~ ~ ~ae§*********№， ºſ≡|---- ſº ºrº，ae ſae* • • • ** * * * * · * ' ' º ,, º, , ， ， ， ; ， . . . sº. sº, sº º sº sºlº * * º, º sº. ** d -º- * • gº º ae º ſº ſ 2-º. （* ;“§ } ！： ~~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~~~~ ~~ ~~~~ ~~~~ ~~~~~~ sº sºrºsaerzsae s.s.， s.s. . . . . . . . , … （ .….…. ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~~~ ~~~~— º —~~~~— • • ► • • • • ********* ！！！！--: - - ;-）） - g_…:… ****** º * * * * * * * * * * * ·• ！ »， «… ***∞ √° √Æ√°√∞（******** •}w: ~--~--~--~~~~--~**************！！！！！！！！！！！！！！！！！ ：- ---<--…-->§###############！！！！！！！！！saessatºrs =~:=≡:№º- : * I - №aei！！！！！ ！！”. ***.**…， ¿º : · · ·，≤ ≤ ≤ ， Tºº）? （.*? sr$=: ， ， ， ：：§ ¶ （×）.º * ſ;. （, *） ***** • • sº eº · · ·:·º·：·º·:·º·s-v-ºsas: : ***** * * * * * * <- ！= <=...， s ºs «cas <=== => *= * * *--~--~--~~~~--~ ،-！|- « -»） + · · · · · -----+ +--; ºsº -：- 5########Ē№ssa:¿， ， ; （* º *ſ*）（?！*，--------- --*#*）^#*…（**） ≤ ≥ ≠ ≤ ≥ ± − ×→ iſ . ， ， ， ， ， ， •s•s-， bila，…3， at e º sº-|- ſaeg： &.-|- ：| 3. … , ， , , ….…..！！！- -：））ſºſ:| , ، ، ، ،::：:::::：:::：:：…· · · · · · · · ·,≤） ---|-：----·|--№ºaeae-----، ----№.·¿№ № ·→-|-*********-§¶√∞i√∞'，- * : * · · ·:·- §**¿№№Ė##∞∞∞ →∞ PRINTING TYPES THEIR HISTORY, FORMS, AND USE PRINTING TYPES THEIR HISTORY, FORMS, AND USE ./4 S"T"U DY I Wº S CVR JV I//4. LS BY DANIEL BERKELEY UPDIKE VVITH ILLUSTRATIONS “JVunca han tenido, ni tienen las artes otros enemigos que los ignorantes” VOLUME II sº = \ L2 # Nº R. I &2á ir &S y º, ºº Nl º 29% 0. %S7 S 24 ¿N(s c3 "St. Nº º N j0 Nº C.AM BPI DG E HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS LONDON : HUMPHREY MILFORD OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 1927 2 o 25 ºf 2 × 7 o COPYRIGHT, 1922, BY HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS First Printing, August, 1922 Second Printing, January, 1923 Third Printing, March, 1927 D. B. UPDIKE, THE MERRYMOUNT PRESS, BOSTON, U. S. A. \_N\,\, . . v . NN) -\º.Y —t- 2:s-º-". \s. o. "Y \ . o TABLE OF CONTENTS Sº VOLUME II º CHAPTER * { XV. TYPES OF THE NETHERLANDS : 1500–1800 º I. THE WORK OF THE PLANTIN PRESS s II. THE ELZEVIR EDITIONS xy III. OTHER EXAMPLES OF NETHERLANDS PRINTING § 1. xv.1 CENTURY § 2. xv.11 CENTURY § 3. xv.111 CENTURY IV. NETHERLANDS FOUNDRIES AND SPECIMENS XVI. SPANISH TYPES : 1500–1800 I. EXAMPLES OF SPANISH PRINTING § 1. xv.1 CENTURY § 2. xv.11 CENTURY § 3. xv.111 CENTURY II. SPANISH FOUNDRIES AND SPECIMIENS XVII. ENGLISH TYPES : 1500–1800 I. FROM PYNSON TO WILLIAM CASLON II. WILLIAM CASILON AND THE CASLON FOUNDRY III. JOHN BASKERVILLE IV. WILSON, FRY, MARTIN, AND OTHER FOUNDERS V. EXAMPLES OF ENGLISH PRINTING § 1. xv.1 CENTURY § 2. xv.11 CENTURY § 3. xv.111 CENTURY XVIII. TYPES USED IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES, AND SOME EARLY AMERICAN SPECIMENS Page 15 23 24 28 32 35 45 60 67 70 80 88 101 107 116 124 125 130 133 149 vi CONTENTS XIX. NINETEENTH CENTURY “CLASSICAL ** TYPES. BODONI AND THE DIDOTS I. THE “CLASSICAL.” Movement II. GIAMBATTISTA BODONI III. THE DIDOT FAMILY IV. NINETEENTH CENTURY FRENCH FOUNDRIES AND SPECIMENS XX. ENGLISH TYPES : 1800–1844 XXI. REVIVAL OF CASLON AND FELL TYPES XXII. ENGLISH AND AMERICAN REVIVAL OF EARLY TYPE- FORMS AND ITS EFFECT ON CONTINENTAL TYPES I. ENGLAND AND THE UNITED STATES II. THE CONTINENT XXIII. THE CHOICE OF TYPES FOR A COMPOSING-ROOM XXIV. INDUSTRIAL CONDITIONS OF THE PAST AND THEIR RELATION TO THE PRINTER’s PROBLEM TO-DAY I. INTRODUCTORY II. EARLY CONDITIONS IN THE FRENCH PRINTING INDUSTRY III. SOME SIXTEENTH CENTURY LABOUR TROUBLES IV. PRINTING AT PARIS IN THE SEVENTEENTH AND EIGHTEENTH CENTURIES V. THE CENSORSHIP VI. RATE OF PRODUCTION, HOURS OF LABOUR, ETC. VII. CONCLUSION CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF SPECIMIENS INDEX 1.59 163 176 181 I 88 198 202 219 226 245 247 253 258 266 270 272 279 281 193. 194. 195. 196. 197. 198. 199. 2OO. 2O1. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS VOLUME II The hlates, eaccepting a few in the text of Volume I, either face the flage designated, or are grouped immediately after it Music Types employed in De la Hele's Masses: Plantin, Antwerp, 1578 From Rooses’ Christofthe Plantin, Antwerſ, 1896 Roman and Italic Types: Plantin Specimen, Antwerp, 1567 . From Rooses’ Christofthe Plantin Roman and Italic Types: Plantin Specimen, Antwerp, 1567 From Rooses’ Christofthe Plantin Roman, Italic, and Cursive Types: Plantin Specimen, Antwerp, 1567 From Rooses’ Christofthe Plantin Canon d'Espagne from Plantin Office From Shecimen des Caractères employés dans l’Imprimerie Plantimienne, Antwerf, 1905 Calligraphic Initials from Plantin Office From Rooses’ Christofthe Plantin Page of Roman Type from Biblia Polyglotta: Plantin, Antwerp, 1572 From Druckschriften des XV bis XVIII Jahrhunderts Text-page and Title in Plantin's early manner, Ant- werp, 1567 tº From Claude Paradin’s Symbola Heroica Page from Rariorum Stirpium Hispaniae Historia: Plantin, Antwerp, 1576 From a cofty in Harvard College Library PAGE 1O 1O 1O 1O 12 viii ILLUSTRATIONS 2O2. 2O3. 2O4. 2O5. 2O6. 2O7. 2O8. 2O9. 21O. 21 1. 212. 213. 214. Page of Rechten, en de Costumen van Antwerpen, Plan- tin, 1582 From a cofy in Harvard College Library Page of Italic from Rembert Dodoen's Stirpium His- toria: Plantin Office, Antwerp, 1616 < From a cofy in Harvard College Library Title-page, Contents, and Text-page of one of Elzevir's Republics, Leyden, 1627 Pages of Cicero: Elzevir, Leyden, 1642 From a cofy in Harvard College Library Page of Caesar (octavo): Elzevir, Amsterdam, 1661 From a cofy in Harvard College Library Sale-Specimen of Elzevir Types: Amsterdam, 1681 From facsimile in Willem's Les Elzevier Dutch Type used in Temple des Muses, Amsterdam, 1733 Type used in De Stad Haarlem en haare Geschiedenissen: Enschedé and Bosch, Haarlem, 1765 From a cofy in Harvard College Library Script Type: Enschedé's Proef van Letteren, Haarlem, 1768 Fleischman's Roman Types cut in 1734, 1753, and 1761: Enschede's Proef van Letteren, Haarlem, 1768 Fleischman's Black-letter: Enschedé's Proef van Let- teren, Haarlem, 1768 Seventeenth Century Civilité: Enschedé's Proef van Let- teren, Haarlem, 1768 Rosart's Caractère de Finance, from his Epreuve, Brus- sels (after 176O) Rosart's Music Types, from his Épreuve, Brussels (after 176O) 12 14 16 18 18 2O 34 34 38 38 4O 4O 42 215. 42 216. 217. 218. 219. 220. 221. 222. 223. 224. 225. 226. 227. ILLUSTRATIONS Rosart's Ornaments, from his Épreuve, Brussels (after 1760) Dutch Roman Types: Erhardt Foundry Specimen, Leip- sic, c. 1739 From Gessner’s Buchdruckerkunst und Schriftgiessery Dutch Italic Types: Erhardt Foundry Specimen, Leipsic, C. 1739 From Gessner’s Buchdruckerkunst und Schriftgiessery Round Spanish Black-letter, from Lucas’ Arte de Escri- vir, Madrid, 1577 From Strange’s Alhhabets Antique Black-letter: Specimen of La Fabrica del Con- vento de S. Joseph, Barcelona, 1777 Title-page of Bordazar's Plantificacion, Valencia, 1732 Texto, Atanasia, and Letura Espaciosa from Bordazar's Plantificacion, Valencia, 1732 Page of Sallust: Ibarra, Madrid, 1772 Gothic Types in De las Tablas y Escalera Spiritual: Hagenbach, Toledo, 1504 From a cofty in the Boston Public Library Gothic Type used in Livy: Coci, Saragossa, 1520 From a cofty in the Boston Public Library Gothic Type used in Pulgar's El Gran Capitan: Crom- burger, Seville, 1527 - From a cofty in the Boston Public Library Roman and Gothic Types used in Complutensian Poly- glot Bible: Guillem de Brocar, Alcalá, 1514–17 From a cohy in the Boston Public Library Greek Type used in Complutensian Polyglot Bible (New Testament): Guillen de Brocar, Alcalá, 1514–17 ix 42 47 48 5O 52 56 61 62 62 64 228. From a cofty in the Boston Public Library 64 X ILLUSTRATIONS 229. Roman Type used in Latin translation of Pulgar's 23O. 231. 232. 233. 234. 235. 236. 237. 238. Chronicle: Sancho de Nebrija, Granada, 1545 From a cofty in the Boston Public Library Roman Type used in Gomez de Castro's De Rebus Gestis a Francisco Ximenio, Cisnerio: Andres de Angulo, Al- calá, 1569 From a cohy in Harvard College Library Types used in first edition of Don Quixote: Juan de la Cuesta, Madrid, 1605 - From a facsimile edition in the Boston Public Library Opening of Solis’ Conquista de Mexico (first edition): Villa-Diego, Madrid, 1684 From a cofty in the Boston Public Library Italic used for Spanish text of Sallust: Ibarra, Madrid, 1772 Title-page of Academy Edition of Don Quixote: Ibarra, Madrid, 1780 From a cohy in the Boston Public Library Types used in Academy Edition of Don Quixote: Ibarra, Madrid, 1780 From a cofty in the Boston Public Library Type used in Villegas’ Las Eroticas: A. de Sancha, Madrid, 1774 From a cofty in the Boston Public Library Opening of Solis’ Conquista de Mexico: Sancha, Madrid, 1783 From a cofty in the Boston Public Library Type used in Bayer's De Numis Hebræo-Samaritanis: Monfort, Valencia, 1781 From a cofiy in the Boston Public Library 66 68 68 7O 72 74 74, 76 76 78 239. Page from ??iarte's Obras Sueltas: Mena, Madrid, 1774 f From a cofty in the Boston Public Library 8O 24O. 241. 242. 243. 244. 24.5. 246. 247. 248. 249. 25O. 251. 252. 253. ILLUSTRATIONS Italic in Prefatory Address: Espinosa's Muestras de los Caracteres, etc., Madrid, 1771 Texto Gordo (roman): Espinosa's Muestras, etc., Madrid, 1771 Texto Gordo (italic): Espinosa's Muestras, etc., Madrid, 1771 Italic of Letura Chica : Espinosa's Muestras, etc., Madrid, 1771 Entredos (roman and italic): Espinosa's Muestras, etc., Madrid, 1771 Roman cut by Gil: Specimen Real Biblioteca, Madrid, 1787 Italic cut by Gil: Specimen Real Biblioteca, Madrid, 1787 New Italic of Texto (showing French influence): Speci- men Real Biblioteca, Madrid, 1787 Peticano, cut by Eudaldo Pradell: Muestras de la Viuda é Hijo de Pradell, Madrid, 1793 Ornaments from Muestras, etc., Pedro Ifern, Madrid, 1795 Roman tending to “Modern Face,” from Muestras, etc., Imprenta Real, Madrid, 1799 Italic tending to “Modern Face,” from Muestras, etc., Imprenta Real, Madrid, 1799 Ornaments from Muestras, etc., Imprenta Real, Madrid, 1799 Ornaments from Muestras, etc., Imprenta Real, Madrid, 1799 Court Hand, Secretary, and Scriptorial Types from Sale Catalogue of the James Foundry, London, 1782 xi 82 82 82 82 82 84. 84. 84. 84. 86 86 86 86 86 254. 89 xii ILLUSTRATIONS 255. 256. 257. 258. 259. 26O. 261. 262. 263. Roman Types used in Horman's Vulgaria; Pynson, London, 1519 From a cofty in Harvard College Library Roman Type used in AFlfredi Regis Res Gestæ: Day, London, 1574 From a cofty in Harvard College Library Italic used in Alfredi Regis Res Gestæ: Day, London, 1574, From a cohy in Harvard College Library Earliest English Specimen-sheet: Nicholas Nicholls, London, 1665 From Reed’s History of Old English Letter Foundries Roman and Italic given by Dr. Fell to the University Press, Oxford From Oxford University Press Shecimen, 1695 Black-letter given by Dr. Fell to the University Press, Oxford From the Oxford University Press Shecimen, 1695 Dutch Types used in England: Watson Specimen, Edin- burgh, 1713 First Broadside Specimen issued by William Caslon, 1734, From a cohy in the Library of the American Tyne Founders Company, Jersey City Roman and Italic: William Caslon & Son’s Specimen, London, 1763 From a cofty in the Library of the American Antiquarian So- ciety, Worcester Black-letter: William Caslon & Son's Specimen, Lon- don, 1763 90 92 92 95 96 96 1OO 1O2 1O5 264. From a cofty in the Library of the American Antiquarian So- ciety, Worcester 1O6 265. 266. 267. 268. 269. 27O. 271. 272. 273. 274. 275. 276. 277. 278 ILLUSTRATIONS Ornaments: William Caslon & Son's Specimen, London, 1763 From a cofty in the Library of the American Antiquarian So- ciety, Worcester Ornaments: William Caslon & Son's Specimen, London, 1763 From a cofty in the Library of the American Antiquarian So- ciety, Worcester Page of Baskerville's Preface to Milton, Birmingham, 1758 From a cofty in the Boston Athenæum Title-page of Baskerville's Virgil, Birmingham, 1757 Baskerville's Type used in Virgil, Birmingham, 1757 Baskerville's Broadside Specimen (without border), Bir- mingham, c. 1762 Types from Baskerville's bordered Broadside Specimen, Birmingham, c. 1762 From a cofty in the Library of the American Antiquarian So- ciety, Worcester Advertisement of Sale of Baskerville's Types, Paris (after 1789) Ornaments used by Baskerville From Straus and Dent’s John Baskerville Ornaments used by Baskerville From Straus and Dent’s John Baskerville Portion of Wilson's Broadside Specimen, Glasgow, 1783 Broadside Specimen of Isaac Moore and Co., Bristol, 1766 Roman and Italic: Fry and Steele's Specimen, London, 1795 . Ornaments: Fry and Steele's Specimen, London, 1795 xiii 1O8 1O8 11O 112 112 114 114 114 116 116 118 118 121 122 xiv ILLUSTRATIONS 279. 28O. 281. 282. 283. 284. 285. 286. 287. 288. 289. 29O. 291. Transitional Types: Caslon Specimen, London, 1798 Ornaments: Caslon Specimen, London, 1798 Types used in Gower's Confessio Amantis: Berthelet, London, 1532 From a cofty in Harvard College Library Lettre Batarde used in first complete edition of Chaucer: Godfrey, London, 1532 From a facsimile edition in the Boston Public Library Lettre de Forme used in second complete edition of Chaucer: Pynson, London, 1542 From a cohy in Harvard College Library Page of Cunningham's Cosmographicall Glasse: Day, London, 1559 From a copy in the John Carter Brown Library, Providence Page of Ascham’s Scholemaster, showing Roman, Italic, and Black-letter: Day, London, 1571 From a cofty in Harvard College Library Type and Ornaments in Tasso's Godfrey of Bulloigne: Hatfield, London, 1600 From a cofty in the Boston Public Library Page of Walton's Lives: Newcomb, London, 1670 From a cohy in Harvard College Library Page of English-Saxon Homily: Bowyer, London, 1709 Roman used in Latin edition of Caesar: Tonson, Lon- don, 1712 First use of Caslon's Roman Type, in Selden's Opera: Bowyer, London, 1726 From a cofty in the Boston Athenaeum Engraved Text of Pine’s Horace, London, 1733–37 From a cofty in Harvard College Library 122 122 126 126 126 126 128 131 133 135 136 138 138 292. 293. 294. 295. 296. 297. 298. 299. ILLUSTRATIONS Type of Hanmer's Shakespeare: University Press, Ox- ford, 1743–44 From a cohy in Harvard College Library Bastard Title-page of Hanmer's Shakespeare: Univer- sity Press, Oxford, 1743–44 From a cofty in Harvard College Library Page of Sir Joshua Reynolds’ Royal Academy Discourse: Cadell, London, 1781 From a cofty in Harvard College Library Type of folio Pope: Foulis, Glasgow, 1785 From a cofty in Harvard College Library Title-page of Letters of Charlotte, London, 1786 From a cofty in Harvard College Library William Martin’s Type used in the “Boydell Shak- speare”: Bulmer, London, 1792–1802 From a cohy in the Boston Public Library William Martin’s Two-line Small Pica Roman and Italic used in Poems by Goldsmith and Parnell: Bul- mer, London, 1795 William Martin’s Great Primer Roman (Goldsmith and Parnell) and Italic (Somervile’s Chase); Bulmer, Lon- don, 1795–96 3OO. 301. 3O2. 3O3. William Martin’s Pica Roman and Italic used in Som- ervile’s Chase: Bulmer, London, 1796 Binny & Ronaldson's Type used in The Columbiad, Phil- adelphia, 1807 From a coſmy in the Boston Athenaeum Black-letter: Binny & Ronaldson's Specimen, Philadel- phia, 1812 Ornaments: Binny & Ronaldson's Specimen, Philadel- phia, 1812 XV 14O 14O 142 142 144 144 147 148 148 154 156 156 xvi ILLUSTRATIONS 3O4. 3O5. 3O6. 3O7. Title-page: Isaiah Thomas's Specimen, Worcester, 1785 From a cofty in Harvard College Library Greek from Iscrizioni Esotici: Bodoni, Parma, 1774 Roman and Italic from Bodoni’s Specimen, Parma, 1788 (a) Title of Lettre d De Cubières. (b) Text of Lettre à De Cubières: Bodoni, Parma, 1785 3O8. Page of Signora Bodoni's Discorso: Manuale Tipogra- 3O9. 31O. 311. 312. 313. 314. 315. 316. 317. 3.18. 3.19. 32O. fico, Parma, 1818 Page of Bodoni's Prefazione: Manuale Tipografico, Parma, 1818 Specimen of Bodoni's Ducale in three weights: Manuale Tipografico, Parma, 1818 Largest, medium, and smallest Roman and Italic Capi- tals shown in Bodoni's Manuale Tipografico, Parma, 1818 Ornaments: Bodoni's Manuale Tipografico, Parma, 1818 Borders: Bodoni's Manuale Tipografico, Parma, 1818 Roman in Epithalamia Exoticis Linguis Reddita: Bodoni, Parma, 1775 Italic in Epithalamia Exoticis Linguis Reddita: Bodoni, Parma, 1775 Roman and Italic: Amoretti’s Saggio de' Caratteri, Parma, 1811 Ornaments: Amoretti’s Saggio de' Caratteri, Parma, 1811 Italic in P. Didot l’aéné’s Spécimen des Nouveaux Caractères, Paris, 1819 Roman in P. Didot's Spécimen, etc., Paris, 1819 Bordens: Specimen of Gillé fils, Paris, 1808 158 166 168 168 17O 17O 17O 17O 17O 17O 172 172 175 176 178 18O 182 3.21. 3.22. 323. 324. 325. 326. 327. 328. 3.29. 33O. 331. 332. 333. 334. 335. 336. 337. ILLUSTRATIONS Broadside Specimen of Gillé fils, Paris, c. 1808 Sheet from folio Specimen of Molé jeune, Paris, 1819 Broadside Specimen of L. Léger, Paris, after 1806 Borders: Léger’s Spécimen des Divers Caractères, Paris “Classic” Types: Épreuves de Caractères, Fonderie Générale, Paris, 1843 French Old Style revived by De Berny, Paris, in 1852 Comparative Table of Types used by the French National Printing House from its foundation to 1825 From JVotice sur les Tyhes Etran gers du Shécimen de l’Imprim- erie Royale, Paris, 1847 Types used in The Sovereign : Bensley, London, 1800 Types used in Poetry of the Anti-Jacobin: Bulmer, Lon- don, 1801 Types used in Freylinghausen's Doctrine of the Chris- tian Religion: Stereotype Office, London, 1804 Page of Bibliographical Decameron: Bulmer, London, 1817 From a cofty belonging to Mr. C. E. Lauriat, Jr., Boston Julian Hibbert's Uncial Greek Types used in Book of the Orphic Hymns, London, 1827 Modern Face Types: Alexander Wilson & Son's Speci- men, Glasgow, 1833 Roman and Italic: W. Thorowgood's Specimen, London, 1824, Black-letter: W. Thorowgood’s Specimen, London, 1824 Ornaments to accompany “Fat-Face”. Types: Henry Caslon, London, 1844 Ornaments to accompany “Fat-Face” Types: Henry Caslon, London, 1844 xvii 182 182 184 184 186 186 186 188 190 190 190 192 194 196 196 196 196 xviii ILLUSTRATIONS 338. Types and Ornaments of Period of the Caslon Revival: Caslon Son and Livermore and Henry Caslon Specimens, London, 1844 196 339. Caslon Type as revived in Lady Willoughby's Diary by Whittingham, London, 1844 198 340. Caslon Type used in “Pickering edition” of The Temple, by George Herbert: Whittingham, London, 1850 2OO 341. First use of Fell Types by the Daniel Press, Oxford, 1877 2OO From A New Sermon of the JWewest Fashion 342. Fell Types as used in Songs by Margaret L. Woods: Daniel Press, Oxford, 1896 2OO 343. Fell Types as used in Trecentale Bodleianum: Oxford University Press, 1913 2OO 344. Modernized Old Style Fonts as used in Wotton’s Ele- ments of Architecture: Chiswick Press, London, 1903 2OO 345. Type used in The Hobby Horse: Chiswick Press, Lon- don, 1890 2OO 346. Morris's Golden Type: Kelmscott Press 2O6 From Poems of William Shakesheare, 1893 347. Morris's Troy Type: Kelmscott Press 2O8 From Morris’s JVote on Kelmscott Press, 1898 348. Morris’s Chaucer Type: Kelmscott Press 2O8 From Morris’s JVote on Kelmscott Press, 1898 349. The Vale Fount: Vale Press 21O From Bibliography of the Vale Press, 1904 35O. The Avon Fount: Vale Press - 21O From Bibliography of the Vale Press, 1904 351. The King's Fount: Vale Press 21O From Bibliography of the Vale Press, 1904 ? 352. 353. 354. 355. 356. 357. 358. 36O. 361. 362. 363. 364. 365. 366. 367. ILLUSTRATIONS Doves Type: Doves Press From Catalogue Raisonné of Doves Press Books, 1908 Type used by the Ashendene Press From Horace’s Carmina JAlcaica, 1903 Brook Type: Eragºny Press From Brief Account of Eragºny Press, 1903 Herbert Horne's Montallegro, Florence, and Riccardi Types Selwyn Image's Greek Type From JVew Testament in Greek, London, 1895 Proctor’s “Otter” Greek Type From Oresteia of Æschylus : Chiswick Press, London, 1904 Bruce Rogers’ Montaigne Type From The Banquet of Plato: Riverside Press, Cambridge, 1908 . Bruce Rogers' Centaur Type From Maurice de Guérin's Centaur, Montague Press, 1915 Bertram Grosvenor Goodhue's Merrymount Type “Inkunabula” type, as used in Risorgimento Grafico: Bertieri and Vanzetti, Milan, 1921 Distel Type: Zilverdistel Press, The Hague, 1918 Zilver Type: Zilverdistel Press, The Hague, 1915 French Lettre Batarde, Paris, 1890 From reproduction of Simon Vostre’s Heures à l'Usage de Rome Le Cochin: G. Peignot & Fils, Paris, 1914 Arabic Figures, Non-Ranging and Ranging, with Arabic Figures employed by Simon de Colines in 1536 Examples of Transitional Types xix 212 214 214. 216 216 216 218 218 218 222 222 222 222 224 23O 243 PRINTING TYPES THEIR HISTORY, FORMS, AND USE PRINTING TYPES CHAPTER XV TYPES OF THE NETHERLANDS : 15OO–18OO P | *\HOUGH Netherlands printing never equalled the exquisite work of the best French printers between 1500 and 1550, by the middle of the sixteenth century the primacy in printing had begun to pass from France to Holland. This was chiefly because the Roman Church, and especially the theologians of the Sor- bonne, were discouraging French scholarship, forbidding Hebrew studies, fearing the study of Greek, and, by thus impeding scholarship, impeding the career of that fine figure, the French scholar-printer. The palm for printing passed to Holland also, largely because of two great names; and the books one naturally first thinks of in considering the Netherlands press are the ample sixteenth century vol- umes by Christophe Plantin, and the “tight,” business-like little editions printed by various Elzevirs in the seventeenth century. We first consider the work of these two presses, and then some sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth cen- tury books by other Netherlands printers. I LANTIN was a Frenchman. He was born at Saint Avertin, near the city of Tours, about the year 1520, and after various wanderings in his own country he came to Antwerp, where he engaged in book-binding and work- ing in leather. Incapacitated through an accident from con- tinuing his trade, he became a printer—a métier with which he was already familiar. The books which he printed show 4. PRINTING TYPES his Gallic training and taste. Partly through the political situation of the Netherlands—still under Spanish rule— and partly through his eminence as a scholarly typographer, he came to have extended relations with many notable men. He began to print at Antwerp in 1555, and estab- lished a foundry in connection with his press in 1563, where a certain Sabon—whose name was given to a size of German type—was employed. At first Plantin apparently purchased current and local material; later he began to import matrices of foreign fonts or to have his types cut for him. Though he made Antwerp a centre of printing, this printing was characteristic not so much of the Nether- lands as of France. This was not solely because Plantin was a Frenchman, but because he so constantly procured and used French products. François Guyot of Antwerp, a type-cutter and founder, who was one of the earliest four- misseurs to the Plantin press, was a Frenchman of Parisian origin. With Robert Granjon of Lyons—who for a time lived at Antwerp—Plantin had continuous dealings. San- lecque supplied some of Plantin's fonts; at the Garamond sale he acquired certain important “strikes” and types; and Guillaume Le Bé I and Hautin supplied part of his equip- ment. Some delightful roman and italic fonts came, appar- ently, from the office of Simon de Colines. Granjon supplied some of Plantin's civilité, and also cut the Greek and Syr- iac type for his Polyglot Bible—the Hebrew being from Le Bé. This famous Polyglot in eight volumes (printed by Plantin under the patronage of Philip II of Spain, and edited by Benito Arias Montano, Philip's chaplain) was his masterpiece and also almost his ruin. “Learning hath gained most by those books by which the Printers have lost,” says Thomas Fuller in his Holy State. “Christopher Plantine [sic] by printing of his curious interlineary Bible C XXI . Quare triſtis es, anima mea. i (> A (> A -** 5– • v v. Y ri e e lei- ſon, ij. Ky ri e e lei- © ...) ºvv. = Kyri e e leiſon, e- 193. Music Types employed in De la Hele's Masses: Plantin, Antwerp, 1578 (reduced) NETHERLANDS TYPES : 1500–1800 5 in Anwerp [sic] through the unreasonable exactions of the King’s officers, sunk and almost ruined his estate.” The Spanish Crown later granted the Plantin press special privi- leges for printing service-books for the Spanish Church. This was a monopoly retained for a long time by Plantin's descendants, and (as we shall see) proved an obstacle to the progress of liturgical printing in Spain. Between 1568 and 1570, Plantin bought the Netherlands “rights” of the new Breviary of Pius V; for the new Missal he purchased a monopoly for the Netherlands, Hungary, and portions of Germany. These privileges assured the press of a staple product which was a veritable gold mine to him and his descendants. Plantin, after the death of Guyot and the cessation of his relations with Granjon, appears to have taken up with a Ghent type-founder, Henric van der Keere the younger, or, as he preferred to call himself, Henri du Tour; and between the years 1570 and 1580 Plantin's own foundry apparently was closed—Du Tour supplying everything. He, too, seems to have been of French origin—indeed, Four- nier speaks of him as living at Paris. The music fonts in Plantin's office were of remarkable magnificence, and some of his books of Masses, especially those by Georges de la Hèle, are strikingly handsome (fig. 193). Of these music types some of the best were cut by Du Tour. In 1580, the year of Du Tour's death, he was, according to Rooses, the only type-founder in the country. There were also Nether- lands founders from whom Plantin purchased types, whose names have come down to us, but the greater part of his equipment was by French hands. The following letter to Moretus, written from Paris, De- ‘Max Rooses, Christofthe Plantin, Imſirimeur Anversois, 2°me Edition. Ant- werp, 1896. 6 PRINTING TYPES cember 12, 1598, tells something of the relations between Garamond and Plantin, as well as Plantin's dealings with Guillaume Le Bé I, whose son, Guillaume Le Bé II, writes it. “I have long had a great desire to write you, understand- ing you to be son-in-law of the late M. Plantin (whom may God absolve), who during his lifetime was a great friend of my late father's, which has caused me, through the kindness with which your nephew, M. de Varennes, has addressed me, to take up my pen, in order that thereby I may make overtures toward renewing between us the ac- quaintance which existed between our fathers—which is the first reason moving me to write; the second being, that as I know you have the matrices and punches which M. Plantin had and likewise punches of the petit teacte cut by Garamond, I would pray and beg you to accommodate me with a set of these matrices (without justifying them, as long as they are struck on copper of good quality and are deeply sunk), and as a ‘trade.’ I have Garamond's other punches which my late father purchased from Garamond's widow, of which I will accommodate you with any, in even exchange, such as the parangon romain, the gros romain, the canon and the petit romain. It was my late father who sold M. Plantin the said punches of petit teacte and those of the Saint-Augustin which I know you have, for my father bought all these from Garamond, and then, at the desire of Monsieur your father, he sold him these two kinds, although my father retained for himself a set of matrices of each. But in selling a large assortment to a merchant, he had to dispose of his petit teacte because this customer wanted so much to have it; and that is why, not possess- ing it, I desire to secure it. I have also several fine fonts of Hebrew letters—for text as well as notes—with which Quiſquis eſt, qui moderatione & conſtantia polleat, quietus animo eſt, ſibique ipſe placatus,vtneque tabeſcat moleſtiis, neque frangatur timore, nec ſitienter quid expectans,ardeat deſide- wº-X'. tºº-ºº: tº-3\t §§ Y. §§§ {}{3} ºś III. TVS CV L. Sapientinihil poteſt videri magnum in rebus humanis, cui atternitas omnis, totiusque mundi nota ſit magnitudo. Nam quid autin ſtudiis hu- manis, autin tam exigua vitaebreuitate magnum ſapientivideripoteſt, qui ſemper animoſicexcu- bat, vteinihil improuiſum accidere poſsit, nihil &aptentia nihileft melius. 1. denatural Deorum. eAd rempublicamplurimaveniumſ commoda, ſmo- deratrix omnium rerumprºšto eitſapientia: hinc adipſos qui eam adºpti ſunt, late, honor, dignitas confluit. 1. de Inuent. 194. Roman and Italic Types: Plantin Specimen, Antwerp, 1567 NETHERLANDS TYPES : 15OO–18OO 7 to print rabbinical commentaries, as is done in the great Bible printed at Venice; I think you have several kinds of Hebrew letters, for my father cut them and sold them to M. Plantin, your father. If it is agreeable to you to ac- commodate me with a set of matrices of the aforesaid petit teacte of Garamond's on the above named conditions, I beg you to send me a reply. I am living at rue Saint Jehan de Beauvais, au clos Bruneau, and am a dealer in paper, and a master type-founder. By doing this you will impel me with all my heart to render you service wherever it may please you to command it; praying God that He may pre- serve you, and remaining, Sir, your servant and friend, GUILLAUME LE Bé. “I send you an impression of the letter I call petit teacte, which I wish to procure.” Some of Plantin's fonts are shown in his Specimen of 1567. This Index, sive Specimen Characterum Christophor; Plantini showed forty-one specimens—seven Hebrew, six Greek, twelve roman, ten italic, three cursive, and three gothic types. Rooses shows but six roman, four italic, and three cursive fonts.' I hesitate to give these types attribu- tions, though the larger sizes of roman and italic appear very French in style(fig. 194).Those headed De Claris Orat. and Pro Sestio appear to be from the office of De Colines (fig. 195). The cursives headed Pro Flacco and I Offic. are the work of Granjon, whom Plantin frequently employed (fig. 196). The cursive type headed III De Legib. is attributed to another type-cutter. Various forms of cursive type are displayed in Plantin's Polyglot Bible,” and the Plantin office * Rooses’ Plantin, after page 232. His reproduction, from which our plates are taken, is slightly reduced. * Druckschriften, pls. 8 and 30. 8 - PRINTING TYPES at Leyden possessed fine fonts of it.' A peculiarity of all these fonts is that lower-case letters to be used in the mid- dle of a word often differ entirely from those to be employed as final letters. - But the Dutch vernacular types, which reproduced typo- graphically writing then current in the Netherlands,-the only “national” character given by the Low Countries to typography, - we owe to Ameet Tavernier and Henric van der Keere. Tavernier, who, no doubt, had seen Granjon's types, produced a similar character in Flemish style about 1559, which, because it was native, and not (like Granjon's) foreign, had a great success, and was used by Plantin. Van der Keere (already mentioned as supplying Plantin with material) also made an essay of a letter façon d'écri- ture about 1575; his font comprising 110 characters. Spe- cimens of these types exist in the Enschedé collection.” Though not germane to our investigation, they are of con- siderable interest.” Another “document” on Plantin's types is the publica- tion of the Plantin-Moretus Museum entitled Specimen des Caractères employés dans l’Imprimerie Plantinienne, is- sued in 1905. Forty-eight characters used by Plantin are displayed, although the basis on which the selection was made is not indicated. The monumental canon d’Espagne— a large, round gothic letter intended for liturgical books, and, I believe, cut for a Spanish Antiphonary ordered by the King of Spain but never printed — is a very good ex- * Enschedé's Fonderies de Caractères et leur Matériel dams les Pays-Bas, du XVe au XIXè Siècle, pp. 44–47. “Ibid., pp. 40, 41, 47, 48, 49. “For a valuable survey of these types see Les Caractères de Civilité de Rob- ert Granjom et les Im/hrimeurs Flamands, Antwerp, 1921, by Maurits Sabbe (of the Musée Plantin) and Marius Audin. It contains twelve reproductions of civilité fonts by Granjon, Tavernier, etc. v. T W S C y L. O v 1.T A.E. Philoſophia dux, o virtu- tisindagatrix, expultrixáue vitionum ! qui mon modo nos,ſed omnino vita hominum ſine te eſſe potuiſſet? Tu vrbes peperiſti, tu diſsipatoshomines in ſocietatem vita: con- uocaſti. Tu eosinter ſe primo dothiciliis, deinde coniugiis, turn litterarum & vocum communione iunxiſti, Tu inli entrixlegum 3. tu magiſtra morum & diſciplinae fuiſti. Tu vita tranquilitatem largitanobises, & ter- rorem mortisſuſtuliſti. gº Thales Mileſius,wtobiurgatoresſuos có- uinceret, oſtenderetáue Philoſophum, ſiei commodum eſſet, pecuniam facere poſſe, omnein oleam antequam florere coepiſſet, in agro Mileſio coémiſſe dicitur. Animad- uerterat fortaffe quadain ſcientia clearum vbertatem fore. 1. de Diginat. . Quiceteris rebus pro nihilo habitis re- rum naturam ſtudioſe intuentur, & ſapien- tiz ſtudioſi & Philoſophihabentur. 5.T.uſc. Philoſophi,Virtutismagiſtri. 2.Tuſitºl. ID & C L A R Y S C R A Ta PA c1 s eſt comes,otiióue ſocia,&iam bene conſtituta ciuitatis quaſi alumna qua'dam clo- quentia, Nemo eſt qui neſciar initio genus humanum in montibus ac ſiluis diſſipatum, prudentium conſiliis compulſum:& diſcrtorum oratione de- finità, ſcoppidismocnibuſ"; ſepſiſſe. 1. de Orat. Fuit quoddam tempus, ctim in agrishomines paſſim beſtiarum more vagabantur, & vićtufcri- no ſibi vitam propagabant: nec ratione animi quidguary, ſed pleraque viribus corporis admi- niſtrabant. Nemo legitimas viderat nuptias, ne- mo certos inſpexerat libcros.Quo tempore qui- dam magnus videlicctvir & ſapicus, diſperſos homines in agris,& 10 locisſilueſtribus abditos, ratione quadam compulit in vnum locu,& con- gregauir, & eos cx feris & immanibus mites red- didit, & manſuetos. 1.de Inuent. Dua ſunt attes quº poſſunt locarc homines in ampliſſimo . vna imperatoris,al- tera oratoris boni. ab hoc enim pacis ornamen- tarctincrltur, abillo belli pericula repelluntur. Pro Murºna, | § Y. T W S C y L. No N ex ſºngſiſi, vocibus Philoſºphi ſpeãand, ſant,ſed experpetſilate & conſtantia; reiſſhedań oportet, non-verba. In Philoſophia resſhettantúr, nou verba penduli- thr. Orat, ad Brutuin. A Philoſophoſi adferat eloquentiain, monaſhermor: ſt non habeat,non admodunt deſidero. 1.Tüſcul. Sunt qui in rebus contrarii, parum ſhi conſent, voluptatemſenetiſimé contemnant, in doloreſini mol- liores, gloriam negligăt,frangantur infamla. 1. Offic. Wtſi grammaticºm profeſus ſequiſian. 2. Tuſcul. In Simil. zo. Quotaſſiſque Philoſophorum initenitur, quiſt its moratº, ita animo acquita conſtitutus, ºut ratiopoſit- lat,4tti diſciplinam non oſtentationem ſcientie, ſedle- gem vitaputet, quij, ohtemperetipſe ſibi, ac decretis ſhispareat 3 Viderelicetalios tania lenitate & iaita- tione,iisut fueritmon didiciſe melius: aliospecunia cu- pidos,non nullosgloriz:multos libidinum ſeruos,'vt cum eorum vita miſabilitcrpugnet ºratio , qºod quidem eſt iurpiſimum. 2. Tuſcul. Magiſtrivirtutis, Philoſophi. 2. Tuſcul. P. R. C. § E S T I C), Hoc tempore cam bomines nondum nequenatura- li, neau in, viab deſcriptofuſ, per agros, atque diſperſ, orgarentur,tantumºue haberent ,4uantum manuar vie ribº per cademac welnera auter pere, aut retinere po- tuiſſent: extitºunt viri virtute cº-conſilio preſtanti,44; diſpatosynum in loam congregaruut, coséue exferoci- tate illa ad inflitiam atque manſuetudinem trauſſule- rant, 6 inhemto diuino & humamo iure eos warnibus fepſerunt. * Graub eſt-ö plena dignitati, direndi facultas, Jue plurimas gratias, firmiſſinia, anxicitits, maxima fºpe fadiapeperit. Pro ‘Aurana. Eloquentia principibº maxime ornamento ºft. 4. de Finib. f Eloquentiagrandi eſt verbs, ſapiensſententia, ge- mere tote 3rauß, ; manuſ extrema non acceſſit operibus cius: preclare inchoata multa, prºfeóla momplane. Declaris Orat. Nihileſ eloquentia laudabilita yelpreſtantius, vel admiratione audientium, relſhe indigentium, yeleorum quidefenſ, ſuprgratia. 2. Offic. Pºt homini decw eſ' ingenium,ſic ingenii lumen, ſº eloquentia. Declaris Orat. 195. Roman and Italic Types: Plantin Specimen, Antwerp, 1567 (reduced) Y. O F F I C, { 8. O ſº F , C. 1N rebus magnis, memoriağue dignis,conſilia, primum, deinde atta A D 4-ligeudº, qua duliſationeo, affrºnt, adliber, ſonine, dona, date. foãcacuentus ſpedantur, quod dubites, zquum, ſit, an iniquurn. mur.wrſ ºusto Yſ, iºritat, 6 quid #1 de Yse 14cque offich grary, Platraſ, Non debernus quidguan agcre, cuius nom Poſsinus cauſam proba- wzquirere. bilein reddere. 1. Offic. Non ºff fair iudicare q=idficiendum, man faciendámuefi,ſºd ſtar, ºrian Ad rengerendam qui accedit, caueat, neid niodo conſideret, quàrn •partet in co quod ſuiudicatºm. s. de Finib. . illa res honoſta ſit,ſed ctiam vs bab cat efficiend, faculratch):in duo ipſo Melist ºur inturra, que “ſliezerunthſ,Tºm quaſar “ºffſ, adminiſtra. conſiderandum eſtill, ne aut temcre deſpcret propter ignaulam, aut tar. 1. de Inttent. nimis confidat proptcr cupiditatem, til omnibus autcm negotiis prius Demus ea qua natiºne genitur, omnibuſ infºunier ºff relur,6°."pparatier, Quàm aggrediare, adhibenda eſt praparatio diligens. , i. Oſſº. quam ea gua ſomere, & mullo conſtie adminiſtratar. ſ. de Intent. Suum quiſque noſcat ingenium, acremäueſe,& Vitiorum, & bono- Exercitus is tui prºpºſtet ºſſapienſ, º' callite, irºpriator, amnibus par- gum ſuorum iudiccm prºbeat:cc ſceniciplus qu’àm nos videantur habe- tibwr commodive regitar, quan is quíſlaſtilis & tenuriate aliceius aami- ge prudentiziněve hiſitio vident in ſcena, quod non videat ſapiens in vi. miſtraſ wr. 1.de Inucot. 'ta. J.Offic. Haſ Flºrumqueſtſinus,” ºnfire turntil pºnderings, or ºf deat qaid Non cf incommodum ex aliis iudicare : we ſiquid dedeceat in aliis, prºceſſºrir, maham iſſum prauidiffi: twiſtºne, oihilſtuftſ, diaser. witemus & ipſi;fit cnim neſ.io quo modo, wt magis in aliiscernamus, ('ro G. Rabir, l’oſthum. / quam in nobiſmcüpſis,ſiquid delinquitur. º. offic. Nedum homiram: humilius, ſºd attas, ampliftºwn, ºr ºn tonſlie ºr Wt pi&ores, & ijquiſignatabricantur. s. Offic.is Similib, 90. tants,nan ox vºlanuate 2 pteriſſue Prebariſºlaº. 419.2-33Astic. Epiſt.1a. P R C F L A C C O. <> oniſtraßſcº- convitions wasminiſtriº-, & vegir tre citr; & prouince;—t, cfqueſte&#itigence rſt pteine- ºr rancunc,nrytigen- ce a ££aſince & oneſprić i eſqueſte&ſºu crité eſtwangereuſe, tiffe- waritémon aggeraßſc 2, £e parſex pſai!! 3’rinfluºrº-z, fatreic prº- miciruſ-2, £c front famities à toué, ('eſprit 3rptuffeur&ptaip win- 2ignation), courzoug ſecrete. , ºf feateries out, tºtrº-2 : toutró. £rſ. queſte& ſóoſes attenvent ſcº preteur& Senant&ty poſſeſſiovºo £cur&#ignitré, eſſee ſtewent à rug quah, iſ& ſon- perſºn& , ti ſt& octaiſſent £oré quiſ-z s'y $ow-. º jś Sº Y Nº. & º 3}, Sg. ºntº & Ö tº I I I, , D E L E G I B. - I • O F F I C. _jt *', a rich rſue pczniciºux aux Öites: &uah's ſº irºyeTNocué promonces ſ, fººtence, #icn tº 11t conto airc au Sºvcict,ct tº 143: 20ix, ºf ſºciº ſouvenir 4,'if." cº’iew pouw “ſincing, & tº ſº & & * , * ricit moine Čiuita- ºumait ºut faire quct. “ ºis: Q ſº “ſprit , outre ſequºt CŞieu wo que cºſt par force, apree que tº repuſſique Sonné à fºomine ºf Prue sinine. *f; preſſee Čt- $11 titute. & 9 ce-2 giff ſa jagºffs “we “ge 3. sº put- 2. c 2.0ix Č tieriment Ç0 €11trč ſèg. ſe “- Ç009 * •vot; frºmint ce’ qº 11 F cºf: fºrtſ; td. • Kh. 716 coºlith a 1196 it e'.fire 4tf C11- Waſ G. anſ; ce qu'if cºof, el-aic ſouvenance *199 3. º º t * * - 49 * pas com6ies, if ſuy sfºrnia, maicaº itſ- £uć6, 36 u wirfaut uć ccſuy qui ſeg Gotſ-- p C5. , -º & ". * º º * * * t #, ſ º queg. or ſºft's ſo puiſłance. fºro (#46. pºſſ: 3roit atter 15 re ſoit iniuſement puty, £)é-- cºff. Tºp ºuge s'enfºnie (vºivºrº— {!! a $1 t Tus ocmanºcriuſ ce. artigº!?&n; tıtwº ºt | (a Nević. 2. ©ffic. *ffenſ; ºr, omit. 196. Roman, Italic, and Cursive Types: Plantin Specimen, Antwerp, 1567 (reduced) NETHERLANDS TYPES : 1500–1800 9 ample of the black-letter peculiar to Spain at that period (fig. 197). Certain fonts similar to it were used in Italy. The moyen canon romain and its italic appear to me French, as does the petit canon romain with its italic; but the moyen canon flamand is a characteristic Netherlands black-letter. The roman and italic types are, of course, old style, most of them heavy in cut. The ascendonica cursive is an inter- esting, lively italic in which two forms of double s should be noted, as well as the lower-case g’s, the ligatured sp, the ampersand, and the capital Q-characters closely allied to handwriting. On the other hand, the gros teacte italique, the augustin italique (1st), and the cicéro italique remind one (in general grayness of effect when printed) of the light italic which came into use in France in the late eighteenth cen- tury. In the smaller types of this specimen there seem to be two sorts of fonts: (1) traditional old style with its inter- esting italic, and (2) lighter roman and italic, more even in cut, more monotonous in colour, and much less attrac- tive. The beautiful type from the De Colines office, called Colineus romain and Colineus italique, I have spoken of. The type-specimen ends with a page each of Greek and He- brew—one of the latter from De Colines' office—and then follow music types and borders, some of which are familiar. A vast quantity of ornamental alphabets, many of which are of great magnificence, do not come properly under our survey. Two classes of these, however, may be noted— the calligraphic letters (fig. 198), probably derived from the ornamental lettering of contemporary writing-masters, meant to be used with civilité types, or with music; and the class of alphabet represented by the famous historiated letters numbered 6 and 14, from the first of which a letter (reduced) is shown in the plate from De la Hèle's Mass (fig. 193). 1() PRINTING TYPES How such types look in pages may be seen by consult- ing Plantin's books—particularly the monumental Polyglot Bible (1572), the prefatory matter to the first volume being a magnificent display of his noble fonts (fig. 199). This work is generally to be found in any large library. For those who desire an easy ascent to Parnassus (though they will not get very far up the mountain), the plates of text-pages in Rooses’ life of Plantin will be found convenient; or, better still, the few but telling facsimiles in Druckschriften des XV bis XVIII Jahrhunderts.' But Plantin's books themselves are the only satisfactory exhibition of his types. Plantin's earlier printing is more delicate than his later work. A good example of his first manner is an “emblem book” published in 1567—an edition of Claude Paradin's Symbola Heroica, translated from French into Latin, and printed in 32mo form. The text of this delightful little book is set in a delicate italic which harmonizes agreeably with the spirited rendering of the designs. Displayed lines, em- ployed in connection with the italic text, are, however, set in roman, and the prefatory matter is almost entirely printed in it (fig. 200). Very reserved in style, the book reminds one of editions from the Lyons press. A 12mo herbal, Ra- riorum Stirpium Hispania. Historia, by Charles de l'Écluse (Clusius), printed by Plantin in 1576,-also set almost en- tirely in italic,+resembles French or Italian work. Sim- ple in arrangement, and with charming woodcuts of plants, it is another example of his earlier and more intimate man- * Druckschriften, pls. 7, 8, 16, 30, 87. Plate 7 shows a beautiful old style type, very beautifully set (our fig. 199). Plate 8 shows Dutch civilité type, with its semi-calligraphic initial. Notice the “written” look of the capital letters in the first seven lines. Plate 16 shows an italic type. Notice the am- persands in the third, fourth, and seventeenth lines. Plate 30 shows a small size of civilitä. Plate 87 exhibits a massive old style roman font, in which ob- serve the final n’s, e's, and t”s. „ „ ©iccbat in motte a- micorum quicfccnoúcffc: partim co quod nondum liquetct, bonum cffct an malum quod accioiffct : from Jff aoſo ugrupſ， uo.ųf syvų ſuſ oņdouăț1100 °861 R E G NI N E A P O L IT A N I P R I W I L E G I V M. P H I L I P P W S D E I GRAT I A R E X C A S T E L L AB, A R A G O N V M, V T R I V S Q_y E SIC I L I Æ, HIE R v SALEM, WN GARIAE, DAL MATLA., ET C R O AT LE, &c. gNT on vs Perrenotus, S.R.C.Tit. Sanéti Petriad Vincula Preſby- §ter, Cardinalis de Granuela;prefata: Regiae & Catholica. Maieſtatis #ā conſiliis ſtatus, & in hoc Regno locum tenens, & Capitaneusge- &neralis, &c. Mag”viro Chriſtophoro Plantino, ciui Antuerpien- ſi, & pracfata: Catholica, Maieſtatis Prototypographo fideli Re- gio,dilećto,gratiam Regiam & bonam voluntatem. Căm ex præ- clarorum virorum literis certiores faćti ſimus, opus Bibliorum quinque linguarum, cum tribus Apparatuum tomis ,celeberrimum,reiðue public; Chriſtianæ vtiliſſimú, ciuſdem ſereniſſimae Maieſtatisiuſſu, ope atque auſpiciis , ad publicam totius Chri- ſtiani orbis commoditatem & ornamentum, typis longe elegantiſſimis, & praeſtan- tiſſimi viri Benedićti Ariae Montani praccipua cura & ſtudio. Quâm emendatiſfimè âte excuſam eſſe,eiuſdemá, exemplar ſanétiſſimo Domino noſtro PP.G regorio xiii. oblatum, ita placuiſſe, vt praefata: Maieſtatisſanétos conatus, & Regi Catholico in primis conuenientes, ſummopere laudarit, & ampliſſima tibi priuilegia ad hoc opus tuendum Motu proprio conceſſerit; Nos quoque cum naturaligenio impellimurad fouendum praeclara quaeque ingenia, qua: inſigniquopiam conatu ad publica com- moda promouenda atque augenda aſpirant, primūm quidem long& praclariſſimum hoc ſuæ Maieſtatis ſtudium, vtvere Heroicum & Ptolomei, Eumenis, aliorumáue olim conatibusin Bibliothecis inſtruendis eo praeſtantius, quod non vanae ſtimulo gloria,vt illi,ſed reóła: Religionisconſeruanda & propaganda zelo ſuſceptum,meri- to ſuſpicientes; deinde eximiam operam doćtiſſimi B. Aria Montani,acimmortali laude dignam admirantes, rebusáue tuis,duemadmodā tuo nomineexpetitur, pro- ſpicere cu pientes, ne meritisfrauderis frućtibus tanta o pera,& impenſe, qua: ſumma ſolicitudine & induſtria in opus adfinem feliciter perducendum a tectiam inſumpta effeaccepimus;cumáuecerto conſtet,opus hoc nunquam had enus hoc in Regno ex- cuſum eſſe, dignumáueipſo S. ſedis Apoſtolica ſuffragioſitiudicatum vºdiulgetur ac priuilcgiis ornetur. Tuis igituriuſtiſfimisvotis, vt deliberato conſilio, ita alacri & exporreóta fronte lubenter annuentes, tenore præſentium ex graria ſpeciali, præfata: Maieſtatis nomine, cum deliberatione &aſſiſtentia Regij collateralisconſilijſtatui- mus & decreuimus, nequisintra viginti annos proximos,a die dat.praeſentium dein- ceps numerandos, in hockegno dićtum Bibliorum opus, cum Apparatuum tomis coniunétis, vel Apparatus ipſos, aut cord partem aliquam ſcorſum.citraipſius Chri- ſtophori,autcauſam & iusabipſo habentis,licentiam imprimere,autab aliis impreſ: ſavendere,aut in ſuis officinisvel aliás tenere poſſit. Volentes & decernétes expreſsè, quod * 199. Page from Biblia Polyglotta: Plantin, Antwerp, 1572 (reduced) $46 S v M B O T. A Coclitus impender. Placct,inquit, Here, ſi tibi hot viſum eff. Quocirca inſterni iu- bet Tyranous illitha. laman auro refulgº- {{???, SY M B O L A H E R O I C A M. C L A V D II P A R A D INI, B E L L I H O C E N S.I. S C A N O N I C I, E.T. D. G A P R i E.L.I.S S Y. M. E. ON I S. Multo, quam antea fidelińs de Gallicalingua in Latimam comherſa. A N T W E R P I AE. Ex officina Chri ſtophori Plantini. Cicero, y doquidé, inquit Dio, 1% ºyſius 2 &minino abi moſtrum ytte gemia Dionyſius Tyran- #44,Sicilie Rex , olim aliquando 3 Tbraſ- nico parafito quodam, placere videtur, Des Democle nomine, ob 4. mºcks, age ... lubetſ:: opalentiam,é” Regiã *W. tibi beatitudinemnd- apparatum immodicë ſtram experirt ac de ſelaadari, atq; aden, ſº fort*4 noſtra gºſlas *team prioriºus mi- re 2 Cui Democles : werfts mortalibus foes Jictorem predicaret,4- isimaduertens, affen- £ateriſuo reſpondit 4d (l futic modum : Quan - M. D. L X W I [• C W M P R IV I L E G I O. 200. Text-page and Title in Plantin's early manner, Antwerp, 1567 NETHERLANDS TYPES: 1500–1800 11 ner' (fig. 201). This book deals with heliotrope, thyme, and other godless vegetation, and on the last page a Canon of Antwerp Cathedral attests that it contains nothing contrary to faith or morals. Since then we have learned that the mar- riage customs of plants would bring to the cheek “the blush that is now peculiar to the middle-aged.” The later Plantin fonts needed great space around them when in mass; and this they have in that splendid Atlas by Abraham Ortel"—Theatrum Orbis Terrarum—first pub- lished in 1570. In a copy of the edition of 1584 in the Li- brary of Harvard College, the elaborate copper-plate title- page is made gorgeous by colour, and the portrait of Ortel is surrounded with a complicated framework which is a mass of illumination. The maps are gaily coloured, too, and their decorative cartouches are specially brilliant. The typog- raphy (in roman and italic fonts) stands up well under the strain of its coloured decoration. The prefatory type-matter is magnificent, especially the page of spaced capitals, arranged in a dedication to Philip II. The alphabetical index of maps, in spaced capital letters, the compliments to Ortel in Latin and Greek, and the tabular arrangement of type (in the .Nomenclator Ptolemaicus generally bound with the Atlas), are all most distinguished. The final “privilege” in civilité, and directions to the binder, etc., on the last page, close a book in which a difficult problem is met with courage and solved with gusto. As the size of type used in each page is dictated by a desire to fill it, and the matter varies in amount, the volume is a sort of specimen-book of Plantin's fonts. Plantin's folio Opera of Tacitus, annotated by Lipsius, printed in 1585 (a third issue of this work) is also a beautiful * For other examples of Plantin’s earlier way of working, see title-pages re- produced in Rooses’ Plantin, pp. 58, 60, 84. *Commonly known as Ortelius. 12 PRINTING TYPES book. It is very simply arranged. The Annals and History occupy a section by themselves, and Lipsius’ commentary to the former, and notes to the latter, occupy divisions marked by separate title-pages. This fine, lively piece of printing employs for its preliminary matter many of Plantin's mel- lowest and most beautiful types. The opening addresses, composed in noble fonts of roman, or in an italic full of swing and movement, show the Gallic touch. In the body of the work the type used is a smaller size of excellent roman; but the pages are so large, there are such masses of it, and it is so closely set, that the effect is a bit overpowering. Lipsius' commentaries at the end show that sad mixture of roman and italic, spaced capitals, and Greek quotations, dear to the learned at that date. Yet in the main, the Tacitus is a fine piece of printing. Plantin also printed books in the Flemish black-letter current at that day. An example of this is the Rechten, ende Costumen van Antwerpen, printed at the expense of that city, in 1582. It is not by any means a “pure” black-letter book, for (as in some sixteenth century English books) roman was used as a display letter to a “norm” of black-letter— exactly reversing our present-day use of black-letter and roman. Its title, preface, and some displayed matter employ italic. A letter quoted in the black-letter “Confirmation of Privileges” is set in roman type; and passages in roman here and there occur. But the text, which runs to nearly four hundred quarto pages, is composed in a superb Flem- ish lettre de forme, massive and very fine. Some passages in civilité are interesting, and so are the decorated initials. This book is supplemented by a sort of “order of procedure” for meetings of city officers. Would that “municipal printing” to-day had such dignity! (fig. 202). In addition to the Polyglot and other Bibles, and missals, 2.45 C A R O LI C L V S II R A R I O R V M S T I R p IV M H I S T O R I Æ, L I B E R S E C V N D V S. - - R B o R v M, fruticum & ſuffruticum º, ºr at %\ abſoluta Hiſtoria, reliquarum ſtirpium º º geſcriptiones adgrediemur, inter quas ɺ Coronariæ (quod inſigni colorum va- rietate, omnium oculosilico in ſeconuertant, eoſque mirum in modum recreent) meritó primum locum ſibivendicare videntur. Initium igitură Bulboſis, vi- potenobilioribus, facientes, reliquas ordine deinde proſequenur. De Narciſſo. C AP, I - D vo ſantapud Dioſcoridem Narcºſigenera,me- dio luteus, & mediopurpureus. Ego, prºterpo- ſtremä (qui nonnullis Narbonenſis Galluepratis ſhon- tº prouemit)quatuor alia genera per Hiſpania, obſer- Maui, magnitudine,florum föliorumá, forma & colore, florendi denig, tempore interſe differentia. PR 1 o R ergo Narciſſus terma aut quaterna filia 1. habet3. virent fa, oblonga, Porrt fil its ſimilia fºre, C&AE- Narciſſils lem concaum, ſtriatum, ſineflis, pedem altum, in-jº" terdumaltiorem, & in ſummoflores ſex autobio, plu- réve, triangulis pedicalls inſidentes, & emembrana erumpentes, mediocriteramplos, cum grauitate quadā odoratos, ſex fºliº albis conſtantes, quorum medium, calyx omnibolgteia occupat, ſlamina breuia ſex cum , 3. totidem, 201. Page from Rariorum Stirpium Hispania. Historia Plantin, Antwerp, 1576 ende Coſtumen V211) Antvverpen. Nden eerſten, ſprekende I ſº ban2intinerpen/ig men begrija §º pºndemitt alletmlijtktgentilatbinnen ºff"º be pooltenoft muttºnijanberſtadtbe- &/º ſlottn/matrootkbat buptem/tmbe bin- % membe Cirpºrptber ſciutt ſtaut glytic- gºtt; i3. #3tität ºpbtptgattentit ſtrett total)02nt-blugge/ent,t II. 15ttrijtm/tmbt alſoo poortgombtſtabtisan 2intmerpen/ poigbenbt tºtiuiltgit byten ſtepſer q9arimitiamug per- Irent in 320iitmbrizin’. 1488.natuttuijſenbaubtrijattte bitt bpgjtuotºbt. 3ttmallett gijent/bitbinmen be booſtinturn limitem III. gthoſen morben/ 3ijn lºooſters/tube D3 nuconberg al- batt/3ijn 3ngſ}tſttrilºn ball autumn, 21 202. Page of Rechten, ende Costumen van Antwerpen, Plantin, 1582 (reduced) NETHERLANDS TYPES : 1500–18OO 13 breviaries, and such-like liturgical books, I recommend the student of Plantin's work to examine the botanical books by Lobel, Dodoens, and Charles de PEcluse; the atlases by Abraham Ortel; Luigi Guicciardini's Description of the Low Countries in various languages; the works of Arias Montano and Justus Lipsius; the music of G. de la Hele, Cornet, and others; the emblem books of Junius, Alciati, Sambucus, etc., and the poetry of Houwaert. Plantin died in 1589. He was buried in Antwerp Cathe- dral, and on his tomb was inscribed: CHRISTOPHORUS SITUS HIC PLANTINUS, REGIS IBERI TYPOGRAPHUS, SED REX TYPOGRAPHÚM IPSE FUIT Plantin's two daughters were married to printers—the elder to Raphelengius, associated for many years with Plantin, and who previously taught Latin and Greek at Cambridge, and afterwards accepted the chair of Hebrew at Leyden. To this University he was also printer—as was Plantin himself for a brief period. The other daughter married Moretus, who, after Plantin's death in 1589, in association with his widow, carried on the press — the Plantin-Moretus Office, as it was usually called. Its work, at its best, preserved much of the later Plantin style. Two examples of it must suffice. The first is Rembert Do- doen's Stirpium Historia, printed by Plantin's grandson, Johan Moretus, in 1616–a revised Latin edition of the book earlier issued by Plantin. The preliminary matter is set in Plantin's superb roman and italic fonts (fig. 203). The actual book, most agreeably illustrated with brilliantly printed woodcuts of plants, is composed in a small size of roman type of great mellowness and beauty. Simple two- line initial letters start each chapter, the title of which is set in a small italic. It is a charming piece of work—ex- 14 PRINTING TYPES cept that the chapter-heads are too much crowded into the text—and a fine example of “the Plantin manner”; per- haps too much of a survival to be typical of Moretus. An odd feature is the final table of names of the plants de- scribed, in different languages. Arabic names, etc., are set in italic; Italian, Spanish, and French, in roman; but Ger- man, Bohemian, English, etc., equivalents are arranged in black-letter. Dodoens was among the great botanists of his day, and Plantin printed a number of his books. Another seventeenth century book from the Plantin Of- fice is the Jesuit Hugo's Obsidio Bredana. This interesting folio gives an account of the siege of Breda – familiar still through Velasquez’ great picture of its surrender. Its printing retains much of Plantin's later manner. It is com- posed entirely in an ample roman type. It was issued in 1626 and is a very dignified piece of work. The Officina Plantiniana—more a palace than a print- ing-house—in the Marché du Vendredi at Antwerp, has long been, and still is (as the Musée Plantin), one of the sights of Europe. It is probably the most beautiful building —both inside and out—dedicated to the uses of printing, in the world; nor is there any other establishment which gives such an accurate idea of an early printing-house. The presses, type, and materials of Plantin, Moretus, and their successors have all been preserved, as well as their account- books and correspondence. Not the least valuable part of the collection is the original plates and blocks of ornaments, and designs drawn for the press by Rubens and other artists. To the student the most interesting of the rooms are the type-cutters' work-shop, the letter-foundry, the press- room, and the proofreaders' room, which are kept much in their primitive condition. The building and its con- tents were in the possession of successive members of the Larguſ opes proprias diffundens ſolus in omnes, Sic hoc Scriptorum veterum monimenta volumen fluffrat ſplendoreſto, noćtemſ, recentum. eArte noua pulſa penitus caligine nudat. are igitur viuax, omnió, perennius are , cºſaleſtate ſua ſtabit, mec firmius vllum, Olim cudit opus vapids formacibus AEtna (yclopum laſata manus,ferroff, coaſt, Sudantis rara ſub veſte Pyracmonis artes Sentiſcent &ui cariem prius, & ſolida ſhe , Fraudatus Steropes operam plorabit inertem 2. O qua fama tuas olim ſºčíabitur vimbras? Venturiquantus populi memoraberis ore , ‘Dodonae pater? quanto celebrahere plauſuf Cum tibiſe paſſim debehunt plebsque, patresq., Seruatiºſenes, ignaraj, Virgo maritié Funera quid metals?viuet post buffa ſuperſies Pars immenſ, tui, mullod, taceberis &uo, eAtque ipſo a ſenio ſºmet tua gloria vires. am priºs affra polum toto radiantia calo ‘Deſtituent,ſteriles% fragoſºm littus arena, jnd, autumnal, noua palmite gemma tumebit, Et pede preſa fluet tepido vindemia Vere, Quàm taceant momen'ſ tuum, laudes: minores, jrritag, intereant opera conamina veſtra. 2O3. Page of Italic from Plantin Office, Antwerp, 1616 NETHERLANDS TYPES : 1500–1800 15 Moretus family until 1875, when it was ceded to the city of Antwerp by Edouard Moretus, the last proprietor, who died at Antwerp in 1880. The place is full of charm, and its sunny, vine-clad courtyard a haunt of ancient peace. II LZEVIR, the other great name in the history of print- ing in the Netherlands, belongs properly to the seven- teenth century. The founder of the family, Louis Elzevir, a bookseller and bookbinder at Louvain, removed to Ley- den for religious reasons—the Elzevirs were Protestants— in 1580, and began to publish books there three years later. Five of his sons carried on the Elzevir activities. Utrecht, Leyden, Amsterdam, all had members of the family at work there, and for nearly a century and a half they were the best known printers of the Low Countries. The great figures in the family were Bonaventure and a nephew Abraham—partners from the year 1625–who published editions of the classics in convenient format. “In the Elze- virs,” as Aldis says, “we have parted company with the scholar-printers who themselves edited and revised the texts which they presented to the learned world. We have, instead, intelligent printer-publishers, excellent men of busi- ness, anxious to produce books that both textually and typo- graphically should sustain their credit for good work. To secure correctness they employed scholars to edit their pub- lications and see them through the press.” The Elzevirs are popularly remembered nowadays by their little editions in 32mo, with engraved title-pages, narrow margins, and compact pages of a solid, monoto- nous type which is Dutch and looks so. These are the volumes which romantic novelists—who are seldom good 16 PRINTING TYPES bibliographers—like to call “priceless Elzevirs,” though they were then, and are now, cheap books. These and other Elzevir editions had the merit of handy form, good edit- ing, and eminently common-sense qualities. But even this scarcely accounts for their tremendous popularity. The Abbé de Fontenai, writing in 1776, says that the Elzevirs “have made Holland celebrated for printing, through an elegance of type which the most famous printers of Eu- rope have never been able to attain, either before or since. This charm consists in the clearness, delicacy, and perfect uniformity of the letters, and in their very close fitting to each other”; and he adds that “the taste of young people for literature very often shows itself by a great fondness for these little Dutch editions, which give so much pleasure to the eye.” John Evelyn, who was in Leyden a hundred and twenty-five years earlier, was of the same mind, and speaks of visiting the printing-house and shop of the fa- mous Elzevir, “renowned, for the politeness of the characters and editions of what he has published, through Europe.” As publishers, the Elzevirs held somewhat the relative position to the work of their time that Aldus did in his day. They were pioneers in the popularization of books through convenient format and low price. How modern in ideas as publishers the Elzevirs were, is shown by their series of travel-books called “The Republics”—little historical and geographical descriptions of European countries by vari- ous authors, put together by a judicious use of scissors and the paste-pot. The Helvetiorum Respublica, devoted to Swit- zerland; Respublica, sive Status Regni Scotia, et Hibernia, (fig. 204), a similar volume on Scotland and Ireland—both issued in 1627; and a like book on France— Gallia, by * Evelyn also records that at Antwerp at “the shop of Plantine I bought some books for the namesake only of that famous printer.” ß â ; èÉ $ $ •.• :… $. STATvS R E GNI SCOTIIÆ ET 1HÍBER IN LAE. •+ Ê a 3 Ç É Ex officina Ëà 3 Ë Elzeuiriana ę ??}£ . o §§§§§ lí 3 AcIbIocxxvII. Κ Cum firiuilc pio. É 3 priuilgi^ ti§ C O N T E N T A hujus Iibelli. I. Coti& Regni Topographia , è Georgio Buchanano Scoto, & Guil`Camdeno Anglo. II. Inferiptiones ântiqu4 in Sco- £i3. { II. IDe anim24*2tìbtt* quaärtepedi- bus, volatilibu3, aquatilib24 Sco. zt4, ex Heétore Boëthio. I V. IDe Scotorum prifcis recentibtts. que inftitutus ac moribtts, ex He- άore Boëthio. A 2. V, 10è H I B E R N I Æ D E S C R I P T I O, limites, magnitudo , coeli folique qualitates, incolæ, divifio. Ex Ca7mdeno &- Speedo. N mari, quod Britannis Mo* $ vvcridh, Hibernis Farigi , La- tanniae latus occiduurn clau- dit celeberrima infu!a H 1 B E R N 1 A. Incolis Erin,Britannis Yverdon,Sc An- glis Ireland diéta. Protenditur hæc jn(ula ab auftro in aquilonem , non 1atior quam longior, ut Strabo prodi- dit, fed forma lenticulari five ovali; nec viginti dierum navigatione , ut Philetnon apud Ptolomæum tradidit; (ed fecundum rccentiores lengitudine ccc tantum millia paflùum, latitndine vix cxx inplet. Ab ortu Angliam tur- bido mari disjun&am habet, quod Hi- bernicum vocant; ab occafu iinmenfo occano occidentali ; à feptemtrione Deucaledonio ; ab auflro Vergivio al- luitur. Magnitudine & circuitu elim K 2. inter 204. Title-page, Contents, and Text-page of one of Elzevir's Republics, Leyden, 1627 NETHERLANDS TYPES : 1500–1800 17 J. de Laet—published in 1629, formed parts of this pocket series. Of the celebrated Elzevir editions of the classics in small format (styled in-12, but what we should call 32mo), the Caesar of 1635 is considered one of the best. This was pub- lished at Leyden. Its engraved title-page, a preface set in italic, and prefatory matter printed sometimes in roman and sometimes in italic, its neat little maps, its tight little head- pieces, and compact, monotonous type are very like all El- zevirs. These editions were all very much alike. Each divi- sion of a book generally started with title and chapter heads set in capitals and small capitals, very much spaced; the subject of the chapter (if any) being set in a tiny italic. The running-title was in capitals and small capitals, also spaced, and page after page in book after book was set in this style. To have seen one Elzevir volume in prose and another in poetry, in this format, is to have seen all—or certainly as many as one wishes to see! How any one ever read with comfort pages so solidly set in such monotonous old style type passes understanding—or at least mine. Elzevir edi- tions were generally unannotated, and if notes occurred, they were usually placed at the end of the book. The Pliny of 1635 and the Virgil of 1636 stand on a par- ity with the Caesar in the estimation of bibliophiles. The Leyden Terence of 1635 is also one of the most espeemed 32mo editions, and is easier to read because in Latin verse. The Leyden Florus of 1638, though of the same format, is more attractive. In 1642, the Elzevirs printed the Opera of Cicero in ten volumes, 32mo, and this, as Elzevirs go, is * The printers’ marks, head-pieces, and ornaments of the Leyden and Amster- dam establishments, with a collection of similar material from different sev- enteenth century Dutch printing-houses, may be seen in Rahir's Catalogue d’une Collection Unique de Volumes imſirimés ſhar les Elzevier et divers Typographes Hollandais du XVIIe Siècle, etc. Paris: Morgand, 1896. 18 PRINTING TYPES an attractive edition. The engraved title-page is handsome, the portrait of Cicero not bad, the prefatory matter well arranged, and the rest of the work made up of the solid pages characteristic of the house (fig. 205). Daniel Elze- vir’s Amsterdam edition of 1675 of St. Augustine's Con- fessions, in 32mo, is also considered among the best of the Elzevir editions; and perhaps it is—though not beautiful. The Institutes of Justinian, an edition of which was printed by the same house in the next year, plentifully supplied with rubrication, is a book which was thought charming in its time. Still other editions which the student may look at are the Amsterdam Decameron of 1665 and the Virgil of 1676. Though considered so remarkable in their day, these edi- tions now appear merely “well-enough” little books for the pocket. But they were largely copied by other Dutch pub- lishers, and by publishers throughout Europe—the same rugged little types were employed, the same style of com- position was repeated, and the same effect produced, except that it was not so good. The Elzevir 32mo editions had a series of decorations peculiar to themselves, which were as “air-tight” in effect as the pages which they adorned. The Elzevirs also printed editions of the classics in oc- tavo–less typical in one sense, but better, because the type, being larger, was handsomer, and being more leaded, was easier to read. The typographic style, however, was much the same. These editions were annotated, and the very full notes were set in double column at the foot of each page. The octavo edition of Caesar of 1661 is a good instance of this format (fig. 206). If a 32mo Elzevir edition were inflated until it became a folio, you would have a very good likeness to the second revised edition of Philip Cluverius's Germania Antiqua, 266 ID E O R. A ‘r O R. E. M, TV L L I I C I C E R O N I S A D Q V IN TV M F R A T R E M Dialog tres de Oratore. D 1 A L & G v s , S E V L i B. I. §: O c 1 r A N T 1 mihiſa penumero,& § memoria vetera repetenti, perbeati ; ſuiſſe, Quince frater,illi videri ſolent, qui in optima Republica, cum & ho- noribus, & rerum geſtarum gloria florerent, eum vitae curſum tenere potuerunt, VE velin negotio fine periculo,vel in orio cum digni- rate eſſe poſſent. Ac fuit tempus illud, clim mihi quoque initium requieſcendi, atque animum ad vtriuſque noſtrümpfæclara ſtudia referendi fore, juſtum, & prope ab omnibus conceſlum eſſe arbi- trater, ſi infinitus forenſium rerum labor, & am- bitionis occupatio, decurſil honorum, etiam atta- tis flexu conſtitiſler. Quam ſpem cogitationum,& conſiliorum meorum, cum graues communium temporum,tum variinoſtricaſus fefellerunt. Nam quilocus quietis & tranquillitatis pleniſſimus for re videbatur, in eo maxima: moleſtiarum, & tur- tulentiſſimae tempeſtates extirerunt. Neque Vero nobis cupientibus, atque exoptantibus frućtus otii datuseſt adeas arteis, quibus à pueris dediti fui- mus, celebrandas, inter noſque recolendas. Nam prima aetate incidimus in ipſam perturbationem diſciplinae veteris, & conſulatu deuenimus in me- dium rerum omnium certamen atque diſcrimen, & hoc tempus omne poſt conſulatum objecimus iis fluétibus, quiper nosa communipeſte depulſi, in noſmetipſos redundaunt. Sed tamenin hº aſpe- L 1 P E R I, 267 aſperitatibus rerum, velanguſtiis temporis, obſe- quar ſtudiis noſtris: & , quantum mihivel fraus inimicorum, vel cauſe amicorum, vel Reſpublica tribuet otii, ad ſcribendum potiſfimum conferant. Tibi vero, frater, neque hortanti deero, nequero- ganti. Nam neque autoricate quiſquam apud me plus te valere poteſt, neque voluntate. Acmilli re- petenda eſt veteris cujuſdam memoria non ſane ſatis explicata recordatio, ſed, yt arbitror, aptaad id, quod requiris, vt cognoſcas qua, viri omnium eloquentiſſimi, clariſſimique ſenſerint de onnira- tione dicendi. Visenim,wt mihi ſaepe dixiſti, quo- niam quae pueris, aut adoleſcentulis nobisex cem- mentariolis noſtris inchoata atque rudia excide- runt, vix hac artate digna, & hoc vſu, quem ex cauſis, quas diximus, tot tantiſque conſecuti ſu- mus, aliquid iſdem de rebus politius à nobis, pro- fe&tiuſque proferri: ſoleſque nonnunquam hac de re à me in diſputationibus noſtris diſſentire, quod ego eruditiſſimorum hominum artibus eloquen- tiam contineri ſtatuam: tu autem illam ab elegan- tia doćtrina ſegregandamputes, & in quodamin- genii atque exercitationis genere ponendam. Ac milliquidem, ſa penumero in ſummos homines, ac ſummisingeniis praeditos intuenti, quaerendum eſſe viſum eſt, quid eſſet,cur plures in onnibus ar- tibus quám in dicendo admirabiles extitiſſent : nam quocumdue te animo, & cogitatione conuer- teris, permultos excellentes in quoque genere vi- debis, non mediocrium artium, fed prope maxi- marum. Quis enim eſt, qui, ſi clarorum hominuma frientiam rerum geſtarum velvtilitate, vel magni- tudine metiri velit, non anteponat oratori impe- ratorem 2 Quis autem dubitet, quin belliduces ex hac vna ciuitate praeſtantiſſimos pene innumera- M 2 bileis 205. Pages of Cicero: Elzevir, Leyden, 1642 L I 3 Uumeſſet Caeſarin citeriore Gallia in hibernis, II. B E R. ita utt ſupra demonſtravimus, crebri ad cum | rumores afferebantur, literiſque item Labie- iºni certior fiebat , omnes Belgas, quam ter- tiam-eſſe Gallia, partem dºxeramus, contra populum R. conjurare, obſideſgue inter ſe dare. Conjurandi has eſſe cauſas: primum, quod vererentur, ne, omnipa- catá Galliá, ad cos excrcitus noſter adducerctur: dein- de quod ab nonnullis Gallis ſolicitarentur, partim qui Germanos diutius in Gallii verſari nollent; ita populi R. exercitum hiemare atque inveteraſcere in Galliá mo- *: Uum eſſet Caſar] Anno ab § U.C.D.cxcvi I incepit hoc # tertium bellum, Coſſ. P. º Cornelio P. F. Lentulo * spinthere, & Q. Cºciſio Q.F. Mctello Nepotc., Montan, In citeriore Gallia J Includebatur. antiquitus Gallia Rheno flumine, O- ceano, Pyrena is jugis & Alpibus. At poſtguam Gallorum pars Italia, folum occupavit, Alpes tranſgreſla, termi- nusab hoc latere fattus eſt Apenninus ‘mons & Hºſis amnis, ad Anconam uſ. que, maris Adriatici urbem. Totus autem hic traćtus Romanis diviſus eſt in Galliam ulteriorem & citeriorem: hacetiam Italica, Ciſalpina, ut & To- gata promiſcuè dićta eſt. Vocis etymon alii à 24x2, . quod lac Latinis, deri- vant, quialaćteos, id eſt, albi coloris homines producit : Diodorus à Galatā Herculis filifi: inſulse Bodinus Celtis leſtè hoc nomen contigiſſe annititur proba- re, quod, cum orben terrarum per- agrarent, ſcimutuo interrogarent, Ok allons-nous? quo proficiſtimur: ex quovo- catos vult Ouallones; & a Latinis, per G efferentibus, Gallos. Optime in hac caligine videt doétiſfimus Cluvelius: i. à Celtica voce Gallen (quam nunc icinus Wallen, indicatgue iter face- re) nomen derivat. Quum enim exun- dante domi multitudine , exteras re- giones petete Galli coepiſſent: parteil- lorum in Italian, parte in Illyricum, atque inde in Graciam & Aſiam, par- tein Germaniam delatā : â re?pså in- vento vocabulo, proximis Germanis Illyriiſque dićti ſunt thi Gallen,five Cal- ler, & alia dialečto Waller; quëd voce a quipollenti vulgo dicinus die wan- derer, Latincter:grinatores. Ex hoc La- tini, vocabulum ſuo ori accommodan- tes, formarunt Galli. Montan. Rºgns 206. Page of Caesar (octavo); Elzevir, Amsterdam, 1661 NETHERLANDS TYPES : 1500–1800 19 printed at the Elzevirs' Leyden house in 1631, for the for- mula used in making it is about the same. Except for the condensed italic of the reprinted introduction to the first edition—quite a new note in italic type—the fonts used are larger versions of those in smaller books. Type well set and displayed by good presswork gives a general effect that is excellent, and the masses of Greek quotations make it look very learned. The same author's Sicilia Antiqua (some- times included as a supplement to the Italia Antiqua of 1624), printed by the Elzevir office in folio in 1619, is less conventional in style. Both books have engraved titles and maps, and the Germania a good many copper-plate illus- trations. The Historia Naturalis Brasiliae of Piso and Marc- gravius, issued in 1648 with the Amsterdam imprint of Louis Elzevir, is a good example of an Elzevir folio. The text is printed in a handsome but rather too regular roman, which is very Elzevirian indeed. In a letter written from Amsterdam in 1681 by the widow of Daniel Elzevir to the widow of Moretus, at Antwerp, we learn that the writer wished to dispose of part of the type-foundry inherited from her husband, Daniel Elzevir, which had descended in turn from Louis Elzevir. Some of its material was the work of Christoffel van Dyck, the great Dutch designer and type-cutter. “Not feeling myself competent to manage everything,” she writes, “I have decided to sell my type-foundry. It con- sists of twenty-seven sets of punches and fifty sets of ma- trices, which are the work of Christoffel van Dijk, the best master of his time, and of our own. This foundry is, consequently, the most famous which has ever existed. I have desired to inform you of the intended sale, and to send 20 PRINTING TYPES you specimens and catalogue so that, if agreeable to your plans, you can seize the occasion and profit by it.” With this letter she sent a broadside specimen-sheet which is reproduced, and the heading of which reads: “Proofs of types cut by the late Christoffel van Dyck such as will be sold at the residence of the widow of the late Daniel Elsevier, on the Canal, near the Papen-bridge, at the Elm, Wednesday, March 5, 1681” (fig. 207). This broadside shows forty sorts of characters, if we include two music fonts. There are four kinds of capital letters, thirteen roman, twelve italic (the “pearl” not having any italic of its own), eight black-letter, one Greek, and two music fonts. Most of these types are recognizable as Dutch by their sturdy qualities of workmanship, and, particularly in the smaller sizes of roman and italic, by a tiresome even- ness of design. Their closely fitted, large face on a small body was preeminently practical, and adapted them for the small formats of the Elzevir publications. In a table given by Enschedé in his Fonderies de Caractères, he attributes but twenty-eight of these characters to Van Dyck. The forms of the types call for little attention; the Augustijn Romeyn and the Augustijn Cursijf (that in the second column) have certain swash letters which, in the roman, remind one of Plantin's fonts. Some of the swash letters in the Kleene Kanon Cursijf (sixth in the first column) and the capital Q's in the Paragon Cursijf (next to the last in the first col- umn) are interesting. It was from Dutch swash letters— so much admired by Moxon”—that the variant capitals in * In the first column of the specimen, the first, fifth, sixth, seventh, and ninth types shown are his. In the second column, the first three, and the capitals of the Augustijn and Cursijf. In the third column, the first, third, sixth, seventh, eighth, and ninth, and the last one; and all the types in the fourth column. * Moxon’s Mechanick Exercises, or the Doctrine of Handy- Works affilied to the Art of Printing, pl. 15. P R o E V E N L E T T R. E. No Die geſneden zijn door Wºjſen C H R I S T O F F E L v. A. N. D Y C K, Soo al deſºlve verkoft ſullen werden ten hºſe van de Weduwe Wylen ABCDEFGI HKLMAEU Dubbelde Auguſtijn Kapitalen. ABCDEFGHIK LMNOPOTRU §§§9-M Dubbelde Deſcendiaen Kapitalen. ABCDEFGHIKLMNO PRSTVXYZ Kleene Kanon Romeyn. Idemin ſeipſum ºxeru- ciante! AFjace Neſcius •) I E L Text Curſ.jf. Eomiſt Rex Sucus Theodoricum Falckenbur- qnnm, adminiſtratoris adjuturum comatus; joa ngs Schneiderinus Allenſebiamei devicit. Quid neidinerateommtatus,ó' rei tormentaria Mag deburgumeurapetr ABCDEFGHI j KL MNOP9 RSTVUWXrz Aºjasis fiftºff Auguſtijn Romeyn. Tardius aliquanto moleſtiuſque Cum ORAN: c 1 oačtares cit. Isenim recuſa ſcripſºrat; Hol landis, Zelandiſque atque Burgundis Pracſe- Podolam, prefečium iſtius provincie cum tribus militum millibig E L S E V I E R, Op't Water, by de Papenbrugh, in den Olmboom, op Woensdagh, den 5 Martii, 1681. Deſcendiaen Romeyn. Maxime q is nonperferremalletin republicaariſºnerati- ca ex in optimatum 2mulatione diſſe nones oriri ſolitas, uam ex uno Monarcha, Tyrannico more Imperare con- tieto, Terra miſeria ac & perniciem; Populus Romanus praetulitſtatu illum republica: quantumlibet diſcordiis agi tata Jugo Caeſaros intoleraquivſtandae ſed cauſa Iugurtham ello Numantino intantam claritudinem Perveniſſe ut Ro- manis Wehementer Charus Eſſet antea ſibiabeo ti- - 2 Q an mens: ideo ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQ RSTU Deſcendiaen Curſ.jf. Eodem tempore Turci, ulciſtendis Coſaccorum injuriis, infuſ; in fºderunt. In Aſia cum Perſi atroſſimo congreſſ prelio, ingentera pertulerant ſtragem; ſedadeo ipſis crueritam vićioribus, ut czinde Auguſtijn Duyts, ©mbe Hågetſtºgetºtetizágen inătătăţmmit Senmocijt.*igäuinbeştabāţºcoptgālāgtjſ! fugittlett fiftitle] ſafºtingetºpſtitaegebg 3:54:32#:23:33i fºopee tºmb Çüßllæºcłłętneſicſſºt Mediaen Duyts. &eitenºergááš. Geoggedbergãetite/baria jgee Beeſebambatãoſcit/ batſitſ) affingt:5cheſ @geſt tot jet buttſuen bet algemeene en ºnbrušang ge £ierie geeft/ eit met écn 32ertrautmeu b alſe tie fieff Ngee jernemºgegjell &#####|ºtt Parrhus Turciccºn pacem penſionibus ſericarum veſtimazmair rede- merit. Capit & Rhetia,poſt dirum illudmontifragium, étum deſignaret quandoſe hiſce prefecturisce cidiſſet, Aperte Inimicum.Nolleticut Virtuº hijk im nóp q ſstvu w ABCDEFGHI A p cry E. F. G H I K L M N o P Q_ S T V U XYZ, ZB Auguſtijn Curfijf. e Zadem, is admonenti Gubernatrici tº abiret Amſtelodamo, non modo non aparterit, ſºdetia” Cúiffilm a Gilberma trice Turrium a ſecretºr; vajº Concilii, qui Regis nomine jitteret illum arhe Trotinus abſtendere,non Exaudito Re: ... JAAB cºp E FGHI}I KLCVM MNO P Auguſtijn Romeyn Nº. 2. quod fis, &h ſapis. Sum ABCDGHJMVABCCD KLMNOPeç;! fl” Kleene Kanon Curſijf. © • ‘Margaritam in Impériº cura Subſevabat. Hollan- dis, Zelandiſque atque in Burgundis Praefetſu Deft Aſcendonica Romeyn. © Quod quiſque in ano eſt, ſci unt. Sciunt Id qui in Aurum Rex regina: dixerit : Sciunt quod Juno, Negus.º.º. in AE ABCDEFGHIKLMN OPRSTV WXUY Nffl ſil” ([S423 e_ABCDEFGHIKLMNo Paragon Curſijf. aicumque vultſºlva effº, anteºnia opus eft up tentar Cat holicam fidem : Quam nift quiſłue integra” . inviola- tampué rvaºerit, abſue dubio in ster Text Romeyn. Vult tamen tibi Iuſtinianus, utiſtegurator rºleſolemnejusjurandunapudºrºfºum arbi, vel Præſidem, quo edicat omnia ſe re- &e & exutilitate furicia-cºarsnequeprº- AğcDEFGHIKLMNOPGYRSTYYYXz. ABC DEFGHIKLMNOPQuRSTVWXYZ. ! Alexander aurë fačtus annorum duodecim, re- bus bellicisadmodum delećtari, &czeciſe indolis manifeſtiſfima proferreindicia coepit. Cumque & acqualibus nonnulli cx co percundtkrchtur ! ad Olympium nunquid ſtadiualibeusdecertarct: plu- rimum enim pedun celeritate poilelºt , Libens habiturus.wkABCDEFGHIKLMNOPRSTVW Auguſtijn Curſijf. Garmont Romeyn. Jam pervenimur ad quintam & ultimam queſtionem quxeſt de { # ctiminibur Regit Carol:, ut conſtare poſſit Iure an iniutta ſit damna ..] tur. Nullum crimcm cſle ex quoille quieſt condemnati queat, cum ſupra demonſtraru fit ,ſupervacuum hic videreturquaererequo cri- mine ceciderit. Potiur quippe prenum & effet pronuntlare iniu- fuim illud & iniquum, immo & ipſiſſiu omnino in particidium- ſtuffeiudicium cui ſuccubuit. Carterum §uo ABCDEFG Hl KL MNOPQu STU WXYZ AE, Garmont Curſijf. § 2.4m neceſſarioſit futuri, Iurisconſultis Inſtitutionam Imperialium diligent, Amice. Sant rotius Iurisprudentia primiordla. Rippe rom tant:47, Iuri; : ſed ºr Novi ; cont ment compendixm. Utriuſque Itarif cognitro quiéem utilis; ſºdhajus magic effneceſſaria. Proinde &am multa at Imperatore in inftitutionibia ſuis poſitive ut loquunturplu- rima tantum proportantar narrative; illa rubrica abhis ſun abſcinden- da;4bſºſa Memoria Stridioſe infgenda. quod ut Legum cupida javen :::: Poſt f-cere felicius, illa rabrica, hæcatraenre induxºmuſ; Etſc juventatem Tedioſ, minus neceſſariarum Leãrone levaizus. Hunt laborem Tuoromine inſcribimus, ut armicitle Noſtrz Publicum extet &c Æ A B C D EFG H If K LM. No P.9 RSTVUWXrz c. p 3 # w Garmont Grieks. O; 2, 2xxv.2×24& h;44, 2×ezzle ena's ow, ºig's, 4 ſea, 7, ºre, zárva riſ : * ;: #. }*earºy º * &A&;ºr kººzºº & 3.3% ºf 222&aw8, cº ºn Aeſs. Tozerº zºo, 2%&@*# aſyūsī, eſ: 2/g22;&nge ºf 227&s x5xxx; eye ºnxi, voA&- Ts, 3 en zerº ºffixer rig, gº e º , i.2 ºzºo, 7.7%rºx2 +, Ka; ºr, Air Ex, tangº wr: “, zºng, * *s tº ºvoi et, w8, ; . Alexander autem faāus annorum duodecim, rebº bellicis admodum delečiari, & excelſ indolis mºiſe- ſºftma proferre indicia capit. Cºe tº aqualičić nºnnulliex copercumálarentir, ad Olympium hºuld ſtadium libeñs decertaret?plurimum emimpºſiºn. cele- ritate pollebat, Libens equidcºm, 1zquit, ſiderſtatiº roºmcium regeſimhabithrus. ABCDEFGHIJK Mediaen Romcyn. Condel Principis ad Mediolanenſes ſcceſſu ex occaſié. meliores ſortunz, Henrico ſuperſtite. poſtguam audi- Fato funétum, accingit ſe via: in Galliam. Ferunt dubi- tarum & Exin Contius P R IN c e ps, Jouſ, Gondilus, Surdiſus: Mommorancius, Mayennius, Edleboviuskº- tharingi: Eſpermonius & Novo. ejus pon ultra arredtis fuiſſet fluétibus fierat A B C D F HIJKL NO QRS TU VX/EA b c de F C H 1 J K L M N o q R. STUV × 4 Mediaen Curſijf. Interea Herbipoli, Sueinfurti, Kitzinge confluxerant tº xiliare, Suecotum, Saxonice, Haſiaſt copiº, tº exercitum ef-. | ficerent L. millium : Que medio .4% aſſo conjunje caſiri, regii, nontantum 24tarant vireº, ſº & audacitm concive- rºlirolacºffendi Ceſarionos, valli, ſº tentnter. Mcdiaen Romeyn, Nº. 2. Flavius Veſpaſianus duos reliquit filios, Titu majo- rcm & Domitianum juniorcm. Titus Patri in inpcrio ſec ceſſet, qui & Ipſe Veſpaſianuseſt dićrus; Princeps ſuis adco laudatus & amatus propter ſingularem humanitatea, iuſhtiam & bºnific entiam, ut amov & delicie generishu- manidićtus ſit. Coepit & inſperarc Anno Chriſti, impº- tuy xyz, c ce A B CD EFG H J K L M N C PO_R. Mediaen Curſ.jf. condai Principi, ad Mediolamenſe: Jºeefficz occaſioneſ- pra Artigimus: Privatailli vitaerataee jºcs misſioresſortun: #...; poſ:41am audit Faro frºm Accingit ſ. vii in Gälliam F. Gomditºl, Surditz ſus: A40mmorancieſ i ; Mayenniurunt dubitatum & Exim Contius Princeps Ioſa was BCDEHIKL09 & ST W W X 3 & ab, def; hkº, ow, 23 vºx;3- 326; 234zeżóº S ºx; # ow &rsae, 7; #2, viz va & 6 y º żne Sapºr &apºsſlr Bourgois Romeyn. Hu tv c c 1 s = , qucm modo decoratum & ovante vićtoria in- cc.ienten) vidiſtis, eunu ſub furca winétum iutcryerbera & cruciatus videre poteſtis: quod vix Albanorum oculi tam deforme ſpe&tacu lum ferre poffent. I, lićtor, colliga ſhanus quae paulio 2nts armatae imperiuu populo Romano pepcrerunt. I, caput obnube liberatotis' urbis hujus: arbori infelici ſuſpende, verbera intrapomoerium, modo inter illa pila, & ſpolia hoſtium : ex A B C D EFG H IJ K LM N O P R S T W W Y ZACA B D F F q H I k l M o P R s T U ºxW wy?...E. Bourgois Curſijf. Mºrting Coriolanus damiattu abſent velut indida cauſt in Paſſºof ºx ulatim abierat : ibi ºffii Tullii Volſcorum ipſº longe Principis titebatar hoſpirio. Jamn com/ºctado ipſº ſocior eos amico;4ne ſecºrat, quºm de bella Roxane confºreif & in conſilia. Roſâne jrm deduHa crat ut Aviuſ mode ſuincommitºreutur, fiſſºt effivan favior op;artunitate". Brewic: Romeyn. Maxime qui; nor pcr£erre mallet in republica ariſineratica ex in optimatu + - mulations diſſenonci xiii ſolics; quan exulo Monarchs, tyrann.comote in- pstart conſisto, certa Tiſºria actº permicicm Populus Romanus prºtuliº ſtatu ill-im republ quantus libet diſcordii; agitari jugo Ceſaro; intolera qui vitandr ſcd cauſ, Iugurubum bello Numantino'n vantam curitudimerm perveneſſ ºf Rºs- maris vehementer clarus cfſet, quim antca (b. ab to cincus, cobcllo facic occa 1ſurum ſperarct cauſa non corum tyrannus. Brevier Curſ.jt. Flºratinº, º quiºx reºgen nº q-mm targemina ſalia & vider germſ, obvian, ho- ror cm.cºgnita veſſe Cºr.it's ſponſi, p.ſ.ºir criminu fºrbilitar notaune appakare ~126 rer, m.oruſ compiorariene intempºſiiva cºrn tranſfit Hae Bºxine in jos adRºgern Tnlinº, qawn ruptst, Frrdiaci'ixtan jndicarat, jaro liſts.jsſe. lapwena injekºi, ºniºn (ºr rocco. ſta de provocatiºne homines alia eſt. Jºãc fºoB FGH if Rºžino PP&Rsrrva Brevier Romeyn. oratotit Officium eſt. He his rebus poſſe digere, our resad uſum civilem moribus sciegibus itutz ſubt, culn aſſenſions additorum, quead ejus ficti Poterit., Tria ſurgenera cruſarum, qux reciperc debct orator ; deinon- flrativum, deliberativuto, judiciale Demonſtrativum eſt quod attribuitur in alicujus certz Pºrſonz laudern & witupcrationem. Dcliberătivum, &c. Brcwier Curſijf. 11 "ºff fair 3-pui, ptu º certaiº rºſarcº 44i vint's nieuw dº mind, isi, Č- qué je préin, faire cºrrr! deni tº tautli ºu je veux flirt a noſºrt ridicult. Text twis fººt ºn pºu ſº Cºr.cdit rºus;1; leſ tº put hazarea tourt choſº, iln'y four pºint chºr.htt tant & fººt, & it ºff hemm, 33 jºlier ſºn rºl, a mirwait & deparaíſº. ment dan tewitt lefºntric, ſº 'oviſºra diſey dirt. Pcºrd Korneym. Flºtrºus Sixt{ſe dicºur, fox, ſº intrº ſua ºtrº:tº 710 cesquibus rite-sre. Tanch is ee reºtl.cz co * dºerum conſuliuo chutºut unus: adoleſexnti, virtuti rerºute- • -, - - - * , conſul...nte àtitt iu tº an uſh-la ſet intº apºte lirwiſe:, Teii un terredºuilt. #3 ºv.au5trf...a r ruth Rozharsaw & Mºtt a- • Q-arú * (* Cs.uio wºu? is:inirava &cºdºr Jönstate sons til łłſ, ir - * §§§ºins vºtiºns, was C. § { 2O7. 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QP & Gºnbe §: scri ſ: intet tºo Grºt t *N * tnotºxt artiſtretri n :) a- trºn brº f iſ trn Rºut-offr; ſt enºr f ºxº $ool bºrn ºś %m: A blº §§§§ la º tº Asºblu (M tº lº ºt, sº tºt (aſ Erin Sºn ºn tº §rt ſai Sri #;&ſtºrs ºn grigº be ºx-offer. testa t \** QQQQQQ §§§§§ 29.2% £339. l  ºb.833 & 2s.{}<&sº § §#* C Wºo Joy ty lººr * & * §§ tººs - - * ##$!!...Sººº. :3:63 s? Fº: ^: : *S* * Fº: A £3 º $8 $º: §§§ 5:35:33:3: §§ §§§ Rikºtººººº-ºº: gº tºº r tº sº Sºº P * sº Nº. §§ ºr ºxº~ a { § r rux\cºs hoºcºt, a (". } J. J. J. & is NETHERLANDS TYPES : 1500–18OO 21 Caslon's fonts were no doubt partly derived. In these old fonts, too, there were more unusual and tied letters than are In OW COIOIOOI). The black-letter shown in this specimen is heavy in its larger sizes, and the capitals are awkward and overcharged —like Flemish sixteenth century fonts too much elaborated. In the medium sizes, the types seem better. The Greek characters would to-day be obscure because of the number of ligatures. The two fonts of music type are those known as the “Music of the Huguenots.” The specimen ends with many good type “flowers.” The last three still hold their own, not merely because they are attractive in design, but because they print so well. This is due to the cross- hatching of the designs, which gives a pleasant tone and variety of colour to the ornament, and was intentionally employed to help the presswork. Mr. De Vinne, who attributed all these types to Van Dyck,-in the light of which his words should be read, L says,' that “Liberal allowance should be made for the worn types and the bad printing of the original specimen-sheet, as well as for some falling-off, even from this low standard, in a facsimile. . . . Yet the good form and fitting-up of the Flemish Black Letters are but slightly obscured; . . . any punch-cutter might be justly proud of them. The smaller sizes of roman and italic make a creditable appearance, but all of the larger sizes are not so good: some are really bad. Letters more uncouth than those of the capitals of the ‘Dubbelde Augustijn Kapitalen'... were probably never shown by any reputable type-founder. Moxon's tracings of the Van Dijck roman letter,” although rudely done, showing undue sharpening of the lower serifs, give a clearer idea of * Historic Printing Tyſhes, New York, 1886, p. 43. * Moxon's Mechanick Exercises, pls. 11 and 12. 