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QEstahlisbeu for the puhiicatinn any republication
nf Qtburcb ibisturieﬁ, cm 1847.
EOOLESIA STIOA L HISTORY
‘ SOCIETY.
THE BOOK OF
COMMON PRAYER:
WITH NOTES,
LEGAL AND HISTORICAL.
BY
AROHIBA LD JOHN STEPHENS,
BARRISTE R AT LAW.
VOL. III.
LONDON:
PRINTED BY HARRISON AND 9033,
FFFFF IE
ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY SOCIETY.
M.DCCCLIV.
THE BOOK OF
COMMON PRAYER
AND ADMINISTRATION OF THE SACRAMENTS,
AND OTHER RITES AND CEREMONIES OF THE CHURCH,
ACCORDING TO THE USE OF THE
UNITED CHURCH OF ENGLAND
AND IRELAND;
TOGETHER WITH THE PSALTER OR PSALMS OF DAVID,
POINTED AS THEY ARE TO BE SUNG OR SAID IN CHURCHES!
AND THE FORM OR MANNER OF MAKING, ORDAINING, AND CONSECRATING
/
0F BISHOPS, PRIESTS, AND DEAGONS.
THE TEXT TAKEN FROM THE SEALED BOOK FOR THE CHANCERY.
\VITH NOTES, LEGAL AND HISTORICAL.
BY ARCHIBALD JOHN STEPHENS,
BARRISTER AT LAW.
IN THREE VOLUMES.
VOL. III.
L O N D O N :
FOR THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY SOCIETY.
1 8 5 4.
A CATECHISM,
That is to fay,
An Inftruétion to be learned of every perfon,
before he be brought to be conﬁrmed
by the Bifhop.
ueftion.
Wibat is your name?
it). 0; 8,19.
AnfWer
QIFIHOI].
who gave you this name?
1. 1. The 333ml page [a g 2] of the Sealed Books commences with “A CATECHISM,"
“A CA-" being the catch-word on the preceding page.

A CATECHISM: —-Until
1662 the Catechism was always deemed
a part of “The Order of Conﬁrmation.”
In the Prayer Book of 1549, and in
other early impressions, as Whyt-
churche’s of 1552, &c., it was even
headed “Conﬁrmacion.”
In 1662 was ﬁrst introduced the
heading “A Catechism”: previously,
I when not “Conﬁrmacion”, it had
always been “The Catechisrne.” Clay’s
Prayer Book Illustrated, 143.
An Inﬂruction to be learned
of every perfon before he be
brought to be conﬁrmed by
the Blfhop I—Catechising was in-
stituted for three reasons :--—ﬁrst, for
the instructing youth in the common
Articles of Religion and the Christian
faith : in fact, the catechising of chil-
dren is enjoined by God, Deut. vi. 7.;
Prov. xxii. 6.; Ephes. vi. 4.; and was
always practised by pious men, Gen.
xviii. 19.; 1 Chron. xxviii. 9.; 2 Tim.
i. 5.; and it is Christ’s especial charge
to ministers, to feed his lambs, John
xxi. 15. The Jewish doctors took care
of this, Luke ii. 42. Secondly, that
they might be able to give an answer
5B
(1449)
A Catechifm.
Anfwcr.
any Qﬁctifathets ﬁllU ehcmncthets in my
IBaptifm, wherein El was mane a member of
@Zbgift, the chili: of @011 , anti an inhetitct cf
the ilainguctn of heanen.
ucftion.
what Din punt mnufathete am: @011:
mothers then to; you?
Anfwcr.
ﬁthep m'n pzcmife aniJ min tbiee things in
my name. jl'l'tﬂ, that 3[ lhuuliJ tenuunte the
uenil anti all his marks, the pumps ant: nanitp
cf this initken moan, am all the linful little
of the ﬂelh. weaning, that 3[ Ihnnlo believe
all the articles of the Qllhgiltian faith. ant:
thitulp, that 31 lhnulu keep mobs holy inill
ant: tcmnianumente, ﬁlll] walk in the fame
all the Bayes of my life.
(Qcftion.
in making a profession of their faith;
and thirdly, that they might make a
promise, and give some surety of the
observance of that faith; and since a
person of adult age proprium habet
peccatum, and may of himself answer
for himself, the foregoing three things
are required of him. Ayliffe’s Parergon
Juris, 145. The “Catechism of our
Church,” is drawn up according to the
primitive forms, by way of question
and answer, Acts viii. 37.; 1 Pet. iii.
21. . . . . and contains all that is abso-
lutely necessary to be known in order
to salvation, and all that the primitive
Church did teach their catechumens.
. . . . Wherefore the ministers are ob-
liged to catechize every Sunday, and
especially in Lent. Dean Comber,_
Discourses upon the Common Prayer,
349-351.
In the early times of Christianity,
whilst our holy religion was growing
upon the heathen superstition, the
baptisms were chieﬂy of adults, who
became proselytes to the faith of Jesus
Christ; and were therefore willing, as
soon as might be, to partake of that
sacred rite, which initiated them
members of his Church. N ow this
would not be allowed to any person,
till he were sufficiently instructed in
the principles of that religion which
he was to profess. Therefore there
was a considerable time enjoined be-
fore baptism, for these persons to gain
(1450)
A Catechiﬁn.
(@eftion.
Duh than not think that thou art hounh to
heliehe, ant: to hoe, as they have mumifeh
for thee?
Anfwer.
we herilp; arm by ensue help to 31 will.
Elna 3t heartily thank our heavenly father,
that he hath taller: me to this ﬂare of talha=
tiun, thgousb Klefue Qthgtﬂ our %>aniour. ant:
3! may unto Q5073 to give me his grace, that
3[ map eontt'nue in the fame unto my lines
211B.
1. 1.
“ Quel Lion.”
The 334th page of the Sealed Books commences with the word “Qucftion.”,
' being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

Such a competent knowledge of the
chief points of Christianity, as was
requisite to render them meet par-
takers of that sacrament. Now these,
whilst they were in this learning
capacity, were called catechumens. Of
which there were two ranks; the one
were called dxpoozipeuot by the Greeks,
and Audicntes by the Latins, in which
order they continued as long as they
were learning the principles of their
religion. The second were called by
the Greeks O'UVGLTOOVTGS‘, by the Latins
Competentes, z'.e. candidates or compe—
titors for baptism; and did consist of
such as having made a sufficient pro-
gress in Christian knowledge, were
judged ripe for baptism, and were ap—
pointed to be baptized the next public
administration of that sacrament.
Of the order of the Audientes, or
Hearers, mention is made in the 14th
canon of the Council of Nice, and
ordered, That such of them that fell
in a lapse, 'rptfbv e’rc'bv aim-oils‘ rikpoovpte'vovs‘
power. The same rank of catechumens
is mentioned by Tertullian (lib. do
Poen. cap. 6.), Nemo ergo sibi aduletur,
quia inter auditorum tyrocinia depu—
tatur. They are likewise spoken of by
St. Cyprian (Ep. xiii), when he says,
Audientibus etiam, siqui fuerint peri—
culo preventi, et in exitu constituti,
vigilantia vestra non desit. These
persons were to hear the Scriptures
read in the public congregation stand—
ing, according to Zonaras his Explica-
tion of the 4th canon of Ancyra:
Tou'rovs‘ 86‘ e’mav'rov (ixpodgat K€)\£,‘U€L e’v
1-6) mipélryxt iorape'vovs, Kai (ixoziov'ras 'réiv
'ypatbéw.
The second rank of catechumens
were those who were ready for baptism,
called the avvatroﬁm-ee, or Competentes.
St. Ambrose (Ep. 33.) mentions those
in these words, Symbolum aliquibus
Competentibus, in baptisteriis trade-
bam basilicae. And St. Austin (lib. de
Fid. et Op. cap. 6.), Cum fontis illius
sacramenta peteremus, atque ab hoc
Competentes etiam vocaremur.
Neither of these two orders of cate-
5
B 2 (1451)
A Catechifm.
Catechift. _
iBehearfe the articles of thy belief.
Anfwer.
IlBettehe in Q6011 the father almighty,
QIDHIWIT of heaven ann earth:
anti in Ziefus QLhgiﬂ his only %>on one
item, who was tonteinen by the holy @hoﬁ,
150m at the ‘(Hiram wary, %utfeten unnet
Wanting 1L9ﬂate. was ttutift'en, neat: ann
hutien, {he neftennen into hell, @the tlJitD
may he tote again from the mean, {he attenuen
into heanen, anti fitteth at the right harm of
Q6073 the ~ﬁather almighty: mom thence he
lhaII come to image the quick anti the Dean.

chumens had liberty granted them to
stay in the church whilst the Commu-
nion Service was performing. To this
usage St. Chrysostom refers, in his
Seventeenth Homily upon the Hebrews,
‘O Attixovos zN/qhos‘ ecr-rc‘os pe'ydhy (jJwvﬁ Kai gbpucrf; (‘303’), Kadci'n'ep 'rls‘ Kr'ypvg
'rr‘p/ Xeipu Ez'tpaw GZS‘ n‘) {131/09, 1-01‘); per‘)
Kahei, 1'01‘); 56‘ (irrez'p'yet, 1'01‘); p61‘! e’KBcihhet,
for): 86‘ eladyet. Nay, the very forms
which the deacons used are still pre—
served in the ancient Greek liturgies,
Mr'i'rts‘ 'rc'ov Ka'rqxovye'vov, “000! 111.0701
i'rt e’v eipr'lvy 'roi} Kvpt'ov 8€776(2)‘LL6V.
There were some select persons who
particularly applied themselves to the
oﬁice of catechist even from the earliest
times of Christianity. The Apostles
themselves, and other converters to
Christianity, were catechists, as ap-
pears by their instructing the persons
whom they designed to convert, or
had in some measure converted, in the
principal points of the Christian reli-
gion. Hence St. Paul calls himself,
'o‘t'o‘éaxahov e’é’vév, a Teacher of the
Gentiles. (1 Tim. 7.) It was such
catechetical instruction which they
received gladly who were baptized
(Acts ii. 41.), and in which Theophilus,
Karexr'yﬁq, had been catechised (Luke
i. 4.). And it is, in all probability,
this instruction which the apostle
refers to (Heb. vi. 2.) when he calls it
Brm'rwpév dtdaxw‘yv. This office, in the
primitive times, was not distinguished
from that of the evangelist ; the con-
version and the instruction of the
proselyte, for the most part, going on
together. But, in the following times,
the oﬂice of the catechist was entirely
distinct; for oftentimes the person set
aside for that office was a lay person,
or one of a lower order among the
clergy. St. Cyprian (Ep. xxiv.) speaks
of his making a catechist of one who
was only a reader in his church,
Optatum inter lectores doctorem au-
dientium constituimus. The like is
aﬁirmed by the author of the Aposto-
lical Constitutions (lib. viii. cap. 32.),
‘O dzddaxcov, e’i Kai harm‘): 3, g/L‘ITGLPOS‘ 86‘
1'01‘) ho-yov, Kai Tov 'rp61rov aepwos‘, 818a-
oxe'rco. St. Austin (de Catech. rudibus)
(1452)
A Cateehifm.
3i heliene in the’ holy ehua, @the holy QIa=
thciieh QEIJIIL‘tb, @Ehe Qtummunicn cf %vaints.
@L'he fcgainenefa of fins, @he returreeticn cf
the hccyﬂnc the lite enerlaﬂtng. amen.
ueftion .
what can then ehieﬂp learn in thefe an
H625 0f thy belief?
Anfwer.
jun}, 31 learn to believe in chat: the father,
tnhc hath mace me, ann all the magic.
%>etcnnlp, in chart the %cn, tnhc hath te=
neemen me, ann all manhinc. '
@Ihirclp. in Qhcc the help Qhhcﬂanhc fane:
tiﬂ'eth me, anc all the elect people of coca.
(Qeition.
writes of a deacon who exercised this
office at Carthage in his time, Petis a
me, frater, &c. You desire of me that
I should give you an account of the
method of catechising, which might
be of use to you; for you say, that at
Carthage, where you are deacon, that
there are several brought to you to be
instructed in the principles of Chris—
tianity. But the catechist’s office at
Alexandria happens to be more taken
notice of in antiquity than any other,
there being a succession of catechists
from St. Mark’s time, who himself was
the ﬁrst who exercised that oﬁice
there; and indeed all this succession
were men of very great abilities and
learning; for Eusebius writes (Eccl.
Hist. lib. v. cap 10.), that in an. 181,
when Panttenus was catechist, the
school had ﬂourished there long before.
Pantaenus was succeeded by Clement
of Alexandria, and his book now extant,
under the title of his Paedagogus, was
a course of catechetical lectures read
in that school. After Clement, Origen
succeeded in the catechist’s place of
that city. "I‘is uncertain, whether any
of these persons were in holy orders,
during the whole time of their execut—
ing this office; but ’tis certain some
of them were not, for Origen entered
upon his ofﬁce of catechist in the
eighteenth year of his age, before he
was capable of entering into holy
orders.
Nay, further, the ofﬁce of catechising
was sometimes committed to women.
These were generally of the number of
the deaconesses, as long as that female
order in the Church was kept up. This
is testified by the writer of the Apos-
tolical Constitutions (Ap. lib. iii. cap.
15.), ’Eo"rt ycip o'rro'rav 6,’: 110211 duu'cus‘
(ii/6pc! duixovov yvvatgtlv or’) Ol'll/UTGL wep-
new dtc‘l robs‘ (im'o'rovs, (inoo'reheis‘ ol’w
'yvz/uixa duiKoz/ov. That such women
were sent to instruct other women,
who were, but as yet, imperfect con-
verts in the second century, and per-
haps in the apostolical times, is plain
from a passage in Clement of Alexan-
(1453)
A Catechifm.
ueftion.
you tail: that your moofathers ano Ql5oo=
mothers oio momife for you, that you lhoulo
keep Qlioos tommanoments. @ell me hora
many there be?
@ten.
which he they;
Anfwer.
ueftion.
Anfwer.
Tlhe tame which eon fpaiie in the twentieth
Qthapter of QEroous. laying, 31 am the
ﬂow thy eon, inho brought thee out of the
lano of QEgypt. out of the houie of honoage.
I. @Ihon lhalt hane none other Qljoos. but
1112.
l. l. The 335th page [a El 3] of the Sealed Books commences wiihthe word “Queftion.”,
“ Queftion.” being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

dria (Strom. lib. iii.), where he explains
the UtWCLClKéI/O‘US Kai oZKovpc‘zs 'yvvaixas‘,
as he calls them, that is, those which
St. Paul speaks of, 1 Cor. ix. 5. (viz.
the sister, or a wife), to be such per-
sons, AL’ (31/ 6Z5‘ 1'1‘711 'yvvamdt-rta ddtaﬁhw'y-
'rcos 'n'apewdue'ro 1'] 1-013 Kvpt'ov 8t8ao'mht'a.
These women—catechists are called by
the Fourth Council of Carthage, Sanc-
timoniales: Sanctimoniales, qua: ad
ministerium baptizandarum mulieruin
eliguntur, instructae sint ad oflicium,
ut possint apto et sancto sermons do—
cere imperitas et rusticas mulieres,
tempore quo baptizandm sunt, qualiter
baptizatori interrogates respondeant.
The matter of the catechists’ discourses
was, for the most part, an exposition
upon the Creed and the Lord’s Prayer;
both which the catechised persons
must learn by heart, before baptism,
if they were adults. This, as to the
Creed, the Council of Laodicea (can.46.)
obliges, A62 m‘); (IDw-rrgope'vovs‘ 'rﬁv 'm'o'rw
érquavdévew. To the like purpose, the
Second Council of Bracara: Baptizandi
discant Symbolum Apostolicum, quod
in baptismo illis erat recitandum. St.
Austin (Ser. 135. de Temp.) speaks the
same of the catechumens of his time,
Ideo priiis symbolum didicistis, ubi
est regula ﬁdei vestrae brevis et gran-
dis ; brevis numero verborum, grandis
pondere sententiarum. He also says
(lb. id.) of the Lord’s Prayer: Oratio
autem Dominica, quam hodie accepistis
tenendam, et ad octo dies reddendam.
And in his forty- second homily he
commands the Competentes, or persons
who were shortly to be baptized, to get
the Lord’s Prayer without book, that
they might be able to repeat it the two
following Saturdays after their bap-
tism. And both these are enjoined by
(1454)
A Catechifin.
II. @houlhalt notmaheto thy felt any grahen
image, not the Iihenets of any thing that is in
heaoen ahooe, or in the earth heneath, or in
the mater unoer the earth. @Ehou lhait not hoto
ooton to them, not toogfhip them. not it the
{Logo- thy eon am a jealous eon , ano oiiit
the tins of the fathers upon the thiiogen unto
the thiro ano fourth generation of them that
hate me, an]: lheto merry unto thoutanos in
them that {one me, ano keep my tommano=
ments.
III. ethou thait not take the ﬂame of the
logo thy eon in hain: to; the iLogo hoiII not
hoio him guiltiets that taketh his JIQHIIIB in
vain.
an ancient canon of our own Church
in the Saxon times, viz. that of Clove—
shoe (can. 10.), Ut Dominicam ora-
tionem et Symbolum presbyteri discant.
These two afforded subject-matter for
the expositions and discourses of the
ancient catechists: nor were they tied
down to a literal exposition of them;
but they took occasion from some
hints therein to discourse more largely
of other theological points—as may be
seen in the Paedagogus of St. Clement
of Alexandria, and the Catechetical
Readings of St. Cyril, who exercised
the office of a catechist at Jerusalem.
And that this was the usual practice
in the third or fourth century, is plain
from that passage in the writer of the
Apostolical Constitutions: tO ,aéhhwv
Ka'rqxeio'igat 'rov Ao'you 7T7; e’voeBeias, 8:6.
He that is to be catechised in the
principles of the Christian religion, let
him be before baptism instructed in
the knowledge of the unbegotten, in
the knowledge of his only begotten
Son, and the fulness of the Holy Ghost.
Let him learn the various order of the
creation, the series of God’s Provi-
dence, and his various dispensations.
Let him be instructed why the world
was made, and why man was made a
citizen of the world. Let him know
what kind of nature he is made of:
how God has punished the wicked with
water and ﬁre; and how he has glori-
ﬁed his saints in every generation.
Kai ,ue'rd 'rw‘yv e’vxapw'rttiv, &0. And after
the thanksgiving prayer, [or the Eu-
charist] let him teach the catechumen
those things which concern the Incar-
nation of the Lord, of his Passion, of
his Resurrection from the dead, and
his Ascension. Nicholls on the Com-
mon Prayer.
The Catechism of the United Church
of England and Ireland was, from its
ﬁrst publication, intended to be a
summary, rather than an exposition,
of the leading points connected with
the faith and duty of a Christian; con-
taining the heads only, not the details,
of all that he ought to know, to believe,
to practise, and to regard, for his soul’s
health. And thus, in ﬁve distinct
(1455)
A Catcchifm.
IV. Remember that thou keep holy the
%>ahhath nay. %>ir oayes ﬂJaIt thou labour,
ano Do all that thou hall to one; but the teoenth
hay is the gvahhath oi the ﬂow thy moo. 3m
it thou fhalt one no manner of tough, thou,
ano thy ton, ano thy Daughter, thy mam
teroant am: thy maio=teroant, thy rattet arm
the ﬂranger that is within the gates. ﬂag in
fir Bayes the ﬂora maoe heanen ano earth,
the fea,ano all that in them is, ano reﬂeo
the tenenth nay; wherefore the ﬂow hietfeo
the teoenth may, ano halloineo it.
V. lhonour thy father ano thy mother, that
thy Bayes may be long in the lane inhith the
itoto thy moo gioeth thee.
VI. @thou

parts, it treats severally of the cove—
nant, the creed, the duties, and the
séicé'amental privileges of the child of
o .
t In the ﬁrst part, which treats of the
Christian covenant, we are reminded
of the glorious titles with which we
are invested at Baptism :—“ member
of Christ, child of God, inheritor of
the kingdom of heaven.” And, whilst
we are taught, ﬁrst, what we are called
upon to renounce; secondly, what we
are to believe; and thirdly, what We
are to do; a warning is, at least, im—
plied, that it is perfectly possible for
us to lose our claim to these titles, by
refusing or neglecting to perform the
duties imposed upon us by their pos-
session.
The second part contains, in the
Apostles’ Creed, a more particular de—
claration of the chief necessary points
of faith; necessary, because “without
faith it is impossible to please God;
for he that cometh to God must be—
lieve that he is, and that he is a
rewarder of them that diligently seek
him.” Heb. xi. 6.
The third part puts before us the
moral law, giving, in the very words of
God, his own declarations of his re-
quirements, and of our obligations;
whilst, in a condensed epitome of the
Ten Commandments, our Church
reminds us of the main points of
our duty towards God and our neigh-
hour.
In the succeeding paragraph, the
Catechism drops, as it were, the cha-
racter of the questioner; and, in as-
suming that of the teacher, lays down
two fundamental truths :-—First, that
however necessary it may be to walk
in God’s commandments, we cannot
do these things of ourselves ; we require
the special grace of God to enable us
to “add to our faith virtue” (2Pet.i. 5.),
so that we may be “neither barren nor
unfruitful in the knowledge of our
Lord Jesus Christ.” (ib. 8.). Here
again, the Catechism speaks in the
spirit of Scripture, in reminding us
(1456)
A Cateehifrn.
VI. @thcu [halt no no murther.
VII. cthcu lhalt not commit anulterp.
VIII. @thcu thalt not heal.
IX. @Ehuu lhalt not hear talfe tuitnefs
againfl thy neighbour.
X. @thcu thalt nct ecnet thp neighbours
hcufe, thcu lhalt nut ecnet thy neighbours
mite, not his ternant, nu; his main, nor his
or, nor his ats, no; any thing that is his.
ueition.
what can then chieﬂy learn by there tcm=
mancments ?

1.1. The 336th page of the Sealed Books commences with “ VI. Ebﬂtt",
“ VI. @ZIJDII” being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

that “ we are not sufficient of ourselves
to think anything as of ourselves,” but
that all “ our sufficiency is of God.”
(2 Cor. iii. 5.). Secondly, it teaches us
how we may gain this needful grace
of God; not by one or two agonized
cries of “ Lord, Lord,” wrung from us
through the overpowering sense of the
pressure of our inﬁrmities, but by
“diligent prayer ;” the petitioner bear-
ing in mind, the while, Christ’s gracious
promise, ‘fWhatsoever ye shall ask in
prayer, believing, ye shall receive.”
Matt. xxi. 22.
The declaration of these truths forms
the introduction to the fourth part,
which treats of prayer. And here our
dependence upon God for all things
needful, as well for the body as the
soul, being thus distinctly acknow—
ledged; when the Christian, feeling
his own insufficiency to pray aright,
would fain say with the ﬁrst followers
of Jesus, “Lord, teach us to pray, as
John also taught his disciples” (Luke
xi. 1), he ﬁnds placed before him our
Lord’s comprehensive farm of prayer;
and then the Church adds her own
brief exposition of, or commentary
upon it.
But God, in his mercy, has not left
us dependent upon prayer alone, as a
means of spiritual communion with
him; there are other channels of grace
whereby he brings us to himself, and
permits us at once to exercise our
faith, and to receive, even here, the
fulﬁlment of his promise. There are
the sacraments of Christ, Baptism and
the Supper of the Lord; those sacred
mysteries, of which the ﬁfth and the
last part of the Catechism discourses.
We have, ﬁrst,the position laid down,
in contradistinction to the belief of the
Romanist, who admits seven sacra-
ments, that there are “two only, as
generally necessary to salvation, Bap-
tism and the Supper of the Lord.”
The deﬁnition of the word “sacrament”
is next given; its component parts
stated and explained. The kind of
grace imparted in Baptism, and the
requisites for rightly receiving it, are
then described, whilst the consistency
(1457)
A Catechifm.
Anfwer. I
Bl learn two things: my outy tomaros an,
am my outy toroaros my neighbour.
ucftion.
what is thy outy toruaros coo?
Anfwer.
any outy tomaros Qhoo, is to heliene in
him,to fear him, ano to lone him with all
my heart, ioith all my mine, with all my
foul, ano inith all my urength;to moglhip
him, to gihe him thanks, to put my ‘whole
truﬂ in him, to tall upon him, to honour his
holy ﬂame am: his more; am to term him
truly all the Hayes of my life.
uef’tion .
what is thy outy toroaros thy neighbour?

of infant baptism, is, in a few words,
shown.
In like manner, with regard to the
sacrament of the Lord’s Supper, we
are ﬁrst told of the reason why it was
ordained by Christ; then of the parts
and ,beneﬁts of the sacrament; and
lastly, in treating vof the preparation
which a worthy communicant must-
undergo, the faith and duty of a Chris-
tian towards God, and his obligations
towards his fellow-creatures, are brieﬂy,
yet clearly, laid down. Self-examina-
tion, repentance, resolutions of amend-
ment, faith in Christ, and thankfulness
for the redemption purchased for us
by his death; all are considered needful
before we can be accounted “religiously
and devoutly disposed,” or be enabled
to “take this holy sacrament to our
comfort.” Whilst charity, “the very
bond of peace and of all virtues,” is
added as the comer-stone of true
Christian principle, without which, al-
though in the eyes of men we might
have an Apostle’sfaith and zeal, we
should be as worthless as the “sounding
brass or tinkling cymbal.” 1 Cor. xiii. 1.
Bishop Nixon on the Catechism, 3-5.
ed. Lond. 1849.
If any clergyman deprave the Cate-
chism, he is liable, under the Statute
of Uniformity, to be punished; thus in
Sanders a. Head (3 Curt. 570. ; 1 Ste-
phens’ Laws relating to the Clergy,
226—229.), which was a proceeding by
articles against the Reverend Henry
Erskine Head, rector of Feniton, in
the diocese of Exeter, in virtue of let-
ters of request from the Bishop of
Exeter, for having written and pub~
lished, in a newspaper called “ The
Western Times,” a letter, in which it
was openly afﬁrmed and maintained,
that the Catechism and the Order of
Conﬁrmation, in the Book of Common
Prayer, contain erroneous and strange
doctrine; being contrary to the laws,
statutes, constitutions, and canons ec-
clesiastical of the realm, and against
the peace and unity of the church:
Sir Herbert Jenner Fust, in giving
(1458)
A Catechifm.
fkrifvver'
any outy toroaros my neighbour, is to looe
him as my felt, mm to no to all men, as 3[
rooulo they lhoulo oo unto me. @Iio lone,
honour ano futtour my father ano mother.
@to honour ano obey the iliing, am: all that
are put in authority unoer him. @lio fuhmit
my felt to all my gooernours , teachers , fpi:
ritual pallours ano mailers. @L'o other my
felt loioly ano reoerently to all my hetters.
@Eo hurt no hooy hy mogmnot oeeo. @L'o be
true ano iull in all my oealing. @Eo hear no
malice not hatreo in my heart. @Iio keep my
hanos from pithingano llealing, ano my tongue
from enil fpeahing ,
a t
lying ano ﬂanoering.
@110
judgment, stated, “ It is no part of the
province of this Court to determine,
whether the Book of Common Prayer
does contain erroneous doctrine; it is
sufﬁcient for this Court that it is the
book which is to be used by the clergy
as prescribed by the law of the land.
The question is, are the words used in
Mr. Head’s letter derogatory and in
defamation of that book 2” . . . . . Cau-
drey’s case Co. 1.) “ is a direct and‘
positive recognition of the power of the
Ecclesiastical Court to punish, by ec-
clesiastical censures, or by deprivation,
any person offending against the unity
of the church. There is, as has been
shown, in the act of Elizabeth, a direct
recognition or preservation of the power
of the Ecclesiastical Court; and by
the subsequent act of the 13th A.’ 14th
Car. 11., there is also a regular recog-
nition of the power and authority of
the Ecclesiastical Court, for the pre-
servation of the peace and unity of
the church.
“Can the Court, then, for one mo-
ment, doubt that Mr. Head is within
the jurisdiction of this Court, and
amenable to his diocesan for disobe-
dience to his ordination vow; as also
that he is punishable for such disobe—
dience by ecclesiastical censures? Can
the power of the Court to suspend Mr.
Head be doubted? I have no doubt
whatever, either as to the jurisdiction
of this Court, or that Mr. Head has
brought himself within the jurisdiction.
Indeed, I feel no doubt that Mr. Head
is clearly within the provisions of the
statute of Elizabeth; but, under the
general ecclesiastical law, Mr. Head is
punishable for publishing this letter,
of which he openly avows himself the
author.
“I therefore have no hesitation in
pronouncing the articles proved; the
remaining question is, What is the
punishment the Court shall pronounce
against Mr. Head, a minister in holy
orders, and a beneﬁced clergyman?
Now, I have referred to one part of
the statute of Charles II. [sect 6.] [It
(1459)
A Catechifm.
@o keep my baby in temperance, tobernets,
ano rhauity. that to tobet no; oelire other
mens goons; but to learn ano labour truly
to get mine olbn lining, anb to no my buty
in that hate of life , unto bohith it lhall pleafe
out to call me.
Catechift.
shy goon thilo, knolb this, that thou art
not able to no there things of thy felt, no; to
walk in the tommanoments of Qhoo, am: to
term him toithout his tpetial grate, iohith
thou mull learn at all times to tall for by
oiligent prayer. iLet me hear therefore if thou
tanﬂ fay the items prayer.

I. 1. The 337th page of the Sealed Books commences with the word “ ﬂu”, “ EH”
being also the catch~word on the preceding page.

may be here observed, that that part
of the Church Catechism which treats
of the sacraments, is not in the 2d or
6th of Edw. VL, but was added in the
beginning of the reign of King James
the First, upon the conference at
Hampton Court. 1 Gibson’s Codex,
375.], by which Mr. Head, when he
took possession of his living, must,
within two months, have read the
morning and evening prayers appointed
to be read by, and according to, the
said Book of Common Prayer, and‘
openly and publicly declared his un-
feigned assent and consent to the use
of all things therein contained; or,
z'pso facto, have been deprived of his
said ecclesiastical beneﬁce and promo-
tion. I have also referred to the 36th
canon, relating to the subscription to
be made by such as are to be made
ministers. This is absolutely necessary
to be done by every candidate for holy
orders, to subscribe before he can be
admitted into the ministry, or obtain
possession of a living.
“ I therefore think Mr. Head has
incurred the extreme sentence of this
Court, and that the Court would be
justiﬁed in pronouncing against him a
sentence of deprivation. If Mr. Head
could not have obtained possession of
his living, without assenting or con-
senting to the use of all things con-
tained in the Book of Common Prayer,
he cannot complain if, by the sentence
' of this Court, he is placed in precisely
the same situation as if he had not,
within two months, conformed to the
provisions of the statute; and if he
had not done so, he would, e'jjso facto,
have been deprived. It would not,
therefore, as I have before said, he a
very harsh exercise of the power of
the Court to impose that penalty on
Mr. Head, to which he was liable if
he had not made the declaration of
conformity, according to the statute.
The Court, however, is not disposed to
go to the full extent of its power; not
from anything that exists in extenua-
tion of Mr. Head's oﬁ'ence, for nothing
(1460)
A Cateehifm.
Anfwer.
()tHr ~iFather inhith art in heaven; lhallcrnec
be thy ﬂame. @Ilhy hingncm some. 6131):?
will he none in earth. as it is in heanen. shine
as this Day our Daily hgean. Elna famine us
our tretpaifes, 91s the famine them that tref:
pats againﬂ as am lean us not into tempta=
ticnﬂBut neliner us from enil. amen.
ueition.
what neiireﬂ than of chain in this player?
Anfwer.
3i cefire my item ecu cur heanenly jFather,
tnhc is the nicer of all gccnnets, tc tenc his
grace unto me, ann to all people, that me

can be more offensive than the way in
which he has expressed himself in his
letter. But the statute of Elizabeth
makes a difference between a ﬁrst and
second offence; by it, "any person
preaching, declaring, or speaking
against the prescribed rites and so—
lemnities, is liable, for the ﬁrst offence,
to forfeit for one year the proﬁts of all
his ecclesiastical beneﬁces, and also to
be imprisoned for six months; for a
second offence he is to lose or be de—
prived e'pso facto of all spiritual promo-
tions, and to be imprisoned during
life.’ It seems, therefore, that although
it was considered, at the time the
statute was passed, that the offence
would not bear much extenuation,
still that it was right and proper that
the statute should make a distinction
between persons guilty of one offence,
and guilty of the like offence a second
time. I think, therefore, that the jus—
tiee of the case may be satisﬁed by
suspending Mr. Head from his living,
and from the emoluments of it, for
three years. It will be borne in mind,
that Mr. Head may be proceeded
against for a second offence, if he
shall, during the term of his suspen-
sion, publish the like doctrines.
“ I am, therefore, of opinion. to pro-
nounce the articles given in to be fully
proved, and to decree that Mr. Head,
for the offence he has committed, be
suspended from his ofﬁce and minis—
tration for the term of three years;
and that he be condemned in the costs
of the suit; with an admonition to
him to abstain from such conduct in
future.”
Perfon, before :
P. B. 1549, “childe.”
BY the I (p. 1449.)--P. B. 1549,
“ of.”
In the Prayer Book alone of 1589 it
is, “before he be conﬁrmed, or admitted
to receive the holy communion.”
uﬁﬁloni (p. 1449.)—Ar the
Savoy Conference, the ministers de—
sired that these three ﬁrst questions
might be altered; considering that the
far greater number of persons baptized
within these twenty years last past,
(p. 1449.) ——
(1461)
A Catechifm.
may inogfhip him, ferbe him, ano obey
him as we ought to no. ﬁne 31 may unto
coo, that he will fenb us all things that
be neeoful both for our fouls anb booies;
ano that he ioill be merciful unto us, ano
foggibe us our fins; ano that it will pleafe
him to fabe ano oefeno us in all bangers
ghoﬂly ano booily; am: that he will keep us
from all fin ano roicheonefs ano from our
ghoﬂly enemy, am] from eberlaﬂing oeath.
am this 3] fruit he ioill clue of his mercy ano
gooonefs, through our lLogo Elefus QLhgill. ano
therefore I fay, amen. %o be it.
(lgeﬂion.
had no godfathers or godmothers at
their baptism; the like to be done in
the seventh question. But the bishops
replied, “Though divers have been of
late baptized without godfathers, yet
many have been baptized with them;
and those may answer the questions
as they are; the rest must answer
according to truth. But there’s no
reason to alter the rule of the Cate-
chism for some men’s irregularities.”
what is your name? (p. 1449.)—
The giving a name is not a necessary
part of baptism; but might have been
done either before or afterwards,though
it hath always been done then, as in—
deed it was likely that the ﬁrst public
opportunity would be taken for that
purpose. But besides, it was no un-
common thing in ancient times, that,
when a person entered into the service
of a new master, he had a new name
bestowed on him. Whence, perhaps,
the Jews might derive the practice of
naming the child when it was circum-
cised; it being then devoted to the
service of God. The ﬁrst Christians,
in imitation of them, would of course
do the same thing, for the same rea—
son, when it was baptized, and the
practice has continued.
Anfwm" ﬂip lléubfathers anb‘
®obmothers in my Elﬁaptifm. rnherein
ii bias matte a member of Qthrift, the
chiI‘o of @011, an?! an inheritor of the
illingbom of heaben. (p. 1450.)—The
ministers of the Savoy Conference
conceived “it might be more safely
expressed thus: ‘ Wherein I was visibly
admitted into the number of the mem~
bers of Christ, the children of God,
and the heirs (rather than “ inheritors”)
of the kingdom of heaven ;’ ” to which
the bishops said, “ We conceive this
expression as safe as that which they
desire, and more fully expressing the
efficacy of the sacrament, according to
St. Paul, the 26 and 27 Gal. iii., where
St. Paul proves them all to be children
of God, because they were baptized,
and in their baptism had put on Christ:
‘if children, then heirs,’ or, which is
all one, ‘ inheritors.’ Rom. viii. 17.”
(1462)
A Catechifm.
(Qeftion.
HEIDin many gaaeraments hath Qﬂhiiﬂ or:
oaineo in his QLhurthP
Anfwer.
'étioo only, as generally nerellary to faloa:
tion, that is to fay, ihaptifm, mm the %>upher
of the logo.
ueltion.
what meanell thou by this more Sacra-
ment 2
Anfwer.
3i mean an outroaro ano oifihle figne of an
inmate ano fpiritual grate,gihen unto us,
ogoaineo hy Qfhiill himfelf, as a means where
by ioe reeeihe the fame, am: a pleoge to
allure us thereof.

1. l.
The 338th page of the Sealed Books commences with the word “Queftion.”,
“ Quel'tion.” being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

ﬂenounre the:
1549, “ Forsake.”
@Zhe pumps anti hauity of this :
(p. 1450.)—l’. B. 1549, “And pompes,
the vanities of the.”
P. B. 1607, “the pomps, and vanities
of the.”
catfidllﬁi (p. 1452.)—P.B.1549,
“ Question.”
hat the; (p. 14529-4). B. 1549, “on
t e.”
the than: (p. 1452.)—P. B. 1549,
“shall he.”
ﬁnd fhouIIi: (p. 1454.)--P,. B.
1549, “ Ye shoulde.”
eons Qlommantlments’: (p. 1454.)
-—At the Savoy Conference, the mi-
nisters “desired that the command-
ments be inserted according to the
new translation of the Bible;” to
which the bishops answered, “ We
(p. 1450.)—P. B.
conceive the present translation to be
agreeable to many ancient copies;
therefore the change to be needless.”
who brought: (p. 1454.)—P. B.
1552, “which have.”
(hr in: (p. 1455.)—P. B. 1549, “nor
111.7?
isuty tomartrs @oh: (p. 1458.)—
“Ans. My duty towards God is to
believe in him,” Are. At the Savoy
Conierenee, the ministers said, “In
this answer there seems to be parti-
cular respect to the several command-
ments of the ﬁrst table, as in the fol-
lowing answer to those of the second.
And therefore we desire it may be
advised upon, whether to the last
word of this answer may not be added,
‘ particularly on the Lord’s day,’ other-
wise there being nothing in all this
answer that refers to the fourth com-
mandment.” To these exceptions, the
(1463)
A Catechifm.
ueition.
lhotb many parts are there in a %atra:
ment?
.Anfwer.
615mb: the outtbaro biiible iigne, ano
the
inlbaro fpiritual grate.
ueftion.
what is the outrbaro bitible ligne or form
in IBap-tifmP
Anfwer.
water: ibherein the perton is baptiseo, In
the Name of the F ether, and of the Son, and
of the holy GhOPt.
Queiiion.
what is the intbaro anb tpiritual grate?

bishops said, “ It is not true that there
is nothing in that answer which refers
to the fourth commandment; for the
last words of the answer do orderly
relate to the last commandment of the
ﬁrst table, which is the fourth.”
518:1 unto : (p. 1559.)—-P. B. 1549,
“do to.”
ﬁll that are put in authority unber
him 1 (p- 1459.)--P.B.-1549, “His mi-
nisters.”
Catechilt : (p. 1460.)—P.B.1549,
“ Question.” '
@001! rhil‘ﬂ : (p. 1460.)—P. B. 1549,
“good sonne.” [1552, “ chylde.”]
Quest. How many sacraments hath
Christ ordained".l
- Ans. Two only, as generally neces“
sary to salvation.
At the Savoy Conference it was de-
sired that these words may be omitted,
and answer thus given: “Two only;
Baptism and the Lord’s Supper.” But
the bishops answered, “These words
are a reason of the answer, that there
are two only, and therefore not to be
left out.”
It was objected by the Presbyterian
ministers, “that the doctrine of the
the sacraments which was added upon
the conference at Hampton Court, is
much more fully and particularly deli-
vered than the other parts of the
Catechism, in short answers ﬁtted to
the memories of children, and there-
upon we oﬁ‘er it to be considered:
“First, Whether there should not
be a more distinct and full explication
of the Creed, the Commandments, and
the Lord’s Prayer.
“Secondly, Whether it were not
convenient to add (what seems to be
wanting) somewhat particularly con-
cerning the nature of faith, of repent—
ance, the two covenants, of justiﬁ-
cation, sanctiﬁcation, adoption, and
regeneration.”
To these exceptions the Bishops
answered: “The Catechism is not
intended as a whole body of divinity,
but as a comprehension of the articles
of faith, and other doctrines most
necessary to salvation; and being short,
is ﬁttest for children and common
people; and as it was thought suﬂi-
(1464)
A. Cateehifrn.
AnfWer.
9 Death unto‘ tin, am: a new birth untc right=
ecutnefs: for being by nature burn in tin, anb
the ehiltnen ct inrath, me are hereby mace
the thillnen at grate.
ueition.
what is requires’ of serious to be ban:
ti3eb P
Anfwer.
liiepentanee, rnhereby they tcuabe tin; anb
faith. rnhereby they llebtauly belierie the new
miles at chub, mate to them in that %aera=
ment.
Queltion.
why then are infants baptiseb. inhen by
reafcn at their tenber age they cannot perform
them;
AnfWer.
cient upon mature deliberation, and
so it is by us.”
(fllljurti): (p. 1463.) — The visible
Church of Christ is a congregation of
faithful men, in the which the pure
word of God is preached, and the
sacraments be duly ministered accord—
ing to Christ’s ordinance, in all those
things that of necessity are requisite
to the same. (Art. xix.) It is clear,
then, that our reformers considered
the essential properties of a church to
be, ﬁrst, that the pure word of God
should be preached; and secondly,
that the sacraments be duly adminis-
tered according to Christ’s ordinance:
not keeping out of view those things
which are necessary for that due
ministration.
Bishop Nixon (on the Catechism, 334,
335.) says that “ The Church, in the more
general aeceptation of the term, may
be understood as ‘the whole society of
Christians throughout the world, in-
cluding all who profess their belief in
Christ, and who are subject to lawful
pastors.’ It was of a church like this
that the Apostle spoke, when he said,
‘Give none offence, neither to the
Jews, nor to the Gentiles, nor to the
Church of God.’ (1 Cor. x. 32.) And
again, ‘God hath set some in the
Church, ﬁrst apostles, secondly pro-
phets, thirdly teachers.’ (1 Cor. xii. 28.)
The sense in which the word is used
is even yet more restricted, when it
refers to the Church of God at Antioch,
Jerusalem, and the like, together with
the Seven Churches mentioned in the
book of Revelations. (Rev. i. 4.) It is
in this sense, as speaking of the Church
as a part of the great catholic whole,
that we use the term “ Church of
England,” as applied to that branch
of the Apostolic Church which it has
pleased God to plant in these king-
5C
(1465)
A Catechifm-
Anfwer.
iEecaufe they momife them both by their
fureties: rohich momife, inhen they come to
age,themfelbes are bouno to perform.
Queftion.
why was the %>acrament of the iLorbs
%upper ogbaineo?
Anfvver.
for the continual remembrance of the
facrifice of the Death of Qlihiiﬂ, aura of the
benefits iohich we receibe thereby.
Quef’tion.
what is the outioaro part or figne of the,
Lotus %>upper?

1.1. The 339th page of the Sealed Books commences with the word “Anfwer.”,
“ Anfwcr.” being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

doms. And lastly, we perceive a more
limited use of the term, when it is
adopted in allusion to a single Chris—
tian family, or to a small knot of Chris-
tians assembled in that family, for the
purposes of public worship. Rom.
xvi. 5.; Coloss. iv. 15.; Philem. ii.
“ It is in its general application to
the whole community of professing
Christians, that the word is used in
the Creed; holy in its origin, its
design, its doctrine, its discipline, and
its effects. ‘ Catholic, or universal,’ in
that it is ‘made up of the collection of
all particular churches; catholic, in
respect of time, comprehending all
ages to the world’s end, to which it is
to endure; catholic, in respect of all
places, out of which believers are to
be gathered; catholicfin respect of all
saving faith, of which this Creed con-
tains the substance, which shall in it
always be taught; catholic, in respect
of all graces, which shall in it be prac-
tised; and catholic, in respect of that
catholic war it is to wage against all
its ghostly enemies, for which _it_ is
called militant.” Bishop Ken’s Divine
Love, in 100.
can only, as generally necel'iary
to falbation. that is to fay. 3Baptifm,
anti the $091321‘ of our itorh =
(p. 1463.) — Archbishop Wake thus
writes, “It appears, that the ordin-
ances of ‘Baptism’ and ‘the Supper
of the Lord ’ are properly sacra-
ments, because the whole nature of
a sacrament, as about to be described,
does belong to them. For, ﬁrst, there
is in both these ‘ an outward and
visible sign ;’ namely, water, in Bap-
tism; bread and wine, in the Lord’s
Supper.
“ Secondly, There is ‘ an inward and
spiritual grace,’ signiﬁed and conveyed
by these signs. ‘The washing of rege-
neration,’ Tit. iii. 5., by the one: ‘the
body and blood of Christ,’ by the other,
1 Cor. x. 16.
“ Thirdly, There is for both a divine
institution. For baptism, Matt. xxviii.
19.; ‘ Go ye, and teach all nations, bap-
(1466)
A Catechifm.
Anfwer.
QBteao ano ioine, iohieh the ﬂow hath tom=
manoeo to he reteioeo.
. ' Queftion.
what is the inioaro part, or thing fignifieoa
Anfwcr.
@the bony ano hlouo of Qfhtiil, which are
oerily ano inoeeo taken ano reteioeo by the
faithful in the {Logos %>upper.
(Qeftion.
what are the benefits iohereof the are
partahers thereby?
Anfvver.
@Ehe ﬂrengthning ano
refrelhing of our

tizing them,’ 810.: for the Lord’s Sup—
per, Luke xxii. 19, 20.; ‘This do in
remembrance of me.’ Vide 1 Cor. xi.
24, 25.
“ Fourthly, They were both ordained
as means, whereby to convey their
several graces to us, and as a pledge
to assure us of them. Baptism, to
regenerate us, John iii. 5.; Tit. iii. 5.
The Lord’s Supper, to communicate to
us the body and blood of Christ, 1 Cor.
x. 16.
“For which reason, lastly, they are
generally necessary to salvation. All
Christians have a right to them : nor
may any, without hazard of missing of
these graces, refuse to use them, who
have the opportunity of being par-
takers of them. Vide John 5.;
Mark xvi. 16.; 1 Cor. xi. 24.”
Archbishop Seeker (on the Cate-
chism) says, “ There are two only, that
are truly such: and these two are
plainly suﬂicient; one for our entrance
into the Christian covenant; the
other, during our whole continuance
in it: ‘ Baptism and the Supper of the
this number was not named for above
one hundred years after Christ, nor
ﬁxed by the authority of even their
own church till two hundred years
ago, that is, since the Reformation;
yet now accurse us, for not agreeing
with them in it, but acknowledging
only two.
“The ﬁrst of these ﬁve is conﬁrma-
tion. And if this be a sacrament, we
administer it as well as they, indeed
much more agreeably to the original
practice; and are therefore entitled,
at least, to the same beneﬁt from it.
But though Christ did indeed ‘put
his hands on children, and bless them,’
Mark x. 15.; yet we do not read, that
he appointed this particular ceremony
for a means of conveying grace. And
though the apostles did use it after
him, as others had done before him;
yet there is no foundation to ascribe
any separate efficacy to the laying of
hands, as distinct from the prayers
that accompany it: or to look upon
the whole of conﬁrmation as any thing
else than a solemn manner of persons
Lord.’ The papists reckon no less taking upon themselves their baptismal
than seven sacraments. And though vow, followed by the solemn addresses
5 c 2 (1467)
A Catechifm.
fouls by the bony ano blouo of Qlihriﬂ, as our
babies are by the breao ano inine.
Queftion.
what is requireo of them lbho come to the
torus gvupperi
fkrrﬁuver.
(Ito eramine themfelbes, whether they re
pent them truly of their former fins, uebfaﬂly
purpofing to learn a new life;habe a ﬁnely
faith in Qoobs mercy through QIhrift, ibith a
thankful remembrance of his oeath; ano be
in charity tbith all men.
{I The

of the bishop and the congregation,
that they may ever keep it : in which
addresses, laying of hands is used,
partly as a mark of good-will to the
person for whom the prayers are
offered up; and partly also as a sign,
that the fatherly hand of God is over
all who undertake to serve him: yet
without any claim of conveying his
grace particularly by it; but only with
intention of praying for his grace
along with it: which prayers, however,
we have so just ground to hope he will
hear, that they who neglect this ordi-
nance, though not a sacrament, are
greatly wanting both to their interest
and their duty.
“Another sacrament of the Church
of Rome is penance; which they make
to consist of particular confession to
the priest of every deadly sin, particu-
lar absolution from him, and such acts
of devotion, mortiﬁcation, or charity,
as he shall think ﬁt to enjoin. But
no one part of this being required in
Scripture, much less any outward sign
of it appointed, or any inward grace
annexed to it; there is nothing in the
whole that hath any appearance of a
sacrament; but too much suspicion of
a contrivance to gain an undue in-
ﬂuence and power.
“A third sacrament of theirs is
extreme unction. But their plea for
it is no more than this. St. James, at
a time when miraculous gifts were
common, directed ‘the elders of the
Church,’ who usually had these gifts,
to ‘ anoint the sick with oil,’ James v.
14, 15.; as we read the disciples did,
whilst our Saviour was on earth, Mark
vi. 13.; in order to obtain by the
‘ prayer of faith ’ (that ‘faith’ which
could ‘remove mountains,’ Matt. xvii.
20.; xxi. 21.; Mark xi. 23.) the recoe
very, if God saw ﬁt, of their bodily
health; and the forgiveness of those
sins for which their disease was in~
ﬁicted, if they had committed any
such. And upon this the Church of
Rome, now all such miraculous gifts
are ceased, continues notwithstanding
to anoint the sick, fora quite different
purpose: not at all for the recovery
of their health; for they do not use it
till they think them very nearly, if not
quite, past recovery; nor indeed for
the pardon of their sins; for these,
(1468)
A Catechifm.
{I The Curate of every Parifh {hall diligently
upon Sundayes and Holydayes, after the
fecond Lefl’on at Evening Prayer openly in
the Church inftruct and examine fo many
children of his Parifh fent unto him, as he
{hall think convenient, in fome part of this
Catechifm.
{I And all Fathers, Mothers, Mailers and
Dames, {hall caufe their children, fervants
and prentiees (which have not learned their
Catechifm) to come to the Church at the
time appointed, and obediently to hear, and
be ordered by the Curate, until fuch time as

l. 1. The 340th page of the Sealed Books commences with “'{I The”, “1i The” being
also the catch-word on the preceding page.

they say, are pardoned upon confes-
sion, which commonly is made before
it; but chieﬂy, as themselves own, to
procure composedness and courage in
the hour of death: a purpose not only
unmentioned by St. James, but incon—
sistent with the purpose of recovery,
which he doth mention, and very often
impossible to be attained. For they
frequently anoint persons after they
are become entirely senseless. And
yet in spite of all these things, they
will needs have this practice owned
for a sacrament: which indeed is now,
as they manage it, a mere piece of
superstition.
“ Another thing, which they esteem
a Christian sacrament, is matrimony:
though it was ordained, not by Christ,
but long before his appearance on
earth, in the time of man’s innocency,
and hath no outward sign appointed
in it, as a means and pledge of inward
grace. But the whole matter is, that
that they have happened most ridicu-
lously to mistake their own Latin
translation of the New Testament;
where St. Paul, having compared the
union between the ﬁrst married pair,
Adam and Eve, to that between Christ,
the second Adam, and his spouse, the
Church; and having said that ‘this
is a great mystery,’ Eph. v. 32.; a
ﬁgure, or comparison, not fully and
commonly understood: the old inter-
preter, whose version they use, for
‘mystery’ hath put ‘sacramentz’ which
in his days signiﬁed any thing in reli-
gion that carried a hidden meaning:
and they have understood him of what
we now call a sacrament. Whereas if
every thing, that once had that name
in the larger sense of the word, were
at present to have it in the stricter
sense, there would be a hundred sacra-
ments, instead of the seven, which they
pretend there are.
“ The ﬁfth and last thing, which
they wrongly insist on our honouring
with this title, is holy orders. But as
there are three orders in the Church,
bishops, priests,and deacons; here would
be three sacraments, if there were any:
but indeed there is none. For the
laying on of hands in ordination is
neither appointed, nor used, to convey
(1469)
A ‘ Cateehifm.
“they have learned all that is here appointed
for them to learn.
{I So foon as Children are come to a competent
age, and can fay in their Mother tongue the
Creed , the Lords Prayer, and the ten Com-
mandments; and alfo can anfwer to the other
quef‘tions of this fhort Catechifm;they {hall
be brought to the Bifhop. And every one
{hall have a Godfather, or a Godmother, as
a Witnefs of their Conﬁrmation.
{I And Whenfoever the Bifhop {hall give know-

or signify any spiritual grace: but
only to confer a right of executing
such an office in the Church of Christ.
And though prayers for God’s grace
and blessing on the person ordained,
are indeed very justly and usefully
added, and will certainly be heard,
unless the person be unworthy: yet
these prayers, on this occasion, no
more make what is done a sacrament,
than any other prayers for God’s
grace, on any other occasion.
“However, as I have already said
of conﬁrmation, so I say now of orders
and marriage; if they were sacraments
they would be as much so to us as to
the Bomanists, whether we called
them sacraments or not. And if we
used the name even so erroneously,
indeed if we never used it at all, as
the Scripture hath never used it, that
could do us no harm; provided, under
any name, we believe but the things
which Christ hath taught; and do but
the things which he hath commanded;
_-for on this, and this alone, depends
our acceptance, and eternal salva—
tion.”
what meaneft than by this lnurb
Sacrament P : (p. 1463.) — The word
sacrament; by virtue of its original
‘in the Latin tongue, signiﬁes any
sacred or holy thing or action; and
among the heathens was particularly
applied to denote, sometimes a pledge
deposited in a sacred place; sometimes
an oath, the most sacred of obliga-
tions; and especially that oath of
ﬁdelity, which the soldiery took to
their general. In Scripture, it is not
used at all. By the early Writers of
the Western Church it was used to
express almost any thing relating to
our holy religion—at least any thing
that was ﬁgurative, and signiﬁed some-
what further than at ﬁrst sight ap—
peared. But afterwards a more con—
ﬁned use of the word prevailed by
degrees; and in that stricter sense,
which hath long been the common
one, and which our Catechism follows,
the nature of a sacrament comprehends
the following particulars.
The ﬁfth and last part of the
Catechism treats of the sacraments,
those divinely-instituted ordinances,
by which the visible Church of Christ
is linked together in ties of holy and
mysterious union. “Those signs and
tokens,” says Hooker (Ecol. Pol. b. iv.
c. 1. s. 4.), “of some general promised
grace, which always really descendeth
from God into the soul that duly
receiveth them.”
That this is the restricted sense, in
which the Church of England under-
stands‘and uses the word “ sacrament,”
is evident from her 25th Article.
(1470)
A Catechifm.
ledge for children to be brought unto him
for their Conﬁrmation, the Curate of every
Parifh {hall either bring, or fend in writing,
with his hand fubfcribed thereunto, the
names of all fuch perfons within his Parifh ,
as he {hall think ﬁt to be prefented to the
Bifhop to be conﬁrmed. And, if the Bifhop
approve of them, he {hall conﬁrm them in
manner following.

“Sacraments ordained of Christ,” she
there says, “be not only badges or
tokens of Christian men’s profession;
but rather, they be certain sure wit-
nesses, and effectual signs of grace,
and God’s good will towards us; by
the which He doth work invisibly in
us, and doth not only quicken, but
also strengthen and conﬁrm our faith
in Him.” The deﬁnition given in our
Catechism is, in effect, the same.
In earlier times, a more vague mean—
ing seems to have been attached to
the word “ sacrament ;” since we ﬁnd
that the ancients were accustomed to
call “every rite or ceremony used in
the Church, by the name of a sacra—
ment or mystery.” Bingham, b. xii.
c. 1. s. 4.
St. Austin calls exorcism a sacra-
ment. (Hem. 83. de Diversis.) And
the salt which was given to catechu-
mens before baptism is called the
“ sacrament of the catechumens,” both
by St. Austin (de Peccat. meritis,
lib. ii. c. 26.) and the third Council of
Carthage (can. v.). Cyprian speaks of
sacraments in the Lord’s Prayer (Tr.
vii. 5.). And to insist no longer upon
upon these, it is usual also with the
ancients to divide the proper sacra-
ments—baptism and the eucharist—
each of them into two or more, mean-
ing the several parts or rites belong—
ing to them. Thus, Isidore (Origin.
vi. 0. 19.) speaks of four sacraments
in the Church; which are, baptism,
chrism, the body of Christ, and the
blood of Christ. Bingham,ib. Bishop
Nixon on the Catechism, 591.
Sacrament: (p. 1463.)—As to the
word “Sacrament” Hooker (Eccles.
Pol. lib. 4. s. 1.) writes, “Sacraments
are those which are signs and tokens
of some general promised grace, which
always really descendeth from God
unto the soul that duly receiveth
them. Other signiﬁcant ceremonies
are only as sacraments, yet no sacra-
ments.”
Quest. What is required of persons to
be baptized .9
Ans. Repentance, whereby they for-
sake sin; and faith, whereby they
stedfastly believe the promises of God,
Arc.
Quest. Why, then, are infants bap-
tized, when by reason of their tender
age they cannot perform them 1
Ana. Yes: they do perform them by
their sureties, who promise and vow
them both in their names.
At the Savoy Conference the minis-
ters objected to these questions and
(1471)

answers: “ We desire that the entring
into God’s covenant may be more
warily expressed, and that the words
may not seem to found their baptism
upon a really actual faith and repent-
ance of their own; and we desire that
a promise may not be taken for a per-
formance of such faith and repentance:
and especially, that it be not asserted,
that they perform these by the promise
of their sureties, it being to the seed
of believers that the covenant of God
is made; and not (that we can ﬁnd)
to all that have believing sureties, who
are neither parents nor pro-parents of
the child.”
To these objections the bishops
answered: “The effect of children’s
baptism depends neither upon their
own present actual faith and repent—
ance (which the Catechism says ex—
pressly they cannot perform), nor
upon the faith and repentance of their
natural parents or pro-parents, or of
their godfathers or godmothers; but
upon the ordinance and institution of
Christ. But it is requisite that when
they come to age they should perform
these conditions of faith and repent-
ance, for which also their godfathers
and godmothers charitably undertook
on their behalf. And what they do
for the infant in this case, the infant
himself is truly said to do, as in the
courts of this kingdom daily the infant
does answer by his guardian; and it is
usual for to do homage by proxy, and
for princes to marry by proxy. For
the further justiﬁcation of this answer,
see St. Aug. Ep. 23. ad Bonifac.:--
“Nihil aliud credere, quam ﬁdem ha-
bere: ac per hoc cum respondetur
parvulum credere, qui ﬁdei nondum
habet eﬁ’ectum, respondetur ﬁdem ha—
bere propter ﬁdei sacramentum, et
convertere se ad Deum propter con-
versionis sacramentum. Quia et ipsa
responsio ad celebrationem pertinet
sacramenti. Itaque parvulum, etsi
nondum ﬁdes illa, quse in credentium
voluntate consistit, tamen ipsius ﬁdei
sacramentum, ﬁdelem facit.”
is haptigeli: (p. 1464.)—-P.B. 1604,
“Baptized is dipped, or sprinkled with
it.”
why then are infants baptizeb:
(p. 1465 .)—We are not to consider
what we think best, but what God has
directed us to do. Now God expressly
ordered the children of the Jews to be
admitted into covenant with him at
eight days old (Gen. xvii. 12, 13.;
Deut. xxix. 10, 11, 12.). Into the
place of circumcision baptism has suc—
ceeded (Col. ii. 11, 12,), as the Gospel
has into the place of the law. There
is, therefore, the same reason, why our
children should from the beginning be
admitted into the Christian, as why
the Jews’ children should have been
entered into the legal covenant. God
has made no exception in this parti—
cular. Our infants are as capable of
covenanting as theirs were; and, if
God thought ﬁt to receive them into
the legal covenant, and did not account
the incapacity, which their age put
them under, any bar to hinder them
from circumcision; neither ought we
to think the same defect any sufficient
obstacle to keep our infants from being
baptized, and admitted thereby into
that of the Gospel.
3ﬁecaufe they pronu'fe them both
by their furetiesz inhich prnmife:
(p. 1466.) —P. B. 1604, “ Yes: they
doe performe them by their Sureties,
who promise and vowe them both, in
their names; which”.
ﬁreatr anti mine: (p. 1467.)-—Christ
instituted this sacrament in both these:
he ﬁrst took bread, (he, and then, after
the same manner, he took the cup, dzc.
Vide 1 Cor. xi. 23, 24, 25. And for
what end he appointed these outward
signs of this sacrament, the words of
his institution plainly show; namely,
that those who celebrate this sacrament
might eat of the one, and drink of the
other, at his table. So that it is ne~
cessary that every communicant should
receive this sacrament in both kinds,
because our Saviour has so appointed
it. Thus he gave it to his disciples,
and thus they received it at his hands.
ICor. xi. 27, 28, 29. And it is certain
that the apostles gave the cup to the
(1472)

lay communicants in their churches;
or else St. Paul would never have
argued with the Corinthians against
communicating with idolaters, as he
does, 1 Cor. x. 15. &c.; nor have spoken
of this sacrament, as he does in the
next chapter, ver. 26, 27, 28, 29. In
every one of which he takes notice of
their drinking of the sacramental cup,
as well as of their eating of the sacra—
mental bread.
Qlihe bully anti laluub of Qthriit:
(p. 1467.)—That which is given by the
priest in this sacrament, is, as to its
substance, bread and wine; as to its
sacramental nature and signification,
it is the ﬁgure or representation of
Christ’s body and blood, which was
broken and shed for us. The very
body and blood of Christ, as yet, it is
not. But, being with faith and piety
received by the communicant, it be-
comes to him, by the blessing of God
and the grace of the Holy Spirit, the
very body and blood of Christ; as it
entitles him to a part in the sacriﬁce
of his death, and to the beneﬁts thereby
procured to all'his faithful and obedient
servants.
eraser; are beriIp anti inbeeb taken:
(p. 1467.)——These words are intended
to show that our Church as truly be-
lieves the strongest assertions of Scrip-
ture concerning this sacrament, as the
Church of Rome doth; only takes
more care to understand them in the
right meaning; which is, that though,
in one sense, all communicants equally
partake of what Christ calls his body
and blood, that is, the outward sign of
them; yet, in a much more important
sense, “the faithful” only, the pious
and virtuous receiver, eats his ﬂesh
and drinks his blood; shares in the life
and strength derived to men from his
incarnation and death; and through
faith in him, becomes, bya vital union,
one with him; “a member,” as St.Paul
expresses it, “ of his ﬂesh and of his
bones,” Eph. v. 30.; certainly not in a
literal sense, which yet the Romanists
might as well assert, as that we eat
his ﬂesh in a literal sense; but in a
ﬁgurative and spiritual one. In ap-
pearance, the sacrament of Christ’s
death is given to all alike; but “verily
and indeed,” in its beneﬁcial effects, to
none besides the faithful. Even to
the unworthy communicant he is pre-
sent,as he is wherever we meet together
in his name; but in a better and most
gracious sense, to the worthy soul;
becoming, by the inward virtue of his
Spirit, its food and sustenance.
This real presence of Christ in the
sacrament, his Church hath always
believed. But the monstrous notion
of his bodily presence was started 700
years after his death, and arose chieﬂy
from the indiseretion of preachers and
writers of warm imaginations, who,
instead of explaining judiciously the
lofty ﬁgures of Scripture language,
heightened them, and went beyond
them, till both it and they had their
meaning mistaken most astonishingly.
And when once an opinion had taken
root, that seemed to exalt the holy
sacrament so much, it easily grew and
spread; and the more for its wonderful
absurdity, in those ignorant and super-
stitious ages: till at length, 500 years
ago, and 1200 years after our Saviour’s
birth, it was established for a Gospel-
truth by the pretended authority of
the Romish Church. And even this
had been tolerable in comparison, if
they had not added idolatrous practice
to erroneous belief; worshipping, on
their knees, a bit of bread for the Son
of God. Nor are they content to do
this themselves, but with most unchris-
tian cruelty, curse and murder those
who refuse it.
It is true we also kneel at the sa-
crament as they do, but for a very
different purpose: not to acknowledge
“any corporal presence of Christ’s na-
tural ﬂesh and blood ;” as our Church,
to prevent all possibility of miscon-
struction, expressly declares: adding,
that “his body is in heaven, and not
here ;” but to worship him, who is
everywhere present, the invisible God.
And this posture of kneeling we by no
means look upon as in itself necessary,
but as a very becoming appointment,
and very ﬁt to accompany the prayers
(1473

and praises which we offer up at the
instant of receiving; and to express
that inward spirit of piety and humi-
lity on which our partaking worthily
of this ordinance, and receiving beneﬁt
from it depend.
33!) e: (p. 1467.)——P. B. 1604, “Of
the.”
ll The Curate of every Pa—
rilh {hall diligently upon Sun~
dayes and Holydayes, after
the fecond Lefl'on at Evening
Prayer, openly in the Church
inftruct and examine (0 many
children of his Parifh fent
unto him, as he fhall think
‘convenient, in fome part of
this Catechlfm : (p, 1469,)_0f
these four rubrics, which now fol-
low the Catechism, the third alone,
though then somewhat diﬁ'erently
worded, occupied, before 1662, its pre-
sent position; the other three, with
the exception, however, of the con-
cluding sentence of the last, were
always found at the end of “ Conﬁrma—
cion.”
Instead of the words “ shall diliqently
upon Sundays and Holydays, after the
second Lesson at Evening Prayer,” the
P. B. of 1549 had, “once in six wekes
at the least, upon warning by him
geven, shall upon some Soonday or
holy day, halfe an hour before Even-
son ”.
P. B. 1552, “ Or some other at his
appoynctmente, shall diligently upon
Sundaies, and holy daies halfe an houre
before Evensong.”
Some impressions, beginning with
'Grafton’s of 1552, have here, “Evening
praier,” some “ Evensong.”
Hun, as: (p. 1469.)—P. B. 1549,
“as the time wil serve, and”.
These words were omitted in 1662.
This language is imperative upon
the curate to catechize upon every
Sunday and Holyday, after the second
lesson at Evening Prayer; the only dis-
cretionary power vested in the curate
is, the number of children to be cate—
chized.
Some clergymen imagine that because
the word “ all” has not been inserted
before “ Sundays and Holydays” the
rubric is satisﬁed if the catechizing
take place occasionally; but there are
no grounds for such a construction.
It is plainly the design of the rubric
that the minister should catechize his
parishioners on every Sunday and Holy-
day; i. (3., so long as there are any in
the parish who are capable of instruc—
tion, and yet have not learned their
Catechism; and the ﬁfty-ninth canon
requires every parson, vicar, or curate,
upon every Sunday and Holyday, to
teach and instruct the youth and
ignorant persons of his parish, in the
catechism set forth in the Book of
Common Prayer; and this too upon
pain of a sharp reproof upon the ﬁrst
complaint, of suspension upon the
second, and of excommunication till
he be reformed upon the third.
The Prayer Book of 1549 required
the curate once in six weeks at least,
on some Sunday or Holyday, to instruct
such children as should be sent to him,
half an hour before Evensong, in some
part of the Church Catechism. Bucer
objected that the interval of six weeks
was too long; in Germany he remarked
many churches exercised the children
in the Catechism three days in a week,
of which Sunday was one; and he re-
commended that in England it should
be taught on every Sunday and Holy-
day. Accordingly, the rubric in Ed—
ward’s second book was modelled as it
stands at present, excepting only that
the time of catechizing was, at the last
review, appointed to be after the second
lesson at Evening Prayers, instead of
half an hour before.
The Catechism, or rather the Cate-
chetical institution, hortatory and ex-
planatory, prescribed to be used after
the second lesson of Evening Prayer,
is never used in cathedrals. But though
these churches are not parochial, it
ought not to be forgotten that the
chapters have cure of souls over the
(1474)

boys of the choir; and it is but ﬁtting
that, occasionally at least, these should
have the same advantages of public
instruction afforded to the children of
inferior churches. The observance of
the rubric in this respect, now largely
revived in parishes, is of equal obliga-
tion in choirs. In some college chapels
(that of Balliol in Oxford deserves
especial mention) this most edifying
observance has been strictly enforced.
Vide J ebb on the Choral Service, 526.
The early Fathers insist much upon
the importance and necessity of cate-
chizing; and the extreme care that
was taken in the primitive Church to
instruct the catechumens in the prin-
ciples of Christianityis generally known.
Its beneﬁcial effects were as generally
experienced. It was principally by
catechizing that the religion of Jesus,
as Hegesippus observes, was in a few
years spread over the greater part of
the known world; and, however indi-
viduals or societies may have differed
in other points, on the utility and ne-
cessity of catechizing all have agreed;
both ancients and moderns ; Europeans,
Asiatics, and Africans; Greeks and
Latins; Papists and Protestants; Lu-
therans and Calvinists ; Church of
England men and Disscnters. Luther,
in the beginning of the Reformation,
wrote two catechisms. The duty which
he prescribed to others, he likewise
performed himself ; and assures us
that catechizing afforded him more
delight than any other ministerial
duty. The same care was taken by
Calvin, and other eminent reformers
abroad. Nothing contributed more to
the enlargement of the Protestant
faith than the diligent catechizing of
the reformed divines. To the truth of
this the Romanists themselves bear
witness. In their Preface to the Cate-
chism, set forth by order of the Council
of Trent, they complain, that “the age
is sadly sensible what mischief they
(the Protestants) have done the Church
(of Rome), not only by their tongues,
but especially by those writings called
Catechisms.” The Council was sensible
that catechizing was the most eﬂica-
cious mode of preserving their religion,
and therefore they composed the Roman
Catechism, which they enjoined the
priests to teach to the people. Vide
Shepherd on the Common Prayer, 277
-—279.
Upon this question Bishop Mant
thus writes (Clergyman’s Obligations,
69-71.) :—
“ In pursuance of the observations
under the last head, it may be remarked
that there is no more effectual mode
of securing a proper attention to the
service of the Church in general, as
well as to that particular department
of it then considered, than by training
up her youthful members in the way of
proper attention to their public religious
duties, and instilling into their tender
minds the principles of the Christian
religion, as set forth in our invaluable
Liturgy. The performance of this duty,
indeed, the Church makes imperative
on her ministers, by directing that “the
curate of every parish shall diligently
upon Sundays and Holydays, after the
second lesson at Evening Prayer, openly
in the church instruct and examine
so many children of his parish sent
unto him as he shall think convenient,
in some part of the CHURCH CATE—
cHIsM.” Thus the duty of giving re-
ligious instruction to the young people
of his cure, is solemnly enjoined on
the parochial clergyman ; and it is
enjoined with circumstances of time
and place, which appear designed to
impress the catechumens with a sense
of the seriousness of the employment,
to engage them at the same time in
the devotions of the congregation, and
thus to associate in their minds the
ideas of growing in religious know-
ledge, and of partaking with others in
divine worship.
“ For an omission or neglect of this
duty, unless it be really impracticable,
it would be difﬁcult to assign a satis—
factory reason. If there existed sufﬁ-
cient causes in the nature of the thing
itself, or in the religious condition of
the people, for instituting the practice,
these causes may well operate with
undiminished force for upholding it,
(1475)

circumstanced as we at present are.
Would we wish our members to pro-
ceed generally in a course of religious
duty, when they are old? we must
train them up during childhood in the
way wherein they should go.
“But with respect to this and to
the other instances now speciﬁed, and
to any others which may possibly be
conceived, in which the plea of im—
practicabile'ty is set up for the non-
observance of aclear and positive law;
the reader may be reminded, that al-
though the plea, if correct, is unan-
swerable (for according to the old
maxim, “ nemo tenetur ad impossi-
bile”), yet it behoves us to take especial
care to guard ourselves against all
delusion, and to be assured that the
plea is indeed correct, and is not devised
or admitted by us as a specious pre-
text to cover our own real indifference
to the obligation of the law, or our
own actual indolence in the execution
of it.”
And the Bishop of St. David’s, in
his charge to his clergy in 1842, when
discussing the question of catechizing,
said: “It is probably never more likely
to answer these ends [of beneﬁting
the young], and at the same time to
strengthen the attachment of those of
riper years to the Church, than where
such instruction is given, according to
the intention of the Church, in the
presence of the congregation. I am
convinced that many of our churches
would be much better attended, if this
practice were revived.” -
It appears from Warner, in his Book
of Common Prayer,that persons entered
into an obligation to bring their chil-
dren to be catechized, as he thus writes:
“ During the interregnum in the seven—
teenth century, a laudable custom pre-
vailed, of insuring, by a written obli-
gation, the bringing of children to the
catechism by their parents and spon-
sors. I have an extract from the re-
gister of Christchurch, in Hampshire,
as). 1651, which establishes this fact.
It is couched in these words: ‘ We,
whose names or marks are here sub-
scribed, together with the names' ‘of ‘
our children baptized, do solemnly pro-
test and promise that if we and our
children live together until they come
to the age of nine years, we will bring
or cause our children to come to the
congregation of Christchurch, before
our present minister, Mr. Warner, or
his successors; there to renew their
covenant made in baptism, and to
answer and give a reason of their
hope, by way of catechism, so often as
the said Mr. Warner, or his successors,
shall require us so to do.’ ”
(Which have not learned
their Catechifm): <p_1469_)__
P. B. 1549, “ Prentises (whiche are
not yet conﬁrmed)”.
Time appointed: (p_ 14.69) __
P. B. 1549, “Daye.”
il 50 {0011 1 (p. 1470.)-—P. B.
1549, “11' So soone as the children
can say in their mother tongue thar-
ticles of the faith, the lordes praier,
the ten commaundementes, and also
can aunswere to such questions of
this shorte Catechisme as the Bushop
(or suche as he shall appointe) shall
by his discrecion appose them in:
then shall they bee brought to the
Bushop by one that shalbe his [1634,
their] godfather or godmother, that
every childe maye have a wittnesse of
his conﬁrmacion.”
Competent age: (p, 1470_)__
“ So soon as the children can say in
their mother-tongue the Articles of
the Faith, the Lord’s Prayer, and the
Ten Commandments, and can answer
such other questions of this short
Catechism, &c., then shall they be
brought to the bishop, &c., and the
bishop shall conﬁrm them.”
This rubric was objected to by the
Presbyterian ministers, because “We
conceive that it is not a sufficient
qualiﬁcation for conﬁrmation, that
children be able memon'ter to repeat
the Articles of the Faith, commonly
called the Apostles’ Creed, the Lord’s
Prayer, and the Ten Commandments,
(1476).

and to answer to some questions of
this short Catechism; for it is often
found that children are able to do all
this at four or ﬁve years old. 2ndly,
It crosses what is said in the third
reason of the ﬁrst Rubrick before
conﬁrmation, concerning the usage
of the Church in time past, ordain-
ing that conﬁrmation should be mi-
nistred unto them that were of per—
fect age, that they being instructed in
the Christian religion, should openly
profess their own faith, and promise to
be obedient to the will of God. And
therefore (3dly), we desire that none
may be conﬁrmed but according to his
Majesty’s Declaration, viz. ‘ That con—
ﬁrmation be rightly and solemnly
performed by the information, and
with the consent of the minister of
the place.’”
To these objections the bishops
replied: “ We conceive that this qua-
liﬁcation is required rather as neces-
sary than as sufficient; and therefore
it is the duty of the minister of the
place (can. 61.) to prepare children in
the best manner to be presented to
the bishop for conﬁrmation, and to
inform the bishop of their ﬁtness, but
submitting the judgment to the bishop,
both of this and other qualiﬁcations;
and not that the bishop should be tied
to the minister’s consent. Comp. this
rub. to the second rub. before the
Catechism, and there is required what
is further necessary and suflicient.”
Cardwell’s Conferences, 327, 328.
“ Then shall they be brought to the
bishop by one that shall be his god-
father, or godmother.”
This rubric was at the Savoy Con—
ference also objected to, because it
“seems to bring in another sort of
godfathers and godmothers, besides
those made use of in baptism; and
we see no need either of the one or the
other.”
To which the bishops answered:
“Here the compilers of the Liturgy
did, and so doth the Church, that
there may be a witness of the conﬁr-
mation.” Vide Cardwell’s Conferences,
279.
T And Whenfoever: (p,'1470.)
—-P. B. 1549, “ ‘II And whansoever the
Bushop shall geve knowledge for chil-
dren to be brought afore [1607, before]
him to any convenient place, for their
conﬁrmacion: Then shall the curate
of every parishe eyther bring or sende
in writing, the names of all those
children of his parishe whiche can say
tharticles of theyr faith, the lordes
praier, and the ten commaundementes.
And also howe many of them can
aunswere to thother questions con-
teined in this Catechisme.”
And, if I (p. 1471.)—P. B. 1549,
“1I And the Bushop shal conﬁrme
them on this wyse.”
(1477)
(1478)
The ORDER
OF
CONFIRMATION,
OR
Laying on of hands upon thofe that are baptized
and come to years of difcretion.
{I Upon the day appointed all that are to be
then conﬁrmed, being placed, and {landing
in Order before the Bifhop; he
( or fome
other Minilter appointed by him) {hall read
this Preface following.
51D the we that Qfonfirmation may he
minillreo to the more eoifying of futh

l. 1. The 3-tlst page of the Sealed Books commences with the words “The ORDE R”,
there being no catch-word on the preceding page.

