dieri ne amazauano alcuno, & loro fertron certi noftri; & que
fto cra/ pche no ci afpectauano no altiro di lancia ne di ipa
da:et tanta forza ponémo al fine ⁄ che uenimo al tiro defle
b.il.
fpade /& come ghuftaffino le noftre arm!/ fimiflono in fuga
per emonti & bofchi & ci lafcioron uincitori del campo con
molti di lore morti & affai feriti: & per questo giorno non tra
bagliāmo altrimēri di dare loro drieto / perche ſtauamo mol
to affarichati/& cene tornamo alle naui con tanta allegreza
deſepte huomini che con noi eron uentui / che nó capriuano
in foro: & uenendo laltro giorno, uedemo uenire per la terra
gran numero di gente / tutta ula con fegnali di battaglia fos
nando corni/ & altri uarii ſtrumenti che loro ufan nelle guer
re:& tacti dipincti & impiumati / che era coſa bène ſtrana a
nederl1:1(perche tucte le naui fecion configlio / & fu delibera
to poi che queſta gente uoleua con noi nimicitia / che fuffimo
a uederci con loro & di fare ogni cofa per farceli amici: in ca
fo che nō uoleffino noftra amifta che li tractaffimo come ni
mici / & che quati nepoteffimo pigliare di loro / tucti fuffino
noſtri ſchiaui;et armatici come miglior potauamo / fumo al
la uolta di terra/& non cidifefono elfaltare in terra credo per
paura delle bombarde: & faltamo i terra 4.7.huomini in quat.
tro ſquadre, clafchun Capitano con la fua gente:& fumo alle
mani con loro: & dipot duna lungha battaglia morti molti
di loro / glimettémo i fuga, & feguimo lor driero fino a una
populatione, hauedo prefo circa di 240.di loro /&ardémo
la populatione / & cenetornámo con uictoria & con 2 40.pri
gloni alle nauti lafciando di loro molti morti & feriti, & de
noftri no mori piu che uno & 22.feriti /ch tucti ſcamporo
nodio fia ringratiato.Ordinamo noftra partita / & lifepte
huomini che cinque necron feriti › preſono una Canoe del
la ffola í & co fepte prigioni che démo loro quattro dōne &
tre huomini /fenetornorono allor terra molto allegri / mara
ofglädofi delle noftre forze: & nol alfi facemo uela pSpagna
con 222.prigioni ſchiaui: & giugnemo nel portó di Calis adi
14.doctobre 1498. doue fumo ben riceuuti ; & uendémo no-
ftri ſchiauf. Queſto e/quello che miacchadde in quefto mio pri
mo uiaggio di piu notabile.
Finifce elprimo Viaggio,
Comincia elfecondo.

X
Qpia
Vanto alfecondo Viaggio, & quello che in epfo uiddi
più degno di memoria/e/ quello che qui ſegue.Partimo
del porto di Calis tre naui di côferua adi 16.di Maggio 1499
& cominciamo noftro camino adiritti alle ifole del cauo uer
de / paſſando a uifta della ífola di gran Canaria:et tanto na
uigāmo, che fumo a tenere ad una ifola/che fidice lifola del
fuoco:et qui facta noftra prouifione dacqua & di legne, pl
gliamo noftra nauigatione per illibeccio:& in 44.giorni fu
mo a tenere ad una nuoua terra: & la giudicãmo effere terra
ferma / & continua con la difopra fi fa mentionetlaquale e/fi
tuata drento della torrida zona / & fuora della linea equino
crfale alla parte dello auftro:fopra laquale alza el polo del me
ridione 4. gradi fuora dogni clyma;& diſta dalle dece ifole
per eluéto libeccio 400.leghe:& trouamo effere equali egior
ni con 'e noctespche fumo ad epfa adi 27.di Giugno / quan
do elſole ſta circa del tropico di Cancer;laqual terra trouămo
effére tucta annegata & piena di grandiffimi fiumt. In questo
principio nō uedémo gente alcuna:furgémo con noftre naut
& battãmo fuora enoſtri battelli:fumo con epſi a terra / & co
me dico la trouamo piena di grandiflimi fiumi/& annegata
b.iil,
per grandiffimi fiumi che trouámo;& la cổmettêmo in molte
parti/per uedere le poteffimo entrare pepfa:& pet le grandi
acque ch tracuono eftumi/con quáto trauaglio porémo / no
trouamo luogho che non fuffi annegato:uedémo per efiumi
molti fegnali di come la terra era populata:&uifto chip que
fta parte non la potavamo entrare/ accordamo tornarcene al
lenaui. / & di cômnetterla p altra parte: & leuatámo noſtre an
chore, & nauícamo infra leuante & fcilocchio / costeggiando
di continouo la terra / che coſi ſicorreua, & in molte parti la
cómettémo in fpatio di 40,leghe;& tucto era tempo perdu
to:trouamo in queſta colta che le corrente del mare erano di
tanta forza che non cliafciauano nauigare / & tucre correua
no dallo fciloccho almaeftrale;di modo che uifto tanti incon
uenienti per noftra nauicatione / facto noftro cõfiglio, accor
damo tornare la naufcatione alla parte del maeſtrale: & tan
to naufcămo allungho della terra che fumo a tenere un bel
liffimo porto:elquale era cauſato da una grande ifola / che ſta
ua allentrata /& drento fi faceua una grandiffima inſenata; &
nauicando p entrare in epfo, prolungando la ifola / hauémo
nifta di molta gente; et allegratici / uidirizzamo noftre nauí
per furgere doue uedauamo la gente / ch porauamo ſtare piu
almare circa di quattro legheset nauicando in quefto modo,
havēmo uiſta duna Canoe/che ueniua có alto mare: 'nellaqua
le uentua molta gente: & accordāmo di hauerla alla mano: &
facemo la uolta con noftre naui fopra epfa con ordinè ch nói
non la perdeffimo:& nauicando alla volta fua con freſco tem
po uedémo che ftauano fermi co remi alzati / credo per ma
rauiglia delle noftre naui; & come uidono che noi ci andaua,
mo apreffando loro / meffono eremi nellacqua/& comincio
rono a nauicare alla uolta di terra:& come inoftra cõpagnia
meniffe una carouella di 4 4.tonelli molto buona della uela/
fipuofe a barlouento della Canoe:& quando leparue tempo
darriuare ſopra epla, allargo li apparecchi & uenne alla uol
ta ſua / & noi alfiiet come la carouellerta pareggiaffe con let
& nōla uoleſſi inueſtire / la paſſo / &poi rimaſe ſotto uento:
& come fiuedeffino a vantaggio / cominciarono a far forza
coremi p fuggire:& not che trouamo ebattelli per poppa gia
ftipati di buona gente / penfando chi la piglierebbono & tra
uagliorono piu di duc hore ; & infine fè la carouelletta in al-
tra uolta non tornaua fopraepfa /la perdauamo: &come fi
viddenɔ ſtrecti dalla carouella o da baitelli, tucti ligittarono
almare che poteuono ellere, 70,huomini: & diftauano da cer
ra circa di due leghe:& feguédolt co battelli-/in tutto elgiorno
no nepotemo pigliare piu ch dua che fu p acerto:glialtri tur
ti fi furono a terra a faluaméto : & nella canoe reitarono 4.
fanciulli:equali non eron di lor generatione, che li traeuano
preſi dallaltra terra: &li haueuano caftrati / che tucti eron ſen
Za membro uirile, &con la piaga frefcha:di che molto ci ma
rauigliamo: & meffi nelle nauiv cidixeno per fegnali che 11
haueuon caftrati p mangiarfeli; & fapémo coſtoro erano una
gente / che fidicono Camballi / molto efferati / ch mangiono
carne humana.Fumo con lenaui, lcuando con noi la Čanoc
per poppa alla uoita di terra / & furgêmo a meza legha:& co
me aterra uedefimo moira gente alla ſpiaggia / fumo co bar
telli a terra, & leuamo con eplo noi edua huominini che pi
gliamo:& giuncti in terra / tucta la géte fifuggi, & fimiffeno
peboſchi; & allarghāmo uno dellt huomini / dandogli molti
fonagli / & che uolauamo effere loro amici,elquale fece moito
bene quello li mandamo / & traſſe ſeco tucta la gente / che po
reuono effere 400,huomini/et molte dönetequali uennono
fenza arme alchuna adonde flauamo con li battellicer facto
con loro buona amiſta / rendëmo loro laltro prefo/et man,
damo alle naui perla loro Canoe ver la rendêmo loro.Quelta
Canoe era lungha 26. paffi / et largha due braccia / et tucra
dun ſolo arbore cauaro / molto bene lauorata:et quando la
hebbono uarata in un rio/et meffala in luogho-ficaro / tueri
fifuggirono / et nõ uollon piu praticare con noi / che ciparue
tucto barbaro acto / che gligludicămo gente di pochafede &
di mala conditione. A coſtoro uedémo alcun pocho doro che
teneuano nelli orecchi. Partimo di qui,& entrâmo drento nel
la infenata:doue trouamo táta gente / che fu maraulgiiaicon
liquali facemo in terra amifta: & fumo molti di noi con loro
alle loro populationi molto ficuramente / &ben riceuuri.In
queſto luogho rifchattāmo 140.perle / che cele detton p un ſo
naglio, & alcun poco doro › che celodauano di gratia:et i que
ſta terra trouámo che becuano uino facto di lor, fructe & les
mente ad ufo di ceruogía / & blancho & uermiglio:& el mi
gliore era facto di mirabolani, & era molto buono:er man-
:
glamo Infiniti di epfi che era eltempo loro.E / molto buo✔
na fructa, faporofa alghuſto, & ſalutifera alcorpo. La terra
e/molto abondofa de loro mantenimenti / et la gente di buo
na conuerfatione / et la piu pacífica che habbiamo trouata in
fino aquí.Stémo in questo porto 17.giorni con molto place
rezet ogni giorno ciuentuano a uedere nuoui populi della ter
ra drento / marauigliandofi di noftre effigie & bianchezza/&
de noſtri ueſtni & atme, & della forma & grandezza delle na
ui.Da queſta gente hauemo nuoue di come ftaua una gente
píu alponente chloro / che erano loro nimici / che teneuano
infinita copia di perletet che quelle che loro teneuano / eron
che le haueuan lor tolte nelle lor guerre:et cidíxeno come le
pefchauono / & in che modo nafceuano / et li trouamo effère
con uerita /come udira uoftra Magnificentia. Partimo di que
fto porto / et nauicamo perla coftarper laquale di continuo ue
dauamo fumalte con gente alla fpiaggia:et alcapo di molti
giorni fumo a tenere in un porto ad caufa di rimediare ad
una delle noſtre nauíche faceua molta acqua:doue trouámo
riferę molta gente con liquali non poremo ne per forza ne
per amore hauer conuerfatione alchuna:er quando andaua/
mo a terra, cidifendeuano aſpraméte la terra;et quando píu
non potevano / fifuggiuano perli boſchi / & non ciaſpecta
uano.Conosciutoli tato barbari / ciparcimo di qui:er andan
do nauícando / hauemo uifta duna ifola / che diftaua nel ma
realeghe da terra: & acchordámo di andare a uedere fe era
populata. Trouãmo in epfa la plu beitial gente & la piu brut
ra che mai Ĥuedelle, & era di qu 'ſta lorce. Erano di geſto & ui
ſo molto brutti: & tucti tencuano le ghote piene di drcato di
una herba uerde / che di contínouo la rugumauano come bè,
ftie / che apena poteuon parlare & ciafchuno teneua alcollo
due zucche ſecche / che luna era piena di qlla herba che tene
uano i boccha / & laltra dona farina blacha / che pareua geffo
In poluere ; & di quãdo in quando con un fufo ch teneuano
Inmollandolo co la boccha lo metteuano nella farina:dipol
felo mettevano in boccha da tutta dua le bande delle ghore/
Infarinandofi lherba che teneuano in boccha: & qfto faceua
no molto aminuto:er marinigliati di tal cofano poranamo
Intédere qſto ſecreto / ne ad ch fine coſi faceuano. Queſta gen
tc come ciuidono /ucnnono a noi tanto famillarméte come
1
le hauelfimo tenuto con loro amiſtatandando con loro per la
(piaggia parlando / & deliderofi di bere acqua Freſcha / ct fe
ciono legnali che nõ la tencuano /& confereuon di quella lo
ro herba & farina di modo che itimamo per difcretione che
qſta iſola era pouera dacqua, & ch per difendersi dalla foreste
neuano quella herba in boccha & la farina per queſto medeli
mo.Andāmo perla ifola un di & mezo ſenza ch mai trouaſſi
mo acqua uiua: & uedémo che lacqua che ebeeuauo/era di ru
giada chi cadeua di nocte fopra certe foglie, ch parcuano orce,
chi di afino / & empieuonſi dacqua › & di queſta becuanotera
acqua optima; & diqueſte foglie nõ ne haueuono in molti luq
ghi.No reneuano alcuna maniera di uiuande/nc radice/co-
me nella terra ferma: & la lor uita era con pefci che pigilauon
nel mare, & di quefti teneuano grandiffima abundantia, &
erano grădiffimi pefcatori: & cipreſentorono mokre tor ughe
& molti grau peſci molto buoni:le lor donne no ufauon teno
relherba in boccha come glhuomini / ma tucte traeuono una
zuccha con acqua / & di quella beeuano.Nó tencuano popula
tione ne di cafe ne di capǎne/ fa'uo che habitauano di baffo
In frafchati che li defendeuano dal Sole ; & nô da lacquarche
credo poche uolte ulpioueua in quella fola:quando ſtauano
almare pefchando / tucri teneuano una foglia molto grande
& di tal largheza › che uiſtauon di baſſo dréro alk inbra : & la
ficchauano in terra; & come elfole fiuolgeua / coli uolgeuano
la foglia; & i queſto modo fidifendevano dal Sole. Lifoia con,
tiene molti animali di uarie forte:& beano acqu dipantaní:
&uiſto che no teneuano profiero alcuno /ciparcimo / & fumo
ad unaltra ifola: & trouamo che in epfa habitaua gente molto
grande:fumo indi in terra / per vedere ſe trouae amo acqua
trefca: & nó penfando che lífola fuili populata per non veder
gente / andando alungho della ípiaggia / uedėmo pedate di
gente nella rena molto grádi: &giudicamo ſe lalire membra
riſpondeffino alla mifura, che farebbono huomini grandif
mi:& andando in quelto riafcontrámo in un camino che an
daua per la terra drento:& acchordámo noue di not:&gtu
dicamo che litola per effer plechola no poteua hauere in ſe
molta genteter pero andāmo per epla per uedere che gente
era quella: & dipof che fumo iti circa di una legha; uedémo
in una valle cinque delle lor capâne / che cipareuon diſpopo,
late:& fumo ad eple/ & trouamo folo cinque donne / & due
pau!
uecchie & tre fanciulle di tanto alta ſtatura / che per maraul.
glia le guardauamo: & come ciuiddono entro lor táta
ra che non hebbono animo a fuggire:& le due uecchie ct co
minciorono con parole a conuirate / traendoci molte coſe da
mangiare ; & meflonci in una capána: & eron di ſtatura mag
giori che uno grande huomo / chỉ ben ſarebbon gráde di cor
po/come fu Francefco de glialbizi / ma di miglior proportio
ne:di modo che ſtauamo tucti di propofito di torne letre fan
ciulle per forza / & per cola marauigliola trarle a Caftiglia:
er ftando í queſti ragionamenti / cominciorno a entrare per
la porta della capăna ben 36.huomini molto maggiori che
le donne:huomini tanto ben facti che era cofa famofa a ue
dergli:equali cimiſſeno in tanta turbatione, che piu toſto La
remo uoluti eſſere alle naui ch trouarci co ral gente. Tracua
no archi grandiflimi ; & freccie con gran baſtoni con capoc
chic; & parlauano infra loro dun fuono/come uoleſſino ma-
nometterci;uiſtoci in tal pericolo / facemo uaríí cõligli infra
not:alchuni diceuano che i cafa ficominciaffe a dare in loro:
& altri che alcampo era migliore:& altri che diceuano chenō
cominciaffimo la quiftione infino a tanto che uedeffimo quel
lo che uoletin fare:ct acchordámo del falir della capanna / &
andarcene difiimulatamente al camino delle naui:& cofi lo
facémo:et přelo noftro cámíno /cenetornámo alle nauí:loro
ci uénon drieto tuttauia a un tiro di pietra / parlando infra lo
roscredo chi non men paura haueuon di noi / che noi di loro
perche alcuna volta ciripoſauamo / &loro alfi ſenza apprel'
farfi a noi / tanto che giugnémo alla ſpiaggia doue ſtauano
ebattelli aſpectandoci: & entrámo í epli: & come fumo iarght
loro faltorono/&'citiforono molte faetre:ma pocha paura te
nauamo gía di loro:ſparámo loro dua tiri di bombarda piu p
Spauetarli che per far loro male: & tutti altuono fuggirono al
monte; & cofi cipartimo da loro/ch ciparue fcampare duna pe
ricolofa giornata. Andauano del tucto difnudi come li altri.
Chiamo quefta ffola/lifola de giganti a caufa di lor grande
za; & andāmo piu Inanzi prolungando la terra:nellaquale ct
accadde molte uolte combattere con loro per non ci uolere la
fciare pigliare cofa alchuna di terra: & gia che ftauamo di uo/
lonta di tornarcene a Caftiglia:perche eravamo ftati nel ma
re círcha di uno anno ; & tenauamo poco n antenimento / &
elpoco damnato a caufa delli gran caldi che paffamo: perche
da che partimo per Iffole del cauo uerde Infino aqui / di conti
nuo hauauamo nauicato pla torrida zona / & due uolte atra
uerfato perla linea equinoctialé:che come difopra dixi, fumo
fuora di epfa 4.gradi alla parte dello auftro: & qui ſtavamo in
14.gradi uerfo elfeptétrione.Stando in qfto cófiglio/piacque
allo Spirito fancro dare alchuno diſcanfo a tanti noſtri tra-
uagli che fu / che andando cerchando un porto per racchon
ciare noftri nauilii / fumo a dare con una gente:laquale ci ri
couette con molta amifta:&trouamo che tenevano grandiffr
ma quàtita di perle orientali & affai buone:co quali ciritenê
mo 47.giorni:& riſcatãmo da loro 119.marchi di perle con
molta pocha mercantía:che credo nõ cicoſtorono èl ualere di
quaranta ducati: pche quello che démo loro no furono ſe nõ
fonagli & fpeccht & conte/dieci palle & foglie di octone:che
puno fonaglio daua uno quate perle tenena. Da loro fapémo
come le peſcauano ; & donde; & cidettono molte oſtriche, nel
lequali nafceuono;rifcatamo oftrica nellaquale ftaṇa di na-
fcimento 130.perle & altre di meno:quefta delle iso.mitol
fe la Regina: & altre miguardai nõ leucdeffe.Et ha da fapere
V.M.che fele perle non fono mature / & da ſe non ſiſpicha-
no ¡nó perſtanno:perche fidamnano preſto: & di queſto neho
uifto experientia:quando fono mature/ftanno drento nella
offrica fpicchate & meffe nella carne:et gfte fon buone:quan
to male teneuano / che la maggior parte erono roche & mal
forate:tutta uia ualeuano buon danari:pche fiuendeua elmar
cho. .et alcapo di 47.giorni lafciamo la gente molto
amica noftra. Partimoci /&perla neceffita del mantenimento
fumo a tenere allifola dantiglia che e/quefta che diſcoperfe
Chriſtophal colombo piu anni fa:doue facemo molto man
teníméto: & ſtémo duo meſi & 17.giorni:doue paſſamo mol
ti pericoli & trauagli con Il medefimi chriſtiani che in queſta
ifola ftauano col Colombo:credo per invidia:che per nõcfſes
re prolixo / li laſcio di racchontare. Partimo della decta iſola
adi 22.di Luglio: & nauicámo i un mefe & mezo:& entrámo
nel porto di Calts/ che fu adi g.di Septempre di di /elmio fe
condo uiaggio:Dio laudato.
Finito elfecondò Viaggłos
Comincia el terzo,
• IKREDOM
TAndomi dipot in Sibylia /ripofandomi ditanti mia
trauagli, che i queſti duo uiaggi haueuo paſſari ; & con
uolonta di tornare alla terra delle perle:quádo la fortuna no
conteura de miel tranagit / che nó lo come ueniffi in penfa
meuro a quello ferenitimo Re don manouello di portogallo
eiuolerfi feruire di meiet ftando in Sibylia fuori dogui pen
famento di uenire a Portogallo / mlužne ua meffaggiero co
letrera di fua real corona / cne inirogaua ch to ueniili a Liſbo
na aparlate cô lua alteza / promeuédo farmi merzedes.Nó
fur aconfigliato che uenilli:expedii cl mellaggiero dicendo
el /
che Nauo males & che quando ſteſſi buono ) &che ſua alieza
fiuoleffe pure feruire di me / che farci quanto mimandaſſe.bt
uiſto che non mi poteua hauere / acchordo mandare per me
Giuliano di Bartholomeo del Giocondo flante qui in Liſbo,
na / con commiflione che in ogni modo mirtaeffe. Venne el
decto Giuliano a Sibylia; perla uenuta & ruogho delquale
fof forzato a ucnire ; che fu tenuta amale la mia nenura da
quanti miconofceuano: perche miparti di Caftiglia, doue mi
cra facto honore & Remiteneua i buona poffeffione:peg
gior fu / che miparıl iuſalutaro hoſpiterer appreſentaromi
inanzi a quello Re 1 moſtro hauer placerc di mia uenuta;&
mipriego chi fuffi compagnia di tre lue naue che ftaano
1.