22 PRINTING TYPES its peculiarities of style and of its real merit than can be had from the study of the Elzevir specimen-sheet. The general effect of this letter is shown to the best advantage in the larger types of some of the octavos of Daniel Elzevir. The smaller types of the duodecimos are too small to clearly show the peculiarities of cut. Van Dijck seems to have de- signed letters, with intent to have them resist the wear of the press. The body-marks were firm, and the counters of good width, not easily choked with ink. Hair lines were few and of positive thickness. The serifs were not noticeably short, but they were stubby, or so fairly bracketed to the body-mark that they could not be readily gapped or broken down. When printed, as much of the Elzevir printing was done, with strong impression and abundance of ink, the types were almost as bold and black as the style now known as Old Style Antique. This firmness of face explains the popularity of the so-called Elzevir letter. It may not be comely, but it is legible. The letters may be stubby, but they have no useless lines; they were not made to show the punch-cutter's skill in truthful curves and slender lines, but to be read easily and to wear well.” Mr. De Vinne appears oblivious of what seems so self- evident to some French writers—that Van Dyck slavishly copied the design of Garamond’s fonts. Dutch authorities think differently. - The punches and matrices of the types shown on the specimen-sheet were offered for sale in 1681, and were bought by a Spanish Jew named Athias—a Rabbi as well as a type-founder. Some twenty years earlier he had em- ployed Van Dyck to cut Hebrew fonts which were used in a Hebrew Bible, for which Athias was given a medal and a golden chain by the States of Holland and West Fries- land. In 1683, the following notice appeared in the Gazette NETHERLANDS TYPES : 1500–1800 23 de Haarlem: “The attention of the public is called to the fact that the excellent and celebrated type-foundry of the late Christoffel van Dyck, sold by the heirs of the late D. Elzevir, together with other excellent matrices, Greek as well as Roman, brought together in the lifetime of the said Elzevir, has been reorganized at Amsterdam. Address Jan Bus in the house of Sr. Joseph Athias, where he is at work throughout the day. The price of the types is the same as in the time of Van Dyck and Elzevir.” A broadside speci- men" which must have been brought out about the same time shows, according to Blades, five fonts of titling, sixteen of roman and italic, eight of black-letter, and two of music.” Upon Athias's death the foundry passed to a printer named Schipper; then to the Amsterdam founder Jan Ro- man. One-half of Roman's collection was sold in 1767 to Enschedé of Haarlem; the other half to the brothers Ploos van Amstel of Amsterdam. Later their portion was bought by Enschedé, so that practically all Van Dyck’s work went to the Haarlem foundry. Unfortunately, the Enschedés' un- bounded admiration for the tasteless German type-cutter Fleischman threw Van Dyck’s types into the shade, and their untoward end is described on another page. III HE work of the Dutch press, outside that of the Elze- virs and Plantin, was not of great interest. There were three features, however, to which attention should be called: (1) The magnificent maps and atlases printed during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries by Mercator, Ortel, * Proeven van Letteren die gesneden zijn door Wylen Christoffel van Dijck, welke gegotem werden by Jan Bus, ten huyse van Sr. Josefth Athias, etc. Bus had a reputation in his day as a clever workman. * Blades's Early Tyſhe Shecimen Books, pp. 14, 15. 24 PRINTING TYPES Waghenaer, Hondius, and the Blaeus, which, quite apart from their engraved plates, are imposing in their typog- raphy. (2) The books printed in French and other lan- guages during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Some of these were works, now famous, issued in Holland in order to escape the restrictions placed on the press else- where—restrictions that proved most advantageous to the Netherlands book-trade." (3) The illustrated volumes pub- lished in the early eighteenth century by Bernard Picart and others—ambitious pieces of type-setting, which, though heavy in effect, were magnificent for the period.” § 1 During the first half of the sixteenth century, printers in the Netherlands employed a great deal of gothic type of a square, heavy, monotonous cut. A few books were printed in a lettre batarde, but the black-letter fonts that were most used were of the lettre de forme family. A few of these fatter, “blockier” gothic types furnished an unfortunate historical precedent for the corpulent “blacks” which disfigured Eng- ‘The small format of some editions of proscribed books was probably to adapt them to convenient transportation to the public they commanded out- side Holland. *Title-pages, etc., of books issued in the Netherlands during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (as well as manuscripts and incunabula) are repro- duced in J. ten Brink’s Geschiedenis der JVederlandsche Letterkunde, Am- sterdam, 1897. See also Stockum’s La Librairie, l’Imprimerie et la Presse en Hollande à travers Quatre Siècles. Documents four servir à l’Histoire de leurs Relations Internationales. La Haye, 1910. This gives reproductions of title-pages, etc., of works of foreign authors printed in Holland. For a guide to some of the best Dutch printing, consult the Catalogue of the Exhibition of Old and New Book-Making in the Netherlands, held at The Hague and Am- sterdam in 1920 under the auspices of the Joan Blaeu Society (Catalogus van de Tentoonstelling van Oude en JWieuwe Boekkunst in de JVederlanden: Vereeniging Joan Blaeu). The catalogue includes 378 items, and is valuable for titles of interesting sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth century books, of well-printed volumes issued in the nineteenth century, and of those reflect- ing modern tendencies in type-cutting and book-making issued in recent years. NETHERLANDS TYPES : 1500–1800 25 lish printing in the early nineteenth century. Along with these gothic types, roman types were used—a Dutch vari- ant of Italian roman types, with the same squarish quality in design which marked their black-letter companions. The italic employed resembled the Aldine character, and with it small roman capitals were used according to Venetian tra- dition. The general effect of type at this period was remi- niscent of the fifteenth century; indeed, the same general forms persisted in Dutch typography for a long time after 1600. Early Netherlands books were often decorated with woodcuts, occasionally effective, though usually coarse in de- sign and execution; and title-pages often bore elaborate and overcharged borders. Such types, square in shape, closely set, monotonous, and arranged without much sense of style, made books which can be readily recognized on the shelves of a library; volumes too thick for their height, in folio, quarto, and diminutive 32mo, mostly bound in vellum, which are as unappetizing in their outward appearance as the typography within. A general idea of Netherlands printing from 1500 to 1540 may conveniently be had by consulting the reproductions of titles and text-pages given in Nijhoff’s L’Art Typographique dans les Pays-Bas, and I indicate a series of plates from it which cover the different classes of types. The square, heavy lettre de forme is exemplified in some of the work of the Antwerp printer Willem Vorsterman, whose product is of a high average—for instance, the title-pages of both 'Wouter Nijhoff, L’Art Tyſiographique dans les Pays-Bas (1500–1540). Reftroduction en Facsimile des Caractères Tyſhograft hiques, des Marques d’Imſirimeurs, des Gravures sur Bois et autres Ornements employés dams des Pays-Bas entre les Années MD et MDXL. Avec JVotices Critiques et Bio- graphiques. La Haye, 1902. In the references to this work which follow, the numbers of the Livraisons in which the loose facsimiles were originally issued are given, but if the plates have been collated and bound, these numbers can be disregarded. 26 PRINTING TYPES Old and New Testaments in his Dutch Bible, issued re- spectively in 1528 and 1529. These plates show, too, the borders used in such books—although these are much above the ordinary in design." The same sort of type, but larger and finer in execution, was employed by Jan Seversz. in his title-page of Die Cronycke van Hollandt, etc., of 1517.” Yet another book that shows Dutch printing of the first order is the Delft edition of a Latin Psalter printed in 1530 by Cornelis Henriczoon Lettersnijder—who certainly knew his business.” His black-letter is very impressive and beau- tiful, though of a massive kind that betokens Dutch pro- venance." These show Dutch lettre de forme at its best. Scarcely less good—and more characteristic—are the types of Jan Lettersnijder of Antwerp as used in Hoveken van devocien (c. 1500)." Still more characteristic, and much less good, are the pages from Nicolas de Grave's 1520 and 1529 editions of J. Boutillier's Somme Ruyrael, the Segelijn van Jeruzalem (1517), and Leven van St. Bernard (1515)." Roman type of this period is finely displayed in the open- ing page of a book printed by Thierry Martens of Alost at Louvain in 1517–Summa, s. argumenta Legum Romanorum of P. Aegidius"—in which the entire title is set in roman capitals of classical form. A title-page showing capital and * Nijhoff: Anvers, Willem Vorsterman, IV, No. 10 (Livraison 3), and V, No. 11 (Livraison 4). *: “Ibid., Leiden, Jan Seversz., III, No. 8 (Livraison 3). * In connection with this man’s work, the cursive character used in his edi- tion of the New Testament in Dutch, printed at Delft in 1524, is sufficiently unusual to reward attention. See Nijhoff: Delft, Cornelis Henriczoon Letter- Snijder, Nos. 7 and 9 (Livraison 11). * Nijhoff: Delft, Cornelis Henriczoon Lettersnijder, V, No. 15 (Livraison 17). “Ibid., Anvers, Jan Lettersnijder, I, Nos. 1–3 (Livraison 8). “Ibid., Anvers, Nicolas de Grave, III, Nos. 6-9 (Livraison 10). 'Ibid., Louvain, Theodoricus Martinus Alostensis, V, No. 19 (Livraison 13). NETHERLANDS TYPES : 1500–1800 27 lower-case letters appears in the Antwerp edition of Eras- mus' De Contemptu Mundi, printed by Van Hoochstraten." Fonts of heavier roman were used in some other books printed by Thierry Martens—such as the Condemnatio Doc- trinae M. Lutheri of 1520, or Fischer's Eversio Munitionis, printed about 1518,” or the somewhat better roman types used by Paffraet at Deventer in 1521 and 1525.” Examples of italic are to be found in a Leyden edition of Erasmus’ Devitando permitioso aspectu of 1538, printed by Pieter Claes- zoon van Balen, and in the pages of Antonio de Nebrija's Leacicon Juris Civilis of 1527, printed at Antwerp by Gra- pheus." These examples give a fair idea of the kind of ro- man and italic types generally employed in the Netherlands from 1500 to 1550. Two books in folio by Hubert Goltz (Goltzius) of about this date are interesting. The first is his Vivae Omnium fºre Imperatorum Imagines, printed at Antwerp in 1557, and in its illustrations showing, says an authority, “the first use of the copper plate in connection with blocks engraved for chiaroscuro printing and also the first appearance in any form of the chiaroscuro as book illustration.”" Typograph- ically it is noteworthy for its display of italic types; espe- cially imposing in the largest size," which resembles some used by John Day. The prefatory and final matter is ar- ranged with great distinction—in capital letters mingled * Nijhoff: Anvers, Michiel Hillen van Hoochstraten, XIV, No. 51 (Livrai- son 15). * Ibid., Louvain, Theodoricus Martinus Alostensis, II, Nos. 6, 7, 8 (Livrai- son 2). “Ibid., Deventer, Albert Paffraet, IV, Nos. 16, 18, 19 (Livraison 2). “Ibid., Leiden, Pieter Claeszoon van Balen, I, Nos. 3, 4 (Livraison 15). * Ibid., Anvers, J. Grapheus, II, Nos. 4, 5 (Livraison 5). “Rudolph Ruzicka. "Facing pls. XLI, XLII, etc. 28 PRINTING TYPES with an italic recalling Fell's types. The second book is C. Julius Caesar sive Historiae Imperatorum Caesarumque Ro- manorum eac Antiquis Numismatibus Restitute. It was printed at Bruges in 1563, and is a fine example of the sober use of some monumental roman types of a style much earlier than the date of the book. It is illustrated with copper- plates, and its engraved title-page and colophon are most distinguished. Luigi Guicciardini's Descrittione di Tutti i Paesi Bassi was issued in folio at Antwerp, in 1567, by G. Silvius, royal printer. The roman type in which it is chiefly printed and the italic used in its prefatory verse are not unlike Plantin's fonts, and the book is interesting because it suggests that Plantin's style was not so peculiar to him as we are apt to think. Except for a copper-plate map and a view of the Hôtel de Ville at Antwerp, the book is illustrated with large wood-engravings. The title-page and its two following leaves of dedication, engraved on wood, are fine, and so are the double-page plates: those of Ypres, Malines, and Lou- vain in particular being worth looking at. These blocks were ultimately bought of Silvius by Plantin, and are now in the Musée Plantin at Antwerp. On Silvius' death at Ley- den (where he was printer to the States of Holland and the University), his widow sold his material to Plantin. $2 J. Hondius, the well-known Amsterdam publisher, brought out in 1611 a Latin history of that city by Pontanus— Rerum et Urbis Amstelodamensium Historia. It is printed entirely in roman and italic types—the latter the better of the two—which have the worthy but uninspired appear- ance of Elzevir fonts. There are engraved illustrations and woodcut initials—the latter rough but attractive. The same NETHERLANDS TYPES: 1500–1800 29 publisher about this date printed a Dutch edition of this book, set in double column, in a spirited cut of lettre de forme with the usual italic and roman interspersed. The copper-plate illustrations—unintentionally diverting—of the Latin edition are used in the Dutch version. The two editions are interesting to compare. . Samuel Ampzing's Beschryvinge ende lof der Stad Haer- lem in Holland (Description and Praise of the City of Haar- lem), and Pieter Schrijver's (Scriverius) Laure-Crans voor Daurens Coster van Haerlem, Eerste Winder vande Boeck- Druckery, were printed together in a stout quarto at Haarlem by Adriaen Rooman in 1628, in a mixture of roman, italic, black-letter, and cursive letter, in various sizes. I do not attempt to describe it except as an unbelievable jumble of types not in themselves bad. Of the two unusual cursives, the smaller is well displayed on pp. 246-256 in the first book named, and the larger in the Woor Reden to the second. This last work,+“Laurel Wreath for Laurenz Coster,”— although issued separately, was added, in enlarged form, to Ampzing's book to support his championship of Coster as the inventor of printing. Plates of Coster's ill-favoured coun- tenance and of his printing-office enliven the treatise. The three-volume folio Atlas Novus sive Descriptio geo- graphica Totius Orbis Terrarum, by Mercator and Hondius, published at Amsterdam by J. Jansson and H. Hondius in 1638, and apparently printed by Hondius, is handsome typographically, apart from its maps. The text is printed in double column from old style roman and italic fonts; and woodcut ornaments and initials are often employed. But it lacks the sense of style of Plantin's edition of the Atlas by Ortel. Although the text is printed on the back of the engraved maps, the paper is so thick and good that it does not matter. 3O PRINTING TYPES Willem and Joan Blaeu's Novus Atlas, in six enormous “atlas folios,” is another able performance. In an edition in German, printed at Amsterdam in 1676, the text is set in fraktur, with—alas!—proper names in roman, and quota- tions in italic letter. But it is a very wonderful achievement, all the same. Evelyn, when on a tour in 1641 which seems to have been more or less bibliographical, visited (besides the establishment of “that indefatigable person” Hondius, men- tioned above) Joan Janszoon Blaeu's shop in Amsterdam to buy maps and atlases. This was Blaeu the younger, son of the better-known Willem Janszoon Blaeu (1571–1638), in- ventor in 1620 of an improved style of printing-press which had considerable success in the Netherlands and in England. The elder Blaeu had earlier been associated with Tycho Brahe, the Danish astronomer, from whom he got the idea of making globes and maps. Blaeu's new press was intended to surmount difficulties in perfecting this work, for which the shop became famous. A contemporary account, describing the establishment much as Evelyn must have seen it, tells us that “on the Blumengracht, near the third bridge, and the third alley, may be found the greatly renowned printing-house of John Blaeu, Counsellor and Magistrate, of this city. It is fur- nished with nine type-presses, named after the nine Muses, six presses for copper-plate printing, and a type-foundry. The entire establishment on the canal, with the adjoining house, in which the proprietor lives, is 75 feet in breadth, and stretches along the east side of a cross street 135 feet, or with the attached house 150 feet. Fronting on the canal is a room with cases in which the copper-plates are kept, from which the Atlases, the Book of the Cities of the Neth- erlands and of foreign countries, also the Mariners' Atlases and other choice books are printed, and which must have NETHERLANDS TYPES : 1500–1800 31 cost a ton of gold. Next to this first room is a press-room used for plate printing, and opening upon the cross street referred to above is a place where the types, from which impressions have been made, are washed; then follows in order the room for book-printing, which resembles a long hall with numerous windows on either side. In the extreme rear is a room in which the type and certain other mate- rials used in printing are stored. Opposite this store-room is a stairway leading to a small room above which is set apart for the use of the proofreaders, where first and sec- ond impressions are carefully looked over, and the errors corrected which have been made by the typesetters. In front of this last designated room is a long table or bench on which the final prints are placed as soon as they are brought from the press, and where they are left for a considerable time. In the story above is a table for the same purpose just indicated, at the extreme end of which, and over the room occupied by the proofreaders, is the type-foundry wherein the letters used in the printing of the various languages are moulded. “The foundation of this splendid building was laid in the year 1636, by John Blaeu's oldest son Willem Blaeu, and on the 13th of the Fall month of the following year the printing establishment was here set in order. The original founder of the printing-house, who died in the following year, was John Blaeu's art-loving father Willem, who, for a considerable time, had been a pupil of the great astrono- mer Tycho Brahe, whom he zealously followed, construct- ing many instruments for the advancement of astronomi- cal studies, for the promotion of the art of navigation, and of other sciences of like character, an interest in all of which he revived and furthered while at the same time he made new discoveries, as has become widely known from 32 PRINTING TYPES the publications which have issued from this printing- house.” P. and J. Blaeu printed at Amsterdam in 1698 a French edition of Gerard Brandt's Life of Admiral de Ruyter— La Vie de Michel de Ruiter—a more or less commonplace performance of seven hundred folio pages. The book is com- posed in a light variety of old style roman, with the numer- ous quoted documents arranged in italic. It is illustrated with large copper-plates—which, unlike the text, leave nothing to be desired as to incident and movement. $3 The name of Wetstein, the eminent Amsterdam printer- publisher, appears (with others) on the title-page of Hooft's JWederlandsche Historien, printed in 1703. Its types are char- acteristic Dutch fonts of the eighteenth century, but more lively than those in most contemporary work. The italic used has some delightful characters. Except for copper- plates, the volume has no decorations save some nine-line Dutch “bloomers,” used at the beginning of each of the thirteen books into which the History is divided. They “bloom” energetically Peter the Great, on his last stay in Holland, from 1716 to 1717, was fired with the idea of improving printing in Russia, and he made various endeavours to this end. The history of the only effort that succeeded—and that but par- tially—is a curious incident in the annals.of Dutch printing. There had been at the beginning of the seventeenth cen- tury a Dutch Bible printed at the command of the States- General of the United Provinces, and taking this for a basis, * Filips von Zesen’s Beschreibung der Stadt Amsterdam, 1664, pp. 215, 216; quoted in E. L. Stevenson’s Willem Janszoon Blaeu, Hispanic Society, New York, 1914. For a list of the principal geographical works of the elder Blaeu, see Bibliography in the latter book. NETHERLANDS TYPES : 1500–18OO 33 the Czar ordered a Bible arranged in double column; the Dutch text (entirely in capital letters) on the right, the other column being left blank for a Slav translation of the Dutch text—to be printed later in Russia from Slavic types, cut and cast for this purpose by Clerk and Voskens, the Am- sterdam type-founders. The New Testament, in two folio volumes, was printed at The Hague in 1717, and the Old Testament, in four volumes, at Amsterdam. It appears that the greater part of the edition sent to Russia was lost, and that only a few copies of the New Testament ever were com- pleted by the addition of the Slav text. Only four copies are now known." The quarto edition of Brieven . . . den Johan de Witt, issued by H. Scheurleer at The Hague in 1723, has a con- gested red and black title-page, and apart from this is a perfectly straightforward quarto, set from heavy, awkward old style types, moderately well printed, on moderately good paper, perfectly respectable, and as uninteresting as all this sounds. Wetstein and Luchtmans—both good names in Dutch printing and publishing—brought out at Amster- dam and Leyden in 1738 a quarto Livy in seven volumes— a monumental work, and, like most monuments, depress- ing. The type of the text is a very square cut of old style, the notes a colourless variety of Elzevir types. The crowded title, the allegorical frontispiece, the author's portrait, the preface in enormous italic, and page after page of crowded text, make these two volumes of something over one thou- sand pages each, a very sleepy affair. Bernard Picart, a French engraver and seller of prints who resided at Amsterdam after 1710, contributed a deco- rative note to early eighteenth century Dutch printing. An ‘Stockum’s La Librairie, l’Im/hrimerie et la Presse en Hollande à travers Quatre Siècles, facs. 153, 154. 34 PRINTING TYPES example of his work is the CEuvres Diverses de M. de Fontenelle, published in 1728 at The Hague by Gosse and Neaulme. The book is full of Picart's exquisite engraved decorations, and is (except for the tiresome type border on every page) printed from old style types more French than Dutch in effect. Another more imposing and more fa- miliar “Picart” book is the folio Temple des Muses, pub- lished at Amsterdam by Zacharie Chatelain in 1733, the year of Picart's death. Apart from the engravings and the series of fine frameworks around them—so good that they have been often utilized by later printers and decorators— the typography is extremely handsome. The fonts used— of a bold, massive sort—are impressive in effect; and the composition, too, is adequate, and very much in the key of the pretentious plates (fig. 208). Such books were, I sup- pose, bought for their pictures, and were intended as luxu- rious pieces of book-making. Still another illustrated Picart work is the Cérémonies et Coutumes Religieuses des Nations de tous les Peuples du Monde in eleven volumes, begun in 1723, of which an English edition was published. Johannes Enschedé and Jan Bosch of Haarlem very ap- propriately printed G. W. van Oosten de Bruyn's De Stad Aſaarlem en hadre Geschiedenissen in 1765. It is not much of a performance. The dull, light, roman and italic types have lost all colour and spirit (fig. 209). Some black-letter (possibly Fleischman's) is here and there used for verse. Then, too, the composition of displayed and prefatory matter is tasteless and pretentious. As a whole, the book, -a folio, —weak as it is in its types, is yet interesting, because showing new tendencies in printing. The eighteenth century Dutch press brought out a great many famous books which were prohibited or in danger of suppression in France. These are often good examples of L Exſtruere hi montes ad ſidera ſumma parabant, Et magnum bello ſollicitare fovem. Fulmina de cœli jaculatus jupiter arce Vertit in auctores pondera vaſta ſuor. O v1D. 5. Faſt. V# ES Géans, nés du ſang que Cœlus répandit ſur la Terre " par la plaie # que lui avoit fait Saturne ſon Fils, étoient des Hommes horribles par #$ # * leur figure & par la hauteur de leur taille, mais plus horribles encore # # par leurs vices & leurs dérèglemens. Fiers de leurs forces, & ne trou- ^ vant rien qui leur réſiſte ſur la Terre, ils jettent un regard audacieux vers le Ciel, & conçoivent le deſſein téméraire de chaſſer de leur ſéjour les P† $ OIlt 2O8. Dutch Type used in Temple des Muses, Amsterdam, 1733 Ik heb dit deel verdeeld in drie boeken, waar van 't eerſte, met een gering ſchemer- licht, de duiſterniſſen der gryze oud- heid, waar in de geboorte en 't beginſel van deeze en andere Ste- den leggen opgezwachteld , doorwandelt tot het midden der der- tiende eeuwe toe , als wanneer deeze Stad, door haaren waar- ſchynlyken inboorling, Graave Willem den IIden van Holland, den Rooms- Koning, voor 't eerſte, met handveſt en burger-rech- ten is vereerd geworden in den jaare 1245, terwyl zy 't ongeluk hadde van , elf jaaren laater , deezen haaren begunſtiger te ver- liezen, ſneuvelende in den ſlag tegen die van Vriesland in den jaare 1256. In het tweede boek neem ik de gelegenheid waar, dat wy HAARLEM niet alleen tot eene Stad zien aangegroeid, maar ook vergierd met een breedvoerig handveſt, verſcheide aan- merkelyke burger - rechten in zich bevattende , om naar haar ou- de gelegenheid, en eerſte bronnen van haare welvaart en aanwas onderzoek te doen, haar oude geſtichten, die of veranderd, of 209. Type used in De Stad Haarlem en haare Geschiedenissen: Enschedé and Bosch, Haarlem, 1765 NETHERLANDS TYPES : 1500–1800 35 current Dutch typography, though the student may easily be misled by Dutch imprints on work produced elsewhere, as in the first edition of Voltaire's Henriade.' Books actu- ally printed in Holland were the first editions of Voltaire's Elémens de la Philosophie de Neuton, Amsterdam, 1738, and La Bible enſin Expliquée (dated London, 1776); * l'Abbé Prévost's Manon Lescaut, 1731 and 1753; ‘Montesquieu's Causes de la Grandeur des Romains et de leur Decadence, 1734;" Rousseau's La Nouvelle Héloïse, 1761, and the Emile and Contrat Social of 1762." All of these are respec- table pieces of printing from old style types; neither better nor worse than the average typography of the time. IV OURNIER le jeune, in speaking of contemporary Dutch foundries, says that “Holland, having made printing one of the principal features of its commerce, erected with care and expense several celebrated foundries. At Amsterdam, Dirk Voskens, the celebrated engraver and founder of that city, set up a type-foundry at the end of the last century. His types are round in form, in the manner of our great masters, and very well engraved. This foundry has passed to his widow and to the Sieur Zonen." Another celebrated foundry at Amsterdam was established by Chris- tophe van Dyck, also an engraver, and has now fallen into the hands of M. Jean Bus. A third foundry established in the same town, not less excellent than the two preceding, is that of Isaac van der Putte. All three are well stocked with characters of different kinds, particularly with the Flemish * Stockum, fac. 161. * Ibid., fac. 163. “Ibid., fac. 164. “Ibid., facs. 171, 172. “Ibid., fac. 174. “Ibid., facs. 195–198. " i.e., and her sons. Fournier mistook the Dutch word “zonen” for a proper Ilºl. IIMC. 36 PRINTING TYPES character, which has been very much used in the Nether- lands but which is now being abandoned. At Haarlem, M. Rudolph Wetstein, printer at Amsterdam and learned in types, having inherited some punches of Greek characters which G. Wetstein, his father, had cut for him at Geneva, added types to his foundry engraved by Sr. J. M. Fleisch- man, a very clever type-cutter. After the death of M. Wet- stein, which occurred in 1742, Messieurs Isaac and Jean Enschedé, brothers, bought this foundry in 1743 and took it to Haarlem to form a complete typographical establish- ment in conjunction with the printing-house they had there. This foundry has received very considerable accessions through the work and talent of Sr. Fleischman, mentioned above, who is in their employ. At The Hague, Sieurs R. C. Alberts and H. Wytwerf established, about 1730, a foundry for which a part of the types were cut by J. M. Schmidt, a talented type-cutter. At Antwerp there is an old foundry which has been celebrated for a long time. It was set up by Christophe Plantin, the accomplished printer, about 1561. He went to France, to buy types at the administrator's sale of the Garamond foundry. Guillaume Le Béalso sold types to him, and he had other types cut by Henri du Tour, of Ghent, then living in Paris. Moretus, Plantin's son-in-law, having inherited it, it came through his descendants to M. Moretus, the type-founder and printer, who owns it to-day. This foundry has greatly lost prestige through lack of em- ployment, or by the ignorance of some of those through whose hands it has passed. Another Antwerp foundry be- longed to M. Balthazar von Wolffchaten. In Holland there still exists the Athias foundry, called the Jewish foundry; and at Leyden that of Blokmar, and one at [belonging to?] Blaeu.” ‘Van der Keere the younger. NETHERLANDS TYPES : 1500–1800 37 Plantin's types and Van Dyck’s characters, both men- tioned by Fournier, have been discussed. The first still re- main at the Plantin Museum. The second were finally ac- quired by the Enschedés. The Enschedé foundry at Haar- lem is one of the most interesting establishments in Europe, and is a “descendant” of the oldest foundries in Holland and of ancient foundries in Basle and Geneva. Begun in 1703, and flourishing to-day, it possesses probably the best col- lection of ancient types, in private hands, in the world. Be- sides portions of the Athias and Wetstein foundries, it includes material from those of Dirk Voskens, Blaeu, Van der Putte, Ploos van Amstel, Elzevir, and others—almost every establishment mentioned by Fournier. Some of its types date from the fifteenth century. Had not many of Van Dyck’s matrices been destroyed, it could have reproduced in type any Dutch book from the fifteenth century to our own. Its proprietors have been, from the first, learned men, and adepts in their work. Fleischman, a German, was employed by the Enschedés in the eighteenth century to cut types for their foundry, and his signature is found beneath many fonts shown in their specimen-books. In his hands their output was somewhat changed, though not much bettered. His types are singu- larly devoid of style, and usually show a drift toward the thinner, weaker typography which was coming in Holland as everywhere else. But Fleischman's work was much the fashion in the eighteenth century, and it made such excellent fonts as Van Dyck’s appear hopelessly obsolete. In 1810, when Didot type was the mode, Van Dyck’s matrices and types were, without much thought, thrown into the melting- pot—a “gesture” no doubt regretted by later members of the Enschedé family. Various books and broadside specimens of types and 38 PRINTING TYPES ornaments were published by the Enschedés. One of the earliest books was the Epreuve des Caractères, qui se fondent dans la Nouvelle Fonderie de Lettres d’Isaac et Jean Enschedé à Haarlem. Augmentée & perfectionée jusqu’à l’An 1744. The preface alludes to the abilities of Rudolph Wetstein as a printer and type-founder, and mentions that the Enschedés bought his foundry in 1743; Wetstein having died the year before. The Greek types are mentioned with special pride; and the deep cutting of counters, and the solid way in which the types are constructed to escape wear, are emphasized. The roman and italic types shown are all old style. In 1768, the Enschedés published an elaborate specimen called Proef van Letteren, Welke gegooten worden in de Nieuwe Haer- lemsche Lettergietery van J. Enschedé, prefaced by a portrait of Enschedé and other engravings. An introduction, dated Haarlem, 1768, and signed by J. Enschedé, is printed in a very ugly cursive script letter (fig. 210)—a fearful decline from the splendid cursive fonts in use a hundred and fifty years earlier. This is followed by a portrait of J. M. Fleisch- man, their type-cutter.Then begins a series of types—capi- tal letters in roman and italic of a very Dutch and ugly cut, a series of shaded capital letters, and a great variety of faces of roman and italic types, in some of which the size of the body of lower-case letters is unduly large in proportion to the capitals. Many of the types that we come upon which look more “modern” (some of them being as we should now say “condensed”) were cut by Fleischman—whose name appears beneath them. He uniformly extracted all interest from his fonts, partly through lightening the cut, which gave monotony of colour, and partly by his large, round lower-case letters, made more rolling in effect by shorten- ing the descenders in a very modern way (fig. 211). The smaller types are extremely dull in colour, though here and : Z672. geta/ yazz rººmz. eavenez oßer %iºne 3º Żºłó. 3. § 2% Øarmond § º §§ # gºvegºoººy eſcº º §§ Fr. Garmond 2 deux Points. * § * *\ z- § * {}} - §§ *ś - }% § Č. -Cºn, ()) (272, &m/en. Č72, § §§ %cºm/ºpen zien £er ſee we?e , voor §§ 3. S % é $: de &er&m/4. -Ceeeeyeeeey 2% ecºn, § Ö. $: 9%reeven o/.4% 2 °oor w/en. ºen ; Y # ºr gº ºſºtee # - § { º 37.26.70/6.3%.5%/y, den. groo?en §§ , \! $ 3: 672, £oºn -Ceeeer-ø/ºmpeºr , afte : X* * 2 Q $: er oole in ºe %ere/4 geweſ? & , erº §§ 3. mºeſ £omen za/, in 1768 wo& &; sº cº, Š Š & 3: º * &afte 30%.0% ºvoor deeze § § º -Ceeeeyiewery , €22 *e &a/e °oor £em ge- § G - J - s /* Jºyeen. * &Waam &?2. 30% ; § za/7 °oor eyne airmanceñºe -Cozzeren y ºe §§ §§ Q : § s Q/.4%an eig in *e 36 arºſ. -Ceeeer- § º zeeey &viºen , Ža. weróoe wan weed. § i éeuwen , nº door de £262% %ereſ, mee ; s room vermed, woºen. s g N § - a- ºs % *S*@#kºkºkºkººsººgºº, 210. Script Type: Enschedé's Proef van Letteren, Haarlem, 1768 #- > < e je Y 5 &# # # # # # # # # # # # # # # ><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><#33 % “N: zº % Deſcendiaan Romein, Eerſte Schrift. Fr. Philoſophie Romainz. Engl. Smal Pica Roman. Hoogd. Deſſèndiaz, Antiques. # Il ya des gens qui les eſtiment beaucoup;quelques Proteſtans mêmes les louent. Mr. Arnoldus indique pluſieurs Paſſages des Ecrivains Catholiques qui ont admiré Rusbroch. Mais il ne devoit pas mettre de ce nombre François Swertius. Apparemment ce qui l'a brouillé eſt de s'être ſouvenu qu'il ya un Livre intitulé Athenae Batavae, &c. ſſlfflſſiffi AB CD E F GH IJ KLM N OP QR STV UWX Y Z: ?AE AB C DE F GH I J KLM N OP Q RS T VU W XYZ AE 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 o S* + ! J. M. Fleiſchman ſculpſit. I734. Deſcendiaan Romein, Tweede Schrift. At etiam literas, quas me ſibi miſiſſe diceret, re- citavit homo & humanitatis expers, & vitae com- munisignarus. Quis enim unquam, qui paulum mo- do bonorum conſuetudinem noſſet, literas ad ſe ab amico miſſas, offenfione aliqua interpoſita , in me- dium protulit, palamque recitawit? Quid eſt aliud, tollerere è vita vitae focietatem , quam tollere amit A BC DE FG HIJ KLMN OP QRSTUV WXYZAE. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 o. I J. M. Fleiſchman ſculpſit. I753. Laatſte Deſcendiaan Romein, Derde Schrift. WJ Q, } Imprimis MA R C UM TU LL I UM opponebat, cuius Oratio optima fertur effe quae maxima. Pleriſque enim Orationibus longiore traétu vis quaedam & pondus ac- cedit. Utque corpori ferrum. Sic oratio animo non ic- tu magis quam mora imprimitur. Videmus, ut ſtatuas ſigna, picturas, hominum denique multorumque ani- malium formas, arborum etiam, ſimodo ſint decorae, Nihil magis, quam amplitudo commendet: idem ora- tionibus evenit: quinetiam voluminibus autorita-AB. CDEFGHIKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZAEJ. AC DE H I LM N op sT U Y 176I. J. M. Fleiſchman ſculpſit. I76I. / : i Jº '# ºosso cºcocos Sºc<><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><2 is # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # ### 211. Fleischman's Roman Types cut in 1734, 1753, and 1761 Enschede's Proef van Letteren, Haarlem, 1768 X #8 (4) 53. NETHERLANDS TYPES : 1500–1800 39 there we find fonts with a good deal of movement, cut by Van Dyck. Fleischman's black-letter (fig. 212) is tortured and fanciful, and does not stand comparison with Van Dyck’s simpler and finer black-letter, still less with early Flemish gothic fonts. Fleischman's music, both in round notes and square, is also shown. The caractère de finance, an unattractive script, was cut by Rosart. Beyond these faded- looking characters comes a page of fine old civilité (fig.213). There is an interesting collection of Greek fonts, and the assortment of ligatured characters which supplement them should be examined. There are Arabic, Hebrew, Armenian, and other exotic types by various hands, and the specimen closes with ornaments which are mostly flat renderings of current English and French designs. Every page in the book is surrounded by type borders, many of them ingen- iously contrived. A supplement shows newer fonts added to the foundry between 1768 and 1773, which are not im- portant. Two pages of splendid old Dutch black-letter fonts (figs. 45 and 46) and a folding view of the Enschedé foun- dry at Haarlem close a representative eighteenth century Dutch specimen. Charles Enschedé's Fonderies de Caractères et /eur Maté- riel dans les Pays-Bas du XV* au XIX' Siècle contains every- thing in the early Enschedé specimen-books, and reproduces interesting types from the Rosart, Decellier, and many other foundries. No other book on Dutch types is so valuable, and so complete. In illustrating it, the author had the enormous advantage of his own collection of types, and many of the examples are printed from them. He shows not only pages of type in mass, but also alphabets of capitals and lower-case letters, and the unusual “sorts,” of which there were many in Dutch fonts. For instance, in the civilifé cut by Van der Keere, which was purchased by the Enschedés from Ploos 40 PRINTING TYPES van Amstel in 1799, the type is first displayed as it appears in Van Hout's specimen. In an analysis of this font, its capi- tal letters, lower-case letters for the middle of words, and letters to be used at the ends of words, or phrases, are ex- hibited; together with double letters, punctuation, numerals, ligatured initials and medials, and final ligatures, with six ligatured forms of en, et, and in. This gives some idea of how thoroughly the work is done. Ornamental initials, deco- rations, and typographical borders are treated with equal fullness and completeness, and illustrated by a marvellous series of reproductions.No one who does not know this book can know much about Dutch printing from 1500 to 1800. A final specimen-book to be discussed is that of a certain Jacques François Rosart (1714–1777), a native of Namur. He seems to have been self-taught, and to have established himself at Haarlem as type-founder in a small way, when about twenty years old. The establishment of the Enschedé foundry there was a blow to him, although he cut many fonts for Enschedé and so gained valuable experience. He thought, rightly or wrongly, that the Enschedés treated him shabbily and unduly favoured his rival, Fleischman. The dedication of Rosart's specimen is printed in one of his disagreeable script fonts, somewhat like that used for the introduction to the Enschedé specimen. In an address “to amateurs of the art of printing,” Rosart observes in a some- what acid manner that he does not praise the hardness of his type-metal, nor the depth of his counters, as some claim- ants do, who wish to make a great deal out of nothing. For printers whom he, Rosart, has had the honour to serve, know very well the quality of his types! And he adds that he cannot conceal his surprise that the Enschedés in prais- ing Fleischman have forgotten to name the Artist who has brought honour to their foundry by supplying it with a t %3, Žºgº, ſº, 4, 3,6/*4. \,\}^ #º #oº &, sº | Jº º § Y Paragon Duits. § Pl, - : Hoogd. Text Fračur. $o º ; i....mart nº ſmugº . § ſugarfi!?auluá tutºğarnatiaš: ; £ ifact aná metrrum tretfirm/ # En unit ºutfirrà ſtinctiºn § hung ºilſt ſtrien/...In turīrār ā § mm tră ărrrrm lºungi upra § finiſt ijrūfīrn ijut | firij : # linulru. glººf ºilfiſh ©12 ºf 35 (IL1134.312. J. M. Fleiſchman ſculpfit. 1744. Text Duyts. § Hoogd. Paragon Fračar. H}rtíð (5uttiiie inunſ; merſitijetimía § ten/ºnijetunitizengen mafijn guett & % inclusiºn. Siriucificianitºr ©ute ſerraar Đaijmū altiuſ $ent, 3. UPE genate ºut; Humt unitſung ºn 3 % maafit that luij millen ; ºn fij tiulut # unfirm maafittiatiuijñunnen, 31250ſ ! 3. º ; 212. Fleischman’s Black-letter: Enschedé's Proef van Letteren Haarlem, 1768 3 #3ttilappºišillbippuz. J. M. Fleiſchman ſculpſit. 1744. §, - * º #º; § gº; - #gº 㺠<> eXt Oll eſchreeven. § : Text Oud Geſ. §§ § 3.38 #; 32-gigºpº #: 4-šº ‘S. - §4. #: @eºt 30%36.232/ſſſſſſſſſſf 3. 4-3 S <>+. § #ffº sex e-e-ºx ºffilff ;* # jºšššº ſilº à: § 9686966mmmm tremm www.wwwow § § woooºooorrrººg #3 § -º-º-º-º/-/.3/9/º/− s. +Sº §4. §§ Auguſtijn Oud Geſchreeven. # # ~~ :: +$2. cºnvg pair fa- &racºke C޺iewſ 420*— & S-H § Yºse ofrance c-> +3)ofogne/ &omre ºc ºve, #: § genceſ of orcatawiec / & Cerve; a`eiacenre: / º §§ aw ºne#s6af we 'rooence/ ou ſon exticufce 㺠## manſ aw ſisge Töc Wayſciffe/ ſatuſ. Q\r ºffer #4. ſ: S g • " / A > ,, p * <> : § Siem aiméeſ onoré @anncanºe/ Sasiranf reta- 3. #: Sºife 50itéſ avu% a faif Sive @, remonſ frerſ quc § #: 8c+ £onſ fewt? tſ eff <&excé a enſeigner &# $24. ~S. e * §: §§ premicyc+ exteffy.cº. ººm *r-2}: a year, $4. §§ You £ef ſoin @, C޺ifigenceſ quif iſf ^erneuré ā; § 30 cafrenc conſenfenienſ a º: A qui if #: § fe; av appriſe: aganſ pour fa commºsiré 23, # § , cóacum qui You Sya- appren$ye Toc -čui/ & Poux #4. § foL ſienne auſſi/ cowpo & Sew ‘&ép5age- § §: we queſque; chara crºre;| aui pouvronſ ſervix º' §§ granºsemenſ a ſoufºgey- fe? £erſonnet/ © 2 §4. §§ (me? fe; psfºr; ºnfoni. ºš. *: § ºf sºjºwegº-lºgº #: § Ş000C y;3. cºvt-ena TTT cl—£–cm−10 : §: Dit laatſte Geſchreeven Schrift is geſneden voor den vermaarden Boekdruk- § s 4 kcr Chriſtoſſel Plantyn te Antwerpen, door Ameet Tavernier, Letterſnyder. Sº ; i : & ſº S,2S +:óżó:3:3:6:3:3:3:3:3:3:3:3:3:6:6; *:::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::$ §: sºº ?, §: 213. Seventeenth Century Civilité: Enschedé's Proef van Letteren Haarlem, 1768 NETHERLANDS TYPES : 1500–18OO 41 number of types—calling Fleischman the foremost type- cutter of the century, to the prejudice of persons whose talents are not yet much known, but who (it is to be hoped) will shortly make them so. There is something pathetic about Rosart's book. It is not very well executed. The capital letters with which it starts out are a little extreme in the delicacy of their serifs and in the thickness and thinness of contrasting lines. Three alpha- bets of flowered letters (detestably displayed) were cut by Fournier le jeune of Paris! Of the upper and lower-case types, not much is to be said. They are of the Dutch taste of the day; but the italics are more elegant than most of those of the period. As the types become smaller, the bodies seem out of proportion to the height of the capital letters, and in these smaller sizes there are certainly many bad fonts. His music characters and plain-song notation are both shown. The caractère de finance (fig. 214), Rosart tells us, he engraved in 1753 to be printed with the music types which he offered to the public in 1750, “as,” he adds, “the whole city of Haarlem can certify” (fig. 215). Some black- letter, some Greek, and a beautiful cut of civilité engraved by “the late Grandjant [Granjon] at Paris” complete the specimen of types, and then come pages of ornaments (fig. 216), among which the unpleasant marrow-bones, scythes, skulls, and crossed spades—which appear, too, in other con- temporary “specimens”—leave no doubt about the kind of notification they were to decorate! Some of the simpler or- naments are pretty, but I think were inspired by Fournier. *These music types were the earliest typographic rendering of the round music notes which, up to that time, had appeared only in engraved music. Fournier, Breitkopf, and Enschedé produced music types of like design, with mechanical improvements of varying degree, respectively in 1754, 1756, and 1764. For a discussion of the rival claims to priority of production, see Ch. Enschedé's Fonderies de Caractères et leur Matériel, etc., pp. 241–245. 42 PRINTING TYPES In 1759, Rosart left for Brussels, where, under the patron- age of the Duke of Lorraine, he established a foundry. He died May 26, 1777, at the age of sixty-two, leaving sev- eral children. A son, who was also a reputable type-cutter, did not succeed to his father's foundry. In 1779, Rosart's music characters, matrices, and punches were sold with the rest of his collection, and were acquired by a widow named Decellier, of Brussels." Rosart's priority in adapt- ing the design of engraved music notes to typography will always give him a modest immortality. To round out properly the subject of eighteenth century Dutch types, consult the specimen issued by the brothers Ploos van Amstel of Amsterdam, of 1784, and its supple- ment issued about 1790; the specimen of J. de Groot, pub- lished at The Hague in 1791, which contains some of the Rosart material, and that issued by Harmsen & Co. at Am- sterdam at about the same period—“necessary where they may be had.” The most interesting of these types and or- naments, however, are beautifully reproduced in Enschedé's monumental Fonderies des Caractères. Those who are curious about the declension of excellence in late eighteenth century Dutch types may refer to that remarkable book. M. Enschedé, speaking of this period, says that “the taste of the public changed, and in a manner which one could not approve of. The art of the type-founder retro- graded from all points of view. . . . The French Revolu- tion, which overturned so entirely the old order of things, brought nothing better in place of it to our art, and the as- sortment of types by Fleischman . . . became, as if by en- * The Rosart specimen described was probably put out by J. F. Rosart at Brussels about 1761. Madame Decellier in 1779 issued a specimen entitled Ehreuve des Caractères de la Fonderie de la Veuve Decellier, successeur de Jacques-François Rosart. Troisième édition augmentóe. A Bruxelles, Rue ditte Vinckt, fires du Marché aux Grains. C， . f •1 - 4 4ſ ë -- - - X # C Aºe ºil- mmmmmEEtoogºº@f0@>ºs 6 . , " s , . ' 2, ， , , * : - i ' . ' " V -,': ' j º,# ! # i ( - ， 14 , | varv>r -- ?N# º ſ D OU B L E D ESEND IAA IV OU PHILOSOPHIE CARACTER E DE FINANCE 20ans ſé à%in O// 720Z/J'Amme,'èe nous unir, avec 4 4emediction du oſei | meur, par ſéa/aints noeud,ºèu maeiage j nous avons 4'4onneur °èe vous communi- guer, gue zºotze pzemieze •/tnnonce % a 90imanc4e peoc4ain. | %2(}//4 720//0' /attons , que vous vou- $ + °èzez âien pzeñèze pazt a notze ſat/ actio/2 , et 72otto czočze , a vcc 4a p4a pae/aite conſidération. 2 otze tzès Âaméſés et tzès cée/ans oſez vitettr et of6Z/ya72fe. %/ %C Ce Caraétère Coulé a été inventé & Gravé la premiere fois l'An 1753. ſur le double Mediaan ou Cicero, pour ſervir à la Muſique, que J. F RosART a inventé & donné au Public le 3 de Jan- vier 175o dont le Sr. SANCTo LAPIS & ANToNIO MAHOUT&toutela Ville d'Harlem peut certifier. | # =# 214. Rosart's Caractère de Finance, from his Epreuve, Brussels (after 1760) $ N §) CARACTERE DE MUSIQUE. —’ /a/ gue/ touzment pour un coeur \– —’ #6/2: =%ze, ºat - ten ºve 6 mo- ment, gut dott &reºve 4-aceux et con- £6/7t. J% / a/ gue/ £Ot/?ſ= —’ ment pour un coear ten -ºve ,?’at- ten-ºve & moement, gut doie & rendee Meureux et con-tent, Žuž °oit & 215. Rosart's Music Types, from his Epreuve, Brusseſs (after 1760) [. - º * * º: ºfºº Zºº far sº Q & * - W-> º 54-mºre- º c S (ſº º DO UBLE PHILOSOPHIE. ...} : 3.2% ºf 2 +...+ - # 2 # * + - #: N. I. :::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: N.2 º §§§§§§§§§§§ ºgº.gººgººg 216. Rosart's Ornaments, from his Epreuve, Brussels (after 1760) NETHERLANDS TYPES : 1500–1800 43 chantment, old-fashioned, after the foundation of the Bata- vian Republic, and had to give place to characters of a more modern cut. . . . The name of Fournier, formerly so well-known among us, had already been eclipsed at this period by that of Didot. What Fleischman had formerly been [to Dutch type-founding] Didot was at that epoch.” There was not a single foundry which did not try to adver- tise itself by Didot types or copies of them, and this was the case not only in Holland, but in Germany, and indeed throughout Europe. Those who recall the end of the chap- ter on German types will remember how true this was of the output of Unger. So, too, the eighteenth century in Dutch typography closes under the influence of the faults and mer- its of the great French founder. England was largely supplied with Dutch printing types in the seventeenth century, as we know from the James correspondence quoted in Rowe Mores' A Dissertation upon English Typographical Founders and Founderies, and from letters about Bishop Fell's gift of types to the University Press, Oxford. The Fell types were procured in Holland about 1693, through the intervention of Rev. Thomas Mar- shall, preacher to the English merchants in Holland and afterwards Dean of Gloucester; and negotiations consumed some four years, largely because Marshall did not know a punch from a matrix Moxon, the first English writer on type-founding, says that the “common consent of Book-men assign the Garland to the Dutch-Letters,” and he himself greatly admired them. In the second paper of his Eacercises he gives a very oft-quoted description of them, which I spare the reader.” Moxon particularly praised Van Dyck’s * Enschedé’s Fonderies de Caractères, etc., pp. 382–386. * Moxon's Mechanick Exercises, or the Doctrine of Handy- Works affilied to the Art of Printing, Numb. II, T 2, Of Letter; also pls. 11–17. 44 PRINTING TYPES types, and the engraved plates of them, enlarged, shown in his Mechanick Eacercises, have already been alluded to. Dutch types were also in vogue in Germany at the end of the seventeenth century, and were imported in large quantities. Some roman and italic Dutch types of this date were shown in connection with Breitkopf’s specimen in Gessner's Buchdruckerkunst und Schriftgiesserey, Leipsic, 1740. These came from a Leipsic foundry which Fournier considered second only to Breitkopf's—that of Hr. Erhardt. A head-line (omitted in our reproduction) reads: “Real Dutch types, and a great number of other characters, which are to be found in the Erhardt foundry here.” These fonts resemble those given by Fell to the Oxford Press, and in cut belong to the seventeenth century. Their provenance I do not know. Although heavy, they retain considerable vivacity of line, and have great capabilities when used with taste. Our illustrations (figs. 217 and 218) show the larger sizes of both roman and italic—the latter being the better of the tWO. The types which the Dutch supplied to England at the commencement of the eighteenth century are shown in the specimen printed at the beginning of Watson's History of the Art of Printing,' of 1713 (fig. 261). They had begun to assume a general uncouthness which helped the English to abandon their purchase for those more comfortable and “cheerful” roman letters designed by William Caslon about 1720. * Shecimen of Tyfies in the Printing-House of James Watson, Edinburgh, 1713, pp. I-XLVIII. Kleine Canon Antiqua. ADhortamurvosfratres,ut abundetis º & in hoc ſtudioſe incumbatis,ut guietiſtis, &propria AGATIS. AD MDCC. Roman Antiqua Et ſermo ille caro fačtus eft & commoratus eſt Inter noS&gloriameſus gloriam Quamut unigenitiegreſſi abcdeffffiſfiflghikimnopgrſsſtfiſſiſtuxyzAADDEEH Biennum eſt, & quodexcurrit cum rogatui praecellentium non nullorum Academiæ noſtra:Etudioſorum indulgerem, vt Adir ABCD FetteText verſal. AAE,CCDEFIMNRTUV Parragon Romain Antiqua. Deum nemovidit unquem unigenitus ille filius qui eſt fine patris ille 217. Dutch Roman Types: Erhardt Foundry Specimen, Leipsic, c. 1739 CRedmus, moſaharpergratiam Domini 7E- su CHRISTI, quemadmodum & Patresſalvati Idem & mos mate/ogis illis hydropica ſtilaboratibus oppro bareiurepoſimus quomodovos Eccſevnicegoriam Chriſſo #ffºdikkimpyxyzzA AADD DEEEHHHMMM Perſonae atque Officii Salvatoriº CHRISTIſºptemarium quem di verſir amnir diſlinčía Feſtivitateſ Eccleſiaſtica mihi perpererunt, de fºr herent eundem a mobir abiturienter ecum deportarent & Typogr. Deus locutureſ/nobisperfilium, conſiituitharedemomnium, peretiamfecula condiditſitſplendorgloria & expreſaimagoſubſlanticillius modereturomnia Kleine Canon Curſiv. ſºmt. Rotman Curſiv. Aſcendonica Curſiv. Parragon Curſiv. 218. Dutch Italic Types: Erhardt Foundry Specimen, Leipsic, c. 1739 CHAPTER XVI SPAN ISH TYPES : 1.5oC—18OO HE great traditions of printing held their own in Spain during the first part of the sixteenth cen- tury somewhat persistently – perhaps more so than in other countries." This was no doubt due to Span- ish conservatism, and to the geographical position of the country, which isolated it from foreign fashions. Indeed, the Mozarabic Breviary of 1502, printed by Peter Hagen- bach, a German, at Toledo, the Mozarabic Missal of the same date, and some later volumes are—like very many Spanish fifteenth century books—simply copies of manu- scripts, rendered in type. The Hurus printing-house at Saragossa produced fine work of this kind. The most re- nowned of its illustrated books, says Haebler, “is the edition of the Officia quotidiana of 1500, which contains some fifty woodcuts and more than one thousand magnificent initial letters. The copy printed on vellum and illuminated, which was in the hands of Don José Sancho Rayon when Hidalgo wrote his enthusiastic description of it, is one of the finest specimens executed at any time and at any place in the world, and reminds us of the beautiful illuminations of medi- aeval manuscripts.” The splendid Missale Romanum on vel- lum, printed in 1510 at Saragossa by “George Coci Theu- * English authorities for the history of Spanish typography from 1500 to 1800 are few. There appears to be no readily accessible survey of Spanish printing for the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries, even in Spanish ; although there are essays on presses (during the whole or part of this period) in Palencia, Seville, Alcalá, Valencia, Toledo, Medina del Campo, Madrid, Cordova, Tarragona, Lérida, Leon, the kingdom of Aragon, etc., many of which are admirable. In English there is little in the way of a contin- uous narrative, though Mr. H. Thomas’s paper on The Outſiut of Shanish Books in the Sixteenth Century (Transactions of the Bibliographical Soci- ety, Sept., 1920) may be consulted with advantage for this period. 46 PRINTING TYPES tonic,” a successor of Hurus (and owner of this office after 1506), is executed in a very Italian letter, in red and black, with music, and with a representation of the Crucifixion op- posite the Canon, which is surrounded by elaborate borders. It is a book typical in style of the fifteenth century. In the early years of the sixteenth century—between 1514 and 1518—one of the masterpieces of Spanish ty- pography appeared; namely, the Polyglot Bible printed by Arnald Guillen de Brocar at Alcalá; usually known as the Complutensian Polygot, from the Latin name of Alcalá– Complutum. This was published at the expense of Cardinal Ximenez (or, as he is commonly called in Spain, Cisneros), Primate of Spain, Archbishop of Toledo, and founder of the University of Alcalá, whose patronage of learning and printing is now better remembered than his hand in the destruction of thousands of Arabic manuscripts—an or- thodox feat in which he was the principal actor This Bible —a very splendid performance for any period, and the first of the great Polyglots — was printed in Hebrew, Chaldee, Greek, and Latin, between 1514 and 1518, as has been said; but it was not published until after the Cardinal's death in 1522. The Greek types used in the New Testa- ment are particularly famous, for they preserve the char- acter of older Greek manuscripts, being based on an early book-hand and not (like the Aldine Greek fonts) on the fifteenth century cursive handwriting of Greek scholars. This font was possibly modelled on the Greek characters of a manuscript from the Vatican Library which the Pope lent Ximenez to aid in constituting his text. But the Com- plutensian Polyglot was printed under special and ad- vantageous conditions, and cannot be considered typical of Spanish work of its period. Its printer, Brocar, was ap- ' A copy is in the Hispanic Society’s Library, New York. ZZçı ‘praepoſy ºupaſ mosºſ ºp 24. ſy sponT uox/ºue????-?op/q qsſupºs puno y ‘61ø do u lu Im I q.q.ſ y 3 p Q Q Q ť SPANISH TYPES: 1500–1800 47 pointed typographer to Charles V, for whom he executed in 1517, at Logroño, the Crónica de Don Juan II, by Perez de Guzman, which Haebler calls a masterpiece of typogra- phy. This and the Polyglot Bible, I shall describe later. Of the ninety-two books printed by Brocar but sixteen appeared before 1500. For some time after his death (which occurred probably before 1523), his office continued to be one of the most famous in Spain. How strongly the old traditions of Spanish typography persisted, is proved by books printed even after 1550, which are almost indistinguishable from incunabula. There was the same love of a massive black-letter for the text; the same enormous heraldic emblems were popular; the same xylo- graphic inscriptions in large, round Spanish black-letter appeared on title-pages. This round Gothic letter in all its splendour was used in Spain for lettering titles on vellum- bound books—printed in roman type—all through the seventeenth and well into the eighteenth century; and the illustration of part of a Gothic alphabet in this hand (fig. 219) may be compared with Plantin's canon d'Espagne (fig. 197), and some examples of old gothic fonts (fig. 220), which were its type equivalents. By 1560, as in other parts of Europe, there was a more general introduction of roman type, and a realization of the flexibility of printing when applied to preliminary matter; and this led to a change of style. The roman fonts used in these later books were of rather a coarse, rough kind, not particularly interesting, nor very distinguishable from the poorer roman types used in France and Italy at that date." In some folios, a tall, thin lower-case roman letter, something like the types of Gara- * For italic and roman alphabets of this period see Arte de Escrivir of Fran- cisco Lucas, Madrid, 1577. These are reproduced in Strange’s Alhhabets (third edition), plates 57 and 70. They are called type-letters by Strange, but are really calligraphic. 48 PRINTING TYPES mond or certain Italian roman characters, was used with great effect for head-lines and running-titles; and it was sometimes employed in liturgical books in connection with plain-song notation. The influence of the Netherlands on printing in Spain was considerable. Plantin of Antwerp produced the Polyglot Bible commonly called after him, under the patronage of Philip II—whose patronage was about all he gave to it! Plantin printed, besides liturgical books for Spain (for which he later obtained a special “privilege” enjoyed for a long time in the Plantin-Moretus family), a large number of books in Spanish. These were mostly composed in his deli- cate early manner, which was more interesting and distin- guished than his later somewhat overblown style. Spain, in the sixteenth century, had more books printed abroad than any other country, on account of its preponderating political importance—the Netherlands ranking first in this output, followed by Italy. These foreign productions influ- enced the native Spanish press in both format and typog- raphy, and there are many volumes of this period printed in Spain which, in their small roman type, restraint in ar- rangement, and delicacy of decoration, are plainly inspired by foreign influence. Plantin was invited to establish a printing-house in the Peninsula. Being asked by Philip II in 1572 to suggest which of his sons-in-law could take charge of it, Plantin, probably not wishing to deprive himself of the help of either Moretus or Raphelengius, replied with diplomacy that they might direct it together, but that neither was capable of doing it alone. That particular plan, therefore, came to noth- ing. He did recommend to the King, however, in 1576, a printer of Flemish origin, Matthew Gast, who had been for some years previously in Spain. This Matthew Gast, who ſp 24-4-O-Ak. • # tºgtº-wººg-a-wºº, º -- p * > * > < e < * : * ~ * > * > * > . . ) • X , 2-, * > * > * > . . » , , , » . . » - > . »... x . . . ). sº O †: No. XXVI 3. •G. *kºº-º-º: 2)* |PS uſeſ 1958 E392. 1&I libro profatto mag atitiz guo / que tenenos Cs ſhoº mero / que ſe cree vivio en el tiempo de 2 alomon : y : ii & • * * : puce la guerra oc Cropa/ ; quc refirio / ſuccdio pot el tiempo d' log ultimos 3nea ce.g. 18 l bigtoria doz mag attº tiguo quic nog ba qucdado/ e6 ſperedoto : p uo obstatute golo ce ocl tiempo oc 186% drag / p oe iſlebemiag. Tº a jóiblia / puce / co cl imag i pucde ſet poco mag antiguo/ ; t % º |- *- º d ź § A T A N A S I A 2s : #*&- : ... . . » ->..) •y . . . . . », P., , , , ». v. v. - ...? --->'') -> * >“w • * * * * * > * * : - ----------------->'', . . . », « » - ) • P- - , » - r * > . . » - > * > * > * > * > . . . . » - ; : NO. XXVIII wV Letºvº-d-a-2 • Q H a VI tºº * -º- v -ss- 2)* PARANGONA Ž{Thri guos : pe/ ro noſotros no los tencinog / triesta/3 * mos tan instrubić * : dog en la bistoria; be la £bina / que; : : grº i ipodamos jusgar; g ! si ce bien proba/ : ba ſu antiguedào: w i to cierto es queen i. Øalabar cofinite : # w w i i: § w)\\ X w ... , , ».y...v., v. - ... •,• , ...v., v..)-, --> ->“y • Pº P ×" " '' < *** #&#-F#Fºw-wº 220. Antique Black-letter: Specimen of La Fabrica del Convento de S. Joseph, Barcelona, 1777 SPANISH TYPES : 1500–1800 4.9 had an establishment in Salamanca, had himself found dif- ficulties in procuring types, for in 1574 we find him writ- ing to Plantin, asking him to send him a type-cutter. Plan- tin replied that since the death of the type-cutters Guyot and Tavernier, he himself had found only one man who was good for anything, and he had continually to be told what to do in any work demanding initiative or judg- ment. For Spanish printing, the seventeenth century was a dis- couraging period. The types in use were chiefly roman; the first edition of Don Quiacote being printed from uncouth, old style roman fonts. The copper-plate title-pages in gen- eral European use had also some vogue there. As was the case wherever they appeared, printing fell off. Sometimes it only seemed to do so, because the contrast between the rough types of the time and the precision of a copper-plate was to the disadvantage of the typography; sometimes be- cause if the fashionable copper-plates were supplied, print- ers seemed to feel that they could print as badly as they chose—a point of view then current in England and else- where. Then, too, the close political relations with Italy played a part in Spanish printing, and Italian fashions in seventeenth and early eighteenth century printing were usu- ally bad. Spanish books of this period are much like the wretched productions of the Italian press—with congested title-pages, composed in letters too large for the page, ill- printed, and decorated (or at least supposed to be) with badly executed typographical ornaments. The type was generally a crude old style roman letter. The first quarter of the eighteenth century, however, saw some efforts toward more interest in national typography. The first Spanish king of the Bourbon family, Philip V, granted in 1716 certain privileges and exemptions for 5O PRINTING TYPES music-printing (not before attempted in Madrid), which had been begun on the initiative and at the expense of Don Joseph Torres, chief organist of the Chapel Royal. And in 1717 it was ordered that a press for liturgical books should be set up, so that both for Spain and in particular for the Indies, no foreign books of that class need be im- ported; but it was not done. In 1729, Antonio Bordazar, a native of Valencia (where he was born in 1671), proposed the establishment of a printing-house in Spain to produce liturgical works for the use of the Spanish Church. In old days, a monopoly of such volumes seems to have been main- tained by the monastery of the Escorial, which procured missals, breviaries, etc., from the Plantin-Moretus Office at Antwerp; and they were still, apparently, imported under this privilege. In 1731, a royal decree again approved the native printing of Spanish liturgical books, and called for a discussion of ways and means to this end. Bordazar had already submitted to Philip V a carefully drawn-up me- morial in which he represented that types, paper, and ink could be as easily procured, and books as successfully pro- duced, in Spain as in the Netherlands, and he now received the royal authority to print this document. This he did in the year 1732, at Valencia, under the title of Plantificacion de la Imprenta de el Rezo Sagrado, que su Magestad (Dios le guarde) se ha servido mandar que se estab- !ezca en España, in a handsomely printed tractate of some twenty folio pages (fig. 221). It is divided under the heads of paper, type, engravings, materials for calendars and mu- sic, inks, estimates of costs, choice of liturgical books to be printed, presses, administration, and time necessary for in- stallation. The most interesting thing about it for our pur- pose is the specimen of types–Caracteres de España- which it was proposed to use. These are shown in twelve PLANTIFICACION D E LA IMPRENTA DE EL REZO SAGRADO, QUE SU MA GESTAD (DIOS LE GUARDE) SE HA SERVIDO MANDAR Epaña. Q C - ." º ---. ... -=T * - - # -ºfºs gó ºxº e a 3, 2. z / R.S.S. s= - R RN N, -e. - a 1 \ \, Yvº.-Yº - - -- - - \ S º er, -»-e Nk” \ \N. N..- Sº". - • A Y - º,-. º *. - a N\s ºyº s l... = ---> º 1 , semi- t A. R. X- 2 y, º EN VALENCIA. Por ANToNIo BoRDAZAR Ds ARTAzu, Impreflor del Santo Oficio, i de la Ilutre Ciudad, año de 1732. 221. Title-page of Bordazar's Plantificacion, Valencia, 1732 (reduced) SPANISH TYPES : 1500–1800 51 sizes—grancanon to glosilla; portions of Latin service- books, printed in red and black, being employed to display the types. These pages constitute the earliest Spanish speci- men of types that I have seen, though these types were not Spanish but were cast from matrices imported from Flan- ders. In the paragraph concerning them Bordazar says: “Given the paper, about which there is no doubt, corre- spondingly one can have no doubt about type, for Carlos II, of glorious memory, had matrices brought from Flanders, and these are the ones now in the keeping of Juan Gomez Morales, a skilful and intelligent' type-founder of Madrid,” whose variety of types, although they seem but few, are in- creased in different ways as may be required,” by means of spaces either separating letter from letter" or line from line, making in each book such combinations as elegant arrange- ment demands; without any need of using for 76 books a like number of kinds of type, or even two or three kinds for each book, as is said by those ignorant of the subject. For this would call for more than 200 varieties, a number that does not exist and has never existed in all the presses of Europe. Thus all the books which are now, or which ever have been, in the Royal Monastery of the Escorial are com- binations and arrangements that can be obtained from the types of Juan Gomez Morales, which are the following” (here appears the specimen). Bordazar adds: “Regarding the durability and lasting sharpness which the contours of certain foreign types possess, because of which some per- sons have thought the moulds to have been made of silver, curioso, i.e., virtuoso – a person curious about or interested in a subject- of an inquiring turn of mind. * en la Corte, i.e., Madrid. * Literally, “changing with the art that symmetry requires.” * Qy., word from word? 52 PRINTING TYPES types of the same quality may be cast in future, since the alloy has already been made in Valencia, and has been ap- proved by the founder, Juan Gomez Morales himself, who rated it as of the quality of Dutch type-metal and thought it was of foreign make.” The teacto (fig. 222) was used in Yriarte's Obras Sueltas, printed at Madrid by Francisco Manuel de Mena in 1774, and apparently, with the change of a few letters, in Bayer's De Numis Hebræo-Samaritanis, printed at Valencia by Be- nito Monfort in 1781. Perez de Soto appears to have used it in the Bibliotheca Arabico-Hispana Escurialensis of 1760. Mendez says that these types came from the “incomparable printing-house of Plantin,” and that they were ultimately utilized in Carlos III's time, which carries out the attribu- tion I have given the teacto. This is still further confirmed by finding the same type, with a variantitalic, in the Opera of Hubert Goltzius, published at Antwerp in 1708; whether an edition of Goltzius issued some sixty years earlier em- ployed the type, I have not been able to learn. It is one of the most beautiful roman fonts I have ever seen; and the best of the three forms of italic used with it—that in Obras Sueltas—is almost equally charming. Bordazar's farseeing and enlightened proposals created some stir, but he did not live to witness their realization. After his death in 1744, José de Orga,” also of Valencia, who had been brought up in Bordazar's printing-house, where he seems to have been manager or foreman, took up the plan and petitioned (in 1748) Ferdinand VI to be al- 'Mendez’ Tyhographia Española, Madrid, 1796, p. 406. * An able printer, who was the ancestor of a very distinguished Valencian “printing family.” José and Tomas de Orga, his sons, printed in 1790 an important edition of the Bible translated into Spanish, executed in types from the fonds of the Real Biblioteca de Madrid, and from the foundry of Eudaldo Pradell. TEXTO. 7)ie XXIV. 08tobris. Introitus. / e / e Enedicite Dóminum omnes IN FEST O S. RAPHAELIS Archangeli. B Angeli ejus : poténtes vir– tüte , qui facitis verbum ejus, ad audiendam vocem ſer– mónum ejus. * / • A • / Pſalmus. Bénedic änima mea Dó- mino: & omnia, quat intra me ſunt, némini ſancto ejus. W. Gló– ria Patri. Oratio. ATANASIA. Capitulum. Zacharia, 8. Pacem & veritatem diligite, ait Do- minus omnipotens. B. Deo gratias. W. Qui ſedes addexteram Patris. 82. Mi- ſerere nobis. LETURA ESPACIOSA, Sermo Sanéti Thoma: Epiſcopi. Lečtio iv. Sº omnem glóriam, inquit Iſa- | ias , protéétio , & tabernáculum erit in abſconſiónem a turbine , & a pluvia, id eſt, juſtórum erit cuſtódia, & peccatórum ſuffügium. Ita eſt, Ö Virgo: in Ömnibus tempeſtätibus, & pluviis, & adverſitätibus, ſi peſtis, ſi bellum, ſi fa- 222. Texto, Atanasia, and Letura Espaciosa from Bordazar's Plantificacion, Valencia, 1732 SPANISH TYPES : 1500–1800 53 lowed to establish a “liturgical” printing-press in Madrid for the use and honour of the Spanish nation—setting forth numerous difficulties and inconveniences caused by the ne- cessity of having such books printed abroad; and again al- leging that the work done earlier by Plantin and Moretus, and by other printers in Venice and Holland, could be per- formed just as well in Spain, both as to material and exe- cution, at less cost, and without taking money out of the country." Orga removed to Madrid, where he died Febru- ary 19, 1756, and, as far as the native production of type was concerned, his efforts seem to have come to nothing at all. Fournier wrote, in 1766, “Spain is lacking in type- cutters: it has but two foundries, which are in Madrid; one belonging to the Jesuits, who let it for five or six hun- dred livres; the other was bought in Paris, from M. Cottin, who sold it for thirty thousand livres.” But the project to print liturgical books in Spain was finally taken up, in Carlos III's reign, by a Compañia de Impresores y Libreros, in conjunction with the authorities of the Escorial. This body obtained royal sanction, and the establishment of a com- pletely equipped printing-house for it was approved in 1787. A building was bought and the scheme was in operation when Mendez wrote of it in 1796,” and in 1811 its director was Juan Josef Sigüenza y Vera—a pupil of the famous Ibarra. This fruition of a long-considered and interminably de- ferred plan came to pass at the end of the eighteenth cen- tury, a moment when some excellent Spanish printing was * The various negotiations of Bordazar and José de Orga in relation to this subject are treated fully in José Serrano y Morales’ Reseña Histórica en forma de Diccionario de las Imſirentas gue han existido en Valencia desde la Introducción del Arte Tihográfico en Esfiańa hasta el ajio1868, etc. Valencia, 1898–99. * Mendez’ Tyſhograft hia Española, p. 410. 54 PRINTING TYPES. done"—the result of a general movement in industry and art at a prosperous national era. Carlos III, whose reign lasted for almost thirty years, and who died in 1788, was a Bourbon, half-brother to Ferdinand VI, and much influ- enced in his tastes by France. A most enlightened man, his efforts toward the rehabilitation or establishment of all kinds of Spanish industries, and his patronage of the fine arts, were very ably seconded by his ministers. It was under Carlos that the Buen Retiro porcelain was made, and the palace of San Ildefonso at La Granja was filled with charm- ing products from a glass factory there which he encour- aged. Trade in watches and optical instruments was fos- tered at Madrid; fine leathers were made at Cordova and Seville, and velvets at Avila. A royal decree of 1733 had already pronounced that hidalgos could engage in handi- crafts without loss of caste! Then, too, the Crown granted various exemptions and privileges to the printing-trade. In 1763, a decree had exempted printers from military serviće, and this applied to type-cutters and type-founders. Metals used in the work of the latter were reduced in price by one- third, and divers privileges and rights were conceded to printers—partly to help the industry and partly to im- prove book-making. About the middle of the century, Gabriel Ramirez was doing good work, and Perez de Soto, royal printer, pro- duced creditable books; but Joachin Ibarra, who was born * There was, too, an interest in printing in Portugal at this period. The Impressão Regia was established at Lisbon in 1769 through the influence of the Marquis de Pombal, the reforming minister of Joseph I (1750–1777). The scheme was a splendid one — a national press, which was to be at once a school of all branches of typography, and a means of producing books for the educational needs of Portugal. It was begun under direction of Miguel da Costa ; and still exists as the National Printing House of Portugal. Four- nier said (1766) that a type-foundry had been in existence at Lisbon for some thirty-five years, a Parisian named Villeneuve being its owner. SPANISH TYPES : 1500–18OO 55 in Saragossa in 1725, was the Spanish printer who had the greatest reputation—not merely in Spain, but throughout Europe. Ibarra was evidently much influenced by Bodoni, and somewhat, perhaps, by Didot and Baskerville. To look to Bodoni was natural. Parma, like the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies, was then in Bourbon hands, and the relation between the Spanish Court and that of Parma was close. Carlos III (whose mother, Elizabeth Farnese, was a Prin- cess of Parma) was himself made Duke of Parma in 1731. On his accession to the Kingdom of Naples, where he encouraged fine printing, notably Baiardi's great work, Delle Antichità di Ercolano, alluded to by Mendez,-his brother Philip became Duke of Parma. Philip, in turn, was succeeded by a son, Ferdinand, who was Bodoni's patron." Ibarra, therefore, as Spanish Court printer, must have been perfectly familiar with the books printed for Carlos III’s nephew by Bodoni, who held the same post in Parma that Ibarra held at Madrid. In fact, Bodoni had the honorary title of Printer to the Spanish King; and this accounts for the beautifully printed memorial discourses issued at Parma by Bodoni in 1789, on the death of Carlos III–Botteri's Ora- zione Funebre in lodi de Don Carlo III; and the Oratio in Funere Caroli III of Ridolfi delivered in the Papal chapel at Rome on the same occasion. Ibarra's magnificent Spanish and Latin edition of Sallust, printed in 1772, is generally considered his masterpiece (fig. 223). Other great books printed by Ibarra were the Royal Academy edition of Don Quiacote of 1780, an edition of the Bible, the Breviarium Gothicum . . . ad usum Sacelli Mozara- ‘On the death of Ferdinand in 1802, the Duchy of Parma was governed by France, until, in 1815, the Congress of Vienna gave it to Marie Louise, wife of Napoleon I. This explains the dedication of the later books of Bodoni— who preferred rising to setting suns! 56 PRINTING TYPES bicum or Mozarabic Breviary (1775), Mariana's Historia de España, and Antonio's Bibliotheca Hispana, Vetus et Nova (1783–88)—all of which are worth study. The Sallust, Don 6?uiacote, and Antonio's work are later discussed. Ibarra's printing was greatly admired by book-lovers of that day all over Europe. The Chevalier de Bourgoing, writing in 1782 of the Academy edition of Don Quicote, calls it “equally admirable for the quality of the ink, the beauty of the paper, the clearness of the character, and to be com- pared with the finest productions of the kind in any other nation. This is not the first proof the Spaniards have given of their ability in the art of printing. Every connoisseur is acquainted with, and prefers to the editions of Baskerville and Barbou, the Sallust, which the Infant Don Gabriel has translated into his own language, and some other works from the presses of Ibarra at Madrid, and from those of Benedict Montfort at Valencia, which are masterpieces of the typographical art, and will one day be sought after by posterity, as we now search for those of the Elzevirs.” Franklin, whose busy mind was always interested in the development of typography, was conversant with Ibarra's editions. Writing from Passy, December 4, 1781, to William Strahan, he says: “A strong Emulation exists at Present between Paris and Madrid, with regard to beautiful Print- ing. Here a M. Didot le jeune has a Passion for the Art. . . . He has executed several charming Editions. But the ‘Sal- ust’ [sic] and the ‘Don Quixote’ of Madrid are thought to excel them.” This rivalry between Didot and Ibarra per- haps explains a rather sour allusion to the latter in the Epitre sur les Progrès de l’Imprimerie written by Didot fils * Travels in Shain, London, 1789, Vol. I, p. 244. De Bourgoing, who was secretary to the French embassy at Madrid, wrote a book about his travels, translated into English under, the above title. ij /« s.* • • ; . a$$ (. . -- T *• ** *** * *,- %? 3; \'%'%;: !'. :'' '^; * ? &£?* a ' * –S<._<22; =•=: =*^*a*; Ę $2{32 §Ā§ $*?*$*/%$%%v*®©¤¢¤£%%£*j£ - l- • • - - - * ….* ■ •gw.• • , • - •* : 2. £p,:r. & *&%*£ •:*ita [X % • ** VTE?£*#*j*j$*}√„g ga;<;;3;;>3&3$jî; %%$ ô] # J}C, Llta:fla ay} ) $33$§3§33§3j3; ££%$*$xs —: &>£; fû. } •% $ ', § {!) LA CONJURACION D E C A T I L I N A. IP O R C MYO SALUSTIO ' CRISPO. αγΤg;vsTae cosa es que (os hombres s que de- %sseam aventajarse a /os demas vivien- £t tes , procurem con e/ mayor empefio u/A? ā no pasar /a vida em silencio como /as £$%£ bestias , a quienes naturaleza criò in- cfim tierra y siervas de su vientre. Nues- tro vigor y fàcultades consistem todas em e! animo V e/ cuerpo * : de este usamos mas para e! servicio , de aque! nos valemos para e/ mando : em /o uno somos iguales a /os Dioses , em /o otro a /os brutos. Por C. SALLUSTII CRISPI veluti pecora ā natura prona, atque ventri obedientia finxit. Sed C A T I 7, I1VA. nostra Omnis vis in animo et cor- §g MNIS homines, qui sese stu- pore sita est. Animi imperio , cor- % dent præstare ceteris ani- poris servitio magis utimur. alte- §£ malibus , summa ope niti rum nobis cum Dis, alterum cum decet, ne vitam silentio transeant, belluis commune est. Quo mihi rec- A. 223. Page of Sallust: Ióarra, Madrid, 1772 (reduced) SPANISH TYPES : 1500–1800 57 aîné, in 1784, who uses the names of both Ibarra and Bas- kerville as pegs on which to hang laurels in honour of his excellent papal Bodoni—more generous—writes in 1774 of “the stupendous Sallust not long since printed with so much finitezza at Madrid,” and Bayne in his Journal reports a conversation with Franklin in which the latter said that, excepting the Sallust, he thought the Don Quiacote equalled anything he ever saw. “Ibarra carried the perfec- tion of his art to a point until that time unknown in Spain,” says Née de la Rochelle, “and the emulation he inspired in his confrères caused greater advances in Typographic Art in twenty years than it had made in the two preced- ing centuries. He is distinguished for his magnificent edi- tions, in which sumptuous engravings are combined with sumptuous types, great accuracy, and superior presswork.” Ibarra, it may be said here, introduced in Spain on his own initiative improvements akin to those made by Baskerville in England—first, an ink of particularly brilliant quality which he made for his own use; and second, hot-pressed paper. Indeed, he invented a machine to produce the latter. Carlos III appointed Ibarra court printer, and he was also printer to the Primate and the Academia de la Lengua, for whom he executed their Dictionary. He died at Madrid, November 23, 1785; and the Imprenta Real published be- fore the new year a Someto 6 la muerte de Joaquin Ibarra, Impresor de Camara de S. M.” * Recherches . . . sur l'Établissement de l'Art Tyſiograft hique en Esfiagne, etc., Paris, 1830, p. 65. - * Probably that quoted in Juan Josef Sigüenza y Vera's Mecanismo del arte de la Imſirenta, etc. Madrid, 1811. In this beautifully printed little book, dedicated to Ibarra’s niece, the author describes himself as “disciple of Ibarra and director of the Imprenta de la Compañia de impresores y libreros del reyno.” It contains a “specimen” of Roman and Arabic types—all but one from the “Catalan” foundry of Eudaldo Pradell—and Greek, Hebrew, and Arabic alphabets. - 58 PRINTING TYPES In this revival of printing, Valencia stands out through the work of Monfort, whose particular claim to remem- brance is Fr. Perez Bayer's work on Hebrew-Samaritan coins, printed in 1781. Bayer was a great figure in all the scholarly undertakings of the period—the reformer of studies in the University of Salamanca, where he held the chair of Hebrew; a learned classical scholar, and preceptor to the Infantes of Spain. He it was who contributed the open- ing dissertation to the Infante Don Gabriel's translation of Sallust. A native of Valencia,” and archdeacon of its cathe- dral, he was familiar with Monfort's work, and naturally employed him. Benito Monfort, in contemporary opinion ranking next to Ibarra, was born at Valencia about 1716, and died (a few months before Ibarra) in 1785. He learned his trade in the office of Antonio Bordazar, where (as I have said) José de Orga, another eminent printer, was manager. Monfort set up his own office in 1757, and later became printer by ap- pointment to the city of Valencia, to its University, etc. His editions were praised by his contemporaries, who compared him, for no very intelligible reason, to Baskerville. In the first volume of his edition of Mariana's Historia de España, a letter from the king, Carlos III, is quoted, “who has seen with special satisfaction the beauty of this edition.” Among other books praised in a contemporary notice” are Perez de Guzman's Crónica del Rey Don Juan II (1779), Pulgar's Crónica de los Reyes Católicos (1780), and Perez Bayer's De .Numis Hebræo-Samaritanis (1781), “which for its beauty and accuracy has merited the highest eulogies from other * Bayer was born in 1711 and died in 1794. * Memorial Literario. . . de Madrid, Nov., 1785, p. 363. A short notice of Monfort and titles of his more important books are given by Ponz in an ac- count of Valencia in his Viage de Esfiafia, Third Edition, Vol. IV, pp. 259, 260 and 288, 289. SPANISH TYPES : 15OO–18OO 59 nations.” The Mariana and these three books seem to have been his best achievements. Gabriel de Sancha, a Madrid printer, did some admir- able work at this period, and his best books are worth look- ing at. His Don Quiacote, edited by Pellicer, in five volumes illustrated with copper-plates, was fairly well printed. His nine-volume edition in duodecimo is desirable on account of its charming and well-engraved designs. Some of Sancha’s other printing I shall describe in detail—notably his edi- tion of Solis’ Conquista de Meacico. There were also well-made books printed at Madrid by Ramirez, Marin, the Imprenta Real, and other houses, as well as by the widow and sons of Ibarra, who carried on his establishment in the Calle de la Gorguera, after his death. Among the works executed under their direction was a very uninspired one-volume edition of the Diccionario de la lengua Castellana, with the widow’s imprint as Impresora de la Real Academia Española. A more creditable example of their work is the anonymous Relacion del Ultimo Piage al Estrecho de Magallanes (in 1785–86), a handsome quarto printed in 1788. The classic work by Mendez, Typographia Española, of which the first volume only was printed, also appeared with the imprint Piuda de Ibarra—a barely re- spectable piece of typography. There was great activity among Spanish printers about this time. Robert Southey, writing from Madrid in 1796, says rather tartly, “Lit- erature is reviving in Spain. The translation of Sallust by the King's brother made it fashionable.” Coincident with this revival of printing, a number of Spanish “specimens” were issued, some of which are of considerable interest. Printing had been introduced into the New World in 1539. Jacob Cromburger, who settled in Seville early in the six- 60 PRINTING TYPES teenth century, was the foremost printer of his period. He had a son (or brother) Johann, who succeeded in obtaining an exclusive privilege for printing in Mexico, but to take effective advantage of it gave him considerable trouble. He finally sent out from Spain a certain Juan Pablos, who, in the city of Mexico, in 1539, printed the first American book, the Doctrina Christiana en la lengua Mexicana e Castellana. Antonio Ricardo of Turin, who had settled in Mexico, emi- grated to Peru, where at Lima he printed in 1584 a leaflet on the correction of the calendar and a catechism, the latter being the first book printed in South America proper. Early Mexican and South American typography was, in the main, a colonial copy of printing of that period in the Mother Country. The books bore to the best Spanish printing about the same relation that American colonial work did to the English printing of its time. Title-pages in facsimile from many of these books may be seen by those who are suf- ficiently curious by looking through Vindel's Bibliografia Grafica." The serious student—and he must be very seri- ous—should look at the books themselves. They had, how- ever, so little influence on typographical usage in general, that they are beyond the boundaries of the subject of this book. $1 For our first example of a sixteenth century Spanish book we may take De las Tallas y Escalera Spiritual, a Spanish translation of the Latin work of St. Juan Climaco, printed P. Vindel’s two volumes of facsimiles, entitled Bibliografía Grafica, Ma- drid, 1910, show 1224 reproductions of titles, colophons, portraits, etc., taken from rare Spanish books, or books in Spanish published elsewhere. The work contains practically no text and is haphazard in arrangement, but is valuable for the light it casts on Spanish printing, especially from 1500 to our own day. Portugal, South America, and the Philippines are represented, as well as Spain. [HQuicomicnçael prologoãeſcriuioclva romocybidabórrada:4 ocſciencianup enſe jadafrap?imbroſionójet claozdenoclog calmaldulenſes:ſobelatraſiació nucuad fi 50tegriegoenlatinencllibzoöſantºjuácli maco:écºllamadocin latineſcolaſtico, % tº/)}|ſcho; mily anae tº dot padre mug §§§lbörrado:ópará (§§ {{e\S. domićtegal pzo g º .." As . -- º . - ºl. º Ağtº 3 º - Sº Fº º y º, -º *" * - tº sº gº º - - sº - ſº * º º ~. :: */A Aº & s ºf 4 22-Sº-Succhooclognue itroefraylceſtbermanoe/traſíadaſe begriegoenſatinpoºnicſtudio" tra bajocilibzoácſcriuſo clvaron bicna- nogaduiennoplaseragöſtamitraſa cion. ACano falleſcerá algunog áme juśguépozoemaſiado” atrcuido:to grádp.cſuncion:posſibcſpuceocad! pzincretraſadadozóGenſchadopcz cl ſpirituſct3D trafiadogóſtelibzo be palabzagapalabragmeatreuoyo ae goza a Grertrafiadaraqueſta obza. ūſ)aspornośſplayerniocſobedecer atíſnianfogberinance/quebemama 224. Gothic Types: Hagenbach, Toledo, 1504 SPANISH TYPES : 1500–18OO 61 in quarto at Toledo by Peter Hagenbach by order of Car- dinal Ximenez in 1504"–Hagenbach being printer by ap- pointment to the Cardinal. It was therefore published under distinguished auspices. Its title-page bears a coat of arms, surmounted by a cardinal's hat, and below, in a rich, round, Spanish gothic letter, is the title in four lines. The rest of the book is printed in a spirited Spanish black-letter set in double column—the principal divisions beginning with handsome block initials with black grounds, and the con- tents of each division being set in effective lines of large black-letter (fig. 224). Running-titles are also composed in this large type, with folios on right-hand pages only. At the beginning and end of the book, these large characters run across the page, giving a very noble effect. The beau- tiful “texture” of the pages of type makes a very handsome book—but one which is practically a “fifteener” in gen- eral style. A similar black-letter volume—an edition of De la Ma- tura Angelica by Franc. Ximenez (Burgos, 1516)—is inter- esting because it is an example of the work of Fadrique de Basilea, a famous printer, and one of the few in Spain who, in the fifteenth century, used roman type for entire books. Not so fine as the preceding, it is much the same in type and arrangement, except that the folios, similarly placed, are set in enormous capitals which much disfigure the page. “George Coci, Aleman,” who acquired the Hurus office about 1506, and whom Haebler calls one of the most cele- brated printers of the century, issued some good editions of the classics at Saragossa in the early sixteenth century. ‘Of the volumes chosen as examples of sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth century Spanish printing, some may be found in the Ticknor Collection of books on Spanish literature in the Boston Public Library, and others in the Library of Harvard College. 