The ORDER OF CON-
F IRMATION :__In P, B, 1549,
the title was, “ Conﬁrmacion wherin is
conteined a Catechisme for childrene.”
But against the word children Bucer
took exception; and, therefore, in the
Second Book of King Edward, the
title was amended, and called “Con-
ﬁrmation” only. In our book the
title was explained, after the con-
ference at Hampton Court, for the
satisfaction of the ministers there;
who thought there was some popish
meaning in the word “ Conﬁrmation,”
as if it added strength to the sacra—
ment of baptism, or as if baptism were
not valid without it. Therefore the
title was put into these terms, “The
Order of Conﬁrmation, or Laying on
of Hands upon Children baptized, and
able to render an account of their
Faith, according to the Catechism fol-
lowing”: which Catechism was then
also augmented upon those ministers’
complaint, that it was insufficient in
not setting forth the nature of the
sacrament. Nicholls on the Common
Prayer, Additional Notes, 56.
Whatever may be defective in infant
baptism is made good by conﬁrmation.
And either baptism must be deferred
(1479)
Conﬁrmation.
as lhall receibe it, the Qlihurch hath thought
goon to orber, @that none hereafter lhall be
Qtonfirmembut fuch as can fay the Qfreeo,
the iLorbs llﬁrayer, anb the ten QLommano=
ments; am: can alfo anfiber to fuch other
queﬂions, as in the lhort Qfatechifm are con=
taineo: which ﬂDrber is bery conbenient to
be obferbeb, to the enb, that chiloren being
now come to the years of oifcretion, ano .
habing learneo tohat their Qooofathers ano
Qboomothers promifeo for them. in lhaptifm,
they may themfelbes with their oibn mouth
anb confent openly before the Qllhurch ratifie
ano confirm the fame; ano alfo promife that
by the grace of Qhoo they ibill ebermore en=
beabour themfelbes faithfully to obferbe fuch
things as they by their own confefsion hane
allenteo unto.
1] Then‘

till baptized persons can answer for
themselves in the administration of
et restitutam hodie in publicum usum
velim. Hmc disciplina si hodie valeret,
that sacrament, or this, or some other
solemn custom, must be made use of,
by which the promises made in their
names, whether by their parents or
susceptors, may be ratiﬁed by those
persons who are baptized in their in-
fancy. Notwithstanding our conﬁr-
mation has been inveighed against,
several of the most eminent foreign
divines, who otherwise had not the
greatest favour for the rites of our
Church, have given their testimony in
approbation of this. Thus, Calvin
(Inst. lib. iv. cap. 19.) writes: Ita puer,
ﬁde sua approbata, cum solenni bene-
dictione dimittebatur. Hujus moris
saepe mentionem faciunt veteres. Ta—
lem enim manuum impositionem, qua
sijmpliciter loco benedictionisﬁat laudo,
profecto parentum quorundam ignavia
acueretur. And again, in another
place (Com. in Heb. c. 6. v. 2.), Pueri,
transacta infantia, postquam instituti
erant in ﬁde, se quoque ad catechesin
offerebant, quae illis baptismo erat
posterior; sed aliud symbolum adhibe-
batur, nempe manuum impositio. This
rite is likewise acknowledged by Beza
to be of apostolical institution; for in
his comment upon the sixth of the
Hebrews, he writes thus: Apostolus
quinque capita catechismi numerat,
nempe, professionem, emendationem
vitae, ﬁdei summam de Deo, doctrinae
explicationem compendiariam, quae in
baptismis et impositione manuum tradi
rudibus praesertim solebat. Nicholls
on the Common Prayer.
(1480)
Conﬁrmation.
{I Then fhall the Bifhop fay,
Dill) ye here in the pretense of shoe ano
this congregation renero the folemn
momite ano born that was mane in your
name at your lhaptifm;
firming the fame in your
ratifying ano ton=
oton perions, ano
aeknoroleoging your telnes bouno to beliebe
ant: to ooe all thote things, which your shoe:
fathers ano Qhoomothers then unoertooh to;
QUU?
II.
The 342ml page of the Scaled Books commences with “1i Then”, “ﬁlThcn”
being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

Conﬁrmation is not absolutely neces-
sary to salvation, being not of Christ’s
own institution, as the sacrament of
baptism is; for it was instituted only
by the Church, in imitation of the
Apostles, as Cornelius the pope (apud
Euseb. lib. v. cap. 36.) deduces its
origin ab Ecclesiae Canone: vide etiam
Gal. Antisiodorensis, Tract. 9. lib. 4.;
Vitriacus, Oriental. Hist. cap. 39.;
Alexander Hales, par. 4. q. 9.; Bona-
venture, 4 Dist. 7. q. 1. & 2.; Eugen.
IV. (anno 1439.) in his Monita to the
Armenians).
That conﬁrmation of children after
baptism was not accounted to be of
absolute necessity, is clear from the
ancient custom, in receiving some
such to the communion, and to sacred
orders also, who had never been con-
ﬁrmed (anno 240.). N ovatian,after his
sickness, obtained no conﬁrmation of
the bishop; and Pope Fabian made
him a priest (Euseb. lib. vi. cap. The Greeks, Russians, Armenians, J a-
cobites, and Nestorians, use no other
conﬁrmation than the chrism in bap-
tism.
Although “ Conﬁrmation” is not
considered by the United Church of
England and Ireland a sacrament, yet
it is held to be a sacred and a solemn
action of religion, which, being accom-
panied with fervent prayer, will be a
special means to convey the grace of
God’s Holy Spirit upon those persons
that have duly prepared themselves to
receive it; that thereby they may be
established in their faith, and the bet—
ter ﬁtted to every good word and
work, as all true Christians ought to
be. Nicholls on the Common Prayer,
Additional Notes, 57.
Upon this subject Dean Comber
(Discourses upon the Common Prayer,
352, 353.) thus writes: “When children
are well instructed in the vow made
for them at baptism, by the Church
Catechism, it is then required they
should take it upon themselves, and
be confirmed by the bishop: which
holy rite of ‘Conﬁrmation,’ though it
were not instituted by Christ, and so
be not properly a sacrament, yet the
Apostles did lay their hands on such
as had been before baptized by an
inferior minister. (Acts viii. 14, 15, 16,
17.; xix, 6.) This custom the primi-
5])
(1481)
Conﬁrmation.
‘(I And every one {hall audibly anfwer,
31 Doc.
The Bilhop.
()hlr help is in the name ofthe lLoio;
Anfwer.
who hath maoe heahen ano earth.
ihlelfeo be the
Bilhop.
shame of the bozo,
Anfwer.
{henceforth morlo toithout eno.
Bifhop.
itoio, hear our prayers.
Anfwer.
anb let our cry come unto thee.

tive Church imitated in the bishops’
laying on their hands, with holy
prayers, upon persons that had been
baptized; which was believed to con-
vey the Holy Spirit to them for en-
abling them to keep their vow. And
this holy rite is still retained in the
Eastern and Western Churches, and
in all Protestant churches where they
have bishops. And we have an excel—
lent ofﬁce for it, containing, ﬁrst, the
preparation for it by a serious admoni-
tion to all that come to it, a solemn
engagement from the parties to keep
their vow, with some acts of praise
and prayer suited to the occasion.
Secondly, the rite itself consists of the
ceremony, which is the laying on of
the bishop’s hands, and his benediction
Thirdly, the oﬁice is concluded with
prayers; general, as the Lord’s Prayer;
and peculiar to the occasion, as the two
Collects; and with a ﬁnal blessing.”
The Order of Conﬁrmation being an
episcopal act, is administered in cathe-
drals as well as in parish churches, as
occasion may serve. It does not seem
that the responses are ever chanted.
But if they should be, the ordinary
rules of recitation might be observed.
And this holds with regard to the
responses‘ in the other occasional ser=
vices. J ebb on the Choral Service,
526.
Thofe that are baptized and
come to years of dlfcretion:
(p. 1479.)-——-P.B. 1604, “Children bap-
tized, and able to render an account
of their faith, according to the Cate“
chisme following.”
In the primitive Church such adults
or infants as were baptized in the pre—
sence of the bishop were immediately
presented to him in order to conﬁrma-
tion. And the same is practised by the
Greek Church to this day. In our
Church, those who are baptized, after
they are come to years of discretion,
are to be conﬁrmed by the bishop as
soon after their baptism as conve-
niently may be. But in relation to
children, their conﬁrmation is deferred,
and with a great deal of reason, till
they come to a competent age, and
can say the Catechism. Nor can any
(1482)
Conﬁrmation.
13ifln3r>.
lLet us may.
Aitmightp arm enerlining Q6011, tnhu hat}
nuurhfafen to regenerate thefe thy fer:
name by water arm the help Qﬁhuﬂ, am: hail he
hen unto them tuiginenefe at all their fins;
w_%>trenqthen them, we heteerh thee, ED item,
with the holy Qhhuﬂ the Qlinmfogter, 811D Daily
inrreate in them thy mam'tutn gifts of grace;
the fpirit of initlium aniJ unnerﬂanning; the
tpirit ct rcuntel anti ghuﬂlp ﬂrength; the
fpirit ct hnninienge anti true geniinefe; ann
ﬁll them , 931) Item, with the fpirit of thy holy
tearmurn arm to; eher. Amen.
11'1T116r1
detriment arise to a child, by deferring
its conﬁrmation to such an age; be-
cause, as our Church has declared (on
purpose to satisfy people that are
scrupulous in this very matter), it
is certain by God’s Word, that children,
which are baptized, dying before they
commit actual sin, are undoubtedly
saved. Wheatly on the Common
Prayer, 377.
What is required of persons to be
conﬁrmed is, First, That they be “ of
years of discretion ;” (vide ante, 1059,
1000.) that is to say, of a capacity to
understand the nature of their bap
tismal covenant: What God therein
promises to us, and What we are there-
by obliged to believe and to do, in
obedience to his will. Secondly, That
they be not only capable of this know-
ledge, but be actually instructed in
these things. Thirdly, That being
hereby brought to a clear sense of
what was done for them by their god-
fathers and godmothers at their bap-
tism, they be now ready and desirous,
in their own persons, to ratify and
conﬁrm the same. And lastly, That
in testimony of their sincere resolu-
tions, to make good What they here
promise and vow, they do now truly
repent of all their sins, and stedfastly
resolve, by the grace of God, to go on
in a constant obedience to God’s com-
mands unto their lives’ end.
The duty of preparing children for
conﬁrmation devolves upon the curate
of their parish: thus, the rubric en~
joins, that “Whensoever the Bishop
shall give knowledge for children to be
brought unto him for their conﬁrma-
tion, the curate of every parish shall
either bring, or send in Writing, with
his hand subscribed thereunto, the
names of all such persons within his
parish, as he shall think ﬁt to be pre-
sented to the Bishop to be conﬁrmed.
And, if the Bishop approve of them,
he shall conﬁrm them in manner fol-
lowing.’7
And by canon (31, “ Every minister,
that hath cure and charge of souls, for
the better accomplishing of the orders
prescribed in the Book of Common
51).?
(1483)
Conﬁrmation.
1] Then all of them in order kneeling before
the Biihop, he {hall lay his hand upon the
head of every one feverally, faying,
DQEfenD, o lLoro, this thy chilo [or this thy
fervant] tbith thy heabenly grace, that he
may continue thine for eber: ano Daily in:
create in thy holy fpirit more anb more,
until he come unto thy eberlalling kingbom.
amen.
1] Then {hall the Bifhop fay,
@the horn be toith you.

1.].
Thu 343111 page of the Scaled Books commences with “ “Then”, “ 1] Then”
being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

Prayer concerning Conﬁrmation, shall
take especial care that none shall be
presented to the Bishop for him to lay
his hands upon, but such as can render
an account of their faith, according to
the Catechism in the said Book con-
tained. And when the Bishop shall
assign any time for the performance
of that part of his duty, every such
minister shall use his best endeavour
to prepare and make able, and like-
wise to procure as many as he can to
be then brought, and by the Bishop to
be conﬁrmed.”
Standing in Order before
the Blfhopr (p. 1479.)—Dr.Nicholls
(on the Common Prayer) writes: “Be-
fore the Reformation all conﬁrmed
persons were obliged to have a god-
father. (Decret. de Cons. dist. 4.; Lyn-
wood, Prov. Const. Ang. lib. 1. cap. 6.)
But as there was not the like reason
for this, and it gave the parents an
unnecessary trouble in procuring them,
our wise reformers have laid that
usage aside; .and ordered only, that
being presented by the minister of the
parish, either himself bringing them,
or sending in writing under his hand
subscribed thereunto. [Rubric after the
Catechism, “ they shall stand in order
before the Bishop.”]” This eminent
divine seems, however, to be inaccurate
—-because in the last rubric but one of
the Catechism the following language
occurs: “And every one shall have a
godfather ora godmother, as a witness
of their conﬁrmation.” And Wheatly
(on the Common Prayer, 379.), remarks,
“ Godfathers are certainly as useful at
the conﬁrmation of a youth, as they
are at the baptism of a person that is
adult. In both cases they are witnesses
of the engagements which the persons
so baptized or conﬁrmed lay themselves
under; and consequently, will be pro-'
per and continual monitors to check
or reclaim them, should they at any
time hereafter be tempted to abandon
the interest of Christ, and take part
with his enemies. And for the pre-
vention of any one’s entering upon
this trust, who will not be carefu to
(1484)
Conﬁrmation.
Anfwer.
Hno truth thy gvpirit.
{I And (all kneeling down) the Bifhop fhall
add,
her us may.
Otlir father rohith art in heaoen, lhalloroeo
be thy ﬂame. @thy hingoom tome. @hy
will be none in earth. as it is in heaben.
shine us this Day our oaily bteao. ano toy
gibe us our tretpaifes. as ice toggine them
that tretpafs againu us. ano leao us not
into temptation: QBut oeliber us from evil.
.7.
amen.
discharge the duty of it, the Church
provides, that no person be admitted
godfather or godmother to any child
at christening or confirmation, before
the said person. so undertaking hath
received the holy Communion.” And
Bishop Sparrow corroborates this view
of the case (Rationale, 197.), for he
says, “The children that are to be
conﬁrmed, are to be brought to the
bishop by one that shall be their god—
father, who may witness their conﬁr-
mation. The godfather may be the
same that was at baptism; but in
most places the custom is to have
another. (De Cons. dist. 4. c. 100.)
This Preface following:
(p. 1479.)—This Preface was only a
rubric in all the old Common Prayer
Books; but at the last review was
changed into a preface, to be directed
to those that shall offer themselves to
be conﬁrmed; that so the Church might
be sure they are apprised of the qua-
liﬁ cations that are requisite to this holy
ordinance, and of the solemn engage-
ments under which they are going to
enter themselves by it.
Archbishop Seeker thus writes on
Conﬁrmation: “In this preface, di—
rected in the ﬁrst place to be read,
notice is given, that ‘for the more
edifying of such as shall receive con-
ﬁrmation,’ it shall be administered to
none but those ‘who can answer to
the questions of the Catechism’ pre-
ceding: that so ‘children’ may ‘come
to years of’ some ‘discretion,’ and
‘learn what the promise’ made for
them in baptism was, before they are
called upon to ‘ratify and conﬁrm it
before the Church with their own
consent,’ and to engage ‘that they will
cvermore observe it.’
“Prayers may be ofl'ered up for
infants with very good effect. Pro-
mises may be made in their name by
such as are authorized to act for them:
especially when the things promised
are for their interest, and will be their
duty; which is the case of those in
baptism. But 110 persons ought to
make promises for themselves, till
they reasonably well understand the
nature of them, and are capable of
forming serious purposes. Therefore,
in the present case, being able to say
(1485)
Conﬁrmation.
1] And this Collect.
Almighty ano eberliuing Qhoo , rnho
‘ malieu us both to mill ant: to ho thofe
things that be gooo ano acceptable unto thy
oibine ahaieuy; we make our humble fuppli:
cations unto thee for thefe thy ferbants upon
iohom (after the erample of thy holy elpoules)
the hahe nob: laio our hanbs, to certifie
them (by this fign) of thy fabour ano gracious
gooonefs tomaros them. iLet thy fatherly
hano, the befeech thee, eber be oher them, let
thy holy %>pirit eber be with them; ano to lean
them in the hnoioleoge anb obeoience of thy
1001B,
the words of the Catechism is by no
means enough, without a competent
general knowledge of their meaning,
and intention of behaving as it requires
them; which doubtless they are sup-
posed to have at the same time. And
if they have not, making a profession
of it is declaring with their mouths
what they feel not in their hearts at
the instant, and will much less reﬂect
upon afterwards: it is hoping to please
God by the empty outward perform—
ance of a religious rite, from which, if
they had been withheld till they were
duly qualiﬁed, their souls might have
been affected, and their conduct in-
fluenced by it, as long as they lived.
“Therefore I hope and beg, that
neither ministers nor parents will be
too eager for bringing children very
early to conﬁrmation : but ﬁrst teach
them carefully to know their duty
sufﬁciently, and resolve upon the prac—
tice of it heartily; then introduce
them to this ordinance.
“But as there are some too young
for conﬁrmation, some also may be
thought too old: especially, if they
have received the holy sacrament
without it. Now there are not indeed
all the same reasons for the conﬁrma-
tion of such as of others: nor hath
the Church, i believe, determined any
thing about their case, as it might be
thought unlikely to happen. But still,
since it doth happen too frequently,
that persons were not able, or have
neglected, to apply for this purpose:
so whenever they apply, as by doing it
they express a desire to ‘fulﬁl all
righteousness,’ (Matt. iii. 15.), and
may certainly receive beneﬁt, both
from the profession and the prayers
appointed in the office; my judgment
is, that they should not be rejected,
but encouraged.
“ Only I must intreat you to observe,
that when you take thus on your-
selves the engagement of leading a
Christian life, you are to take it once
for all ; and no more to think of ever
being conﬁrmed a second time, than
of being baptized a second time.”
To the can that @onﬁrmatiou:
(p. l479.)——1’. l)’. 1549, “ To thende
that conﬁrmacion may be ministred
to the more edifying of suche as shall
reccyve it (accordyng to Saint Paules
(1486)
Conﬁrmation.
more, that in the enu they may obtain ener:
tailing life, through our {Loin ZIefue Qlhiitt,
tnhu with thee arm the help Qhhuﬂ lineth ant:
reigneth, ener one Q5073, mean without enn.
j\irieii.
O
almighty item ,
arm eherlaﬂing eon,
nuuthfate, the hefeeth thee, to tn'rett,
tanrtifie anu genera both our hearts anti

1. 1. The 344th page of the Scaled Books commences with the word “ {our ,”,
‘ ‘ innrh,” being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

doctrine, who teacheth that all thynges
shoulde be doen in the church to the
ediﬁcacion of the same) it is thought
good that none hereafter shall be
conﬁrmed, but such as can saye in
their mother tong, tharticles of the
fayth, the lordes prayer, and the ten
commaundements: And can also an-
swere to suche questions of this short
Catechisme, as the Bushop (or suche
as he shall appoynte) shall by hys dis-
crecion appose them in. And thys
ordre is moste conveniente to be ob-
served for divers consideracions.
“'ll First, because that when children
come to the yeres of discrecion and
have learned what their Godfathers
and Godmothers promised for them in
Baptisme, they maye then themselfes
with their owne mouthe and with their
owne consent, openly before the churche,
ratiﬁe and confesse [1552, conﬁrme]
the same, and also promise that by the
grace of God they wyll evermore en-
deavour themselves faythfully to observe
and kepe suche thinges, as they by their
owne mouth and confession have as-
sented unto.
“1i Secondly, forasmuche as conﬁr-
macion is ministred to them that be
ﬁaptised, that by imposicion of handes,
and prayer they may receyve strength
and defence agaynst all tcmptacions to
sinne, and the assautes of the worlde,
and the devill: it is moste mete to be
ministred, when children come to that
age, that partly by the frayltie of their
owne fleshe, partly by the assautes of
the Worlde and the devill, they begyn
to be in daungier to fall into [1552,
sondry kindes of] sinne.”
“ ‘ll Thirdely, for that it is agreable
with the usage of the churche in tymes
past, whereby it was ordeined that
conﬁrmacion shoulde be ministred to
them that were of perfecte age, that
they beynge instructed in Christes re-
ligion, shoulde openly professe their
own fayth, and promyse to be obedycnt
unto the wyl of God.
“ ‘ll And that no manne shall thynke
that anye detrymente shall come to
children by differyng of theyr con-
ﬁrmacion: he shal knowe for trueth
that it is certayn by goddes worde,
that children beeing Baptysed (yf they
departe out of thys lyfe in their in—
fancye) are [1.552, beyng baptysed,
have al thynges necessary for their
salvacion, and be] undoubtedly saved.”
Immediately after these rubrics,
prior to 1662, came the Catechism.
Bucer objected to persons being ad-
mitted to conﬁrmation upon a bare
recital of the words in the Catechism,
till their manners of life and sense,
(1487)
Conﬁrmation.
babies in the trays of thy labos, anb in the
works of thy commanoments, that through
thy mou mighty protection, both here ano
eber, use may be preferbeo in booy ano foul,
through our ltorb anb gvabiour 31efus QLhriﬂ.
Amen.
1] Then the Bifhop {hall blefs them, faying
thus,
and fruits also of religion, had been
manifested to the Church ; making
herein no difference between the old
coinpetentes and the catechumens, who
had as yet no baptism at all, and chil-
dren that were already baptized; yet
his censure prevailed so far with the
next reformers of the Book, that they
altered divers passages in this Order
of Conﬁrmation; as by adding, when
children come to years of discretion,
which words were not in before; and
by leaving out that godfathers and
godmothers may be released of their
promise which they made for them in
baptism (as the words were, 2 Edw.VI.);
and that they shall promise, that when
they come to age they shall endeavour,
(SIC. N ieholls on the Common Prayer,
Additional Notes, 58.
hatiﬁe ant! confirm the same: (p.
1480.)—When the children of Chris-
tians had learned Christ’s religion,
they were brought to the church, and
presented to the Bishop, and professed
openly their faith, and said they would
live and die in it. Then the Bishop
and all the people prayed for them;
and the Bishop, laying his hands upon
them, commended them to God. This
was the ratifying their profession, made
by others in their name at their bap-
tism; and for that cause it was called
Conﬁrmation ; for they promised, that
neither tribulation, nor anguish, nor
persecution, nor famine, nor nakedness,
nor ﬁre, nor sword, nor life, nor death,
should ever make them deny their
faith. N icholls on the Common Prayer,
Additional Notes, 57.
1] Then {hall the Biihop fay:
(p. 1481.)——The end of Conﬁrmation.
being thus made known, the Bishop in
the next place, by a solemn question,
(which was added at the last review,)
demands of the candidates an assurance
that they will comply with it: asking
them, in the presence of God and the
congregation, whether they will renew
their baptismal vow, and ratify the
same in their own persons, &c. To
this every one to be conﬁrmed, as a
token of his assent, is audibly to an-
swer, I do.
The: Blﬂwpr (p. 1482.)-P. B.
1549, “ Conﬁrmacion [1604, Or laying
on of hands].”
“ Our helpe,” (60.
Sometimes (1627, 1634, 1638,) “ Mi-
nister” also preceded “our help,” the.
theme heahctt: (p. 1482.)--P. B.
1549, “ Bothe heaven. ” The word
“ bothe” was left out in 1572.
Blfhop. arrow = (p.1482. )—P. B.
1549, “ Minister.”
And so, where “Bishop” next occurs.
In the third place nothing at all existed
before the last review.
332 the: (p. 1482.)—-P. B. 1549, “is.”
ZLorb, hear: (p. 1482.)—P. B. 1549,
“ The lorde be with you.
“ Aanswere: And with thy spirite.”
(1488)
Conﬁrmation.
Tlhe bletfing of Qhoo almighty, the father.
the %>on, arm the holy Qhholl. be upon you,
ano remain with you for eoer. Amen.
{I And there fhall none be admitted to the
holy Communion, until fuch time as he be
conﬁrmed, or be ready and deﬁrous to be
conﬁrmed.
The
QBrapers : (p. 1482.)—“Prayers” for
“ praier” is the reading of 1607 down-
wards.
(Hutu thee: (p. 1482.)——Until 1572,
“to” occupied the place of “unto.”
let us’ pray: (p. 1483.)—“ This is
a prayer,” observes Bishop Sparrow,
(Rationale, 198,199.) “that God would
strengthen the baptized with ‘the
Holy Ghost, the Comforter,’ whom
they had in their baptism received as
a Sanctiﬁer. These two ways, to omit
others, we are taught in holy Scrip-
ture, that the Holy Ghost may be
received; as a sanctiﬁer and cleanser
in holy baptism, Tit. iii. 5.; ‘ He saved
us by the washing of regeneration and
renewing of the Holy Ghost:’ and
after baptism, we may receive him
again as a comforter and strengthener.
The Apostles, who received him the
ﬁrst way in baptism, are promised to
receive him the second; John xvi. 7.;
Acts i. 8.; which was performed, Acts
ii. 4., when ‘ they were ﬁlled with the
Holy Ghost.’ ”
Before the imposition of hands in
the rite of conﬁrmation, prayer was
always made for the gifts of the Holy
Spirit. At baptism, according to the
opinion of Christian antiquity, the
Holy Spirit bestowed grace sufﬁcient
to make us innocent, and to cleanse
us from the pollution of sin; but at
conﬁrmation, a more abundant increase
of grace was vouchsafed, and additional
spiritual strength was given. Upon
this principle the present prayer was
evidently composed. It ﬁrst acknow-
ledges former mercies, “regeneration
and forgiveness of sins” in baptism;
it then petitions that they on whom
the Bishop lays his hands, “may be
strengthened with the Holy Ghost the
Comforter,” and that God will “daily
give them increase of grace.” It prays
(1489)

in particular for what theologians have
styled the sevenfold grace of the H01
Spirit: ﬁrst the spirit of wisdom, an
secondly of understanding, thirdly the
spirit of counsel, andfourthly of ghostly
strength, ﬁfthly the spirit of knowledge,
and sixthly of true godliness, and
seventhly the spirit of holy fear.
The introductory part of this prayer
appears to have been borrowed from a
form that in an ancient Greek office
followed baptism, and preceded con-
ﬁrmation: and the latter part was
copied from a form of conﬁrmation
mentioned by Ambrose, which is evi-
dently taken from Isaiah xi. 2.; where,
in the Septuagint and Vulgate, these
seven gifts or graces are enumerated.
In our translation the sixth is omitted.
Dean Comber, Discourses on the Com-
mon Prayer, 352.
Almighty anti eberlibing mob:
(p. 1483.)——“ This longer act of devo-
tion,” writes Archbishop Seeker, “ fol—
lowing the preparatory ejaculations,
and the usual admonition to be atten-
tive, ‘Let us pray,’ ﬁrst commemo—
rates God’s mercy already bestowed,
then petitions for an increase of it.
The commemoration sets forth, that
he ‘hath regenerated these his servants
by water and the Holy Ghost;’ that
is, entitled them by baptism to the
enlivening inﬂuence of the Spirit, and
so, as it were, begotten them again
into a state inexpressibly happier than
their natural one; a covenant state,
in which God will consider them whilst
they keep their engagements, with pe-
culiar love, as his dear children. It
follows, that he ‘ hath given unto
them forgiveness of all their sins;’
meaning, that he hath given them
assurance of it on the gracious terms
of the Gospel. But that every one of
them hath actually received it, by
complying with those terms since he
sinned last, though we may charitably
hope, we cannot presume to affirm;
nor were these words intended to
affirm it, as the known doctrine of the
Church of England fully proves. And
therefore let no one misunderstand
this expression in the oﬁice, which
hath parallel ones in the New Testa-
ment, Eph. i. 7.; Col. i. 14.; so as either
to censure it, or delude himself with
a fatal imagination that anything said
over him can possibly convey to him
a pardon of sins, for which he is not
truly penitent. We only acknowledge,
with due thankfulness, that God hath
done his part; but which of the con-
gregation have done theirs, their own
consciences must tell them.”
who halt houthlafeh to regenerate
thefe thi lerhants by roster curb the
holy @holt, anb halt giben unto
them forgibenels of all their tins:
(p. 1483.)—-This passage was objected
to at the Savoy Conference, because it
supposeth that all the children who
are brought to be conﬁrmed have the
Spirit of Christ and the forgiveness of all
their sins; whereas a great number of
children at that age, having committed
many sins since their baptism, do show
no evidence of serious repentance, or
of any special saving grace; and there-
fore this conﬁrmation (if administered
to such) would be a perilous and gross
abuse.
To this objection the Bishops an-
swered: “It supposeth, and that truly,
that all children were at their baptism
regenerate by water and the Holy
Ghost; and had given unto them the
forgiveness of all their sins; and it is
charitably presumed that notwith—
standing the frailties and slips of their
childhood, they have not totally lost
what was in baptism conferred upon
them; and therefore adds: ‘Strengthen
them, we beseech thee, O Lord, with
the Holy Ghost the Comforter, and.
daily increase in them their manifold
gifts of grace,’ (be. None that lives
in open sin ought to be conﬁrmed.”
Cardwell’s Conferences, 358.
33y mater: (p. 1483.)—P. B. 1549,
“ Of water.”-
§~trcngthen them, the beleeth thee,
(B itortutoith the holy @holt the €Eom=
forter, nub hotly increase in them thy =
(p. 1483.)——-1J. B. 1549, “ Sende downe
from heaven we beseche thee (O lorde)
upon them thy holy gost the coum-
forter, with the”.
(1490)

saw all; (p. 1483.)-—P. B. 1549,
“And fulfyll.”
Armin! (p. 1483.)--P. B. 1549,
“Ameswere. Amen.”
From 1552, we ﬁnd here merely
“ Amen.”
Then followed, but only in 1549:
“ Minister. Signe them (0 lorde) and
marke them to be thine for ever, by
the vertue of thy holy cross and pas-
sion. Conﬁrme and strength them
with the inwarde unccion of thy holy
goste, mercifully unto everlasting life.
Amen.
“ Then the Bushop shall crosse them
in the forehead and laye his hande
upon their heade, saying:
“N. I signe thee with the signe of
the crosse, and laye my hande upon
thee. In the name of the father, and
of the sonne, and of the holy gost.
Amen.
“And thus shall he doe to every
childe one after an other.”
After this prayer, in the First Book
of Edward VI., but which was altered
in 1552, the rubric runs: “Then the
Bishop shall cross them in the fore-
head, and lay his hand upon their
head, saying, N. I sign thee with the
sign of the cross, and lay my hand
upon thee ;” and‘ it was at this period
of the office that the Bishop had, ac-
cording to the canon law, the power
of giving a new name, if the old one
was improper or objectionable. .Vide
ante, 1286. '
The Bishop has no authority at
conﬁrmation either to pronounce the
name of any candidate for conﬁrma-
tion, or to give him another name; in
fact, the Bishop cannot in any respect
alter the form or manner of conﬁrma-
tion from that which is prescribed in
our Book of Common Prayer, because
the language is imperative.
Lord Coke says: “ If a man be bap-
tized by the name of Thomas, and
after, at his conﬁrmation by the Bishop,
he is named John, his name of con-
ﬁrmation shall stand good. And this
was the case of Sir Francis Candie,
chief justice of the Court of Common
Pleas, whose name by baptism was
Thomas, and his name of conﬁrmation
Francis; and that name of Francis,
by the advice of all the judges, he did
bear, and afterwards used in all his
purchases and grants.” 1 Inst. 3.
cited 2 Burn’s Eccles. Law, 10.
This is a very loose report of the
judgment, and it is very possible that
the grounds of the decision were, that
chief justice Gandie was better known
by the name of “Francis” than that
of “Thomas ;” be that as it may, it is
clear that under the canon law the
Bishop had no right at conﬁrmation to
change a baptismal name, unless it
was improper or objectionable, which
it was not in the case quoted; and
this case is of no authority at the pre-
sent moment, because it is clearly
opposed to stat. 13 & 14 Car. 1., c. 4.
In a Book of Common Prayer (4to.,
1 702, British Museum) ,With manuscript
notes by Bishop White Kennet, a case
is reported which is substantially the
same as chief justice Gandie, and to
which the same remarks are applicable.
“Conﬁrmation. Mem. On Sunday,
Dec. 21. 1707, the Ld. Bp. of Lincoln
conﬁrmed a young lad in Hen. vij.
Chapel: who upon that ceremony was
to change his Xtian name; and ac-
cordingly the sponsor who presented
him, delivered to the Bp. a certiﬁcate
wh. his Ldship signed, to notify that
he had conﬁrmed such a person by
such a name, and did order the Parish
Minister then present to register the
Person in the Parish Book under that
name. This was done by the opinion
under hand of Sir Edward Northey,
and the like opinion of Ld. Ch. Justice
Holt, founded on the authority of Sir
Edwd. Coke, who says it was the com—
mon law of England, by which he
meant the common custom of the R0-
man Church: where it was more rea-
sonable: because the Bp. reciting the
name, might so express a new name,
and confirmation being thought a Sa-
crament, might sanctify a new name.”
‘h Then all: (p.148~l.)--l’. B.
(1491)
l
1552, “ Then the Bishoppe shal laye
hys hande upon every childe severally,
saying”.
Kneeling before the Bifhop:
(p. 1484.)-—The minister of conﬁrma-
tion must be a bishop, consonant to
the ﬁrst examples we read of it in the
Acts, or proceedings of the apostles
themselves. For Peter and John were
sent by them from Jerusalem to con—
ﬁrm the Samaritans, though Philip
had been there to convert and baptize
them (Acts viii. 14.): which plainly
shows, that the ofﬁce was beyond a
deacon’s province, and limited indeed
to the highest order of the Church.
For which reason the honour of dis-
pensing this holy ordinance was always
reserved to the ministry of bishops.
Thus, St. Ambrose (in Ep. ad Heb.)
writes, “Ad conﬁrmationem unitatis
in Ecclesia Christi, a pontiﬁeibus ﬁeri
solet.” And St. Jerome (Hier. Dial.
Orth. et Lucif.) tell us, “ Episcopus ad
invocationem Sancti Spiritus, manum
impositurus excurrit.”
Administering the chrism, or the
unction which was used as a part of
conﬁrmation, was often, for certain
reasons, allowed to presbyters. But
even in such cases the right of conse-
crating the unction, and of imposing
the hands, were reserved to the bishop.
A few instances indeed may be pro-
duced of presbyters, and even deacons,
being allowed to perform this office.
(Vide 4 Bingham, Christ. Ant. 389.)
But then it was by a special licence or
commission from the bishop, and in
cases, for the most part, of some great
extremity or danger. Though indeed
the allowing this in any case whatever
seems very much to run counter to
the general practice and sense of the
Church, which at all times and places
very religious looked upon the im-
position of hands, as the peculiar
and incommunicable prerogative of
bishops. Wheatly on the Common
Prayer, 379.
But then as the bishops have the
sole honour, so have they also the
whole charge of this institution. And
since it must be wholly omitted, if
they do not perform it, the Church
hath enjoined the administration of it
by the sixteenth canon, which is as
follows: “Forasmuch as it hath been‘
asolemn, ancient, and laudable custom
in the Church of God, continued from
the Apostles’ times, that all bishops
should lay their hands upon children
baptized, and instructed in the Cate-
chism of Christian Religion, praying
over them, and blessing them, which
we commonly call Conﬁrmation, and
that this holy action hath been accus—
tomed in the Church in former ages
to be performed in the bishop’s visita-
tion every third year [The Reformatio
Legum seems to direct annual conﬁr-
mations. Ref. Leg. f. 50. c. 12.: “ Statis
temporibus annuatim synodos habeat:
illi quoque sit curse, ut in catechismo
instructos certo anni tempore conﬁr~
met.”]; we will and appoint, That
every bishop or his suﬁ'ragan, in his
accustomed visitation, do in his own
person carefully observe the said cus-
tom. And if in that year, by reason
of some inﬁrmity, he be not able per-
sonally to visit, then he shall not omit
the execution of that duty of conﬁr-
mation the next year after, as he may
conveniently.”
Then the bishop shall lay his hand on
every child severally.
These words were objected to at the
Savoy Conference, because they seem
to put a higher value upon conﬁrma-
tion .than upon baptism or the Lord s
Supper; for, according to the rubric
and order in the Common Prayer
Book, every deacon may baptize, and
every minister may consecrate and
administer the Lord’s Supper, but the
bishop only may conﬁrm.
To this objection the bishops an-
swered: “Conﬁrmation is reserved to
the bishop ‘in honorem ordinis,’ to
bless being an act of authority. So
it was of old. St. Hierom (Dial. adv.
Lucifer.) says it was ‘totius orbis
consensio in. hanc partem;’ and St.
Cyprian to the same purpose (Ep. 73.);
and our Church doth everywhere pro-
fess, as she ought, to conform to the
(1492)

catholic usages of the primitive times,
from which causelessly to depart ar-
gues rather love of contention than of
peace. The reserving of conﬁrmation
to the bishop doth argue the dignity
of the bishop above presbyters, who
are not allowed to conﬁrm, but does
not argue any excellency in conﬁrma—
tion above the sacraments. St. Hierom
argues the quite contrary (ad Lucif.
c. 4.): That because baptism was
allowed to be performed by a deacon,
but conﬁrmation only by a bishop,
therefore baptism was most necessary,
and of the greatest value: the mercy
of God allowing the most necessary
means of salvation to be administered
by inferior orders, and restraining
the less necessary to the higher, for
the honour of their order.
He fhall lay his hand upon
the head of every one feverally,
faymg: (p. 1484.) -- The rite Of
Conﬁrmation is administered by the
ancient ceremony of laying the bi-
shop’s hand on the head of each
person, used by the apostles as the
means of conveying the Holy Spirit
(Acts viii. 17.); whence the whole
office is called laying on of hands
(Heb. vi. 2.). But the bishop does not
pretend to grant any blessing himself.
He humbly beseeches God, the giver
of all grace, to “defend those upon
he lays hands, with his heavenly grace,
that, they may continue his for ever,
and daily increase in his Holy Spirit
more and more, until they come unto
his everlasting kingdom.”
This imposition of hands was made
use of—
I. In the Old Testament.
1. In benediction, Gen. _ xlviii.
14, 15.
2. In consecration, N um. xxvii.
18.; Dent. xxxiv. 9.
II. In the New Testament.
1. In benediction, Mark K. 16.
2. In absolution,
(1.) From bodily diseases, Mark
vi. 5.; xvi. 18.; Acts xxviii. 8.
(2.) From sin. Hence, in the
primitive Church, all peni-
tents or converts from sin
and heresy were received
into the Church by impo—
sition of hands.
In consecration of persons
to ecclesiastical oﬂices, Acts
vi. 6.; xiii. 3.; 1 Tim. iv. 14.;
2 Tim. 1. 6.
(4.) In conﬁrmation, or strength-
ening persons baptized with
the gifts and graces of the
Holy Ghost, Acts viii. 14,
15, 17.; xix. 5, 6.; 7 Beve—
ridge’s Works, by Horne,
4to. ed. Lond. 1824.
The ancient practice in England
seems to have been, ,for the bishop to
repeat the form appointed, while his
hands remained upon the head of each
child, or, at the utmost, upon the
heads of as many as his hands could
reach at one time. 2 Shepherd on the
Common Prayer, 287.
The language of the rubric as to the
duty of the Bishop is clear and posi»
tive; viz., that his hand should be
upon the head of every child severally,
when he utters the precatory bene-
diction. Some Bishops, however, cause
the children to kneel, either at the
rails of the communion-table, or in
some wide convenient aisle of the
church; and, after laying hands sepa-
rately on each, to say the precatory
benediction. The Bishop who pursues
this practice commits a breach of the
lawsecclesiastical,becausethelanguage
of the Book of Common Prayer is ex—
press, and the Bishop has had no dis-
cretionary power vested in him to de-
viate from the statute law; in fact,
the only justiﬁcation for the practice
is, that it saves the Bishop trouble;
and thus, in order to gratify indolence,
a holy rite is to be triﬂed with.
Defenh‘, (B iturhz (p. 1484.)—These
words are different from those which
were directed in Edward’s First Book
to be used by the Bishop, and which
were conformable to the prayers an-
ciently used at conﬁrmation. But as
the Church had, from the ﬁrst esta—
blishment of the Book of Common
(3-)
(1493)

Prayer, omitted the chrism or material
unction, and as the signing with the
cross in this ofﬁce was laid aside at
the revisal of the book, consistency
required that the wordswhich adverted
to those ceremonies should be changed,
when the two corresponding ceremo—
nies were abolished. Our Reformers
knew, that anointing with chrism, and
signing with the sign of the cross,
were not speciﬁed in Scripture, nor
essential to conﬁrmation; and by abo—
lishing both these ceremonies, and
retaining only what the Apostles prac—
tised, prayer and imposition of hands,
they have restored to this ofﬁce its
original simplicity. 2 Shepherd on
the Common Prayer, 312.
Gibiﬁ thy : (p. 1484.) -— P. B. 1552,
“ This child with.”
any: (p. 1484.) -- P. B. 1549,
“These children.”
ll Then lhall: (p_1484,)_p, B,
1549, “And whan he hath layed his
hande upon every childe, then shall
he say,
“The peace of the Lorde abyde with
you.
“Aanswere. And with thy spirite.
“ ‘IT Let us praye.
“ Almightie everliving God,” tltc.
P. B. 1552, “Then shall the Bishoppe
saye,
“ 1f Let us praye.
“ Almightie everliving God,” &’0.
‘ll And this collect: (p, 1486,)—
“ We make our humble snyplt'catz'ons
unto thee for these children; upon whom,
after the example of thy holy apostles,
we have laid our hands, to certiﬁe them
by this sign of thy favour and gracious
goodness towards them.”
At the Savoy Conference, the mi-
nisters thus excepted to this supplica—
tion: “ We desire that the practice of
the Apostles may not be alledged as a
ground of this imposition of hands for
the conﬁrmation of children, both be
cause the Apostles did never use it in
that case, as also because the articles
of the Church of England declare it to
be a ‘corrupt imitation of the Apostles’
practice.’ Acts xxv.
“ We desire that imposition of hands
may not be made, as here it is, a sign
to certiﬁe children of God’s grace and
favour towards them; because this
seems to speak it a sacrament, and is
contrary to that fore-mentioned 25th
Article, which saith, that “ Conﬁrma-
tion hath no visible sign appointed by
God.”
To these objections, the Bishops re-
plied: “Prayer after the imposition of
hands is grounded upon the practice
of the Apostles (Heb. vi. 2, and Acts
viii. 17.); nor doth the twenty—ﬁfth
Article say that conﬁrmation is a cor-
rupt imitation of the Apostles’ prac-
tice, but that the ﬁve commonly called
sacraments have ground partly of the
corrupt following the Apostles, &c.,
which may be applied to some other
of these ﬁve, but cannot be applied
to conﬁrmation, unless we make the
Church speak contradictions.”
@ﬁzrladting ‘life: (p. 1487.)--P. B.
1549, “The life everlasting.” P. B.
1552, “ The everlasting lyfe.”
O ﬁlmig'btg : (p. 1487.)--The an-
cients believed conﬁrmation to be a
preservation both of body and soul
(Cyril. Catech. Mystag. 3, s. 5, p. 291.).
An additional collect was added at
the Restoration, from those that are
placed at the end of the Communion
()ﬂice, that God would direct, sanctify,
and govern both our souls and bodies
in the ways of his laws, and in the
words of his commandments, &c.
Them, laying I (p, 1488.)—P. B.
1549, “ The eht'lde‘en.”
‘ll And there {hall none be
admitted to the holy Commu-
nloni (p. 1489.)-—This is conform-
able to the practice of the primitive
Church, which always ordered that
conﬁrmation should always precede
the Eucharist, unless there was extra-
ordinary occasion to the contrary;
such as was the case of clinic baptism,
of the absence of a bishop, or the like;
in which cases the Eucharist is al-
(1494)

lowed before conﬁrmation. Wheatly
on the Common Prayer, 386.
“ None shall be admitted to the
holy communion, until such time as
he can say the catechism, and be con-
ﬁrmed.”
The ministers at the Savoy Con-
ference excepted to this language, as
follows: “We desire that conﬁrmation
may not be made so necessary to the
holy communion, as that none should
be admitted to it unless they be con-
ﬁrmed.”
To this exception the Bishops an-
swered: “We know no harm in speak-
ing the language of holy Scripture
(Acts viii. 15.), ‘they laid their hands
upon them, and they received the
Holy Ghost.’ And though imposition
of hands he not a sacrament, yet it is
a very ﬁt sign to certify the persons
what is then done for them, as the
prayer speaks.”
Until fuch time as he can fay
the Catechifm, and be con-
ﬁrmed: (p. 1489.)-—Many can say
their catechism, and are conﬁrmed at
seven years old; shall it be then in
the power of the curate to admit them
to the Communion? Non credo: but
this shows that they should not be
conﬁrmed so young as they used to
be, but when they are of perfect age,
and ready to be admitted to the Holy
Communion, which is between fourteen
and sixteen years of age. Vide ante,
1059, 1060. N icholls on the Common
Prayer, Additional Notes, 56.
Or be ready and deﬁrous to
be conﬁrmed: (p, 1489,)__ P, B,
1549, “As he [R B. 1552, Can sag/e the
Catec/ze'sme and] be conﬁrmed.”
The words “ or be ready and desirous
to be conﬁrmed,” were added at the
last review, in compliance with the
request of the Presbyterian divines,
that conﬁrmation might not be made
so necessary to the holy Communion,
as that none should be admitted to it,
unless they had been conﬁrmed.
By “ ready” is meant that they
“ are arrived at a competent age, and
can say the Creed, the Lord’s Prayer,
and the Ten Commandments; and also
can answer to the other questions of
the Church catechism.” 2 Shepherd
on the Common Prayer, 316.
Upon the ofﬁce of Conﬁrmation
Bishop Sparrow (Rationale, 202.) thus
writes: “This office of Conﬁrmation,
as well as that of Baptism, is to con-
tinue in the Church as long as that
shall be militant here on earth. For
St. Paul (Heb. vi. 1, 2.) joins them
together, calling them fundamentals;
and a fundamental in one age is so in
another. Besides, we have seen, that
conﬁrmation was the means used by
the Apostles (and doubtless not with-
out their Lord’s direction and the
guidance of his Spirit), for conveying
the Holy Ghost the Comforter into
persons baptized. And since that all
ages have as much need of that ghostly
strength as the age of the Apostles
had, and that the promise of it belongs
to us all, as well as to them; and since
that we ﬁnd no other means appointed
instead of conﬁrmation, for the con-
veying of the gift of the Holy Ghost,
then given by conﬁrmation: it remains
that we conclude that conﬁrmation is
still to continue. And so the Church
Catholic hath taught us, both by her
doctrine and practice.”
(1495)
(1496)
The FORM
OF
SOLEMNIZATION
OF
MATRIMONY
{I Flrfi the Banns of all that are to be mar-
ried together, muft be publifhed in the
Church three feveral Sundaies or Holy-
daies, in the time of Divine Service, im—

1.1.
The 345th page [E h 2] of the Scaled Books commences with the words “The
FORM
”, “ The” being the catclmrord on the preceding page.

SOLEMNIZATHNJ OF hdA:
TRIMONY.:-H61y Church in-
structs us in the ends of Matrimony,
which are three: 1. The Procreation
of children. 2. A remedy against sin.
3. A mutual help to each other.
Bishop Sparrow on the Common
Prayer, 203.
That this holy state was instituted
by God, is evident from the history of
Genesis, where we ﬁnd that God or-
dered a wife for Adam, whilst he con—
tinued in his unlapsed condition: And
the Lord said, It is not good that the
man should be alone: Iwill make a
meet help for him. (Gen. ii. 18.) And
again: Therefore shall a man leave his
father and his mother, and shall cleave
unto his wife: and they shall be one
ﬂesh. (Gen. ii. 24.) Hence it has come
to pass, that among the numerous
descendants from this original couple
the inhabitants of the different nations
of the world, there has been, from the
earliest periods, some religious way of
entering into this state, in testimony
of its divine institution. Of this we
have examples in the marriage of
Rebecca with Isaac, of Ruth with Boaz,
and of Sarah with Tobias; Where we
ﬁnd that praycrs were offered up by
the father of the family, and the
attendants, to implore the blessings
of God.
Mankind is naturally inclined to
society; and the bond, as well as the
foundation of all societies, is marriage,
which ought to be made sacred and
adopted with religion, because it is
the interest of mankind it should be
inviolable.
Among the Jews, the religious way
of solemnizing a marriage, which they
5E
(1497)
mediately before
()ﬁ‘ertory ; the
the fentences for the
Curate faying after the
accuftomed manner,
3[ puhiiﬂ) the ‘Emma of marriage between
M. ot— ant N. ut— if any of you know
raufe or iuﬂ impem'ment, ruby thefe two per:
{one ﬂiuuitl not he iupnen together in help

pretend they have handed down to
them by their ancient'progenitors, is,
that the rabbin or chief elder of the
congregation presents a cup of wine
to the married persons, with this
prayer: Blessed be the Lord God, the
governor of the world, who has created
man after his image, and has prepared
for himself a house for ever, after the
image of his likeness. And again:
Blessed art thou, O Lord God, who
hast created joy and gladness, the
bridegroom and the bride, charity and
brotherly love, recreation and delight,
peace and society: I pray thee, O Lord,
that there may continually be heard in
the cities of J udea, and the streets of
Jerusalem, the voice of joy and glad-
ness, the voice of the bridegroom and
the bride: the voice of exultation in
the bride-chamber, which is sweeter
than any feast; and children, which
are sweeter than the sweetness of
song. Vide Gen. de Rit. J ud., et Buxt.
Synag. Jud. Nicholls on the Common
Prayer.
The Egyptian marriages were an-
ciently celebrated in the Temple of
Isis. The man swore, “that he would
love the woman dearly ;” and the
woman, that “she would make the
man her husband, and lord of all she
had.” The Greeks made supplications
and sacriﬁces to such of their deities
as were supposed to preside over mar-
riage. Among the Romans, no mar—
riage was solemnized, without consult-
mg the auspices and other sacred
ceremonies. The man and woman
were joined in wedlock by the hand
of the priest. 2 Shepherd on the
Common Prayer, 320.
This, Servius says (in Virg. Geo.
lib. i.), was done per pontiﬁcem maxi-
mum et ﬁaminem dialem. And Pliny,
speaking of it, says, In sacrisnihil reli-
giosius confarreationis vinculo novaeque
nuptae farreum praeferebant. And of
this Ulpian (Hist. lib. 10.) speaks:
Farre convenitur in manum, certis
verbis, et testibus decem praesentibus ;
solemnique sacriﬁcio facto, in quo
panis quoque farreus adhibetur. When
Christianity prevailed, the persons who
were married, after they had made
profession of that religion, were so-
lemnly joined together by an ecclesias-
tical person; and this in the very
earliest times. For Ignatius (Ep. ad
Polyc.), who wrote in the year of
Christ 120, and Tertullian (ad UX. lib.
ii), who wrote A..D. 200, speak of mar-
riages in their times, at least, as con—
ﬁrmed, if not celebrated, by the minis—
ter in the public congregation. Unde
suﬁiciam, ad enarrandam felicitatem
ejus matrimonii, quod ecclesim con-
ciliat et obﬁrmat oblatio, et obsignat
benedictio.
By the Fourth Council of Carthage
(can. 13.), held 11.1). 398, it is enjoined,
that after contract, Sponsus et sponsa,
cum benedicendi sunt a sacerdote, a
parentibus suis vel paranymphis oﬁfe-
rantur. Upon this account, both in
the Greek and Latin liturgies, ofﬁces
were drawn for the religious celebra-
tion of this ordinance in the church;
(1498)
matrimony, ye are to Declare it: @his is the
jl'l'l‘ﬂ [fccond, 0; third] II'IIIB 0f ﬂﬁitil’lg.
{I And if the perfons that are to be married,
dwell in divers Pariihes, the Banns muit be
asked in both Parifhes;
and the Curate of
the one Parifh {hall not folcmnize Matri—
mony betwixt them, Without a Certiﬁcate
of the Banns being thrice asked,from the
Curate of the other Parifh.

which in process of time being mixed
with some superstitious rites, our
Church, upon the Reformation, has
thought ﬁt to lay them aside, and to
draw a form which is consonant to
God’s word, and agreeable to the usage
of the purest state of the Church.
N icholls on the Common Prayer.
Among the Christians of the ﬁrst
ages, the marriage ceremony was
usually, but not universally, performed
by an ecclesiastical minister. Such
marriages, however, as were contracted
according to the established Roman or
Pagan forms, though the rulers of the
Church might reprobate them, it was
not then in their power to annul. If,
for instance, a Christian man married,
according to the Roman law, a J ewess,
or a female inﬁdel, or an heretic, the
the validity of the marriage was never
disputed. Yet the delinquent was
liable to the punishment of ecclesias—
tical censures; which, however, were
inﬂicted principally with the view of
deterring others from the commission
of similar offences. 2 Shepherd on the
Common Prayer, 320.
“ It is most probable,” observes
Mr. Bingham (7 Christ.Ant. 329-335.),
“ that for the ﬁrst three hundred years,
the solemnities of marriage were usu-
ally performed by the ministers of the
Church. But, secondly, if Christians
happened to marry with Jews, or
heathens, or heretics (as they some-
times did), then, as the Church did
altogether discourage such marriages,
so it is probable that the ministers of
the Church never had any band or
concern in solemnizing them. But,
thirdly, whilst the Roman laws allowed
such marriages, it was not in the
power of the Church to reverse or
annul them, but only to punish the
delinquents by her censures. Only in
such cases as the laws prohibited; all
incestuous marriages, and children’s
marrying against the consent of their
parents, which the Roman laws not
only prohibited, but many times an-
nulled; in such cases the Church could
go a little further, being warranted by
the laws of the state, as well as the
laws of God, to declare such marriages
void. F ourthly, Though the Church
disapproved of any undue manner of
marriage that the state forbade; as
marrying without espousals and in-
struments of dowry, whilst the civil
law was against it; yet she did not
proceed so far as to declare such mar-
riages null and void. Concerning the
last three points there are no disputes
worth mentioning among learned men.
But, concerning the ﬁrst point, a dis-
pute is raised by Mr. Selden (Uxor.
Hebr. lib. ii. 0. Xxix. p. 305. p. 217. ed.
Francof): for he will by no means
allow that it was the general practice
among Christians, when they made
marriages one with another, to have
the marriage solemnized by a minister,
of the Church. He owns it was some-
5E2
(1499)
{I At the day and time appointed for folem—
nization of Matrimony, the perfons to be
married {hall come into the body of the
Church With their friends and neighbours :
And there {landing together, the man on
the right hand, and the Woman on the left,
the Prieft {hall fay,
Dearly
times so done by the choice of the
contracting parties, or their parents
inclining to it; but he asserts they
were under no obligation of law so to
do, nor did any general custom prevail
to give it so much as the title of a
general practice. But Mr. Selden in
this is contradicted by eminent men of
his own profession. He himself owns
(Selden, Uxor. Hebr. lib. e. xxix.
p. 306. p. 218. ed. Francof.), that
Dionysius Gothofred and Hotoman are
against him in point of law: Jacobus
Gothofred, the famous commentator
upon the Theodosian Code, is against
him in point of practice.
That which gave the greatest liberty
to marry without sacerdotal benedic-
tion, was the allowance which the
laws of the Empire granted to other
ways of marrying, besides that of so-
lemnizing marriage by the benedic-
tion of the clergy. This had no
great effect for the ﬁrst three hun-
dred years, whilst the laws conti-
nued heathen ; for then the generality
of Christians were no more disposed
to marry without the benediction of
the bishop, or some of the clergy,
than they were inclined to end their
civil controversies any other ways
than by the bishop’s arbitration and
decision. When the laws became
Christian, no immediate provision
was made to oblige men universally
to solemnize marriage by the bene-
diction of the clergy. This made
some of the more zealous emperors,
who, about the eighth and ninth
centuries, were a little inclined to
correct and reform some abuses which
the corruption of the times had
brought in upon the discipline of the
Church, to look upon this neglect of
marrying without sacerdotal benedic-
tion as an abuse among the rest, and
a deviation from the more ancient
laudable practice. Hereupon they set
themselves to revive the primitive
custom, and make some more ef-
fectual provision than had hither-
to been done, by more express and
general laws, to establish and con-
ﬁrm it. Charles the Great enacted a
law in the West, about the year 780,
wherein he ordered (Carol. Capitular.
lib. vii. c. ccclxiii}, Aliter legitimum
non sit conjugium . . . nisi sponsa sua
suo tempore sacerdotaliter cum preci-
bus et oblationibus a sacerdote bene-
dicatur, etc. And about the year 900,
Leo Sapiens (Novell. lxxxix), in the
Eastern empire, revived the same an-
cient practice, which ever since con-
tinued to be the practice of the Church.
Mr. Selden (Uxor. Hebr. lib. c. XX‘iX.
p. 309. p. 221. ed. Francof. 1673.) and
Gothofred (in Cod. Theod. lib. iii. tit.
vii. de Nuptiis, leg. iii. p. 281.) both
agree in this, that now the necessity
of sacerdotal benediction was estab-
lished by law: but they differ in one
point, that Mr. Selden supposes this
was the ﬁrst beginning of the general
practice of making marriage by sacer—
dotal benediction; whereas Gothofred
thinks it was only a reviving of a for-
mer ancient general practice, which
(1500)
Matrimony-


QEarip helcmen, me are gatheren'together
here in the ﬁght of @013, ant: in the
face of this congregation, to iopn together
this man ans this woman in holy matrimony,
which is an honourable eﬂate inﬂituten of
each in the time of mans innueeneplignitp
ing unto us the mpﬂieat union that is hetinirt
Qthgtﬂ ant: his Qthutth;
tnhith holy eﬂate
Qlhn'ﬂ acumen 811D heautifien with his me:

1.1. The 316th page of the Sealed Books commences with the word “QBBEI'IQ”,
‘ ‘ iEKKI‘IQ” being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

for some ages had been much neg-
lected.
In the United Church of England
and Ireland, it is requisite that the
marriage should be solemnized by a
priest :——-but, in the eye of the law, the
priest is the civil officer of marriage.
By canon 63. “every minister who
shall hereafter celebrate marriage be-
tween any persons contrary to our
said constitutions, or any part of them,
under colour of any peculiar liberty or
privilege claimed to appertain to cer-
tain churches and chapels, shall be
suspended per triennium by the ordi-
nary of the place where the offence
shall be committed. And if any such
minister shall afterwards remove from
the place where he hath committed
that fault before he be suspended as is
aforesaid, then shall the bishop of the
diocese, or ordinary of the place where
he remaineth, upon certiﬁcate under
the hand and seal of the other ordi-
nary, from whose jurisdiction he re-
moved, execute that censure upon
him.”
In Ireland a marriage between two
papists, celebrated by a person in holy
orders, according to some Romanist
ritual, in a private house, at any hour
of the day or night, was valid. (Bruce
v. Burke, 2 Add. 471.; Steaclman v.
Powell, 1 Ibid. 58.) Sir Edward Simp-
son said, in Swims/tire v. SGTlMS/L'l’l‘é
(2 Consist. 401. Vide etiam Lato'wr v.
Teesclale, 8 Taunt. 830.; Rex v. Bramp-
ton (Inhabitants of), 10 East, 283.),
“ I much doubt whether a marriage in
England by a Romish priest, after the
Roman ritual, would be deemed a
perfect marriage in this country, the
act of Parliament having prescribed
the form of marriage in this country,
and changed that condition, in the
contracting part of the Roman ritual
‘if holy church permit’ to ‘according
to God’s holy ordinances.’ By the law
of this country it is, I apprehend, pro-
hibited under severe penalties for a
Roman Catholic priest to be in this
country, and to exercise any part of
his office as a popish priest in this
kingdom; but as a priest popishly or-
dained is allowed to be a legal presby—
ter, it is generally said that marriage
by a popish priest is good; and it is
true where it is celebrated after the
English ritual, for he is allowed to be
a priest.” This judgment was deli-
vered in 1752; but it would appear
that an English marriage between
papists, who did not avail themselves
of the forms unconnected with any
(1501)
Matrimony.
fence, anti tirﬂ miracle that he rogought in
QIana of Qoahiee. am: is commenter] of %>aint
19am to he honourable among all men; ano
theretoge is not by any to he enterpnseo, no;
taken in hano unaooiteoiy, lightly, oginan:
toniy. to fatistie mens carnal lune ano
appetites. like more beans that have no un=
oerﬂanoing; hut renerently. oiftreetly, an:
nifenly, foherly, ano in the tear of eon, only
ronﬁoering the tanfes to; tohtrh matrimony
was ogoainen.

religious ceremony prescribed by the
recent acts, would still be invalid.
It would appear, however, that such
marriages were valid in some instances
before the Marriage Act of Geo II.
Vide Rea- v. Brampton (Inhabitants of),
10 East, 288., and stat. 7 Gul. IV. and
1 Vict. c. 22. s. 35. for the requisite
method of registering a Roman Catholic
chapel for the solemnization of mar-
riages.
By canon 62. “ no minister, upon
pain of suspension [In our ecclesiasti—
cal records we frequently meet with
absolutions of clergymen who had
celebrated marriages clandestinely;
and so late as Archbishop Sancroft’s
time we ﬁnd the entire process of
such an absolution; but in the more
ancient registers, towards the begin-
ning of the Reformation, one and the
same dispensation issued for the mi-
nister and the two parties, which sort
(as well as separate dispensations) are
very common in our books. Gibson’s
Codex, 425.] per triennium z'pso facto,
shall celebrate matrimony between
any persons without a faculty or
licence [Such faculties have been very
very various in point of extent, in
many instances requiring a publica-
tion, sometimes once, and dispensing
with two, in other cases twice, and
dispensing but with one; and again
in other cases, expressly requiring all
the three publications, and dispensing
only with time or place. Instances of
all which, especially before the Refor—
mation, are very common in our eccle-
siastical records. (Ibid) They are also
supposed, in the language of our con-
stitutions, ann. 1584 et 1597. Facul—
tate sibi de bannis matrimonialibus,
aut non omnino, aut semel iterumve
denunciandis, indulta] granted by some
of the persons in these our constitu—
tions expressed, except the banns of
matrimony have been ﬁrst published
three several Sundays or holidays, in
the time of divine service, in the
parish churches and chapels where
the said parties dwell, according to the
Book of Common Prayer. Neither
shall any minister upon the like pain,
under any pretence whatsoever, join
any persons so licensed in marriage at
any unseasonable times [That is, of
the day, not of the year; concerning
which latter head there seems to be
no prohibitions expressed or plainly
supposed in our constitutions or canons.
But the following passage in Lyndwood
(Prov. Const. Aug. 274.) not only im-
plies a prohibition of times in general,
but expressly mentions the times pro-
hibited : “ Solemnizatio non potest
ﬁeri a prima Dominica Adventus, us—
que ad Octavas Epiphaniae exclusive;
(1502)
Matrimony.
JFiru, it toae oioaineo to; the Jpgotreation
of thilogen, to he {nought up in the fear ano
nurture of the iLogo, ano to the pgaife of his
holy ﬂame.
%>eronolp, it ioas ogoaineo to; a remeop
againu fin, mm to aooio fornication, that
furh serious as have not the gift of ronti=
nenrp, might marry. ano keep themteloee
unoefiieo members of Qthiiﬂs hoop.
champ, it was ogoaineo for the mutual
foeietr, help ano tomfogt
that the one ought

et a Dominica LXX. usque ad primam
Dominicam post Pascha inclusive; et
a prima die Rogationum usque ad
septimum diem Festi Pentecostes in-
clusive, licet quoad vinculum his die—
bus contrahi possit.” Which is again
repeated in the Gloss upon Mepham’s
Constitution, “ Quia quidam,” on the
words “Nubentium Solenniis.”], but
only between the hours of eight and
twelve in the forenoon, nor in any
private place, but either in the said
churches or chapels where one of them
dwelleth, and likewise in time of divine
service; nor when banns are thrice
asked, and no licence in that respect
necessary before the parents or gover-
nors of the parties to be married,
being under the age of twenty and
one years, shall either personally or
by sufficient testimony signify to him
their consents given to the said mar-
riage.”
Although recent statutes have made
this offence a felony, it has not ceased
to be a canonical offence, and punish-
able by the ecclesiastical tribunals.
Wynn v. Davies, 1 Curt. 69.
But by stat. 4 Geo. IV. 0. 76. s. 8.
ministers are not punishable by eccle-
siastical censures for solemnizing mar-
riages between minors after banns
published, unless they have notice of
dissent.
By stat. 4 Geo. IV. c. 76. s. 21. if
any person soleinnize matrimony in
any other place than a church, or a
public chapel wherein banns may be
lawfully published, or at any other
time than between the hours of eight
and twelve in the forenoon, unless by
special licence from the Archbishop of
Canterbury, or without due publica-
tion of banns, unless by licence from
some person or persons having autho-
rity to grant it, or if any person,
falsely pretending to be in holy orders,
solemnize matrimony according to the
rites of the Church of England, every
person knowingly and wilfully so
offending, and being lawfully convicted
thereof, is to be deemed and adjudged
guilty of felony, and to be transported
for fourteen years, according to the
laws in force for the transportation of
felons; but all prosecutions for such
felony must be commenced within
three years after the offence com-
mitted. Vide stat. 6 (it 7 Gul. IV.
c. 85. s. 39.
By stat. 7 d: 8 Gul. III. 0. 35. (vide
stat. 4 Geo. IV. 0. 76.; stat. 6 (it 7
Gul. IV. 0. 85.; stat. 6 dz 7 Gul. IV.
0. 86.; stat. 7 Gul. IV. d3 1 Vict. c. 1.;
stat. 7 Gul. IV. (it 1 Vict. c. 22.; stat.
3 6: 4 Vict. c. 72.) every parson, vicar,
or curate marrying any persons without
licence or due publication of banns, or
(1503)
Of Matrimony.
to have of the other. both in mofperity anti
annerfity : 3mm which holy eﬂate thete ttne
perfume mefent tome note to he iuynen.
@therefoge if any man can them any iuﬂ eaufe
tnhy they may not lawfully he J'uyneu to:
gether, let him notn tpeak, a; eite hereafter
for ever halo his peace.
suffering any other minister to do so,
111 the c iurch or chapel to such parson,
dzc. pertaining, is to forfeit lOOZ. (Ss.
2, 3.; Vide Stephens’ Ecclesiastical
Statutes, 660—-663.) ; and the man so
married is to forfeit 10Z.; and the
sexton or clerk ofﬁciating on the occa-
sion, 5L; and the penalties are recover-
able with costs by the person suing
for the same. S. 4.
The question of the validity of a
marriage cannot be tried like any
other question of fact which is inde-
pendent of resumption, for law will
presume in avour of marriage.
. There is a strong legal presumption
1n favour of marriage, particularly
after the lapse of a great length of
time, and this presumption must be
met by strong, distinct, and satisfac-
tory disproof.
When, therefore, two persons had
shewn a distinct intention to marry,
and a marriage had been, in form,
celebrated between them, by a regu-
larly ordained clergyman, in a private
house, as if by special license, and the
parties, by their acts at the time,
shewed that they believed such mar-
riage to be a real and valid marriage,
the rule of presumption was applied
1n favour of its validity, though no
licence could be found, nor any entry
of the granting of it, or of the marriage
itself could be discovered; and though
the bishop of the diocese (during
whose episcopacy the matter occurred)
{I flrnl
when examined many years afterwards
upon the subject, deposed to his belief
that he had never granted any license
for such marriage. Piers (appeZL) v.
Piers, Bart. (reap), 11 Clark and
Finnelly, 331.
By stat. 6 dz 7 Gul. IV. 0. 85. s. 39.
every person knowingly and wilfully
solemnizing any marriage in England,
except by special licence, in any other
than a church or chapel in which mar-
riages may be solemnized according to
the rites of the Church of England, or
than the registered building or ofﬁce
speciﬁed in the notice and certiﬁcate,
except between two Quakers or two
Jews; and every person, in any such
building or oﬂice, knowingly and wil-
fully solemnizing any marriage, in the
absence of a registrar of the district in
which such building or ofﬁce is situ-
ated, or within twenty-one days after
entry of notice to the superintendent
registrar, or (if the marriage be by
licence) within seven days after such
entry, or after three calendar months
after such entry, will be guilty of
felony.
A marriage celebrated by a Roman
Catholic priest between two Protestants
is illegal, and renders the person cele-
brating it liable to be indicted for felony.
But stat. 7 d3 8 Vict. c. 81. leaves un-
untouched the rights of the Roman
Catholic clergy, where the marriage
would have been previously legal, and
the exemption in that act from penal-

(1504)
Of Matrimony.’
1] And alfo fpeakingujto the perfons that (ball
be married, he {hall fay,
IRequire ano thatge you hoth(ae ye will
anftoer at the oteaofui Day of l'uogement,
tnhen the ferrets of all hearts that! he oif:
eiofeo) that if either of you Imoto any impe:
oiment, tnhy ye may not he iaintully ioyneo
together in matrimony, ye oo noto eonfefe
if.
for he ye melt aifuteo, that to many as

l. 1. The 347th page h 3] of the Sealed Books commences with “ ‘J And”, “ 1] And”
being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

ties is only in relation to marriages
that may now be lawfully celebrated.
Rea: V. Tagger/rt, 9 Irish Law R. 395.
By stat. 6 dz 7 Gul. IV. 0. 85. s. 40.
every superintendent registrar who
knowingly and wilfully issues any cer-
tiﬁcate for marriage after the expira—
tion of three calendar months after
the notice has been entered by him, or
any certiﬁcate for marriage by licence
before the expiration of seven days
after the entry of such notice, or any
certiﬁcate formarriage without licence
before the expiration of twenty-one
days after‘the entry of such notice, or
any certiﬁcate the issue of which has
been forbidden by a person authorized
so to do, or who shall knowingly and
wilfully register any marriage declared
by the act to be null and void, or any
registrar (or superintendent registrar)
(stat. 7 Gul. IV. & 1 Vict. c. 22. s. 3.)
who knowingly and wilfully issues any
licence for marriage after the expira-
tion of three calendar months after
notice has been entered by the regis-
trar (or superintendent registrar)
(Ibid.), or who knowingly and wilfully
solemnizes in his office any marriage
by the act declared to be null and
void, shall be guilty of felony. [By
stat. 11 Geo. IV. 6: 1 Gul. IV. 0. 66.
ss. 20, 21, & 22. certain provisions are
made respecting the forging of entries
in marriage registers, forging licences,
destroying marriage registers, by which
guilty parties are subjected to trans-
portation for life, or for seven years,
or to imprisonment. Vide Stephens’
Ecclesiastical Statutes, 1436, 1437.]
In Reg. v. ffaywoocl (2 C. dz K. 352.)
the prisoner was indicted, under stat.
11 Geo. IV. (it 1 Gul. IV. 0. 66. s. 20.,
for uttering a certain Writing as and
for a copy of a marriage certiﬁcate, he
knowing the same to be forged; and
the facts of the case were as follows:
The prisoner, who was a printer, had
been paying his addresses to one H. 13.,
who had become pregnant by him;
and in order that the father of H. B.
might be induced to consent to her
cohabiting with the prisoner, the latter
procured the marriage lines of another
person, printed a copy thereof, leaving
certain blanks, and ﬁlled up these
blanks with his own name and that of
H. B., at the same time adding the
name of the parish clergyman as hav-
ing performed the ceremony, and that
of the parish clerk as having been
witness thereof. He then gave the
pretended certiﬁcate, so ﬁlled up, to
II. B., in order that she might show it
(1505)
Matrimony.
are toupleo together otherinife than some
won] ooth allow, are not ioyneo together
by not, neither is their matrimony lawful.
1[ At which day of marriage, if any man do
alledge and declare any impediment Why
they may not be coupled together in matri-
mony, by Gods Law, or the Laws of this
Realm, and will be bound, and fufhcient
fureties with him, to the parties, or elfe put
in a caution (to the full value of fuch
charges as the perfons to be married do
or give it to her father, and this H. B.
accordingly did.
011 these facts being stated in the
opening of the case for the prosecu—
tion, Mr. Baron Alderson said, “ If
you can show no uttering except to
H. B., who was herself a party to the
transaction, I think you will fail to
show an uttering within the statute.
It is like the case of one accomplice
delivering a forged bill of exchange to
another, with a view to uttering it
to the world.” Vide, as to this point,
judgment of Mr. Justice Rooke in
Rert' v. Palmer, 1. B. (it P. 96.; R. (it B.
72.
By stat. 4 Geo. IV. 0. 76. s. 28. all
marriages shall be solemnized in the
presence of two credible witnesses at
the least, besides the minister, who
shall sign their attestation thereof.
[In Doe d. Wood v. Wilkins (2 C. d3 K.
328.), it being proved by the rector of
the parish of Croome d’Abitot, that no
parish registers existed there of earlier
date that 1733, the transcripts of the
registers of that parish for 1705 and
1706, returned under the 70th canon
of 1603, were produced by the registrar
of the diocese from the bishop’s re-
gistry, and received as evidence of a
marriage in 1705, and a baptism in
1706, of persons through whom the
lessor of the plaintiff traced his title]
Stat. 6 & 7 Gul. IV. 0. 86. s. 31. re-
quires every clergyman, after the cele—
bration of matrimony, to register in
duplicate in two of the marriage regis—
ter books the particulars relating to
the marriage, and such entry must be
signed by the clergyman, the parties
married, and by two witnesses.
Prisoner indicted for perjury under
stat. 6 (it 7 Gul. IV. 0. 86. for making
false statements after marriage to the
oﬁieiating clergyman, for the purpose
of having such false statements inserted
in the Marriage Register Book—Held
1. That the indictment was supported
by proof of such statements having
been made before marriage to the clerk,
in the absence of the officiating clergy-
man, and by the clerk then and there
inserted in the Marriage Register Book,
and after marriage having been averred
by the prisoner to be correct (in answer
to a question put to him by the clergy-
man), the prisoner’s purpose then be-
ing to have the said statements, which
had already been entered by the clerk,
retained in the Register Book by the
clergyman. 2. That the Marriage Re-
gister Book need not be shewn to be
the identical book directed to be fur-
nished by the Registrar- General under
stat. 6 (it 7 Gul. IV. 0. 36. s. 30. Reg.
v. Brown, 1 Denison, 291.
By stat. 6 til 7 Gul. IV. 0. 85. every
(1506)
Matrimony.
thereby fuitain) to prove his allegation:
Then the folemnization mui’t be deferred
until fuch time as the truth be tryed.
1] If no impediment be alleadged, then {hall
the curate fay unto the man,
N. “wit thou ha‘oe this tnoman to thy
meooeo hate, to ﬁne together after
Qhooe ogoinante, in the holy eﬂate of matti=
mony? wilt thou tone
her, comfort her,
honour ano keep her in [itknefe son in health;
ano forfeiting all other, keep thee only unto
her. to long as ye hoth lhail line?

1. 4-. “ allcndgcd”, sic orig.

person may contract marriage accord—
ing to the forms of the persuasion to
which he belongs, or without reference
to any religious ceremony Whatever,
should he wish to treat it as a merely
civil contract.
By stat. 6 (il 7 Gul. IV. 0. 85. s. 8.
the superintendent registrar of births
and deaths of every union, parish, or
place, shall be, in right of his office,
superintendent registrar of marriages
within such union, parish, or place.
By sect. 4. one of the parties is to
give a notice to the superintendent
registrar of the district (vide stat. 3 6:
4 Vict. c. 92.; Stephens’ Ecclesiastical
Statutes, 2094.) in which they shall
have dwelt for not less than seven days
next preceding, according to the form
in schedule (A), or the like effect: but
if the parties dwell in the districts
of different superintendent registrars,
notice must be given to each.
By sect 5. the superintendent regis-
trar is to ﬁle all such notices, and
enter them in a book, called the mar-
riage notice book, which is to be open
to inspection by all persons at reason-
able times; he is entitled to ls. fee for
each entry.
By sect 6., if the superintendent re-
gistrar be clerk to the guardians of
any poor-law union, or of any parish
or place comprising the district for
which such superintendent registrar
acts, he is to read such notices imme-
diately after the minutes of the pro—
ceedings of such guardians at their
last meeting have been read, and three
several times in three successive weeks,
at the Weekly meetings of such guar-
dians, unless in any case licence for
such marriage has been sooner granted,
and notice thereof given to such clerk.
If he be not such clerk, then he is to
transmit to such clerk, on the day pre-
vious to each Weekly meeting of such
guardians, all such notices of intended
marriages as he has received on or
since the day previous to the preced~
ing weekly meeting, to be read as
aforesaid. If the guardians do not
meet every week, it is sufficient if the
notices are read at any meeting held
Within twenty-one days of the day of
the notice being entered. Vide stat.
7 Gul. IV. <5: 1 Vict. c. 22. ss. 24 dz 25.
By stat. 7 Gul. IV. (it 1 Vict. c. s. 24., if there are no such guardians
then until a board of guardians is
(1507)
0f Matrimony.
{[ The man {hall anfwer,
31 will.
{I Then {hall the Prieft fay unto the Woman.
N. Willt thou hate this man to thy meooeo
hushano, to line together after Qhoos
ogoinante, in the holy eﬂate of matrimony?
wilt thou obey himsterne him. lone. honour
ano keep him in [irlmefe am] in health. an]:
fogtaliing all other.
keep thee only unto him,
to long as ye both [hall line?
{I The

elected, the notices or true copies,
under the hand of the superintendent
registrar, are to be suspended in some
conspicuous place in his office for
twenty-one successive days, or for
seven successive days, if the marriage
is to be by licence, and particulars of
every such notice shall be sent by the
superintendent registrar to every re—
gistrar within his district, and open
to the inspection of every one who shall
apply at reasonable times to such regis-
trar to inspect the same.
By stat. 6 (it 7 Gul. IV. 0. 85. s. 7.,
after the expiration of twenty-one days
after the entry of the notice, the super-
intendent registrar, upon a request by
or upon behalf of the party by whom
the notice was given, is to issue a cor—-
tiﬁcate in the form of schedule (B)
annexed to the act, and for this he is
entitled to a fee of ls. If the marriage
be by licence, the certiﬁcate is to issue
after the expiration of seven days.
The superintendent registrar has no
power to grant a certiﬁcate pursuant
to stat. 6 (it 7 Gul. IV. 0. 85. s. 7. in
cases where it is proposed that the
marriage shall take place out of his
‘district. Thus, in Exparte Brady (8
Dowl. P. C. 332.), an application was
made for a writ of mandamus, to be
directed to the superintendent regis-
trar of the Salford Union to issue his
certiﬁcate pursuant to stat. 6 d3 7
Gul. IV. 0. 85. s. 7. The parties in
question resided in the Salford Union:
they were Catholics, and were desirous
of being married without licence, at a
Catholic chapel in Manchester, but
which was not within the district of
the superintendent registrar, there be-
ing no Catholic chapel within the
district over which the registrar had
jurisdiction. The question was, whether,
as there was no Catholic chapel within
the district in which they resided, they
had a right to a certiﬁcate for the pur-
pose of marrying at a Catholic chapel
not within the district; to which Mr.
Justice Patteson observed, “What
authority is there for saying that per—
sons can be married in a different dis-
trict from that in which they reside ‘l
The intention of the act was not that
parties should be married, in fact, in a
foreign country, or that notice could
be given in London in order to be
married in Cumberland. There are
no words in the act which give leave
to be married anywhere, wherever the
notice may have been given. I will,
however, consider the case.” Mr.
Justice Patteson afterwards stated,
(1508)
9f Matrimony.
{I The woman {hall anfwer,
3i will.
1[ Then {hall the Minifter fay,
who aineth this tooman to he martieo to
this man?
1] Then {hall they give their troth to each
other in this manner.
The Minifter receiving the Woman at her
fathers or friends hands, {hall caufe the man
with his right hand to take/the woman by
her right hand, and to fay after him as fol-
loweth.
l. 1. The 348th page of the Sealed Books commences with “1TThe”, “TIThe” being
also the catch-word on the preceding page.