prefte p andare a difcoprire nuove terre; & come un tuogo i
Ree/mando/hebbi aconſentire a quaro mirogaua:er parante
di qſto porto di Liſbona tre naui di conferua adl.to.di Maggio
1.401. & pigliamo noftra derrota diritti alla Iſola di gran Cana
ria: & pafiamo ſenza pofare a uiſta di epfa: & di qui tumo cofteg
giando la colta dafrica p laparte occidêtale:uellaquale cofta fa
ēro noftra peſchería a una forte pefct/che fichiamano Parch1:
douc ci ditenēmo tre giorni:& di qui fumo nella colla dethiopia
ad un porto che lidice Befechtcce/die fta dentro dalla torrida zo
naziopra laquale alza elpolo del feptentrione 14.gradt & mezo
ficuato nel primo clyma :doue ſtémo.ii.giorni piguado acqua
&legne:pchemia iniérione era di marmgare ucrlo lauftro pel
golfo atlantico.Parcimo di qfto porto di ethiopia/&nauicámo
pellibeccio/pighiando una quarta del mezo di tanto che in 67.
giorni fumo a renere a una terra che ftaua nel decto porro 700.
leghe uerfo libecc o:& i quelli 67.giorni leuamo elpeggior të
po che mai leualle huomo che nauicaffe nel mare / per molt
aguazert & turbonate & torméte che ctdettono:pche fumo i té
po molto cótrario/ acaufa che clforte di noftra nauicatione fu di
corinouo giunta con la línea equinoctiale / che nel mefe di Gla
gno e inuerno;& trouãmo eldi con la nocte effere equale;& tro
vamo lombra uerfo mezo di di côtinouo:piacq adio moftrarci
terra nuoua /& fu adi 17.dagofto:doue furgémo a meza leghat
& buttámo fuora noftri battelli:et fumo auedere la terra/fe cra
habitata da gente, & che tale era; & trouámo effere habitata da
gete/cherano peggiori ch animali:pero V.M.Intendera í áſto
principio nó uedemo gente / ma ben conofcemo chi era popula
ia p molti fegnali che lepfa uedemo:pigliamo la poffeffione di
epfa p queſto fereniffimo Re:laquale trouamo effere terra molto
amena & uerde, & di buona apparentia:ſtaua fuora della linea
egnoctionale uerfo lauftro 4.gradi:et per queſto ci dítornámo
nauf:et pche renauamo gran neceffita dacqua & di legne /
accordămolaltro giorno di tornate a terra per prouedere del ne
ceffario:er ſtando i terra /uedémo uua gête nella fommita dun
monte / che ftauano mirando/& nõufauono defcédere abaffo:
irano diſnudi › & del medefimo colore & factione che erano II
tri paffati:et ftando co loro trauagliando /perche ueniffino a
parlare con epfo noi / maf nó li porémo afficurare / che nō fi fi
durono di nol;et uifto la loro obftinatione &di gla era tardi,
cenetomāmo allenaui, laſciando loro in terra molti fonaglt
c.i.
& fpecchi & altre cofe a uifta loro:et come fumo larghi alma
re / diſceſeno del mõte / & uennon ple cofe laßlamo loro / faccë
do di epfe grå marauiglia:& paflo giorno nó cipuedemo ſe no
dacqua:laltra mactina uedemo delle naue chi la gète di terra face
uon molte fumate: & noi penfando che ci chiamatino/fumo a
terra / doue trouamo cherano uenuti molti populi / & turta vía
flauano larghi di noi; & ci accénauano ch fuffimo có loro plater
ra drento:p onde fimoffeno dua delli noftrí xpiani a domădare
elcapitano ch deffe loro licentia che ſiuoleuano metter a pícolo
di uolere andare coloro i terra/ puedere chi gente erano & ſe
tencuano alcuna riccheza/o fpetieria/o drugheria; & tanto pre
gorono/ch elcapitano fu côrento:& meffonfi aordine co molte
cole dirlfcatto i fipartron da noi có ordine / ch nó Itefino píu
di 4.giōni atornare: pche tato gliafpecteremo: & pfon lor cami
no pla terra ; & noi ple nauí affectado!i; & quaſi ogni giōno ue
niua géte alla ſpiaggia & mai no ci uollon parlare:et illeptimo
giorno andamo i terra, & trouamo che haueúó tracto có loro le
for done:et come falraffimo i terra glhuomini della terra man
dorono molte delle lor done a parlar conoi:& uifto no fiafficu
rauano / accordamo di madare a loro uno huomo de noftri/ch
fu un glouane chi molto faceua lo fforzo;& noi pafficurarlo en
trámo nelli battelli: & lu] fifu p le dõne: & come giúſe a loro/gli
feciono un grã cerchio itorno toccandolo & mirandolo fina
tauigliauano:et ſtando i fto / vedemo uenire una dōna del mɔ̃
te/ & traeua un grá palo nella mano: & come giunft dōde ftaua
elnoftro xpiano/if uenne padtieto: & alzato elbaftone/glidette
tam grade clcolpo / chi lo diftefe morto iterra i un ſubito le al
tredone lo pfono pe piedt /& lo ftrafcinorono pe piedi uerfo el
mõte; & li huomini faltorono uerfo la ſpiaggia & coloro archi
& factte a facttarcl:et pofon la noftra gente ftanta paura furti
có li batrelli ſopra le fatefce/cheflauano in terra / che p le molte
freccle ch cimetreuano nelli battelli ; neſſuno accertaua di piglia
re larme:pure difparămo loro 4.tiri di bōbarda & nō accerto,
rono / faluo ch udito eltuono tutti fuggirono uerfo el móre/&
doueſtauano gia le done faccédo pezi del xpiano: & ad un gran
fuoco che haueuo facto / lo ſtauano arroftédo a uiíta noſtra mo
ftrandoci molti'pezi : & mágiandofell:et Ithuomini faccendoct
fegnali có loro cenni d come hauer morri li altri duo xptani, &
manglatoſelf:el che cipeſo molto / ueggédo có li noſtri occhi la
Gudelta che faceuan del mortd / a tutti noi fu inglurla intollera
1
bile: & ftando di propofito piu di 40.di noi di faltare in terra &
tendicare táta cruda morte & acto beſttale & inhumano / el Ca
pitano maggiore no uolie acöfentire, & ti reftaron fatif di tata
Ingiurla:& noi cipartimo da loro cõ mala uolõta & co molta uer
gogna noftra a caufa del noftro Capitano, Parifmo di qfto luo
go/& cominciamo noftra nauicatione ifra leuate & fetloccho/&
cofi fi correua la terra:et facemo molte ſchaley & mai tronámo
gête că cô epſo not uoleffin cõuerſarc:et coſi nautcámo táto /che
trouamo che la terra facena la uolta plibrecio:come doblaſſimo
un cauo; alquale ponémo nome elcauo di ſcó Auguſtino/co/
minciamo a nauicare plibeccio / & diſta ſto cauo dalla pdecta
tetra / che uedémo doue amazorono echriſtiani,140, leghe ucr
fo leuante:er ſta qito cauo x.gradi fuori della linea equinoctiale
uerſo lauftro:et nauicado hauemo un giorno uiſta di molta gë
te / ch ſlauano alla ſpiaggia p uedere la marauiglia delle noſtre
nauizer di che comenzulcamo / fumo alla uolta loro › & ſurgë,
mọi buon luogo, & fumo cò li battelli a terra / &rrouãmo la gë
te effere di miglior códitione chlapaſſata:et ancor chi cifulle rra
vaglio dimenticarli / tuttauia celífacemo amici ; & tractamo có
loro. In qfto luogostemo 4.giorni:& qui trouamo canna fiſtola
molto grolla & uerde & feccha fcima delli arbori.Accordāmo 1
queſtoluogholeuate un paio di huomini / per h·cimoſtrallino
la linguaret uennono tre di loro uolunta per uenire a Porto
gallo: & per quefto digiz canlato di tanto fcriuere / fapra uoſtca
Magnificentia che patrimo di queito porto / fempre nauican
do per libeccio a uifita di terra/ dicontinouo faccendo di molte
ſcale ; & parlando con infinita genteset tanto fumo uerſo lau
fro / che gia ftauamo fuora del tropico di Capricorno;a donde
el polo del Meridione falzaua fopra lo Orizonte 32. gradi: ce
digia hauamo perduto del tucto lorfa minore, & la maggio
re ci ſtava molto baſſa / &quafi ci fimonftraua alfme delio Ort
zonte /&ciregglauamo perle Stelle dellaltro polo del Meridio
ne:lequalt fono molte ; & molto maggiori ; & più lucenti che
le di qito noſtro poloser della maggior parte di eple trafli lelor
figure/ & maxime di ġile della prima/& maggior magnitudt,
në / con la dichiaratione de lor circuli che faceuano ítorno alpo
lo del auftro/có la dichiaratione de lor diametri & femidiames
tri / come fi potra vedere nelle mie 4.glornate:corrémo di qſta
coſta alpie di 740.leghesle 140, dal cauo dccto di ſcó Auguflino
c.il,
uerfo elponére / &le 600.uerfo ellibeccio;er uolendo ricontare
le coſe che i quta coſta vidi:& qllo che paffamo, non mibattereb
bealtretanti fogli: & in ftacoſta nô uedémo-coſa di pfiro / fal
vo.infiniti arbori di uerzino & di caffia/& di quelli cổ generano
la myrra / & altre marauiglie della natura che nō ſipoſſon rac
covitareset di gla effendo ſtati nel viaggio ben io.mefi/ &uifto
che in qua terra nó trouanamo cofa di minero alcuno / accordá
mo di diſpedirci di epfa/&andarci a cômettere almare p altra
parte:et facro noſtro cõfiglio, fu deliberato chi tiſeguiffe qlla na
uigatione che mipareffe bene: & ructo fu rimelo i me elmando
della flocta:ct allhora mandai che tucra la gente & flocta fi pro
nedeffi dacqua & dt legne p ſei mefiche tato giudicorono li ufi
viali delle naut cli porauamo nauicare cõ epfe. Facto noftro pue
dimento di gila terra / cominciamo noſtra nauicatione peluen
to ſciloccho;& fu adi 14.dl Febraio, quando gia elfole fandaua
cercando allo equinoctio / &tornaua uerfo qſto noftro emiſpe
riödel ſeptentrione; & tanto nauicámo p qfto uento che ci tro
pāmo tanto alti / chel polo del meridione ciſtaua altofuora del
noltro orizonte ben 42,gradi ; & piu nõuedadamo le ftelle ne
dellorfa minore / ne della maggiore orfa; & di gia ftauamo di
ſcoſto del porto di douc parrimo ben 400,leghe p fciloccho; &
queſto fu adi 3.daprile: & i qfto giorno comincio una tormenta
in mare taro forzola: che cifece amainare del tucto noftre uele:
& corrauamo aliarbero feco con molto nento / che era libeccio
cô grandiſſiml mari ; & larla molto tormentofazer tanta era la
torméra, che tutta la focraftaua.con gran timore: enocke Fron
molto grandi:che nocte renémo adi fepte dapifle / che fu di la,
hore:pche elſole ſtaua uel fme di Arles:et in qſta regione era lo
Inuerno / come ben puo côliderare V.M.et andando ifta tor
menta adi fepte daprile/hauemo uifta di nuoua terra:dellaquale
copremo circha di 20,leghe, & la tronamo tucta cofta brava;er
nάuedémo fepfa porto alcuno ne gente:credo pche gra táto el
freddo/che neffuno della flocra fi poteua rimediare / ne ſoppor
tarlo di modo ch uiftoct in tanto pericolo &i tanta torméta/che
apena potaur mo hauere uifta luna naue dellaltra/pegran.mari
ch faceuano,& pla gran ferrazon del tépo che accordamo con
clcapitano maggiore fate fegnale alla flocta che arrivaffi & la
fciaffimo la terra:et cene tornaffimo alcamino di Portogallo:et
fu molto buon cótiglie:che certo e che fe tardauamo quella nos
ste / tutti ciperdavame:pche come artiuàmo a poppa / & la no
1
ete & laltro glorno fi ciricrebbe tanta tormenta / che dubltámo
perderci:er hauémo di fare peregrini & altre cerimonie / coms
c/uſanza de marinaí ptali tépi;corrémo 4.giorni / & turra via
ciyenauamo apffando alla linea egnocciale & in aria &ímari
piu téperati:et piacq a Dio fcamparci di tăto pericolo: & noſtra
naulcatione era peluento intra el tramotano & greco: pche no
ftra ítentione era andare a riconoſcere la cofta di ethiopia, che
ſtavamo diſcoſto da epſa í 300.leghe pelgolfo del mare atlanti
co; & có la gratia di dio a io.g orni di Maggio fumo i epla auna
terra uerfo lauſtro/ch fidice La ferra liona; doue temo i4.giorni
pigliado noftro rinfrescaméto: & diqui partimo pigliádo noftra
nauicatione verſo liſole delli azori⁄ch diſtano di qſto luogo della
Serra circa di 740.legheter fumo có lífole alfin di Luglio:douc
ftémo altri 14.giorni pigliado alcuna recreatione; & partimo di
epſe pliſbona:ch ſtauamo piu allo occidéte 300,leghe:& entra-
mo p qfto porto di Lifpona adi 7.di Seprêbre del i 402.a buon
faluaméto/Dio ringratiato fia/cô folo due naui; pche laltra ar,
dēmo nella Serra liona:pche nó poteua píu navicare / che llémo
In queſto utaggio círca di 14.mefi; & giorni íí.nauigāmo fen-
za ueder la ftella tramõtana / o lorfa maggiore & minore/che fi
dicono elcorno;et ci reggemo ple ftelle dello altro polo. Queſto
e/quáto uidi in ĝlto viaggio/o giornata.
Quarto Viaggic.