62 PRINTING TYPES His Livy of 1520– Las quatorze decadas de Tito Livio— is magnificent. It contains the first example of “colour printing,” as we now understand it, that I have found in a Spanish book. The title-page – a huge armorial device surrounded with the collar of the Golden Fleece—has be- neath it a scroll on which is the title and “privilege” in five lines of gothic letter, printed in red. The arms above are in four colours, black, red, yellow, and green, printed from wood-blocks. The text appears in a beautiful, rather con- densed gothic type, closely set (fig. 225). The titles of the chapters are composed in a larger size of much the same font. Fine woodcuts extending the full width of the page are very freely introduced, and accord splendidly with the type of the book. Haebler calls it one of Coci's most splen- did productions, and certainly it is a sumptuous perform- ance—of its kind. All the books printed by Coci that I have seen are interesting and distinguished. In another finebook–Pulgar's El Gran Capitan—printed by Jacob Cromburger at Seville in 1527, much the same gothic type is used—a little rounder, perhaps—not so well printed or so finely imposed. The title is very characteris- tic—a large coat of arms, above three lines of title and two lines of “privilege,” all set in black-letter—the whole sur- rounded with rough woodcut borders. On the text pages (fig. 226), the notes or glosses are set in a smaller size of gothic type. Many of the Spanish romances of the class of Amadis de Gaul (for instance, an illustrated small folio edi- tion of 1535) were printed by Cromburger, and had, typo- graphically, a finish and richness of appearance in contrast to like editions by other printers. They deserve careful at- tention. These books are good examples of the earlier form of Spanish volume, and their style survived in certain classes (IComicnçaelſtgundoſtblooclappinerabecada, (T/Capituloplintro belaglotiate ſºuto:powducedoberona alrey'ſſarquilio.yoccoliocſtenonb.cfuctanabotrºcidooclogromanos: qucclina, ridobºlucrèclaſebouobey:ocroma/potgueſellamauaºarquillo. ºr ſºaquiadelantecomiciigarcinogatrataroclascoſasoclpuebloro, ſº thanolibºcaſſioclasābāicröentićpoocpay/coinobeguerra. Yoº §ºS log.conſuladog't imperiosylcycsábišicrócillaciudad, ſº titofile ºcſtaſulibertadtnagalºgic: quitolaſoberuiaoclreypaſſadobaula ºś9%magcreſcidº!ºalogotrogreygaſſipauiãreyhado.comofundado Fºrcsbela ciudadadcoinciigada.ſºlioſtoudačbutofuccláalcanço lagotiatelocſticrobel reyſoberuloyāpudicrabarelrcynoaquiéquiſicra.05uolio uobiſco-diag:powd todaglagainatoclimperiotemptado.ſºlioſteſtableclocoſanas neceſſariaparacóſcruarlalibertad/quelaquelosconſulcanotuuicſſºliclconſulado Imagöcwitaño.Yeſtoſibiéloſnirāg:ballaragáficillageauſabcguardarlalibertad qucilotodologifucoilijuſtlydooclpoderioréal. ſºloéconſulcarctiiuicroſſ todoslog berechostillſignias realeg, ſtoºdenoſequeviloſololeuaſſelosaparatoscóſulares: potónoſceſpañtaſkelpueblovićdologoobladog:voireſſellópoiguitaravurcyba. inancobzadobog.ſbbcutoleuopiºicrocſtas inſiglitag:Quéričdoloaſſiſticompañero £tangrandcamparado:fucſb.utobeſidcadclaiiteoclaſſbertad:Qualitofiſcantce yºgado: oclla.ſºcomowidoãyaclplicblocſtauaintlycodicioſo occèſcruarlalluciţa 225. Gothic Type: Coci, Saragossa, 1520 $o,ij. CI11.36 figuienteggioſasaucentagmar, geºſebeſta obravăſonparabeclararalgunogpaſſos bellaeſcurogalog quelagſ.oronicaBrOmanagnobanlepdoſſonotragoeclaraciones que enclla eſcriuíownletrado.clinombreoclaual nomahifeſtopo, temo! otla tempeſtadoclaglenguagoclogmurmuradovce que carecchoeſentido coil ob2a3/gnoCon palabrae, #&minuy gram raşon ſobee 5) * * º d j #3 ſº ... … * º º $ § º [. º: SQºS §§§ranoſ.io, gueira § £º º %|gºtify pºeiae ºff aſſº 15loſi, iXº15ſfiglæg) ſº fig11B ſtalſp3|T211a. . . . jºgºſºſºlyiºdic j }: joiro'; paininundag:O"ſºarmenion eneituuiera Žbebanoe:muper }%jparaſciioºarclieſtantºğoelmando ocl mundo cºlºniº. gºssº ſºil. 1ſlatbolica †. quéda. P. pox enclfechobelae ar ſèrtanjuſtoſhoeſco (con cupdoſo Cugdado) apicſſa buſque cueſ gran mag como eniog ºleºpºlº ſºlidºnianglº jº. aficienniodioſtrancſóritaganſioglošbišoºnytalia/comotelo jobso #. : en £ſpaña/bondeagtalcoſtāb-eôloſjenmueſtroticmpovimos bel98 we logociſcº, 3indepella/mºnoſcabalafcoelascoſagbuenaëlpoxuéquantomasjitas uchūgrºño. £claragánucſtaviſtaſon:tantomaglerospeſouragloßeſºuros laécuen ria. Peiquaibeing tan. %rangena, cºaaa…a 2 y %3rcázzzzo , Zºe a/scarro J &zendº غ., servº J wa/ affan Aer e/ Žn aſ esſe ano y acompañadas 3. a.º. dé was reſpec- 24O. Italic in Prefatory Address: Espinosa's Muestras de los Caracteres, etc., Madrid, 1771 TEXTO GORDO, N este manuscrito tenemos un exem- R. plo sumamente persuasivo de quán necesaria es la critica para hacer juicio de Ñ los libros; y de que para leer con utilidad algunos, es menester haver leido muchos. Qualquiera que tuviese no mas que una superficial noticia de este manuscrito, ó el que le leyese, sin mas noticias de su asun- Su parecer, un argumento demonstrativo de que las Artes Magicas se enseñaron pú- blicamente en las Escuelas de Toledo, y º Córdoba: porque, ya se vé, qué prueba mas clara, que un manuscrito de notoria antiguedad, en que el mismo Autor con- fiesa, que sabe la Nigromancia: que la es- tudió en Toledo: que en el mismo libro y propone enseñar al Mundo cosas arcanas, que le enseñaron los Espiritus; y en fin, que nombra los Maestros, que en su tiem- po enseñaban en Toledo, y Córdoba las Artes Magicas? s ge=#E=# éE, 241. Texto Gordo (roman): Espinosa's Muestras, etc., Madrid, 1771 CURS I/A DE TEXT0 CORD0. N quanto al Autor digo, que no pudo serlo el que suena; esto es, sugeto cor- temporáneo de algunos de los Maestros, que nombra. 0 no huvo tal /irgilio Cordubense en el Mundo, ó si le huvo, no fue Autor del ma- nuscrito en question 3 ó si lo fue, el tal /irgilio Cordubense era un hombre ignorantisimo, y men- tirosisimo. Dicese contemporáneo de Avicena, y de Abenrroiz, que nosotros llamamos Averroes; y asimismo supone contemporáneos á estos dos Au- tores, lo que está muy leaos de ser verdad, pues Avicena floreció á los principios del siglo un- decimo, y Averroes á los fines del du0decimo: de modo, que precedió casi dos siglos el prime- ro al segundo. Mas: Refiere que Avicena en- señó en Córdoba. Esto es cierto que otros mu- chos lo dicen, y aun que fue Español por naci- miento; pero tambien es cierto, que no solo no fue Español, ni enseñó en Córdoba, mas ni en- tró jamás en ESPANA, mi aun se acercó á sus vecindades : de que hace evidencia D. Nicolás Antonio. \ \ N U, * -a- - 2. º º ¿- % % sºs S. Vº Vºz /) 242. Texto Gordo (italic): Espinosa's Muestras, etc., Madrid, 1771 g)yexa sæcxx%s%<><<><•<•<<>*s 0 CURSIJ^A DE LETURA CHICA. £t clevavit manum fuam fupcr eos : ut pro/ferneret eos in dc- ferto : Et ut dejiceret semem eorum in Nationibus , & di/perge- ret eos in regionibus. Et initiati funt Beelphegor , & comederunt /acrificia mortuorum. Et irritavcrunt eum in adinventionibus suis, & multiplicata e/t in eis ruina. Et /fetit Phinees , & placavit, & ceffavit quaffatio. Et rcputdtum e/f ei in ju/fitiam , in gene- rationem & generationem u/que in fempiternum. Et irritaverunt eum ad Aquas contradiéîionis : & veratus £/? Moyses propter eos : quia eracerbaverunt /piritum ejtu. Et di/fin.rit in labiis suis: non di/perdidcrunt gentes, quas dixit Dominus illis. Et commif- ti funt inter gentes , & didicerunt opera corum : & servierunt fculptilibus eorum : & faéìum e/? illis in /€andalum. Et imi- molaverunt filios fuos , & filias /uas dacmoniis. Et effuderunt /anguinem innoccntem : sanguinem filicrum fùorum & filiarum fuarum , quas facrificaverunt /culptilibus Chanaan. Et infeéïa e/? terra in fanguinibus , &' contaminata e/? in opcribus eorum: & fornicati funt in adinventionibus fuis. Et iratus e/? furore Do- minus in populum fuum : et abominatus g/? hereditatem fuam. Et tradidit eos in manus gentium : &' dominati funt eorum qui ode- runt eos. Et tribulaverunt eos inimici eorum , & humiliati funt fub manibus eorum : /aepe liberavit eos. Ipfi autem eracerbave- runt eum in con/ìlio fuo , & humiliati sunt in iniquitatibus suis. Et vidit cum tribularcntur , & audivit orationem eorum. Et me- mor fuit te/tamenti sui , &' paenituit eum secundùm multitudi- nem misericordiae suae. Et dedit eos in miscricordias in conspeéîu omnium qui ceperant eos. Salvos nos fac Domine Deus noster: et congrega nos de Nationibus: Ut confitcamur nomini sanáo tuo: et gloriemur in laude tua. Benediëïus Dominus Deus Israel â sæculo et usque in sæculum : et dicet omnis populus : Fiat , fiat. É<><><><><><><><>>£;£*<><><><><><><><>355" 4/30/2!2!0!!!!2 , %=>« 3<><<><<><»<=;<%<=><><>< ô [] [] Kô 243. Italic Qf Letura Chica : Espinosa's /]/uestras, etc., Madrid, 1771 § ô §. () /) () oTzo ENT REIDOS. Primera prtzeba. *;*, - R.at, omnium bonorum eft charitas , & radix omnium malorum eft cupiditas, & simul ambæ esse non possunt , quia nisi una radicitus evulsa non fuerit , alia plantari non potest. Sine causa aliquis conatur ramos incidere , si radicem non con- tendit evellere. Habere omnia facramenta , & malus esse potest: habere autem charitatem , & malus esse non poteft. Non numerositas operum , non diuturnitas temporum , sed major charitas meliorque voluntas auget meritum. Nam quod patet , & quod latet in divinis codicibus, tenet , qui charita- tem servat in moribus. Sola charitas eft, quæ vincit omnia & sine qua nihil valent omnia , & quæ vbicumque fuerit , trahit ad se omnia. Scìentia si sola sit , inflat , quia vero charitas ædificat , scientiam non permittit inflari. Charitas eft aétio reétìtudìnìs , oculos semper habens ad Deum , glutinum ani- marum, societas fidelium, otio non frigida , aótione non frac- ta , non fugax , non audax , non præceps. Las mas ea quisitas producciones de la Premsa se /ermo seam 3) emriquecem com /as del Buri/ ; aytzdam- do d /a memoria , y d la comprensiom , delineados con e$piritoso ademam los Héroes , y personalizadiis las pas- mo3a3 ocurrencia* de sus mas singulares acciones. H.o.; Gabimetes de los Eruditos mo memdigam otros adornos, que los que abundam tememte tributa el Grabado em IMapa3 Geografco * , y 4stromomicos , ó em Tabla.s Cro- nologica.* , para registram y medin la amc/iurosa capaci- dad de! Mundo , la admirabte immemsidad de las Esfe- *a* , 3 /a* pumtuales Epocas de/ tiempo , sím apartar se «de la quietud de su doéto retiro. 244. Entredos (romam and italic): Espinosa's Muestras, etc. /Madria, 1771 §-§$èa. SPANISH TYPES : 1500–18OO 83 that a specimen-book appeared, entitled Muestras de los .Nuevos Punzones y Matrices para la Letra de Imprenta eace- cutados por Orden de S. M. y de su Caudal destinado a la Do- tacion de su Real Biblioteca. These were probably all cut by Geronimo Gil, though no supporting statement is made ex- cept on the first page, where we are told that a minute type, proudly called Plus Ultra and described as the smallest letter in Europe, was cut by Gil, although he left it unfin- ished. These types are very Spanish in effect—notice par- ticularly the parangona in roman and italic (figs. 245 and 246), the roman otra parangona on page 30, and the cursiva nueva–a version of the condensed French italic then popu- lar (fig. 247). Specimens of Greek, Hebrew, and Arabic characters are included in the collection. The titling-letters resemble some Holland fonts, and many of the ornaments are derived from Fournier, from Caslon, and from Basker- ville—with a difference. It is a fine assemblage, and is one of the first I know of, where the number of matrices and punches is appended to the display of each font. Many of these types and ornaments ultimately found a place in the Imprenta Real of Madrid and appear in its specimen of 1799. º The next book in the group is Muestras de los Grados de Letras y Viñetas que se hallan en el Obrador de Fundicion de la Viuda é Hijo de Pradell, Madrid. En la Oficina de Don Benito Cano, Año de 1793. Eudaldo Pradell, the founder of this establishment (sometimes called the Catalan foundry), was a country boy of good family. He was first apprenticed to an armourer—as was Caslon to a gunmaker. He went to Barcelona when twenty years old, and there met the head of the Imprenta Real, Pablo Barra. This man urged Pradell to become a type-cutter, as Spain needed such a workman. After a good many difficulties, Pradell produced four fonts 84 PRINTING TYPES which were brought to the attention of Carlos III, who gave him a pension in 1764. Pradell, in a biographical note to this specimen, is called el primer inventor en España de esta Arte. He set up a foundry in Madrid, where he pursued his trade successfully, and he departed this life in 1788. In the next year his son Eudaldo, who continued his father's business, was also pensioned by the King. The peticano (fig. 248), lectura, teacto, and entredos were the first types that the elder Pradell finished. The body of the letter is, in some cases, large compared with its ascend- ers. The descenders are generally short, which partly ac- counts for the rolling look of the fonts in large sizes. Pradell's italic fonts have the pen-work appearance which was such a feature of Spanish eighteenth century types. The orna- ments in his book show the Bodoni and Fournier influence, modified by Spanish rendering. There is an assortment of mathematical signs and some large arabic numerals—the latter reminiscent of Bodoni. Music-types, a supply of awk- ward, heavy titling-letters, flowered letters, and nine pages of “flowers” complete a very interesting volume. The next specimen is Muestras de los Caractéres que tiene en su Obrador Pedro Ifern, Fundidor en esta Corte. En la Im- prenta de Fermin Thadeo Willalpando (1795). The prefa- tory note to this 16mo volume reads: “These printing char- acters are cast from the punches and matrices which were entirely the work of Don Eudaldo Pradell, first inventor of them in Spain, for which he was pensioned by His Majesty in the year 1764, which matrices are now the property of Pedro Ifern, being part of the dowry of his wife, Doña Mar- garita Pradell, and which are dealt in by virtue of the royal order following”—which is appended, dated August 16, 1790. Ifern's specimen is a pretty little book, got up with considerable taste and showing naturally much the same 3 ºee º- sa-5”a s2 a 2 - )y- Nº XXVIII. 28 PAR ANGONA. De esta manera viven los malos como olvidados de Dios, y asi están en este mundo como hacienda sin dueño, como escuela sin maestro, como navio singo- vernalle, y finalmente co- mo ganado descarriado sin pastor. Y asi les dice Dios: no quiero ya tener mas car- go de apacentarOS. º- S- & 245. Roman cut by Gil: Specimen Real Biblioteca 3 dE . . . 3: , , , , , ºsºs º sºsºs sº: . . . . . . . . . . . . 69 d. e Tiene este grado en el REDoNDo 34 MATRIcEs de ca- ja baja, de la alta 6 $ , de versales 29, de versalillas 29, 5 o de estas con acentos, y 33 de titulares. PU N zo NES de caja baja 3 5, de alta 4o, de versales 28, de versalillas 25, con acentos solos para versales y versalillas 9, y 33 de titulares. -5 -, exº. A C— e- cºrto-rº-s-s Madrid, 1787 c- Cº R giºsº sºn 5 ºe a 2.º ºe es: Nº XXX. 29 y. PARANGONA. D ues dime ahora ¿qué ma- yor peligro y qué mayor mi- seria que vivir fuera de esta tutela y cuidado paternal de Dios , y quedar expuesto á todos los encuentros del mun- do? Porque si le falta esta sombra y favor de Dios ¿qué hará él solo y desarmado en- tre tan poderosos enemigos? vº, º, º º º. v. r, yº º. , , , ,º º a el -”..., º * - , = - se r * , ,º, º " ...", , , ,º *...nº ¿-? - ? ---3 ... ss. 3 - - sº -- resº ------ºs- º ¿sºn Hay en esta cURsrvA 32 fATRrcEs de caja baja, de alta 5 5, de versales y versalillas 58 , de estas dos con acentos $2, de viñetas 3, de espacios de imprimir 2, y 33 detitulares. • PU N zo N Es de caja baja 3 3, de alta 3 I, de versales 28, de versalillas 23, con acentos 2 I, y 33 de titulares. ToTAI. de este grado: 441 matrices ; y 344 pun- ZO Il CS. l " " % s-5 -o c-a-rezos º sºs ºrº º SL 246. Italic cut by Gil: Specimen Real Biblioteca /Madrid, 1787 #se 22.5 a 22 asº —a B No LXXIV. 74 CURSIVA NUEVA DE TEXT.O. Aegla es tambien de pruden- cia no mirar á la antiguedad y novedad de las cosas para apro- barlas ó condenarlas; porque mu- chas cosas hay muy acostum- e ez # bradas u muu malas Otras # y muy » / hay muy nuevas y muy buenas, y ni la vejez es parte para jus- tificar lo malo , ni la novedad debe ser para condenar lo bue- no, sino en todo y por todo hin- ca los ojos en los meritos de las cosas, y no en los años. rº r u. ¿z= —rºa — - -DA" . -s -, cox º sºs Yy *N *S º se l 2 247. New Italic of Texto (showing French influence) Specimen Real Biblioteca, Madrid, 1787 E á Nº . TP E.T ICA NO. Este Rey Agesi- lao, como en Su exér- cito tuviese poca gen- te de caballo, fuese á la Ciudad y tierra de S U (C / R. S. 2” A. Efeso, donde habia gente muy rica, y p0- co codiciosa de guerra. El gran mandato, d9 c. A ¿QSir R =#s: =#é eó e= =3%º= ese geº: 248. Peticano, cut by Eudaldo Pradell Muestras de la Viuda é Hijo de Pradell, Madrid, 1793 SPANISH TYPES : 1500–1800 85 collection as his mother-in-law’s more ambitious volume; but the paper is lighter and more attractive than the Pradell specimen, and shows off both types and ornaments better. The ornaments are not quite the same. Many of them are derived from French sources and some from English, but they are all treated in a very Spanish way (fig. 249). A final volume to be described is the 1799 specimen-book of the Imprenta Real of Madrid, which was at last started and which seems to have absorbed the material cut by Gil for the Biblioteca Real. Richard Ford in his classic Hand- Book for Travellers in Spain—“the best guide ever written for any country”—speaks of the Imprenta Real as being, in his day, in the Calle de Carreteras—the same street in which, about a hundred years earlier, Baretti, then trav- elling in Spain, visited a printing-office. Housed in a cum- brous building, the work of an architect named Turillo, it contained, Ford tells us, “the royal printing and engraving establishment. From this press have issued many splendid specimens of typography,” though he, unhappily, neglects to say what they were. This establishment was later situ- ated in the Calle del Cid, but to-day no longer exists. The title of this specimen is Muestras de los Punzones y Matrices de la Letra que se funde en el Obrador. de la Im- prenta Real, Madrid, Año de 1799. The book is in two parts. * The famous edition is that of 1845. Consult the amusing account of Spanish booksellers, Vol. I, pp. 138 et seq. * The Italian, J oseph Baretti (remembered chiefly for his Italian-English and Spanish-English lexicons, and as one of Dr. Johnson’s circle), who was in Madrid in 1760, mentions visiting “a large printing-office in the Calle de las Carretas [sic], a street so called, and chiefly inhabited by printers and book- sellers.” Speaking of the fifty workmen employed in this printing-office and the rate of production, he says, “I asked two fellows at one press, how many sheets they could work off in a day, and was answered five and twenty hun- dred, which I thought a pretty good number, especially as they were none of the most muscular men.” Baretti’s Journey from London to Genoa, etc., London, 1770, Vol. III, pp. 8, 9. - 86 PRINTING TYPES The first comprises an ambitious collection of excellent ro- man and italic types, followed by some Greek types (fine in the largest and smallest sizes), a few pages of Arabic, and a little Hebrew. Apart from Gil's fonts, and others of that style, there are a number of lighter fonts, both in roman and italic, that, while distinctly “old style,” show the taste for lighter letter-forms which was then making headway in Spain. A second collection of type of decidedly more mod- ern cut begins on page 75. The tendency toward less “nour- ished,” lighter letters is clearly seen in these over-finished, monotonous characters (figs. 250 and 251)–types by no means so interesting as those in Part I. Following these is a large display of capital letters in roman and italic, shaded initials, Greek capital letters, and a repertoire of “flowers,” some of which we reproduce (figs. 252 and 253). A few are original, but a great many of these “flowers” were de- rived from Holland, France,” and England, and others from various perfectly recognizable sources; but they are ren- dered in such a way as to be transmuted into very Spanish design." Late eighteenth century Spanish specimen-books, when compared with English or French “specimens,” show (1) that the prevailing European taste was active in Spain, though retarded; (2) yet that type and ornaments both pos- sessed a marked national character; and (3) that Spanish types—especially in italic fonts—had a surprisingly calli- graphic quality. This third point is perhaps capable of elucidation. These calligraphic types were (it seems to me) modelled directly * Page 138, No. 155; page 139, No. 172. * Page 131, No. 63. * Page 136, No. 132; page 137, No. 142. “The “modern face” type which was in use by 1800 in other parts of Europe does not appear to be commonly employed in Spain until some years later. 962 I ‘pºp’’， ‘uºſ odpº-ſ “oſº ºspąsºnſ， uog/ºsſuðupuao ‘6+z . 2 tº TV {@}{=ºģe>&Q?)yº 'III A. ºººººeſº eſºeșeș9 §§§§§§§§ ”I I A ��=\{@@}}•■ §§ ĒĶĒ ĢĒ ē#$ s%）, ~3%）, -sýk, sº， ºsſa, sºº ��§ §@$ $@Ē Ģ@@ @@@ §©® ºffſN|ZwſºsºffsºffsŹ№ *II I ¿ ?！?！$$$§G Đ} \，{\G &$%}ěž ”I I 。 。 。 。 ‘ORIGINIYIĞI OYIĘINQN 'SV LGI NI A șŘ®，Ģšā Yº: #39% ==º: No LXXXVII, 87 LECTUR A. CARNICERO. (CARNVORO. En. voces convienen porque son califi- caciones genéricas de los animales que co- men carne. Difieren en que carnívoro sig- nifica simplemente el que come carne 3 y carnicero el que hace su comida de ella. La primera designa el hecho, y la segunda el apetito natural, el hábito constante. El animal carnicero no come otra cosa que carne; su naturaleza le obliga á vivir de ella sola; el carnívoro es el que entre otras cosas come carne; pero puede vivir sin co- merla, como que no es su único y propio alimento. El tigre, el leon, el lobo se man- tienen solo de carne, y por consiguiente son carniceros. El hombre, el perro, el gato comen y gustan de carne; pero no la nece- sitan para vivir, pues pueden pasar con otros alimentos, y de consiguiente son car- nívoros. En las especies carnívoras se lla- . man carniceros los individuos que gustan mas de carne, y la comen mas á menudo que los otros; pero ya en este caso se usa impropiamente de la voz carnicero. 25O. Roman tending to “Modern Face,” from Muestras, etc. Imprenta Real, Madrid, 1799 Nº LXXXVIII, 88 LECTURA. CARIVICERO CAR 7VIVORO Eas voces convienen porque son califi- caciones genéricas de los animales que co- men carne. Difieren en que carnívoro sig- nifica simplemente el que come carne; y car- nicero el que hace su comida de ella. La primera designa el hecho, y la segunda el apetito natural, el hábito constante. El ani- mal carnicero no come otra cosa que carne; su naturaleza le obliga dé vivir de ella sola, el carnívoro es el que entre otras cosas come carne ; pero puede vivir sin comerla , co- mo que no es su único y propio alimento. El tigre, el leon, el lobo se mantienen solo de carne , y por consiguiente son carniceros. El hombre, el perro, el gato comen y gus- tan de carne; pero no la necesitan para vi- vir, pues pueden pasar con otros alimentos; y de consiguiente son carnívoros. En las es- pecies carnívoras se llaman carniceros los individuos que gustan mas de carne, y la comen mas dé menudo que los otros ; pero ya en este caso se usa impropiamente de la (2O26 CO)”J7l C6}"O. 251. Italic tending to “Modern Face,” from Muestras, etc. Imprenta Real, Madrid, 1799 43 V I Ñ E TA S. DOS PUNTOS DE TEXTO. el áááég al ºessrsex exterse s6 nºsºs sessºs “Ur Ur 2 o 7 88.833$38.388888888 e e o se e se e e º e º e e a e º ens esº, º rº es, es es es º, es es, eºs, es es e- º, eºs e- º, 2o.8 252. Ornaments from Muestras, etc., Imprenta Real Madrid, 1799 y I Ñ E TA S. 2 o 9 2 IO 2 II L= 253. Ornaments from Muestras, etc., Imprenta Real - Madrid, 1799 SPANISH TYPES : 1500–1800 87 on the Spanish handwriting then considered ideal for docu- ments or letters meant to be handsomely rendered. For in- stance, italic letters, in some fonts in these specimen-books, end in little “dabs,” as if written with a pen overfull. This was much like some of the writing of the great seventeenth century Spanish calligrapher Diaz Morante, an edition of whose. Arte Nueva de Escribir was republished by Sancha in 1776. Morante and his son profoundly influenced Spanish writing for two centuries.” Though craftsmen in other countries of Europe had learned the futility of copying too closely a written letter, an effort appears to have been made in Spain to translate the formal calligraphy of the eighteenth century into type- forms. This was a beginner's blunder, but all earlier be- ginners had “begun” so long before, that for a moment the student of types is puzzled at the recurrence of the error, and takes it for something new. If Spanish specimen- books were filled with very calligraphic types, perhaps it was because the Spanish type-cutter—with no native tradi- tion or experience to guide him—was working out an old problem in his own way. * See plates in Reflexiones y Arte de Escribir del Abate Dr. Domingo Maria Servidori, Romano. Imprenta Real, Madrid, 1788, - CHAPTER XVII ENGLISH TYPES: 15OO–18OO I. the earliest types cast in England were somewhat unattractive in design and rough in execution, it was not because the types were early types, for at that same time in other countries types were better; nor because of any lack of good models, for English black-letter manu- scripts were often very beautiful. But in England few early native types had what we should call “feeling.” Type-cut- ting and type-designing did not, apparently, at first come easily or instinctively to the English. Their best early types were imported. Most of Caxton's types were poor in design compared with those chiefly employed on the Continent at the same epoch. In Caxton's day, gothic letter was in vogue for all English printing. Later, this gothic crystallized into an English pointed black-letter character, similar to some of the black-letter of the Netherlands, from which, tempered perhaps by French influences, it was derived. It was the characteristic type of England, and we find it in the Eng- lish workrooms of De Worde, who greatly perfected it, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, as well as in use by Pynson and Berthelet. This character was commonly em- ployed throughout the sixteenth century, and until the end of the seventeenth century, and even in the eighteenth cen- tury it was still used for law-books, proclamations, licenses, etc. The poet Gray, in a letter to his friend West, who was discouraged about his legal studies, alluded to this when he said, “Had the Gothic character and bulkiness of those vol- umes . . . no ill effect upon your eye? Are you sure, if Coke had been printed by Elzevir, and bound in twenty neat pocket volumes, instead of one folio, you should never have C O U R T H A N D, Double Pica. &lſº $ºom Ϋ $ºttis fº m$16, isſºs yºu 183 obi&m fºë ſo tº stºº $63%iºſ bypºcºs;ſ. Byddel 10, Matrices 59. Engliſh. &loſio bān)om 681929 débiting pºsit on no% bišušiū no običiū figo2 1889 bullſ ofºss quou º fijoj 3 & 654 {f\ºtſ? boºk pºgge 1133 gº Byddel 1 o. Matrices 67. S E C R. E. T A R Y. Great Primer. &\GS may #66 &naccéº 8& CCée &\uſéeviſe &\fere a Sº £64 from arºo affeo £ge ſº &\ 25 c = f'6493 R2. OYC Oto S C R. I. PTO RIA L. Double Pica. Øfar affour ºffic time (1450) ºffe (Zrr of Gaſting ſingſe 9ipes uaiſſouri) (Zozº (3 & ©8 g (29.8% ºf cºlºſ/’099. Byddel II. Matrices 67. Engliſh. %at affaut ##y #ime % 1450 ) #ie (Zrt of SPrint- ūg ań Gºftiny &ny 6. %per 71)/2.3" fºuliº out in #ife asſº Gºog & GºjskºlićWO99&&. Byddel 1 1. Matrices 7o. Engliſh. No. 2. SThat about this time (1450) the 3rt of 9°rintin ano Gaſting ſingfe SFupes uuas found out in the & 3 g g g g g 9: 3 & C ºf 370 ? Q Byddel 1 1. Matrices 70. 254. Court Hand, Secretary, and Scriptorial Types from Sale Catalogue of the James Foundry, London, 1782 ENGLISH TYPES: 1500–1800 89 taken him up for an hour, as you would a Tully, or drank your tea over him?” While there were some forms of gros- batarde types (like Mansion's) used in England in the first thirty-five years of the sixteenth century, this pointed gothic letter drove them out. Types modelled on the old Nor- man law-hand called “set court,” “bas secretary” (or en- grossing), and “running secretary,”—the latter the cursive of the law courts of Queen Elizabeth's time, -also existed (fig. 254); but (like the civilité in France) they were never much used, and made little impression on English typog- raphy. In England, the first roman types were sometimes called Italian letter or “white-letter,” in distinction to the common English black-letter. Pynson's Sermo fratris Hieronymi de Ferraria appears to have contained the earliest roman letter used in England, but the first English books printed en- tirely in roman were his two 1518 editions of the Oratio of Richard Pace. In the next year Pynson printed, in two sizes of roman type, a work by Horman, entitled Vulgaria (fig. 255). Since he was of Norman birth and had intimate re- lations with printers at Rouen and with Froben at Basle, he may have bought these fonts abroad; although he cut some types of his own.” Pynson succeeded Machlinia as a 'Mason's Life of Gray (second edition), London, 1775, pp. 100,101. 2 & 4; The frequent indications to be met with of the transmission of founts from One printer to another, as well as the passing on of worn types from the presses of the metropolis to those of the provinces, are suggestive of the exist- ence (very limited, indeed) of some sort of home trade in type even at that early date. For a considerable time, moreover, after the perfection of the art in England, the trade in foreign types, which dated back as early as the estab- lishment of printing in Westminster and Oxford, continued to flourish. With Normandy, especially, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, a brisk commerce was maintained. Not only were many of the English liturgical and law books printed abroad by Norman artists, but Norman type found its way in considerable quantities into English presses. M. Claudin . . . states that Rouen, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, was the great typo- 90 PRINTING TYPES printer of English law-books—for which his knowledge of Norman French proved a recommendation. De Worde's first roman type was introduced about 1520. This he used for printing entire books and also for emphasizing special words or quotations in books printed in black-letter. Apparently it was De Worde who first introduced an italic type into England, employing it for marginal notes in Wakefield's Oratio, published in 1524–the first book printed in Eng- land showing Arabic and Hebrew types. De Worde's skill in producing the best English black-letter forms has already been alluded to. He seems to have been his own type- Cultter. Thomas Berthelet, royal printer and famous for his beau- tiful bindings, maintained good traditions in printing. So did Richard Grafton, Berthelet's successor as King's Printer; remembered for his Bibles and service-books, and espe- cially for the edition of Cranmer's Bible which he printed in association with Whitchurch in 1539. Thomas Vautrollier was responsible for the printing of what is called one of the handsomest Elizabethan books—though a very tasteless performance in reality—North's Plutarch, issued in 1579. In types and presswork he excelled most of his craft. But the London printer John Day left the most distinct mark on early sixteenth century English typography. He was graphical market which furnished type not to England only, but to other cities in France and to Switzerland. ‘It evidently had special typographical foun- dries,” he observes. ‘Richard Pynson, a London printer, was a Norman; Will Faques learned typography from J. le Bourgeois, a printer at Rouen. These two printers had types cast expressly for themselves in Normandy. Wynkyn de Worde must have bought types in Normandy also, and very likely from Peter Olivier and Jean de Lorraine, printers in partnership at Rouen.” And with regard to the first printer of Scotland, M. Claudin has no doubt that Myllar learned his art in Normandy, and that the types with which his ear- liest work was printed were those of the Rouen printer, Hostingue.” Reed’s History of Old English Letter Foundries, London, 1887, p. 103. DE p J E T A T E I CDepictate indeum vbſ devera feligione etrečto cultu cum ſuis cerimonijsetvltione circaneglectum velcótemptum eorādem. Cap. HE RE is mothynge in the | | worlde ſo coueniét to a man as to be holy and to loue god §land worſhyppe hym. fºr Wihilin humanis religio $ºneſāétius/nihil homíní 4% tam proprium ºf picta- -'tis cultus. Man is naturallye dyſpoſyd to haue a mynde and reuerence towarde god. Homini ingenita eſtreligionis cura. There be many & diuerſe maners of worſhyppyng and doynge of ſacryfyce. TVſultiplexeſt variaq; colédided rationmula tiplex ſacrorum ritus, The religyon that Adam tawght fyrſt his chyle drene and a11 that cam of them was to be takyn for the moſt ryght and ſure way that ledythe man to the pryuyte of god tyil Moſes law.cam. eligio quam prothoplaſtus a principioiſe beriset omnipoſteritatippoſuit/omnium rečtiſſimafuitlögeq tutiſſima cenſédayque adverinumínís ducítarā Moſaica ten? lege Moſes tabuls were caryd with the Arke, Aj. 255. Roman Types used by Pynson, London, 1519 ENGLISH TYPES : 1500–1800 91 born in 1522, and began work on his own account in 1546. Taking refuge abroad during the Marian persecutions of Protestants, he returned and began printing again in 1557, and on the accession of Elizabeth (who merely persecuted Catholics), worked on a larger scale. Cunningham's Cosmo- graphicall Glasse, which Day printed in 1559, was, from a decorative and pictorial point of view, an ambitious book. It is described on a later page. Matthew Parker, Archbishop of Canterbury, was Day's chief patron. Day cut a font of Saxon which was used in a book edited by the archbishop, issued about 1566, and in some later volumes, notably Parker's edition of AElfredi Regis Res Gestæ, printed in 1574. This book shows the re- sult of the best efforts in type-founding up to that time, and the archbishop's preface alludes to Day's skilful punch- cutting: “And inasmuch as Day, the printer, is the first (and, indeed, as far as I know, the only one) who has cut these letters in metal; what things have been written in Saxon characters will be easily published in the same type.” The roman and italic used in the volume are of extreme importance in the history of early English type-founding. The roman, or, as it was then called, “Italian letter,” resem- bles some fine fonts used on the Continent (fig. 256); and the italic (that used in the Cosmographicall Glasse) is no less distinguished (fig. 257). Reed says: “The typography of the AElfredi is superior to that of almost any other work of the period. Dibdin considered it one of the rarest and most important volumes which issued from Day's press. The archbishop's preface is printed in a bold, flowing Double Pica Italic, and the Latin preface of St. Gregory at the end in a Roman of the same body, worthy of Plantin himself.” A new italic was first used in 1572 in Parker's De Anti- * Reed, p. 96. 92 PRINTING TYPES quitate Britannicæ Ecclesiae—the first privately printed book brought out in England. Day, by the way, was printer of the English edition in black-letter of that very famous Pro- testant martyrologium, Foxe's Book of Martyrs, in 1563; and in 1569 he produced A Book of Christian Prayers, H com- monly called “Queen Elizabeth's Prayer Book,”—a rough, tasteless black-letter volume, clumsily modelled on French Horae, but which had great popularity. He also cut a fine Greek letter and some attractive musical characters, and mathematical signs, etc., not before cast in type. The use of his roman and italic fonts was probably restricted to the See of Canterbury. Some of them were used a hundred years later by Roycroft in Bishop Walton's Polyglot Bible. Day was one of the first English printers to cut roman and italic letters on uniform bodies. Before that time, roman an italic types had been considered characters without me- chanical interrelation; as examination of books in which they are both employed too plainly shows. Until the middle of the sixteenth century, the roman types used in England were respectable—in a few cases, handsome. By the middle of the century, however, there was a decline, attributable to a variety of reasons. English typography shared the general falling off which began as soon as the restraining traditions of the manuscript volumes had passed away. Then, too, as in other countries, new and more complex problems of book-making were coming into being—changes caused by a demand for cheaper books, . by the realization of the possibilities of type, and by prob- lems arising from the difference between the arrangement of a modern book, as we understand it, and the old traditional manuscript volume. Nor was the English printer very skilful or tasteful in the arrangement of types—good or bad; and thus English books did not equal those printed by good s: Haeceſt Præſatio(oſtendens) quemadmodum Sančius Gregorius hunclibrum fecit, quem homines Paſtorale nuncupant. g|Elfredus Rex optatſalutem Wulf- ºſigeoepiſcopo digniſsimo beneuole #|etamater.Etteſcirevoloquod mihi §ſepenumeroinmentemvenit, qua- Śles ſapiétes diuabhincextiteruntin *— *Anglicagente,tam deſpiritualigra- du,quāmdetemporali,guāq;foeliciatum temporafu- eruntinteromnes Angliae populos, quemadmodiq; reges quituncgubernationemhabebant plebis, Deo &eius voluntatiſcriptae obſecundarint;vtd; inſuapa- ce,&bellicisſuis expeditionibus, atque regimine do- 256. Roman Type used by Day, London, 1574 Fºl Elfredi regis ampliſsimi šº (qui olim totifert Bri- ºlitanniæ prafuit) hiſtori- Wººlam-, tibi (humaniſime , tº leãor) exhibemus : a lo- |ºff/º V. *hanne. Aſero Antiſlite, |ſ. fºº Vºl. Shyreburneſſ(quiiliquà- | § º Sºldam a ſacrisſuit) Lati- bºrrºdni literis luculenter ex- preſſam. Quequidem hiſtoria non mediocrem men- tituevoluptatem infundet, neq minorem ,adſeret cum voluptatevtilitatem, ſimpracclariſſimarum rerum con- templatione defixus, te_adearum imitationem,34uaſ, imaginem totum ºffinxeris. &tenim quaedeledationaior 257. Italic used by Day, London, 1574 ENGLISH TYPES : 15OO–18OO 93 presses on the Continent—either in workmanship, beauty, Or COrreCtneSS. The decline of typography from 1550 to 1650, as McKer- row points out, was also due (1) to the fact that printing fell into the hands of a class of masters and men less able, enter- prising, and socially important, who looked at it solely from the commercial side; (2) that English presses printed books chiefly in the vernacular, and that more scholarly volumes, like the classics, were largely brought from abroad; (3) and chiefly, to the beginning of a burdensome censorship of the press, which became increasingly restrictive. Separately and collectively, all these contributed to the decline in Eng- land of printing as an art.' “Some explanation,” says Reed, “of the marked supe- riority of our national typography at the close of the fif- teenth century over that of half a century later, is to be found in the fact that, whereas many of the first printers used types wholly cut and cast for them by expert foreign artists, their successors began first to cast for themselves from hired or purchased matrices, and finally to cut their own punches and justify their own matrices. Printing en- tered on a gloomy stage of its career in England after Day's time, and as State restrictions gradually hemmed it in, crushing by its monopolies healthy competition, and by its jealousy foreign succour, every printerbecame his own letter- founder, not because he would, but because he must, and the art suffered in consequence.” The first man recorded as a * For the state of the sixteenth century English press (its relations to the gov- ernment, etc.), see the chapter by R. B. McKerrow on the “Booksellers’, Printers’, and Stationers’ Trade,” in Shakesheare’s England, Oxford, 1916, Vol. II, chapter xxiii. For an account of earlier English legislation in reference to printing, publishing, and bookselling, see the Introductions to Mr. E. Gordon Duff’s Century of the English Book Trade, 1457–1557; to McKerrow’s Dictionary of Printers, 1557–1640; and to Plomer’s Dictionary of Booksellers and Printers, 1641–1667. 94. PRINTING TYPES type-founder was Hubert Dauvillier, who came to England in 1553 and whose shop was in existence in 1594; the first Englishman in the trade being Benjamin Simpson, who worked as a type-founder in 1597. By the middle of the sixteenth century, the State had so seriously interfered with the liberty of printing, that by 1557 no press could be erected outside London except one each at the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge. In the seventeenth century, the Star Chamber decree of 1637° placed the number of letter-founders at four, vacancies being filled by a commission. From 1640 to 1662 was a period of liberty; but this restriction was revived in 1662 and lasted until the end of the century—or to be exact, 1693. “During this period,” Pollard tells us, “of nearly a century and a half, no printing was permitted, and, with the most insignificant exceptions, no printing was done, except at London, Oxford, and Cambridge. If a school-book or a prayer-book, or a Bible, or a book of any kind were wanted at Falmouth or at Berwick-upon-Tweed, it was from London or Oxford or Cambridge that it had to be procured, and procured more- over from a closed ring, more or less able to charge what price it pleased. If a poll-tax of a few pence apiece had been imposed on the people of England the whole country would have been in revolt. But because this piece of oppression, which had no parallel in any other civilized country, had to do with books, this land of liberty bore it, apparently with- out a murmur.” The earliest English specimen-sheet was that of Nicho- las Nicholls, submitted to Charles II in 1665, with a peti- tion for the post of royal letter-founder—which two years * It was this decree which caused Milton to write his Areofagitica. * A. W. Pollard in Transactions of the Bibliographical Society, Vol. XIII, p. 26. $$$$$$$$$$ge:Sºxsºtº. Augyſiſſimo Monarchz & Seren'ſfimo I gº - Principi & Domino C A R O L O || Do Britanniarum, & Franciz Regi Glorioſiſſimo Fidel Drſenſop 1,&c Harc vote ſequentia VI was O Re; in perpetuum, Baalkºv aſ tº diura ; ºff? Tº in “n Ivyy? Nºu • ºr • * * * ºr . * y? tº , w : ºſſis Sº . Arººsſly füht AQHA : A24; 1 A$ºu ; vu. w º 9 a. sº &” tºy Aan º-, *n tº J-5 ut cord is devotiſm, anhelitus a t iſque ſuz ſpecimcm, $2 craftſm? Weſtrº Majc flat I Humillime offert, & dedicat Maxim, Reg 11 Subdi forum ſp. miqué, – twicholas Nicholls Mºś825& § §§ § 258. Earliest English Specimen-sheet JWicholas JWicholls, London, 1665 * ENGLISH TYPES : 1500–1800 95 later he obtained. The types were probably cut expressly for the specimen, and besides roman include Greek, He- brew, Syriac, Samaritan, Ethiopic, and Arabic (fig. 258). Moxon, author of Mechanick Eacercises, published a speci- men in 1669. A specimen of the Fell and Junius types was issued by the University Press, Oxford, in 1693. The Oxford Press began its work in 1585, and has been in continuous activity to our own day. In 1629, Sir Henry Savile" gave the press some fine Greek types (bought at Frankfort possibly from Wechel's successors), called the “Silver Letter,” in which the Eton Chrysostom had been printed.” Later, Archbishop Laud obtained Letters Patent for it (allowing three printers, each to have two presses and two apprentices), and a Charter extending its rights, and he also presented it with some Oriental types. Between 1667 and 1672, the press received some fine types imported from Holland by Dr. John Fell, Dean of Christ Church and later Bishop of Oxford (figs, 259 and 260). A col- * It was Moxon who cut the symbols used in John Wilkins' Essay towards a Real Character, printed for the Royal Society (of which Moxon was a fellow) in 1668. He also produced the small pica Irish type used in Daniels’ Irish New Testament in 1681, both type and printing being paid for by Robert Boyle— until 1800, the only Irish font in England. *Savile (1549–1622), Provost of Eton and one of the most learned English- men of his time, was for years interested in producing an edition of St. Chrysostom, for which he endeavoured to secure a font of the French “Royal Greek” types. Failing in this, he purchased abroad a special Greek font for the work, the preparation of which cost him the enormous sum (for those days) of £8000. The edition, in eight volumes, was finished in 1613. Savile was a friend of Sir Thomas Bodley, and founded at Oxford the chairs of Geometry and Astronomy, which are still known by his name. An inter- esting account of his Greek type is given in Robert Proctor’s paper, The French Royal Greek Tyſhes, and the Eton Chrysostom (Transactions of the Bibliographical Society, Vol. VII). This “Silver Letter” was subsequently bequeathed by Savile to the University of Oxford, then loaned to the Uni- versity of Cambridge, and has since been lost. * Reed, facing p. 140. 96 PRINTING TYPES lection of Gothic, Runic, Icelandic, and Saxon characters was given also by a German, Francis Junius the younger, librarian to the Earl of Arundel." Rowe Mores says: “About the time of Mr. Junius's gift to the Univ. the excellent Bp. Fell, most strenuous in the cause of learning, had regulated and advanced the learned press in the manner which had been intended by archb. Laud, and which would by him have been effected had not the iniquity of those anarchical and villainous times prevented. He gave to the Univ. a noble collection of letter, consisting (besides the common founts Rom. and Ital) of Hebr. Samaritan, Syriac, Arabic (Persic, Turkish and Malayan bought of Dr. Hyde), Ar- menian, Coptic, Æthiopic, Greek, Runic, Saxon, English, and Sclavonian: Music, Astronomical and Mathematical signs and marks, flowers, &c. together with the punches and matrices from which they were cast, and all other uten- sils and apparatus necessary for a printing-house belong- ing to the University.” Fell employed Marshall, afterwards Dean of Gloucester, to buy some of these types in Holland, and Marshall's negotiations for their purchase (between 1670 and 1672) were chiefly with Abraham van Dyck, son of Christoffel, the celebrated type-cutter, and Dirk Vos- kens. A phrase in one of Marshall's letters is prophetic. “I se,” he writes, “in this Printing-designe, we English must learn to use o' own hands at last to cut Letters as well as * For the Fell types, see the rare Shecimen of the Several Sorts of Letter given to the University by Dr. John Fell, later Lord Bishof, of Oxford. To which is added the Letter Given by Mr. F. Junius, Oxford. Printed at the Theatre, A.D. 1693. Other editions followed in 1695, 1706, 1768, 1787, 1794, etc. Some of these specimens are reproduced in Hart’s JVotes on a Century of Typografthy at the University Press, Oxford, 1693–1794. Oxford, 1900. * A like benefaction for the University Press, Cambridge, had been attempted in 1626 by Archbishop Ussher, who tried to get matrices of Syriac, Arabic, Ethiopic, and Samaritan letters from Leyden, but was forestalled in this by the Elzevirs. Before the advent of Caslon, most of the material of the press was carefully chosen from Dutch foundries. SeeS. C. Roberts’ excellent History of the Cambridge University Press, 1521–1921. Cambridge, 1921. Double Pica Roman. ABCDEFGHIKLMNOPQR STVUWXYZ AB c D E F G H I K- PA; nofter qui es in coelis, fan- &tificetur nomen tuum. Veniat regnum tuum: fiat voluntas tua,ficut in coelo, ita etiam in terra. Panem no- ftrum quotidianum da nobis hodie. Et remitte nobis debita noftra, ficut & remittimus debitoribus noftris. Et ne nos inducas in tentationem, fed libera nos ab illo malo. A M E N. Double Pica Italick. uxºcºa intrº, t; Bºu urºr, ºr 34& :*::::::::::::::::..º.; # ºftº:#"gº. accº, & ºr zm ºf: - ; & ©º - - - tºº.2.x ºx i tº as fºrro jºri Af Yºlºcrº, yu- §, &r. …, tº rººs tº º w dimiſe, compari i domum tacam, &. **** Doable Pica Italick. Q400/yue tandem abatere, Catº/- ma, patientia moſłra º quandia mos etiam furor iſłe tuus eludet 2 quem ad finem /ē/e effremata ſac- ABCDEFGH AIKLMNO Great Primer Italick. &ouſ?ue tandem abutére, Catilina, pa- tientia noſtra à quamdiu nos etiam fu- for iſłe tuus eludet à quem ad finem ſeſe effremata jačabit audacia 3 mihilue te močfurnum praeſidium palatii, mihil ur- &is vigiliae, nihil timor populi, nihil con- ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOP&R Engliſh Italick. Qgouſtee famdem abutere, Catiling, patientia noſ: tra? quamdu nos etiam furor #e tuus elude:* quem ad finem ſºſe effremata jačiabit audacia Ž nihilne te noćiurnum prºfidium palatii, nihil ur- bis vigilia, nihil timor populi, nihil conſenſits be- norum omnium, nihil hic munitiſimus habend; ſº- ABCDEFGHIJ KLMNOPQRSTVU Pica Italick., Melium, novis rebus ſtudentem, manu ſua. occidit. Fuit, fuit iſta quondam in bac repub. virtùs, ut viri fortes acrioribus ſuppliciis civem permicioſum, quam a- cerbiſimum boſtem cožrczrent. Habemus enim ſenatuſ, conſultum in te, Catilina, vehemens, & grave: non deeſt reip, conſilium, neque attoritas bujus ordinis : nos, -nos, dico aperte, conſules deſamus. Decrevit quondam: ſenatus ABCDEFGHIS KLMNOPQRSTVUWXYZ Small Pica Italick. No 1. At , mos #| || jam diem patimur hebeſtere aciem horum autoritatis. habemus enim hujuſmodi ſenatuſconſultum, verum- - e - - falº. #2,2huſºn, * >y fahr, Jit -- far:2:27: _ar. tra º –? r"...º, fºrt ºf ºrefatº - **** * * * * ----------- * * * * * *- - - - - 'º' ---ºf----, - **** * * * * T * * *. Twº wº * * * * * * * * * * * * * o co ditum : quo ex ſematuſ&onſulto confeſſim interfeółum te eſſe, Ca- tilina, convenit. Vivi, & vivis non ad deponendam, ſedad confirmandam audaciam. Cupid, P. C., me eſſe clementem : cupie in tantis reipub, periculis non diſſolutum videri: ſed jam B C D EFG HI} KLMNOP & R STV//UXrz Small Pica Italick. No 2. At not vigºffmum jam diem patimur hebºſtere aciem horum alt- toritatis. habemus enim hºjuſned ſenatºſconſultum, verumtamen incluſam in tabulis, tanquam gladium in vagina reconditum : quo ex ſºnatuſconſulto confºſſim interfrélum te ſº, Catilina, con- venit. Vivis: tº viviš non ad dºponendam, ſºd ad confirman- dam audaciam. Cupie, P. C., me ºſe clementem: cupio in tanti, , repub. periculir nºn diſſºlutum widºri : ſºd jam meipſºm inertia ABCDEFGHIJ KLMNO P2RSTWührxrz Long Primer Italick. No 1. Peram go bec, quod jampridem ſačium ſº oportuit, certa de cauſa nondum adducor ut facian. tan denique interfician te, cum jam nano tam improbus, tam perditur, tain tui ſimilit inveniri poteriſ, qui if non jure ſº. eſſe ſateatur. Quanidia quiſquam erit quite defen- dere audeat, vives: & vives, it a ut nunc vivir, multis reis & firmis praftdiis obſ/as, ne commovere te contra rempub. poſit. multo- rum te etiam oculi & aures non ſentientem, ſcut adhue ſeccrurºt, /ºe- culabuntur, atque cuſtodient. Etenim quid ºff, Catilina, quod jam º A B C D E FG H J J K L M N OP2 R S T P U W Xrz Z Zººg Prºsº- Zºſick. No 2. - Perum ego bec, quod janpridem ſatlam ſº oportuit, certa de cauſ, condum adaucor ut ſatiam, turn dºmiyae interfician he, cum jam nervo tam improbus, tarſ perditu, tam tui ſrtiliſ inveniri poterit, gai iſ non jure ſićlum eſſe §: 2gamdia quiſquam erit qui te defenders audeat, viceſ : wives, ita ut nume vivis, ruſtiſ fleis & firmis praftdii cºſſu, ne crimºre te cºntra rampub. pºff. rulorum te rtium oculi & aureſ not ſentienterſ, ſcut adhuſ ſecorºnt, ſpeculašantar, atgue cuſtodient. Etºniº 44id ºff, Catilina, quod jam amplia exſpedeſ, B C D EFG H IJ K LM No P & R S TV U W X Yºz º Previer ſtair H. Novakš. C. Maclium audiciar ſitdliton atju, admir;hrux trar 8 nºr; we ºf lºt, Catiliad, nº mod: rºi tauta, tar atrºx, tari incredibilis, virur, id ºf Eſtoragi, off admirandun, dies 7 Dixi (so ident in ſºats, carder tº optiniatar costuliſſ: in axe dion v Krlezd, Novºri!...tum cum multi Árincipes civitati Rºs. r. 1 ran fi casſer- vandi, ſuantuorum reſilierum rºprimentºrum cauſa prºft;cruit, nitri isficiari pºte, tº ill, ipſº die rºciº prºſidºr, ma diligentia circurkisſºi, ºrcºre tº cº-ºrd rºp.A. rºm pituiſ ; cum tº diſcºffa ceterrºr", Rºſtra tarica, gui retrºſºftnut, cºrde certºtºm tº ºff direbai º ºxid 2 our tº Preaſt Kairºd. ipſii Nºve-ºri &cupatarºx, ºurry A B C D E F G if I j K L M M o P & R S T P U M × r.z Az º Nºrºdºrrl […ſi:}. - 0 dii inrºwta!, I wºi-nrn firlins ſºn: ? ferºn rrºw'. Pººra, " In ºas wrk vivºrºu ? hiº, ti: foºtin rº-º n=ºrrº, F. C., in ºf: sri iſ tºrvás ſtºriº: arrºns; " cº, “, 5ui de ºv, *.xin-rººt s:nºn infritu, jui 2, Fujuſ arºu, *tjur 23r, erti, Tºrrarax fri:is “irºnt, ºr *s tº “tºl, ...'. ºliº; ris: º, ºut ſºrry tru’i ºri fºr:ºrt, ru riºr; tº ºwl, tr. Fºli girar ared Zºº is rº, Carl- tº diriºi turn ſtºrs Aataji tuft ºf fººi fºrt. 37:3;iº-3, Rººi-e refix tºrrº, fl.e. tº, ºn Ji-rººt &riºi until Antal ºx hºrr-i-ts cºrºi, tº i, --, }ºn tº *:::::::::A; Yºulºſiºn tik ºf trian tº matrºl, ºf “se cºrrrri. Kºrrā ºr 3.3 riºtº K. i, ºvi u jſ, ºr... likrº.ºrrºt, ſº ill, itſ rººm fluk ºrts lºgº sº in ſº lºu's ir:rºrs, :: *gs crºnia, º: tiºn crºtu tº: %iſ: Jºur rºar º: fr.… • Žiliu raini:3, aſni ſrrisvi º ºrzla, fºr, fºx (a rºtizº ºf fºr full-tºrus "ºsty (ºr ill ºf twº-: *** */ºrſ;#3; #####y ºn tºº-ºw Pica Saxon. Ba he oa mo Kummum Epinºumi Cincite@um cºo Parl he calle Pa Picu Long Primer Saxon. 3)a he ba muo gummum J. Curº nexum parceo Far I he calle Pa yrðið& hummântycºsylolio: j 3-pºonbe roy, by Jºne alºn an §§§§ §§§ §§§3 & P E C I M E. N Letter-Founder, in Ironmonger-Row, Old-Street, LONDON. 19ică 15|acá. 3nt, b2 it further emaited by the ºutflotitp: 3íð!eſaid, Cbat ałł and eperp of the ſaid «Ete chequet 75ílíg to be made foºtb bp pittuc of fbig 35t, on ſo thanp of them ag ſhall from 3 15 QL:D QB J & b 3 is £99.24D 19 AD 1395 & Brevier Black. 2nd be it furtbºr £nań:b bg the 3 ut;0;itr afo, º aſ Sºtt Jæti §: § #. # ; ::::: #. § mãng of thin 36 lbsiſ from time to time remain untiſcharget and untan, ceſſed, until tº Diſtſjarging SRU (sncelling the ſame purſuant to tſjig 35, Pica Gothick. . ATTA in NSAK pn in himſinj\M VerhNAI NAMX (96.IN CLIMAI (911?& INASSnS (ſeinS WAIKºpj\I WIAGA ºpe[NS Sve in him.INA Pica Coptick. Deh owz-pix R &f ea ºë RTÉe mess. Ilk- 4-2,13- TúK22, 2e ſte otzetta ºr époq ſte owog, ñ&Tco&f oxyca Ki ttac{XR exert priorit orog, oùùù fºre ºf its eſtko's 2,2ert ruligo's 3- o- Pica Armenian. Ulreak ſººtus-ºp' Frºpf & &ndal-, nary wºrkſ, ſa. qiaºnk&ſ. nputºu ſº. £- (i.ek Jºp Ulaan &ng’ huk Eufuº 1- ºgurtaul Smi-śā 'A, */#ſ, guit, gººd" &uq-ul-npugs A. *ſºug Lºftºn-ſºº, ºf seatſ, Hºf. Engliſh Syriack. }––a–J|-> !cºls a—) —s!--ao, So-cº, So \2, \N- ! }~ ol-KSoo-, }} r_>|- || cºls Pica Samaritan. 3A 3323 &Y3A §ºw was emf ºſmºsusau < \ſirs & *A*sū2 ſna/-3 A35 ºntºsas awa syzºma fºsſir A2, AA 3:3×ſtra ºxmr A3's Engliſh Arabick. -$34, S, xie” “sus • gºi, is sex, s #– Le S. & - 4- * 3:3 .*.* sº *****, *, *čº ºvº » cºs & 3. i-u 3. * ~ is gº 2: & Aes & G. G. Hebrew with Points. vºn : Yºst ns) Bpynns Brºs sharnºisºn Eºs ºn Eºn jºy ºn na) inh nym *Nºminisºtºpsy bºy Hºrn, nisi tº bribsºn, sº nisºns Eºs sºn nº sº jºnºpy his? bººs sººn : Tºny tº Hebrew without Points. wnsm ºvnsm nsibwn ns prºs sºn Husºn b'nºs nin) Dynn Bºy Tºm innºnnºr, :-mN“nn-N 'n' Dºnº's hºs') : Dºn Yºy Henno Ysm ºn bºnºs ºnn" in bºonsn’ns Enºs Ninn nº sºp wrºby nish Enºs sººn : Tºrinº Brevier Hebrew. Yin Finn Jºhnny tºns" ns) b'nºn nS bºx snº Hºx-o ; 5 ºn OB-Syr-hernp Enºs Inn, Evin jºyºrm \s. no-º n\NTnx Eynºs Rºn" : ºn)Nºnn mR ºn tºrºs nº Tºrºby nº bºnºs NYP) : Tvm ºn hism ºn bººs $33, Engliſh Greek. Iſºxo; 6 rops; iv tº avyſ 34%; tā. Tsº. Tº Hezz- xés, (ºrºg 33 ° ºff-ok Tſºsidºla) gre; ºrigi rº, & &rºaíſº, &# * iſº, 3oz. iyº Piºnkar wai Pº, Hºxie, Tii tº Taffay el; #& Gºro, f % of viol ºn dºg&rogs; Yſidºso, 3rºggy, irre T? Pich Greek. - º: * “A - * IIºx & cº; iv. Tº ºup.21, 13 tº as is: rº * v . . a y - ef * * tº a º (§re 3; 3 ºxić-ois iziäikºlz) ºries with rº, &filº & Tº- (pzáilºt, Ö3; Tºs Aéſºv, 8vo, irº Pºpºvkazi' (png; Fºr H to, Tū ix. 7&id:w sis ºn dººro, (iv 3 of for 53m &joxérºs y ſº ºscºw, ºr rà, 3; 3:1; 3& ré!:1x, Long Primer Greek. TI;ºx3- 3.2%; tº ri zºº, +3 =is, r3 Hºs (ºrº & 3 axiºsk irºix:1z) ºve, º ºx & Crºix', ºi sax Aſs, &r. b3 pianºx, ºxzi al Hizº, tzii is 32%, tº $$… rs, (i, N * c is ºn diºxºrºk 7.5% wa &is, ºr fºr 3;  & rºls, Brevier Greek. Tºxº~ 3 ºr is sº y-zººji tº zºº º Rºxxis; (5xx & 3 rºw; i- wºxº~) Grse ºf 75; d. 5; dºuki's:, , S: Tex Xºſº, &s Hºfſia- jº us, Hºaxxia, isã is ºxy ºf $2, ºf irº, (b. * * * * **śrºls sexuxa, bºw, Łrs tº § 3;ſ& & sºlº, tr. •S Sº, tºs ry & 1:33. §§§ $$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$. RSº Yº *::::$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$ ENGLISH TYPES: 1500–1800 103 perfection so that we may, without fear of contradiction, make the assertion that a fairer specimen cannot be found in Europe; that is, Not in the World.” When Caslon's first specimen appeared, his reputation was made. His subse- quent history is largely the record of the different fonts which he cut. Though Caslon began his foundry about 1720, it was not until 1734 that he issued this specimen-sheet, which exhibited the results of fourteen years of labour (fig. 262). It shows various fonts of type, all cut by Caslon except the Canon roman, which came from Andrews (a “descend- ant” of the Moxon foundry); the English Syriac, cast from matrices used for the Paris Polyglot Bible of Le Jay, and a pica Samaritan cut by Dummers, a Dutchman. A reprint of this specimen, with a change of imprint, appeared in an edition of Chambers' Cyclopædia in 1738, and a note accom- panying it says: “The above were all cast in the foundery of Mr. W. Caslon, a person who, though not bred to the art of letter-founding, has, by dint of genius, arrived at an excel- lency in it unknown hitherto in England, and which even surpasses anything of the kind done in Holland or else- where.” Caslon was joined in his business by his son, Wil- liam II, in 1742, and they constantly enlarged their stock of types, both roman and “learned.” It was apropos of this expansion that a rather startling phrase occurs in Ames’ account of their foundry. “The art,” he says, “seems to be carried to its greatest perfection by Mr. William Caslon, and his son, who, besides the type of all manner of living lan- guages now by him, has offered to perform the same for the dead, that can be recovered, to the satisfaction of any gentle- man desirous of the same.” Fournier, writing (not too accurately) in 1766, says: “England has few foundries, but they are well equipped 104. PRINTING TYPES with all kinds of types. The principal ones are those of Thomas Cottrell at Oxford, James Watson at Edinburgh, William Caslon & Son at London, and John Baskerville at Birmingham. The last two deserve special attention. The types in Caslon's foundry have been cut for the most part by his son with much cleverness and neatness. The speci- mens which were published of them in 1749 contain many different kinds of types.” A contemporary printof Caslon's foundry shows four cast- ers at work, a rubber (Joseph Jackson), a dresser (Thomas Cottrell), and some boys breaking off the type-metal jets. Jackson and Cottrell subsequently became eminent type- founders themselves. Caslon seems to have been a “tender master,” and he was a kindly, cultivated man. In his Chis- well Street house he had a concert room, and within it an organ; and there he entertained his friends at monthly con- certs of chamber music. I have seen the attractive old rooms where these musical parties were held, in the building in Chiswell Street—since pulled down, to be replaced by a more convenient structure. William Caslon the elder (who was thrice married) died in London in 1766, at the age of seventy-four. The stock of his foundry about the time of his death may be seen from his Specimen of 1763. This was the first specimen-book issued in England,” and from it some pages are reproduced ‘Manuel Tyſiograft hique, Vol. II, p. xxxviii. * Also see Luckombe’s History of Printing, in which a reprint of that part of Caslon’s Specimen of 1763 which contains the types, is shown. The flowers are not the same. In Caslon’s specimens, variants of the same size of type are given, called “No. 1'' and “No. 2” – the former a little larger face than the latter, though cast on the same body-as in Luckombe’s re- print. In the Caslon Specimen of 1796, three faces of the same size of type are shown. Thus the name Caslon, says Mr. De Winne, “as applied to a distinct face of type, is consequently not exactly descriptive; it may be somewhat mis- leading.” Two Lines Great Primer. Quoufque tandem abutere Catilina, p &go///7//e /amdem a- ////ere, Ca/// ma,pa- Two Lines Englifh. Quoufque tandem abu- tere, Catilina, patientia noftra? quamdiu nos e- &gou/jue tamdem abutere Catilima, patiemtia mo/?ra? Two Lines Pica. Quoufque tandem abutere, Catilina, patientia noftra ? qu §μοι/σue tamdem abutere, Ca- tilima, patientia m0ffra? quam- 263. Romam and Italic: William Caslon & Son's Specimen Londom, 1763 ENGLISH TYPES : 1500–1800 105 (figs.263 and 264). Hisson, William Caslon II(1720–1778), succeeded him at his death, and maintained the place the house had won for itself. On the death of William Cas- lon II, the property was divided between his widow—Eliza- beth (Cartlitch) Caslon – and his two sons, William Cas- lon and Henry Caslon I. William Caslon III (1754–1833), who had a son William (1781–1869), disposed of his in- terest in 1792 to his mother, and to Elizabeth (Rowe) Cas- lon, the widow of his brother Henry. The latter lady, whose partner was Nathaniel Catherwood, had a son, Henry Cas- lon (1786–1850). He, in partnership with John James Catherwood, with Martin Livermore, and alone, continued the house, which finally descended to the last of the family, Henry William Caslon (1814–1874). On his death, the business was taken over, under the style of H. W. Caslon & Co., by his manager, T. W. Smith, whose sons ultimately assumed the name of Caslon, and the foundry remains in their hands to-day.” The developments of the Caslons' out- put during their long and honourable history are described on later pages. - Why are William Caslon's types so excellent and so famous? To explain this and make it really clear, is diffi- cult. While he modelled his letters on Dutch types, they were much better; for he introduced into his fonts a quality of interest, a variety of design, and a delicacy of modelling, which few Dutch types possessed. Dutch fonts were mo- notonous, but Caslon's fonts were not so. His letters when * This William Caslon III, though selling his interest in the family business, bought Joseph Jackson’s foundry (in operation from 1763 to 1792), which he managed under his own name until 1803 – the succeeding styles of the house being Caslon & Son and William Caslon (1807–19). * The account of the foundry which has been issued by the present owners under the title of Two Centuries of Tyfiefounding should be consulted. It is very fully illustrated by portraits, reproductions of types, ornaments, etc. 106 PRINTING TYPES analyzed, especially in the smaller sizes, are not perfect in- dividually; but in mass their effect is agreeable. That is, I think, their secret—a perfection of the whole, derived from harmonious but not necessarily perfect individual letter- forms. To say precisely how Caslon arrived at his effects is not simple; but he did so because he was an artist. He knew how to make types, if ever a man did, that were (to quote once more Bernard's phrase) “friendly to the eye,” or “comfortable” – to use Dibdin's happy term. Further- more, his types are thoroughly English. There are other letters more elegant; for the Caslon characters do not com- pare in that respect with the letters of Garamond or Grand- jean. But in their defects and qualities they are the result of a taste typically Anglo-Saxon, and represent to us the flowering of a sturdy English tradition in typography. Lack- ing a “national” form of letter, we in America (who are mainly governed by English printing traditions) have noth- ing better. Caslon types are, too, so beautiful in mass, and above all so legible and “common-sense,” that they can never be disregarded, and I doubt if they will ever be dis- placed. Caslon's ornaments or flowers deserve in their way as much praise as his types. “To a designer's eyes they have,” says Mr. W. A. Dwiggins, “taken as individual patterns, an inevitable quality, a finality of right construction that baf- fles any attempt to change or improve. . . . Excellent as single spots, the Caslon flowers multiply their beauties when composed in bands or borders as ornamentation for letter- press. They then become a true flowering of the letter forms —as though particular groups of words had been told off for special ornamental duty and had blossomed at com- mand into intricate, but always typographical patterns. Two Lines Great Primer Black. Ønt bt it furthtrije rthp tuatttu, QIbat Double Pica Black. Ønt be it further berthp ena- ſtep, Úbat the ſºlapoº, ſºat- liffs, or otber beat ſºfficerg, Great Primer Black. 2nd be it further berthy ematten, £bat the Bayong, 15ailiffs, p: dº ther beat Dfficers of entry Town and platt to?porate, and Citp mitz Engliſh Black. and be it further betchpenatten, QChat the 99a. poig, Bailiffs, or other beat Dfficers of cuerp ©own and place componate, and City imit5in thig Bealm, being 3 uſice on 3 uſiites of 19eare, ſhall bage the ſame authority tºp pertue of this 3tt, tuitſ)in the limits and precinità Of their 3|u- Engliſh Black. No 2. Ønt be it further betzbp ematch, Cºat t5e 99apogg, 25ailiffs, or other beat Dificers of cuttp Cotum ant plate corporate, and glitz tuithin this läcalm, being juſtice of Juſticº of 19tate, ſhall baur the ſame authority, bp bettur of tigig Øſt, tufti,in tiſt limitā and p3&* H 264. Black-letter: William Caslon & Son's Specimen London, 1763 ENGLISH TYPES : 1500–1800 1O7 This faculty possessed by the Caslon ornaments of keeping an unmistakable type quality through all their graceful evolutions sets them apart from the innumerable offerings of the type founders' craft as a unique group. . . . From the point of view of the pressman, as practical working types for impressing ink into paper, they may be claimed to be better, so far as English and American designs are con- cerned, than any type-flowers made since their period. The proportion of printing surface to open paper . . . is excel- lently adapted for the purposes of clean, sharp impression. Certain ones have elements broken by tint-lines into a clear- printing gray, and it will be observed that this tint is not the gray of copper-plate, but has the weight and solidity of a printing surface backed by metal” (figs. 265 and 266). III ASKERVILLE is the other great name in eighteenth century English type-founding. Here we have a very different influence emanating from a very different kind of man. His types were not so good as Caslon's, though to an untrained eye their fonts seem much alike; but the slight touch of over-delicacy which the Baskerville letter pos- sessed was finally to develop a rival which would drive Caslon's type, for a time, from the field. Baskerville's char- acters had this advantage—that they were in line with the tendency toward lighter type-forms which was coming over European printing; and although his fonts never had much vogue in England, they did have an enormous influence on the later development of English type-forms, and on the type-forms of Europe. John Baskerville was born in 1706. He was first a writ- 108 PRINTING TYPES ing-master at Birmingham, and then turned to the trade of japanning—of trays, snuff-boxes, etc.—in which he made a good deal of money. In 1750, he began to interest himself in typography. “M. Baskerville,” says Fournier, “a private individual of means, has established at Birmingham, the town where he lives—renowned for its metal manufactures —a paper-mill, printing-office, and type-foundry. He has spared neither pains nor expense to bring these to the high- est perfection. His types are cut with much spirit, his italic being the best in any foundry in England, though the ro- man characters are a little too broad. He has already pub- lished some editions printed from these new types, which, for brilliancy, are real masterpieces. Some are upon hot- pressed paper, and although they are a little fatiguing to the eye, one cannot deny that they are the most beautiful things to be seen in this sort of work.” What Caslon did for types, Baskerville, aided by the novel form of his letters, his black ink, and hot-pressed rag paper, did for eighteenth century presswork. His way of printing was so closely connected with the effects of his fonts that they cannot be considered apart from it. In printing a book, Baskerville had ready a succession of hot copper plates, and between such plates each wet sheet was inserted as it left the press—something no eigh- teenth century printer had up to that time attempted. The high finish of these hot-pressed sheets—the “gloss” of his paper—compared with that on modern papers, does not seem to us very noticeable. His contemporaries, however, thought otherwise, and the Abbé de Fontenai, in a notice of Baskerville, describes it as “so glossy and of such a per- fect polish that one would suppose the paper made of silk rather than of linen.” It is easier to understand his surprise ‘Manuel Tyſiographique, Vol. II, p. xxxix. F L O W E R. S. T}ouble Pica Flowers. 1 Gººgºº) gºû) t 2Xº {{. e) ...] Ú. 2 º' Great Primer Flowers. I (3%&@%&xºğ) - 6%jóð) 4 §§§§§§§§§§§§ 5 §§§§§§§§§§§§§ 6 &&éºéº 7 §§§§§§§§§§§§ 8 iſãº; 9 & To ſº. Alºx &SW tº: §§§§ºś% } 265. Ornaments: William Caslon & Son’s Specimen London, 1763 - 5 ſº º - Aº §§§ º º 2 # 2 ºl ſº º º % § º º * - £º §§ § *:::::::::::::::::::: §§ º * R2 - ſº º Sº ſº Jº º ż Sº, ſº Ø - * * * * * **Nº, eº *~. (Z. º - 3 D. --> - © •C: wº * * *Cº. ** *&^ * A&W Cº...º L b. , Q ** N * º \, ', alſº a ſºft, a ſ? ây & Wy Yâţ ‘ * Nº. 2 º 9°o º © º ºf e. Engliſh Flowers. I Šiššššš <5A "Cºs scos ºs • Cººs • Gºs • Cº- Šºš%; • Sºº -Q9. .5% Gº)... .Q9. , ..Q2, eCº 2 jº 3 :::::::::::::::::::::::::: § ºf Cº. %iſ R} 2 - - º 2 5) w S CŞ. º Öe #3 Pica Flowers. J ſº PZNZ SO2S2S2 6 ſýſº 7 §§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§ 8 &% ºf 9 &@@$$@$$$$$$$$$$$3&&é 266. Ornaments: William Caslon & Son's Specimen London, 1763 ENGLISH TYPES: 1500–1800 IO9 at Baskerville's restraint in the use of decoration, for at that date most books did not depend for their effect on typog- raphy, but chiefly on engravings, or else woodcut ornaments or typographic flowers. This absence of plates in Basker- ville's books struck men of that day very forcibly. “Con- tent with the simplicity of typographic art,” says De Fon- tenai, “the English printer has had no need to borrow aid from engraving; nor do we find in the editions that he has so far published—which are admirable—plates, vignettes, tail-pieces, ornamental letters, or, in short, any of those ac- cessories which serve as passports, so to speak, for a worth- less lot of French verse which, without this useful precau- tion, would meet its just desert–oblivion.” Baskerville spent seven or eight years in experimenting with designs for type before a page of a book was printed, and he made not merely his own types (cut for him by a certain John Handy), but also his ink, and if he did not make his own paper, he superintended its manufacture. His first book, the Latin Virgil, which came out in 1757, estab- lished his reputation. And in 1758, Baskerville followed up this success with a Milton in two volumes royal octavo–a somewhat indifferent performance—which is chiefly inter- esting for the preface (fig. 267) that he wrote for it. “Amongst the several mechanic Arts that have engaged my attention,” he says, “there is no one which I have pursued with so much steadiness and pleasure, as that of Letter-Founding. Having been an early admirer of the beauty of Letters, I became insensibly desirous of contrib- uting to the perfection of them. I formed to my self Ideas of greater accuracy than had yet appeared, and have en- deavoured to produce a Sett of Types according to what I conceived to be their true proportion. * De Fontenai’s Dictionnaire des Artistes, Paris, 1776, Vol. I, p. 156. 1 10 PRINTING TYPES “Mr. Caslon is an Artist, to whom the Republic of Learn- ing has great obligations; his ingenuity has left a fairer copy for my emulation, than any other master. In his great variety of Characters I intend not to follow him; the Ro- man and Italic are all I have hitherto attempted; if in these he has left room for improvement, it is probably more owing to that variety which divided his attention, than to any other cause. I honor his merit, and only wish to derive some small share of Reputation, from an Art which proves ac- cidentally to have been the object of our mutual pursuit. “After having spent many years, and not a little of my fortune in my endeavours to advance this art; I must own it gives me great Satisfaction, to find that my Edition of Virgil has been so favourably received. The improvement in the Manufacture of the Paper, the Colour, and Firmness of the Ink were not overlooked; nor did the accuracy of the workmanship in general, pass unregarded. If the judi- cious found some imperfections in the first attempt, I hope the present work will shew that a proper use has been made of their Criticisms: I am conscious of this at least, that I received them as I ever shall, with that degree of deference which every private man owes to the Opinion of the public. “It is not my desire to print many books; but such only, as are books of Consequence, of intrinsic merit, or estab- lished Reputation, and which the public may be pleased to see in an elegant dress, and to purchase at such a price, as will repay the extraordinary care and expence that must necessarily be bestowed upon them. Hence I was desirous of making an experiment upon some one of our best Eng- lish Authors, among those Milton appeared the most eli- gible.” w Besides the fine and famous series of classical and Eng- lish authors that Baskerville continued to print on his own P. R. E. F. A. C. E. MONG ST the ſeveral mechanic Arts ITV that have engaged my attention, there is no one which I have purſued with ſo much ſteadineſs and pleaſure, as that of Letter-Found- ing. Having been an early admirer of the beauty of Letters, I became inſenſibly deſirous of con- tributing to the perfeótion of them. I formed to my ſelf Ideas of greater accuracy than had yet appeared, and have endeavoured to pro- duce a Sett of Types according to what I con- ceived to be their true proportion. Mr. Caſlon is an Artiſt, to whom the Repub- lic of Learning has great obligations; his inge- nuity has left a fairer copy for my emulation, than any other maſter. In his great variety of Charaćiers I intend not to follow him; the Ro- man and Italic are all I have hitherto attempt- ed; if in theſe he has left room for improve- ment, it is probably more owing to that variety which divided his attention, than to any other cauſe. I honor his merit, and only wiſh to derive ſome ſmall ſhare of Reputation, from an Art which proves accidentally to have been the objećt of our mutual purſuit. After having ſpent many years, and not a A 3 little 267. Page of Baskerville's Preface to Milton, Birmingham, 1758 ENGLISH TYPES : 1500–1800 1 11 account, he had other irons in the fire. He cut Greek types —and very bad they were—for Oxford. He was appointed printer to the University of Cambridge, and produced edi- tions of the Bible and Prayer Book—some of them most imposing—though his types did not seem “solid” enough for this kind of work. I have chosen one or two typical volumes for description of his types and type-setting. The first one is the Virgil, which (in Macaulay's phrase) “went forth to astonish all the librarians of Europe.” *---. This book was issued in square quarto. The title-page is set in lines of widely spaced capitals—a very charac- teristic feature of Baskerville's work. His rather condensed italic capitals are employed for two lines only (fig. 268). These italic capitals are used for running-titles, and else- where—the F, K, J, N, Q, Y, Z being peculiarly “Bas- kerville” in design. The book is set in great primer type, leaded. The folios and numbers to lines of the text employ a very calligraphic and rather disagreeable form of arabic figure. The book is printed on hot-pressed smooth paper, * , , in my copy partly wove and partly laid. Very easy to read, the volume nevertheless does not seem to me a particularly agreeable or beautiful book, partly on account of its type, but chiefly because the type-page is too large for its º and the headings and running-titles, in restless italic capi- tals, become too much of a feature (fig. 269). The volume sold at a guinea, and among the subscribers was Benjamin Franklin, who took six copies. Perhaps among them was the copy given by him to the Library of Harvard College, of which he wrote (in April, 1758) that “It is thought to be the most curiously printed of any book hitherto done in the world.” However that may be, it is a very typical example of Baskerville's merits and defects. In The Works of the Late Right Honorable Joseph Addi- 1 12 PRINTING TYPES son, Esq., in four quarto volumes, printed by Baskerville for J. and R. Tonson in 1761, we have a different kind of performance. The third volume I have chosen to discuss be- cause it is devoted to The Spectator, a book so often reprinted that its editions form a sort of conspectus of English typog- raphy for a hundred and fifty years. To my mind, Bas- kerville's treatment of The Spectator was most unsuccess- ful. Running head-lines are set in italic capitals, much spaced, so that “The" which precedes the word “Specta- tor” has to be huddled to one side in upper and lower- case italic. The number of the issue and its date are set between two lines of very light type-ornament, which is trivial and teasing. The text of the work is set in English roman of a monotonous roundness; for the height of the body of the letter calls for more leading and longer ascend- ers and descenders. On pages 432 and 433, observe the masses of italic—gray in colour, feeble and wiry in line, and annoyingly condensed in shape. The occasional lines of Greek are crabbed and disagreeable—to other Greek fonts what the italic is to “suaver” italics. The volumes may be vastly superior in brilliancy and clearness of effect to other books of the time, but for the text a Caslon, or even “Fell” letter, would have been better if the same attention had been given to presswork. A much finer book—a really very fine book—is the Latin Juvenal and Persius, printed the same year (1761) in quarto. This is very simply arranged. The argument to each Satire is set in a large size of Baskerville's italic, and the text in roman is more leaded than in the Virgil and accordingly much improved. Running-titles are set in spaced italic capi- tals. The imposition is elegant, the margins ample, the type clear. And some of Baskerville's editions of the classics in 16mo are charming little books. P U B L II V I R G I L II MAR o N is B UC O L I CA G E O R G ICA, AE N E I S. B I R M I JW G H A M I AE: Typis J O H A N N IS BAS K E R V IL. L. E. M D C C LVI H. 268. Title-page of Baskerville's Virgil (reduced) 85 ME. Hac te nos fragili donabimus ante cicuta. Hæc nos, Formofum Corydon ardebat Alexin : Hæc eadem docuit, Cujum pecus? an Meliboei? MO. At tu fume pedum, quod, me quum fæpe rogaret, Non tulit Antigenes, (et erat tum dignus amari) go Formofum paribus nodis atque ære, Menalca. E C L O G A S E X T A. S I L E N U S. RIMA Syracofio dignata eft ludere verfu, Noftra nec erubuit filvas habitare Thalia. Qyum canerem reges et prælia, Cynthius aurem Vellit, et admonuit: paftorem, Tityre, pingues 269. Baskerville's Type used in Virgil, Birmingham, 1757 ENGLISH TYPES: 1500–1800 1 13 Baskerville's specimen-sheet of about 1762, entitled A Specimen by John Baskerville of Birmingham, Letter-Founder and Printer, shows eight varieties of roman—from double pica to brevier—and six sizes of italic. On this specimen the roman types appear better than in the Addison. But as Latin is employed for the paragraph which displays them, this may be due to the many m's, n's, and u’s which Latin affords. The italic is better, though it is a very thin, starved sort of character. The italic capital K's, and capi- tal Q's and Z’s, both in roman and italic, are interesting (fig. 270). As our illustration of the broadside specimen is reduced, the reader is referred to the reproduction of Bas- kerville's double pica roman and italic (a portion of another broadside specimen issued about the same time), which gives a somewhat more accurate idea of his type-design (fig. 271). Baskerville no doubt was eccentric, vain, and unattrac- tive as a man; but publishers and printers were jealous of him as a printer. They abused his type, they poked fun at his smooth paper, and in spite of his artistic success, finan- cially he found it by no means easy sailing. Franklin, who loved a practical joke, in a letter written to Baskerville in 1760, tells him that hearing a friend say that Baskerville's types would be “the means of blinding all the Readers in the Nation owing to the thin and narrow strokes of the let- ters,” he produced a specimen of Caslon's types with Cas- lon's name torn from it, saying it was Baskerville's, and ask- ing for specific criticism. He was at once favoured with a long discourse on faults so plainly apparent in the type that * This sheet is a rare one. My copy formerly belonged to A. A. Renouard, the French publisher and bibliophile. There is also an example in the Birming- ham Free Libraries. Baskerville issued specimens in 1757, c. 1762 (2, one of which is bordered), and in 1775 (2). l 14, PRINTING TYPES before the critic had finished, he complained that his eyes were even then suffering from “Baskerville” pains!' But Baskerville was tenacious, and persisted in printing and publishing, though his books did not pay. Several times during his latter years he tried to sell his types, to the Imprimerie Royale (through Franklin in 1767), to the Aca- démie des Sciences at Paris, to the Court of Russia, to Denmark, to the English Government, — without success; indeed, it is doubtful if he wished to succeed. For a time he placed his establishment in the hands of his foreman, Robert Martin, but later resumed its charge, and continued to print and to publish until his death in 1775. After Bas- kerville's decease, his types were hawked about; some of them were sold in England, and the remainder bought by Beaumarchais for his great edition of Voltaire. The chief part of his equipment, therefore, went to France. In the up- heaval consequent to the Revolution the history of his types becomes obscure. An advertisementof their sale in Paris, cer- tainly after 1789, is reproduced from the only copy known (fig. 272). Later, Baskerville's fonts were used to print the Gazette Nationale, ou Le Moniteur Universel, the official journal of the French Republic during “the terrible years.” Whittingham, early in the nineteenth century, used some of them.” And of late his fonts have turned up in certain French foundries and printing-houses.” Baskerville's types and matrices, which should have been preserved to English typography, through indifference were lost to it. * Franklin’s amusing letter, which has been so often quoted, may be found in Straus and Dent’s John Baskerville, Cambridge, 1907, p. 19. * In 1827, Pickering published The Treatyse of Fy­nge wyth an Angle (attributed to Dame Juliana Berners), printed with the types of John Bas- kerville. * See notice of Baskerville type in Marius Audin’s Le Livre, sa Technique, son Architecture, Lyon, 1921, pp. 42 et seq. S P E C I M E N B r 7 0 H JW B A S K E R J^ I L L E Double Pica Roman. TA N D E M aliquando, Quirites! L. Catilinam furentem audacia, fcelus anhelantem, peftem patriæ nefa- rie molientem, vobis atquehuic urbi fer- rum flammamque minitantem, ex urbe A B C D E F G H IJ K L M N O P. Great Primer Roman. T; N D E M aliquando, Quirites! L. Catilinam furentem audacia, fcelus anhelantem peftem pa- triae nefariè molientem, vobis atque huic urbi ferrum flammamque minitantem, ex urbe vel ejecimus, vel e- mifimus, vel ipfum egredientem verbis profecuti fumus. abiit, exceffit, evafit, erupit. nulla jam pernicies à A B C D E F G H IJ K L M N O P Q R S T U V. A B C D E F G H IJ K L M N O P Q R S T U V W x Y. A B C D E F G H IJ K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z. A B C D E F G H IJ K L M N O P Q k S T U V W X Y Z. A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W x Y 2. Qf B I R M I JW G H A M L E T T E R- F O U N D E R and P R I N T E R. Double Pica Italic. A N D E M aliquando, Quirites! L. Ca- tilinam furentem audacia, fcelus anhelan- tem, peftem patriae nefarie molientem, vobis atque huic urbi ferrum flammamque minitantem, ex urbe vel ejecimus, vel emjfimus, vel ipfum egredientem A B C D E F G H I } K L M N O P. Great Primer Italic. AJWD E M aliquando, Quirites! L. Catilinam fu- rentem audacia, fcelus anhelantem, pe/fem patriae nefarie molientem, vobis atque huic urbi ferrum flammam- que minitantem, ex urbe vel ejecimus, vel emjfimus, vel ipfum egredientem verbis profecuti fumus. abiit, exceffit, evafit, erupit. nulla jam pernicies à mon/tro illo, A B C D E F G H I } K L M JW^O P Q R S T U V W. A B C D E F G H I 7 K L M N O P Q R S T U V W x rz. A B C D E F G H I } K L M N O P Q R S T U y W x r z. A B C D E F G H I } K L M Y 0 P Q R S T U y W x r z. A B C D E F G H Ij K L M N 0 P Q R S rU y W x r z. Englifh Roman. # i 'A N D E M aliquando, Quirites! L. Catilinam furentem audacia, fcelus anhelantem, peflem patriae nefarié moli- entem, vobis atque huic urbi ferrum flammamque minitantem, ex urbe vel ejecimus,vel emifimus, vel ipfum egredientem ver- bis profecuti fumus. abiit, exceffit, evafit, erupit. nulla jam per- nicies à monftro illo, atque prodigio moenibus ipfis intra mce- nia comparabitur, Atque hunc quidem unum hujus beiii Pica Roman. TA N D E M aliquando, Quirites! L. Catilinam furentem auda- cia, fcelus anhelantem, peftem patriæ nefarie molientem,vobis atque huic urbi ferrum flammamque minitantem, ex urbe vel ejeci- mus, vel emifimus, vel ipfum egredientem verbis profecuti fumus. a- biit, exceffit, evafit, erupit. nulla jam pernicies a monftro illo, atque prodigio moenibus ipfis intra moenia comparabitur. Atque hunc qui- dem unum hujus belii domeftici ducem fine controverfia vicimus. non jam inter latera noftra fica illa verfabitur: non in campo, non in Small Pica Roman. 1 I VAN D EM aliquando, Quiritcs! L. Catilinam furentem audacia, fcelus anhelanrem, pcflem patriâ nefarie molientem, vobis atque huic urbi fer- rum flammamque rfiinitantem, ex urbc vel ejecimus, vel emifimus, vel ipfum egredientem verbis profecuti fumus. abiit, exceffit, evafit, erupit. nullajam pet- nicies a monftro illo, atquc prodigio moenibus ipfis intra moenia comparabi- tur. Atquc hunc quidem unùm hùjus belli domeflici ducem fine controverfia vicimus. non jam inter latera iuoflra fica illa verfabitur: non in campo, non in foro, non in curia, non dcnique intra domcflicos parietes pertimefcemus. loco ille motus eft, cum cft ex urbe dcpulfus: palam jam cum hofte, nullo Long Primer Romam. TĘ DEM aliquando, Quirites! L. Catilinam furentem audacia, fcelus anhelantem peftem patriæ nefarie molientem, vobis atque huic urbi fer- rum flammamque minitantem, ex urbe vel ejecimus, vel emifimus, vel ipfum egredientem verbis profecuti fumus. abiit, exceffit, evafit, erupit. nulla jam pernicies a monftro illo atquc prodigio mœnibus ipfis intra mœnia compaiabi- tur. Atque hunc quidem uiium hujus belli domeftici ducem fine controverfia vi- cimus. riom jam inter latera noflra fica illa verfabitur: non in campo, non in foro, non in curiâ, non denique intra domeflicos parietes pertimefcemus. loco ille mo- tus eft, cum eft ex urbe depulfus: palam jam cum hofte, nullo impediente, bellum Burgeois Romam, f I VAN D E M aliquando, Quirites! L. Catilinam furcntem audacia, fcclus anhclantcm, peflcm patriae nefarie molientem, vobis atquc huic urbi ferrum flammamquc ininitan- tem, ex urbe vel cjecimus, vcl emifimus, vcl ipfum cgrcdicntcm verbis profccuti fu- mus. abiit, exceffit, cvafit, erupit. nulla jam pernicies a monflro illo, atquc prodigio mocnibus ip- fis intra moenia comparabitur. Atque hunc quidcm unum hujus belli domeftici ducem fine controverfia vicimus. non jam intcr latera noflra fica illa verfabitur: non in campo, non in foro, non in curia, non dcniquc intra domcflicos parietcs pertimefccmus. loco ille motus eft, cum eft ex urbe depulfus: palam jam cum hofle, mullo impcdicnte, bcllum juflum gcrcmus. Sjne dubio perdidimus hominem, magnificeque vicimus, cum illum cx occultis A B C D E F G H IJ K L M N O P Q R S T U V W x Y z. Engljfh Italic. Ά JW^ D E M aliquando, Quirites L. Catilinam furentem auda- cia, fcelus anhelantem, peftem patriae nefarie molientem, vobis atque huic urbi ferrum flammamque minitantem, ex urbe vel ejecimus, vel emjfimus, vel ipfum egredientem verbis profecuti fumus. abiit, ex- ceffit, evafit, erupit. nulla jam pernicies a mon/lro illo, dique prodigio. 7m(enibus ipfis intra maenia comparabitur. Atque hunc quidem unum hujus beiii domefiici ducem fine coniroverjia vicimus. non jam inter ia- Pica Italic. A JV D E M aliquando, Quiriles! L. Calilinam furentem audacia, fíe- lus anhelantem, pe/lem patriae nefarie molientem, vobis atque huic urbi ferrum flammamque minitantem, ex urbe vel ejecimus, vel emjfimus, vel ipfum egredientem verbis profecuti fumus. abiit, exceffit, evafit, erupit, nulla jam per- nicies a mon/lro illo, atque prodigio mænibuj ipfis inlra mænia comparabitur. Atque hunc quidem unum hujus belli domeftici ducem fine controverfia vicimus. non jam inter latera no/lra fica illa ve/abitur: non in campo, non in foro, non in curia, non denique intra domeflicos parietes pertimgfcemus. loco ille motus e/?, Small Pica Italic. 