“I cannot think that, because in one
section (sect. 11.) it is said, that the
superintendent registrar cannot act
except Within his district; that in the
other (sect. 7.), where nothing is said
on the subject, he may grant his cer-
tiﬁcate to marry at any place without
his district. It is impossible to con-
strue acts of parliament on such a
principle. However, on reading sect.
25., it appears to me perfectly clear
what the intention of the legislature
was. It was not the intention of the
legislature that the registrar should
have power to grant his certiﬁcate for
marriages out of his own district. The
superintendent registrar appears to
have put a construction on the act,
adopting a practice thereon which, as
soon as it was brought to the know-
ledge of the registrar general, he put
a stop to it; and I quite agree with
him in the construction which he has
put on the act. I cannot, therefore,
grant this rule now sought to be
obtained.”
By stat. 6 (it 7 Gul. IV. 0. 85. s. 8.
certiﬁcates for marriages by licence
are to have a water-mark in the form
of the word “licence” in the paper,
and also be printed in red ink.
By stat 6 (it 7 Gul. IV. 0. 85. ss. 9
& 10, the issue of the superintendent
registrar’s certiﬁcate may be forbidden
by writing the word “ forbidden” op—
posite the entry in the marriage no-
tice book, and subscribing thereto the
name, abode, and character of the
person so forbidding, in respect of
either of the parties. Every person
Whose consent is required by law to a
marriage by licence may forbid the
certiﬁcate, whether the marriage is to
be by or without licence.
The same consent is requisite to
marriages solemnized by licence under
the act, as would have been requisite
to marriages solemnized by licence
previous to the passing of the act.
But by sect. 25., after marriage, the
consent need not be proved; nor is
evidence admissible to prove the 0011-?
trary.
Stat. 4. Geo. IV. 0. 76. s. 16., re-
(1509)
Matrimony.
l
N. take thee N- to my toettet unite, to
hate ant to bolt from this tay tonoart,
for better to; iUUgfB, to; rirher to; poorer, in
lithnele ant in health, to lobe ant to therilh,
till teath us to part, attogting to (roots holy
ogtinanre, ant thereto Bl plight thee my troth.
1[ Then {hall they loofe their hands, and the
Woman With her right hand taking the man
by his right hand, {hall likewife fay after the
Miniiter5
quiring consent, is directory only, and
a marriage without such consent is
valid. It will be perceived that stat.
4 Geo. IV. 0. 76. s. 16. expressly, and
stat. 6 (it 7 Gul. IV. 0. 85. impliedly,
dispenses with consent, where there is
no authorised person to give it.
Stat. 6 (it 7 Gul. IV. 0. 85. s. 11. au-
thorises the superintendent registrar
to grant licences for marriage in any
building within his district, registered
according to that act, or in his ofﬁce,
according to a form given; and for
every such licence he is entitled to a
fee of 3l.
By stat. 6 (it 7 Gul. IV. 0. 85. s. 12.
one of the parties requiring suchlicence
must appear before the superintendent
registrar, and (if notice of the mar-
riage has not been given to him) must
deliver to him the certiﬁcate of the
superintendent registrar or registrars
to whom such notice has been given,
and make oath (the provisions of this
section are similar to those in stat. 4
Geo. IV. 0. 76. ss. 10 (it 14. and stat. 7
Gul. IV. and 1 Vict. c. 22. s. 30.), or
solemnly aﬁirm that he or she believes
that there is not any impediment of
kindred or alliance, or other lawful
hindrance to the marriage, and that
one of the parties has for the space of
ﬁfteen days immediately before the
day of the grant of the licence had his
or her usual place of abode within the
district in which such marriage is to
be solemnised, and, where either of
the parties, not being a widower or
widow, is under the age of twenty-
one years, that the consent of the
person or persons, whose consent to
such marriage is required by law, has
been obtained thereto, or that there is
no person having authority to give
such consent, as the case may be: and
all such licences and declarations are
liable to the same stamp duties as
licences for marriage granted by the
ordinary, and the atlidavits made in
order to procure them.
Stat. 6 (it 7 Gul. IV. 0. 85. s. 13.
provides for the entry of a caveat
with the superintendent registrar
against the grant of a certiﬁcate or
licence by him, on payment of a fee
of 5s; and such certiﬁcate or licence
is not to issue unless the superin~
tendent registrar be satisﬁed that the
caveat ought not to obstruct the mar—
riage, or unless it be withdrawn: in
cases of doubt he may refer the matter
to the registrar general, to whom also
the party applying for the certiﬁcate
or licence may appeal, in case of the
refusal of the superintendent registrar
to issue it.
By sect. 37., if the registrar general
declare the grounds of such caveat
(1510)
Matrimony.
I
N. take thee N. to my tneooeo hushano,
to heme son to how from this Day togrnaro,
for better to; toogfe, for richer for poorer, in
fishnets sun in health, to tone, rherilh, ant: to
ohep, till oeath us no part, arrogoing to Qhoos
holy ogoinanre5 ano thereto 3! time thee mp
troth.
ﬁl Then {hall they again loofe their hands, and
the man {hall give unto the Woman a ring,
laying the fame upon the book, With the

frivolous, the party entering it will be
liable for the costs of the proceedings,
and damages in a special action on
the case by the party against whose
marriage the caveat was entered; and
by stat. 1 Vict. c. 22. s. 5. a copy of
the declaration of the registrar general,
sealed with the seal of his ofﬁce, is
made evidence in such action.
By stat. 6 dz 7 Gul. IV. 0. 85. ss. 18
dz 19. any proprietor or trustee of a
separate building, certiﬁed according
to law as a place of religious worship,
may apply to the superintendent re—
gistrar of the district in order that
such building may be used for solem-
nizing marriages therein; and in such
case is to deliver to the superintendent
registrar a certiﬁcate signed in dupli~
cate by twenty householders at least,
that such building has been used by
them during one year at least as their
usual place of public religious worship,
and that they are desirous it should
be registered. Each of these certiﬁ—
cates must be countersigned by the
proprietor or trustee by whom it is
delivered; the building will then be
registered by the registrar general,
who will return the certiﬁcates to the
superintendent registrar, to be by him
entered in a book; he is also to give
a certiﬁcate of the registry to the pro-
prietor or trustee, and to publish it in
a county newspaper and the Gazette,
for which he is entitled to a fee of 3Z.
If it be made to appear to the registrar
general that such building has been
disused for public worship, he may
cancel the registry, and substitute
some other public building, although
it has not been used for public Worship
for one year, and after such disuse and
substitution such old building cannot
be used for marriages unless again re-
gistered. The superintendent registrar
is to go through the same proceedings
with respect to such cancel and sub—
stitution, and is entitled to the same
fee.
By sect. 20. a marriage in such
registered building may be according
to such form and ceremony as the
parties please, provided that during the
ceremony each of the parties declares:
“ I do solemnly declare that I know not
of any lawful impediment why I, A.B.,
may not be joined in matrimony to
(3.1).” And each of the parties is to
say to the other: “I call upon these
persons (a registrar of the district
and two witnesses must be present)
here present to witness that I, A. B.,
do take thee, C.D., to be my lawful
wedded wife (or husband).” Vide stat.
7 Gul. IV. and 1 Vict. c. 22. s. 23. con-
taining provisions for marriages in the
Welsh tongue.
(1511)
Of Matrimony.
aecultomed duty
to the Prieft and Clerk.
And the Prieft taking the ring, {hall deliver
it unto the man, to put it upon the fourth
ﬁnger of the Womans left hand. And the
man holding the ring there, and taught by
the Prieft, {hall fay,
W31th this ring 31 thee men. with my hotly
31 thee tnoglhip, ano with all my inogloly
goons 31 thee enootn: 31n the ﬂame of the
rather, am] of the 2m. am: of the holy
ohoa. amen.
{1 Then

By sect. 21. persons objecting to
marry in such registered building may,
after due‘notice and certiﬁcate, marry
at the office and in the presence of the
superintendent registrar, some regis-
trar of the district, and two witnesses,
making the declaration and using the
words above mentioned; in both cases
the marriage must take place between
eight and twelve in the forenoon, the
doors of the building or office being
open. '
By stat. 3 dz 4 Vict. c. 72. ss. 1 d3’ 2.
no superintendent registrar is to give
any certiﬁcate of notice of marriage
where the building in which the mar-
riage is to be solemnized, as stated in
the notice, shall not be within the
district wherein one of the parties
shall have dwelt for the requisite time.
But if the party intending marriage
indorses on his notice the religious
appellation of the body of Christians
to which he belongs, and the forms
which the parties wish to adopt in
marrying, and that there is not within
the district in which one of the parties
dwells any registered building in which
marriage is solemnised according to
such form, as well as the nearest dis-
trict in which there is such a regis-
tered building, then, after the expira-
tion of seven or twenty-one days, as
the case may be, the superintendent
registrar may issue his certiﬁcate, and
the marriage may be solemnised in
such building. The truth of the facts
so to be indorsed need not be proved
in support of the marriage, nor is
evidence to the contrary admissible.
By stat. 6 (i2; 7 Gul. IV. 0. 85. s. 14.
no marriage (unless by licence to be
granted by the superintendent regis-
trar) is to be solemnized until after
the expiration of twenty-one days
after the day of the entry of the no-
tice; and no marriage is to be solem—
nized by such licence until after the
expiration of seven days. Vide stat.
6 dz 7 Gul. IV. 0. 85. s. 15.
By sect. 16. the superintendent’s
certiﬁcate, or (in case the parties shall
have given notice to different superin-
tendents) the certiﬁcate of each, is to
be delivered to the officiating minister,
if the marriage is to be according to
the rites of the Church of England;
the certiﬁcate or licence is to be deli-
vered to the registering oﬂicer of the
Quakers for the place where the mar-
riage is solemnized, if it be according
to the usages of that people ; or to the
officer of a synagogue by whom the
marriage is solemnized, if according
(1512)
Matrimony.
Tl Then the man leaving the ring upon the
fourth ﬁnger of the womans left hand, they
{hall both kneel down, and the Minifter
fhall fay,
ILet us may.
QEt-etnal eon, tteatout ano ngefetoer of
all manhino. ginet of ail fpititual grate.
the authog of enetlaﬂing life; %>eno thy hieif:
ing upon thete thy fernants, this man ano
this inoman. inhom toe hlefs in thy ﬂame;

1.1. The 349th page of the Sealed Books commences with “11 Then”, “n Then”
being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

to the usages of the Jews; and in all
other cases to the registrar present at
the marriage.
By sect. 15., if the marriage be not
had within three calendar months
after the notice entered by the super-
intendent registrar, the notice and
certiﬁcate, and any licence which may
have been granted thereupon, and all
other proceedings, will be utterly void.
Vide stat. 7 Gul. IV. d: 1 Vict. c. 22.
s. 3.
By sect. 17., the superintendent re-
gistrar may, subject to the approval
of the board of guardians, appoint
registrars to be present at marriages;
and the number of such registrars and
their qualiﬁcations may be ﬁxed by
the registrar general. (Ibid. s. 35.)
They hold their oﬂices at the pleasure
of the superintendent registrar, or the
registrar general. Ibid.
In the article pleading the marriage
between the husband and wife, it is
sufficient to plead that they were law-
fully married, without averring, as
formerly, that such marriage was by
virtue of banns ﬁrst duly had and
published, or pursuant to a licence
ﬁrst duly had, as the case may be.
Leighton v. Leighton, 14 J ur. 318.
Plea of marriage, under stat. 6 dz 7
Gul. IV. 0. 85. Form of pleading a
marriage solemnized under the statute
6 dz 7 Gul._ IV. 0.85. in a chapel licensed
under that act. Bramall v. Bramall,
6 Eccles; Notes of Cases, 667.
All marriages are now to be regis-
tered according to the enactments of
stat. 6 & 7 Gul. IV. cc. 85 & 86. Vide
etiam stat. 6 d’ 7 Gul. IV. 0. 86. ss. 30,
31, 33, and schedule (0), and stat. 7
Gul. IV. and 1 Vict. c. 22. s.
Marriages performed in chapels, li-
censed by the bishop, are subject to
the same regulations as those performed
in parish churches. Stat. 4 Geo. IV.
0. 76. ss. 3, 4, and 5. Stat. 6 dz 7 Gul.
IV. 0. 85. s. 30.
By the new registration acts the
rector, vicar, or curate of every church
or chapel in England is, in April, July,
October and January in every year,
to deliver to the superintendent regis-
trar of his district certiﬁed copies of
the entries of marriages in his register
book. Vide stat 6 dz 7 Gul. IV. 0. 86.
s. 33; stat. 7 Gul. IV. dz 1 Vict. c. 22.
ss. 26-31.
It is also the duty of the registrars
of dissenters’ marriages to send certi-
ﬁed copies of the marriage register
5F
(1513)
t?
l
,n
..' -
a?
- 1:! .—
Matrimony.
that as Blfaac ant Rebecca libet faithfully
together, to thefe perfont may furely perform
ant keep the torn ant cobenant betroirt them
mate. (whereof this ring giten ant receipet
is a token ant pletge) ant may eber remain
in perfect lobe ant peace together, ant lite
accogting to thy latte, through Zlefus Qthziﬂ
our lLogiJ. Amen-
{I Then {hall the Prieit joyn their right hands
together, and fay,

books quarterly to the superintendent
registrar, who is himself to verify, and
if found correct, to certify the same
under his hand to be a true copy (Vide
stat. 6 ch 7 Gul. IV. 0. 85. s. 24.; 7
Gul. IV. & 1 Vict. c. 22. s. 26.); and
the same rule is obligatory on the
registering officer of the society of
Quakers, and 011 the secretaries of
Jewish synagogues. (Stat. 6 (it 7 Gul.
IV. 0. 86. s. 33.) Acertiﬁcate of mar-
riage is liable, under the Stamp Act of
55 Geo. III. 0. 184., to a stamp duty
of 5.9.; but a certiﬁed copy of, or ex-
tract from the parish register of mar-
riages does not come within the de-
scription of “ certiﬁcate of marriage.”
On such copies or extracts no stamp
duty is chargeable by whomsoever they
may be signed or given.
In an indictment for bigamy, when
the ﬁrst marriage was selemnized under
the provisions of stat. 6 dz 7 Gul. IV.
Act for marriages in England ..................... ..
Suspended until June, 1837, by .......... ..
Amended and explained by ..... ..
- | ' , . l . - o - o .-
c. the certiﬁcate authorized by that
act and stat. 6 (it 7 Gul. IV. 0. 86. s. 38.
coupled with the identity of the parties,
is sufficient prima facie evidence of
such marriage. Reg. v.11awes, 1 Deni-
son, 270.
In support of a plea of coverture,
an examined copy of a register of
marriage between the defendant and
one J. G. was given in evidence. A
witness deposed that he knew one
J. G., and his handwriting; and that
the handwriting of the J. G. in the
register was that of the person whom
he knew. It was held that the evi-
dence was admissible without the pro—
duction of the original register. Sayer
v. Glossop, 2 Exch. Rep. 409.
The following is a tabular statement
of the principal statutes which apply
to the solemnization of marriages :—
6 8c 7 Gul. IV. 0. 85.
7 Gul. IV. 84 l Vict. c. 1. E.
7 Gul. IV. 8: 1Viet.c.22.

Clan‘iﬁitiiétﬁaﬁlititii’i“it”???.filfii'.iiifiiii} 3 (‘80- W- e 75- 1
Amended by .......................................... .. 4 Geo. IV. c. 17.
Stat‘12$.‘if*‘i'£tef.;.iitﬁfTf‘ftjiif???} 4 Geo- W- C- 76‘ E-
Pwvisionsmwinfmli’ 323163255’: li‘éi‘iffitl; faiths...
Dist’ift ‘?.1.‘.‘.‘.'T’.1.‘.‘.’§.‘f‘.’.‘.‘.1.filth’.f’ffffllfi.if‘??? 7 s 8 “Ct- 0- 56' E:
(1514)
Matrimony-
@L'hofe tohorn Qholl hath ioyneo together,
let no man out alunoer.
1T Then {hall the Minifter fpeak unto the
people.
FﬂDgafmuth as N. ano N. haoe tonl'enteo
together in holy iUBUlUtlt, ano have toit=
nelleo the lame before Qhoo ano this tompany,
ano thereto haoe gioen ano pleogeo their
troth either to other, ano haoe oetlareo the
fame hy aiming ano receiving of aring, ano
by ioyning of hanos, 3i pronounce that they

H amburgh, declaring valid marriages solemnized there
since the abolition of the British factory .......... ..
India, removing doubts as to the validity of certain
marriages solemnized in .................................. ..
Ireland, act for marriages in Ireland, and for regis-
} s a 4 Gul. IV. 0. 4s.
}58 Geo. III. 0. 84.
tering such marriages ..................................... 7 & 8 Vlct' 0' 81'
Amended by stat. 9&10Vict.c. 72.(I.)& 12 & l3 Vict. c. 99.
Laws respecting the solemnization of marr1ages,} 4 Geo. IV‘ C- 76. 1
amending .......................................................... .. ~
Amended by .............. .5 Geo. IV. 0. 32. 11 Geo.IV.&lGul.IV.c.66.i
Licences, rendering valid marriages solemnized by, ,
after the passing of 3 Geo. IV. 0. 75. ............. .. i 4 Geo’ n ' C‘ 5'
Lunatics, preventing marriages of .......................... .. 51 Geo. III. c. 37.
Matrimonial contracts, extending to Ireland the pro- 1 . a
. . . . 08 Geo. III. e. 81.
vlslons of an English act for annullmg i
hewfoundland, regulating the celebration of man}57 Geo. In. C. 51.
riages 1n ............................................................ ..
Repealed, and other provisions made by 5 Geo. IV. c. 68.
5 & 6 Vict. c. 113.
6 & 7 Vict. c. 39.
Reglslters of marriagesm England, for better regu-152 Geo. In. c. 146.
ating and preservmg ...................................... .. i
. . - - . - . . . . ._
Presbyterian marriages, conﬁrmed ......................... .. {
Amended by ......................................... .. ll G60.lV.&1Gul.IV.c.66.
Registering of marriages in England, an act for ...... .. 6 & 7 Gul. IV. 0. 86.
Suspended until June, 1837, by .......... ..
Amended and explained by .................. ..
Residence, for the solemnization of marriages near
the, of the parties .............................................. ..
Roman Catholic clergymen celebrating marriages
contrary to law, repealing penal enactments
against ..................................................... ..... ..
Roman Catholic priests and ministers not of the‘
established church in Scotland, amending the-
laws relative to marriages celebrated by .......... Saint Ann’s Chapel, VVandsworth. rendering valid 6 & 7 Gul IV c 24
marriages solemnized in i ' ' ' '
} 3 a 4 Vict. c. 72.
7 Gul. IV. & I Vict. c. 1.
7 Gul. iv. & lVict.c.22.l
l 3 a 4 Gul. W. e. 102.
l
l
l
l
I
U.
K.
U.K
I.
I.
E.
E.
U.
U
U
U
E.
E.
E.
}I.
5 8L 6 Vict. c. 28.
4 8c 5 Gul. IV. 0. 28.
('1)
K
K
K
K
v
v
Q
MatrimOHY-
be man ano tnife together. 31n the ﬂame of
the father. am] of the %on, anti of the holy
@holl. amen.
{I And the Minifter [hall add this bleﬁing.
GﬂDo the father. on: the %>on. out the
holy Qohoﬂ hlets, pgeferue ano keep you;
the anal mercifully inith his favour look upon
you. ant: to fill you inith all tpiritual heue=
tu'ttion anti grace. that ye may to line to:
gether in this life. that in the moan to tome
ye may have life euerlaaing. Amen. 11 Then

Saint Clement's Church, Oxford, rendering valid} 6 & 7 Gul. IV‘ c. 92. E.
certain marriages solemnized in ......... ..
n - - - s o - Q I - - .-
Saint Petersburgh, declaring valid marriages solem-
nized there since the abolition of the British
factory ................................................. ..
Validity of marriages solemnized in churches or 44 Geo. III. e. 77.
chapels in which banns had not been usually
published, conﬁrming ........................ ..
of marriages celebrated abroad, obviating} 4 Geo IV c 91
doubts respecting ..................... .. ' ' ' '
of the marriage of British Subjects resident,

.—
........... 6 Geo. IV. 0. 92.
4 Geo. IV. 0. 67. U. K.
}U. K.
- - - - . . - . s ~ n .-
48 Geo. III. e. 127.
in foreign countries, for facilitating and‘ 12 & l3 Vict. c. 68. U. K.
conﬁrming ................................. .. ,
of marriages solemnized in certain churches ‘41660 IV 8;] Gal IV 6 18 E

and chapels, conﬁrming
—----—- of certain marriages, conﬁrming;
altering the law with respect to certain
voidable marriages .................... ..
of marriages of Quakers and Jews solem-}10 & 11 Vict. c. 58. U. K.

'—
nized before certain dates ........ ..
of certain marriages solemnized in the new‘
s . . . . - - . u 00
5 & 6 Gal. IV. 0. 54. E.
~ I - u \ o - I I u - n I.
church at Upton cum Chalvey, county‘lB 8e 14 Vict. e. 38. E.
of Buckingham ........................ ..
By the ancient law of England,
Jews were forbidden to intermarry
with Christians upon pain of death
(3 Inst. 89.); but where both parties
are Jews, their marriage is recog-
nized by the law; and its nullity
will be tried by the evidence of the
lawsof the Jews, as in the case of a
foreign marriage (Linda v. Belz'sarz'o,
1 Consist. 216.). Ketuba, or what a
man binds himself to give his wife as
a dower, should always precede a J ew-
ish marriage; and Kedushim, a be-
trothment, does not constitute it with-
out Hupa, that is, bringing home the
bride, setting her aside for her hus—
band’s special use, and being united
with her, if marriageable. The prac—
tice among the Jews on marriage is,
for the husband to take all the wife’s
(1516)
Matrimony.
1] Then the Minifter or Clerks going to the
Lords table, (hall fay or ﬂag this Psalm fol-
lowing.
Ietfeo are all they that fear the iLogo
ano toalh in his ioays.
jFog thou [halt eat the labour of thine hanos:
ED melt is thee, ano happy lhaIt thou be

1.1. The 350th page of the Sealed Books commences with “1IThen”, “1T'I‘hen”
being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

fortune, and to covenant to restore it,
with 50l. per cent. proﬁt. Choses in
action, falling to the husband in right
of the wife, are sometimes taken by
him at the same time. (Bassem' v.
Serra, 3 Meriv. 674; 14 Ves. 313.)
Two witnesses to the ceremony are
essential, in the Jewish law, to the
validity of a marriage; and if such
witnesses be incompetent,the marriage
is invalid. (Goldsm-itl v. Bromer, 1
Consist. 324.) It also appears that a
Jewish marriage is not sufficiently
proved in a civil action, by witnesses
present at the ceremony in the syna-
gogue, that being merely a ratiﬁcation
of a previous contract in writing; but
that the original contract must be pro-
duced. A J ewess married by Christian
rites was held within the Marriage
Act, requiring consent of parents or
guardians. Jones v. Robinson, 2 Phil.
285.
Stat. 4 Geo. IV. 0. 76. expressly pro-
vides, in s. 31., against its extending
to marriages where both parties are
Quakers or Jews. And by stat. 6 dz 7
Gul. IV. 0. 85. s. 2. it is enacted, that
where both parties are Quakers or
Jews, they may contract and solem-
nize marriages according to their so-
ciety and religion respectively, pro-
vided notice be given, and a certi-
ﬁcate issued, according to the provi-
sions of the act. The provisions of
stat. 3 dz 4 Vict. c. 72. s. 5. do not
apply to Quakers.
Marriage is essentially distinguished
by universal admission from every other
species of contract, whether of legisla-
tive or judicial determination. Not
only is all legal presumption in favour
of the validity and against the nullity
of marriage, but it is so on this prin-
ciple, that a legislative enactment to
annul a marriage tle faeto, is a penal
enactment, and therefore to be con-
strued most strictly.
A marriage had in New South Wales
(before a Presbyterian minister) where
there was a fact of consent between the
parties to become husband and wife,
was held to be a valid marriage, not-
withstanding a non-compliance with
the provisions of a local act, in which
there were no words constituting a
nullity, and that the husband was
entitled to a sentence of divorce by
reason of the adultery of the wife.
(Catterall v. Catterall, 1 Robertson, 816.)
Vide etiam, Gatterall v. Sweetman,
falsely calling herself Catterall, ibid.
304.
Stat. 4 Geo. IV. 0. 91., after reciting
the expediency of relieving the minds
of all his majesty’s subjects from any
o Beati omnes.
' Pfal. cxxvnj.
(1517)
Qf Matrimony.
@hy tnife lhall be at the fruitful nine:
upon the malls of thy houfe.
@Ehy chiltgen like the olibezbganchesz rount
about thy table.
to, thus [hall the man be bleﬂ'et: that
feareth the ﬂogt.
@Ihe iLogt from out of %>ion lhall fo blefs
thee: that thou lhalt fee Zlerufalem in pgo=
fperity all thy life long;
yea, that thou lhalt fee thy chiltgens chin
tren: ant peace upon Ifrael.

doubt concerning the validity of mar-
riages solemnized by a minister of the
Church of England in the chapel or
house of any British ambassador or
minister residing within the country
to the court of which he is accredited,
or in the chapel belonging to any
British factory abroad, or in the house
of any British subject residing at such
factory, as well as from any possibility
of doubt concerning the validity of
marriages solemnized within the British
lines by any chaplain or oﬁicer, or other
person ofliciating under the orders of
the commanding oﬁicer of a British
army serving abroad; enacts that all
such marriages shall be deemed and
held to be as valid in law as if they
had been solemnized within his ma—
jesty’s dominions, with a due observ-
ance of all forum required by law.
But this act does not conﬁrm or
impair or anywise affect, nor is it
construable to conﬁrm or to impair or
anywise to aﬁect, the validity in law
of any marriages solemnized beyond
the seas, except such as have been or
shall be solemnized in the places,
form, and manner thus speciﬁed and
recited.
Stat. 12 & 13 Vict. c. 68., after re-
citing that stat. 4 Geo. IV. 0. 91. was
only applicable to cases of marriages
solemnized abroad, enacts that in every
case of marriage intended to be solem-
nized under the act, one of the parties
shall give notice under his or her hand
in the form of schedule (A) annexed to
the act, to the consul within whose
district both parties shall have dwelt
not less than one calendar month then
next preceding, and shall state therein
the name and surname, and the pro-
fession or condition of each of the said
parties intending marriage, the dwel-
ling-place of each of them, and that
each of them has dwelt within such
district during such one calendar month
at the least.
By sect. 3. the consul is to ﬁle all
such notices, and keep them with the
archives of his consulate, and to enter
a copy of such notice into a register
to be by him kept, and to suspend a
copy of such notice in the office of his
consulate during seven successive days,
if the marriage is to be solemnized by
licence, or twenty-one successive days
if the marriage is to be solemnized
without licence ; and such register and
suspended copies are to be open at all
reasonable times, without fee, to the
inspection of persons desirous of in—
specting the same; and upon the re-
ceipt of every such notice, the consul
is entitled to have a fee of 108.
By sect. 4. persons duly authorized
can forbid the solemnization of any
(151s)
Matrimony.
Qhlogy he to the ,Father, ant to the %>on:
am: to the holy Qhhou,
as it was in the beginning, is nolo, ano
eoer lhall he: iooglo without eno. amen.
{I Or this Pfalm.
ilDo he merciful unto us, ano hlefs us : D...
reatur.
ano lhetn us the light of his countenance, P1,, mi,
ano he merciful unto us.

marriage; and by sect. 5. the like con-
sent is required to any marriage by
licence under the act, as is required
in England.
By sect. 6. before any marriage can
be had by licence, both parties intend-
ing marriage are to appear before the
consul, and to make oath and affirm
that they believe that there is no im-
pediment of kindred or alliance, or
other lawful hindrance to the mar-
riage; that both the parties have re-
sided for one calendar month imme-
diately preceding, within the district
of such consul; and if either of the
parties, not being a widower or widow,
be under the age of twenty-one years,
that the consent of the person required
by law has been obtained thereto. The
consul is then to certify under his
hand in the original notice, and also
in the register, that licence has been
granted for the solemnization of the
marriage, and the consul thereupon
becomes entitled to a fee of 20s.
But by sect. 8., if the marriage be
not solemnized within three calendar
months after the licence of the consul,
all the proceedings are void, and the
parties must commence de novo.
By sect. 9. if there be no lawful im-
pediment, marriages may, after seven
days by licence, or twenty-one days
without licence, be solemnized at the
British consulate, by or in the presence
of the consul and two witnesses.
By sect. 10. the consul is entitled
for every marriage under the act to
have from the parties married 20.9., if
it be by licence; if otherwise, 108.
By sect. 13., after marriage, proof of
residence, or consent of parents or
guardians, is not necessary to establish
the validity of the marriage; but by
sect. 15.,in case of fraudulent marriage,
the guilty party is to forfeit all pro-
perty accruing from the marriage, as
in stat. 4 Geo. IV. 0. 76.
By sect. 19. a secretary of state can
authorize one consul within his district
to solemnize marriages under the act;
and by sect. 18. the statute for regis-
tering births, deaths, and marriages in
England, is to be taken as if incorpo-
rated in stat. 12 8: 13 Vict. c. 68., and
every consul to be deemed a registrar
under the act.
The validity of a marriage, cele-
brated in a foreign country, must be
determined in an English court, by
the lex loci where the marriage was
solemnized. Lacon v. Ife'gqt'ns, 3 Stark,
178.; D. (it R. N. P. C. 38.; 2 Phillipps
on Evidence, 146.; Stephens on N isi
Prius. tit. ADULTERY, 18.
Thus, the articles of the law of
France, which prescribe the forms
essential to marriage, but which do
not annul a marriage in fact, for non-
observance of such forms, are to be
considered as merely directory. But
parol evidence is admissible to show,
(1519)
Of Matrimony.
@that thy way may he knotnn upon earth:
thy taping health among all nations.
iLet the people pgaite thee, £11) @oﬂzyea.
let all the people pgaite thee.
ED let the nations reioyee am: he glao: for
thou lhalt iuoge the folk righteouﬂy, ano go:
new the nations upon earth.
{Let the people pgaife thee, 2D moopea let
all the people pgaite thee.
@L'hen
that by the law of that country, a
marriage in fact, without observance
of the requisites prescribed by that
law, is void. Ibid.
A marriage between British-born
subjects, natives of Europe, members
of the church of England, celebrated
at Surat by a “ minister of the gospel,
and missionary,” not in holy orders,
belonging to a sect called Congrega-
tionists or Independents, no person in
holy orders being present at the mar-
riage, was held to be valid. That por-
tion of the common law requiring the
presence of an ordained minister at a
marriage was never introduced, and
does not now exist in India. lllaclerm
v. Cristall, 7 Eccles; Notes of Cases,
17. App.
A marriage between two Protestant
British subjects, solemnized by a Por—
tuguese Catholic priest at lVladra-s,
according to the rites of the Catholic
church, followed by cohabitation, but
without the licence of the governor,
which it had been uniformly the cus-
tom to obtain, was, in Latour v. Tees-
daZe (_8 Taunt. 830.), held to be a valid
marnage.
Amarriage in an interest suit pleaded
to have been lawfully solemnized in a
British possession, according to the
rites and ceremonies of the church of
England, by a priest in holy orders of
that church, in the parish church of
which he then was the minister, in
pursuance of a licence for that purpose
ﬁrst duly obtained, held to be prima
facie valid, and to be sufficiently
pleaded; and that it was for the oppo-
site party to plead and prove the inva-
lidity of the marriage.
The marriage was subsequently
pleaded to be invalid, as had contrary
to the lex loci, but after evidence
taken, the Court pronounced for the
marriage, with costs. l/Vard and Todd
v. Day, 1 Robertson, 759.; 5 Eccles;
Notes of Cases, 66.
A marriage between an Englishman
and a domiciled French lady at the
house of the British ambassador at
Paris, was held to be a valid marriage
under stat. Ll Geo. IV. 0. 91. Thus, in
Lloyd v. Petitjea'n (2 Curt. 259.), Where
the marriage was pleaded to have
taken place in that house, Dr. Lush-
ington observed, “ The validity of this
marriage must be supported, either
by the law as it existed previous to
the act of 1823, or by the law as
affected by that statute. With respect
to this act, I am not aware that it
has received, after discussion and de-
liberation, any judicial construction.
I have taken some pains to ascertain,
whether, in any court, this question
has been judicially determined, namely,
whether a marriage in the house of a
British ambassador, one of the parties
(152(1)
‘y1""0%'1 ‘ .
{if-‘:2 '' {v
1 :13" ‘El . 2 1 t : ‘y .
@then lha!! the earth hung toith her in=
create: ano coo, ehen our oton Qooo 1ha!!
gihe us his huffing.
coo !ha!! hlefs us: arm a!! the enos of
the tooglo 1ha!!tear him.
@iogy he to the rather, app to the %on:
ano to the ho!y Qohoﬂ;

l. 1.
The 351st page of the Sealed Books commences with the word “QHJUI”,
“@bﬁl‘l” being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

so married only being a British sub-
ject, is or is not included from the
operation of the act? All I can ﬁnd
is, that a case (that of O’Oonnor v.
Oenmaney) occurred in the Court of
Chancery in 1837, in which the pay-
ment of a sum of money depended
upon the validity of a marriage between
a British subject and a native of Swit-
zerland, solemnized in the house of
the British ambassador at Naples, and
the master reported that a valid mar-
riage had taken place; which report
was not objected to, and being con-
ﬁrmed by the court, a decree passed
accordingly. But I do not ﬁnd that
the point of law underwent any dis—
cussion or consideration, and I cannot,
therefore, regard this case as a ruling
decision. I begin by considering the
words of the statute itself, without
reference to any other in pari materia;
and I may ﬁrst observe, that it is a
remedial statute, intended for the re-
dress of what, in the judgment of the
legislature, was a grievance and hard-
ship, and according to all rules of
legal construction it is to receive such
an interpretation as will meet the evil
intended to be remedied; such a statute
must have an extended, not a restricted
construction. It is to relieve the minds
of all her majesty’s subjects from any
doubt concerning the validity of these
marriages; Words which must be con-
strued in an ample, not a conﬁned
sense. The statute certainly is not
expressed in very satisfactory terms,
because not a Word is said as to whether
it applies to marriages between British
subjects alone, or in which one party
only is British, or whether it compre-
hends all marriages solemnized in a
British ambassador’s chapel. On the
other hand, there are no words of ex—
clusion showing it was the intention
of the legislature to conﬁne the act
exclusively to British subjects; it de—
clares that all marriages shall be valid,
without exception; and I cannot see
on what principle I can put a con-
struction upon the act which should
exclude a marriage where one of the
parties is a British subject, and the
other a foreigner. If I were to do so,
I should not carry the act into full
effect, for I should not relieve the
minds of all her majesty’s subjects
from doubt. I am, therefore, clearly
of opinion, that, provided one of the
parties be a British subject, amarriage
under the circumstances of the present
case, is valid under the act. This is
the conclusion I have formed, from the
statute itself; but another statute had
been passed in pari materia that very
year (stat. 4 Geo. IV. 0. 67.), to render
valid marriages had at St. Petersburgh,
in the chapel of the Russia company,
and in private houses, in which it is
expressly enacted, that such marriages
shall be good, whether both or one of
(1521)
Qt Matrimony.
as it was’ in the beginning, is nnin, ann
that [ball he : mean tnitbcut enn. amen.
q The Pfalm ended, and the man and the
Woman kneeling before the Lords Table,
the Prieﬂ: ftanding at the Table, and turn-
ing his face towards them, {hall fay,
ﬂow, bane mercy upun us.
Anfwer.
Qllbgin, bane mercy upun us.

the parties be British subjects; and it
has been strongly and fairly contended,
that if the legislature had intended
the same thing in the subsequent act,
in pari materia, it would have used
the same terms. But although it be
undoubtedly a principle of law, that,
in the construction of an act of Par-
liament, you are to look at other sta-
tutes in pari materia, yet it is a dan—
gerous doctrine to push too far, espe-
cially on the subject of marriage. I
ﬁnd, for instance, in a statute passed
in the late reign (stat. 3 d2; 4 Gul. IV.
0. 45.), ‘to declare valid marriages
solemnized at Hamburgh, since the
abolition of the British factory there ;’
the same purpose is intended as in the
St. Petersburgh act, but the wording
is not the same. I am not unaware
of the very great danger that may
arise from legalizing, in England, mar-
riages had in foreign countries; that
the consequences may be these: you
may have the status of the parties
different in diiferent countries; you
may have the issue of a marriage legi-
timate in one country and illegitimate
in another; and cohabitation prohi-
bited in one country, and in another
allowed. But these are considerations
which fall within the province of the
legislature which has thought ﬁt to
pass this act, and it is my duty only
to administer the law.
“ I am of opinion, that the validity
of this marriage cannot be impeached,
and, consequently, that the libel must
be rejected.”
In Rex v. Brampton (Inhabitants of )
(10 East. 282.) evidence that two Bri—
tish subjects in a foreign country, being
desirous of intermarrying, went to a
chapel for that purpose, where a service
in the language of the country was
read by a person habited like a priest,
and interpreted into English by the
oﬂiciating clerk; and was understood
by the parties to be the marriage ser-
vice of the Church of England; and
they received a certiﬁcate of the mar-
riage, which was afterwards lost, was
held to be sufficient whereon to found
a presumption (nothing appearing to
the contrary), that the marriage was
duly celebrated according to the law
of that country, particularly after
eleven years’ cohabitation as man and
wife, till the period of the husband’s
death; and such parties being attached
at the time to the British army, on
service in such foreign country, and
in military possession of the place, it
seems that such marriage solemnized
by a priest in holy orders, (of which
this would be reasonable evidence,)
would be a good marriage by the law
of England, as a marriage contract per
verba de praesenti before the Marriage
Act, marriages beyond sea being ex-
cepted out of that act; and the solem-
nization of the marriage by a Roman
(1522)
Matrimony.
Minilter.
itogo, have mercy upon us.
Oﬁr father which art in heanen, lhal=
lotneo be thy ﬂame.
@thy kingoom
come. @Ehy will be none in earth, as it is in
heaoen. Qhioe us this may our oaily hgeao.
Elno foigioe us our trefpalles, as toe forgive
them that trefpafs againu us. ano leao us
not into temptation: 7.5ut oeliper us from
coil. amen.

Catholic priest would make no diffe-
rence.
It may be here observed, that a
marriage in Ireland, performed by a
clergyman of the established Church
of England, was valid, though cele-
brated in a room of a private house,
and without any special licence hav-
ing been granted to the parties.
Smith v. Maxwell, 1 C. (it P. 271.;
R. (is M. 80.
So, likewise, a marriage celebrated
in Scotland without banns or licence
is good. (Erpa‘rte Hall, 1 Rose, 30.;
Daliy/mple v. Dalrg/mple, 2 Consist. 64.;
Ilaefor'd v. jllorm's, ibid. 430.) And a
marriage in Scotland of an infant who
was an English subject, without con-
sent, was held good by the Court of
Delegates. (Compton v. Bem'croft, Bull.
N. P. 113. (b).l And in Ilclerton V. Il-
rlerton (2 Hen. Black. 145.) it was held
that a marriage celebrated in Scotland
(but not between persons who go
thither for the purpose of evading the
laws of England) will entitle the W0-
man to dower in England. And that
the lawfulness of such a marriage may
be tried by a jury.
In Robertson v. Gmaforrl Beav.
103.) it appeared that A. B., a widow,
who was entitled to a pension durante
viduitate, cohabited with CD. in Scot—
land. In regard to society, they held
themselves out as man and wife; but
with respect to the pension, they acted
as if they were unmarried; and A. B.
half-yearly made solemn declarations
of widowhood for the purpose of ob-
taining the pension: and it was held,
on exception to the master’s report,
that, on the whole, he was right in
ﬁnding that no valid marriage had
taken place.
The marriage of an officer celebrated
by a chaplain of the British army
within the lines of the army when
serving abroad, is valid under stat. 9
Geo. IV. 0. 91. though such army is
not serving in a country in a state of
actual hostility, and though no autho-
rity for the marriage was previously
obtained from the oﬂicers superior in
command. Waldegrave Peerage, 4 C.
dz F. 649.
If the marriage be not in accordance
with the lex loci where celebrated, it
Will be invalid (iS’cm'ms/zz're v. Scrim—
shire, 2 Consist. 395.; lllz'tldleton v. Jan—
'vee'e'n, 2 Consist. 437.): where a mar-
riage was solemnized at Antwerp, be-
tween two English persons, in the
British church, by a Protestant cler-
gyman appointed by the English go—
vernment, but without performance of
the Belgian ceremonies: it was held
to be void, as being contrary to the
lex loci, and not coming within the
provisions of the Marriage Act, which
permits marriages abroad at an am-
(1523;
Matrimony.
Minifter.
ED 11.0w. tape thy terpant. ano thy hanomaio;
Anfwer.
who put their truﬂ in thee.
Minilter.
£1) ﬂow, {run them help from thy holy place.
Anfwer.
aim epermoge neteno them.

bassador’s or at a factory chapel. Kent
v. Bwi'gess, 5 J ur. 166.
A marriage celebrated at Rome be-
tween two persons, Protestants, but
who, it was alleged, had, in accordance
with the law of Rome, abjured the
Protestant faith, and been admitted
into the Roman Catholic Church, was
declared null and void, on the ground
that such abjuration was fraudulent
and colourable, and that the parties
never were, nor intended to become,
Roman Catholics. Swift v. Swift, 3
Knapp, 303.
But a marriage will not be held valid
in this country, although it may be
valid in the place where the marriage
is contracted, if it come within the
following exceptions :—
1. Where the law of the place of
contract violates the law of nature or
public morals, as polygamy or incest,
or the policy of the state in which its
validity is sought to be established.
2. Where the parties have no bcna
ﬁde domicile in the place of contract,
but have resorted thither to evade
some prohibitory law in the place of
their actual domicile, extending to mar-
riages contracted in another country.
Story, Conﬂict of Laws, 100., et. seq;
1 Burge, Conﬂict of Laws, 190.
In a question respecting the validity
of a marriage in a British colony,
governed by a law of its own, solem—
nized between British subjects, accord—
ing to the rites and ceremonies of the
Church of England, by a clerk in holy
orders of that church, the oﬂiciating
minister of the parish, it is sufﬁcient
to plead that a legal marriage was had
(a copy of the entry of the marriage
in the register book being exhibited),
without setting forth the lex loci,
which would appear in the evidence.
Thus, in Ward v. Day (Notes of Cases
Ecclesiastical, 66.) Sir Herbert Jenner
Fust observed, “I have looked into
the cases, and I think it is for the
interest of both parties that the Court
should not go into an inquiry respect-
ing the law of St. Lucia in this stage
of such a question. Here is a marriage
alleged to have been solemnized be-
tween two British subjects, in a British
possession, according to the rites and
ceremonies of the Church of England,
by a minister of that church, he being
the officiating minister of the parish
church in which the marriage was
solemnized. Prima facie, it would be
a valid marriage, and I can know no-
thing of the law of St. Lucia except
from the examination of witnesses;
for although Mr. Burge says that it is
the French law, I cannot take it ex-
cept from the deposition of witnesses.
Most of the cases are suits of nullity
of marriage, in which, as in the case
of Raiding v. Smith (2 Consist. 371.),
the party pleaded the circumstances
of the marriage, and that it was illegal
according to the law of the place where
it was celebrated. The case of Dal-
e'zymple v. Dalrymple (Ibid. 54.) was a,
(1524)
MatriInOnY'
Miniﬂer.
152 unto them a tower of ﬂrengtb,
Anfwer.
from the face of their enemy.
Miniﬁer.
£1) item, hear our prayer.
Anfwer.
Hun let our cry tome unto thee.
Minifter.
case of a Scotch marriage, not of a
marriage according to the Church of
England, by a minister of that church
oﬂiciating in the parish church, but a
case of an irregular marriage, and not
a prima facie valid marriage, which
would entitle the wife to found a suit
for restitution of conjugal rights. In
Montague v. Montague (2 Add. 375.)
the marriage was in Scotland; and in
5teadman v. Powell (1 Ibid. 58.) the
marriage was pleaded to have taken
place at Dublin, according to the rites
and ceremonies of the Church of Ire-
land, and therefore it was prima facie
a valid marriage. I am of opinion
that, in this case, prima facie, a good
and valid marriage is pleaded; and it
is for the other party to show that
such a marriage,—-a marriage between
British subjects, in a British posses—
sion, according to the rites and cere-
monies of the Church of England, by
a minister of that church, oﬂiciating
as such in the parish church,——is not
a good and valid marriage; and I could
not, on a mere suggestion that it was
not according to the law of St. Lucia,
take upon me to reject this allegation.
Therefore, I admit it to proof, and it
is for the other party to show that
this is not a valid marriage in St. Lucia,
and being so, it is an invalid marriage
here.”
Marriages in Upper Canada are go-
verned by stat. 33 Geo. III. 0. 5. and
by a subsequent statute of its legis—
lature, 38 Geo. III. 0. 4. In Lower
Canada, the ordinances, edicts and de—
clarations, of French monarchs form
the basis of the matrimonial law, which
is also partially regulated, since it has
become a British colony, by the English
statutes 35 Geo. III. 0. 4., 44 Geo. III.
0. 11., 1 Geo. IV. 0. 19., 5 Geo. IV.
0. 25. The marriage acts of Nova
Scotia are stat. 33 Geo. III. 0. 5., stat.
35 Geo. III. 0. 2., stat. 2 Gul. IV. 0. 31.
Those of New Brunswick are stat. 31
Geo. III. 0. 5., stat. 8 Geo. IV. 0. 9.
(Acts of the General Assembly of New
Brunswick). Prince Edward’s Island
is governed by stat. 6 Geo. IV. 0. 6.
(Laws of Prince Edward’s Island.) As
to Newfoundland, stat. 59 Geo. III.
0. 51., regulating marriages solemnized
between the 1st of January, 1818, and
the 25th of March, 1825; after which
time it was repealed by stat. 5 Geo. IV.
0. 68., which also declared all marriages
before the 17th of June, 1824, not ad-
judged void, to be valid. The opera-
tion of the latter act was originally
limited to ﬁve years, but it was con—
tinued by stat. 10 Geo. IV. c. 17. and
stat. 2 (it 3 Gul. IV. 0. 78. (Vide stat.
2 (it 3 Gul. IV. 0. '78. s. 1., empowering
the colonial parliament to alter the
above mentioned acts), the last being
an act of the colonial legislature. The
(1525)
Matrimony.
Miniiter. _
O
cone of elhgaham, Q6011 at Elfﬁﬂt, Qhue at
Zlatoh, hlefs thefe thy fernants. am: turn
the fees of eternal life in their hearts, that
inhatfueher in thy holy were they lhall mm
fitahly learn. they may in seen fulfil the
fame. ituuk, ill) item. mercifully upon them
from heaven, ans hlefs them. ﬁne as then

1.1. The 352ndpage of the Sealed Books commences with the word “Minifter.”,
“ Minifter.” being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

other marriage act of Newfoundland is
stat. 3 Gul. IV. 0. 10., which repealed
stat. 5 Geo. IV. 0. 68., except so far as
it repealed stat. 53 Geo. III. 0. 51. and
legalized certain marriages.
In the Bahamas the only act of Par-
liament relating to marriages is 32
Hen. VIII. 0. 8.
The law of Barbadoes inﬂicts a pe-
nalty of 100Z. and six months’ impri-
sonment on any person solemnizing
marriage without licence or publication
of banns. Geode v. Coode, Consistory
of London, April 24, 1838.
In Jamaica the marriage law is re-
gulated by an act of its own assembly
passed in 1681; by stat. 6 Geo. IV.
0. 17. (continued by stat. 1 Gul. IV.
0. 22. and stat. 2 Gul. IV. 0. 18.), and
by stat. 4 Gul. IV. 0. 31., the operation
of which was conﬁned to the interval
between the 12th of December, 1833,
and the 31st of December, 1838. It
seems that there is no jurisdiction in
Jamaica competent to pronounce a
sentence of divorce. First Report of
Administration of Justice in West
Indies, second series, June, 1827.
Antigua is governed by a marriage
law of its own legislature. (Vide stat.
24 Car. II. (1672), n. 21. s. 2. Laws of
the Leeward Islands.) So is Dominica
by a law passed the 28th September,
1802, and Grenada by a statute enacted
the 11th December, 1807. 2 Burn’s
E. L. by Phillimore, 433. zz.
{l F1rft the Banns : (91497,)
——P. B. 1549, “II First the bannes
must be asked three several Sondayes
or holy dayes, in the service tyme,
[P. B. 1552, in the time of service,]
the people being present, after the
accustomed maner.”
Mutt be publilhed in the
Church three feveral Sundaies
or Holy-daies: (p_ 1497,>__1t has
been said, that a clergyman is not at
liberty to marry during the same ser-
vice in which the banns are asked for
the third time. Robertson on the
Liturgy, 256.
P. B. 1662, “ or Holy-daies, in the
time of Divine Service, immediately
before the sentences for the Offertory.”
This was omitted, when the “Act
for the better preventing of clandestine
Marriages” came into force.
it pnhlr'fh the Shaun; of marriage:
(p. 1498.)—-The intention of the publi-
cation of banns is to make known that
a marriage is about to take place be-
tween the individuals parties; if, there-
fore, the publication be such as not to
(1526)
if}? Matrimony.
oioﬂ feno thy bleﬂ‘ing upon ﬁbgaham ano
%>arah, to their great comfort, fo bouchfafe
to feno thy blelling upon thefe thy ferbants,
that they obeying thy mill, ano al‘may being
in fafety unoer thy protection, may abioe in
thy lobe unto their lines eno, through Zlefus
Qlbliﬂ Ullt £811]. Amen.
{I This Prayer next following {hall be omitted,
Where the woman is pail: child—bearing.

designate, but to conceal the parties,
it is no publication.
By stat. 4 Geo. IV. 0. 76. s. 2. all
banns of matrimony are to be published
in an audible manner in the parish
church, or in some public chapel, in
which banns of matrimony may now,
or may hereafter, be lawfully published,
of or belonging to the parish or chapelry
wherein the persons to be married dwell,
accordingtotheformofwordsprescribed
by the rubric, preﬁxed to the ofﬁce of
matrimony in the Book of Common
Prayer, upon three Sundays preceding
the solemnization of marriage, during
the time of morning service (or of
evening service, if there be no morn-
ing service in such church or chapel
upon the Sunday upon which such
banns shall be so published,) imme-
diately after the second lesson. And
when the persons to be married dwell
in divers parishes or chapelries, the
banns are in like manner to be pub-
lished in the church or chapel belong-
ing to the parish or chapelry wherein
each of them dwell: and all other the
rules prescribed by the rubric, con—
cerning the publication of banns and
the solemnization of matrimony, and
not altered by this act, are to be duly
observed; and in all cases where banns
have been published, the marriage is
to be solemnized in one of the parish
churches or chapels where such banns
have been published, and in no other
place.
By stat. 7 Gul. IV. dz 1 Vict. c. 22.
s. 34. when parties live within differ—
ent ecclesiastical districts, the banns
are to be published as Well in the
church or chapel wherein such mar-
riage is intended to be solemnized as
in the chapel licensed under the pro-
visions of stat. 6 (l2: 7 Gul. IV. 0. 85.
s. 26., for the other district within
which one of the parties is resident,
and if there be no such chapel, then
in the church or chapel in which the
banns of the resident party might be
legally published if stat. 6 dz 7 Gul. IV.
0. 85. had not passed. Stat. 7 Gul. IV.
(it 1 Vict. c. 22. s. 34.
By stat. 4 Geo. IV. 0. 76. s. 26., after
the solemnization of any marriage
under a publication of banns, it will
not be necessary in support of such
marriage to give any proof of the
actual dwelling of the parties in the
respective parishes or chapelries where-
in the banns of matrimony were pub—
lished; or where the marriage is by
licence, it will not be necessary to give
any proof that the usual place of abode
of one of the parties, for the space of
ﬁfteen days, was in the parish or
chapelry where the marriage was so-
lemnized ; nor is any evidence in either
of such cases to be received to prove the
contrary in any suit touching the
validity of such marriage.
The words of this section correspond
with stat. 26 Geo. II. c. 33. s. 10. In
Tree v. Quin (2 Phil. 14.) a libel in a
(1527)
Qf Matrimony.
apettifui iLugn ant: heavenly father, hp
mhufe gtatiuus gift manhinn is intreafen;
we hefeeth thee affiﬂ with thy blaring theta
than petfcns. that they may hath he fruitful
in pgntteatiun cf thilngen, ans site time to,
gather fu lung in gunlp lune an]: huneﬂp. that
they may fee their thilngen Qfhgiﬂianlp ant:
nzrtuuuﬂp brought up, to thy pgaife ant
hnnuut,
f\rrieli.
thgnugh Blefus Qlhgiﬂ nut item.

suit for nullity of marriage was ad-
mitted so far as it pleaded that banns
were published under an additional
Christian name, which did not belong
to the woman; but that part of the
libel was rejected which stated “that
neither she, nor her husband, was an
inhabitant of the parish in the church
of which they were married; or had
any house, lodging, or usual place of
abode therein ;” Sir William Scott
stating, “I think the words of the act
are so strong as to bind the Court not
to admit the article respecting resi—
dence. The libel must be reformed as
to that article.”
A young lady, eighteen years of age,
entitled to a considerable property,
her parents being dead, having been
passing her vacation at the house of
one of the executors named in her
father’s will, whom she considered as
her guardian, was induced by his butler,
who was residing in the same house,
and was ﬁfty-two years of age, to pro-
mise to marry him: she withdrew that
promise a few days afterwards, but
was importuned again and prevailed
upon to renew it, and the marriage
was celebrated without the knowledge
of any of her friends, upon a false
statement made by him of her age and
residence in the publication of the
banns, and in the register of the mar-
riage. There was no cohabitation nor
consummation of the marriage, as she
alleged. She, after a few days, went
to a friend’s house, and, by his advice,
applied for an act to annul the mar—
riage, the same being considered valid
in law. Held, that it did not appear
by the evidence, that the marriage
was not solemnized with the free con-
sent of the lady, and that the case
made was not such as to justify legis-
lative interference. Field’s Marriage
Bill, 11 C. (it F. 48.
By stat. 6 Geo. IV. 0. 92. s. 2. mar-
riages may be in future solemnized in
all churches and chapels erected since
the passing of stat. 26 Geo. II. c. 33.
and duly consecrated, in which it has
been usual since the passing of that
act, to solemnize marriages.
And by stat. ll Geo. IV. d3 1 Gul.
IV. 0. 18. s. 4. banns published in
chapels duly consecrated before the
passing of that act (29th May, 1830)
are not to be questioned by reason of
their publication in a chapel not legally
authorized for the publication of banns,
or the solemnization of marriages.
The object of stat. 11 Geo. IV. (it
1 Gul. IV. 0. 18. was to legalise mar-
riages solemnized in chapels, of which
the consecration was doubtful. For a
similar purpose stat. 48 Geo. III. 0. 127.
and stat. 6 Geo. IV. 0. 92. were passed,
namely, to legalise marriages celebrated
in churches or chapels built and con-
(1528)
Of Matrimony.
0 con, inho hp thp mightp power hall
maoe all things of nothing, toho alto
(after other things tet in other) nine appoint
that out of man (rreateo after thine otnn
image ano fimiiituoe) iooman lhoulo take her
beginning; ano knitting them together, nion
teach that it lhouio nener he laiofnl to put
aiunoer thoie iohom thou by matrimony haon
maoe one: 2D coo, ioho hall tonferrateo
the
secrated since stat. 26 Geo. II. c. 33.
and stat. 44 Geo. III. 0. 77., but in
which banns had not usually been
published before stat. 26 Geo. II. c. 33.,
and which did not fall under the qua—
lifying provisions of stat. 4 Geo. IV. 0. 76.
There are several ancient chapels,
such as the inns of court and the
chapel of the Savoy, in which mar-
riages cannot now legally be solem-
nized, banns not having been published
in them before stat. 26 Geo. II. c. 33.
In Taemton v. l'lfyborn (2 Camp. 297.)
Lord Ellenborough held, that the exist—
ence of a registry of marriages from
1578, and of the publication of banns
from 1754, coupled with the deposition
of the clergyman, that marriages had
to his knowledge been frequently so~
lemnized there, founded a sufficient pre-
sumption that banns had been pub-
lished there before stat. 26 Geo. II.
c. (Stephens’ Ecclesiastical Statutes,
847.) Stat. 4 Geo. IV. 0. 76. s. 2. (Ibid.
1229.) enacts, that in all cases where
banns have been published, the mar-
riage shall be solemnized in one of the
parish churches or chapels where such
banns have been published; and de—
ﬁnes “chapel” as that “in which banns
of matrimony may now or may here—
after be lawfully published” ; and s. renders void all marriages wilfully con-
tracted by both parties in any other
place.
In Stallwood v. Treclgee' (2 Phil. 289.)
Sir John N icholl stated, and his opi-
nion was conﬁrmed by the court of
delegates, that the provisions of stat.-
26 Geo. II. c. 33. were not contravened,
where a church being under repair
(vide stat. 4 Geo. IV. 0. 76. s. 13.; stat.
5 Geo. IV. 0. 32. ss. 2 (l? 3.; and stat.
11 Geo. IV. dz 1 Gul. IV. 0. 18. s. 2.;
Stephens’ Ecclesiastical Statutes, 1236,
1251.), and shut up, the banns had
been published in the church of a
parish adjoining to that in which they
were married; but he said, “ I am not
disposed to go to the extent of giving
an opinion, that under no circumstan—
ces would a marriage be void if con-
trary to this provision, and had else-
where than in the church in which
the banns were published; for instance,
if the banns were bona ﬁde and ho-
nestly published at York, and the par-
ties were to come to London to be
married, whether such a marriage
would be void.” _
By stat. 4 Geo. IV. 0. 76. s. 3. the
bishop of the diocese, with the consent
of patron and incumbent of the parish,
may authorize the publication of banns
and the solemnization of marriages in
any public chapel, having a chapelry
thereunto annexed to it, or in any
chapel situated in any extra parochial
place: and by stat. 6 (it 7 Gul. IV,
0. 85. s. 26. bishops with the like con-
5G
(1.529)
0f Matrimony.
the Gate of matrimony tn fnrh an errellent
myﬂery, that in it is fignifien ans remelenten
the fpiritnal marriage ant: unity hetmirt
Qthiill am his Qlhurth; ﬂunk merritully
upon thefe thy fernants. that both this man
may lune his wife, attaining to thy were
(as Qlihiitl m'n lune his fpuule the QIhurrh,
inhu game himfelf for it, Inning antl therilh=

l. l. The 353ml page of the Sealed Books commences with the words “1b? irate”,
“ﬂjﬂ ” being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

sent may license chapels for marriages
in populous parishes, whether such
chapels have or have not chapelries
annexed: and by s. 30. of the latter
statute all regulations respecting mar-
riages in parish churches are extended
to such chapels. And by stat. 7Gul.IV.
(b1 Vict. c. 22. s. 33. banns may be
published in any chapel licensed by the
bishop under stat. 6 & 7 Gul. IV. 0. 85.,
and are to be affixed in some conspié
cuous part of the interior of every
such chapel, that “banns may be
published and marriages solemnized
in this chapel.” Vide etiam stat.
4 Geo. IV. 0. 76. s. 4.
By stat. 4 Geo. IV. 0. 76. s. 12. all
parishes having no parish church or
chapel, or none wherein divine service
is usually solemnized every Sunday,
and all extra-parochial places having
no public chapel wherein banns can
be published, are to be deemed and
taken to belong to any parish or cha-
pelry next adjoining; and if banns be
published in any such adjoining parish
or chapelry, they are to be certiﬁed in
the same manner as if “one or other
of the persons to be married had
dwelt in such adjoining parish or
chapelry.
By stat. 5 Geo. IV. 0. 32. s. 1. and
stat. 4 Geo. IV. 0. 76. s. 13. if the
church of any parish, or the chapel of
any chapelry, be demolished in order
to be rebuilt, or be under repair, and
on such account be disused, the banns
may, during such repairing or rebuild-
ing, be proclaimed in a church or
chapel of any adjoining parish or cha-
pelry, in which banns are usually pro-
claimed, or in any place within the
limits of the parish or chapelry, which
shall be licensed by the bishop of the
diocese for the performance of divine
service, or in any consecrated chapel
of such parish or place as the bishop
may direct; and the validity of mar-
riages solemnized, or to be solemnized
under the like circumstances, in other
places within such parishes or chapel—
ries than the old churches or chapels,
on account of their being out of repair,
or taken down in order to be rebuilt,
is not to be questioned on that ac-
count, nor are the ministers who have
so solemnized the same, to be liable to
any ecclesiastical censure, or other
proceeding.
By stat. 5 Geo. IV. 0. 82. s. 3. all
banns of marriage proclaimed, and all
marriages solemnized, in any licensed
place, within the limits of any parish
or chapelry, during the repair or re-
building of the church or chapel of
such parish or chapelry, are to be con-
sidered as proclaimed and solemnized
in the church or chapel of such parish
(1530)
Of Matrimony.
ing it mm as his oton ﬂelh) ano alfo that
this tooman may be lobing ano amiable,
faithful ano obeoient to her husbano, ano in
all quietnefs‘, fobgiety ano peace, be a fol=
lotner of holy ano gooly matrons.
£1) itoio,
blefs them both, ano grant them to inherit
thy eherlalling bingoom, through Zlefus Qfhgill
our bozo. Amen,

or chapelry, and are to be registered
accordingly.
By stat. 58 Geo. III. c. 45. and stat.
59 Geo. III. e. 134. (Stephens’ Eccle-
siastical Statutes, 1107. 1152.) all acts
relating to the publication of banns
and the solemnization of marriages
are to apply to all separate and dis-
tinct parish churches, and all churches
and chapels of ecclesiastical districts,
or consolidated chapelries, built under
the authority of those acts: and the
ecclesiastical commissioners, with con-
sent of the bishop, are to determine
whether banns shall be published and
marriages had in chapels of ease to
which ecclesiastical districts are at-
tached.
By stat. 8 & 9 Vict. c. 70. s. 10.
banns of marriage may be published,
and marriages, christenings, church-
ings, and burials performed, in the
church of every consolidated chapelry;
and the fees arising therefrom, unless
voluntarily relinquished by them, or
either of them, are to belong to the
incumbent and clerk respectively of
the parish out of which the chapelry
has been formed, during their respec-
tive incumbency and continuance in
ofﬁce; and the incumbent of the
chapelry is to keep an account of such
fees, and yearly to pay them over ac-
cordingly; and after the next avoid-
ance or vacancy of such incumbency
or office, such fees respectively are to
belong and be paid to the incumbent
and clerk respectively of the chapelry.
Stat. 1 (Sr 2 Gul. IV. 0. 38. makes
no provision for the publication of
banns or solemnization of marriages
in churches or chapels built under the
authority of that act. But stat. 7 (b 8
Vict. c. 56. s. 1., to remove doubts that
were entertained whether banns of
matrimony could be published, or mar-
riages be solemnized, in churches or
or chapels to which districts had been
or might be assigned under stat. 1 & 2
Vict. c. 107., enacted that the Church
Building Commissioners might, with
the consent of the bishop of the dio-
cese, in every such case as had come
or should come before them, and that
the bishop might in every other such
case determine whether banns of ma—
trimony should or should not be pub-
lished and marriages solemnized in
such church or chapel.
Stat. 1 (it 2 Vict. c. 107. S. 16.
enacts, that the Church Building
Commissioners may, with the written
consent of the bishop, patron, and also
of the Vestry or persons possessingthe
power of the vestry, make any church
or chapel a parish church, and the
parish church a district church or
chapel of ease; and that the new
church shall have all the emoluments,
and all the rights and privileges of the
ancient parish church; and also that
all acts of parliament, laws, and cus-
toms, relating to the publication of
banns of marriage, and the celebration
of marriages, christenings, chnrchings,
and burials, and to ecclesiastical fees,
oblations, and offerings, shall apply to
every church or chapel so constituted
.5
G 2 (1531)
Of Matrimony.
{I Then {hall the Prief’r fay,
Aitmightp Qbot who at the beginning tit
create our firﬂ parents, e‘itam ant QEne.
ant tit fanetifie ant iohn them together in
marriage; {hour upon you the riches of his
grace. fanetifie ant hlefs you, that he may
pieafe him both in both ant foul, ant line

a parish church, in like manner in
every respect as they applied to the
ancient parish church; and that the
ancient parish church is thenceforth
to be a district church, or a chapel,
with or without a district, according
to the direction of the commissioners.
By stat. 4 Geo. IV. 0. 76. s. 7. no
parson, vicar, minister, or curate is
obliged to publish the banns of matri-
mony between any persons whatsoever,
unless the persons to be married shall,
seven days at the least before the time
required for the ﬁrst publication of such
banns, deliver to him a notice in writ—
ing, dated on the day of such delivery,
of their true Christian names and sur-
names, and of the house or houses of
their respective abodes within such
parish or chapelry, and of the time
during which they have dwelt, inha—
bited, or lodged in such house or
houses. Vide Nicholson v. Squire, 16
Ves. 260.; Stephens on the Laws
relating to the Clergy, 727.
By stat. 4 Geo. IV. c. 76. s. 9. a mar-
riage not had within three months
after the complete publication of banns,
is not to be solemnized until the banns
have been regularly republished, un—
less it be by licence.
By stat. 4 Geo. IV. 0. 76. s. 6. church-
wardens and chapelwardens are to
provide a proper book of substantial
paper, marked and ruled as thereby
directed, for the register book of banns
of marriage; and the banns are to be
published from such book, and not
from loose papers; and are, after pub-
lication, to be signed by the officiating
minister, or by some person under his
direction.
In Paxton’s case (1 Irish Ciro. Rep.
800.) it was held, that the entry of a
marriage in a parish register may be
proved by the production of a copy,
proved to have been made by the
clergyman from the book which he
called the register, and which the
witness examined with him, without
the production of the clergyman, or
other proof of the register. The pri-
soner was indicted for bigamy, and it
appeared that he had been married in
1812, in Ireland, to Martha Grey, who
was still living; and in 1832 he was
married, at Southampton in England,
to Thampson Halsey. At the time of
the ﬁrst marriage, he was a member of
the Established Church, and Martha
Grey was a presbyterian ; and they
had been married by the Presbyterian
minister of the congregation of Letter-
kenny, in the county of Donegal. The
second marriage had been performed
in the parish church of Southampton,
by the vicar of the parish.
In order to prove the second mar-
riage, the father of Thampson Halsey,
who was present at it, and Thampson
Halsey herself, were produced and
examined. They proved that the pri-
soner had been married at the time
alleged, and in the parish church of
(1532)
Of Matrimony.
together in holy lope unto your lines eno.
Amen.
1] After which, if there be no Sermon declar-
ing the duties of man and wife, the Minifter
{hall read as followeth.
iLl ye that are marrieo, or that intent] to
take the holy ellate of matrimony upon

Southampton, by the Rev. Mr. Shrubb,
to Thampson Halsey. A document was
then produced, which Thampson Halsey
swore was copied by the said Mr.
Shrubb, in her presence, from a book
in his possession, which he stated to
her was the register of marriages for
the parish of Southampton, and that
such copy was compared with the re-
gister, by Mr. Shrubb’s reading the
book while she read the copy, and
that it was a correct copy, and was
signed by Mr. Shrubb. He was not
produced, nor was any other evidence
given of the register. The counsel
for the Crown were about reading
that copy, when the counsel for the
prisoner objected that it could not be
read; because there was not sufficient
evidence that it was an examined copy
of ‘the extract from the register. It
should be shown that the book from
which it was copied was, in fact, the
register; but the evidence as to that
was only hearsay of hearsay. (Vide
Stephens on Nisi Prius, tit. EVIDENCE,
1561-1600.) The prisoner’s counsel
also referred to stat. 6 (it 7 Gul. IV.
0. 86. s. 2. The counsel for the Crown
contended that it was sufficient, if the
book were produced by the proper oﬂi—
cer as the register.
Upon these facts and arguments,
the court observed :—“ As to the sta-
tute referred to, it was not enacted for
the purpose of displacing prior rights,
or to have a retrospective operation.
It was passed in the year 1836; and
as the marriage upon which the ques—
tion here arises was celebrated in the
year 1832, the act alluded to cannot
affect it. Then, as to the other point,
it has been already decided in the case
of Walker v. Beaachamp (Countess of)
(6 C. 81 P. 552.), upon the principle,
that where the law authorizes a person
to give extracts from a book in his
custody, the law presumes that he will
do his duty, and give correct extracts.
I, therefore, think that the document
produced is sufﬁciently proved to be
an examined copy of the register, and
I accordingly admit it.”
Stat. 3 Geo. IV. 0. 75. s. 19. en-
acted, as to marriages by banns, that
notwithstanding a falsehood in a
name or names, a marriage actually
solemnized should be deemed valid;
thus, during the short period that that
act was in operation, namely, from 1st
September, 1822, till 1st November,
1 823,no incorrect publication of names,
though wilful, could invalidate a mar-
riage once solemnized. But this enact-
ment being applicable only to mar-
riages subsequent to it, and stat.
4 Geo. IV. 0. 76. containing no clause
rendering former marriages by irre-
gular banns valid, it is still necessary
to recur to stat. 26 Geo. II. c. 33., and
the decisions upon it for the preceding
period.
By stat. 6 a 7 Gul. IV. 0. 85. s. 42.
marriages solemnized in any other
(1533)
Matrimony.


you, hear tnhat the holy %>rripture ooth fay
as touching the outy of hushanos toinaros
their wines, ano mines tomaros their hus:
hanos.
%>aint 119aul in his QEpiule to the QEphe=
tians , the jl'ifth Qthapter, ooth nine this tom:
manoment to all marrieo men. lhushanos,
lone your mines, even as Qlhiill alto looeo
the Qthurrh, ano gaoe himfelf for it. that he
might
i. 6. On the outer margin an erasure occurs.

place than that speciﬁed in the notice
and certiﬁcate, or without due notice to
the superintendent registrar or with-
out certiﬁcate of notice or licence, if
necessary, or in the absence of a regis-
trar, or superintendent registrar, if
his presence be necessary, is null and
void. But the act does not extend to
marriages legally solemnized under
stat. 4 Geo. IV. '0. 76.
The three principal cases respecting
the publication of banns of matrimony
are. Tongue v. Allen (1 Curt. 38.),
Wright v. Elwood (Ibid. 49. 669.), and
(Jane v. Holloway. 5 Notes of Cases
Ecclesiastical, 267.; vide etiam Breaby
v. Reed, 1 ibid. 121.; Rex V. Tibs/telf
(Inhabitants of), 1 B. (it Ad. 190.; Rex
v. Bnrton—npon—Trent (Inhabitants of),
3 M. (it S. 537.; Rear; v. St. Fait/t’s,
Newton (Inhabitants of), 3 D (it B. 348.
In Tongue v. Allen (1 Curt. 41.), the
case of an infant, Sir Herbert Jenner
stated the result to be, “that at the
marriage the minor was between seven-
teen and eighteen years of age, the
woman thirty—four or thirty-five, and
a widow, or representing herself as
such, and the sister of the master of
the school where he was placed; that
the marriage was clandestine, and
continued secret and unknown to the
family of the minor, for nearly twelve
months; that the name of baptism, by
which alone he was generally known,
was omitted in the publication of
banns; and that this was done for the
purpose of concealment, and in fraud
of the father’s rights, there can be no
doubt.
“The question therefore is, whether
a marriage under such circumstances
is good and valid according to the
existing marriage law of this country;
for under the original marriage act
(26 Geo. II. c. 33.), the marriage would
have been clearly void, it having been
repeatedly held, that the omission of
the name of general repute in the pub-
lication of banns, when for the purpose
of fraud, rendered the marriage void,
as in the case of Poaget v. Tom/‘tins
(2 Consist. 142.), in which Lord Stowell
observed, ‘ That all parts of a baptismal
name ought to be set forth, as compos-
ing altogether the name and legal
description of the party, yet he would
not go the length of deciding, that in
all cases the omission of a name would
be fatal, where no fraud was intended,
nor any deception practised, and where
the suppression was only of a dormant
name.’
“The present statute, the 4 Geo. IV.
(1534)
Of Matrimony.
might fanctifie ano cleanfe it boith the math
ing of mater, by the tooro,
that he might pre=
fent it to himfelf a glorious Qllhurch, not
habing fpot or wrinkle, or any fuch thing5
but that it lhoulo be holy ano boithout blemilh.
gvo ought men to lobe their tomes as their
oton booies: {he that lobeth his inife, lobeth
himfelf. jfor no man eber yet hateo his oion

1.1. The 354th page of the Sealed Books commences with the word “might”,
“ might” being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

0. 76., equally requires the true names
of both parties to be published; but in
order to obviate the inconveniences,
and to prevent the crying injustice
which arose out of the law as it for-
merly stood, and the cruel injuries to
which innocent parties were exposed,
it has provided, that in order to annul
a marriage on the ground of the banns
having been unduly published, ‘the
parties must have knowingly and wil-
fully intermarried without due publi-
cation of banns;’ the construction
which has been put upon the twenty--
second section of the 4 Geo. IV. 0. 76.,
in the few cases as yet determined
under it is, that both parties must be
cognisant of the undue publication.
This, indeed, seems to arise necessarily
from the words of the act itself;
‘the parties’ are spoken of in the
plural number, and there would have
been no necessity for any enactment
at all upon the subject, if the know-
ledge of one party would have been
sufficient to render the marriage void,
as there can hardly be a case in
which one of the parties must not be
cognisant of the fact.
“ But however this may be, the same
construction has been put upon this
section of the act in the courts of com-
mon law as in these courts; the cases
have been referred to in the argument,
and the Court will notice them here-
after; at present it will be enough to
say, that it entirely agrees in the
soundness of that construction; and it
only remains to be seen, whether there
is sufficient proof in the present case
to justify the Court in coming to the
conclusion, that both parties were cog-
nisant of the undue publication of
banns before the marriage was solem-
nized; for Ialso agree with the deci-
sions before adverted to, that the
knowledge must be shown to have
existed before, and not after, the mar--
riage. The manner in which this
knowledge is to be proved, must vary
according to the circumstances of each
case; that may be quite suflicient in
one which would not suffice in another;
and although it may be true, that in
construing the law, the favourable or
unfavourable nature of the transaction
in question ought not to be taken into
consideration, yet circumstances may
give a greater or less effect to the evi-
dence of the facts to which the law is
to be applied, and may furnish a clue
to guide the Court to the proper con-
clusion to be drawn from them. It
cannot be required, that in every case
direct and positive proof should be
adduced; if so, I am inclined to agree
with the observations of Dr. Addams
that in most cases, the fraud would be
successful, the parties would have
nothing to do but to keep their own
(1535)
Of Matrimony.
ﬂefh, hut nouriiheth ant therilheth it, mm
as the item the Qfhurth : jfog roe are mem=
hers of his hoop,
bones.
father ant mother,
of his ﬂelh, ant of his
Jfog this eaufe than a man leave his
ant lhaii he iopnet unto
his rnife, ant they troo lhali he one ﬂelh.
@this is a great mpﬂerp; but 31 fpeah ton=
rerning Qfhriﬂ ant the Qfhurth. inehertheiefs.