R Eltami di dire le cofe p me uffte nel quarto viaggio/o giot
}
!
nara:& perlo eſſere gia canfaro /& etiam pche qfto quarto
viaggio nô fiforal / fecodo ch to leuaco el ppofito / puna difgra
tia che ci acchadde nel golfo del mare atlantico:come nel pceffo
foito breuita intêdera VM.mingegnero deffere brieue.Parti
mo di qfto porro di Lifbona 6,nauí di cóferua co ppofito di an
date a fcoprire una ifola verlo lotiente che fidice Melaccha:del
laquale fi ha nuoue effer molto riccha / &che/come elmagazino
di wucte le navi che uégano del mare gangetico & del mare indi
co / come e/Calis camera di tutti enaulli che paffano da leuante
a poněte / & da ponéte a leváre pla ufa di Galigur : et qſta Me-
laccha e/plu alloccidere ch Caligut & molto piu alta parte del
mezo di:pchefappiamo chita in paraggio di 33.gradi del polo
antartico.Partimo adi to.di Maggio 1403 et fumo diritti alle
Iloic del cauo verde, doue facemo noftro caragne, & pigliamo
forte di rinfrescaméto doueftemo 13 giorni:er di qui partimo
a noltro viaggio / nauicádo p el uêto feilocchoret come elnoftro
Capitano maggiore fuffe huomo plumptuofo & molto cauezu
to /uolle andare a riconofcere la Serrallona terra dethiopia au
firale, fenza tenere neceffita alcuna fenóp farfi uedere/chera
Capitano di fei nauí ¿cõtro alia uolúta di cuci noi altri Capita
mizer coli nauicando quádo fumo cò la decta terra/furon tate
le turbonate che ciderrono ; & cõ eple el tépo cõtrario / che ſlan
do a ulfta di epfa ben 4.giorni, maï nõ cílafcio elmal- tépo pt-
gliar terra:di modo ch fume forzati di tornare a noftra navica
tione uera / &laffare la decta Serra:et naulcãdo di qui alludueft
che e vero ífra mezo di & libeccio:et quádo fumo nanicati ben
goo, leghe p el mõltro del mare, ftando di gia fuora della linea
equoctionale verlo lauftro ben 3. grad,cl fidi(coperfe una rerra
ch poravamo dikare di epfa 22.leghe;dellaqle clmarauigliamo:
et trouamo chi era una ifola nel mezo del mare, & era molto al
ta cofa, ben marauigliofa della natura:pchenō era plu che due
leghe di lungo,& una di largo:nellaquale ifola mai nó fu habi
$ato da genic alcuna:& fu la mala ifola purta la fiocta:pche fa
pra V.M.che per el mal cófiglio & reggimico del noftro Capita
no maggiore / perde qui fua nate:pche dette con epfa iunofco
glio, & faperie la nòd e di fcö Lorenzo/chec/adi lo.dagolło 1 &
fi fu í fondo:&nó fifaluo di epla coſa alcuna fé nó la gente. Era
naue di 500,tonelli:nellaquale andaua tucta la importáza del
la flocta:&come la fiocta tucta trauagjiaffe I rimediarla / el Ca
pltano mi mando che io fuffi con la mia-naue alla decra iſola a
cerchare un buon furgidero/dcue poteffin furgere tutte le nauis
& come elmio battello ftipato con 9.mia marinal fuffi in feiut
gio & aiuto da ligare lé nauí, nô uolle ch lo leuaffi/&cħ miftßi
fine epfo:dicêdomi ch niileuerebbono allifola:partimi deila flo
cta come mimando p lifola fenza battello, & co meno la meta
cômeno
de mia marinaf/ & fui alla decta ifola / che diftauo circha di 4.
leghe:nellaquale troual un boniffimo porto/ doue ben ficura
mente poteuan furgere tucte lenaut:doue aſpectai el mío Capt
tano & la flocta ben 8. glorni / & mai no uennono:di modo ch
ftauamo molto mal cotenti, & le genti che meran reſtate nella
naue / flauano co táta paura / ch no-li potevo cõfolare:er ſtando
cofi /loctauo giōno uedemo uenire una naue pel mare; & di pau
ra che non cipoteffi uedere / ci leuámo con noſtre naui / & fumo
ad'epfa / penfando chi mitraeua elmio battello & genteret come
pareggiamo con epfa / dipoi di faltuata, ci dixe come la capita
na feta ita i fondo & come la gente fera faluata & che elmio
battello & gente reftaua con la focta/laquale fera ita per quel
mare auanti / che ci fu táta graue tormenta /qual puo penfare
V.M.p trouarci fooo.leghe difcofto da Liſbona / &ig Ifo/&
con pocha gente:tuttaufa facemo roftro alla fortuna & anda
mo tuttaufà innanzi: tornámo alla ffèla / &fornimoci dacqua
& di legne con elbattello della mia conferua:laquale ifola fro
uămo difabitata/ & teneua molte acque ufue & dolci / infiniz
tiffimf arbori /piena di tati uccelli marini & terreftri/che eren
fenza numero:et eron tanto femplici che fi lafciauon piglia
re con mano:et tanti nepigliamo che carichamo un barrello
di epfi animali; neſſuno non uedémo faluo Topi molto gran
di / & Ramarri con due code / & alchuna Serpe:et facta noſtra
prouifione / ci dipartimo per eluento infra mezo di & libeccio
perche tenauamo un reggimento del Re/che ci mandaua/che
qualunche delle naut che fiperdeffe della flocta/o del fuo Capt
tano / fuffi a tenere nella terra /che el utaggio paffato. Difco
primo in un porto/ che li ponemo nomè la badia di tucti e ſan
cri:et piacque a Dio di darci táto buon tempo, che in 17.gior
ni fumo a tenere terra in epfo, che diſtaua da liſola ben 300.
leghe:done non trouamo ne ilnoftro Capitano ne neffuna ai
tra naue della flocta:nelqual porto afpectamo ben dua meſi &
4.giorni; & uitto che non ueniua ricapito alcuno / acchordámo
la conferua 1 & io correr la cofta:et naufgamo piu inanzi 260.le
ghe / tráo chí giugnemo iun poctordoue accordamo faf mua for
tcza / & la facemo:& lafciamo i cpfa 24.huomini chriſtiani.che
ci haueua la mìà cõfcrua ⁄ che haueua rtcolń della naue capitana
che fera pduta:nelqual porto ſtēmo ben 4.meſi í fare la forteza
& caricar noftre naal druerzino:pche no potauamo andare piu
inaitzi / a cauſa che non tenauamo genti /& mimancaua molif
apparecchi. Facto rucro qſto / accordămo di tornarcene a Pors
togallo, che ciftaua p iluento infra greco & tramótano:&laña-
mo li 24.huomini che reſtoron nella forteza co mantenlméro p
fet mefi/ &iz.bobarde / & molte altre armi, & pacificamo tur
ta la gente di rerra:dellaquale nõlſe facto mentione i qſto ulag,
gio: no pche no uedeffimo & pratificaffimo có infinita gente di
tpfa:gche fumo i terra drento ben 30,huomini 40.leghe:doue
uiditate cofe, ch le lafclo di dire i riferbandole alle mie 4.gtor
nate.Queſta terra ſta fuora della linea egnoctiale alla parte del
lo auftro 18.gradi ; & fuora del mantenimento di Liſbona 37.
gradı/plu alloccidére lecõdoch moſtrano enoſtri ſtrumenti.Er
facto tucto qfto, ci difpedimo de chriftiani & della terra:er ço
minciamo noltra nauicatone al nornodefte/che e/uento infra
traniorana & greco co propofiro dandare a dirittura cò noſtra
nauicatione a questa citta di Liſbona:et in 77.giorni dipol tan
ti trauagli & pericoli entramo í queſto porto adi 18.di Giugno
1404.Dio laudaro:doue fumo molto ben riceuuti / & fuora do
gni credere:pche tucta la citta cifaceua perduti: pche laltre naul
della flocta ructe feron perdute p la fuperbia & pazia del noftro
Capirano che cofi pagha Dio la fuperbia:et alprefente mitruo
to qui in Lifoona & non fo quello uorra el Refare di me/che
molto defidero ripofarmi.El prefente aportatore che e/Benue
nuro di Domenico Benuenuti / dira a V.M.di mio effere, & di
alcune coſe fiſono laſciate di dire per prolixita:perche le ha uf-
fte & fentire / Dio fiaōclt
lo fono ito ftringedo la let
tera quáto ho poturo: & hefſilaſciato adire molte coſe naturali
acaufa di ſcufare plixtra. V.M.miperdoni:laquale fupplico ch
mirenga nel numero de fua feruidori:&uiraccomando fer An
tonio Vespucci mio fratello ) &tucta la caſa inis.Reſto rogando
Dio/che ui accrefca edi della uita:& ch falzt lo ſtato di cotefta ex
celſa Rep,&lhonore di V‚M,&ɖ: Dara in Liſbona adi 4.di
Septembre 1404.
Seruitore Amerigo Vefpucd in Liſbona.
Letter of Amerigo Vespucci
upon the isles neBly
found in Bis
four Boyages.


[Better of Amerigo Vespucci to Pier
Soderini. Gonfalonier of the Republic
of Florence.]