'AJVD EM aliquando, Quirites! L. Catilinam furentem audacia, faclus anhelan. lem, poflem patriae nefarie molienlem, vobis atque huic urbi ferrim flammamque minitantem, cx urbe vel ejccimus, vcl cmjfimus, vel ipfum cgredientem verbis profecuti fumus. abiit, exceffit, cvafit, erupit, nulla jam pernicies a mon/lro illo, atque prodigio mœnibus ipfis intra mœnia comparabitur. Atque hunc quidem unum hujus belli doingflici ducem fine án. troverfia vicinus. non jam inter latera no/lra /ica illa verfabitur: non in campo, nó inforo, non in curia, non denique intra domgflicos parietes pertimefccmus. loco ille m6tus ef?, ciim e/? ex urbe dcpulfus: palam jam cum hofle, nullo impediente, bcllum ju/lum geremus. Sine dubio perdidimus hominem, magnificeque vicimus, cum illum ex occultis infidiis iu apertum Long Primcr Italic. T. JYD EM aliquando, Quirites! L: Catilinam furentem audacia, fcelus anhclantem, poflcm patriae nefarie molicntem, vobis atque huic urbiferrum flammámque minitantem, ex urbe vel cjccimus, vel emjfimus, vd ipfum egredientem verbis profecúti fùmus, abiii, exceffit, evafit, erupit, nulla jam pernicies a mon/lro illo, atque prodigio mœnibus ipfis intra mae. nia comparabitur. Atque hunc quidem unum hujus belli domeftici duccm fine controücrfia vicimus, non jam inter latera noflra fica illa verfabitur: non in campo, non in foro, non in curia, monaan;. que inlra domcfticos parietes pertingfçcmus, loco ille molus gf, cum j ex urbe depulfus; palam jam cum ho/le, nullo impcdicnte, bellum ju/lum gcrcmus. Sine dubio perdidimus hóminem, mag- nificeque vicimus, cum illum ex occultis infidiis in apcrtum latrocinium conjecimus. Quod Brevier Roman. ANDEM aliquando, Quirites! L. Catilinam furentem audacia, fcelus anhelantsm, petlem Patrie ncfarie mglicntem, vobis atque huic urbi ferrum flammamque minitnntem, ex úíss vei ejccimus, vel emifimus, vel ipfum cgredicntcm vcrbis profccuti (ùmus. abiit, cxceffit, evafit, erupit. nulla jam pernicissa nonftro illo, atque prodigio moenisus ipfis intra moeniA comparabitur. Atque hunc quidcm unuin hujus bclli domcflici duccm fine cöntrovcrfia viçimus, non jam inter latera noflra fica illa vcrfabitur: nom in camP9, non in foro, non in curia, non denique intra gom«micos parietes perti- mgfcemus. loco ills mqtus cfl, curn cfl ex urbe depulfus: palam jam cùm home, numis impcdicnte, bellum juflum gercmus. Sine dubio pcrdidimnus homincm, rnagnificcque vicimus, curn illum cx occultis infidiis in apcrtum latrocinium conjecimus. Qyod vcro non crùentuni mucroncm, ut voluit, extulit, quod vivis nobis cgrcfTus cft, quod fcrrum dc manibus cxtorfimus, quod incolumcis ci\es, quod ßantcm vurbem A D C D E F G H IJ K l M N o P Q. R s T U v w x y z. 270. Baskerville's Broadside Specimen (without border), Birmingham, c. 1762 (reduced) I J Double Pica Romam. Π ΠANDEM aliquando, Quiri- tes! L. Catilinam furentem audacia, fcelus anhelantem, pe- A B C D E F G H IJ K L M N. Great Primer Roman. A N D EM aliquando, Quirites! L. Catilinam furentem audacia, fcelus anhelantem, peftem patriae nefarie moli- entem, vobis atque huic urbi ferrum flam- A B C D E F G H IJ K L M N O P. Double Pica Italic. ANDEM aliquando, Quirites! L. Catilinam furentem audacia, fcelus anhelantem, pe/tem patriae nefarie moli- A B C D E F G H Ij K L M N. Great Primer Italic. AJWD E M aliquando, Quirites ! L. Ca- tilinam furentem audacia, fcelus anhe- lantem, peffem patrue nefarie molientem, vobis atque huic urbi ferrum flammamque minitan- A B C D E F G H I } K L MJW 0 P Q R. 271. Types from Baskerville's bordered Broadside Specimen Birmingham, c. 1762 # ，Z，E，<#)ES#E# # -- k 4 # # # |#i，Zº) #2 rii3º2S222&，N#2SZZ，Rè:2#& # # #2ºz # # • y *- ſ •r-- r v, #|! #=a-3-c-z-EFz +e-zºº-#z==z-EFE c7 ===z====#=E=z-s-z-a-º-g=a==== Hº--3 : -> # |$|. é|##ſj,! # § # # .." 3 #| # # ## 4 DES CARACTÈRES # # # # 3 % -##ſerº A.# ( 3il $ # # # à d |. ( # # HO E BASKERVILLE, PORTE SAINT-ANTOINE, entre la rue Amelot # et le Boulevard, N 1, vis-à-vis les ruines de la Baſtille. } /% 4 $ # le^. ( º»* # 8 gºs 4 r g 8 ts *º - » • » • • • • - s•-s- • * #:: » • • • •--• • • • ^x •- . • • • • · · · , * - º ;-- • · LE Dépôt de la Fonderie de BAsKERvILLe, qui présente aux Imprimeurs une ressource # nouvelle en ce genre, contient les Caractères ci-après dénommés : | %|$|ô # S A V o I R, #|$| © ) Triple Canon. Gros Parangon. Petit Romain gros œil. ) 8$ «$ s @ » Double Canon. Gros Romain. Petit Romain petit œil. ) Gros Canon. Saint-Augustin. Petit Texte. † Petit Canon. Cicero gros œil. Mignone. ) Paleſtine. Cicero petit œil. Nompareille. () ^ A e «© N, s @ , Ces Caractères, fondus sur la même hauteur, ne laissent rien à desirer pour la perfection , de l'exécution, et l'on n'a de même rien épargné pour la bonté de la matière, objet dans # lequel les Connaisseurs trouveront un avantage qui ne leur échappera pas. % §l). # A # º & • ， • , / |# Ce Dépôt offre aux Citoyens Imprimeurs et Amateurs en typographie, la facilité de # se pourvoir sur le champ de tout ce dont ils peuvent avoir besoin, tant en Fontes qu'en # , Assortimens de toute espèce. # Le Directeur du Dépôt peut livrer sur le champ de quoi monter une Imprimerïë } le Gros Romain jusqu'à la Mignone inclusivement. Cette Affiche, exécutée avec les Caracteres de BASKERVILLE, indique aux uns et aux autres ce qu'ils peuvent se procurer pour tous les ouvrages de ce genre. # de 3o Presses, en Fontes les plus amples, fussent-elles chacune de 25 à 3o feuilles, depuis Les Amateurs peuvent se procurer de ces Caractères assortis en aussi petite quantité qu'ils le voudront, ainsi que tous les Assortimens, Ornemens, et en général tous Ustensiles d'Imprimerie. On distribuera un Essai d'Epreuves desdits Caractères, avcc lcurs prix, en attendant le Spccuncn ou Livre dÉprcuves de tout ce que conticnt la Fonderie de BAs KERvILLE, à la confection duqucl on travaille. S'adresser au Citoyen COLAS, Déposulaire desdits Caractères, au Dépôt ci-dessus : ou à sa demeure, rue Sainl - Antoine , près la Place de la Liberté, Porte cochére Nº 161. º"6"©-Gº-º--@--->-4R-ce---de-º-º»,- es,-e-ses-...es-as-es-.e...--N-As.-...ºs-a-.e-...es-e--es.-...es--an-...es-ets-s-o>-- >--^---<>-•e--º->-G-@-de-s>-@---© >N，z>N22 :>NG>r>N2 P>\ſ，>NC rºº rrºy#èſ#rrºy# # # # # # # : Sºins Si S，25SRS，#SS$SSE>SRXS >ESSXiCS5xº>SR> 2 --# -- # ， Imprimé par les soins, et dans l'Impriinerie dudit citoycn C O L A S, 272.Advertisement of Sale of Baskerville's Types, Paris, after 1789 (reduced) ENGLISH TYPES: 1500–1800 1 15 The only ornaments Baskerville possessed were, appar- ently, fourteen forms of “flowers,” which, rather thin in de- sign, accorded very well with his types (figs. 273 and 274). But he seldom used them, and his best books have no orna- ments at all. As we look at Baskerville's specimen-sheets, the fonts ap- pear very perfect, and yet somehow they have none of the homely charm of Caslon's letter. It is true that the types try the eye. Baskerville's contemporaries, who also thought so, attributed this to his glossy paper and dense black ink. Was this the real fault? The difficulty was, I fancy, that in his type-designs the hand of the writing-master betrayed itself, in making them too even, too perfect, too “genteel,” and so they charmed too apparently and artfully—with a kind of finical, sterile refinement. The excellent Johann Gottlob Immanuel Breitkopf remarked that these types re- sembled copper-plate engraving; and the Leipsic gentle- man was partly right. Nor was Baskerville's type-setting as original as is nowa- days supposed. Tonson had printed title-pages without ru- brication or surrounding rules many years before, and he and William Bowyer, too, had used spaced roman and italic capitals in what we consider Baskerville's peculiar manner. Hanmer's edition of Shakespeare, which antedated Basker- ville's first book, shows a method of employing “flowers” to which Baskerville was singularly addicted; and he was no doubt greatly influenced by the Foulis editions in the open- ness of his title-pages. The more we think of Baskerville, the more he appears to be an eclectic, whose types were the result of fashions in calligraphy and whose presswork was an attempt to emu- late on paper the finish of japanning. He put his books to- ‘As in Bowyer’s edition of Pope’s Works, printed for Lintot in 1717. 1 16 PRINTING TYPES gether ingeniously; but they were in the nature of a pas- tiche, and not a simple, healthy growth — or so it seems to me. Thus his editions, however ambitious, are not quite the “real thing.” If in most English printing of Baskerville's day, the presswork had not been strong and masculine, and much of the paper so rough in texture, perhaps the note of delicacy in his work would not have given it the reputation it enjoyed. Nevertheless, Baskerville was a great printer, because he had something individual to say—even though he perhaps “quoted” his more ornamental phrases —and he had the courage to say it, and say it persistently, and so he made himself heard. He was notamong the world's greatest printers, because what he had to say was not in itself great. When we look at his books we think of Bas- kerville; while to look at the work of Jenson is to think but of its beauty, and almost to forget that it was made with hands ! IV HERE is no denying that Baskerville had great in- fluence on English type-forms. To know how much he had, look at the specimen-sheets of Wilson of Glasgow, of Moore and the Frys of Bristol and London, and indeed of the later Caslons, and see how his types were imitated. Types somewhat like these Baskerville types still exist, a letter transitional between the early Caslon fonts and those of the later period of Wilson; and some of them are better than Baskerville's and more useful for modern work than the more irregular types of Caslon. Wilson and Fry are important names in English type- founding. Alexander Wilson, a Scotchman, born in 1714, was educated as a physician. A chance visit to a type- foundry interested him so much that, with a friend named 36-kºº-ºº-º-º-º-º-º-º-º-º-º-º-º-º-º-º-º-º-ºg 2xºssºgºsº >{33}{}:ſº-ſº • ** ** • e. - sº • * * * ~ * * e §§ºjºščič §§§§§§§§§§::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: 273. Ornaments used by Baskerville 211ļauøysog fiq pºsn sſuºmupuuO + 2z ############################ {{}{}{}{}{}{}{}{}{}{}{}{}{}{}{}（{}E{}{}S{}{}{}{}{}{}（{}{}{}{}{}{}{}{}{} { ������������� �����������������- ><><><ſ><><><><><>^<><º<;^<><><><><><><><><<><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><><<><><><>?>.< §§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§ ryōryōryōryōryōryōryōryōryōryºzyºry： →∞∞∞∞∞∞∞∞∞∞∞∞∞∞∞∞∞∞∞∞∞∞ ENGLISH TYPES : 1500–1800 117 Baine, he attempted an improved system of type-casting. This coming to nothing, they set up on a small scale a type- foundry at St. Andrews in 1742. Baine later left Wilson to go into business for himself; and Wilson (who had mean- while removed his foundry to Camlachie) fell in with the famous brothers Foulis–Robert and Andrew—printers to the University of Glasgow. For them he cut some cele- brated Greek types which they used in their Homer. The foundry was removed to Glasgow, and Wilson accepting a post as professor of astronomy in the University, its man- agement fell to his sons. Their earliest specimen was dated 1772. A specimen in broadside form came out in 1783 and illustrated an article on printing in Chambers' Cyclopædia. It shows a selection only of Wilson's types, but exhibits fonts of roman and italic from six-line pica to pearl, and five sizes of black-letter. Of Greek types there are five sizes (the double pica being that of the Homer), and there are six sizes of Hebrew. All these fonts (with the exception of the two larger “blacks”) have been made more regular and me- chanical than Caslon's types, and, especially in mass, lack their colour (fig. 275). If we compare Wilson's specimen of 1783 with Caslon's specimen of 1763, it is surprising to see how “rude” the Caslon letters appear. On the other hand, Wilson's types are not Baskerville's characters, for these were shorter and broader, and the italic much more like pen-work. Wilson's fonts clearly show the Baskerville influence, and yet somehow quite miss Baskerville's bril- liancy. The monotonous grayness of the letter in pages, not disagreeably noticeable in large types, becomes marked as sizes decrease. It is particularly apparent in the fonts below pica, in the Specimen of Printing Types issued by Wilson at Glasgow in 1786—which shows Wilson's merits and defects better than the broadside just mentioned. 1 18 PRINTING TYPES Wilson's types, as I have said, were almost entirely used by the brothers Foulis. Their smaller formats were cheaper, more popular, and better known than their folios, and in them they popularized invertebrate sorts of fonts which were lifeless and dull in effect; and the reputation which they had made through the types of the folios cloaked the sins of the 12mos! Printers who did not use these types printed books that had the same faults—volumes like Dr. Charles Burney’s History of Music, in four quarto volumes (London, 1776–79), or the first edition of White's Natural History of Selborne, printed by Bensley in 1789 in quarto; and other similarly “drab” performances. For some reason or other such books were often printed on a bluish-white paper, in an ink brown, rather than black. I fear we must count Foulis and Wilson as poor influences on contempo- rary English printing. The owners of the Fry type-foundry at Bristol were in- telligent, painstaking men, and its output stood very high in its day. Joseph Fry and William Pine, a Bristol printer, started the establishment in 1764, under the style of Fry & Pine. Fry—a typographic Vicar of Bray—was much in- fluenced by other people's work; and at first, under the direc- tion of Isaac Moore, a type-founder who was made part- ner, this foundry produced letters modelled on Baskerville's. The very rare specimen-sheet of Isaac Moore & Co., Bris- tol, shows their output in 1766 (fig. 276). But there was a prejudice against Baskerville's types, and, Moore having retired about 1776, the firm—J. Fry & Co.—put aside their imitations of Baskerville and spent some years in imitating Caslon. They were able but bare-faced copyists, and openly announced in the advertisement to their specimen of 1785 that they had cut types “which will mix with and be totally unknown from the most approved Founts made by the late Two L IN ES G R E AT PRIME R. Quouſque tand- em abutere, Cati- lina, patientia no- A B C D E F G. I Italick. Sºuouſque tandem a- butere, Catilina, pa- tientia noſtra? quam- Two L IN Es ENG L Is H. Quouſque tandem a- butere, Catilina, pati- entia noſtra? quam- A B C D E F G H I Italick. Sºgouſque tandem abutere, Catilina, patientia noſtra? 275. Portion of Wilson's Broadside Specimen, Glasgozv, 1783 Wºº & ; E. A $ $3 Sº Q S&S 33-33 32& ©º *3Xº : ; @ ºr & § 3. : ? K)& * <> dº & º sº * § § s 4) $º & «» : & 3> & $” § 4. º § & Ç $ <}, º & & © & i ; © 3. & ºb i & 3. & § º& 3.5, *dº* 2&t gº 3. -, $ & § § sº 3. &-w ; & Q. () * © § § C & Sºº-ºº: 3ºgº & S P E C I By I S A A C M O O R E L E T TE R-F O U N DE RS, in B R IS TO L, 1766. GREAT PRIMER Roman. Quouſque tandem abutere, Catilina, patientianoſtra? quamdiunos etiam furor iſte tuus eludet? quem ad fin em ſeſe effrenata jačtabit audacia 2 nihilne te noćturnum praeſidium pa latii, nihil urbis vigiliae, nihil timor populi, nihil conſenſus bonorum omnium, nihil hic munitiſfimus ha- bendi ſenatus locus, nihil horum ABCDEFG HIJKLMNOP ENGLISH ROMAN. Quouſque tandem abutere, Catilina, pa- tientia noſtrap quamdiu nos etiam furor iſte tuus eludet? quem ad finem ſeſe ef- frenata jačtabit audacia? nihilne te noc- turnum praefidium palatii, nihil conſen- ſus bonorum omnium, nihil hic muni- tiſſimus habendi ſenatus locus, nihil ho- rum ora vultuſque moverunt? patere tua confilia non ſentis? conſtrićtam jam omnium horum conſcientia teneri con- jurationem tuam non vides? quid proxi A B CD EFG HIJKLMNOP QRST Pic A RoMAN. Pica. sºrrº ABCDEFGHIKL TrøS ºffi'īTT-fúTÜ c-CCTUS-Ehidet quem ad finem ſeſe effrenata jačtabit audacia? ni- hilne te noćturnum praeſidium palatii, nihil urbis vigiliae, nihil timor populi, nihi, conſenſus bonorum omnium, nihil hic munitiſfimus habendi ſenatus locus, nihil horum ora vultuſque moverunt? pa- tere tua conſilia non ſentis? conſtrićtam jam omni- um horum conſcientia teneri conjurationem tuam non vides? quid proxima quid ſuperiore noćte ege- ris, ubi fueris, quos convocaveris, quid conſilii cepe A B C D EFG H IJ K L M N OPQRSTUV Los C PRIME R Roxas. No. 1. AB C D EFG HIJKLMN OPQRSTUV w x YzAE Lo Nc PRIME R Romax. No. 2. Quouſque tandem abutcre, Catilina, patientia noſtra? quam- diu nosetiam furoriſte tuus eludet? qucm ad finem ſeſe cffrc- natajačtabit audacia? nihilne te noćturnum praeſidium palatii nihil urbis vigiliac, nihil timor populi, nihil conſenſus bonor- um omnium, nihil hic munitiſfimus habcndi ſenatus locus, ni- hil horum ora vultuſque moverunt? patere tua conſilia non ſentis? conſtrićtam jam omnium horum conſcicntia teneri con- jurationem tuam non vides? quid proxima, quid ſupcriore noćte cgeris, ubi fucris, quos convocaveris, quid conſilii ce- peris, quem noſtrum ignorare arbitraris? O tempora, o mores! A B C D EFG HIJKLM N OPQRSTUVW XYZAE Great Primer Two-Line Letters, &c. ABCDEFGH IJKLMNOP Úº §§§ cº §§§§ §§ No. 1. No. 2. No. 3. -> 'a ºr X)? tº ºsºbs 933& gº ſº &rs: º § §§ § No. 4. No. 5. No. 6. Engliſh. ABCDEFGHIL KMNQPQRST No. 1: . <- ºr No. #. No. $8 A ...N9.4: No. 5. No. 6. 3:3: gºt-tº-ºx; ; : : No. 7. O. CŞ. No. 9. sº sº I 1 O. 12 3. & O. 1 O. O. §§§ 3; 33.33.3% MNOPRSQTU * * * No. 2. O. 3. 6&º $323 & © & $33% No. 4. No. 5. No. 6. Sºś 3333333, Gºgºſºgºſº). No. 7. No. 8. No. 9. §§§§§§§ 3& ###### O. 1 O. No. 11. No. 1 2. ...N Long Primér. ABCDEFGHIKLMN OPRSTUVWXYZQ && º3, & *> Quouſque tandem abutere, Catilina, patientia noſtra P quam- diu nos etiam furor iſte tuus cludct P quem ad finem ſeſe ef- frenata j2&abit audacia P. nihilne te noćturnum praefidium alatii, nihil urbis vigiliae, nihil timor populi, nihil conſcnſus i. omnium, nihil hic munitiſſimus habendi ſenatus ſo- cus, nihil horum ora vultuſque moverunt? paterc tua conſilia non ſchtis? conſtrićtam jam omnium horum conſcicntia te- neri conjuration.cm tuam non vides? quid proxima, quid ſu- periorc noćic egeris, ubi fueris, quos convocaveris, quid con- ſilii cepcris, qucin noſtrum ignorare arbitraris? O tempora, o No. 2. ^* O. 1 . - 4 º' O • 4. ###############3: cºxºSºx. No. 5. No. 6. º §§§ ºr * + f \ || || ABCDEFGHIKLMN JOPRSTUVWXYZ No. 7. +++++++++++++ %-º-º-º:- IN O. i *N*N* No. 1 O. wº Fºs *N - - 9. IEEEEEEEEEE O. i t . • 12- '& Four LINEs PICA. ####3 ºxº- - !, J 1- ". . . ." . . . . ." Sºº-Sº-Nº Me Me A'z s'e A's N', *S-º-º-; *****,x* As •e § R- 33: º qx º and Co. Great Primer Italic. Quouſgue tandem abutere, Catilina, pa- tientia noſtra? quamdiu nos etiam furor iſie tuus eludet? quem ad finem ſeſe eff- Tenata jačiabit audacia? nihilne te noc- turnum praeſidium palatii, nihil urbis vigilia, nihil timorpopuli, nihil conſenſus bonolum omnium, nihil hic munitiſimus habendi ſenatus locus, nihil houm ova vultuſque moveunt? pated tua conſilia A B C D E FG H 13 K LM NO P Q Engliſh Italic. Quouſ/ue tandem abutere, Catilina, patien- tia noſtra? quamdiu nos etiam furor iſle tuus eludet? quem ad finem ſeſe effrenata jačiabit audacia? nihilne te noćiurnum pra:- ſidium palatii, nihil urbis vigilia, nihil ti- morpopuli nihil conſenſus bonorum omnium, nihil hºc munitiſimus habend, ſenatus locus, nihil horum ora vultuſgue moverunt?patere tua conſilia non ſentis? conſtričiam jam om- nium horum conſcientia teneri conjurationem tuam non vides? quid proxima, quid ſuperi A B C D E FG H IJ K L M N OP Q R Pica Italic. Quouſ tie tandon abuſere, Calilina, patientia noſtra? quam did nº diain fürür jie tuus eludeſ? quem ad finan ſºft - effrenada jačiabit audacia? nihilne tº nočiurnum praſidium palaţii, nihil urbis vigilia, nihil timor populi nihil conſºn- fus honorum omnium, nihil hic muniliffimus habendi º tus locus, nihil horum ora vuluſque moverunt? palere tua conſilia non ſentis? conſtriëlam jam omnium horum con- ſcientia teneri conjurationem tuam non vides? quid proxi- ma, quid ſuperiore noćie (geris, ubi fueris, quo; convocave- zis, quid conſilii cºpcris, quem noſtrum ignorare arbitraris? 0 tempora, o mores! Senatus hoc intelligit, conſul widit: A B C D E FG HI} K L M N 0 P Q R S TUV Long Primer Italic. No. 1. Quouſºue tandem abutºre, Catilina, patientia noſtra º quamáin nor etiam furor iſle tuus elude: º quem ad ſinem ſeſ: ºffrenata jačašit audacia’ nihilne te noćiurnum praftdium palatii, nihil ºrbis bi- gilia, nihil timor populi nihil conſenſus bonorum omnium nihil hic ºr unitiſmus habendi ſºnati, locus nihil horum ora vultuſgue mo- verunt?patere tua conſilia nonſentis conſºričiamjam omnium horum conſcientia tenevi conjulationem tuam non vides?quid proxima, quid ſuperiove notic gais, ubi fuevis, quo; convocaveris, quid conſilii ce- air quen noſtium ignorate arbitravis P 0 tempowa, o moves? Sena- tus hoc intelligit, conſul oidit: hic tamen vivit, vipit? ino vao cliam A B C D EFG H IJ K L MN 0 PQRSTUVH’ x Yz E Long Pºinci Italic. No. 2. Quouſ/ue tandem abulae, Catilina, patientia noſta? quamdin nose- #. iſle tuus eludet P quem ad finem ſºft ºffienata jačiabit au- dacid 8 nihilac tº nočiuinum praftdium palatit, nihil unbis vigiliz, nuhil limov populi, nihil conſenſus $onoum omnium, nijul hic muni- tiſſimus habendiſenatus locus, nihil horum ova vultuſgue noverunt? patae tua conſilia non ſentis, conſtitäamjam omnium horum conſci- entia teneri conjuration.cm tuam non videº quid proxima, quid ſupe- riore noćle egºris, ubijucris, ques convocaveris, quid conſilii cºpéris, quem noſtrum ignorare arbitrans? 0 tempora, o mores! Senatus hot intelligit, conſul vidit: hic tamen wivit. vivit? ino were cliam in ſena- A B C D EFG H Iy K LM. No PQRSTUV IVX YZ.E. Quouſque tandem abutere, Catilina 9 patientia noſtra ſh - & Cº. - $, 18, * 3. § 6 Nº. - º & 3$333333333333333333333333333333333333333333.3% 276. Broadside Specimen of Isaac Moore and Co., Bristol, 1766 (reduced) $. sº S$2, º *Saº 3 & &S * S$. s^*_S$. º §§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§. $33. sº $ :3:33: 33: 33: §: 33333333333 •;x* ;; $ $. cº º f § •S sº cº Jº º $. § $. & § : : sº 4- ENGLISH TYPES : 1500–18OO 1 19 ingenious artist, William Caslon”—which vexed the Cas- lons exceedingly. How much it vexed them may be seen in the Address to the Public prefixed to the Caslon specimen of 1785: “The acknowledged Excellence of this Foundry,” says the Address, “with its rapid Success, as well as its unexam- pled Productions, having gained universal Encomiums, on its ingenious Improver and Perfecter, (whose uncommon Genius transferred the Letter-Foundry Business from Hol- LAND to ENGLAND, which, for above Sixty Years, has received, for its Beauty and Symmetry, the unbounded Praises of the Literati, and the liberal Encouragement of all the Master- printers and Booksellers, not only of this Country, but of all EUROPE and AMERICA,) has excited the Jealousy of the En- vious, and the Desires of the Enterprising, to become Par- takers of the Reward due to the Descendants of the Im- prover of this most useful and important Art. They endea- vour by every Method to withdraw, from this Foundry, that which they silently acknowledge is its indisputable Right: Which is conspicuous by their very Address to the Public, wherein they promise (in Order to induce Attention and En- couragement) that they will use their utmost Endeavours to IMITATE the Productions of this Foundry: Which Asser- tion, on Inspection, will be found to be impracticable, as the Imperfections cannot correspond in Size. The Proprietor of this Foundry, ever desirous of retaining the decisive Su- periority in his Favour, and full of the sincerest Gratitude for the distinguished Honour, by every Work of Reputa- tion being printed from the elegant Types of the Chiswell- street Manufactory, hopes, by every Improvement, to retain and merit a Continuance of their established Approbation, which, in all Quarters of the Globe, has given it so acknow- ledged an Ascendency over that of his Opponents.” 120 PRINTING TYPES A Specimen of Printing Types, by Edmund Fry and Co., Letter-Founders to the Prince of Wales, appeared in 1787, and was reprinted in Stower's abridged edition of Smith's Printer’s Grammar, which was issued in that year. This shows the Frys’ imitations of Caslon's types, and Stower's note introductory to the specimen says: “The plan on which they first sat out, was an improvement of the Types of the late Mr. BASKERVILLE of Birmingham, eminent for his in- genuity in this line, as also for his curious Printing, many proofs of which are extant, and much admired: But the shape of Mr. CASLON's Type has since been copied by them with such accuracy as not to be distinguished from those of that celebrated Founder.” (!) Some of the Frys’ type cer- tainly closely resembled Caslon's; but, in the main, their types were more open and finished than even Wilson's—or at least became so. As might be expected from so “learned” a foundry—for the proprietors were learned—they had a large selection of Hebrew types and some interesting forms of Persian, Arabic, Ethiopic, etc., the result of judicious pur- chases at the sale of the James foundry in 1782—in which year Edmund and Henry Fry were admitted to the busi- ness. The “flowers” in this book are of a rather lighter char- acter than those in Caslon's specimens—lightened to har- monize with the type. In 1787, Joseph Fry retired. He left the business in the hands of his sons. Edmund Fry, a scholarly man, was the author of Pantographia, a book on which he spent some six- teen years of research. It shows more than two hundred al- phabets—thirty-nine of Greek alone. In 1794, Dr. Fry took Isaac Steele into partnership. Their specimen of 1795" shows that, in view of the prevailing fashions, types of the Bas- ‘.4 Shecimen of Printing Tyſhes by Fry and Steele, Letter Founders to the Prince of Wales, Tyfie Street, London. Printed by T. Rickaby, 1795. Two LINES ENGLISH. Quouſque tandem abu- tere Catilina, patientia noſtra? quamdiu nos e- ABCDEFG HIJKL Quouſque tandem abutere, Catilina, patientia noſtra? quamdiu nos etiam furor ABCDEFGHI 7KLMN Two LINES PICA. Quouſque tandem abutere, Catilina, patientia noſtra? quamdiu nos etiam furor ABCDEFGHIJKLMN Quouſque tandem abutere, Ca- tilina, patientia noſtra? quam diu nos etiam furor iſte tuus e ABCDEFGHI 7KLMN 277. Roman and Italic: Fry and Steele's Specimen, London, 1795 ENGLISH TYPES : 1500–1800 121 kerville style were again resuscitated (figs. 277 and 278). A comparison between the broadside specimen of 1785, the specimen-book of 1787, and that of 1795, shows these puz- zling see-saws of taste, with the last of which, undoubtedly, Didot and Bodoni abroad, and Bulmer and Martin at home, had something to do. Fry's Type Street Letter Foundry, as it was called, was ultimately acquired by the proprietors of the Fann Street Foundry, represented in our own day by Stephenson, Blake & Company. Finally, the Caslons themselves became involved in the new movement, and in a specimen published in 1798, many of their types and ornaments are distinctly of the school of Wilson and Fry (figs. 279 and 280). Thus the taste for lighter book-printing was carrying all before it by 1800. Joseph Jackson (1733–1792), who has been mentioned as apprentice to the first Caslon, and who was, later, a rival of William Caslon II, is chiefly remembered for his clever cutting of “peculiar” fonts—such as the “Domesday” char- acter, and his Greek types copying the letter of the Alexan- drian Codeac. This last character, reproducing an earlier, like font, was magnificently employed by John Nichols in his great folio edition of Woide's Novum Testamentum Græ- cum, based on the Codex. Alexandrinus, printed in 1786 at the expense of the Trustees of the British Museum. Jackson's roman letter, which more concerns us, was of a style that also took a middle course between the old-fashioned Caslon and the more modern Baskerville letter—somewhat like the earlier Wilson fonts. Macklin's Bible, printed by Bensley in seven ponderous folio volumes, is the best example of a book printed from these new double English roman types. When the Bible was printed as far as Numbers, Jackson * A Shecimen of Printing Tyfies by Wm. Caslon, Letter-Founder to the King. London : Printed by C. Whittingham, 1798. 122 PRINTING TYPES died, and his foundry was bought by William Caslon III, with whom Bensley refused to have dealings. So Vincent Figgins I cut a similar font in which the Bible was com- pleted. He was disappointed in succeeding to Jackson's foundry by Caslon's purchase of it, and he set up a foun- dry of his own, which for the period was one of the best. Figgins' Bible type was used for Bensley's fine edition of Thomson's Seasons, of 1797—a fact recorded on the title- page thereto. He was also responsible for some other fonts, which had a good deal of popularity, and may be described as a sort of modified old style, although not the “modified old style” now in use. His first specimen-book—issued in 1792—was printed for him by Bensley. Figgins' Greek types cut for the University Press, Oxford, a Persian type for Ouseley the Orientalist, an English Télegú font for the East India Company, and various fonts of Domesday char- acters attest his talents and reputation. Vincent Figgins I died in 1844. A founder eminent in the late eighteenth century was Thomas Cottrell, another of Caslon's old apprentices, whose foundry attained unfortunate prominence in the hands of Robert Thorne, who bought it in 1794; but whose “bold- faced” changes (in more senses than one) in its product were reserved for the early years of the nineteenth century. To understand the causes of the revival of English print- ing which marked the last years of the century, we must remember that by 1775 Baskerville was dead; that An- drew Foulis died in the same year, and Robert in 1776. There seems to have been a temporary lull in English fine printing and the kind of type-founding that contributed to it. The wood-engraving of Thomas Bewick, produced about 1780, called, nevertheless, for more brilliant and delicate Engliſh. 27 ºftſ; 28 #::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: * 29 #6. 3o #&############## 31 #%.23%, 23%, 23%, 23%, 23%, 23%, º, 32 @@@@@@@@XXXXXXXX). 33 4×XXXXXXXéºéé63) 34 S-2TS 2+S Pica. 1 ſººººººººººººººº, 2 & 33.3% $32&32&3×3×3×3×3×3×3 3 '3% 4 &Sº?Sºš -dº 5 §§§§§§§§§ §º ºsºsºsºgº ºsºsºsºsºsºsºsºsºsºs 6 gºgº Gº Gº Gº Gº Gº Gº Gº Gº Gºgº Gº Gº Gº. 278. Ornaments: Fry and Steele's Specimen, London, 1795 Great Primer Roman, No. 2. Quousque tandem abutere, Catilina, pa- tientia nostra? quamdiu nos etiam furor iste tuus eludet? quem ad finem sese ef- frenata jactabit audacia? nihilne te noc- turnum praesidium palatii, nihil urbis vigiliae, nihil timor populi, nihil consen- SuS bonorum omnium, nihil hic muni- tissimus habendi senatus locus, nihil ho- rum ora vultusque moverunt? patere tua consilia non sentis constrictam jam Omnium horum conscientia teneri con- jurationem tuam non vides? quid prox- ima, quid superiore, nocte egeris, ubi ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRS 123456789 () Great Primer Italic, No. 2. Quousque tandem abutere, Catilina, ſha- tientia nostra º quamdiu nos etiam furor iste tuus eludet & quem ad finem sese ef- frenata jactabit audacia & nihilne te noc- turnum ſhraesidium ſalaţii, nihil urbis vi- giliae, nihil timor ſoftuli, nihil consensus bonorum omnium, nihil hic munitissimus habendi senatus locus, nihil horum ora vultusque moverunt # /latere tua consilia ABCDEFGHIKLMNOPQRSTU 4 23.456789 () 279. Transitional Types: Caslon Specimen, London, 1798 Great Primer Flowers. 6 º' 7 ºf A- ** azºº ºzºn 72's - ºčjº 3. 3$ 3. 1 ſ ºft 12 $333333333333 13 &Gº Gº-Gº, 14 &&&äß&áčášáš 15 ſº. 16 & & & & & & & & & & & & 17 º English Flowers. 1 & 2 ºrºžº 3 *@*-es-e-eare:= -e elege efteåe:eº 4 –4 6–4 6–4, 6–4 6–4, 6–3, 6–3 6–4 6–4, 6–$4–$4–$4–$º 5 §3-ºxº~&3-ºxº~&ººš §§§§§§§ 280. Ornaments: Caslon Specimen, London, 1798 ENGLISH TYPES : 1500–1800 123 letter-press than either Caslon's or Wilson's types could supply. If Baskerville's fonts had been available, no doubt they would have served; but some were scattered among English printers and the greater part were in France. So the next experiments in typography were made by a little coterie composed of the Boydells, the Nicols, the Bewicks (Thomas and John), and Bulmer. While the Foulis and Wilson influence had helped a taste for lighter effects in type, this new group sought brilliant effects for their print- ing. It was natural, therefore, to turn to a type-cutter who worked in the “tradition” of Baskerville. Such a one was William Martin, who learned his trade, apparently, at Baskerville's foundry. He was brother to Rob- ert Martin, who was for a long time in Baskerville's employ. About 1786, he came to London as punch-cutter to George Nicol (bookseller to George III), the originator of the plan for the “Boydell Shakspeare.” He was employed by Nicol “to cut sets of types after approved models in imitation of the sharp and fine letter used by the French and Italian - printers”—by whom Didot and Bodoni were, I suppose, meant. Now this is just what Martin did—more Anglice. And when the Shakspeare Press was set up with Bulmer in command, Martin was master of a sort of “private foun- dry” in connection therewith. His types were used in the “Boydell Shakspeare,” the first part of which appeared in 1791, in the Milton of 1794–97, and in Poems by Goldsmith and Parnell of 1795. These books will be discussed later. Martin's types, both roman and italic, were cut to imitate Baskerville's, but with certain fortunate individualities. A more “modern” quality had crept into these fonts, but they were very splendid of their kind. It has been the fashion to disparage the types of this post-Baskerville movement; but when an authority says 124 PRINTING TYPES that “the revival or re-invention of wood engraving by Be- wick about 1780 had no good effect on printing, the new illustrations being too delicate to print well with type,” is this entirely fair? It is not true of books like the Goldsmith and Parnell, illustrated by the Bewicks and printed from Martin's types. These new illustrations did print well with type, though with type some persons dislike. Whether or not we wholly approve of such types or books, the press- work is often splendid, the types are fine of their kind, the books reflect the taste of their day, and the performance as a whole “hangs together.” William Martin cut some Greek and Oriental fonts, but he will be best remembered by his wonderful roman and italic—fonts skilfully employed by McCreery in his poem The Press (1803)—and the splendid form of modern face letter used by Bulmer in Dibdin's bibliographical works. Martin died in the summer of 1815. I am glad to place this sprig of rosemary to the memory of a master of his art, whose work closes a chapter in English letter-founding." V NGLISH books between 1500 and 1800 are impor- tant to us as the sources from which most of our pres- ent-day styles in printing are derived. The sixteenth century is an archaic period typographically in England, and its ‘Martin never issued, I think, a specimen of his foundry, but a selection of his types, as employed by John McCreery of Liverpool, is shown — to no very great advantage—in A Shecimen of Improved Tyſhes of G. F. Har- ris, Printer, successor to Mr. John McCreery, Houghton Street, Liverflool (1807). This was the only provincial printing-house owning any of Martin’s fonts. They were cast for its collection by arrangement with Bulmer and Nicol. The “Shakspeare” types are said to be numbered 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 26, and 27. Martin’s foundry, for a short period after his death, was continued by Bulmer. A portion of its material appears to have been sold to the Caslons in 1817. ENGLISH TYPES : 1500–1800 125 interest is mainly historical. While in the seventeenth cen- tury English books are less archaic, its traditions have but little effect on our printing to-day. But eighteenth century work, especially after the advent of Caslon, has a close con- nection with nineteenth and twentieth century printing; and the influence of its somewhat dubious taste is shown, in recent years, in American books and especially in ephem- eral typography. The books used to illustrate the progres- sion of English type-forms during these three centuries are chosen from the rank and file of volumes of their respective periods—although among them there are some remarkable specimens of book-making. § 1 William Horman's Vulgaria—a book of common Eng- lish phrases with their Latin equivalents—was printed by Pynson at London in 1519. The border on its title-page is an adaptation of a familiar Italian design. The title within it is set wholly in roman type. The prefatory matter em- ploys the same roman fonts, and the body of the book is set in two sizes of roman. Divisions of subject begin with woodcut initials, or spaces for painted initials. The book is an early example of a volume printed throughout in roman fonts; and in appearance is rather more like Continental work than current English printing (fig. 255). A second sixteenth century book is Gower's Confessio Amantis, printed by Berthelet in 1532. The text is set chiefly in two sizes of black-letter midway between batarde and lettre de forme, but the preface employs a purely Eng- lish lettre de forme. Latin quotations are set in roman— a beautiful font–and running-titles in roman capitals. This mixture of roman and black-letter types is a sign of decadence, and prefigured a period when the rôle of the 126 PRINTING TYPES two types would be reversed, and black-letter would be used only for “displayed” lines and such-like. Berthelet was a Frenchman, and this book has a certain workmanlike quality, and indeed elegance, which is somewhat French, and its title-page is ornamented after a design by Tory. The Gower, and books by Sir Thomas Elyot, are consid- ered among Berthelet's best productions (fig. 281). The year 1532 is also the date of the first collected edi- tion of Chaucer's Works, printed by Thomas Godfrey of London. The text is composed in a French lettre batarde, but an English lettre de forme is used as an ornamental letter, for display on the very handsome bordered title-page, and elsewhere. The Preface is also set in it—and a line of roman letter is used at least once (fig. 282). Ten years later (1542), a second edition appeared, printed by Pynson, also set in black-letter, but entirely of the English variety—a rather solid lettre de forme—a consistently Gothic book and purely English in type-forms and in taste. The poems in both these editions are set in double column (fig. 283). The Cosmographicall Glasse, by William Cunningham, a Norwich physician, was printed by John Day in 1559, and has been called “a real landmark in English book-pro- duction. In addition to its fine types, this book is noted for its woodcut diagrams and pictorial capitals, ornamental title- page, large map of Norwich and . . . a strong and vigorous portrait of the author.” As a piece of printing, nothing bet- ter had hitherto appeared in England. It shows the influ- ence of foreign typography (fig. 284). Day's device, which appears at the end of the volume, should be noticed. In 1570, John Day printed in folio the Elements of Ge- * The copy in the British Museum has been skilfully reproduced in facsimile by the Oxford University Press (1905). * Pollard’s Fine Books, p. 260. S E. C. W. K. D. W. S. Towardeslotte, ſay mewbat glūSy ſonne aggyleynder the bat with fieygbtee of a £regetour gbyd, enuye of ſuche colour 34th yet the fourtbe occeyuaunt Zbe whiche ic cleped falo 95emblaunt wbcroftbe mater, and the forme 1?owcberken, and J the ſhall enfotine Niibilinguis aget, niſi diplo concinatore, Dumq; diemloguitur nox ſua vota tegit. Vultus habet lucé tenebras mens, ſermo ſaluté Actus ſed morbum dat ſuus eſſe grauem. Paxtibi quáſpádet, magiseſt prenoſtica guerre Commodafi dederit, diſce ſubeſſe dolum. Quod patet eſſe fides in eq fraus eſt; politi Principium pactifinishabere negat, o quem condicio talis deformat amantem Quimagis apparens eſtin amore nihil. qLſ) it tractat (confeſſoz ſuper quarta ſpecie ite usie / que Diffimufacio bicitur cuius Şuſtus quanto maiozig amicitie apparenciani often bif/ fanfo ſuffiſiozia boſi faſſàcia.6 45 becipienbum memé maginafnt, Fol •38e jtroWetb, and wolinot drrytle 3utlet it on the wawesozyue Jn great tempeſt, and great bebate wberof that loue and big eſtate Empeyzetb 2nd therfore j rede Kºy ſonnetbat thou fle and bzede Žbig vyce: and wbat that otberſeyn 2.ct thyſemblaunt be trewe and pleyis $oz falo 3cmblauntiethylkevice wbicbe neuer was without office where that cituyetbynketb to gyle 12eſball be foºtbat yikewbyle £ºf psyue counſayll meſſagere joz wban big ſemblauntle moſte clere Žban is be moſtcoerke in big thought £bought men bym ſetbey knowe bym 23utag itſbeweth intbe glas (nought Žbynge whichetberin neuer was 5oſbewetb it in bigvyſage Žbat lieuer was in bie courage Žbug both be all big thing by ſleygbte éC12Owclay thy conſcyence in weygbt 281. Types used in Gower's Confessio Amantis: Berthelet, London, 1532 ſtbø $olitatinct oft)�ſº, ==3|nynch ſapnº inſtueuenigee #}\}% # ºffet mpg but fabſeéſ, feſpitgee #º # putine map ſome ſpeutnſene *ś|| |\ºfficieflatbefy p faſſerie Bene *] out aftermatoe ben appargii: 3 ovatne to ſpartaunt &n autſout! tº at flight (Jactoffee 2.5gtfigſte tigt ovemes faffe he feed but Bitootſie ü6 the aupſtoun 2.Éattušiſon, mette épig ſipiouſ, Anotuffo ſo faitāſo toenetſ; it fic 4 tapel on efé tiprete 3.0 penetſ at outmeg after faſ lette tuijo ſo ſpſte a foſe nie caf fo: tûlé troºpe 3 Jano ſap for me 2.Éat 0:tmeg ſignifiqunce be - £Df good anoffarine to manpipigºtta 2.jatolenci) tº fict ſtepe anygſteg fitſ many tºpnge6 couettſp 2Effat foſtel) after aſ openſy Şitfity inptudenty pete of age fo Ó €.ſtutif. 2Effat it toastī)ap metflottgſt tºo 3t to ſpite pete of inote ago Tſat it toag (Đapſtfitté Öterrito the 30 tpine of foue anotofpte 2.Éat aftſpriggpitnetſ unaye) gap for tſjete to neptºet Buſée not flap 3) (i)apſ that it myſſºtouteo Gene Zinottipitſ, netpe feued intene Jiffeſe tpoboce cée tecottérengtette JEffat otteti) tupitter Ben to ſette Øitotſeertje nevetſ protºctuitſaft for ſubote betpcg that on it faſt 3rtotſe poore eſtate forgºtte 3) tofficijetſ at upſitet flat it ſette Žitotijan Becomictſ tſje grottitoeſoplottòe Tſat it upof ſuite a fittucſºtoute Žitionagetſ, ſo queputfits roße anofapte Zſat itſ;at jetped aſ) jumbleopaple £of graſſcarto fſourcelyněe arto Peté. Zino inany jetped fuf opiteró Zºffatig tje robe 3 inefit thjpg 282. Lettre Batarde used in first complete edition of Chaucer: Godfrey, London, 1532 QThe 130ntăunte oftbe 130te, ==3|ngemäntäpen,thatfit §§Tºš| ſmettenpingeg • -º-º: sº º º º º º º: 3:º #AVºß, ;|... ittyngeg §A*#; £25utinen map ſomeſtota º, ºlºbiti) batblye that falſe ====l nebºne 35ut aftematºeben appataunt Chig mage:3Dame to mattaunt 3in author that byght 919actobeg QChatbattematºeameg falſeneiceg 35utbnboth bg the aupſpoun Cºatmbylont mette kyng Cipioitm 3ubtoboſo ſapth,0gioenetijit be 3. tape,02 eignprette QTO memetijātūgeneg aftet faii 1.ette whoſpigſtafoole metali . ſº thig trome 3,andfayefoyme QChatingenitºſignifiaunce be :Df good anºbatineto many mighteg «Dijatogemen in betſlepeanpgüteg 㺠- * gº * * * rººf ºxº -- º Aſ º º º > º º ºf ºf º £ºſºſº ºf A: 3:2 ºf rºtº; º; §ºf £, º:º - *Sº ºº: ºf Aºt º - §§º º º: º Wº gº º ºº:: sº - º Gº Pº º º º ºr -º º º: º rt sº rº º º º § tº: Aº 3tol.txt?)íff, Qºbatitivagºpaymethoughttijo 3|tisfyuegeredgingeågo Sºbatitimaggºap tºughtemtome 3|ntpmeofloučast, folitie Qºbatalithynggºnneth maréngap 3fo?theteigntythetbtithetiopijape 3|ngl3ay,that it uplibrottbedbette 3mbit mith neigeieties togene KTheſe toolbeg therecourten grené KThat byein mynterbentoſene 3 notbeerth mereth protºemitigail fogi toote tempeg that otiitfall 2nt the pope eſtatefolgette 3|n\obichtbattupntetball ſtfette 3ºmb than betàmet, the grottlib ſopgottbé QChatitudlibaueanemeſbroute 3ºmb mateti) ſo queynthig tobeanbfaygg Chat it had betweg ambunogebpage 4Df graſſe and flotiteg, pilùeanbjºerg 3ſubmany betpeg fullbputtg Chatig the tabežmenegropg Cbzough tubitbtbe grottnicto playſen ig 283. Lettre de Forme used in second complete edition of Chaucer: Pynson, London, 1542 Fol.53 sa, THE SEC05\(T) E BOOKE OF the Coſmographicall Glaſſein which is plainly expreſſed the Örder, and Number,of Zones, Paralleles,and Climates. Alſoſian- dry waies for thexaftefindyng out of the Meridiane Line: The Longitude,6. Latitude,0fplaces:with many other preceptes,belongyng to the making of: Carte,or Mappe. $º Spoudeus. ſº * a O'RºPHe/s TH E tº So 7, É God of dreames, with his * º’s ſlepierodde,ſo much this lałłnightfrequented my companie,that(my bodye |akingreši)my mind was §º $$. º much more buſilie traue- Sºº-ºº: tºlling inſuch concluſions as - Jºe º Ihad learnidofphilomi- Thăitya in the timeofhisteaching. Forſometime Morphéusſhewedmethe Sonne,in the tropicke of Ca- pricorne,farrein the Southamong the cloudyeſkies, as 3/h; the Söne is in the Tro- heromenly is the 13.day of December:Andnextheap-fiftºfºrº CO)*710. peredin thºguinodiallpointer,as it is the tenthdayeoff #; March,andthe14.of Septeb.willingmeyith great di ºn tº ligêr to notethatparallele circle. Shortly after theſne appearedin the tropicke of Cancer,in whicheplace he is nº rººk the 12-dayeofſune,cauſinginour region the ligeſt day fºr in theyere.9-imediatly the timeſemedas it were mid- might,& Charles Wayne, with Bootes, & diuer; other $ferres,turned about the Pole. Butas he woldhaue ca- riedmeabout the heauðr,to haueſhewidmethe.7Gorth Fij. Crowne 284. Page of Cunningham's Cosmographicall Glasse Day, London, 1559 (reduced) | SS|S É |E wV ENGLISH TYPES : 1500–1800 127 ometrie of the Most Muncient Philosopher Euclide of Megara, composed in roman and italic fonts. The title is set in small panels within a woodcut border, and is followed by the translator's address, set in Day's imposing italic. Then comes a mathematical “Praeface,” set in two sizes of a fairly handsome and evenly cut roman type of early design, and the folding-table or “ground-plat” accompanying it may be studied as a specimen of the various fonts in Day's office. In the body of the book the “propositions” are ar- ranged in a large italic letter, and “demonstrations” in a smaller size of it. Both are good, free, lively, old style italic fonts. The old style roman letter used with them is like that of the Preface. Diagrams are placed within the area of the text pages, but arranged without much sense of style. Beginning with the seventh Book, the type employed is re- duced in size, and from this point the work is less interest- ing. Though some of Day's types are exceedingly fine, and the general effect of the volume is imposing, the presswork is wretchedly uneven, the paper too thin, and when closely examined it is not a really successful piece of work. It lacks the taste and lucidity shown in French books of like nature. Another book of Day's, showing his use of black-letter, is the 1571 edition of Roger Ascham's Scholemaster. Here the title-page is set chiefly in italic type, the Dedicatory Epistle in italic, and the Preface in roman—both rather roughly executed fonts and by no means well printed. Though the text of the book is black-letter, all tabulated matter is set in italic, English poetry in roman, Latin verse in italic, roman is used for proper names, and here and there a very good Greek font is introduced (fig. 285). In short, black-letter is being invaded on every hand. The book shows care in execution, and is attractive in spite of its hodge-podge of types. I 28 PRINTING TYPES Thomas Walsingham's Historia Brevis (covering reigns from Edward I to Henry V) was printed at London by Henry Bynneman. The woodcut border on the carefully arranged title-page is extraordinarily well engraved and beautifully printed. The text is set throughout in roman and italic type. The Preface, which begins with a very elegant woodcut initial, is composed in Day's noble italic letter. The Chronicle is printed in a small but excellent roman character, very even in cut, and reminiscent of early Conti- nental fonts. Each “reign” begins with a large initial, cut on wood, and lines at the ends of sections are tapered, or arranged in an ornamental fashion recalling Italian print- ing—indeed, the composition is more like Continental than current English work. It is far ahead of most English books of its time in simplicity of arrangement and excellence of workmanship. Bynneman printed the Historia at Arch- bishop Parker's expense in 1574, and it was bound up and published with Walsingham's Ypodigma Neustriae and the AElfredi Regis Res Gestæ, both printed by Day in the same year. North's translation of Plutarch's Lives, printed by Vau- I y trollier in 1579, enjoys the reputation of being one of the finest books issued in Elizabeth's reign, and for that reason I advise its examination by the student, though it is by no means a beautiful book, judged by present standards. Our last sixteenth century example is Adam Islip's folio Chaucer, printed at London in 1598. Its prefatory matter is set in roman and italic, with some black-letter inter- mingled—and in the large sizes the first two types are re- spectable fonts. The text, however, is set in black-letter in double column—roman and italic being employed only for lines to be displayed. In other words, the printer had come to use roman and italic types just as we should now use 5*The ſecond Booke. 31 §º agº; that potit ſtigolet, º ë ag3 ſaid before,ſhalcome in jºbſcue, firſt, to a ready perfit, ºneg in tranſlating, then to a |2|ripet ſkilfull choiſe in mara Żaking out big bi, pointeg, as, ſr. Proprium. 2. Tranſlatum. 3. Synonymūm. ;r]rj C. 2. | ÉNÉ ij? £ä 3 ? $;- % ºp ag. et ííí 33: #. ɤ E- * '2 z% %$,:.}}; %. [-] - ■ - - - - - - - - - Pri-trrtri-raot:ęegraniîsdsdsaesyraa*;££°A£J£çy* - w. £E ÉÉÉÉÉÉÉɧάζέ ÉÉÉÉÉäîiiiiiiiiiiiiiìfff**í 289. Roman used in Latin edition of Caesar: Tonson, London, 1712 ENGLISH TYPES : 1500–1800 137 posed in flowing italic; the Life of Selden in great primer roman. The various “works,” save for their prefaces, are arranged in double column, each column having a folio of its own. Here Caslon's English roman is used, and he also cut the Hebrew types for this edition. Arabic, Greek, and black-letter also occur in the text (fig. 290). Here and there rubrication is skilfully introduced, and there is much clever type-setting throughout the entire work. The third volume contains Selden's English tracts, and here it is interesting to compare the type set in English with its appearance in the Latin volumes. Numerous half-titles, etc., make the whole work a wonderful “style-book” for displayed mat- ter set in old style types—though I do not think that the larger types are Caslon's. Finally, some of the beautiful tail- pieces used in the Leslie are introduced, with others still more elaborate. It is a stupendous piece of work, and shows Bowyer's sure taste in planning the style of the volumes, and in utilizing Caslon's skill for their type. Bowyer's better- known son, William, “the learned printer” (whose mother was the daughter of a printer employed on Walton's Poly- glot Bible), assisted him in correcting and arranging the work. The second and third volumes were probably placed with Palmer and Wood so that all the volumes might ap- pear in 1726. In discussing eighteenth century English types, it must be borne in mind that law-books were still usually set in the traditional English black-letter—a survival of the lettre de forme of the Norman law-book. Titles, prefaces, running- titles, and marginal notes in such works were, however, commonly set in roman. In 1733–37, a book appeared in London which, though not printed from type, had some influence on typography —namely, John Pine's memorable Latin edition of Horace. } 38 PRINTING TYPES Pine, who was an engraver, could not satisfy himself with current letter-press printing. So the text was first set up in type and an impression transferred to copper and then en- graved, space being left for the decorations. Thus the whole book—a very exquisite performance—was printed from copper plates. The brilliancy of this engraved roman text struck a new note, and thus Pine's Horace may have had a good deal to do with the taste for more “finished” types which waxed as the century waned. In that connection it is mentioned here (fig. 291). Some volumes of poems brought out by eminent pub- lishers, and in their day considered handsome books, are good examples of later work. For instance, Poems on Several Occasions, by Mrs. Mary Barber—who, it is pleasant to know, “was one of the most extraordinary Women that either this Age, or perhaps any other, ever produc’d,” and who succumbed to her reputation by dying at the age of twenty-seven This luxuriously got up quarto has an in- troduction by Dean Swift, who, it is said, lost Queen Anne's favour through the peremptory tone of a letter de- manding her patronage for the book, -and was subscribed for by no less than thirty-three dukes and duchesses, and a multitude of less titled persons. The poems are set in an ample old style roman font, widely leaded, and the proper names, or most important words, are usually displayed in capitals and small capitals, instead of italic—though impor- tant words in titles to the poems, which are set in large Dutch italic, are “picked out” in roman. The book, over- loaded with rather ill-printed head and tail-pieces, is an ambitious performance and a characteristic eighteenth cen- tury “Table-book.” It was printed for the London pub- lisher, Rivington, in 1734. John Armstrong's The Art of Preserving Health, printed leges eae, Iſraelitis nempe peculiares, ad gentiles attinerent, ſuperindućtum eſt ſapientum decretum quo nunquam hujuſmodi immunditie ſeu ejus effe- Čtu, quantum ad Judaeos, carere gentiles conſti- tutum eſt. Scribunt enim *, bnºy tºwn ºn phin • Hºly two Nº, nº two sº. His Ewo wnw mºmenºn =wn 95 °y m =ºm Hsº by? is sº ºn sº ºn Ten Eºs : Thrip). Leges ſacrae de muliere menſtruir aut ſanguini, profluvio laborante, aut de puerpéra, ad gentiles quidem mom attinent ; id eſt, ex ipſa lege ſacra immundi ex cauſis illis non ſunt. Sed ſapientes decrevere omnimodos gentiles tam maſ. culos quam foemima'ſ pro eir qui perpetuo ſam- guinis profluvio laborant, ſºve ea de re conſet ſºve mimime, habendos, quoties de munditia & immunditia quaeſtio fit ; id eſt, ex corum con- tačtu immunditiam contrahi. Eos enim qui ſa- cra immunditiae lege non tenebantur ipſi eis qui ea tenebantur ſemper immundos haberi jam ex ſuperindućto hoc atque interveniente jure vole- fačum Paulatim in diſciplinam religionemgue convertit. Hincilſud Apollonii Molonis g, Ju- daeos recipere noluiſſe ex aliis gentibus quempi- am diverſa de numine ſentientem, unº zowayei, 7:is 42% fréezy awſ&elay 3ig Čy zéoaggºolg, Nec conſºletudime eorum uti qui aliam praeter Judai- cam vitae rationem ſequebamtur. Quod & ve- rum fuiſſe palam aſſerit Joſephus dum rem ipſam ex Graecorum aliquot de peregrinis more pluri- bus defendit. De commerciis autem & huma- nitatis officiis aliquot inſtituta habuere pro loco- rum diverſitate alia atque alia, uti & proculdu- bio ſeculorum. Huc etiam ſpectat illud de Sa- maritanis, qui nunc fe ſanguine Judaeis junétos profitebantur, nuncibant inficias ipſi, fed perpe- tuo Judaeis exoſiſſimi. Quomodo 5 tu, Judaeus £4m ſº, bičere a me poſis, quae ſum mulier Samaritama? 3 jº avyºvra, ’Isèaio, 2auzéetraat, *0m enim coutumtur Judaei Samaritami, ſeu ºnwrinº Nº non habeit commercium, ut Syrus. Verba ſunt Samaritanae ad Jeſum Chriſtum aquam 290. First use of Caslon's Roman Type, in Selden's Opera; Bowyer, London, 1726 CAR M IN v M LIBER I. 53 •PoVIIIſolſ MIPs —CCS:DL:- AD I C C I v M. CCI, beatis nunc Arabum invides Gazis; et acrem militiam paras 㺠$º Non ante devićtis Sabaeae ºğı Regibus; horribilique Medo Nećtis catenas. Quae tibi virginum, 5 Sponſo necato, barbara ſerviet? Puerquisex aula capillis Ad cyathum ſtatuetur unctis, Doctus ſagittas tendere Sericas Arcu paterno: quis neget arduis 3 O Pronos relabi poſſe rivos Montibus, et Tiberim reverti; Cum tu coemtos undique nobiles Libros Panaeti, Socraticam et domum Mutare loricis Iberis, 15 Pollicitus meliora, tendis? P 291. Engraved Text of Pine's Horace, London, 1733–37 ENGLISH TYPES: 1500–1800 I39 for A. Millar in 1744, was a book meant to be smart and luxurious. In spite of a very eighteenth century title-page, with capitals so spaced as to make one feel cross-eyed, its ornamentation is restricted almost entirely to a few tail- pieces. The volume shows a certain progression, too, be- cause proper names are set in the same letter as the teact. The large type used (Caslon, apparently) is much leaded, and the margins are generous. The general effect, though still very old-fashioned, is handsome—a sort of Baskerville book set in Caslon, with “current” presswork. The orna- ments used make me think it was printed by Bowyer. Franklin reprinted this volume in Philadelphia in the year of its publication. - - Sir Thomas Hanmer's edition of Shakespeare was the first in which much pains were taken to make a handsome piece of printing. Hanmer, Speaker of the House of Com- mons, a friend of Bishop Berkeley, and a man of consid- erable literary achievement, brought out the Works in a six volume edition in 1744, though his name did not appear in it. It was printed “at the Theatre at Oxford,” and was “adorned with sculptures designed and executed by the best hands.” This first edition was bought up on publica- tion, and the price of copies greatly advanced. It produced, therefore, an effect in its day. Italic and roman “Fell” types are used for the two prefaces, but that used for the plays is a lighter old style font, composed in a somewhat modern manner (fig. 292). What strikes us about the edition now is a certain similarity in composition to some of Basker- ville's work; though it was printed thirteen years before Baskerville's first book (the Virgil) was published. This is to be seen in the arrangement of the title-page, half-titles, etc., with their spaced capitals, the manner of using orna- mental bands of “flowers,” etc. (fig. 293). 140 PRINTING TYPES In 1753, a famous illustrated book appeared—Designs by Mr. R. Bentley for Siac Poems by Mr. T. Gray, printed for R. Dodsley, London. It was superintended with great care, and Bentley's charming decorations are much discussed in Horace Walpole's letters. To pad out the book, the text is printed only on one side of a leaf: a trick considered mod- ern, but really old. The typography is commonplace—a large Caslon character, much leaded, and not well printed. A book was still appraised, as it had been a hundred years earlier, by the number of its copper-plate illustrations. Walpole's press at Strawberry Hill employed old style types for its work—probably Caslon's—and among its rather indifferent printing, the Strawberry Hill Lucan is worthy of moderate praise. Samuel Johnson's Dictionary of the English Language is mostly remembered nowadays, by the general reader, as the book Becky Sharp flung back at Miss Jemima Pinker- ton—not, fortunately, in its original two volume folio form —or because of Johnson's famous letter to Lord Chester- field. It was printed by William Strahan in 1755, in a mo- notonous old style type, in size rather small for the folio double-column pages. The title-page, in its leaded lines of small spaced capitals, shows a modern tendency toward light effects. In the preface, blank lines between paragraphs also exhibit a new detail of composition, much in favour as the century went on. In the Dictionary proper, words are set in capitals, and derivations from these words in capitals and small capitals—e.g., DIVULGE, DIvulcER. These pages of mild colour and easy air seem old-fashioned to us now, but not antique. I have already said that editions of the same book printed at different dates, but in the same country, are a lesson in the history of national printing-styles; while books like the The generous and graveſt citizens Have hent the gates, and very near upon The Duke is entring: therefore hence, away. [Exeumt. §: 2& §§§ Sô, **e 30, Ö. º § *Oº. 4 S *Xe 33; * Sº, º, sº ;33& §: .N. º Rºs Mºz, 32°. Sº, Sſ. 3:###########$$. I. § § *, § § % § § Sº, ºf *. & 33¢ & 432.2 ſº. 332.3% *Xe. Sº, sº exº 3333333333333 §§§§ A C T V. C E N 7%e S 7 R E E 7. Emter Duke, Varrius, Lords, Angelo, Eſcalus, Lucio, and Citizens, at ſeveral doors. y º & 2OS 2ON S E. D U K E. Y very worthy couſin, fairly met; Our old and faithful friend, we're glad to ſee you. Ang, and Eſc. Happy return be to your royal Grace! Duke. Many and hearty thanks be to you both : We've made enquiry of you, and we hear Such goodneſs of your juſtice, that our ſoul 292. Type of Hanmer's Shakespeare: University Press, Oxford, 1743–44 T H E W O R K S MR WILLIAM SHAKE SPEAR. V O L U M E the F I R S T. C O N S IST IN G O F C O M E D I E S. O X F O R D : P. R. I N T E D A T T H E T H E A T R E. MDCCXLIII, 293. Bastard Title-page of Hanmer's Shakespeare (reduced) ENGLISH TYPES : 1500–1800 14.1 Latin classics, common to all countries, show how different nationalities treated the same problem. The same class of book can also be compared in this way: books on astron- omy, geometry, botany, architecture—and dictionaries. For instance, the earliest English vocabularies or dictionaries were printed in black-letter, both word and definition. Many seventeenth, and even some eighteenth century English dic- tionaries printed the words defined in black-letter, with defi- nitions in italic. In Florio's New World of Words of 1611, italic was used for the definitions, but the words were set in roman. In the mid-eighteenth century, as in Johnson's Dictionary, words were set in capitals or in capitals and small capitals, with definitions in roman lower-case. Later on, the words defined were almost always set in capitals, and this is continued, in such dictionaries as Webster's or Worcester's, to our own day. In the Century Dictionary, and in that wonderful piece of work, the New English Dictionary, printed at the University Press, Oxford, a bold- face upper and lower-case roman letter has been employed to pick out the “word” from the text. This is, in a way, a return to the black-letter of the earliest period. Diction- aries being popular books, and for that reason employing types familiar and easy for the eye to seize quickly, thus show, if examined chronologically, (1) what types were the most familiar at a particular epoch, and (2) the date when they became obsolete. I have not mentioned Baskerville's work here, because the types he designed fall into a class by themselves, and because two or three of his editions have been already described. But the Baskerville manner was in full swing at the time that Caslon's old style types had their vogue. “Fashionable” English printing had become very open and light in effect by the last of the century—partly, I dare say, 142 PRINTING TYPES through Baskerville's influence. Sir Joshua Reynolds’ Dis- course at the Opening of the Royal Academy in January, 1769, though printed from old style type, by its arrange- ment has an effect entirely different from the printing of fifty years earlier. A collection of these addresses delivered by Reynolds between 1769 and 1783, some of them the work of Cadell, printer to the Academy, is (like similar Spanish occasional addresses that have been mentioned) illuminat- ing because they were printed for a distinguished body of men, and represent the best taste of the day (fig. 294). The excessively spaced letters of the title-page, the large folios in spaced brackets, the open leading, the blank spaces be- tween paragraphs, and the wide margins, show a style of work which—handsome in quartos like these—became very thin and faded in smaller books which copied them. Then again, a new influence in typography was that of the Foulis brothers (of whom I have spoken), printers to the University of Glasgow since 1743, who were employing Wilson's lighter transitional types, and producing books which showed a new feeling in English printing. Their smaller formats, in which the classics were issued, are more characteristic of their work, or the faults of their work, than the folios. A “Foulis edition” of the best sort is Andrew Foulis's Poetical Works of Alexander Pope (1785), in three folio vol- umes. The effect of the pages of the poems is very noble and most readable, owing to the large size of fine type in which the text is set. The smaller types used for the con- tents, advertisements, quoted poetry, etc., become, as they descend in size, gray and monotonous, without the colour of Caslon's or the clearness of Baskerville's small types. But the effect, as a whole, is exceedingly distinguished (fig. 295). Among the most celebrated Foulis editions in large format D I S C O U R S E, &c. GE AWTL EMEAV, HE honor which the Arts acquire by being permitted to take poſſeſſion of this noble habitation, is one of the moſt conſiderable of the many inſtances we have received of his MAJESTY's protećtion; and the ſtrongeſt proof of his deſire to make the Academy reſpectable. Not HING has been left undone that might contribute to excite our purſuit, or to reward our attainments. We B have 2.94. Page of Sir Joshua Reynolds' Royal Academy Discourse Cadell, London, 1781 (reduced) fions a truth may be more ſtrongly repreſented in nega- tive than even in poſitive expreſſions, while they are, at the ſame time, more ſuitable in the mouth of a perſon who is ſpeaking of things in which he himſelf isintereſted. The charaćter of his parents given by our Poet, in his epiſtle to Dr. Arbuthnot, is certainly fitted to impreſs us with very favourable notions. Of gentle blood (part ſhed in Honour's cauſe, While yet in Britain honour had applauſe) Each parent ſprang—What fortune pray?—their own, And better got than Beſtia's from the throne. 295. Type of folio Pope: Foulis, Glasgow, 1785 ENGLISH TYPES : 1500–1800 143 are a Callimachus of 1755, the Horace of 1756, the monu- mental Greek Iliad and Odyssey, in four volumes, printed between 1756 and 1758, and a Paradise Lost issued in 1770. For Gray's Poems (1768) in quarto, Wilson cut a special font of double pica roman. Of the Foulis classics in small format, the 16mo edition of Aeschylus (1746) or Aristoph- anes (1755) in Greek and Latin, and the Juvenal of 1750 in 16mo, may be cited. The 12mo Latin Horace of 1760 (a fourth edition) is better. It is a very well-bred little book —but, like many other well-bred things, rather colourless. Types such as it is set in had to be cleverly handled to look well — and this is a good example of Foulis's clever han- dling. The Letters of Charlotte, printed for Cadell in 1786 (fig.296), or the 16mo edition of Thomson's Seasons, printed by Strahan in 1788 for Rivington and others, was the sort of book Foulis made popular–pretty, but “faded.” Such feeble types led to the adoption of the heavy fonts of Thorne early in the next century. Something had to be done, and “fat blacks” were administered to fainting ladies like Char- lotte, as a sort of rough-and-ready first aid to the injured. The books illustrated by Bewick caused the introduction of more modelled and brilliant type-forms. Bewick’s cuts from the first demanded such types. The demand was not met by those used in his Quadrupeds of 1790 or his British Birds of 1797. These books, printed at Newcastle, are set in a very poor form of letter—either Wilson's or an old style type much whittled down from its first estate. It was Bulmer who realized the kind of typography that Bewick's cuts called for; and when he produced his new types, it must have been a revelation to the public of that day; in fact, it was! But before describing the Bewick books printed at the Shakspeare Press by Bulmer, there are two of its earlier books which must be mentioned. 144 PRINTING TYPES The “Boydell Shakspeare,” which the Shakspeare Press was established to print, is its most famous performance. Its Advertisement, written by Nicol, tells us that “while foreign nations were publishing splendid editions of their favourite authors, we in this country contented ourselves with such editions of ours as were merely useful.” This work was meant to be a magnificent national edition, in which splendour of production was to go hand in hand with correctness of text. “With regard to the Typographical part of the work,” Nicol says, “the state of printing in England, when it was first undertaken [1786], was such that it was found necessary to establish a printing-house on purpose to print the work; a foundry to cast the types; and even a manufactory to make the ink." How much the art of print- ing has improved since that period the Public can best judge.” This folio edition in nine volumes, with its accom- panying plates, was “printed by W. Bulmer and Company for John and Josiah Boydell, George and W. Nicol, from the types of W. Martin,” and was finally published in 1802, though the first volume appeared in 1792” (fig. 297). The folio edition of Milton's Poetical Works, illustrated by West- ‘The pure black ink was prepared from material supplied to Bulmer by Baskerville’s old foreman, Robert Martin, and was probably made from a recipe similar to that employed by Baskerville. * Dibdin tells us how Nicol contrived “to silence some connoisseurs of Print- ing, who, upon seeing the productions of the Shakspeare Press, were con- stantly saying ‘This is very well, but what is this to the Printing of Bodoni?’ . . . A specimen sheet of a pretended edition of Cicero was set up with the Shakspeare types, of the size of Bodoni’s publications. When this specimen was shewn to the same connoisseurs, they exclaimed, ‘To what degree of perfection does this man mean to carry the art of Printing ! Why this sur- passes all his former excellence!’ And they were all very anxious for Mr. N. to procure them copies of the work. To this Mr. N. replied, ‘that Mr. Bo- doni had an agent in town; and if they would turn to the bottom of the last page of the specimen they would find his address’ — which they found as follows – ‘W. Bulmer and Co. Shaksheare Press’ſ.” T H E L E T T E R S O F C H A R L O T T E, D U g I N G Il E R CON N E X I O N VV I T E VV E R T E R. Grazia ſola diſu ne vaglia, inanti Che piu 'l deſio d'amore al cors'invecchi. L O N D O N , PR IN T E D FOR T. c A D E L L, IN TH E STRA N D, M, D C C, L X X X VI e 296. Title-page of Letters of Charlotte, London, 1786 S C E JW E II THE SAME. GARDEN OF JULIA's HOUSE. Enter julia, and Lucetta. jul. But say, Lucetta, now we are alone, Would'st thou then counsel me to fall in love? Luc. Ay, madam; so you stumble not unheedfully. jul. Of all the fair resort of gentlemen, That every day with parle encounter me, In thy opinion, which is worthiest love? Luc. Please you, repeat their names, I’ll show my mind 297. William Martin's Type used in the “Boydell Shakspeare”: Bulmer, London, 1792–1802 ENGLISH TYPES : 1500–1800 145 all, also printed by Bulmer for the Boydells in 1794–97, is another wonderful production—in simplicity of arrange- ment, in typography, and in presswork. For pure typogra- phy is almost wholly relied on for effect, in both these books, and the reliance is justified. Martin's roman types are very handsome, very clear—and very modern. His italic is a little too calligraphic; the italic capitals in particular show Baskerville's influence and distract the eye. But the edi- tions evidently turned out what they were meant to be; and only a printer knows all that this implies! No description, however, gives any idea of the change of taste in English printing which these books exemplified. The magnificent letter-press of Chamberlaine's Imita- tions of Original Drawings by Hans Holbein, being Portraits of Illustrious Persons in the Court of Henry VIII, printed by Bulmer in 1792, may be consulted by those tempted to belittle the work of this school. A more intimate and agree- able book is the charming edition of Poems by Goldsmith and Parnell, printed by Bulmer in 1795. This was the first really finely printed book illustrated by the Bewicks. In the inter- esting Advertisement Bulmer says: “To raise the Art of Printing in this country from the neglected state in which it had long been suffered to continue, and to remove the oppro- brium which had but too justly been attached to the late productions of the English press, much has been done within the last few years; and the warm emulation which has discovered itself amongst the Printers of the present day, as well in the remote parts of the kingdom as in the metropolis, has been highly patronized by the public in gen- eral. The present volume, in addition to the SHAKSPEARE, the MILTON, and many other valuable works of elegance, which have already been given to the world, through the medium of the Shakspeare Press, are particularly meant to 14.6 PRINTING TYPES combine the various beauties of PRINTING, TYPE-FOUNDING, ENGRAVING, and PAPER-MAKING ; as well with a view to ascer- tain the near approach to perfection which those arts have attained in this country, as to invite a fair competition with the best Typographical Productions of other nations. How far the different Artists, who have contributed their exer- tions to this great object, have succeeded in the attempt, the Public will now be fully able to judge. Much pains have been bestowed on the present publication, to render it a complete Specimen of the Arts of Type and Block-print- ing. The whole of the Types, with which this work has been printed, are executed by Mr. William Martin, in the house of my friend Mr. George Nicol, whose unceasing endeavours to improve the Art of Printing, and its relative branches, are too well known to require any thing to be said on the present occasion; he has particularly patronized Mr. Martin, a very ingenious young Artist, who has resided with him seven years, and who is at this time forming a Foun- dry, by which he will shortly be enabled to offer to the world a Specimen of Types, that will in a very eminent degree unite utility, elegance, and beauty. The ornaments are all engraved on blocks of wood, by two of my earliest acquaint- ances, Messrs. Bewicks, of Newcastle upon Tyne and Lon- don, after designs made from the most interesting pas- sages of the Poems they embellish. They have been exe- cuted with great care, and I may venture to say, without being supposed to be influenced by ancient friendship, that they form the most extraordinary effort of the art of engrav- ing upon wood that ever was produced in any age, or any country. Indeed it seems almost impossible that such deli- * Bulmer, a native of Newcastle, was from youth a friend of Thomas Bewick, to whom he is believed to have suggested lowering the surface of his wood- blocks, to give a lighter impression for effects of distance. The whole of the Types, with which this work has been printed, are executed by Mr. William Martin, in the house of my friend Mr. George Nicol, whose unceasing endeavours to improve the Art of Printing, and its relative The Shakspeare Printing Office owes its origin to the publication of that great National Edition of the Works of Shakspeare, which you are now, so much to the honour of our country, happily conducting toward its completion; I 298. William Martin’s Two-line Small Pica Roman and Italic ENGLISH TYPES : 15OO–18OO 147 cate effects could be obtained from blocks of wood." Of the Paper it is only necessary to say, that it comes from the manufactory of Mr. Whatman.” Bulmer's edition of William Somervile's Chase (1796), a companion volume, “presented to the Patrons of Fine Printing” (for a guinea), is another delightful book in much the same manner. Martin's types, used in both volumes, are charming transitional roman fonts, both delicate and spir- ited—and so thoroughly English that Bewick's engravings seem in complete harmony with them (figs. 298,299, and 300). A magnificent work that employs Martin's types is the two-volume History of the River Thames, issued in folio by William Bulmer & Company for John and Josiah Boydell in 1796. The title-page bears the words, “from the types of W. Martin.” Its pages of large roman type, beautifully set, make it one of the finest books Bulmer ever printed. The printer Bensley also issued books somewhat in this style, which are examples of “the latest fashion” in print- ing. His edition of Thomson's Seasons, with plates by Bar- tolozzi, issued in 1797, and some luxurious books published by Stockdale, are good specimens of his earlier work. His composition is less successful than Bulmer's, and his better work, which I shall mention later, appears to have been done after 1800. - Whatever may be the opinion of the light, open types and widely spaced and leaded pages of volumes by the best printers in these last years of the eighteenth century, they seem to me to be very sincere and workmanlike solutions of problems which the printer worked out in the manner of that time. Such books were part of the life about them. * George III could not be convinced that they were so engraved, and insisted on seeing the wood-blocks before he would believe it. 148 PRINTING TYPES They accorded admirably with the cool, sedate interiors in which they were housed. It was printing faithful to the best standards of its day, and because of this I think it will live." ‘See list of nearly fifty books printed by Bulmer and some of those printed by Bensley before 1817 in Dibdin's Bibliographical Decameron (1817), Vol. II, pp. 384 et seq. Aids to the student will be found in the Catalogue of an Exhibition of Books, Broadsides, Proclamations, Portraits, Autographs, etc., Illustrative of the History and Progress of Printing and Bookselling in England, 1477–1800. Held at Stationers’ Hall, June, 1912, by the Interna- tional Association of Antiquarian Booksellers. London, 1912; and also in the valuable Catalogue of the Caxton Celebration of 1877, though the latter is more general in scope. Sweet smiling village, loveliest of the lawn, Thy sports are fled, and all thy charms withdrawn; Amidst thy bowers the tyrant's hand is seen, And desolation saddens all thy green: One only master grasps the whole domain, And half a tillage stints thy Smiling plain. . The subject proposed. Address to his Royal Highness the Prince. The origin of hunting. The rude and unpolished manner of the first hunters. Beasts at first hunted for food and sacrifice. The grant made by God to man of the beasts, &c. The regular manner of hunting first brought into this island by the JNormans. The best hounds and 299. William Martin’s Great Primer Roman and Italic The old and infirm have at least this privilege, that they can recall to their minds those scenes of joy in which they once delighted, and rumi- nate over their past pleasures, with a satisfaction almost equal to the first enjoyment; for those ideas, to which any agreeable sensation is annexed, are easily excited, as leaving behind them the most strong and permanent impressions. The amusements of our youth are the boast and comfort of our declining years. The ancients carried this notion even yet further, and supposed their heroes, in the Elysian fields, were fond of the very same WHEW the exertions of an Individual to improve his profession are crowned with success, it is certainly the highest gratification his feelings can experience. The very distinguished approbation that attended the publication of the ornamented edition of Goldsmith's Traveller, Deserted V.illage, and Parnell's Hermit, which was last year offered to the Public as a Specimen of the improved State of Typography in this Country, demands my warmest acknowledgments; and is no less satisfactory to the different Artists who contributed their efforts towards the completion of the work. 300. William Martin’s Pica Roman and Italic CHAPTER XVIII TYPES USED IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES, AND SOME EARLY AMERICAN SPECIM ENS N connection with English printing of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, something must be said about typography in the English Colonies of North America, and about one or two of the earliest specimens put forth by American type-founders and printers. The first press set up in the Colonies was established at Cambridge, Massachusetts. Its activities extended from 1638 to 1692. Its equipment consisted of a printing-press and type, and with these three pressmen and a printer ar- rived in the summer of 1638. This proto-typographer of British North America was Stephen Daye, traditionally con- nected with the famous London printer, John Day. The foundation of this press was the work of Joseph Glover, Rector of Sutton in Surrey. Glover dying on the voyage out, his wife set up the press at Cambridge, in the latter months of 1638. It was always closely associated with Harvard Col- lege; and among its mostcelebrated books were Eliot's Indian Bible and the Bay Psalm Book." The ordinary type for its use was all procured abroad, probably from England and Hol- land. Its work came to an end in 1692, Samuel Green being its last manager. In the seventeenth century, typography in Europe was upon the wane, and for English printing the Stuart period, owing to restrictions on the press, was a miserable epoch. To make life beautiful was not the motive which led to the settlement of New England: and the promoters of the Cam- bridge Press merely desired that spiritual truth should be For facsimiles of its work and that of other Massachusetts printers, see Littlefield’s Early Massachusetts Press, 1638–1711. Boston, 1907. 2 vols. 150 PRINTING TYPES made more clear through its publications. The typography of its books was as unattractive and crabbed as the mat- ter which it (perhaps fittingly) enshrined. I mention this press, therefore, only because it has a certain historical im- portance. Harvard College apparently owned no types after Green's death until about 1718, when Thomas Hollis made it a pres- ent of fonts of long primer Hebrew and Greek characters. The latter type lay idle until 1761, when it was employed for some Greek verse occurring in a congratulatory address to George III on his accession–Pietas et Gratulatio Collegii Cantabrigiensis apud Novanglos. This was its first, last, and only appearance; for it was destroyed in a fire which con- sumed the first College Library in 1764. But the Hebrew types, being at the time in use in Boston, escaped; whether they still survive, I know not. In the eighteenth century, typographical material in American printing-houses—at any rate before the Revolu- tion—was almost all foreign. Franklin records in his Auto- biography that his brother James secured both his press and type from England, and there are repeated allusions to the necessity of procuring such materials abroad for vari- ous Colonial printing-offices. When manager of Keimer's press in Philadelphia, Franklin writes: “Our printing-house often wanted sorts, and there was no letter-founder in Amer- ica; I had seen types cast at James's in London, but with- out much attention to the manner; however, I now con- * Thomas’s History of Printing, Worcester, 1810, Vol. I, pp. 251 et seq. In the broadside.Account of the Fire at Harvard College, dated January 25, 1794, among the losses chronicled, this paragraph occurs: “A font of Greek types (which, as we had not yet a printing-office, was reposited in the library) presented by our great benefactor the late worthy Thomas Hollis, Esq; of London; whose picture, as large as the life, and institutions for two Professor- ships and ten Scholarships perished in the flames.” THE AMERICAN COLONIES 151 trived a mould, made use of the letters we had as punch- eons, struck the matrices in lead, and thus supply'd in a pretty tolerable way all deficiencies.” The earliest types in such offices as that of Bradford, the first New York printer, were probably Dutch and English; later types were Eng- lish, and chiefly those of Caslon–although after 1775 (roughly speaking), type was made in North America. Prim- ers and books, newspapers and broadsides, were mostly printed in Caslon old style types in the mid-eighteenth cen- tury and up to the Revolution. Indeed, the Declaration of Independence itself was printed in the Caslon letter. It was the face commonly in use until about 1800. How well Colonial printers used it was another matter. For Franklin, writing from Passy (where he had set up a private press) in October, 1779, to his niece, Mrs. Partridge, says: “I thank you for the Boston Newspapers, tho' I see nothing so clearly in them as that your printers do indeed want new Letters. They perfectly blind me in endeavouring to read them. If you should ever have any Secrets that you want to be well kept, get them printed in those Papers.” Franklin admired and recommended Caslon's types, and his own office was equipped with them. The style of compo- sition of most Colonial work was like a provincial copy of London printing—and was, as a rule, a good many years behind current London fashions. The first regular American type-foundry was that of Christopher Sauer or Sower II (son of a German printer of the same name), which was started at Germantown, Penn- sylvania, in 1772. Its appliances were imported from Ger- many, with moulds for three sizes of German type and some English script. Some of its type was cut and cast by Sauer's assistant, Justus Fox, who bought the foundry in 1784. The next foundry was that of Jacob Bey, assistant to Sauer and 152 PRINTING TYPES Fox, also at Germantown. He cut and cast roman as well as German types. Another foundry was that of John Baine & Grandson in Co., of Philadelphia, which was probably established about 1788. The elder Baine (who had been in partnership with Alexander Wilson of Glasgow) must have come to Philadelphia, whither his grandson had pre- ceded him, between 1787 and 1790, the year of his death. On the title-page of A Specimen of Printing Types, By John Baine & Grandson in Co., Letter-founders, Edinburgh (1787), now in the library of the American Antiquarian Society, Worcester, Isaiah Thomas wrote, “This Foundry was brought to America, by the grandson, about 1771, and established at Philadelphia. John Baine came over not long after his grandson.” But there is a discrepancy between this statement and the generally accepted facts. The specimen contains some Caslon fonts of early form, a few heavy-faced types, and a number of late eighteenth century types. The repertoire of ornaments and their ingenious and tasteful combinations are worth looking at. In 1791, Adam Mappa, a Dutchman, brought a type- foundry to New York from Holland, chiefly to make Dutch and German types. “His foundry was very extensive,” says a contemporary, “and his specimens extravagantly showy.” Benjamin Franklin Bache, grandson of Franklin, possessed a small outfit for type-founding, purchased by Franklin when in France, but it was little employed. “Dr. Franklin,” says William McCulloch in his Additions to Thomas's His- tory of Printing in America,” “was desirous of establishing his grandson at that business; and with that view Bache wrought some time in the foundry of P. S. Fournier,” of 'Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, Vol. 31, Pt. 1 (1921). * Probably Simon Pierre Fournier, son of P. S. (Pierre Simon) Fournier le jeune. The latter died in 1768, and Bache was born in 1769. EARLY AMERICAN SPECIMENS 153 Paris, in order to acquire some insight preparatory to his commencing in America. Franklin purchased a foundry from this Fournier, which he brought to America, at his (Bache's) arrival; and Bache began type casting in Frank- lin Court in Market Street but soon relinquished that busi- ness for printing. I have seen, in Binny and Ronaldson's possession, an history of type founding (in French) of which this Fournier is the author." Ronaldson, who was some years since in France in pursuit of antimony, tells me he was in this foundry, now in the possession of Fournier's grandson, and that there is a bust or head of Franklin” in that laboratory, at which the men looked and pointed with the liveliest enthusiasm, exclaiming: ‘I’excellent Franklin.” The four-page specimen-sheet issued by Bache" is chiefly madeup of Caslon characters, although the few types marked by an asterisk were cast in Philadelphia from French ma- trices. Interesting historically, this sheet contributes nothing to our knowledge of American type-forms—all the mate- rial being foreign. Though undated, it probably was not printed before 1790. Many of these small equipments finally fell into the hands of two Scotchmen, Archibald Binny and James Ronaldson, whose Philadelphia foundry was begun in 1796. In 1797, they offered for sale the first dollar-marks ever made in type. These men, in 1806, purchased the appliances for type- founding brought over by Franklin. The first specimen-book of an American Type Foundry is said to be that of Binny & Ronaldson, which belongs to * Evidently the Manuel Tyſiographique of his father, Fournier le jeune. * M. Beaulieu-Fournier (?). * Possibly the likeness of Franklin alluded to in note on p. 257, Vol. I. “A Shecimen of Printing Tynes belonging to Benjamin Franklin Bache’s Printing Office, Philadelphia. 154. PRINTING TYPES the nineteenth century—JA Specimen of Metal Ornaments cast at the Letter Foundery of Binny & Ronaldson. Phila- delphia. Printed by Fry and Kammerer, 1809. It was not a printer's specimen of types, but a founder's specimen of ornaments. About one hundred ornamental cuts are shown. In appearance the designs seem largely inspired from French sources. A few of them are like those shown in Pierres' collection of 1785. The general type of decoration in others is similar to cuts in the Gillé specimen of 1808. A feature of the book is its versions of the arms of the United States. Ill-executed mechanically for the most part, from a decorative point of view the collection is respectable and has considerable style. The prices of these cuts run from twenty-five cents to five dollars, and, for the larger cuts in particular, seem high for what was supplied. In 1812, a Specimen of Printing Types from the Foundery of Binny & Ronaldson, Philadelphia, appeared, also printed by Fry and Kammerer. It begins with an address “To the Printers of the United States.” The proprietors speak of having, through patronage of printers, been able “to extend and improve their establishment on the grand scale, of which this specimen exhibits a proof.” From our point of view, there seems to have been little grand about the foundry except its pretensions. The great primer roman was used for the text of the imposing quarto edition of Joel Barlow's Columbiad, printed at Philadelphia in 1807 (fig. 301), and very finely printed, too, by Fry and Kammerer, whose imprint appears on the specimen we are considering. Notes to The Columbiad are set in the small pica No. 1. This volume is an early instance of an American édition de luxe, and reflects the style of Bul- mer's London editions. The engravings, after paintings by Smirke, were procured through the interest of Robert Fulton. COLUMBIAD. Who raised an opening scroll, where proudly shone Burgoyne and vengeance from the British throne. 