secret. The Court must therefore take
all the circumstances into considera-
tion, and deduce its conclusion from
them. It was indeed hardly denied,
that circumstantial evidence would be
sufficient, but it was said, it must be
such as to leave no reasonable doubt
onthe mind of the Court. It is neces-
sary then to consider, what the cir—
cumstances are.
“In all cases of this kind, three
questions naturally arise:
“First, whether a marriage has
been had between the parties to the
suit?
“Secondly, whether there has been
an undue publication of banns?
“Thirdly, whether both parties were
cognisant of the undue publication
before the marriage was celebrated?
“Now here there can be no doubt of
the fact of marriage between these
parties, nor of their identity.
“Secondly, there can be no doubt
from what has been observed, that
there was an undue publication of
banns; it would be a waste of time to
inquire further on this point ; and it is
equally clear, that concealment was
the object of both parties. The third
point, whether both parties were cog-
nisant of the undue publication, re-
mains to be considered. Now, that
Mrs. Allen knew cannot be denied;
she in fact, although it- is otherwise
pleaded in the libel, gave the instruc-
tions for the publication of the banns;
it was said, that the evidence as to
this fact was irregularly introduced,
and perhaps it was so, but if it were
not true, it might have been contra-
dicted even after publication, but no
attempt of that kind was made either
here or in the court below; I must
therefore take that fact as proved.
There is certainly no direct proof of
concert between the parties, but there
is a pretty strong presumption of it;
both were living in the same house,
having daily communication with each
other; both must have known of the
necessity for concealment, and neither
could well have been ignorant of the
means to be used from the very nature
of the transaction; but it does not
rest here ; the proceedings at the time
of the marriage are material; it is
sworn, that it is the practice in this
parish to show the banns book to both
parties, and to inquire whether they
are correctly described or not, and
Sarah Haynes, the sextoness, says,
‘she is sure it was done on the present
occasion.’ Now, was the fact so or
not’? The witness deposes positively
to the practice, and that it was ob-
served on this occasion; if the fact
were not so, it might have been coun-
terpleaded, and the minister and clerk
might have been brought to contradict
the sextoness; there is no reason to
believe that she deposes falsely, and
there can be no reason assigned why
the usual practice should not have
been adhered to at this marriage.
Again, during the ceremony the minor
(1526)
0f Matrimony.
let every one of you in particular, to lone
his mite. even as himielt'.
itiheioife the fame %>aint 19am imiting to
the Qlioloftians, tpeaheth thus to all men that
are marrieoJhuthanos, lope your iuiues, am]
he not hitter againll them.
{hear alto iphat %>aint1l9eter the elpoﬂle of
QIhgiti, toho iuas himfelt a marrieo man, faith

1.5.
must have answered to the name of
Edward, and there is no evidence to
show that he evinced any surprise at
being so addressed. And after the
ceremony was concluded, he signed
that name to the entry on the register,
without hesitation. This latter cir-
cumstance, standing alone, might not
perhaps have been suflicient_to ﬁx
him with a knowledge of the undue
publication of banns, but taken in
conjunction with all the other circum-
stances, it goes a considerable way to
satisfy me of his previous knowledge
of the intended fraud.
“ These facts then, taken altogether,
form a strong body of evidence upon
which the Court, had this been the
ﬁrst case arising under the statute,
might, and would, have felt itself jus—
tiﬁed in pronouncing this marriage to
be void, as having been knowingly
and wilfully by both parties contracted
without due publication of banns.
“But cases have been referred to,
which the Court must now proceed to
consider, in order to see, whether they
at all interfere with the impression
it has stated itself to entertain, as to
the effect of the evidence here pro—
duced.
“The ﬁrst, that of Il’iltshire against
Prince (3 Hagg. 332.), in the Consistory
Court of London, was a suit brought
by the father of a minor, for the pur-
pose of setting aside the marriage of
An erasure occurs on the outer margin.
his son with a woman-servant in the
family; wrong names had been used
in the publication of the banns, and
there was clear proof that both parties
knew it, and that it was for the pur---
pose of fraud; there was no doubt of
the fact of both parties being cog-
nisant of the undue publication of
banns before the marriage, and the
Court accordingly pronounced it void;
that case therefore is important only
as showing the construction put upon
the words of the act of parliament by
the learned judge of that court, namely,
that both parties must be cognisant of
the undue publication of banns; no-
thing was there determined as to the
nature of the proof required.
“The second case cited was that of
The King against The Inhabitants of
I'Vroxton (4 B. <5: Ad. 640.), which was
a question sent by the quarter sessions
for the opinion of the Court of King’s
Bench. The facts were found by the
justices, and the court was bound by
them; on what evidence the justices
came to the conclusion of fact does
not appear; but they stated, that the
woman was ignorant of the false pub-
lication, although the names used were
very different from the true names.
“ The decision of the King’s Bench,
on the facts found by the justices was,
that as the woman did not know of the
false publication of banns, the mar-
riage was good; in fact, it goes ‘no
(1537)
Of Matrimony.
unto them that are marrieo, lye hushanos,
otoell tnith your mines arroioing to lrnotn=
leoge, gioing honour unto the wife. as unto
the mealier hellel, ano as being heirs toge:
ther of the grace of life,that your mayers he
not hinoieo.
lhitherto ye have hearo the Duty of the
hushano totoaro the tnite.
more lihetnife,
ye mines, hear ano learn your outies toinaro

l“. 1.
An erasure occurs on the outer margin.

further than to adopt and conﬁrm the
construction which had been put upon
the statute in the case of l-Vilts/iire v.
Prince (3 Hagg. 332.). These cases,
therefore, prove nothing more than
that in order to render a marriage
null and void, by reason of undue
publication of banns, both parties must
be shown to have been cognisant of
the undue publication before the cele—
bration of the marriage.
“But the case more particularly re-
lied upon, as applicable to the case now
before the Court, was that of Hadley v.
Reynolds, which occurred in this court,
but has not yet been reported. The
circumstances of that case were ex—
tremely different from the present;
there the husband, after a cohabita-
tion of three years and a half, and the
birth of a child, sought to set aside
his own marriage, he himself having
caused the banns to be published ;—
it was so pleaded by him. He was a
clergyman of twenty-six or twenty-
seven years of age, the woman twenty-
two, both were therefore at full liberty
to contract marriage: no rights of
third parties were invaded. The wo-
man having no occasion to have
recourse to fraudulent concealment,
nor having any reason to suppose
that fraud was to be resorted to; there
was no evidence to show, that she
was at all acquainted with the in-
tended use of false names; the banns
were published at Birmingham, she
was at Worcester; there was not any
ground to presume, that there was
any previous knowledge on her part of
the undue publication; true it is, that
she answered, during the ceremony, to
the wrong name, and also after the
marriage signed that name in the re-
gister; those were the only circum-
stances from which her knowledge
could be inferred, and the Court rightly
holding, that in such a case the strict-
est proof was necessary, was of opinion,
that those circumstances alone were
not sufficient evidence of the fact.
“ But what is the present case "i A
woman, situated as I have described,
persuades, for so I must presume, a
boy not half so old as herself, to marry
her. She knowing that he had a father,
who would disapprove of the marriage,
gives instructions for the publication
of the banns, omitting that which
must be considered as the only real
baptismal name of the minor, and this
for the purpose of fraud, the parties
being in constant and daily communi-
cation with each other; they proceed
to Bristol on the morning of the mar-
riage, and return to school the same
day, when they resume their usual
occupations, she superintending her
(1538)
Of Matrimony.
in holy %>cripture.
your husbanos, epen as it is plainly fet forth
%aint1@aul in the aforenameo QEpiﬂle to
the QEphefians, teacheth you thus, wipes,
fubmit your felbes unto your oton husbanos,
as unto the ﬂora for the husbano is the
heao of the roife, eben as Qfhrill is the bean
of the Qfhurch: ano he is the %>abiour of the
bony. @Iherefore as the Qfhurch is fubl'ect

l. 3. An erasure occurs on the outer margin. .

brother’s pupils, he continuing his
education; no one of his schoolfellows
nor any one else suspecting that any
connexion existed between them. It
is precisely the case against which the
legislature must have intended to pro-
vide; the maxim, semper praesumitur
pro matrimonio, strongly applies to
Hadley’s case, but not to this, where
fraud was meditated by both parties,
and which it may not unjustly be pre-
sumed, that both were acquainted
with the means by which that fraud
was to be carried into effect.
“ On the whole, I cannot bring my
mind to doubt, that both parties
knowingly and wilfully intermarried
without due publication of banns, and
I therefore pronounce for the appeal,
retain the principal cause, and declare
this marriage to be null and void.”
In Wright v. Elwood (l Curt. 669.)
the same judge said: “It has been
maintained, that the publication of
banns of a woman who is already
married, and whose husband is alive,
is a mere nullity; that it is not pro-
perly an undue publication of banns,
but it is no publication at all, and
that it would be contrary to the policy
of the law if the Court were to uphold
a marriage not preceded by any publi-
cation of banns, nor by a licence; and
it has been also stated, that such was
the case, even before the passing of
the ﬁrst marriage act (26 Geo. II.
c. 33.) in 1754. But I confess I do
not feel very strongly the force of
that argument; for, as far as I can
understand the principle upon which
marriages are made null and void, on
these grounds, under the act, it is,
that where false names are used inten-
tionally, with a view of deceiving the
public, it is no publication at all. So
that in the case of the publication of
false names, the publication is a mere
nullity. In Pouget v. Tomkt'ns (2 Con-
sist. 146.) Lord Stowell said, ‘ The
clear intention of the act is, that the
true names of the parties should be
published, and if they are not so pub—
lished, it is no publication: no notice
is given, and no opportunity is afforded
to any one to allege an impediment.
It has been constantly held, therefore,
since the case of Early v. Stevens,’
which was in 1785, and I believe the
earliest case under the Marriage Act,
‘that a publication in false names is
no publication.’ And on no other
principle could such a case have been
brought under the provisions of that
act, where the terms made use of are,
‘ without publication of banns.’ It
does not speak of ‘ undue publication ;’
but that statute required that a mar-
riage should be preceded by publication
(1539)
Of Matrimony.
unto Qfhgiu, to let the mines he to their own
hushants in eherh thing. ant again he faith,
iLet the wife fee that the reherente her hus:
hant.
ant in his QEpiﬂIe to the Qfoioﬂ‘ians,
%>aint {haul gineth you this lhogt Ieifon,
mines,
fuhmit pour felnes unto pour
oum hushants, as it is fit in the iLogt.
%aint
l. 6. An erasure occurs on the outer margin.

of banns, or by licence. It seems to
me, that a marriage was void under
that statute only Where there had
been no publication; undue publication
was not sufficient, unless it amounted
to the absence of all publication.
“This was the state of the law under
the 26 Geo. II. c. 33. Before that
statute, marriages, without publication
of banns or any religious ceremony,
contracts per verba de praesenti, might
be good and valid, though irregular:
the parties and the minister might be
liable to punishment, but the vinculum
matrimonii was not affected. After
the passing of the act 26 Geo. II. c. marriages were placed on a different
footing, as to banns and licenses; a
certain degree of regularity was essen-
tial to the validity of the marriage
contract, and marriages not preceded
by banns or licence were null and
void. In that act, however, there was
no provision for the protection of in-
nocent parties, and many cases are in
the recollection of the court in which
it had produced very injurious conse-
quences. Parties even guilty of actual
fraud have obtained a separation with-
out the possibility of doing justice to
the party not cognisant of the fraud.
“ This state of things continued
many years, but at length the legis-
lature interfered to prevent the mis-
chievous effects resulting from the
provisions of this act, and to soften
the rigour of the existing law.
“ I pass by the act 3 Geo. IV., which
existed but for a short time; and I
proceed to the act 4 Geo. IV. 0. 76.,
which was in force at the time of this
marriage, and is the law which is ap-
plicable to it.
“This act begins by repealing all
the former acts then in force. Part of
the act 26 Geo. II. had been repealed
by the act 3 Geo. IV., but still part
remained in force, and the remainder
of that act, as well as the 3 Geo. IV., was
repealed, so that, at that time, if the
legislature had done no more, the com-
mon law and general law, as it existed
before the Marriage Act of 1754, would
have been restored, and a marriage
would have been good and valid with-
out any publication of banns or licence.
But the legislature did not stop here;
it went further, and declared in the
22d section, that where parties shall
intermarry, knowingly and wilfully,
without due publication of banns or
licence, the marriage shall be null and
void. It has not adopted the terms of
the former act, declaring that marriages
shall not be solemnized ‘ without pub-
lication of banns,’ but the legislature
has said: ‘ If any persons shall know-
ingly and wilfully intermarry without
(1540)
Of Matrimony.
%>aint1§>eter alto ooth inftrutt you uery
tuell, thus taying, ye mines. he in tuhiettion
to your oion huthanos; that it any ohey not
the more, they alto may toithout the more he
roon by the ronnertation ot the mines; inhile
they heholo your thaﬂe ronnertation roupleo
with fear.
1.1.
whote aooining let it not he
The 355th page [I i] of the Sealed Books commences with the word “Quint”.
“@ﬁiﬂt" being also the catch-word on the preceding page.
1. 2—4. An erasure occurs on the outer margin.

due publication of banns, or licence,
from a person or persons having au-
thority to grant the same, ﬁrst had
and obtained, the marriages of such
persons shall be null and void, to all
intents and purposes whatsoever ;’
thereby, as I have stated, softening
the rigour of the former law, under
the 26 Geo. II. And according to the
construction put upon this section by
the Consistory Court of London (Wilt-
shire v. Prince, 3 Hagg. 332.), by this
court during the time of my prede-
cessor (Hadley v. Regnolds, not re-
ported), as well as in my own time
(Tongue v. Allen, 1 Curt. 38.), by the
Court of King’s Bench (Rex v. W rozcton
(Inhabitants of), 4 B. (it Ad. 640.); and
I think I might say, by the Judicial
Committee of the Privy Council (Tongue
v. Tongue, 1 Moore’s P. C. C. 90.),
(though, perhaps, the point has not
received an actual and direct decision
of the latter tribunal), where the par-
ties are not both cognisant of the false
name, the marriage cannot be declared
void. It is necessary that both the
parties should be accessory to the
fraud; the act of one will not operate
to the prejudice of the other, unless a
participator.
“The question then is, as the act
speaks of marriages ‘without due pub-
lication of banns,’ what is the conse-
quence where there is no publication
of banns? For, according to Lord
Stowell, in the case to which I have
adverted, the publication of banns in
a false name is equivalent to no publi-
cation. The Court can see no differ-
ence between the cases, which stand
precisely on the same grounds; nor
does there seem a reason why there
should be a difference; the fraud is
the same in both; the remedy is the
same in both.
“ It is, however, contended, that
the words ‘ without due publication of
banns,’ used in the statute 4 Geo. IV.
0. 76., do not extend to cases of mar-
riage not preceded by any publication
of banns, as there are no words in the
act to that effect; but if that were so,
the former marriage act being re—
pealed altogether, upon its repeal, the
general law was revived, and came
into operation, and continues to be in
operation, except so far as it is qualiﬁed
and restrained by the 4 Geo. IV. 0. 76.,
the only act now in operation; and
unless this act extends to cases of
marriage not preceded by any publica-
tion of banns, as distinguished from
undue publication, a marriage where
a false name was used would be a
good and valid marriage. But I have
no doubt that a marriage, which has
not been preceded by any publication
of banns at all, is a marriage within
the meaning of the terms, that is, a
(1541)
‘I;§lf= Matrimony.


that outtnaro aooining of plaiting the hair,
ano of tnearing of golo, or of putting on of
apparel; but let it he the hiooen man of the
heart, in that tnhirh is not roiruptihle. enen
the ornament of a meek ano quiet fpirit,
tohirh is in the fight of cone of great mice.
for after this manner in the olo time, the
holy momen alto toho trulleo in Qhoh, aooineo
themfelnes. being in lulu'ertion unto their

marriage without due publication of
banns. Marriages without due publi—
cation of banns are declared null and
void; and I should be glad to know
how it is possible that that can be a
due publication of banns, which is no
publication at all; and how it can be
contended, with any effect, that mar-
riages, where the publication of banns
is a mere nullity, can be distinguished
from marriages without a due publica-
tion of banns.” [It may be here re—
marked, that in Campbell (cleric) v.
Aldrich (cleric) (2 Wils. 79.), a prohi—
bition was granted to a suit in the
spiritual court, for marrying without
banns or licence, because it was a
matter of temporal jurisdiction]
In Omne v.Hollowa3/ (5 Notes of Cases
Ecclesiastical, 267.), a nullity of mar-
riage by reason of the undue publica-
tion of banns was pronounced for, on
evidence that both parties were cog-
nisant of the fraud: and it was held,
that it was not necessary that there
should be positive and direct proof
that the false publication was with a
view to fraud; but there must be
evidence of concert between the par-
ties: Sir Herbert Jenner Fust stating,
“ In this case the Court can entertain
no doubt of what the result must be,
though the proof might have been
made more strong by the production
of the letters. I think it is impossible
for the Court not to hold, that the
marriage is null and void under the
act of parliament.
“The construction of this act is,
that, in order to set aside a marriage
on the ground of undue publication of
the banns, it is necessary for both the
parties to be cognisant of the fraud;
it is necessary, ﬁrst, to prove that
there has been a fraud; and secondly,
that both parties were cognisant of
the fraud, and knowingly and wilfully
intermarried without due publication
of banns.
“ The ﬁrst question is, as to the fact
of the marriage, of which there is no
doubt. It is proved by the clergyman
who officiated at the time of the mar-
riage, and by Thomas Halls, who was
present at the marriage; and there
can be no doubt of this fact.
“ The next point is likewise proved
beyond all doubt, namely, that the
banns were published in the name of
‘William Orme ’ only, the name of
‘Wheeley,’ one of his baptismal names,
being omitted in the publication of
the banns. '
“ It is proved, in the third place,
that in the publication of the banns,
the wife was described by a wrong
name also, as she was described as
‘ Harriet Spittle,’ ‘whereas she was
known as ‘ Harriet Holloway.’
“These facts are necessary to be
established to enable the Court to
come to a conclusion as to the effect
(1542)
Of Matrimony.
oton husbanos; eben as %>arah obeyeo abra=
ham, calling him iLoro, inhoie Daughters ye
are as long as ye oo boell, ano are not afraio
ioith any amasement.
11 It is convenient that the new married per-
fons ihould receive the holy Communion at
the time of their marriage, or at the ﬁrf’t
opportunity after their marriage.
THE
of the evidence in the cause. That
the husband’s name of ‘ Wheeley ’ was
omitted is not denied, and the question
is, Whether both the parties were
cognisant of this omission in the ﬁrst
instance? That the woman was cog—
nisant there can be no doubt, as she
declared to Mrs. Halls that the name
of ‘ Wheeley’ was left out by desire of
her husband, which shows that it was
done with her knowledge and for the
purpose of concealment; she told Mrs.
Halls that her husband wished that
that name should be omitted in the
publication of the banns. There may
be some doubt whether the declaration
of the woman would be evidence
against the man; but though it may
be no direct evidence, it is part of the
res gesta ; and if the parties were con-
spirators, it may be doubtful whether
the declaration of one of the conspira-
tors might not be evidence against
another; at all events, it is evidence
against herself. But, independent of
this declaration, there is a circum-
stance which shows the knowledge of
the omission of the name by the hus-
band, in his adoption of the banns at
the time of the marriage; for he an-
(1543)

swered to the name of ‘William Orme’
at that time, and was married by the
name of ‘William Orme,’ and he signed
that name in the banns-book; and
therefore he expressly adopted the
banns, as in the case of Tongue v. Allen
(1 Curt. 38.; 1 Moore’s P. C. C. 90.);
and he concurred, therefore, in the
publication of the banns in the name
of ‘William Crme’ only, the name of
‘ Wheeley’ being omitted.
“ Again; there can be no doubt that
the marriage was a clandestine pro-
ceeding. What are the facts? The
parties had resided in the same house;
the husband lived with his father, and
Harriet Holloway had been a servant
in the family, residing in the house,
conducting herself undoubtedly in a
proper manner, and it would appear
that she bore an irreproachable cha-
racter, so much so, that although she
twice gave notice of her desire to
leave, she was twice induced to remain
by the entreaties of the mother of the
husband. After leaving the father’s
house, she went to lodge with a Mr. and
Mrs. Halls, on the 10th March, 1846,
and there she was frequently visited
by this young man, and they go from
this house of the Halls to be married.
Mrs. Halls at least knew the fact of
‘William Crme’ not being the true
name; and Halls says that, at the
time of the marriage, though no spe-
ciﬁc inquiry was made as to whether
the husband had any other name, he
was called ‘ William Orme,’ and asked
whether his name was ‘William Orme,’
and he said ‘ Yes,’ and presented him-
self as ‘William Orme,’ though it is
clear that he was in the habit of
signing his name ‘W. W. Ormez’ so
that the omission of the second bap-
tismal name in his presence goes very
strongly to show that he was cognisant
of the fact of that name being omitted;
and it could be for no other purpose
than to conceal the identity of ‘Wil-
liam Orme’ with ‘ William Wheeley
Orme,’ the son of William Orme. It
appears in evidence that his linen (his
stockings, at least) was marked ‘W.W.
Orme,’ and that Holloway had the
care of his linen, and that‘W.W.Orme’
was upon the letters addressed to him,
to distinguish him from his father,
which letters were sometimes taken
in by her. Therefore there can be no
doubt that she knew his second name
was omitted, and from her declaration
to Mrs. Halls that she knew the name
was ‘Wheeley.’
“After the ceremony of marriage,
the parties separated at the church-
door; she came back to Halls’ house,
and he returned to his father’s house.
“ There is a circumstance which
connects itself with the omission of
the name of ‘ Wheeley,’ viz. that it is
a peculiar name—known, not only to
all the family, but to persons in the
neighbourhood, being the family name
of the mother. All these circum-
stances together are very strong proof
of fraud and concealment on the part
of these two persons, as to the undue
publication of the banns, so as to
affect both parties with a knowledge
of their undue publication, and that it
was with a view to and for the purpose
of fraud. It is not necessary to have
positive and direct proof of this fact,
for if so, no case could ever be brought
home to the parties. Here all the cir-
cumstances combine, and show that
the parties were in concert together,
and the parties had resided in the
same house, so that there was a facility
for preconcert. I have, therefore, no
doubt of the nullity of this marriage
on the ground of the omission of the
name, though I agree that every omis-
sion of a Christian name which the
party was not in the habit of using is
not a ground of nullity; but here it
was done for the purpose of concealing
the identity of the party.
“With regard to Harriet Holloway,
there can be no doubt that she was
cognisant of the name of ‘ Spittle’
being a different name from that which
she was usually known by. There is
no doubt that she was the illegitimate
daughter of a woman named Mary
Ann Spittle, and that, about a year
and a half after her birth, her mother
married a man named Holloway, and
(1544)
that that was the name by which the
woman (Harriet Holloway) was after-
wards known; and she was married
by the name of Spittle, and not by
that of Holloway, by which she was
known. Supposing there was no other
difference in this case, and the woman
had been married by the name of
‘ Spittle,’ without any apparent motive
for using that name instead of ‘H01-
loway,’ the Court might have some
doubt whether this would be sufﬁcient
to annul the marriage. But what are
the facts? She had been known by
the name of Harriet Holloway in the
family of Mr. Orme; and not only so,
there had been some suspicion enter-
tained by the mother, or on the part
of the father and mother, of Mr. Orme,
that there was some connection be-
tween the parties, or that their son
had an affection for the young woman.
Why, if the publication of the banns
had been as between ‘William Orme
and Harriet Holloway,’ there might
have been some person present who
would have given information to the
parents of Mr. Orme; but the name
of ‘Harriet Spittle’ being used, they
would know nothing from that. The
name of ‘Harriet Holloway’ would
have created a greater degree of sus-
picion in their minds, though the name
of‘ Wheeley’ was omitted, as Harriet
Holloway had lived in the family of
Mr. Orme as a servant. So that there
was some motive in this case for the
use of a different name, and it is not
like the case of Sullivan v. Sullivan
(2 Consist. 238.). That was a case in
which another name, by which the
party had not been known, was added
to her name by which she had been
known, the name interposed being her
mother’s name, the party being illegi-
timate. That was quite a different
case. Of the ﬁrst and the second sur—
names, ‘Holmes’ and ‘Oldacre,’ the
second was the most emphatically
marked: ‘Cldacre’ was a marked name;
‘ Holmes,’ the name added, was not so.
But there was no motive in that case
to conceal or disguise the name of the
woman ; but there is a motive for dis-
J’
guise here, as the name of ‘ Holloway ’
was known to the parents, and there
was a suspicion on their part that
their son and the woman were attached
to each other. So that, under these
circumstances, I have no doubt of the
conclusion to which the Court is bound
to come. The proceeding was carried
on in a clandestine manner, without
all controversy ; the parties had a
motive to conceal the marriage, and ‘a
motive to omit the peculiar baptismal
name of the husband; for, being pe-
culiar, the name itself would have
directed the attention of persons pre—
sent at the publication of the banns;
and I have no doubt that the name of
the other party was employed for the
purpose of concealment. Though, pos-
sibly, a name acquired by an illegiti-
mate person by reputation may super-
sede the original name, yet the use of
the original name may not be sufficient
alone to annul a marriage without a
motive for disguise; but where there
is a motive, and it is not done from
whim or caprice (there was a case of
that kind before Lord Stowell), it is
important. ‘
“Looking at the whole of the case,
and at the general result of the cir-
cumstances, all of which tend to show
that both parties were cognisant of
the fact of the publication of the banns
in these names, I have no doubt that
it was for the purpose of concealment ;
and if so, I say it was an undue pub—
lication of the banns; and being so,
with the knowledge of both parties,
they knowingly and wilfully intermar-
ried without due publication of banns,
and, according to the act of parlia—
ment, such a marriage is null and
void; and I therefore pronounce a
sentence annulling this marriage.”
In Wynn v. Davies (1 Curt. 69.) the
principal offence charged was that of
publishing the banns of marriage, and
of marrying persons not resident within
the parish; and the objection taken
to the admissibility of the articles was,
that the offence imputed to the appel—
lant, if a violation of the law, was not
cognisable in the ecclesiastical courts;
5H
(1515)

and a doubt was raised, whether in
fact it ever was cognisable in those
courts, or if so, whether the jurisdic—
tion had not been taken away by
subsequent statutes. Sir Herbert
Jenner observed, a It is clear that
the correction of the clergy in mat-
ters relating to the performance of
divine Worship, is, and always has
been, more peculiarly the province of
the ordinary.
“That the canon law prohibited
clandestine marriages, and inﬂicted
punishment on the parties coiitract-
ing such marriages, as well as on the
minister solemnizing them, is abun-
dantly clear; and it is no less certain,
that marriages were forbidden to be so-
lemnized by any other than the priest
of the parish in which the parties
resided, unless with the licence of the
diocesan and of the curate of the
parish. . . . .
“The constitution of Archbishop
Reynolds is as follows (Lyndwood, Prov.
Const. Ang. enim --‘ In matrimonio
diebus contrahendo semper tribus
diebus dominicis vel festivis a se dis-
tantibus (These three days must now,
by stat. 4 Geo. IV., be Sundays only.),
quasi tribus edictis, perquirant sacer-
dotes a populo de immunitate sponsi
et sponsæ. Si quis autem sacerdos
hujusmodi edicta non servaverit, poe-
nam nuper in concilio super hoc
statutam non evadat.’
“And as Lyndwood observes in the
Gloss: c Haec poena est suspensionis
per triennium.’ Decretal. Greg. 1.4.
tit. 33. c. 3.
a Here then is suspension for three
years of the minister solemnizing ma—
trimony Without publication of banns.
Simon Mepham’s constitution is an
authority also on this point: ‘Quia
ex contractibus matrimonialibus abs-
que bannorum editione przehabita
initis, nonnulla pericula evenerunt, et
manifestum est indies provenire, om-
nibus et singulis suﬂ‘raganeis nostris
præcipimus statuendo quod decretalem
cum inhibitio (qua prohebitur ne qui
matrimonium contrahant, bannis non
præmissis in singulis ecclesiis paro-
chialibus suæ dioecesis pluribus diebus
solennibus, cum major populi aﬁ‘uerit
multitudo), exponi faciant in vulgari,
et eam firmiter observari, quibusvis
sacerdotibus etiam non parochialibus,
qui contractibus matrimonialibus ante
solennem editionem bannorum initis
præsumpserint interessep poenam sus-
pensionis ab ofﬁcio per triennium in—
ﬂigendo et hujusmodi contrahentes
etiamsi nullum subsit impedimentum
poena debita percellendo.’ Lyndwood,
Prov. Const. Ang. eva
“Also Archbishop Stratford (Ibid.
275.): ‘Praesentis auctoritate concilii
statuimus, quod exnunc matrimonia
contrahentes, et ea inter se solennizari
facientes, quaecunque impedimenta
canonica in ea parte scientes, aut præ-
sumptionem verisimilem eorundem ha-
bentes ; sacerdotes quoque qui solen-
nizationes matrimoniorum prohibito—
rum hujusmodi seu etiam licitorum
inter alios quam suos parochianos in
posterum scienter fecerint, dioecesan-
orum vel curatorum ipsorum contra-
hentium super hoc licentia non obtenta
. . . . majoris excommunicationis sen-
tentiam incurrant ipso facto.’
a The text law then especially pro-
hibits priests from solemnizing mar-
riage, even though lawful, between
others than their own parishioners;
and Lyndwood on the sarfie chapter
observes: ‘ Matrimonium dicitur clan-
destinum multis modis;’ and amongst
others says: ‘Quia non præmittuntur
publicæ denuntiationes sive banna
publica.’
“There is then no doubt, that, not
only the parties contracting, but also
the priest solemnizing, clandestine
marriages were punishable by the an-
cient canon law as received and
allowed here; and that a marriage,
not preceded by publication of banns,
or licence, or between persons not pa-
rishioners, was in the meaning of that
law a clandestine marriage; and this
continued to be the law, down to the
time of the passing of the Marriage
Act (26 Geo. II. c. 33.); at least, in
1736, it was so held in the case of
Zllz'ddleton v. Crofts fi Atk. 650.) so
(1546)

often referred to, and so much relied
on in the argument. And the case of
Mat'ieigley v. Marty/n (Jones (Sir W.)
257.) was mentioned by Lord Hard—
wicke in support of this part of his
judgment, where it was resolved, ‘that
if any persons marry without publica-
tion of banns, or licence dispensing
with it, they are citable for it in the
ecclesiastical court ;’ and this even in
the case of lay persons, so a fortiori in
the case of the clergy.
“ The question then is simply reduced
to this, whether the Marriage Act
(stat. 4 Geo. IV. 0. 76.; Stephens’ Ec-
clesiastical Statutes, 1226.), by which
a clergyman knowingly and wilfully
solemnizing marriage without due pub-
lication of banns, or licence, is liable
to be convicted as a felon, and to be
transported for fourteen years, has
repealed the canon law, and taken
away the ancient jurisdiction of the
ecclesiastical court in such matters;
and this, undoubtedly, is a very grave
and serious question, and deserves
great consideration, more especially as
there does not, as before observed, ap-
pear to have been any actual decision
upon it; the only case which is to be
found, being that of Campbell (Cleric) v.
Aldrich (Cleric) (2 Wils. 79.), which
occurred shortly after the Marriage
Act. (26 Geo. II. c. 33.) That case was
to this eifect:—a clergyman was called
upon to answer in the ecclesiastical
court for solemnizing marriage with-
out banns or licence, and for perform-
ing other religious rites without the
licence of the ordinary; and a prohi-
bition was prayed upon the sugges-
tion, that since the Marriage Act the
offence was only cognisable in the
temporal courts. The Court did not
absolutely determine the point; but
the prohibition was made absolute as
to marrying without banns or licence,
the plaintiff having leave to declare in
prohibition, in order that the question
on the Marriage Act might be more
solemnly argued and decided, thereby,
as I understand, intimating an incli-
nation against the jurisdiction of the
ecclesiastical court; not deciding that
point, as nothing further appears to
have been done in the case.” . . . .
“ In the case of More v. More (2 Atk.
157.) in 1741, which was before the
Marriage Act (26 Geo. II. c. 33.), Lord
Hardwicke said: “ It is very surprising
when canons, with respect to mar-
riages, have laid down directions so
plainly for the conduct of ecclesiastical
officers and clergymen (which, though
they have not the authority of an act
of parliament, and consequently are
not binding upon laymen, yet certainly
are prescriptions to the ecclesiastical
courts, and likewise to clergymen),
that there should be such frequent
instances of their departing from them,
and introducing a practice entirely
repugnant to them: vide can. 62. 102,
die. in 1603, all of them extremely
plain in their directions to ecclesias-
tical oflicers and clergymen ; one
would think nobody ever read them,
neither the officers of the spiritual
courts, nor clergymen, or they could
not act so diametrically opposite to
them.
“ N o ecclesiastical persons can dis-
pense with a canon, for they are obliged
to pursue the directions in them with
the utmost exactness, and it is in the
power of the Crown to do it only.
“ What Mr. Charles (the clergyman)
swears, I believe is true, that it is very
frequent for surrogates to ﬁll up the
blanks in licences with the name of
any other parish; and this in some
measure may justify him, as it is the
common method among clergymen;
but then this will not excuse with
regard to penalties in the canon, which
expressly directs that no clergyman
shall presume to marry a person out
of the parishes in which the man and
woman reside.
“In Priestley v. Lamb (6 Ves. 421.),
in which there had been a marriage
by banns at the parish church of St.
Andrew, Holborn, between a young
lady who was at school at Camberwell,
and a person who had chambers at
Furnival’s Inn. The parties left Cam-
berwell on the morning of the mar-
riage, and it did not appear that the
5H2
(1547)

lady had actually resided in Holborn;
they were afterwards again married at
Lambeth; and the clerk of the parish
stated in his affidavit, that it is not
customary to make any inquiry as to
the residence of parties applying to be
married. Lord Eldon said: ‘By the
affidavit of the clerk of the parish of
Lambeth it is disclosed, that they con—
ceive in that parish that they do their
duty to the public and to the indivi—
duals whom they are to marry, never
making any inquiry as to the resi-
dence of the parties. In the canon
law, which binds the clergy of this
country, from 1328 to 1603, it is laid
down, that it is highly criminal to
celebrate a marriage without a due
publication of banns, which must be
interpreted a publication of banns by
persons having to the best of their
power informed themselves, that they
publish banns between persons resi~
dent in the parish; and very heavy
penalties are by that law inﬂicted
upon clergymen celebrating marriage
without licence, or a due publication
of banns.’ He then goes on to men-
tion the penalty by statute, felony,
and adds: ‘A subsequent clause makes
it felony in a clergyman to celebrate
marriage without licence or publica-
tion of banns. I do not mean to
intimate that a clergyman believing
there was a residence would be guilty
within that clause. But upon the
principles of the common law, as well
as the ‘statute law, laying penalties
upon marriage without licence, or a
due publication of banns, though such
an act should not be within the mean-
ing of that clause, it has the character
of an offence within the law of this
country. What other sense can be
given to the 10th section of the act,
which, looking at the person ruined,
as this girl is, enacts, that after there
has been a marriage de facto with
publication of banns, no evidence shall
be given to disprove the fact of resi-
dence in any suit in which the validity
of the .marriage comes in question.
But for all other purposes it may be
the subject of inquiry, and the law of
the country would reach it by a crimi-
nal information.’ Lord Eldon goes on:
‘From what I have seen in this court,
alluding to the cases in which Lord
Thurlow and Lord Bosslyn ordered
the attendance of the clergymen, I
know that this subject is carried on
with a negligence and carelessness that
draws in gentlemen of good inten-
tions; and I feel, that it may be very
difficult in this great town, with all
possible diligence, to execute this duty
as effectually as the law seems to re-
quire that they should execute it; but
where a case has occurred in which it
is clear, that if any one of the parties
had done what the law required from all
of them, this marriage could not have
taken place, I must say it amounted
to a criminality, which I hope will
not occur in future.’ Observations to
the same effect were also made by
Lord Eldon in the cases of Nicholson
v. Squire (16 Ves. 259.) and l'Varter v.
Yorke (19 Ibid. 453.). For the several
reasons, therefore, which I have stated,
I am of opinion that the original juris—
diction which the ecclesiastical courts
possessed and exercised in cases of
this description, is not taken away by
any of the statutes; that the ordinary
is still entitled to proceed to the cor-
rection of any of his clergy who may
offend against the order of the Church,
in publishing banns and solemnizing
matrimony in any other manner than
that prescribed by the law; and that
if the charges contained in these ar—
ticles shall be established by evidence,
Mr. Wynn is liable to be canonically
punished for such offence.”
In a case in which James Voysey
was the complainant, and the Rev.
George Martin the respondent (Vide
Stephens’ Ecclesiastical Statutes, 1992
-—1995.), the commissioners under
stat. 3 (it 4 Vict. c. 86. having reported
that there were prima facie grounds
for proceedings against the respondent
for the solemnization of marriage with-
out making due inquiries, and the
respondent having submitted, under
the sixth section of the statute, the
Bishop of Exeter, on the 4th of April,
(1548)

1843, pronounced the following sen—
tencez—
“The facts of this case are not dis-
puted. A young man aged eighteen
years and six months, dwelling in the
parish of Crediton, in his father’s
house, and a young woman dwelling
in the same parish, were married by
banns in the parish church of St.
Pancras, in Exeter, by the rector, the
Reverend George Martin, who is thus
brought under the penalty of the 62d
canon, unless it be shown, that having
taken all due pains to inform himself,
he married the parties under such de—
ception as a discreet man, in the fair
exercise of his discretion, could not
have avoided.
“In looking to the circumstances
under which Mr. Martin was deceived,
one preliminary consideration cannot
fail to present itself, viz. that the nar—
row limits and small population of his
parish, containing, by the census of
1831, only 379 persons, render due
inquiry in his instance, at all times,
a matter of more than ordinary faci—
lity; and deprive him, therefore, of
any excuse which might have been
urged by a minister of one of our
larger and more largely peopled pa-
rishes. What degree of caution, and
what minuteness of inquiry would be
deemed necessary in such a case, it is
not for me now to deﬁne; I know not,
indeed, that any precise line can be
deﬁned. An honest man, acting bona
ﬁde with the intention of honestly
making the inquiry, to secure the
object for which the inquiry is en-
joined, is not likely to fall short of his
duty. Nor was Mr. Martin left by the
law without direction as to the time
of residence, respecting which he
might most probably inquire, or with-
out suﬂicient means enabling him to
make his inquiry effectual. For the
stat. 4 Geo. IV. 0. 76. s. 7. provides,
that ‘no minister shall be obliged to
publish banns, unless the persons shall,
seven days at least before the time
required for the first publication, de-
liver or cause to be delivered to him a
notice in writing of their names, of
their house or houses of abode, and of
the time during which they have
dwelt, inhabited, or lodged in such
house or houses.’
“Now the obvious meaning of this
provision is, that no parties are to be
considered as dwelling in a parish for
the purpose of being married by
banns, who have not dwelt therein
more than a week before the ﬁrst
publication; for the notice, which is
to be given seven days at least before
the publication, ought to state the
time during which the parties have
previously dwelt within the parish.
“ True it is that a clergyman is not
bound to demand such a notice. But
if, waiving the security which the
statute provides for him, he ﬁnds him-
self, in consequence, to have fallen
into a violation of the canon. he has
no right to complain should the pe-
nalty of the canon be inﬂicted.
“In the present case Mr. Martin
was content to act on a notice, con-
taining only the names of the parties,
and a certiﬁcate under the hand of a
keeper of a lodging house, that they
were lodgers in his house, without
any statement whatever of the time
during which they had been lodgers,
although this certiﬁcate bore date on
the very day of the ﬁrst publication.
“It appears, indeed, that he inquired
of the clerk, who delivered the notice
and certiﬁcate to him, how long the
parties had been resident, and was
answered ‘about six days ;’ in other
words, not long enough to satisfy the
manifest intention of the statute.
“ Mr. Martin subsequently made in-
quiry, in person, at the house named
in the certiﬁcate; a precaution which,
however in itself praiseworthy, was
unfortunately rendered altogether use-
less by the manner in which he con-
ducted his inquiry; for the only ques-
tion asked by him was, whether the
parties had lodgings in the house; a
question which could hardly elicit any
other answer than that which had
been already given by the written
certiﬁcate. Yet the quality of the
house, having a ticket over its door,
(1549)

inscribed ‘lodgings for single men,’
might well have excited some special
caution in any considerate mind.
“It further appears, by the admis-
sion of Mr. Martin to the father of the
young man, that before the marriage
he had asked him of his age, and was
informed ‘ eighteen years and six
months ;’ an answer which alone
ought to have prevented him, even
at the last hour, from completing the
indiscretion, of which, however, he
had already received more than sufﬁ-
cient warning.
“ Such are the main facts. If the
case had proceeded to a full hearing,
and if nothing had appeared to pre—
vent a conviction, the sentence of the
canon, heavy as it is, must have been
pronounced, ‘Suspension per trien—
nium ipso facto.’
“Happily the parties have availed
themselves of a provision in the stat.
3 dz 4 Vict. c. 86. s. 6.; and in the pre-
sent stage of the inquiry, after the
ﬁnding by the commission, ‘ that there
is sufficient prima facie ground for
instituting further proceedings,’ they
have signiﬁed their ‘consent, that the
bishop shall forthwith, without any
further proceedings, pronounce such
sentence as he shall think ﬁt.’
“I am thus enabled to exercise a
discretion, which otherwise would not
have belonged to me, but which the
absence of everything like imputation
of sordid motive on the part of Mr.
Martin, the great respectability of
his general character, his inexperience,
and, I fear I must add, the too pre—
valent practice of many of his seniors
in the ministry, make me rejoice to
exercise in his favour.
“Upon the whole, therefore, con-
sidering that this is the ﬁrst case in
which, within our recollection, pro-
ceedings have been instituted under
this highly penal canon, I trust that
justice will be satisﬁed by my dealing
with it as an occasion for publicly
proclaiming the law to my clergy,
rather than for enforcing its penalty.
Accordingly I hereby admonish Mr.
Martin of his error, and sentence him
to pay the sum of ten pounds nomine
expensarum. . . . .
“ It may be said, as I hear it has
been said, that the effect of greater
strictness of inquiry on the part of
the clergy will be to induce more fre—
quent resort to the union house and
the registrar’s oﬁice. Be it so: let
those who seek to be coupled together
with a lie on their mouths, go any-
where rather than to the house of
God :—let them not claim the benedic-
tion of the church on their unhallowed
unions :—above all, let them not ﬁnd
pandars to their crime in the ministers
of Christ, and stewards of the mysteries
of God.”
By stat. 6 dz 7 Gul. IV. 0. 85. s. 1.
and stat. 7 Gul. IV. (is 1 Vict. c. 22.
s. 36. any marriage, which by any law
or canon might be solemnized after
publication of banns, may be solem-
nized on production of a registrar’s
certiﬁcate; and notice to such regis-
trar, and the issue of such certiﬁcate,
are to stand instead of the publication.
of banns, where no such publication
shall have taken place, to all intents
and purposes; and every parson, vicar,
minister, or curate is to solemnize
marriage after such notice and certi—
ﬁcate, in like manner as after due
publication of banns, provided the
church in which the marriage is
solemnized be within the district of
the superintendent registrar by whom
the certiﬁcate has been issued.
A common licence is a dispensation,
by virtue of which marriage is per-
mitted to be solemnized, without the
publication of banns; and can only be
granted by a person having episcopal
authority. '
Some have questioned the bishop’s
power to grant licences for marrying
without banns ﬁrst published, because
this is dispensing with an act of par-
liament; for the marriage office, which
requires banns, is part of the statute
law. But this power of dispensing
is granted to the bishop by statute
law too, viz. by stat. 25 Hen. VIII.
0. 21., by which all bishops are allowed
(1550)

to dispense as they were wont to do;
and such dispensations have been
granted by bishops since Archbishop
Mepham’s time. 2 Burn’s E. L. 462. (e).
By canon 101. “ N 0 faculty or licence
shall be henceforth granted for solem—
nization of matrimony betwixt any
parties without thrice open publica—
tion of the banns, according to the
Book of Common Prayer, by any per-
son exercising any ecclesiastical juris-
diction, or claiming any privileges in
the right of their churches; but the
same shall be granted only by such
as have episcopal authority, or the
commissary for faculties, vicars—gene-
ral of the archbishops and bishops,
sede plena; or, sede vacante, the guar-
dian of the spiritualities, or ordinaries
exercising of right episcopal jurisdic-
tion in their several jurisdictions
respectively, and unto such persons
only as be of good state and quality
and that upon good caution and secu-
rity taken. Vide stat. 4 Geo. IV. 0. 76.
ss. 11--18. Vide etiam stat. 6 (i2; 7
Gul. IV. 0. 85. s. 1.
If it be granted to a man in the
name by which he is usually known,
the marriage will be valid, although
that be not his real name. Rex v.
Bar'ion-apon-Trent (Inhabitants of),
3 M. d: S. 537.
By stat. 4 Geo. IV. 0. 76. s. 10. no
licence of marriage is to be granted by
any archbishop, bishop, or person hav—
ing authority to grant such licences,
to solemnize any marriage in any
other church or chapel than in the
parish church, or in some public chapel
of, or belonging to, the parish or cha-
pelry within which the usual place of
abode of one of the persons to be mar-
ried shall have been, for the space of
fifteen days immediately, before the
granting of such licence; but after
the marriage such residence need not
be proved, nor will evidence be ad-
mitted to prove the contrary. Stat.
4 Geo. IV. c. 76. s. 26. Vide stat. 6 d:
7 Gul. IV. 0. 85. s. 1.
By stat. 4 Geo. IV. 0. 76. s. 22., if
any person shall knowingly and wil-
fully intermarry in any other place
than a church, or such public chapel
wherein banns may be lawfully pub—
lished, unless by special licence, or
shall knowingly and wilfully inter-
marry without due publication of
banns, or licence from a person or
persons having authority to grant the
same, ﬁrst had and obtained, or shall
knowingly and wilfully consent to, or
acquiesce in, the solemnization of such
marriage by any person not being in
holy orders, the marriages of such per-
sons will be null and void.
The marriage of parties under a-
licence from “a person not having
authority to grant the same,” is not
void by stat. 4 Geo. IV. 0. 76. s. 22.,
unless both parties knowingly and
wilfully intermarry by virtue of such
licence. Thus in Dormer v. Williams
(1 Curt.870.) Dr. Lushington observed,
that with respect to these words, “the
following considerations arise: whether
they mean authority to grant a licence
at all, or authority to grant the parti-
cular licence required on the occasion.
I am willing, for the present purpose,
to take it, that they mean the parti-
cular licence requisite on the occasion;
then, in my judgment, the whole ques-
tion turns upon this, whether the facts
and circumstances are such, as to
prove that both parties knowingly and
wilfully intermarried without a licence
from a person having authority to
grant that licence.”
For avoiding all fraud and collusion
in obtaining licences, one of the par-
ties is by stat. 4 Geo. IV. 0. 76. s. 14.
personally to swear before the surro~
gate, or other person having authority
to grant the licence, that “he or she
believeth that there is no impediment
of kindred or alliance, or of any other
lawful cause, nor any suit commenced
in any ecclesiastical court, to bar or
hinder the proceeding of the said ma-
trimony, according to the tenor of the
said licence; and that one of the said
parties hath, for the space of ﬁfteen days
immediately preceding such licence,
had his or her usual place of abode
within the parish or chapelry within
which such marriage is to be solem-
(1551)

nised ; and where either of the parties,
not being a widower or widow, shall
be under the age of twenty-one years,
that the consent of the person or per-
sons, whose consent to such marriage
is required under the provisions of
this act, has been obtained thereto,
provided always, that if there shall be
no such person or persons having au-
thority to give such consent, then,
upon oath made to that effect, by the
party requiring such licence, it shall
be lawful to grant such licence not—
withstanding the Want of any such
consent.”
A. was indicted for making a false
oath before a surrogate for the pur-
pose of obtaining a marriage licence.
Held, 1. That a surrogate has a general
power to administer an oath in that
behalf, so as to make a false oath a
misdemeanour: 2. That such false oath
is a misdemeanour, as being made with
a fraudulent intention, in a matter of
public concern: 3. That it is immate-
rial whether the marriage actually
took place or no.
Quaere: whether such false oath be
indictable as perjury. Vide stat. 6 (h 7
Gul. IV. 0. 85. s. 38. Reg. v. O/zagmmn,
1 Denison, 432.; 1 Temple and Mew,
90.
By stat. 4 Geo. IV. 0. 76. s. 19., when-
ever a marriage shall not be had within
three‘ months after the grant of a li-
cence, no minister shall proceed to the
solemnization of such marriage until a
new licence shall have been obtained,
unless by banns duly published.
Stat. 5 Geo. IV. 0. 32. s. 2. extends
all licences to any place within the
limits of a parish or chapelry, which
shall be licensed by the bishop for the
performance of divine service during
the repair or rebuilding of the church
or chapel; or if no such place shall be
so licensed, then to the church or
chapel of any adjoining parish or
chapelry wherein marriages have been
usually solemnized.
By stat. 4 Geo. IV. 0. 76. s. 20. and
stat 6 (it 7 Gul. IV. 0. 85. s. 1. a mar-
riage may, under a special licence, be
solemnized at any time or place; and
the authority of the Archbishop of
Canterbury to grant special licences to
marry at any convenient time or place,
is specially reserved.
By stat. 10 d7; 11 Vict. c. 98. s. 5. all
authorities except the authority of the
bishop of whose diocese any portion
has been or may hereafter be taken
away and added to another diocese,
under stat. 6 dz 7 Gul. IV. 0. 77., are
to continue to grant marriage licences
in the same manner and within the
same district as they might have done
before the passing of that act. But
nothing is to interfere with the juris-
diction or concurrent jurisdiction of
the bishops of the several dioceses in
England to grant marriage licences in
and throughout the whole of their
dioceses, as such are now or hereafter
may be limited or constituted.
The question of the liability of the
clergyman to perform the ceremony of
marriage, upon the presentation of the
licence, was discussed in Davis v.
Black (Cleric) (1 Q. B. 900.). The
declaration, which was in case, stated
that the plaintiff and Mary Ann Hogg
were desirous to intermarry; that a
licence was granted to the end that
the marriage might be solemnized in
the parish church of Blaisdon, by the
vicar, rector, or curate thereof, without
banns, within three months from the
date, Mary Ann Hogg’s usual place of
abode having been in Blaisdon for
ﬁfteen days immediately before the
granting of the licence; provided that
there should appear to be no impedi-
ment by reason of former marriage,
consanguinity, &c., nor any suit de-
pending by reason thereof, and that
the celebration should be in the said
church between the hours of eight and
twelve in the forenoon. The declara-
tion also averred, that the defendant
was rector and sole minister of the
church of Blaisdon; that there was
no impediment, nor any suit; and
that, by reason of the premises, and
by force of the licence, it became the
defendant’s duty as rector, &c., on
notice of the licence, to solemnize the
marriage in the manner and time spe-
(1552)

ciﬁed in the licence, when thereunto
requested: that the defendant had
notice of the licence, and afterwards,
on a particular day, and on several
other days between that day and the
death of Mary Ann Hogg, was requested
by the plaintiff to solemnize the mar-
riage in the manner and time speciﬁed
in the licence; yet that the defendant
would not, on the day in question, or
at any time afterwards, solemnize the
marriage, but wrongfully and illegally
refused so to do; and that, while he
continued so to refuse, Mary Ann
Hogg died: and that thus the plaintiff
lost the beneﬁt of the licence and the
marriage, had been put to expenses
which were rendered useless, had been
injured in his good name, and had
suffered anxiety of mind. This de-
claration was, after verdict, held to be
bad, for not averring a request from
Mary Ann Hogg, or notice to the de-
fendant that she was willing that the
marriage should take place: Lord Den-
man observing, “I am by no means
prepared to say that such an action as
that might not be maintained, upon
the declaration making a proper com-
plaint of a public officer neglecting
his public duty to the temporal, and
it might be to the very great, damage
of an individual. Such a neglect of
the duty of a clergyman may be action-
able, if it be malicious and without
probable cause. But there is no great
danger in saying, that an action can
hardly be maintained against an officer
not required by law to perform the
duty at any particular time, without
allegation of malice, or of the time at
which he refused, being a reasonable
time for the performance. Allowing
fully that the action is maintainable
on principle, the declaration is essen-
tially defective. Hardly any of the
objections made can be got over. One
is clearly fatal. At the time when the
clergyman is supposed to have acted
wrongfully, it does not appear that he
had notice that both the parties were
willing to be married. It is alleged
that, at the time of the grievance, they
were in fact willing; but it is not
averred that the woman joined in the
request. This is quite fatal. For you
charge the minister with having im-
properly refused to marry; yet the
whole declaration might be proved,
although he had no reason to believe
the woman to be willing. It would
be going far beyond all limits within
which we allow defective declarations
to be cured by verdict, if we suffered
this. Nothing can be supplied beyond
that of which the proof is necessarily
involved in the proof of what is al-
leged :” and Mr. Justice Patteson said,
“ It is not necessary to determine ge—
nerally whether such an action will
lie; and I own that I feel great diffi-
culty on that point. At common law,
parties might marry anywhere. It is
true, however, that stat. 26 Geo. II.
c. 33. ss. 1 (it 4. (vide stat. 4 Geo. IV.
0. 76. ss. 2—10.) conﬁnes them to the
church of the parish where one of
them has been resident for a certain
time. And as a clergyman of a church
might prevent any other clergyman
from performing the marriage service
in his church, it may perhaps be said
that the duty is now cast on him..
Here, however, the question arises on
the declaration. Now suppose (which
seems very doubtful) the duty here to
be properly alleged; the duty is to
marry on request. Suppose, also, that
the request was made in the time
pointed out by the licence, and that
this is sufficiently averred by the
words, ‘in the manner and time spe-
ciﬁed’ (though the licence gives three
months from the date); still, by whom
is the request made? One party might
wish to be married, the other not: the
request must be made by both. Here
is no averment that the woman joined
in the request, or that the plaintiff ’s
request was made with her knowledge
and consent; and that alone shows
that the declaration is insufficient.
And this cannot be cured by verdict,
for nothing is so cured except that
without the proof of which the judge
could not have allowed the verdict to
pass. Jackson v. Peslced (1 M dz S.
234.) shows, that we cannot intend a
(1553)

ﬁnding upon what is not averred di—
rectly, or by implication; and We
cannot say that an averment of a
request by the woman is included in
that of a request by the man. Nor
can we say that a judge must have
required proof of this before he al-
lowed the verdict to be taken. The
other objection, arising from the li-
cence allowing three months, seems
also fatal. And the declaration does
not even allege that the licence was
in force at the time of the request.”
Whether a refusal by a minister of
the United Church of England and
Ireland to marry an applicant (all
temporal formalities having been pro--
perly performed) on the ground that
he has not been conﬁrmed, and will
express no desire to be conﬁrmed, is
an indictable offence, has not been ex—
pressly decided; but if it be an indict—
able offence, in order to support the
indictment, the parties must both have
presented themselves, for the purpose
of being married, within canonical
hours; and the indictment must aver
that the parties might have been law-
fully married. .369. V. James, 1 Temple
(it Mew, 300.
In both these cases the liability of
the clergyman has not been expressly
determined; but it seems that a cler-
gyman is bound to marry all those who
present him a licence to marry, or
whose names have been regularly pub-
lished by banns or a registrar’s certi-
ﬁcate. Such parties have a statutable
right to be married, and the minister
of the parish, as a public ofﬁcer, is
bound to perfect that right; if he do
not, he may be either proceeded against
criminally or by civil action for the
consequential damages.
By stat. 4 Geo. IV. 0. 76. s. 11. if
any caveat be entered against the
grant of any licence for a marriage,
such caveat being duly signed by, or
on the behalf of, the person who enters
the same, together with his place of
residence, and the ground of objection
on which his caveat is founded, no
licence shall issue till the caveat, or a
true copy thereof, be transmitted to
the judge out of whose ofﬁce the licence
is to issue; and until the judge has
certiﬁed to the registrar that he has
examined into the matter of the
caveat, and is satisﬁed that it ought
not to obstruct the grant of the licence
for the marriage; or until the caveat
be withdrawn by the party who entered
the same. Vide etiam stat. 6 dz 7 Gul.
IV. 0. 85. ss. 13 dz 37.; stat. 7 Gul. IV.
and 1 Vict. c. 22. s. 5.
(Mute ur juft impztlimwtz (p.1498.)
-—Vide post.
Are to be: (p. 1499.) - P. B.
I£549, “Would be.” P. B. 1607, “Should
e.”
qr At the day and time ap-
polntsd 1 (p.1500.)-—In the United
Church of England and Ireland, mar-
riages may be celebrated at all seasons
of the year, and upon any day. The
62nd canon orders, that marriage shall
be “ in time of divine service.” Bishop
Cosin (N icholls on the Common Prayer,
App. 70.) observes that “it is not or-
dered at what time of the service this
form of marriage shall be celebrated.”
Bishop Wren may perhaps be taken to
express the most correct usage, in
ordering that after morning prayer
“the marriage be begun in the body
of the church, and ﬁnished at the
table.” (Doc. Ann. ii. 203. Robertson
on the Liturgy, 256.) It has, how-
ever, been usual among several nations
to have some certain times exempted
from the celebration of marriages there~
upon; some upon account of the extra—
ordinary sacredness of those times, they
being particularly set aside for religion
and devotion, and others upon different
views. It is recorded of the Egyptians,
’Ev iepo'is p1‘) ,m'yptoeodat 'yziuatgw. (Clem.
Alex. lib. 4.) A like precept God en~
joined the Jews after their coming out
of Egypt. (Exod. xix. 15.) Plutarch in
his Problems writes, that the Romans
were wont to abstain from marriage
during the whole month of May.
(Probl. Rom. 86.) But Ovid under-
stands this only of the Lemuralia, i. 6.,
9, 10, and 11 of May, which were
(1554)

ominous, according to the rules of
heathenish superstition.
Nee viduee tzedis eadcm, nec virginis apta
Tempura, quze nupsit non diuturna fmt.--Fast 5-
The Jews had their several days of
abstinence from marriage; as particu~
larly, the Paschal week, and that of
the Feast of Tabernacles. (Seld. Ux.
Heb. lib. 2.) The reason which go-
verned the Jews in prohibiting mar-
riage at these times, was the extraor-
dinary solemnity of them, they being
set aside for the highest acts of their
religion. And after this part of the
world became Christian, the Church
has guided herself by the same rules,
on the like occasions. St. Paul’s ad-
vice to the Corinthians (1 Cor. vii. 5.),
“ Defraud not one the other, except it
be with consent for a time, that ye
may give yourselves to fasting and
prayer,” has been the foundation for
all the canons of the Church, con-
cerning the prohibition of certain
times of marriage. The most early
that we meet with is that of the
Council of Laodicea (Can. 52.), held
A.D. 365. Or’) 66? 6’11 Teo'oapalcoo'rfj Pdpovs'
1’) 'yeve'dhta intreheiu, After 131118, a 0&11011
of the Council of Lerida, held 14.1). 524,
prohibits marriage from Septuagesima
to the octaves of Easter, as likewise
the three weeks before the feast of
St. John Baptist, and from the begin-
ning of Advent till Epiphany. (Cone.
Ilerd. apud Grat. 1. qu. 3. non oportet.)
The ancient canons of our own national
councils enjoin the like. In the Ex-
cerpta of Egbert, Archbishop of York,
an. 750, there is a prohibition, under
a penalty, that marriages be not cele—
brated either upon Sundays, or upon
Wednesdays or Fridays, or in Lent.
(Spel. Con. tom. 1.) In the old Saxon
Council of .ZEnham, held A.D. 1010, the
prohibition of marriage is from Advent
to Epiphany, and from Septuagesima
to the ﬁfteenth day after Pentecost.
Spel. 1b.; Nicholls on the Common
Prayer.
Immediately before the Reformation,
and even since that era, “the solem-
nization of marriage was prohibited
from the ﬁrst Sunday in Advent to
the octave of the Epiphany” (that is,
till the eighth day after the Epiphany)
“exclusively; and from Septuagesima
Sunday to the ﬁrst Sunday after Easter
inclusively; and from the ﬁrst day of
Rogation to the seventh day after Pen-
tecost inclusively.”
That similar prohibitions existed
after the Reformation, appears from
the proceedings of the Convocation in
1575, who presented to the Queen for
conﬁrmation the following article:
“That the Bishops take care that it
be published in every parish within
their dioceses, before the ﬁrst day of
May next coming, that marriage may
be solemnized at all times of the year;”
which article, however, she rejected.
In the same reign, a bill declaring
marriages lawful at all times was
brought into Parliament, but not passed.
And in 1562 it had been projected,
that either the convocation or parlia-
ment, or both, should declare it lawful
to marry at any time of the year with—
out dispensation, except upon Christ-
mas Day, Easter Day, the six days
before Easter, and on Pentecost Sun-
day. That dispensations to marry at
prohibited seasons were granted in
the reign of Elizabeth is further evi-
dent from a curious dispute which
took place in Archbishop Parker’s
time, between the Master of the Fa—
culties and the Vicar-General. The
question was, whether the Master
alone, or the Vicar in conjunction
with him, had the right to grant
licences to marry at any time of the
year. This distinction of times and
seasons has at length vanished of it-
self; but it disappeared gradually, and
with seeming reluctance. 2 Shepherd
on the Common Prayer, 337, 338.
By canon 62 (11.1). 1603) the time of
marriage is limited to the morning
only. “ N o minister, upon pain of
suspension for three years, shall, under
any pretence whatsoever, join any per-
sons in marriage at any unseasonable
times, but only between the hours of
eight and twelve, in the forenoon.”
The object of this regulation was to
(1555

prevent clandestine marriages, and
therefore the solemnization of mar-
riages was restrained to the busiest
hours of the day. It may be here
remarked, that these hours are not
dispensed with where the parties are
married by licence, except the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury gives a special
licence, under which parties can be
married, quolibet loco aut tempore
honesto.
Shall come into the body of
the Church: (p. 1500.)-—The cus—
tom formerly was for the couple who
were to enter this holy state to be
placed at the church door, where the
priest was used to join their hands,
and perform the greater part of the
matrimonial oﬂ‘ice. (Seld. Ux. Heb.
raica, l. 2. c. 27. p. 203.) It was here
the husband endowed his wife with
the dowry or portion before contracted
for, which was therefore called, Dos
ad ostium ecclesiae.
Our Church orders the persons that
are to be married, to come into the
body of the church, partly that the
oflice may be performed in a visible
place, and not in any bye—corner of it,
wherein marriages may be clancularly
celebrated, and partly in imitation of
antiquity; for in the ancient Church,
marriages were solemnized in the body
of the church. By the Greek Eucho-
logy, the persons who are presented to
be married are to stand spa 76w ti'yt'mv
Hépwv, “before the sacred doors ;” that
is, on the outside of the cancelli, or
rails, which divide the chancel from
the 1' st of the church. Euchol. Rubric.
in Off. Spons; N icholls on the Common
Prayer.
This rubric does not require that
the priest shall stand in the body of
the church, nor does it deﬁne where
he shall stand; but it seems that the
priest ought to stand at the rails of
the communion-table, the parties stand-
ing in the church before him. It is
clear that he has no business in the
reading desk, for he has to receive the
woman at her father’s hands, and to
join the parties’ hands, and to deliver
the ring, which he cannot do from the
reading-desk.
Bishop Wren’s injunction is in exact
accordance with the rubric, which
orders that the ﬁrst part of the ‘service
be gone through in the body of the
church, and the concluding part at
the table; while the psalm which in-
tervenes between the two is to be said
or sung by “the minister or clerks
going to the Lord’s table.” Vide
Hooker, v. 30. 5.
Mr. J ebb (on the Choral Service,
527.) thus writes: “ It is evident,
from the rubric, that the ﬁrst part of
the ceremony ought to be performed
in the body of the church. In ancient
times this used to take place in the
porch. A change of place is clearly
pointed out before the recitation of
the psalm: ‘Then the minister and
the clerks, going to the Lord’s table,
shall say or sing this Psalm following.’
Which is explained by the rubric of
the ﬁrst Prayer Book; ‘ Then shall
they go into the choir.’ This signiﬁ-
cant distinction has always been kept
up in some distant parish churches,
and ought to be in cathedrals, at
least.”
Andrewes, at Jesus Chapel, conse-
crated specially “locum nuptiarum.”
Sparrow, 398.
With their friends and neigh-
bOIlI‘SI (p. 1500.)—In the United
Church of England and Ireland, all
marriages must be solemnized in the
presence of two or more credible wit-
nesses, besides the minister who shall
celebrate the same.
In the early periods of the Church,
in order to make the whole business of
espousals not only the more solemn,
but also the more ﬁrm and sure, it
was usual to transact the whole affair
publicly, before a competent number
of chosen witnesses; that is, the pre-
sence of the friends of each party, to
avoid, chieﬂy, clandestine contracts.
The law does not seem to have speci-
ﬁed any certain number, otherwise
than calling it “frequentia et ﬁdes
amicorum” (Cod. Theod. lib. iii. tit.
(1556)

vii. de Nuptiis, leg. i. Lugd. 1665.
vol. i. p. 276.); but custom seems to
have determined it to the number of
ten; as appears from a noted passage
in St. Ambrose (De Virgin. Lapsu. c. v.
Paris, 1836. vol. iii. p. 325.), where,
speaking to a virgin that had fallen
from her virgin state, he thus argues
with her: “ Si inter decem testes con-
fectis sponsaliis, nuptiis consummatis
quaeris femina viro conjuncta mcrtali,
non sine magno periculo perpetrat
adulterium; quidquod inter innumera-
biles testes ecclesiee, coram angelis et
exercitibus coeli, facta copula spiritalis
per adulterium solvitur’l” “If any
woman, who, before ten witnesses, has
made espousals, and is joined in mar-
riage with a mortal man, cannot, with-
out great danger, commit adultery;
how do you think will it be, when a
spiritual marriage, that is made before
innumerable witnesses of the Church,
and before the angels, the heavenly
host, is broken by adultery ?”
It may not be improbable, that by
the word “Friends” in this place, is
not understood so much the relations
of the parties, which we generally now
call friends, but some choice friends or
acquaintances, which the young per-
sons have chosen to go along with
them, and whom the ancients called
Paranymphs. And to have such per-
sons, one or more, attending each of
the married couple, being of their own
sex, was a custom used not only by the
ancient Christians and Heathens, but
by the Jews, from whom it was handed
to the Christians; for we ﬁnd some
traces of this custom as old as the
time of Sampson, whose wife was deli-
vered to his companion whom he had
used as a friend. (Jud. xiv. 20.) The
Hebrew Lemerengehou, his companion;
the Septuagint translate T61 Nvpqba-
'ya'ycz) aim-05, his brideman, and so does
the Syriac. The Chaldee paraphrase
explains it by Shoshibeni, his bride-
man, which is the very word the
modern Jews use to signify a bride-
man. And very probably the title of
the 45th psalm, which is an epithala—
mium, was not Gnal Shoshanim, to the
tune" of the Lilies, as we now read it;
but Gnal Shoshavim, to the tune of the
Bridemen; and the words which fol—
low, Shir J edithoth, is not A Song of
Loves, as we translate it (it being a
feminine substantive); and therefore
ought to be rendered, A Song of the
Beloved or Favourite Women, or Com—
panions, i. e., the bridemaids. That
this was an usage among the Jews in
our Saviour’s time, is clear from John iii.
29.: “He that hath the bride is the
bridegroom, but the friend of the bride-
groom, which standeth and heareth
him, rejoiceth greatly, because of the
bridegroom’s voice.” Wherein the
Baptist compares himself to a bride-
man who attended and waited upon
his friend during that solemnity, and
was‘pleased with the satisfaction which
he received. The Christians received
this usage from the Jews, using it
rather as a civil custom, and some—
thing that added to the solemnity of
that occasion, than as a religious rite. \
But afterwards in latter ages it became
so; for when the decretal epistles were
written, the composer was of this
opinion. For the epistle attributed
to Evaristus says, Legitimum non ﬁt
conjugium, &c. That it is not a law—
ful marriage when the bride, a para-
nymphis, ut consuetudo docet, &c., is
not presented at church by paranymphs
or bridemen. But by the fourth Coun-
cil of Carthage, which was held about
the year 390, this usage is counte—
nanced, and made a part of the sacred
solemnity. Sponsus et sponsa cum
benedicendi sunt a sacerdote, a paren-
tibus suis, vel paranymphis, offerantur.
When the bridegroom and bride are
to receive benediction from the priest,
let them be presented to him either by
the parents or the paranymphs. (Cone.
Carth. 4. c. 13.) Our Church has
neither countenanced nor discounte-
nanced the usage, but left it as a
thing indifferent. Nicholls on the
Common Prayer.
And there {tending together,
the man on the right hand,
(1557)

and the woman on the left,
the Prieft {hall fay: (p, 15()()_)_.
P. B. 1549, “ And there the priest
[.P. B. 1589, “Minister ;” P. B. 1622-,
“Priest ”] shall thus saye.”
The man on the right hand:
(p. 1500.)—Because the right hand is
the most honourable place; which is
therefore, both by the Latin and Greek,
and all Christian Churches, assigned
to the man, as being head of the wife.
The Jews are the only persons that
acted otherwise, who place the woman
on the right hand of her husband, in
allusion to that expression in the
forty-ﬁfth Psalm, “ At thy right hand
did stand the queen in a vesture of
gold,” dzc. Wheatly on the Common
Prayer, 392.
95eIuﬁeII,toe: (p. 1501.) —P. B.
1549, “Beloved frendes.” In 1662,
“ frendes” was left out.
(this tungregatinn : (p. 1501.) -—
P. B. 1549, “ His congregacion.”
@1171 in the time: (p. 1501.)—-P. B.
1549, “ In paradise ;” and so the read—
ing continued until the last review.
jfur inht'th : (p. 1502.)—P. B. 1549,
“ For the whiche.” Whytchurche’s
copy of 1552 ﬁrst omitted the article ;
and such, from 1572, has invariably
been the case.
first, ilt mas nrhaineh fur: (p.
1503.)-—P. B. 1549, “ One cause [P. B.
1552, “ One”] was.”
an the praife at his holy name;
(p. 1503.)——P. B. 1549, “Prayse of
God.”
as hate net the gift at tuutineutp,
might marry : (p. 1503.)—P. B. 1549,
“ As be maried might lyve chastly in
matrimony.”
iintﬂ mhith : (p. 1504.)—-P.B.1549,
“Into the which.”
glunueli tugether: (p. 1504.)-—P. B.
1549, “ So together.” The word “so”
did not again appear.
@1111 both (as he mitt; (p. 1505.)—
P. B. 1549, “ You (as you will)”
551mm any: (p. 1505.)—P. B. 1549,
“ Doe knowe any.”
322 Im nutu : (p. 1505.)-—P. B. 1549,
“That ye.”
gmyuen tugether hp @str: (p. 1506.)
—P. B. 1549, “ Ioyned of God.”
{I At which day of marriage,
if any man do alledge and
declare any impediment why
they may not be coupled to-
gether in matrimony by Gods
Law, or the Laws of this
Realm: (p. l506.)--In the Roman
civil law are fourteen impediments to
matrimony, which the six following
verses comprise:
Error, conditio, votum, cognatio, crimen,
Cultus (lisparitas, vis, ordo, ligamen, honcstas.
Si sis aﬁinis, si forte coire nequihus.
Si parochi, et dnplicis desit praescutia testis,
Raptavi sit mulicr ncc parti rcddita tutze,
Heec facicnda vctant connubia, fracta retractant.
That is, First, mistake of the person;
as when a man marries one woman,
whom he supposes to be another. Se—
condly, condition, or when A marries
B, whom A believes to be of a condi-
tion or rank suitable to his own, but
whom he afterwards ﬁnds to be of an
inferior or dishonourable one. Thirdly,
a vow of chastity, made by a man or
woman of any religious order. Fourthly,
consanguinity, where the parties are
within the prohibited degrees of kin-
dred. Fifthly, crimes, such as adultery,
&c. Sixthly, diﬁerence of religion.
Seventhly, force or violence, which ex-
cludes consent. Eighthly, when a man
is in holy orclers. N inthly, tie, that is,
a former marriage, or pre-contract
still existing. Tenthly, decency, as
when two persons are ‘betrothed, and
one of them dies before the marriage,
the survivor may not marry the bro-
ther or sister of the other. Eleventhly
aﬁnity. Twelfthly, impotency. Thir-
teenthly, the want of a legal minister,
and two witnesses. And, fourteenthly,
the abduction of the woman.
In the United Church of England
and Ireland, there are several impedi-
ments which put a bar to persons
(1558)

being married together; so that when
these happen, the marriage bond can
be dissolved; they are as follow:
Members of the royal family, with-
out having legal consent; impuberty;
minority; malformation or frigidity;
insanity; pre-contract; consanguinity,
and affinity.
As to the marriages of the royal
family, stat. 12 Geo. III. e. 11. s. 1.
enacts, that no descendant of the body
of his late majesty King George the
Second, ‘male or female (other than
the issue of princesses who have mar-
ried, or may hereafter marry, into
foreign families), shall be capable of
contracting matrimony without the
previous consent of his majesty, his
heirs or successors, signiﬁed under the
great seal, and declared in council
(which consent, to preserve the me-
mory thereof, is hereby directed to be
set out in the licence and register of
marriage, and to be re—entered in the
books of the privy council); and that
every marriage, or matrimonial con-
tract, of any such descendant, without
such consent ﬁrst had and obtained,
shall be null and void to all intents
and purposes whatsoever.
By sect. 2., that in case any such
descendant of the body of his late
majesty King George the Second, being
above the age of twenty-ﬁve years,
shall persist in his or her resolution
to contract a marriage disapproved of,
or dissented from, by the king, his
heirs or successors, that then such
descendant, upon giving notice to the
king’s privy council, which notice is
hereby directed to be entered in the
books thereof, may, at any time from
the expiration of twelve calendar
months after such notice given to the
privy council as aforesaid, contract
such marriage; and his or her mar-
riage with the person before proposed,
and rejected, may be duly solemnized,
without the previous consent of his
majesty, his heirs or successors; and
such marriage shall be good, as if this
act had never been made, unless both
houses of parliament shall, before the
expiration of the said twelve months
expressly declare their disapprobation
of such intended marriage.
By section 3., that “every person
who shall knowingly or wilfully pre—
sume to solemnize, or to assist, or to
be present at the celebration of any
marriage with any such descendant,
or at his or her making any matrimo-
nial contract, without such consent as
aforesaid ﬁrst had and obtained, except
in the case above mentioned, shall,
being duly convicted thereof, incur
and suffer the pains and penalties
ordained and provided by the statute
of provision and praemunire made in
the sixteenth year of the reign of
Richard the Second.”
The effect of this statute has, upon
two occasions, been discussed, viz. be-
fore the Consistory Court in Heseltine
v. Murray (Lady Augusta) (Vide 2
Add. 400.; 1 Stephens on the Laws
relating to the Clergy, 765-770.); and
before the House of Lords, in 1844,
upon the claim of Sir Augustus D’Este
to the dukedom of Sussex.
It is cause of divorce a vinculo, in
case of impuberty, or the male or
female’s marrying under the marriage-
able years—that is, the former under
fourteen, and the latter under twelve.
In Arnold v. Earle (2 Lee (Sir G.)
521.) Sir George Lee stated, “ I was of
opinion that by law a male may make
his will for a personal estate at four-
teen, and a female at twelve, the ages
at which by law they are capable of
marriage, unless it appeared they had
not a capacity to understand the act
they did.”
In respect of the marriage of minors
without the consent of their parents,
it cannot be denied, but that the pa-
rents have a natural right over their
children, especially whilst they live
under their care; and ought to dis-
pose of them in what way of living
they shall think ﬁt. The Holy Scrip-
tures do in several instances inform
us of this paternal right, and that the
consent of the parents is required in
(1559)

the matching of their children. Isaac
and Rebecca were joined together by
the mutual consent of both their pa-
rents (Gen. xxiv.). Leah and Rachel
were both given in marriage by their
father Laban (Gen. xxix.). To omit in~
numerable other instances, those usual
scriptural phrases in the Old Testa-
ment, to give a daughter in marriage,
and to take a wife for a son, do suppose
the parent’s right to dispose of his
daughter in marriage, or at least imply
his consent thereunto.
Nor do we ﬁnd that the New Testa-
ment makes any alteration in this
right; for the apostle supposes this
paternal power, when he gives his ad-
vice in that heat of persecution which
the Church was then under: “ He that
giveth his daughter in marriage, doth
well; but he that giveth her not in
marriage, doth better.” (1 Cor. vii. 38.)
The Christian laws, after the Empire
embraced the Gospel, did to their ut-
most endeavour to support the paternal
right, and to hinder such matches as
should be made without the consent
of the parents. By the fourth Council
of Carthage, the bridegroom and the
bride are to be presented in the church
to be married by their parents, or the
paranymphs who are supposed to be
delegated by them. (Con. 4. Carth.
can. 13.) And the Greek Church de-
clares, that those persons, who being
under their parents’ charge, shall pre—
sume to marry without their consent,
their marriage is no better than forni-
cation. Mat. Blast. Syntag. Lit.
By the law of England, where there
is not the consent of both parties, it is
no marriage. [This constitution is
taken out of the decretals (c. 30. q. 2.
and x. 4. 2. 2.), and was from thence
transferred into the body of the English
laws, in the council at Westminster,
A. n. 1175. (Gibson’s Codex, 415.) ].
Therefore they who give girls unto
boys in their infancy [that is, under
the age of seven years. (Lyndwood,
Prov. Const. Ang. 272.)], do nothing
[that is, as to the bond of matrimony;
nor even as to espousals, unless after
the seventh year it shall appear, either
by word or deed, that they continue
in the same mind; for then, from such
willingness or consent, espousals do
begin between them. For if after the
seventh year complete, both parties do
continue in the same mind, this is
sufficient as to espousals. (Ibid.)], un--
less both parties shall consent after
they come to the age of discretion.
[“ The time of agreement or disagree—
ment when they marry, infra annos
nubiles, is for the woman at twelve or
after, and for the man at fourteen or
after, and there need no new marriage,
if they so agree. But disagree they
cannot before the said ages ; and then
they may disagree, and marry again
to others without any divorce; and if
they once after give consent, they can
never disagree after. If a man at the
age of fourteen marry a woman at the
age of ten, at her age of twelve he
may as well disagree as she may,though
he were of the age of consent, because
in contracts of matrimony, either both
must be bound, or equal election of
disagreement given to both; and so e
converse, if the woman be of the age
of consent, and the man under.” (1 Inst.
79.)]. Therefore we do prohibit, that
from henceforth no persons (inhibemus
ne de cetero aliqui, 8x0.) shall be joined
together, where both or either of the
parties shall not have arrived to the
age appointed by the laws and canons
[which, as to espousals (as previously
stated), is the age of seven years, when
infancy ends, both in the one party
and in the other; and which, as to
ﬁnishing the contract, is the age of
twelve in the woman, and of fourteen
in the man. (Lyndwood, Prov. Const.
Ang. 272)]. In this respect the canon
and civil law agree. A primordio
aetatis sponsalia efﬁci possunt, si modo
id ﬁeri ab utraque persona intelli-
gatur; id est, si non sint minores
quam septem annis. (Dig. 23. 1. 1.4.)
Justinian, in deﬁning who may con-
tract matrimony, requires that the
parties be masculi quidem puberes;
foeminae autem viri potentes (1 Inst.
10.), having before declared foeminae
post impletos duodecim annos omni
(1560)
mode pubescere judicantur, et mares
post excessum quatuordecem annorum
puberes existimentur. (Cod. 5. 60. 3.)],
unless such conjunction shall be dis-
pensed withal in cases of necessity [of
which necessity the diocesan, without
whose licence they ought not to con~
tract matrimony, shall be the judge.
(Lyndwood, Prov. Const. Aug. 272)],
for the public welfare. [As where two
princes conclude a peace, and for the
more assured conﬁrmation thereof
match their children in marriage : this
marriage the laws do tolerate as lawful,
being made upon such urgent cause,
although otherwise for divers wants
the same were unlawful. Swinb. s. 7.].
By canon 100, “no children under
the age of twenty-one years complete,
shall contract themselves or marry
without the consent of their parents,
or of their guardians and governors, if
their parents be deceased.”
Marriages that are made contrary
to the consent of parents, are pro-
nounced to be invalid both by the
canon and civil law; and the Church
did sometimes anathematize such as
married without the consent of pa-
rents. But yet when sons and daugh-
ters arrive at a competent age, and
are endowed with the use of strong
reason, they may of themselves con-
tract marriage without this consent:
for it is reasonable that children
should be left at liberty in nothing
more than in marriage, because their
future happiness in this life depends
upon it. By the civil law, indeed, an
emancipated son might have contracted
marriage without his father’s consent:
but a son, under the power of his
father, could not do it without his
father’s approbation. And as children
owe a reverential obedience to their
parents, sons at this day under twenty-
ﬁve years of age, and daughters under
twenty, are, in Holland and other
countries governed by the civil law,
forbidden to marry without their pa-
rents’ consent. But if they exceed
such respective ages, the bare dissent
of parents, without a sufficient cause,
is not a legal impediment to hinder
them from contracting marriage. Ay-
liife’s Parergon J uris, 362.
By the civil law, as ﬁxed by the
Emperor Justinian, the previous con-
sent of those parents in whose paternal
power the children were, was neces-
sary to enable them to contract ma-
trimony. [N uptiae consistere non pos-
sunt, nisi consentiunt omnes, id est,
qui coeunt, quorumque in potestate
sunt. (Dig. 1. xxiii. tit. 2. s. ii. cod. 5.
tit. viii. s. 25.)]. The necessity of
this consent arose from two sources;
1. from the general reverence due from
children to parents, which is a prin-
ciple common to all nations; 2. from
the nature and rights of that patria
potestas, which was peculiar to the
Roman system of j urisprudence. Hence
it is very properly said in the Insti-
tutes (1. 10. in proem.), that the con—
sent of parents, et civilis et naturalis
ratio suadet. If the child were a fe-
male, by the contract of marriage she
passed from the power of her father
or grandfather, to that of her husband‘
or his progenitor. The consent of her
parent, therefore, was necessary to a
measure which deprived him of so
important a right. Sons, indeed, re-
mained subject to paternal power not-
withstanding their marriage; but here
again, reasons peculiar to the civil law
rendered the consent of the parent
requisite; for the law, at the same
time that it gave power to the parent,
bestowed very important rights on the
children while they remained in that
power, they being sui et necessarii
heredes. It therefore considered it as
a very great hardship to have such an
heir imposed on the head of the family
against his consent. (1 Inst. 11. 7.;
Dig. 4. 15. 12. s. 3.) These latter rea-
sons do not apply to the jurisprudence
of those nations who derive their
origin from the Germans, to whom
this patria potestas was unknown, and
with whom the marriage of children
of either sex operated as an emancipa-
tion from paternal authority. Vide
Heineecius, Elem. Jur. Germ. lib. i.
s. 164. 168.; Sand. Decis. lib. i. tit. vii.
def. 5.; Vinicius ad Inst. 19.
5I
(1551)