Woodcut of
Vespucci at a
writing desk
M
AGNIFICENT Lord. After humble rever-
ence and due commendations, etc. It may
be that your Magnificence will be sur-
prised by my rashness and the affront to your
wisdom,¹ in that I should so absurdly bestir myself
to write to your Magnificence the present so-prolix letter: know-
ing [as I do] that your Magnificence is continually employed
in high councils and affairs concerning the good government of
this sublime Republic. And will hold me not only presumptuous,
but also idly-meddlesome in setting myself to write things,
neither suitable to your station, nor entertaining, and written in
barbarous style, and outside of every canon of literature: but the
confidence which I have in your virtues and in the truth of my
writing, which are things [that] are not found written neither by
the ancients nor by modern writers, as your Magnificence will in
the sequel perceive, makes me bold. The chief cause which
moved [me] to write to you, was by the request of the present
bearer, who is named Benvenuto Benvenuti our Florentine
[fellow citizen], very much, as it is proven, your Magnificence's
for "
3
2
¹ Literally "dared your wisdom" in a barbarous phrase which is meant
your wisdom thus affronted.”
2 Humanità.
³ Here usato is certainly the Spanish osado, or the Portuguese ousado,
4
Letter of Amerigo Vespucci.
servant, and my very good friend: who happening to be here
in this city of Lisbon, begged that I should make communication.
to your Magnificence of the things seen by me in divers regions.
of the world, by virtue of four voyages which I have made in
discovery of new lands: two by order of the King of Castile,"
King Don Ferrando VI., across the great gulph of the Ocean-sea
towards the west: and the other two by command of the puissant
King Don Manuel King of Portugal, towards the south: Telling
me that your Magnificence would take pleasure thereof, and that
herein he hoped to do you service: wherefore I set me to do it:
because I am assured that your Magnificence holds me in the
number of your servants, remembering that in the time of our
youth I was your friend, and now [am your] servant: and
[remembering our] going to hear the rudiments of grammar under
the fair example and instruction of the venerable monk friar of
Saint Mark Fra Giorgio Antonio Vespucci: whose counsels and
teaching would to God that I had followed: for as saith Petrarch,
I should be another man than what I am. Howbeit soever, I
grieve not because I have ever taken delight in worthy matters:
and although these trifles of mine may not be suitable to your
virtues, I will say to you as said Pliny to Mæcenas, you were
sometime wont to take pleasure in my prattlings: even though
your Magnificence be continually busied in public affairs, you
will take some hour of relaxation to consume a little time in
laughable or amusing things: and as fennel is customarily given
atop of delicious viands to fit them for better digestion, so may
you, for a relief from your so heavy occupations, order this letter
of mine to be read: so that they may withdraw you somewhat
from the continual anxiety and assiduous reflection upon public
affairs and if I shall be prolix, I crave pardon, my Magnificent
Lord. Your Magnificence shall know that the motive of my
coming into this realm of Spain was to traffic in merchandise:
3
4
2
¹ This lack of precision with regard to Ferdinand's title may be compared
with similar carelessness on the early maps which refer to America.
2
3
Quomodo cunque sit. Vespucci affected a little Latin. "They" for “it.'
4
▲ Veniam peto,
First Voyage.
5
and that I pursued this intent about four years: during which I
saw and knew the inconstant shiftings of Fortune: and how she
kept changing those frail and transitory benefits: and how at one
time she holds man on the summit of the wheel, and at another
time drives him back from her, and despoils him of what may be
called his borrowed riches: so that, knowing the continuous toil
which man undergoes to win them, submitting himself to so many
discomforts and risks, I resolved to abandon trade, and to fix my
aim upon something more praiseworthy and stable: whence it
was that I made preparation for going to see part¹ of the world
and its wonders: and herefor the time and place presented them-
selves most opportunely to me: which was that the King Don
Ferrando of Castile being about to despatch four ships to discover
new lands towards the west, I was chosen by his Highness to go
in that fleet to aid in making discovery: and we set out from the
port of Cadiz on the 102 day of May 1497, and took our route.
through the great gulph of the Ocean-sea: in which voyage we
were 18 months [engaged]: and discovered much continental land
and innumerable islands, and great part of them inhabited :
of which there is no mention made by the ancient writers:
I believe, because they had no knowledge thereof: for, if I
remember well, I have read in some one [of those writers] that he
considered that this Ocean-sea was an unpeopled sea: and of this
opinion was Dante our poet in the xxvi. chapter of the Inferno,
where he feigns the death of Ulysses: in which voyage I beheld
things of great wondrousness, as your Magnificence shall under-
stand. As I said above, we left the port of Cadiz four consort
ships:³ and began our voyage in a direct course to the Fortunate
Isles, which are called to-day la gran Canaria, which are situated
in the Ocean-sea at the extremity of the inhabited west, [and] set
in the third climate: over which the North Pole has an elevation
¹ Parte is used by Vespucci as plural as well as singular, and consequently
this means properly “parts s" c or "various parts," as it appears in the Latin
version.
* The Latin version at the end of the Cosmographiæ Introductio has “20”
instead of "10."
• Navi di conserva.
6
Letter of Amerigo Vespucci.
6
2
of 27 and a half degrees¹ beyond their horizon: and they are 280
leagues distant from this city of Lisbon, by the wind between
mezzo di and libeccio:3 where we remained eight days, taking in
provision of water, and wood, and other necessary things: and
from here, having said our prayers, we weighed anchor, and gave
the sails to the wind, beginning our course to westward, taking
one quarter by south-west:* and so we sailed on till at the end of
375 days we reached a land which we deemed to be a continent:
which is distant westwardly from the isles of Canary about a
thousand leagues beyond the inhabited region within the torrid
zone for we found the North Pole at an elevation of 16 degrees
above its horizon, and [it was] according to the shewing of
our instruments, 75 degrees to the west of the isles of Canary:
whereat we anchored with our ships a league and a half from
land and we put out our boats freighted with men and arms: we
made towards the land, and before we reached it, had sight of a
great number of people who were going along the shore: by which
we were much rejoiced: and we observed that they were a naked
race they shewed themselves to stand in fear of us: I believe
[it was] because they saw us clothed and of other appearance
[than their own]: they all withdrew to a hill, and for whatsoever
signals we made to them of peace and of friendliness, they would
not come to parley with us: so that, as the night was now
coming on, and as the ships were anchored in a dangerous place,
being on a rough and shelterless coast, we decided to remove
from there the next day, and to go in search of some harbour or
bay, where we might place our ships in safety: and we sailed
with the maestrale wind, thus running along the coast with the
1 The Latin has "27.'
8
2 That is, which are situate at 27 degrees north latitude.
$ South-south-west. It is to be remarked that Vespucci always uses the word
wind to signify the course in which it blows, not the quarter from which it rises.
4 West and a quarter by south-west.
5 Latin has 27.
6 This phrase is merely equivalent to a repetition of from the Canaries,
these islands having been already designated the extreme western limit of
inhabited land.
7 That is, 16 degrees north latitude. If his computations be correct, we
might say that the landfall was on the northern coast of Honduras.
North-west. Latin has vento secundum collem.
First Voyage.
7
land ever in sight, continually in our course observing people
along the shore: till after having navigated for two days, we found
a place sufficiently secure for the ships, and anchored half a league
from land, on which we saw a very great number of people: and
this same day we put to land with the boats, and sprang on shore
full 40 men in good trim: and still the land's people appeared shy
of converse with us, and we were unable to encourage them so
much as to make them come to speak with us: and this day we
laboured so greatly in giving them of our wares, such as rattles
and mirrors, beads,¹ balls, and other trifles, that some of them
took confidence and came to discourse with us: and after having
made good friends with them, the night coming on, we took our
leave of them and returned to the ships: and the next day when
the dawn appeared we saw that there were infinite numbers of
people upon the beach, and they had their women and children
with them: we went ashore, and found that they were all laden
with their worldly goods which are suchlike as, in its [proper]
place, shall be related: and before we reached the land, many of
them jumped into the sea and came swimming to receive us
at a bowshot's length [from the shore], for they are very great
swimmers, with as much confidence as if they had for a long time
been acquainted with us and we were pleased with this their
confidence. For so much as we learned of their manner of life
and customs, it was that they go entirely naked, as well the men
as the women, without covering any shameful part, not otherwise
than as they issued from their mother's womb. They are of
medium stature, very well proportioned: their flesh is of a colour
that verges into red like a lion's mane and I believe that if they
went clothed, they would be as white as we: they have not any
hair upon the body, except the hair of the head which is long and
black, and especially in the women, whom it renders handsome:
2
:
¹ The word is cente, supposed to be a misprint for conte, an Italianised form
Spalline (palline, diminutive of palle) is a word not
The Latin translator seems to have read the original
of the Spanish cuentas.
given in the dictionaries.
as certe cristalline.
2 Mantenimenti. The word "all" (tucte) is feminine, and probably refers
only to the women,
"
2
8
Letter of Amerigo Vespucci.
in aspect they are not very good-looking, because they have broad
faces, so that they would seem Tartar-like: they let no hair grow
on their eyebrows, nor on their eyelids nor elsewhere, except the
hair of the head: for they hold hairiness to be a filthy thing:
they are very light-footed in walking and in running, as well the
men as the women: so that a woman recks nothing of running a
league or two, as many times we saw them do: and herein they
have a very great advantage over us Christians: they swim [with
an expertness] beyond all belief, and the women better than the men :
for we have many times found and seen them swimming two
leagues out at sea without any thing to rest upon. Their arms
are bows and arrows very well made, save that they have no iron
nor any other kind of hard metal [wherewith to tip the arrows]:
and instead of iron they put animals' or fishes' teeth, or a spike
of tough wood, with the point hardened by fire: they are sure
marksmen, for they hit whatever they aim at: and in some places
the women use these bows: they have other weapons, such as
fire-hardened spears, and also clubs with knobs, beautifully carved.
Warfare is used amongst them, [which they carry on] against
people not of their own language, very cruelly, without granting
life to any one, except [to reserve him] for greater suffering.
When they go to war, they take their women with them not
that these may fight, but because they carry behind them their
worldly goods: for a woman carries on her back for thirty or
forty leagues a load which no man could bear: as we have many
times seen them do. They are not accustomed to have any
Captain, nor do they go in any ordered array, for every one is
lord of himself: and the cause of their wars is not for lust of
dominion, nor of extending their frontiers, nor for inordinate
covetousness, but for some ancient enmity which in by-gone
times arose¹ amongst them: and when asked why they made
war, they knew not any other reason to give us than that they did
so to avenge the death of their ancestors, or of their parents :
these people have neither King, nor Lord, nor do they yield
obedience to any one, for they live in their own liberty: and how
¹ The expression in the original is e suta, an error for è surta.
First Voyage.
9
1
2
they be stirred up to go to war is [this] that when the enemies
have slain or captured any of them, his oldest kinsman rises up
and goes about the highways haranguing them to go with him
and avenge the death of such his kinsman: and so are they
stirred up by fellow-feeling: they have no judicial system, nor do
they punish the ill-doer: nor does the father, nor the mother
chastise the children: and marvellously [seldom] or never did we
see any dispute among them: in their conversation they appear
simple, and [yet] are very cunning and acute in that which
concerns them: they speak little and in a low tone: they use
the same articulations as we, since they form their utterances
either with the palate, or with the teeth, or on the lips: except
that they give different names to things. Many are the varieties
of tongues for in every 100 leagues we found a change of
language, so that they are not understandable each to the other.
The manner of their living is very barbarous, for they eat at no
certain hours, and as oftentimes as they will: and it does not
matter much to them that the will may come rather at midnight
than by day, for they eat at all hours: and their repast is [made]
upon the ground without a table-cloth or any other cover, for
they have their meats either in earthen basins which they make
therefor, or in the halves of pumpkins: they sleep in certain
very large nettings made of cotton, suspended in the air: and
although this their [fashion of] sleeping may seem uncomfortable,
I say that it is sweet to sleep in those [nettings]: and we slept
better in them than in quilts. They are a people of neat exterior,
and clean of body, because of so continually washing them-
selves as they do: when, saving your reverence, they evacuate the
stomach they do their utmost not to be observed: and as much
as in this they are cleanly and bashful, so much the more are
4
3
1 Che loro cuple. The Spanish word cumplir, with the sense of being
important or suitable.
• He means that they have no sounds in their language unknown to
European organs of speech, all being either palatals or dentals or labials.
3 The words from "and it does not matter" down to "at all hours" omitted
in the Latin.
+ Bambacia.
2
*
IO
Letter of Amerigo Vespucci.
they filthy and shameless in making water: since, while standing
speaking to us, without turning round or shewing any shame,
they let go their nastiness, for in this they have no shame: there
is no custom of marriages amongst them: each man takes as
many women as he lists: and when he desires to repudiate them,
he repudiates them without any imputation of wrong-doing to
him, or of disgrace to the woman: for in this the woman has as
much liberty as the man they are not very jealous and are
immoderately libidinous, and the women much more so than the
men, so that for decency I omit to tell you the artifice they
practice to gratify their inordinate lust: they are very prolific
women, and do not shirk any work during their pregnancies:
and their travails in childbed are so light that, a single day
after parturition, they go abroad everywhere, and especially to
wash themselves in the rivers, and are [then] as sound as fishes :
they are so void of affection and cruel, that if they be angry
with their husbands they immediately adopt an artificial method
by which the embryo is destroyed in the womb, and procure
abortion, and they slay an infinite number of creatures by
that means they are women of elegant persons very well
proportioned, so that in their bodies there appears no ill-shapen
part or limb: and although they go entirely naked, they are
fleshy women, and, of their sexual organ, that portion which he
who has never seen it may imagine, is not visible, for they
conceal with their thighs everything except that part for which
nature did not provide, which is, speaking modestly, the
pectignone. In fine, they have no shame of their shameful parts,
any more than we have in displaying the nose and the mouth: it
is marvellously [rare] that you shall see a woman's paps hang
low, or her belly fallen in by too much childbearing, or other
wrinkles, for they all appear as though they had never brought
forth children: they shewed themselves very desirous of having
connexion with us Christians. Amongst those people we did not
learn that they had any law, nor can they be called Moors nor
Jews, and [they are] worse than pagans: because we never
Bigger bosom, mons Veneris,
2
¹ In the original, contar for contentare.
First Voyage.
1 1
3
6
4
saw them offer any sacrifice: nor even had they a house of
prayer: their manner of living I judge to be Epicurean: their
dwellings are in common: and their houses [are] made in the
style of huts,¹ but strongly made, and constructed with very
large trees, and covered over with palm-leaves, secure against
storms and winds: and in some places [they are] of so great
breadth and length, that in one single house we found there were
600 souls and we saw a village of only thirteen 2 houses where
there were four thousand souls: every eight or ten years ¹ they
change their place of habitation: and when asked why they did.
so: [they said it was] because of the soil 5 which, from its filthiness,
was already unhealthy and corrupted, and that it bred aches in
their bodies, which seemed to us a good reason: their riches
consist of birds' plumes of many colours, or of rosaries which
they make from fishbones, or of white or green stones which they
put in their cheeks and in their lips and ears, and of many other
things which we in no wise value: they use no trade, they neither
buy nor sell. In fine, they live and are contented with that
which nature gives them. The wealth that we enjoy in this our
Europe and elsewhere, such as gold, jewels, pearls, and other
riches, they hold as nothing: and although they have them in
their own lands, they do not labour to obtain them, nor do they
value them. They are liberal in giving, for it is rarely they
deny you anything: and on the other hand, free in asking, when
they shew themselves your friends: the greatest sign of friend-
ship which they shew you is that they give you their wives and
their daughters, and a father or a mother deems himself [or
herself] highly honored, when they bring you a daughter, even
though she be a young virgin, if you sleep with her: and here-
unto they use every expression of friendship. When they die,
¹ Waldseemüller has "bell-towers," having misread campane for capanne,
huts or cabins.
2 Latin has eight.
4 Latin has seven for ten.
3 Latin, ten thousand.
5 Suolo, the ground or flooring, which Waldseemüller absurdly misread sole,
the sun. Varnhagen, no less strangely, translates it "the atmosphere.”
6 Paternostrini, rosaries or chaplets of beads used by illiterate Catholics.
12
Letter of Amerigo Vespucci.
they use divers manners of obsequies, and some they bury with
water and victuals at their heads: thinking that they shall have
[whereof] to eat they have not nor do they use ceremonies of
torches¹ nor of lamentation. In some other places they use the
most barbarous and inhuman burial,2 which is that when a
suffering or infirm [person] is as it were at the last pass of death,
his kinsmen carry him into a large forest, and attach one of those
nets of theirs, in which they sleep, to two trees, and then put him
in it, and dance around him for a whole day: and when the
night comes on they place at his bolster, water with other
victuals, so that he may be able to subsist for four or six days:
and then they leave him alone and return to the village: and if
the sick man helps himself, and eats, and drinks, and survives,
he returns to the village, and his [friends] receive him with
ceremony: but few are they who escape: without receiving any
further visit they die, and that is their sepulture: and they have
many other customs which for prolixity are not related. They
use in their sicknesses various forms of medicines," so different
from ours that we marvelled how any one escaped: for many
times I saw that with a man sick of fever, when it heightened
upon him, they bathed him from head to foot with a large
quantity of cold water: then they lit a great fire around him,
making him turn and turn again every two hours, until they
tired him and left him to sleep, and many were [thus] cured:
with this they make much use of dieting, for they remain three
days without eating, and also of blood-letting, but not from the
arm, only from the thighs and the loins and the calf of the leg:
also they provoke vomiting with their herbs which are put into
the mouth and they use many other remedies which it would be
long to relate: they are much vitiated in the phlegm and in the
blood because of their food which consists chiefly of roots of
herbs, and fruits and fish: they have no seed of wheat nor other
grain and for their ordinary use and feeding, they have a root
:
¹ Lumi, lights, tapers, candles, as in Catholic ceremonies.
2 Interramento is the word, but he means only "funeral rite,"
3 That is, "medical treatment."
First Voyage.
13
·
of a tree, from which they make flour, tolerably good, and they
call it Iuca, and [there are] others who call it Cazabi, and others
Ignami:¹ they eat little flesh except human flesh for your
Magnificence must know that herein they are so inhuman that
they outdo every custom [even] of beasts: for they eat all their
enemies whom they kill or capture, as well females as males, with
so much savagery, that [merely] to relate it appears a horrible
thing: how much more so to see it, as, infinite times and in