28O Champlain receives the congregated host, And his husht waves beneath the sails are lost; Ticonderoga rears his rocks in vain, Nor Edward’s walls the weighty shock sustain; Deep George’s loaded lake reluctant guides Their bounding barges o'er his sacred tides. State after state the splendid pomp appals, Each town surrenders, every fortress falls; Sinclair retires; and with his feeble train, In slow retreat o'er many a fatal plain, 290 301. Binny & Ronaldson's Type used in The Columbiad, Philadelphia, 1807 EARLY AMERICAN SPECIMENS I55 Of the larger sizes of type shown in this specimen, the French Canon roman and its italic is a really handsome letter. The rest of the larger sizes are of the heavy face then fashionable. The transitional forms of smaller roman and italic shown are delightful. I do not know whether these were cut in America or cast from imported matrices, but a passage in the preface to James Ronaldson's specimen of 1816 makes me believe that they were cut by Archibald Binny. They retain—especially in the italic of certain sizes —a late eighteenth century touch, reminiscent of the work of Martin. The pica was supplied by Binny & Ronaldson for the text of Isaiah Thomas's History of Printing in Amer- ica, issued in 1810. Six sizes of black-letter with a disagree- able German twist to it—notice the fºs (fig. 302); four German text types—the double pica being reminiscent of very early German fonts; three sizes of Hebrew, and four of rather crabbed Greek, complete the book—except for three or four pages of ornaments. The “New Flowers” which open the collection are attractive designs in white on black. The American arms (No. 1), the urn (No.4), the eagle (No. 5), etc., are quite delightful, and really charming when com- bined, as in the sixth of these borders. The skulls and cross- bones below are less inviting, and the designation “new flowers” perhaps indicates the immortelle! (fig. 303). The other ornaments are mostly variants of ancient patterns, and are in some cases excellent. Binny & Ronaldson were succeeded by James Ronald- son, who brought out a specimen in 1816 which, as it is beautifully printed, shows the transitional types mentioned above to much better advantage than Binny & Ronaldson's specimen of 1812. The selection offered of both types and ornaments is considerably increased and bettered. The in- teresting Preface alludes to the 1812 specimen as repre- 156 PRINTING TYPES senting the labour of twenty-five years, and adds that the adoption of ranging figures and the round s are among the improvements which have been made simultaneously with European foundries. Apologies are offered for the fat-faced types put forth “to imitate the Europeans,” contrary to the founders' judgment, and proved by experience to be suited only for “works of fancy.” An enlarged edition of this speci- men appeared in 1822. James Ronaldson was succeeded by Richard Ronaldson, who apparently issued no specimen. In 1833, the owners of the foundry were Lawrence John- son and George F. Smith. Later, on Smith's retirement, Johnson took as partners Thomas MacKellar and John F. and Richard Smith. Upon Johnson's death in 1850, his three partners added Peter C. Jordan to their company and became the firm of MacKellar, Smiths and Jordan, remem- bered by older printers. This house was absorbed in 1892 by the American Type Founders Company. The material that a well-known eighteenth century printer possessed is shown in the specimen of Isaiah Thomas (1749–1831) of Worcester, Massachusetts. Franklin called Thomas the “American Baskerville,” but his printing was not remarkable except in view of the period in which he worked, and the difficulties which lack of good paper, good ink, and good workmen placed in his way. Thomas's chief work was his folio Bible, published in 1791—the first folio Bible printed in America—for which Franklin, to whom Thomas presented a copy, expressed great admi- ration. Dr. Charles L. Nichols, the biographer and bibli- ographer of Thomas, considers Sewall's Carmina Sacra (1789) the best printed of his books, though Thomas pre- ferred Charlotte Smith's Elegiac Sonnets (1795), a volume printed on the first wove paper made in this country, by TWO LINES GREAT PRIMER BLACK. $int fir it furtiſer ijerrtin enarttu, QI tijattijº illanuri, DOUBLE P10A BLACK. ?nt be it further bertbp en- atttil, (QThat the 312amorg, 25ailiffg, or Otljet beat ºf: GREAT PRIMER BLACK. ?ünt tit it further jtrebp enactº tü, (Iijat tiſt al?apurg, 25aiía iffg, or otijet beat ºfficerg of tuttp (Intum and platt corpuz 802. Black-letter: Binny & Ronaldson's Specimen Philadelphia, 1812 NEW FLOWERS. º cº Ç. Yºs Pº Sº E. " Sºğ. - - º }º ºf ºººh"; 8 (TTD (T. sº- - º §ºººººººº. w OOOOOC) OOOOOOOOOOOOO ^x \OOC3 OOOOCGC’ſ COOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO QQQQQQQQQQOGOOOOOOC Xºlºſ? QQQCOOOKOOOOOOOGC 303. Ornaments: Binny & Ronaldson's Specimen Philadelphia, 1812 EARLY AMERICAN SPECIMENS 157 Thomas himself. Thomas also printed music—the Worces- ter Collection of Sacred Harmony being his work. He was the author of that standard book, The History of Printing in America, published in 1810; and the founder of the Ameri- can Antiquarian Society of Worcester, of which he was the first president. - The title-page of Thomas's specimen shows his esteem for William Caslon (fig. 304). He had a complete series of the Caslon fonts, with some large letters cut on wood. In a manuscript note in a copy of his specimen belong- ing to the American Antiquarian Society, Thomas says: “£2000 sterling and upwards, were added to this Speci- men, in types from Fry's, Caslon's and Wilson's Foundries, between 1785 and 1784 [sic]. A great addition, and a great Variety of Types were added to the following after 1785. When complete the Printing materials were estimated at Nine Thousand Dollars.” His specimen shows a good assortment of mathematical, algebraical, and astronomical characters, a font of Greek, with some very good two-line Greek letters, and a small font of neat Hebrew. There are a number of type ornaments or “flowers,” some of which are very pretty. Of them Thomas says: “These ornamental types may be varied in a thousand different forms, but they are here inserted in the simple manner in which they are cast”; though the compositor has tried his hand at new arrangements without great success. Set in a commonplace scriptis this concluding advertisement: “I.Thomas, Printer, Worcester, Maſsachusetts, has with the greatest care and at- tention furnished himself with the best Printing Materials that could be made in Europe, and has purchaſed these ar- ticles to a very large amount. —He has every thing requi- site for neat, elegant, or ornamental Printing, be the work small or large, and will be happy to execute every com- 158 m PRINTING TYPES mand in the way of his Profeſsion, on the most reasonable Terms, and with Diſpatch.” The book is rare, but a copy which Thomas gave to Harvard College may be seen in the library of the University. Žºržiºjºni:Tºzºzīrzīmāīlzitzinºrixáſixtº: Fºº-ººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººººº É | : A. |s P E CIM E N : É asº *>> < # & º O F | ISAIAH THoMAs, P R IN T IN G. QI 33 33 (£ $5. Being as large and complete an ASSORT- MENT as is to be met with in any one Printing-Office in AMERICA. | clien, MANUFACTURED by larget Asia, WILLIAM CASLON, Eſq; Of L O N DO N. --~~ PRINTED at WORCESTER, MAssachusetts, By ISAIAH THOMAS. MDCCLXXXV, * º . . . . . * * * , , # * * . . . . * º fº s -º-º- Ny v Y Y T] Y YY v Y ~ Y Yº Y Y \v vº *:::: *::vg ;: l l l Xi X \l X1, Xlil Sºlt!'. I l'." It l'ºlt I : ixitxl ți'ſ ill:l 1:xll ſix lilx iſ x \ll i>{{i : \x & Jºse, ººz. 5&22% ºrº $20;rº& £ºº : # 3O4. Title-page: Isaiah Thomas's Specimen, Worcester, 1785 CHAPTER XIX NINETEENTH CENTURY “CLAssic AL” TYPEs BODON I AND THE DI DOTS HE pseudo-classical types which were in full pos- session of the European field in the first years of the nineteenth century, and which we best recog- nize by the term “Didot,” had their origin (1) in some special tendencies or influences in typography, and (2) in political and artistic movements, which must be described at some length if we are to understand the typographical revolution which they brought about. In typography, the first and earliest influence was the form of serif introduced into the French romain du roi by Grandjean in the reign of Louis XIV. This thin, straight serif, dazzling to the eye, rendered the romain du roi letter- form quite unlike anything that preceded it. Grandjean's serif was discarded by Luce in the types cut by him in the time of Louis XV; but it was revived in types cut after Luce's period, notably by the Didots. The second influence was the fashion for more modelled types, with light strokes in greater contrast to heavy strokes, introduced in England by Baskerville. This style, although it never took root deeply in England, was greatly admired on the Continent, especially in France and Italy. For, as Baskerville said when he offered his fonts to the Académie des Sciences, “I have never sold my Types, nor do I intend to sell any to London printers, as my Labours have always been treated with more Honour abroad than in my native Country.” To France Baskerville's types ultimately went, and his influence on both Bodoni and Didot is undeniable. * For a full discussion of the latter, see Louis Hautecoeur’s Rome et la Renais- sance de l’Antiquité à la fin du XVIIIe Siècle. Paris, 1912. 160 PRINTING TYPES A third influence was the condensation of type-forms— as exhibited by Luce in his caractère poétique, and by other founders in the fonts called serré or approché—by which letters appeared taller and narrower. And finally, all these tendencies were accentuated by the taste throughout Europe for a lighter and more delicate style of typography; sometimes arrived at by actually cut- ting a lighter letter, sometimes by greater leading of the type. - Chief among the artistic and political movements which affected type-forms was the revival of appreciation of the antique, which by 1800 dominated every phase of art. This revival was the result of something over a hundred years of unconscious preparation. Long before the discovery of Her- culaneum and Pompeii, excavations had been made in the neighbourhood of Rome, and the “grand tour” had made Roman antiquities familiar to travellers. Although the first discoveries at Pompeii were made as early as 1713, it was not until 1745 that Herculaneum was uncovered, and not until 1764 that the greater part of Pompeiian antiquities were found." Even before the latter date public interest was considerably aroused, and these discoveries were discussed in learned publications—Cochin, who visited Italy with Ma- rigny and Soufflot, writing on Herculaneum in 1751, and Carlos III in 1757 promoting Baiardi's Antichità di Erco- lano. The vogue of antique art was heightened by Panini's paintings, Piranesi's engravings, and the sketches of Hu- bert Robert; encouraged by the French Academy at Rome and the new Academies in Naples, London, Madrid, Parma, * The decoration which marked the reign of Louis XVI, known as style Louis Seize outside France, was, owing to the classic motifs that inspired it, called in France à la grecque—the decorative work discovered at Herculaneum and Pompeii being often more Greek than Roman in quality. “CLASSICAL” TYPES 16.1 and elsewhere; and further stimulated by the sale of Sir William Hamilton's Etruscan vases to the British Museum, the installation of Roman collections of sculpture, etc., and thejourneyings of the erudite to Naples, Paestum, and Sicily. The popularization of all these wonders by publications illustrating and describing them—by Caylus, St. Non, Vis- conti, Winckelmann, Mengs, and others—led people to consider Rome, in the language of the day, “the unique Emporium of the Beautiful and the Temple of Taste.” In architecture, painting, and sculpture men soon formu- lated what was supposed to be the underlying theory of an- tique art. Artists searched Plutarch for subjects; sculptors chose living models on account of their likeness to antique statues; and the Beau Idéal was to be attained by study- ing antiquity rather than life. In painting, these ideas were exemplified by such pictures as Le Serment des Horaces of David, by Flaxman's illustrations for the Iliad, and by An- gelica Kauffmann's pictures of antiquity a la mode. In sculp- ture, Canova held first place in this revival, and made his reputation by work which, because it was thought the last word in classicism then, makes us smile now. And in the minor arts all the forms of antique ornament were pressed into the service of decoration. In furniture, marble or mahogany was encumbered or enriched by clas- sical ornaments in metal. In porcelain, Etruscan motifs were used at Sèvres; Wedgwood named his potteries Etruria, and for him Flaxman made classical designs. Ruins became ink- stands, tripods turned into flower stands, porticoes formed clocks, and sphinxes, andirons. Pliny’s Doves in mosaic be- came table-tops, paper-weights, or brooches, buttons were à l'antique, and even fabrics were printed from Huet's de- signs of Roman ruins. By the year 1790, Greek and Roman antique art had com- 162 PRINTING TYPES pletely captured public taste—social and political events and ways of thinking in France being particularly favourable to such a development; though French students and artists resident in Rome became so unpopular because of their revolutionary opinions and license of expression that they were driven out.' But by 1796, the Pontifical States were invaded by France, and the rage for antiquity showed it- self in French demands. Paris must be a new Rome; and so it was needful to make Paris what Rome had been—the artistic centre of Europe. To effect this worthily we must, said the French, possess Roman monuments; and they pro- ceeded to possess them. The Laocoön, the Dying Gladiator, the Faun of Praxiteles, all set out for Paris, accompanied by Raphael's Transfiguration, Domenichino's St. Jerome, and a mixed company of goddesses, saints, nymphs, martyrs, and emperors. There was even a plan to carry off Trajan's Column, which proved, on investigation, so much too heavy that a lighter obelisk was sent instead. The greatest works of Italian art arrived in Paris by 1801, where they were received with public rejoicing. For by that time, politics, literature, art, all recalled the antique world. Government was confided to senators, tribunes, and consuls—and, more Romano, a victorious general was made Emperor. To us nowadays the antique seems something very hack- neyed, but it was to the men of those days brilliantly and thrillingly new—a resurrection from the dead; and, by an association of ideas, antique art—and even sterile and frigid imitations of it—symbolized that private virtue and public wisdom which was then hopefully supposed to have made its home on earth. The pseudo-classical tendency in paint- ‘To the Pontifical authorities the “last straw'” was an unfortunate work of art (somehow made into candelabra) showing Jupiter striking Aristocracy with Thunderbolts and Apollo trampling under foot Superstition. “CLASSICAL.” TYPES 163 ing and sculpture made itself felt also in oratory and liter- ature. And thus it seemed necessary, in typography, to clothe new modes of expression in a new way, and new type-forms were demanded to do it.’ It required only a “man of the hour” to accomplish this —in France Didot, in Italy Bodoni. Thus artistic movements, political reforms, and dy- nastic changes, together with certain tendencies in design, contributed to the popularization of a kind of type which, however far from classicism it seems to us now, represented to the bibliophile of that epoch a return to “antique virtue”! II N bringing about this change in typographic practice, Bodoni showed great originality in his new type-forms, and in this respect was the man most to be reckoned with. The scholarly prestige of the Didots (in the long run a far greater force) was influential in popularizing these new styles of type. Giambattista Bodoni, the son of a printer, was born at Sa- luzzo in Piedmont in 1740. Leaving home as a lad, he made his way to Rome, where he served as apprentice in the press of the Propaganda Fide—la felice scuola, as he called it— ‘As formal types called for a formal style of illustration, old decorators of the book had to change their manner. The beautiful Italian (1754) edition of Lucretius, - Della JVatura delle Cose, translated by Marchetti, edited by F. Gerbault, and dedicated to the Marquis de Vandières, brother to Madame de Pompadour, or Le Monnier's Fêtes des Bonnes-Gens de Canon, etc., pub- lished by Prault and others at Paris in 1778, with frontispiece by Moreau, are both printed in easy old style eighteenth century French types, with which the decorations admirably accord. On the other hand, the embellish- ments made for Didot’s folio Horace of 1799 by the architect Percier meet “Empire” requirements, and Moreau’s illustrations to Legouvé's Le Mé- rite des Femmes et autres Poésies, brought out in Paris by A. A. Renouard in 1809, show a painful endeavour to do so. Both these books are printed in Didot’s “classical” fonts. 164 PRINTING TYPES for which he always retained his early affection. Its direc- tor, Ruggeri, a learned man, was kind to Bodoni, and en- couraged him in trying to improve himself—even at that early date we find Bodoni cutting types for the establish- ment. His stay there was not long. Ruggeri committed sui- cide, and Bodoni, unable to endure further employment at Rome, left the Press with the idea of seeking his fortune in England. On his way there, stopping at his parents' house at Saluzzo, he fell ill; and before he had a chance to continue his journey he was asked, in behalf of Ferdinand, Duke of Parma, to take charge of the Stamperia Reale at Parma. This was in 1768. Bodoni's work there was that of a private printer; he produced either such things as were needed at court, or interested the Duke; or such work as he, on his own initiative, proposed. His first stock of types came from the Parisian foundry of Fournier, and he also cut type based on Fournier's models. What this stock of type was in 1771 is shown in Bodoni's specimen of that year, and to this period belong his Essai de caractères Russes (1782); a Man- uale Tºpografico in quarto, a folio Manuale, and a Greek specimen—Serie de' caratteri greci di Giambatista [sic] Bodoni —all three produced in 1788. By this time Bodoni had designed a great number of types, which, beginning as old style, by degrees took on a more modern appearance. His press became one of the sights of Europe, and was visited by the dilettanti and cognoscenti on the “grand tour”; his * Arthur Young, in his Travels in Italy, writing from Parma, December 9, 1789, says: “In the afternoon . . . to the celebrated reale typografta of Sig- nore Bodoni, who shewed me many works of singular beauty. The types, I think, exceed those of Didot at Paris, who likewise often crowds the let- ters close, as if to save paper. The Dafthne and Chloe, and the Amynta, are beautifully executed; I bought the latter, as a specimen of this celebrated press, which really does honour to Italy. Signore Bodoni had the title of the printer to the king of Spain, but never received any salary, or even gratifi- cation, as I learned in Parma from another quarter; where I was also in- “CLASSICAL” TYPES 165 editions were admired and collected by bibliophiles every- where. After 1790, his situation—vis-à-vis the Duke of Parma—was improved. This came about through an offer which Bodoni received from De Azara, Spanish Minister to the Papal Court, who conceived the idea of starting a press there (to bring out editions of the classics), of which he invited Bodoni to take charge. This plan coming to the Duke's ears, he made a counter proposal, with the result that Bodoni remained at Parma with a larger press and a more independent position, which permitted him liberty to print for any one who wished to employ him. So, besides Italian, Greek, and Latin books, Bodoni enlarged his field by printing French, Russian, German, and English books —Walpole, Gray, and Thomson being among the English authors for whom he produced editions. He was appointed printer to Carlos III of Spain; he received a pension from his son, Carlos IV; he corresponded with Franklin; he was complimented by the Pope; the city of Parma struck a medal in his honour; he obtained a medal for his work at Paris; he received a pension from the Viceroy of Italy; Napoleon gave him another and a larger one, and in short he was a great personage. He was one of those fortunate mortals who, appearing at just the right moment, knew exactly what he wanted to do, attempted it, succeeded in it, was praised for it, and deserved (and highly enjoyed) the praise. What more could one ask? He departed this life at Parma in 1813, and even his funeral ceremonies appear formed, that the salary he has from the duke is only 150 zechins. His merit is great and distinguished, and his exertions are uncommon. He has 30,000 matrices of type. I was not a little pleased to find, that he has met with the best sort of patron, in Mr. Edwards, the bookseller, at London, who has made a contract with him for an impression of two hundred and fifty of four Greek poets, four Latin, and four Italian ones–Pindar, Sophocles, Homer, and Theocritus; Horace, Virgil, Lucretius, and Plautus; Dante, Petrarcha, Ari- osto, and Tasso.” 166 PRINTING TYPES to have been precisely what he would have wished them to be As to Bodoni's specimen-books (apart from the charm- ing little specimen of 1771, Fregi e Majuscole, described in a former chapter), the inscriptions in exotic types, Is- crizioni Esotici a Caratteri novellamenti incisi e fusi, 1774, − printed to commemorate the baptism of the Prince of Parma, may be considered his first attempt to display his exotic characters. It is an interesting book—of 50 pages, quarto —and shows twenty of Bodoni's “learned” fonts (fig. 305). The magnificent Epithalamia in folio, printed in 1775 and later to be described, also falls into this class. Bodoni's Man- uale Tºpografico of 1788 I have never seen. It was appar- ently a quarto book of 360 pages, containing one hundred specimens of roman and fifty of cursive types, displayed in French and Italian on one side of the leaf. In it were also included twenty-eight sizes of Greek character, which were issued separately as well. This edition of the Manuale seems also to have been printed in octavo form on various special papers and on vellum. In the same year, 1788, Bodoni issued the finest and most imposing of his specimens—a folio collection of roman, italic, Russian, Greek, and Cancellereschi types. The book opens, unfortunately, with the last named, in fifteen sizes of a detestable form of script capital; but the twenty-eight alphabets of roman and twenty-seven of italic capitals which follow are perhaps the most magnificent of their kind ever displayed. The roman capital letters in larger sizes (from 1 to 5) are specially fine—brilliant in cut and splendidly printed in ink of a wonderfully rich black. Then, too, un- like Bodoni's later books, the paper has a pleasant surface from which all the life has not been smoothed out. Nine alphabets of Greek capital letters follow, both in upright © ſ: HELLENISTICA E803áošn to flá8topia dutoč ây éâóð6) Öixov xata retáquato; xal Mapurpóril; ſºčupato; ' dutoč ãotly 6; Maſurpór, ſºugaro; A3%\ov IIepičooey dvröy 6 ſ” ploto; orokiy 86&ng xai ' GwyláAélay xavyńuato; ăyéðvøey divröy IIpó00roy dvtoti Xaptroy peory xał Savgaory 6; ãoriº xal - 64 - Tóšov ‘potláoy éy vepéAal; 66&ng: •Gºº sº 305. Greek from Iscrizioni Esotici; Bodoni, Parma, 1774 #: “CLASSICAL” TYPES 167 and cursive forms—though how legitimate Greek “italic capitals” are is a question. The sizes from 1 to 4, or 5, are superb, especially number 1, in both italic and roman. Next come Russian capital letters in twelve sizes of roman and italic, and here again the cutting is brilliant and the im- pression effective to the last degree. From that point on, the types are upper and lower-case, beginning with roman and italic papale, imperiale, reale, ducale, in three weights of letter down to tresmégiste, below which roman and italic are shown in ten sizes of each; followed by similar Russian fonts of great magnificence. Fonts of Greek follow in descending sizes, and a few specimens of roman and italic (fig. 306), which are much more old style than Bodoni's later equiva- lent fonts. The splendour of this book depends upon pure typog- raphy. There is not an ornament in it—not even the little tablets by which Bodoni sometimes gave a dash of salt to his books, but with which less skilful printers have pep- pered their reproductions! From a passing allusion in Bo- doni's preface to his Manuale of 1818, it appears that only a few copies of this specimen were printed." To this period also belongs Bodoni’s “Letter” to the Mar- quis de Cubières” in French and Italian, printed in 1785. Concerning it Franklin wrote the following letter to Bodoni, dated Philadelphia, October 14, 1787: “I have had the very great pleasure of receiving and perusing your excellent Essai des Charactères [sic] de l’Im- primerie. It is one of the most beautiful that Art has hith- erto produc’d. I should be glad to see a specimen of your * An example is in the Boston Public Library. * Lettre de J. B. Bodoni, Tyſiograft he du Roi d'Esſagne et Directeur de l’Im- firimerie de S. A. R. l’Infant Duc de Parme, à Monsieur le Marquis de Cubières. Parma, 1785. - 168 PRINTING TYPES other Founts besides this Italic & Roman of the Letter to the Marq.” de Cubières; and to be inform'd of the price of each kind.—I do not presume to criticise your Italic Capitals; they are generally perfect: I would only beg leave to say, that to me the form of the Tin the word LETTRE of the Title Page [...fig. 307al seems preferable to that of the Tin the word Typographie in the nextPage [fig. 307b), as the downward stroke of T, P, R, F, B, D, H, Jº, L., I, and some others, which in writing we begin at the top, natu- rally swells as the pen descends; and it is only in the A and the M and N that those strokes are fine, because the pen begins them at the bottom.” De Lama says that Bodoni was overcome with joy to have from the President of the United States of America this flattering letter, which he considered a title to glory and preserved with religious care. Bodoni and De Lama, although a little mixed about the office which Franklin held in America, were quite right in being pleased; and this compliment so flattered Ferdinand, Duke of Parma, that he had the letter translated into Spanish, and sent it to his uncle, Carlos III, at Madrid, to whom Bodoni was honorary printer by appointment." In 1806, the Oratio Dominica in CLV Linguas Versa et Eacoticis Characteribus Plerumque Expressa is another mas- * Bodoni was often called “the King of Typographers and the Typographer of Kings”—a phrase suggested by the epitaph on Plantin’s tomb at Ant- werp. He was also styled ‘‘the Baskerville of Italy”—just as Didot was called “the Bodoni of France,” the Foulis brothers “the Elzevirs of Glas- gow,” and Thomas “the Baskerville of America.” This rather ridiculous habit of calling somebody the something of somewhere else has always at- tracted a certain class of mind in this country. A worthy gentleman who lived in Rhode Island in the eighteenth century and collected pictures was styled “the Lorenzo de’ Medici of Newport,” and a Boston schoolboy de- scribed Demosthenes as “the Edward Everett of Athens.” It was reserved, however, for Mrs. Piozzi to call Switzerland “the Derbyshire of Europe.” Adria,Cit. tà anticad’ Italia, che diedeilno. meal Gol. fo Adriati. an and Italic from Bodoni's Spe Adria, vil le ancien. qui a don- né le nom au Golfe A driatiq. Aſ ( 7 7 (ſ? (º %) é$ .7. #3 %3 0 % 0 %/ .7 57 ,ypograpfie du %oi °è'éſpagne t e, 2Oirecteur- ºàe f ' fmpcimetie ºèe e5 e/(. s%R . t'ºffufau. 2Ouc ºàe -zºaeme 2 a %onsieur (é % arquis 9/) é# 6 °U %3 .7 é# % é# oſº 3O7. (a) Title of Lettre à De Cubières oſ# dans les feuilles du 6omité de 6orrespondance, à / article de la $ſ%pographie, on a comblé d éloges quelques faiôles essais de mes ca- racteres, vous savez que je les dois entiérement à l empressement flat- teur, avec leque/ vous avez exºgé 3O7. (b) Text of Lettre à De Cubières : Bodoni, Parma, 1785 “CLASSICAL” TYPES 169 terly showing of what Bodoni could do in foreign and ancient alphabets—though a somewhat tiresomely perfect book." The second and final edition of Bodoni's Manuale Tipo- grafico – in two quarto volumes, with a Discorso by his widow and Prefazione by Bodoni (figs. 308 and 309)—ap- peared in 1818, five years after his death. It was completed under the care of his widow and Luigi Orsi, who was for twenty years foreman to Bodoni. Signora Bodoni, writing to M. Durand l’ainé of Metz, from Parma (November 14, 1817), says: “The Manuale Tipografico in two volumes on papier-vélin – the only kind of paper used for it — is not yet completed, but it will be, without fail, at the beginning of the coming year. I dare to believe that book-lovers will thank me for having published a volume which is so very important to Typography. The reception which it will have, will make, up for the trouble it has cost me (although Bo- doni has left the blocks or models for it) and the consider- able expense which I shall have had to incur before it is finished. Also, in view of the fact that but 290 copies are struck off, I cannot dispose of them at less than 120 francs, without any reduction. M. Rosaspina has engraved au burin the portrait after one which the celebrated Appiani . . . painted in oils, which is a striking likeness.” The first volume contains, under the title of Serie di Caratter. Latini, Tondi e Corsivi, a series of roman and italic * This polyglot Oratio Dominica was printed at the suggestion of Pius VII, who, in May, 1805, had passed through Parma on his way from the coro- nation of Napoleon. It was intended to outdo a like work published by the Imprimerie Imperiale at Paris. Bodoni’s book was dedicated to Eugène Beauharnais, Viceroy of Naples, to whom he personally presented a copy. In return for this work, Bodoni received a pension and an offer of the direc- tion of the Royal Printing House at Milan. * From an unpublished letter belonging to the author. 17O PRINTING TYPES types, which cover 144 pages. These run from parmigianina to papale. Sometimes there are as many as fourteen vari- eties of the same body in different designs and weights of line. It is almost impossible to conceive why it was neces- sary to have so many kinds which, even to a trained eye, appear much alike: though it is perhaps justifiable in the larger sizes—as in the three weights of ducale (fig. 310)— where differences can be clearly detected. The number of sizes of type, so nicely graduated that one almost merges in another, is more explicable. This great series enabled Bodoni to place on his pages, not approximately, but eacactly, the size of type he wished to employ (fig. 311). Succeeding pages (145–169) show Serie di Caratter Can- cellereschi, etc., in smaller sizes ugly, gray forms of script. Here and there an interesting one appears—like number 13, or the large sizes, 16 and 17. The English scripts are imitations of the “fine Italian hand” then fashionable in England, and have little to recommend them. Volume I closes with an enormous array of capital letters, both roman and italic, followed by a few pages of hideous script capi- tals unworthy of the collection. The second volume contains an assemblage of roman and “italic” Greek capitals, covering sixty-two pages; and ex- otic types, beginning with Hebrew, run on to the ninety- seventh page. These are followed by German and Russian types, many of great splendour. The book closes with se- ries of borders, mathematical, astronomical, and other signs, musical notation, etc. Some few ornaments (fregi) are at- tractive (fig. 312), but most of them, while very perfect, are chilly, sterile, and uninteresting. The borders (contorni) con- fined in rules—a form of decoration which Bodoni affected for his broadsides—are, however, quite charming (fig. 313). The arabic figures displayed are distinguished, and fonderia: il Manuale presente ne ren- derà esatto conto, qualora vogliasi confrontare col primo. Converrammi piuttosto osservare, che il sesto e il contorno sono i medesimi ch'egli vi - vente diede ad alcune pagine fatte imprimere per prova. In queste, a dif- ferenza del suo primo Manuale, ove ogni pagina conteneva la descrizio- ne di una qualche città, comincian- do col nome di essa, volle replicato il principio della prima Catilinaria = Quousque tandem abutère ecc. per mettere sotto l'occhio de'com- mettenti di caratteri il vantaggio che potrebbero ritrarre domandando 3O8. Page of Signora Bodoni's Discorso: Manuale Tipografico, Parma, 1818 dono puro di Dio e felicità di natu- ra, benchè spesso provenga da lunga esercitazione e abitudine, che le più difficili cose agevola a segno che in fine senza più pur pensarvi riescono ottimamente fatte. Che però la gra- zia della scrittura forse più che in al- tro sta in certa disinvoltura di tratti franchi, risoluti, spediti, e nondime- no così nelle forme esatti, così degra- dati ne piemi, che non trova l'invidia ove gli emende. Ma forse più sicuro è ristringerci a dire che han grazia le lettere, quando sembrano scritte non già con isvogliatezza o con fret- ta, ma piuttosto, che con impegno e pena, con felicità ed amore. Tanto più bello sarà dunque un carattere, quanto avrà più regolari- l= 309. Page of Bodoni's Prefazione: Manuale Tipografico, Parma, 1818 Quousque tan- dem abutére, Ca- tilina, patientiá Quousque tan- dé abutére, Ca- tilina, patientiá Quousque tan- dem abutére, Catilina, pati- 310. Specimen of Bodoni's Ducale in three weights Manuale Tipografico, Parma, 1818 A B PHILOSOPHUS ET ORATOR C1 W 1 S. n Ord Ari U 5 on AT or Erlogo Erºtissim ps P H I L O J O z' R U3. Iy 4 rºys Arynyo A B U R B K C O N’D I TA C /) 311. Largest, medium, and smallest Roman and Italic Capitals shown in Bodoni's Manuale Tipografico, Parma, 1818 *: F REG I {{e ga, Šišić ..., || 9.4 ################## ... "sºº" "sºº", *s, *** ... 6.5/3,565,3,365/º 927 & # * +++++++ 928 \,. \,, º, * - - - - - * * * *-* - - - - - -m º * - ºn- a--ms ammº ºme- --- o, tºtt:::::::::::::: os, X$$$$$$$$$$$$. 312. Ornaments: Bodoni's Manuale Tipografico, Parma, 1818 #3–3 CONT OR NI $: X V “-o-...--o....--o-...--o-º-º-o-...--o...!..o... • *Os - - - - - G - - - - - - O - ~~Q. - - - - - Q- . . . . . Q - - - - - - O - * * & sº % * & + %-33. “33” % ** & •º • * - O - - - “:o......o......o-...--o'-- ...o... • * * Q. - - - - - O - - - - - - O - - - - - - O - - - - - - O - - - - - - Q , s , , --Q)” - 4 - - - Q “e X V I e 2^*SS we > **~ we 2^*SS we Zººs se “T-tºº-ºº-ºº-ºº-ººs Seasº’ ^º \See- * it See** 30 ſt S-s-> * See- * wº-is-w-s. T-i-m-sis * † TT a § *Tº tº * > JTFTs a * * & 8 Fº • * * * * & " * * $...”...”...'.... *s sº *s sº *s, * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *... • *** **** **** *... • *...** *... •' s... • *s. •" " --e." - ... • o......c......o......o......o.º.----o------o-º-o-º-º-o-----o......o......o......o O º 'ſ *WP º © tº 65/6; C-> 5\ºjº, 9 C-> 5\º o:…o.º.o-º-º-o-º-o-º-º-o-º-o-º-o-º-o-º-º:2:…o-º-o-o-º-o-º: * * * * * iſ e e º 313. Borders: Bodoni's Manuale Tipografico, Parma, 1818 “CLASSICAL” TYPES 171 deserve mention. The music type is uninteresting, the plain- song notation in particular being too modern in effect. The work is probably the most elaborate specimen that the world has ever seen — an imposing tour de force — and the acme of Bodoni's late, chilly, dry manner. Bodoni's work may be divided into two periods: (1) when he employed old style or transitional types and used decora- tions somewhat profusely, and (2) when he depended on his own type-designs and unadorned typography for his effects. His early printing shows French influence very distinctly, and in the specimen of 1771–Fregi e Majuscole—the bor- der of Bodoni's title-page is almost a copy of that of the second volume of Fournier's Manuel Typographique. But earlier than that, the French fashion of printing appears in such books as Le Feste d'Apollo and the Pastorale of 1769– which commemorate gala performances in honour of the marriage of the Duke of Parma. Some other early books of the Stamperia Reale—such as Alberti's Saggio di Poesie Italiane (1773) or Trenta's tragedy L'Auge, issued about 1774—are so far from Bodoni's later style that it is at first sight difficult to believe that he printed them. Such a book as the Epithalamia Exoticis Linguis Reddita of 1775, issued in honour of the marriage of Marie Adelaide Clotilde, sister of Louis XVI, printed in Bodoni's “first manner” from old style types, is a masterpiece; really magnificent in its types, their arrangement, and the superb engraved decorations which, for once, enhance the effect of the page (figs. 314 and 315). I think it one of his finest volumes. - In 1784, Bodoni printed another very charming book in this early manner–Prose e Versi per onorare la Memoria di Livia Doria Caraffa, a collection of poetry, prose, and inscriptions which is probably one of the most beautiful me- morial volumes ever produced. The fonts of delicate roman 172 PRINTING TYPES and italic type are distinctly old style. In 1785, Bodoni's edi- tion of Anacreon's Odes, in quarto, was published—a most beautiful book (printed entirely in capital letters) in Greek and Latin. The volume In Funere Caroli III, of 1789, and the Orazione Funebre of Botteri (for the same occasion) are also good specimens of his earlier taste. The Greek and Ital- ian Callimachus of 1792 retains a great deal of his early style; and his Tavola di Cebete Tebano of 1793 is another delightful piece of printing—simple, and very character- istic. The Brief of Pius VI of 1792, of which there were but twelve copies printed in folio, may well have caused the Pope to exclaim that he must issue a second brief to praise the way in which Bodoni had printed the first one! Of all this work, a little 32mo Anacreon in Greek of 1791 is my favourite—one of his most exquisite bits of printing. Meanwhile, the increasing number of books prefiguring his later way of working—like the Horace and Imitation of 1791 and 1793—show that he was feeling his way into the refrigerated manner of his last days. But his first period— less known, and when known, less considered—is his best. Of Bodoni's second manner—which, roughly speaking, may be called his nineteenth century style—there are in- numerable examples, and in all these later books the area of unprinted space on his pages is great. Bodoni lightened the solidity of close-set composition by exaggerating his ascenders and descenders, and also by ingeniously plac- ing small faces of type on large bodies, which effectually prevented such fonts from being set solid. His quarto Taci- tus of 1804 is a fine book—transitional in style, perhaps. Il Bardo della Selva JVera of 1806 is a full-blown exam- ple of his favourite and typical way of working. The Oratio Dominica of the same year, Tasso's Gerusalemme Liberata of 1807, the Greek Iliad in three volumes folio of 1808, La ā– j anta eft hoc tempore in toto terrarum orbe linguarum multitudo, tanta varietas, ut qua aetate hominum animi ad mutuam intelligen- tiam focietatemque inter fe ineundam im- penfius feruntur, graviora eorum ftudiis im- ÈÉ - pedimenta communi quodam fato obftare vi- deantur. Quae enim reftat feliciffimo hoc noftro aevo dete- genda natio, quae novae coloniae deducendae, quae inaudi- ta cum diffitiffimis regionibus ineunda commercia, quae con- quirenda demum remotioris vetuftatis monumenta ? Magnis haec laboribus majorique alacritate a nobis fufcipiuntur, quae |! f lllii r-j fiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiitijfimiiiiiiiiiiiuiiiiiiiiiiiiiii /% e-vrw z«-4* 314. Romam in Epithalamia Exoticis Linguis Reddita, etc. : Bodoni, Parma, 1775 ºś((62: §º: ºº:: § \ 9 f § 3 ºff tº ÉA ºš º &_º #º #ºº.....Sº MEE#º 23:º _º. \;=º ºšº .* * wº hº-º. -- Jº . O ºº::º-S *ºº. Sºº-ºººººº. º º M / *…tº Quae me ad illud edendum impulerint cauſae, & quae illius ſit dizoöög motº, habeto. Vt primum de nuptiis CAROL I EMMANVELIS FERDINANDI, ſubalpinae galliae principis ad me rumor perlatus eſt, flatim mecum ipſe reputare coepi, qua ratione poſſem non modo defixam animo gratulationem palam teſtari, ſed a sº. ººº-ºº: tº º ºf 32:3: º §3. º ę & " - *:::: º d fºº § ºf ºs §ºš 315. Italic in Epithalamia Exoticis Linguis Reddita, etc.; Bodoni, Parma, 1775 “CLASSICAL” TYPES 173 Rochefoucauld's Maacimes in French of 1811, and the French Télémaque of 1812, which Bodoni thought perhaps his best work—all these are books showing originality of conception, even though the conception may not be of a very endearing kind. One of the last and most typical of his editions is La Giuditta of 1813—begun but not finished by Bodoni—a book absolutely without ornament, and very fine in its way. Some smaller volumes of poems in 16mo, delicately printed from delicate types, on paper which is much like vellum in quality, are delightful of their kind. Such are Parini's Odi of 1799; Wersi di Giordani, in four volumes, of 1809; and Wersi del Conte Aurelio Bernieri, 1811, in four volumes. Finally, Bodoni's broadsides—inscriptions in capitals, framed in borders made up of ornaments—are among his most interesting performances. These are rare; and while no reproduction gives much idea of them, I refer the reader to their facsimiles at the end of Bertieri's admirable book." Bodoni's larger volumes were certainly often magnificent. They were planned on a great scale. It has been very well said of him that those who came after might choose to do something else; but that what he chose to do could never be done better. His first manner, in one way less character- istic of him, is, as I have said, much the more agreeable and sympathetic. He was then under the influenceof French styles, although perhaps he had given up employing French types; but there was about the books of this period—as in those of his rival Didot—real charm. The distinction of old style type was retained, but it was slightly refined. * For these and other interesting facsimiles see Bertieri and Fumagalli’s L’Arte di Giambattista Bodoni. Milan, 1913. The series of plates at the end show at a glance the difference between his early and late manner of printing. A chronological table of Bodoni’s editions forms Vol. II of De Lama’s Vita di Bodoni. Parma, 1816. - 174, PRINTING TYPES But while it was in his first period that he produced his most beautiful books, he himself did not think so. It may be said that this is self-evident, because he soon changed his style for one which he must have considered an im- provement. But it was not Bodoni, but the spirit of the art round about him, that made his later types more and more rigid, their heavy lines thicker, and their light lines thin- ner and more wiry. Wonderfully perfect as these types were in detail, they contributed to a style of printing that made these later books as official as a coronation, and as cold as the neighbouring Alps! His volumes were to other printing what Canova's statuary was to earlier sculpture. Many of Bodoni's books lacked intimacy and charm, too, because of his conception of the function of his press. He cared nothing about printing as a means to popular instruc- tion. He did not despise the masses – he forgot all about them He was a court printer, existing by the patronage of the Lucky Few. His editions were intended to be livres d'apparat. He not alone saw no harm in making them so, but the bigger and more pretentious they were, the better he liked them. In fact, he openly said so, and told Renouard, the French publisher, “Je ne veux que du magnifique, et je ne travaille pas pour le Vulgaire des lecteurs.” I am afraid, too, that he always retained an eighteenth century Italian carelessness about detail, which often gave Italian archi- tecture and painting of that period such delightful brio. But “broad effects,” when applied to scholarship and proofread- ing, lead to disaster. Thus the texts of Bodoni's classical editions have never been considered very correct, and his books, apart from their appearance, are not valuable to the "A collection of Bodoni’s books in all their different editions, on large paper, “special” paper, vellum, etc., is preserved in the Ducal Library at Parma, where the matrices of Bodoni’s types are also exhibited. PARANGONE I. i | N’ayez de l'attachement, et | | de l'amour pour le monde, i | qu'à proportion du temps que | |vous y devez ètre . Celui qui | voyage, ne doit point s'ar | Non abbiate attacco, ne amo-| | re pel mondo, se non che a pro- | porzione del tempo, che voi vi | | dovete dimorare. Quegli che ec. | PARANC ONE II. | Il n'ya au monde que deux | | maniéres des élever: ou par sa | |propreindustrie, ou par l'imbe- | cilité des autres. On ne vole. ec | | Non ha l'uomo che due mez- |zi per aggrandire; o la propria | | industria, o l'altrui imbecillità. | | Non si vola colle stesse ali etc. – ma è semma- 316. Roman and Italic: Amoretti's Saggio de Caratteri Parma, 1811 « “CLASSICAL.” TYPES 175 scholar. Didot, who published much better editions, but did not print so well, justly enough said that Bodoni's books would figure on the shelves of collectors, but not in the libraries of savants—adding, “Comme littérateur je con- damneses éditions, commetypographe jeles admire.”There were other eminent critics who took the same tone. Appar- ently it was not only in the classics that he sinned; for Horace Walpole, writing in 1790 to Mary Berry, who was then in Italy, says, “I am glad you did not get a Parmesan Otranto. A copy is come so full of faults that it is not fit to be sold here.” But whatever Bodoni's faults were, he was perfectly characteristic of his period, and expressed it in his work. Because he was so characteristic of his time is perhaps the chief reason that he is a great printer. Andrea Amoretti, a learned Italian priest, who, renoun- cing his calling, engraved some of Bodoni's types, and who printed some pretty books himself, issued a delightful little specimen, Saggio de' Caratteri e Fregi della Fonderia dei Fratelli.Amoretti Incisori e Fonditori in San Pancrazio presso Parma (1811), and this book shows how the Italian output had been influenced by Bodoni and Didot' (fig. 316). The clear-cut ornaments, which are to earlier ornaments what the Amoretti types of 1811 are to earlier types, are very per- fect, very brilliant, and extremely characteristic of the fash- ionable style in printing at that period (fig. 317). Indeed, Bo- doni's work was much copied by such presses as that of the Vicenzi at Modena and in other parts of Italy. The luxurious books of the Tipografia della Società Letterária at Pisa (now almost forgotten), which employed Amoretti's fonts, were important and collected by amateurs of printing. The effect * The Amorettis also issued in 1830 another specimen — JVuovo Saggio de' Caratteri e Fregi della Fonderia dei Fratelli Amoretti Incisori e Fonditori in Parma. It is inferior to the first one and shows some types in the English manner of Thorne. 176 PRINTING TYPES of Amoretti's fonts is shown in the folio Poesie di Catullo, in Italian and Latin, issued at Pisa in 1815. This book recalls Bodoni's manner, but just misses its excellence; somehow the types seem commonplace, and their arrangement lacks Bodoni's clever touch. Amoretti's types are also used in Tasso's Aminta, printed in Pisa in 1804 at the same press; but here the types are too much spaced and look weak, not only on that account, but because they are so. III OME account of the manifold activities of the Didot family is given in a previous chapter, but we must now consider their important part in the development of nine- teenth century type-forms. Their eighteenth century influ- ence in the movement toward lighter types is shown by François Ambroise Didot's fonts cut by Waflard about 1775, in that interesting book already spoken of, Epitre sur les Pro- grès de l’Imprimerie, written and put forth by Didot l’ainé in 1784, and in the delightful Essai de Fables Nouvelles, in which the Epitre was reprinted in 1786. It is but fair to say that mid-eighteenth century French specimens were full of very light fonts, in what was then called the goût nouveau, and it was these that the Didots somewhat re- fined upon. On the other hand, some of the graceful and spirited but attenuated old style types used by the Didots about 1780 were very beautiful, and have not been suffi- ciently noticed–types just on the turn of the tide – fore- shadowing the coming change in style, but by no means * I have not been able to examine any volumes showing large sizes of the Wafard types, which were quickly superseded by Vibert’s fonts, for which Pierre Didot was responsible. Alphabets of Waflard’s characters are shown in Thibaudeau’s La Lettre d’Imprimerie, Vol. I, pls. 15 and 16. The date of their appearance there given (1757) would appear to be open to question. ALTRI IN QUADRO D I V E RS O I I I | NW I I 2, |vvvvvvvvvvvvvv I I S2 S2 Sla Sas a S2 Szasº a S2 Sºa SXa Sºa | VASYzoN VAN AN ZN AN AS VAN ZN VAN zºN VAN I I 317. Ornaments: Amoretti's Saggio de' Caratteri Parma, 1811 “CLASSICAL” TYPES 177 disfigured by it. None of these characters (save possibly Waffard's) prepare us for the fonts cut by Firmin Didot about 1800 for the Racine and also used in the composition of the Constitution de la République. The famous édition du Louvre of Racine (1801–5) was printed by Pierre Didot in three folio volumes, and con- sidered his chef d'oeuvre. “The splendid execution of this book,” says Bouchot, “ was a true typographical revolution. Never in any country had scrupulous perfection of detail been joined to so masterly a knowledge of arrangement and form of characters. The great artists of the Davidian school were anxious of the honour of seeing their drawings repro- duced as illustrations, and . . . designed the fifty-seven plates with which the edition was adorned.” Two hundred and fifty copies were printed, one hundred of which had proofs of the plates before letters. It was published by subscription at 1200 francs for the ordinary edition, and with proofs at 1800 francs. The series of typical “Didot” characters used in it is dis- tinguished by the violent contrast of their thick and thin lines. The heavy strokes of the letters are very strong, the thin lines and the serifs are exaggerated and lightened to a mere hair-line. The italic is almost as if engraved. The effect as a whole is perfect, but dazzling; it sticks into, rather than strikes, the eye. All the agreeable, mellow feel- ing of the letter of Jenson and Garamond is gone. “Didotin- contestably realized,” says Thibaudeau, “a pompous roman alphabet instinct with majestic grandeur, but of extreme dryness and absolutely glacial rigidity of line.” He adds that a whole school of typography sprang up around this Didot “formula-type.” There existed, however, a minority who did not accept Didot's fonts without critieisfy and protest. * * * 178 PRINTING TYPES We can understand the enthusiasm excited by such books as Didot's Horace and Racine only when we realize that the men chosen to illustrate them were part and parcel of the movement in Art that I have already outlined, and that printing was itself but a tiny current in the far-reach- ing sweep of this tide. Lifeless and pretentious as such work seems to us now, to the public of that day it appeared the quintessence of the antique spirit. For it must be observed— and this observation has a moral for the printer—that what the contemporaries of Didot saw and admired in his print- ing is not what we see and admire now. Men of that day saw, or thought they saw, in Didot's great folios, antiquity; to us the only interesting thing about them is that they ex- hibit Didot's idea of it. And since the Didot idea was not particularly interesting, or his manner charming, neither his types nor the books he printed with them much interest us. The only “period” a printer can work in so as to give pleasure at subsequent periods appears to be his own. The development of this Didot letter is shown in the Spécimen des Nouveauac Caractères . . . de P. Didot ſainé of 1819 (fig. 318). Here we see a new style of French type in full swing. Pierre Didot says these fonts were engraved under his personal supervision by the type-cutter Vibert, whom he assisted (and probably inordinately tormented) for three hours a day for ten years to get things to his mind. François Ambroise Didot, it should be remembered, had reformulated a system of type-measurement—one reason why his style of type became so popular with printers. His son applied this mathematical sense to type-design, with a resultant rigidity which is a mark of early nineteenth century “classic” French fonts. Almost every trace of pen- quality vanishes in these types. It is an alphabet “regular- ized” to a painful degree; though very perfect and very A V / S. J'a dû suivre et adopter l'ordre numerique pour la dénomination de mes carac- tères, au lieu des noms insignifiants et souvent bizarres conservés encore aujourd'hui dans presque toutes les imprimeries, tels que Perle, Parisienne, Nompareille, Mi- gnonne, Petit texte, Gaillarde, Petit romain, Philosophie, Cicéro, Saint Augus- tin, etc., lesquels n'offrent aucune idée de leurs proportions particulières ni de leur corrélation, qui en effet existe rarement entre eux d'une manière exacte. Cet ordre numérique, le seul vraiment convenable, a été ainsi établi par mon père; et le nom de chacun de ses caractères particuliers en présentoit à-la-fois le signalement. Il a donc donné à celui qu'il a voulu prendre pour point de départ, et qui répond à peu près au petit caractère connu dans les imprimeries sous la déno- mination de Nompareille, une proportion fixe et invariable, la ligne de pied-de-roi. Il l'a nommé le six, parceque le corps de ce caractère contient six points, ou six sixièmes de ligne. Le sixième de ligne, ou le point, est la plus petite partie qu'il soit possible de fondre, soit comme espace entre les mots, soit comme interligne.Ainsi donc le six comprend dans son corps, c'est-à-dire avec les lettres longues d'en haut et d'en bas, telles que b, p, etc. (ou simplement la lettre j, dont le point et la queue complètent la dimension totale); le corps six, disje, comprend une ligne juste de pied-de-roi : le sept comprend une ligne, plus un sixième de ligne, ou sept points, etc. A ces dimensions établies j'ai ajouté des corps intermédiaires, ou demi-points, afin d'obtenir et de présenter plus de richesse et de variété dans les proportions des différents corps, et par là, du six au douze, j'ai augmenté de six le nombre de mes caractères. Leur progression graduelle est ainsi d'un demi-point seulement, ou d'un 318. Italic in P. Didot l'aîné"s Spécimen des Nouveaux Caractères, Paris, 1819 “CLASSICAL * TYPES 179 brilliant. There are marked and disagreeable peculiarities in some letters (fig. 319), and its disabled g and wounded y warn us of the danger of too much fussing over details. Some very horrid characters engraved for the Imprim- erie in 1818 by Jacquemin were a reflection of those heavier types introduced by Thorne in England; for after the down- fall of Napoleon, English fashions were popular. They had a counterpart in those of Henri Didot's nephew, Marcel- lin Legrand, whose fonts of 1825– a sort of mechanical version of Didot's 1819 fonts—were followed by the same engraver's unpleasantly condensed types of 1847. The effect of types of the Didot school may be seen in books published in France by different members of the Didot family, by Renouard, and other progressive publishers, be- tween 1800 and 1850. The following volumes, selected at random, show a certain progression in style of type as the century advanced. In the Bucoliques of Virgil and the Idylles of Theocri- tus, translated and printed by Firmin Didot, his caractères d'écriture were first used in 1806. In 1811, Renouard pub- lished, in two volumes 12mo, an illustrated edition of the Fables of La Fontaine, which was an important book in its time and a characteristic piece of early nineteenth century typography. The fonts used in the 1817 edition of Molière's works—in octavo, printed by Pierre Didot l’ainé—show further progression toward modern face types, as we now understand the term. Baour-Lormian's translation of Tasso's Jérusalem Delivrée, published by Delaunay and printed by Didot le jeune in 1819, though virile compared with later type effects, is a very frigid and tiresome performance. Poésies et Traductions en Vers de Firmin Didot. Paris, de la Typographie de l'Auteur, 1822, shows Didot's own views 18O PRINTING TYPES as to what a book should look like; and Napoléon et ses Contemporains, a series of engravings with text by A. P. de Chambure (1824), published by Bossange and printed by Lachevardière fils, is a good example of fashionable typog- raphy of a little later time. Lettres de Napoléon à Joséphine, etc. (1796–1814), published and printed by Firmin Didot Frères in 1833, in two volumes octavo, is also an example of what the Didot house at that period thought fit to present to the public. Paulin's edition of Lesage's Gil Blas (1835), with its hundreds of vignettes by Gigoux, and Curmer's edition of St. Pierre's Paul et Wirginie (1838) were consid- ered delightful novelties in book-making. In the latter, be- sides many full-page wood-engravings by Tony Johannot, the text was smothered with innumerable woodcuts de- signed and executed by the best hands–French and Eng- lish— in the “romantic” manner of the day. These two books interest us: first, as endeavours to make what were then considered (and, in a sense, still are) remarkable edi- tions; second, because in them all unity of illustration and typography was thrown overboard. This style in the mak- ing of gift-books persisted in all countries for many years. Finally, Horace's Opera, printed by Firmin Didot in 1855 from very tiny types, is worth examination. Ambroise Fir- min Didot's address Au Lecteur gives some typographical details about the edition. The smallest type in the book (cast by Laurent & De Berny) is used in the notes to Didot's address—not so small, however, as Henri Didot's micro- scopic types used in 1827 in a minute edition of La Roche- foucauld's Maacimes. Except for the reconstitution of books of that period, types of the Didot school have little practical value to us In OW. - LE T R E IZE. Conjurant la mélancolie, La défiance et ses détours, La froideur, et la jalousie, En ont confié l'heureux cours A l'Hymen sensible, aux Amours, A la raison, à la folie : Heureux qui sait régler toujours Leur accord, leur douce harmonie ! Là, des dieux respirant la vie, L'Hymen, par sa fécondité, L'Hymen, que mon cœur déifie, Entretient, augmente, et varie Lamour, l'espoir, et la gaieté; La douce paix, la liberté, Y président de compagnie, Versant, offrant de tout côté Et le nectar et l'ambrosie. Comme, après un beau jour d'été, La nuit, plus calme et non moins belle, 9 319. Roman in P. Didot's Spécimen, etc., Paris, 1819 “CLASSICAL * TYPES 181 IV Fearly nineteenth century French specimens to be con- sidered, the first is that of J. G. Gillé fils, who in 1808 issued a folio specimen entitled Recueil des Divers Carac- tères Vignettes et Ornemens de la Fonderie et Imprimerie de J. G. Gillé." The series of book-types shown are just on the verge of modern face. The titling-letters are of the extreme “Didot” form. The best fonts in this book are the beauti- ful series of caractères d'écriture in ronde, batarde, and coulé, which (especially in larger sizes) have much movement and style. These were used with great success for administra- tive and commercial printing. The vignettes or type-borders are distinctive, particularly those with black backgrounds, which are among the handsomest of their kind (fig. 320). The collection of decorations cut on wood and reproduced in polytype is an important feature. All kinds of interesting ornaments are displayed. Many of them are in the pseudo- classic taste of the period, which was taken uncommonly seriously by Gillé. In a prospectus about his designs for print- ers, he alludes slightingly to the borders and tail-pieces in Louis XV style, holding Luce up to ridicule, who, he says, “did not consult the immortal and enchanting cartons of Ra- phael. . . . But in our day,” he adds, “Percier, Fontaine, and other great architects have appeared. They have opened our eyes, and iron, marble, steel, wood, all should breathe the spirit of Raphael”—though I do not think Raphael would easily recognize his “spirit” in Gillé's type ornaments! An idea of the collection may be had from our reproduc- ‘This foundry existed in the eighteenth century, when it was presided over by a certain J. Gillé, who published an interesting octavo specimen in 1773, and another of 16mo form in 1778, entitled Caractères de la Fonderie de J. Gillé, Graveur et Fondeur du Roi, etc. About 1790, his son acquired the foundry. 182 PRINTING TYPES tion of a broadside specimen of his types, probably issued also about 1808 (fig. 321). In this, examples are shown of the roman and italic types and the caractères d'écriture just spoken of, and the sheet is surrounded with one of Gillé's fine borders. A less important specimen of about this period is the folio book of Wignettes et Fleurons engraved by Besnard and pub- lished by him in 1812, printed by Mame, and interesting for its pretty ornaments designed in light style. At the Exposition du Louvre of 1819, the Parisian type- founder Moléjeune, who began life as a painter and designer, exhibited a series of fourteen great broadsides, surrounded with wide borders, which is one of the most magnificent type-specimens known. These sheets exhibit the result of twenty-seven years of personal labour–206 varieties of roman, italic, civilité, Greek, Hebrew, Rabbinical Hebrew, Arabic, Samaritan, Syriac, and also a fine series of roman titling-letters. In addition there are 468 borders (very varied in design and many of great beauty), rules, etc. The roman and italic are of the Didot style, and (except for the titling- letters) are less mechanical than is usual in such fonts. They show this kind of type at its best, though owing much to the splendid presswork of Pierre Didot l’ainé. We repro- duce the sixth plate of the series (fig. 322). The Jury of the Exposition commended “this immense and magnificent col- lection as the work of an artist who greatly merits notice, not merely for his admirable work, but for the labour, pains, and immense sacrifices he has made to arrive at so high a degree of perfection.” As a conspectus of the best French type of its day, Molé's fourteen Tableauac are classic. French typographic ornament of this period, like type- form, was much influenced by England, and an English en- graver, Charles Thompson, brother of the better known 8O8I ºsłuvºſ ºuðuț094$ sſf ſſ）?0 : suoptog 'ogg ſ. 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Jo preacuto, cro atteuoaut, celle rcautono 0e soixante-èiao Cutoctètea , inſortiucio c/ſez tuoi, e 0'uso acuſ coup de 6azzcato. Jofetaipatoitto souºpcu uite Coſtectio) èe sur ccttco ºignette, 3 ſettvous, Cautica, e- 9cticutcita. ò'u9 9où - tito)ette, bout feco èestita e "ixecutio) ottº éto corſia ouxo doiuà èea ateifſcura. Slttistcco. P A n 1 5 i rr ºtt. º ... º I !. --'s ! - - º i º - - - - sº s g A nº a - i p ti, tra i sei la a.. l. 4 -4 i s- º e. º Ar tvs in it ta Asta, si las Artistes º s r . Il d l... I i-. i E, u s i - il ia' di s as ta; - la sal tº a . .t ti t. -a - a 2 - 1 º g g - si v -e a sºrt. l l l a -ai-s . . .- - -: a. a 22 a 1 12 2 ss f º º. 1. a. 1.1 Iº pas Arts se laiagra ra dren rºasses, les Arts httesa e se lei Aets eveha altres, r v s º ha irº, la gree. -34esa ete. - e la rete ei t ºa a f i - e' la lea aeta -. La as era di lacratlia eterº rese ste e se lo cocrciº pt o xi P A lt e I L L Z. on dºrlaro e continua Urm rnt e sntre les paisſoria, coler impute len pelsea lº ſtemme, sua ves source de tra plainſis i rest dans sa cosi iltuito a un ritroent it at or ne dai dire ni beaucoup de blru ai beaucoup de mal. Ce sont néonmetas lea genºva passioas qui l 1 - - i s º a i sin, clie, plo, da sublime, les arts et les sciences trton berelant dans l'rg fans e Les psssica, dtda º aursotierrit oi trier, un bonstre terrotta, le passioni a nºilri di grade at les lo ritroes e ut so L» centraliste e stanti l'intrpe, C e setelt vi ritalderrent un l: ubrut il son. Travaillons to antitrrorut A e tºllis l testo ente ruti e rilev, nea, ne redouterons plan leurs dºrirls risanu. Cos co prv º dialiste i laus eſcrvesserte et nºn le s datruire sotiti rupest, Rien ne s'appose plus puissarneses t au ton Aege des Vernºtes gire extra, agente guita'est faite de ses qualita per screelles. XI l o N O N E, T.e i vettui sociale, sont obtolanoent nºcritaires aor hormres , st principatenrni a cear doni le lamiere, e lei talent tool mediocre, tº: ce que rien ne pºrroir les dédoro tra gri e l'attere e le ce i veriu, ni le preserver de notre innine et de to megali, ciceron divot º, º ºa f... .! - i - – - a – - i l g t: - - - - -ù - dº i sa a ... k-.4 I up I rugg Lake ara - . . ! º al i. - : - - - a 1.- se e sta a 8 . . . . . . . . . º avvanta tv i va t..- -3. . .. ap º - f - - - - - - - º sa r la sua va a qui ai al plur généroleroen droit au e applaugtsvernans des homroes i - a. l ... t. 1 l'ariiiiià - listini a rºttº i - ſio al un sentiment da bicuveillance pour oos tenublab e 1. Jai scherri rotai inttruirent et riultiplient rºor con soli sancet, Ja Phvrane guaſ resteri tra le cultivant un piattir inalteratle. p E T I T T E X T E, L'amitié n'est pas précitement un devoir, car clle ne se conomande pan, nois c'est une union beaucoup plus tendro ct ordinalrement beaucoup plus forte que celle, formées por la nature. Les hommes rapprochés par cc delicleux sentiment, a entr'aid éciproq de : i ct ils se donnent des consolations dans le malheur, des secours dans l'inſorſune. Loin de chercher a diminuerles obligations qu'impose communement cette sublime vertu, l)magination les augmente encore. º ºpi desire o º º f.. - .p- - - - - e º - E se parata a sera i testi ti fiºrire di far Ei sr 999! Il gºl lo 0,0000 in a º - - - - - esº º ritº tre serenarrotro rogo dracterea o 0 0 la D e fonderie D e o/n ſprimer si riser 00llo 0 º 019 9:0ilºgº ºrgo, 0 a fa a ºg . - e pºi si usa $. #ti sa, i cºri AN, º iſ 2% ris . . ºi' - a 2 º, º S giºi "si" 2 i; e i" ſi a - iſº º º º s a . ri R. e i; rimº i-a-set-,4-. grº i ARS º a º si º º . # # # a e º , sare e ºrgºt giri sia a fatta ai ritratttttttttttttaria attrezzi ºtta aria area attori COe » Ciſſo ſiſa 5 e Rue (ºgo òe e Beauvaia ) à ſazia A, P E T I T T E X T E. Parrui ceItc immense multitude do divers animaux, aucun mc horne A lui - mime son amour, nn voi! un sexe desircr l'autric atleinment, leur ſcu commun les réunit tous deux, le plaisir continuo ordinairement après leur union.ils sainent encore tendrcment dans leur race, la mere nourrit ses petits et le perc les veille constamment. Ces chers nourrisson, commencent-il, è connoilro leurs forces leur instinct se repose, leurs soins cessent leurs liens soul tonpus. de nouvelles amours succedent. Tous les chagrini ettous l B1. es. ea A – --- e pour les hommes ambitieur. Le véritable bonheur, cornano la pasſaite tranquillité d'une, ne se trouve ordinairement que dama la moderation de nos desivi A. P E T I T T E X T E s L'empire de l'homme sur les animaux est légitime, oucune révolution ne peut le détruire i veritablement c'est la supériorité de l'esprit sur la maticrc. Néanmoins cet empire n'est pas absolu. Combien d'onimaux sovent se soustraire à la domination de l'homme, combien au lieu de le rcconnoitre comme souverain, le combattent ouvertencnt. combicn encore d'animaux immondes, inconmodes, scmblent l'insulter continucleinent, le reptiles dont les morsures lui donnent la mort. C'est commundment plutôt par l'estine de nos propret sentiment que nous vantons les bonnes qualitel des autres que par l'estine de leur merite, ct nous voulons nous attirer des louanges lorsqu'il memble que nous leur en donnoni A, P E T I T T E X T E Un homme prudent ne doit point avoir d'animosité pour les personnes qui s'égarent, car autrementi scroit souvent son cnnemi naturel. Certainement il cst peu disommes qui ne commettent dans le cours de leur vic des actions pour lesquelles ils ont besoin d'indulgence. Personne ne peut sabsoudrc dc soi-mème, cependant mous entendons les hommes se vanter perpétuellement de leur innocence, comino s'ils comptoicnt pour rien le sentiment de leur propre conscience. L'orgueila ordinairement plus de part que la bonta dans noi remontronces envers ceux qui commettent dei fautes, ct nous ne les reprenons pas tant pour les en corriger que pour leur persuader que nout en sonnes erempti GA I L I, A R D E, Rarcment un homme que la volupté environne résisto è sca charmcs trompeursi ello s'empare do scs sens ct pénetre aubitcment dansson nmc. Siles hommes abandonnés au tumulte de leurs passions pouvoient conserver une étincelle de raison, nucun no voudroit to livrer continuclement mux plaisira ct négliger cnlièrement les fonctions do l'ame pour s'occuper du contentement du corps. Les hommes qul croient avoir du mérite, souvent se ſont un honneur de leurs malhcurs, pour ſtiro crolre aux autres et sc persuadcr qu'ils sont dignci dei caprices de la fortune P. R O MA IN P OEII. Lcs homines de génie, avant le succès de leurs tentatives, sont communement blimés, non pas seulement pnr la multitude, Inais parles personnes pensées mime, paree que l'on ne soupgonne point l'existence des mºyens qu'emploient ordinairement les grands hommes dans l'evécution des entroprises hardies qui excitent notre étonnement. C'est precise mcntrourquoi un grand homme est en butte aux traits de la satyre, jusqu'à co P. R O MAI N O R DI NAI IN E. Lcs hommes qui ont le plus d'esprit sont ceux qui commettent ordinairement les plus grandes ſnutes du moins c'est ce que dit tout le monde. On conſond souvent l'esprit d'inagination avec l'esprit de conduite. Ce sont deux genres bien distincts qui se rencontrent peu communement dans la ménie personne. Un sotme convient jamais descs déſauts dans la craintc dc passer pour sot: l'obstination et la sottise se tiennent parla main. P. IV O MA IN OIE IL M O Y EN, Un soin etudié ou une grande recherche dans les commodités de la vic, ſut considéré de tout tems comncune source de corruption parmiles homnics, de désordre dans les gouvernemens et commc la cause immédiate du bouleversement des Enmpires. Les Moralistes en ont ſaitlc sujet continucl de leurs déclamations, La deſcence est une enveloppe sous laquelle un homme vertueur doit constamment se montrer aux yeur de tout le monde p ROMA IN GIR OS OE I L. Pour nous trouver conslamment heureux il ſaut contempler la ſoule des mulheureux qui envient le sort dont nous nous plaignons Si l'on oſſroit à la plupart des mécontens de mettre en commun tous les maux de l'univers, et de les partoger également, il n'est pas un seul homme qui acceptſ cetto proposition, Nous sommes souvent peu contcns de nous, gi lº P - - f nous n'en rcccvons que des applaudisscnens. P It O MA I N OIE I I, C, IR A S. N'ayons pour véritable anni qu'un homme vertueux, qu'il soit continuellement présent è notre esprit, vivons comme si nous étions constamment sous ses yeux, et comme s'il examinoit toutes nos actions. Il doit être un gouverneur et un censeur sévere qui motts accompagne cn tous lieux. D'occupation et le travail sont necessaires à l'homme: ils le prcservcnt du poison de l'ennni, Une vic oisivc est un pesant ſardeau, P II I LO S O P Il I E. Les hommes corrompus ſont le bien et le mal indistinctement pour contenter leur ambition, ct certainement illeur cn conto mons pour commettre unc mauvoise action qu'une lonne. Leur ame ne connoit aucun sentiment vraiment sul limc. On donne une preuve de pcu d'esprit, cn s'offensant d'une impertinence; on devroit s'en A. PH I LO SOPEI IE, Plus les hommes pratiqueront la vertu ct plus ils l'aimeront. Personne ne pourra sc repentir d'avoir été opprimé pour elle; on aura sculement regrel, quand on connoitra ses charmes, de me l'avoir point suivic et pratiquée constamment. Le bonheur ou le malheur des hommes cn général, ne depend pas moins communiment de leur humeur que de la ſortunc. C I C E R O O R D IN AI RE. La modération cst une vertu utile qui moussert ordinairement à terminer heureusement nos opérations, et elle contribue encore considérablement à diminuer nos chagrins sur le mauvais succès de nos entreprises, Nous plaisons moins souvent dans le commerce de la societe, avec nos bonncs qualites qu'avcc nos ridicules. A C I C E R O O R DI NAIR E. En examinantattentivement la cause de nos maux, et en quoi ils consistent réellement, nous n'em inculperons pas les hommes, et nous me murmurerons pas continuellement contre les décrets de l'immuable providence. L'ambition, cm portant toutcs nos iddcs sur l'avenir, ne nous permet pas ordinairement de posseder le present. a C I C E R O OE I 1 , M O Y E N. Combicn de choses dans le monde mous étonnent et arrétent pendant un certain tems notre admiration, et qui ne se trouvent avoir communement d'autre merite que la nouveauté, qui scule ſait notre determination. Un homme droit et sincere tombera aisement dans les pieges que lui tend continuellement la mdchancete, Cl CIE R O OEl I, GR A S. L'amitié est actuellement un mot vide de sens; les hommes s'en servent indistinctcment envers tout le monde et ils donnent commundment le nom d'ami à la personne pour laquelle ils m'omt même aucune considération. IVous n'aimons pas à travailler à la connoissance de nous-mémesparce que A U G U S I' I N Un homme qui consomme son bien imprudenment porte à ses enſans un dommage considérable et produit les incommodités d'une misere souvent préjudicialle. L'urbanite montre les hommes comme ils deproient étre. A. A U G U ST I N. L'étude des livres est un doux amusement pour ceux qui aiment l'instruction; elle leur diminue les désagrémens qu'on éprouve dans le commerce des hommes. La tranquillite de l'ame prouve evidemment la bonne conscience. G. "I E X T E. Les hommes que l'on croit communèment heureux en ce monde, ont inſiniment moins de parſait contentement, que de soucis et d'amertumes. L'irrésolution est un défaut qui nuit à notre avancement, G. R O MAI N. livitons constamment la rencontre de ces hommes de communication libre et parlant continuclement. Les hommes devroient se secourir nutuellement. A. G. R O MI A I N. L'ostentation d'opulence estcommunèment la manie deshommes qui nont point de mérite personnel. La loi la plus exactement P. PAIR AN G O N. Souvent l'homme ne peut se rendre raison du motiſ qui le détermine. Un homme vraiment instruit est modeste. G. PARAN GO N. L'immense fortune donne de la vanité à l'homme commun. La mort d'un homme de bien est un malheur. P. CAN O N. Communément les hommes sont emportés vers Ladmiration. G. CAN O N. Commune. Estimation D. CAN O N. di I l OUII' amitié terza fatta attritatissata si i l i º - (o se (3 actese- d Ccr tu ca 2. l Sur Cicero. li- i C. 6ooptado de o 42egio evo autori & co ./oayer au, 4orteur o sommo do. -ſeao c/Zuriliouuatteo ſºaezaux, 2eo riorco 2e o c/ºarino e le o Coſotico. i Cºu fai- savoiv quif era tace scatttucus. J toccòé do ſaèpuòicattoo. Sur petit Parangon. i .Cea - (gommosaire i prºposea- l i GU 2 ſ"e' ara mera deg complea º - iº a o i" i; ſ'è c/Cctioutai ea 9e f, Gri VC ) È # 2e dieſſe- i; i; . i Surgros Parangon. i; - G i; È e e , e t º 3’oud étea invité à vouc, i; v t a º as, trouver à l CC44emblee . i E s i º è oſſeauce publique º de ºs ſa gociété deco Cretac i È º i Sar Petit Canon. º Sºg JCous- coniutati)ous c - i . g º e # toutcc. Ciòtti itti di tatto 11 di i sº i $ di Sur quatre Points de Ciccro. .- s 7/lunitionnaire i Cediuaireuteurs Sur deur Points de P. Canon. O1/1/1/1/1/1C CCG ) i i i si º upatuette E º I Ordonnance rex - e sº - ri l'idée seulement le sciluit et le transporte ai preinier moment. E Quand il cui pervenirà le obtenie, illesponedebeaucoup plas g º b sonſ, / b º gº E tranquillement qu'il ne se l'etoil imaging d'aloril qu'il all commando l'admiration. amuser comme des autres ridicules nous n'aimons pas à dtrc humilies. O0SC7 ('CC CSl (l blonSean Co. s! a , gi: ( L I i º s i º iº: iº a rºtatº Er:":3 º 28 geºeºsº ..:: e ºsº “gº a 5 ºrgº ºrºetº: rº:º. Re:: Sºrºsº e sºste: º fºrses, seggi ºggi º E 6 e 2, - ºgº, º il ai E º T e º 8 º “ a a º º , . . ºro ai Nº, l º se Ci E E ſi i ſi gi (3 º istigiº si gi, sºlº 4: º º E ºi º è º g i gºº" i gº ºgº, i ( ie º a º, , , . . .. º º º º º , ºrº. . Iº - º º . . . . . . . . . . . . .” º 5 | fi i" i", $ º gi º si º, º il RS5 giº), iº e il Ss 2: WNisa i ſºsi Nisa sia º SS. , , , Ny/ Si º : º si , º, Si i Sigi, si igi:ga ai S li s: " Mi 3 º E si is ºn Nis º i º Sissº è a º RS º º N 3 ) è ºra S Siss S º si - -- - - - - - - - - - - rº º º o i tra i tre arterre rare N - - - º , º - º º º : “ - º E si sa e si va s a 2, tiiiiiiiii ii, in ou riti inibito di intimi ionico iº º ti rºud tº gº tº i fºndi ſºnº i tuºi iº 321. Broadside Specimen ofGille fils, Paris, c. 1808 (reduced) (pºomp3.w) 6181 ºsſ upaſ “ounoſ proſſ fòupuſoods' ot/o/ uoff ſººſ/S ‘zzº *XIX.“302d 'R ‘low mot unaxawuni ºtsuoix-ısıws ºg tvxow auduo, i aq wartwaggo‘ąNȚw,1 · 10qtq •å aq ſatırantwawi,t ºg ...º… <！ - <！-- t -op Suðuropuetuuuoo soT § & -- % W * ſ & r.• • • . . . . “ - v . . . . … ， … * · · · · · · - •.** ... •±æą|| ' ， : º.' .. … • • • • •==№ſ@ā: „'， ! , || ||$§$>;&<（№ș№ș5ēŠēĒŠĶĒĢĒŠĶĒĢēș№ș№№ș№ĒĢĒēĪīē@<！--2：No«№ſº „aerºkº， «№}}|（.||2. -§§§>$$$$$è$$（'<$>{$i<$>#$5<&>;$£§>$$}<&>$3<ſ- - - ----«¿№ „ș№. ºſº -ºmſko- vºſº§§§§§§§§§§§��Ź,+ '：）? |º. --（ſº） e^{，ÈÉÊËĒĖÈÉÊËĒĖÈÉÊËĒĖÈÉÊ&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&Ķ|| •}?）º-A94AC»% " -" , -' - - # S%55#s @537> # v * • # #ſ# # # $# #SQ# (. # - %ſ} e > $ . #ſ$# % # - " # :# # $#ſ$# #U" • %，ſ #yJ | | | X 9 ， E 'i - tyC9o4x©t>94x99a5O )99•t>Cºc49A9GR>9U490994.JuJo994 ºa)94y99O994-994v9999949949424/9t/vt-4v4 OOvuA94994>C9494 ©O9C9CA94-OCAGt OGC G/O994 OGooo©oooot CAC 4>4-4>99CA9CAokA©os4oºo6 ©4oOoOou9oOOC9C9CA94-O94 LoCA>OC>C© C4 4/O99999GG 9o4x4 AOC Cºſ CMA294 CAGGAC --•m•----- •--•-•ºr•-•--• • • •m-s- -• - $'. • -3 º º # : # MſR s# S>，iº， $ #N ， $ſ@># 76N©N$ #© ，º$NK < @5ſ@)># ;/7@ſºN (35(5>/ @ºN : # 5 # #)>y r，ſ，: #S#$# # # $# # \N)#! )" PA)º/|\Nº # # # - , [! Q| º , ， $ } , \ i9 # # | | # % U) #}%fſ - C- ſ " | \ tA， # - $ % |\N"tºſ# (|} @ # # , | 4 #'. # # # # # # fº\) º\ #'6 $ $ $a# | $ # 6 )N'º\#'É，N'$ # #'º#X ， %$ #23 #$ # u2@ C/g, $ |? $ $ >，QA>º W * ， N()UVEAUX TITRES GRAVÉS PAR LEGER, FONDEUR EN CARACTÈRES, NEVEU ET SUCCESSEUR DE DIDOT, QUAI DES AUGUSTINS, A PARIS. s # * • * '，- : 2 t , 2 . º ! - ， , , ^ * s . :: #° , A -- . 8t 4 =º $ooºov，oovoooooSoocº99999S9 CSºsºo9999999999999999999 $ ， •:# -- - : ſ> ; ## Deux Points de Philosophie. Deux Potnts de Cicéro. Deur Points de Saint Augustin. Deux Pounts de Gros Te.rte. Deux Points de Petit Romain. AVRANCIIES. CARCASSONNE. ERMENONVILLE. | GRENOBLE. JOINVILLE. BEAUMO/VT". DUSSELDORF. · EARMOUTIER. //O/V/F/, EUR. LEUCATE. Dcux Points de Cros Parangou. - Deux Points dc Palestine. . Deux Points de Pctit Canou. Deux Points de Gros Romain. Doux Points de Pctit Parangon. MOULINS | ORLÉANS QUIMPER. TENAY | UTRECH NANTES | P/MIERS. | ROM/V/VE. TUR//V. | / //V/V/ES. Moyennes de 1'onte. Grosscs, de Fonte. Deux Points de Trismégiste. Deux Points de Cros Canon. YPRES Nota. Ces Caractères ont été fondus par un noüveau Procédé qui offre plusieurs avantages faciles à apprécier. Il est propre à la fonte non seulemcnt des Lettres de deux points, mais encore des Vigncttes et dcs Caractères d'écriture, qu'il rend aussi pttrs que le poinçon. Enfin, les lettres, depuis le Gros Romain jusqu'aux Grosses de fonte, sont ſondues sur un corps creux, ce qui économisc un cinquième de matière, comparativcmcnt à la manière ordinaire de fondre. Ce sont ces avantages qui ont mérité à ce Procédé un Brevet d'invention, du bénéfice duquel je suis copropriétaire, et une Médaille à l'exposition de l'an 18o6. º( )A [! % ( RN # . bA t63 24RA, e,f X:R， - • - $ » - #ſ$) ſ， $ ſ $ •r - -1 -- # # ，ſº @ N #$ $ 1 § º)S\! # # # # # # \!'% # † # \# \ { < - \ \ }1, #/ f Sf, #) 1 # # § #/ſ2 #$ $ N# # # $ à # $ # Alf@ # #N ! N / {ſ 4 $# #$ #$lſ#Nh2#$lſ%# 3 # x - - -: - - _ - 7 #，Nlll $ #$#$#$#$#$#$ #$#$# # #$# #$#$ #c$ſſ $ # $ # $#$#$#$# # #$#S# $Gk@#$g©º@j©$(Gl2# 2# # #$ #$# $ #$#$2#$S# 5 5 5 5 5 5 5º5 555 55555555555555555555SS5373 555g555c5c5555555555SESoE5SSoooºoſ5555 DET iNIºn1，IE ， NNTI RUT DU FOREINEFEIN GS535555555SSSSSS55 GNS555555555555S5S5S53555 Geo55SS55555o SSooºoooSoSoooy ， -- • --^--- -- • •-- f ' * ' : 323. Broadside Specimen of L. Léger, Paris, after 18O6 (reduced) tºº 324. Borders: Léger’s Spécimen des Divers Caractères, Paris “CLASSICAL * TYPES 185 book is important to any one desiring to reconstitute the typography of a somewhat hopeless period. It has also the doubtful honour of being one of the earliest specimen-books in which a series of condensed letters for titling was shown though the Didots used them in their own printing much earlier. Types of the Didot variety,+“classic” types, as they were called,—though degraded by condensation from the best Didot form, remained in general favour until about 1850' (fig. 325). Only a few years after the revival of the original Cas- lon types in England, Alexandre de Berny brought out (in 1852) a sort of French old style letter modelled on earlier fonts (fig. 326), which, to quote an associate of De Berny’s, “belonged to the Latin family of letters — letters charac- terized by the substitution of more robust–plus nourries’— lines for the fine lines of the ‘classic' types.” Similar types were designed about the same time by the Lyons publisher Louis Perrin, who used them in De Boissieu's Inscriptions Antiques de Lyon. These types were made familiar to the readers of a generation ago in the publications of the Paris- ian house of Lemerre. “Elzevir” types were also issued by Beaudoire (Fonderie Générale) of Paris. All these offered agreeable relief from the monotony of fonts of the Didot school—though much resented by the adherents of “Di- dotery.” Since that time, many different kinds of old style fonts have been brought out by French founders; such as the Série XVII* Siècle Elzévier, a useful series of types with attractive ornaments copied from Elzevir decorations; and imitations of seventeenth century cursive fonts and initial ‘Werdet's Études Bibliograft hiques sur la Famille des Didot (Paris, Dentu, 1864) should be consulted for an account of the chief books and types pro- duced by the Didots. 186 PRINTING TYPES letters, produced by the Fonderie Mayeur. The utilization of fonts of older style was later helped by such men as Jules Claye (predecessor of A. Quantin et Cie.), who published in 1875 Types de Caractères et d’Ornements Anciens, an inter- esting showing of “special" types employed by him. These were cast from the original matrices of ancient fonts which he called Elzevirien, and for them he produced some ex- cellent ornaments and initials—those in the Lyons style being particularly successful. “Modern designers,” says M. Audin, “have wisely reacted against the tendency intro- duced by Grandjean in his types, a tendency that Basker- ville and Bodoni did not know how to escape and that Didot carried to its extreme. A better balance between the thin and thick strokes, a little fancifulness also in line, has changed entirely the physiognomy of modern typography.”” While types showing Didotinfluence are still much used in France, the most carefully printed books are now often set in French old style fonts. During the present century, the “historical types” of the Imprimerie Nationale have been increasingly employed and appreciated—in works like Claudin's Histoire de l’Imprimerie en France, and in the agreeable editions of Balzac, Flaubert, and De Maupassant printed by the Imprimerie for the Paris publisher Conard. And some modern Parisian type-founders have resuscitated eighteenth century styles in fonts and ornaments, with most charming results. To see how early nineteenth century fonts compare with the historical fonts which preceded them, look at the compara- tive table of roman and italic types employed by the French National Printing-House from 1640 to 1825 (fig. 327). It is one of the most enlightening documents about French type- "Audin's Le Livre, p. 50. O NZE N o 1 6, — 3 FR. 30 CENT. LE KILO. Ego multos homines excellenti animo ac virtute fuisse, et sine doctrina, naturæ ipsius habitu prope divino, per seipsos et moderatos et graves exstitisse fateor : etiam illud adjungo, Sæpius ad laudem atque virtutem naturam sine doctrina, quam sine natura valuisse doctrinam, Atque idem ego contendo, cum ad naturam eximiam atque illustrem accesserit ratio quædam, conformatioque doctrinæ; tum illud nescio quid præclarum ac singulare solere existere. Ex hoc esse hunc numero, quem pa- tres nostri viderunt, divinum hominem , Africanum : ex hoc C. Lælium, L. Furium, moderatissimos homines et continentissi- mos: ex hoc fortissimum virum et illis temporibus doctissimum, M. Catonem illum senem : qui profecto, si nihil ad percipien- dam colendamque virtutem litteris adjuvarentur, nunquam se ad earum studium contulissent. Quod si non hic tantus fructus Ostenderetur, et si ex his studiis delectatio sola peteretur: ta- men, ut opinor, hanc animi remissionem, humanissimam ac li- beralissimam judicaretis. Nam cæteræ neque temporum sunt, neque ætatum omnium, neque locorum : hæc studia adolescen- tiam alunt, senectutem oblectant, secundas res ornant, adversis perfugium ac solatium præbent, delectant domi, non impediunt foris, pernoctant nobiscum, peregrinantur ac rusticantur. Quod si ipsi hæc neque attingere, neque sensu nostro gustare posse- mus, tamen ea mirari deberemus. Quis nostrum tam animo Ego multos homimes excellenti animo ac virtute fuisse, et sine doctrina, naturæ ipsius habitu prope divino, per seipsos et moderatos et graves exstitisse fateor : etiam illud adjungo, sæpius ad laudem atque virtutem naturam sine doctrina, quam sine natura valuisse doctrinam. Atque idem ego contendo, cum ad naturam eximiam atque illustrem, accesserit ratio quædam, IMPRIMERIE. FONDERIE. M 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 0. Fuit autem et animo magno, et corpore, imperatoriaque forma, ut ipso aspectu cuivis injiceret admirationem sui. Sed Fonderie Gènérale, rue Madame, me 22, à Paris, 325. “Classic” Types: Épreuves de Caracteres, Fönderie Générale Paris, 1843 c'est la famille des lettres Latines, lettres caractérisées par la substitution de traits plus nourris aux traits fins du type classique et par le léger raccord des empattements terminés en pointe, qui délimitent les traitS, avec ces traits eux-mêmes. C'est là une création vraiment originale, qui a ouvert un champ nouveau à la Fonderie de caractères, champ si vaste qu'on peut dire que la plupart de ses créations Se rattachent à ces types, depuis leur apparition première, en 1852. La Typographie a multiplié leur emploi dans toutes les impressions si variées des ouvrages de ville, pour rompre la monotonie résultant de l'emploi unique des lettres dérivées du type classique. Il n'est pas téméraire d'affirmer que cette substitution sera plus complète dans un jour prochain, et que des caractères ordinaires procé- dant des mêmes principes remplaceront nos types actuels dans presque tous les travaux de l'Imprimerie. La Typographie reconnaissante rapportera le mérite de cette évolution, déjà si féconde, à son initiateur, et associera aux noms de ses illustres devanciers, les Didot et les Fournier, celui de de Berny. 326. French Old Style revived by De Berny, Paris, in 1852 ?# | s ~ ~ ~ ~ ~, ss << … :~） ~ ~ $ s < S， s- ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 8 >> º ÇD5 O/O§, |-< < < < S s. Sº SS ~ ~ < < > ≡ S Q. Sº < ºn º S > < > N |- g | ~ ~º ~ ~ ~ ~bo -- ...- .-.-） -- E = c ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ S = |ſ| - = = = = = = = - - - - = z • • • • • • • • • • s Ës ºs • • • • • • • ~ ~ ~ $ s < s. s. • • • • § € > • , ， , |ſ| ~ ~ ~ S & = & S ~ ~ < ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ • • ► ► ► ► N § i） {••-·–––––- - į | 2 | • • • • • •- ºp -= ~ ~ ~4 - 5 = ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ = > < > s || *| < ∞ • c = 2 & = - -> 2 – z z • • • • • ► ► ► ► ► N | |→- |- ！ ^ •� _ | g | s ºs s ºs s ºs soºs ~ ~ ~ ~ $ s < ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ º s tº , ！ |#| ~ ~ ~ S S s sº s < < < < > • < s. ~ ~ ~ ~ S S « » N § į š ž）|—- ±<; º 2 | 2 || ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ºp -= ..- .--4 - 5 = ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ = > < >> S <;§ * |* | < = e = = = = = - - - - z z • • • • • ► ► ► ► ► s |~,<> ËËs ºs s ºs s ~ So < < （~ ~ ~ $ s < S, sº s ºſ J S s s > • ©5--> , , ā „ļº|| ~ ~ ~ S < < < < < < < < > ≡ S ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ S < >< - N F | 2 || ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ºp -= . – – – – 5 = c ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ = > < > s £， ſ § * |*| ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ = – – – – z z • • • • • • • • • • s |·~,— ģS -S <> ~ ~ ~ so ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ S S S S SS ~ ~ ~ S è × > Nº . & . || ~ ~ ~ G ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ < ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ N § ø ±P （- § § → · § {- È * 2 = }<！--* Q--ż• -e o ~ ~ ~ ~0-e -- ~~~4 – 5 = c ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ = > < > s ''|~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~=-- ~- - zoº.ººº -= >>> < ! # |→ -~, - @ | g | S ~ ~ ~ ~ ~, soºs ~~ ~~< ~ S s S s， s） → • • • • • • • ? !! 3 á. || ~ ~ S S S s ºs SS ~ < < < < S s svº • >> N # # # # ! #- T ſ ºS==· È | 2 || ~ ~º ~ ~ ~ ~ ~0-e -- ~~~~4 – 5 = c ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ = > × > N ſåș | || ~ ~ ~ ~ ！, -o=--><！-N }}ß ·-- · |~, ģ^ N £- * -aeſ -<--! * T | & | & -c & - 0 - 90-eſ - ~~4 – 5 = c ~ ~ ~ G ~ = > < > N <ſ§ |-- - "|~~~eaſo=--~~zzo-º-o-.