In Horner v. Homer (1 Consist. 347.)
Sir William Scott observed: “Taking
it to be sufficiently settled that moral
restraints do attach upon natural con-
sanguinity, yet certainly it is not to be
expected that the absolute necessity
of parental consent to the validity of
the marriage contract is considered in
law as of more than of positive and
civil institution. Nothing belongs to
the validity of that contract naturally
(as far as it has usually been consi-
dered and treated by most human laws)
but the consent of the parties them-
selves, if they are of an age capable of
executing the duties of that contract.”
. . . . “Nothing can be more clear than
that, by the universal matrimonial law
of Europe before the Reformation, the
consent of parents was not required
de necessitate to the validity of the
contract. (Vide Pothier, tit. Marriage,
p. iv. ch. 1. s. 2.) Upon this footing
the matter continues in every country
of Europe holding communion with
the Church of Rome, except where
regulations merely civil have, in later
times, introduced a novel and peculiar
law upon the subject. Upon this foot-
ing the matter remained in many Pro-
testant states after the Reformation;
it so remained among ourselves till the
time of the Marriage Act (26 Geo. II.
c. 33.); and nothing can more clearly
show than that very act, how much
human law is in the habit of consider—
ing the interposition of the parent’s
consent as of civil institution only.”
. . . . “ Nothing can more satisfactorily
prove how much the matter has been
treated and moulded as under the
entire dominion of mere civil pru—
dence.” . . . . “ The want of such con—
sent was, as the ecclesiastical lawyers
expressed it, an impedimentum impe-
ditivum, an impediment which threw
an obstruction in the way of the cele—
bration of the marriage; but not an
impedimentum dirimens, an impedi-
ment which at all affected the validity
of the marriage, if it was once solem-
nized.
Another impediment of matrimony
is pre-contract, or former marriage
with any other. God Almighty, by
making only one original pair of
human kind in the creation, did
plainly thereby set the pattern of
single marriage. And the parity of
the number of males and females,
which are born in every country,
shows that, by the law of nature, one
man should have but one wife. In-
deed, it was indulged to the ancient
inhabitants of the world, for the better
peopling thereof (when probably there
was a greater superfeetation of females
than now), that they might have a
plurality of wives; but when most
countries were considerably stocked
with inhabitants, this reason ceasing,
the former indulgence was of course
annulled. It must be said that poly-
gamy was in practice among the Jews,
but God rather connived at this, as he
did at divorces among them, for the
hardness of their hearts. (Mat. xix. 8.)
The generality of the Jewish writers
allow, that a man may have a hundred
wives, if he can maintain them. (Maim.
Hal. Isnoch.) But others are of opi—
nion that this was not lawful by the
law of Moses; and Rabbi Ammi, quoted
by Mr. Selden out of the Gemara, de—
clares his opinion, that before a new
wife be brought into the family, the
old one must be sent away with all her
dowry. But the Christian law, given
by our blessed Saviour, reduced mar-
riage to its primitive institution. He
declares plainly, that the divorce and
plurality of wives practised so much
in some ages of the world, from the
beginning was not so (M at.xix.8.), and
that the twain ought to be one ﬂesh,
i. e. marriage to be single (v. 5.). The
Apostle speaks the same doctrine,
Let every man have his own wife, and
every woman her own husband. (1 Cor.
vii. l.) Nor was the ancient Church
wanting in this point; for the Council
of Trullo (can.98.) decrees, 0 Tip; é'répw
pvryo'revdeio'au, 57!. 1'00 (ii/81305‘ (chi/1'09,
e’ts' ycipov (iMZ'Yd/LGVOS‘, Tc?) 'rijs‘ potxez'as
inroxet'o'dco s’ykhrjpun. NiChOllS on the
Common Prayer.
The heathen law (Cod. Justin. lib. v.
(1562)

tit. 5. De incestis N uptiis, leg. ii.) forbad
it to the old Romans, as is evident from
an edict of Dioclesian in the Justinian
Code, where he says, “ N 0 Roman was
allowed to have two wives at once,
but was liable to be punished before a
competent judge.” And the Christian
law (Ibid. lib. i. tit. ix. De Judaeis,
leg. vii.) forbad the Jews also to have
two wives at once, according to the
allowance of their own law. Sallust
(de Bello Jugurth. (Lips. 181.2. Kun-
hardt, p. 170.): Etiam antea J ugurthae
ﬁlia Bocchi nupserat. Verum ea ne-
cessitudo apud N umidas M aurosque
levis ducitur: quod singuli, pro opibus
quisque, quam pluribus uxores, denas
alii, alii plures habent; sed reges eo
amplius. Ita animus multitudine dis_
trahitur; nulla pro socia obtinet:
pariter omnes viles sunt.) says, the
Romans were used to deride polygamy
in the barbarians. And though Julius
Caesar attempted to have a law passed
in favour of it, he could not effect
it. And Plutarch (Vit. Anton. in ﬁn.
p. 957. ed. Francof. 620.) remarks, “that
Mark Antony was the ﬁrst that had
two wives among the Romans.”
St. Basil (can. lxxx. Labbé, vol. ii.
p. 1756.) observes, “that the fathers
said little or nothing of polygamy, as
being a brutish vice, to which man-
kind had no very great propensity.”
But he determines it to be a greater
sin than fornication, and consequently
it ought to have a longer course of
penance assigned it: for fornication
was to have seven years’ punishment
by St. Basil’s rules; and yet the term
of penance for polygamy in this canon
is only four years: which makes learned
men suspect, that this part of the canon
is corrupted by the negligence of tran-
scribers, and that St. Basil originally
assigned a longer term of penance for
this sin than appears from any copies
now extant, which only requires one
year’s penance in the quality of mourn-
ers, and three years in the class of co-
standers, without any mention of their
being hearers or prostrators, which are
usually speciﬁed in most other canons
of this author. In the ﬁrst Council of
Toledo (can. xvii. Labbé, vol. ii.p. 1226.)
there is also a rule, “which accounts
it the same thing as polygamy for a
man to have a. wife and a concubine
together; for such an one may not
communicate. But if he have no wife,
but only a concubine instead of a wife,
he may not be repelled from the com-
munion; provided he be content to be
joined to one woman only, whether
wife or concubine, as he pleases.”
In the sense of the ecclesiastical
law, a concubine differs nothing from
a wife, though the civil law made a
greater distinction between them, call~
ing her only a concubine, who was
married against any of the rules which
the laws of the state prescribe, and
denying her the privileges, rights, and
honours, which belong to a legal Wife ;
for she could claim no right from her
husband’s estate, nor her children suc~
ceed to his inheritance. Yet she was
not reputed guilty of fornication, nor
the husband accounted an adnlterer
in the eye of the Church; because
they kept themselves together faith-
fully and entirely to each other by an
exact performance of the mutual con-
tract made between them: which was
the reason why the Church allowed
such a man to communicate, who was
united to a concubine (in the afore—
said sense) instead of a wife; but
reckoned him guilty of polygamy who
kept a wife and concubine together.
“ As to the consent of guardians, it
does not appear to have been much
thought of, except in certain feudal re-
lations, where the power of the guardians
was carried to a very extravagant length,
and for purposes pointing almost en-
tirely to the interests of the guardians
themselves. Vide etiam Fielder v.
Fielder, 2 Consist. 194.; Droney v.
Archer, 2 Phil. 238.; Priestlyv. Hughes,
11 East, 1.; Rex v. Hoclnett (Inhabit—
ants of), 1 T. R. 96.; 2 Bro. C. C. 583.
In Horner v. Licldiartl (1 Consist.
347.) the marriage of an illegitimate
minor, after the death of the father
with the consent of the mother, but
without the consent of a legally ap-
pointed guardian, was under the fol-
512
(1503)

lowing circumstances held to be in-
valid: —— Harriet Liddiard was the
natural daughter of Sarah Liddiard,
by John Whitelock, and was born
September 12, 1777. Mr. Whitelock
died in 1788, and by his will appointed
Sarah Liddiard and George Ashley his
executors. He bequeathed certain parts
of his personal property to his executors
upon trust to put the same out at in-
terest until Harriet Liddiard, whom
he acknowledged in his will to be his
natural child, should attain the age of
twenty-one years, or be married with
the consent and approbation of the
said Sarah Liddiard and George Ashley,
or the survivor of them; and he gave
the tuition and care of her during her
minority to his executors. On the 7th
of March, 1796, a marriage was solem-
nized between Thomas Strangeways
Homer and Harriet Liddiard by
licence, with the consent of Sarah
Liddiard (George Ashley not being then
dead), who was described therein as a
widow, and mother and guardian of
Harriet Liddiard. After a full consi-
deration of the circumstances of the
case, the judge was opinion that the
marriage was not conformable to the
stat. 26 Geo. II. c. 33., and conse-
quently was null and void.
The marriage of a minor without
the consent of her father, if from acts
of the father a subsequent consent
may be implied, is a good marriage.
It is not necessary, in a prosecution
for bigamy for a subsequent marriage
of the minor, to prove the consent of
the parent to the ﬁrst marriage. Reg.
v. Clark. 2 Cox, Crim. Cas. 1833.
It may however be remarked, that
by the old Roman law a guardian
might not marry a woman to whom
he was guardian: neither might he
give her in marriage to his own son.
There are several laws of Severus,
Philip, and Valerian (Cod. Justin.
lib. v. tit. vi. p. 151.), in the Justinian
Code, to this purpose. The only ex-
ception then was, when the guardian
did it by the prince’s license and par-
ticular rescript. But Constantine de-
termined this matter with another
distinction, which was (Cod. Theod.
lib. xix. tit. viii. leg. i. Lugd. 1665.
vol. iii. p. 69.), “That the guardian
should not marry the orphan, whilst
she was a minor and under his care;
but when she was of age, he might
marry her, ﬁrst proving that he had
not deﬁled her in her minority. But
if he had offered any injury to her
before, he was not only debarred from
marrying her, but was also to be
banished, and all his goods to be
conﬁscated to the public.” TBingham,
Christ. Ant. 293.
Consent may be retracted, since the
parental authority continues up to
the time of marriage. This principle,
however, must be taken with reason-
able limitation; for it cannot be main-
tained, that this power can be arbi-
trarily resumed at any moment; when
consent has been actually given, it
will be necessary that dissent should
be afterwards distinctly expressed,
and that it should be proved so to
have been in the clearest manner.
(IIOolgklﬂSO’lt v. Will/ale, 1 Consist. 268.;
Smith v. Huson, 1 Phil. 287.; Cresswell
v. Cosine, 2 ibid. 283.; Sullivan v. Sul-
livan, 2 Consist. 241.; Balfour v.
Carpenter, 1 Phil. 221.; Days v. Jarvis,
2 Consist. 173.) A formal and written
consent is not requisite, nor a personal
knowledge of the party; that it must
be given before the marriage is soleme
nized, and that the presence of the
father at a marriage cured any defect
arising from want of consent; and, as
stated by Sir William Scott, to “ob-
viate the consequences which must be
most unfavourable to the issue of the
marriage in case of a sentence of nul—
lity, the Court has, ‘in its construction
of the statute, held, not without some
controversy arising in other quarters,
that it is necessary to prove the nega-
tive of the consent together with the
other circumstances relied on in the
strongest terms.’ ” (Ibid.)
By the law of England, full age is
when a person, either male or female,
has attained to the age of twenty-one
years complete. And accordingly, by
stat. 26 Geo. II. c. 33. s. 11. (repealed
(1564)

by stat. 3 Geo. IV. 0. 75.), all marriages
solemnized by licence, where either of
the parties, not being a widower or
widow, shall be under the age of
twenty-one years, which shall be had
without the consent of the father of
such of the parties so under age (if
then living) ﬁrst had and obtained, or
if dead, of the guardian or guardians
of the person of the party so under
age, lawfully appointed, or one of
them; and if there shall be no such
guardian, then of the mother, if living
and unmarried; or if there be no
mother living and unmarried, then if
a guardian or guardians of the person
appointed by the Court of Chancery,
shall be void.”
Previously to stat. 26 Geo. II. c. 33.
consent was held valid if given by
males of fourteen and females of twelve
years of age. (Arnold v. Earle, 2 Lee
(Sir G.), 531.; I Inst. 33. (a), 78. (a);
2 Ibid. 434.; 3 Ibid. 88, 89.) All the
other statutes on this subject enact
the same legal age of consent as stat.
26 Geo. II. c. 33., viz. twenty-one. And
the same principles as to parental and
tutelary consent are to be found,
though not carried to the extent of
invalidating a marriage once solem-
nized, in stat. 4 Geo. IV. 0. 76. ss. 16
(it 17., and stat. 6 dz 7 Gul. IV. 0. 85.
s. 12.
By stat. 3 Geo. IV. 0. 75. s. 2. all
marriages solemnized by licence before
July 22. 1822, without any such con-
sent as is required by stat. 26 Geo. II.
c. 33. where the parties have continued
to live together as husband and wife
till the death of either, or till July
22, 1822, or have only discontinued
their cohabitation for the purpose or
during the pending of any such pro-
ceedings touching the validity of such
marriage, are declared valid, if not
otherwise invalid.
This clause does not affect the
validity of marriages had by banns
without lawful consent; and marriages
declared valid or invalid, any property,
title, or honour possessed, any acts of
courts or administration passed before
July 22, 1822, are exempted from the
operations of that act. [For case's
exempt from the operation of stat.
3 Geo. IV. 0. 75. vide Blgth v. Blgth,
1 Add. 312.; Rea‘ v. )S't. John Delpihe
(Inhabitants of), 2 B. (it Ad. 226.; King
v. 1521721807721, 3 Add. 277.; Bridgu'ater v.
Crutchleg, I Add. 473.; Poole v Poole,
1 Younge, 331.]
The bearing of stat. 3 Geo. IV. 0. 75.
on stat. 26 Geo II. c. 33., will receive
illustration from 0205768 v. Donovan
(3 Hagg. 304—310.), in which Dr.
Lushington observed: “ This is a suit
brought by George Parlby Duins
against Mary Donovan, calling herself
Duins, for the purpose of having the
marriage, which took place in the
year 1813, declared null and void. It
is true that a very considerable time
has elapsed between the period at
which the marriage was contracted
and the institution of the present suit;
but suits of a similar description have
been brought after the lapse of at least
as long a period. In Johnston v. John-
ston ('3 Phil. 39.), upwards of twenty
years had intervened between the
solemnization of the marriage and the
commencement of proceedings. Con-
sidering, therefore, that the Court has
to pronounce only a declaratory sen-
tence, and to determine whether the
law has made this marriage null and
void, I think the lapse of time offers
no bar to the inquiry.
“ The sentence is prayed in this case
by reason that the marriage was had
during the minority of the man, and
without the knowledge or consent of
his father. To enable the Court to
arrive at such a sentence, it is ﬁrst
requisite for the party to plead such
facts as shall bring his case within the
clauses of the old Marriage Act (26
Geo. II. c. 33.), known by the name
of Lord Hardwicke’s Act; and to
satisfy the Court that, if those facts
were proved, it would be right to pro-
nounce the sentence which it is em-
powered to do by the provisions of
that statute. But since the passing of
that act, other statutes have intro-
duced various alterations and regula-
tions into the marriage law of this
(i565)

country. The stat. 3 Geo. IV. 0. '75.
s. 2. (pleaded in the libel), generally
and practically speaking, may be said
to render valid, with certain excep-
tions, all marriages of minors pre-
viously solemnized by licence without
the consent of the parent or guardian,
thus far restoring the general law as
to the validity of such marriages which
the former act declared absolute nulli-
ties. It is clear, that, according to
the facts alleged in the libel, the mar-
riage would be null under the old
Marriage Act; the question, therefore,
is, whether it is rendered valid by
stat. 3 Geo. IV. 0. 75. s. 2., or comes
within what I have just called the
exceptions. The second section is only
pleaded, and it enacts ‘that in all cases
of marriage had and solemnized by
licence before the passing of this act,
without any such consent as is re-
quired by so much of the said statute
as is hereinbefore recited, and where
the parties shall have continued to
live together as husband and wife till
the death of one of them, or till the
passing of this act, or shall only have
discontinued their cohabitation for the
purpose, or during the pending of any
proceedings touching the validity of
such marriage, such marriage, if not
otherwise invalid, shall be deemed to
be good and valid to all intents and
purposes whatsoever.’
“I presume that it is intended to
show the invalidity of this marriage
upon this second section only, and
not to rely upon the provisoes con-
tained in the third and the following
sections to the seventh inclusive. Two
cases only have occurred in which the
construction of this second section has
come under judicial consideration, and
some difﬁculty may possibly arise in
applying to that section the precise
meaning intended by the legislature;
but, whatever may be the eventual
proof in support of this libel, there is
suﬂicient upon the face of it, as far as
relates to the law, to call ‘upon the
Court to admit it to proof; it will,
however, be necessary that I should
bear this section in mind when I
consider the objection to the 13th
article.
“The principal fact is, the minority
of the son—the party bringing the
suit; and that is pleaded in very dis-
tinct terms: but, by way of collateral
proof, a copy of an entry in a registry
of baptisms for the year 1820 is exhi-
bited, it being alleged that his birth
took place in 1795.”
“The next objection is to the ar-
ticle, which pleads a letter from the
father, dated two months after the
marriage of his son; and it is said,
that the father might have Written
this letter for the purpose of manu-
facturing evidence in his own cause.
Certainly such a deception might,
under particular circumstances, be
attempted; but the Court has not the
slightest‘reason to suppose, that any
such attempt has here been made,
The letter is admissible, not as the
declaration of the father simply, but
as part of the res gestae connected
with the marriage. It will not be
sufficient proof of the father’s ignor-
ance of the intended marriage, nor of
his disapprobation after it had taken
place; but, in conjunction with other
circumstances, it may assist the Court,
and may also be useful should any
question arise as to the degree of
credit due to the witnesses upon this
point.
“ In respect to the 13th article—-
which alleges that the party proceeded
against contracted a second de facto
marriage in 1818, the difficulty that
occurs to the Court is, that the third
section of the 3 Geo. IV. 0. 75. is not
pleaded. By that section it is enacted,
‘that nothing in this act contained
shall extend or be construed to extend
to render valid any marriage declared
invalid by any court of competent juris—
diction, before the passing of this act,
nor any marriage where either of the
parties shall at any time afterwards,
during the life of the other party, have
lawfully intermarried with any other
person.’ Now, no reference is made
in the libel to this section; the Court
therefore infers that, though a mar-
(1566)

riage in 1818 is pleaded, it is not the
intention of those who framed this
libel to rely upon it as valid, and as a
substantive fact; because, if it had
been their intention to rely upon it,
this third section would, I conceive,
have been set forth as well as the
second. The words used are ‘lawfully
intermarried’; in order, then, to set
aside a marriage distinctly on the
ground of a second marriage, it would
certainly be requisite to show that
the second marriage was a legal and
valid marriage.
“ Supposing, however, that this mar-
riage has been introduced as a circum-
stance of conduct in the woman, is it
evidence in illustration of her conduct,
so as to bring the party within the
provisions of the second section ‘2 and,
in that view of the case, it is, I think,
admissible. The words are, ‘where
the parties shall have continued to
live together as husband and wife
until the death of one of them, or
until the passing of this act.’ What-
ever may be the true construction of
those words, it appears to me import-
ant to admit a circumstance which at
least tends to show the view of one
of the parties in relation to the mar-
riage in 1813, for the woman consi-
dered herself at liberty to contract a
second marriage. On that ground,
therefore, I allow that article to stand;
and I am of opinion that this libel,
after expunging the entry copied from
the baptismal register, is admissible.”
And subsequently, upon the evidence
taken in support of the libel, the Court
being clearly of opinion that all the
material facts were proved, that the
evidence, in respect to the 13th article,
satisfactorily established, prima facie
at least, a marriage de facto, without
hearing counsel for Mr. Duins, pro--
nounced the sentence of nullity. [Re-
specting what should be considered a
cohabitation begun and discontinued,
vide Bridg'water v. Craze/Jay, 1 Add.
477.; King v. b'a'nsom, 3 Ibid. 277.]
By stat. 4 Geo. IV. 0. 76. s. 16. the
father, if living, of any party under
twenty-one years of age, such party
not being a widower or widow; or if
the father be dead, the guardian or
guardians of the person of the party
so under age, lawfully appointed, or
one of them; and in case there be no
such guardian or guardians, then the
mother of such party, if unmarried;
and if there be no mother unmarried,
then the guardian or guardians of the
person appointed by the Court of
Chancery, if any or one of them shall
have authority to give consent to the
marriage of such party; and such con-
sent is required for the marriage of
such party so under age, unless there
be no person authorised to give such
consent.
In Rex v. Birmingham (Li/iabizfams
of) (8 B. dz C. 29.), a marriage was
solemnized by licence between a man
and woman, the former being a minor,
whose father was living, and who did
not consent to the marriage; but it
was nevertheless held to be valid, stat.
4 Geo. IV. 0. 75. s. 16. which requires
such consent, being directory only:—
Lord Tenterden observing : “ \Ve have
considered the various statutes refer-
red to by counsel, and are all of opi—
nion, that the marriage in question is
valid. A marriage under such cir-
cumstances would, by stat. 26 Geo. II.
c. 33. s. 11. have been void, but stat.
3 Geo. IV. 0. 7 5. s. 1. recites that sec-
tion, and that it had been productive
of great evils and injustice, and then
proceeds to enact, ‘that so much of
the said statute as is hereinbefore
recited, as far as the same relates to
any marriage to be hereafter solem-
nized, shall be and the same is hereby
repealed.’ The second section en-
acted, that marriages theretofore so-
lemnized by licence, without such
consent as required by the former act,
should be valid, with certain limita-
tions imposed by the third and four
following sections. Then the eighth
and subsequent sections contained new
provisions as to granting licences in
future. These were repealed by stat.
4 Geo. IV. c. 17. which restored cer-
tain parts of stat-26 Geo. II. c. 33.,
and some question might be raised, as
(1567)
O
to whether that part of stat. 3 Geo. IV.
0. 76. remained in force, which repealed
the eleventh section of stat. 26 Geo. II.
c. 33. But that question is now rendered
immaterial by stat. 4 Geo. IV. c. 75.,
which repealed stat. 4 Geo. IV. 0. 17.
and so much of stat. 26 Geo. II. c. 33.
as was then in force. The only statute,
therefore, now to be considered, is
stat. 4 Geo. IV. 0. 75., the fourteenth
section of which points out the mode
in which licences are to be obtained,
and the matters to be sworn to by the
parties or one of them; and one of
those matters, Where either of the
parties, not being a widower or widow,
shall be under the age of twenty-one
years, is, that the consent of the per-
son or persons whose consent to such
marriage is required, under the provi-
sions of this act, has been obtained
thereto. Then the sixteenth section
speciﬁes the persons who shall have
power to consent, and proceeds : ‘and
such consent is hereby required for
the marriage of such party so under
age, unless there shall be no person
authorized to give such consent.’ The
language of this section is merely to
require consent; it does not proceed
to make the marriage void, if solem—
nized without consent. Then the
twenty—second section declares, that
certain marriages shall be null and
void, and a marriage by licence with-
out consent is not speciﬁed. Thus far,
therefore, the question depends upon
the direction in the sixteenth section;
and if there were any doubt upon the
construction of that section, it would
be removed by the twenty-third, which
enacts, that ‘if any valid marriage
solemnized by licence shall be pro-
cured by a party to such marriage to
be solemnized between persons, one or
both of whom shall be under age, by
means of false swearing to any matter
to which such party is required per—
sonally to depose,’ not that the mar-
riage shall be void, but that all the
property accruing from the marriage
shall be forfeited, and shall be secured
for the beneﬁt of the innocent party,
or the issueof the marriage. This is
a penalty for disobeying the direction
of the legislature given in the six-
teenth section, and is calculated to
prevent fraudulent and clandestine
marriages, by depriving the guilty
party of the pecuniary beneﬁt, which
is most commonly the inducement
moving to the fraud. For these rea-
sons it appears to us that the marriage
in this case is valid, and the order of
sessions right.”
By stat. 4 Geo. IV. 0. 76. s. 17. in
case the father or fathers of the parties
to be married, or of one of them so
under age, be non compos mentis, or
the guardian or guardians, mother or
mothers, or any of them whose con-
sent is made necessary to the marriage
of such party or parties, be non compos
mentis, or in parts beyond the seas,
or shall unreasonably or from undue
motives refuse to withhold his, her, or
their consent to a proper marriage,
then any person desirous of marrying,
may in any of those cases apply by
petition to the lord chancellor, lord
keeper, or the lords commissioners of
the great seal of Great Britain, master
of the rolls, or vice-chancellor of Eng-
land, who respectively may proceed
upon such petition in a summary Way;
and in case the marriage proposed
upon examination appear to be proper,
the lord chancellor, lord keeper, or
lords commissioners of the great seal,
master of the rolls, or vice-chancellor,
is to judicially declare the same to be
so; and such judicial declaration is
made as good and effectual, to all in-
tents and purposes, as if the father,
guardian or guardians, or mother of
the petitioner had consented to such
marriage.
In Exparte I. 0., an infant (3 M. 6:
C. 471.), it was held, that the forego-
ing language did not apply to the case
of a father who is beyond the seas, or
unreasonably withholds his consent,
but only to a case in which he is non
compos mentis: Lord Chancellor Got-
tenham observing, “that in his opi-
nion, the words ‘ any of them whose
consent,’ &0., referred to the persons
named in the immediately preceding
(1568)

member of the sentence, viz., ‘the
guardian or guardians, mother or
mothers;’ and that the discretionary
power of consent vested in the judges
of this court, in case the consent should
be withheld unreasonably, or from un-
due motives, applied exclusively to the
case of such guardian or mother so
acting. As, however, the point had
been under the vice-chancellor’s con-
sideration, he should take an oppor-
tunity of conferring with his honour
upon it.” Upon a subsequent day,
the Lord Chancellor said, “ he had seen
the vice-chancellor on the subject of
the construction to be put on the
Marriage Act in this case. They had
looked at the act together; and they
were clearly of opinion that its provi-
sions did not extend to the case of a
father beyond seas, or unreasonably
withholding his consent, but solely to
the case of a father who was non
compos.”
By stat. 4 Geo. IV. 0. 76. s. 23. if any
valid marriage, solemnized by licence,
be procured by a party to such mar-
riage, to be solemnized between per-
sons, one or both of Whom being under _
the age of twenty-one years, not being
a widower or widow, contrary to the
provisions of that act, by means of
such party falsely swearing as to any
matter or matters to which such party
is thereinbefore required personally to
swear, such party wilfully and know—
ingly so swearing; or if any valid mar-
riage by banns be procured by a party
thereto, to be solemnized by banns
between persons, one or both of Whom
being under the age of twenty-one
years, not being a widower or widow,
such party knowing that such person,
under the age of twenty—one years, had
a parent or guardian then living, and
that such marriage was had without
the consent of such parent or guardian,
and knowing that banns had not been
duly published according to the provi-
sions of that act, and having know-
ingly caused or procured the undue
publication of banns, then such party
can be proceeded against by the at-
torney-general by information, at the
relation of a parent or guardian, whose
consent has not been given, for a for-
feiture of all estate, right, title, and
interest in any property which has
accrued or may accrue to the party
so offending, by force of such mar-
riage; and such estate, &c., may be
secured under the direction of the
Court, for the beneﬁt of the injured
party, or the issue; and if both parties
to the marriage be, in the judgment
of the Court, guilty, the property may
be secured for the beneﬁt of the issue,
subject to such provisions for the main-
tenance of the offending parties, as
the Court may think reasonable. The
attorney-general must be satisﬁed by
the relator’s oath, that the marriage
has been solemnized under circum-
stances sufﬁcient to authorize the
information, and without the consent
of the relator, or that of the other
parent or guardian of the minor mar~
ried, and that the relator had not dis-
covered that the marriage had been
solemnized more’ than three months
previous to the application.
By stat. 4 Geo. IV. 0. 76. s. 25. the
information must be ﬁled within one
year after the solemnization of the
marriage, and be prosecuted with due
diligence; and in case any person or
necessary party to such information
abscond, or be or continue out of
England, the court may order such
person to appear to such information,
and answer the same within such time
as to the court shall seem ﬁt, and
cause such order to be served on such
person at any place out of England,
or to be inserted in the London
Gazette, and such other British and
foreign newspapers as to the court
shall seem proper; and in default of
such person appearing and answering
such information Within the time
limited, may order such information
to be taken as confessed, and may
make such decree or order as the court
might have made if such person had
appeared to and answered such in-
formation; and in case the relator
die pending the suit, the court may
appoint proper persons, at whose
(1569)

relation such suit
tinued.
By stat. 4 Geo. IV. 0. 76. s. 24. all
agreements, settlements, and deeds,
entered into or executed by the par-
ties, in consequence of or in relation
to whose marriage the information
shall be ﬁled, so far as the same shall
be contrary to, or inconsistent with
the provisions of such security and
settlement as shall be made by or
under the direction of the court, are
made absolutely void, and of no force
or effect.
By stat. 4 Geo. IV. 0. 76. s. 8. no
parson, minister, vicar, or curate,
solemnizing marriages between per—
sons both or one of whom shall be
under the age of twenty-one years
after banns published, shall be punish-
able by ecclesiastical censures for
solemnizing such marriages without
consent of parents or guardians, unless
such parson, minister, vicar, or curate
shall have notice of the dissent of such
parents or guardians; and in case
such parents or guardians, or one of
them, shall openly and publicly de—
clare, or cause to be declared, in the
church or chapel where the banns
shall be so published, at the time of
such publication, his, her, or their
dissept to such marriage, such publi-
cation of banns shall be absolutely
void.
But though dissent thus expressed
will make banns void, yet consent in
marriages, by banns, is not necessary.
Vide Diclclear v. Faiocit, 3 Phil. 581.;
vide stat. 26 Geo. II. c. 33. s. 3.
may be con-
Malformation or frigidity is, after
trial, examination, and sentence in
the Spiritual Courts, cause for divorce
5 vinculo; and if there be a divorce
for frigidity or impotency, each party
can marry again, and if the Court be
deceived respecting the impotency of
the party, the second marriage will
only be voidable. Bnryy’s case, 5 Co.
98. (b). ; Gibson’s Codex, 446.
It is competent either for the man
01' woman to institute a suit for mal-
formation or frigidity: the rights and
duties of both parties are co-equal,
whether the failure be on one side or
the other.
In .B’I'lit/f/S v. zlforgan Phil. 327.;
Vide etiam Guest v. Guest, 2 Consist.
321.) Sir William Scott observed: “ A
person need not be a profound physio-
logist to know how rarely the structure
of the body is deﬁcient for the pur-
poses of our nature. Malformation is
not common in our sex, and perhaps
is still more uncommon in the other;
and where it does exist, and is known
to the parties, it naturally deters them
from contracting marriage; and where
it is otherwise, there may be many
reasons, some good and some bad,
which may prevent them from apply-
ing to a court of law for redress. The
possibility of the case is not denied:
the topic is known to form no small
extent of discussion in the canon law.
Unless the possibility is denied, the
right of complaining can hardly be
denied to the husband: the rights and
duties of both parties are co-equal,
whether the failure is on one side or
the other. I am inclined to pay as
little deference to the objection taken
on the ground of the indelicacy of the
proceedings. Courts of law are not
invested with the powers of selection;
they must take the law as it is imposed
on them. Courts of the highest juris-
diction must often go into cases of the
most odious nature, where the pro-
ceeding is only for the punishment of
the offender; here the claim is for a
remedy, and the Court cannot refuse
to entertain it 011 any fastidious no-
tions of its own.”
To found a sentence of nullity by
reason of impotency, the impediment
must be shown to have existed at the
marriage and to be incurable. (Brown
v. Brown, 1 Hagg. 523.; l/Vilcle v. Wilde,
2 Lee (Sir G.), 578.; Norton V. Seton,
3 Phil. 160.; 2 Howell’s State Trials,
785.) There must be a triennial co-
habitation, or inspection will be refused,
and this species of proof is always re-
ceived with caution, and appears never
to have been held sufficient alone.
Aleson v. Aleson, 2 Lee (Sir G), 576.;
(1570)

Norton v. Seton, 3 Phil. 160.; vide etiam
Pollard v. lVgbourn, 1 Hagg. 725. ;
Cumgns v. Cami/its, 2 Phil. 10.
The Court will not proceed in suits
where the parties are at an advanced
age (Briggs v. Morgan, 1 Consist. 328.),
or where they have been guilty of
laches in not coming to the Court for
redress. Ibid. Guest v. Guest, 323.;
Pollard v. I'Vghourn, 1 Hagg. 725.
Where in a nullity of marriage by
reason of bigamy by the man against
the woman, a responsive allegation by
the latter, pleading in bar, deception,
and cognizance of the former marriage
on the part of the man, was rejected,
and the misconduct of the party pro-
ceeding in such cases is no bar to a
sentence of nullity. Miles v. Chilton,
6 Eccles. Notes of Cases, 636.
If anywoman’s husband went abroad,
and continued absent from her, there
was no time limited for her marrying
again, but she must wait till she was
certiﬁed of his death; otherwise she
was reputed guilty of adultery. So
St. Basil (c. XXXl.; Labbé ii. p. 1740):
“She whose husband is absent from
home, if she cohabit with another man
before she is satisﬁed of his death,
commits adultery.” This was the case
of a soldier’s wife (marrying after the
long absence of her husband, yet be-
fore she was certiﬁed of his death), as
he determines (c. Xxxvi. ibid. p. 1741.)
in another canon; but he reckons her
more pardonable than another woman,
because it was more probable that he
might be dead. In these cases, if the
ﬁrst husband appeared again, he might
claim his wife, and the second marriage
was null and of no effect; as is de-
termined in the Council of Trullo
(Conc. Trul. c. xciii. ibid. vol. vi. p
1182.), where these canons of St. Basil
are repeated. But the civil law allowed
allowed a soldier’s wife to marry (Cod.
Justin. lib. v. tit. xvii. 1. vii. (Amstelod.
1663, p. 162.) “ Uxor, quae, in mili-
tiam profecto marito, post interventum
annorum quatuor, nnllum sospitatis
ejus potuit habere indicium, atque
ideo de nuptiis aliis cogitavit, nec
tamen ante nupsit, quam libello Ducem
super [hoc suo] voto convenit; non
videtur nuptias iniisse furtivas, nec
dotis amissionem sustinere, nec capi-
tali poenae esse obnoxia, quae post tam
magni temporis jugitatem non temere,
nec clanculo, sed publice contestatione
deposita nupsisse ﬁrmatur,”) after four
years’ expectation.
Where -A, a Scotchman, married in
Scotland, and went abroad, his wife
cohabited with C, and had children by
him. To make such children legiti-
mate, it was held necessary for those
who asserted their legitimacy to prove
either a legal origin of the cohabita-
tion, or a change in the nature of it
after the death ofA had become known
to all the parties. The mere fact that
C and the woman continued to live
together was not sufﬁcient for that
purpose. Under such circumstances
the children were held illegitimate,
though born after the date of A’s
death.
Quaere. C and B live together as
man and wife, in the bona ﬁde belief
that A, to whom B had been lawfully
married, was dead: he was in fact
alive. Will his subsequent death,
during the continuance of the cohabi-
tation, confer on it, according to the
law of Scotland, the character of a
legal marriage? Lapsleg v. Grierson,
House of Lords Cases, 498.
Another sort of polygamy was, the
marrying of a second wife after the
unlawful divorcement of a former ; for
this, in effect, was reputed the same
as having two wives at once.
The marriage of a lunatic not being
in a lucid interval, is absolutely void.
Browning v. Eeclne, 2 Phil. 71. ; Par/cer
v. Parker, 2 Lee (Sir G.), 382.
In Portsmouth (Countess of) v. Ports-
mouth (Earl of) (1 Hagg. 359.), Sir
John N icholl observed, “ When a fact
of marriage has been regularly solem-
nized, the presumption is in its favour;
but then it must be solemnized between
parties competent to contract—capable
of entering into that most important
engagement, the very essence of which
is consent; and without soundness of
mind there can be no legal consent—
(1571)
none binding in law: insanity vitiates
all acts. Nor am I prepared to doubt,
but that considerable weakness of mind
circumvented by proportionate fraud,
will vitiate the fact of marriage ;—
whether the fraud is practised on his
ward by a party who stands in the
relation of guardian, as in the case of
Harford v. rllorrz's (2 Consist. 423.),
which was decided principally on the
ground of fraud—or whether it is
effected by a trustee procuring the
solemnization of the marriage of his
own daughter with a person of very
weak mind, over whom he has acquired
a great ascendancy. A person, inca-
pable from weakness of detecting the
fraud, and of resisting the ascendancy
practised in obtaining his consent to
the contract, can hardly be considered
as binding himself in point of law by
such an act.”
In Tamer v. ll/eyers (1 Ibid. 414.)
Sir William Scott observed: “ It is, I
conceive, perfectly clear in law, that a
party may come forward to maintain
his own past incapacity, and also that
a defect of incapacity invalidates the
contract of marriage, as well as any
other contract. It is true, that there
are some obscure dicta, in the earlier
commentators on the law (Sanchez,
lib. 1. disp. 8. num. 15. et seq), that a
marriage of an insane person could
not be invalidated on that account,
founded, I presume, on some notion
that prevailed in the dark ages, of the
mysterious nature of the contract of
marriage, in which its spiritual nature
almost entirely obliterated its civil
character. In more modern times, it
has been considered in its proper light,
as a civil contract, as Well as a reli-
gious vow, and, like all civil contracts,
will be invalidated by want of consent
of capable persons. This has been
fully determined in a case before the
delegates (Morison v. Stewart, falsely
called Morison, Delegates, 1745.), when
the effect of all these dicta were brought
before the Court, and it has been since
acted upon in various cases (Cloadesley
v. Evans, Prerog. 1763.; Parker v.
Par/oer, 1757.) in this Court, which it
is unnecessary to review. I take it to
be as clear a principle of law, there—
fore, at this day, as any can be, and as
incapable of being affected by any
general dicta which may be found in
writers of earlier periods, as any fun-
damental maxim on which the Courts
are in the habit of proceeding.
“ When a commission of lunacy has
been taken out, the conclusion against
the marriage will be founded on that
statute (stat. 15 Geo. II. c. 30.); where
there has been no such commission,
the matter is to be established on
evidence. The statute has made pro—
visions against such marriages, even
in lucid intervals, till the commission
has been superseded. In other cases,
the Court will require it to be shown
by strong evidence, that the marriage
was clearly had in a lucid interval, if
it is ﬁrst found that the person was
generally insane.
“Madness is a state of mind not
easily reducible to correct deﬁnition,
since it is the disorder of that faculty
with which we are little acquainted;
for all the study of mankind has made
but a very moderate progress in inves-
tigating the texture of the mind, even
in a sound state. In lunacy, where it
has pleased the Almighty to envelope
the subject-matter in the darkness of
disease, it will probably always con—
tinue so; but the effects of this disor-
dered state are pretty well known.
We learn from experience and obser—
vation all that we can know, and we
see that madness may subsist in various
degrees; sometimes slight, as partaking
rather of disposition or humour, which
will not incapacitate a man from ma-
naging his own affairs, or making a
valid contract. It must be something
more than this; something which, if
there be any test, is held, by the com-
mon judgment of mankind, to affect
his general ﬁtness to be trusted with
the management of himself and his
own concerns. The degree of proof
must be still stronger, when a person
brings a suit on allegation of his own
incapacity, by exposing to view the
changes of his mind.”
(1572)

Widows were not restrained from
marrying a second time, but yet they
were tied up and limited by law not
to do this till a year after the death of
their former husband. This was the
law of the old Romans, even from the
time of their ﬁrst founder, Romulus.
But the Roman year being then but
ten months, the time of a widow’s
mourning was no longer at ﬁrst; nor
was it enlarged for many years after,
though the year itself was quickly
enlarged by N uma to twelve months:
yet still the widow’s year was accord-
ing to the old computation. So that
whenever we read of a widow’s mourn-
ing a year after her husband’s death,
it is to be understood of the Romulean
year of ten months only. And so the
matter stood till the time of Theodo-
sius, who added two months to the
former term by an express law, which
runs in these words (Cod. Theod. lib. iii.
tit. viii. de Secundis Nuptiis, leg. i.
(Lugd. 1665, vol. i. p. 281.): “ If any
woman, after the loss of her husband,
make haste to be married to another
within the space of a year (for we
have added a little time to the ten
months, though we think it but a
small term), let her be branded with
the marks of infamy, and deprived of
the honour and privilege of a genteel
and noble person; and let her forfeit
whatever goods she is possessed of,
either by the right of espousals, or by
the last will and testament of her
deceased husband.”
If the ﬁrst marriage be valid, it is
immaterial whether it was contracted
in this or a foreign country; the inva-
lidity of the second marriage is a
necessary consequence of the solem-
nization of the former contract ac—
cording to the lex loci.
It is competent to a party to set
up the nullity of the ﬁrst marriage in
favour of a sentence prayed of the
nullity of the second by reason of the
ﬁrst, although he has been convicted
of bigamy in respect of such marriage
(Bruce v. Burke, 2 Add. 471.; stat. 9
Geo. IV. 0. 71.; Bird v. Bell, 1 Lee
(Sir G.), 621.; Searle v. Price, 2 Con-
sist. 187.). A subsequent de facto
marriage of the woman with another
man, is pleadable to show that the
parties did not live together as hus—
band and wife. Dams v. Donovan,
3 Hagg. 361.
Another legal impediment to mar-
riage is, that the parties are within
certain degrees of consanguinity and
affinity.
That the marriage with nigh rela-
tions is a violation of the law of
nature, as well as that of God, is
evident from the practice of all civi—
lized nations, who have industriously
avoided it. Other arguments there are
to prove it, drawn from the natural
aversion which most persons ﬁnd in
themselves to such commixtures; from
the horrible confusion of relative dis-
tinctions which this would occasion;
from the inconvenience of hindering
alliances with other families, and shut-
ting up one breed of people only among
themselves, which would for many
reasons be inconvenient to the public.
It is, however, sufﬁcient to oblige the
conformity of duty thereunto, to con-
sider that matches within several
particular degrees of consanguinity
and afﬁnity are prohibited by God’s
word. (Levit. 18.) In fact, after the
lapse of several centuries from the in~
stitution of Christianity, the Mosaic
prohibitions and other regulations re-
specting marriage were adopted, with
certain modiﬁcations, in the church.
The canonists are very careful in their
enumeration of the degrees of consan—
guinity or aﬁinity within which it
became unlawful to contract marriage.
They enumerate thirteen such cases,
which are comprised in the following
lines:
Nata, soror, neptis, matertera fratris et uxor,
Et patrui conjux, mater, privigna, noverca,
Uxorisque soror. privigni nata, nurusquc
Atque soror patris, conjungi lege vetantur.
Whereas the number of those which
the Jewish lawgiver recounts is seven-
teen or nineteen; an instance of de-
viation from the original law, which
was deemed necessary. (August. Quaest.
(1513)
59. sup. Levit'. Qumst. 76.; Riddle’s
Christ. Ant. 708.) When one of the
ﬁrst Christians had made a marriage
contrary to one of the Levitical prohi-
bitions, the Apostle thus animadverts
upon that practice: “It is reported
commonly, that there is a fornication
among you, and such a fornication as
is not so much as named among the
Gentiles, that one should have his
father’s wife.” Nicholls on the Com—
mon Prayer.
Nor do these rules hold only in
lawful marriages, but are equally bind-
ing in unlawful conjunctions: for by
the same law that a man may not
marry his father’s wife, he ought not
to take his father’s concubine; and as
the woman may not be married to her
daughter’s husband, so neither may
she be married to one by whom her
daughter has been abused. Nor are
bastard children any more at liberty
to marry within the degrees of the
Levitical law, than those that are legi-
timate. In this case legitimacy or
illegitimacy makes no difference; for
if it did, a mother might marry her
bastard son. Wheatly on the Common
Prayer, 403.
If a man married his father’s wife,
or his wife’s daughter, or his brother’s
wife, or his wife’s sister; which are
cases in affinity, particularly mentioned
in the Council of Auxerre (can. xxvii.
Labbé, vol. v. p. 960.), it was incest.
St. Basil (can. lxvii. Labbé, vol. ii.
p. 1352.) says: “Incest with a sister
was to be punished with the same
penance as murder; and all incestuous
conjunction as adultery.” (Ibid. can.
lxviii. Labbé, vol. ii. p. 1752.) He that
committed incest with an half-sister
(ibid. c.1xxv. Labbé, vol. ii. p. 1753.)
was to do eleven years’ penance; and
he who committed incest with his son’s
wife (ibid. can. lxxvi. Labbé, vol. ii.
p. 1753.), was to do the same. He
who successively married two sisters
(Basil, can. lxxviii. collat. cum can.
lxxviii.) was to do the penance of
an adulterer, which was ﬁfteen years.
And about all cases of this nature, the
ancients were perfectly agreed. Herein
especially the Christian morals exceeded
the heathen. Among the Persians, it
was allowed by law for the father to
marry his own daughter, or a son his
own mother or sister, as is observed
by Origen (contr. Celsum.lib. v. p. 248.);
Minutius (Octav. p. 92. p. 118. edit.
Hall) says the same of the Egyptians
and Athenians; and Theodosius (Com—
ment. in Levit. xviii. 8.; Hal. 1769,
vol. i. p. 205.), speaking particularly
of the Persians in his own time, says,
“It was then a mark of honour and
religion for their princes to marry
their own mothers, or sisters, or daugh-
ters.” And Gothofred (in Cod. Theod.
lib. iii. tit. xii. de Incestis Nuptiis,
leg. i. (Lugd. 1665. vol. i. p. 294.)
ex Tacito, lib. xii. Annal. Sueton. vit.
Claud. xxvi. vit. Domit. c. xxii.) gives
many instances among the Romans of
men marrying their sisters’ daughters,
and their brothers’ daughters; the
latter of which was never forbidden by
any of their laws though the former
had sometimes a restraint laid upon it.
But Constantius (Cod. Theod. ibid.
(Lugd. 1665. vol. i. p. 294.): (Si quis
ﬁliam fratris sororisve faciendam cre—
diderit abominanter uxorem, aut in
ejus amplexum, non ut patruus aut
avunculus, convolaverit, capitalis sen-
tentiaa poena teneatur) made it a capital
crime for any one to marry his bro-
ther’s or sister’s daughter, which was
abominable. 6 Bingham, Christ. Ant.
232.
Stat. 25 Hen. VIII. 0. 22. ss. 3 (it 4.,
(c. 22. was repealed by stat. 28 Hen. VIII.
0. 7.), after reciting that many inconve-
niences have fallen by reason of mar-
rying within the degrees of marriage
prohibited by God’s laws,’ that is to
say, the son to marry the mother or
the step-mother, the brother the sister,
the father his son’s daughter, or his
daughter’s daughter, or the son to
marry the daughter of his father, pro-
create and born by his stepmother, or
the son to marry his aunt, being his
father’s or mother’s sister, or to marry
his uncle’s wife, or the father to marry
his son’s wife, or the brother to marry
his brother’s wife, or any man to
(1574)
marry his wife’s daughter, or his wife’s
son’s daughter, or his wife’s daughter’s
daughter, or his wife’s sister; which
marriages albeit they be prohibited
by the laws of God, yet nevertheless
at some time they have proceeded
under colour of dispensation by man’s
power; enacts that no person shall
from henceforth marry within the said
degrees. '
Stat. 32 Hen. VIII. c. 38., after re-
citing that heretofore divers and many
persons after long continuance to-
gether in matrimony. without any al—
legation of either of the parties, or
any other at their marriage, why the
same matrimony should not be good,
just, and lawful, and after the same
matrimony solemnized and consummate
by carnal knowledge, and also some
time fruit of children ensued of the
same marriage, have nevertheless, by
an unjust law of the Bishop of Rome,
which is, that upon pretence of a
former contract made, and not con-
summate by carnal copulation, for
proof whereof two witnesses by that
law were only required, been divorced
and separate, contrary to God’s law,
and so the true matrimony, both so-
lemnized in the face of the Church,
and consummate with bodily know—
ledge, and conﬁrmed also with the
fruit of children had between them,
clearly frustrate and dissolved: further
also, by reason of other prohibitions
than God’s law admitteth, for their
lucre by that court invented, the dis-
pensations whereof they always re-
served to themselves, as in kindred or
affinity between cousin-germanes, and
so to fourth and fourth degree, carnal
knowledge of any of the same kin, or
afﬁnity before in such outward degrees,
which else were lawful, and be not
prohibited by God’s law, and all because
they would get money by it, and keep
a reputation to their usurped jurisdic-
tion, whereby not only much discord
between lawful married persons hath
(contrary to God’s ordinance) arisen,
much debate and suit at the law, with
wrongful vexation, and great damage
of the innocent party hath been pro-
cured, and m any just marriages brought
in doubt and danger of undoing, and
also many times undone, and lawful
heirs disherited, whereof there had
never else, but for his vain-glorious
usurpation, been moved any such ques-
tion, since freedom in them was given
us by G-od’s law, which ought to be
most sure and certain; but that not—
withstanding, marriages have been
brought into such an uncertainty
thereby, that no marriage could be so
surely knit and bounden, but it should
lie in either of the parties’ power and
arbiter, casting away the fear of God,
by means and compasses to prove a
pre-contract, a kindred and alliance,
or a carnal knowledge, to defeat the
same, and so under the pretence of
these allegations afore rehearsed, to
live all the days of their lives in detest-
able adultery, to the utter destruction
of their own souls, and the provocation
of the terrible wrath of God upon the
places where such abominations were
used and suffered: enacts that all and
every such marriages as within this
Church of England shall be contracted
between lawful persons (as by this
act we declare all persons to be lawful,
that be not prohibited by God’s law
to marry), such marriages being con-
tract and solemnized in the face of the
Church, and consummate with bodily
knowledge, or fruit of children or child
being had therein between the parties
so married, shall be by authority of this
present parliament aforesaid deemed,
judged, and taken to be lawful, good,
just, and indissoluble, notwithstanding
any pre-contract or pre-contracts of
matrimony not consummate with
bodily knowledge, which either of the
parties so married or both shall have
made with any other person or persons
before the time of contracting that
marriage which is solemnized and
consummate, or whereof such fruit is
ensued, or may ensue, as afore, and
notwithstanding any dispensation, pre-
scription, law, or other thing granted
or conﬁrmed by act or otherwise; and
that no reservation or prohibition,
God’s law except, shall trouble or im-
(1575)

peach any marriage without the Levi-
tical degrees, and that no person, of
what estate, degree, or condition soever
he or she be, shall after the ﬁrst day
of the said month of July aforesaid,
be admitted in any of the spiritual
courts, within this the king’s realm,
or any his grace’s other lands and
dominions, to any process, plea, or
allegation, contrary to this foresaid
act.
The more ancient prohibition of the
canon law was to the seventh genera-
tion: “ De affinitate consanguinitatis
per gradus cognationis, placuit usque
ad septimam generationem observari.”
(Cans. 35. q. 2, 3. c. 1. (h 20, 21.) And
the same was the law of the Church of
England, asin the Council of London
(2 Spel. 8.): “ Quoad usque parentela
ex alterutra parte ad septimum gradum
perveniatj’ and in the Council of
Westminster: “ Inter consanguineos,
seu affinitate propinquos, usque ad sep-
timam generationem matrimonia con-
trahi prohibemus.” But in the fourth
Council of Lateran, which was held
A.D. 1215, the prohibition was reduced
to the fourth degree: “ Prohibitio 00-
pulse conjugalis quartum consanguini-
tatis et af‘ﬁnitatis gradum de caetero
non excedat; quoniam in ulterioribus
gradibus jam non potest absque gravi
dispendio hujusmodi prohibitio gene-
raliter observari.” Which limitation.
was also the rule of the Church of
England, as appears not only by this
statute, but also by the frequent dis-
pensations for the fourth degree, (and
no further), which we meet with in
our ecclesiastical records, as granted
here by special authority from the see
of Rome. Harrison v. Barwell (111).),
Vaugh. 220.
There are other laws of God, prohi-
biting marriages, besides the law of
God in the Levitical degrees; as, per-
sons precontracted to one another, are
prohibited by the law of God to marry
against such precontract ; and so,
persons of natural impotency cannot
marry, since, if marriage answers not
the ends of avoiding fornication, &c.,
it is as null; which marriages may be
impeached, as contrary to the laws of
God, though out of the Levitical de-
grees.
Till the time of St. Ambrose and
Theodosius, there was no law against
the marriage of cousins-german; but
Theodosius, by an express law, abso-
lutely forbad it. This law is not ex—
tant now in either of the codes, but
there is reference made to it by many
ancient writers. Honorius, in one of
his laws, makes (Cod. Theod. lib. iii.
tit. x.) mention of it, conﬁrming the
prohibition, though under a different
penalty. For whereas Theodosius made
the penalty to be conﬁscation and
burning, he moderated the punishment
into conﬁscation of the parties’ goods,
and illegitimation of their children.
And Arcadius, by another law (ibid.
lib. iii. tit. xii.v De incestis Nuptiis,
leg. iii. Lugd. 1665. vol. i. p. 297.),
took off conﬁscation also; but made
all such still guilty of incestuous mar-
riage, and rendered them intestate,
and their children illegitimate, and
incapable of succeeding to any inherit-
ance, as being only a spurious offspring.
Gothofred (in Cod. Theod. lib. iii. tit. X.
leg. i. Lugd. 1665. vol. i. p. 288.) has
observed likewise, “that there is men-
tion made of this law of Theodosius in
the writings of Libanius (Orat. pro
Agricolis de Angariis), who speaks of
it as a new law made by him to forbid
the marriage of rival/:02, that is, cousin-
germans.” The like is said by St. Am-
brose (Epist. lxvi. ad Paternum), who
takes notice of the severe punishment
which the emperor laid upon all those
that married in contradiction to the
law.
St. Austin was of a different judg-
ment from St. Ambrose, yet he men—
tions the emperor’s law, and advises
men to refrain from such marriages
(August. De Civit. Dei, lib. xv. c. xvi.
ed. Bened. 1700. vol. vii. p. 302. A. 5.);
“because though neither the divine
law, nor any human law before that of
Theodosius, had prohibited them, yet
most men were scrupulous about them,
and such marriages were very rarely
made, because men thought they bor-
(1576)

dered very near upon unlawful; whilst
the marrying a,v cousin-german was
almost deemed the same thing as mar-
rying a sister, and the propinquity of
blood gave men a sort of natural aver-
sion to such engagements with their
near kindred.” It appears from this,
that there was no human law before
that of Theodosius, to prohibit this
sort of marriages; and in St. Austin’s
opinion, there was nothing to hinder
them in the law of God. Athanasius
(Synops. Scriptor. lib. Numeror. tom. ii.
p. 70. A. 5. (p. 137. ed. Paris. 1698.),
was of the same judgment; for he says
expressly, “That by the rule of God’s
commands, the conjunction of cousins-
german, or brothers’ and sisters’ chil-
dren in matrimony, was lawful mar-
riage.” And afterward Arcadius re-
voked all former laws that he himself
or others had made in derogation of
such marriages (Cod. Justin. lib. v.
tit. iv. de N uptiis, leg. xix. Celebrandis
inter consobrinos matrimoniis licentia
legis hujus salubritate indulta est; ut
revocata prisci juris auctoritate, re-
stinctisque calumniarum fo'mentis, ma-
trimonium inter consobrinos habeatur
legitimum; sive ex duobus fratribus,
sive ex duabus sororibus, sive ex fratre
et sorore nati sunt: et ex eo matri-
monio editi, legitimi, et suis patribus
successores habeantur. Amstel. 1663.
p. 149.), declaring them legal, and that
no action or accusation should lie
against them; but that if cousins—ger-
man married together, whether they
were the children of two brothers, or
two sisters, or a sister and a brother,
their matrimony should be lawful, and
their children legitimate. Justinian
made this the standing law of the em-
pire, not only by inserting it into his
code, but by declaring the same thing
(Justin. Instit. lib. i. tit. x. Duorum
fratrum vel sororum liberi, vel fratris
et sororis, conjungi possunt.) in his
Institutions.
Before the time of Theodosius there
was no law, ecclesiastical or civil, to
prohibit the marriage of cousins-ger-
man; under the reign of Theodosius,
they were forbidden, but allowed again
in the next reign, and under Justinian,
who ﬁxed the allowance in the body of
his laws. But still the canons continued
the prohibition, and extended it to a
greater degree. But it was not the
original constitution, nor the practice
of the Church for some ages, to bring
such marriages under penitential dis-
cipline, as incestuous or simply un-
lawful. And by the law of the United
Church of England and Ireland, the
marriage of cousins-german is lawful.
Since stat. 32 Hen.VIII., c. 38., if the
spiritual courts proceed to impeach a
marriage out of the Levitical degrees,
a prohibition will lie; for all marriages
that are out of those degrees are held
to be good. Harrison v. Barwell (D.D.),
Vaugh. p. 206.; 1 Inst. 24. (a).; 5 Bac.
Abr. Marriage. (A). 288-294.
In the Injunctions given by Thomas,
Archbishop of Canterbury, to the par—
sons, vicars, and other curates, in his
visitation kept (sede vacante, or during
the vacancy of that see) within the
diocese of Hereford, A.D. 1538, stands
the following injunction by Archbishop
Cranmer, being the VIIIth and last of
the injunctions therein set forth.
“Item. VIII. That ye and every
one of you shall, two times in every
quarter, declare to your parishioners
the Band of Matrimony; and what
great danger it is to all men that [in-
termarry] but with such persons as
they lawfully may by the law of God,
And to exhort, in the said times, your
parishioners that they make no privy
contracts, as they will avoid the ex-
treme pain of the laws used within
the king’s realm, by his grace’s autho-
rity.” Burnet, History of the Refor-
mation, vol. i.; Collection of Records,
pp.140,141.
From the wording of this injunction,
bearing date twenty-ﬁve years prior to
Archbishop Parker’s table, and issued,
not to introduce any new rule concern-
ing marriage, but simply to insure the
better observance in a suifragan diocese
of the pre-existin g general rules of the
United Church of England and Ireland,
it is perfectly plain and clear that the
table of prohibited degrees in the 18th
5K
(1577)

chapter of Leviticus (which alone con-
tains “the law of God” on this sub-
ject), had always been in use through-
out the Anglican Church; that Arch-
bishop Cranmer’s injunction went only
to enforce its better notiﬁcation and
observance; and that Archbishop Par-
ker’s Table of Prohibited Degrees was
only a more perfect plan for securing
the one great object always equally in
view, namely, the observance in all
marriages of the law of God.
By canon 99. “N 0 person shall marry
within the degrees prohibited by the
laws of God, and expressed in a table
set forth by authority in the year of
our Lord 1563. And all marriages so
made and contracted shall be adjudged
incestuous and unlawful, and conse—
quently shall be dissolved as void
from the beginning. -And the parties
so married shall be, by course of law,
separated. And the aforesaid table
shall be, in every church,publicly set up
and ﬁxed, at the charge of the parish.”
The table, as it now stands, was
declared of authority, and ordered to
be set up in churches, by Archbishop
Parker, in the year 1563, whence it
has been erroneously inferred that no
law or table of prohibited degrees had
existence in England prior to 1563,
and to Archbishop Parker’s table. The
act (1533) 25 Hen. VIII. had a Table
of Prohibited Degrees.
The Levitical degrees are set forth
in the eighteenth chapter of Leviticus,
in the following language :—
OF THE MAN’S PART.
Degrees of Kindred and Consanguinity
prohibited.
A man may not marry his
1 Mother.
2 Father’s sister.
3 Mother’s sister.
4 Sister.
5 Daughter. (In Haines v. Jeﬂ'reys
(1 Com. 2.1 Ld. Raym. 68.), where a
man had married a bastard of his sister,
the lord chief justice held, and all the
court seemed to think, it would be very
mischievous “if a bastard should not be
accounted Within the stat. 32 Hen. VIII.
6. 38., for by that rule a man might marry
his own daughter; and where it is said,
that a bastard is the son of no one, this is
in civil respects, and where there is an
inheritance”)
6 Son’s daughter, or daughter’ 5 daughter.
Degrees of Aﬁnity and Alliance
prohibited.
A man may not marry his
1 Father’s wife.
2 Uncle’s wife.
3 Father’s wife’s daughters.
4 Brother’s wife.
5 Wife’s sister.
6 Son’s wife, or wife’s daughter.
7 Daughter of his wife’s son or daughter.
01? THE woMAN‘s PART.
Degrees of Kindred and Consanguinity
prohibited.
A woman may not marry her
1 Father.
2 Father’s brother.
3 Mother’ s brother.
4 Brother.
5 Son.
6 Son of her son or daughter.
Degrees of A ﬁ‘initg/ and Alliance
prohibited.
A woman may not marry her
1 Mother’s husband.
2 Aunt’ s husband. (In Ellerton v.
Gastrell (Com. 318.), where Ellerton had
married the daughter of the sister of his
former wife, this was declared to be within
the prohibition of the Levitical degrees.)
3 Sister’s husband.
4 Husband’s brother.
5 Daughtei’s husband.
6 Son of her son or daughter.
(1578)
From these prohibitions it appears,
that marriages in the ascending and
descending line, 2'. e. of children, with
their father, grandfather, mother,
grandmother, and so upwards, are
prohibited without limit ; because
(immediate or mediate) of their being;
and it is directly repugnant to the
order of nature, which hath assigned
several duties and offices essential to
each, that would thereby be inverted
and overthrown. A parent cannot
obey a child; and therefore it is unna-
tural that a parent should be wife to
a child; a parent, as a parent, has a
natural right to command and correct
a child; and that a child, as husband,
should command and correct the same
parent, is unnatural. (De Jur. 1. 2.
c. 5.) And therefore Grotius, speak-
ing of such marriages, says: “Quae
quo minus licita sunt rati (ni fallor)
satis apparet; nam nec maritus, qui
superior est lege matrimonii, eam
reverentiam potest præstare matri
quam natura exigit, nec patri ﬁlia;
quia, quanquam inferior est in ma-
trimonio, ipsum tamen matrimonium
talem inducit societatem quæ illius ne-
cessitudinis reverentiam excludit.” To
which may be added, the inconsistency,
absurdity, and monstrousness of the
relations to be begotten, if such prohi-
bition were not absolute and unlimited,
&c. The son or daughter (for instance)
born of the mother, and begot by the
son, considered as born of the mother,
would be a brother or sister to the
father, but, as begot by him, would be
a son or daughter. So, the issue pro-
create upon the grandmother, as born
of the grandmother, will be uncles or
aunts to the father, but as begot by
the son, they will be sons or daughters
to him, and this is in the ﬁrst degrees
of kindred.
There are two rules in the Re-
formatio Legum ea (b.)) which con-
du’ce to the understanding of the
Levitical degrees: “1. Non solum in
legitimis matrimoniis talem habent
dispositionem, qualem jam posuimus,
sed eundem in corporum illegitima
conjunctione locum habent; ﬁlius enim
quo jure matrem non potest uxorem
sumere, eodem, nec patris concubinam
habere potest; et pater, quo modo ﬁlii
non debet uxorem contrectare, sic ab
illa se removere debet, qua ﬁlius est
abusus; qua ratione mater nec cum
ﬁliae marito jungi debet, nec etiam cum
illo congredi quae ﬁliam oppresserit.
a Non solum istas, maritis adhuc
superstitibus, disjungi personas quas
diximus, sed etiam illis mortuis, idem
perpetuo valere. quemadmodum enim
horribile ﬁagitium est in vita patris,
fratris, patrui, aut avunculi, audere
illorum uxores violare: sic, post mortem
illorum matrimonium cum illis contra-
here, parem turpitudinem habet.”
There are several degrees which,
although not expressly named in the
Levitical law, are yet prohibited by
that, and by stat. se Hen. VIII. 0. 38.
paritate rationesa which is stated in
the Reformatio Legum gea (a.)): ulioc
tamen in illis Levitici capitibus dili-.
genter animadvertendum est, minime
ibi omnes non legitimas personas no-
minatim explicari. Nam spiritus sanc-
tus illas ibi personas evidenter et ex-
presse posuit, ex quibus similia spatia
reliquorum graduum, et differentiae
inter se, facile possint conjectari et
inveniri. quemadmoduma exempli
causa, cum ﬁlio non datur uxor mater,
consequens est, ut ne ﬁlia quidem
patri conjux dari potest. Et, si patrui
non licet uxorem in matrimonio ha-
bere, nec cum avunculi profecto con-
juge nobis nuptiae concedi possunt.”
To which the same book adds two
particular rules for our direction in
this matter: a 1. Ut qui loci viris at-
tribuuntur, eosdem sciamus faeminis
assignari, paribus semper proportionum
ct propinquitatum gradibus. 2. Ut vir
et uxor unam et eandem inter se
carnem habere existimentur; et ita
quo quisque gradu consanguinitatis
quemque contingit, eodem ejus uxorem
continget afﬁnitatis graduj quod etiam
in contrariam partem, eadem ratione,
valet.”
Upon the foregoing rule, from parity
of reason ca Inst.t§83. }]arrz.'-sonv.Bzzr-
tecli (1). D.), :2- veut 12.), rests the
alia
(1579)

prohibition against marrying a wife’s
sister; upon which question Bishop
Jewel thus writes (Stry. Park.App. 33.):
“Albeit, I be not forbidden by plain
words to marry my wife’s sister, yet
am I forbidden so to do by other
words, which by exposition are plain
enough. For when God commands
me I shall not marry my brother’s
wife, it follows directly by the same,
that he forbids me to marry my wife’s
sister. For between one man and two
sisters, and one woman and two bro-
thers, is like analogy or proportion.”
Accordingly, in the canons of 1571,
where the dissolution of all marriages
within the Levitical degrees is directed,
this case is specially enforced : “ Maxime
vero, si quis priore uxore demortua,
ejus sororem uxorem duxerit; hic enim
gradus communi doctorum virorum
consensu et judicio putatur in Levitico
prohiberi.” And when this point, of
marrying the wife’s sister, came under
consideration in Hill v. Good (Vaugh.
302.), though it was alleged that the
precept, prima facie, seemed to be only
against having two sisters at the same
time, and prohibition to the Spiritual
Court was granted, yet in Trinity
term, 26 Car. II.,after hearing civilians,
they granted a, consultation as in a
matter within stat. 32 Hen.VIII. c. 38.;
though stat. 28 Hen. VIII. 0. 27. had
never been revived, which yet it vir—
tually was, and there, as in stat. 25
Hen. VIII. 0. 22., the wife’s sister is ex=
pressly prohibited. Gibson’s Codex, 412.
Gothofred (in God. Theod. lib. iii.
tit. xii. de Incestis Nuptiis, leg. ii.
Lugdun. 1665. vol. i. p. 296.) condemns
as abominable the marrying of two
sisters (Et si licitum veteres credi-
derunt, nuptiis fratris solutis, ducere
fratris uxorem: licitum etiam, post
mortem mulieris vel divortium, con-
trahere cum ej usdem sorore conj ugium:
abstineant hujusmodi nuptiis universi,
nee aestiment posse legitimos liberos
ex hoc consortio procreari ; nam spu-
rios esse convenit, qui nascentur.) or
a brother’s wife (though the Jewish
law allowed the latter in a certain
case), under the penalty of having
their children illegitimate, and ac-
counted spurious. And Theodosius
Junior (ibid. leg. iv. Lugdun. 1665.
vol. i. p. 300.: Tamquam incestum
commiserit, habeatur, qui post prioris
conjugis amissionem, sororem ejus in.
matrimonium proprium crediderit sor-
tiendam. Pari ac simili ratione etiam,
si qua post interitum mariti in germani
ejus nuptias crediderit adspirandum.
Illo sine dubio insecuturo, quod ex
hoc contubernio nec ﬁlii legitimi ha-
bebuntur, nec in sacris patris erunt,
nec paternam ut sui suscipient haeredi-
tatem) thought it proper to repeat the
same law, though Honorius himself
had made a stretch upon it, by marry-
ing two sisters, the daughters of Sti—
licho, successively, the one after the
other. The ecclesiastical law dissolved
all such marriages as incestuous, and
obliged the parties to do penance for
their lewdness. The Council of Eli-
beris (c.1xi. Labbé, vol.'i. p. 977.) re—
quires ﬁve years’ penance, unless some
intervening danger of death require
the time to be shortened. The Council
of Neo-Caesarea (can. ii. Labbé, vol. i.
p. 1481.) orders the woman that is
married to two brothers to remain
excommunicate to the day of her death,
and then only to be reconciled by re-
ceiving the sacrament in extremity,
upon condition, that if she recovers,
she shall dissolve the marriage, and
submit to a course of solemn repent—
ance. St. Basil (Epist. cxcvii. ad Dio-
dor. Tarsens. tot. Labbé, vol. ii. p. 1760.)
argues at large for the nullity and
dissolution of all such marriages, in an
epistle to Diodorus Tarsensis, under
whose name there went a feigned trea—
tise in defence of them. And among
the Apostolical canons (xviii) there is
one that orders, that whoever marries
two sisters, or his brother’s daughter,
shall never be admitted among the
clergy.
Upon the like parity of reason, in
Wortly v. Watkz'asort (2 Lev. 254.) a
consultation was granted, where one
had married the daughter of the sister
of his former wife; which (as Sir John
King stated the argument) is in the
(1580)

same degreeof proximity as the ne-
phew’s marrying his father’s brother’s
wife; and this being expressly prohi-
bited, the other, paritate rationis, is so
too. (Reririirir/ton’s case, cit. Hob. 181.
Snowing v.1Varsey, Lutw. 1075. Sed
vide case of Richard Parsons, 1 Inst.235.
Hill v. Good, Vaugh. 322. ll’ortlg/ v.
l/Vatkirison, 3 Keb. 660.) So when
Cromwell desired (Stry. Cranm. 46.) a
dispensation for one Massey, who was
contracted to his late wife’s sister’s
daughter, the archbishop denied it, as
contrary to the law of God, and gave
for reason, that as several persons are
prohibited which are not expressed,
but understood, by like prohibition in
equal degree; so, in this case, it being
expressed that the nephew shall not
marry his uncle’s wife, it is implied
that the niece shall not be married to
the aunt’s husband.
The like rule, de paritate rationis,
forbids the uncle to marry his niece;
for though it be not expressly forbid-
den, it is virtually prohibited in the
precept that forbids the nephew to
marry the aunt. (Wat/cinema v. Mer—
gatron, Raym. (Sir T.) 464.; [fairies v.
Jescott, 5 Mod.170.) But where the
case in the spiritual court was, that
one had married the wife of his great
uncle, this was declared not to be
within the Levitical degrees; and ac-
cordingly (after the opinion of all the
judges taken by ‘the king’s special
command), a prohibition was granted.
Levitical Table of Prohibited Degrees.
Mother.
Father’s wife.
Sister.
Half-sister on both sides.
Son’s daughter.
Daughter’s daughter.
Father’s wife’s daughter.
Father’s sister.
Mother’s sister.
Father’s brother’s wife.
Daughter-in-law.
Brother’s wife.
A woman and her daughter.
A woman and her son’s daughter.
A woman and her daughter’s daughter.
A wife to her sister, 8w. (the disputed verse).
Harrison v. Burwell (D. D.), Vaugh.
206.; 2 Vent. 9.; Hill v. Good, Vaugh.
302.
Mr. Forster (Sermon preached in
Canterbury Cathedral, on Tuesday,
May 7; by the Rev. Charles Forster,
B.D., pp. 24, 25. 55—57. Lond. 1850.)
remarks: “The law of Mahomet differs
as widely from the law of Christ as a
carnal can differ from a spiritual law.
It goes far beyond the liberty of the
Mosaic law: for it enacts polygamy,
and gives lawless licence of divorce.
Yet this licentious creed has, too, its
table of prohibited degrees of mar—
riage; a table certainly not taken from
the table of Leviticus, as its variations
most clearly prove. As Mahomet as—
suredly did not introduce into the
Koran restraints borrowed from the
pure morality of the Law or Gospel,
it is clear that he took them where
he found them, from the traditional
law and custom of the Arabs; a law
and custom, all must acknowledge,
originating with the Patriarchs.
“Now, it is most remarkable that
the Mahometan table of prohibited
degrees, recited in the 4th chapter of
the Koran, entitled ‘ Women,’ is either
literally or virtually identical with the
table in the 18th chapter of Leviticus,
and that it closes with a prohibition,
in the most solemn terms, of the very
marriage now in question—‘ It is for-
hidden—or it is wickedness—for a
man to unite himself with two sisters.’
Mahometan Table of Prohibited Degrees.
Mother.
Father’s wife.
Sister.
- Son’s wife.
Aunt.
Aunt.
Daughter-in-law.
Brother’s daughter.
VVife’s mother.
Sister’s daughter.
Two sisters.
(1581)