many places, it was my hap to see it and they wondered to
hear us say that we did not eat our enemies: and this your
Magnificence may take for certain, that their other barbarous
customs are such that expression is too weak for the reality: and
as in these four voyages I have seen so many things diverse from
our customs, I prepared to write a common-place-book 2 which I
name LE QUATTRO GIORNATE in which I have set down the
greater part of the things which I saw, sufficiently in detail, so
far as my feeble wit has allowed me: which I have not yet
published, because I have so ill a taste for my own things that I
do not relish those which I have written, notwithstanding that
many encourage me to publish it: therein everything will be seen
in detail: so that I shall not enlarge further in this chapter: as
in the course of the letter we shall come to many other things
which are particular: let this suffice for the general. At this
beginning, we saw nothing in the land of much profit, except
some show of gold: I believe the cause of it was that we did not
know the language: but in so far as concerns the situation and
condition of the land, it could not be better: we decided to leave
that place, and to go further on, continuously coasting the shore:
upon which we made frequent descents, and held converse with
a great number of people: and after some days we went into a
harbour where we underwent very great danger and it pleased
the Holy Ghost to save us and it was in this wise. We
landed in a harbour, where we found a village built like Venice
upon the water: there were about 44 large dwellings in the form
1
¹ Ignami is the Portuguese inhame, African yam.
2 Zibaldone, miscellany, omnium-gatherum.
14
Letter of Amerigo Vespucci.
of huts erected upon very thick piles,¹ and they had their doors or
entrances in the style of drawbridges: and from each house one
could pass through all, by means of the drawbridges which
stretched from house to house: and when the people thereof had
seen us, they appeared to be afraid of us, and immediately drew
up all the bridges and while we were looking at this strange
action, we saw coming across the sea about 22 canoes, which are
a kind of boats of theirs, constructed from a single tree: which
came towards our boats, as if they had been surprised by our
appearance and clothes, and kept wide of us: and thus remaining,
we made signals to them that they should approach us, en-
couraging them with every token of friendliness: and seeing that
they did not come, we went to them, and they did not stay for us,
but made to the land, and, by signs, told us to wait, and that
they would soon return: and they went to a hill in the back-
ground, and did not delay long: when they returned, they led
with them 16 of their girls, and entered with these into their
canoes, and came to the boats: and in each boat they put 4 of
the girls. How greatly we marvelled at this behaviour your
Magnificence can imagine, and they placed themselves with
their canoes among our boats, coming to speak with us: inso-
much that we deemed it a mark of friendliness: and while thus
engaged, we beheld a great number of people advance swimming
towards us across the sea, who came from the houses: and as
if they were approaching us without any apprehension: just
then there appeared at the doors of the houses certain old
women, uttering very loud cries and tearing their hair to exhibit
grief: whereby they made us suspicious, and we each betook
ourselves to arms: and instantly the girls whom we had in the
boats, threw themselves into the sea, and the men of the canoes
drew away from us, and began with their bows to shoot arrows
at us and those who were swimming each carried a lance held,
as covertly as they could, beneath the water: so that, recognizing
¹ Waldseemüller has 20 instead of 44, and repeats his error of "bell-towers"
for "huts."
2 Varnhagen says "went straight to land," evidently mistaking drieto
(dietro) for dricto, and ignoring monte.
First Voyage.
15
the treachery, we engaged with them, not merely to defend our-
selves, but to attack them vigorously, and we overturned with our
boats many
of their skiffs or canoes, for so they call them, we
made a slaughter [of them], and they all flung themselves into the
water to swim, leaving their canoes abandoned, with considerable
loss on their side, they went swimming away to the shore: there
were killed of them about 15 or 20, and many were left wounded :
of ours 5 were wounded, and all, by the grace of God, escaped
[death]: we captured two of the girls and two men: and we
proceeded to their houses, and entered therein, and in them all
we found nothing but two old women and a sick man: we
took away from them many things, but of small value: and we
would not burn their houses, because it seemed to us [as though
that would be] a burden upon our conscience: and we returned to
our boats with five prisoners: and betook ourselves to the ships,
and put a pair of irons on the feet of each of the captives, except
the girls and when the night came on, the two girls and
one of the men escaped in the most subtle manner possible: and
next day we decided to quit that harbour and go further onwards:
we proceeded continuously skirting the coast, [until] we had
sight of another tribe distant perhaps some 80 leagues from the
former tribe and we found them very different in speech and
customs: we resolved to cast anchor, and went ashore with the
boats, and we saw on the beach a great number of people
amounting probably to 4000 souls: and when we had reached the
shore, they did not stay for us, and betook themselves to flight
through the forests, abandoning their things: we jumped on land,
and took a pathway that led to the forest: and at the distance of
a bow-shot we found their tents, where they had made very large
fires, and two [of them] were cooking their victuals, and roasting
several animals, and fish of many kinds: where we saw that they
were roasting a certain animal which seemed to be a serpent,
save that it had no wings, and was in its appearance so foul
:
1
¹ Alia-wings or fins. Vespucci must have been thinking of the fabulous
dragon.
16
Letter of Amerigo Vespucci.
that we marvelled much at its loathsomeness: Thus went we
on through their houses, or rather tents, and found many of those
serpents alive, and they were tied by the feet and had a cord
around their snouts, so that they could not open their mouths, as
is done [in Europe] with mastiff-dogs so that they may not bite:
they were of such savage aspect that none of us dared to take one
away, thinking that they were poisonous: they are of the bigness
of a kid, and in length an ell and a half:¹ their feet are long and
thick, and armed with big claws: they have a hard skin, and are
of various colours: they have the muzzle and aspect of a serpent:
and from their snouts there rises a crest like a saw which extends
along the middle of the back as far as the tip of the tail: in fine
we deemed them to be serpents and venomous, and [yet] they'
were used as food: we found that [those people] made bread out of
little fishes which they took from the sea, first boiling them, [then]
pounding them, and making thereof a paste, or bread, and they
baked them on the glowing embers: thus did they eat them: we
tried it, and found that it was good: they had so many other kinds.
of eatables, and especially of fruits and roots, that it would be a
large matter to describe them in detail: and seeing that the
people did not return, we decided not to touch nor take away
anything of theirs, so as better to reassure them: and we left in
the tents for them many of our things, placed where they should
see them, and returned by night to our ships: and the next day,
when it was light, we saw on the beach an infinite number of
people and we landed: and although they appeared timorous
towards us, they took courage nevertheless to hold converse with
us, giving us whatever we asked of them: and shewing themselves
very friendly towards us, they told us that those were their
dwellings, and that they had come hither for the purpose of
fishing and they begged that we would visit their dwellings and
villages, because they desired to receive us as friends: and they
engaged in such friendship because of the two captured men
whom we had with us, as these were their enemies: insomuch
1 Braccio uno e mezo. This animal was the iguana.
First Voyage.
17
that, in view of such importunity on their part, holding a council,
we determined that 28 of us Christians in good array should go
with them, and in the firm resolve to die if it should be necessary:
and after we had been here some three days, we went with them
inland: and at three leagues from the coast we came to a village
of many people and few houses, for there were no more than nine
[of these]: where we were received with such and so many
barbarous ceremonies that the pen suffices not to write them
down for there were dances, and songs, and lamentations
mingled with rejoicing, and great quantities of food: and here
we remained the night: where they offered us their women, so
that we were unable to withstand them: and after having been
here that night and half the next day, so great was the number
of people who came wondering to behold us that they were
beyond counting: and the most aged begged us to go with them
to other villages which were further inland, making display of
doing us the greatest honour: wherefore we decided to go: and it
would be impossible to tell you how much honour they did us: and
we went to several villages, so that we were nine days journeying,
so that our Christians¹ who had remained with the ships were
already apprehensive concerning us: and when we were about 18
leagues in the interior of the land, we resolved to return to the
ships: and on our way back, such was the number of people, as
well men as women, that came with us as far as the sea, that it
was a wondrous thing: and if any of us became weary of the
march, they carried us in their nets very refreshingly and in
crossing the rivers, which are many and very large, they passed
us over by skilful means so securely that we ran no danger what-
ever, and many of them came laden with the things which they
had given us, which consisted of their sleeping-nets, and very
rich feathers, many bows and arrows, innumerable popinjays of
divers colours: and others brought with them loads of their
household goods, and of animals: but a greater marvel will I tell
you, that, when we had to cross a river, he deemed himself lucky
who was able to carry us on his back: and when we reached the
¹I.e., comrades.
2
:
Pappagalli, perroquets.
2
18
Letter of Amerigo Vespucci.
:
1
sea, our boats having arrived, we entered into them: and so great
was the struggle which they made to get into our boats, and to
come to see our ships, that we marvelled [thereat]: and in our
boats we took as many of them as we could, and made our way
to the ships, and so many [others] came swimming that we found
ourselves embarrassed in seeing so many people in the ships, for
there were over a thousand persons all naked and unarmed: they
were amazed by our [nautical] gear and contrivances, and the
size of the ships: and with them there occurred to us a very
laughable affair, which was that we decided to fire off some of our
great guns, and when the explosion took place, most of them
through fear cast themselves [into the sea] to swim, not otherwise
than frogs on the margins of a pond, when they see something
that frightens them, will jump into the water, just so did those
people and those who remained in the ships were so terrified
that we regretted our action: however we reassured them by
telling them that with those arms we slew our enemies and
when they had amused themselves in the ships the whole day, we
told them to go away because we desired to depart that night,
and so separating from us with much friendship and love, they
went away to land. Amongst that people and in their land, I
knew and beheld so many of their customs and ways of living,
that I do not care to enlarge upon them: for Your Magnificence
must know that in each of my voyages I have noted the most
wonderful things, and I have indited it all in a volume after the
manner of a geography: and I intitle it LE QUATTRO GIORNATE:
in which work the things are comprised in detail, and as yet there
is no copy of it given out, as it is necessary for me to revise it.
This land is very populous, and full of inhabitants, and of
numberless rivers, [and] animals: few [of which] resemble ours,
excepting lions, panthers, stags, pigs, goats, and deer:³ and even
these have some dissimilarities of form: they have no horses nor
1 Artiglierie.
2 Conferirla.
:
3 In the text the colon follows "few," which alters the sense considerably,
and makes the statement run thus, "Numberless rivers and few animals: they
resemble ours," &c.; but the real intention is evidently better conveyed by
adding the words in brackets, and displacing the colon in question.
First Voyage.
19
mules, nor, saving your reverence, asses nor dogs, nor any kind
of sheep or oxen: but so numerous are the other animals which
they have and all are savage, and of none do they make use for
their service that they could not be counted. What shall we
say of their different birds? which are so numerous, and of so
many kinds, and of such various-coloured plumages, that it is a
marvel to behold them. The land is very pleasant and fruitful,
full of immense woods and forests: and it is always green, for
the foliage never drops off. The fruits are so many that they are
numberless and entirely different from ours. This land is within
the torrid zone, close to or just under the parallel which marks
the Tropic of Cancer: where the pole of the horizon has an
elevation of 23 degrees, at the extremity of the second climate.¹
Many tribes came to see us, and wondered at our faces and our
whiteness and they asked us whence we came and we gave
them to understand that we had come from heaven, and that we
were going to see the world, and they believed it. In this land
we placed baptismal fonts, and an infinite [number of] people
were baptized, and they called us in their language Carabi, which
means men of great wisdom. We took our departure from that
port: and the province is called Lariab: and we navigated along
the coast, always in sight of land, until we had run 870 leagues of
it, still going in the direction of the maestrale [north-west] making
in our course many halts, and holding intercourse with many
peoples and in several places we obtained gold by barter but not
much in quantity, for we had done enough in discovering the
land and learning that they had gold. We had now been thirteen
months on the voyage: and the vessels and the tackling were
already much damaged, and the men worn out by fatigue: we
decided by general council to haul our ships on land and examine
them for the purpose of stanching leaks, as they made much
water, and of caulking and tarring them afresh, and [then] return-
ing towards Spain: and when we came to this determination,
we were close to a harbour the best in the world: into which
¹ That is, 23 degrees north latitude; possibly referring to the coast near
Tampico (Mexico).
2 Ștancharle (? stagnarle).
:
2
Uor M
20
Letter of Amerigo Vespucci.
:
we entered with our vessels: where we found an immense
number of people: who received us with much friendliness: and
on the shore we made a bastion¹ with our boats and with barrels.
and casks, and our artillery, which commanded every point:2
and our ships having been unloaded and lightened," we drew
them upon land, and repaired them in everything that was
needful and the land's people gave us very great assistance:
and continually furnished us with their victuals: so that in this
port we tasted little of our own, which suited our game well:4 for
the stock of provisions which we had for our return-passage was
little and of sorry kind: where [i.e., there] we remained 37 days:
and went many times to their villages, where they paid us the
greatest honour: and [now] desiring to depart upon our voyage,
they made complaint to us how at certain times of the year there
came from over the sea to this their land, a race of people very
cruel, and enemies of theirs: and by means of treachery or of
violence slew many of them, and ate them: and some they
made captives, and carried them away to their houses, or country:
and how they could scarcely contrive to defend themselves from
them, making signs to us that [those] were an island-people and
lived out in the sea about a hundred leagues away: and so
piteously did they tell us this that we believed them and we
promised to avenge them of so much wrong: and they remained
overjoyed herewith: and many of them offered to come along
with us, but we did not wish to take them for many reasons, save
that we took seven of them, on condition that they should come
[i.c., return home] afterwards in canoes because we did not desire.
to be obliged to take them back to their country: and they
were contented: and so we departed from those people, leaving
them very friendly towards us: and having repaired our ships, and
1 Fort or barricade.
The Latin misreads it "a new boat."
2 Che giocavano per tucto.
3 Allogiate is slurred over by the Latin and Varnhagen. I take it to be
intended for allegiate, and this to be an old form, corresponding to the French
alléger, of allegerite or alleviate: lightened, eased.
4 Che ci feciono buon giuoco,
t
First Voyage.
21
•
sailing for seven days out to sea between north-east and east: and
at the end of the seven days we came upon the islands, which
were many, some [of them] inhabited, and others deserted:
and we anchored at one of them: where we saw a numerous
people who called it Iti: and having manned our boats with
strong crews, and [taken] three guns in each, we made for
land: where we found [assembled] about 400 men, and many
women, and all naked like the former [peoples]. They were
of good bodily presence, and seemed right warlike men: for
they were armed with their weapons, which are bows, arrows,
and lances and most of them had square wooden targets: and
bore them in such wise that they did not impede the drawing of
the bow and when we had come with our boats to about a
bowshot of the land, they all sprang into the water to shoot their
arrows at us and to prevent us from leaping upon shore: and
they all had their bodies painted of various colours, and [were]
plumed with feathers: and the interpreters¹ who were with us
told us that when [those] displayed themselves so painted and
plumed, it was to betoken that they wanted to fight: and so
much did they persist in preventing us from landing, that we were
compelled to play with our artillery: and when they heard the
explosion, and saw some of their number fall dead, they all drew
back to the land: wherefore, forming our Council, we resolved
that 42 of our men should spring on shore, and, if they waited for
us, fight them: thus having leaped to land with our weapons, they
advanced towards us, and we fought for about an hour, but we
had little advantage of them, except that our arbalasters and
gunners killed some of them, and they wounded certain of our
men: and this was because they did not stand to receive us
within reach of lance-thrust or sword-blow and so much vigour
did we put forth at last, that we came to sword-play, and when
they tasted our weapons, they betook themselves to flight through
the mountains and the forests, and left us conquerors of the field
with many of them dead and a good number wounded: and for
:
¹ Le lingue, a Portuguese idiom.
22
Letter of Amerigo Vespucci.
:
that day we took no other pains to pursue them, because we were
very weary, and we returned to our ships, with so much gladness
on the part of the seven men who had come with us that they
could not contain themselves [for joy]: and when the next day
arrived, we beheld coming across the land a great number of
people, with signals of battle, continually sounding horns, and
various other instruments which they use in their wars: and all
[of them] painted and feathered, so that it was a very strange
sight to behold them: wherefore all the ships held council, and
it was resolved that since this people desired hostility with us, we
should proceed to encounter them and try by every means to make
them friends in case they would not have our friendship, that
we should treat them as foes, and so many of them as we might
be able to capture should all be our slaves: and having armed
ourselves as best we could, we advanced towards the shore, and
they sought not to hinder us from landing, I believe from fear of
the cannons and we jumped on land, 57 men in four squadrons,
each one [consisting of] a captain and his company and we came
to blows with them: and after a long battle [in which] many of
them [were] slain, we put them to flight, and pursued them to a
village, having made about 250 of them captives, and we burnt
the village, and returned to our ships with victory and 250
prisoners¹ leaving many of them dead and wounded, and of ours
there were no more than one killed, and 22 wounded, who all
escaped [i.e., recovered], God be thanked. We arranged our
departure, and the seven men, of whom five were wounded, took
an island-canoe, and, with seven prisoners that we gave them,
(
¹ Varnhagen thought we ought to read "25" (not 250), like the Latin
version, and to correct the figures "222" lower down into "22," in both the text
and the Latin. But he was in error, having omitted to observe that the figures
250" occur twice. He evidently looked more on the Latin than the text.
Besides, a capture of only 25 savages would be very little indeed for the
European force to make, whether we reckon it at 57 men or 228 men, as he and
the Latinizer read it (four squadrons, each of 57 men, with its captain), especially
when they had entered into hostilities with the express intention of making
captives. [He afterwards corrected himself.]
First Voyage.
23
four women and three men, returned to their [own] country full
of gladness, wondering at our strength: and we thereupon made
sail for Spain with 222 captive slaves: and reached the port
of Cadiz on the 15 day of October 1498, where we were well
received and sold our slaves. Such is what befel me, most note-
worthy, in this my first voyage.
ENDS THE FIRST VOYAGE.
BEGINS THE SECOND.