>>>N ſ=--*= l 327. Comparative Table of Types used by the French National Printing 1825 House from its foundation to “CLASSICAL” TYPES 187 faces in existence.” The letters of the Garamond fonts of 1540 are most irregular, and this is true of the characters cut by Grandjean in 1693 and finished by Alexandre, and those of Luce of 1740—when compared with the greater mechanical perfection of roman letters in Didot's font of 1811. The older types make elegant, easy, readable pages, but pages set from Didot types appear rigid, formal, and tire- some. This is still truer of the fonts of Jacquemin and of Marcellin Legrand, who cut a more condensed version of his type in 1847—which by no means bettered its design. Compare the Garamond types of 1540 with the Legrand types of 1825, and it is plain enough that mechanical per- fection does not necessarily make a fine font. And yet these types were intended to supersede the splendid romain du roi of earlier days. All this came about in French typography through Grandjean's mischievous serif, Baskerville's influ- ence, the later printing of Bodoni and the Didots—and some English fashions, which must now be considered. “From Wotes sur les Tyfies Etran gers du Shecimen de l’Imprimerie Royale (Paris, 1847). There is a similar table in Duprat's Histoire de l’Imprimerie Impériale de France (Paris, 1861). CHAPTER XX ENGLISH TYPES : 18OO–1844. I N England, a change in type-forms, analogous to that which was taking place in France, and a like final crys- tallization, brought about a new style of English type. Transitional fonts which were far on the way to this, we have seen in the work of English presses at the end of the eighteenth century. It is their nineteenth century develop- ment of which we have now to speak. Classification of types by centuries is an arbitrary thing. Typographical style does not, of course, change because im- prints are dated 1800 instead of 1799, and many books pro- duced in England early in the new century resembled, in type-forms and manner, those issued during the last years of the old. For instance, a poem in folio entitled The Sover- eign. Addressed to His Imperial Majesty Paul, Emperour of all the Russias, by Charles Small Pybus, London, Bensley, 1800, is a superb showing of transitional English types just about to become modern face(fig. 328). Dibdin wrote in 1817 that he considered this book the finest piece of print- ing that Bensley had produced. Tasso's Jerusalem Deliv- ered, printed by Bensley and brought out in 1803, is a quarto showing the use of old style type, much leaded, which was one of the ways of obtaining the light effects then the mode. Another book by Bensley which is interesting to the student of transitional types is Macklin's beautifully printed folio Bible of 1800—an imposing work of great reputation, in- tended to rival Bulmer’s “Boydell Shakspeare.” Hume's History of England, in five folio volumes, printed for Rob- ert Bowyer in 1806 by Bensley, was highly praised by the lovers of fine books of that day. Then again, Blair's Grave, printed by Bensley and published by Ackermann in 1813, O THOU, great Monarch of a pow'rful reign, That more than doubles Europe's whole domain! Whom larger empires own their sov’reign lord, Than bow'd before the Macedonian sword, THE foregoing Epistle was obviously written at the time when our confident hopes were placed upon the victorious Arms of the Emperour of Russia, which had delivered nearly the whole of the Italian States from the Tyranny 328. Types used in The Sovereign : Bensley, London, 1800 ENGLISH TYPES : 1800–1844. 189 with vivid and beautiful illustrations by William Blake, is a book in which the fine types used in the introduction and the poem itself are merely in the direction of what we to-day call modern face. In the same class falls The Press, a Poem. Published as a Specimen of Typography. By John Mc- Creery. Liverpool, Printed by J. McCreery, and sold by Ca- dell & Davies, London, 1803—a beautiful book in quarto, with wood-engravings by Henry Hole, pupil of Bewick, after designs by Thurston. It is set in a charming great primer character cut by Martin, much leaded, with Argu- ments set in italic, and was printed with a special ink made by McCreery himself. i There were, however, English books published in the earliest years of the nineteenth century which did show a distinct change in type-forms. For example, in 1801, Bul- mer printed for J. Wright of London a quarto edition of a book called Poetry of the Anti-Jacobin, a very charming per- formance, in which the beautiful types are losing the last vestiges of old style and are running into modern face. This book is a collection of prose, poetry, and drama, and shows very well the effect of these new types in various forms of composition (fig. 329). In Scotland, James Ballantyne of Edinburgh was printing in similar style. A good specimen of his work is a quarto edition of Johnson's Rasselas, illustrated by Smirke, published in London in 1805. The Rev. John Anastasius Freylinghausen was author of a somewhat dreary book entitled An Abstract of the Whole Doctrine of the Christian Religion, which he was able to present in two hundred and sixteen pages — quite a feat when one stops to think about it! This excellent work was edited to conform to the doctrines of the Church of England, and, the Preface says, “stood so high in the good opinions of the Greatest Female Personage in this Kingdom, that 190 PRINTING TYPES it was translated into English for the use of her illustrious daughters”—the “Female Personage” being no other than Queen Charlotte. This book was the first volume stereo- typed by Earl Stanhope's process, and is interesting on that account. The standard rules of the Stereotype Office affixed to this book state that nothing is to be printed against Re- ligion, everything is to be avoided upon the subject of Pol- itics offensive to any Party, that the Characters of Individ- uals are not to be attacked, and—what concerns us most —that every Work which is stereotyped in this Office is to be composed with beautiful Types. This notice throws a certain light on the innocuous rôle which the Stereotype Office proposed for itself, and also shows that they thought this book printed from good types—it being the first of their publications. These types are not old style at all. They are what we now term modern face, and the book is men- tioned because it shows an early use (1804) of this type- form (fig. 330). An extremely good specimen of a real modern face roman type was used in Thomas Frognall Dibdin's Bibliographical Decameron, printed in 1817 by Bulmer in three volumes (fig. 331). This work is one of the most successful typo- graphical achievements of the early nineteenth century. The typography is excellent, the pages splendidly imposed, and the reproductions of old printers’ marks and other illustra- tions beyond praise. In presswork it is one of the finest of modern volumes. It needed, however, all that the printer could do for it; for its author wrote in an affectedly playful style which makes his books among the most tiresome and irritating in the language. Bulmer's fine edition of Dibdin's Typographical Antiquities of Great Britain (Volumes II, III, IV) and the Bibliotheca Spenceriana (1814–15) are also worth examining. Though thy disloyal sons, a feeble band, Sound the loud blast of treason through the land: Scoff at thy dangers with unnatural mirth, And execrate the soil which gave them birth, With jaundiced eye thy splendid triumphs view, And give to FRANCE, the palm to BRITAIN due : Or, when loud strains of gratulation ring, And lowly bending to the ETERNAL KING, Thy SovieREIGN bids a nation's praise arise In grateful incense to the favºring skies— Cast o'er each solemn scene a scornful glance, And only sigh for ANARCHY and FRANCE. Yes! unsupported Treason's standard falls, Sedition vainly on her children calls; While cities, cottages, and camps contend, Their King, their Laws, their Country to defend. Raise, BRITAIN, raise thy sea-encircled head, Round the wide world behold thy glory spread; Firm as thy guardian oaks thou still shalt stand, The dread and wonder of each hostile land 1 329. Types used in Poetry of the Anti-Jacobin: Bulmer, London, 1801 2 4 STANDING RULES O F The Stereotype Office. . Nothing is to be printed against Religion. . Every thing is to be avoided, upon the subject of Politics, which is offensive to any Party. . The Characters of Individuals are not to be at- tacked. . Every Work which is stereotyped at this Office, is to be composed with beautiful Types. . All the Stereotype Plates are to be made accord- ing to the improved Process discovered by EARL STANHOPE, . School Books, and all Works for the Instruction of Youth, will be stereotyped at a lower Price than any other. 330. Types used by the Stereotype Office, London, 1804 N IN TH DAY. 43 see you in this field of contest, brandishing your unerring lance, or quietly reposing beneath the panoply of your seven-bulls-hide shield ! .. LYSANDER. This must be a very extraordinary cham- pion. LisaRDo. “In his way” (as they call it) he hath absolutely no compeer; and Magliabecchi yields entirely to his ascen- dant genius—for Nennius not only loves bokes as lustily as did the librarian of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, but he hath something more than a mere title-page acquaintance with them. His memory also is equally faithful and well- furnished—and such a gluttonous bibliomaniacal appetite doth he possess, that even Rymer, the Gallia Christiana, and Bouquet's Recueil des Historiens des Gaules, will scarcely suffice him for a twelvemonth’s ‘victualling.” Mabillon, Montfaucon, and Muratori are his dear delights as foreign authors; while his deal-shelves groan beneath the weight of annotation upon our home historians; such as Gildas, Jeffrey, his namesake, Ingulph, Hoveden, Malmesbury, Matthew Paris, Ralph de Diceto, and Benedictus Abbas, &c. &c.—and then for the ‘scribbled margins’ (as Warburton used to express it) of his Leland, Camden, Twysden, Gale, Sparke, Hearne, Batteley, Grose, King, and others of the like character—oh, 'twould do your heart good only to have a glimpse of them LoRENzo. More and more wondrous ! LISARDo. I have not yet done with Nennius. He hath no small knowledge of the art of design; and brandishes his pencil upon castles, cathedrals, and churches, that it were a marvel to see how his drawers and portfolios are crammed with the same. There is not a church, nor place of worship, nor castle, within the counties of Sussex, Kent, and Bedford, 331. Page of Bibliographical Decameron: Bulmer, London, 1817 ENGLISH TYPES : 1800–1844. 191 Other examples of the employment of these modern face types are found in the text of Rudolph Ackermann's cele- brated series of illustrated quartos on Westminster Abbey (1812) and the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge (1814–15), and in the inimitable Microcosm of London (1808–11), etc., the coloured plates of which are so delight- ful that they have obscured the merit of their straightfor- ward typography—some of it Bensley's work. Another edi- tion which shows this kind of type (and also its falling off) is John Murray's 16mo edition of Lord Byron's Works, published in five volumes in 1823. Here we begin to see what such types were coming to when less well cut, less well printed, and less well imposed, and also how poor they were in smaller sizes. For printers at that date found the same trouble with delicate modern face types that we do now. In fact, Dibdin, in one of the few directly written passages in the Bibliographical Decameron, mentions this difficulty, and (somewhat surprisingly) seems to feel that old style types were better than the modern cut of letter in which his own book had been printed. “In regard to Modern Printing,” he says, “you ask me whether we are not arrived at the top- most pitch of excellence in the art? I answer, not quite at the topmost pitch: for our types are, in general, too square, or sharp; and the finer parts of the letters are so very fine, that they soon break, and, excepting in the very first im- pressions, you will rarely find the types in a completely per- fect state. There is more roundness, or evenness, or, if you will allow the word, more comfortableness of appearance, in the publications of Tonson and Knapton, than in those of modern times.” Now Tonson's and Knapton's types were old style. As in all periods when particular attention was paid by printers to making fine books, the cultivated amateur was 192 PRINTING TYPES not lacking, and one such man, now forgotten, was Julian Hibbert. He was an interesting character who, besides hav- ing a hand in the social and political reforms of his day, undertook to reform the Greek fonts then used in printing. In 1827, he brought out at his private press in his house in London, The Book of the Orphic Hymns, “in uncial letters, as a typographical experiment” (fig. 332). Hibbert says of his alphabet that it “was first composed from the inspection of Inscriptions in the Musaeums of London and Paris, and thus it is no wonder, if it still retains more of a sculptitory than of a scriptitory appearance.” After reading Montfau- con's Palaeographia Graeca and examining facsimiles of the Herculanean manuscripts, he altered the forms of many of the letters. “If I had adopted the Alphabet of any one cele- brated MS.,” Hibbert says, “I should have had less trouble. ... As it is, I have taken each letter separately from such MSS. as I thought best represented the beau ideal of an uncial type; . . . yet as placed side by side, they look very different from a Ms.” But he calls it “a Greek type, which, at the same time that it is calculated for ordinary use, approaches nearer to old MSS. than types that have been hitherto used,” and “represents with tolerable accuracy the forms of the letters used by the Greeks themselves, in the brightest days of their literature. ... I do not mean,” he adds, “a type like that used in Bodoni's Callimachus, ... ornamented (or rather disfigured) by the additions of what, I believe, type-founders call syrifs, or cerefs.” Two books were printed by this fore- runner of Robert Proctor, who was indeed voac clamantis / The fonts had considerable charm, but were at the time considered —if they were considered at all — as complete failures; and were afterwards melted. ‘See “Preface addressed by the Printer to Greek Scholars” in The Book of the Orfihic Hymns. Y M N or . LV. 3] LV . (54) e c > (pp o Al T H N Y M N O C . oy panih , nowy YMNe , 41aoMMé1AHc AQPOAITH , nontoreNHc , reNetepa ega , 41aonANNY xe ceMNH . NY krep H , zeykTeip A , Aoaonaoke , MHTep AN»rkHC : nanta rap ek ceeeN ecTIN . Ynezeyzo Ae Te Kochwon : KAI KPATeeic Tpiccon Moſpon , renNAic Ae TA man Ta 5 occa T eN ovPANo! ecT1 . KAI en raſh, noaykapno, , €N nontoy. Te eyeo . cewan H BAKXO! O nape Ape , TepnomeNH exathic: , ramocroae , MHTep epotoN : neleoſ aeKTPoxxpHC , KPyóth , xxp1Aoti ANAcca, 4 AinoMeNH T : Ad ANHC T , eparonaokara , e^^naTepeia , }0 NYMd AIH cyNAAITe , eeoN CKHnToyze , ayka in A : reNNoAoTelPA plast Ape noee NoTATH , gloAcet : eNzey? Aca Epo royc axxainotoicin ANATKA1c . Kai eAPON noax by AoN , epomaneoN Yno ºatpøN : epxeo , KYTPoréNec eeloN renoc : eit eN OAYMTQ }5 ecci , eea BActael A , KAAQI rHeo YCA npocomot : eITe KAI eyale ANoy CYP (HC eAOc AMólnoaeye ic ; eite cy r eN neAloic cyN APM Act xpyceotex KTotc Al TYTVTOY KATexéic ſepHC roNIMQaea ao YTPA . H KAI KY ANeolcin oxoic ent non'ſ ſon of AMA 20 epxoMeNH x Alpeic Neno AoN KY Kathici xopelaic H NYMd Alc Tepnh KY ANonic/N eN ×eoN A. Aſ , ey tac en Air AAoic NAMMøAeciN AAMATI koy (bot eIT en KYTVPQ I ANAcci, , TPodol ceo eNea Kaaa ce napeeNot AAMHTAt NYMd Al T ANA no NT eN1AYToN - 25 YMNoycIN ce , MAKAIPA ; Kal AMEpoTon Arnon AAQNiN . eaee MAKAPA eex , MAA enRPATON elaoc exo-ſca : $YxH1 rap ce KAao ceMNH. Ariolc aoroſcIN . 832. Julian Hibbert's Uncial Greek Types, London, 1827 ENGLISH TYPES : 1800–1844. 193 It is to Scotch founders that we must turn for the next step in the development of the modern face type-family. Alexander Wilson, who in the eighteenth century made types for the brothers Foulis, had left a foundry which was still maintaining scholarly traditions. The taste which led to the adoption of lighter type-forms had been followed consistently by his house; and, probably still further influ- enced by Didot types, the Wilson foundry early in the nine- teenth century produced an English version of them — the best English variant of this form of letter that we have. It is sturdier and pleasanter to read than parallel French types, and we are much more at home with it. It is not as good a type as the Caslon character, but as produced by Wilson it is a very handsome and serviceable letter, and in it we have another English type-family—the Scotch modern face. It is an English equivalent of the fonts shown in the 1819 speci- men of the Didots. The fonts, practically as we have them to-day, are beau- tifully shown in the Specimen of Modern Printing Types cast at the Letter-Foundry of Alex. Wilson & Son, at Glasgow, 1833. This quarto specimen is in two parts. In an “Ad- dress to the Printers,” which prefaces the volume, the Wil- sons say: “In conformity with ancient, immemorial usage, we have, in Part I. displayed our Founts in the Roman garb—the venerable Quousque tandem; but lest it should be supposed that we had chosen the flowing drapery of Rome for the purpose of shading or concealing defects, we have in Part II. shown off our Founts in a dress entirely English.” Two pages of titling-letters are displayed before we come to the first body type — a spirited and fine cut of great primer. Then follow varieties of roman, from pica to dia- mond. A page of double pica Greek (used in the Homer printed by the Foulis brothers) is followed by Greek fonts 194 PRINTING TYPES down to “mignon,” and two pages of Hebrew. The roman and italic types are again displayed in Part II, set in Eng- lish, sometimes in prose, sometimes in poetry, and variously leaded. A broadside specimen of Wilson's newspaper fonts ends the book.' Every roman and italic type in it is mod- ern face. We show a pica font (fig. 333). “The Foundry of Messrs. Wilson,” says Savage (writing in 1822), “at Glas- gow, has been long established, and for many years enjoyed a monopoly of letter founding in Scotland. They have, how- ever, of late experienced a formidable competition from Mr. Miller of Edinburgh, who derived his knowledge of the art from them, and whose types so much resemble theirs as to require a minute and accurate inspection to be dis- tinguished.” William Blades considered “the year 1820 as a boundary line between the old and new style of punch-cutting. About that time great changes were initiated in the faces of types of all kinds. The thick strokes were made much thicker and the fine strokes much finer, the old ligatures were abolished and a mechanical primness given to the page, which, ar- tistically, could scarcely be called improvement. At the same time, printers began to crowd their racks with fancy founts of all degrees of grotesqueness, many painfully bad to the eye and unprofitable alike to founder and printer.” Thus taste, which in England had sanctioned very light types, began to change to heavier faces about 1815. Exactly as * A similar quarto specimen was issued in the same year by the Edinburgh branch house of Wilsons & Sinclair, which may be also consulted. * Decorative Printing, p. 73. * Blades’ Early Tyhe Shecimen Books of England, Holland, France, Italy, and Germany, London, 1875, pp. 21, 22. “Blades says 1820, but Vincent Figgins’ specimen of 1815 is full of these dropsical types, and Thorne's specimen of these letters appeared as early as 1803. Quousque tandem abutere, Catilina, patientia nos- tra? quamdiu nos etiam furor iste tuus eludet? quem ad finem sese effrenata jactabit audacia? nihilne te nocturnum præsidium palatii, nihil ur- bis vigiliæ, nihil timor populi, nihil consensus bo- morum omnium, nihil hic munitissimus habendi senatus locus, mihil horum ora vultusque moverunt? patere tua consilia non sentis? constrictam jam omnium horum conscientia teneri conjurationem tuam non vides? quid proxima, quid superiore nocte egeris, ubi fueris, quos convocaveris, quid consilii ceperis, quem nostrum ignorare arbitraris? O tempora, o mores! Senatus hoc intelligit, consul vidit: hic tamen vivit. vivit? immo vero etiam in senatum venit: fit publici consilii particeps: notat et designat oculis ad cædem unumquemque mos- trum. Nos autem, viri fortes, satisfacere reipub- A B C D E F G H IJ K L M N O P Q R S T U V A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z 3£ O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Pica, Italîc, Vo. 3. Quousque tandem abutere, Catilina, patientia nos- tra ? quamdiu nos etiam furor iste tuus eludet? quem ad fìnem sese effrenata jactabit audacia? má- hilne te nocturnum praesidium palatìi, nìhìl urbis vìgìliae, nìhìl timor populi, nihil consensus bonorum omnium, nihil hîc munitîssîmus habendì senatus locus, nìhìl horum ora vultusque moverunt; patere tua consilia non sentís; constrìctam jam omnium, horum conscientia temerè conjurationem tuam, non vides? quìd proæima, quôd superíore nocte egeris, vbí fueris, quos convocaveris, quid consiliô ceperis, quem nostrum ìgnorare arbitraris? O tempora, o mores! Senatus hoc ìntelligit, consul vìdìt, hâc tamen vìvìt. vìvìt? ìmmo vero etîam în senatum venit: fíí publicâ consilii particeps : notat et designat oculis ad caedem unumquemque nostrum. Nos autem, vîrê fortes, satisfacere reipub. videmur, sí ìstìus furorem, A B C D E F G H I.J K L M N O P Q R S. A J3 C D E F G H IJ K L JM N O P Q R S T U V W X YZ AE CE 333. Modern Face Types: Alexander Wilson & Son's Specimen Glasgozv, 1833 ENGLISH TYPES : 1800–1844. 195 in France, the weight of these new type-faces was at first gained, not by a greater weight of line throughout, but by a dis- proportionate thickening of heavy strokes of letters, which left their hair-lines much as before. This reaction from fra- gile to sturdy letters was a change which, if it only had been guided by some one familiar with early type-forms, might have led to better results. But at that time materials for the comparative study of types were not readily assembled. The further development of these fashions brought about a kind of swollen type-form' in which all the lines of a letter were of nearly equal strength, and these were the types of which Savage says: “The founders have now introduced another change in the proportions of letters, and have gone to a barbarous extreme, from their first improvement. The rage is now, which of them can produce a type in the shape of a letter, with the thickest lines, and with the least white in the interior parts.” He adds that the founders said that such types were meant for printing hand-bills, etc., and if they were introduced into book-work, that it was contrary to the original intention. Savage displays sheets in which original Caslon types are shown in contrast to the current Caslon types. If these are bad types, he says, “it may be attributed to the bad taste of others, whom the founders are desirous of obliging”—but this is merely an ancient and poor excuse for not sticking to one's principles! These hid- eous fashions for a time drove original Caslon types to the wall. Hansard, writing in 1825, says: “Caslon's fonts rarely occur in modern use, but they have too frequently been su- * These characters were often called in type-specimens and elsewhere “Egyp- tian” (no doubt in allusion to their “darkness”); and a London jest-book of 1806, under the heading “Fashionable Egyptian Sign-Boards,” says: “An Irishman describing the Egyptian letters which at present deface the Me- tropolis, declared that the thin strokes were exactly the same size as the thick Oncs ’’ 196 PRINTING TYPES perseded by others which can claim no excellence over them. In fact, the book-printing of the present day is disgraced by a mixture of fat, lean, and heterogeneous types, which to the eye of taste is truly disgusting.” In London, Robert Thorne, successor to Thomas Cottrell, is responsible for the vilest form of type invented—up to that time. Thorne's specimen-book of “Improved (!) Types” of 1803 should be looked at as a warning of what fashion can make men do. His “jobbing types” look as their name suggests' His black-letter is perhaps the worst that ever ap- peared in England. In Vincent Figgins' specimen of 1815, and in Fry's specimen of 1816, and naturally in the speci- men of William Thorowgood (Thorne's successor) of 1824, 1832, and 1837, the new styles are triumphant (figs. 334 and 335). Fashions like these, as Hansard says, “have left the specimens of a British letter-founder a heterogeneous com- pound, made up of fat-faces and lean faces, wide-set and close-set, all at once crying Quousque tandem abutere patientia nostra 3’ The Caslon specimen of 1844 shows the adop- tion of some of the worst current fashions in types; and we exhibit a selection of the unattractive ornaments intended to accompany the “fat-face” fonts produced by this famous house (figs. 336 and 337). A tide of bad taste had swept everything before it by 1844—the precise year of the revi- val of Caslon's earliest types! Much the same thing was happening on the Continent, and the curious may consult such “documents” as the Sup- plement to the Specimen of the Spanish founders, J. B. Cle- ment-Sturme y Compañia, published at Valencia in 1833, which is full of types of this kind; the Didot, Legrand et Cie. * Hansard’s Tyhographia, London, 1825, p. 355. As early as 1805 the Cas- lons ceased to show in their specimen the original types cut by the first William Caslon. ENGLISH No. 2. Quousque tandem abutere, Catilina, patientia nostra º quamdiu nos etiam furor iste tuus elu- det? quem ad finem sese effrenata jactabit au- dacia? nihilne te nocturnum praesidium palatii nihil urbis vigiliae, nihil timor populi, nihil consensus bonorum omnium, nihil hic muni- tissimus habendi Senatus locus, nihil horum or vultusque moverunt? patere tua consilia mon ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZ AEOE É1234567890 ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZAECE Quousque tandemn abutere, Catilina, patientia nostra 2 quamdiu nos etiam furor iste tuus elu- det? quem ad finem sese effrenata jactabit au– dacia? nihilne te nocturnum praesidium palatii nihil urbis vigiliae, nihil timor populi, nihil consensus bonorum omnium, nihil hic muni- tissimus habend; senatus locus, nihil horum or vultusque moverunt? patere tua ABCDEFGH IJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZAEOE./M.W.’ ENGLISH No. 2, ON PICA Body. Quousque tandem abutere, Catilina, patientia nostra º quamdiu nos etiam furor iste tuus elu- det? quem ad finem sese effrenata jactabit au– dacia? nihilne te nocturnum praesidium palatii nihil urbis vigiliae, nihil timor populi, nihil consensus bonorum omnium, nihil hic muni- tissimus habendi senatus locus, nihil horum or vultusque moverunt? patere tua consilia mon ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZ AEOE £1234567890 ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZAECE Quousque tandem abutere, Catilina, patientia nostra? quamaliu nos etiam furor iste tuus elu- det? quent ad finem sese effrenata jactabit au- dacia? miſtilne te nocturnum praesidium palatii 334. Roman and Italic: W. Thorowgood's Specimen, London, 1824 DOUBLE PICA PLAIN BLACK, No. 1. and be it further percºp cm- attery, ti) at tijt ſºlaporã, 33at Itffg, or ott)cr totaly (Officers of currp &oum and place corpo ratt, ſºcing a g|ttgttct or gjug DOUBLE PICA OPEN BLACK, No. 1. 3/mi) bt it bert by tract tu, that the ſhamorg, 33atliftg ſor other beau (Officerg of to try Comm or platt tor- poratt, brimſ, a jugſtitt GREAT PRIMER PLAIN BLACK, No. 1. and be it further berthp enacted, that the ſhaporº, 33ailiffs, or other beatſ ©ffittrº of thern Comm and platt tor porate, amº City within thig lºcalm, being jugtitt or justittg of 33ratt & GREAT PRIMER OPEN BLACK, No. 1. 3\mu be it further bereby ematten ºbat the ſºlamorg, 313ailiffg, or otber beau (Diffiteng of euerm đos hom amu plate torporate amu ØſtôCDſ, G.JPG|Gji)}{J}|{Liſłł'N 335. Black-letter: W. Thorowgood’s Specimen, London, 1824 DOUBLE PICA. ،（~~~~3:49，; ： （ %ſ'， žšº ſēžš# {£§！; 3. sº&ſºſ . . ºs, eºſ， ººº , <！~. （????????????>{{>{{>{{>{{>{{ ºſºººººººººaeg>{{>{{>{{>{{}， Ğ№w№w№w№w№w№wyō ************ a）^&* ºo sº， ae^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ și ſiſſae！！!!!！!saeſ?yw Iſſueſº Iſºta#• ºoºº.ººººººº..ººººººººº...：§…ºººººº..ººº..ºººººº..ººº..ºººººº..ºf.Sºğ §<！$，?）S?$，?&S★3：È，Sžº，S}$$?ŠNN.%ŞY *** …（.**>~~~~*** …，~~^Z22*** …<•••*** …（.**<~~~~22ºz. ----*）: �！» �� ** …ºoºº<>->---- Tºzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzz №NÝغſya：NYZººſ §¶√∞∞∞ SC QC - © Ji Hº Gº Nº) - * <--> ©}<>，<>）<>，<>，<>）<>}<>，<>）<>]*>（5 |- | | Fºl º ºſ º-' ºf © Jr H-. Sº Nº 336. Ornaments toaccompany“ Faţ- Face”Types Henry Casſon, London,1844 Two-LINE ENGLISH. 10 ********* SWilliºl|||||| lºlºlºlºlºlālāl 11 *Wºº | | |- | - % Y. l - | | º | º | | - 15 fºººººººººººººº YºYº Nº'º. Aft º 2 , 't ſk" ºn SČ SI | º).(gº).º.º.º.º.º. º i 16 &jºy N cºs WS cºs Sł &AGº Sº dº a - 337. Ornaments to accompany “Fat-Face” Types Henry Caslon, London, 1844 PICA, No. 9. Quousque tandem abutere, Catilina, patientia nos- tra? quamdiu nos etiam furor iste tuus eludet? quem ad finem sese effrenata jactabit audacia? ni- hilne te nocturnum praesidium palatii, nihil urbis vigiliae, nihiltimor populi, nihil consensus bonorum omnium, nihil hic munitissimus habendi Senatus locus, nihil horum ora vultusque moverunt? patere tua consilia non Sentis? constrictam jam Omnium horum conscientiateneri conjurationem tuam non vides? quid proxima, quid superiore nocte egeris, ubi fuelis, quos convocaveris, quid consilii ceperis, ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZAE ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZAECE £ 1 2 3 4 56789 0 Quousque tandem abutere, Catilina, patientia nos- tra? quamdiu nos etiam furor iste tuus eludet? quem ad finem sese effrenata jactabit audacia 2 mi- hilne te nocturnum prasidium palatii, nihil urbis vigilia, nihil timor populi, nihil consensus bonorum Omnium, nihil hic munitissimus habendi senatus lo- cus, nihil horum ora vultusque moverunt? patere tud consilia non sentis? constrictam jam omnium horum conscientia teneri conjurationem tuam non vides? quid proacima, quid superiore nocte egeris, ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXY 50 & 51 & 52 & 53 - 54 Č. º ſ 55 º 56 eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee X §§§ §§§ 58 $º 338. Types and Ornaments of Period of Caslon Revival Caslon Son and Livermore and Henry Caslon Shecimens, 1844 ENGLISH TYPES : 1800–1844 197 Specimen issued in Paris in 1828, for like French types; for similar Italian fonts, the 1838 Specimen of Cartallier, of Padua, in which some characters show this tendency. En- schedé's Letterproof,” issued at Haarlem in 1841, as compared with older Enschedé specimens, is another telling but dismal document in the annals of this change of style—a few good fonts being buried in pages of uninteresting or ugly letter- forms. The Second and Third Parts of Enschedé's Letter- proeſ, issued in 1850 and 1855, leave one nothing to say, except that nothing good can be said! But if this great house sold or threw away interesting ancient types to buy Di- dotschen rubbish, it must be remembered that the Caslon foundry had sacrificed to False Gods its own Children! (fig. 338). I have said that Grandjean, Baskerville, Bodoni, and the Didots had a mischievous influence on type-forms; for the derivations from types that their work made popular culminated in a kind of letter which was capable of greater vulgarity and degradation than was ever the case with older fonts. The ordinary English, French, or Italian book printed between 1830 and 1850 was very often a cheap and mean- looking production. Perhaps Bodoni and other great per- sons were not wrong in their own day; but they put type- forms on the wrong track. Their “recovery” in England is the subject of another chapter. * Proeve van Drukletteren. Lettergieterij van Joh. Enschedé en Zonen. Haar- lem, 1841. CHAPTER XXI REVIVALS OF CASLON AND FELL TYPES EVIVALS of type-forms are periodical. They are R usually brought about by dissatisfaction caused by too intimate knowledge of the disadvantages of types in use, and ignorance of disadvantages which may arise in the use of types revived. In other words, one set of types falls into neglect through certain inherent draw- backs; and it is not revived until the difficulties known to those who formerly employed it are forgotten and only the advantages appear. A constant factor also is a natural love of variety and change. The best early work of the nineteenth century was the result of a sincere effort toward the betterment of printing, according to the standards of that day; but before the mid- century, English typography, except here and there, had again fallen behind.The fine editions printed by Bulmer and Bensley were things of the past. Bulmer was dead in 1830 —Bensley in 1833. Several other publishers brought out well-printed books, but they were without the distinction of those issued some years earlier. There was, however, an ex- ception in the work done by the two Charles Whittinghams —uncle and nephew – at the Chiswick Press, founded in 1789, though established at Chiswick in 1810. This press is famous in the annals of English typography, the sound- est traditions of which it has upheld for over a century. Its best books were printed by the younger Whittingham for the publisher Pickering. In 1844, Pickering and Whitting- ham proposed to issue an edition of Juvenal (in contempla- tion since 1841), and requested the Caslon foundry to cast some of the original Caslon types which they wanted for it. This Latin edition of the Satires of Juvenal and Persius, in Lady Willoughby. 77 her Cheeke by ſome Query reſpecting a parti- cular Piece of Needle-work in hand; and added, on perceiving the Effect ſhe had pro- duced, ſhe had heard S. Eraſmus de la Foum- tain much commend the delicate Paterne: whereat poore Margaret attempted to look up unconcern'd, but was obliged to ſmile at her Siſter's Pleaſantry. I was diſcreet, and led the Converſation back to the Spinning. The Days paſſe ſmoothly, yet Time ſeemeth very long ſince my deare Lord departed on his Journey. We heare no News. Armſtrong will perchance gain ſome Tydings at Colcheſter: and I muſt await his Return with ſuch Patience I can. Since my little Fanny's long Sickneſſe I have continued the Habit of remaining by her at night, ſometime after ſhe is in Bed: theſe are Seaſons peculiarly ſweet and ſoothing; there ſeemeth ſomething holy in the Aire of the dimly lighted Chamber, wherein is no Sound heard 1641. 339. Caslon Type as revived by Whittingham, London, 1844 CASLON AND FELL REVIVALS 199 quarto (a handsome book except for its red borders), was delayed, however, and not published until 1845. So the great primer “old face” Caslon font intended for it, appeared first in 1844 in The Diary of Lady Willoughby. For this fictitious journal of a seventeenth century lady of quality, old style type was thought appropriate. The Diary was a success, ar- tistically and commercially. Though its typography does not seem much of an achievement now, it came as a novelty and relief to printers who had long since abandoned good earlier type-faces in favour of the fonts of the school of Thorne (fig. 339). This was the beginning of the revival of original Caslon fonts, and a very sound revival it was. From that time to this, Caslon type has had the popularity it merits. In fact, the chief typographic event of the mid-nineteenth century was this revival of the earliest Caslon types in the competent hands of Pickering and Whittingham. United States founders reintroduced these fonts about 1860, but they did not become popular until some thirty years later. The Aldine Poets, Walton's Complete Angler, the beauti- ful Latin Opera of Sallust (in the type of the Juvenal and Lady Willoughby), an octavo edition of Milton and Herbert, and the famous series of folio black-letter Prayer Books are among the best of Pickering's publications. But the series of 16mo volumes, which for beauty and utility have not been surpassed in modern times, are what is particularly meant by a “Pickering edition” (fig. 340). All these were printed, at the Chiswick Press, as well as many other beautiful books for publishers, book-clubs, and individuals—among them the Bannatyne Club's Breviarum Aberdomense and Henry Shaw's books on mediaeval alphabets and ornament. The Chiswick Press still holds prečminent rank—the present establishment at Tooks Court, Chancery Lane, London, being conducted by Charles Whittingham and Griggs, Ltd. 200 PRINTING TYPES The use of the Fell types, which had lain for many years neglected at the Oxford University Press, was revived by a little press (first started at Frome in 1845, and continued at Oxford) which was a private venture of the Rev. C. H. O. Daniel, late Provost of Worcester College. Dr. Daniel had the taste to recognize the possibilities dormant in Fell's fonts, and after 1877 he used them in his rare little issues with delightful discrimination (figs. 341 and 342). The Daniel books were printed in both roman and black-letter, and in connection with the former type many pleasant old orna- ments were revived. The publications of this press were continued until 1919. The Fell types are now the pride— or one of the “prides”— of the Clarendon Press. Their re- vival was of real importance in modern printing. The Oac- ford Book of English Verse, the volumes in the Tudor and Stuart Library, the Trecentale Bodleianum of 1913 (fig. 343), and the Catalogue of the Shakespeare Exhibition held in the Bodleian Library to commemorate the Death of Shakespeare (Oxford, 1916) are familiar examples of their admirable and effective modern use. The Ballantyne Press of Edinburgh, founded at Kelso by James Ballantyne in 1796, later, at Sir Walter Scott's sug- gestion, coming to Edinburgh, and known under the name of Ballantyne, Hanson & Company, has done delightful work for many years past. The business has been acquired by Messrs. Spottiswoode & Company of London, and has been removed from Edinburgh. This firm, that of Messrs. R. & R. Clark, and the establishment of T. & A. Constable of Edinburgh, have been more constant to types of Scotch * See The Daniel Press. Memorials of C. H. O. Daniel, with a Bibliography of the Press, 1845–1919. Oxford, Printed on the Daniel Press in the Bod- leian Library, 1921—" the first book printed within the walls of the Bod- leian,” where the third Daniel press, on which it was printed, is deposited. It is illustrated with portrait, facsimiles, etc. I. THE TEMPLE The Dedication. Lord, my firſ fruitſ preſent themſelves to thee : ret not mine neither : for from thee they came, And muſi return. Accept of them and me, And make us ſtrive, who ſhall ſing beſt thy name. Turn their eyes hither, who ſhall make a gain Theirs, who ſhall hurt themſelves or me, refrain. 1. The Church-porch. Perurrhamterium. §hou, whoſe ſweet youth and early º hopes inhance Thy rate and price, and mark thee for º a treaſure, Hearken unto a Verſer, who may chance Ryme thee to good, and make a bait of pleaſure. A verſe may finde him, who a ſermon flies, And turn delight into a ſacrifice. Beware of luſt; it doth pollute and foul Whom God in Baptiſme waſht with his own blood It blots thy leſſon written in thy ſoul; The holy lines cannot be underſtood. How dare thoſe eyes upon a Bible look, Much leſſe towards God, whoſe luſtis all their book! 340. Caslon Type used in a “Pickering edition” Whittingham, London, 1850 I have printed this ‘Sermom’ from a MS. of the xviith. Century, numbered xxxviii in the Library of Worceſter College. I have attemp- ted to reproduce it with painful faithfulneſs, which is the firſt requiſite in a task of this ſort, however trivial the matter. The ſpelling I have retained, (& in the main the punctuation) as an element of style, & becauſe the pedantic rigidneſs of our day has no claim to ſuperſede the pictureſ?ue laxity of a Time too vigorous & too paſtomate for elementary trifting. The intereſt of the Pamphlet will be, I think, mainly for thoſe whoſe knowledge of the ephe- meral meral Literature of the Civil War time ena/les them to recogniſe the many alluſions to perſons & fatts. To ſuch neither dulmeſ; nor occaſional indecency will be a ſurpriſe or a ſhock. This will ée underſtood by a glance at my “Catalogue of Pamphlets,’ or by turning over any colle&#ion of the Tračis of the Period. The Type has been caſt for the Impreſſion from the matrices given the Univerſity by Dočfor John Fell. The whole of the manual work has been dome by myſelf. FIFTY Copies are printed, of which this is the 4. 7 /X. C. HENRY DANIEL. Worceſter College; February the 12th. 1877. 341. First use of Fell Types by the Daniel Press, Oxford, 1877 MARGARET L. WOODS DANIEL : OXFORD : 342. Fell Types as used by the Daniel Press Oxford, 1896 T H E LIFE of Sir Thomaſ Bodley, Written by himself. Was borne at Exeter In Devon, the Early Zife. 2 of Marche, in the yeare 1544; descended, both by Father and Mother, of Worshipfull parentage. By my Fathers side, from an antient familie of Bodley, or bodleigh, of Dunscombe by Crediton; and by my Mother from Robert Hone Esq; of otterey Saint Marie, nine Milles from Exon. My Father in the time of Queene Marie, beinge knowne and noted to be an enemie to Poperle, was so cruelly threatned, and So narrow- lie observed, by those that malliced his religion, that for the Safegarde of him- selfe, and my Mother, who was wholly affected as my Father, he knew no waye so secure, as to flie into Garmanie : B 2. Where 343. Fell Types as used in Trecentale Bodleianum Oxford University Press, 1913 TO CHAR/CAES, AA/AVCAE OF WA/LA.S. May it please You're Highnesse I fear I shal/ much surprize youre High- messe with a Pamphlet of this suðject under my poore name: which / undertooke since my returne for some diversion of my minde from my infirmitie which I was troubled with a miserable stopping in my &reast and deſſurion from my head. It was printed sheeſe áy sheeſe as fast as /á was born, and It was Óorm as soone as /t was conceived. So as /t must needes have the im- perfections, and deformities of an immature Öirth besides the weakenesse of the Parent. And therefore / durst not allowe it so much favour even from my self as to thinke it worthie of any dedication, yet as / have pre- sented the first copie thereof to the Aïng, so 7s the second due to yº // ighnesse. And the rather, because you have taken a view of forein structure and have made you're self Česides V Cornices, and the like, were enough to graduate a Master of this Art; yet let me before I passe to other matter, prevent a familiar Obiection; It will perchance bee said, that all this Doctrine touching the five Orders, were fitter for the Quarries of Asia which yeelded 127 Columnes of 60 Foote high, to the Ephesian Temple, or for Nu- midia where Marbles abound; then for the Spirits of England, who must be contented with more ignoble Materials: To which I answere, that this neede not discourage us: For I have often at Venice viewed with much pleasure, an Atrium Graecum (we may translate it an Anti porch, after the Greeke manner) raised by Andrea Palladio, upon eight Columnes of the Compounded Order; The Bases of Stone, without Pedistals, The shafts or Bodies, of meere Brick ; three foote and an halfe thicke in the Diameter below, and consequently thirty five foote high, as himselfe hath described them in his second Booke; Then which, mine Eye, hath never yet beheld any Columnes, more stately of Stone or Marble; For the Bricks, having first beene formed in a Circular Mould, and then cut before their burning 34 344. Modernized Old Style Fonts as used by Chiswick Press, London, 1903 N CERTAIN CONFUSIONS OF MODERN LIFE, ESPECIALLY IN LITERATURE : AN ESSAY READ, AT OXFORD, TO THE GRYPHON CLUB OF TRINITY *Prºxº~º COLLEGE. *NSSS” If I were in need of a single word to express the idea which I wish to follow out in this essay, I could scarcely, I think, find one in English ; none, at least, that would completely fit my meaning : I should have to fall back upon the Greek. We translate the word zéago; by order, beauty, or world, according to the context; but we have no single phrase that combines and identifies in our minds, as this word did in the minds of Greeks, the beauty of harmo- nious arrangement with the beauty of the visible world. We do not seem, indeed, to have at all the same quick perception of this kind of beauty that they appear to have had. The Author of “Modern Painters” has pointed out that, in the Odyssey, when Hermes approaches Calypso's cave, what he admires is, not so much the wild beauty of the island, as the trimness of the goddess's own domain, her four fountains 345. Type used in The Hobby Horse: Chiswick Press, London, 1890 CASLON AND FELL REVIVALS 201 letter-founders, and for many years have successfully used “revived old style” and also characters of the modern face family. Constable employed an interesting Scotch modern face for David Nutt's distinguished series of Tudor Trans- lations. The fine revived old style or (as I should prefer to call them) modernized old style fonts were used by the same printer in the three volumes of Bibliographica (1895); and Mr. J. P. Morgan's monumental Catalogue of Manuscripts and Early Printed Books from the Libraries of Morris, Ben- nett, etc. (1907), is a magnificent example of the skilful use of these types by the Chiswick Press. In smaller sizes this type was delightfully employed by the same press in their reprint of Sir Henry Wotton's Elements of Architecture, issued by Longmans in 1903 (fig. 344). But the early and “classic” use of this type was in Her- bert Horne's periodical, The Century Guild Hobby Horse (1886–92). Its later volumes (beginning in 1888), printed in a large size of the “modernized old style” character, with delightful decorations drawn by Mr. Horne, are most dis- tinguished pieces of typography (fig. 345). Of The Hobby Horse not many volumes were issued, but they will always hold a place in the annals of the revival of printing at the end of the last century. In Mr. Horne's typographical venture, William Mor- ris had a hand; but as Morris rode a very Gothic hobby- horse of his own, and Mr. Horne's charger was much more Italian than Gothic in its behaviour, it is easy to see why Morris soon turned his attention to printing in a way more to his mind. His endeavours, their results, and the influ- ence they have had on modern printing have now to be con- sidered. * * In England Caslon types are called “old face”; what we call “modernized old style” is there termed “revived old style”—a type designed about 1850. CHAPTER XXII ENGLISH AND AMERICAN REVIVAL OF EARLY TYPE- FORMS AND ITS EFFECT ON CONTINENTAL TYPES ILLIAM MoRRIS was born in 1834 — the son of prosperous middle-class people, who lived freely and pleasantly. He was educated at Marl- borough School and Exeter College, Oxford, where heformed a lasting friendship with Burne-Jones. Originally intending to take Holy Orders, he changed his mind, and studied ar- chitecture for a year or two under Street; then, between 1857 and 1862, through Rossetti's influence, he took up painting. Meanwhile he had begun to write—his Defence of Guene- were appearing in 1858. From then until his death he wrote many volumes of poetry and prose, most of it of a very high order. Painting proved unsatisfactory, so he began about the year 1870 to work as a decorator, eventually turning his hand to illumination,-in which he was expert, -to the making of wall-papers, rugs, hangings, and stained glass, and to house decoration. It was an era of pattern, and though in Morris's hands the pattern was often magnificent, houses decorated or furnished by him would now appear rather tiresome and affected. In socialism Morris was seriously interested. It was the somewhat romantic socialism of a well-to-do, fastidious man, which had the added attraction of placing him in the oppo- sition; for he somewhat enjoyed “otherwise-mindedness.” Morris never went into the slums and lived with the people —indeed, he gave scant attention to the particular individ- ual in his large and roomy movements — it was not the manner of his time. He desired with great desire to see the life of workmen improved by being made more like his own, rather than to get nearer the workmen's point of view REVIVAL OF EARLY FORMS 2O3 by making his life more like theirs. Yet he was thoroughly in earnest about his socialism. That the workman's life was so sordid made him miserable. He loved mediaevalism because it appeared to him — I think rather unhistorically — a close approach to the life he wished to see commonly lived in the world. None the less, he had sometimes impos- sible manners, often a furious temper, always short patience with fools, and there was a bit of pose and “bow-wow” about his daily walk and conversation. In his character, as in his wall-papers, one was a little too conscious of the pattern, but the pattern was fine, and there was lots of it! Over and above all this he was an educated, cultivated man, tremen- dously observant and shrewd, and his driving power was enormous. Like Bodoni (whose work Morris detested), no man knew better what he wanted to do. Morris's motto was “If I can,” and by hard work, enthusiasm, and —we must admit — a fixed income and a good deal of incidental pros- perity, he usually “could.” Morris's style of printing, therefore, may be partly ex- plained by the interiors of his own houses or those he deco- rated; and its motive by his idea of socialism, which, through a kind of Religion of Beauty, was to produce the regenera- tion of a work-a-day world. It was to be a wonderful world, and it was, potentially, very real to him. His printing was for it, or was to help to its realization by others. If his deco- rations now appear a bit mannered and excessive, and his socialism somewhat romantic and unreal, it is because Mor- ris was very much of his period. Thus (again like Bodoni, though from diametrically opposite theories) Morris made magnificent books, but not for ordinary readers—nor, for the matter of that, for ordinary purses—but only for a cer- tain fortunate group of his own time. To understand the work of the Kelmscott Press we must 204 PRINTING TYPES understand this much of the environment and ways of thinking of a man as forcible and sincere as he was many- sided. Some years before Mr. Morris set up any press of his own, he had made a few essays in printing. The Roots of the Mountains, which was issued in 1889, was printed for him at the Chiswick Press in a character cut some fifty years earlier, belonging to the Whittinghams, and modelled on an old Basle font; and in 1890, the Gunnlaug Saga was printed in a type copied from one of Caxton's fonts. In 1891, almost fifty years after the Whittinghams’ revival of Cas- lon's type, and some fifteen years after the Fell types were resuscitated, Morris established the Kelmscott Press, named after Kelmscott Manor House (on the upper Thames, about thirty miles from Oxford), which Morris acquired in 1871. The first “Kelmscott” book that he issued was The Story of the Glittering Plain, and its effect upon lovers of fine books was instantaneous. Opinion was at once divided about Mor- ris's printing. To a limited public, the Kelmscott editions opened the millennium in book-making. Others were irri- tated at what they considered their affectation and faddish- ness, and condemned them utterly, as unreadable—which was only a half-truth. The effect on printing in general that Morris was to have through his types and type-setting en- tirely escaped most printers, as did the sources from which he derived his methods. Because they knew very little about early manuscripts or early books, about the characters of the one or the types of the other, the Kelmscott books appeared to them to have fallen from the sky—either very new and wonderful or else very freakish and senseless—just as they would to anybody who knew nothing whatever about it! On the great English public, or the majority of English print- REVIVAL OF EARLY FORMS 205 ers, Morris's books had—at that time—scarcely any effect at all. Indeed, Mr. Morris was a much more widespread popular force in America and Germany than in England, where his work was known only to a comparatively small artistic group. “I began printing books,” said Mr. Morris, “with the hope of producing some which would have a definite claim to beauty, while at the same time they should be easy to read and should not dazzle the eye, or trouble the intellect of the reader by eccentricity of form in the letters. I have always been a great admirer of the calligraphy of the Middle Ages, and of the earlier printing which took its place. As to the fif- teenth century books, I had noticed that they were always beautiful by force of the mere typography, even without the added ornament, with which many of them are so lavishly supplied. And it was the essence of my undertaking to pro- duce books which it would be a pleasure to look upon as pieces of printing and arrangement of type. Looking at my adventure from this point of view then, I found I had to consider chiefly the following things: the paper, the form of the type, the relative spacing of the letters, the words, and the lines; and lastly the position of the printed matter on the page. . . . “Next as to type. By instinct rather than by conscious thinking it over, I began by getting myself a fount of Ro- man type. And here what I wanted was letter pure in form; severe, without needless excrescences; solid, without the thickening and thinning of the line, which is the essential fault of the ordinary modern type, and which makes it dif- ficult to read; and not compressed laterally, as all later type has grown to be owing to commercial exigencies. There was only one source from which to take examples of this per- fected Roman type, to wit, the works of the great Venetian 2O6 PRINTING TYPES printers of the fifteenth century, of whom Nicholas Jenson produced the completest and most Roman characters from 1470 to 1476. This type I studied with much care, getting it photographed to a big scale, and drawing it over many times before I began designing my own letter; so that though I think I mastered the essence of it, I did not copy it ser- vilely; in fact, my Roman type, especially in the lower case, tends rather more to the Gothic than does Jenson's. “After a while I felt that I must have a Gothic as well as a Roman fount; and herein the task I set myself was to redeem the Gothic character from the charge of unreadable- ness which is commonly brought against it. And I felt that this charge could not be reasonably brought against the types of the first two decades of printing; that Schoeffer at Mainz, Mentelin at Strasburg, and Gunther Zainer at Augs- burg, avoided the spiky ends and undue compression which lay some of the later type open to the above charge. . . . Keeping my end steadily in view, I designed a black-letter type which I think I may claim to be as readable as a Roman one, and to say the truth I prefer it to the Roman. “It was only natural that I, a decorator by profession, should attempt to ornament my books suitably: about this matter, I will only say that I have always tried to keep in mind the necessity for making my decoration a part of the page of type.” Morris's three types (two black-letter and one roman) were as follows: A roman letter, called the Golden Type, cut in English size, finished in 1890, and first used in his Golden Legend, issued in 1892 (fig. 346). * A JVote by William Morris on his Aims in Founding the Kelmscott Press. Together with a Short Description of the Press by S. C. Cockerell, 85 an JAnnotated List of the Books Printed Thereat. Hammersmith, London, 1908. THE ARGUMENT. - C2 UCIUS Tarquinius (for his exces, sive pride surnamed Superbus)af. ter hee had caused his owne father 3) in law Servius Tullius to be cruelly murd’red, and contrarie to the Ro, S maine lawes and customes, not re- quiring or staying for the people's suffrages, had possessed himselfe of the kingdome: went accom, anyed with his sonnes and other noble men of É. to besiege Ardea, during which siege, the principall men of the Army meeting one evening at the tent of Sextus Tarquinius the king's sonne, in their discourses after suppereveryone commen, ded the vertues of his owne wife: among whom Colatinus extolled the incomparable chastity of his wife Lucretia. In that pleasant humor they all posted to Rome, & intending by theyr secret and sodaine arrivall to make triall of that which every one had before avouched, onely Colatinus finds his wife (though it were late in the night) spinning amongest her maides, the other ladies were all found dauncing and revelling, or in severall dis. ports: whereupon the noble men yeelded Cola, tinus the victory, and his wife the fame. At that time Sextus Tarquinius being enflamed with Lu, crece beauty, yet smoothering his passions for the present, departed with the restbacketo the campe: 55 346. Morris's Golden Type: Kelmscott Press REVIVAL OF EARLY FORMS 2O7 A black-letter great primer font, called the Troy Type, showing the influence of Schoeffer of Mainz, Zainer of Augsburg, and Koberger of Nuremberg, although different from any of these, and first used in the Historyes of Troye, issued the same year (fig. 347). A black-letter, called the Chaucer Type, differing from the Troy type only in size, being pica instead of great primer. This was used in some parts of the Historyes of Troye, but was first employed for an entire book in The Order of Chivalry, published in 1893 (fig. 348). Morris also designed a fourth type, based on the fonts used by Sweynheym and Pannartz in St. Augustine's De Civitate Dei, but it was never cut. All Morris's types were finally left to trustees, and their use is occasionally permitted for special books. The wood-blocks of illustrations to his editions have been placed in the British Museum. As we look at Morris's typographical achievements in per- spective, they seem to be more those of a decorator apply- ing his decorative talents to printing, than the work of a printer. His books are not always what he said books should be—easy to read, not dazzling to the eye, or troublesome to the reader by eccentricities of letter-form. He says he admired fifteenth century books because they were beau- tiful “by force of the mere typography, even without the added ornament, with which many of them are so lavishly supplied.” But what is true of those books is only partly true about his own. He did make books which it was a plea- sure to look at—as arrangements of type and fine pieces of printing—but he did not make books that it was a pleasure to read. If Morris admired Jenson's fonts, it is hard to see why he did not copy their best points more closely. One has only to take a Kelmscott book and compare it with a good 2O8 PRINTING TYPES specimen of Jenson's printing to see how far away one is from the other. On the other hand, many people did not at all under- stand Morris's greatness—for great he was. As he was both visionary and practical, his visions bothered the practical man, while his practicality somewhat disturbed the vision- ary. “Perhaps this kind of character is rare in our time,” says Mr. Clutton-Brock, “only because craftsmen are rare; for the craftsman, if he is to excel, must be both industrious and a visionary, as Morris was. He must have honesty and common sense as well as invention; and his work devel- ops and harmonizes both sets of qualities. We shall under- stand Morris best if we think of him as a craftsman, . . . as one who could never see raw material without wishing to make something out of it, and who at last saw society itself as a very raw material which set his fingers itching.” I doubt if Morris himself realized the enormous effect his work would have upon typography. Neither did he know that, while his types were not particularly good types, and his decorations were often unduly heavy, by this very over- statement in the colour of the type on its paper, in making characters which loudly called attention to earlier ones, and in designing somewhat over-splendid decorations (which, nevertheless, were in harmony with his type), he led the printer of his particular moment to see how imposing, and even magnificent, masses of strong type, closely set and well inked, combined with fine decorations, may be. And Morris taught a lesson in the unity of effect in books for which the modern printer is deeply in his debt—a unity now influ- encing volumes very far removed from those rather precious productions in which it was first exemplified. Nowadays, * William Morris : His Work and Influence, by A. Clutton-Brock, London, 1914, p. 208. such as choose to seck it: it is neither prison, nor palacc, but a decent bomc. w |LI. KIDICD INEI, (CD6R praise nor blame, but say that , Goitie: some people praise this bomcli- º º: º i. 3 if the land were the Ç '%. --> very axle/trec of the *I world; so do not I, nor any unblind- ^ ed by pride in themselvesandall that belongs totbcm: othere thcrearewbo acorn it and the tamences of it: not I any the more: though it would in- decd be bard if there were nothing cise in the world, no wonders, no ter- rors, no unspeakable beautics. Yet when we think what a small part of the world's bistory, past, present, & to come, is this land we live in, and bow much smaller still in the bistory of thcarts, &yet bow our forcfathers clung to it, and with what care and 67 347. Morris's Troy Type: Kelmscott Press paing they adorned it, this unromantic, un- cventful, looking land of €ngland, surely by Qtbia too our bearts may be touched and our CN) bope quickened. w * - t Zºy OR as was the land, S. Guch was the art of it Ağwhite rotºzt trºub. bººted themseives about CQQ such things; it strove ſº little to impress peo- º ple citber by pomp or § ingenuity: not unsel- | dom it fell into com- P22'S, monplace, rarely it rose into majesty; yet was it never oppresſ | Bive, never a Glavc’s mightmarc or an ingolent boast: & at its best it bad an T grander styles have never overpass- cd : its best too, and that was in its | very beart, was given as freely to the |ygoman’s bouse, and the bumble vil- |lage church, as to the lord’s palace or 7 the mighty cathedral: never coarse, :Fthough often rude cnough, sweet, na- F’tural & unaffected, an art of peasants ‘’ rather than of merchant princes or courtſ icrs, it must be a bard beart, I think, that does not love it: whether a man bag been born among it like ourselves, or bag come wonderſ 68 348. Morris's Chaucer Type: Kelmscott Press REVIVAL OF EARLY FORMS 209 the old-fashioned method of using various fonts of type on a title-page, or an unnecessary number of sizes of type in a volume, has been given up—even in the commonest com- mercial work. And, too, Morris's reforms have extended to illustrations, which are at present almost always by one hand, and not, as in old-fashioned illustrated books, by half a dozen different designers and drawn without any relation to the type-page. These newer and better fashions in book-making may be directly traced to sounder concep- tions of what a book ought to be; and Morris—as with the weapon of the Viking heroes he loved so well—ham- mered this conception into the consciousness of gentlemen who will even use Truth, if it appears to be an “asset”! For no man ever had the courage of his convictions more than Morris, or a heartier contempt for foolish opponents. When asked to hear the other side, he replied (like Garrison on the slavery question), “There is n’t any "This very intolerance made Morris a tremendous force in typography; for, in spite of certain conscious overstatements, it was a sincere intol- erance, and was aimed not at people, but at their shallow views of things. In the last year of his life, when in failing health, he attended a public meeting, and returning from it with a friend, showed signs of weakness. The friend, more amiable than discreet, suggested that this was the worst time of the year. “No, it ain’t,” said Morris, “it’s a very fine time of the year indeed. I’m getting old, that’s what it is.” In short, Morris hated humbug, though he sometimes mistook for humbug, opinions with which he disagreed— as 'tis human to do. He was a great printer because he was a great man who printed greatly, as he did much else. When Morris began to work with types of his own in his own way, other people (most of whom knew rather less 210 PRINTING TYPES about it) began to design their own types and print with them too. Charles Ricketts of London, who was already interested in making fine books, instituted the Vale Press. Mr. Ricketts’ books were actually printed at the Ballantyne Press, but the types were designed by him and arranged under his direction, and some very charming decorations for the Vale Press books were by his hand. In a paper issued in 1899, called A Defence of the Revival of Printing (which no one had seriously attacked), he contrasted the work of the great Venetian printers and of William Morris, with his own. Morris, as was well known, hated the Renaissance," but Mr. Ricketts called it “a charmed time in the develop- ment of man.” Admitting himself “utterly won over and fascinated by the sunny pages of the Venetian printers,” he defined the pages of a fine Kelmscott book as “full of wine” and those of an Italian book as “full of light.” This being Mr. Ricketts’ point of view, it is surprising that his type appeared so much like Mr. Morris's l For it is fair to sup- pose that the types which he designed looked precisely as he meant that they should. Apparently the Vale Press in- tended to deal not in “wine” but in “light,” and it must be terribly uncomfortable when you want light to get wine! But in spite of this rather affected Defence, the Vale books had style and distinction—being more classical in feeling *Mr. Mackail says, in his life of Morris: “With the noble Italian art of the earlier Renaissance he had but little sympathy: for that of the later Renais- sance and the academic traditions he had nothing but unmixed detestation. Some time in these years [c. 1873], his old fellow-pupil, Mr. Bliss, then engaged on researches among the archives of the Vatican, met him in the Bodleian Library at Oxford, and pressed him to come with him to Rome. His reply was too characteristic to be forgotten. “Do you suppose,” he said, ‘that I should see anything in Rome that I can’t see in Whitechapel?' Even the earlier and, to his mind, the far more interesting and beautiful work of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries in Italy did not appeal to him in the same way as the contemporary art of England or Northern France.” Mackail adds: “He much preferred Iceland to Italy.” CAPUT LXXXIII. In pinacothecam perveni, vario genere tabu- larum mirabilem: nam et Zeuxidos manus vidi, nondum vetustatis injuria victas; et Protogenis rudimenta, cum ipsius naturæ veritate certantia, non sine quodam horrore tractavi. Jam vero Apellis, quàm Græci monochromon appellant, etiam adoravi. Tanta enim subtilitate extremi- tates imaginum erant ad similitudinem præcisæ, ut crederes etiam animorum esse picturam. Hinc aquila ferebat, coelo sublimis, deum. Illinc can- didus Hylas repellebat improbam Naida. Dam- nabat Apollo noxias manus, lyramque resolutam modo nato flore honorabat. Inter quosetiam pic- torum amantium vultus, tanquam in solitudine exclamavi: Ergo amor etiam deos tangit? Jupiter in coelosuo non invenit quod eligeret, et, peccca- turus in terris, nemini tamen injuriam fecit. Hy- lam Nympha prædata imperasset amori suo, si venturum ad interdictum Herculem credidisset. Apollo pueri umbram revocavit in florem, et om- nes fabulæ quoque habuerunt sine æmulo com- É At ego in societatem recepi hospitem, ycurgo crudeliorem. Ecce autem, ego dum cum ventis litigo, intravit pinacothecam senex canus, exercitati vultus, et qui videretur nescio quid magnum promittere; sed cultu non proinde speciosus, ut facile appareret eum ex hac nota 1itteratorum esse, quos odisse divites solent. Is ergo, ut ad latus constitit meum. Ego, inquit, XXXV 349. The Vale Fount: Vale Press ?«$•Ejusmodi fabulæ vibrabant, quum Trima!chio intravit, et, detersa fronte, unguento manus lavit, spatioque minimo inter- posito: Ignoscite mihi (inquit), amici, multis jam diebus venter mihi non respondit: nec medici se inveniunt; profuit mihi tamen malicorium, &t tæda ex aceto. Spero tamen jam ventrem pudorem sibi imponere; alioquin circa stomachum mihi sonat, putes taurum. Itaque, si quis vestrum voluerit suæ rei causa facere, non est quod illum pudeatur. Nemo nostrum solidæ natus est. Ego nullum puto tam magnum tormentum esse, quam continere. Hoc solum vetare ne Jovis potest, Rides, Fortunata! quæ soles me nocte desomnem facere. Nec tamen in triclinio ullum vetui facere quod se juvet: et medici vetant continere; vel, si quid plus venit, omnia foras parata sunt: aqua, lasanum, et cetera minutalia. Cre- dite mihi, anathymiasis si in cerebrum it, in toto corpore fluctum facit. Multos scio sic periisse, dum nolunt sibi verum dicere. Gratias agimus liberalitati indulgentiæque ejus, et subinde casti- gamus crebris potiunculis risum. Nec adhuc sciebamus nos in medio lautitiarum, quod aiunt, clivo laborare. Nam communda- tis ad symphoniam mensis, tres albi sues in triclinium adducti sunt, capistris et tintinnabulis culti, quorum unum bimum nomen- culator esse dicebat, alterum trimum, tertium vero jam senem. Ego putabam, petauristarios intrasse, et porcos, sicut in circulis mos est, portenta aliqua facturos. Sed Trimalchio, exspectatione discussa: Quem, inquit, ex eis vultis 1n cœnam statim fieri ? Gallum enim gallinaceum, phas1anum, et ejusmodi nænias rustici faciunt: mei coci etiam vitulos, aeno coctos, solent facere. Conti- nuoque cocum vocari jussit, et, non exspectata electione nostra, maximum natu juss1t occidi; et clara voce: Ex quota decurta es? QUum ille, ex quadragesima, respondisset: Emtitius, an, 1nqu1t, domi natus es ? Neutrum, 1nquit cocus, sed testamento Pansæ tibi relictus sum. Vide ergo, ait, ut diligenter ponas; s1 non, te jubebo in decuriam villicorum conjici. Et quidem cocus, potentiæ admonitus, in culinam obsonium duxit. CAPUT XLVIII. &<*Trimalchio autem m1t1 ad nos vultu respexit; et, Vinum, in- quit, si non placet, mutabo: vos 11lud, oportet, bonum factatis. Deorum beneficio non emo, sed nunc, quidquid ad salivam facit, : in suburbano nascitur meo, quod ego adhuc non nov1. Dicitur : Confine esse Tarrac1nensibus et Tarentinis. Nunc conjungere XXXV11 350. The Avom Fount: Va/e Press Quoge non Focimus & Tum eco, Toties exci- Totus, plane vehementer excondui, et Red- didi illi voces suds: Aut dormi, out eqc jam potki dicom. CAPUT LXXXVIII. 33.6Rectus hissermonibus, consulereppuden- Tiores coepi actotes Tobulagum, et quaedom orgumenta mihi obscued, simulque cousam de- sidiae praesentis excuteRe, quum pulcherrimae oftes periissent, 1nter quas picturo ne mini- mum quidem sui vestigium Reliquisset. Tum ille: Pecuniae, inquit, cupiditas haecTRopico in- stituit. 33. Verum, ut od plastos convertar, Lysippum, statuae unius lineamentis inhaefen- Tem, inopic exstinxit: et Myron, qui paene hominum animas Ferrorumque aere compre- hendit, non invenit herºedem. At nos, vino scortisque demersi, ne porotas quidem Grºtes Gudemus cognoscere; sed, accusatores onti- uitotis, vitic, Tontum docernus et discimus. Ubi est did lectico & ubi ostronomic, ſº ubi so- ientiae consultissima via & Quis, inquam, venit in Templum, et votum Fecit, sidd eloquentiam pervenisset & quis, si philosophiae Fontem at- tigisset & Ac ne bondm quidem valetudinem petunt: sed Statin, antequam limen Capitolii Tongant,aliusdonum promittit,sipropinquum divitem extulepit: Glius, si Thesqueum effo- defit: alius,siod TRecenties H.S. salvus peave- neRit. Ipse senatus, Rectibonique peacceptos, XXX1X 351. The King's Fount: Vale Press REVIVAL OF EARLY FORMS 21 1 than the Kelmscott books, and less so than those of the Doves Press. The Bibliography (the last book issued by the Vale Press, in 1904) is printed in Vale type, and at the end a page of Latin text is shown in the Vale Fount (fig. 349); another in the Avon Fount—a smaller roman type more successful, to my eye, than the Vale (fig. 350); and a third in the King's Fount, which is less happy through the introduction in its lower-case of some capital letter-forms (fig. 351). The first Vale Press book was Milton's Early Poems, issued in 1896. The Avon seems to have been first used in 1902. Unfor- tunately, most of the wood-blocks of the ornaments were lost in a fire at the Ballantyne Press; and the punches, ma- trices, and type were destroyed on the issue of the last of the Vale publications. The tendency in these books was cer- tainly toward Italian models, but so much influenced were Messrs. Hacon and Ricketts—like every one else at that moment—by Morris's work, that they did not get as far from it as they either thought or intended. *. Four years after Morris's death in 1896, T. J. Cobden- Sanderson, with Emery Walker, Morris's learned associ- ate in the work of the Kelmscott Press and a man who (as every one but himself would admit) has been the mov- ing spirit in most of the good and scholarly ventures in modern English typography, founded the Doves Press. It owes its odd name to an old riverside inn at Hammersmith on the Thames, familiar to rowing men, which in turn gave its name to a cottage which Mr. Cobden-Sanderson (who had already set up a bindery) used as a work-shop. The Doves Press was founded, says Mr. Cobden-Sanderson, in his Catalogue published in 1908, “to attack the problem of pure Typography, as presented by ordinary books in the various forms of prose, verse, and dialogue, and keeping 212 PRINTING TYPES always in view the principle . . . that ‘The whole duty of Typography is to communicate to the imagination, without loss by the way, the thought or image intended to be con- veyed by the Author,’ to attempt its solution rather by the arrangement of the whole book, as a whole, with due regard to its parts and the emphasis of its divisions, than by the splendour of ornament, intermittent, page after page.” For this press, a single roman font was cut, and the first book produced in it (in 1901) was the Agricola of Tacitus. This Doves type discarded the extreme blackness of Morris's fonts, and was more Italian in character than any which had hitherto appeared in England. It is based on Jenson's roman font, “freed from the accidental irregularities due to imper- fect cutting and casting,”—perhaps a fault rather than a virtue, “and the serifs altered in some cases.” It is a very beautiful type, although its regularity, and the rigidity of the descender in the y, make it thin and spiky in appearance, and thus a little difficult to read; nor has it the agreeable “opulence” of the best Italian fonts (fig. 352). The Doves Press books have been, however, among the very best of those printed under the influence of the Morris revival. The JDoves Bible (1903) is a masterpiece of restrained style; and although in one or two later volumes a commonplace italic is introduced into the fine roman text, the Doves books have delightful consistency and simplicity. All ornament is es- chewed in them, but fine, free initials give a decorative note to the pages here and there. Mr. Walker withdrew from the undertaking in 1909. Mr. Cobden-Sanderson, with con- siderable elegiac ceremony, brought its work to a close a few years later. He died in 1922. "A test of the excellence of any type is this—that whatever the combination of letters, no individual character stands out from the rest—a severe require- ment to which all permanently successful types conform. between the seen and the unseen, the finite and the infinite, the human and the superhuman, and is a monumentalworkofthe eighteenthascistinguished from the seventeenth century, the century of the Bible and of Milton. Finally, in the nineteenth cen- tury, Sartor Resartus, the Essays of Emerson, and Unto this Last, are related & characteristic attempts to turn back the Everlasting Nay of scepticism into the Everlasting Yea of affirmation, & in the presence of the admittedly inexplicable & sublime mystery of the whole, tosetman again at work upon thecreation of the fit, the seemly, and the beautiful. Browning's Men & Women, now in the press, conceived about the same time, is a more direct presentment of the same positive solution. {[These Books printed, as a first essay, the whole field of literatureremains open to selectfrom.To-day there is an immense reprodućtion in an admirable cheap form, of all Books which in any language have stood the test of time. But such reprodućtion is not a substitute for the more monumental produćtion of the same works, & whether by The Doves Press or some other press or presses, such monumental pro- dućtion, expressive of man's admiration, is a legiti- mate ambition and a public duty, Great thoughts deserve & demand a great setting, whether in build- ing, sculpture, ceremonial, or otherwise; & the great works of literature have again and again to be set forth in forms suitable to their magnitude. And this 3 352. Doves Type: Doves Press REVIVAL OF EARLY FORMS 213 A private venture which has produced comparatively few books, but among them some of the greatest beauty, is the Ashendene Press, established in 1895, and directed by C. H. St. John Hornby of London. Its first books employed the Caslon and Fell characters—up to 1902. Later,an Ital- ian semi-gothic character, closely resembling the Subiaco type of Sweynheym and Pannartz, was designed for this press by Mr. Walker and Mr. Cockerell (fig. 353). This type was first used in Dante's Inferno, issued in 1902. The splendid Dante of 1909—the works entire, with illustra- tions by C. M. Gere; Le Morte Darthur (1913); and the beautiful Boccaccio (1913–20), with rubrication, and initials designed by Graily Hewitt, are among its greatest achieve- ments. The Dante ranks with the Doves Bible and the Kelmscott Chaucer—described as the “three ideal books of modern typography,” from the three ideal presses of the Revival. In many books the initials are in colour, and some- times in gold. -- Lucien Pissarro's Eragny Press (like the Kelmscott and the Doves Press, placed at Hammersmith) took its name from Eragny, the Normandy village where Mr. Pissarro was born, and where he studied and worked with his father. His earlier books were printed in the Vale type designed by Ricketts. The Brook type, in which an account of the Eragny Press was printed in 1903, is an agreeable roman y letter designed by Pissarro on the lines of the Vale type, , with a pleasant movement and admirable legibility (fig. 354). The superiority of its appearance to that of the Vale fonts is due partly to the paper generally used, which is most delightful. Wood-blocks printed in colours are a favourite feature of the Eragny Press books, and the text is their ac- companiment. The designing, wood-engraving, and print- ‘See Peddie’s Cantor Lectures on Printing. London, 1915. 214 PRINTING TYPES ing are all the work of Pissarro and his wife, though some- times the illustrations are by other hands. The Essex House Press, although its first issues were brought out in Caslon types, produced, in 1903, a font called the Prayer Book type-ambitious, but not entirely suc- cessful. It was designed by C. R. Ashbee, the director of this press. There are some curiously unfortunate characters in its lower-case letters — the g and f, e and n, for instance — which resemble pen-work, and not very pleasant pen-work at that. His Endeavour type, which in 1901 preceded the Prayer Book font—a letter smaller in size, but with many of the same eccentricities — is obscure and dazzling. And set in these types, it is not surprising that the Essex House books have no great merit. Its work in Caslon types was much the best—and was (as when combined with Edmund New’s delightful illustrations in Wren's Parentalia) harmo- inious and simple. As for the Cambridge type of the Uni- versity Press, Cambridge, it is an unattractive letter, which combines many of the defects of the fonts we owe to the modern revival. It is difficult to see why it was ever cut at all. Herbert P. Horne designed three types of importance— the Montallegro, the Florence, and the Riccardi. These may be called sister types, for they show a certain progression of idea, and all attack the problem of what a fine type for commercial printing should be—elegant, yet readable from a present day standpoint. The Montallegro type came first. This type was mod- elled, as were the others, on an early Florentine font, and was intended to be a good “reading type,” which should have rather more flexibility and grace than the fonts based on older Italian forms. It was first used in Condivi's Life of Michelagnolo Buonarroti by the Merrymount Press, Bos- Oº. profanum vulgus & arcco; Favete linguis: carmina non prius Audita Musarum sacerdos Virginibus puerisq; canto. Regum timendorum in proprios greges, Reges in ipsos imperium est lovis, Clari Gigantco triumpbo, Cundta supercilio moventis. Est ut viro vir latius ordinct Arbusta sulcis, bic generosior Descendat in Campum petitor, Moribus bic meliorque fama Contendat, illi turba clientium Sit maior; acqua lege Necessitas Sortitur insignis & imos; Omne capax movct urna nomen. Destrictus ensis cui super impia Cervice pendet, non Siculae dapes Dulcem claborabunt saporem, Non avium citbaracq cantus 34- 353. Type used by the Ashendeme Press * @ A BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE ORIGIN OF THE ERACNY PRESS. M. PISSARRC) first 12arned to draw from his father, in the fields far from any art School. One day M. Lepère, the weſſ, known engraver, showed him how his tools were held, & finding him interested, gave him two gravers and a scorpor. Thus furnished with the means he made a start and taught himself; with the re, sult that in 1886 F. C. Dumas, editor of the «Rø, vue Iſlustrée), commissioned him to iſſustrate a story, (Mait' Liziard», by Octave Mirbeau. Four woodcuts appeared, but the subscribers to the Review expressed so much disapproval of these iſſustrations, conceived and executed in the uncompromising spirit of Charles Keene's work, which Mr. Pissarro greatly admired, that his collaboration was cut short there and then. He ſearnt later that this epistolary demonstra, tion against his work, which inundated Mr. Dumas' office, was the work of some students in the atelier of a well-known painter. Dis, appointed, and having heard that in England there was a group of young artists who were ardently engaged in the revival of woodzen, graving, he crossed the Channeſ with the in, tention of joining them, having in his pocket an introduction from Félix Fénéon to John 4 Cºray 354. Brook Type: Eragºny Press REVIVAL OF EARLY FORMS 215 ton, in 1905, and since in the volumes of The Humanists' Library (fig. 355 a). This type was cut under Mr. Horne's direction by E. P. Prince of London, an English crafts- man of great ability and experience, and—within a nar- row circle—of great reputation. The types of the Kelmscott, Doves, and other English private presses were from his hand, as well as the Florence and Medici fonts. The Florence type of 1909 came next. It is somewhat smaller in face and simpler in form than the Montallegro; and is perhaps the most successful of the three. It was cut for Messrs. Chatto & Windus of London (fig. 355 b). The last was the Riccardi type, also cut in 1909, based on fonts cut by Miscomini. It has been used in the “Ric- cardi Press” editions published by the Medici Society of London. A little monotonous in effect and gathering too much colour in printing unless carefully managed, it is so practical that it loses the elegance of the other two fonts (fig. 355 c). A smaller size of the type (11-point) has been cut for the same series of volumes." Among other interesting typographical experiments of the later nineteenth century was a Greek type designed by Selwyn Image. This was cut in two sizes, both used in a Greek Testament issued in 1895 (fig. 356). It was based on the letter-forms of early Greek manuscripts, modified as little as might be by concessions to the familiar cursive Greek characters of Aldus, which have so unhappily in- fluenced Greek typography. These types are not particu- larly successful. Robert Proctor's very fine Greek type— the “Otter”—used in the Oresteia of Aeschylus, printed in 1904, was another important essay in Greek type-forms * There are other modern private fonts on which I have not touched. For fac- similes of some of them, see Steele's Revival of Printing, London, 1912, and The Art of the Book (a Special Number of The Studio), London, 1914. Also The Saturday Review, London, November, 1919. 216 PRINTING TYPES (fig. 357). It was based on the noble Greek characters em- ployed in the New Testament in the Complutensian Poly- glot Bible, printed at Alcalá in 1514. For this type Proctor designed the capital letters—except the II.' It is fully de- scribed by Proctor in a note at the end of the volume; which was produced at the Chiswick Press, for Emery Walker, S. C. Cockerell, and A. W. Pollard.” Next to English special types, similar American fonts are perhaps the most interesting. The fine Montaigne font designed by Bruce Rogers for the Riverside Press, Cam- bridge, was cut in 1901 for a monumental edition of the Essays of Montaigne, published in 1903. This, Mr. Rogers said, “was an attempt to meet a want that was felt for a large type-face that should avoid, on the one hand, the ex- treme blackness of the types which Morris's work had made popular, and, on the other, the somewhat thin effect of the 'Proctor says that with this exception the original font had no capital letters; but according to other authorities it actually had nine. See J. P. R. Lyell’s Cardinal Ximenes, London, 1917, p. 47. * It would be an injustice to think that all the best energies of modern Eng- lish printing (which for books I think at present the “soundest” in the world) were exhausted in the work of special presses or the use of specially designed types. All along there has been a steady flow of admirably printed English books of a more normal kind, printed from old style, modern face, and other fonts commonly obtainable. In these types the best English printers have con- sistently produced a certain class of memoir and many books on architecture, painting, and the fine arts, which are delightful—agreeable to look at, to han- dle, and to read. The Oxford University Press, the Chiswick Press, the Ar- den Press, the houses of Constable and of Ballantyne have printed many such books, and there are other less famous presses which almost, and sometimes quite, equal them. Work like this is what the student must look to for some of the best and most characteristic English typography of to-day. Though American ephemeral printing has generally been superior to English, of late Some English presses have turned out such work most successfully. The cir- culars, placards, etc., of the Pelican, Cloister, and Curwen presses are most agreeable in feeling, and their striking effects have been arrived at with com- mendable simplicity of attack and economy of means. And if you set him beneath as good a man as him self at the table: that is against his honour. If you doenot visite him at home at his house: then you knowenotyourdutie. Theismaner of fashions and behaviours, bring mento such scorne and disdaine of their doings: that there is no man, almost, can abide to beholde them: for they love themselves to farre beyonde measure, and busie themselves so much in that, that they finde litle leisure to (a) La lungheza di decta chiesa insulata e braccia du- cento sexanta: la quale difuori e tuctadiuarii marmi incrustata, con statue di marmo et porphiri molto adornata per mano di nobili sculptori; maxime di Donato ui e il gigante primo, dalla porta della As- sumptione marmorea per mano di Iohanni Banchi, soprala Annuntiata dimusiuo per manodiL)omenico Grillandaro. Nella facciata dinanzie uno euangelista a sedere et una statua di uno che si piegha, et in Sul cantone unouecchio, tucteper mano di Donato. Ma a dirti lauerita, decta facciata, la quale Lorenzo de' (b) and it is no exaggeration to say that in no printed book between the closing years of the fifteenth century and those of the nineteenth was any at- tempt made to obtain them all, though the tra- ditions of good craftsmanship ensured that some of them were preserved in many cases. The fifteenth-century book was avowedly an imita- tion of a fine manuscript; its type was a copy of the current writing hand, the arrangement of its page was that of a manuscript, its spacing (c) 355. Herbert Horne's Montallegro, Florence, and Riccardi Types I 2 3 EN AE TAIX, HMEPAIX keindic naparineral ico&nhe & Bariticthc kHptăccoon én Tà épºuco Tſic 'louëdiac Mércon Meranoeire, Årriken rap H flaci)\eſa Tón otpanón. Oùroc ráp &crin & Heeic oit, 'Heaíou roß ripoq’Arou Mérontoc qbonk BoöNToc &N Tà épºuſe ‘Erouácare THN 60°N. Kupſou, eūeeſac noieſire Tic TpíBouc ačToQ. Aöröc oë & 'IcočNHc eixen Tö \, §§ º º; łºſaume Pe profunbig, a on, fibeſium.º. º #Dibinaite be a dºſe. * # º £antique blactioné be graces. ºpies bu Pimancfie. ſºlº tº s %|£ompſies, W #|Y)épies be fa ſainte YSierge. lººſa 32atiotté be 20tteå eigneut. tº ££pip5anie be potteåeigneur. yº §§ £e ſºimancfie be fa A&éſuttection. Wºź Pºſ'Aſcenſion be potteºeigneur. ºfla ſæte be ſa pentecôte, º: £a fête bu žaintſºactement. §ºlſ'Aſſomption be fa ſainte YSietge. Bºlſa fête be toué ſee #Sainté, §§|(t)eſt be ſentertement, º, §§§ prietes pout fe ſacrement be penitence.( Cºc 20% * * g - 2 }º priëtee pout fa 9Communior). 4|ºafute bu £aint/#actement. }|ſſétémonies a meſſe bu (t)atiage. gº gº; zººſº º 'º, ºxº sº s: sº É Sºº.