“Marry not women whom your
fathers have had to wife (except what
is already past); for this is unclean-
ness, and an abomination, and an evil
way. Ye are forbidden to marry your
mothers, and your daughters, and your
sisters, and your aunts, both on the
father’s and on the mother’s side, and
your ,brother’s daughters, and your
sister’s daughters, and your mothers
who have given you suck, and your
foster-sisters, and your wife’s mother,
and your daughters-in~law, which are
under your tuition, born of your wives
unto whom ye have gone in,—-and the
wives of your sons who proceed out of
your loins; and ye are also forbidden to
take to wife two sisters.” [“ Ye are
forbidden to take to wife two sisters.”
The same was also prohibited by the
Levitical Law (Levit. xviii. 18.)]—
Sale’s Koran, ch. iv. p. 97. ed. 8vo.
“The Mahometan world has always
implicitly obeyed the marriage laws of
its false prophet. And in the forty
generations which have elapsed, and
the ten thousand millions of Maho—
metans who have lived, since the
Koran became a law, it may safely be
affirmed, that not a single murmur
has been uttered against its table of
prohibited degrees; and that not a
single case of violation of that table
has occurred, by the marriage of a
Mahometan with the sister either of
his living or of his deceased wife. And
are We to be told in Christian England,
that a restraint thus universally sub-
mitted to by nearly one-third of the
Whole human family for twelve hun-
dred years, and which for more than
twelve hundred years has been the
law of England, can be no longer
borne by followers of Christ, and of
the self-denying spirit of the Gospel’.l
In a contrast like this, between the
practisers of a false and the pro-
1essors of the true faith, how fearful
the parallel with the case of the
Jews of old, contrasted, by God him-
self, with that of the sons of Jona-
dab, the son of Rechab! how awful
the national forewarning in the word
of the Lord by his prophet Jeremiah!
‘Because the sons of Jonadab, the
son of Rechab, have performed the
commandment of their father, which
he commanded them; but this people
hath not hearkened unto me: There—
fore thus saith theLord of hosts, the
God of Israel: Behold I will bring
upon Judah and upon all the inhabit-
ants of Jerusalem all the evil that I
have pronounced against them.”’
Before stat. 5 & 6 Gul. IV. 0. 54. the
disabilities arising from consanguinity
and affinity were considered as consti-
tuting only a canonical impediment,
and rendering the marriage voidable,
and not void; but that statute, after
reciting “that marriages between per—
sons within the prohibited degrees are
,voidable only by sentence of the eccle—
siastical court pronounced during the
lifetime of both the parties ‘thereto,
and that it was unreasonable that the
state and condition of the children of
marriages between persons within the
prohibited degrees of affinity should
remain unsettled during so long a
period, and it is ﬁtting that all mar-
riages which may hereafter be cele—
brated between persons within the
prohibited degrees of consanguinity or
afﬁnity should be ipso facto void, and
not merely voidable ;” enacts “that all
marriages which shall have been cele-
brated before the passing of this act
(August 31,1835.) between persons be-
ing within the prohibited degrees of
affinity, shall not hereafter be annulled
for that cause by any sentence of the
ecclesiastical court, unless pronounced
in a suit which shall be depending at
the time of the passing of this act;
provided that nothing hereinbefore
enacted shall affect marriages between
persons being within the prohibited
degrees of consanguinity.”
Sect. 2. “That all marriages which
shall hereafter be celebrated between
persons within the prohibited degrees
of consanguinity or affinity shall be
absolutely null and void to all intents
and purposes whatsoever.”
Sect. 3. “ That nothing in this act shall
be construed to extend to Scotland.”
From these enactments it will be
(1582)
F‘
perceived, that the law of the universal
Church, recorded from the foundation
of the ﬁrst churches (and happily pub-
lished in the fourth century by the
great St. Basil, archbishop of N eo—
Caesarea, in his letter to Diodorus, a
presbyter of Antioch, upon this very
subject, on marriage with the sister of
a deceased wife), has been the same as
that in stat. 5 (i3 6 GuL IV. 0. 54., in
the East and in the West, through all
ages, from the apostolic times down.
The enactments of the foregoing sta-
tute accord with the law of the holy
Catholic Church of all ages, and with
the religious sentiments of the vast
majority of the clergy of the United
Church of England and Ireland, of the
Roman Catholic priesthood of Ireland,
and of the Presbyterian. ministry of
Scotland and Ireland, and likewise
with the feelings of all the laity in
Ireland and Scotland, and with a vast
majority of the English peoplez—in
fact it is clear, that for the ﬁrst twelve
centuries, with one voice, East and
West—nay, universal Christendom—
held, as the United Church of England
and Ireland, and the Greek Church,
hold to this day.
In Ray v. Sherwood (1 Curt. 227.), it
was held, that a father has a suﬂicient
interest for a civil suit to annul the
marriage of his daughter when of age;
Sir Herbert Jenner observing: “The
question then comes to this: is the
interest of a father in the marriage of
a daughter or of a son, who has at—
tained majority, and especially in the
case of a daughter, is the interest of a
father in respect to such daughter,
who is still an inmate of his house,
and a part of his family, sufﬁcient to
entitle him to proceed in a cause to
have the marriage of such daughter or
son declared void 2 What are the con-
siderations which apply to cases of
this description? Does it follow, be-
cause the daughter or son has attained
majority, that therefore all the obliga-
tions which existed between them have
ceased? Did they all terminate with
minority? Are all the mutual and
respective obligations, and duties, and
rights of the parties—all the power,
control, and authority of a father over
such a son or daughter, at an end the
day they attain majority? I think
clearly and undoubtedly not. So long
as a son or daughter resides under the
father’s roof, though major, they still
make a part of the family; and he, as
the head of the family, has the care of
the family, and is entitled to exercise
a parental control over such persons.
I do not' conceive that a father is
relieved from the obligation of main—
taining, supporting, protecting, and
advising a daughter so circumstanced:
the mutual obligations and duties re-
main the same—that of protection
and advice from the parent, and ﬁlial
duty and reverence from the child.”
1 Black. Com. 44(5—460.; parsley
(Lord) v. Fitzhardin'e/e Berkeley, 6 Ves.
251.; Rear v. New Forest (Inhabitants
of ), 5 '1‘. B. 478.; Rex v. Sowet'bjz/ (1n—
habitants of), 2 East, 276.; Rex v.
Roach (Inhabitants ), 6 T. R. 252.;
Item v.1yvert0n (Inhabitants of), 1 East,
526.; Rex v. Bleasby; (Inhabitants of),
3 B. d? A. 377.; Rex v. Wilmington (In-
habitants of), 5 Ibid. 525.; Rex v. Law-
ford (Inhabitants of), 8 B. (it C. 271.
A marriage with the sister of a for-
mer wife’s mother is null and void
under stat. 5 (ll 6 Gul. IV. 0. 54.; con-
sequently, if a man marry A., and
after death marry B., the sister of A.’s
mother; and then, during the lifetime
of B., marry a third person, he cannot
‘be convicted of bigamy, because the
marriage to B. was null and void.
Thus, in Regina v. illadden (1 Irish
Circ. Rep. 731.), it appeared in evi-
dence, that in the year 1827, the
prisoner married a woman named
Mary Duncan, who died in the year
1839. In the month of November,
1840, the prisoner was again married
to one Anne Mullhaire, by the Rev.
Mr. Crotty, then of Birr, who had
been a Roman Catholic priest, but
who at this time professed the Presby—
terian religion, and was officiating as
a minister of that religion. The par—
ties were both Roman Catholics, and
Anne Mullhaire was the sister of the
(1/583)

mother of Mary Duncan, the prisoner’s
former wife. The ceremony was not
performed according to the form pre-
scribed in the Roman Catholic church,
but according to the Presbyterian
form. It also appeared that Mr.
Crotty, at the time he performed this
ceremony, had not jurisdiction, ac—
cording to the rules of the Roman
Catholic Church, to perform the mar-
riage ceremony. In September, 1842,
the prisoner was again married to
one Mary Fitzpatrick, both Roman
Catholics, by a Roman Catholic clergy-
man, Anne Mullhaire being still alive.
On behalf of the prisoner it was
submitted, that in this case the pri—
soner must be acquitted. That in an
indictment for bigamy, it was essential
to prove two valid, legal, and binding
marriages in the lifetime of the parties.
That the marriage in 1827 was out of
the question, except so far as the
relationship that existed between the
person, the prisoner then married, and
Anne Mullhaire; and that the mar-
riage with Anne Mullhaire was an
invalid marriage, having been a cere-
mony performed between two Roman
Catholics, not according to the ritual
of their church, and by a person who
had at the time no jurisdiction or
authority to perform such a ceremony,
save as a Presbyterian minister, and
as such his marriage was invalid.
(Reg. v. illiZZes, J ebb dz Bourke (Irish),
219.) Upon another ground, also, that
marriage was wholly void; the second
section of stat. 5 (RI 6 Gul.IV. c. 54. hav—
ing enacted, “that all marriages which
shall hereafter be celebrated between
persons within the prohibited degrees
of consanguinity or affinity, shall be
absolutely null and void to all intents
and purposes whatsoever.” That sta-
tute was passed in August, 1835, prior
to the marriage with Anne Mullhaire,
and one of the degrees of afﬁnity in
the list of prohibited degrees, in the
Book of Common Prayer, is the “ wife’s
mother’s sister,” which was the precise
degree of aﬂinity subsisting between
Anne Mullhaire and the prisoner.
That the marriage with Anne Mull-
haire being therefore, upon those
grounds, null and void, the prisoner had
not committed the crime of bigamy.
To these arguments the counsel for
the Crown replied, that the Rev. Mr.
Crotty was an ordained priest of the
Roman Catholic Church, and not the
less a priest, because he abjured the
tenets of that church, or by the de-
crees of that church had been forbid-
den to perform the marriage ceremony.
This, therefore, distinguishes the case
from Regina v. Jllilies and Regina v.
Smith (2 Crawford ((3 Dix (Irish), 318.),
which turned upon the fact that the
person celebrating the marriage was
not in holy orders. But that the
matter was put beyond doubt by stat.
5 & 6 Vict. c. 113., which was passed
on the 12th of August, 1842, and con-
ﬁrmed all marriages theretofore cele-
brated in Ireland by Presbyterian or
other dissenting ministers or teachers.
As to the second objection: that this
marriage was not within the “pro-
hibited degrees” referred to in stat.
5 dz 6 Gul. IV. 0. 54. Those words
must be understood as referring to
degrees prohibited by the common or
[statute law, and not by the canons;
for the canons, though the violation of
them might subject a clergyman to
ecclesiastical censures, could not be
held binding on the laity. (Middleton
v. Croft, 2 Str. 1056.) That ‘the pro-
hibited degrees as known to and
recognised by our law were precisely
detailed in stat. 28 Hen. VIII. 0. 2. s. 2.,
and are afterwards generally referred
to in stat. 33 Hen. VIII. 0. 6., where
it declares “all persons to be lawful
that be not prohibited by God’s law
to marry.” Now the degree in ques=
tion does not appear either in stat.
28 Hen. VIII. 0. 2., or in the 18th
chapter of Leviticus, which is mani-
festly referred to by stat. 33 Hen. VIII.
0. 6., and therefore cannot be deemed
a prohibited degree.
Mr. Justice Burton expressed a
strong opinion against the ﬁrst ob—
jection; and as to the second question
his lordship subsequently held, that
the relationship in. the present case
- (1584)

was within the prohibited degrees;
and that consequently, as such rela-
tionship rendered the marriage with
Anne Mullhaire null and void under
the recent statute, it was clear that
the prisoner had not committed the
crime of bigamy.
In Ray v. S/zerwooel (1 Curt. 193.
Vide etiam 1 Moore, P. C. 353.) Sir
Herbert Jenner stated: “ The question
depends on the act of parliament
recently passed with reference to
marriages of this description, which
were voidable; Mr. Sherwood having
married, as is alleged, the sister of his
deceased wife.” . . . . “ It is quite
impossible to say, that this is not a
case which calls loudly for the inter-
ference of those courts, to whose
cognisance such questions properly
belong. In the ﬁrst place, this is a
contract which is prohibited by the
laws both of God and man; for so,
sitting in an ecclesiastical court, I
should be bound to consider it, even
if I were (as I am not) among the
number of those who privately enter-
tained any doubt upon the subject.
In the second place, it is a secret and
clandestine marriage; perhaps not
clandestine in the strict legal meaning
of the term, for the term ‘ clandestine’
is applied by the law to a marriage
where there has not been a due pub-
lication of banns, and I am not at li-
berty to enter into that question; but,
morally speaking, and using the com-
mon acceptation of the term, it is a
secret and clandestine marriage, pur-
posely and studiously concealed from
the knowledge of those who were di-
rectly interested to prevent one of
the parties from entering into the un-
hallowed contract. Lastly, it is a case
calling for the interference of the
Court; because, as I collect from the
libel, there has been no cohabitation
of the parties since the marriage, so
that it is not too late now for the
Court to prevent the consummation
of the offence, if the law has not
placed an insuperable barrier to any
proceeding for that salutary purpose.
“That this Court would and ought
to lend its aid and assistance towards
the accomplishment of so desirable an
object cannot be doubted; and I have '
myself no hesitation in saying that I
should feel great regret if I were to
ﬁnd myself placed in such a situation ~
as to be obliged to reject this libel,
and thereby in effect to pronounce
that the validity of this marriage
could not be questioned. What would
be the condition of the parties and of
the Court, if such should be its present
decision ‘l Mr. Sherwood would have
a right to claim the consortium of his
wife; and if she refused to cohabit
with him, he would be entitled to in—
stitute a suit in these courts, not for
the purpose of compelling her to re-
turn to cohabitation in his house (for
into it she has never entered as his
wife), but to afford him the consor-
tium vitae, which she has withheld
from him by his own consent from the
date of the marriage to the present
time. The Court would thus be acces-
sory to the commission of that offence,
of which there is every reason to be-
lieve she is at the present moment
innocent. And when the Court has
issued its ﬁat to compel her to cohabit
with her husband, it may the next
day, in another branch of its jurisdic—
tion, be called upon to punish her for
the very crime, to the commission of
which the Court itself has been an in-
strument; for, looking at the words of
the act of parliament, I am by no
means prepared to say that, prohi-
biting the ecclesiastical courts from
annulling marriages of this kind, sub-
sisting at the time of the passing of
the act, the legislature has altered the
law in any other respect.
“ I am not prepared to say, that the
parties may not be punished by the
ecclesiastical law for the incest,
though the validity of the marriage
cannot be called in question. How
stood the law before this act of parlia-
ment? Originally, as now, these mar-
riages were void ab initio, when sen-
tence was pronounced by the ecclesi-
astical court; and it appears that the
ecclesiastical courts were in the ha-
(1585)

bit of annulling these marriages, even
after the death of the parties; after
the death of both; or of one only.
And this seems to have been the prac—
tice antecedent to the canon of 1603,
as will be evident from a reference to
the Articuli Cleri ( 2 Inst. 614.) by
Archbishop Bancroft, in the 3d James
the First (in the year 1606.); whence
it appears that the practice had exist-
ed for a long time before, and that the
ecclesiastical courts complained of the
interference of the temporal courts
in cases of ecclesiastical cognisance;
and amongst others (in the 20th ar~
ticle), ‘that a prohibition had been
awarded in a case of an incestuous
marriage, suggesting, under pretence
of the statute of Henry VIII., that it
appertained to the temporal courts,
and not to the ecclesiastical, to deter-
mine what marriages are lawful, .and
what incestuous, by the word of God.’
To which the answer of the twelve
judges was: ‘That these were cases
that we (the temporal courts) may
deal with; both with marriages and
deprivations; as where they [the ec—
clesiastical courts] will call the mar-
riage in question after the death of
any of the parties; the marriage may
not then be called in question, because
it is to bastardize and disinherit the
issue, who cannot so well defend the
marriage as the parties, both living,
might themselves have done.’ The
practice, then, clearly existed at that
time of declaring these marriages void
after the death of the parties; and
the temporal courts interfered for the
purpose of protecting the interest of
the issue of such marriages, and not
that of the guilty parties; for, as it
appears from the case of Harris v.
Hicks (2 Salk. 548.), in the 4th and 5th
of William and Mary, where a man
had married the sister of his deceased
wife, and it was suggested that the
second wife was dead, and a son, the
vissue of the second marriage, would be
entitled to lands, the temporal court
in that case issued a prohibition
against these Courts proceeding to an-
,nul the marriage between the parties
after the death of one of them; but
it did not prohibit them from punish—
ing the survivor for the incest com‘
mitted during cohabitation.
“ If this, then,was the state of the law
at that period, what has occurred to
alter it since 2 Nothing but this act of
parliament, passed on the 31st August,
1835, the 5th and 6th of William the
Fourth, so often adverted to in the
course of these proceedings. What did
this act of parliament do? The title
of it is: ‘An act to render certain
marriages valid, and to alter the law
with respect to certain voidable mar-
riages.’ And if the object of the act
had been to declare all such marriages
existing at the time of the passing of
the act, notwithstanding they were
originally illegal, good and valid mar-
riages to all intents and purposes (as
has been contended it does by the
learned counsel for Mr. Sherwood), it
might admit of a question, whether,
under such circumstances, this Court
could punish the parties for incestuous
cohabitation; but the enacting part of
the act does not declare any such
thing. After declaring in the pream-
ble: ‘Whereas marriages between per-
sons within the prohibited degrees
are voidable only by sentence of the
ecclesiastical court, pronounced during
the lifetime of both the parties there-
to, and it is unreasonable that the
state and condition of the children
of marriages between persons within
the prohibited degrees of affinity
should remain unsettled during so long
a period, and it is ﬁtting that all mar-
riages which may hereafter be cele-
brated between persons within the
prohibited degrees of consanguinity or
affinity should be ipsofaeto void, and
not merely voidable;’ then, in the
enacting part of the act, I ﬁnd these
words: ‘Be it therefore enacted, that
all marriages which shall have been
celebrated before the passing of this
act, between persons being within the
prohibited degrees of afﬁnity’ shall
not be good and valid to all intents
and purposes, but ‘not hereafter be
annulled for that cause, by any sen~
(1586)

tence of the ecclesiastical court, un-
less pronounced in a suit which shall
be depending at the time of the pass-
ing of this act; ’ and the act has no—
thing to do with marriages within the
prohibited degrees of consanguinity.
“The enacting part of the act does
not declare these marriages to be good
and valid to all intents and purposes,
as might be supposed from the title
of the act; and although the title,
as well as the preamble, may be im-
portant where there is any doubt or
ambiguity in the enacting part of a
statute, when a reference may be
made to the title and preamble for the
purpose of explaining such doubt and
ambiguity, but the title can give no
effect to the enacting words of a sta-
tute, where those words are plain and
unambiguous. I apprehend that they
are independent of the title, which
can have effect so far only as to obviate
and explain doubt or ambiguity in
the enacting part of a statute. I do
not think, where the enacting part of
the statute is to the effect ‘that all
marriages which shall have been cele—
brated before the passing of this act
between persons being within the pro-
hibited degrees of affinity, shall not
hereafter be annulled for that cause,
by any sentence of the ecclesiastical
court,’ that this amounts to a prohi-
bition to the ecclesiastical court to
punish the parties under another
branch of the law for incestuous co—
habitation. I apprehend the law is
not altered in this respect, and that
the Court is not prohibited by this act
from punishing parties for this co-
habitation, although it cannot declare
the marriage null and void.
“Again, if we look to the preamble
of the act, it is not for the protection of
the parties who have been guilty of
the offence, for such it is by the eccle-
siastical law and by the law of God,
but for the protection of the children,
for that is the purpose and object of
the act; to settle the estate and condi-
tion of the innocent issue of such mar-
riages, not to screen the delinquent
parties. But whatever may have been
the intention of the legislature, and
whatever may be the effect of this act
of parliament, the marriage had be-
tween the two parties, Thomas Moul-
den Sherwood and Emma Sarah Ray,
is an incestuous marriage, and must
ever so remain. The law of God can—
not be altered by the law of man.
The legislature may exempt the par-
ties from punishment; it may legalise,
humanly speaking, every prohibited
act, and give effect to any contract,
however inconsistent with the divine
law, but it cannot change the charac-
ter of the act itself, which remains as
it was, and must always so remain,
whatever be the effect of the act of
parliament.”
The service of a citation is sufficient
to constitute pendency of“ suit which
shall be depending at the time of the
passing of stat. 5 (h 6 Gul. IV. 0. 54.”
Thus in Bay v. Sherwood (1Curt. 217.)
Sir Herbert Jenner observed, inter
alia: “ I ﬁnd a case which I think has
much the same complexion as the
present, which was decided in the
Court of Arches by my predecessor in
this chair—the case of Balfour v.
Carpenter. (1 Phil. 204.) It was an
appeal from the Consistorial and Epis-
copal Court of Exeter, from the rejec—
tion of a part of the libel in a suit of
nullity of marriage, by reason of the
licence having been granted by a per-
son who had no authority to grant it,
and a part of the libel was rejected,
and from that rejection an appeal was
brought to this court. I ﬁnd the ap-
peal is stated in this way. It was a
business of appeal and complaint by
William Balfour, of a grievance; and
in the libel of appeal is stated, ‘ that it
was a suit depending in the Consisto-
rial and Episcopal Court of Exeter, in
a certain cause of nullity of marriage,’
in which the judge of that court had
rejected one of the articles of the libel,
and from such rejection an appeal was
brought in the Court of Arches. I
have now before me the original pa-
pers in that appeal, and I ﬁnd that
the libel sets forth, as I have stated,
that it was an appeal in ‘a cause de-
(1587)
pending’ in the court below; and it
recites these words—‘a cause of nul-
lity of marriage depending in the
Consistorial and Episcopal Court of
Exeter"; and therefore it is not the
form of proceeding in this cause only,
but it is the customary form (and I
may say the regular form), and it is
the same in all the cases to which I
have referred; and many other cases
might be produced, for the form is the
same in all cases of appeal : in all, the
expression is, ‘a suit depending,’ or ‘ a
cause depending,’ in respect to the ques—
tion on which the appealis brought; and
the form is not peculiar to this court. So
much for the common sources of infor—
mation from which we are accustomed to
derive our knowledge as to the practice
of these courts, all of which concur in
stating ‘a cause depending,’ notwith-
standing that, in an appealfrom a griev—
ance on account of the rejection of the
libel, there can have been no contesta—
tio litis; and consequently, according to
the argument of the learned counsel for
the respondent, there can have been no
suit—no lis pendens. But in all these
cases, a cause is described as ‘depend-
ing’ before the contestatio 1itis.
“If it were necessary to cite authori-
ties, I should like to refer to domestic
writers, those who more particularly
treat of the practice of the profession,
deriving their knowledge from expe—
rience; and there is one authority
which I will advert to, and only one,
which supports the view which I have
taken, and which is in opposition to
the argument used against the admis-
sion of the libel. I mean Cughton, in
his ‘Crdo Judiciorum,’ not that part
in which he sets forth the different
stages of a suit, or parts of the judi-
cium (for writers differ from each
other, and there is some confusion be-
tween the causae and the judicium,
even the authorities so much adver-
ted to in the argument, and which,
though foreign writers, are said to be
guides as to our practice), but in
that part where he treats of the order
of proceeding in matrimonial suits.
That authority (not in the passages
which have been adverted or referred
to by the counsel for Mr. Sherwood,
but in another part of his treatise)
speaks of proceedings ‘lite pendente,’
where there could have been no con-
testatio litis; and even before the
return of the citation. In title 198,
where he treats De citatione in causa
matrimoniali, I ﬁnd it thus laid down
by him : ‘Si agens in causa matrimo-
niali credit vel dubitat partem ream
citandam velle (lite pendente) ad alia
vota convolare, (id est, cum alio aut
contrahere aut solemnizare matrimo-
nium), curare potest ut in citatione
inseratur inhibitio contra partem
ream, ne (‘lite hujusmodi pendente)
convolet ad alia vota, matrimoniumve
aliunde quovis-modo contrahat ; et
quod si de facto antea contraxerit (id
est, ante executionem citationis), illud
in facie ecclesiae solemnizari non pro-
curet, sub poena juris et contemptus.
So that, in a proceeding in causa ma-
trimoniali, if the party against whom
the suit is instituted lite pendente,
enters into a contract of marriage
with another person, the other party
has a remedy, and this pendency of
suit is ante executionem citationis;
so that here is a lis pendens referred
to before a contestatio litis. Again,
in title 201.: ‘ Si mulier contra quam
agitur in causa matrimoniali, non
obstante pendentia litis et inhibitione
(quod, lite pendente, non convolaret
ad alias nuptias), matrimonium solem-
nizaverit vel matrimonium contraxerit
cum alio; hoc allegato et probato est
sequestranda (sumptibus petentis),
lite pendente.’ And there are several
other parts of the section, De caasa ma-
trimoniali, which speak of a breach of
the inhibition pendente lite. In title
31., De contempta, is this: ‘De modo
petendi decretum in negotia contemp-
tus in causa matrimoniali; nempe
propter solemnizationem matrimonii
(pendente lite) inhibitione judicis in
contrarium non obstante.’ Again,
after reciting the issuing and serving
of the citation with the inhibition, it
proceeds: ‘ Quodque (vestris literis in-
hibitoriis, et executione earundem non
%
(1588)

obstantibus) ipsa, post executionem
earundem (in contemptum juris et
jurisdictionis vestrae non ferendum)
matrimonium quoddam praetensum
(de facto) contraxit cum quodamvis,
et illud in facie ecclesiae solemnizari
seu potius profanari curavit.’ It
would seem to follow from these pas-
sages, that this writer considered that
there was a lis pendens after the issu—
ing of the decree or service of the ci-
tation; but it is impossible he could
have had in view, in speaking of these
proceedings, the contestatio litis; for,
according to Oughton, the contempt
is founded upon the breach of the
inhibition after the service of the
decree.
“ So that it appears, with reference
to the customary form of the instru-
ments in proceedings in these courts,
and also to the authority of Oughton,
who has been relied on as an autho-
rity for the general practice of these
courts, that the contestatio litis is not
necessary to constitute a lis pendens;
that there may be ‘a suit depending
in the ecclesiastical court’ before the
contestatio litis; and that the lis pen-
dens, according to this authority, com-
mences with the extracting and ser-
vice of the citation; and if not, by
analogy with other courts, on the re-
turn of the citation, whenever it may
be. To be sure, we may suppose a
case in which there would be great
hardship. For what is the fact? Till
a late period it was not in the power
of the Consistorial Court of London
to appoint additional court—days ; and
supposing that the sittings of the
court were over, no proceedings could
have taken place till the ﬁrst session
of Michaelmas Term following; and
the party, without any fault of his
own, would have been precluded from
the beneﬁt of the exception from the
prohibitory clause in the act. I con-
sider then, in the ﬁrst place, that it is
not a technical meaning which we are
to apply to the words ‘suit depending
in the ecclesiastical court,’ no such
technical meaning being intended by
the legislature; and, secondly, I am
of opinion that, if these words were to
receive an interpretation according to
the technical rules of practice of the
court, they would not take away the
jurisdiction of this court.
“ I therefore entirely agree in opi-
nion with the judge of the court below
on this point—that the jurisdiction
of the court is not taken away by the
act of parliament, on the ground that
there was no suit depending, touching
the validity of this marriage, at the
passing of the act, which is requisite
in order to bring it within the terms
of the exception of the act, which
requires that the sentence of nullity
should be pronounced in ‘a suit which
shall be depending'at the time of the
passing of this act.’ ”
At the Liverpool Assizes ( 6th of
December, 1846), one Chadwick was
tried on an indictment which charged
him with the crime of bigamy, in mar-
rying Eliza Bostock; his former wife,
Ann Fisher, being still alive: and the
jury having found specially that the
prisoner, on the 27th of June, 1825,
married Hannah Fisher; that, after
her death, he, on the 14th of Septem-
ber, 1845, married Ann Fisher, a sister
of his deceased wife ; and that, on the
23d of March, 1846, he married Eliza
Bostock, Ann Fisher being still alive;
but that whether or not he was guilty
of the said crime of bigamy they were
altogether ignorant, and prayed the
advice of the Court thereon.
Mr. Justice Wightman directed an
acquittal, on the ground that the pri-
soner’s marriage with Ann Fisher was
void by stat. 5 (it 6 Gul. IV. 0. 54.
Subsequently, the record was re—
moved into the Court of Queen’s
Bench, by writ of error; and the Court
held that the marriage of the defen-
dant in error, with the sister of his
deceased wife, was declared to be null
and void. 11 Q. B. 173. Stephens on
the Laws relating to the Clergy, 1469.
Lord Denman said: “In this case
the Queen is the plaintiff in error on
a writ of error brought against a
judgment pronounced at Liverpool
upon a special verdict, which found
(1559)

and treated a certain marriage as void,
when it was contended that that mar-
riage was binding. The only question
is, whether that marriage is void by
the law of England : if it is, the judg—
ment must stand; if it is not, the
plaintiff in error is entitled to our
judgment. This depends entirely up.;n
the statute of the 5 (it 6 Gul. IV. 0. 54.,
the ﬁrst section of which recites ‘that
marriages between persons within the
prohibited degrees are voidable only
by sentence of the ecclesiastical court,
pronounced during the lifetime of both
the parties thereto;’ and proceeds to
say that those marriages already con-
tracted shall be held good. And the
second section enacts, ‘that all mar-
riages which shall hereafter be cele—
brated between persons within the
prohibited degrees of consanguinity or
aﬂinity shall be absolutely null and
void to all intents and purposes what—
soever.’ I do not advert to the cir-
cumstances under which that statute
was passed, or which brought it about.
I certainly happen to know much
more upon that subject than commonly
falls to the lot of any of us with re—
gard to acts of Parliament, because at
that time the Great Seal was not in
the hands of the Chancellor, and I
presided in the House of Lords. But
I do not advert in any degreee to the
facts which were then in contempla-
tion. I look only to the words of the
ﬁrst and second clauses taken together,
and I proceed to inquire what are
within the words of the second clause,
‘ marriages celebrated between persons
within the prohibited degrees of con-
sanguinity or affinity.’ N ow it appears
to me—indeed, it is universally ad-
mitted—that that depends entirely
upon the meaning and, effect of the
statute of the 32 Hen. VIII. 0. 38.,
which was passed during the reign of
a monarch who certainly dealt very
lightly with his own contracts, and
with the principles of justice and
humanity. In the twenty-ﬁfth year
of his reign he had contracted a mar-
riage, or intended to do so (I forget
which state of things existed at that
moment), with Anne Boleyn, and per-
suaded his parliament to pass an act
concerning the king’s succession, which
annulled the marriage which he had
previously contracted with Queen Ca—
therine of Arragon. That marriage
was annulled by the parliament; and
in the course of that act, not at all
with a View to that particular mar-
riage, but for the sake of preventing
the great mischiefs arising from n11-
certainty in marriage for the future,
the parliament most wisely introduced
a general enactment of a most bene—
ﬁcial character. It recites, ‘ that
many inconveniences had fallen, as
well within this realm as others, by
reason of vmarrying within the degrees
of marriage prohibited by God’s law ;’
and then it proceeds to state what,
under that act of parliament, shall be
considered as marriages prohibited by
God’s law, and so not valid marriages.
In the ennumeration which is there
given, a marriage contracted with the
sister of a former wife is included. If
that act of parliament is in force, it
decides the present case. It was, how-
ever, repealed by an act of the 28th of
the same king, in which it pleased
that monarch to set aside his marriage
with Anne Boleyn, to declare it, for a
strange reason, altogether void ab
initio, and to prescribe what should
be the course of succession to the
crown, limiting it ﬁrst to his own
issue by Lady Jane Seymour, and at
the last giving himself the power of
disposing of the crown by will. But
in that statute the same list of pro-
hibited marriages is included. I do
not dwell upon the distinction be-
tween the words ‘ degrees’ and ‘ mar-
riages,’ but I look at it according to
the clear intent of the legislature;
and there again that most wholesome
and beneﬁcial provision is repeated,
that marriages within those degrees
shall be considered to be prohibited
by God’s law, and shall be void by act
of parliament. N ow the ﬁrst of these
acts was repealed for the sake of an-
nulling the marriage with Catherine
of Arragon, of putting the Princess
(1590)

Mary out of the succession to the
Crown, and of limiting the crown
upon the issue of Anne Boleyn; and
the second act was passed for the pur-
pose of repealing that provision, and
limiting the crown in a new line.
Then, afterwards, in the 32nd year of
the reign of Henry VIII., the act
passed to which we have been parti-
cularly referred. The second of these
acts, however, is repealed in the ﬁrst
year of Queen Mary’s reign, and in
reference to that, it is, I think, very
important to remark, that if the inten-
tion had been to deny the declaration
as to prohibited degrees in those for-
mer acts of parliament—if it had been
intended to say such marriages already
prohibited are and shall be lawful——
very simple words would not only
have served that end, but would at
once have established the validity of
the marriage of King Henry with
Queen Catherine, and would have
established the legitimacy of Mary
and her right to the crown. Nothing
of that kind was done; but though
the latter act was repealed, and their
marriage was declared good, it was
declared good upon a great variety of
grounds; and among all the arguments
that can be urged in favour of a mar-
riage de facto, afterwards made good by
act of parliament, I may refer to the
recital of the great wisdom of those
under whose sanction the marriage
was contracted, the length of years
that Queen Catherine had lived with
King Henry as his wife, the offspring
which she had conceived by him, and
also the bribery and corruption under
which the opinions of foreign univer-
sities, and possibly of the universities
of England, which long resisted the
change, are alleged to have been ob-
tained. The object, therefore, of that
act was to declare the succession to
the crown; to take care that Mary’s
title should be good and undoubted;
and not at all to affect that general
law laying down the rule for the mar-
riages of all the king’s subjects, which
it was the intention of the 25 lIen.
VIII. and of the 28 11011. VIII. to
establish as the rule of life for the
future, taking upon themselves to de-
clare what marriages were prohibited
by the Levitical Law, and, in my
opinion, using that as a synonymous
expression to being ‘prohibited by the
law of God.’ One of the facts upon
which the validity of the marriage
of Queen Catherine with Henry VIII.
depended, might be the non-consum—
mation of her marriage with the elder
brother of Henry VIII. And here I
may observe, by the way, that if the
appeal had been directed to holy writ,
that marriage would,
have been a good one; because it is
a case of a second brother succeeding
to the wife of the elder brother, he
having died without offspring; but
that was not supposed, and the ques-
tion whether that marriage was con-
summated, was made a very import-
ant one in the consideration of the
whole matter. It is perfectly well
known that Queen Catherine, when
they appeared before Campejus, ap-
pealed directly to the king’s personal
knowledge, that she had come a virgin
to his embraces. She tendered her
oath to the same effect, and Queen.
Mary must have felt that the honour
of her mother was more directly con-
cerned in that point than, in any
other; that was probably the leading
motive in the mind of Queen Mary
with respect to the declaration of the
succession to the Crown, and the va-
lidity of that marriage. It was re-
markably discussed in various ways;
and it is also a well-recorded fact, that
when the king set it aside, a convoca-
tion, which met twenty-seven years
after the time of the contracting of
that marriage, actually came to the
decision, in point of fact, that there
was a consummation of that marriage
with this youth of ﬁfteen, as if they
had come to the knowledge of it by
the trial of an issue by a jury. These
things appear to me to be of some
importance, as showing the object for
which these acts passed, perfectly in-
dependent of that general law to which
I have referred, 32 Hen. VIII; this
undoubtedly, ‘
(1591)

provision, as I have stated, I consider
to be one passed for a general and a
most beneﬁcial purpose. In truth,
that was a law merely for carrying on
the Reformation: but after denying
the assumed power of the pope in a
great number of instances, it applies
the new reformation to marriages.
These formerly had been declared
invalid by the pope, in respect of pre-
contracts, and the act denies him all
power to interfere with those pre—
contracts; then reciting the great
inconveniences and scandal which had
arisen from such proceedings on the
part of the pope, it lays down this
liberal and well-considered rule on the
subject, ‘that from and after’ such a
day ‘every such marriage as within
this Church of England shall be con-
tracted between lawful persons (as by
this act we declare all persons to be
lawful that be not prohibited by God’s
law to marry), shall be deemed and
taken to be lawful; and that no reser-
vation or prohibition, God’s law except,
shall trouble or impeach any marriage
without the Levitical degrees.’ That
is the evil to be avoided, that the pope
should, by inquiring into private cir-
cumstances of pre-contracts between
such parties, set aside a marriage pub—
publicly had and solemnised, followed
with offspring, and sanctioned and
strengthened by a cohabitation per-
haps of twenty years. It was not at
all important, when that act passed,
to consider what marriages should be
declared good, or what should be the
rule, if there was any rule existing at
that time. In my opinion that rule
had been distinctly laid down by the
two former statutes. The second re-
pealing the ﬁrst, and the act of Queen
Mary repealing the second, are not,
in my opinion, directed to that object
at all; and I think that the prohibi—
tion declared by those acts to be the
prohibition of God’s law is left wholly
untouched by this particular act with
regard to pro-contracts. Now, I found
that opinion not only upon the nature
of those acts of parliament, but also
very much upon the object with which,
as the learned counsel in his long and
eloquent speech said, this act was
passed. The object is certainty. We
are told that certainty is to be ob-
tained by referring the question of
marriage to the opinion of judges
upon that which is contained in holy
writ. What judges? Nobody doubts
but that the only judges upon ques—
tions of marriage in those times were
ecclesiastical judges, of whom so much
jealousy was justly entertained, and
who had upon so many occasions acted
a capricious and most oppressive part
with regard to the community for
their own lucre, as is adverted to in
these acts of parliament; and yet, to
secure certainty, and to prevent the
inconveniences and the miseries that
arise from the uncertain state of the
law of marriage, we are told that the
wise and public-spirited men. who
lived in the time of Henry, and who
took the opportunity of promoting the
public weal at the time he was con-
sulting his own selﬁsh gratiﬁcations,
referred it to those spiritual courts to
say in each particular case what was
the law of God, and that by direct
reference to the Scriptures. What
Scriptures? If I am to be the judge,
to pass judgment upon what the Scrip-
tures mean, am I to be told that I am
bound by any particular translation of
them? If the law of God was deli—
vered in the Hebrew language, am I
to be bound by any translator who
tells me that the Hebrew language
means so and so? It is impossible;
that is one of the stumbling—blocks'at
the very threshold of such an inquiry;
and we have had a specimen upon the
present occasion. I believe six whole
days have been consumed in the dis-
cussion of this subject, in which, I
think, no less than six different inter-'
pretations have been put upon the
text of Scripture as it presents itself
to us in the Old Testament. If it
were desired to launch important i11-
terests upon a sea of doubt and con-
troversy and eternal litigation, it would
be most effectually done by calling
upon the spiritual courts in the ﬁrst
(1592)

‘place to adjudge what in their opinion
the law of God ordained, and then
referring it, in a case of prohibition,
to the common law courts to make
inquiry upon this subject. Are we to
enter into the question of what the
particular opinion of the Scribes and
Pharisees upon such a subject was‘?
Are we to talk about the Caraites and
Talmudists as if we understood their
controversy? Are we to know under
what circumstances the Jewish law-
yers and judges dealt with those cases,
and to form ourselves into a court of
error from any judgment that may
have 'there been passed? Or can we
tell, as has been repeatedly urged upon
us, that for so many years the prac—
tice of the Jews was to hold such mar-
riages lawful? Whether it is so or
not, I really do not know. If I am to
inquire, I must inquire into all the
circumstances. I must inquire who
are the most approved interpreters of
the law, and the most to be respected;
into the particulars of that council of
Eliberis and of all other councils
which, since the prevalence of Chris-
tianity, have touched upon this sub-
ject, and all the different opinions
which these may have professed. As
a matter of curious learning, it may be
a very proper employment for the
leisure of idle men; but to make
those the guide, in point of law, of
the decisions of the courts of justice
on the social and domestic relations,
is to do exactly that which this act of
parliament meant to prevent when it
took upon itself to declare what were
the prohibitions of the law of God.
Whether it decided rightly or not, in
a theological, or a moral, or a critical
point of view, I cannot pretend to
say. It has been declared by the
legislature, and that declaration is
binding upon all courts, that we are
to look to that declaration of what
the prohibited degrees are, in order to
pronounce what the rule of law is to
which the stat. of 4 Wm. IV. refers.
Now I have entered into this view of
the subject, because we were particu-
larly desired, and very properly, I
think, not to fetter ourselves at all
in the ﬁrst instance by the opinions
that may have prevailed afterwards
upon the supposed authority either of
decisions or of the general persuasions
of mankind; and therefore I have
found it my duty to look at the acts
of parliament alone : and upon these
acts of parliament, looking to their
language and to their object, and to
the only mode in which that object
can be carried into effect, I come to
an undoubted opinion that the pro-
hibited degrees are authoritatively
laid down in these two statutes, and
that the marriage is therefore made
void by the second section of the act
of Wm. IV., referring to the then
state of the law. It would, however,
be highly improper to pass over the
question of judicial authority, which
I have for the present kept entirely
distinct, but which cannot be laid
aside; and upon the authority to be
found on this subject, there is such a
fulness and uniformity of decision as
to remove in a remarkable degree all
doubt from this case. The ﬁrst docu-
ment to which I shall refer upon this
subject is the canon of 1603; not that
I attribute any more legal force to
these canons than Lord Hardwicke,
and Lord Holt, and other great judges
have done, but they are important, as
showing the state of opinion upon the
subject, that opinion which prevailed
in fact, because it ruled the courts
which had to decide upon causes ma-
trimonial. The canon of 1603 is in
these terms :—-‘ N 0 person shall marry
within the degrees prohibited by the
laws of God, and expressed in a table
set forth by authority in the year of
our Lord God 1563, and all marriages
so made and contracted shall be ad-
judged incestuous and unlawful, and
consequently shall be dissolved as void
from the beginning, and the parties
so marrying shall, by course of law,
be separated; and the aforesaid table
shall be in every church publicly set
up and ﬁxed at the charge of the pa-
rish.’ In 1563, therefore, about twenty
years after the passing of 32 Hen.
5L
(1595)

VIIL, this law was promulgated in a
most remarkable manner, and brought
to the knowledge of every individual
who could read. And then, in 1603,
this was declared law, having been,
in 1563, so considered and so pro—
claimed. N ow, with regard to the
earlier cases, Mcmn’s case and Pm'son’s
ease, upon which much observation
has been made, they are claimed as
rather in favour of the plaintiff in
error, as if they went to show that the
Court would proceed to inquire what
was the law of God, without reference
to the act of parliament. I confess
that they seem to me to leave that
point very much as they ﬁnd it, be—
cause, when they use the expression
‘ the law of God,’ I attribute the same
meaning to those words as I attribute
to them when found in the act of par-
liament, and I think that they in-
quired what was within the prohibited
degrees, with reference to that act of
parliament, and not by proceeding to
examine the Scripture, or all the va—
rious historical matters that might
throw light upon the Scripture. But
it was supposed that Lord Coke must
have felt great doubt upon this sub-
ject in the First Institute (235, a.)—
not from anything there expressed by
him, but because that passage was
omitted from some editions of his
work, omitted probably because King
James and his council took exception
to it. (Harg. (it ButL, note, 149.) But
nothing can be more immaterial—we
cannot explain the history of things
of that kind—we do not know how
it happened—we do not know what
absurd opinions such a king might
have formed, or for what reasons that
passage might have been expunged;
but this we know, that Lord Coke, in
that very passage, states the act of
parliament in the sense in which I
understand it, and in the most valu-
able of all his works, which is the
Second Institute (P. 683.), writes a
commentary upon the statute of 32
Hen. VIII., and he never insinuates
that the repeal of those former parti-
cular statutes with reference to the
succession to the crown repealed the
table of prohibited degrees.
contrary, he states what the prohibited
degrees are, in the very words of these
acts of parliament; and now we are
gravely told to believe that Lord Coke
really thought that there was no rule
and no law deﬁning the subject, of an
obligatory nature, but that every man
was to go to the Scriptures, and to
form his own opinion upon what he
found in Leviticus, or in the Gospel,
or in any part of the Testament, bear—
ing, however obliquely, upon this mat-
ter, instead of being bound by a plain
and clear act of parliament, which, in
its very terms, Lord Coke himself
recites, as enumerating the whole list
of prohibited marriages. So much for
the early authorities. N ow, I must
admit that the treatment of the case
of Hill v. Gooel does give some foun-
dation for the argument urged on
behalf of the plaintiff in error. The
result of it, however, was, that a con-
sultation was granted. And in that
case of a marriage with a wife’s sister,
it was held that it was a marriage
clearly bad, and that it was therefore
not asubj ect for prohibition of the spiri-
tual court. Lord Chief Justice Vaughan
said that the spiritual court must go
on with the inquiry, because it be—
longed to them. That was a case of
prohibition, and everybody who has
ever had occasion to consult our old
law books respecting prohibition, must
be well aware that there is no head of
the law subject to so much doubt and
ambiguity. When it is said that the
spiritual court is not to deal with such
and such cases, that court in some
sense may be said to have the power
of judging whether it can deal with
them or not, and therefore must have
the power to enter upon the inquiry;
and this court will presume that they
will act according to law, and will not
interfere to prevent their acting when
the law intrusts them with that juris-
diction. On the other hand it may
be said, that those particular cases
will be shown not to be within the
jurisdiction of the spiritual courts,
On the -
(1594)

and therefore the common law courts
may interfere in an earlier stage to
prevent those spiritual courts from
dealing at all with that which, in the
opinion of the temporal court, these
spiritual courts have no power to deal
with.’ These are the opposite views,
and they have prevailed upon different
occasions—sometimes the one and
sometimes the other; and I agree
that, whether a prohibition or a con-
sultation was the result of the argu-
ment in a particular case, throws very
little light upon the actual question.
However, we have the opinion of Chief
Justice Vaughan, and of the Court of
Common Pleas, at full length, that
the state of awife’s sister was such
as to make a marriage voidable by a
Court Christian, on a proper applica-
tion to it. Therefore the decision of
that case is entirely in conformity
with the view that I take of the law;
but when we come to the reasons, it
is certainly a most dangerous thing
to speak of a judgment which runs
through twenty folio pages, and to
enter into a discussion of all these
reasons. I suppose that Lord Chief
Justice Vaughan thought that he
could put an end to all doubts by
entering into a very long discussion
of the matter. That was a course
much more likely to raise doubts than
to put an end to them. But, however,
he does go directly to the chapter of
Leviticus, and he forms his opinion
upon that chapter, and also upon
other circumstances, and an opinion
which is clearly open to many of the
observations made by the learned
counsel for the plaintiff in error, in
commenting upon his judgment. It
cannot be defended in all its parts.
I only know that a consultation went,
and that is the important matter to
know upon this occasion. In the case
of Harrison v. Barwell, the court
granted a prohibition, because there
they thought the marriage was clearly
without the Levitical degrees. It was
not a wife’s' sister whom the party
married, but a wife’s sister’s daughter.
The court said: The objection does not
reach so remote a relation, and there—
fore we shall issue a prohibition ; and
from that time to the present moment,
it is admitted that all opinion and
authority have gme along with the
case of Hill v. Good, in which the
Lord Chief Justice Vaughan came to‘
that decision. It is said that we
ought to set that decision aside, be-
cause we ﬁnd that it is founded upon.
some bad reasons. I cannot at all
agree with that. In so very long and
so very learned a judgment, dealing
with so many subjects, which are not
at all before the Court, entering into
the whole question of marriage among
the Hebrews, and quoting the work
of Selden, it is likely that mistakes
would be made, which may now be
easily explained; and it would have
been, in my opinion, much better that
Chief Justice Vaughan should simply
have said, as he might with truth,
‘Here are acts of parliament which
have proclaimed what the law of mar-
riage is, and which have been acted
upon ever since; we think them clear,
we ﬁnd them so acted upon, and by
them we will abide.’ I think there
are two or three passages, in which he
refers to the act of parliament as
having decided the question itself; and
if they had stood alone they would
have made the judgment what I have
now stated. But it is the unnecessary
discussion at immense length of this
question which has led to observa-
tions upon the unsatisfactory nature
of some of the arguments adduced by
Lord Chief Justice Vaughan. How-
ever, from that time to the present, it
is admitted that this opinion has pre-
vailed—not an opinion, as I think,
founded in error; in which case, if I
saw it clearly, I should feel myself
bound to disregard the authority, to
inquire into the result, and if I ﬁnd
it is absolutely a mistake, then I think
the Court would be bound to say, as
has been done in other cases, the
foundation falls, and the superstruc-
ture must fall also. But this is an
opinion founded upon an act of par-
liament, and consistent with that act
5L2
(l595)

of parliament, and what that act of
parliament requires. Now, if that be
so, what is it that the last act of par-
liament contemplated? Was the legis-
lature of that day (twelve years ago)
perfectly ignorant that such a course
of practice had prevailed in the spi—
ritual court, when they said: ‘Mar-
riages between such persons are void-
able only, and now we make good those
marriages which have been contracted;
but those which are to be contracted
we make entirely void’ ? Did they not
know that such marriages had been
held void and set aside, because within
the Levitical degrees as laid down in
the statute of Hen. VIII.; and that
authorities gave a complete sanction
to that course, and a distinct opinion
that it was the law of the land? Mar-
riages between persons within the
prohibited degrees were then voidable
only, but thereafter they were to be
altogether null and void, to all intents
and purposes. Are there any consi-
derations of expediency or supposed
humanity, or any other matters upon
which legislation may be properly
founded, which could possibly warrant
a court of justice in saying that that
which the act of parliament has so
declared void should not be so consi-
dered? I am not insensible to those
appeals which may certainly suggest
a number of most painful cases with
regard to unfortunate poor people
whom we hear of, who may have been
marrying with perfect good faith, be-
lieving that all was lawful and right,
and of whom the weaker party may
be abandoned by the stronger, when
he ﬁnds that she has no legal claim
upon him as his wife; it is a most me—
lancholy feature in the age we live in,
and a fact very much to be deplored.
But if I am told of persons in a higher
rank in society connected with the
church and the law, who have con-
tracted such marriages after this act
of parliament had passed (it happens
that I do not know personally the
name of any single individual that
has done so) I must say that they
ought not to have proceeded, in deﬁ-
ance of such an act of parliament.
Particular consequences we cannot
look to; the general consequences of an
act of parliament we may justly look
to, as affording a light for the inter-
pretation of it; but these are all in
favour of a general rule—that rule
which was laid down, and has uni-
formly been acted upon, and which is
afterwards sanctioned and set up to
the fullest extent by this act of par-
liament. I therefore am of opinion,
that the judgment which was given
is perfectly right, because a party can-
not be guilty of the crime of bigamy
for contracting a second marriage,
when the former one was in point of
fact null, and in the very language of
the law was void, to all intents and
purposes. This applies only to the
case of Chadwick. We have heard
another case argued very much at
length, upon which we think it would
not be proper for us at present to give
any opinion, because there will be no
appeal from our judgment. In the
present case, as has been intimated,
our judgment, I presume, on either
side, would be appealed from; and
therefore we wait before we consider
this as an authority for the ultimate
decision of the other case. We pro-
nounce no further opinion than what
is obsolutely necessary, in order to
show what that opinion is upon the
point raised for our decision.”
Mr. Justice Coleridge—“I am en-
tirely of the same opinion ; and vastly
important as this case undoubtedly is,
it certainly appears to me, though I
may be in error, to be remarkably
clear from any serious difficulty. The
question which is raised in it, and also
in another case to which my lord has
just alluded, has been argued in both -
with very remarkable learning and
ability; and being so very important
to the interests, and touching so nearly
the very tenderest feelings, of a vast
number of persons, I, for one, am un-
doubtedly very glad that it has at—
tracted so much zeal and industry to
its discussion. But the grounds upon
which my judgment will proceed are
(1598)

such that it will not be necessary that
I should, and for reasons which will
incidentally appear hereafter, I think
it would be better that I should not,
dwell at any very great length upon the
argument. This case comes before us
upon awrit of error from acourt of oyer
and terminer and general gaol—delivery
upon a charge of bigamy. The verdict
has passed in favour of the prisoner,
upon the ground that the ﬁrst mar-
riage proved was one that was con-
tracted with the sister of a deceased
wife, and since the passing of the 5 dz
6 Wm. IV. 0. 54. The defence, there—
fore, of the prisoner rested upon that
statute; and if I reasonably and seri-
ously believe that he is entitled to his
acquittal upon the fair construction of
that statute, I cannot hesitate to give
him the beneﬁt of my judgment from
any consideration of the interests that
may be effected, to which I may look,
and to which the learned counsel for
the Crown has very powerfully appealed
upon different occasions in the course
of his argument. I must do justice to
the prisoner, whatever may be the
consequences to any number of per-
sons. N ow, the 5 dz 6 Wm. IV. being
the statute upon which this case has
turned, I confess it struck me as a
somewhat remarkable circumstance,
-—-the very little place it has had in
the long and learned argument for the
Crown in error. Slightly glanced at
in the opening, and very generally
alluded to in the course of the reply,
it seemed upon the whole to be almost,
I might say, studiously kept out of
the observation of the Court,——and yet,
in truth, the whole question turns
upon it. The question is, what is the
meaning of the Legislature in that
short act of parliament? If we look
at the preamble of that act of parlia-
ment, it begins in this way:—
‘ Whereas, marriages between persons
within the prohibited degrees are
voidable only by sentence of the Ec-
clesiastical Court, pronounced during
the lifetime of both the parties there-
to; and it is unreasonable that the
state and condition of the children of
marriages between persons within the
prohibited degrees of affinity should
remain unsettled during so long a
period, and it is ﬁtting that all mar-
riages which may hereafter be cele-
brated between persons within the
prohibited degrees of consanguinity
or affinity should be ipso faczfo void,
and not merely voidable ; be it there—
fore enacted.’ It therefore refers us
to the decisions of the Ecclesiastical
Court as to something well known. It
states that marriages between persons
within the prohibited degrees were
only voidable during the lifetime of
the parties. It points out the evil
that resulted from that; and it points
out also what, for the future, would
be the proper alteration to be made in
the law. It directs our attention,
therefore, to the decisions of the Ec-
clesiastical Courts. It makes use of
the words ‘prohibited degrees’ twice
in that preamble, and it announces
the inconvenience that had resulted
from the course of practice in the
Ecclesiastical Courts, and points our
attention to what the law is to be
for the future. Nothing, therefore, I
should say, can more distinctly strike
the attention of any man who has to
interpret that statute, than the duty
cast upon him of examining what was
going on in the Ecclesiastical Courts ;
what suits they were that were there
instituted ; what marriages they were
that were there held to be voidable
only, upon sentence, in the lifetime of
the parties- It directs our whole at-
tention to that particular channel for
the purpose of ascertaining what the
meaning of the Legislature was. And
then it goes on to enact, ‘ that all mar-
riages which shall have been cele-
brated before the passing of this act,
between persons being within the pro-
hibited degrees of affinity, shall not
hereafter be annulled for that cause
by any sentence of the Ecclesiastical
Court.’ It says, therefore, marriages
which had been celebrated before that
time, should not therefore be annulled,
assuming that they would have been
liable to be set aside, but for the act
(1597)

of parliament passing. And it makes
an exception even with regard to
them, ‘unless the sentence was pro-
nounced in a suit which shall be de-
pending at the time of the passing of
this act of parliament.’ So that even
out of those marriages that had al—
ready been celebrated, those respecting
which a suit was then pending were
still left to be acted upon by the Ec—
clesiastical Courts. Then, that being
the ﬁrst provision of the act of parlia-
ment, and having relation to bygone
marriages, we come to the clause in
question, which is shortly this: ‘that
all marriages which shall hereafter be
celebrated between persons within the
prohibited degrees of consanguinity or
aﬂinity, shall be absolutely null and
void to all intents and purposes what-
soever.’ Now it would be unreason-
able to suppose that the words ‘pro-
hibited degrees’ (having in this short
act of parliament occurred three times)
have a different meaning in any one
of these places from that which they
have in the others. And it must be
taken that when it speaks of future
marriages within the prohibited de—
grees, it is speaking of the same pro-
hibited degrees as it speaks of both in
the preamble and in the enacting part
of the ﬁrst section. And, as I said
before, it refers us distinctly for the
interpretation of what those prohi-
bited degrees are to the decisions of
the Ecclesiastical Courts upon cases
actually then going on. If that be so,
it seems to me that it would be quite
unreasonable to say that in the inter-
pretation of this act of parliament
(whatever we may think of the foun-
dation of the decisions of the Ecclesi-
astical Courts) we can do otherwise
than. look to those decisions to know
what it was that the Legislature
meant. Now suppose, for example,
(_ because the argument instantly
passed away from this statute to the
32 of Hen. VIII.) that the statute of the
32 of Hen. VIII. being now to come
under consideration for the ﬁrst time,
and supposing that standing alone,
and interpreting the words in that
act of parliament, we should find reason
to give them the meaning for which
Sir Fitzroy Kelly has contended on the
part of the Crown,—I say supposing all
that, but supposing all other facts to re-
main the same—supposing the current
of decisions to be what they have been-—
supposing the practice of the Ecclesias-
tical Courts to have been what it has
been down to the time of 5 (it 6Wm. IV.,
could we in justice construe the 5 (h 6
Wm. IV. at all, otherwise than I have
now done, because we should be dis-
posed to put a different interpretation
upon the 32 of Hen. VIIL? We must
look at the statute,—at what it speaks
for itself—at the circumstances under
which it was passed—and at the evils
and bad practice, if you please, of the
Ecclesiastical Courts which it was
pointed to; and in construing the
words ‘ prohibited degrees’ in this
statute, with reference to those deci-
sions, to that mischief, and to that
current of authorities, we must still, in
spite of all that, have given the same
meaning to the 5 (it 6 Wm. IV. But if
the 32 Hen.VlII. is to be brought into
the argument, and if it be to be con—
strued, as I think it must be, upon
precisely the same principles as I have
applied to the 5 (Ir 6 Wm. IV., I appre-
hend, without a doubt, the very same
conclusion will be arrived at. There
will be no doubt that the Legislature
did intend exactly what I have shown
it did intend in the 5 5c 6 Wm. IV. A
great deal of curious historical learn-
ing has been employed in the argu-
ment, in tracing out what I may call
the labyrinth of the statutes, begin-
ning with the 25th of Hen. VIII. and
going down to the time of Philip and
Mary,—-the time of Elizabeth, I should
rather say,—-—for the purpose of seeing
which of the statutes of Hen. VIII. is
to be considered in force, and which
not. I forbear to follow the argument
through that discussion, because, as it
seems to me, it is not at all material,
in the view which I take of this case,
whether the earlier statutes, beginning
with the 25th of Hen. VIII. and the two
statutes of the 28th of Hen. VIII. are to
(1598)

be considered all, or any of them, or
none of them, in force at the present
time. I shall use them only (and I
apprehend it is a most legitimate use
to make of them), as the, best inter-
preters of the words which are used
in the statute of the 23rd Hen. VIII.
which is confessedly in force, and
to which all our attention is to be
directed according to the argument.
First, perhaps, it may be convenient
to point out what it is that the 32nd
Hen. VIII., does, in terms, enact ; being
entitled, ‘For Marriages to stand, not-
withstanding Pre-contracts.’ It may
be said in substance to enact these
two things :-—All persons are declared
to be lawful to marry who are not
prohibited by God’s law to marry,—
that is one proposition. And that may
embrace, as it is obvious, questions
far beyond that of aﬂinity, or consan-
guinity, or Levitical degrees. It may
relate to persons who, either from
their state of body, or their state of
mind, or from other circumstances,
may not be lawful to marry; and all
persons are declared to be lawful to
marry who are not prohibited by God’s
law. Then it goes on to say, that
no reservation or prohibition, God’s
law except, shall impeach any marriage
without the Levitical degrees. And
it says, ‘that no person shall be
admitted in any of the Spiritual
Courts to any process contrary to this
act.’ I mention that last enactment
only for the purpose of showing that
the statute of Hen. VIII., just like the
statute of Wm. IV., points to the
Ecclesiastical Courts as being those in
which questions of this sort are to be
discussed. Now the words which we
are now called upon to interpret are,
‘God’s law’, and ‘the Levitical degrees’,
and these occur in the very same
branch of the same sentence. and cer-
tainly do not mean merely and simply
the same thing and no more. It is
assumed on the contrary that God’s
law may prohibit a marriage that is
without the Levitical degrees, the ex-
pression being, that no reservation or
prohibition, ‘God’s law except’, shall
trouble or impeach any marriage
without the Levitical degrees. There
may be marriages forbidden by God’s
law even without the Levitical degrees,
which perhaps might lead to an expla—
nation of some of those observations
which have been made upon Hill v.
Good in the course of the argument.
There may be cases in which God’s
law may be a ground to trouble or
impeach a marriage which is, so far
as the Levitical degrees are concerned,
free from impeachment or any liability
to it. Now, in discussing this statute,
a great deal of our attention has been
turned to the 18th chapter of Levi-
ticus. If it be necessary, in the dis-
cussion of a statute, to examine into
the meaning of a passage in Scripture,
painful as it is, and inconvenient, of
course it must be submitted to; but
I own I do hear always with pain any
unnecessary critical discussion upon
the language of Scripture in a Court
of Common Law; I feel that we are
very incompetent to enter into it;
and I feel very often that it leads us
into subjects which have far too much
of sacredness in them to be made a
matter of wrangling and discussion in
a court of justice. But I must here
refer to the observations which my
lord has made upon this matter. We
have, perhaps from necessity, in this
discussion had our attention drawn
simply to the present authorised ver-
sion of the Bible. It is well known
that that was not in existence at the
time this act of parliament was
passed. It was not, therefore, an act
made upon the footing of that trans—
lation; nay, the question is, whether
it was on any translation. If it were
a translation, whether it was a trans-
lation in the English language that
the legislature referred to, we do not
know. In all probability it was not
a translation in the English language
that was referred to when the legis-
lature passed this law; and therefore
any critical disquisition upon the mere
words of the English Bible seems to
me to be very much out of place, nor
do I think that there is any necessity
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for our having recourse to it. We are
not, in point of fact, examining, as we
have been told so often that we were,
merely and simply what God’s law is
--nay, we are not examining merely
and simply what the Levitical degrees
are; we are examining directly the
statute of 32 Hen. VIII. If it were
perfectly clear that the legislature
of that day misinterpreted the Bible
—misinterpreted God’s law : if their
meaning were clear to us, we should
be bound to act upon that misinter-
pretation, and not upon what we be-
lieve really to be God’s law, or the
prohibited degrees. If I am asked to
ascertain what is the meaning of
these words in this particular statute,
what better means of interpreting
them can I have than by looking at
statutes passed about the same time
in pari material—statutes framed, it
may have been, by the very same
hands—framed, undoubtedly, with the
same intention, and, as I think I shall
show presently, expressing a most
remarkable uniformity of opinion on
the subject? It seemed to me, I own,
to be a little fallacious to direct our
attention to the shifting and the dis—
graceful tergiversation of the legisla-
ture, with regard to this or that parti-
cular marriage, for the establishing or
the annulling of which great political
interests were at work, and to say that
on that account God’s law had been
pronounced in different ways in the
course of those different statutes. If
the statutes themselves are looked into,
they are not open to that remark at
all. It will be found that whenever
they lay down the law generally, they
lay it down with great uniformity;
and be it observed, by the way, they
lay it down with direct reference (for
you may trace them in the‘ acts of par-
liament step by step) to the Levitical
degrees. Where they condescend
upon particulars it will be found, that
that chapter was before the eye of the
framer of the statute, and you have
his exposition of the particular 18th
verse, upon which we have had so
much discussion in the course of this
argument. The earliest of these sta-
tutes is that of the 25 Hen. VIII., and
in the 3d section of that statute it will
be found that the framer takes in
succession, as if he had the book of
Leviticus in his hand, verse after verse.
If any one be curious, and hold the
Bible in his hand, and trace as I read
this, it will be found that what I say
is perfectly correct. We are now, be
it remembered, upon the discussion
of what is the meaning of ‘ God’s law’
and ‘ the prohibited degrees’. The
act of the 32 Hen. VIII. says, ‘Since
many inconveniences have fallen, as
well within this realm as in others,
by reason of marrying within the
degrees of marriage prohibited by
‘ God’s law.’ N ow what is the meaning
of that ?— ‘ that is to say —- a son to
marry his mother or step-mother—a
brother his sister—a father his son’s
daughter, or his daughter’s daughter,
or a son to marry the daughter of his
father, procreate and born by his step-
mother, or a son to marry his aunt,
being his father’s or mother’s sister,
or to marry his uncle’s wife, or a father
to marry his son’s wife, or a brother
to marry his brother’s wife, or any
man to marry his wife’s daughter, or
his wife’s son’s daughter, or his wife’s
daughter’s daughter, or his wife’s sis-
ter.’ Every one of the preceeding
steps to this you will ﬁnd corresponds
with the verse in Leviticus, declaring
the illegality of it, and the wife’s sister
is the one that corresponds with the
18th verse, the verse in question,
‘which marriages’ it goes on to say,
‘ albeit they be plainly prohibited and
detested by the laws of God’-—there
again using the term ‘ the laws of God’
—‘ yet nevertheless sometimes may
have proceeded.’ Then it goes on,
after reciting all these in the 3rd
section, to declare them in the 4th
section all to be unlawful marriages
for the future. That is the 25th of
Hen. VIII., and is a clear and speciﬁc
declaration of the legislature upon the
subject. Then the 28th of Hen. VIII.
0. 7., to be found in the appendix to the
statutes at large, has exactly the same
(1500)

repetition, step after step, of every
one of those degrees ending with the
wife’s sister, only with the circum-
stance added, which was thought ma-
terial (I need not go into that), with
a view to that particular act of par-
liament, of making carnal knowledge
of the ﬁrst wife a necessary step to
the illegality of the second marriage.
That is the ‘only distinction, I think,
between the two; and it speaks of
them again as being plainly prohibited
and detested by the laws of God, and
declares them for the future to be
unlawful marriages. Then we come
to an act passed in the same year (the
28 Hen. VIII. 0. 16.), which is material
in this respect, that although it does
not go through the Levitical degrees,
step by step, it refers to that former
act of parliament, and says that ‘All
marriages had and solemnized within
this realm, or in any other of the
king’s dominions, before the 3rd day of
November, in the 26th year of the
king’s most gracious reign, whereof
there is no divorce or separation had
by the ecclesiastical laws of this realm,
and which marriages be not prohibited
by God’s laws, limited and declared in
the act made in this present parlia-
ment for the establishment of the
king’s succession,’ to which I have just
referred. It was upon these words, it
will be remembered, that the argument
was founded, that by the mention of
this 28 Hen. VIII. 0. 7. in this act of
parliament, it must be taken to be
revived till the repeal of this 16th
chapter by a later act. All these acts
of parliament having been passed in
the 32d of Hen. VIII., four years after
the last of them we have an act of par—
liament which makes use of the words
‘ God’s law,’ without explanation, and
introduces the term ‘ Levitical degrees.’
Can it be doubted that by the ﬁrst ex-
pression here used was meant the same
law spoken of in the three former acts,
and that by the latter were meant
those very degrees which are the Levi-
tical degrees, enumerated step by step
in two of these former acts of parlia—
ment‘? The necessary reference to
those acts, if we had been new discus-
sing the statute of Hen. VIII. for the
ﬁrst time, would therefore have led us
to the conclusion that the right inter-
pretation of that act of parliament
was that of which the prisoner has
had the beneﬁt in the Court below.
But from the time of Hen. VIII. it is
argued, that for a short period the
authorities and the great text-writers
construed it as the counsel for the
crown contends that it ought- to be
construed, by reference simply to what
his interpretation of God’s law is, and
so as to make this marriage valid.
The cases cited by him were very few
-—-one or two only, and I seek no fur-
ther to make a remark upon them than
to say, that it does so happen that in
each of those cases consultation was
awarded. I do not wish at all to
weaken the effect of the observations
made upon those cases as to the ground
upon which those consultations were
awarded. Let it be supposed, if you
please, that it was upon some techni—
cal ground, and that it left the ﬁrst
decision of the case unreversed. Let
the counsel forthe crown have the
full beneﬁt of these one or two deci-
sions. But, at the same time, Sir
Fitzroy Kelly pressed into the service
the great name of my Lord Coke. I
think my Lord Denman has given the
most satisfactory answer to that obser—
vation. How does it stand‘? Here is
a report by him of Parson’s case in the
First Institute. (F0. 235, a.) It is said
that that was withdrawn, and with-
drawn by the inﬂuence of the Court,
in subsequent editions, and that it did
not re-appear till a later one, and that
after his lifetime. But we have that
fact, and a most important one, which
my lord has referred to, that in the
Second Institute of my Lord Coke (a
work written at a later period) there
is a formal exposition upon this very
statute of Hen. VIII. (p. 683.) He
says, ‘that for the better understand-
ing of it, the Levitical degrees are
necessary to be set down with cer-
tainty ;’ and then he says, ‘ It is to be
understood that by the 18th chapter
(1601)

of Leviticus, not only degrees of kin-
dred and consanguinity, but degrees
of affinity and alliance, do let matri-
mony, which may best be illustrated
and expressed in this manner’. Then
in the margin he says : ‘See these de-
grees truly set down in the statute of
the 25 Hen. VIII. 0. 22. and 28 Hen.
VIII. 0. 7.’ which I have aheady re-
ferred to. I do not know whether I
am authorised in saying that these
marginal observations are Lord Coke’s,
but they are certainly of no little
weight; but in the text itself I ﬁnd ‘a
man may not marry his brother’s wife,
or his wife’s sister,’ set down in express
terms; so that it is a little too much
to say that Lord Coke’s authority is to
be taken on the part of the crown in
this case, in the face of that distinct
declaration by him in his Second
Institute. Then the authorities pass
on to the two cases that are to be
found in Vaughan’s Reports. The
case of Hill v. Goocl has had a great
many observations made upon it. My
lord has conceded that it is difficult
to stand to or affirm some of the ar-
guments in that case; and he has
given reasons why it may be that, in
the course of a long judgment, parts
of the reasoning may be found to be
incorrect, and yet the judgment itself
not the less to be sustained. With
deference, I am not quite sure that
when that long judgment came to be
thoroughly examined from beginning
to end, it might be found open in
those parts to the observations that
have been made. There is nothing
more easy than to select in the course
of a judgment of thirty or forty pages
propositions which appear, taken in
an isolated way, to be open to obser-
vation; and yet, perhaps, if the whole
case were fairly considered, some ex-
planation and solution might be found
of the apparent incorrectness of those
parts. But sufﬁce it to say, that from
that time, by the admission of every
man—indeed, it is the contention that
it is entirely upon the authority of
that case of Hill v. Good, that all the
courts, temporal and ecclesiastical (the
Ecclesiastical Courts having, by our
constitution, the original judgment in
cases of this sort), have been guided :
it is conceded that, for about two
hundred years, there has been a uni—
form course of decision in support of
the judgment of Hill v. Good. Now,
when we strip this case of all the
advantages that eloquence and ar-
gument can give it, and when we lay
the matter bare, and consider that we
are only here discussing whether a
man, who has been acquitted upon an
exposition of the statute of the 5 (it 6
Wm. IV., which is in accordance with
the decision of all courts, temporal
and ecclesiastical, for two hundred
years, is or is not to have the beneﬁt
of his acquittal, is it not a little too
much to ask this Court (only, be it
observed, an intermediate Court of
Error, the ultimate decision of this
case, being, it is stated, to be made in
the Court above)—-is it not a little too
much for us to be asked to reverse at
once this whole current of decisions,
and to take away from the prisoner,
James Chadwick, the verdict which
he has already obtained? I do not
mean to express (indeed, the whole
course of my argument shows that)
any doubt whatever, that in Hill v.
Good, the right interpretation was put
upon the statute; but if my opinion
were less strong than it is, I should
still considerit my duty, sitting
where I now do, to express the
opinion that I have done, and to
say that I think the judgment of this
Court ought to be for the defendant
in error.
Mr. Justice Wightman and Mr. J us-
tice Erle gave judgments in accord-
ance with those of Lord Denman and
Mr.Justice Coleridge. Vide 2 Stephens
on the Laws relating to the Clergy,
1484-1486.
The illegality of marriage with a de-
ceased wife’s sister was also discussed
in Reg. v. St. Giles-in—the-Fielals (11
Q. B. 173.), and the Court held that
such a contract was illegal upon the
same grounds on which Reg. v. Chad-
wick was decided.
(1602)

WiIt than hate this hmman:
(p. 1507.) -—-Without the mutual con-
sent of the parties themselves it can-
not be a lawful marriage. For the
standing rules of law and equity re—
quire: Matrimonium debet esse libe-
rum. (1. N eque ab Iniquis, e. de Nup—
tiis). Consensu, matrimonia contra-
huntur. (l. Consensu, e. de Repudiis).
N uptias non concubitus, sed consensus
facit. (l. 15. f. de Condit.). We also
ﬁnd that Bebekah’s friends asked her
consent before they sent her away to
Isaac. (Gen. xxiv. 58.) And in the
ﬁrmest kind of marriage among the
Romans, which they called coemption, -
the parties themselves mutually asked
this of each other. (Boeth. Comment.
in Topic. Ciceron. p. 157. Venet. 1583.;
Alex. ab Alex. Gen. Dier. 1.2. c. 5.).
This, therefore, being so momentous
a custom, is for that reason taken
into the Christian offices : only among
Christians the question is proposed by
the priest, that so the declaration may
be the more solemn, as being made in
the immediate presence of God, and to
his deputed minister.
The man therefore is asked, Whether
he will have this woman to his wedded
wife; and the woman, Whether she
will have this man to her wedded
husband, to live together after God’s
ordinance in the holy state of matri-
mony. And that they may the bet-
ter know what are the conditions of
this state, the minister enumerates
the duties which each of them by this
covenant will be bound to perform.
The man, for instance, is obliged, in
the ﬁrst place, to love his wife, which
is the principal duty required by St.
Paul (Ephes. v. 25.), and is here men-
tioned ﬁrst, because if the man have
this aﬂfection, he will perform with
delight all the other duties; it being
no burden to do good ofﬁces to those
whom we heartily and sincerely love.
2. He must comfort her, which is the
same that St. Paul expresses by cherish-
ing (Ibid. v. 29.), and implies here,
that the husband must support his
wife under all the inﬁrmities and
sorrows, to which the tenderness of
her sex often makes her liable. 3. He
is to honour her, which is also directly
commanded by St. Peter (1 Pet. iii. 7.):
for though the wife, as he says, be the
weaker vessel, yet she must not be
despised for those unavoidable weak-
nesses which God has been pleased to
annex to her constitution, but rather
respected for her usefulness to the
man’s comfortable being. [If the Greek
of this verse were differently pointed,
the foundation of the honour to be
given unto the wives would not be their
weakness, but their being coheirs with
their husbands of the grace of life;
which seems to make the apostle’s
meaning clearer. “Likewise ye hus-
bands dwell with your wives accord-
ing to knowledge, the female being
the weaker vessel, giving them honour,
as being heirs together of the grace of
life.”] 4. He must keep her in sickness
and in health, which, in St. Paul’s
phrase, is to nourish (Ephes. v. 29.),
or to afford her all necessaries in every
condition. Lastly, he must consent to
be faithful to her, and forsahing all
other, keep himself only to her so long as
they both shall live (Mal. 15, 16.;
1 Cor. vii. 10.) ; which is added to
prevent those ‘three mischievous and
fatal destroyers of marriage, adultery,
polygamy, and divorce.
There is no difference in the duties,
nor consequently in the terms, of the
covenant between a man and his wife;
except that the woman is obliged to
obey and serve her husband. Nor is
this a diﬁerence of our own devising,
but is expressly ordered by God him-
self, who, in those places of Scripture
where he enjoins husbands to love
their wives, commands the wives to
be subject and obedient to their hus-
bands. (Ephes. v. 22. 24. ; Col. iii. 18.;
Tit. 5.; 1 Pet. iii. 1, 5.). The rules
also of society make it necessary; for
equality, saith St. Chrysostom (in
1 Cor. xi. 3.), breeds contention; and
one of the two must be superior, or
else both would strive perpetually for
the dominion. Wherefore the laws of
God, and the wisdom of all nations,
hath given the superiority to the hus—
(1603)

band. Among the Romans, the wife
was obliged by law to be subject to
her husband, and to call him lord
(Ulpian. L. alia 14. D. solut. Matrimon.
Et L. ea quae 57. D. de Donat. inter
Vir. et Ux. ; itemque Servius ad 1. 4.
..'Eneid.); but then they had a peculiar
magistrate to take care that the men
did not abuse this power, but that
they should rule over their wives with
gentleness and tenderness. (Cicero de
Repub. lib. 4.) Wherefore women may
and ought to pay all that obedience
which the Gospel requires of them:
nor have they any reason (especially
with us) to complain with. Medea,
that “they are sold for slaves with their
own money” (Eurip.in Medea), because
there is really no slavery in obedience
which springs from love, and is paid
in respect to the nobler sex, and in
requital for that protection which the
weaker sex both needs and enjoys in
the state of matrimony. So that it is
not only an impious contempt of di-
vine authority, but egregious pride
and folly, for any woman to refuse
either to promise or pay this obedi-
ence; which is her chief advantage, if
she hath wisdom to understand, or
skill to manage it right. Wheatly on
the Common Prayer, 401, 402.
£11 ﬁdmzfs anti in health: (p.1507.)—
In the Office of Sarum, there followed
after these words, Sicut sponsus debet
sponsam—which seems to be an odd
restriction, and capable of a bad inter-
pretation, and therefore was left out
by our Reformers.
ﬁe hﬂﬂ) : (p. 1507.) -— P. B. 1549,
“ you both.” So also in the next form
the reading was the same.
Prlcft: (p. 1508.)—-P. B. “Minis—
ter.” P. B. 1622, “Priest.”
In Prayer Books of 1627 and 1631,
“ Minister” still exists.
1T Then fhall the Minifter
fa)’: (p. 1509.)—-The next thing in
the solemnization is, the mutual sti-
pulation, or the covenant they make
with one another, which is introduced
with two very signiﬁcant rites. First,
the father’s giving the woman in
marriage (Luke xvii. 27. ; 1 Cor. vii.
38.); which custom was used amongst
the Romans and Christians in all ages,
for divers reasons. 1. Because the
weaker sex is always supposed to be
under the tuition of a father or guar—
dian, whose consent is necessary to
make their acts valid. 2. This de-
clares that the parents and friends
agree to this marriage, and that the
father doth emancipate his daughter,
and make her free to engage in her
own name. 3. This also shows'the
' woman doth not seek a husband, but
is given to one by her friends, follow—
ing herein their commands, rather
than her own inclinations, which doth
very well suit the modesty of this
sex. Secondly follows the joining of
hands, which all the world over is a
ceremony signifying the contracting
of friendship and making of covenants
(Prov. xi. 21.; 2 Kings x. 15.), and
hath ever been used in the covenant
of marriage (Tobit vii. 13.). The
father delivers her up to the priest as
it were to commit her to God’s dis-
posal, and he in God’s presence joins
their “right hands,” because the
right hand is generally used in plight-
ing our troth, and engaging our faith
to any person; and having thus deli-
vered them into each other’s hands
and power (1 Cor. 4.), the priest,
while they thus give each other their
hands, causeth them to make the
mutual stipulation, or solemn engage-
ment and vow to each other. He
asked the parties’ consent before, and
then in words of the future tense they
promised they would have this person
in marriage; but that is no more than
“espousals,” which of old was a dif-
ferent oﬁice from this of matrimony,
and done some weeks or months be-
fore; yet because some cast off their
spouses before the marriage was com-
pleted, the Church hath now put the
espousals and marriage both into one
office, only there they say, “ I will,”
and here, “ I do take.”
We giiwti) this woman: (p.1509.)
The natural modesty of the female sex
(1504)

being greater than that of men, and
the daughters of families continuing in
their father’s houses, and under their
care, till the time of their marriage,
it has been a custom in all ages, that
the woman, upon her marriage, should
not go to meet the man with any de-
gree of readiness, but should seem to
be brought to her compartner with a
sort of reluctancy and compulsion;
and rather to be bestowed upon him
by her father, or other nigh relation
or friend, than voluntarily to bestow
herself. Which custom has very great
antiquity on its side, we reading in
the Old Testament frequently of a
daughter given in marriage by her
father. (Gen. xxiv. 16.; Josh. xv. 16.;
1 Sam. xxvii. 25.) The Romans in
their marriages had an Auctor, who
either was the father or guardian,
who gave the woman to the man.
(Cic. Orat. pro Flac.) Which custom
continued after the empire became
Christian: for St. Augustin, in his
comment upon Genesis, mentions it:
“Sponsa a patre tradenda.” Aug. Gen.
ad Lit. lib. xi. 0. 41.
Glve their troth: (p_ 1509,) __
The old English expression of giving
troth, answers exactly to the Latin
ﬁdem dare, to promise faithfully:—
this was the old usual form of speak-
ing in stipulations, and making bar-
gains ; as is plain, by that of Terence
(in Hecyra, act 1. so. 2.): PH. Si mihi
Fidem Das, te taciturum dicam. PA.
Fidem Do, loquere. So, again, in
Phormio, Non mihi credis? sin ﬁdem
do. This the civil law otherways ex-
presses by ﬁdem suam astringere (lib.
xxvii. de Usuris), et ﬁdem bonam pree-
stare (lib. iii. in ﬁn. pro Soc). And
in this sense the canon law uses it,
Quidam cuidam mulieri de contra-
hendo matrimonio ﬁdem dedit. (Dec.
lib. iv. tit. 1.) So that when the
Church requires of the persons to be
married, that they shall give each
other their troth, her meaning is, that
they shall make a solemn assurance
to each other, that they design to be
husband and wife, and to live together
in a faithful discharge of those rules
and obligations which God’s law re
quires in that state.
{I The Mmlfter: (p, 1509j_
P. B. 1549, “And the minister receiv—
yng the woman at her father [P .B.
1607, “ fathers ”] or frendes handes:
shall cause the man to take the woman -
by the right hande, and so eyther to
geve theyr trouth to other: The man
ﬁrst saying.”
At her fathers or friends
hands: (p. 1509.).—The true reason
why the father gives away his daugh-
ter, probably is, because, in ancient
times, the authority of a father was
almost despotic. The children were
considered as his property. When
any other person gives her away, he is
supposed to be deputed by the father,
or to act with his permission. At
present the ceremony shews the fa-
ther’s consent; and that the authority,
which he before possessed, he now re-
signs to the husband. 2 Shepherd on
the Common Prayer, 349, et seq.
Shall caufe the man with his
right hand to take the woman
by her right hand: (p 1,509_)__
In both the ancient and modern ofﬁces
of the Eastern and Western Churches,
the priest is directed to join the hands
of the man and woman, that each may
conﬁrm the covenant to the other.
2 Shepherd on the Common Prayer,
349, et seq.
The joining of hands together has
been, in all ages and nations, a token
of friendship and hearty love. Thus
Eneas, in Virgil, seeing two of his
good old friends—
Sic fatus. amicum
Ilionea petit dextra, laevaque Segestum.
Vine. din. 1.
The like is said by Statius (Theb.
11b. 1.)—