m..
3

Second Voyage.
[Woodcut of two Ships at Sea.]
A
3
4
S for the second voyage, and what I saw in it most worthy
of record, it is as follows here. We started from the
port of Cadiz, three ships in company, on the 16 day
of May 1499¹ and began our voyage in a direct course to
the islands of Cape Verde, passing in sight of the island of
Great Canary and sailed on until we dropped anchor at an
island which is called the Island of Fire: and having here
taken in our provision of water and firewood, we resumed our
voyage towards the south-west and in 44 days we touched
upon a new land: and we deemed that it was [part of] a
continent, and continuous with that [land] of which mention
is made above: 5 the which [new land] is situated within the
Torrid Zone, and southward of the equinoctial line: above which
the southern pole rises to the elevation of 5 degrees, beyond
every climate and it is 500 leagues distant south-westwardly 7
from the said islands: and we found that the days were equal
with the nights: for we reached it on the 27 day of June, when
8
1 1499. Latin has 1489, by error.
:
2 Lisola del fuoco. 3 Per illibeccio.
The Latin has " 19 days," and so has Varnhagen, notwithstanding that
his text is correct.
((
5 I.e., in the preceding relation of the first voyage. The Latin makes a
blunder here, and says, opposite to," instead of "continuous with." The
translator must have read "contraria " for “continua.”
6 This means, simply, at 5 degrees south latitude.
7 Per el vento libeccio.
s I.e., the Canaries.
Second Voyage.
25
:
:
the sun is nigh the Tropic of Cancer: which land we found to be
all overflowed with water and full of very large rivers.¹ As yet? we
saw no people: we brought our ships to anchor and put out our
boats in them we pulled to the land, and as I have said, we
found it full of the largest rivers and inundated by very great
floods which we met with: and we attempted it in many places.
to see if we could enter therein and because of the great floods
poured by the rivers, however strenuously we strove, we could
find no spot that was not inundated: we observed on the waters
many tokens that the land was inhabited: and seeing that in
this quarter we could not enter it, we decided to return to the
ships and to attempt landing in another place and we weighed
our anchors, and sailed east-south-east,³ always coasting the
shore which trended in that direction, and in a space of 40
leagues we made attempts to land in several places: and it was all
lost time: we found on that coast the sea-currents so strong that
they did not allow us to navigate, and they all ran from south-east
to north-west consequently, seeing so many impediments to our
navigation, we held a council, and decided to turn our course to
the north-west: and we sailed along the land till we arrived at a
very fine port: which was formed by a large island that was
situated at the mouth, inside of which there was a bay, very
deeply indented: and while sailing by the side of the island to
enter into the harbour, we beheld many people: and rejoicing
thereat, we directed our vessels thither, so as to drop anchor
where we saw the people, being probably [then] about four
leagues away to seaward from them: and proceeding thus we
had sight of a canoe that was coming from the high sea in
which there were coming many persons: and we resolved to
seize it: 5 and we turned our vessels round to meet it, navigating
4
1 Varnhagen inserts here (from the Latin) a statement about the greenness
of the land, and that it was full of large trees; which does not at all appear in
the text.
2 In questo principio.
3
Infra levante e sciloccho.
4 There is some confusion here; they could hardly have been able to see a
5 Haverla alla mano.
*
3
crowd of people at four leagues' distance.
26
Letter of Amerigo Vespucci.
2
in such order that we should not lose it: and sailing towards it
with a brisk breeze,¹ we observed that they were at a stand-still,
with their oars lifted, I believe in wonder at our ships: and when
they perceived that we were advancing to approach them, they
dipped their oars in the water and began to row towards the land :
and as in our company there was a caravel of 45 tons, a very quick
sailor, she took station to windward of the canoe: and when it
seemed to be time to bear down upon it, [the caravel] shook out ³
full sail and made for [the canoe] and we likewise: and when the
caravel came abreast of it and did not seek to board [the canoe],
she passed by, and then stood still against the wind: and when
they saw themselves at a vantage, they began to struggle hard
with their oars to escape: and we, who had our boats already
astern manned with good crews, thinking that they would take it
[the canoe], and they laboured for more than two hours, and at
last, if the little caravel had not tacked again upon them, we
should have lost it [the canoe]: and when they found themselves
hemmed in by the caravel and the boats, they all flung themselves
into the sea, probably some 70 men [in number]: and they were
at a distance of about two leagues from land: and following them
with our boats, the whole day, we were unable to take more than
two of them, for, certain it was, all the others reached the land in
safety and in the canoe there remained four boys: who were
not of their tribe: for they brought them as captives from
another land and they had castrated them, for they were all
without the virile member, and had the wound still fresh:
whereat we marvelled much: and being taken into the ships they
told us by signs that [the men of the canoe] had castrated them in
order to eat them: and we learned that those were a people who
are called Camballi, very savage, who ate human flesh. Towing
the canoe astern, we made in our ships for the land and anchored
at the [distance of] half a league: and as we saw great numbers of
people on the shore, we rowed to the land in our boats, taking
with us the two men we had captured: and having landed, all
:
:
1 Fresco tempo.
3 Allargho li apparechi.
2 Barlovento.
4
4 Latin has " 20 men."
Second Voyage.
27
:
the people fled away, and betook themselves to the forests:
and we let go one of the [two] men, giving him several little
bells,¹ and [indicating] that we desired to be their friends: which
he [whom] we sent to them effected very well, and brought with
him all the tribe, who were about 400 men and many women:
who came without any weapons to where we were with our
boats and having made good friendship with them, we restored
to them the second captive, and sent to the ships for their
canoe and gave it back to them. This canoe was 26 paces long,
and two ells 2 broad, and entirely hollowed out of a single tree,
and very elaborately made; and when they had docked it in
a river and put it in a safe place, they all fled away, and would
no further hold intercourse with us, which seemed to us a quite
barbarous action, so that we deemed them a people of little faith
and ill condition. With them we saw some little gold which they
had in their ears. We departed thence, and made our way to
the inner part of the bay: where we found such a multitude
of people, that it was marvellous: with whom on landing we
made a friendship: and many of us went with them to their
villages, very safely, and well-received. In this place we obtained 4
150 pearls which they gave us in exchange for a little bell, and
some little gold which they gave us for nothing: and in this land
we found that they drank a wine made of their fruits and grain, in
the manner of beer, both white and red: and the best was made
of myrobalans, and was very good: and they ate infinite numbers
of these, it being then the season for them. It is a very good
fruit, pleasant to the taste, and healthful to the body. The soil
abounds greatly with everything they need for subsistence, and
the people [were] of polite behaviour and the most pacific we had
1
6
3
Sonagli, little bells or rattles.
2 Braccia.
5
3 Instead of the simple statement, "and made our way," &c., the Latin
inserts "having voyaged along that coast for about eighty leagues we came to a
safe harbour," which is absurd, but has apparently influenced Varnhagen, who
evidently made the mistake of incautiously referring sometimes to the Latin only.
and sometimes to the Italian text, thus failing to see all the discrepancies.
4 Rischattammo. The Latin has 500, instead of 150.
5 Di gratia.
6 Mirabolani.
28
Letter of Amerigo Vespucci.
}
:
as yet met with. We remained in this harbour for seventeen
days with much pleasure: and every day fresh people, from the
interior of the country, came to see us, wondering at our appear-
ance and whiteness, and our clothing and arms, and at the shape
and great size of the ships. From those people we had informa-
tion of a tribe that lived further to the west of them, who were
their enemies, who had an infinite quantity of pearls: and that
those [pearls] which they [our friends] had were what they had
taken from them [the enemies] in their wars: and they told us
how they fished for them, and in what manner they [the pearls]
were produced, and we found that they spoke with truth, as Your
Magnificence shall hear. We departed from this harbour and
navigated along the coast: on which we continually saw clouds
of smoke¹ arising, with people on the beach and at the end of
several days we came to anchor in a harbour, for the purpose of
repairing one of our ships, which had sprung a great leak: 2
where we found that there was a large population: with whom
we were not able, neither by force nor for love, to obtain any
conversation whatever: and when we went on land, they
struggled fiercely to prevent us from doing so: and when they
could hold out no longer, they fled through the forests and did
not await us. Finding them so barbarous, we went away from
hence and proceeding on our voyage we had sight of an island
distant 15 leagues out to sea from the [main-] land: and we
decided on going to see if it were inhabited. We found therein
the most brutish and loathsome people that were ever seen,
and
they were on this wise. In behaviour and looks, they were very
repulsive and they all had their cheeks swollen out with a green
herb inside, which they were constantly chewing like beasts, so
that they could scarcely utter speech: and each one had [sus-
pended] upon his neck, two dried gourds, one of which was full of
that herb which they kept in their mouths, and the other [full]
of a white flour, which looked like powdered chalk, and from
time to time, with a small stick which they kept moistening in
their mouths, they dipped it into the flour and then put it into
:
¹ Fumalte, by error for fumate. Varnhagen has transcribed fumatte.
2 Faceva molta acqua.
Second Voyage.
29
their mouths inside both cheeks, thus mixing with flour the
herb which they had in their mouths: and this they did very
frequently and marvelling at such a thing, we were unable to
comprehend this secret, nor with what object they acted thus.
These people when they saw us, came to us as familiarly as if we
had been united with them in friendship: going with them along
the beach, talking, and desirous of drinking fresh water, they
made signs to us that they had none, and offered us some of that
herb and flour of theirs, so that we concluded by inference that
this island was poor in water, and that it was to preserve them-
selves against thirst they kept that herb in their mouths, and
the flour for the same [reason]. We went through the island for
a day and a half without ever finding any flowing water: and we
observed that the water which they drank was of a dew which
fell by night on certain leaves that looked like asses' ears, and
[which] became full of water, and hereof they drank it was most
excellent water: and [i.e., but] they had not those leaves in many
places. They had no form of victuals, nor roots, as on the main-
land: and they subsisted on fish which they took in the sea; and
of these they had very great abundance, and they were most
expert fishermen: and they presented to us many turtles, and
many very excellent fish of great size: their women did not use
to keep the herb in their mouths like the men, but all [the women]
carried a gourd with water and drank thereof. They had no
villages, neither of houses nor huts, save that they dwelt under-
neath arbours, which protected them from the sun, and not
from the water; for I believe it rained very seldom in that
island: when they were at sea fishing, they all had a leaf of great
size and so broad, that they were quite in shadow beneath it, and
they used to fix it in the ground: and as the sun revolved so
did they turn the leaf: and in this manner they protected them-
selves from the sun. The island contains many animals of
various kinds: and they drink marsh-water: and seeing that
they had nothing profitable [for us] we departed, and took our
course to another island: and we found [afterwards] that a race
of very great stature dwelt therein we then landed to see if we.
found [could find] fresh water: and imagining that the island was
30
Letter of Amerigo Vespucci.
:
not inhabited because we saw no people, going along the shore
we beheld very large footprints of men on the sand and we
judged, if their other members were of corresponding size, that
they must be very big men: and proceeding onwards, we came
upon a pathway which led to the interior of the land: and nine of
us agreed: and concluded that the island being small could not
contain within itself many people: and thereupon we went
onward through it, to see what manner of people they were and
after we had gone for about a league, we beheld in a valley five of
their huts, which appeared uninhabited: and we made our way to
them and found only five women, two old ones and three girls,
so lofty in stature that we gazed at them in astonishment: and
when they saw us, so much terror overcame them that they had
not even spirit to flee away: and the two old women began to
invite us with words, bringing us many things to eat, and they
put us in a hut and they were in stature taller than a tall man,
so that they would be quite as big of body as was Francesco
degli Albizi, but better proportioned: insomuch that we were all
of a mind to take away the three girls from them by force: and to
carry them to Castile as a prodigy and while thus discoursing,
there began to enter through the door of the hut full 36 men
much bigger than the women: men so well built that it was a
famous sight to see them: who put us in such uneasiness that we
would much rather have been in our ships than in the company of
such people. They carried very large bows and arrows, with large
knobbed clubs: and they spoke among themselves in such a tone
as though they meant to lay hands upon us: seeing that we were
in such danger, we debated of various plans among ourselves :
some [of us] said that we ought to attack immediately in the
house and others that it were better on the open ground
[outside]: and others who said that we ought not to begin the
quarrel until we should see what they meant to do and we
agreed to go forth from the hut and to make our way slily
towards the ships: and so we did: and having taken our way we
returned to the ships: those [savages] however came following
behind us, always at the distance of a stone's throw, speaking
amongst themselves: I believe that they were no less afraid of
:
:
Second Voyage.
31
:
1
us, than we were of them: because we halted sometimes, and
they did the same without approaching nearer, until we reached
the shore where the boats were awaiting us and we entered into
them and when we were at some distance, they danced about
and shot many arrows at us: but we had little dread of them
now: we fired two gunshots at them, more to terrify them than
to do any hurt: and at the explosion they all fled inwards:
and so we departed from them, having as it seemed to us escaped
from a perilous day's work. They went entirely naked like the
others. I call that island, the Isle of Giants, because of their
great size and we proceeded onward still skirting the coast on
which it befel us many times to have to fight them, as they
sought not to allow us to take anything from the land: and since
it was our desire to return now to Castile, as we had been
about a year at sea, and had [but] a small stock of provisions
[remaining], and that little damaged by reason of the great heats
that we endured: because from the time when we started for the
isles of Cape Verde till now, we had continually navigated in the
torrid zone, and twice crossed the equinoctial line: for as I have
said above we had gone to 5 degrees below it southwardly:2 and
here we were at 15 degrees north of it. Being in this mind, it
pleased the Holy Ghost to give us some relief for so much travail :
which was, that while we were seeking a harbour wherein to
repair our vessels, we met with a nation which received us with
great friendliness: and we found that they had a great abundance
of very fine orjental pearls: with whom we stayed for 47 days:
and we bought from them 119 marks of pearls for very little
merchandize: for I believe they did not cost us the value of forty
ducats since that which we gave them was nothing but little
bells and looking-glasses and beads, dieci-palle, and sheets of
tin, indeed, for a single little bell a man gave as many pearls as
4
¹ Al monte. Upwards, or to the further end.
³ A little north of Caracas, probably 12 degrees (not 15).
4 Marchi, marco-a weight of eight ounces.
5
2 Cape St. Roque.
Conte, dieci palle et foglie di octone. Dieci palle must be some sort of
balls or playing-marbles, perhaps the same as the spalline of the first voyage.
32
Letter of Amerigo Vespucci.
he had. From them [the natives] we learned how and where they
fished for them [the pearls]: and they gave us many [of the]
oysters in which they grew: we bought [also] an oyster in which
130 pearls were growing, and others with less: The Queen took ¹
from me that with the 130: and others I took care she should
not see.
And Your Magnificence must know that unless the
pearls are matured, and drop out of themselves, they do not last:
because they perish quickly: and of this I have had actual
experience: when they are mature, they lie within the shell
detached and set in the flesh : and these ones are good:
whatsoever bad ones they had, though the most of them were
rough and ill-formed, still they were worth good money: because
the mark sold for
3 and at the end of 47 days we quitted
the people, leaving them very friendly towards us. We departed,
and through the necessity of our victualling we made for the
island of Antiglia which is the same that Christophal Colombo
discovered several years ago: where we took in much store of
provision: and remained two months and 17 days: 5 where we
underwent many perils and troubles with the very Christians who
were in this island along with Colombo: " I believe through enyy:
but, in order not to be prolix, I refrain from narrating them.
We departed from the said island on the 22 day of July: and we
navigated during a month and a half: and entered into the port
of Cadiz, which was on the 8 day of September, by daylight,
my second voyage: God [be] praised.
4
:
6
ENDED THE SECOND Voyage.
BEGINS THE THIRD.
1 From "the Queen took" down to "she should not see
" omitted in Latin.
2 The text is obscure; the Latin is explicatory, and I presume correct, in
its account of the nature of pearls.
3 A blank in the text.
4
* Hispaniola.
5 The Latin "
From "good" to "sold for" omitted in Latin.
2 months and 2 days."
6" Along with Columbus," omitted in Latin and not noted by Varnhagen.