É à. º tº º # * * š Re-º §§ S & W. º :: *** SS ſ i 2. i i tºº º 364. French Lettre Batarde, Paris, 1890 THE CONTINENTAL REVIVAL 223 ples of reproduction of old types, the old-fashioned formulae for fine book-making still survive. Entirely outside any influence of Mr. Morris, and for that reason scarcely within the limits of this chapter, some recent developments in French type-founding may be mentioned here. Of modern French foundries, that of G. Peignot & Fils, Paris, has contributed most to interesting and unus- ual typography. Founded by Gustave Peignot (who died in 1899), in the hands of his second son, Georges Peignot, it issued several series of type which strike a new note in French printing. The first—which appeared in 1897– was the Grasset type, followed in 1902 by the Auriol type, designed by Georges Auriol. Both of these had considerable vogue in France, but were too distinctly Gallic in flavour to commend themselves to the public of other countries. A contribution of more general application is the series called Les Cochins, based on eighteenth century engraved and typographic material, but by no means slavishly fol- lowing it. About 1914, a brochure was issued describing and showing these fonts, entitled Les Cochins, Caractères & ſignettes renouvelés du XVIII Siècle. Of the type-designs, the first, Le Cochin, is based on engraved characters, espe- cially in its delightful italic (fig. 365), and may be used for entire books; Le Nicolas-Cochin, much less good, is an ex- aggerated form of letter with extremely tall ascenders, more obviously based on engraving, which it recalls in its sharp- ness of outline. It is effective for title-pages or ephemeral printing, though too eccentric to have lasting value. Both types are admirably adapted for what are called in France travauac de ville. They have been used with charming effect in the Gazette du Bon Tom, in Christmas numbers of L'Illus- tration, and in similar ephemeral publications. To them were 224 PRINTING TYPES $ added as equipment Le Fournier-le-jeune, a series of orna- mental italic capitals à la Fournier, which he in turn had adapted from engraved originals; and Le Moreau-le-jeune, an imitation of engraved open lettering — wrong in theory, but so well done as to be charming. The Vignettes Fournier supplied to accompany these types are more or less faithful renderings of ornaments shown in Fournier's Manuel. The other ornaments by Pierre Roy and by Marty are not good. The Giraldon type cast by De Berny is an essay in aes- thetic characters which is scarcely successful, though used by Jules Meynial, who has employed the Cochin types with such exquisite results. But to my mind, the healthiest sign in modern French printing has been the popularity of a revived use of Gara- mond's and Grandjean's types and other ancient fonts in editions printed by the Imprimerie Nationale. The monu- mental Histoire de l’Imprimerie en France au XVé et au XVI* siècle, by Anatole Claudin, begun in 1900, is the classical ‘Monsieur Claudin had his Paris book-shop in a series of somewhat forbidding rooms on the rive gauche, not far from the Institut, and there I once or twice met him. Like most French bibliophiles, he was full of enthusiasm for his favourite subject, took rare books most seriously, and—like most Frenchmen —did not much enjoy travel. A friend of mine, a great collector of fine books, met Claudin in Paris many years ago, and Claudin told him that he was mak- ing some investigations about the Horæ of Vérard and others. “Monsieur,” said my friend, “I have in America several of Vérard’s Books of Hours which are entirely at your disposal.” Monsieur Claudin thanked him politely, and the conversation turned to other things. The next summer, my friend, being again in France, paid another visit to Claudin. “I have so often thought of those books you spoke about,” said Claudin, “and wished that I could see two or three of them.” “Oh,” was the reply, “had I known that, I could have brought them over with me.” Monsieur Claudin looked very serious. “Sir,” he said, “is it not enough to entrust your own life to the terrible sea, without also offering to imperil the existence of les vrais chefs d’aeuvre 2’’ A much less famous bookseller on the rive droite, to whom I once applied for a book, shook his head, saying wearily, “No, I have not that work. It can only be obtained across the water.” After some questioning I discovered that by “the water” he meant the Seine ! -$ſè=== L E S C O C H I N S. •(8 j)\TM%r rrr-Cy vº º v - LE COCHIN 2171 - Corps 6. Deux jeunes gens vicnnent à Paris dans une voiture publique. L'un raconte qu'il vient pour épouser la ſille de M..., dit ses liaisons, l'état de son père, etc. Ils vont coucher à la même auberge. Le lende- main, l'épouseur meurt à sept beures du matin, avant d'avoir fait sa visite. L'autre, qui était un plaisant de profession, s'cn va chez le beau- père futur, se donne pour le gendre, se conduit en homme d'esprit et charme toute la famille, jusqu'au moment de con départ, qu'il précipi-' tait, disait-il, parce qu'il avait rendez-vous à six heurcs pour se fairc entcrrer. C'était en eſſet l'heure où le jeune homme mort le matin : devait être enterré. Le domestique alla à l'auberge. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 o ENTRAILLES DE PETIT - MAITRE A LA MAINTENON 2l l 6 - Corps 8. Ceux qui rapportent tout à l'opinion, ressemblent à ces comédiens qui jouent mal pour être applaudis, quand le goût du public est mauvais. Quelques-uns auraient le moyen de bien jouer si le goût du public était bon. AM... 0ioail 0e AM. 0e la Reynière, chez qui lout le mon0e va pour oa lable, et qu'on lrouve ennuyeux : on le mange 2, maio on ne le diyère paav. 123456789o - 125456879o COULEUR CHEVEUX DE LA REINE AMASCARADE CHEZ LA AMARQUISE 21 18 - Corps l0. La plupart des faiseurs de recueils de vers ou de bons mots ressemblent à ceux qui mangent des cerises ou des huîtres, choi- sissant d'abord les meilleures et finissant par tout manger. C'edt un proverbe turc que ce beau mot , : « O malheur / je te ren0o grâce 2, vt tu eco veul / » 123456789o — 123456789o GUÉMENÉE, FONTENOY BERGÈRE ET AMÉNÉTRIER 21 15 - Corps 7. Le médecin Bouvard avait sur le visage une balafre en forme de C qui le défigurait beaucoup. Diderot disait que c'était un coup qu'il s'était donné en tenant maladroitement la faux de la mort. On demandait à un policbinelle ce qu'il y avait 0ana oa boooe de 0evant-. Decv or)reau, 0il-il. — Et 0and la bovve de )errièrc » ? — Deo contre-or0recv. 1 23456789o — 123456789o VENTRE DE PUCE EN FIÈVRE DE LAIT RÊVE DE NYAMPHE EN BEAUX ATOURS 2l 17 - Corps 9. Il en est de la valeur des hommes comme de celle des diamants qui, à une certaine mesure de grosseur, de pureté, de perfection, ont un prix fixe et marqué mais qui, par delà, restent sans prix. Un ivrogne, buvant un verre de vin , lui dit : arrange-loi bien , tu deraao foulé. 123456789o - 1 2 3456789o COULEUR QUEUE DE SERIN E3ATTAZVT D'OEIL - BOUILLOTTE 21 19 - Corps 12. On est heureux ou mal- heureux par une foule de choses qui ne paraissent pas, qu'on ne dit point et qu'on ne peut dire. Et l'on faudae ſon eapril , comme on gâte ſon , cºtomac. 123456789o - 125456789o GENLIS, FRONSAC L EVER DE ZA REIVE • vº fa | | | Wº »rrelys-s- N º N 365. Le Cochin : G. Peignot 85 Fils, Paris, 1914 | $ THE CONTINENTAL REVIVAL 225 example of the modern use of such types. The prefatory matter is composed in Garamond's characters, and the text of the work in Grandjean's romain du roi, from fonts newly cast for this purpose. It is probably the finest book on print- ing that has ever been published. CHAPTER XXIII THE CHOICE OF TYPES FOR A COMPOSING-ROOM N suggesting types for the equipment of a composing- room, I take for granted that the owner of the ideal printing-house' of which it is to form a part is a man who adopts the professional rather than the trade view of his occupation. This means that the workmanship in all depart- ments of his establishment will be of the best, and that the types will be chosen with an educated taste and from aschol- arly point of view. The product of such a printing-house cannot, from the necessity of things, be termed either “com- mercial” or “artistic,” as these words are usually employed; since artistic printing is merely printing so exactly and agreeably suited to its object as to charm us, which work called commercial may certainly do. For “charm is noth- ing but the kind of light that shines out from the fittingness of things which are well put together and well devised one with another and all together. Without this measure even the good is not beautiful; and beauty is not pleasing.” Such a press as that of which I speak should have the aims which so often exist in the mind of the amateur without technical ability to execute them, combined with the execution of the skilled technician who may not possess the point of view of the lover or student of fine printing. Furthermore, if a press is to do the work of to-day in a satisfactory manner, the class of equipment analogous to that of the first printers— which consisted of a few fonts of type, generally employed in a somewhat rigid and inelastic manner—will not serve its purpose. In making a choice of types for a composing- * “Printing-house” was the old term for what is sometimes erroneously called a print-shop – the latter, properly speaking, being a shop where engravings or prints are for sale. THE CHOICE OF TYPES 227 room, while some types of early form may be desirable, we shall find more material among those designed by Basker- ville, Caslon, Didot, Bodoni, Wilson, and other eighteenth century founders, and their derivatives; to which must be added the best types of to-day. There are two preliminary statements which apply to the purchase of all types. First, that in buying a series of type, every size obtainable should be procured, so that the range shall be as great, and the gradations as slight, as possible: good typography demanding that the sizes of type used must be, not approximately, but precisely, those that suit the eye. Second, that each size must be bought in sufficient quantity to meet all probable needs; for a few complete series in large fonts are far more valuable than thrice the amount broken up into small fonts of many different series. If a printer knows how to use type, the variety of accent he can obtain from one series is almost unlimited. For instance, in a 12-point type he has roman capitals, italic capitals, ro- man capitals in combination with small capitals, small capi- tals alone, and roman and italic lower case—six variations CAMBRIDGE CAMBRIDGE CAMBRIDGE cAMBRIDGE Cambridge Cambridge in size, colour, or effect, which should be, and indeed are, enough for the requirements of an entire book. Multiply these six variations by the number of body-sizes in a series of type, and you have an enormous keyboard on which the typographer may play. If, with this great repertoire to choose from, a printer is obliged to resort to fanciful display letters or heavy-faced type for accent, it proves that he lacks un- derstanding of the use of normal types. 228 PRINTING TYPES In discussing the selection of types and decorative mate- rial I have made the following classification: 1. Types that seem indisputably standard, on which there is no possibility of going astray; or, if I may so call them, “types of obligation.” 2. Types which, while standard, are not of universal util- ity, as they can be used appropriately only for books of a particular character. 3. Types that are based upon some historic fonts or show that their designer was a student of early type-forms; and fonts adapted for “publicity,” though not usually suitable for the printing of books. 4. Types of approved utility for decorative use. 5. Initial letters and type ornaments. § 1 In the class of types which appear to be beyond criticism from the point of view of beauty and utility, the original Cas- lon type stands first. This is a letter identified with old Eng- lish work, and as we follow the traditions of English print- ing rather than those of Continental countries, Caslon's types are ours by inheritance. Enough has been said about their history to make further words here unnecessary. Caslon type should be had from the Caslon foundry; for the versions offered in various other quarters are not in all respects as good. Fonts should be as closely fitted as possible—not al- ways the case, even in types put out by the Caslons them- selves. No Caslon font—or for that matter any other—is de- sirable if adapted to the standard lining system by shortened descenders. The variant letters which are supplied with Caslon and with many other types in the nature of old style, are charac- teristic and useful—such as swash italic capitals, the italic THE CHOICE OF TYPES 229 lower-case b and w used to begin words, and the k for use at the ends of words. These swash letters, as employed by thoughtless compositors or designers, have sometimes pro- duced very absurd effects. Only certain of the swash italic capitals can be successfully placed in the middle of a word, the design of the rest suggesting their position either as initial or final letters. Used “discreetly, advisedly, soberly,” swash letters give variety and movement to pages of type. Furthermore, both in roman and italic, long s and its com- binations with ascending letters are interesting letter-forms.' Some tied letters lately supplied in the reproduction of an his- torical font are: as, is, us, Č, fr, l, ſº, ſí, t. It is to be wished that terminal a’s, e's, m’s, and n's, with tails intended to fill out lines, were available. Apart from the agreeable appearance of these specially old-fashioned characters, they are useful in reprints of old books. And so, too, are superior letters, which are desirable for reprints of old work, or for modern books printed in antique style. In old style fonts, signs to indicate notes—star, dagger, double dagger, etc.—are more interest- ing and picturesque, typographically, than superior figures, which I prefer not to use with an old style type. They are particularly appropriate to books of an historical or genea- logical nature. For liturgical books the common liturgical signs must also be supplied, and of these peculiar sorts I sug- gest—at the risk of repetition—that there must be enough of each of them to allow work to go on unimpeded by an in- adequate supply of a kind of material that at short notice it is hard to get. Finally, the original old style arabic figures—nowadays called “non-ranging”—should be used with all old style * The abolition of the long s, it is popularly thought, we owe to the London publisher John Bell, who in his British Theatre, issued about 1775, discarded it. Franklin, writing in 1786, says that “the Round s begins to be the Mode and in nice printing the Long f is rejected entirely.” 230 PRINTING TYPES fonts. Such figures as those in the Dutch types given by Dr. John Fell to the Oxford University printing-house are among the best of their kind; and Caslon's old style arabic numerals are lively and agreeable type-forms." Of these, the numbers 1, 2, and 0 cover only the middle of the body; 6 and 8 are the ascending, and 3, 4, 5, 7, and 9 the descending figures (fig. 366). “In no characters,” said Mr. Morris, “is the contrast between the ugly and vulgar illegibility of the modern type and the elegance and legibility of the ancient more striking than in the arabic numerals. In the old print each figure has its definite individuality, and one cannot be mistaken for the other; in reading the modern figures the eyes must be strained before the reader can have any rea- sonable assurance that he has a 5, an 8 or a 3 before him, unless the press-work is of the best.” Second in the first class of types stands the modern face known in America as “Scotch.” In this type the letters are more regular in design than in old style fonts. Perhaps the most beautiful form of it ever brought out was that cut by William Martin; and a very close copy if not actually the same face was produced in Scotland in the last century— notably in the “Series of Old Founts” by Messrs. Miller & Richard of Edinburgh. The Wayside Series of the Ameri- can Type Founders Company—if in its original form, with long descenders—is a fairly satisfactory equivalent. Modern face types appear, at first sight, clearer to the eye and more easily read than old style, but they are really less so in the long run. Our newspapers are printed in various poor forms of “modern face,” which is, therefore, familiar “The old-fashioned figures were employed until about 1785, when Hunter introduced into his logarithmic tables the new form called “ranging.” In them a larger size was needful for legibility. About 1843, both the Royal As- tronomical Society and the Superintendent of the (English) JVautical Almanac decided to restore the non-ranging figures. ..? (partes. | F. 2 - 3 . Izolo. o. o. 6ojo. o. o. II307|41. 32. 18. 26. 5653|5o. 46. 9. I5. 2826|55. 23.4 .36.30. 1884|36.55. 23. 4.20. 1413|27. 41. 32. 18. I5. 5157. 41.29.14. o. 4I) 51. 55. O.28. 53. | 1558||50.44,37. o. o. 31546. Io.46.4.20. | Io9741. 30.46. 13.55. | Io97|41. 30.46. 13. 55. 4676. 32. I3. 5.I. o. o. 3263| 4. 32.18. 41.45. 141327. 41.32. 18. 15. 2826. 55. 23. 4. 36.30. : : : o i o : Arabic Figures used by Simon de Colines, Paris, 1536 Old Style I 2 3 4 5 6 78 9 O Transitional 1 2 3 4 5 6 78 9 O Modern I 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 O 366. Arabic Figures, Non-Ranging and Ranging THE CHOICE OF TYPES 23 1 to the public; so that old style types seem a little archaic to most persons. Modern face type is admirable for books of a scientific or technical character, and, as it is likely to be used for such work, the mathematical, geometric, algebraic, botanical, astronomical, and other special signs should be fully supplied with it. Very beautiful books have been made from larger sizes of this type—such as the pica—gener- ously leaded; but smaller sizes appear monotonous if set solid, and if leaded, weak; and any size, if unskilfully used, may become very commonplace in effect. To make a distin- guished use of a modern face is more difficult, it appears to me, than with old style type. None the less, it is excellently adapted for certain sorts of work which could not be exe- cuted so appropriately in an old style letter. A third type (which originated with Binny & Ronald- son of Philadelphia over a hundred years ago) is in design transitional between old style and modern face. For books where the old-fashioned air of Caslon would be too obtru- sive, and yet which call for a letter more interesting in de- sign than the somewhat bald Scotch face, there is nothing better. I should not advise the purchase of this transitional series at the expense of the first two types chosen, but it will frequently do the work of either. Some of its italic has a certain naïve quality, though that for the 11-point (No. 1) —superior to the rest—was the work of an accomplished type-cutter. This type is not obtainable above 12-point or below 9-point, although Binny & Ronaldson's specimen of 1812 shows also brevier and minion." It is called “Ox- ford” by the American Type Founders Company, from whom it may be had. I have used it for this book. It seems to me a type of real distinction. * The nonpareil and pearl do not appear to be of the same series. 232 PRINTING TYPES $2 Types of our second class, while standard, are limited in utility, because only to be used appropriately for certain kinds of printing. The type which stands first in value in this category is called in English specimen-books “revived old style face,” and in this country “modernized old style.” It was an in- tentional attempt on the part of English letter-founders to modify the rather irregular character of Caslon's letter de- sign without copying the rigidity of the modern face. It has, in certain ways, an affinity with some of the types which were put out by Wilson, in which he modified the Caslon irregularities; and this type in turn is a modifica- tion of the more spirited designs of Wilson's fonts. It is rather a broader letter than Caslon's, with a body notably high in relation to its ascenders. This type is useful only in its best form, which appears to be that cut in England about 1850. If this best form is well composed and well printed, fine books have been and can be made from it; but it re- quires care in setting and printing because, like some of its precursors, its effect may be spoiled by uneven type- setting and poor presswork. While not a necessary type for an office, it is a good one. It has the advantage of giving to the repertoire of a printing-house a certain variety; for print- ers often become weary of using the same kind of type,even though their customers may appear to desire no change. Another type for which one has a high respect, but which can only be used for even more special occasions, is that commonly called “French Old Style” or “Elzévier.” The best form of this type appears to be that brought out by Mayeur of Paris, about 1878. Although styled “Elzévier.” it has a greater resemblance to the types poétiques cut by THE CHOICE OF TYPES 233 Luce in the eighteenth century. Its italic is more useful than its roman, because it has an interesting series of swash capitals and some unusual tied lower-case letters. Exten- sively copied, I do not think that versions produced in this country—of which the best is called “Cadmus Old Style” —are as good as the French original. I should therefore suggest that the type be procured from French foundries. If used with a nice sense of taste, such a type is suitable for entire books and is excellent for ephemeral printing. § 3 The last fifteen years have witnessed, in architecture and decoration, an increasingly careful study of the art of his- torical periods, and this has had an effect upon book-mak- ing. At first, such types as were available were utilized to reconstitute books in the styles of different times and coun- tries. Naturally enough, this soon led to the production of types inspired by certain historical type-forms, the earliest of which were privately owned fonts specially designed for a given purpose or a particular press. Later, similar fonts were put on sale by founders for whatever use a printer chose to make of them; the success of their use depending on the printer's skill. In the first of these, type-founders “im- proved” what they said they set out to copy, with the in- evitable result of impairing the original design; but several later fonts of this class indicate a growing appreciation of the necessity of a stricter adherence to the originals. The Cloister Old Style roman was based on a study of Nicolas Jenson's long-suffering and as yet unrivalled font, and its italic is of an interesting early form. It is a practical type; not very inspired, perhaps, yet quiet and satisfac- tory because not attempting too much; and, just because of its unobtrusive quality, lending itself better to a good 234 PRINTING TYPES deal of work than the more distinguished Garamond series, based on the Caractères de l’Université cut by Claude Gara- mond in the seventeenth century. In the latter, the italic is better than the roman; for in its roman the height of capitals as compared with short lower-case letters is much greater than in the original, and they are also more con- densed. Less free than the type which Garamond cut, it is yet so much freer than most modern fonts that it may be recommended as a picturesque and useful letter. While the Cloister or the Garamond—both brought out by the American Type Founders Company—may not be absolutely necessary to an office, a type of this historic class should be selected because occasionally useful in books deal- ing with artistic subjects where slightly archaic types are suitable; or for announcements and otherephemeral printing which permit a certain latitude of treatment. I doubt if such fonts make comfortable reading editions of standard works. The Kennerley type, cut by Frederic Goudy, whose work has had a distinct influence on recent American type-forms, is a freely designed letter which has been much praised in many quarters. Its capitals are excellent, but the lower-case roman, except perhaps in 10-point, seems to “roll” a little; and, as was said of another of Mr. Goudy's types, “when composed in a body, the curves of the letters—individually graceful—set up a circular, whirling sensation that detracts somewhat from legibility. That is to say, the curves are per- haps too round and soft, and lack a certain snap and acid- ity.” The italic lower-case—less successful—is a letter of approximately uniform line, recalling (to its disadvantage) * This and other fonts produced by Mr. Goudy on his own account are inter- estingly displayed on a broadside entitled, A Shecimen of Tyſhes designed and sold by Frederic W. Goudy, The Village Letter-Foundery, Forest Hill Gar- dens, JWew York. THE CHOICE OF TYPES 235 those used by some early French printers. The Kennerley appears to me a little consciously modelled on early types— more “precious” than valuable. It is a question whether it is merely an ennobled form of publicity type or a book face the value of which has yet to be proved. According to Leonardo, “Truth was the daughter of Time.” So it will be more polite—and safer—to let the Lady decide. Cheltenham Old Style, designed by Mr. Goodhue, is among those types that Time and his Daughter have defi- nitely devoted to publicity, although it has been occasionally used for books. Owing to certain eccentricities of form, it can- not be read comfortably for any length of time. Its capitals are better than its lower-case, which is too “perpendicular” in effect—a fault appropriate to so distinguished an archi- tect of Gothic buildings! It is, however, an exceedingly handsome letter for ephemeral printing. A second type that seems to me to have found its place in the same class is Bodoni. Some people might call it an historical font; but the “Bodoni” type of commerce is a composite picture of many of Bodoni's fonts, rather than a reproduction of any one of them. None the less, it is in effect somewhat foreign, and that is its disadvantage; for a vol- ume set in it suggests a Continental reprint of an English book—an impression by which one is perpetually, though perhaps subconsciously, teased. It can be utilized for short addresses, circulars, and advertising, with great success—as in the charming use of it by Mr. T. M. Cleland. To printer- designers as skilful as Cleland it may be recommended. $4 Black-letter, though nowadays rarely used, as it originally was, for the text of entire books, has survived for ornamental purposes; especially in liturgical printing. This type is un- 236 PRINTING TYPES readable to some people and puzzling (in mass) to most, so it must be used cautiously. It can be combined most suc- cessfully with old style types. With more “modern” faces it is out of accord. The best form of this English national letter is that cut by William Caslon in 1734. Most of the variants of Caslon's black-letter have been unsatisfactory because too thick or too thin, too modelled or not enough so. The gothic paragraph-marks that sometimes accompany black-letter types are interesting and should be had; as well as the “peculiar sorts” of these fonts—the round r (?), old ampersand (t), ligatured letters, liturgical signs, etc.The so-called black-letter arabic figures, the dollar-mark, and modern ampersand may be rejected. Roman forms of enu- meration—by letters—should be used in printing numbers in black-letter type, and the word “dollars” printed in full. In many gothic fonts, the same letter-form is still used— as it should be—for both capital I and J. But the capital U—anciently used for V as well—is generally supple- mented by a V of modern design, which is seldom satis- factory. Other black-letters that are sometimes useful and always interesting are the Old Flemish Black, based on one of Cax- ton's types, cut by Vincent Figgins; and a round gothic letter called Old Tudor Black, cut by F. Tarrant and E. P. Prince for Messrs. Miller & Richard, recalling round Italian gothic types. Beautiful French batarde and civilité fonts may be secured from French foundries. A type based on eighteenth century engraved lettering, although of an entirely different kind from black-letter, may be employed in a similar way—to give here and there an ornamental touch to pages set in old style types. Its pecul- iarly French character limits its use, which must be spar- ing in any case. It is called in this country French Script, THE CHOICE OF TYPES 237 but the series brought out by Mayeur of Paris is styled Les Batardes Coulées. For lines set in capital letters on covers and in title-pages, the Goudy Old Style roman capitals are good. In design they have an agreeable freedom, and they compose into strong lines of dignified letter. Where a more unconventional letter- design is not unsuitable, Goudy's Forum capitals are to be recommended. § 5 For “free” initial letters—to cover two, three, or more lines of text—fonts of capitals cast without shoulders are de- sirable. Complete series of these “titling-letters” in both old style and modern face should be procured. With transi- tional types, old style initials will serve satisfactorily. French Old Style roman capitals make a distinguished initial letter, and Goudy Old Style roman capitals are also effective for this purpose. For use with black-letter, a few good alphabets of free gothic capitals—notably the series called “Missal”—are available. These plain roman or gothic letters are, as a rule, preferable to ornamented initials. For occasional use in printing of a more fanciful kind, the four sizes of Moreau-le-jeune outline roman capitals and the three sizes of Fournier-le-jeune ornamented italic capi- tals brought out by the Peignot foundry of Paris are very good indeed. Of decorative alphabets there are three classes: old alpha- bets used by famous printers such as Tory, Ratdolt, Es- tienne, Plantin, and others, which are handsome but some- what hackneyed; alphabets of a much later style, some of them versions of those used by Whittingham at the Chis- “So called because often used for titles requiring several lines of capitals where the shoulder of regular capitals would introduce too much space be- tween lines. 238 PRINTING TYPES wick Press; and a few modern series. No rule can be laid down in selecting such alphabets, because it depends so much on personal taste. Nor can we tell where to find them, for they must be gathered from many different foundries. Initials of large size are comparatively rarely used; so alpha- bets of small-sized letter are usually the most practical, and, it may be added, are somewhat harder to get. Furthermore, if one can secure a capable designer who thoroughly under- stands the line required in decorations to be used with types, he may be employed to draw a special alphabet; for this is a valuable asset to a printing-office. Some volumes printed by T. & A. Constable employ an alphabet designed by Lau- rence Housman, intended to accompany a modified old face type, which is a good example of a fine specially drawn se- ries of decorative letters. - In some of the best old and modern printing, the only typo- graphical ornaments used are solid black florets or “ivy leaves.” These are a very early form of type ornament, and fifteenth and sixteenth century books, in which they con- stantly appear, show most of the best varieties.Froben's books are full of such ornaments. Those still used by the Oxford University Press were part of Dr. Fell's gift. Florets give life to a large or solid page of type, where other less sedate forms of ornament would not be appropriate. Most of them accord best with sturdy old style types. Some more sharply cut designs of later date harmonize better with modern face types." * Maltese crosses—still employed as florets in country printing-offices and by countrified printers in towns—are not ornaments at all, but a definite litur- gical sign indicating ble:Kssing. Except where one is placed at the head of a religious inscription as a symbol, they should not be used for decoration. Oddly enough, they are most frequently employed by printers for non-litur- gical Protestant bodies, which, if they knew what they meant, would not want them THE CHOICE OF TYPES 239 As early types became lighter, ornaments became more open and complicated in design, and in combination formed definite patterns. Examples have come down to us from the earliest foundries, and are seen in their specimen-sheets— e.g., that of the sale of the Van Dyck types. Rowe Mores (in his Dissertation) says, “Metal-flowers were the first ornaments used in printed books to be set at the head of the first page and the tail of the last page, as well as the head and tail of any separate part of the whole work. And they were sometimes used as an edging to the matter according to the taste of the author or the printer. They were used but sparingly and with small variety, but in time they became more numerous, and were cut in sev- eral shapes, forms and devices, and continued in reputation till Cutters in Wood supplanted them. When Mr. Moxon wrote they were accounted old-fashioned. But the use of them was revived by the French and Germans and the variety of them considerably encreased by the Two Mr. James’s in England.” The older English “flowers,” he con- tinues, often “expressed some meaning and were adapted to other purposes than barely to dress and decorate a page. They were formed from real objects, natural and artificial, civil and military—as from weeds and flowers of the field and garden, leaves, branches, fruits, flower-baskets, flower- pots, urns, crosses, banners, launces, swords, and tilting spears, and other simples culled from the fields of nature and of heraldry; yet germane to the subject matter of the work. They were frequently emblematical and monitory; as cherubs' faces for the hymns of charity girls, hour-glasses for lugubrious orators, and mort-heads for the parish-clerks. They were symbolical of nations; as the crown and rose, the crown and lyz, the crown and harp; —of dignities and orders; as diadems, crowns, mitres and coronets; the red 24.0 PRINTING TYPES hat called at Camb. the Cardinal's cap, where too the mitre is called the golden night-cap; the courtelass; the arms of Ulster, and the anchor of hope; the Scotch thistle and sprigs of rue; . . . of states and conditions; as the myrtle, the weep- ing willow, and the bugle-horn.” Equivalents of many of the “flowers” described by Mores are to be found in Caslon's early specimen-sheets, which show those he designed for use with his own types, and which are carefully adapted to harmonize in colour with letter-press. Solid black masses are usually avoided, and in some designs cross-hatching is employed to give variety of effect and help the presswork. Of their kind there is nothing superior to Caslon’s “flowers,” and the larger assortment of them one has, the better. With the ebb and flow of colour and strength in types, the weight of ornaments changed. As, toward the end of the eighteenth century, type-faces became lighter, “flowers” be- came more delicate—or, as Mores, writing in 1778, says, “mere figures of fancy, made up of circular oval and angu- lar turns, contrived to look light airy and unmeaning, and to try the genius or patience of a compositor.” With mod- elled types of the early nineteenth century, ornaments be- came still thinner and more wiry in effect. During the reign of fat-faced types the ornaments also waxed fat. In short, there was a distinct difference between the type ornaments of 1750, 1790, and 1820, and accordingly they cannot be used interchangeably. The French ornaments, flowers, and borders in Fournier's Manuel of 1764 show that they were designed to decorate pages set in types of that time and in * About twenty years ago, these old ornaments fell on evil days, a few of them being redrawn for several American foundries in “chap-book” style. This heavy rendering accorded in weight with the massive black type then in fashion—a style with which they were out of keeping. The original forms are the only ones worth considering. THE CHOICE OF TYPES 24, 1 those only. Employed with the types of Didot, used forty years later, they look coarse and inharmonious. We can use these “ivy leaves” or “flowers” properly, only by remem- bering that typographic ornament must harmonize in line and treatment with its accompanying letter-press. The supply of good florets is not as great as one would expect.To obtain them, specimen-books of different foundries must be consulted, and those selected that are modelled on the best old ones. Deficiencies may be supplied by specially designed florets, copied from those in old books. Before making a choice of “flowers,” it is a good plan to study the specimen-books of Caslon, Fry, Fournier, Didot, and Bodoni, which will reveal many good designs and give hints for employing what might otherwise seem useless ma- terial. Many of the best “flowers” can still be had in their original forms, and fair equivalents of others can be picked up here and there. Good ornaments, which have been laid aside by their founders as old-fashioned, can sometimes be cast to order. In making such selections as this, if a man has knowledge and trained taste, it will show itself in a repertory of orna- ments distinguished, individual, and peculiar to his own office. II UR composing-room has, therefore, only about seven series of standard types for book work, and in all about a score of varieties: “For what, then,” the reader may ask, “are all the other types in founders’ specimen-books?” My answer would be, “Chiefly to avoid.” We are told that if we know the truth, it will make us free; and it will. If we know the truth typographically we shall be freed from using the many poor types that are offered us. There are hun- 242 PRINTING TYPES dreds of pages in founders' specimen-books; and yet ex- amples of almost every type that the world ought ever to have seen could be shown in a thin pamphlet. If we know anything about the history of type-forms, or have learned to distinguish what pure type-forms are, most of the types offered appear absolutely negligible. If printers had been better educated in their own trade, many of these wretched letters could never have been sold at all. Horace Walpole– who printed none too well at Strawberry Hill—said about people, that nine-tenths of them “were created to make you want to be with the other tenth.” This is true of types. The types I have recommended—all of which may be had from existing foundries—are mostly standard, and all of them appear to me good. It is not, however, my purpose to choose types for a printer, but to show him how to choose types for himself. He may therefore make quite a different selection, and this is as it should be. If only the types sug- gested—no matter how excellent—were invariably chosen, all printing-houses would be as like as the proverbial two peas, with products as monotonous as Sahara. This can be obviated only by exercising individual taste—wisely; and the basis on which individual taste can be wisely exer- cised has been already pointed out. It is applicable both to old types that we may come upon, and new ones that may be offered us. There is, for instance, that large and interesting class of types transitional between old style fonts and modern face characters, shown in late eighteenth century English and French specimen-books—types like Martin's in England or Didot's early fonts in France. Such a fine transitional let- ‘Out of 146 types classified by M. Thibaudeau in La Lettre d’Imprimerie, I find but four types that seem “possible”; and De Winne’s Plain Printing Tyfies displays only a very few. DOMINE Omnipotens, Deus patrum nostrorum Abra- ham, et Isaac et Jacob, et seminis eorum justi, qui fecisti coelum et terram cum omni ornatu eorum; qui ligasti mare verbo præcepti tui; qui conclusisti abys- sum, et signasti eam terribili et laudabili nomine tuo; quem Omnia pavent et tremunt a vultu virtutis tuæ, quia importabilis est magnificentia gloriæ tuæ, et in- sustentabilis ira comminationis tuae super peccatores; immensa vero et investigabilis misericordia promissionis tuae: quoniam tu es Dominus, altissimus, benignus, /on- gaminis, et multum misericors, et paenitens super mali- tias hominum. Tu, Domine, secundum mu/titudinem bo— nitatis tuae promisisti paenitentiam etremissionem iis,qui peccaverunt tibi, et multitudine miserationum tuarum DOMINE omnipotens, Deus patrum nostrorum Abraham, et Isaac et Jacob, et seminis eorum justi, qui fecisti coelum et terram cum omni ornatu eorum; qui ligasti mare verbo præcepti tui; qui conclusisti abyssum, et signasti eam terri- bili et laudabili nomine tuo; quem omnia pavent et tre- munt a vultu virtutis tuæ, quia importabilis est magnifi- centia gloriæ tuæ, et insustentabilis ira comminationis tuæ super peccatores; immensa vero et investigabilis miseri- cordia promissàomás tuae: quomiam tu es Dominus, altíssømus, 'benígnus, longamzmás, et multum misericors, et paenitens super malitias hominum. Tu, Domine, secundum multitudinem bonifa- tis tuæ promísásti paenitentiam et remissionem ás, qu? peccave- runt tibi, et multitudine miserationum tuarum decrevísti pæniten- tiam peccatoribus in salutem. Tu igitur, Domine Deus justorum, non posuísti pænitentiam justis, Abraham, et Isaac et Jacob, 367. Examples of Transitional Types THE CHOICE OF TYPES 243 ter will do all the work of an old style type, and has some- times, as I have said, a distinction and delicacy which old style fonts do not possess; while it is more interesting— less bleak and commonplace—than a modern face type. The two upper sections in our plate (fig. 367) are set in a transitional font, which is, both in roman and italic, a fine and workable letter. The smaller roman beneath has certain interesting peculiarities that render it unlike Cas- lon's ordinary fonts—or Baskerville's either—but its ac- companying italic came from the Caslons when under the Baskerville influence, and is for all intents and purposes a characteristic “Baskerville” type. A man must be thor- oughly grounded in his knowledge of type-forms to select these fonts; for an untrained eye may be easily deceived by some mongrel type which is not transitional at all, but merely a bad type for any period. But an eye trained to be sensitive to type-forms will be able to “spot” good types amid masses of worthless material. There is no need to limit ourselves to American or English products in searching for such types. Continental type foundries must have many agreeable types hidden away among their material, which might well be resuscitated. * And what are the types we ought not to want—which have no place in any artistically respectable composing- room? They are (in my opinion) practically all types on “standard line,” all condensed or expanded types, all “sans- serif” or (as they are absurdly miscalled) “gothic” types, all fat-faced black-letter and fat-faced roman, all hair-line types, almost all “ornamented” types and types which imi- tate engraving, and, with one or two exceptions, all shaded types. To this list I would add the variant forms of many standard series of types, which make up their “families.” These are principally condensations, distortions, or exag- 244 PRINTING TYPES gerations of the original letter—the disreputable offspring of honest parents. To the printer the moral of all this is that studies in type- forms teach us not only how to choose, but give us courage to eliminate. There are many ways of being wrong, but only one way of being right, and it is surely better to know the one way of being right, and purchase types few but fit, than to follow the many ways of being wrong, and expend much time, labour, and money in the experience! I have called this book a study in survivals, because in it I have tried to show not only what types have survived, but what should survive through their fitness for the best typography, and in so do- ing to lay down those general principles which may help “the survival of the fittest” in days to come. Each year that passes, we shall be called on to judge the design of types, both old and new. We must have a trained taste and eye to make a rewarding choice. For if we do not judge types rightly, they will judge us—the penalty of foolish choice being the penalty we pay for choosing foolishly in life. We are punished by getting what we want! It is a simple matter to make lists of good types—though not as simple as it seems. It is still simpler—and much less trouble—lazily to acceptother people's conclusions and think no more about it. But the ideal composing-room will never be equipped in this way. It will be made what it ought to be only by those adventurers who add to those types ac- cepted as “standard” other interesting fonts selected from sources to which study will have furnished a clue. The field for fruitful research is still great; and the printer who seeks will find himself the possessor, not merely of delightful, individual, and rare types, but of the ideal composing-room. CHAPTER XXIV INDUSTRIAL CONDITIONS OF THE PAST AND THEIR RELATION TO THE PRINTER’s PROBLEM TO-DAY T first sight, the conditions of industry in the past do not seem to have practical relation either to a knowledge of printing types or to the work which a printer has to do with them. This same objection, however, might be made to the historical study of type-forms; yet the deductions made from such a study have a practical bearing on the selection of material for to-day’s work. I pro- pose to show that a knowledge of past industrial conditions is of like value. For over and above the eternal problem of how best to do our work, some ambitious beginners in print- ing have made a further problem of their own. These men, knowing little of economic and industrial history, have come to believe that the conditions under which a printer works now are somehow very different from conditions in the past, and that the reason men cannot do to-day what the early printers so splendidly did, is because to-day's condi- tions are so entirely different. It is natural that any one who desires to become some- thing more than a commonplace printer should be beguiled by the romantic aspect of his art; and if he starts out with a false although conventional conception of “the good old times,” it is only because he has derived such views from pleasant papers, written by so-called “craftsmen,” concern- ing ancient guilds, the former unity of aim among work- men, the stimulating environment which surrounded them, and the ease with which masterpieces were thus produced. The statements of these romantic writers have little rela- tion to facts, or their deductions much application to our problems now. Mr. Ruskin and Mr. Morris were long ago 246 PRINTING TYPES responsible for some of the harm done in this direction; and the disciples of the ideals of the one, and the imitators of the work of the other, have had time to do even more harm. There have been, indeed, many well-meaning persons— some are still with us—who have written, and also talked, in a manner very near to nonsense, about the advantages of working long ago—though the precise years of these agree- able periods are usually left dans la vague. Such mistaken views have not been confined to writing and talking, but were sometimes acted upon. Theorists and sentimentalists here and there formed themselves into tem- porary industrial groups, fenced away from what they called the “corroding influences” of the period to which they really belonged! These men thought (or said they did) that they were reproducing that tranquil and contented industrial life under which—in some Golden Age—good work was uni- versally done. A little study of the economic history of print- ing, and of the life of printers in old times, would perhaps have convinced these amiable persons that—as far as typog- raphy was concerned—no such conditions existed. The Gothic scene against which the old work was accomplished, made in some ways as little difference to it as does the shape of a room to the sense of what is said in it. What we think of as the printers' foreground was usually their background, and the remoteness of the period should not lead us to ideal- ize it, or them. When we throw away all this “bric-à-brac sen- timentale et moyen-ageur” we find that the constant element was the human will struggling against human laziness; and that the victory of the one or of the other made for success or failure then, precisely as it does now. When what they did was admirable—as it sometimes, but not always, was— it was produced with travail. The pity of it is that much val- uable enthusiasm, which might have been applied to present- EARLY INDUSTRIAL CONDITIONS 24.7 day needs, has come to nothing through these false concep- tions. “The chains of the mind are broken by understand- ing,” says Gilbert Murray, “and so far as men are unduly enslaved by the past, it is by understanding the past that they may hope to be freed. But it is never really the past— the true past—that enslaves us; it is always the present.” II HE history of French type-founding, printing, and publishing is extremely “documented,” and I write of early industrial conditions in France because we can so readily get an idea of what they were at first in the print- ing industry and of what they subsequently became. To be- gin with, the men who copied manuscripts before printing was introduced were often extremely inaccurate transcrib- ers. To establish some proper standard and supervision, they were placed under the control of the University of Paris. The University had the right to license proper copy- ists, and to approve the sale of their manuscripts—many of which were in the nature of text-books in which exact- ness was essential. To accomplish this, there was a great body of regulations in force. The copyists in France were an influential class—strong enough to prevent the setting up of a printing-press in Paris for fully twenty years after the invention of printing. Their opposition to the press shows us that industrial conflicts existed at the very birth of print- ing. Mellottée says that “documents of the period tell us of the frightful struggle of the manuscript-makers against the first printers. No improvements in our present-day machin- ery can be compared to the change which printing made in the production of books. And even the revolution at the beginning of the nineteenth century, brought about by the 248 PRINTING TYPES introduction of the power-press, is as nothing really, com- pared with the complete overturn which took place in in- dustries connected with the book. In 1470, there were six thousand men occupied solely in transcribing manuscripts, and some years later they scarcely existed, the new process doing ten times more work than all of them together.”” Rome, Venice, Milan, Nuremberg, Cologne, Augsburg, all had printing-presses before a Parisian press was set up; and when the first Paris press was established, it was in a sense a private affair and came into being only through the influ- ence of scholars like Heynlin and Fichet of the Sorbonne. After a while the business men of that day saw the com- mercial advantage of such enterprises, and began to inter- est themselves in them. It was not, however, until about 1480 that printing was fairly established in Paris. Twenty years later, there were Parisian establishments which pos- sessed as many as fifteen presses. If we keep steadily in mind that the making of printed books was nothing more than the reproduction of manu- scripts by mechanical means, we can better understand by what insensible steps the supervision of the University was transferred from the product of the copyists-by-hand (i.e., manuscripts) to the product of the copyists-by-machine (i.e., books). The copyists-by-hand, after printing was introduced, had still some work to do on a printed book. In many cases they illuminated the first page, just as they had decorated the first page of the manuscript; and they still filled in par- agraph-marks, initials, etc., in colour. There was no abrupt transition from hand-copying to press-printing. Many men continued in the waning industry of calligraphy and illu- mination until they died; but their places were not filled. ‘Histoire Economique de l’Imprimerie. L’Imprimerie sous l'ancien Régime, 1439–1789, Paris, Hachette, 1905, pp. 2, 3. EARLY INDUSTRIAL CONDITIONS 249 Others were at once forced into other occupations, and many became writing-masters, some accountants. The same reg- ulations that had been applied to the scribe and his manu- script were applied by Louis XI in 1474 to the printer and his book; the transition was accomplished, and the printer found himself attached to the University in place of the ancient copyist. - On the other hand, the examining and licensing prerog- atives of the University, vested in a theological faculty, were one by one transferred to the King, and in the end it was to the Crown that the three grades of French printers— the apprentice, the journeyman, and the master-printer— had to look for such privileges as they enjoyed. The copy- ist having become a printer, and supervision having been slowly transferred from the University and from Parliament to the Crown—the chief result of sixteenth century legisla- tion—we have to find out what were the conditions in the printing and publishing trade in France during this and succeeding centuries. In the early days of French printing, there were three classes of printers: the apprentice, the journeyman, and the master-printer. To be a master-printer, a man had first to be a journeyman, and before being a journeyman he must have been an apprentice. Certain conditions had to be ful- filled before admission was granted to these different ranks. The rules which governed these positions descended to the printing trade from the ancient Corporation du Livre; and to this extent guild rules had some influence on printing. In the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries the guild or trade-union was really a safeguard to the artisan, we are told by Mellottée. The head of the atelier was in some sense a father; the workman lived under the same roof with him; in disputes he had a right of appeal; and he was 250 PRINTING TYPES backed by his guild or company as the cleric was by his bishop, or the student by his college. But this healthy and true form of paternalism was on the wane when printing was invented, and by the sixteenth century, although con- ditions appeared to be much as in former years, the guilds and similar associations had fallen into the hands of employ- ers and become close corporations and monopolies. The in- terests of the two classes became more distinct, and finally were antagonistic. Whatever the guilds may have done for manuscript-makers, as far as they influenced printing at all they were not a particularly salutary force. For printing was a trade that required capital, encouraged subdivision of la- bour, and, to be profitable, had to employ workers in large numbers. The first master-printers engaged their apprentices on various terms: sometimes paying in money only; some- times undertaking to feed and lodge the apprentice, and to supply him with shoes during his stay—and at the end of his engagement to present him with an extra pair! The apprenticeship generally lasted three years. In 1571, ap- prenticeship became compulsory, and a master was obliged to certify that an apprentice had duly learned his trade under him, and was fitted to become a journeyman. The journeymen complained that stingy, ignorant master-print- ers turned out half-educated apprentices, and that thus the whole class of journeymen was discredited; and as a remedy they suggested that pressmen should serve four years' and compositors five years' apprenticeship—in any case three. Later it was insisted—what from the first would have seemed desirable—that apprentices should know how to read and write! In 1649, the lines of qualification were much more tightly drawn, and apprentices were expected to know something of Greek and to be able to read Latin. The result EARLY INDUSTRIAL CONDITIONS 251 was that so few apprentices applied for admission to print- ing-houses, that in 1654 master-printers were again allowed to engage apprentices who only knew how to read and write in the vernacular. There was also an inferior sort of apprentice called an alloué. Nothing was asked of him except hard work. He had the same obligations as other apprentices, but when he had finished his apprenticeship, he was still a mere work- man and not a journeyman. Journeymen could (if fitted for it) become master-printers; but the alloués could not. They first seem to have been recruited from the ranks of little boys, hewers of wood and drawers of water, who, because they were strong and willing, were useful in printing-offices and could be profitably employed. Later they arrived at the status we have described. They were an antique form of printer's devil. Child-labour—male and female—is not Ile W. In those days of ancient peace there was really con- stant war between employer and employed over the appren- tices—a struggle that began with the invention of print- ing and is scarcely terminated yet. The master-printer, to increase the number of journeymen, wished to be free to take as many apprentices as he pleased. The journeyman, on his side, wanted to reduce the number of apprentices so that the number of journeymen should be limited. A rule issued in 1541 has a significant clause to the effect that masters may make and take as many apprentices as they choose, and that the journeymen must not beat or menace the said apprentices, but must work with them for the good of the trade, under pain of prison, banishment, and other punishments. It was this dispute that was one of the causes of industrial troubles which will be mentioned later. The earliest French printing-offices were often very small 252 PRINTING TYPES affairs—ateliers de famille. They were conducted chiefly by foreigners, mostly Germans, whose common origin, em- ployment in a foreign country, and the fact that books were usually in Latin, sometimes led to real community of inter- est and some intellectual culture among the workmen. But in the sixteenth century, men of means, principally publish- ers who were not themselves practical printers, organized printing-offices simply for the returns they got from them, just as we now organize manufactories and, I am sorry to say, printing-houses, which interest us only for the money they bring in. Then, as now, the disparity between the social and financial situation of the two classes forced men into groups governed by opposing interests. As early as the year 1536, a master-printer had been sentenced for the bad food given to a journeyman, and the decree also censured him for what it styled “his unbridled avarice,” which made him care for nothing but getting rich, though he was re- ducing his journeymen and their families to objects of charity. When establishments came into existence which employed as many as two hundred and fifty workmen, the masters tried to reduce the rate of wages. To effect this, the number of apprentices was made as great as possible, for apprentices were paid less. . The type-founders’ legal situation was not, “up to 1686, very clear. They were not yet recognized as exercising any special trade, and they could not, as type-founders alone, be- come members of the Confrérie de St. Jean l’Evangéliste" (a sort of guild-trade-union), or from 1618 become one of the Community of Printers and Publishers. This difficulty they got over by taking out permits, which allowed them to open ‘St. John the Evangelist is the traditional patron of printers and publishers, “comme celui qui fut le principal et le plus haut desdits secrétaires évan- gélistes de Notre Sauveur.” EARLY INDUSTRIAL CONDITIONS 253 shops and to call themselves publishers, or sometimes even paper-makers; but real publishers were not pleased at this, and instituted a suit in 1614 to forbid them to take this title.” This quarrel lasted for a long time, and some thirty years later Richelieu’s favourite, Antoine Vitré, wrote that “Letter-founders call themselves publishers, printers and binders because they cast letters for books. I tell them that the calf has about as much right to call himself a publisher because he furnishes the skin for the bindings.” A decree of 1670 regulated the sale of new or second- hand typographic material, which was scrupulously looked after. No press and no font of type could be sold or ex- changed without a declaration before the authorities, if it was to be used in Paris; or some special authorization, if sent into the provinces. The Crown took these measures to prevent the establishment of clandestine printing-offices, from which disquieting political pamphlets were often is- sued. Royal authority, enforced to the utmost through the censure, had by the end of the seventeenth century reduced the University to a negligible rôle in relation to printing. The regulation of the printing and publishing trade I shall touch upon later. III T may come as a surprise to the lover of ancient cus- toms that among the picturesque habits of sixteenth century printers was that of going out on strikes. The print- ers' strikes and resultant disturbances at Lyons and Paris lasted from 1539 to 1572. The Lyons strike was an explo- sion among the rank and file of the work-people, the out- come of a series of abuses suffered at the hands of the mas- ters; for master-printers appear to have determined to re- * Mellottée’s Histoire Economique de l’Imſirimerie, pp. 401, 402. 254, PRINTING TYPES duce their subordinates to men without powers or rights. This Lyons strike had been brewing for a long time. In the months of April and May, 1539, a number of the Lyonnese printers stopped work, and also disorganized the labour of other journeymen and apprentices, threatening them if they dared to continue in their places. The sequel was a strike so general that the printing industry was at a standstill. Armed bands of strikers marched the streets day and night and attacked masters, police, and officers of the govern- ment; but among the workmen themselves excellent disci- pline reigned, showing that a perfectly good understanding existed, and had existed for some time, as to what was to be done by the labour party. The outgoing men pledged them- selves not to work except in a body, and punished any one refusing to submit to the rules of their organization. The number of men in the labour group was so great that it was impossible to imprison them all, though here and there some workmen were arrested. The cause of the strike, according to the workmen's com- plaint, was that master-printers supplied insufficient food, that wages had been reduced, and that they were not free to do their work as, and when, they chose. The masters re- torted that there were certain classes of journeymen who were never contented with their food and never would be, and that there were always men who wished to take holi- days on work-days and to work on holidays. But the num- ber of holidays without pay was a positive evil then to the working-man, as they would be now, for he often needed to work at those times to support his family. On the chief festivals, naturally, no work was done, but there were mul- titudes of minor saints' days to be observed, leaving only about two hundred and forty working days in the year. The masters were willing to compromise on these points, EARLY INDUSTRIAL CONDITIONS 255 but the workmen would not accept their offers. Meanwhile the authorities of Lyons insisted upon somesolution, for they had the strikers' wives and children on their hands, many of them in real destitution. To settle matters, two commit- tees (one composed of journeymen, the other of masters) appeared before the Seneschal of Lyons, who had authority from the Crown to settle the dispute. The seneschal's de- cision shows on how many points the two groups differed. Journeymen were forbidden to take any pledge among them- selves, to gather outside work-rooms in larger parties than five, to carry arms or sticks in printing-offices or the street, to threaten or beat apprentices or to interfere with them; they were also debarred from labour on festivals and from stop- ping work on the eves of festivals earlier than was custom- ary, and were not allowed to leave work to go to a baptism or funeral unless it was in the family of their master or mistress/ As to master-printers, they could take as many apprentices as they chose, but they must give the usual monthly wage to journeymen and must feed them properly, with as good food as they had customarily given five or six years before —a committee being appointed to decide wherein proper board and lodging consisted. In most of these stipulations journeymen were defeated and masters were triumphant; but the Seneschal of Lyons, in receiving a group of jour- neymen representing the workmen, inadvertently recog- nized the labour party. By this an admission was practi- cally made that workmen had the right to act in a corpo- rate capacity and to be represented before the authorities. The Crown, however, accepted the settlement of the dispute and made a decree which was mandatory, and the strike was ended. The government found itself face to face with organized labour, and it was so frightened thereby that the decrees which it put forth not alone regulated printing, 256 PRINTING TYPES but were to be applied in principle to every other trade in Jºrance. The Lyons strike was a question of wages; the Paris strike concerned the conduct of employees. It was precipi- tated by complaints made by master-printers, who alleged that journeymen and their helpers, by private clubs and associations, had directly and indirectly stirred up dissat- isfaction among apprentices, and had so influenced them as practically to destroy their usefulness. The masters drew up regulations which they wished the King to enforce, based on decisions given in the Lyons strike, and meant to forestall similar difficulties. These proposed rules debarred journeymen from forming any club or electing representa- tives, from assembling outside their master's house, and from being armed; forbade them to beat apprentices; made masters arbiters of what journeymen should do and how and when they should do it; forbade assembling at dinners to celebrate the beginning or end of an apprenticeship and the asking of subscriptions for a common cause; forbade the use of the word “tric” (a signal used when work was to be stopped for a strike); forbade grumbling if work in a hurry should be distributed among a number of workmen; and prohibited them from absence on eves of festivals and from working on the feast-day itself. Masters were to give jour- neymen reasonable nourishment, pay them monthly, dis- miss any who were mutinous or disreputable; were to insist on eight days' notice before workmen could leave them (al- though they were not to give notice of dismissal to work- men); were not to hire away one another's work-people, or use one another's printers’ devices. They were also obliged to have proofreaders who knew how to correct proofs prop- erly. The working day was fixed from five o'clock in the morning until eight o'clock at night. Type-foundries were EARLY INDUSTRIAL CONDITIONS 257 included in the preceding rules. The King approved the proposals and they became law. In Lyons, it was the jour- neymen who complained; in Paris, the masters saw an op- portunity to secure more power by precipitating questions which forestalled like complaints. In August, 1539, when the law was promulgated, the Paris strike began. The dis- turbances which it caused were not settled by the Crown until thirty years later – in 1572, by a compromise which was satisfactory neither to the employers nor the employed. Meanwhile, at Lyons the printing industry was ruined. The master-printers decided to leave the city for Vienne in Dauphiny, or some other place where conditions were bet- ter. The Lyons authorities, frightened at the removal of an industry and invested capital which would hurt the pros- perity of the town (for next to Paris, Lyons was the great centre for printing), met themasters and endeavoured to find some way out of the difficulty. An appeal was made to the King, who finally modified the laws in effect at Lyons, in accord with rulings which had been enforced at Paris; but it was only after some years of negotiation that the matter was finally settled, and then only by royal authority. It is recorded that among the many master-printers of Lyons, Etienne Dolet, the author-printer-bookseller, alone sided with the workmen, and incurred, by so doing, the last- ing hostility of other master-printers—a hostility which had something to do with the troubles to which he later fell victim. Dolet, who had been proofreader for Gryphius, and was friend to Jean de Tournes, was hanged at Paris in 1546 for heretical opinions, and his body and books burned together. These are but two episodes in the history of the print- ing trade in France during the sixteenth century. Conditions were probably the same in greater or less degree in England, 258 PRINTING TYPES Holland, Germany, and Italy. At any rate, enough has been said to show how very like the industrial conditions were then to those we know now. Some of the details seem very modern; and yet Aldus had been dead only about twenty years when these strikes began, and the Aldine Office still existed and was to exist for years to come. IV E have seen what French industrial conditions were in the sixteenth century. At the end of the seven- teenth and the beginning of the eighteenth century, what was the condition of printing at Paris? There was a certain Pierre Jacques Blondel who, about 1724, wrote a sarcastic memoir on Parisian booksellers and printers,' which, though not, perhaps, to be taken too seriously, casts light upon the situation at that time. It is amusing to find the writer begin, as we are apt to do to-day, by telling about the wonderful old times of long ago. In the happy days of François I, he says, wistfully, there were men like the Estiennes,” the De Colines, Vascosans, Morels, and * Mémoire sur les Veacations qu’ezercent les Libraires et Imprimeurs de Paris, hublié d'aftres l’imfirimé de 1725 et le manuscrit de la Bibliothèque de la Ville de Paris far Lucien Faucou. Paris, 1879. For laws relating to bookselling and printing in Paris in the eighteenth century, see Code de La Librairie et Imprimerie de Paris, ou Conférence du Réglement arrêté au Conseil d'État du Roy, le 28 Fevrier 1723. . . . Avec les Anciennes Or- donmances, Edits, Déclarations, Arrêts, Réglemens & Jugemens rendus au sujet de la Librairie & de l’Imſirimerie, defuis l’an 1332, jusqu’à firé- sent. A Paris, aux Déftems de la Communauté. 1744. *Yet it must be remembered that a Latin poem was written by Henri Es- tienne II in 1569, entitled Artis Tyhographicae Querimonia, de illiteratis qui- busdam Tyſiographis, firoſhter quos in contem/itum venit. It was translated into French by Lottin in 1785, the title reading, Plainte de la Tyhographie contre certains imprimeurs ignorams qui lui ont attiré le méhris oil elle est tombée. EARLY INDUSTRIAL CONDITIONS 259 others, who were “all men of letters, clever in their profes- sion and much more anxious to perfect their art than to make immense fortunes.” And then Blondel goes on to speak of the Camusats, the Vitrés, and the Cramoisys as men who, if not so learned, were at least of respectable standing; capa- ble, as he quaintly says, of “consoling the Republic of Let- ters for the loss of the first group of printers.” Here we have two sets of men. Note that the first class, who lived two hun- dred years before Blondel wrote, were perfect prodigies of learning, while the second group, living nearer Blondel's time, though less learned were still acceptable. “But,” says Blondel, “into what decadence has this important art fallen in our day, especially in Paris! What a gap there is be- tween the printers that I named and those who mix them- selves up in printing now and who degrade a noble art by the meanest manoeuvres! . . . The earliest printers were industrious, they applied themselves to their profession, they were versed in belles-lettres and the learned tongues. To-day, printers are men occupied solely in gain or amuse- ment, without special knowledge and for the greater part without general education—as we say, ignorant and un- lettered men. . . . If some of them went to college in their youth, they brought away but a mere smattering of learn- ing, . . . and the rest are simply tradesmen who have made their fortune in second-hand books and who began their career in situations so very different from their present call- ing that it is a wonder they are printers at all! They are printers, not because of, but in spite of literature and men of learning; and furthermore, are rich printers, which edu- cated men will never be.” While Blondel is ready to admit that there are two or three persons in the profession at his own period who can be respected, he thinks that most of them are mainly supported by a bibliomania encouraged by 260 PRINTING TYPES financial magnates, who are in turn actuated more by van- ity than by taste or intelligence. He proceeds to describe the annoyances suffered by the public, the authors, and last of all by the workmen themselves. The privileges which the king accorded for the printing of books (to the thirty-six printers fixed by law by the edict of 1686), Blondel reminds us, expressly stipulated that books should be printed on good paper and from good type, and if they were not, the privilege became null and void. Print- ers and booksellers, however, now sold books of importance printed on wretched paper, from battered types, carelessly corrected—all to avoid expense. If the public complained, it complained without redress. Moreri's historical dictionary" could not be bound properly, because the ink was so poor that it offset upon opposite pages, and some books were so carelessly printed that whole lines of text were left out. Greek characters were used which were so worn that the accents could not be distinguished. Booksellers, who had to obtain a license for each new edition of a book, evaded this requirement by omitting the number of the edition on the title-page, or by placing old dates on new editions. The Eng- lish at that period had a method of publishing works by subscription—a number of subscribers clubbing together to finance the expense of a book, each subscriber receiving copies of the edition so published at a lower price than outsiders. The French publisher took up this scheme and improved upon it. He secured the subscribers' money in advance and this furnished the chief part of the capital ne- cessary for the enterprise; and though subscribers got their books cheaper than outsiders, yet they paid exorbitantly for them. Nor did the publisher, having received the subscrip- ‘Louis Moreri's (1643–1680) Grand Dictionnaire historique, ou Mélange curieux de l’histoire sacrée et ſhrofane. EARLY INDUSTRIAL CONDITIONS 261 tions, hurry to issue the book. As long as it was ultimately printed, he thought it “did just as well”; and should any subscriber venture to suggest that the work ought to ap- pear, his subscription would be haughtily returned. Blondel says, humorously, that if all the subscribers had only asked for the return of subscriptions, somebody would have been much embarrassed! Again, when the public complained that books cost a great deal, the publisher said that paper was dear, that workmen insisted on enormous wages, though workmen were really scandalously underpaid, and that, after all, it was merely to keep business going that they printed at all; they would willingly shut up shop, for all the profit they got out of it! But in spite of all this, no less a person than Jean Baptiste Coignard II, who with Denis Mariette printed Moreri's dictionary, boasted that every time he published an edition he was able to marry off a daugh- ter with a comfortable dowry. Some pious individuals, who wished to publish religious books at their own expense, to be distributed gratis among the poor, or sold at a small price to those in modest circumstances, were astonished to find, after these works of edification had been delivered to them and paid for, that before they could be distributed they were seized by booksellers as about to be illegally sold without a license. Those who seized them then sold them a second time for their own benefit. The master-printers of an older day had the reputation of attracting educated men, whom they treated “with some consideration and not like convicts.” But master-printers of Blondel's epoch had arrived at their position, as we have seen, not by knowledge or experience, but by favouritism and money. In other trades, masters directed their appren- * Second of the three Jean Baptiste Coignards, all eminent Parisian printers, who held, among other posts, that of printers to the Académie Française. 262 PRINTING TYPES tices, but here it was the apprentices who directed their masters. Masters were not only ignorant, but absolutely in- capable of working at the calling of which they were osten- sibly the heads. They had been, most of them, neither ap- prentices nor journeymen, but simply moneyed men, or sons of prosperous booksellers, who looked at the whole affair as trade, and who set up a printing-office because they thought they were rich enough to make it succeed. Workmen had from time to time brought complaints to Parliament, and masters had been forbidden by its decrees to harass them or to require that workmen who wished to change their place of employment must carry letters of recommendation from the old to the new master—a plan which, the authorities perceived, reduced workmen “to a servitude from which the commonest servant in France is exempt, because he is at least permitted to change his place if he wishes.” Then, again, master-printers had so in- fluenced legislation, that when workmen tried to get justice, they found themselves forbidden by law to act in a collec- tive capacity, and consequently could not legally complain collectively before any tribunal. The men's wages were arbi- trated at a sort of board of trade, and were often determined by persons who knew nothing about typography or how much should be given to the printer for each page he com- posed. “You might as well,” says Blondel, “have the tailors tell the cloth-makers what wages they should pay their employees,” and, “in fact,” he adds, “a great deal better, be- cause the tailors are far more conversant with the qualities of cloth than are publishers with printing and paper. All they know is (as Harlequin said) that the white is the paper and the black is the print.” If any workman complained of the insufficient wages, he was called mutinous, seditious, and dissipated; and yet, ac- EARLY INDUSTRIAL CONDITIONS 263 cording to the statistics of the period, among the six hundred journeymen printers in Paris, there were very few who led loose lives; and Blondel adds sarcastically that “the ex- tremely small wages which they received were not capable of furnishing the means for very serious dissipation!” That the labourer is worthy of his hire, Blondel reminds his readers, is a precept of the Gospel; but the Gospel did not interest Parisian booksellers—unless it was to be printed. If an author was in a hurry to get his book finished, but some new work of a more important and paying sort came to the printing-office, work-people were taken off the book the author was clamouring for, and were compelled to stay all night working on the more profitable job that had to be printed quickly. If an author complained that his book did not get on fast enough, what was the reply? It was that printers were dissipated, and that, of course, was not the fault of the publisher! Two well-known Paris publishers and printers, Barbou' and David,” “as stingy as they were unprincipled,” says Blondel, employed a publisher who had correspondents in various countries to secure printers from Germany, whom they would engage to pay three livres a day, together with washing, lodging, and food. Eight German workmen, on the strength of the publisher's letter (which, unfortunately for them, they left behind at Frankfort), accepted the offer. Six of them went to Barbou, two to David. They all worked exactly three days. Then Barbou said he was not satisfied, because the men were Germans and did not know French; also he alleged that they did not work in the Parisian, but * Joseph Barbou, of the eminent family of Barbou, printers at Lyons, Limoges, and Paris, who exercised their profession from 1524 to 1820. Most of Fournier's books bear their imprint. * According to Lottin, this was Christophe David II. 264. PRINTING TYPES in the German method—which (at this late period) appears to us natural. He would consent to keep them, he declared, only at two livres daily to include everything and on condi- tion they would engage to stay with him for three years. The men refused, saying that living was dear in Paris, they were accustomed to a good table, and they could not afford to stay at the wages offered. So Barbou locked them up in his printing-office without food, and there they remained until they made so much noise that he was shamed into setting them free. When the men tried to return to Germany, the masters held back their luggage. Their French comrades, angry at such scurvy treatment of strangers, made up a purse and sent them home. This the master-printers con- sidered insulting and insupportable to the last degree, and described as an attitude of open revolt. At that day, there were six hundred printers in Paris, and great opposition was made to bringing in foreigners at all. “Why,” says Blondel, “should people import labour? What injustice it is to hire abroad people who take the bread out of the hands of the French workmen.” Little the masters cared whether their men were foreign or native, learned or ignorant! “They judged their qualifications by their own,” he adds, “and as many of the master-printers hardly know how to read, they are absurd enough to sup- pose that it is not necessary to know more, in order to be capable of correctly producing Greek, Latin, French, and scientific works. . . . If this sort of thing goes on, they will make negroes come to work at printing, as they employ them in the Indies to produce indigo and sugar.” But Parisian publishers in these sad, bad old times, did not worry as to whether the books they printed were cor- rect, or well produced, provided they could sell them at a high price. Illustrated Bibles had been printed a hundred EARLY INDUSTRIAL CONDITIONS 265 years earlier which were cheaply and tastefully brought out, but new editions—sold at a high price—contained plates disgraceful in their slovenly execution. Editions of poetry were issued, badly printed, wretchedly composed, with pages swarming with faults of spelling and punctuation. Absurd errors, the correction of which was absolutely essential, were passed over. In a book of prayers for the use of lay-people, a passage in St. Matthew was made to read non timebis Dominum instead of non tentabis, and in a missal, the Canon of the Mass lacked a word. “Instead,” Blondel concludes, “of keeping the loyalty of their workmen by fair wages and inciting honest endeavour, the master-printers hold them only to persecute them, to decry their value, and to enviously snatch the very bread from their hands. Was there ever such terrible oppression' Slaves at Algiers do not fare worse. Is n’t this precisely the way to disgust decently educated men, as journeymen ought to be, with such an ungrateful employment? . . . If matters go on in this way, and a deafear is persistently turned to their complaints, they will flee a country where they groan under oppression. . . . It is not to scandalize people, that this me- moir is written; it is to end a violence so tyrannical that there is no way of opposing it save to cry loudly: Stop thief!” The tone of much of this is disconcertingly modern. The in- troduction of the ill-paid and inexperienced foreign work- man, the oppression of the helpless labourer, the objection to his forming any corporate opposing body, the associa- tion of employers to determine the wages to be paid, the statement that books were dear because the workmen re- ceived such large returns—all these things are familiar to us. Our own troubles to-day are only repetitions of these old tumults: no more bitter, but on a greater scale. 266 PRINTING TYPES Blondel's memoir was satirical,—and intentionally so, i- but it stated facts and reflected the general opinion upon conditions among booksellers and printers in Paris in the last years of the seventeenth century and the first quarter of the eighteenth. It made some noise, and (as was intended) aroused the authorities, who spent much time in trying to find out who wrote it and where it was printed. As a result, some real reforms were effected. Publishers were obliged to submit to regulations which required the use of better paper and greater correctness in printing, and in the matter of subscription books they were held to stricter standards. V HE censorship of books and its later development were further handicaps under which printers of old times had to work—for freedom was first allowed to the press in France in 1789. The inspection of the book-trade under the kings of France was extremely severe, and imposed a strict surveillance upon every conceivable aspect of the printer's and bookseller's business, and a drastic censorship of all printed books. It was forbidden, under pain of punishment and fines, for any private persons, except master-printers, to have or to keep in any place whatsoever, or under any pretext, any press, type, forms, or printer's tools; and to every one except the bookselling publishers, to take part in the commerce, sale, or purchase of books. All works printed without permission were taken from those who were at fault, and in case they contained anything contrary to re- ligion, the King, the State, or public morality, the authors, printers, and publishers who had written, printed, or sold such books could be condemned and punished as disturb- ers of the public peace; while the printers, booksellers, and EARLY INDUSTRIAL CONDITIONS 267 peddlers could be degraded from their trade and declared in- capable of exercising it. Type-founders were not permitted to deliver fonts of types to any one except master-printers, or their widows carrying on the business; nor could they sell to any one save masters in the trade, printers, and book- sellers, in large or small quantities, their punches, strikes, and matrices. The quartier de l’Université on the left bank of the Seine, in which printers were obliged to live and work, was exactly marked in its limits, and non-residence there was punished by loss of outfit and sometimes by depriva- tion of privilege. The oversight of all this was exercised by different classes of police inspectors. One of the eighteenth century officials, d'Hémery, who became the general inspector of the whole bookselling community, was authorized to make visits to any bookseller or printer whom he chose to see, either by night or by day, and to have an account given of anything that he happened to find, about which he wished to learn. He considered it necessary to know the precise number of presses and the amount of type in every print- ing-office, and to possess proofs of all vignettes and orna- mental letters. Founders were not to be allowed, without his consent, to deliver fonts of type without giving him a dec- laration of their number, weight, and kind, and the names of those to whom they were to be sold. He even expected a list of all the apprentices in Paris, to whom he wished to fur- nish tickets of ingress and egress for the particular print- ing-office in which they were employed. The power that he asked for was not fully granted; but it indicates an agree- able conception of his own sphere of labour! It would seem logical that the author should be held re- sponsible for his ideas rather than the printer; but in early times, the printer suffered and the author often went free. 268 PRINTING TYPES Mellottée tells us that this was due to the theory that the printer provided the author with the means of promulgat- ing the errors in his works, and that it was not attacks upon religion or existing institutions that were thought danger- ous, but rather the popularization of such attacks; in other words, the fact that they were printed and widely distrib- uted. In the Middle Ages, before the invention of printing, there had been many philosophers with heretical ideas, but they had been quickly stifled by the Church or the Crown. All this was quite different after the invention of printing. Such people no longer merely addressed an assembly of a few hundred individuals, but could make their appeal to an entire people, and printing being the only means which could give such power to thought, repressive legislation fell upon printers rather than upon authors. It was for this rea- son that such severe and rigorous penalties were inflicted in support of the censorship of the press; for the men of the sixteenth century were so frightened at what appeared to them its incalculable power, that they took extreme mea- sures to counteract this new force. Besides confiscation and degradation, the ordinary punishments were imprison- ment, whipping, or banishment, and capital punishment was not uncommon. These pains and penalties were not alone applicable to printers because they produced dangerous publications, but even to people who merely neglected to take out proper authorization for otherwise harmless work. In 1547, punishment by death was proclaimed against all printers who published a book without the imprimatur of the faculty of theology of Paris. It was not only in the six- teenth century that death was meted out to printers, but as late as 1757, the declaration was made by the civil power that all persons who were convicted of having composed or printed works tending to attack religion, to disturb the EARLY INDUSTRIAL CONDITIONS 269 public mind, or against royal authority, or the order and security of the government, were punishable by death. It is true that judges avoided these extreme measures as far as they could; but from 1660 to 1756, less than a century, eight hundred and ninety-six authors, printers, and sellers of books, prints, and pictures were arrested and imprisoned in the Bastille for having published works contrary to good manners, religion, or the Crown. A third of these men were printers. In addition to the more severe punishments men- tioned above was the public burning of volumes at the hands of the hangman—the author himself being occa- sionally added as kindling to the flames, as in the case of Dolet. This charming custom was practised during the happy days of the manuscript-makers, and, as far as print- ing is concerned, was merely the survival of a picturesque old-world ceremony applied to a new form of industry.' It was much the same all over Europe. In the Nether- lands, for instance, edicts were enforced by Charles V and Philip II against printers who purchased or sold books fa- vourable to the Reformation; and in the sixteenth century, Plantin was granted the post of proto-typographer,which em- powered him to examine all candidates for the printer's and engraver's trades. Among requisite letters which a printer must produce was a certificate from his diocesan authorities that he was of the orthodox faith, while the magistrate of the district bore witness to his good reputation. The number of apprentices in his employ—if he was a master-printer— had to be stated. Proofreaders had to give certificates of birth, parentage, places of education and training, and good “Under such conditions, printers and publishers had recourse to all sorts of stratagems to conceal their connection with a book. They invented names of imaginary cities for their imprints, to which they added equally imaginary publishers, non-existent streets, and absurd emblems which have caused no end of bewilderment to innocent readers. 