Sic fatus, et ambos,
Innectens DlﬁlllbllS, tecta ultcrioiis ad aulze
Progred1tur.—-—
But, besides its being a token of love
(1505)
i
and friendship, the joining of the right
hands has in all ages and nations, too,
been a token of consent to a covenant
or agreement. And in this sense Vir-
gil takes it, when he gives an account
of the several wicked persons who are
punished in Hell—-
Quique ob adulterium caesi, quique arma secuti
Impia, nee veriti dominorum fallere dcxtras.
VIRG. rEN. lib. vi.
So the person in Ovid, upbraiding
an unfaithful lover, says—
Heus, ubi pacta ﬁdcs, commissaque dextera dcxtrae?
And Cicero says: Dextrae qum ﬁdei
testes esse solebant.
So that the Church, upon consider-
ation that such joining of hands has
been looked on as a natural token of
love and ﬁdelity in all ages of the
world, has thought ﬁt to retain it in
the public solemnization of marriage.
And to fay after him as fol—
loweth: (p. 1509.)-_'r5 make the
marriage legal and binding, the par-
ties must not only be able and willing
to contract, but they themselves must
actually contract in the form required
by the laws of the realm. As a form
of contract, the mutual stipulation
prescribed by our Church is explicit
and full. It comprehends whatever is
essential to any contract.
The canon law declares, what com-
mon sense dictates, that it is necessary
for the parties contracting to under—
stand the meaning of the words in
which the contract is made. In Eng-
land, till the Reformation, the form of
the solemnization of matrimony, like
all the offices in the modern Roman
Catholic Church, was in Latin—a lan—
guage understood by very few men,
and by still fewer women. How, then,
were the parties contracting marriage
to understand the meaning of the
contract‘? From this difficulty our
casuistical forefathers contrived to
extricate the common people, and at
the same time to reconcile to their
own satisfaction glaring contradic-
tions. It was ordered, that the words
of the contract should be translated
either into English or French ; French
having at that time become the lan-
guage in which legal proceedings were
usually conducted in England. So
also, in the Gallican Church, in the
churches of Italy and Spain, and in
all Roman Catholic churches, while
the rest of the office is in Latin, the
stipulation is made either in the ver-
nacular tongue, or in a language
understood by the party contracting.
And when a deaf or dumb person is
to .be married, it is sufficient that
signs be made, understood by the
minister, or interpreted to him by
some one that may understand them.
2 Shepherd on the Common Prayer,
354,355.
I N. take the? N. : (p. 1510.)—This
mutual stipulation in the express words
of both parties is enjoined, in com-
pliance with the rules of the civil and
canon law: Stipulata et conventa,
solennibus verbis ex interrogatione et
responsione confecta. (Tit. de Verb.
oblig. Inst. in princ.) But in this the
stipulation is not expressed, but only
supposed; and is as much as if the
woman should ask, Do you take me
to your wedded wife? (lie. And the
man answers, I do take thee to my
wedded wife, 620. N ow, it is sufﬁcient
for the espousals, that the man de-
clares this de future; but for a com-
plete marriage, it is requisite that he
make the acknowledgment de prae-
senti. And this the canon law de-
clares: In veritate contrahitur matri-
monium, per legitimum viri et mulieris
consensum; sed necessaria sunt (quan-
tum ad ecclesiam) verba consensum
exprimentia de praesenti. Decret. tit.
i. cap. 25.
Q55 he part: (p. 1510.)—-P. B. 1549,
“us depart.”
The next form contains another
instance of the same reading.
@EﬂI Death 115 In: part: (p. 1510.)—
In King Edward’s First Book, and in
all the books till the last review, we
read, “till death us depart :” that is,
divide, separate, or, as it now stands,
“ do part.”
(1606)

“ To depart” is one of our oldest
verbs in the usual sense of divide or
separate. Wickliffe, Gower, and Chau-
oer, thus employ the word; and many
later writers. Thus, in the translation
of the Bible, 1578, Ruth i. 17.: “The
Lord do so to me, and mine also, if aught
but death depart thee and me.” It
was not used, or at least was not thus
understood, soon after the Reforma-
tion. For among the exceptions of
the dissenters against our Book of
Common Prayer in 1661, the word, in
the old marriage service, is thus
branded: “Till death us depart: the
word ‘depart ’ is here improperly used.”
The word was extended into the pre-
sent form, “ do part.”
@{trnrhiug to 4511113 13019 luminance;
(p. 15]0.)—These words were put in,
in lieu of those words in the Office of
Sarum, “if holie churche will it per-
mit.” And if we consider the tenor
of papal dispensations of unlawful
marriages, and the voiding lawful
ones, we must grant that this change
was made upon very good grounds.
(Huh thereto i pIigbt than my trutt) :
(p. 1510.)—The word pli ht answers
to our Latin law-word plgegin, which
is used by our old English lawyers, to
denote what the civilians express by
'vador and ﬁde-juben, to engage to make
an appearance at the court: for by
our ancient English constitution, every
one at twelve years of age was obliged,
twice a year, after Easter and Michael-
mas (unless exempted by special pri—
vilege). to make his appearance in the
sheriff ’s court. The entering into this
recognizance was called plet/iare, or
the plighting their troth that they
would appear. (Lib. 2.; Monast. Angl.
tom. i. p. 310.; Spelm. Gloss. p. 462.).
Now, the meaning of the word in this
place is, that the married person enters
into a solemn pledge and engagement,
that he will make all good that he has
before promised. N icholls on the
Common Prayer.
Or, as the woman says, “ I give thee
my troth :” that is, for the performance
of all that has been said, they, each of
them, lay their faith or truth to pledge;
as much as if they had said, If I per-
form not the covenant I have made,
let me forfeit my credit, and never be
counted just, or honest, or faithful, any
more. And therefore they ought well
to consider this vow before they make
it; and beware, that they never break
it. Dean Comber’s Discourses on the
Common Prayer, 371. Wheatly on
the Common Prayer, 410.
In a deed or conveyance four things
are necessary, viz. 1. The premises,
containing the names of the personv
and of the thing to be conveyed;
2. The habendum and tenendum ; 3. The
limitations; and, 4. The sealing: so
here the compact seems to be drawn
up exactly answerable to these four
rules. For, ﬁrst, each party name
themselves, and specifying the other,
as the individual person whom they
have chosen, declare the end for which
they take, viz. to be wedded husband
and wife. Secondly, the manner of
takingis expressed in those ancient
words, “to have and to hold,” which
are words (saith Littleton, “A aver et
tener.” Littl. 0.1. p. 1. Lord Coke on
Littleton’s Tenures, c. l.) of such im-
portance, that no conveyance can be
made without them: and therefore
they ought not to be omitted here,
because the man and the woman are
now to put themselves into the power
and possession of each other: inso—
much that after this stipulation “ the
wife hath not power of her own body,
but the husband; and likewise the
husband hath not power of his own
body, but the wife. (1 Cor. vii. 4.)
Thirdly, the time of entering upon,
and the time of enjoying, the posses-
sion conveyed, is here expressly de-
clared. It is to begin immediately
from the nuptial day, and to continue
during their mutual lives : “ from this
day forward . . .till death us do part.”
And lest any inconveniences appear-
ing afterwards should be alleged for
the breaking this sacred contract,
here is added a protestation, that the
obligation shall continue in full force,
notwithstanding any future unex—
pected changes. They are to have
(1607)

and to hold for “better for worse,”
in respect to their mind and manners;
“for richer for poorer,” in respect of
their estate; and whether “in sickness
or in health,” in respect of their body.
Wheatly on the Common Prayer,
405,406.
With her right hand taking
the man by his right hand,
fhall likewife fay after the
Minifter: (p,1510,)-P. B. 1549,
“taking agayn the man by the right
hande, shall say.”
Elﬁn Inns, r’beriﬁ), anti to 111129:
(p. 1511.)——These were placed here in
the form of the woman’s stipulation
or contract, in lieu of those words in
the Office of Sarum, “ to be bonair and
buxom in bed and at board,” which
were capable of a wanton meaning.
The form of this promise is thus given
in Maskell’s Mon. Rit. 46.:
“Deinde dicat mulier, docente sacer-
dote.
“I N. take the N. to my wedded
housbonder to haue and to holde fro
this day forwarde for better : for wors:
for richer: for poorer: in sykenesse
and in hele : to be bonere and buxum
in the bedde and at the horde tyll
dethe vs departhe if holy chyrche it
wol ordeyne, and therto I plight the
my trouthe.”
The man ihall give unto the
woman a mug: (p_ 1511_)__P,B,
1549, “ and other tokens of spousage,
as golde or sylver.”—This passage was
abandoned in 1525.
The man shall give the woman a ring,
&c.—shall surely perform and keep the
vow and covenant betwixt them made,
whereof this ring given and received
is a token and pledge, dzc. These
words were objected to at the Savoy
Conference by the Puritan ministers,
because, “ Seeing this ceremony of the
ring in marriage is made necessary to
it, and a signiﬁcant sign of the vow
and covenant betwixt the parties;
and Romish ritualists give such rea-
sons for the use and institution of the
ring as are either frivolous or super-
stitious; it is desired that this cere—
mony of the ring in marriage may be
left indifferent to be used or forborne.”
To which the Bishops answered:
“ The ring is a signiﬁcant sign, only of
human institution, and was always
given as a pledge of ﬁdelity and con-
stant love: and here is no reason given
why it should be taken away; nor are
the reasons mentioned in the Roman
ritualists given in our Common Prayer
Book.” Cardwell’s Conferences, 330.
360.
This ceremony, which the Church
has enjoined to be used in the office of
matrimony, has been the occasion of
great clamours against her from her
adversaries; and she has been ar-
raigned for making Marriage a sacra-
ment, especially since the words, “ In
the name of the Father, of the S011,
and of the Holy Ghost,” are pronoun-
ced upon the putting it on. But every
solemn action is not made a sacra—
ment, at which the names of the per-
sons of the blessed Trinity are used.
Men’s last wills or testaments usually
began so, and yet no man ever said,
that when a man was making a will,
he was celebrating a sacrament. The
use of it hath been very ancient in
espousals and marriages.
Anciently, with the espousal gifts, it
was‘usual for the man to give the
woman a ring, as a further token and
testimony of the contract. This was
an innocent ceremony used by the
Romans before the time of Chris—
tianity (Seld. Uxor. Hebr. lib. ii. 0. xiv.
and xv.), and in some measure admit—
ted by the Jews: whence it was
adopted among the Christian rites of
espousal without any opposition or
contradiction. I say the rites of
espousal: for that it was used in the
solemnity of marriage itself originally,
does not so evidently appear: though
some who confound the rites of espousal
with those of marriage, bring the evi-
dences of the former as proofs of the
later custom. That the ring was used
in espousals, and not in the solemnity
(1608)
-_‘_____l_.
of marriage itself, in the time of Pope
Nicolas (anno 860.), seems pretty evi-
dent, from the distinct account which
he gives of the ceremonies used in
the Roman Church, ﬁrst in espousals,
and then in the solemnity of marriage,
which he plainly speaks of as distinct
things. “With us,” says he (Nicol.
Responsa ad Consulta Bulgarorum
(Labbé, vol. viii. p. 517.), et ap. Gra-
tian., caus. xxx. quaest. v. 0. iii.), “after
the espousals, which are a promise of
future marriage, the marriage cove—
nants are celebrated, with the consent
of those who have contracted, and of
those in whose power they are.” Then
he describes the ceremonies peculiar
to each. “In the espousals the man
ﬁrst presents the woman, whom he
betroths, with the arrhzc, or espousal
gifts; and among these, he puts a
ring upon her ﬁnger; then he delivers
the dowry agreed upon by both parties
in writing, before witnesses invited on
both sides to attest the agreement.
Thus far the espousals. After this,
either presently, or in some convenient
time following, that nothing might be
done before the time appointed by law,
they are both brought to the nuptial
solemnity. Where, ﬁrst of all, they
are placed in the church, to offer their
oblations by the hands of the priest:
and then they receive the benediction
and the celestial veil: and, after this,
going out of the church, they wear
crowns or garlands upon their heads,
which are kept in the church for that
purpose.” Here we have the cere—
monies of espousals, and the ceremo-
nies of marriage, distinctly described:
and among the ceremonies of espousals
we ﬁnd the ring, but not mentioned
again in the ceremonies of marriage:
which makes it probable, that it was
then only a ceremony of the former,
and not of the latter. And thus it
was used among the ancient Christians
in their espousals, as an arrha, or
earnest, of their future marriage,
but not in the solemnity of marriage
itself, as far as we can learn from any
accounts that are given of it. 7 Bing-
ham, Christ. Ant. 314.
The Romans used it, and it is plainly
asserted by J uvenal—_
Conventum taincn pactum et- sponsalia, nostra
'l‘empcstate paras, jamque a tonsore niagistro
l’ectoris, ct digito pignns fortasse (ledisii.
JL‘Y. Sat. 6.
It was of iron or" steel, unjewelled,
and of plain shape. Pliny, speaking
of this custom, says: Etiam nunc
sponsae annulus ferreus mittitur, isque
sine gemma. (Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. xxxiii.
cap. 1.) This ring the Romans em-
ployed as their ordinary signet -—
though such use was unknown to the
Greeks. During the earlier periods
of the republic, iron was the material
always chosen. Pliny relates, that
for a long time no senator used a
gold ring; that Marius during his
ﬁrst two consulships used only an
iron ring, and when he was third time
consul, was the ﬁrst who used a gold
one. Hi quoque, qui ob legationem
acceperunt aureos, in publico tantum
utebantur eis, intra domes vero ferreis.
And then subjoins, Que argumento
etiam nunc sponsa, the. His meaning
is, that the marriage-ring took its
original from this seal-ring, which was
anciently made of iron; and that this
was a symbol to denote the wife being
a copartner in her husband’s affairs.
But this was not only a bare heathen
custom, but has been long in use
among the Jews. For Buxtorf, in his
Jewish Synagogue, mentions it as a
custom among the Jews in their mar-
riages, to put a gold ring upon the
bride’s ﬁnger, and then to read the
letters of marriage. (Syn. Jud. cap. 28.)
And the Tebangath Kedushin, the ring
of espousing, is mentioned in the
Talmud. (Buxt. Lex. Rab., in IU‘TP.)
Tertullian speaks of it as used in his
time among the Christians: Neque
annulus, neque conjunctio maritalis de
alicujus idoli honore descendit. (Tert.
de Idol. cap. 16.). St. Austin says:
Gradiuntur cum domino ﬁlii sponsi
pignus accepturi Spiritus Sancti: le-
vans autem manus suas benedixit eos,
dedit iis arrham sponsalem muneris
pretiosam, non ex auro gemmisque
distinctam, sed charitatis annulis con—
.5
M (1609)

textam catenam, qua alligati sequun-
tur eum ad sponsam Agni, Jerusalem,
patriam sepiternam. Nicholls on the
Common Prayer.
In consequence of the ring being
anciently the seal by which all orders
were signed, and all choice things se-
cured, the delivery of it was a sign
that the party to whom it was given
was admitted into the nearest friend-
ship and the highest trust (Gen.xi.42.);
hence it came to be a token of love
(Luke xv. 22.), and was used in matri-
mony, not only among the Jews and
Gentiles, but the Christians also, who,
in Clemens Alexandrinus’s time, gave
their spouse a ring to declare her
worthy of the government of the
family, and thus it hath been used ‘
ever since. And we may observe, the
matter of which this ring is made is
gold, to signify how noble and durable
our affection is : the form is round, as
the properest ﬁgure to unite things
separated before, and to imply, that
our respect shall never have an end:
the place of it is on the fourth ﬁnger
of the left hand, where the ancients
thought was a vein which came di—
rectly from the heart, and where it
may be always in view; and being a
ﬁnger least used, where it may be least
subject to be worn out. But the main
end is to be a visible and lasting token
and remembrance of this covenant,
which must never be forgotten; and
if in ordinary bargains we have some
lasting thing delivered as an earnest
or pledge and memorial, much more is
it needful here: and to scruple a thing
so prudent and well designed, so an-
ciently and universally used, does not
deserve our serious confutation. Dean
Comber, Discourses on the Common
Prayer, 370, 371.
In the Order of Sarum there was a
formal benediction of the ring, which
was performed by two solemn prayers,
the ﬁrst whereof was this :
Creator et conservator humani ge-
neris, dator gratiae spiritualis, largi-
tor eternae salutis, tu Domine mitte
benedictionem tuam super hunc an-
nulum, ut quae illum gestaverit sit
armata virtute coelestis defensionis, et
sufﬁciat llll ad salutem aeternam. Per
Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen.
The second was thus :
Bene >I< dic Domine hunc annu-
lum, quem nos in tuo sancto nomine
benedicimus, ut quaecunque eum por-
taverit in tua pace consistat, et in tua
voluntate permaneat, et in tuo amore
vivat, increscat, et senescat, et multi-
plicetur in longitudinem dierum. Per
Dominum nostrum J esum Christum.
Amen.
After which prayer, the ring was
sprinkled with holy-water.
Laying the fame upon the
book, with the aceuftomed
duty to the Brief‘: and Clerk:
(p. 1511.)—-No fee is due to the clergy-
man of common right for performing
the marriage ceremony. In a canon
of Archbishop Langton (Lyndwood,
Prov. Const. Aug. 278.) it is directed:
“ We do ﬁrmly enjoin that no sacra-
ment of the church shall be denied [or
delayed. Lyndwood, Prov. Const. Ang.
278.] to any one upon the account of
any sum of money, nor shall matrimony
be hindered therefore; because, if any-
thing hath been accustomed to be
given by the pious devotion of the faith-
ful, we will that justice be done there-
upon to the churches by the ordinary
of the place afterwards.”
Marriage fees seem at the common
law to be recoverable in such places
and cases only where there is a custom
for the payment thereof upon perfor-
mance of the duty. Mr. Johnson
(Canons 188, 189.) says, it was an
ancient custom that marriage should
be performed in no other church but
that to which the woman belonged as
a parishioner; and therefore, to this
day, the ecclesiastical law allows a fee
due to the curate of that church, whe-
ther she be married there or not.
And this fee was expressly reserved for
him by the words of the licence, ac-
cording to the old form,which is not yet
disused in all dioceses. But it is said
(1610)

that judgment hath been otherwise
given in the temporal courts.
In Thompson v. Davenport (Lutw.
1059. ; vide etiam Naylor g. t. v. Scott,
2 Ld. Raym. 1558.) the plaintiff, in
his libel, set forth a custom in the
parish of Ellington, in Derbyshire, that
of every woman who is a parishioner,
and dwells there, and marries with a
licence, the husband at the time of
the marriage, or soon after, shall pay
to the vicar ﬁve shillings as an accus-
tomed fee, and so brought his case
within that custom; the defendant,
however, suggested for a prohibition
that all customs are triable at common
law, and that the plaintiff had libelled
against him setting forth the custom
as aforesaid; and a prohibition was
granted.
Sir William Blackstone says, that of
common right no fee is due to the
minister for performing such branches
of his duty, and that such a fee can
only be supported by special custom;
but no custom can support the demand
of a fee without his performing the
duty (3 Black. Com. 90. ; St. David’s
(Bishop of) v. Lucy, 1 Ld. Baym. 450.
Nay/lot‘, q. t. v. Scott, 2 Ibid. 1558.;
1 Barnard. 159.) Thus, it was held in
Patten v. Uastleman (1 Lee (Sir G.),
387.), that the claim of a vicar for a
fee on the wedding of one of his parish-
" ioners in the church of another parish
could not be maintained ; the general
principle of law being, that where no
service is done no fee is by law due.
“ Anciently,” says Sir George Lee, “ no
fee was demandable for marriage, but
only a voluntary offering was made of
what sum the party married thought
ﬁt to give, which appears from Lynd-
wood (lib. 3. tit. 16. c. Quia quidam,
in these words: Quia quidam male-
dictionis ﬁlii, in nubentium solemniis,
puriﬁcationibus mulierum, mortuorum
exequiis, et aliis in quibus ipse Domi-
nus in ministrorum suorum personis
solebat oblationum libamine popular-
iter honorari ad unius denarii vel al-
terius modicae quantitatis oblationem,
populi devotionem restringere moliti
sunt. residuum (_»hlationis ﬁdelium
suis pro libito vel alienis usibus mul-
toties applicantes; therefore excom-
municating the instigators. And
Lynd. Gloss. verb. Nubentium solem-
niis, sets forth the times when it was
lawful to marry, and when not; and
therefore the Constitution must speak
of offerings for marriages actually
performed. If then no law has esta-
blished a fee for actual marriage, it
can be demandable only by custom;
and,accordingly, Watson’s Clergyman’s
Law (0. 52. p. 572.) says: ‘Accusto—
mary payments for marriages, chris-
tenings, churchings, and burials pro~
perly belong to the parson or vicar of
the church where they are made, and
are recoverable by law where there is
a custom for the payment of certain
sums upon the performance of these
several duties’; and in chap. 53. p. 575,
‘ Under oﬁ'erings, called also oblations
and obventions, are comprehended all
customary payments for marriages,
christenings, churchings, and burials ;
and have been, and yet are, recover-
able in the ecclesiastical court, as is
notorious.’
“And notwithstanding the statute
of Circumspecte agatis, and of 2 & 3
Edw. VI., if the custom is denied, a
prohibition will go to try it at com-
mon law, and it must be immemorial ;
and so it was held by the whole court
of King’s Bench (Hill, 7 Geo. II. Bead
v. Dealtary), which case I argued, and
a prohibition was granted to stay a
suit in the ecclesiastical court for
customary Easter offerings, and the
custom was denied. But if the cus-
tom is admitted, then the spiritual
court may proceed; and in the pre-
sent case, if a prohibition had been
prayed, it would certainly have been
granted; and therefore, as this was a
matter subject to the cognisance of
the common law, I thought myself
bound to determine agreeably to that
law, that there may not be a diversity
of judgment in different courts; and
clearly by the common law this cus-
tom is not proved, for it is not suﬁici-
ently proved, even by the ecclesiastical
law, which requires a usage for forty
5M2
(1011)

years to be proved; but here no in-
stance has been given of paying the
fee demanded for above twenty-one
years; and therefore I thought the
custom was not proved ; but if it had
been proved, the custom would be
unreasonable, for no ecclesiastical law
warrants a demand of a fee where no
service is done; and though I could
not ﬁnd in the common law reports
any determination upon the particular
point now before me, yet, in similar
cases, the temporal court had deter-
mined, that a custom to pay a fee
where no service was done was unrea-
sonable, as appeared from the cases
cited by the counsel for Patten, in the
cases of burials, christenings, and
churchings, which are thus reported:
“Hobart, 175. ‘Edward Topsall and
others v. Ferrers. Edward Topsall
(clerk), parson of St. Botolph’s With-
out Aldersgate, and the churchwardens
of the same, libelled in the Court
Christian against Sir John Ferrers,
Knight, and alleged that there was a
custom within the city of London, and
especially within that parish, that if
any person die within that parish, be-
ing man or woman, and be carried out
of the same parish, and be buried else-
where, that there ought to be paid to
the parson of this parish, if he be buried
elsewhere in the chancel, so much;
and to the churchwardens so much ;
being the sums that they alleged were
by custom payable unto them for such
as were buried in their own chancel,
and then alleging, that the wife of
Sir John Ferrers died within the parish,
and was carried away and buried in
the chancel of another church, and so
demand of him the said sum ; where-
upon, for Sir John Ferrers a prohibition
was prayed by Sergeant Harris, and
upon debate it was granted; for this
custom is against reason, that he that
is no parishioner, but may pass
through the parish, or lie in an inn
for a night, should be forced to be
buried there, or to pay as if he was,
and so upon the matter to pay twice
for his burial.’
“ 1 Salk. 332.
‘ Bardeaax v. Lan-
caster (Dr.) and others, Hill. 9 W. 3. B.
R. Burdeaux, a French protestant,
had his child baptized at the French
church in the Savoy; and Dr. Lan-
caster, vicar of St. Martin’s, in which
parish it is, together with the clerk,
libelled against him for a fee of 2s. 6d.
due to him, and 1d. to the clerk. A
prohibition was moved for, and Levinz
urged this was an ecclesiastical fee due
by the canon. Holt, C. J. Nothing
can be due of common right ; and how
can a canon take money out of a lay-
man’s pocket? Lyndwood says it is
simony to take anything for chris—
tening or burying unless it be a fee
due by custom; and then a custom for
any person to take a fee for chris-
tening a child when it does not chris-
ten it, is not good; like the case in
Hobart, where one dies in one parish,
and is buried in another, the parish
where he died shall not have a bury-
ing fee. If you have a right to chris-
ten you should libel for that right;
but you ought not to have money for
christening when you do not.’
“Lord Raymond’s Reports, vol. ii.
fo. 1558. 2 Geo. II. Regis, B. R. 1729.
‘Nag/tor 9. t. v. Scott. In a prohi-
bition granted to stay a suit in the
spiritual court by the vicar of Wake-
ﬁeld, grounded upon a custom for a
due for churching women, which was
alleged no be this, viz. ‘that every
inhabitant keeping a house, and hav-
ing a family in Wakeﬁeld, in York-
shire, and having a child or children
born in that parish, at the time of
churching the mother of the child, or
at the usual time after her delivery,
when she should be churched, have
time out of mind paid ten pence to the
vicar of that parish for or in respect
of such churching, or at the usual
times when the mother of such child
should be churched.’ Issue was taken
upon the custom, and a verdict found
for the defendant, that there was such
a custom; and upon motion made to
the court by Mr. Filmer for the plain-
tiff, in arrest of judgment to prevent
the granting a consultation, the court
being of opinion that it was a void
(1012)

custom; 1st, Because it was not
alleged what was the usual time the
women were to be churched, and
therefore uncertain; 2d. Because it
was unreasonable, because it obliged
the husband to pay if the woman was
not churched at all, or if she went out
of the parish, or died before the time
of churching. Judgment was arrested.
Mr. Crowle, counsel for the defendant
in the prohibition.
“As to the clause in the marriage
licence, I was of opinion it was only a
general saving of such right as the
minister might have; but if he had
none by law, the licence neither did
or could give him any. Upon the
whole, I was of opinion, the fee de-
manded was not due by any law; that
the custom was not proved; but if it
had been proved, it would be an un-
reasonable custom by the ecclesiastical
as well as the common law, and void,
and therefore I pronounced no fee to
be due in this case to the vicar, and
dismissed Patten, but did not give
costs, because it was a new case, and
because the clergy did generally ima-
gine a fee was due, and in fact it had
been paid in many instances to Mr.
Castleman and his predecessors, and
likewise to his neighbouring clergy,
and therefore he could not be said
to be litigious.” Stat. 6 dz 7 Gul.
1V. 0. 85. s. 27. provides for the ap-
propriation of fees on marriages per-
formed in chapels licensed by the
bishop.
By stat. 6 dz 7 Gul. IV. 0. 85. ss. 5. 7.
11 , 12. dz 22. the superindent registrar
is entitled to a fee of ls. for entry of
the notice in the marriage notice
book; to 18. for certiﬁcate of notice;
to 3l. and the stamp duty of 10s. for
the licence; and to 25*. 6d. for each
aﬁidavit of procuring the licence; and
the registrar before whom the marriage
is solemnised is entitled to 108. if it be
by licence; otherwise to 5.9.
By stat. 12 dz 13 Vict. c. 68., the
consul is entitled, for suspending and
registering every notice of marriage,
10s.; for every licence for marriage,
205.; for every marriage. solemnised
by him 208., if it be by licence, if
otherwise, 10s.
C1631’ k 3 (p. 1512.)—Custom has in-
troduced the ofﬁce of clerk in our
parish churches, obliging him to a
constant attendance on the public
service: but to this intent, that the
worship might not suffer by a general
defailure either in the absence or an-
swers of the people: not that such_
person should supply or excuse either.
Custom has also authorized him to ex-
ercise such ofﬁce before, yet jointly
with, the congregation, in a distin-
guished manner; he with a more au—
dible, they with a more humble voice,
but to this twofold intent: ﬁrst,
that the indecency of a general loud-
ness, as well as deﬁciency by a total
silence, might be prevented in the
public answers: secondly, that by the
clerk’s audible pronunciation of
Amen and the responses, the close
and completion of the prayers, and
other parts, might appear; and their
separation from, and succession to,
each other, might be heard and distin-
guished. But though such of‘ﬁcer be
admitted into the church, and for
such ends, yet by his assistance no
member of the congregation is either
excluded or excused. All persons pre-
sent, of whatever age, sex, or condi-
tion, are bound to act, to worship for
themselves: all (as the 18th canon
expressedly directs, “ either man, we-
man or child, of what calling soever,
must repeat audibly the Confession,
the Lord’s Prayer, and the Creed, and
make the several answers as appointed
in the Common Prayer:”) must pro-
nounce each Amen; must perform
every part and parcel of the service,
that the clerk is accustomed to do;
otherwise they disappoint the order of
the church. If indeed there be, as it
is to be feared there is, a vulgar error
crept in and spread among our people,
that the ofﬁce of a parish clerk is ap-
pointed, and a seat erected for him in
the church, only that in the public
answers and parts he may supply, and
be instead of a mouth for the congre—
(1513)

gation; it is so gross an error, so di-
rectly contrary to the intention of our
Church, that, as if it were to prevent
and beat down such a conceit, the
Church hath not in all the rubrics
taken the least notice of such office,
or once mentioned the title of clerk,
but on this single occasion. For, when
the rubric before the Lord’s Prayer,
after the Apostles’ Creed, saith, “the
- minister, clerks, and people, shall say
it with a loud voice,” by “ clerks” it
doth not mean the parish clerk; for it
speaks in the plural of more clerks
than one: but it means real clerks in
holy orders, and refers only to choirs in
cathedrals and collegiate churches,
where many such clerks or clergymen
are supposed to be present.
Before the Reformation, there were
one or more of these real clerks also
in parish churches, who were as as—
sistants to the rector or vicar; and
had for their maintenance, besides the
proﬁts of the place and teaching
school, the ofﬁce of Aquaebajuli, to
carry the holy water.
But the parish clerk is not noticed
in the rubrics, except here. Is the
minister ordered by the rubric to begin
the confession? “The whole congre-
gation,” not the clerk, are ordered to
“say it after him.” Is the priest ap-
pointed to pronounce the Absolution Z
“The people,” not any single person,
“ are appointed, at the end of that, and
of all other prayers, to answer Amen.”
Bisse on the Common Prayer, 97.
And the Prief’t taking the
ring, fhall deliver it unto the
man: (p. 1512.)—-Thus intimating
that it is our duty to offer up all we
have to God as the true proprietor,
before we use them ourselves: and to
receive them as from his hand, to be
employed towards his glory.
with this’ ring 12 than inch: (p.
1512.)—When the ring is delivered,
the husband speaks to his wife, decla-
ring, 1. the general meaning of this
signiﬁcant token, “with this ring I
thee wed,” that is, this is a pledge of
that covenant of matrimony which I
just now make with thee. 2. He
shews the particular rights accruing
to her thereby, namely, to share in all
the honours belonging to his person,
which is the meaning of those words
“ with my body I thee worship: ” and
to have an interest in his estate, signi-
ﬁed in that phrase, “with all my
worldly goods I thee endow; ” and in
that ancient usage of laying down a
sum of money 011 the book, part of
which is the man’s oblation to God
(namely, the dues of the priest and
clerk), and all the rest was by the
priest delivered to the wife, to give
her “livery and seisin” of her hus-
band’s estate, which though she may
not alienate without his consent, yet
she may and ought to have the use of
as she hath occasion, which is no more
than justice requires, because she hath
already endowed her husband in her
fortune; so that hereafter they are
to have all things in common, and the
husband is bound to provide for his
wife according to his power while he
lives, and when he dies; especially
since he makes this solemn covenant,
“ In the name of the Father, Son, and
Holy Ghost,” that is, by his Christi—
anity, and before the Trinity as wit-
ness thereto, who, if he break it, will
be the avenger of this perjury; for
these words, calling God to witness,
turn this promise into a solemn and
sacred oath. Dean Comber, Discourses
011 the Common Prayer, 370, 371.
was, tutti) : (p. 1512.)—P. B. 1549,
“ This golde and silver I thee geve‘z”.
The second Prayer Book of Edward
VI. does not contain these words.
with my, tulip it that inurfbip :
(p. 1512.)—The man shall say : With
my body I thee worship. At the
Savoy Conference the Presbyterian
Ministers objected: “This word ‘wor-
ship’ being much altered in the use of
it since this form was ﬁrst drawn up ;
we desire some other word may be
used instead of it.”
ences, 330.
These words were objected to, as a
great crime in our Church, for obliging
Cardwell’s Confer—v
(1614)

the bridegroom to make an idol of his
bride, and to declare in the most ex-
travagant strain of all compliments,
that he worships her. But this impu-
tation is owing to a not just consider-
ation of the purport of the old English
word “worship,” which signiﬁes an
honourable regard, as is yet to be seen
in our usual expressions shall retained
in common discourse, as Your Worship,
Worshipful, die. And so King James,
in the Conference at Hampton-Court,
told Dr. Reynolds, who made this
objection. Nicholls on the Common
Prayer.
The Jews anciently used the same
phrase: “ Be unto me a wife, and I,
according to the word of God, will
worship, honour, and maintain thee,
according to the manner of husbands
amongst the Jews, who worship,
honour, and maintain their wives.”
And that no man quarrel at this harm-
less phrase, let him take notice, that
to worship here signiﬁes, to make wor-
shipful or honourable, as you may see.
(1 Sam. ii. 30.) For where our last
translation reads it: “him that
honours me, I will honour;” in the
old translation, which our Common
Prayer Book uses, it is, “him that
worships me, I will worship; ” that is,
I will make worshipful; for that way
only can God be said to worship man.
Bishop Sparrow, on the Common
Prayer. 206.
Hooker (Eccles. Pol.) thus writes:
For the better understanding this
phrase, we must know, that anciently
there were two sorts of wives; one
whereof was called the primary or law-
ful wife; the other was called the half-
wife, or concubine. The difference be-
twixt these two was only in the differing
purpose of the man, betaking himself
to the one or the other : if his purpose
was only fellowship, there grew to the
woman by this means no worship at
all, but rather the contrary. In pro-
fessing that his intent was to add by
his person honour and worship unto
hers, he took her plainly and clearly
to be his wife, not his concubine.
This is it, which the civil law doth
mean, when it makes a wife differ
from a concubine in dignity. The
worship that ‘ grew unto her, being
taken with declaration of this intent,
was, that her children became by this
means free and legitimate, heirs to
their fathers (Gen. xxv. 5, 6.), and
herself was made a mother over his
family. Lastly, she received such
advancement of state, as things an—
nexed to his person might augment
her with: yea, a right of participation
was thereby given her, both in him,
and even in all things which were his;
and therefore he says not only, “with
my body I thee worship,” but also
“ with my worldly goods I thee endow.”
The former branch having granted
the principal, the latter granteth that
which is annexed thereto.
with 2111 my tnurlhlp grunts it the:
entluin: (p. 1512.)—These words
promise a maintenance suited to the
man’s quality, or a participation of
his fortune and estate. Wherever he
is master, she is mistress. The wife
is to have all things in common with
'her husband, except the power of
alienating his estate. 2 Shepherd on
the Common Prayer, 360.
Nor is this either a new or an un-
reasonable privilege; for it was a law
of Romulus, the ﬁrst king of the
Romans, that the wedded wife, who
was married to a man according to
the sacred laws, was to have all that
he had in common with himself. (Dion.
Ilalicarn. l. 2.) And the same is
affirmed long after by Cicero, viz. that
they ought to have one house, and all
things common. (Ofﬁc. l. 1.) For this
reason the Roman laws would not
allow of donations to be made between
a man and his wife, because they were
to enjoy their estates in common
(Plut. 1. de Praecept. Connub.); which
community of goods they also ex-
pressed by oifering the wife ﬁre and
water at her ﬁrst coming into her hus—
band’s house, and by that usual ex-
pression: Ubi tu Cains, ego Caia, Where
you are master, I am mistress. (Ant.
Hotman. de Vet. Rit. Nupt. c. 18.)
Nor did this only continue during his
(1615)

life: for the laws of Rome appointed
the wife to be the sole heir, when her
husband died without issue; and if he
left children, she was at least to have
a child’s part, and to be reckoned as
a daughter. (Dion. Halicarn. l. 2.; U1-
pian, Fragm. tit. 22. sui Haeredes.
Aul. Gel. l. 18. c. 6.) Only it is to be
noted, that during the husband’s life,
the wife had no power to alienate or
dispose of any thing without her husg
band’s consent, but only to enjoy and
use it as there is occasion. The same
privileges undoubtedly belong to the
wives of Christians; and indeed reason
determines very strongly on their side.
The woman assigns all that she is
possessed of to her husband at the
marriage; and what less can the man
do in return of such kindness, and in
compensation for what he enjoys by
her, than invest her with the enjoy-
ment of what is his? Even the bar-
barous Gauls were used to give as
much out of their own estates as they
received in portion with their wives,
and out of those two sums to make
provision for the woman, if she sur—
vived the man. (Cmsar, de Bell. Gallic.
lib. 6.) And surely Christians should
not come behind the heathens in such
reasonable duties, it being unjust and
unworthy to suffer any person to sus-
tain damage by their kindness, where
we are able to requite them. Wheatly
on the Common Prayer, 411, 412.
1511 the name of the dfather, sat! at
the 5511, anti of the {help @huft:
(p. 1512.)—This is a solemn ratiﬁcation
of the engagement: and he that has
made "it should remember, that every
wilful violation of the covenant is an
act of injustice done to the woman,
and an offence committed against the
Almighty.
These words were objected to at the
Savoy Conference, as “ being only used
in Baptism, and here in the Solemni— -
zation of Matrimony, and in the Abso-
lution of the Sick; we desire it may
be considered, whether they should
not be here omitted, least they should
seem to favour those who count matri-
mony a sacrament.”
To which the Bishops answered:
“These words, ‘In the name of the
Father, Son, and Holy Ghost,’ if they
seem to make matrimony a sacrament,
may as well make all sacred, yea, civil
actions of weight, to be sacraments,
they being usual at the beginning and
ending of all such. It was never heard
before now that those words make a
sacrament.” Cardwell’s Conferences,
330. 360.
q Then the man leaving the
ring on the fourth ﬁnger of the
womans left hand: (p_1513_)__
Aurum nulla norat praeter uno digito,
quem sponsus oppignorasset pronubo
annulo. Tertul. Apol. cap. vi. p. 7.
The h/iinifter fhall say,
121 115 pray: (p. 1513.)——In the old
manuals of York and of Sarum, as well
as in the Roman ritual, are prayers for
the benediction of the ring, which
was likewise crossed by the aspersion
of holy water. The compilers of the
Liturgy neither rejected what was
useful in the old English offices, nor
retained any thing that seemed im-
proper. Of this latter kind were the
prayers for the benediction of the ring,
which have no claim to their pretended
antiquity, for they are found neither
in Gregory’s Sacramentary, nor in any
ofﬁce of that or of the following age.
To attempt to give holiness to an in-
animate substance, in the sense in which
the generality of Christians at that
time understood, and many at this
time understand, the word “holy”
was at best but a kind of charm. Yet
some of the sentiments and expressions
used in those benedictions our office
still retains.
The introduction to this benedictory
prayer is copied from the form in the
manual of Sarum, and other of the
sentiments are borrowed from the
Roman ritual: but instead of a bless—
ing on the ring, which is prescribed
in these offices, we are directed to im-
plore a blessing on the parties who
have contracted marriage: beseeching
God that they may be enabled siu'ely
(1515)

to perform the vow and covenant
betwixt them made, whereof the ring
given and received is a token and
pledge, and may ever remain in perfect
love and peace together, and live ac-
cording to God’s holy laws.
As an example of matrimonial ﬁde-
lity, our form speciﬁes Isaac and Re-
becca, who were probably selected for
this reason. Isaac is the only patriarch
who had not a plurality of wives. He
lived with Rebecca according to the
divine ordinance in the primitive in-
stitution of marriage. The Greek
ofﬁces enumerate Abraham and Sarah,
Jacob and Rachel, Moses and Zipporah,
and others: but in the Roman ritual
no particular instance of conjugal
ﬁdelity is either mentioned or alluded
to. 2 Shepherd on the Common
Prayer, 363, 364.
iiebetra Iiﬁetr: (p. 1514.)—P. B.
1549, “(after bracelets and Iewels of
golde geven of thone to thother for
tokens of their matrimonye)”.
This was omitted in 1552.
Prleftr (p. 1514.)—P. B. 1589,
“Minister.” P. B. 1622, “Priests.”
The Prayer Books, however, of 1631
and 1638, have “ Minister.”
t Then fhall the Prieft joyn
the1r nght hands: (P_ 1514_)__
The benediction is drawn up in imita-
of the blessing prescribed by God him-
self in the Book of Numbers. The
ﬁrst marriage, celebrated in Paradise,
was concluded with a blessing; and
the example has been followed by the
Christian Church. Tertullian observes,
that“ the blessing of the Church sealed
the marriage: ” and this was thought
so important a part of the nuptial
rites, that the older forms of the solem—
nization of matrimony were styled,
“ The order for blessing the espoused,”
sometimes “the blessing of the priest,”
and sometimes “the blessing of God.”
In the Romish ritual there is no
benediction, at least none resembling
ours: but in the Greek ofﬁces we ﬁnd
a very solemn benediction, which has
a considerable degree of affinity with
our own. It begins, “ The Father,
the Son, and the Holy Ghost, the most
holy and consubstantial Trinity, the
fountain of life, who have one divinity
and one kingdom, bless you, and give
you length of days, fruitfulness, in-
crease of piety and faith; ﬁll you with
all the blessings of the earth; and ﬁt
you for the enjoyment of his excellent
promises. 2 Shepherd on the Com-
mon Prayer, 366, 367.
game befure: (p. 1515.)—P. B.
1549, “here before.” We do not
again meet with “here.”
(Bf a ring‘: (p. 1515.)-—P. B. 1549,
“ golde and silver.”
Add this blefling: (p,1516_)_
In the Roman office the blessing was
not to be pronounced upon those that
entered into second marriage. And in
the fourteenth century several priests
were forced to go to Rome for absolu-
tion, who had indiscreetly pronounced
the sacramental benediction, as they
call it, upon digamists.
GUI! the: (p. 1516.) — P. B. 1549,
“ ‘IT God the father blesse you. >1< God
the sonne kepe you : god the holy Gost
lighten youre understandyng :The lorde
mercifully with his favor loke upon
you, and so ﬁll you with al spirituall
benediccion and grace, that you may
have remission of your sinnes in this
life, and in the world to come life ever-
lasting. Amen.”
$22 : (p. 15l6.)——-P. B. 1552, “you.”
And so in the next instance.
t Then the Minifter or
Clerks going to the Lords
tablfl 1 (p. 1517.)-P.B. 1549, “Then
shall they goe into the quier, and the
ministers or clearkes.”
“ Ministers” is equally in the rubric
of 1552; “Minister” was ﬁrst substi-
tuted for it in 1572.
Then the minister or clerh' going to
the Lords table, shall say or sing this
Psalm—At the Savoy Conference these
words were objected to. “We con-
ceive this change of place and posture
(1617)

mentioned in these two rubrics is need-
less, and therefore desire it may be
omitted.”
To which the Bishops answered :—
“ They go to the Lord’s table because
the communion is to follow.” Card-
well’s Conferences, 330. 360.
To impress this religious covenant
still more deeply on the parties’ minds,
they are to go up and kneel at the steps
of the altar, and then the ofﬁce is ﬁnished
with hymns, prayers, and exhortations.
First, with hymns or psalms; for since
joy becomes a marriage, instead of the
heathen’s looser songs, Christians are
to rejoice in psalms. (Jam. v. 13.) And
here are two very proper ones chosen :
1. the 128th Psalm, which was com—
posed at ﬁrst to be an epithalamium,
and is used in this oflice both in the
Eastern and Western Churches, be—
cause it contains the blessings, public
and private, which attend piety in the
state of marriage. 2. The 67th Psalm
is sometimes used, being a prayer for
the blessing promised in the former
psahn ; and the argument used to
obtain it is taken from the glory
which God will gain thereby.
Clerks 1 (p. 1517.) - “Clerks” in
this rubric is susceptible of a twofold
interpretation. It may either mean
all the other priests and deacons who
may be assisting the chief priest, or it
may mean (which is the most probable)
the choristers.
Going to the Lords table :
(p. 1517.)-—Is fully satisﬁed by the
priest going from the steps or rails,
where he had performed the ﬁrst and
effective part of the ceremony, back to
his usual place at the north side of the
Lord’s table, where he completes the
rite, and is in readiness to conclude
with administering the sacrament,
which, by the old rubrics, it was di-
rected, and by the present rubric it is
advised, as convenient that the parties
should then and there receive.
The approach to the Lord’s table is
intended as a remembrancer of the
Holy Communion. In fact the psalm
is an Introit, such as used formerly to
precede the Communion Office; and
the rationale of that part of the ser-
vice it precedes is shewn by the First
Book, in which, after the second bene-
diction, occurs this rubric: “Then
shall be said after the Gospel a Ser—
mon,” dzc. In the Second Book, this
was more clearly explained by these
words: “Then shall begin the Com-
munion, and after the Gospel shall be
said a Sermon :” provisions which
are by no means contradicted by our
Prayer Book as it stands at present.
J ebb 011 the Choral Service, 527, 528.
This psalm is sung at royal mar-
riages, as a service; and after the
second benediction an anthem is sung.
This, with the chanting of the re~
sponses, ought to be rule of choirs on
all occasions. J ebb on the Choral
Service, 528.
ii 01‘ thlS I (p_ 1519_)_
P. B. 1549, “ Or els this psalme folow-
n .77
P. B. 1589, “ ‘ll Or else this psalme.”
Kneeling before the Lords
Tablﬁfi (p. 1522.) - P. B. 1549,
“ afore the aulter.”
It was only in 1662 that “before”
was here put instead of “ afore.”
By the Order of Sarum, the married
couple were to have a pall held over
them by four of the clerks, one hold-
ing each corner. Prosternant se spon-
sus et sponsa, in oratione ad gradum
altaris, extenso super eos pallio, quod
tendant quatuor clerici per quatuor
cornua. This odd ceremony being of
no use, was prudently laid aside by our
Reformers.
Prieft : (p, 1522,) -- P. B. 1589,
“Minister.” P. B. 1622, “ Priest.”—
In 1631, “ Minister” was still used.
Table 1 (p. 1522.) - P. B. 1549,
“aulter.”
Minlfter 1 (p. 1522.)-P. B. 1549,
“ The Minister.
“ Let us praye.”
P. B. 1552, “The minister.”
(1618)
‘ straint of marriage.

(Bur : (p. 1523.)—P.B. 1549, “my.”
Our jfather : (p. 1523.)—P. B. 1549,
“ 1f Our father whiche art in heaven,
rise.
“And leade us not into temptacion.
“ Aunswere. But deliver us from
evyll. Amen.”
{hearts : (p. 1526.) —— P. B. 1549,
“mindes.”
Ehp hIeIfing upon @hraham anti
marsh: (p. 1527.)—P. B. 1549, “thy
Aungell Raphaell to Thobie, and Sara
the daughter of Raguel.” _
Slefuﬁ: (p. 1527.) —- P. B. 1549,
“Jesu.” 1572, “Jesus.”
Ch1ld-bear1ng : (p,1527j__1>_13,
1549, “ childe birthe.”
@Jhat they may both he fruitful in
proereation of rhtl‘orenz (p. 1528.) ——
The object of marriage is the procrea-
tion of children, and in order to effect
such object, the temporal laws will
annul all contracts that are in re-
Thus :—-A man,
having several illegitimate children
by a woman, made a settlement
upon her, whereby he covenanted
to pay her 40l. a year during her life,
subject to a proviso, that if she should
at any time thereafter marry any per-
son whatever, then the annuity should
be reduced to the yearly sum of 20l.
Held, that the clause reducing the
annuity was void, as being in restraint
of marriage. (Webb v. Grace, 10 Jurist,
1049. ; 8 Law Times, 209.) Where
there was a covenant in a deed to pay
an unmarried woman an annuity, with
a proviso that on her marriage the
annuity should be reduced in amount,
it was held that the proviso was void,
and that the annuitant, after marriage,
was entitled to the annuity without
any reduction. Grace v. Webb, 16 Law
Journal, 113. Ch.
Qt'heir rhiIoren QZhriItianIp ant! her’
tuouflp brought up, to : (p. 1528.) ——
. B. 1549, “their childers [P. B.
1589, “ childrens”] children, unto the
thirde and fourth generacion, unto.”
est nothing: (p. 1529.)-P. B. 1549,
“ of naught.” [1’. B. 1589, “ nought”.]
Qlionferrateo the ftate of matrimony
to {nth an excellent mpfterp : (pp. 1529,
1530.)—-These words were objected to
at the Savoy Conference, in the follow-
ing language : “ Seeing the institution
of marriage was before the fall, and so
before the promise of Christ, as also
for that the said passage in this collect
seems to countenance the opinion of
making matrimony a sacrament, we
desire that clause may be altered or
omitted.”
To which the Bishops answered :—
“ ‘Consecrated the estate of matrimony
to such an excellent mystery,’ (be.
Though the institution of marriage
was before the fall, yet it may be now,
and is, consecrated by God to such an
excellent mystery as the representa-
tion of the spiritual marriage between
Christ and his Church. (Eph. v. 23.)
\Ve are sorry that the words of Scrip-
ture will not please. The Church, in
the 25th Article, hath taken away the
fear of making it a sacrament.” Card-
well’s Conferences, 330, 360.
inning anti ainiahle, faithtuI anti
oheoient to her hushanoz (p. 1531.)—
P. B. 1549, “loving and amiable to
her housbande as Rachel, wyse as Re-
becca, faithfull and obedient as Sara.”
Q1 Then fhall: (p.1532.)—P.B.
1549, “Then shall the priests blesse
the man and the woman, saiyng.”
Prlﬁif’f I (p. 1532.) —- P. B. 1589,
“ Minister.” P. B. 1622, “_ Priest.”
tﬁno hlefs : (p. 1532.) —— P. B. 1549,
“ and >§< blisse.”
Amen 1 (p. 1533.)—The marriages
of the Jews, as well as of the Greeks
and Romans, were accompanied with
extraordinary festivities. Thus Laban,
when he gave his daughter to Jacob,
“ gathered together all the men of the
place, and made a feast,” which lasted
seven days. (Gen. xxix. 22.27.) Samson,
at his marriage with the Philistine
woman, made a feast of seven days
(Judg. xiv. 12.); and Tobias, at the
request of his father-in-law, kept the
wedding feast fourteen days, doubling
the usual period. (Tob. vii. 20.) The
(1619)

Song of Solomon has been supposed
by some critics to consist of seven
parts, one of which was sung on each
of the seven days succeeding the mar—
riage. Though this opinion be con-
jectural, and perhaps erroneous, yet
from the Song itself we learn, that the
friends of the bridegroom and the
companions of the bride were present,
and rejoiced with them during the
feast. The bride was conducted with
great pomp to the bridegroom’s house.
The procession was accompanied with
instruments of music. The bride and
bridegroom wore crowns on their heads,
as a token of joy (Cant. iii. 2.); but
after the destruction of the Temple
this practice is said to have been dis—
continued. Of the magniﬁcence of
their dress on these occasions we may
judge, from the Psalmist’s comparing
the splendour of the rising sun to that
of a bridegroom issuing from his cham-
ber. A fuller account of the Jewish
rites of marriage may be seen in Sel-
den. Uxor. Hebr., Buxtorf. Syn. Jud.,
Fleury. 2 Shepherd on the Common
Prayer, 317—320.
When the sacred ofﬁce of benedic-
tion was over, and the married persons
were ready to depart, it was usual to
crown the bridegroom and bride with
crowns or garlands, the symbols of
victory: for now it was supposed they
had hitherto striven virtuously against
all manner of uncleanness, and there—
fore were crowned as conquerors in
their marriage. St. Chrysostom men-
tions the ceremony, and says (Hom. ix.
in 1 Tim. Paris. 1636. p. 1557. p. 451.
ed. Francof.): Crowns are therefore
put upon their heads, as symbols of
victory, because, being invincible, they
entered the bride-chamber without
ever having been subdued by any un-
lawful pleasure. So that this cere-
mony was used as a mark of honour
and note of distinction to reward their
virtue, and put a difference between
them and such as had before addicted
themselves to fornication and unclean-
ness. “For to what purpose,” says
Chrysostom again, “should he wear a
crown upon his head, who had given
himself up to harlots, and been sub-
dued by pleasure?” Which seems to
imply, that fornicators were denied
this honour when they came to marry,
that being a part of their punishment,
among other acts of discipline in the
Church. And upon the same account
this ceremony was seldom or never
used in second or third marriages;
because, though they were not abso—
lutely condemned as unlawful, yet they
were not reckoned so honourable as
the ﬁrst.
ral, Mr. Selden says (Uxor. Hebr. lib.ii.
c. xxiv. p. 245. p. 174. ed. Francof.
1673.), It is mentioned by Gregory
Nyssen, and Basil of Seleucia, and
Palladius; and it is more than once
noted by Sidonius Apollinaris, who,
speaking of the marriage of Ricimer,
and describing the pomp of it, says
(lib. i. ep. v. p. 29. Paris. 1609.): “Now
the virgin was delivered into his
hands, now the bridegroom was ho-
noured with his crown.” And again,
in his panegyric to Anthemius the
emperor, speaking of the same mar-
riage of Ricimer, who married the
emperor’s daughter, he says to Ricimer,
in the poetical strain (ibid. Carm. ii.
ad Anthem. vers. 503. p. 35.) : “ This
marriage was procured by your valour,
and the laurel crown gave you the
crown of myrtle:” alluding to the dif-
ferent customs of crowning warriors
with laurel, and bridegrooms with
myrtle. This was, indeed, an old cere-
mony, used in heathen marriages, as
we learn from Tertullian, who reckons
it an idolatrous rite, as used by them ;
and therefore says (de Coron. Milit.
c. xiii. Paris. 1664. p. 109. A. 10.):
Christians did not marry with heathens,
lest they should draw them to idolatry,
from which their marriages took their
beginning. But the ceremony was in-
nocent in its own nature ; and there-
fore the Christians never made any
scruple to adopt it into the rites of
marriage which they made among
themselves, because it was a signiﬁ-
cant ceremony, declaring the inno-
ccncy of the parties joined together:
As to the ceremony in gene- '
(1520)

for which it is still retained among
the Greeks, as we learn from N icetas,
bishop of Heraclea (Respons. ap. Leun-
clavium.Jur.Graec. Rom. tom.i. p.310.),
a modern Greek writer, and Metropha—
nes Critopulus (Confess. Fid. c. xii.),
and Dr. Smith (Account, dzc., pp. 189,
190.), in his account of the Greek
Church. It is also spoken of with ap—
probation by Peter Martyr (Loc. Com-
mun. lib. ii. 0. x. sec. xxii. (tom. i. opp.
p. 521. e. ed. Basil. 1580.): Obiter an-
notabo, quid eo loco de nuptialibus
coronis tradat: (Chrysostomus Hem.
ix. in 1 Tim.), Nam etiam tum coronis
utebantur iii nuptiis, “Quid,” inquit,
“vult corona? ut ostendant se conju-
ges, usque ad id tempus victores fuisse
cupiditatum: quod si fuisti adulter aut
scortator, quomodo coronam gestas ?”),
and other Protestant writers, who com-
mend it as a laudable ceremony, for
the reason given by St. Chrysostom;
and it is still retained among the Hel-
vetians, as Mr. Werndly informs us, in
his Notes upon the Tigurine Liturgy,
p. 152. 7 Bingham, Christ. Ant. 340,
341.
The nuptial song was anciently an
innocent part of marriage pomp, which
was often attended with the concourse
and acclamations of the people. Neither
was it reckoned any harm to have a
decent epithalamium, or modest nup-
tial song, on a feast of joy suitable to
the occasion. But the fescennina, or
immodest ribaldry, that was sometimes
used under the notion of the marriage-
pomp, and the scurrility and obscenity
of actors and mimes fetched from the
stage, together with the excessive re-
vellings and dancings, that some called
innocent nuptial mirth and diversion,
were looked upon as great abuses; and
accordingly prescribed and condemned
by some canons, and severely inveighed
against by the Fathers, as things ut-
Iterly unbecoming the modesty and
gravity of Christian marriages. The
Council of Laodicea says (Conc. Laod.
c. liii. Labbé, vol. i. p. 1505.): “ Chris—
tians ought not, at marriages, Bakklg’ew
1*; 6pXe206cu, to use wanton balls or
dancings, but dine or sup gravely, as
becomes Christians.” Some, by the
word BaMKew, understand “playing
on cymbals, and dancing to them.”
So Suidas and Zonaras (in c. liii.
Laod.) interprets it. But the word
denotes something more, viz., “ tossing
the hands in a wanton and lascivious
manner:” and in that sense there
might be good reason to forbid it ;-——
whereas bare music and dancing, with-
out any immodest or antic tricks, seems
hardly a crime worthy a canon to for-
bid it. And if we may judge by Chry-
sostom’s sharp invective against this
and other extravagances committed at
marriage-feasts, there must be some-
thing more extraordinary in them.
For, speaking of Isaac’s marriage with
Rebecca: “ Consider here,” says he
(Horn. xlviii. in Genes. p. 549. ed.
Francof), “how there was no satanical
pomp; no cymbals, and piping, and
dancing; no satanical feasting; no
scurrilous buffoonery or ﬁlthy dis-
course; but all was gravity, wisdom,
and modesty. Let husbands and wives
now imitate these. For why should a
husband, from the very ﬁrst, suffer the
ears of his young spouse to be ﬁlled
with ﬁlth from lascivious and obscene
songs, and such unseasonable pomp?
Know you not that youth of itself is
inclined to evil? Why do you bring
the mysteries of the venerable mar-
riage upon the open stage ‘Z You ought
to drive away all this sort, and teach
the young bride modesty from the be-
ginning.” So again, discoursing of the
marriage of Jacob and Leah: “You
see,” says he (Hem. lvi. in Genes.
p. 605.ed.Francof.), “with what gravity
marriages were anciently celebrated.
Hear this, all ye that admire satanical
pomps, and disgrace the honour of
marriage from the very beginning.
Were there here any satanical danc-
ings? Why do you bring such a
plague into your house from the very
ﬁrst moment? Why do you call the
actors from the stage, and, with un-
seasonable expense, wound the virgin’s
chastity. It is difficult enough, with-
out such fomenters, to moderate the
torrent of youthful affections: but
(1621)

when these things are added, both by
seeing and hearing, to raise a greater
ﬂame, and make the furnace of the
affections rage more violently, how is
it possible that the youthful soul should
not be destroyed l” 7 Bingham, Christ.
Ant. 344, 345.
There was one custom more, which
is not to be reckoned so much among
the religious ceremonies, as to be put
into the account of the pomp that
attended marriage; that is, the custom
of the woman’s being carried by the
husband home to his own house:
whence the phrase ducere uxorem is
so commonly used on the man’s part
for marrying a wife; as nubere is
proper on the woman’s part for being
married, on account of the veiling
used in marriage ; and, in some cases,
it was a condition precisely required
in law, before a man could lay claim
to some privileges belonging to mar—
riage : as appears from one of the laws
of the emperor Valens (Cod. Theod.
lib. vii. tit. xiii. de Tironibus, leg. vi.
Lugd. 1665. vol. ii. p. 376.), concerning
the tirones, or soldiers newly listed
into military service. To encourage
speedier recruiting of the army, Valens
vmade a law, that every new soldier,
from the time of his listing, or taking
the military oath, should be free from
the capitation tax: and not only so,
but if he served faithfully ﬁve years,
his wife also should be free from the
same tax, provided that, after he had
married her, he brought her to his
own house, and did not leave her in
her former habitation; for if he did so,
she could not be proved to be his wife,
and therefore should be kept with the
burden of the tax upon her. Justinian
made a law of the same nature for
other cases (Cod. Justin. lib. 5. tit. iv.
de N uptiis, leg. xxiv. Amstelod. 1663.
p. 150.) : That if any one made a bar-
gain to give or to do any thing after
marriage, whether he called it the time
of marriage, or named it marriage it-
self, the condition should not be inter—
preted to be fulﬁlled till the festivity
of marriage (which comprehended this
ceremony of carrying the wife to the
house of the husband) was com-
pleted. So that it was necessary, in
these cases, for certain ends and pur-
poses, though otherwise the marriage
was suﬁiciently perfected without it.
Yet, it being an ancient custom, the
pomp of the marriage was deemed im-
perfect till this ceremony was used:
as we may gather from that of Sido-
nius, where he says (lib. i. ep. v. Paris.
1609. p. 29.): The pomp of the mar-
riage was not yet fully completed, be—
cause the new bride was not yet removed
to the house of her husband. 7 Bingham,
Christ. Ant. 342.
After which : (p_1533_) __ R B.
1549, “Then shalbe sayed after the
gospell [P. B. 1552, “Then shal begin
the Communion, and after the Gospel
shal be sayd”] a sermon, wherein or-
din arely (so oft as there is any mariage)
thofﬁce of [P. B. 1552, “a”] man and
wyfe shall bee declared, according to
[P. B. 1638, “the”] holy scripture.
Or yf there be no sermon, the minister
shall reade this that followeth.”
At the conclusion of the office, there
is a rubric in the Order of Sarum, that
the new married persons should kiss
each other, &c., which, being too ludi-
crous a matter for the church, was
advisely in our service laid aside.
There is an ofﬁce in the Order of
Sarum, to be performed by the priest
in the bedchamber of the new-married
couple, whither he is to come at night,
and to say a prayer to bless their lodg-
ing: Bene >I< dic Domine thalamum
istum, (be. Another benediction-prayer
to be said over the bed, Bene>i<dic
Domine hoc cubiculum, (to. And an-
other benediction over them, when in
bed, Bene >i<dic Deus corpora vestra
&c. All these things have, upon very
wise reasons, been laid aside in our
Church. N icholls on the Common
Prayer.
The following are the offices alluded
to :—
“(I Nocle vero sequente, eum sponsus
et spans-a acl lectum pervenerint, accealat
saeerdos, et benedieat thalamum tliee'ns .'
Dominus vobiscum. Oremus:
(1622)

“ Oratio.
“ Bene >1< dic, Domine, thalamum
istum et omnes habitantes in eo: ut
in tua pace consistant,et in tua volun-
tate permaneant ; et in amore tuo
vivant et senescant, et mu ltiplicentur in
longitudinem dierum. Per Dominum.
“ [I Item benedictio super lectum, cum
Dominus vobiscum. Oremus.
“ Bene>1~ dic Domine hoc cubiculum.
Resp. Qui non dormis,neque dormitas.
Qui custodis Israel, custodi famulos
tuos in hoc lecto quiescentes, ab omni-
bus phantasmaticis daemonum illusio-
nibus: custodi eos vigilantes, ut in
praeceptis tuis meditentur dormientes,
et te per soporem sentiant, ut hic et
ubique defensionis tuae muniantur
auxilio. Per Dtminum.
“ Deincle ﬁat benedictio super eos in
lecto, tantum cum Oremus.
“ Benedic/io.
“Bene v1< dicat Deus corpora vestra et
animas vestras: et det super vos bene-
dictionem, sicut benedixit Abraham,
Isaac, et Jacob. Amen.
“ ([ Alia benedictio cum Oremus.
“ Manus Domini sit super vos : mit—
tatque angelum suum sanctum qui
custodiat vos omnibus diebus vitae
vestrm. Amen.
“ (I Alia benedictio cum Oremus.
“ Bene >2‘ dicat vos Pater, et Filius,
et Spiritus Sanctus, qui trinus est in
numero, et unus in nomine. Amen.
“ His peractis asper‘c/at eos aqua bene—
dicta, et sic discedat et dimittat eos in
pace.”—Maskell’s Mar. Rit. 63, 64.
(Dr that: (p. 1533.) —— P. B. 1549,
“ or which.”
jfifth Qthapter: (p. 1534.)——All the
old Prayer Books have the references
likewise in the margin.
QHnto them: (p.1538.)—P. B. 1549,
“unto all menne.”
innit‘ inibeﬁ: (p. 1538.) — “ Your
wyves,” instead of “them,” is the
reading of 1549 downwards.
itet the ﬁnite: (p. 1540.) — In the
New Testament it is, “ and the wife.”
But the reading has always been as at '
present.”
Qierp ineII: (p. 1541.)—P. B. 1549,
“ very godly.” .
if It 181 (p. 1543.) - P. B. 1549,
“The newe married persones, (the same
daye of their mariage) must receive
the holy communion.”
{i It is convenient that the
new married perfons fhould
receive the holy Communion
at the time of their marriage,
or at the firft opportunity
after their marnage: (p. 1543)
—-When the Communion is celebrated
at the time of marriage, the office must
begin immediately after the ﬁnal bene—
diction, and before the exhortation and
sentences.
N 0 special collect, epistle and gospel,
are appointed for the Communion,
when it is administered at a marriage.
Of course those for the preceding Sun-
day must be used, except the day be a
holiday, for which an appropriate
collect, epistle and gospel are provided.
2 Shepherd on the Common Prayer,
371.
In all the former Common Prayer
Books this rubric was more positive,
ﬁxing the day of marriage for the time
of communicating. “The new mar—
ried persons, the same day of their
marriage, must receive the holy Com-
munion.” And this, says Bucer, is a
godly ordinance : Nam non nisi in
Christo Domino debent Christiani inter
se matrimonio jungi, ideo una quoque
de Christo participent. '
The occasion of the alteration was
an exception that was made against
the rubric by the dissenting ministers
at the Savoy Conference. They ob-
jected, that “this does either enforce
all such as are unﬁt for the sacrament
to forbear marriage, contrary to Scrip-
ture, which approves the marriage of
all men; or else compels all that marry
to come to the Lord’s table, though
never so unprepared. And therefore
we desire it may be omitted, the rather
because that marriage festivals are too
often accompanied with such diver-
tisements as are unsuitable to these
(1623)
41‘
~ of their marriage.”
Christian duties which ought to be
before and follow after the receiving
of that holy sacrament.” Cardwell’s
Conferences, 330.
To this the episcopal ministers an-
swered: “This [rubric] enforces none
to forbear marriage, but presumes (as
well it may) that all persons marriage-
able ought to be also ﬁt to receive the
holy sacrament. And marriage being
so solemn a covenant of God, they that
undertake it in the fear of God will not
stick to seal it by receiving the holy
Communion, and accordingly prepare
themselves for it; it were more Chris-
tian to desire that those licentious
festivities might be suppressed, and
the Communion more generally used
by those that marry, the happiness
w‘would be greater than can easily be
' expressed. Unde sufliciam ad enar-
randam felicitatem ejus matrimonii,
quod ecclesia conciliat, et conformat
oblatio?” Tertullian ad Uxorem, 1. ii.
0, viii. p. 171. D. Cardwell’s Confer-
ences, 360.
To conciliate the Presbyterian s, how-
ever, the rubric was altered, and per-
sons are not now expressly required to
communicate at their marriage, but
only reminded that it is convenient
so to do. Wheatly on the Common
Prayer, 417.
For this alteration the Church in
England has been blamed, but “the
Churches of Constantinople and the
East do not celebrate their solemn
marriage benediction during the time
of the liturgy, as we may perceive
from the Euchologium of the Greeks;
neither do we ﬁnd that the new mar-
ried couple are obliged by the Eastern
Church to receive the sacrament of
the eucharist immediately at the time
Goar, Rit. Graec.
Ofﬁc.Coron.Nupt. p.385, (he. Palmer’s
Orig. Lit. 217. .
Upon this rubric Bishop Sparrow,
(on the Common Prayer, pp. 207, 208.),
thus writes: “Such religious solem-
nities as these, or some of these, which
are appointed by the Church, were
used by the Jews at marriage. The
primitive Christians had all these
which we have. The persons to be
married were contracted by the priest;
the marriage was solemnly pronounced
in the church: the married couple
were blessed by the priest; prayers and
thanksgivings were used, and the holy
Communion administered to them.
And it is said, that these religious rites
the Church received from the apostles.
And doubtless highly Christian and
useful these solemnities are : for, ﬁrst,
they beget and nourish in the minds
of men a reverend esteem of this holy
mystery (Ephes. v. 32.); and draw them
to a greater conscience of wedlock, and
to esteem the bond thereof a thing
which cannot without impiety be dis
solved. Then are they great helps to
the performance of those duties which
God Almighty hath required in mar—
ried persons; which are so many, and
those so weighty, that whosoever duly
considers them, and makes a con-
science of performing them, must
think it needful to make use of all
those means of grace which God Al-
mighty hath appointed. For if we
duly consider the great love and
charity that this holy state requires,
even to the laying down of life—
‘Husbands, love your wives, even as
Christ loved the Church, and gave
himself for it ’ (Ephes. v. 25.) : or the
weighty charge of the education of
children, which, if well performed,
procures a blessing, and an advantage
to salvation (1 Tim. ii. 15.): ‘She
shall be saved in child-bearing, if they
continue in faith and charity,’ (be; so,
if it be carelessly performed, it pro-
cures a most heavy curse (1 Sam. ii.
29. 31, &c.); or, lastly, the chastity
and holiness necessary to that state of
marriage, heightened now up to the
representation of the mystical union
of Christ with his Church (Ephesv.
32.): ‘This is a great mystery, but
I speak concerning Christ and the
Church ;’ to which holy conjunction
our marriage, and all our works and
affections in the same, should corre—
spond and be conformable. I say,
if we consider all these duly, can we
think we may spare any of those
(1524)

divine helps to performance, whether
they be vows and holy promises to bind
us, or our father’s and mother’s, God’s,
and. the Church’s blessings, or holy
prayers for God’s assistance, or lastly,
the holy Communion, that great
strengthener of the soul? If men’s
vices and licentiousness have made
this holy service seem unseasonable at
this time, reason would that they
should labour to reform their lives,
and study to be capable of this holy
service; and not that the Church
should forbear admonishing them to
receive the holy Communion for their
unspeakable good. For, would men
observe God’s and the Church’s admo-
nitions, and enter into this holy fstate
like Christians, with these religious
solemnities, the happiness would be
greater than can easily be expressed.
‘ I know not,’ saith Tertullian, ‘which
way I should be able to shew the hap—
piness of that wedlock, the knot
whereof the Church doth fasten, and
the sacrament of the Church conﬁrm.’ ”
Having thus detailed the mode in
which a marriage can be legally solem-
nised, it may perhaps be expedient to
make a few remarks where an unjust
claim and pretension is made to a
marriage which has no existence what-
ever, and the causes for which the
marriage contract may be dissolved or
partially dissolved. Vide ante, Members
of the Royal Family without having
legal consent — Impuberty—Minority
—Malformation or Frigidity—Insanity
-- Precontract — Consanguinity, and
Affinity.
Proceedings for jactitation of mar-
riage are not now very familiar to
the ecclesiastical courts, but they are
bound to entertain them, for the
protection of persons against the ex-
treme inconvenience of unjust claims
and pretensions to a marriage which
has no existence whatever.
If a person pretend such a marriage
and proclaim it to others, the law con-
siders it as a malicious act, subjecting
the party against whom it is set up,
to various disadvantages of fortune
and reputation, and imposing upon
the public (which, for many reasons,
is interested in knowing the real state
and condition of the individuals who
compose it) an untrue character ; in-
terfering in many possible conse-
quences with the good order of society,
as well as the rights of those who are
entitled to its protection. It is, there-
fore, a ﬁt subject of legal redress;
and this redress is to be obtained, by
charging the supposed offender with
having falsely and maliciously boasted
of a matrimonial connection, and,
upon proof of the fact, obtaining a
sentence, enjoining him or her to
abstain in future from such false and
injurious representations, and punish-
ing the past offence by a condemnag
tion in the costs of the proceedings.
Per Sir W. Scott in Haw/he v. Carri,
2 Consist. 284.
Suits for jactitation of marriage
were of familiar occurrence in the
ecclesiastical courts of this country
till the year 1776, when they were
brought into disrepute by the cele-
brated trial of the Duchess of Kingston
for bigamy, before the House of Lords.
Vide 1 Stephens on the Laws relating
to the Clergy, 777.
A sentence in the spiritual court
against a marriage, in a suit of jacti-
tation of marriage, is not conclusive
evidence, so as to stop the crurt from
proving the marriage in an indictment
for polygamy.
But, admitting such sentence to be
conclusive on such indictment, the
counsel for the Crown may be per-
mitted to avoid the effect of such
evidence, by proving the same to have
been obtained by fraud or collusion.
1 Lee (Sir G.), 16. n.
It is sufficient primci facie evidence
to allege that a marriage has actually
passed, and the burden of the proof is
unquestionably shifted on the other
party to show that anything has oc-
curred to invalidate it. [A suit of this
description was sustained in Linda v.
Bell's/trio, 1 Consist. 216., and in Gold~
smid v. Bromer, ibid. 324., but failed in
5N
(1625)