Third Voyage.
[Woodcut of a Ship at Sea.]
B
1
EING afterwards in Seville, resting myself from so many
travails that I had in those two voyages undergone, and
purposing to return to the land of the pearls: when
Fortune not contented with my labours, for I know not how it
came into the mind of this most serene King Don Manuel of
Portugal, to wish to employ me: and being in Seville without
any thought of coming to Portugal, there comes to me a messager
with a letter of his royal crown, which desired me to come to
Lisbon to speak with his Highness, promising to give me recom-
pense. I was not of opinion that I should come: I sent away
the messenger, saying that I was ill in health, and that when I
should be well and his Highness still desired to employ me, that
I would do whatever he should command me. And seeing that
he could not have me, he decided to send for me [i.e., to fetch me]
Giuliano di Bartholomeo del Giocondo, residing here in Lisbon,
with a commission to bring me by whatever means. The said
Giuliano came to Seville: through whose coming and entreaty I
was compelled to come:2 but my coming was regarded with
ill-favour by so many as knew me: because I quitted Castile where
honour had been done me, and the King kept me in good
1 I.e., an official letter from the Crown,
"i
2 He means "go," and in the next line "going," but was led to say
"come" and
coming" from the consciousness that he was writing his letter
in Lisbon.
34
Letter of Amerigo Vespucci.
1
4
:
3
ownership: the worst was that I went insalutato hospite :²
and having presented myself before this King [of Portugal],
he shewed himself pleased with my coming: and prayed me
to join the company of three of his ships which were ready
to go in discovery of new lands and as a King's request is
a command, I had to consent to whatever he desired of me and
we sailed from this port of Lisbon, three ships in company, on
the 10 day of May 1501, and took our route directly for the Island
of Great Canary: and we passed in sight of it without halting :
and from hence we went skirting along the coast of Africa on the
west side on which coast we exercised our fishing-skill on a
kind of fish which are called Parchi ; where we stopped three
days and from hence we made for the coast of Ethiopia, to a
port which is called Besechicce, which is within the Torrid Zone:
over which the North Pole is at an elevation of 14½ degrees,
situated in the first climate: 5 where we remained 11 days, taking
in water and firewood: because my intention was to make our
seaway southwardly through the Atlantic gulf. We quitted
this Ethiopian port, and navigated south-westwardly," taking one
quarter by south, until after a course of 67 days we anchored at a
land which was 700 leagues to the south-west of the said port: and
in those 67 days we had the worst weather that ever any seafarer
had, through numerous storm-showers, whirlwinds, and tempests.
which struck us: because we were in a very adverse season
since the greater part of our navigation was continually close
to the equinoctial line, for in the month of June it is winter:
and we found that the day was equal with the night: and we
found that the shadow was always towards the south: it pleased
God to shew us new land, and [this] was on the 17 day of
August: when we anchored at half a league [from the shore]: and
put out our boats: and went to inspect the land, whether it was
inhabited by people, and who these people were: and we found
8
¹ In buona possessione (? "in high consideration," as Latin has it).
2 “Without bidding adieu to my host."
4 Latin has Besilicca.
6 Ocean.
7 Libeccio.
3 Portuguese Pargos.
5 That is, 14 degrees north latitude.
8 Aguaseri (waterspouts ?).
Third Voyage.
35
that it was inhabited by a people who were worse than animals:
however Your Magnificence must understand that as yet¹ we saw
no people, but we perceived well that it was inhabited from many
signs that we observed therein: we took possession of it for this
most serene King [Don Manuel]: which land we found to be
very pleasant and green, and of goodly appearance: it was 5
degrees towards the south beyond the equinoctial line: and for
that day³ we returned to the ships: and because we were in
great want of water and firewood, we determined the next day to
return to the shore to provide ourselves with what was needful:
and, when on land, we beheld some people on the top of a hill,
who stood gazing and did not venture to come down: they were
naked, and of the same colour and fashion as were the other
former [savages we had met with elsewhere]: and although we
strove to induce them¹ to come and speak with us, we were
totally unable to reassure them, for they had no trust in us and
seeing their obstinacy, and [as] it was already late, we returned
to the ships, leaving on the ground for them several little bells
and looking-glasses, and other things within their ken: and when
we were at a distance on sea, they descended from the hill and
came for the things we had left them, displaying great wonder-
ment at these: and for that day we provided ourselves only with
water: the next morning we saw from the ships that the land's
people were making many clouds of smoke: and thinking that
they were calling us [to them] we went on shore where we found
that great numbers of them had come, and yet they remained
aloof from us and they made signs to us that we should go with
them into the interior of the land: wherefore two of our
Christians were moved to ask the Captain that he would give
them leave as they wished to undertake the risk of going with
those [savages] into the land, to see what [manner of] people they
were, and whether they had any riches, or spices, or druggeries;
and so much did they beseech that the captain was pleased [to
¹ In questo principio.
The Latin says, by mistake, "King of Castile."
³ Per questo ci di, by mistake for per questo di ci. It is ita in Latin.
By signals, of course,
36
Letter of Amerigo Vespucci.
:
1
2
allow it] and they prepared themselves with many things for
barter [and] quitted us with the order that they should not be
more than 5 days before returning: because we would wait for
them just so long: and they took their way through the country:
and we [remained] by the ships awaiting them: and almost every
day people came to the beach and would never hold speech with
us: and the seventh day we went on land, and found that they
had brought their women with them: and when we leaped to
shore, the land's men sent many of their women to speak with
us and seeing they did not become confident, we decided to send
one of our men to them, who was a young fellow given to feats of
strength; and, to reassure them, we entered into our boats: and
he went among the women: and when he reached them, they
made a great circle around him, touching him and gazing at him
in wonderment: and while he was thus [encircled] we saw a
woman come from the hill, and she carried a great stake in her
hand and when she reached to where our Christian stood, she
came behind him: and, lifting the club, gave him such a tremen-
dous blow that she stretched him dead on the ground, in an
instant the other women took hold of him by the feet and dragged
him along by his feet towards the hill: and the men bounded.
towards the beach, and with their bows and arrows [began] to
shoot at us and they put our people into such terror, the boats.
being held fast by the small anchors which were sunk in the
ground, that, because of the numerous arrows [the natives] shot
into the boats, no one had courage to snatch up his arms: how-
ever we fired 4 gunshots at them, and they took no effect, save
that on hearing the explosion, they all fled towards the hill and
to where the women were already [cutting] the Christian into
bits: and at a great fire which they had made, they were roasting
him before our eyes, holding up several pieces towards us and
[then] eating them: and the men [were] making signs to us by
their gestures how they had killed the other two Christians and
eaten them: which grieved us greatly, seeing with our eyes
1 Che molto faceva lo sforzo.
2 Text has "him," by a typographical error of " lo ” for “le."
Third Voyage.
37
3
the cruelty they were exercising on the dead man, to all of us it
was an intolerable offence: and more than 40 of us being deter-
mined to jump on land and revenge such a cruel death, and an
action [so] bestial and inhuman, the Admiral would not give
his consent, and so they [the natives] remained glutted with
so great a villainy:² and we departed from them ill-willingly,
and with much shamefulness because of our Captain. We
quitted that place, and began our navigation east-south-east,
and thus the land trended and we made many descents on land,
and never did we meet a tribe that was willing to hold parley
with us and thus we navigated onward till we found that [the
line of] the land was turning to south-westward: when we
doubled a cape, to which we gave the name of Cape St. Augus-
tine, we began to sail south-west, and this cape is 150 leagues
distant to the east of the aforesaid land which we saw, where they
slew the Christians: and this cape is 8 degrees south of the
equinoctial line: and while [thus] sailing we had sight one day of
many people who were standing on the beach to behold the
wondrous sight of our ships and the manner of our naviga-
tion, we directed our course towards them, and anchored in a
good place, and made in our boats for land, and found them a
better-conditioned people than the last: and although it was a
toil to us to tame them, yet we made them our friends and held
intercourse with them. We stayed 5 days in this place: and
here we found canna fistola very thick and green, and dry on the
tops of the trees. We decided to take in this place a couple of
[native] men, so that they should explain for us the language:
and there came three of their own free will to come to Portugal:
and for the present, tired [as I am] already of so much writing,
Your Magnificence shall know, that we departed from that port,
navigating always within sight of land in a south-west direction,
frequently making descents upon shore, and speaking with an
infinite number of peoples: and so far did we proceed southwards
¹ Capitano maggiore.
3 Libeccio.
2 Di tanta ingiuria, wrong-doing.
4 The Latin has St. Vincent.
38
Letter of Amerigo Vespucci.
2
that we were now beyond the Tropic of Capricorn, where the
South Pole was at an elevation of 32 degrees above the horizon
and we had already quite lost [sight of] Ursa Minor, and [Ursa]
Major was very low, and appeared to us to be almost on the line.
of the horizon, and we guided ourselves by the stars of the other
pole [that] of the South: which are numerous, and much larger
and more brilliant than those of our pole: and I drew diagrams
of most of them, and especially of those of the first and greatest
magnitude, with an exposition of the orbits which they describe
around the southern pole, and a declaration of their diameters
and semidiameters, as may be seen in my 4 Giornate:1 we
ran along this coast to the length of 750 leagues, 150 leagues
west of the cape called [Cape] St. Augustine, and 600 leagues
to the south-west and if I wished to narrate the things
which I saw on this coast, and what we underwent, twice the
number of leaves [of paper] would not suffice me: and on this
coast we saw nothing of value, except an infinite number of
dye-wood and cassia-trees, and those which beget myrrh, and
other wonders of nature which cannot be recounted: and having
already been fully 10 months voyaging, and seeing that in this
land we found nothing of mineral [wealth] we decided to hasten
away from there, and to put to sea for some other quarter: and
having held our council, it was resolved that the course should be
followed which I should think fitting: and the command of the
fleet was entirely handed over to me: and I then ordered that all
the crews and the fleet should provide themselves with water and
wood for six months, as the masters of the ships judged that we
might navigate in them for so much time. Having taken in our
stores from this land, we began our voyage towards the south-east:
and it was on the 15 day of February when the sun was already
nearing the Equinox, and turning towards this our northern
hemisphere: and so long did we sail by that wind, that we
1
4
3
"Le Quattro Giornate," the projected book to which he has already
made more than one reference.
.4 Latin has 13.
2 Latin has 700.
3 Proficto.
!
Third Voyage.
39
2
found ourselves [at] so high¹ [a latitude] that the southern pole
stood quite 52 degrees above our horizon, and we no longer
beheld the stars either of Ursa Minor or Ursa Major: and we
were already at a distance of full 500 leagues south-east from the
harbour whence we had set out: and this was on the 3 day of
April, and on that day there arose a tempest of so much violence
upon the sea that we were compelled to haul down all our sails,
and we scudded under bare poles before the great wind, which was
south-west with enormous waves and a very stormy sky: and so
fierce was the tempest that all the fleet was in great dread: the
nights were very long: so that on the seventh day of April we
had a night which was 15 hours long: for the sun was at the end
of Aries and in that region it was winter [then] as Your
Magnificence may well consider, and while in this tempest on the
seventh day of April, we had sight of a new land, along which
we ran for about 20 leagues, and found that it was wholly a
rough coast:³ and we beheld therein neither any harbour nor any
people, because, as I believe, of the cold which was so intense
that no one in our fleet could fortify himself against it or endure
it insomuch that, finding ourselves in so great a danger
it:
and in such a tempest that one ship could hardly see another
for the great billows that were running and for the deep
gloominess of the weather, we agreed with the Admiral to
signal to [the rest of] the fleet to approach and that we should
abandon [this] land: and turn round in the direction of Portugal:
and it was a very good resolve: for it is certain that if we had
delayed that night, we had all been lost: because when we
turned a-stern, both that night and the next day, the tempest
grew to such a height that we were in fear of being lost and we
had to make [vows of] pilgrimage and other ceremonies, as is the
custom of sailors at such times: we scudded for 5 days," and kept
6
¹ So high-that is, so far south.
22nd April, Latin.
3 Costa brava in the Spanish sense.
4 Serrazon, from the Portuguese cerração.
• Come arrivammo a poppa, from Spanish arribar.
5 Capitano maggiore.
7 In Latin there is added here "in which five days we made 250 leagues of
sea-passage."
---
40
Letter of Amerigo Vespucci.
still drawing nearer to the equinoctial line, with the weather and
the sea [becoming] more temperate
should escape from so great a peril:
wind between north and north-east:
3
and it pleased God that we
and our course was with the
because our intention was to
4
go and reconnoitre the coast of Ethiopia,2 as we were distant
therefrom [only] 300 leagues across the gulf of the Atlantic Sea:
and by the grace of God on the 10 day of May we came to a land
therein, [lying] southward, which is called La serra liona :¹ where
we stayed 15 days, taking our refreshment: and from here we
departed taking our course towards the islands of the Azores,
which are distant about 750 leagues from this place of the Serra:
and we reached the islands at the end of July: where we stayed
15 days more, taking some recreation: and we quitted them for
Lisbon being [then] 300 leagues to the west [of it] and we
entered into this port of Lisbon on the 7 day of September 1502,
in good condition, God be thanked, with two ships only: because
we [had] burnt the other in Serra liona: as it was disabled from
further navigation, for we were about 155 months on this voyage:
and for 11 days we navigated without seeing the Polar Star, or
the Greater and Lesser Bear, which are called the Corno:6 and
we steered by the stars of the other hemisphere. This is what I
saw in this voyage or giornata.
¹ Tramontano and greco.
2 Africa.
3 Like Varnhagen, I read this distance as 300 leagues, but the text may
mean either "1300," or
1300," or "in 300," and is more like the former.
4 Sierra Leone.
5 Latin has 16.
• Corno-evidently a typographical error for carro, the Wain.