27O PRINTING TYPES reputation as Roman Catholics, prior to an examination of their skill. Registers were kept, in which titles of the books printed and other particulars had to be inscribed. Imported books were subject to examination, and any sold in Antwerp had to be recorded. Houses in which heretical books had been printed were abbatues et ruynées par terre /* quite in the modern German manner. VI S to production—in 1571, three hundred to five hun- dred sheets a day was considered a good output, but in 1654, it was twenty-seven hundred; and in 1650, twenty-five hundred was the rule. These were for sheets printed in black, but twenty-two hundred was considered enough if red was also used. These sheets were printed by hand on a screw-press. Such requirements put to flight our pleasant idea that work in the old days had none of the rush about it that it has now. Hours of work for foremen, workers by the day, and workers by the piece, were from six o'clock in the morning until eight o'clock at night in summer; and in winter, from seven in the morning until nine o'clock. This was in the eighteenth century. But agitation by work-people about the length of the working day began as early as the fourteenth century, and was neither the child of the French Revolu- tion, nor the offspring of modern socialism. In 1395, shorter hours, with the same wages given for a longer working day, was a practical question. The Lyons printers complained in 1571 that their day began at two in the morning and lasted until eight or nine in the evening; and this for print- ‘See Rombout’s Certificats délivrés aur Imprimeurs du Pays-Bashar Chris- tofthe Plantin. Antwerp, 1881. EARLY INDUSTRIAL CONDITIONS 271 ers does not seem to have been unusual. Night work, as such, it is true, was forbidden,_although most persons do not much differentiate between 2 a.m. and night—not be- cause it was bad for the workman, but, among other less creditable reasons, because the danger from fire was great and because the flickering lights of the period did not permit men to do justice to their tasks. In England, the working hours varied in different trades, and at different places and periods. Even as late as the middle of the nineteenth cen- tury, the ordinary working hours of the printer were un- limited—though nominally from 7 a.m. to 8 p.m.—in such excellent London printing-houses as that of the Spottis- woodes. If economic conditions are not kept in mind, we misunder- stand the significance of certain historical facts, and twist them to fit some fantastic theory. For instance, people talk loosely about great printing dynasties like the Estiennes, Elzevirs, Plantin-Moretus, etc., where generations of the same family succeeded each other as printers. This was caused to some extent, no doubt, by interest in and attach- ment to the work; but it was also due to an economic reason. The amount to be had by the sale of the equipment of a printing-house was, as in our time, by no means commen- surate with the money value of the business if it could be carried on. That was the chief reason why large printing- offices were continued by one family, or by a long succession of partners. We know, too, that in early times the widows and daughters of master-printers were in great demand, because when a qualified journeyman married the widow or daughter of a master-printer, he acquired privileges facili- tating his reception as a master. And this was another of the causes for great printing families—which we like to style “printing dynasties” if it all happened long enough 272 PRINTING TYPES ago! It was more commonplace and simpler—more reason- able—than we think. Nor were women in the bad old times permitted to lead peaceable lives, occupied by the cradle and the distaff. From the time of St. Louis, women were employed in trades re- served for them — we find records of their names and occu- pations as early as 1296. Quite apart from learned ladies like Charlotte Guillard, who printed and published her famous. Greek and Latin editions of the Fathers in the sixteenth century, women were very early employed in the humbler branches of typography, and women have been in our com- posing-rooms almost ever since. Like child-labour, it is nothing new; very few industrial “novelties” are! VII HERE is, therefore, little excuse for thinking that con- ditions of labour to-day are very different from those that long preceded them; and it is important to realize that these conditions were all along factors, as they are now, in the problem of turning out good printing. Types and books reflect the state of the arts around them, because on one side typography is an art; but they are influenced by trade conditions, because it is also a trade. Not to face these two facts, or to neglect either one or the other, is merely to fool one's self! To make a book which should look like a manuscript, and indeed counterfeit it, was what the first printers tried to do. They wished to reproduce the manuscript of com- merce as nearly as they could, and they did it by imitating such manuscripts in type. It was an effort to make cheaply what had before been made expensively. Incidentally, they imitated beautiful written books, but there is no proof that CONCLUSION 273 their printed books were always consciously intended to be beautiful. All along, the changes in books were influenced by com- mercial conditions. The first books were folios—large and dear. What did the printer do? He produced books which were small and cheap, and we have the Aldine 16mo vol- umes, printed in italic (a letter adopted chiefly because it was compact), for their period perfectly commercial though attractive editions. Again, Pigouchet and Vérard at Paris printed their Books of Hours, and they were very charming volumes. They were not as charming as the manuscripts from which they were copied, but they were far, far cheaper. By and by, when printers discovered the ignorance of the public and its willingness to buy books however badly printed, they dared to make them poorer and poorer. They printed what we call “good” books, because ours are worse; but what they thought were poor ones, because older books had been so much better. This they did because they could sell them, and because they did not even then realize what we know now—how wretchedly books can be made and still be sold! In short, the rank and file of early printers were not often actuated by conscious artistic standards, and they had trade conditions to struggle against, just as we have, and in an environment singularly like that of to-day. Yet beautiful printing was done, and fine books were made, because there were a few men among these early printers who were actuated by conscious artistic standards, and who made trade conditions helps, and not hindrances, to successful production. To print things suitably and well was the problem of the good printer then, just as it is now. The few printers and publishers who were then faithful to artistic and scholarly standards in the face of trade condi- tions are the men who did this, and the men we remember. 274, PRINTING TYPES As in the Roman alphabet as opposed to other alphabets– as in certain famous types as opposed to other types—we see a survival of the fittest, so the printers whose names have survived have had a modest immortality because, though few, they were fit. Apparently it was not so much conditions as personality and education that produced the fine books of early days. Typography was good then, and has been so, under va- rying circumstances, and at different periods, whenever it was practised patiently by educated men of trained taste, who had convictions and the courage of them. When we think of a Jenson or an Aldine book, a Pickering or a Mor- ris edition, a definite typographical vision passes before the eye. All the greater printers had a conception of what they wanted to do. They did not permit themselves to be over- whelmed by trade conditions, by so-called practical con- siderations, by “good business,” or the hundred and one excuses which printers make for being too ignorant, too un- imaginative, or too cowardly to do what the older men did. Nor were they pulled about by ignorant customers who wanted first this type and then that; and by obliging whom the work would have become merely a series of compro- mises. If they had allowed what some standardless, unedu- cated printers to-day allow, no individuality would have been left in their books to be remembered In every period there have been better or worse types employed in better or worse ways. The better types em- ployed in betterways have been used by the educated printer acquainted with standards and history, directed by taste and a sense of the fitness of things, and facing the industrial con- ditions and the needs of his time. Such men have made of printing an art. The poorer types and methods have been em- ployed by printers ignorant of standards and caring alone CONCLUSION 275 for commercial success. To these, printing has been simply a trade. The typography of a nation has been good or bad, as one or other of these classes had the supremacy. And to- day any intelligent printer can educate his taste, so to choose types for his work and so to use them, that he will help printing to be an art rather than a trade. There is not, as the sentimentalist would have us think, a specially devilish spirit now abroad that prevents good work from being done. The old times were not so very good, nor was human na- ture then so different, nor is the modern spirit particularly devilish. But it was, and is, hard to hold to a principle. The principles of the men of those times (since they require noth- ing whatever of us) seem simple and glorious. We do not dare to believe that we, too, can go and do likewise. The outlook for typography is as good as ever it was— and much the same. Its future depends largely on the know- ledge and taste of educated men. For a printer there are two camps, and only two, to be in: one, the camp of things as they are; the other, that of things as they should be. The first camp is on a level and extensive plain, and many emi- nently respectable persons lead lives of comfort therein; the sport is, however, inferior The other camp is more inter- esting. Though on an inconvenient hill, it commands a wide view of typography, and in it are the class that help on sound taste in printing, because they are willing to make sacrifices for it. This group is small, accomplishes little comparatively, but has the one saving grace of hon- est endeavour—it tries. Like Religion, “it will remain a voice crying in the wilderness; but it will believe what it cries, and there will be some to listen to it in the future, as there have been many in the past.” Around this camp ideal- istic lunatics hover, but they are quite harmless, and were never known to hurt or print anything seriously. This camp 276 PRINTING TYPES I think the only one worth living in. You may not make all the money you want, but will have all you need, and moreover, you will have a tremendously good time; for as Stevenson said, “work that we really love is nothing more than serious play.” The practice of typography, if it be followed faithfully, is hard work—full of detail, full of petty restrictions, full of drudgery, and not greatly rewarded as men now count rewards. There are times when we need to bring to it all the history and art and feeling that we can, to make it bear- able. But in the light of history, and of art, and of know- ledge and of man's achievement, it is as interesting a work as exists—a broad and humanizing employment which can indeed be followed merely as a trade, but which if per- fected into an art, or even broadened into a profession, will perpetually open new horizons to our eyes and new oppor- tunities to our hands. THE END CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF SPECIMIENS AND IN DEX CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF SPECIMENS Described, illustrated, or mentiomed in these Volumes 1486 1525 1561 1567 1592 1593 1595 1616 1628 1629 1658 1665 1669 1670 1681 16862 1693 1695 1707 1710 1713 1721 1732 1734 1739 1739? 1740 Ratdolt, Augsburg (Venice), 1, 77, 133 Petri, Basle, 1, 133, 134, 145 Geyssler, JVuremberg, 1, 134 Plantin, JAntwerfu, I, 134, II, 7, 8 Typographia Medicea, Rome, 1, 134, 179 Van Hout, Leyden, I, 134 Raphelengius, Leyden, I, 134 Fuhrmann, Muremberg, 1, 134, 146, 147 Stamperia Vaticana, Rome, I, 134, 166-168 Propaganda Fide, Rome, I, 134, 135 Elzevir, Leyden, I, 135 Nicholls, London, I, 135, II, 94, 95 Moxon, London, I, 135, II, 95 Luther, Frankfort, I, 135 Elzevir (Van Dyck), Am- Sterdam, I, 135, II, 19–22 Athias, JAmsterdam, I, 135, II, 22, 23 University Press, Oxford, 1, 135, II, 95 University Press, Oxford, 1, 135 Cot, Paris, 1, 270 Pater, Leiſhsic, I, 152 Watson, Edinburgh, II, 44, 100 Endters (Ernesti), JVurem- berg, I, 152, 153 Bordazar (Morales), Valen- cia, II, 50–52 Caslon, London, II, 103 Breitkopf, Leifisic, 1,154–156 Erhardt, Leifisic, II, 44 Luce, Paris, I, 246 1742 1742 1743 1744 1745 1751 1756 1757 17572 1757 1758? 1758 1759 1760 Fournier le jeune, Paris (two), 1, 252 Lamesle, Paris, 1, 213, 270 Mozet, Paris, 1, 268 Enschedé, Haarlem, II, 38 Gando, Paris, 1, 271 Loyson & Briquet, Paris, I, 268 Fournier le jeune, Paris, 1, 253 Briquet, Paris, 1,268 Fournier le jeune (?), Paris, 1, 252 Sanlecque, Paris, 1,212,213, 266, 267 Fournier le jeune, Paris, 1, 252 Lamesle (Gando), Paris, 1, 271 Trattner, Vienna, 1, 156, 157 Gando, Paris, 1, 271 1760 + Rosart, Brussels (?), II,40–42 1762 1763 1766 1766 1767 1768 1769 1771 1771 1771 1772 1772 1773 1773 Baskerville, Birmingham (two), II, 113 Caslon, London, II, 104, 105 Fournier le jeune, Paris, 1, 262—265 Moore, Bristol, II, 118 Fournier ſils, Paris (two), 1, 250, 251 Enschedé, Haarlem, II, 38, 39 Trattner, Vienna, I, 156 Bodoni, Parma, 1, 184, 185 Espinosa, Madrid, II, 80, 81 Luce, Paris, I, 244-246 Hérissant, Paris, 1, 269 Wilson, Glasgow, II, 117. Delacolonge, Lyons, i, 213, 267, 268 Gillé, Paris, II, 181 28O LIST OF SPECIMENS 1777 1778 1779 1782 1782 1783 1784. 1785 1785 1785 1785 1786 1787 1787 1787 1787 1788 Convento de S. Joseph, Bar- celona, II, 81, 82 Gillé, Paris, II, 181 Decellier, Brussels, II, 42 James, London, II, 102 Bodoni, Parma, II, 164 Wilson, Glasgow, II, 117 Ploos van Amstel, JAmster- dam, II, 42 Caslon, London, II, 119 Fry, London, II, 118 Pierres, Paris, 1, 272-274 Thomas, Worcester (Mass.), II, 156–158 Wilson, Glasgow, II, 117 Baine, Edinburgh, II, 152 Fry, London, II, 120 Momoro, Paris, I, 249, 250 Real Biblioteca, Madrid, II, 82, 83 Bodoni, Parma (three), 1, 185, II, 164, 166, 167 1789-- Hérissant, Paris, 1, 269 1790 ° 1791 1791 2 1792 1793 1794 1795 1795 1798 1799 1803 1804, 2 1805 Bache, Philadelhhia, II, 153 J. de Groot, The Hague, II, 42 Unger, Berlin, I, 157, 158 Figgins, London, II, 122 Pradell, Madrid, II, 83, 84 Zatta, Venice, 1, 186 Fry & Steele, London, II, 120, 121 Ifern (Pradell), Madrid, II, 84, 85 Caslon, London, II, 121 Imprenta Real, Madrid, II, 85, 86 Thorne, London; II; 196 Harmsen, Amsterdam, II, 42 Caslon, London, II, 196 1806-- Léger, Paris, II, 183 1807 1808 Harris (Martin), Liverſioal, II, 124 Gillé fils, Paris, II, 181 1808? 1809 1811 1811 1812 1812 1815 1816 1816 1818 1819 1819 1822 1823 1824 1828 1830 Gillé fils, Paris, II, 182 Binny & Ronaldson, Philadel- fi/hia, II, 154 Amoretti, Parma, II, 175 Pradell, Madrid, II, 57 Besnard, Paris, II, 182 Binny & Ronaldson, Philadel- fi/hia, II, 154, 155 Figgins, London, II, 196 Fry, London, II, 196 Ronaldson, Philadelh/hia, II, 155, 156 Bodoni, Parma, II, 169–171 Didot, Paris, II, 178, 179 Molé, Paris, II, 182 Ronaldson, Philadelhhia, II, 156 Pasteur, Paris, II, 183 Thorowgood, London, II, 196 Jidot, Legrandet Cie., Paris, II, 196, 197 Amoretti, Parma, II, 175 1831 + Léger, Paris, II, 183, 184 1832 1833 1833 1837 1838 1839 1841 1843 1844 1845 1850 1855 1875 1905 1914, 1921 Thorowgood, London, II, 196 Clement-Sturme, Valencia, II, 196 Wilson, Glasgow, II, 193,194 Thorowgood, London, II, 196 Cartallier, Padua, II, 197 Fonderie Générale, Paris, II, 184 Enschedé, Haarlem, II, 197 Fonderie Générale, Paris, II, 184, 185 Caslon, London, II, 196 Imprimerie Royale, Paris, II, 184 Enschedé, Haarlem, II, 197 Enschedé, Haarlem, II, 197 Claye, Paris, II, 186 Musée Plantin-Moretus, Ant- werft, II, 8, 9 Peignot, Paris, II, 223, 224 Goudy, JVew York, II, 234 INDEX ABEcºparium, I, 93, 94. Académie des Sciences, 1, 7, 241, 245. Académie Française, 1, 209, II, 261 m. Ackermann, Rudolph, II, 191. Addison, Joseph, Works (Basker- ville), II, 111, 112; (Tonson), 135. Adimari, A., La Clio, 1, 168. Advertisements of books, earliest, I, 63 and n. Advertising leaflet, Caxton’s, 1, 117. AElfredi Regis Res Gestæ, II, 91,128. Afschylus, Oresteia, II, 215. AEsop, Fables. See Desbillons. Alberts, R. C., II, 36. Albertus Magnus, De Secretis JWa- turaº, I, 122. Albrizzi, I, 174. Alcalá, II, 46. Aldine italic. See Italic, Aldine. Aldis, H. G., quoted, II, 15. Aldus Manutius I, roman types of, I, 76, 77; the Aldine mark, 77; and Lyons printers, 91; his italic type, 125–131; his letter to Scipio Car- teromachus, 126; his Greek type, 127, 128; mentioned, 74, 170, 199, 234, II, 16, 215. Aldus Manutius II, I, 181. Alexander, William, Earl of Stirling, Fecreations with the Muses, II, 131. Alexandre, Jean, I, 242, 244, II, 187. Alloués, II, 251. Alphabets, decorative, II, 237, 238. JAlhhabetum Ibericum, I, 135. .Altar Book, The, II, 218. Amadis de Gaul (Cromburger), II, 62; (Groulleau), 80 m. Amaduzzi, C., I, 182. America, North, types and print- ing in : seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, II, 149–153; early nine- teenth century, 153–158; modern, 21 6–218. America, South, early printing in, II, 60; and see Mexico. American Antiquarian Society, II, 157. American point system, I, 33, 34. American Type Founders Co., II, 156, 230, 231, 234. Ames, Joseph, quoted, II, 103. Amoretti, Fratelli, specimens, II, 175 and m.; types of, 175, 176. Ampersand, I, 19 and n. Ampzing, Samuel, Beschryvinge . . . der Stad Haerlem, II, 29. Anacreon, Odes, II, 172. Andilly, Arnauld d’, Wies de Plu- sieurs Saints, etc., 1, 209, 210; OEuvres Diverses, 210. Andrae, Hieronymus, I, 140 m. Andreae, J., Baum der Gesińſischaft, I, 64. Andrews, Robert, II, 99, 103. Andrews, Silvester, II, 99, 103. Angulo, Andres de, II, 67. Anisson, Jean, I, 212. Anisson du Perron, 1, 184. Annmary Brown Memorial Library, I, 68 and n., 95. Annunzio, Gabriele d’, Francesca da Rimini, II, 221. Antique, eighteenth century appre- ciation of the, II, 160 ff. Antonio, Nicolas, Bibliotheca His- flama, II, 56, 75. Appian, Roman History, 1,237, 238. Apprentices, disputes over, II, 251. Aquinas, St. Thomas, Commentum Bthicorum, I, 107. Arabic numerals, 1, 19, II, 229, 230 and n. Arden Press, II, 216 m. Ariosto, Orlando Furioso, I, 175. Armstrong, John, The Art of Pre- serving Health, II, 138, 139. Arrighi, Antonio, De Vita . . . F. Mauroceni, 1, 172. 282 INDEX JArs Moriendi, 1, 118. Artofad, Joh. P., I, 156. Artois, Comte d’, I, 216. Ascham, Roger, The Scholemaster, II, 127. Ashbee, C. R., II, 214. Ashendene Press, II, 213. Athias, Joseph, specimen, I, 135; buys Elzevir material, II, 22, 23; mentioned, 100. Athias foundry, II, 36, 37. Attaingnant, Pierre, 1, 195, 196, 213. Audin, Marius, I, 232 m., II, 8 m.; quoted, 186. Augustine, St., De Civitate Dei, I, 72, II, 207. Augustinus Dactus, I, 123. JAureum oftus regalium, etc., I, 111, 112. JAuteurs Classiques François et La- times (Didot), 1, 230. Avignon, early printing at, I, 82; foundry at, 180. Avila. See Gonzalez de Avila. Bache, Benjamin Franklin, pupil of F. A. Didot, I, 217; specimen, II, 153; mentioned, I, 274, II, 152. Bachelier, J. J., I, 223. Bade, Josse, 1, 196. Badius Ascensius, Jodocus. See Bade, Josse. Badius, Perrette, 1, 190, 191. Baemler, Johann, I, 64. tº Baiardi, Ottavio A., Delle Antichità di Ercolamo, II, 55, 160. Baine, John, II, 117, 152. Baine, John, and Grandson in Co., specimen, II, 152. Ballantyne, James, II, 189, 200. Ballantyne Press, II, 200, 210, 211, 216 n. Balzac, Honoré de, II, 183 and n., 186. Barber, Mary, Poems on Several Oc- casions, II, 138. Barbier, André, 1,121, II, 183 and m. Barbin, Claude, 1, 210. Barbou, Jean Joseph, 1, 216, 252. Barbou, Joseph Gérard, 1, 215, 216, 222, 224, 244, II, 5.6, 263 and n., 264. Baretti, Joseph, quoted, 11, 85 m. Barlow, Joel, Columbiad, II, 154. Barra, Pablo, II, 83. Bartholomaeus Anglicus, De Profiri- etatibus Rerum, I, 114. Bartolozzi, Francesco, II, 147. Barzizi, Gasparino, I, 84. Basa, Domenico, 1, 181. Baskerville, John, II, 107–110; his Virgil, 111, Addison, 111, 112, Ju- venal and Persius, 112 ; his speci- mens, 113; history of his types, 113, 114; his ornaments, 115; his work and influence considered, 115, 116; his influence on Bodoni and Didot, 159 ; mentioned, 1, 186, 217, 219, 228, 273, II, 55, 56, 57, 58, 83, 100, 104, 120, 122, 123, 141, 142, 144 m., 145, 186, 187, 197. Basle, sixteenth century printing at, I, 142, 143, 144; foundries at, 150, 151; mentioned, 89,90. Baúbloom, Louis, I, 199. Baudoin, J., Les Saintes Metamor- flhoses, etc., I, 207, 208. Bay Psalm Book, II, 149. Bayer, Perez, De JWumis Hebræo Sa- maritanis, II, 52, 58, 7.8, 79; men- tioned, 72 and n., 75. Beaumarchais, P. A. Caron de, buys Baskerville types, 1, 228, II, 114. Bebel, J., I, 143. Belgium. See Netherlands. Bellaert, Jacob, I, 97. Bembo, Pietro, I, 76. Beneventan writing, I, 47. Bensley, Thomas, II, 118, 121, 122, 147, 148 m., 188, 191, 198. Bentley, R., Designs for Gray’s Poems, II, 140. Benton, Linn B., his punch-cutting INDEX machine, 1, 11; ‘ type, 34. Berlin, Royal Foundry at, 1, 151. Bernard, Auguste, quoted, 1, 189 m., 238, 243, II, 106. Berny, Alexandre de, II, 183 and n., 185. Berthelet, Thomas, II, 88, 90, 125, 128. Besnard, Jean, Vignettes et Fleurons, II, 182; mentioned, 1, 275. Bewick, Thomas, II, 122, 143, 146 m. Bewicks, the (Thomas and John), II, 123, 124, 145, 146, 147. Bey, Jacob, II, 151, 152. Bible, the 42-line and 36-line, 1, 61; German (Koberger), 64, (Lu- ther’s), 145, 146; the first printed in France, 85; Spanish, 105; Im- primerie Royale, 240; Dutch and Slavic, II, 32, 33; Cranmer’s, 90; Macklin’s, 121, 122, 188; Isaiah Thomas’s, 156; Doves Press, 212; and see Polyglot Bible and New Testament. Bibliograft.hica, II, 201. Biel, Friedrich. See Fadrique de Ba- silea. Biesta, Laboulaye & Cie., II, 184. Billetes, Filleau des, I, 241 m. Bindoni, F., I, 173 m. Binny, Archibald, II, 153, 154. Binny & Ronaldson,specimen(1809), II, 153, 154; (1812), 154, 155; transitional types, 231. Blades, William, quoted, I, 3, 4, 115, 116, 118, 119 m., 136, II, 23, 194. Blado, Antonio, I, 180. Blaeu family, printers, of Amster- dam, II, 24, 30–32. Blaeu's JVovus Atlas, II, 30. Blair, Robert, The Grave, II, 188. Blake, William, II, 189. Blondel, P. J., Mémoire quoted, II, 258 ft. Boccaccio, Giovanni, Decamerone (heirs of F. Giunta, 1527), 1, 160, ‘self-spacing ” 283 (1573), 163, 164; (Elzevir), II, 18; (Ashendene), 213. Bocchi, A., Symbolicarum Quastio- num, I, 164. Bodley, Sir Thomas, II, 95 m. Bodoni, Giambattista, his career, II, 163 ff.; at Parma, 164, 165; types designed by, 164, 166, 167; his early manner of working,171, 172; his later manner, 172, 173; his two manners compared, 173, 174; his conception of the functions of a press, 174,175; specimen of 1771 (Fregi e Majuscole), 1, 184, 185, II, 81, 84, 164, 166; specimens of 1774 and 1788, 166, 167; Oratio Dominica, 168, 169; Manuale Tiftografico (1788), II, 166, (1818), 1, 185, II, 169–171; Iscri- zioni esotiche, 1, 185; Ehithalamia exoticis linguis reddita, 1, 185, II, 166, 171; Lettre à le Marquis de Cubières, 167, 168; mentioned, I, 38, 148, 176, 177, 182, 186 and m., 219, 230, II, 55, 57, 72, 121, 123, 159, 186, 187, 197, 203. Bodoni type, modern version of, II, 235. Boethius, Oftera, I, 160. Boileau Despreaux, Nicholas, CEuvres, I, 221. Boissieu, A. de, Inscriſhtions.Antiques de Lyon, II, 185. Boke of St. Albans, The, 1, 120. Bologna, Francesco da, I, 76,128,129. Bonasone, G., I, 164. Bonaventura, St., I, 193. Bonhomme, Pasquier, 1, 86, 87. Bordazar, Antonio, Plantificacion, etc., II, 50–52, 71; mentioned, 58. Bosch, Jan, II, 34. Bossuet, J. B., Discours sur l’Histoire Universelle, I, 211. Botteri, B., Orazione Funebre, II, 55. Bouchot, Henri, quoted, II, 177. Boullencourt, L. J., de, Description Générale de l’Hostel Royal des In- valides, 1, 206. 284, INDEX Bourgoing, Chevalier de, quoted, II, 56. Bowyer, William I, II, 101 and n., 102, 115 and m., 134, 136, 137, 139. Bowyer, William II, II, 101 m., 137. Boydell, John and Josiah, II, 144, 145, 147. “Boydell Shakspeare,” II, 123, 144. Bradford, William, II, 151. Brahe, Tycho, II, 30, 31. Brandt, Gerard, La Vie de Michel de Ruiter, II, 32. Brant, Sebastian, Stultiferae JWaves, I, 108. Breda, Jacobus de, I, 95. Breitinger, J. J., Dichtkunst, I, 147. Breitkopf, Bernhard C., specimen, I, 154, 155, 156; mentioned, 147, 154, II, 44. Breitkopf, J. G. I., I, 148, 150, 155, 262, II, 115. Breton, Richard, 1, 201. Brèves, Savary de, 1, 208, 238. Bréviaire de Paris, 1, 85. Breviarium Gothicum, etc., II, 55, 56. Brieven . 33. Briquet specimen, 1, 268, 269. British Museum, Facsimiles from Early Printed Books in the, 1,61 m. British Museum, Catalogue of Books firinted in the XVth Century now in the, I, 61 m. Brito, J., I, 97, 122. Brocar. See Guillen de Brocar. Broctes, B. H., Irdisches Vergnügen in Gott, I, 147. Brogiotti, A., I, 167, 181. Brothers of the Common Life, I, 95. Browne, Sir T., Works, II, 133. Bruce, George, 1, 32, 33. Brun, P., 1, 107. Budé, Guillaume, De Philologia, etc., 1, 196; De Transitu Hellenismi, etc., 196. Bulmer, W., quoted, II, 145–147; . . den Johan de Witt, II, mentioned, 121, 123, 124, 143, 145, 154, 189, 190, 198. Bulmer, W., & Co., II, 144, 147. Burger, K., Monumenta Germaniae et Italiae Tyhograſh.hica, I, 61 m. Burne-Jones, Sir E., II, 202. Burney, Charles, History of Music, II, 118. Bus, Jan, II, 23, 35. Buyer, Barthélemy, 1, 89. Bynneman, Henry, II, 128. Byron, Lord, Works, II, 191. CApril, Thomas, II, 142. Caesar, Commentaries (Sweynheym and Pannartz), 1, 83; (Vidoue), 195, 198; (Vascosan), 198; (El- zevir, 1635), II, 17, (1661), 18; (Tonson), 135. Calligraphic types, Spanish, II, 86, 87. Callimachus, Works, II, 143. Calviac, Gilbert de, Civile Honne- steté flour les Enfants, etc., I, 201. Cambridge (Mass.), first press at, II, 149, 150. Cambridge University Press (Eng- land), II, 96 m., 214. Camusat, Jean and Denise, 1, 209. Canones AſhoStolorum, I, 142. Capelle, Pierre, quoted, 1,250,257 m. Cappon, Vincent Denys, 1, 262,269, 273. Caractères d’Ecriture, II, 181, 182. Caractères de l’Université (Gara- mond’s), 1, 234 f., 238, 240, II, 234. Carlos II, II, 51. Carlos III, patron of Spanish indus- tries and arts, II, 54, 55, 77, and of Bodoni, 55, 165; makes Ibarra court printer, 57; mentioned, 52, 53, 79, 82, 84, 160, 168. Carlos IV, II, 165. Carolingian manuscripts, I, 70. Carolingian minuscule, I, 48–51; re- vived by Humanists, 53–55. \ INDEX Cartallier, F., specimen, II, 197. “Cases,” modern, described, 1, 20– 22, 22 m.; the Stanhope, 23, 24 m.; the Lefèvre, 24; for foreign lan- guages, 24. Casiri, Miguel, Bibliotheca Arabico- JHisfiano Escurialensis, II, 52, 71. Caslon, William I, and the history of English type-cutting, II, 100 ; his origin and career, 101 ff.; death, 104; specimen of 1734, 103; spe- cimen of 1763, 104 and n., 105, 117 ; his types considered, 105, 106; his ornaments, etc., 106, 107, 240; his types copied, 118, 119, 120; his “English” roman first used in Selden’s Oſlera, 136, 137; his types in North America, 151, 157; mentioned, 1, 20 m., 37, II, 21, 44, 83, 110, 121, 125, 236. Caslon, William II, II, 103, 105, 121. Caslon, William III, buys Jackson’s foundry, II, 122; mentioned, 105, and n. Caslon family, the, II, 105. Caslon foundry, later history and present ownership of, II, 105 and m.; address prefixed to specimen of 1785, 119; specimen of 1798, 121. Caslon types, original and later, com- pared, II, 195, 196; revival of original in 1844, 198, 199; recom- mended, 228. Castell, Edmund, Lexicon Heſita- glotton, II, 98. Castro. See Gomez de Castro. Catherwood, John James, II, 105. Catherwood, Nathaniel, II, 105. Catholicon, I, 63, 64. Catullus, Odes, in Latin and Italian, II, 176. Cavalca, D., Esfiejo de la Cruz, I, 108. Cavellat, Guillaume, 1, 200. Caxton, William, introduced print- ing in England, I, 113; his life, 113 ff.; at Cologne, 114; quoted, 285 114, 115; his press at Bruges, 115; in London, 116; his types described, 115–118; number of books printed by, and their char- acteristics, 118, 119 and n.; his woodcuts and initials, 119; histori- cal significance of his types, 120; books on, 120 m.; his types com- pared with Continental ones, II, 88; mentioned, I, 3, 55, 95, 97. Cecchi, Giovanni F., I, 169. Censorship of books, in France, II, 266–269; in the Netherlands, 269, 270. Century Dictionary, II, 141. Cérémonies et Coutumes Réligieuses, etc., II, 34. Cervantes, Miguel de, Don Quixote (Cuesta), II, 49, 68 and n. ; (Ibar- ra), 55, 56, 57, 73–75; (Chis- well), 133; (Tonson), 135. César and Stoll, I, 88. Chamberlaine, John, Imitation of Drawings by Holbein, II, 145. Chambers’ Cyclohaedia, quoted, II, 103, 117. Charlemagne, revival of learning under, I, 48 and n., 49, 50. Chatelain, Zacharie, II, 34. Chatto and Windus, II, 215. Chaucer, Geoffrey, Works (God- frey), II, 126; (Pynson), 126; (Islip), 128, 129; (Kelmscott), 213; Canterbury Tales, I, 122; Dives and Paufier, 122. Chiswick Press, II, 198, 199, 201, 204, 216, 237, 238. Choffard, Pierre Philippe, 1, 214, 225. Chronicle of Roderigo of Toledo, II, 66. Chrysostom, St., Works (Eton), II, 95 and n. Cicero, Ohera (Estienne, 1543), I, 197; (1538–39), 198; (Elzevir), II, 17, 18; De Oratore, I, 72. Cisneros, Cardinal. See Ximenez. Civilité type, 1, 131, 201, 202. Claeszoon van Balen, Pieter, II, 27. 286 INDEX Clarendon, Earl of, History of the Rebellion, II, 133, 134. Clarendon Press, II, 200. Clark, R. & R., II, 200, 201. “Classical ’’ types, II, 159 ff., 163 and m. Claudin, Anatole, Histoire de l’Im- firimerie en France, etc., I, 83 m., II, 186, 224 and n., 225. Claye, Jules, Tyſhes de Caractères, etc., specimen, II, 186. Clement-Sturme, J. B., & Co., spe- cimen, II, 196. Cleland, T. M., II, 235. Cloister Press, II, 216 m. Clousier, J. G., I, 226. Clutton-Brock, A., quoted, II, 208. Cobden-Sanderson, T. J., II, 211, 212. Cochin, Charles Nicolas, I, 242. Coci, George, II, 45, 46, 61, 62, 65. Cockerell, S. C., II, 206 m., 213, 21 6. Codex Alexandrinus, II, 121. Codex Decretorum (Gratian), 1, 78. Coignard, Jean Baptiste II, I, 219, II, 261. Coignard, Jean Baptiste III, 1, 221. Colines, Simon de, 1, 190; his italic and Greek fonts, 191, 197, 198; mentioned, I, 198 m., 200, II, 4, 9. Collection des Auteurs Latines (Bar- bou), 1, 215 and n., 222. Collège de France, origin of, 1, 233. Collombat, Jacques, teaches Louis XV to print, I, 247, 248; men- tioned, 269. Colonna, Francesco, Hyſhnerotoma- chia Poliſh hili (Aldus), 1, 76, 199; (Baúbloom), 199. Colour printing, early Spanish ex- ample of, II, 62. Columna, Aeg. de, Regimento de los Princifles, 1, 110. Commines, Philippe de, Mémoires, 1, 246, 247. Comfiańia de Imfiresores y Libreros, II, 53. Complutensian Polyglot. See Polyglot Bible. Composing-room, modern, selection of types for, II, 226 ff. Comprehensorium, I, 105, 107. Condivi, Ascanio, Life of Michel- agnolo Buonarroti, II, 214. Confession de frère Olivier Mail- lard, La, 1, 87. Congregation of Propaganda Fide, catalogue of, 1, 182; despoiled by the French, 183; after 1800, 183, 184. Constable, T. & A., II, 200, 201, 238. Copper-plates in book illustrations, 1, 147 m.; effect of increasing use of, 165, 166, 172. Cordoba. See Fernandez de Cordoba. Corneille, P., Le Théâtre de, 1, 210. Coster, Laurens Janszoon, I, 4, 93, II, 29. “Costeriana,” 1, 59, 93. Cot, Jean, I, 269. Cot, Pierre, specimen, 1, 270. Cottrell, Thomas, II, 104, 122, 196. Cours des Principaux Fleuves, etc., I, 247. Courses de Testes et de Bague, 1, 206. Cousin, Jehan, Livre de Pers/lective, I, 202 and m. Cramoisy, Sébastien, 1, 206, 207, 211, 239. Crane, Walter, quoted, I, 70, 147 n., 165. Crapelet, G. A., quoted, I, 248. Cratander, Andreas, I, 143. Cromburger, Jacob, II, 59, 62, 67. Cromburger, Johann, II, 60. Croniques de France, 1, 87. Cuesta, Juan de la, II, 68. Cuivres de Cochim, etc., I, 242, 243. Cunningham, W., Cosmographicall Glasse, II, 91, 126. Cupi, W., II, 100. Curio, Valentinus, I, 143. Curwen Press, II, 216 n. INDEX Danrnie, Philippe, 1, 201. Daniel, C. H. O., private press, II, 200 and n. Daniel, Roger, II, 131. Dante, Alighieri, Divina Commedia (Marcolini), 1, 160, 161; (Sessa), 162, 163; (Zatta), 174, 175; (Ashendene), II, 213; Purgatorio (Aldus), 1, 129; Inferno (Ash- endene), II, 213. Dauvillier, Hubert, II, 94. David, Christophe II, II, 263 and n. David, Jacques Louis, II, 161. Day, John, II, 27, 90–92, 98, 99, 126, 127, 128, 132, 149. Daye, Stephen, II, 149. DeVinne, T. L., I, 5, 18, 33, 77 n., II, 21, 22, 104 m., 135 m., 242 m. Decellier, Madame, II, 42 and n. Decker, Georg Jacob, 1, 148. Declaration of Independence, set in Caslon, II, 151. Delacolonge foundry (Lyons), speci- men, 1, 213, 267, 268. Delbene, A., Civitas Morum, I, 206. Desbillons, F. J., Fabularum AEso- fiarum, I, 222. “Descenders,” 1, 35–37. Description des Fétes données far la Wille de Paris, 1, 213. Deviliers, Nicolas, I, 250. Diary of Lady Willoughby (1844), II, 199. Dibdin, Thomas F., Bibliotheca Shem- ceriana, II, 190; Bibliograft.hical Decameron, 190; Tyſiographical JAntiquities of Great Britain, 190; quoted or mentioned, 91, 106,124, 144 m., 148 m., 188, 191. Diccionario de la lengua Castellana, II, 70 and m., 71. Dictes or Sayengis of the Philoso- flhres, The, 1, 116. Dictionaries, methods of printing, II, 140, 141. Didot, Ambroise Firmin, 1, 189 77., 218, II, 180, 184. Veri Sive 287 Didot, Denis, I, 216. Didot, Félicie, 1, 218. Didot, Firmin, 1,217, 218; interested in stereotyping, 218; translator of Virgil, 218; his sons, 218; men- tioned, 157, 158, 186, 225, 226, 227, 230, II, 177, 179, 180, 184. Didot, François, I, 216, 221. Didot, François Ambroise, l’ainé: his point system, I, 31, 32, 217; his types cut by Waflard, 216; his collection of French classics, 216; introduces flaſhier vélin, 217 ; his sons, 217 ; influence of, on Dutch printing in eighteenth century, II, 43; Baskerville’s influence on, 159; quoted, 175; mentioned, I, 38, 148, 218, 226, 227, 228, II, 55, 57, 176, 178. Didot, Henri, I, 218. Didot, Hyacinthe, 1, 218. Didot, Léger, I, 218. Didot, Pierre, l’ainé; his éditions du Louvre, I, 217 and n. ; heads neo- classic movement in printing, 217, 218, 230, 231; Ehitre sur les Pro- grès de l’Imprimerie, 218, 226, 227, II, 56, 57; Essai de Fables nouvelles, etc., I, 227, II, 176; specimen of 1819, 178, 179; men- tioned, I, 228, 230, II, 121, 123, 176 m., 177, 178, 182, 186, 187. Didot, Pierre François, I, 216, 218, 228. Didot le jeune, son of Pierre Fran- çois, I, 218, 229. Didot, Legrand et Cie., specimen, II, I96. Didot family, history of, I, 216–219; and the development of nineteenth century types, II, 176 ff., 197. Didot foundry, types of, sold to Fon- derie Générale, II, 184. Didot types and derivatives, books printed in, II, 179, 180; influence of, in France, 186; mentioned, 177, 178, 187. Doctrina Christiana en la lengua Mexicana e Castellana, II, 60. 288 INDEX Doctrinal of Saſhience, The, 1, 118. Dodoens, Rembert, Stirflium Histo- 7°ia, II, 13, 14. Dolet, Etienne, II, 257. Dollar-marks first made in type, II, 153. “Domesday” character, II, 121, 122. Donatus, HElius, I, 72, 93, 94. Dorat, Claude Joseph, Fables JVou- velles, 1, 224; Les Baisers, 224; Lettres en Vers, etc., 229. Doves Press, II, 21 1, 212. Drouart, Ambrose and Jerome 1, 206. Druckschriften des XV bis XVIII Jahrhunderts, I, 62 m. Dudley, Robert, Dell’ Arcano del Mare, 1, 166. Duff, Gordon, Early English Print- ing, I, 55 m.; quoted, 118, 119, 120, 121. Durandus, G., I, 63, 65. Dürer, Albert, 1, 194 and m. Dutch school of printing, I, 3; and see Netherlands. Dutch types, in England, I, 25, II, 43, 44, 99, 100; in Vienna, I, 156; ver- nacular, II, 8; in Germany, 44. Dwiggins, W. A., quoted, II, 106, 107. Ecua, Miguel de, II, 67. “Egyptian” types, II, 195 m. Eisen, Charles, 1, 214, 224, 259. Eliot, John, Indian Bible, II, 149. Elstob, Elizabeth, An English-Saacon Homily, etc., II, 134, 135 and m.; JAnglo-Saacon Grammar, 135 m. “Elzévier’’ type, modern, II, 185, 232. Elzevir, Abraham, II, 15. Elzevir, Bonaventure, II, 15. Elzevir, Daniel, II, 18, 19, 22, 23. Elzevir, widow of Daniel, letter of, to wife of Moretus, II, 19, 20; speci- men, 20 and n., 21. Elzevir, Louis, 1, 22 m., II, 15, 19. Elzevir books, 1, 37, II, 15; in 32mo, 17, 18; in octavo, 18; in folio, 18, 19. Elzevir family, history of, II, 15 ff.; mentioned generally, 1, 150 m., 238, 239, II, 99. Elzevir foundry, later history of, II, 22, 23. Elzevir specimen-sheets (1658 and 1681), 1, 135, (1681), II, 20, 21. Emblems in specimen-books con- sidered, 1, 274–276. Endters family, 1, 153. England, types and printing in : fif- teenth century, I, 113–124; from 1500 to 1800, II, 88–148; from 1800 to 1844, 188–197; revival of Caslon (1844) and Fell (1877) types, 198–201; revival of early type-forms and their modern use, 202–216. English law-books, II, 137. Enschedé, Ch., Fonderies de Carac- teres dans les Pays-Bas, etc., I, 98 m., II, 39; quoted, I, 150 m., II, 42, 43. Enschedé, Isaac, II, 36. Enschedé, Johannes, I, 98, II, 23, 34, 36, 38. Enschedé foundry (Haarlem), II, 37; specimens, 38–40, 197. Episcopius, Nicolaus, 1, 143. Eragny Press, II, 213. Erasmus, Desiderius, 1, 143; his Greek translation of New Testa- ment (Froben, 1516), 143, Latin, (1521), 144; Antibarbarorum, 144; La Civilité Puérile, etc., 201. Erhardt, Hr., I, 150, 156, II, 44. Ernesti, J. H. G., specimens, I, 152, 153. Espinosa, Antonio, specimen, II, 80, 81. Essex House Press, II, 214. Estienne, Charles, De Dissectione Partium Corfioris Humani, 1, 191; mentioned, 237. INDEX Estienne, Henri, 1, 190, 192. Estienne, Robert, I, 190, 191, 196, 197, 198, 204, 205, 233, 235, 236, 237. - Euclid, Elements, II, 126, 127. Eusebius, Praeftaratio Evangelica, I, 237, 238; mentioned, 73. Evelyn, John, quoted, 1, 209, 239, 240, II, 16 and n., 30. Fabrique de Basilea, I, 106, 107, 108, 111, II, 61. Fann Street Foundry, II, 121. Fell, Dr. John, types imported by, II, 95, 96 and n., 97; mentioned, 44. “Fell” types, modern useof, II, 200; ornaments, 238. Fénelon, François de S. de la Mothe-, CEuvres, 1, 228 ; Aventures de Télémaque, 228. Fenollar, B., Obres e Trobes, I, 105. Fenzo, Modesto, I, 173. Ferdinand, Duke of Parma, and Bo- doni, II, 164, 165, 168, 171; men- tioned, 55. Fernandez de Cordoba, Alonso, I, 105. Fernel, Jean, Monaloshhaerium and Cosmo Theoria, 1, 197. Fertel, Martin, Science Pratigue de l’Imprimerie, 1, 26, 260 m. Feyerabend, Sigmund, Thurnier Buch, I, 140, 141. Fichet, G., I, 83, 84, 188, II, 248. Fifield, A., II, 98. Fifteen Oes, 1, 121. Figgins, Vincent, specimens, II, 122, 194 m., 196, 236. Fine, Oronce, De Rebus Mathemati- cis, etc., I, 200; mentioned, 198. Firmin–Didot, house of, I, 218. Flaxman, John, illustrations to the Iliad, II, 161. Fleischman, J. M., II, 23, 34, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 43. Fliscus, Grammatica, 1, 107. 289 Florets, II, 238 f. Florio, John, JVew World of Words, II, 141. Focard, Jacques, Paraſhhrase de !’.Astrolabe, 1, 199. Fonderie Générale, Paris, specimen, II, 184, 185. Fonderie Mayeur, II, 186, 232, 237. Font of type, numerous characters in, 1, 8; standard, 16, 17; classes of characters in, 18. Fontenai, Abbé de, quoted, II, 16, 108, 109. Fontenelle, Bernard le B. de, CEuvres Diverses, II, 34. Ford, Richard, quoted, 1, 104, II, 73, 85. Foulis, Andrew, 1, 186, 230, II, 117, 118, 122, 123, 142, 143, 193. Foulis, Robert, 1, 186, 230, II, 117, 118, 122, 123, 142, 143, 193. Fournier, Antoine, 1, 254, 256. Fournier, François, I, 248 and n. Fournier, Jean Claude, and his chil- dren, 1, 205, 248. Fournier, Jean François, fils, 1, 249; specimens, 250 and n., 251. Fournier, Jean Pierre, l'a?mé: his foundry, I, 248; marries Charlotte Pichault, 249; his daughters, 250, 251 ; mentioned, 205, 257, 262, 266, 273. Fournier, Pierre Simon, le jeune: his point system, 1, 26 ff., 32, 217, 252; his career, 251 ff.; Manuel Tyſiograft hique (1764, 1766), 252, 260 and n., 261 ff., II, 81, 171, 240; specimen-books, 1, 252 and m., 254, 262-264; other works of, 253; his marriage, 253; his houses in Paris, 253, 254 and m.; death and éloge of, 254, 255 and m.; his widow carries on foundry, 256; his types described, 257 ff.; type ornaments, 264, 265; special characters, 265; quoted, 1, 28– 31, 149–151, 155, 156, 179, 180, 204, 205, 207, 215, 216, 241 m., 243, 255, 261, 262, 263, 267, II, 290 INDEX 35, 36, 53, 103, 104, 108; men- tioned, I, 148, 184, 185, 186, 216, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 227, 250, 271, 273, 274, II, 5, 37, 41, 43, 44, 83, 84, 153 and n., 164. Fournier, Simon Pierre, son of Pierre Simon (le jeune), 1, 256; men- tioned, 251, 254, 257 and m., II, 152 and m., 153. Fournier family, importance of, in history of French type-founding, I, 257; genealogical table of, 258. Fox, Justus, II, 151. Foxe, John, Book of Martyrs, II, 92. Fraktur type, 1, 62, 139 ff., 145, 146, 148, 149, 150, 153, 155, 156, 157. France, types and printing in: fif- teenth century, I, 82–92; from 1500 to 1800, 188–276; the Didots, II, 176–180; nineteenth century foundries and specimens, 181–187; modern, 222–225. Francis de Sales, St., Introduction à la Vie dévote, 1, 240. François I, reign of, 1, 189, 190; mentioned, 195, 233, 234, 238. Francour, Jean de, I, 101. Frankfort-on-the-Main, foundries at, I, 150. Franklin, Benjamin, and the Four- niers, I, 257 and n.; quoted, II, 56, 57, 150, 151; letters to Bodoni, 167, 168; mentioned, I, 59, 217, 267, 273, 274, II, 99 m., 111, 113, 114 and n., 139, 153, 156, 165. Franklin, James, II, 150. Fréart, Roland, Parallèle de l’Archi- tecture Antique et de la Moderne, 1, 209. Frederick the Great, I, 148, 151. Freiburger, M., 1, 83, 85. French books published in Nether- lands, II, 34, 35. French and Italian printing con- trasted, 1, 198, 199. French Old Style, II, 232. French printing-offices, early, II, 251, 252. French Script, II, 236. French types imitated in Germany, I, 148. Freylinghausen, J. A., An Abstract of the Whole Doctrine, etc., II, 189, 190. Frisius, Gemma, Les Princiſes d’Astronomie, etc., 1, 200. Froben, Johann, I, 143, 144, II, 66, 89. Froschauer, Chrystoph, Kunstrich Buch, I, 142. Fry, Edmund, Pantograft hia, II, 120. Fry, Edmund, & Co., specimen of 1787, II, 120, 121; of 1816, 196. Fry, Henry, II, 120. Fry, Joseph, II, 118, 120. Fry, J., & Co., specimen, II, 118, 119, 121. Fry and Kammerer, II, 154. Fry and Pine, II, 118. Fry and Steele specimen, II, 120, 121. Fry’s Type Street Letter Foundry, II, 121. Fuchs, Leonard, De Historia Stir- flium, I, 144, 145. Fuhrmann, G. L., specimen, 1, 134, 146, 147. Fuller, Thomas, quoted, II, 4; Holy and Profane State, 131. Fundamentbuch, I, 141. Fust, Johann, and Schoeffer, Peter, I, 61, 62, 66, 71, 82. Gabriel. Antonio de Borbon, Don, translation of Sallust, II, 56, 58, 59, 71, 73. Gaguin, Robert, I, 84, 195. Gallner, type-cutter, I, 151. Game and Playe of the Chesse, The, I, 115. Gando, François, le jeune, I, 249, 271. Gando, Jean Louis, I, 271. Gando, Nicholas, l’aimé, specimen, I, 271, 272, 273. INDEX Garamond, Claude, 1, 234; his car- actères de l’Université, 234, 235, 240; his grecs du roi, 236-238; his types now in collection of Im- primerie Nationale, 238; revived use of his types, II, 224, 225; men- tioned, I, 191, 205, 207,243, 245, 249, 259, 268, II, 4, 6, 7, 22, 36, 177, 187. Garnier, J. B., I, 220. Gasſharini Eftistolae, 1, 83, 84. Gasſharini Orthograſhhia, 1, 84. Gast, Matthew, II, 48, 49. Ged, William, II, 99 m. General Councils, Acts of, I, 240. Geographical works, Dutch, II, 23, 24, 29, 30. George III, II, 147 m. Gering, Ulrich, 1, 83, 85, 86. Gering and Rembolt, 1, 191. German printers in Spain, 1,99, 103. Germany, types and printing in : fifteenth century, 1, 58–69; from 1500 to 1800, 139–158; modern, II, 219–221. Gessner, Christian F., Buchdrucker- kunst und Schriftgiesserey, I, 154, II, 44. Geyssler, Valentine, specimen, 1,134. Gil, Geronimo, II, 74, 82, 83, 86. Gillé, J., specimen, II, 181 m. ; men- tioned, I, 148, 273. Gillé, J. G., fils, specimen, II, 181, 183. Giunta, Filippo di, 1, 160. Giunta, Luc Antonio di, 1, 160. Siunti, the, I, 130. Glover, Joseph, II, 149. Godfrey, Thomas, II, 126. Godfrey of Boloyne, 1, 117, II, 131. Goethe, J. W. von, Faust, 1, 149; Wilhelm Meister, 149; mentioned, 154, 155. Golden Legend, The, 1, 120. Goldoni, Carlo, Ohere Teatrale, 1, 175. Goldsmith and Parnell, Poems by, II, 123, 124. 291 Goltz (Goltzius), Hubert, Ohera, II, 52; Viva Omnium fere Impera- torum Imagines, 27; C. Julius Caesar, etc., 28. Gomez de Castro, Alvar, De Rebus Gestis a Francisco Ximenio, II, 67, 79. Gonzalez de Avila, G., Teatro de las Grandezas de . . . Madrid, II, 69. Goodhue, Bertram G., II, 217, 234. Gorgonzola, Nicolas, I, 159. Goschen, Georg Joachim, 1, 149. Gottsched, J. C., Critischer Dicht– Kunst, I, 147. Goudy, Frederic W., II, 234, 235; specimen, 234 m. Gourmont, Gilles de, I, 236 m. Gower, John, Confessio Amantis, II, 125, 126. Grafton, Richard, II, 90, 129 m. Grandjean de Fouchy, Philippe : his romain du roi, I, 241 and n., 242, 243, 244, II, 159, 187, 225; his form of serif, 159; revived use of his types, 224; mentioned, I, 7, 254, 259, 264, 271, II, 186, 197. Granjon, Robert, civilité types, 1, 201, 202; italic, 203, 204; men- tioned, 131, 167, 179 and m., 181, 249, 250, II, 4, 5, 7, 8 and n., 41. Grapheus, J., II, 27. Grave, Nicolas de, II, 26. Gray, Thomas, Six Poems (Dods- ley), II, 140; Poems (Foulis), 143; quoted, 88; mentioned, 165. Grecs du roi. See Garamond. Greek MSS., Aldus’s imitation of, I, 127, 128 and m. Greek Testament, I, 240. Greek types, De Colines’, 1, 191; Garamond’s, 236-238; “Royal,” 238 (and see Silver Letter); in Complutensian Polyglot, II, 46; Hibbert’s, 192; Image’s, 215; Proctor’s, 215, 216 and n. Green, Samuel, II, 149, 150. Griffi, Francesco, I, 76, 128, 129. Grismand, J., II, 98. 292 INDEX Groot, J. de, specimen, II, 42. Groppo, Antonio, I, 174. Groulleau, Estienne, 1, 200, II, 80 m. Grover, James, II, 99, 103. Grover, Thomas, II, 99. Gryphius, J., I, 162. Gryphius, Sebastian, 1, 204. Guérin, Maurice de, Le Centaur, II, 217. Guérin (H.L.) and Delatour (L.F.), I, 214, 271. Guicciardini, L., Descrittione di Tutti i Paesi Bassi, II, 28; mentioned, 13. Guillen de Brocar, Arnald, I, 106, 108, II, 46, 47, 65. Gumiel, Diego de, 1, 111. Gutenberg, Johannes, perfected in- vention of movable types, I, 3, 4, 5; mentioned, 61, 63, 84, 90. Guyot, François, II, 4, 5, 49. Guzman, Perez de, Cronica de Don Juan II (Brocar), II, 47, 65; (Monfort), 58, 77, 78. Haas, Wilhelm, I, 151. Hacon, W. L., II, 211. Haebler, Konrad, Tyſiographie Ibérique du Quinzième Siècle, 1, 102 m.; Early Printers of Shain and Portugal, 102 m.; quoted, 99, 100–102, II, 45, 47, 61, 62, 65; mentioned, I, 106, 107. Haener, Henri, 1, 251, 267. Hagenbach, Peter, 1, 109, II, 45, 61. Hall, F. W., quoted, 1,49, 50, 53 m. Han, Ulrich, 1, 72, 79. Hanmer, Sir Thomas, his edition of Shakespeare, II, 139. Hansard, Thomas C., quoted, II, 195, 196. Hansy, Honoré T. de, 1, 273. Harmsen & Co., II, 42. Harper, Thomas, II, 131. Hart, Horace, II, 97 m. Harvard College, and the first Colo- nial press, II, 149, 150; types given to, by Hollis, 150 and n. Hatfield, Arnold, II, 131. Hautin, Pierre, 1, 195, 213, 250, II, 4. Hawkins (Rush C.) Collection, 1, 68 and n., 95. Hebrew types, Le Bé’s, 1, 204, 205. “Height-to-paper,” 1, 34 m. Hèle, Georges de la, Masses, II, 5, 9, 13. JHelvetiorum Resſhublica, II, 16. Hémery, J. d’, II, 267. Henric of Delft, I, 97, 98. Hentzsken, Michael, I, 142. Herbort, J., Jenson’s successor, I, 74. Herculaneum and Pompeii, effect of discovery of, on design, II, 160. Herder, J. G. von, Briefe, 1, 148. Hérissant, Jean T., I, 262, 269. Hérissant, Marie N. (Estienne), spe- cimen, I, 269. Hewitt, Graily, II, 213. Heynlin, Johann, 1, 83, 84,89; II,248. Hibbert, Julian, Book of the Orſhhic Hymns, II, 192 and n. Hispanic Society of America, II, 68 77. Historia von D. Johann Faustem, I, 146. History of the River Thames, II, 147. Hobby Horse, The Century Guild, II, 201. Holland, Philemon, translation of Pliny, II, 130. Holland. See Netherlands. Holle, L., I, 66. Hollis, Thomas, II, 101 m., 150 and n. Holtrop, J. W., Monuments Tyſo- graft hiques des Pays-Bas, 1, 93 and n., 94. Holyoke, Edward, quoted, II, 101 m. Homer, Iliad and Odyssey (Foulis), II, 117, 143; Iliad (Bowyer), 136. Hondius, H., II, 29. Hondius, J., II, 24, 28, 29, 30. Hongre, Pierre, 1, 90. Hooft, Pieter C., JVederlandsche Historien, II, 32. INDEX Horace, Ohera (Miscomini), 1, 80; (Édition du Louvre), 217, 231; (Imprimerie Royale),240; (Pine), II, 137, 138; (Foulis), 143; (Di- dot), 163 m., 178; Odes and Ehis- tles, 1, 197. Horæ ad usum Sarum (Caxton), I, 117; (Pynson), 123; (Notary and Barbier), 121, 122. Horæ Beatae Virginis ad usum Pari- Siensem, I, 191. Horman, W., Vulgaria, II, 89, 125. Hornby, C. H. St. John, II, 213. Horne, Herbert P., The Century Guild Hobby Horse, II, 201; types designed by, 214. Hostingue, printer at Rouen, II, 89 m. Hours, Books of, I, 88; and see Ho- 7°3′2. Hours of work, II, 270, 271. Housman, Laurence, II, 238. Hugo, Obsidio Bredana, II, 14. Humanistic MSS., and Italian roman types, I, 70. Humanistic writing, a revival of Car- olingian minuscule, I, 53 and n., 54, 55; results of its adoption, 56. Humanists’ Library, The, II, 215. Hume, David, History of England, II, 188. Hurio, Francesco del, II, 70. Hurus, Juan, I, 106. Hurus, Pablo, I, 104, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110. Hurus printing-house, II, 45, 46. Husz, Martin, I, 89. Husz, Matthieu, I, 91. Hutten, Ulrich, De Unitate Eccle- siae Conservanda, I, 142. Hutz and Sanz, I, 110. Hy/imerotomachia Poliſh hili. See Co- lonna. I, CAPITAL, originally represented J also, I, 22 and n., 23, II, 236. Ibarra, Joachin, his career, II, 54 ff.; court printer, 55, 57; books printed by, 55, 56, 71–75; rivalry 293 . between Didot and, 55, 56; his death, 57; his office carried on by his widow and sons, 59; mentioned, 1, 177, 186, 219, II, 53, 82. Icíar, Juan de, 1, 110 and n. Ideograms, 1, 40 and n. Ifern, Pedro, specimen, II, 84, 85. Il Francia. See Raibolini. Image, Selwyn, II, 215. Imprenta Real, II, 79; specimen, 85, 86; mentioned, 59, 69. Impressão Regio (Lisbon), II, 54 n. Imprimerie Nationale, and Gara- mond’s types, 1, 238; ‘‘historical types” of, II, 186; comparative table of, 186, 187; and see next entry. Imprimerie Royale, founded, 1, 238 ff.; first books printed at, 240, 241; Grandjean’s types (romain du roi) cast for, 241,242, 243; Luce’s types and ornaments bought for, 245, 246; aided by royal subven- tions, 246, 247; productions of, 248 m.; specimen, II, 184; men- tioned, I, 212, II, 179; and see Garamond. Index Exſurgatorius, 1, 180. Initial letters, calligraphic, in early French books, I., 87, 88, 91; en- graved, in early Spanish books, 100, 111; selection of, for modern composing-room, II, 237. Irish type, II, 95 m. Islip, Adam, II, 128, 130. Italian art, influence of, in France, I, 190. Italian cursive handwriting, and italic type, 1, 125, 128, 129. “Italian letter’’ (roman), II, 89, 91. Italic, Aldine, 1, 125 ff.; reasons for invention of, 126, 127, 128; based on Italian cursive hand, 128, 129; model for all later italic types, 129 ; different names of, 129; counterfeited at Lyons, whereitalic capitals were first added, 130. Italy, types and printing in : fifteenth century, I, 70–81; Aldine italic, 294, INDEX 125–132; from 1500 to 1800, 159– 187; Bodoni, II, 163–175; mod- ern, 221, 222. J , CAPITAL, I used for, in early times, 1, 22, 23, II, 236; differentiated from I, I, 22 m. ; lower-case, dif- ferentiated from i, 22 n., 23. Jacobi, J. G., Iris, I, 148. Jackson, Joseph: his “peculiar” fonts, II, 121 ; his foundry sold to Caslon, 122; mentioned, 104, 105 m. Jacquemin, type-cutter, II, 179, 184. Jacquinot, Dominique, L’Usage de !’.Astrolabe, 1, 200. James, Thomas, II, 99 m., 100. James foundry, obtains types from Holland, II, 99, 100; purchased by Mores, 102 m. Jansson, J., II, 29. Jaugeon, Nicolas, I, 7, 11, 241 and n. Jenson, Nicolas, at Venice, I, 73; his roman types, 73, 74, 79; his gothic types, 74, 78; books printed and published by, 74; contemporary eulogy of, 74–76; mentioned, 71, 234, 243, II, 116, 177, 206, 207, 208, 212, 217, 233. Jobin, Bernhard, I, 141. Johannot, Tony, II, 180. John of Westphalia, 1, 97. Johnson, Lawrence, II, 156. Johnson, Samuel, quoted, I, 126; Dictionary, II, 140, 141; Rasselas, 189. Joly, Maurice P., I, 267. Jombert, C. A., I, 222. Jordan, Peter C., II, 156. Josephus, Flavius, Works, 1, 193, 194; History of the Jews, 200,201. Junius, Francis : his gift of Gothic, Saxon, and other types to Oxford, II, 95, 96; Etymologicum Angli- canum, 135 m. Junta, Tomas, II, 69. Juvenal, Satires (Du Pré), 1, 91; (Imprimerie Royale), 241. Juvenal and Persius (Aldus), 1, 126, 128; Baskerville, II, 112; (Chis- wick Press, 198, 199. Kanren, Berlin type-founder, 1, 151. Kauffmann, Angelica, II, 161. Keblin, Ignace A., I, 180. Kelmscott Press, established by W. Morris, II, 204; editions of, con- sidered, 204, 205, 207, 208, 216. Kerver, Jacques, 1, 191, 199. Kerver, Thielman, 1, 193. Ketelaer and Leempt, Dutch print- ers, I, 94, 95. Klopstock, F. G., Messias, 1, 147. Koberger, Anton, I, 63, 64, 65, II, 207. Koler, Andr., I, 156. Könnecke, Gustav, Bilderatlas zur Geschichte der deutschem JVational- litteratur, I, 141 m. Kranz, Martin, 1, 83, 85. La FONTAINE, Jean de, Fables Choi- sies, I, 213, 215, 222 and n., 223 and n.; Contes (édition des fer- mier8-généraux), 215; (6dition du Louvre), 217. La Motte, Antoine H. de, Fables JVouvelles, 1, 219, 220. La Rochelle, Née de, quoted, II, 57. Lactantius, Ohera, 1, 72. Laet, J. de, Gallia, II, 16. Laigue, Estienne de, 1, 195. Lama, Giuseppe de, II, 168, 173 m. Lamesle, Claude, specimen, 1, 213, 270, 271; mentioned, 202. Latin alphabet, I, 38–57. Latin writing, periods in history of, I, 42 f.; and see Carolingian mi- nuscule, Humanistic writing. Laud, William, II, 95, 96. Laurent, J. F., II, 183 and n. Le Bé, Guillaume I; his Hebrew types, I, 204, 205; mentioned, II, 4, 6, 7. INDEX Le Bé, Guillaume II, letter of, to Moretus, II, 5, 6; mentioned, 1, 205, 212. Le Bé, Guillaume III, and his daugh- ter, 1, 205, 248; mentioned, II, 36. Le Bé foundry, 1,266. L’Écluse, Charles de, Rariorum Stirhium Hisſhamiae Historia, II, 10, 11, 13. Le Fèvre, Raoul, I, 114. Le Jay, Gui Michel, Polyglot Bible, 1, 208, 238, II, 98, 103. Le Mercier, P. G., 1, 213. Le Monnier (Abbé), Fètes des Bonnes-Gens de Canon, II, 163 m. Le Petit, Jules, Bibliographie des Principales Editions, etc., I, 232 m. Le Petit, Pierre, 1, 209, 210. Le Preux, Poncet, 1, 195. Le Rouge, Pierre, 1,88,233. Le Roy, Guillaume, 1, 89. Le Royer, Jean, 1, 202. Le Sueur, Nicolas, 1, 223. Leeu, Gerard, I, 95. Lefèvre, Th., I, 24. Leger, L., specimen, II, 183, 184. Legouvé, Gabriel, Le Mérite des Femmes, etc., II, 163 m. Legrand, type-founder at Avignon, I, 180. Lemercier, Pierre G., I, 273. Lenzoni, C., La Clori, I, 168. Lesage, A. L., Gil Blas, II, 180. Leslie, Charles, Theological Works, II, 135, 136. Lessing, Gotthold Ephraim, JWathan der Weise, I, 148. Letters of Charlotte, The, II, 143. Letters of Indulgence, I, 60, 61. Lettersnijder, Cornelis Henriczoon, II, 26 and m. Lettersnijder, Jan, II, 26. Lettou, John, I, 122. Lettre batarde, 1, 55, 60, 86 and n., 87, 91, 92, 96, 116, 122, 124, 192; (Mouchon’s, 1890), II, 222. Lettre de forme, I, 55, 60, 61, 62, 295 86 and n., 89, 90, 93, 96, 116, 117, 121, 122, 124, 192, 193, 194, 195. Lettre de Somme, 1,60, 63 and n., 64. Lettre francoyse d’art et de main. See Civilité type. Leyes del Quaderno, etc., I, 110. Leyes for la Brewedad des los Pleitos, 1, 109. Liber Festivalis, 1, 120. Libros Memores, 1, 108. Lied auf die Schlacht von Pavia, I, 141. Lilio de Medicina, 1, 110. Lille, Abbé de, 1, 226, 227. Lipsius, Justus, II, 11, 13. Littlefield, George E., II, 149 m. Littleton, Sir Thomas, Tenores JVo- velli, I, 122. Liturgical works in Spain, II, 50. Livermore, Martin, II, 105. Livy, Ohera (Coci), II, 62, 65; (Wetstein and Luchtmans), 33. Lobel, Mathias de, II, 13. Lobinger, Pancr., I, 156. Löneissen, G.E., Von Zeumen, 1,141. Loritus, Henricus, Dodecachordon, I, 145. Lorraine, Jean de, II, 89 m. Los Santos, Francisco de, Descriſi- cion breve, etc., II, 69, 70. Lothaire, Cardinal, Comfiendium Breve, 1, 89. Lottin, Augustin Martin, I, 212, 247, 251, 266 and n., 268, 272. Iouis XIII, 1, 207, 209, 238. Louis XIV, 1, 206, 241, 242, 246, 275. Louis XV, I, 245, 247, 275. Louis XVI, 1,48, 216, 247, 272,275. Louis Philippe, 1, 276. Louvain, early printing at, I, 95, 96, 97, 98. Louveau, J., I, 201. Lower-case letters, beginnings of, 1, 45. Loyson specimen, 1, 268. 296 INDEX Lucan, Pharsalia (Renouard), 1, 230; (Strawberry Hill), II, 140. Luce, Louis: his types, I, 244, 245, 246; his Essai d'une JVouvelle Ty- fograft hie, etc., 244 and n., 245; Ehreuve du Premier A/h/habeth Droit et Penché, 246 and m. ; men- tioned, 148, 259, 263, II, 159, 160, 181, 187. Lucena, Juan de, Refleticion de Amo- res, etc., I, 110. Luchtmans, Samuel, II, 33. Luckombe, Philip, History of Print- àng, II, 104 m. Lucretius, De Rerum JVatura, Italian translation of, II, 163 m. Luther, Erasmus, specimen, I, 135; mentioned, 150 and m. Luther, Martin, German Bible, 1, 145, 146; mentioned, 143, 150. Lutheran Foundry, I, 150 and n., 157. Lyons, early printing at, I, 89–91; Al- dus’s italic pirated at, 130; print- ing at, in sixteenth century, 202– 204; printers’ strike at, in 1539, II, 253–256, and its results, 258. McCREERy, John, The Press, II, 124, 189; specimen, 124 m. McCulloch, William, quoted, II, 152, 153. McKerrow, R. B., II, 93 and m. Mabre-Cramoisy, Sébastien, 1, 211 and n. Machlinia, William de, 1, 97, 117, 122, II, 89. Mackail, J. W., quoted, II, 210 m. Mackellar, Thomas, II, 156. Mackellar, Smiths and Jordan, II, 156. Madan, Falconer, The Oxford Uni- versity Press, II, 97 m. Magalotti, Lorenzo, Count, Saggi di JVaturali Esherienze, etc., I, 169. Mainz, early printing at, by Guten- berg, I, 4, 5; earliest dated piece of printing printed at, 60; other works printed at, 61 ff.; sack of (1462), causes printers to scatter through Europe, 67; their chief customers, 67, 68; the types they made,68, 69; went mostly to Italy, 69; at Subiaco, 71. Malo de Lugue, Eduardo, Establi- cimientos Ultramarinos, etc., II, 75, 76. Malory, Sir T., Morte Darthur, II, 213. Mame, A. H. A., II, 182. Manihulus Curatorum, 1, 85, 106. Manni, Joseph, 1, 171. Mansion, Colard, 1, 95, 96, 97, 115, 116, 119, II, 89. Manuel de Mena, Francisco, II, 52. Manuale Burgense, 1, 108. Manuscripts, first printed booksimi- tations of late, I, 38, 39; copying of, under Charlemagne, 48, 49; relation of gothic types to, 48, 52, 53, 60; Italian and early printed books, 80, 81; and printing, 136, 137; and see Humanistic writing. Manutius, Aldus. See Aldus. Manutius, Paul, 1, 180, 181. Mappa, Adam Gerard, II, 152. Marcellin-Legrand, II, 179, 184,187. Marcolini, F., I, 160. Marder, Luse & Co., I, 33. Mariana, Juan de, Historia General de Esfiafia, II, 56, 58, 77. Mariette, Denis, II, 261. Marillier, Clément Pierre, 1, 214, 224. Marin, Antonio, II, 59, 79. Marshall, Thomas, quoted, II, 96, 97; mentioned, 43. Martens, Thierry, 1, 96, II, 26, 27. Martial, Ehigrams, 1, 197. Martin, Edme, 1, 209. Martin, Robert, II, 114. Martin, William : his types, II, 123, 124 and n., 230; mentioned, 121, 144 and n., 145, 146, 147, 189. Martinez, Antonio, I, 108. INDEX Martinez de Jaravia, Antonio. See Nebrija, Antonio de. Mathematical signs, early use of, 1, 18 77. Matthaeus of Flanders, 1, 105, 106. Mattioli, P. A., commentary on Di- OScorides, 1, 173 m. Maximes Morales et Politiques tirées de Télémaque, 1, 247. Mayeur. See Fonderie Mayeur. Mazières, Veuve, 1, 220. a Médailles sur les Princifiaur Evé- nements du Regne de Louis le Grand, I, 242. Medici, Cardinal Ferdinand de’, 1, 134. Medici Society, London, II, 215. Mellottée, Paul, II, 249. Mena. See Manuel de Mena. Mendez, F., Tyſiograft hia Esfiañola, II, 52, 53, 55, 59, 82 m. Mendoza. See Salazar de Mendoza. Mentelin, John, I, 65, 66, II, 206. Mer des Hystoires, 1, 88, 91. Mercator, II, 23. Mercator and Hondius, Atlas JVovus, II, 29. Merrymount Press, II, 214, 217. Mexico, first American book printed in (1539), II, 60. Microcosm of London, The, II, 191. Millar, A., II, 139. Miller & Richard, “Series of Old Founts,” II, 230, 236. Milton, John, Works (Baskerville), II, 109, 110; Poetical Works (Bul- mer), 144, 145; Paradise Lost (Foulis), 143; Early Poems (Vale Press), 211. Miroir de Vie Humaine, I, 89. Mirouer de la Redemption, Le, 1,89. Mirror of Consolation, 1, 121. Mirrour of the World, 1, 117. Miscomini, Antonio, I, 79, 80. Missal, Bamberg (1481 and 1488), 1, 62 and n.; Sarum (Notary), 121, (Pynson), 123; Toledan, 109; and see following entries. 297 Missale Diocesis Coloniensis, 1, 191. Missale Parisiense, 1,86. Missale Romanum, II, 45, 46. Missale Salisburgense, 1, 62. Missale secundum usum Lugduni, I, 90. Missarum Musicalium, 1, 195, 196. Moléjeune, specimens, II, 182; men- tioned, 184. Molière (J. B. Poquelin, dit), CEuvres (Prault), 1, 230; (Didot), 230. Molini (G. C.) and Lamy (P.M.), 1, 227. Momoro, A. F., I, 249 and n. Monfort, Benito, II, 52, 56, 58 and m., 77, 78. Monnet, Jean, Anthologie Françoise, etc., I, 223, 224. Montaigne, Michel de, Essays, II, 216. Montano, Benito A., II, 4, 13. Montfaucon, Monumens de la Mon- archie Françoise, 1, 220. Moore, Isaac, & Co., specimen, II, 118. Morales, Juan Gomez, II, 51, 52. Morante, Diaz, Arte JVueva de Es- cribir, II, 87. Moreau, Pierre: his types, 1, 207, 208; mentioned, 269, II, 163 m. Moreau, J. M., le jeune, I, 214. Moreri, Louis, II, 260, 261. Mores, Edward Rowe: his Disserta- tion uſion English Tyſiograft.hical Founders and Founderies quoted, I, 25 m., 86 m., II, 43,96,100, 102, 103, 239, 240; specimen of James foundry, 102 n. Moretus, Edouard, II, 15. Moretus, Johan I, Plantin’s son-in- law, letter of Le Bé II to, II, 5, 6; mentioned, 13, 36, 53. Moretus, Johan II, II, 13, 36. Morgan, John Pierpont, Catalogue of Manuscripts, etc., in library of, II, 201. Morosini, Andrea, Historia Veneta, I, 166. 298 INDEX Morris, William, as writer and dec- orator, II, 202; as printer, 203; establishes Kelmscott Press, 204; his JVote on his JAims, etc., 205, 206; his types, 206, 207; his work considered, 207,208, and its effect on typography, 208, 209; quoted, 230; mentioned, 201, 210, 211, 212, 216, 217, 245; The Roots of the Mountains, 204; Gunnlaug Saga, 204; The Story of the Glit- tering Plain (first “Kelmscott” book), 204; The Golden Legend, 206; Historyes of Troye, 207; The Order of Chivalry, 207. Moxon, Joseph, sketch of, I, 9 m.; specimens and Mechanick Excer- cises, 9 m., 135, II, 43, 44, 95 and m.; quoted, 43; his foundry, 99; mentioned, I, 261, II, 20, 21. Mozarabic Breviary, II, 45. Mozarabic Missal, II, 45. Mozet, Claude, I, 268. Muller, J. C., I, 156. Murray, Gilbert, quoted, II, 247. Murray, John, II, 191. Music printing, I, 155, 195, 196. Music types, Sanlecque, 1,213; Four- nier, 265; Plantin, II, 5 ; Elzevir, 21; Rosart, 41, 42. Myllar, Androw, first Scottish print- er, II, 89 m. N ANNINI, Remigio, Considerationi Civili, I, 164. Napoleon I, 1, 183, 218, 275, 276, II, 165. Napoleon III, 1, 276. Nebrija, Antonio de, Introductionum Latinarum, I, 108, 109; Introduc- tiones in Latinam Grammaticam, II, 66, 67; Hymnorum Recognitio, 67; mentioned, I, 101; and see Un- known Printer of Salamanca. Nebrija, Sancho de, II, 65, 66, 67. Nebrissensis, AElius Antoninus. See Nebrija, A. de. Neobar, Conrad, I, 233. Netherlands (Holland and Belgium), types and printing in the : fifteenth century, 1, 93-98; from 1500 to 1800, II, 3-44; modern, 222. Neudörfer, Johann, 1, 140 m. Neumeister, J., I, 62, 90. New, Edmund, II, 214. JVew English Dictionary, II, 141. New Testament (Froben), 1, 143; (Didot), 229, 230; (Estienne), 237; Irish (Everingham), II, 95 m. Newcomb, Thomas, II, 132. Nicholls, A., II, 98. Nicholls, Nicholas, earliest English specimen (1665), 1, 135, II, 94, 95. Nichols, Charles L., II, 156. Nichols, John, II, 121. Nicol, George, II, 123, 144 and n., 146, 148 m. Nicol, W., II, 144. Nijhoff, Wouter, L’Art Tyſhogra- fi/hique dams les Pays-Bas, II, 25 and n., 26, 27. Nogarola, L., Dialogus, etc., I, 162. North, Sir Thomas, translation of Plutarch, II, 90, 128. Notary, Julian, I, 121. Novarra, C. G. de, Contemplaciones sobre el Rosario, etc., I, 111. Noyers, Sublet de, 1, 239. JVuremberg Chronicle, 1,65. Nutt, David, II, 201. OBELisco Vaticano, Della Tras- fortazione dell’, 1, 181. Obra Allaors de S. Cristofol, I, 110. Occleve, Thomas, I, 56. Officia Quotidiana, I, 106, II, 45. Officina Isingriniana, printing-house, I, 144. Officina Plantiniana, II, 14, 15. Ogilby, John, II, 99, 132. Old Style, “Modernized ‘’ or “Re- vived,” II, 201 and n., 232. Oliveros de Castilla, I, 111. Olivier, Peter, II, 89 m. INDEX Olschki, Leo S., quoted, i. 39, 178 m. Oporinus, J., I, 143. Orcesi, Niccolò, 1, 177. Ordinale seu Pica Sarum, 1, 117. Orga, José de, II, 52 and n., 53 and m., 58. Orga, Tomas de, II, 52 m. Oriental types, 1, 179 m., 181, 182; II, 95, 96, 98, 122. Oriental typography, 1, 179 m., 181, 182. Orsi, Luigi, II, 169. Ortel, Abraham, Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, II, 11, 29; mentioned, 13, 23. Ortiz de Saravia, Maria, II, 69. Os, Gottfried van, 1, 120. Oudry, Jean Baptiste, 1, 213, 215, 222. Ovid, Heroides (Bindoni), 1, 173 n.; Metamorfihoses (Gorgonzola), 159, 160; (Tonson), II, 135. See Vita, La, etc. Oxford, early printing at, I, 123. Oxford Book of English Verse, II, 200. Oxford Foundry, II, 97. “Oxford” type, II, 231. Oxford University, II, 94. Oxford University Press, specimens, 1, 135; history of, II, 95 f.; men- tioned, 43, 44, 122, 133, 135 m., 238. Pablos, Juan, II, 60. Pace, Richard, Oratio, II, 89. Paderborn, Johann of, I, 95. Paffraet, Albert, II, 27. Paffraet, Richard, I, 95. Palencia, Alfonso de, Eftistula de Bello Granatensi, I, 108. Palmart, Lambert, I, 105,106, 107, 108. Palmer, Samuel, II, 99 m., 136. Pannartz, Arnold, I, 71, 72, 78, 79; and see Sweynheym and Pan- nartZ. 299 Pantagraph, uses of, in type-cutting, I, 11, 12. Paolini, Stefano, I, 182. Paolo Giovio, Historiarum &ui Tem- floris, 1, 161; Vitae duodecim Vice- comitum Mediolani Princiſium, 235. Papillon, J. B., 1,215, 220, 222, 223, 274. Paradin, Claude, Alliances Généalo- giques des Rois de France, 1, 202, 203; Symbola Heroica, II, 10. Paré, Ambroise, Méthode Curative, etc., I, 202. Parentalia in JAnniversario Funere Mariae Clementinae, etc., 1, 182, 183. Paris, early printing at, I, 82; six- teenth century printing at, 188ff.; printers’ strike in, in sixteenth century, II, 256, 257; conditions of printing in, in early eighteenth century, 258 and n., 259 f. Parker, Matthew, quoted, II, 91; De Antiquitate Britannicæ Eccle- siaº, 91, 92; mentioned, 98, 128. Parma, Duchy of, II, 55 and m.; and see Bodoni, Giambattista. Parnell, Thomas. See Goldsmith. Pasquali, J. B., I, 174. Pasteur, J. A., specimens, I, 274, II, 183. Pater, Paul, specimen, I, 152. Pavoni, Giuseppe, 1, 165. Peignot foundry, Paris, II, 223, 227. Peintures Antiques de Bartoli, pro- spectus of, I, 227, 228. Pelican Press, London, II, 216 n. Pepys, Samuel, II, 70. Percier, Charles, I, 231, II, 163 m. Pernot, type-founder at Avignon, 1, 180. Perrin, Louis, II, 185. Persius, Satires, II, 67; and see Ju- venal and Persius. Peter the Great, his Bible, II, 32, cº) ºn J J . 3OO INDEX Petit, Jean, 1, 193, 200. Petit Bernard, Le. See Salomon, Ber- nard. Petrarch, Francesco, I, 78, 128. Petri, Henric, 1, 145. Petri, Joh., specimen, I, 133, 134, 145. Phalaris, Ehistolæ, 1, 109. Philip II and printing in Spain, II, 48, 49. Philip V and printing in Spain, II, 49, 50; mentioned, 71. Philip, Duke of Parma, II, 55. Piazzetta, J. B., I, 174. Picart, Jean, I, 250. Picart, Bernard, II, 24, 33, 34. Pickering, William, II, 198, 199. Pickering editions, II, 199. Pierres, Philippe Denis, specimen, I, 250, 255 m., 273, 274; his career, 272, 273; mentioned, 269. Pignoni, Z., 1, 168. Pigouchet, Philippe, 1, 88. Pinard, J., II, 183. Pine, John, his edition of Horace, II, 137, 138. Pine, William, II, 118. Pinelli, Antonio, I, 166. Pissarro, Lucien, II, 213. Pistorius, Jean, I, 151. Pius VII, 1, 183, 184, 276. Plantin, Christophe, specimen, I, 134, II, 7, 8; career of, 3 ff.; made Antwerp a centre of printing, 4; his Polyglot Bible, 4, 7, 10; divers printing “privileges,” 5; rela- tions with Du Tour, 5; his music types, 5; his earlier and later work compared, 10 f.; his death, 13; mentioned, I, 143, II, 28, 29, 36, 37, 47, 48, 49, 52, 53. Plantin-Moretus family, II, 48. Plantin-Moretus office, II, 13 ff., 50. Plantin-Moretus Museum, II, 14, 37; Shecimen des Caractères, etc., 8, 9. Plautus, Comaediae, 1, 222. Pliny, Historia Maturalis (John de Spire), 1, 72 ; (Elzevir), II, 17; Holland’s translation (Islip), 130, 131. Ploos van Amstel, brothers, II, 23, 39, 40, 42. Plutarch, Lives, North’s transla– tion, II, 90, 128. Poétique type (Luce), 1, 244, 245, 246. Poetry of the Anti-Jacobin, II, 189. Poggiali, C., Memorie ſher le Storia Letteraria di Piacenza, 1, 177. Point-line. See Standard Lining Sys- tem. Point-set, I, 34, 37. Point system, Fournier’s, 1, 26 ff.; his description of it, 28–31; and the metric system, 32, 33; the American, 33; effect of its adop- tion in typographical practice, 34; adopted in England, 34; and see Fournier (Pierre Simon), Didot (François Ambroise). Pole, Reginald, Cardinal, De Con- cilio, I, 180, 181. Pollard, Alfred W., Catalogue of the Annmary Brown Memorial (Haw- kins) Collection, 1, 68 m.; quoted, I, 4, 5, 65, 68, 88, 95, 96, 103, 109, 125, 126, 137, II, 94, 126, 21 6. Polyglot Bible, Complutensian, his- tory and description of, II, 46, 63–65; mentioned, 1, 192, II, 98, 216; Plantin’s, II, 4, 7, 10, 98; Le Jay’s (Paris), 1,208, 238, II, 103; Walton’s (London), II, 92, 98, 132. Polyglot Founders, the, II, 98. Pombal, Marquis de, II, 54 m. Pompadour, Madame de, as printer, I, 247 and m. Pompeii. See Herculaneum. Pomponius Mela, Cosmograft hia, I, 108. Pontanus, J., Rerum et Urbis Am- stelodamensium Historia (Hon- dius), Latin, II, 28; Dutch, 29. INDEX Ponz, Antonio, quoted, II, 73, 82. Pope, Alexander, Works (Tonson), II, 135; (Bowyer), 136; (Foulis), 142; translation of the Iliad (Bow- yer), 136. Pradell, Eudaldo I, II, 83, 84. Pradell, Eudaldo II, specimen, II, 83, 84. Pradell, Marguerite, wife of Pedro Ifern, II, 84. Prault, Pierre, 1, 230. Pré, Galiot du, I, 195. Pré, Jean du, I, 86, 88, 91. Prévost, Abbé, travels, 1, 216. Prince, E. P., II, 215, 236. Printers, early, methods of, I, 66– 69; their own type-designers and founders, 133. Printing, date of introduction of, in various European countries, I, 59; separation of, from letter-found- ing, II, 98. Prior, Matthew, Poems, II, 135. Proctor, Robert, I, 80, 90, 91, 236, II, 95 m., 215, 216 and n. Propaganda Fide, press of the, speci- men alphabets, I, 134, 135; men- tioned, II, 163, 164. Prototype, the, 1, 29, 30, 31. Psalter, Latin (Mainz), first dated book printed from movable types, 1, 62, 82; Sarum (Caxton), 117. Psalterium . . 193. Ptolemy, L. Claudius, Cosmogra- flhia, I, 66. Pulgar, Fernando de, Crónica de los Reyes Católicos (Monfort), II, 58, 78; (Sancho de Nebrija), 66; El Gran Caſhitam, 62. Punches, hand-cut, I, 10; invention of machine for cutting, 11; the meth- ods compared, 11, 12. Pybus,Charles Small, The Sovereign, II, 188. Pyes of Salisbury Use, 1, 117. Pynson, Richard, I, 122, 123, II, 88, 89 and n., 125, 126. . Virginis Marie, 1, 3Ol Quæstiones JAntonii Andreae, I, 122. Queen Elizabeth’s Prayer Book, II, 92. Quincufflex Psalterium, 1, 192, 193. 46 R BIZARRE,” font of the, I, 65. Racine, Jean, CEuvres (édition du Louvre), 1, 217, II, 177, 178; JAthalie, I, 211. Ramirez, Gabriel, II, 54, 59, 79. Ramsay, A. M. de, Histoire du Wi- comte de Turenne, 1, 220, 221. Raphelengius, F., specimen, I, 134; mentioned, II, 13. Ratdolt, Erhard, borders and initials, 1, 77 and n.; specimen, 77, 133, 145; mentioned, 79. Rayon, José Sancho, II, 45. Real Biblioteca, Madrid, specimen, II, 83. Rechten, ende Costumen van Ant- werfien, II, 12. Recuyell of the Historyes of Troye, I, 114. Reed, T. B.: his History of Old Eng- lish Letter Foundries quoted, I, 14 m., II, 89 m., 91, 93, 100. Regnault, François, 1, 193, 200. Relacion del Ultimo Viageal Estrecho de Magallames, II, 59. Rembolt, Berthold, 1, 85, 86. Renouard, Antoine A., I, 230, 231. Renouard, Ph., I, 198 m., II, 174, 179. - “Republics, The ” (Elzevir), II, 16, 17. Reshublica, sive Status Regni Scotiae et Hiberniæ, II, 16. Revelation of St. JVicholas, 1, 122. Reynolds, Sir Joshua, Discourse, etc., II, 142. Ricardo, Antonio, II, 60. Riccardi Press editions, II, 215. Ricci, Seymour de, A Census of Cartons, I, 120 m. Richelieu, Cardinal, Les Princifiaux 3O2 INDEX Poincts de la Foy Catholique Dé- fendus, I, 240; mentioned, 209, 238 and m. , 239. Ricketts, Charles, and the Vale Press, II, 210, 211; mentioned, 213. Ridolfi, B., Oratio in Funere Caroli III, II, 55. Ringhier, Innocent, Dialogue de la Wie et de la Mort, 1, 201. Ripoli Press, 1, 9 and n., 10. Risorgimento Grafico, II, 222. Riverside Press, II, 216. Robert, Hubert, II, 160. Roberts, S. C., The Cambridge Uni- versity Press, 1521–1921, II, 96 m. Rockner, Vincenz, I, 140 m. Rogers, Bruce, quoted, I, 11, 12; his types, II, 216, 217; men- tioned, I, 189. Rolu, Dutch letter-cutter, II, 100. Romain du roi. See Grandjean. Roman, Jan, II, 23. - Roman capitals with italic fonts, 1, 130. Roman characters, source, I, 38, 39. Roman cursive hand, old, I, 44; new, I, 45. Roman period, in history of Latin writing, I, 42–45; scriptura cur- Siva and Scrifltura erecta, 43, 44. Rome, early printing at, I, 72; foundry at, 179, 181. Ronaldson, James, specimens, II, 155, 156; mentioned, 153. Ronaldson, Richard, II, 156. Rooman, Adriaen, II, 29. Rooses, Max, Christofthe Plantin, II, 5 77. Rosart, Jean François: specimen, II, 40, 41, 42 m.; and the Enschedés, 40, 41; his music types, 41, 42. Rosenbach, J., I, 111. Rouen, and the trade in types, II, 89 77. “Round” Gothic type. See Lettre de Somme. - Rousseau, Jean Baptiste, OEuvres, 1, 221. Royal printers and types in France, I, 233. Roycroft, Thomas, II, 92, 98, 99, 132. Ruel, Jean, De JVatura Stirſhium, 1, 197. Ruggeri, C., I, 182, II, 164. Rusch, Adolph (“R Printer”), 1, 65. S, LONG, lower case, II, 229 and n. Sacrobosco, Johannes de, Teactus de Shhaera, 1, 197. St. Albans, early printing at, I, 123. St. Aubin, A. de, 1, 223, 259. St. Joseph, Fabrica del Convento de, Barcelona, specimen, II, 81, 82. St. Juan Climaco, De las Tablas y Escalera Shiritual, II, 60, 61. Saint-Lambert, J. D. de, Les Sai- sons, I, 224, 225. Saint-Non, Abbé de, Voyage Pitto- resque, etc., I, 213, 225, 226. St. Pierre, Bernardin de, 1, 218; La Chaumière Indienne, 227 m.; Paul et Virginie, 227 n., II, 180. Salamanca, early printing at, I, 101, 102, 106. Salazar de Mendoza, Pedro, Cronica de el gran Cardinal de Esfiafia, etc., II, 69. Sallust, Ohera (Freiburger, Gering, and Kranz), 1, 84; (Gering), 85; (Ibarra), II, 55, 56, 57, 59, 71- 73, 81. Salomon, Bernard, 1, 199, 203, 204. San Pedro, Diego de, Carcel de Amor (F. de Basilea), 1, 108; (Rosen- bach), 111. Sancha, Gabrielde, II, 59, 70, 75,76. Sanguisti, the brothers, 1, 180. Sanlecque, Jacques de I, I, 212. Sanlecque, Jacques de II, I, 212. Sanlecque, Jean de, I, 212. Sanlecque, Jean Eustache Louis de, specimen, I, 212, 213. Sanlecque, Marie, widow of J. E. L. de, quoted, I, 267. INDEX Sanlecque foundry, specimen, 1,212, 213, 266, 267; mentioned, 273, II, 4. Santander, Juan de, II, 82. Saragossa, early printing at, I, 105, 106. Saravia. See Ortiz de Saravia. Sardini, Giacomo, Storia Critica di JWicolao Jenson, 1, 177. Sauer, Christopher I, II, 151. Sauer, Christopher II, II, 151. Saugrain, C. M., I, 229. Savage, William, quoted, II, 194, 195. Savile, Sir H., and the Eton Chry- sostom, II, 95 and n. Scheffers, Jacques, 1,98. Schipper, J. J., II, 23. Schmidt, J. M., 1, 151, II, 36. Schoeffer, Johann, Reformacion der Stat Franckenfort, I, 141, 142; mentioned, II, 206, 207. Schoeffer, Peter, Hortus Sanitatis, I, 64; mentioned, 85, 98; and see Fust and Schoeffer. Schönsperger, Hans, Diurnale, I, 139, 140; Teuerdanck, 140 and m. Schrijver, Pieter, Laure-Crans voor Laurens Coster van Haerlem, II, 29. Schwabacher type, I, 64, 139, 141, 142, 145, 149, 150, 153, 155 and m., 156, 157. Scotch modern face type, II, 193, 194. Selden, John, Ohera, II, 102, 136, 137. “Self-spacing” types, 1, 34, 37. Sensenschmid, Johann, I, 62. “Series of Old Founts '' (Miller & Richard), II, 230, 236. Serif, the, defined, 1, 16 and n., 243 n.; Grandjean’s form of, 243, and its influence, II, 159. Sermo fratris Hieronymi de Ferra- ria, II, 89. Servius, Oliverius, 1, 79. Sessas, the, 1, 162. 303 Seversz., Jan, II, 26. Sewall, Jonathan M., Carmina Sacra, II, 156. Shakespeare, William : the First Fo- liosand Quartos, II, 129; Hanmer’s edition, 115, 139; the “Boydell Shakspeare,” 123, 144; divers editions suggested for comparison, 130 m. Shakespeare Exhibition, Catalogue of, II, 200. Shakespeare Head Press, II, 130 m. Shakespeare Press, II, 123, 144. Sheldon, Gilbert, II, 97. - Sheldonian Theatre, II, 133 and n., 139. Shelton, Thomas, II, 133. Siculus, Marinaeus, De Hisſhamiae Laudibus, I, 107. Signs for foot-note references, II, 229. Sigüenza y Vera, Juan J.; II, 53, 57 m. “Silver Letter” (Greek type), II, 95 and n. Silvius, G., II, 28. Simon, Claude, 1, 220. Simon, C. F., I, 151. Simpson, Benjamin, II, 94. Smith, Charlotte, Elegiac Sonnets, II, 156. Smith, George F., II, 156. Smith, John, Printer’s Grammar, II, 120. Smith, John F., II, 156. Smith, Richard, II, 156. Smith, T. W., takes over Caslon foundry, II, 105. Société Littéraire Typographique, Kehl, I, 228. Soliani printing-house, Modena, I, 172. Solis, Antonio de, Historia de la Con- quista de Mexico (Villa-Diego), II, 70; (Sancha), 76, 77. Somervile, William, The Chase, II, 147. Sommaire des Singularitez de Pline, 1, 201. 304 INDEX Sorbonne, the, and the first printers in Paris, 1, 83, 84; and the decline of printing in France, II, 3. “Sorts,” 1, 19. Soto, Perez de, II, 52, 54, 71, 79. Southey, Robert, quoted, II, 59. Sower. See Sauer. Spain, types and printing in: fifteenth century, 1, 99–112; from 1500 to 1800, II, 45–87. Spanish Academy, II, 79. Spanish books, characteristic national typography of, II, 80. Spanish typography, fifteenth cen- tury, characteristic style and ex- cellence of, I, 102, 103; assimila- tion of foreign printers, 103, 104; decorative features of incunabula in, 104; books about, 112 m.; great traditions of, persisted in sixteenth century, II, 45, 47 ; influence of Netherlands, etc., on, 48; in eigh- teenth century, 49 ff. Specimen-books and sheets of print- ers and founders, I, 133–136; and see Chronological List of Specimens preceding Index. Sheculum Christiani (Machlinia), 1, 117, 122. Sheculum Salvationis (early Dutch editions), 1, 59, 93, 94 and n. Sheculum Vitae Christi (De Worde), I, 121. Spindeler, Nicolaus, 1, 107, 111. Spire, John de, roman types used by, 1, 72, 73; mentioned, 79. Spire, Wendelin de, roman types used by, I, 72; mentioned, 79, 89, 234. Spottiswoode & Co., II, 200. Stamperia della Capilla del SS. Sacra- mento, printing-office, I, 170,171. Stamperia Medicea, 1, 179 m. Stamperia Reale (Parma), under Bo- doni, II, 164, 165, 171. Stamperia Vaticana & Camerale, specimen, 1, 166–168, 181. Standard Lining System, I, 35, 36, 37, II, 228. Stanhope, Charles, Earl: his “case,” I, 23 ; his stereotyping process, II, 190. Star Chamber decree of 1637, II, 94 and m., 98. Steele, Isaac, II, 120. Steffens, Franz, Paléograft hie Latime, I, 42 m.; on periods in history of Latin writing, 42, 43 ; quoted, 52, 56. Stephenson, Blake & Co., II, 121. Stereotype Office, England, rules of, II, 190. Stereotyping, employed by F. Didot, 1, 218; the assignats and the re- vival of, 218. Stockum, W. P. van, La Librairie, l’Im/hrimerie et la Presse em Hol- lande à travers Quatre Siècles, II, 33 m. Stower, C., quoted, II, 120. Strahan, William, II, 56, 140, 143. Strange, E. F., I, 110 m. Strawberry Hill Press, II, 140. “Strike,” in making punches, 1, 10. Strikes of French printers in six- teenth century, II, 253 ff. Stubenvoll, J. H., I, 150. Stuchs, Georg, I, 62. Subiaco, first press in Italy at, I, 71; books printed there, 72. Sulpitius, Ohus Grammaticum (De Worde), 1, 121; (Pynson), 123. Suma de Confesion, 1, 109. Superior letters and figures, II, 229. Swash italic capitals, II, 228, 229. Sweynheym, Conrad, at Subiaco, I, 71; at Rome, 72; mentioned, 78, 79. Sweynheym and Pannartz, I, 54, II, 207, 213. Swinburne, Henry, quoted, II, 73, 74. Tacitus, Ohera, II, 11, 12; JAgri- cola (Doves Press), II, 212; (Merrymount Press), 218. Tarbé, E., II, 184. INDEX Tarrant, F., II, 236. Tasso, Torquato, Gerusalemme Lib- erata (Pavoni), 1, 165; (Stampe- ria della Cappilla del SS. Sacra- mento), 170, 171; (Albrizzi), 174; (Groppo), 174; (Zatta), 175; (in French, Barbin), 210; (Didot), 227; (Imprimerie Roy- ale), 240; (in English, j. II, 131; (Bensley), 188; 4minta, 176. Tavernier, Ameet, II, 8 and m., 49. Taylor, Isaac, quoted, 1,40 and n., 41. Temple des Muses, II, 34. Téodulus, Ecloga, 1, 109. Terence, Comaediae, I, 240. Textur type, 1, 62. Thibaudeau, F., La Lettre d’Im- firimerie, 1, 232 m., 260, II, 1767., 177, 242 m. Thiboust foundry, 1, 269. Thierry, Denys, 1, 211, 269. Thomas à Kempis, De Imitatione Christi, I, 240. Thomas, Isaiah, quoted, II, 152; His- tory of Printing in America, 155, 157; specimen, 156–158; men- tioned, 150 m. Thompson, Charles, Recueil de Wi- gnettes, etc., II, 182, 183. Thompson, Sir E. Maunde, Intro- duction to Greek and Latin Palae- ograft hy, I, 41 m., quoted, I, 41, 48, 49, 51, 52, 80, 81; mentioned, 55. Thompson, John, II, 183. Thomson, James, The Seasons (Stra- han), II, 143; (Bensley), 122, 147; mentioned, 165. Thorne, Robert, specimens, II, 1947., 196; mentioned, 122, 175 m., 179. Thorowgood, William, specimens, II, 196. Thurneysser zum Thurn, Leonhardt, Historia . . . aller . . . Erdge- wechssen, I, 142. Tipografia della Società Letterária, II, 175. Tirant lo Blanch, I, 111. 305 ‘‘Titling-letters,” II, 237 and n. Tonson, Jacob, II, 133, 135, 191. Tonson, J. & R., II, 112, 115. Torrentino, Lorenzo, I, 161, 162. Torresano, A., I, 74. Tortis, Battista de, II, 82 n. Tory, Geofroy: Chamſhfleury, 1,188, 189 m., 194; influence of, in the displacement of gothic by roman types, 189; use of accents, etc., introduced by, 189; mentioned, 86 m., 88, 189,193, 197, 198, 201, 231, 233, 235, 237, II, 126. Tour, Henri du, and Plantin, II, 5; mentioned, 8, 36, 39. Tournes, Jean de I, 1, 199, 203,204. Tournes, Jean de II, 1, 203. Trattner, J. T., specimen, I, 156, 157; mentioned, 150. Trecentale Bodleianum, II, 200. Trincher, Pedro, 1, 110. Trivorius, Gabriel, Observatio Ahol. ogetica, etc., I, 206, 207. Trott, Bartholomew, I, 130. Truchet, Sébastien, 1, 241 m. Tudor and Stuart Library, II, 200. Tudor Translations, II, 201. Tuileries, the, printing-house at, I, 247. Turrecremata, Cardinal, Medita- tiones, I, 62, 71. Type, defined and described, 1, 15, 16; measurement of, 28 ff.; names of sizes of: in England, seventeenth century, I, 24, 25, 26 n., 27; varied in different countries, 25, 26, 27; traditional names aban- doned for point system by Didot, 32. Type Facsimile Society, Publications of, I, 78, 80. Type-casting, different methods of, I, 7; hand-casting, 8, 9, 14 m.; ma- chine-casting, 13; the two meth- ods compared, 13. Type-cutters, early, I, 5, 6, 133. Type-forms of fifteenth century, classes of, I, 59, 60. 3O6 INDEX Type-metal, in early types, I, 9, 10; in modern types, 13, 14. Types, method of study of, I, 131, 132; of fifteenth century, the classics of type-history, 132; dete- rioration in, in sixteenth century, 136 ff., 142; effect of mixture of different sizes and styles of, 161, 162, 163, 168; specially designed and privately cut, value of, dis- cussed, II, 218, 219; selection of, for modern composing-room, 227 ff.; undesirable kinds of, 243, 244. Types recently cut (private fonts starred): "Ashendene, II, 213; Auriol, 223; "Avon, 211; Batardes Coulées, Les, 237; "Brook, 213; Cadmus Old Style, 233; "Cam- bridge, 214; "Centaur, 217; "Chaucer, 207; Cheltenham, 217, 235; Cloister, 233, 234; Cochin, Le, 223; "Distel, 222; "Doves, 212; "Endeavour, 214;"Florence, 215; Fournier-le-jeune, Le, 224, 237; Garamond (modern version), 234; "Golden, 206; Grasset, 223; "Humanistic,218;Kennerley,234, 235; "King’s Fount, 211; "Mer- rymount, 217; "Montaigne, 216, 217; "Montallegro, 214, 215; Moreau-le-jeune, Le, 224, 237; Nicolas-Cochin, Le, 223;Old Flem- ish Black, 236; Old Tudor Black, 236; "Otter (Greek), 215, 216 and n.; "Prayer Book, 214; "Ric- cardi, 215; "Troy, 207; "Vale, 211, 213; Weiss Fraktur, 221; *Zilver, 222. Typographia Medicea, Aſhhabetum JArabicum, I, 134, 179 m. U. CAPITAL, V used for, in early times, 1, 22; differentiated from V, 22 n. Uncial letters, how distinguished from book-hand capitals, I, 44. Unger, J. F., specimen, 1, 157, 158; mentioned, 38, 149, II, 43. Ungut, Meinardus, 1, 111. Ungut and Stanislaus, I, 106, 108, 110. United States Type Founders’ Asso- ciation and the point system, I, 33, 34. University of Paris and the copying of MSS., II, 247, 248. University Press, Cambridge, Mass., II, 218. Unknown Printer of Salamanca, I, 101, 106, 107, 110, 111. Utrecht, early printing at, I, 94, 95; Elzevirs at, II, 15. V. CAPITAL, originally stood for U also, I, 22 and n., 23. Vagad, G. F. de, Cronica devaragon, 1, 104, 110. Vale Press, books issued by, II, 210, 211. Valencia, first Spanish press set up in, 1, 105; and the revival of print- ing, II, 58. Van Dyck, Abraham, II, 96. Van Dyck, Christoffel: his charac- ters, II, 37, 39, 43, 44, and their fate, 37; mentioned, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 35. Van Hoochstraten, Michiel, II, 27. Van Hout, J., specimen, I, 134, II, 40. Van der Keere, Henric. See Tour, Henri du. Van Oosten de Bruyn, G. W., De Stad Haarlem, etc., II, 34. Van der Putte, Isaac, II, 35. Vasari, Giorgio, Le Vite de’ flii) Ec- cellenti Architetti, etc., I, 161, 162. Vascosan, Michel, 1, 191, 199, 200. Vatican printing-office, specimen, I, 134, 179. Vautrollier, Thomas, II, 90. Veldener, Jan, I, 96, 115, 122. Venice, early printing at, I, 72 f.; a great centre of printing, 77, 78; wide vogue of types of, 90; illus- trated books printed at, eighteenth INDEX century, 173–176; foundries in, 179. Vérard, Antoine, 1,88. Vergetios, Angelos, 1, 236. Wergi Sciolti di Tre Eccellenti Mo- dermi Autori, I, 172, 173. Vesalius, Andreas, De Humani Cor- floris Fabrica, I, 143, 144. Veterum Mathematicorum, 1, 212. Vibert, type-cutter, II, 176 n., 178. Vidoue, Pierre, 1, 195. Villa-Diego, Bernardo de, II, 70, 76. Villanova, A. de, Rudimenta Gram- matica?, I, 107. Villegas, E. M. de, Las Eroticas, II, 76 Vindel, P., Bibliografía Grafica, II, 60 and m. Virgil, Ohera (MS.), 1,78; (Gering), 85; (Aldus), 128–130; (Manni), 171; (Édition du Louvre), 217, 230, 231; (Imprimerie Royale), 240; (Elzevir, 1636), II, 17, (1676), 18; (Baskerville), 109, 111, 139; (Tonson), 133; Æneid, 1, 208; Bucolics, 218; Georgics, 226, 227. Wita, La, et Metamorfoseo d’Ovidio, 1, 203. Vitré, Antoine, quoted, II, 253 ; mentioned, 1, 208, 209, 236. Volpe (Della), Lelio and Petronio, I, 172. Volpi-Comino, printing-house, Pa- dua, I, 172. Voltaire, Arouet de, Kehl editions of, 1, 228, 229. Vorsterman, Willem, II, 25, 26. Voskens, Dirk, II, 35, 96, 100. Vostre, Simon, 1, 88. Voyage de Jean de Mandaville, 1, 94. Wytwerf, H., II, 36. Warlarp, type-cutter, 1, 216, II, 176 and n., 177. Waldfoghel, Procope: his “artifi- cial writing ” at Avignon, 1,82. 307 Waldis, Burkhard, Fabeln, 1, 146; Ursfirung und Herkumen, etc., 146. Walker, Emery, II, 211, 212, 213, 216. Walpergen, Peter, II, 97. Walpole, Horace, Strawberry Hill Press, II, 140; quoted, 175; men- tioned, 165. Walsingham, Thomas, Historia Bre- vis, II, 128; Yaodigma JVeus- triae, 128. Walton, Brian, II, 92, 99. Walton, Izaak, Lives, II, 132, 133. Watelet, C. H., L’Art de Peindre, I, 214. Watson, James, History of the Art of Printing, II, 44, 100; specimen, 44. Watts, John, II, 101. “Wayside Series,” II, 230. Werdet, Edmond, Etudes Biblio- graft hiques (Didot family), II, 185 m. Wetstein, G., II, 32, 33, 36. Wetstein, Rudolph, II, 36, 38. Whitchurch, Edward, II, 129 m. White, Gilbert, JVatural History of Selborne, II, 118. Whittingham, Charles I, II, 114, 198, 204. Whittingham, Charles II, II, 198, 204, 237. Wilkins, David, Pentateuch, II, 102; mentioned, 136. Wilkins, John, Essay towards a Real Character, II, 95 m. Wilson, Alexander, types, II, 116, 117; specimens, 117; mentioned, 120, 143, 193, 232. Wilson foundry, specimen, II, 193, 194. Winckelmann, J. J., Geschichte der Runst des Alterthums, 1, 148. Winship, G. P., quoted, 1, 113. Woide, Charles G., JVovum Testa- mentum Graecum, II, 121. Wolf, G., 1, 85, 86. 3O8 INDEX Wolffchaten, Balthazar von, II, 36. Wood, T., II, 136. Worcester Collection of Sacred Har- mony, II, 157. Worde, Wynkyn de, quoted, 1, 114; his types, 120, 121; mentioned, II, 88, 89 m., 90, 99. Wotton, Sir Henry, Elements of JArchitecture, II, 201. Wren, Christopher, Parentalia, II, 214. Wright, T., II, 98. Writing, history of, 1, 38 ff. Ximenez, Franc., De la JVatura Jángelica, II, 61. Ximenez de Cisneros, Cardinal Fran- ciscus, Complutensian Polyglot due to, II, 63; mentioned, 46, 65; and see Gomez de Castro. Ximeno, Josef, II, 76. Young, Arthur, quoted, II, 164 m. Yriarte, Juan de, Obras Sueltas, II, 52, 79. Zanes, Gunther, I, 65, II, 206, 207. Zatta, A., books printed by, 1, 174, 175; specimen, 186. Zeigler, H. A. von, Asiatische Ba- mise, I, 147. Zilverdistel Press, II, 222. Zingt, Christian, I, 156. 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