Fourth Voyage.
[Woodcut of a Ship at Anchor, two figures in it, and one on land;
towers in the background.]
IT
T remains for me to tell the things seen by me in the fourth
voyage, or giornata: and as I am already wearied, and also
because this fourth voyage was not carried out in accord-
ance with the purpose I [had] formed, through a mishap which
befel us in the gulf of the Atlantic Sea, as Your Magnificence
shall learn briefly in the sequel: I will endeavour to be brief.
We departed from this port of Lisbon 6 ships in company, with
the intention of going to discover an island towards the east,
which is called Melaccha: of which there are news that it is very
rich, and that it is as it were the storehouse of all the ships which
come from the Gangetic sea and from the Indian Sea, (just as
Cadiz is the waiting-room¹ of all the vessels which pass from
east to west, and from west to east) by the route of Galigut,
and this Melaccha is more westerly than Caligut, and much
more to the southward: for we know that it lies at the level
of 335 degrees of the antarctic hemisphere. We departed
on the 10 day of May 1503 and made directly for the isles
of Cape Verde, were we careened, and took some manner of
1 Camera.
3
2
This puzzling sentence leads us to infer that the object was a South-west
passage to India. When he says that Malacca was west of Calicut, he means
probably that it was nearer to his New World. The brackets inserted here are
not in the original.
3 Mistranslated in the Latin. Alta is an error for alla.
4
+ Paraggio.
5 As Varnhagen justly corrects, this must have been meant for "3.”

42
Letter of Amerigo Vespucci.
3
refreshment, where we stayed 13¹ days: and from here we de-
parted on our voyage, sailing by the south-east wind: and as our
Admiral was a presumptuous and very obstinate man, he would
go to examine Serra liona, a land of Southern Ethiopia, without
having any need except to make it be seen that he was Captain of
six ships, against the wish of all the rest of us Captains: and thus
navigating, when we reached the said land, so great were the
whirlwinds that struck us, and with them the weather so adverse,
that [although] we were in sight of it [the shore] quite four days,
the foul weather never allowed us to land: so that we were
compelled to return to our proper course, and to quit the said
Serra and navigating hence to the suduest which is the wind
between south and south-west: and when we had sailed full 300
leagues through the immensity of the sea, being then quite
3 degrees south of the equinoctial line, we became aware of a
land from which we were probably 22 leagues distant: whereat
ve marvelled: and we found that it was an island in the middle
of the sea and was very lofty, a very marvellous work of nature:
since it was no more than two leagues in length and one in
breadth in which island, never had there been inhabitation by
any people and it was Bad Island for all the fleet: for Your
Magnificence must know that by the ill-counsel and management
of our Admiral he lost his ship here: since he struck with it upon
a rock, and it split open on St. Laurence's night, which was on
the 10 day of August, and went to the bottom: and there was
nothing saved thereof except the crew. It was a ship of 300 tons:
in which went all the importance of the fleet: and when all the
fleet were labouring to save it, the Chief commanded me to
make with my ship for the said island to seek a good anchorage,
where all the ships might anchor: and as my boat manned with
9 of my sailors was engaged and aiding to belay the ships, he

:
1 Latin has " 12," and misunderstands the careenage.
2 Infra mezzo di e libeccio. Suduest is a typographical blunder for
sudsudueste.
8 Mōstro (?).
4 Latin has "duodecim.”
5 La mala isola, Fernando Noronha,
6
Ligare (? bind together).
•
Fourth Voyage.
43
1
willed that I should not take it, and that I should proceed without
it telling me that they should take it to me at the island: I
quitted the fleet for the island as he ordered me, without a boat,
and with the deficiency of half my crew, and I went to the said
island, which was about 4 leagues distant: in which I found an
excellent harbour, where all the ships could anchor very safely :
where I awaited my Chief and the fleet fully 8 days, and they
never came: so that we were very discontented, and the men that
had remained with me in the ship were in such dread, that I was
unable to console them: and being thus, the eighth day we
beheld a ship coming upon the sea, and from fear that it might
not see us, we weighed with our ship, and made for it, thinking
that it brought me my boat and crew: and when we came along-
side of it, after having saluted, they told us how the admiral's ship
had gone to the bottom, and how the crew had been saved, and
that my boat and crew had remained with the fleet, which had
gone further on that sea, which was to us so great an annoyance
as Your Magnificence may conceive, finding ourselves 1000 leagues
away from Lisbon, and on the ocean, and with a little crew:
however we set our prow³ at Fortune, and went still onward: we
returned to the island, and provided ourselves with water and
timber by means of my companion's boat: which island we found
uninhabited, and it contained many fresh and sweet waters,¹
innumerable trees, [and was] full of so many sea and land birds
that they were beyond count: and they were so tame, that they
allowed themselves to be taken with the hand: and so
many of them did
of them did we take that we loaded a boat with
those animals: we saw none [other] except very large rats and
lizards with double tails, and some snakes: and having made our
provision, we departed by the wind betwixt south and south-west,
for we had an ordinance of the King which commanded us that
whichever of the ships should lose sight of the fleet or of its
Chief, should make for the land that we discovered in the
previous voyage, at a harbour to which we had given the name of
2
¹ Nostre navi for nostra nave. He had only one (see supra).
• Golfo.
3 Facemmo rostro,
+ That is, streams or springs,

44
Letter of Amerigo Vespucci.
4.
3
2
Badia di tucti e sancti:¹ and it pleased God to give us such good
weather, that in 17 days we reached land therein, which was
distant from the island full 300 leagues: where we found neither
our Admiral nor any other ship of the fleet: in which harbour we
waited quite two months and 4 days: and seeing that there was
no arrival, we agreed, my partner and I, to run the coast: and we
sailed 260 leagues further on, till we arrived in a harbour: where
we decided to construct a fort, and we did so: and left therein
24 Christian men whom my partner had for us, whom she had
collected from the flagship that had been lost: in which port we
stayed quite 5 months making the fortress and loading our ships
with verzino: as we were unable to proceed further, because we
had not men [enough] and I was deficient of many pieces of ship-
tackle. All this done, we determined to turn our course towards
Portugal, which lay in the direction of the wind between north-
east and north: and we left the 24 men who remained in the fort
with provision for six months, and [with] 12 big guns and many
other arms, and we pacified all the land's people: of whom no
mention has been made in this voyage: not because we did not
see and traffic with an infinite number of them: for we went,
quite 30 men of us, 40 leagues inland: where I saw so many
things that I omit to tell them, reserving them for my 4 Giornate.
This land lies 18 degrees south of the equinoctial line, and 37
degrees to the west of the longitude of Lisbon, as is demonstrated
by our instruments. And all this being done, we took leave of the
Christians and the land: and began our navigation to nornordeste,"
which is the wind between north and north-east, with the
intention of making our navigation in a direct course to this city
of Lisbon: and in 77 days, after so many travails and perils, we
entered into this port on the 18 day of June 1504, God [be]
praised: where we were received very well and beyond all belief:

6
1 Mistake for Bahia de todos os Santos. This confusion of d and h in
Vespucci's handwriting led to a long-continued error in the maps.
2 Ttão, for tāto, so far that, until.
4 Brazil-wood, or dye-wood.
7 It is printed nornodeste.
3 Nave capitana.
5 Greco and tramontano,
Bombarde,
Fourth Voyage.
45
because all the city believed us lost: since the other ships of the
fleet had all been lost through the arrogance and folly of our
Admiral, for so does God reward pride: and at present I find
myself here in Lisbon, and I know not what the King will want
to do with me, for I desire much to take repose.¹ The present
bearer, who is Benvenuto di Domenico Benvenuti, will tell your
Magnificence of my condition, and of some things which, for
prolixity, have been left unsaid: for he has seen and felt them,
God be...... I have gone on compressing the letter as much as
I could, and there have been omitted to be told many natural
things,³ because of avoiding prolixity. May Your Magnificence
pardon me: whom I beseech to hold me in the number of your
servants: and I recommend to you Ser Antonio Vespucci, my
brother, and all my family. I remain, praying of God that he
may increase the days of your life, and that the state of this
sublime Republic and the honour of Your Magnificence may be
exalted, etc. Given in Lisbon on the 4 day of September 1504.
[Your] servant AMERIGO VESPUCCI in Lisbon.
1 The Latin substitutes "this messenger in the meantime commending
much to your Majesty. Americus Vesputius. In Lisbon," for all the text
which follows the word "repose."
""
2 Dio sia ō cli, followed by a blank. This is incomprehensible, and may be
"God be ... (something not understood by the printer), or di sui occhi
("with his own eyes
.."), which would imply that Benvenuto had
•
accompanied Vespucci in this voyage.
3 Things relating to natural history.

G. NORMAN AND SON, PRINTERS, HART STREET, COVENT GARDEN, LONDON.
¿

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THE ADMIRAL'S MAP, FROM THE STRASSBURG PTOLEMY OF 1513 (reduced).
pmanullo año
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34
BARON NORDENSKJÖLD'S
GREAT ATLAS
OF

EARLY MAPS.
Facsimile Atlas to illustrate the history of
Chartography; containing reproductions of the
most important Maps which were printed before
the year 1600.
In 1 vol. Imperial folio.
51 separate plates comprising 70 Maps, besides
84 smaller Maps which are printed with the
letterpress; altogether 154 reproductions of the
earliest and most valuable chartographical docu-
ments of which engraved impressions are now
extant
Stockholm, 1889
Price (pub. £10.) £8. 85.

NARRATIVES
OF THE
DISCOVERERS OF AMERICA
CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS
AMERIGO VESPUCCI
THOMAS HARIOT
1. THE FIRST LETTER OF COLUMBUS: facsimile
reproduction of the unique Spanish original (April,
1493), with re-impression and translation. 40 cents
Small 4to. 1893
2. THE LATIN TRANSLATION OF THE LETTER
OF COLUMBUS; reproduced in facsimile from the
thirty-three line 'edition (May or June, 1493), with an
introduction. 30 cents
Small 4to. 1893
3. VESPUCCI'S NARRATIVE
NARRATIVE OF HIS FOUR
VOYAGES, 1497-1504; reproduced in facsimile from
the excessively rare original (printed at Florence in
1505), with translation and introduction. 75 cents
Small 4to. 1893
4. HARIOT'S
NARRATIVE OF THE FIRST
PLANTATION OF VIRGINIA IN 1585; printed
in 1588 and 1590. Reprinted from the edition of 1590
with De Bry's engravings. 60 cents Small 4to. 1893
BERNARD QUARITCH, 15 Piccadilly, London.
G. NORMAN AND SON, PRinters, hart street, covent garden, london.

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