Hail/‘lee v. Corri, 2 ibid. 284., Walton v.
Rider, 1 Lee (Sir G.), 16., and Wescombe
v. Docls, ibid. 69.]
Where a marriage in fact has been
had between the parties, it does not
seem that a party can, before a sentence
of nullity, be guilty of a false and
malicious jactitation; but after a sen-
tence of nullity the accusation, if sup-
ported by evidence, can be sustained :
thus, if it were to'appear that awoman
had been imposed on by an artiﬁcial
licence or a pretended clergyman,
until the fraud had been established,
the woman could not be charged with
a malicious jactitation. Haw/cc v.
Gerri, 2 Consist. 280.
In Westcombe v. Pools (1 Lee (Sir G.),
59.), which was a suit for jactitation of
marriage, the woman was admitted to
her suppletory oath, the marriage,
which had taken place in Scotland,
having been previously established.
To a charge of jactitation three
different defences may be opposed. It
is obvious, that the fact of having made
any such representations may be de-
nied, in which case, if not proved, the
accusation shares the common fate of
other unfounded charges ;—.or, 2ndly,
it may be admitted that such repre-
sentations have been made, but that
they are true, for that a marriage had
actually passed, and in such a way as
to give the party a right to claim the
beneﬁt of it. In that state of things,
the proceeding assumes another shape,
that of a suit of nullity, and of restitu-
tion of conjugal rights, on an inquiry
into the fact and validity of such as—
serted marriage: and it will depend
upon the result of that inquiry, whe-
ther the party has falsely pretended,
or truly asserted such a marriage. In
the former case, the court would pro-
nounce a sentence of nullity, and en-
join silence in future. In the latter,
the court would enjoin the accuser to
return to matrimonial cohabitation,
unless it could be shown that some
other reason was interposed to dissolve
that obligation. A third defence, of
more rare occurrence, is, that though
no marriage has passed, yet the pre-
tension was fully authorised by the
complainant, and, therefore, though
the representation is false, yet it is not
malicious, and cannot be complained
of, as such, by the party who has
denounced it. Per Sir W. Scott in
Hawlee v. Oorri, 2 Consist. 285.
The ecclesiastical court is bound, in
a cause of jactitation, to see that the
parties do not usurp the characters
of husband and wife (characters sacred
and indissoluble) to the injury of the
complainant ; but if there be no usur—
pation, if the title has been so licensed
by the authority, and still more by the
example of the complainant himself,
the court will leave him to relieve
himself, by his own exertions, from
the inconvenience of his own acts.
Ibid. 291.
There are two kinds of divorces,
one a dissolution a vinculo matri-
monii, and the other 5. mensa et thoro.
Suits of nullity, or suits instituted
for the purpose of having marriages
declared null and void, are of two
kinds :——First, when the marriage is
ipsofaeto null and void, and no decla—
ratory sentence is absolutely neces—
sary; but it is expedient to procure a
sentence which might in future take
place where the death of witnesses, or
other occurrences, would render proof
of the invalidity of the marriage diffi-
cult or impossible.
Under this head are comprised suits
for declaring a marriage null and
void, when at the time of such mar-
riage one of the parties has been
previously legally married, and the
marriage is not dissolved by death or
the operation of law; also suits for
the purpose of having a marriage had
cle faoto declared null and void by rea—
son of legal invalidity arising from a
non-compliance with the marriage acts,
or from force, or, in very rare instances,
where there is an extraordinary com-
bination of circumstances proved in
effect equivalent to force.
0f the other description of suits of
nullity, are suits where the marriage
(1626)

is said to be voidable, as in cases of
incest or impotence. Here, if the
marriage be not pronounced null and
void by the decree of the proper eccle-
siastical court during the lifetime of
both the parties, it cannot, after the
death of either, be questioned in any
court whatever.
Divorce a mensa et thoro is when
the use of matrimony, as the cohabita-
tion of the married persons, or their
mutual conversation, is prohibited for
a time, or without limitation of time.
And this is in cases of cruelty, or
the like ; in which the marriage hav-
ing been originally good, is not dis—
solved, nor affected as to the vinculum
or bond.
The ecclesiastical writers, for the
most part, agreed in one thing,—that
there was no just cause of divorce
allowed by Christ, but only fornication:
but then they differed about the notion
of fornication: some took it in the
obvious _and vulgar sense, for carnal
fornication only; whilst others ex-
tended its signiﬁcation to include
spiritual fornication, or idolatry and
apostacy from God, which they thought
a lawful cause of divorce as well as
the other. And some few thought
all other sins that are equal to forni-
cation, were included in this notion
of fornication, and so made them to
be just causes of divorce also. They
who thought fornication or adultery
was to be taken in the proper and
literal sense, conﬁned the business of
lawful divorce to this cause only.
Clemens Alexandrinus speaks in gene-
ral against divorces (Clem. Strom. ii.
0. xxiii. Oxon. 1715. p. 506. line 31.),
as they were allowed and commonly
practised in his time by the authority
of the Roman laws, which made it
necessary in case of adultery, and
warrantable, at least, in many other
cases. But Tertullian is more express,
saying (cont. Marc. lib. iv. o. xxxiv.
Paris. 1664. p. 450. A. 13.): “ That the
Creator allows no marriage to be dis-
solved, but only for adultery.” So
Chrysostom, in many places (Horn. xvii.
in MattlL p. 215. sub ﬁn. ed. Francof.) :
“Christ has left but one cause of di-
vorce, that is, adultery.” Again (Horn.
i. do Decem Millium Debitore, p. 8.
ed. cit.): “Christ has taught us, that
all crimes are to be borne with in the
wife,besides adultery.” “ The apostles,”
he says further (Hom. lxiii. in Matth.
p. 675. ed. cit.) : “thought it hard and
burdensome, that a man should retain
a woman full of all wickedness, and
bear with a furious wild beast in his
house : and yet he gave them this pre-
cept (Matth. xix), ‘ Whosoever shall
put away his wife, except it be for for-
nication, committeth adultery.”’ And
this he repeats in other places (de
Virgin. c. xxviii. Paris. 1614. p. 339.
c. 8. p. 297. ed. cit.). Lactantius seems
to have been of the same mind; for he
says (Ep. Divin. Inst. 0. lxvi. Paris.
1784. vol. p. 59.): “ God commanded
that the wife should never be put
away, but when she was overtaken in
adultery: and the bond of the con-
jugal convenant can never be loosed,
except it be when she breaks it ;”
meaning, by falseness to the marriage-
eontract. St. Basil says the same
(0. ix. Labbé, vol. p. 1725.): “ That
our Lord forbids divorce equally both
to man and woman, save only in the
case of fornication.” In like manner,
Asterius Amasenus (Hom. v. ap. Com-
beﬁs. Bibl. Patr. Auct. Nov. tom. i.
p. 82.): “ ‘What God hath joined to-
gether, let no man put asunder.’ Hear
this, ye hucksters,——who change your
wives as you do your clothes; who
build new bride-chambers as often and
easily as ye do shops at fairs; who
marry the portion and the goods, and
make wives a mere gain and merchan-
dise; who for any little offence pre-K
sently write a bill of divorce; who
leave many widows alive at once ;—
know of a surety, that marriage can-
not be dissolved by any other cause
but death only or adultery.” St. Je—
rome (Hieron. Ep. xxx. in Epitaph.
Fabiolm, c. i. Venet. 1766. ed. Bened.
vol. i. p. 458. 131.2.) understands the
precept of Christ after the same man-
ner (Commentar. in Matth. xix. Venet.
1769. vol. p. 145. E. 9.) : That the
5N2
(1627)

wife is not to be dismissed except for
fornication. And this was also the
opinion of St. Ambrose. 7 Bingham,
Christ. Ant. 348.
But St. Austin and some others were
of opinion, that fornication or adultery,
which our Saviour makes to be the only
just cause of divorce, was to be under-
stood in a little more extensive sense,
so as to make it include not only car-
nal fornication, but spiritual fornica—
tion also, that is, idolatry and apostacy
from God, and all crimes of the like
nature. The Fathers of the fourth
Council of Toledo were certainly of
this opinion. For they order (Cone.
Tolet. IV. 0. lxii. Labbé, vol. v. p. 1720.):
J udaei, qui Christianas mulieres in
conj ugio habent, admoneantur ab epis-
copo civitatis ipsius, ut, si cum eis
permanere cupiunt, Christiani efﬁcian-
tur. Quod si admoniti noluerint, se-
parentur: quia non potest inﬁdelis in
ejus conjugio permanere, quae jam in
Christianam translata est ﬁdem. Aug.
de Serm. Dom. in Monte, lib. i. c. xvi.
ed. Bened. 1700. vol. iii. pt. p. 132.
F. Vide etiam Aug. de Adulterinis
Conjugiis, lib. i. c. xviii. tom. vi. p. 848.
ed. Basil. 1569. ed. Bened. 1.700. vol. vi.
p. 291. c. 12.: sed vide Aug. 'Retract.
lib. i. c. xix. ed. Bened. 1700. vol. i.
p. 22. A. 7.
When Constantine came to the im--
perial throne, the laws of the state
were made in favour of divorce upon
other causes besides that of carnal forni-
cation. Women, indeed, had not imme-
diately, in all respects, the same privi-
lege as men : but yet for three crimes,
speciﬁed in one of Constantine’s laws
(Cod. Theod. lib. iii. tit. xvi. de Repu—
diis, leg. i. (Lugd. 1665. vol. i. p. 310)),
each sort were at liberty to make di-
vorces. The man was at liberty to
give a bill of divorce to his wife, if she
was either an adultress, or a sorceress,
or a bawd: and the woman, on the
other hand, might give a bill of di-
vorce to her husband, if he was a
murderer, or a sorcerer, or a robber of
graves; but for being a drunkard, or
a gamester, or a fornicator, she had
no power against him. And here was
the great inequality between the man
and the woman, that the man had li-
berty by this law to put away his wife
for adultery, but the woman had not
the same privilege against an adulter-
ous husband. And this is a thing
frequently complained of by the an-
cient writers, who thought the man
and the woman were upon the same
foot and right by the law of God, and
that a woman ought to have as much
power to put away a fornicating hus-
band, as a husband to put away a lewd
wife. And, as Gothofred has observed
(in 100. p. 312. line 40.), there were
some old Roman laws which made the
privilege equal: as the rescript of
Antonine, mentioned by St. Austin
(Aug. de Adulterin. Conjug. lib. ii.
0. viii. ed. Bened. 1700. vol. vi. p. 299.
D. 4.), and the judgment of Ulpian,
in the Pandects (lib. xlviii. tit. v, ad
Leg. J uliam de Adult. leg. xiii. § 5.).
But, notwithstanding these laws, cus-
tom prevailed on the men’s side to
give them license to dismiss their
wives for fornication, or even any
slight cause, without allowing the
same privilege to the woman: as
Gothofred there evinces, from the com-
plaints made by Lactantius (lib. vi.
0. xxiii. Dufresnoy, vol. i. p. 500.).
Gregory Nazianzen (Orat. xxxi. Colon.
1690. vol. i. p. 499, at bottom), Asterius
Amasenus (Hom. v. p. 91.), Chrysostom
(Horn. v. in l Thessal. p. 305. ed.
Francof.), Jerome (Hieron. Epitaph.
Fabiolae, Ep. xxx), and several others.
And Constantine was much inclined
to correct these abuses and inequality
of privileges in the matter of divorce
between men and women: but in the
ﬁrst beginnings of reformation, he
' could not do every thing as he piously
intended; and therefore was in a man»
ner constrained to make this law with
some inequality to women, who might
be put away for fornication, though
they might not for the same crime put
away their husbands. But as he, in
some measure, restrained the great
liberty of divorcing upon any occa-
sion, which the heathen laws before
had allowed men, so he granted men
(1628)

liberty in more cases to put away their
wives, than had been generally thought
consistent before with the strict inter-
pretation of the law of Christ.
However, it is certain, that the fol-
lowing emperors trod in the same steps,
still adding more causes of divorce to
the ﬁrst three which Constantine had
allowed : for Honorius not only allowed
of divorces both in men and women
for great crimes, but also gave way to
divorces for lesser faults, only impos-
ing a slight penalty upon them. For
by one of his laws (Cod. Theod. lib. iii.
tit. xvi. de Repudiis, leg. ii. Lugd. 1665.
_ vol. i. p. 313.), a man, for great crimes,
might put away his wife, and recover
both his espousal gifts and dowry, and
marry again as soon as he pleased:
and for lesser faults he might put her
away without any other punishment
than loss of the dowry, and conﬁnement
not to marry within two years. So
that here was plainly permitted a
greater liberty of divorce than had
been allowed by the law of Constantine.
And Gothofred himself complains, that
this was the great blemish of this
age (iii. Cod. Theod. tit. xvi. leg. ii.
vol. i. p. 314.) : “ For it had been more
agreeable to the divine law, not to
have suffered such divorces at all,
than to have allowed them only
with such slight penalties put upon
them.”
But Theodosius Junior went yet a
little farther, in the former part of his
reign. For he abrogated the two pre—
ceding laws of Constantine and Ho-
norius, ,and reduced back again into
use the old Roman laws about divorces,
by a novel (an. 432.), in which be com-
manded, “ That marriages be con-
tracted by mutual consent ; but when
they are contracted, they shall not be
dissolved otherwise than by giving a
bill of divorce. But, in giving a bill
of divorce, and making inquiry into
the causes or fault-s proper to be alleged
for divorce, we think it hard to exceed
the rules of the ancient laws: there-
fore, now abrogating those constitu-
tions which command heavy penalties
to be laid upon husbands or wives
dissolving marriage, we by this consti-
tution appoint, that divorces and faults
alleged as reasons for divorce, and the
punishments of such faults, be reduced
to the ancient laws, and the answers of
the prudent.” But this abrogation of
those two former laws, as Mr. Selden
observes (Uxor. Hebr. p. 567. pp. 416,
417. ed. Francof. 1673.), was, doubtless,
displeasing to very many, as seeming
to introduce again the licentiousness
of old paganism in the matter of di-
vorces, and to permit them to be made
for any fault or crime whatsoever.
Therefore, within a few years Theodo-
sius himself revoked this constitution,
making another law (an. 449.), wherein
he speciﬁed more particularly the
causes for which either man or woman
might lawfully give a bill of divorce.
(Cod. Justin. lib. v. tit. xvii. de Repudiis,
leg. xviii. Amstelod. 1663. p. 162.) If
any woman found her husband to be
an adulterer, or a murderer, or a sor-
cerer, or attempting any thing against
the government, or guilty of perjury;
or could prove him a robber of graves,
or a robber of churches, or guilty of
robbery upon the highway, or a re-
ceiver or encourager of robbers, or
guilty of plagiary or man-stealing ; or
that he associated openly, in her sight,
with lewd women; or that he insi-
diously made an attempt upon her life
by poison or sword, or any other way;
or that he beat her with stripes, con-
tray to the dignity of freeborn women;
in all these cases she had liberty to
right herself by a bill of divorce, and
make her separation good against him
at the law. In like manner, if the
husband could prove his wife to be an
adulteress, or a Sorceress, or a mur-
deress, or a plagiary, or a robber of
graves, or a robber of churches, or
a harbourer of robbers; or that she
feasted with strangers against his
knowledge or his will; or that she
lodged out all night, without any
just and probable cause, against his
consent; or that she frequented the
games of the circus or the theatre,
or the place where the gladia-
tors or fencers used to ﬁght, against
(1629)

his prohibition; or that she made
attempts upon his life by poison or
sword, or any other way; or was par-
taker with any that conspired against
the government, or guilty of any false
witness or perjury, or laid hold hands
upon her husband: in all these cases
the man had equal liberty to give his
wife a bill of divorce, and make his
action good against her at the law.
But if the woman divorced herself
without any of the aforesaid reasons,
she was to forfeit her dowry and
espousal gifts, and to remain ﬁve years
without marrying again. And if she
pretended to marry within that time,
she was to be reputed infamous, and
her marriage to be reckoned as nothing.
But, if she rightly proved her cause,
she was to recover her dowry and
antenuptial gifts, and had liberty to
marry again within a year. And if
the man made good his action against
the woman, he might retain the dowry
and espousal gifts, and marry again as
soon as he pleased.
N ot long after Valentinian III. pub-
lished a novel, wherein, abolishing the
old Roman practice of making divorces,
without any other cause but mere con-
sent of both parties (which, though
forbidden by Constantine, had crept
into use again), he reﬂects upon the
ﬁrst novel of Theodosius, which also
permitted such divorces by mutual
consent; and ordered, that the de—
crees of Con stantius (Valentin.Nov. xii.)
concerning the dissolution of marriage,
should be observed, permitting none
to dissolve their marriage barely by
mutual consent.
Yet, notwithstanding this, Anasta-
sius, about the year 497, brought in
that antiquated practice again. For
though he commended the last con-
stitution of Theodosius Junior as an
excellent law, yet he relaxed the force
of it in this one point, ordering (Cod.
Justin. lib. v. tit. xvii. de Repudiis,
leg. ix. Amstelod. 1662. p. 163.), That
if a divorce was made by mutual con-
sent of the man and the woman, with-
out alleging any of those causes against
each other that are mentioned in Theo--
*4
dosius’s law, the divorce should be
allowed; and the woman should not
be obliged to wait ﬁve years before
she married (as some former laws di-
rected), but after one year was ex-
pired, she should have free liberty to
marry as she pleased a second time.
Thus stood the business of divorces
in the civil law to the time of J usti-
nian (an. 528.), when, by a new decree
(Cod. Justin. leg. x. Amstelod. 1663.
p. 163.) of his own, he not only
conﬁrmed all the causes of divorce
that had been declared legal by the
long constitution of Theodosius, but
added one more to them, which had
never been mentioned before, viz. the
case of imbecility in the man ; whom
the wife, after two years, for this rea-
son might put away by a bill of divorce.
And this he again repeats in one of his
novels (Justin. Novel. xxii. 0. vi. Am-
stelod. 1663. p. 45.), only with this dif-
ference, that, instead of two years,
there should be allowed three. In
another law (Ibid. leg. xi.), he adds to
all the former causes of divorce these
that follow, viz. if the wife industri-
ously uses means to cause abortion, or
be so lewd and luxurious as to go into a
common bath with men; or endeavour,
when she is in matrimony, to be married
to another man. But he hereby can-
celled and abolished all such ancient
laws as allowed of divorce for light and
trivial causes. He repeats the same
causes of divorce in other novels, and
adds to them some other causes. As
if a man or woman was minded to be-
take themselves to amonastic life, they
might then give a bill of divorce,
without alleging any other cause of
separation (Justin. Novel. cxvii. c. xiv.
Amstelod. 1663. p. 159.) ; which was a
new law of Justinian’s, for this was
never allowed as a just cause of divorce
before. He allowed also that a bill of
divorce might be given, in case either
party was a long time detained in
captivity : which sort of divorces were
said to be made cum bona gratia (Nov.
xxii.), not for any crime, but, as it
is called, for other reasonable causes.
7 Bingham, Christ. Ant. 347-361.
(1630)
The civil law, both under the heathen
and Christian emperors, made adultery
a capital crime, as Gothofred (in Codic.
Theod. lib. xi. tit. xxxvi. Lugd. 1665.
vol. iv. p. 279.) shows by various in-
stances both out of the Code and
Pandects. And Constans, the son of
Constantine, in particular, appointed
its punishment to be the same as that
of parricide, which was burning alive;
or drowning in a sack with a serpent,
an ape, a cock, and a dog, tied up with
the criminals. When adultery (Cod.
Theod. ibid. Manifestis.), says he, is
proved by manifest evidence, no dila-
tory appeal shall be allowed; but the
judge is obliged to punish those who
are guilty of the sacrilegious violation
of marriage, as manifest parricides,
either by drowning them in a culeus
or sack, or burning them alive. And
this was one of those crimes to which
the emperors at Easter would grant
no indulgence (ibid. lib. ix. tit. xxxviii.
de Indulgentiis Criminum, leg. iii. iv.
vi. vii. viii.), nor allow any appeal to
be made from the judge to themselves
in favour of the criminals, as appears
not only from this law of Constans,
but several others. (Ibid. lib. x. tit.
xxxvi. Quorum appellationes non reci-
piantur, leg. i.) It may not be amiss
also to observe, out of one of the laws of
Theodosius (libix. tit.X. ad leg. Juliam
de Adulteris, leg v.), That for a Chris—
tian man or woman to marry a Jew,
was reputed the same thing as com-
mitting adultery, and made the offend-
ing party liable to the same punish—
ment; because it was at least a spiritual
adultery, and a sacrilegious prostitu-
tion of the members of Christ to the
insolence and power of his greatest
enemies. 6 Bingham, Christ. Ant.
230,231.
According to our law, adultery is a
cause of divorce (Vide ElcZ-red v. Eldrecl,
2 Curt. 376., Grant v. Grant, ibid. 16.,
where divorces were granted on very
slight circumstantial evidence; and
in Curtis v. Curtis (5 Moore, P.C. 252.),
a divorce a mensa et thoro on the
ground of adultery pronounced for,
upon the evidence of a single witness
as to the cohabitation of the wife,
after her elopement, there being corro-
borating circumstances) from bed and
board by the ecclesiastical law, and
such divorce is to be obtained in the
ecclesiastical court. But if the party
injured wish to marry again, he must
procure an act of parliament for that
object :—but which is only granted in
cases of adultery.
This, however, cannot be obtained
if the complainant should appear to
have connived at the adultery, or to
have been guilty of gross misconduct
in the marriage state; and it has
therefore been usual to sue the adul-
terer previously for damages in a civil
action of criminal conversation (vide
Stephens on Nisi Prius, tit. Adultery,
6—27.), in which the proof of these
facts would furnish a strong ground of
defence, and where it would naturally
be supposed they would be proved, if
true, in mitigation of damages. But
this mode of procedure cannot be
adopted, where the act of adultery was
committed after a separation between
the husband and wife; for the founda-
tion of the action on the part of the
husband is the loss of the comfort and
society of his wife. (Weeclou v. Timbrell,
5 T. R. 357,; Stephens on Nisi Prius,
tit. Adultery, 24—27.) Nor can it
be resorted to where the wife com-
plains of the adultery of the husband ;
and it appears to be nugatory where
the adulterer is of very low degree, as
a menial servant: thus it cannot be
considered as absolutely necessary.
[The canon law contains the following
rule upon this subject: Nullus ducat
in matrimonium quam prius polluit
adulterio. C. 31. q. 1. c. 1.].
A divorce is very seldom given at
the instance of the woman (25 Han-
sard’s Parl. Deb. 1387.; 35 Parl. Hist.
1429.), but it has been done where
the husband has been proved guilty
of an incestuous intercourse. In one
instance witnesses were examined to
prove the wife’s ante-nuptial inconti-
nence. Sullivan v. Sullivan, 2 Add.
306.
(1631)

The husband who enters the court
with a criminal imputation on the
conduct of his wife, must purge his
own conduct of all reasonable imputa-
tion of the same nature, and if he com-
plain of her impurities, he must be un-
tainted by any gross impurities of his
own, or recrimination, or compensatio
criminum, will be a valid plea in bar,
founded on the principle derived from
the civil and canon law, that a man
cannot complain of the breach of a
contract which he has himself violated.
(Forster v. Forster, 1 Consist. 147.;
Procter v. Procter, 2 ibid. 299.; Goodall
v. Goodall, 2 Lee (Sir G.), 384.; Best v.
Best, 1 Add. 411.; Astley/ v. Astley, 1
Hagg. 714. ; Beehy v. Beeliy, ibid. 790. ;
Harris v. Harris, 2 ibid. 376.; Tim-
mings v. Timminqs, 3 ibid. 82.) In.
Hodges v Hodges (ibid. 118.), the hus-
band proved the wife’s adulterous con—
nection with one individual ﬁve years
after separation, of which connection
two children were born; and the court
held that the husband’s knowledge of,
and consent to, gross indelicacies, or
even adultery, during cohabitation,
would not bar him.
On the question whether a party
would be entitled to bar her husband
from his remedy of divorce for adultery
proved against her, by the plea of
cruelty, Sir William Scott said, in
Chambers v. Chambers (1 Consist. 452.),
“I am inclined to think that she would
not. It is certain that the wife has a
right to say, ‘You shall not have a
sentence against me for adultery if
you are guilty of the same yourself.’
The received doctrine of compensation
would have that effect, because both
parties are in eodem delicto. (Greece v.
Create, 3 Hagg. 129.; Ayliffe’s Parergon
Juris, s. 226.) But this is not so in
recrimination of cruelty. The delic-
tum is not of the same kind. If the
wife was the prior petens in a suit of
cruelty, I do not know, that she would
be barred by a recrimination of that
species; for the consideration would
be very different. The court might
not oblige her to cohabitation which
would be dangerous. Here the hus-
band is the prior petens in a suit of
adultery, and I take the general doc-
trine to be, that a wife cannot plead
cruelty as a bar to divorce for her
violation of the marriage bed.”
If the ill-treatment is not of that
gross kind against which the law
would relieve in this form, still the
wife is not to ﬁnd her remedy in the
contamination of her own mind and
person, but in the' purity of her con-
duct, and in a digniﬁed submission to
undeserved affliction. At the same
time, though such a plea has no abso-
lute effect, it has a very proper relative
effect where inﬁdelity on the part of
the husband is likewise charged, be—
cause it adds greatly to the probability
that such a charge is well founded if
it appear that his affections were
visibly estranged from his wife, and,
therefore, more likely to be diverted
to other less worthy objects.
The doctrine of recrimination in
adultery is “a good moral and social
doctrine,” and its origin is derived
from the Digest (48. 5. 13. 5.): Viro
atque uxore invicem accusantibus
causam repudii dedisse utrumque pro-
nuntiatum est. Id ita accipi debet, ut
ea lege, quam ambo contempserunt
neuter vindicetur; paria enim delicta
mutua pensatione dissolvuntur. Ju-
dex adulteri ante oculos habere debet
et inquirere an maritus pudice vivens,
mulieri quoque bonos mores colendi
auctor fuerit. Periniquum enim vide-
tur esse, ut pudicitiam vir ab uxore
exigat quam ipse non exhibeat.
Connivance is a plea in bar. Con-
donation and connivance are essen-
tially different in their nature, though
they may have the same legal conse-
quence ; condonation ‘may be merito—
rious, connivance necessarily involves
criminality, and therefore the evidence
to establish it should be the more
grave and conclusive. The forbear-
ance of a wife, under the hope of re-
claiming her husband, constitutes no
bar to her legal remedy, when every
hope of that kind may be extinct.
(Tarton v. Tarton, 3 Hagg. 338.; [fir/e-
a'all v. li'irhwall, 2 Consist. 278.; vide
(1532)

Stephens on Nisi Prius, tit. Adultery,
26, 27.) Connivance is a bar to a
suit for divorce for adultery, on the
principle volenti non ﬁt injuria.
(Rogers v. Rooers, 3 Hagg. 58.) To
constitute connivance active corrup-
tion is not necessary; passive acquies—
- cence with the intention and in the
expectation that guilt will follow is
enough : but, on the other hand, there _
must be consent, not mere negligence,
inattention, conﬁdence, or dulness of
apprehension. Matrimonial cohabita-
tion, after being in possession of full
proof of adultery, is criminal conniv-
ance and collusion, barring the hus-
band’s relief for his wife’s adultery.
(Ibid. Timmings v. Timmings, ibid.
76.; Moorsom v. Moorsom, ibid. 107.;
Hodges v. Hodges, ibid. 119. ; Crewe v.
Ore/we, ibid. 131.). As a plea of con-
nivance must be necessarily circum-
stantial, and consist of many facts,
triﬂing when taken separately, but
altogether convincing, the court must
allow a latitude in such a defence;
and though it will not, in the absence
of matter strongly inculpatory, im-
pute connivance to the husband, it
will not debar him from pleading that
which makes the history consistent
and natural. (Moorsom v. Moorsom,
ibid. 93.”; Croft v. Croft, ibid. 312.)
To establish connivance, it is not ne—
cessary to show privity to the actual
commission of adultery: such extreme
negligence to the conduct of his wife,
and such encouragement of acquaint-
ance and familiar intimacy as are
likely to lead to an adulterous inter-
course, are sufficient. (Gilpinv. Gilpin,
3 Hagg. 150.; Moorsom v. Moorsom,
ibid. 96.; Crewe v. Grewe, ibid. 126.;
Hoar v. Hoar, ibid. 139.; rllitchelson v.
Mitchelson, ibid. 147.) As to what
amounts to corrupt facility, vide
Drew v. Drew, 6 Jurist, 110.
Condonation being a plea in bar,
ought in strictness to he pleaded, that
there may be an opportunity offered
for contradicting it; at the same time,
the court is not precluded from no-
ticing it, to this effect, at least, that
if the fact appear clearly and distinctly
upon the depositions, that there has
been cohabitation subsequent to the
knowledge and detection of the guilt
of the wife, it may ex oflicio call on
the husband to disprove it. (Elues v.
Blues, 1 Consist. 292.; Timmings v.
Timmings, 3 Hagg. 84.; Beebyv.Beeby,
1 ibid. 795.) In Durant v. Durant
(ibid. 751.) it was said, that there was
no case where, unless pleaded, it had
operated as a bar. Lapse of time,
alone, is not a sufficient bar (Ferrers
(Lady) v. Ferrers (Lord), 1 Consist.
134.); but the ﬁrst thing which the
court looks to when a charge of adul-
tery is preferred, is the date of the
charge relatively to the date of the
criminal act charged and known by
the party; because, if the interval be
very long between the date and know-
ledge of the facts and the exhibition
of them, it will be indisposed to relieve
a party who appears to have slumbered
in suﬁicient comfort over them. [Vide
Ferre-rs (Lady) v. Ferrers (Lord), ibid.
133.; Kirh'wall (Lady) v. Kirk/wall
(Lord), 2 ibid. 279.; for the different
considerations in this respect applied
to the case of wife and husband]; but
the return of the wife to the husband’s
bed after acts of cruelty may, under
special circumstances, not constitute
Condonation. (Snow v. Snow, 6 Jurist,
285.) The leading cases as to condon-
ation are, Ferrers (Lady) v. Ferrers
(Lord), 1 Consist. 130. ; Durant v.
Durant, 1 Hagg. 745.; D’Aguilar v.
D’Aguilar, ibid. 781.; Beeby v. Beeby,
ibid. 793.; Westmeath (lllarquis) v.
Westmeath (Marchioness), 2 ibid. 118.
Suppl; Timmings v. Timmings, 3 ibid.
82. ; Turton v. Turton, ibid. 338.;
Hodges v. Hodges, ibid. 118.; Rogers v.
Rogers, ibid. 72.; Dunn v. Dunn,
2 Phil. 411.; 3 ibid. 6.
The principles by which the court
is guided in determining questions of
marital law have been summed up in
the following language by Sir William
Scott in Evans v. Evans (1 Consist.35.):
“The humanity of the court has been
loudly and repeatedly invoked. Hu—
manity is the second virtue of courts,
but undoubtedly the ﬁrst is justice.
(1633)

If it were a question of humanity
simply, and of humanity which con-
ﬁned its views merely to the happiness
of the 'present parties, it would be a
question easily decided upon by ﬁrst
impressions. Every body must feel a
wish to sever those who wish to live
separate from each other, who cannot
live together with any degree of har-
mony, and consequently with any de-,
gree of happiness ; but my situation does
not allow me to indulge the feelings,
much less the ﬁrst feelings, of an indi-
vidual. The law has said that mar-
ried persons shall not be legally sepa-
rated upon the mere disinclination of
one or both to cohabit together. The
disinclination must be founded upon
reasons which the law approves, and
it is my duty to see whether those
reasons exist in the present case.
“ To vindicate the policy of the law
is no necessary part of the office of a
judge ; but if it were, it would not be
difficult to show that the law in his
respect has acted with its usual wis-
dom and humanity, with that true
wisdom, and‘ that real humanity, that
regards the general interests of man-
kind. For though, in particular cases,
the repugnance of the law to dissolve
the obligations of matrimonial coha-
bitation may operate with great seve-
rity upon individuals, yet it must be
carefully remembered, that the general
happiness of the married life is secured
by its indissolubility. When people
understand that they must live to-
gether, except for a very few reasons
known to the law, they learn to soften
by mutual accommodation that yoke
which they know that they cannot
shake off ; they become good husbands
and good wives, from the necessity of
remaining husbands and wives; for
necessity is a powerful master in
teaching the duties which it imposes.
If it were once understood, that upon
mutual disgust married people might
be legally separated, many couples,
who now pass through the world with
mutual comfort, with attention to
their common offspring and to the
moral order of civil society, might
have been at this moment living in
a state of mutual unkindness—in a
state of estrangement from their com-
mon offspring—and in a state of the
most licentious and unreserved im-
morality. In this case, as in many
others, the happiness of some indivi—
duals must be sacriﬁced to the greater
and more general good.
“That the duty of cohabitation is
released by the cruelty of one of the
parties is admitted, but the question
occurs, what is cruelty? In the pre-
sent case it has hardly necessary for
me to deﬁne it ; because the facts here
complained of are such as fall within
the most restricted deﬁnition of
cruelty; they affect not only the com-
fort, but they affect the health, and
even the life, of the party. I shall
therefore decline the task of laying
down a direct deﬁnition. This, how~
ever, must be understood, that it is
the duty of courts, and consequently
the inclination of courts, to keep the
rule extremely strict. The causes
must be grave and weighty, and such
as show an absolute impossibility that
the duties of the married life can be
discharged. In a state of personal
danger no duties can be discharged;
for the duty of self-preservation must
take place before the duties of mar-
riage, which are secondary both in
commencement and in obligation; but
what falls short of this is with great
caution to be admitted. The rule of
" per quod consortium amittitur’ is but
an inadequate test; for it still remains
to be inquired, what conduct ought to
produce that effect? whether the con-
sortium is reasonably lost? and whe-
ther the party quitting has not too
hastily abandoned the consortium ?
“What merely wounds the mental
feelings is in few cases to be admitted,
where they are not accompanied with
bodily injury, either actual or menaced.
(Vide Oliver v. Oliver, 1 Consist. 364.;
Harrisv. Harris, 2' ibid.148.; Kirlcman
v. Kirlrman, 1 ibid. 409.; .D’Aguilar v.
D’Ae/uilar, l Hagg. 775.) Mere aus-
terity of temper, petulance of manners,
rudeness of language, a want of civil
(1634)
attention and accommodation, even
occasional sallies of passion, if they do
not threaten bodily harm, do not
amount to legal cruelty: they are high
moral offences in the marriage state
undoubtedly, not innocent surely in
any state of life, but still they are not
that cruelty against which the law can
relieve. Under such misconduct of
either of the parties, for it may exist
on the one side as well as on the other,
the suffering party must bear in some
degree the consequences of an injudi-
cious connection; must subdue by
decent resistance or by prudent conci-
liation; and if this cannot be done,
both must suffer in silence. And if it
be complained that by this inactivity
of the courts much injustice may be
suffered, and much misery produced,
the answer is, that courts of justice do
no not pretend to furnish cures for all
the miseries of human life. They re-
dress or punish gross violations of
duty; but they go no further; they
cannot make men virtuous; and, as
the happiness of the world depends
upon its virtue, there may be much
unhappiness in it, which human laws
cannot undertake to remove.
“Still less is it cruelty, where it
wounds not the natural feelings, but
the acquired feelings arising from par-
ticular rank and situation; for the
court has no scale of sensibilities by
which it can gauge the quantum of
injury done and felt; and therefore,
though the court will not absolutely
exclude considerations of that sort.
where they are stated merely as mat—
ter of aggravation, yet they cannot
constitute cruelty where it would not
otherwise have existed : of course, the
denial of little indulgences and parti-
cular accommodations which the deli-
cacy of the world is apt to number
amongst its necessaries, is not cruelty.
It may, to be sure, be a harsh thing to
refuse the use of a carriage, or the use
of a servant ; it may in many cases be
extremely unhandsome, extremely dis-
graceful to the character of the hus-
band; but the ecclesiastical court
does not look to such matters; the
great ends of marriage may very well
be carried on without them; and if
people will’quarrel about such matters,
and which they certainly may do in
many cases with a great deal of acri-
mony, and sometimes with much
reason, they yet must decide such
matters as well as they can in their
own domestic forum.
“These are negative descriptions of
cruelty; they show only what is not
cruelty, and are yet perhaps the safest
deﬁnitions which can be given under
the inﬁnite variety of possible cases
that may come before the court. But
if it were at all necessary to lay down
an aﬂirmative rule, I take it that the
‘rule cited by Dr. Bever from Clarke,
and the other books of practice, is a
good general outline of the canon law,
the law of this country upon this sub~
ject. In the older cases of this sort,
which I have had an opportunity of
looking into, I have observed that the
danger of life, limb, or health is usually
inserted as the ground upon which the
court has proceeded to a separation.
This doctrine has been repeatedly ap-
plied by the court in the cases that
have been cited. The court has never
been driven off this ground. It has
been always jealous of the inconve-
nience of departing from it; and I have
heard no one case cited, in which the
court has granted a divorce without
proof given of a reasonable apprehen-
sion of bodily hurt. I say an appre-
hension, because assuredly the court
is not to wait till the hurt is actually
done; but the apprehension must be
reasonable : it must not bean appre-
hension arising merely from an exqui-
site and diseased sensibility of mind.
Petty vexations applied to such a con-
stitution of mind may certainly in
time wear out the animal machine;
but still they are not cases of legal
relief ; people must relieve themselves
as well as they can by prudent resist-
ance—by calling in the succours of
religion and the consolation of friends ;
but the aid of courts is not to be re—
sorted to in such cases with any
effect.”
(1635)

Cruelty may be without actual per-
sonal violence. (Halme v. Ilnlme, 2
Add. 27.; Otwag v. Otwag, 2 Phil. 95.)
Cruelty generally consists of succes-
sive acts of ill-treatment, if not of per-
sonal violence, so that a species of
condonation necessarily takes place.
Waring v. Waring, ibid. 132. ; Walls-
coart (Lady) v. ll’allscoart (Lord), 5
Notes of Cases Ecclesiastical, 121.
If bitter waters are ﬂowing, it mat-
ters not from what source they spring,
and it is no defence for ill-treatment
by the husband, that it was provoked
by jealousy; or for ill-treatment of
the husband by the wife, for both par-
ties may sue for a divorce for cruelty.
(Holden v. Holden, 1 Consist. 458.;
Kirhman v. Kirhman, ibid. 409. Vide
Dgsart (Countess) v. Dgsart (Earl), 5
Notes of Cases Ecclesiastical, 194.;
Simmons v. Simmons, ibid. 324.; Walls—
coart (Lady) v. Wallscoart (Lord), ibid.
121.) Cruelty may be relative to the
age, habits, (he. of the party. (D’Agni-
lar v. D’Agnilar, 1 Hagg. 782.) It is
not necessary that the wife should be
entirely free from blame ; for the rea-
son which will justify the imputation
of blame to the wife, will not justify
the ferocity of the husband. (Holden
v. Holden, 1 Consist. 459.; Warin v.
Waring, 2 ibid. 159.; Best v. est,
1 Add. 423.) The chief question to be
considered always is, whether the co-
habitation can exist without personal
danger. But the law does not require
that there should be many acts; in
fact, one aggravated act will be suffi-
cient ; but the court has expressed an
indisposition to interfere 011 account
of one slight act, particularly between
persons who have been under long co-
habitations. Holden v. Holden, 1 Con-
sist. 458.; Simmons v. Simmons, 5
Notes of Cases Ecclesiastical, 334.
Spitting on the wife, a groundless
and malicious charge against the
wife’s chastity, and turning her out of
doors (Durant v.Darant, 1 Hagg. 765.;
Pophin v. Poplin, ibid. 765. in not.),
and attempting to debauch her own
women—servants, are acts of cruelty.
Obtaining the wife’s separate pro-
perty by imposition cannot, but com-
pelling her by threats to go anywhere
may he pleaded as cruelty.
And if the husband attempt, when
infected with the venereal disease, to
force his wife to bed, it is an offence
of a mixed nature, partly cruelty, and
partly adultery. 2 Burn’s E. L. by
Phillimore, 503. n.
The husband taking to a separate
bed is not pleadable as cruelty.
(D’Agailar v. D’Agailar, 1 Hagg.
775.) Desertion must be coupled with
cruelty to constitute a ground of di—
vorce. Evans v. Evans, 1 Consist.
120.
Interdicting the wife from inter-
course with her family, or violent but
inadvertant acts occasioning pain and
injury, unaccompanied by any inten-
tional blow or menace, will not be
sufficient grounds for a sentence of
separation. Neeld v. Neeld, 4 Hagg.
270. ; vide etiam Simmons v. Simmons,
5 Notes of Cases Ecclesiastical, 324.
By the canon law, a divorce will not
be granted 011 the confession of the
parties, as will appear by canon 105:
“ Forasmuch as matrimonial causes
have been always reckoned and reputed
amongst the weightiest, and therefore
require the greater caution when they
come to be handled and debated in
judgment, especially in causes wherein
matrimony, having been in the church
duly solemnised, is required upon any
suggestion or pretext whatsoever to be
dissolved or annulled; we do straitly
charge and enjoin that in all proceed-
ings to divorce and nullities of matri-
mony, good circumspection and advice
be used, and that the truth may (as
far as is possible) be sifted out by the
deposition of witnesses and other law—
ful proofs and evictions, and that
credit be not given to the sole confes-
sion of the parties themselves, howso-
ever taken upon oath, either within or
without the court.”
The rule of the canon law upon this
head, is in a decretal epistle of Pope
Celestine III., and is as follows :—Tuae
ﬁ‘aternitati respondemus, quod prop—
ter eorum confcssionem tantum, vel
(1636)

rumorem viciniae, separari non debet:
cum et quandoque nonnulli inter se
contra matrimonium velint colludere,
et ad confessionem incestus facile pro—
silirent, si suo judicio crederent per
judicium ecclesiae concurrendum. Ru-
mor autem viciniae non adeo est judi—
candus validus, quod nisi rationabiles
et ﬁde dignae probationes accedant,
possit bene contractum matrimonium
irritari. Gibson’s Codex, 445. ; Extra.
1. 4. t. 13. c. 5.
This prohibition against accepting
the sole confession of the parties was
expressly renewed in the canons of
1597 (Nee partium confessioni (quae
in his causis saepe fallax est) temere
conﬁdatur.) and the necessity of such
a prohibition will appear from the
ancient acts of court, in which are en-
tered the very numerous separations
pronounced upon the sole confession
of the parties. Ibid.
In an anonymous case (2 Mod.314.),
there is a remarkable instance of this
kind, wherein a prohibition was prayed
in behalf of the children who were in
danger to be bastardised by such a
fraud. Collet married Mary, and had
children by her; and he and Mary
were libelled against in the spiritual
court, for that he had before married
Anne, the sister of Mary. He and
Mary appeared and confessed the mat-
ter, upon which the sentence of di-
vorce was to pass: whereas, in truth,
Collet was never married to Anne,
but this was a contrivance between
him and his wife to get themselves
divorced after they had lived together
sixteen years.
Sometimes women were suborned to
personate the wife, who came and con-
fessed the adultery; so that the real
wife might be divorced, although ig-
norant of the proceedings. And
Clarke says he knew two instances in
his time, where suppositious women
(not the wives of the parties) were
suborned to come and confess the
adultery, as if they had been the real
and true wives. Oughton. 316.
By canon 107. “in all sentences
pronounced only for divorce and sepa-
ration a thoro et mensa, there shall be
a caution and restraint inserted in the
act of the sentence, that the parties so
separated shall live chastely and con-
tinently; neither shall they, during each
other’s life, contract matrimony with
any other person. And for the better
observation of this last clause, the said
sentence of divorce shall not be pro—
nounced until the party or parties
requiring the same have given good
and sufficient caution and security
unto the court, that they will not any
way break or transgress the said re-
straint or prohibition.”
This doctrine of the canon law, that
neither of the parties shall contract
matrimony during each other’s life,
which is also that of the ancient C011-
stitutions of the English Church, was
conﬁrmed by the temporal judges in
the case of Fuliambe (Rye v. Fuliambe
Moore (Sir F.), 683.), who having been
divorced from his wife for inconti-
nency on her part, married again
during her life; and the second mar-
riage was declared to be void, because
it was only a divorce 5 thoro et mensa
Nevertheless, divers acts of parliament,
for the divorce of particular persons
in cases of adultery, agreeably to what
the Reformatio Legum proposed in
general, have allowed a liberty to the
innocent person of marrying again.
By canon 108. “if any judge, giving
sentence of divorce or separation,
shall not fully keep and observe the
premises (i. e. the directions of canon
107.), he shall be, by the archbishop of
the province, or by the bishop of the
diocese, suspended from the exercise
of his office for the space of a whole
year; and the sentence of separation
so given, contrary to the form afore-
said, shall be held void to all intents
and purposes of the law, as if it had
not at all been given or pronounced.”
By canon 106. “no sentence shall
be given either for separation 21 thoro
et mensa, or for annulling of pre-
tended matrimony, but in open court,
and in the seat of justice; and that
with the knowledge and consent either
of the archbishop within his province,
(1637)
or of the bishop within his diocese, or
of the dean of the arches, the judge of
the audience of Canterbury, or of the
vicars general, or other principal offi-
cials, or, sede vacante, of the guar-
dians of the spiritualities, or other or-
‘
dinaries to whom of right it apper-
taineth, in their several jurisdictions
and courts, and concerning them only
that are then dwelling under their
jurisdictions.”
(1638)
(1639)
-TM
ORDER
For the
VISITATIOZV OF ‘THE SICK.
{I When any perfon is ﬁck, notice fhall be
given thereof to the Minifter of the Parifh;
who coming into the fick perfons houfe,
fhall fay,
PQEsee he to this beufe, ant to all that iJtnelI
in it.

1. 1. The 356th page of the Sealed Books commences with the words “The O RDER”,
“ THE”: being the_catch-word on the preceding page.

VISITHTION OF THE
S] CKi—J‘ In so uncertain a world,
where sickness sometimes interrupts
the very joys of marriage, it is no
wonder that this sad office should be
placed next to Matrimony: for all
people, in all conditions, of all ages
and sexes, are subject to diseases con—
tinually: so that when any person
falls sick, those that are in health must
‘remember them, as being themselves
also in the body’ (Heb. xiii. 3.), and
liable to the same calamities ; and all
Christians are commanded to visit
their neighbours in this estate, and are
promised they shall be rewarded by
God for so doing. (Psa. xli. ,1, 2.;
Matt. xxv. 34. 36.; James i.- 27.;
Ecclus. vii. 35.) And in the primitive
times they were famous for this piece
of charity. But it is especially the
duty of the clergy, to visit the sick,
a duty instituted and enjoined by God
himself: ‘Is any sick among you? let
him call for the elders of the church,
and let them pray over him, anointing
him with oil in the name of the Lord;
and the prayer of faith shall save the
sick, and the Lord shall raise him up,
and if he have committed sins, they
shall be forgiven him.’ (James v.14,
(1540)
‘,1 When he cometh into the fick mans pre»
fence he fhall fay, kneeling down,
RQEmemher not. into, our iniquities, no;
the iniquities of our forefathers. galore
us, gooo itogo, more thy people whom thou
hall reoeemeo with thy moi} motions hlouo,
out he not angry tnith us fog enet.
Anfwer.
%oare us. goon itogo.
{I Then the Minif’ter fhall fay,
iLet us may.

15.) In which words (being the ori—
ginal and foundation of this office)
we may note, ﬁrst, that the duty is
enjoined by divine authority, and
therefore it is not barely a point of
civility, but an act of religion, and a
necessary duty which God requires
from us. Secondly, the time to per-
form it is, “when any are sick among
us ;” for then the parties have most
need of comfort, advice, and prayers,
to support them and procure help for
them, as also to prepare them for their
last and great account: and then
these religious exercises will do us
most good, because sickness embitters
the world and endears heaven to us,
making us pray devoutly, and hearken
willingly to holy advice; so that this
happy opportunity must not be lost ;
nor may it be deferred till the sick
persons be very weak and nigh to
death, for then they are incapable
either to join in the office, or to re-
ceive the main beneﬁts thereof; and
the word in St. James is, ‘if any be
inﬁrm’ (ver. 14.), to note, this should
be done in the beginning of sickness,
and not put off till the physicians give
men over.” Dean Comber’s Discourses
on the Common Prayer, 386, 387.
That this apostolical order, for the
clergy to visit the sick, was derived
from a like practice among the Jews,
is not improbable; especially if the
modern practice now in use among
them, be derived from their ancient
forefathers, as they pretend. For when
any one is sick of a dangerous distem-
per, some learned and godly rabbi is
sent for, exhorting him to be constant
in the Jewish faith, and to expect the
coming of the Messiah. Some of their
litanies enjoin the 20th, 38th, and 91st
Psalm to be repeated, and then the
form of absolution to follow, wherein
he is absolved from all the curses
which may be incumbent upon him or
his house. But their ordinary book
of prayers enjoins this prayer to be
repeated by the sick man, "3}: H1113,
dtc. : “ I acknowledge and confess be-
fore thee, O Lord, my God, and the
God of my fathers, the God of the
spirits of all ﬂesh, that both my health
and my death is in thy hands. Re-
store me, I beseech thee, unto my
former health, remember me and hear
my prayers, as thou didst Hezekiah’s
in his time when he was sick. But if
the time of my visitation draweth
near wherein I must die, let my death
he punishment sufficient for all my
sins and offences, which I have igno-
rantly or knowingly committed from
the ﬁrst day that I drew my breath.
Grant, I beseech thee, that I may have
a share in paradise and the world to
5C
(1641)
amp. have mercy upon us.
Chrift, have mercy upon us.
Itoio, hate mercy upon us.
Oar rather which art in heapen, {bananas
in be thy ﬂame.
@thy hingnnm tome.
why will he tune in earth. as it is in heaven.
mine as this pay our Daily mean. _ ﬂat for
nine us our trefpaffes, as we forgive them
that trefpafs againa us.
ant lean us not
into temptation: lent neither us from evil.
511112119
Mk
come, which is prepared for the right-
eous; satisfy me with the joy of thy
glorious countenance, at thy right
hand for evermore. Blessed art thou,
0 Lord, who hearest the prayer.”
Buxt. Syn. Jud. cap. 35.
That the primitive clergy looked
upon visiting the sick as an especial
duty, may be seen from several pas-
sages of ancient writers. Polycarp
(Epist. ad Phil.) gives it as advice to
the presbyters, that they should e'rrw-
ne'rr'reodat 'rofxs‘ dodeveis. Posidonius
(in Vit. Aug. cap. 27.) relates it in the
Life of St. Austin, that this holy
man, as soon as he heard any one
was sick, immediately went to him.
Some are of opinion that St. Austin
wrote his treatise De Visitatione In-
ﬁrmorum, for the use of those he
could not come to; but that book is
not written well enough for St. Austin,
as Erasmus has justly observed. How-
ever, it is certain that the clergy were
obliged to visit the sick under their
care, whenever they were called for;
nay, the Council of Milan says, Etiamsi
non vocati invisant. (Cone. 1 Mil. Cone.
tom. iv.) And our own Provincial
Constitutions oblige the rectors and
wears of parishes, Ut quoties fuerint
accersiti, celeriter accedant et hilariter
ad acgrotos. Lyndwood, Prov. Const.
Minifter.
Ang. lib. 1. cap. 11. Nicholls on the
Common Prayer.
As to the manner fof performing
this solemn duty: 1st. The sick man
(or his friends) must send for the
priest, who else may either not know
of his sickness, or when it may be
seasonable to visit; and if he come
unsent for, it is more than he is ob-
liged to do: but yet it is an act of
great charity, because God requires
the elders of the church shall do this
duty. The sick man must pray him-
self (James v.13); and his neighbours
may pray with him and for him (ver.
16.); but neither of these sufficeth: he
must send for the minister besides,
who, now the Church is settled, lives
not far from him; and he is most able
to give counsel, and most likely to
prevail, because God requires ‘him to
perform this office, which is described
in verse 14. as “praying over him,”
that is, beside him, in the house where
he lies sick. And since God enjoins
prayers shall be made, and doth not
prescribe the form ; as all other
churches have made proper forms, so
hath ours also composed this, which is
the most full and useful office on this
occasion extant in the world. 2nd. In
St. J ames’s time, and so long as the
miraculous gift of healing continued,
(1642)
._&Q.; of the Sick
Minifter.
21D Item, fane thp ferment;
Anfwer.
which putteth his trail in thee.
Minifter.
gventl him help from thy holy place,
nfwer.
ant enetmnge mightily netenn him.
Miniiter.
itet the enemy hane no annantage of him,
Anfvver.
1130; the wicket apmuaeh to hurt him.

1. 1. T11635'7th page [I I: 2] of the Scaled Books commences with the word “Miniftcr.”,
“Mmiftcr.” being also the catch-word 0n the preceding page.

they anointed the sick with oil also
in the name‘of Jesus, not to convey
any grace to the soul, but to work a
miraculous cure, which was the usual
effect in those ages. But the power
and gift having now ceased, the re—
formed churches left off the oil, which
was the sign, because the thing sig-
niﬁed was now taken away; though
they retain all the substantial parts of
this office. 3rd. Here are by St. James
set down the beneﬁts which may
be obtained by it, which are an-
nexed to the prayer of faith, the part
which was not ceremonial, and which
continues still as the beneﬁts also
shall do, namely, this shall be a means
to save the sick; and more parti-
cularly, 1. “The Lord shall raise him
up,’7 that is, if God see that health be
good for him, the devout performing
of this ofﬁce shall contribute to his
recovery: or, 2. However (because men
are mortal and must die at some time)
it shall be a means to procure for-
giveness of the sins he hath com-
mitted; not only will the priest ab-
solve him upon his penitent confes—
sion, but God will seal his pardon; and
then, whether life or death follow, the
man will be happy. Wherefore, as
we love our friends, or our own souls,
all care must be taken that this neces-
sary and proﬁtable office be not neg-
lected : the method of performing
which in this Church may be thus
described. The usual oflice contains,
1. Supplications to avert evil, in the
Salutation and Short Litany. 2. Prayers
to procure good things, in the Lord’s
Prayer and the two Collects. 3. Ex-
hortations, prescribed in the large
form of Exhortation and directions
in the rubric, to advise the sick man
to forgive freely, to give liberally,
to do justice in settling his estate,
and to confess his sins humbly and
ingenuously unto God’s minister now
with him. 4. Consolations, in the Ab-
solution; the Prayer to God to conﬁrm
it, in the 71st Psalm and the conclud-
ing Benedictions.
Secondly, there are added, 1. Ex-
traordinary prayers for a sick child;
for one past recovery; for a dying
person; and for one troubled in con-
science. 2. The manner of adminis-
tering the communion to the sick.
502
(1643)
at? the: Sick
Miniftcr.
Ihe unto him, a ﬂow, a thong tower,
Anfwer.
from the fate of his enemy.
Minii’ter.
a ﬂow, best our papers.
Anfwer.
ano let out try tome unto thee.
Miniﬁer.
0 ﬂow, look ooton from heaven, heboio,
m'fit ano teitene this thy fetoant. Look
upon him with the eyes of thy metep, give
him liﬂmfﬂlt dill]
tute eonﬁoente in thee,

Dean Comber’s Discourses on the Com-
mon Prayer, 388, 389.
As to the form of prayer to be used
on this occasion, it is left to the pru-
dence of the Church: since God has
only generally ordered prayers to be
made, but has not prescribed any
particular words; therefore diﬁ‘erent
churches have made and used several
forms proper for the occasion. The
Greek Church has a large oﬁice in
their Euchologion, which seems to
have been much corrupted by the
superstitious additions of later ages,
though some of the ancient prayers
may yet be discerned there. The most
ancient of the Western Church are
those which bear the names of St.
Ambrose and St. Gregory; and that
which Cardinal Bona cites, with the
title, “Pro inﬁrmis,” Written in 1040,
and supposed to be part of the old
Gallican service. And, upon the
Reformation, the several Protestant
churches had their several forms,
which are in use among them at the
present day. But this ofﬁce of the
Church of England may be thought
to excel all that are now extant in the
world : and it exactly agrees with the
method of the primitive visitation of
the sick in St. Chrysostom’s time.
The ancients called sick persons,
who were under such a dangerous ill-
ness as conﬁned them to the bed or
couch, by the name of Clinics. So
St. Jerome (in Epitath. Fab), speak-
ing of the good works of Fabiola, says,
Quem nudum, et clinicum, non Fabio-
lae vestamenta texerunt? The like he
speaks of Paula, Quis inopum moriens,
non illius vestimentis obvolutus est’!
quis clinicorum non ejus facultatibus
sustentatus est? In the Life of Pope
Cornelius, there is mention made of a
sick woman unbaptized, who cried to
him: ‘Baptiza me, per Christum te
conjuro’; et currens quae erat clinica,
implevit vas aqua et attulit ei. Neither
is this an ecclesiastical word, used only
by Christian writers ; but it is used in
this sense by Pliny in his Natural
History (lib. xxv. cap. 5. vid. Salmasi
ad Elian. Spartianum N otas, p. 57.,
verb. In morbum incidit lethalem.),
where, speaking of a certain medicine,
he says, it did “mederi melancholicis,
stomachicis, spasticis, clinicis.”
But besides this general notion of
clinics, the ancient ecclesiastical
(1644)
The Vifitation, Burk
oefeno him from the temper of the enemy.
ono keep him in perpetual peace out fafety,
fhgousb Slefus Qthgill our lLogo. Amen.
HQEac us, almighty ono moll merciful can
out: %>opiour; ecfeno thy accullomeo gooo=
nets to this thy fecnant tnho is gciepeo with
ficlmefs. ésanctifie,1pc hcfecch thee, this thy
fatherly cogceccion to him, that the cents of
his meaknefs may son llcength to his faith.
ano fecioufnefs to his repentance. @Ibﬁt
if it lhall be thy oooo pleafuce to ccllogc
him to his fogmec health, he may lest the
ceﬁoue
writers used the word ‘clinic’ in a
more particular sense, to denote such
as received baptism on their sick-bed,
when they were in danger of dying.
These were of two sorts, the ﬁrst,
of Catechumens, who, having become
sincere believers of the gospel, and
having been considerably instructed
in the principles of the Christian reli~
gion, were designed for baptism the
next solemn time of the administra-
tion thereof; but, in the meantime,
being seized by a dangerous distemper,
they were baptized upon their sick-bed,
and were upon that account called
clinics. To the baptism of such per-
sons the ancient church never shewed
any disgust, as not being sought by
the parties themselves to be adminis-
tered at that time, but they only desir-
ing it as a case of necessity, which their
unforseen sickness had forced on them,
they designing otherwise to stay till
the proper time of the celebration of
it. It is of these that St. Cyprian
(Ep. xiii.) speaks: Audientes siqui
fuerint periculo preeventi et in exitu
constituti, vigilantia vestra non desit
implorantibus divinam gratiam ut mi-
sericordia Domini non denegetur. The
pious emperor Theodosius was thus
baptized by Acholius, bishop of Thes-
salonica, being a catechumen, he fall-
ing into a dangerous distemper, though
it proved not mortal. (Ambr. Orat. de
ejus obitu.; Socr. Eccl. Hist. lib. v.)
Another sort of clinics, were those
who deferred their baptism on purpose
till their death, either as having a
touch of the N ovatian heresy, and
fancying that sins committed after
baptism were irremissible, or out of
a fond persuasion that baptism at
death would wash away all the stains
of their life, however gross. Some
eminent instances we have of clinics,
who deferred their baptism upon one
or both of these accounts; in the
great emperor Constantine (Euseb. vit.
Const. lib. iv.; Socr. lib. i. cap. 39.),
and in Constantius his son. (Socr. lib.v.
cap. 6.) But the ancient fathers al-
ways censured very severely such a
voluntary deferring of baptism. They
argued against this, from the uncer-
tainty of procuring a minister at that
extraordinary exigence; as Gregory
Nyssen (tom. ii. p. 215. ed. Paris.) does,
(1645)
The Viﬁtation
retioue of his life in thy teat, ano to thy
glugp : cg ette gine him grace to to take thy
nititation, that after this painful life ennen
he may nineli tnith thee in life enetlaﬂing,
thzough Sterne Qlhtiﬁ our iLUZU. Amen.
1[ Then {hall the Miniﬁer eXhort the ﬁck
perfon after this form, or other like.
QEatIp hetuneo, hnetn this, that almighty
than is the Logo of life ann Heath, ant:
at all things to them pertaining, as youth,
titength, health, age, tneahnefe, ann tiehnets.

1.1.
The 358th page of the Sealed Books commences with the word “reﬁtlne”,
“ reﬁtme H being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

when he speaks of that young man,
who in great agony of mind cried out,
r'Opry Kai min-a 'n'é'rpat ,Ba'rr'rt'ge're, 66118;)“
Kain'é'rpal. Kai 'myyt‘t vciwat 8611-‘ Thu Xdpw.
It is of such clinics that Nazianzen
(Orat. 40.) speaks, when he calls them
Xpto‘romi'myhot Kai XpLO'Té/JJTOpOL, Men
that are hucksters of Christ, that drive
a cunning trade upon his religion. Of
these St. Chrysostom (Horn. xxiii. in
Act.) says, Ti 7819 e’xt‘z'ras‘ dvamlods‘ til/a-
;te'vets‘ c‘os‘ dpa'n'e’wys‘, ti); Kalcoﬁp'yos, (i)$‘ m’m
égbéthmv 1'55 969?) (ﬂoat. And so again
(Horn. 1. in Act), Héos‘ ddlwopat draw
25w n'pos‘ 'ras‘ e’xti'ras‘ ¢t9dvovras civam/oas‘,
Kai #1786‘ élv'reiidev owqbpomg'ope'vovs‘.
Nay, the Church was so severe against
such clinics, that in case they sur-
vived the distemper under which they
were baptized, they were not suffered
afterwards to take upon them the
order of the priesthood, ’E<‘w voacbv ris‘
(,bmrtcrGﬁ, E'ts 'n'peoBt'n-epov r’i'yeo'dal. oz’)
ﬁz‘n/a'rat. (Conc. N eocaes. can. xii.) This
Cornelius, bishop of Rome, in his letter
to Fabius, extant in Eusebius (Hist.
Eccl. lib. vi. cap. 43.), extends to every
degree of the clergy, M?) 055611 197v 'rt‘w e’v
KMwy dad V6001! 'n'eptxvde'v'ra e’ts‘ Khﬁpov
Twit ytz/e'o'Gat. But however earnestly
the ancients pressed all to avoid defer-
ring baptism to their sick—bed, yet
they would not suffer any believers to
die without it. The Fourth Council
of Carthage (can. xxxiv.) decrees: Ut
acgrotantes, si pro se respondere non
possint, cum voluntatis eorum testi-
monium sui periculo proprio dixerint,
baptizentur. Nor did they totally
exclude those from baptism who ﬁrst
embraced the faith in the time of their
sickness; only they obliged them, if
they recovered, to learn afterwards all
the points of faith, which the catechu-
mens were instructed in before bap-
tism, as we learn from the Council of
Laodicea (can. xlvii.): Tm‘); eu vooco
'n'apahapﬁdvov'ras 1'6 (,‘bdrrwpa Kai. gum
civao'rdvras, expat/661161.11 'rtiw m'o'rw, Kai
'ywcbmcew, 5'11 det'as‘ 5copet'is‘ Kafqgtédiyoav.
Nicholls on the Common Prayer.
SICK : (p. 1640.) -- P. B. 1549,
“ and the Communion of the same.”
This part of the original title was
omitted in 1552.
‘II When any 1 (p. 1640.)— P. B.
1549, “ The prieste [1’. B. 1589, “ Mi-
(1646)
of the Sick.
wherefore, inhatfoener your Helmets {morn you certainly that it is eons oifitation.
ant for what eaufe ioeoer this ﬁrlinefe is
fent unto you, iohether it he to try your
patience for the eraniple of others. ano that
your faith may he founo in the Day of the
itoio lauoahle. glorious. ano honourable, to the
inrreate of glogy ano enolefe felicity; oi elte it
he tent unto you to eogreet ano ameno in you
iohatfoeoer troth orient: the eyes of your hea=
henly father; lrnorn you certainly that if you

nister” : P. B. 1622, “ Priest”] entring
into the sick persones house, shal
saye.”
ii When any perfon IS lick :
(p. 1640.)—By the Order of Sarum,
when the priest was to perform this
ofﬁce, he was to habit himself, and
with the clerks going along the street
or the way which leads to the house,
sing the seven penitential psalms:
Imprimis induat se sacerdos super~
pelliceo cum stola, et in eundo dicat
cum suis ministris septem. psalmos
poenitentiales, cum Gloria Patri et
cum antiphona; which, looking too
pompous and theatrical, was laid aside
in our Reformation. Nicholls on the
Common Prayer.
@111 : (p. l640.)——P. B. 1549, “ in.”
{I When he cometh into the
ﬁck mans prefence : (p, 1641,)
—Aceording to the Order of Sarum,
the ﬁrst thing which was to be done
was to erect a cruciﬁx in the direct
view of the sick man: Oﬁ‘erenda est
ei image cruciﬁxi et ante conspectum
ejus statuenda, ut redemptorem suum
in imagine cruciﬁxi adoret, et passio—
nis ejus, quam pro peccatorum salute
sust-inuit, recordetur. And in the
next place, he is to be sprinkled with
holy—water : Deinde inspergat inﬁr-
mum aqua benedicta. N icholls on the
Common Prayer.
Kneehng down : (p, 1641,) ..
P. B. 1549, “this psalme.”
“ Domine exaudi. Psal. cxliii.
“ Heare my prayer,” &0.
(The psalm is printed in full.)
“Glory be to the father and to the
sonne, dZC.
“ As it was in the beginning, (Ste.
“ ‘ll With this anthems.
“ Remember not, ire.”
Our father: (p. 1642.)—-['. B. 1549,
“ Our father which arte in heaven, (izc.
“ And leade us not into temptacion.
“ ‘Aunswere. But deliver us from
evill. Amen.”
Minif’wrr (p. 1643.)-—P. B. 1549,
“The Minister.”
Whytchurche’s copy of 1552 ﬁrst
leaves out the article.
His truft: (p. 1643.)--Until 1662
the type did not vary.
ﬁn : (p. 1643.)——P. B. 1549, “none.”
{9 ZLHrU : (p. 1644.) —- P. B. 1549,
“ Lorde heare my prayer. [R B. 1552,
“ oure prayers”].
(Bur: (p. 1644.)--P. B. 1549, “my?
I’. B. 1552, “ourf7
(1647)
The Viﬁtation
truly repent you of your tins. ano hear your
[irhneis patientiy, truﬂing in eons mercy,
to; his oear %von Zletus Qthriﬂs fake, ano
renoer unto him humble thanks for his fa:
theriy oiiitation. tuhmitting your felt roholiy
unto his roiii, it lhaii turn to your profit, ano
help you fonoaro in the right may that Ieaoeth
unto eueriaﬂing life.
{I If the perfon viﬁted be very tick, then the
Curate may end his exhortation in this
place, or elfe proceed.
Take therefore in gooo part the rhaﬂife=
ment of the ﬂow: for (as %>aint1@aui
faith in the troeifth Qthapter to the ihehgeios)
iuhoni the {Logo ioneth he rhattneth, ano
feourgeth eoery %>on iuhoin he rereiueth.
31f ye enoure thaﬂning, Qooo oeaieth with
you as with tons; for what ion is he
‘whom the father thaﬂneth not? lhut if ye he
roithout thaﬂiienient, inhereot all are pgrta:
ers,

.2, _____.r~y

Miniiteri (p. 1644.)-—P.B.1549,
“Let us pray.”
In 1552, this was omitted.
i'tooh nation from heathen; (p. 1644.)
—-The introduction to this collect is
found very anciently in the office of
the Greek or Latin Church; but God
himself also instructed the Jews in
Moses’s time to pray so (Deut. Xxvi.
15.) : and the use of the form continued
for many years in the Jewish Church.
(Is. lxiii. 5.) Solomon also was assured
that, when sickness was upon the
people, if they called upon God, he
would “hear them in heaven his
dwelling place.” (1 Kings viii. 37, 38,
39.; ix. 3.) So that the Church had
good reason to transcribe this piece of
sacred devotion into the present
oﬂice.
Hear us : (p. 1645.) - P. B. 1549,
“ Heare us almightie and most merci-
full God, and Saviour: Extende thy
[1’. B. 1638, “thine”] accustomed
goodnesse to this thy servaunt, whiche'
is greved with sickenesse : Visite hym,
O Lord, as thou diddest Visite Peters
wifes mother, and the Capitaynes ser-
vaunte. And as thou preservedst
Thobie and Sara by thy Aungell from
daunger : So restore [R B. 1552, “the
(1648)
of the Sick.
hers, then are ye hallaros. am not tons.
furthermore, roe hane hao fathers of our
ﬂelh, inhirh togretteo us, ano ine gane
them renerenre: lhall toe not rnurh rather
he in fuhiertion unto the father of gvpirits,
ano line? for they oerily for a tern oays
thallneo us after their oinn pleature; but
he to; our pgotit, that toe might be nar=
takers of his holinets. @thete iooios, gooo
brother, are ‘written in holy %tripture for
our comfort ano inﬂrurtion. that roe lhoulo
patiently, arm with thankfgining hear our
heauenly ,ﬂ'athers correction. inhenioener by
any manner of aonertity it lhall pleate his
gracious gooonets to nitit us. slno there
lhoulo he no greater comfort to Qﬂhgiﬂian
perions, than to he inaoe like unto Qlhiin, hy
tulfering patiently aonertities, troubles, ano
lithnelles. for he hiniielf tnent not up to
Joy, hut tirﬂ he fuffereo pain; he entreo not
into his glory before he was truritieo. %>o
truly our may to eternal ioy is to [utter here

1.1. The 359th page [it 3] of the Sealed Books commences with “iiﬁlﬁf’,
part of the word “P&I't&k2r§,”, “kYI’S,” being also the catch-word
on the preceding page.

Captaynes servaunt. So visite and
restore”] unto this sieke person his
former health (if it be thy will) or els
geve hym grace so to take thy correc-
cion [P. B. 1552 “ vysitacion”]: that
after this payn life ended, he may
dwell with thee in lyfe everlastyng.
Amen.”
69f life: (p. 1646.) —- P. B. 1549,
“ over lyfe,”
(Bf aII: (p. 1646.) —- P. B. 1549,
“ over all.”
(at others: (p. 1647.)—-P. B. 1549,
“ of other.”
@Hur : (p. 1647.)—P.B. 154,97 “Gun”
In: (p. 1648.) --P. B. 1549, “at.”
P. B. 1552, “in.”
This rubric is placed in the margin
of the Prayer Books of 1549, of 1552
(Grafton’s), and of 1559.
Take therefore: (p. 1648.) — P. B.
1549, “ 11 Take therefore in good
(1649)
The Viﬁtation
with Qthgiﬂ; ano our Door to enter into eter:
nal life is glaoly to ‘ate with Qlhu'ﬂ, that toe
may rite again from Death, ano otnell toith
him in enerlauing life. more therefore tah:
ing your helmets, iohieh is thus profitable to;
you, patiently. 3i erhogt you in the ﬂame of
short, to remember the ptoteﬂ‘ion inhieh you
mane unto than in your haptitm. ant] to; as
much as after this life there is an aeeount to
he ginen unto the righteous Eluoge, hy whom
all mull he iuogeo without relpeet of oerfons,
3[ require you to eramine your felt ano your
eﬂate, hoth tomato ®oo ano man; to that
aetuling ano eonoemning your felt to; your
oion faults, you may fino merry at our
heanenly fathers ham: to; Qthgiﬂs fake, ano
not he arrufeo anh eonoemneo in that tearful
iuogement. @theretoge 3i lhall rehearfe to you
the Hrtieles of our Jl'aith, that you may hnoin
whether you no heliehe as a Qlhgiﬂian man
lhoulo, or no.
{I Here
Q
worth, the chastement [P. B. 1572,
“chastisement”] of the Lorde: For
whom the Lord loveth, he chastiseth.
Yea (as Saincte Paul sayeth,) he
scourgeth.”
are written: (p. 1649.) — P. B.
1549, “ are
339 inbuilt :——P.B. 1,?49, “of whom.”
hour eitate: -P. B. 1549, “your
state.”
iiehearfe to :-—P. B. 1549, “shortly
rehearse.”
@1111 may =- P. B. 1549, “ye may.”
@DIJIIIU, or :——P. B. 1549, “ should
beleve.”
Whytchurche’s copy of 1552 ﬁrst
leaves out “beleve.”
Gods wordes, and wrytten.”
(1650)
of the Sick.
1) Here the Miniiter {hall rehearfe the A1"?-
ticles of the Faith, faying thus, .
£1311 thou heliene in eon the Jiather ell:
mighty, maker of heaven ano earth?
arm in Zleius Qilhiilt his only begotten %>on
our Logo; ano that he was eoneeioeo hy the
holy ehou, horn of the tiirgin aieary, that
he fuftereo unoer 1L9ontiue liyilate, was eruti:
ﬁeo, oeao ano hurieo, that he went oornn
into hell, ano alto oio rite again the three
Day; that he airenoeo into heaoen, ano iitteth
at the right haul: of not the Jiather almighty.
ano from thence lhall come again at the we
of the mono to juoge the quiet ano the UBHU?
anti oou thou believe in the holy ehoa.
the holy Qtatholieh Qihureh, the Qtonimunion
of %ainte, the remitfion of ﬁne. the reiur:
reetion of the ﬂelh, ano eoerlauing life after
Death?
1. 1. The 360th page of the Sealed Books commences with “1.1 Here”, “1T Here” being
also the catch-word on the preceding page;

{I Here the Minifter {hall
rehearfe the Articles of the
F 31th! — This examination con-
cerning the faith of the person, whe-
ther it be Christian, is very neces-
sary: for, if that be wrong, all is
wrong. Christian religion consists
in these two: a right faith, and a
righteous life: and as a right faith
without a righteous life will not save,
so neither will a righteous life with--
out a right belief. He that hath said,
“ Do this and live,” hath said, “Be-
lieve, and live:” and how can we
think him safe, that lives indeed
justly, but blasphemes impiously ".1 This
then is a principal interrogatory, or
question, to be put to the sick person,
whether he believes as a Christian
ought to do? And this the minister
does by rehearsing to him the Creed.
And there can be no better rule to try
it by; for whatsoever was preﬁgured
in the patriarchs, or taught in the
Scriptures, or foretold by the prophets,
concerning God the Father, Son, and
Holy Ghost, is all brieﬂy contained in
the Apostles’ Creed. The ancient fathers
say, “ This Creed is the touchstone to
try true faith from false; the rule of
(1651)
The Viﬁtation
. 1[ The ﬁck perfon {hall anfwer,
so this 31 ﬂeoiaﬂiy believe.
{1 Then {hall the Miniiter examine whether
he repent him truly of his ﬁns, and be in
charity with all the world; exhorting him
to forgive from the bottom of his heart all
perfons that have offended him, and if he
hath offended any other, to ask them for-
givenefs; and Where he hath done injury or
Wrong to any man, that he make amends to
the uttermoit of his
power. And if he hath
not before difpofed of his goods, let him

faith, contrary to which no man may
teach or believe.” “ This the Catholic
Church received from the Apostles.
Holding this rule, we shall be able to
convince all heretics whatsoever, that
they have departed from the truth.’7
Bishop Sparrow on the Common
Prayer, 209, 210.
It has been an ancient practice to
propound these articles to dying Chris-
tians. The Roman Church has devised
two new forms, one consisting of four-
teen articles, the other somewhat
briefer : but both leavened with their
own novel errors, and much differing
from the Apostles’ Creed. But our
Church uses no other form than that
into which we were baptized; wherein
we agree with all other Protestants, it
having been a custom to repeat this
Creed to the most famous German
reformers on their death-beds.
In the Oﬁice of Sarum, the sick
person, instead of being examined
upon the Apostles’ Creed, was interro-
gated upon the abstruser articles of
faith ; as the indivisibility of the per—
sons in the divine essence; the co-
equality of the Son, and the consub-
stantiality both of the Son and the
Holy Ghost; the procession of the
Holy Ghost both from the Father and
the Son, &c.: which tending to the
perplexing of the more unknowing
Christians, were deservedly, in our
Reformation, omitted. A
Doft thou: (p. 1651.)--P. B. 1549,
“ Doest thou beleve in God the father
almyghtie ?
“And so forth as it is [P. B. 1625,
“ As it is”] in Baptisme.”
The earlier form was also used after
1625.
He hath offended any other :
— P. B. 1549, “ he have offended
other.”
To the uttermoft of his
P0W‘31i :——P. B. 1549, “to his utter-
moste power.”
And if ....... .. are 1n health :
(pp. 1652, 1653.)—P. B. 1549, “And
if we have not afore disposed his
goodes, let him then make his wyll.
(But men must be oft admonished
that they setle an ordre for theyr tem-
porall goodes and landes, whan they be
in helth.) And also to declare [1’. B.
1552, “also declare”] his debtes, what
he oweth, and what is owying to hym :
for discharging of his conscience, and
quietnesse of his executours.”
(1652)
of the ‘Sick.
then be admonilhed to make his Will, and
to declare his debts, What he oweth, and
What is owing unto him, for the better
difcharging of his confcience, and the quiet-
nefs of his executors. But men {hould often
be
put in remembrance to take order for
the fetling of their temporal eitates, Whilit
they are in health.
{[ Thefe Words before rehearfed, may be faid
before the Miniiler begin his prayer, as he
{hall fee caufe.
11 The

The last two paragraphs (“But men
must,” (he, and “And also declare,”
the.) were transposed in 1589.
Make his Wlll :__“ As‘ by the
law of nature, every one has a right
to the goods which he has acquired
by his industry, so he has a right to
dispose of them, either in his life by
sale or gift, or at his death by will.
The usage of making wills at or
before death has obtained in all na-
tions, and is as old as any history
reaches. We ﬁnd in the book of
Genesis, that Abraham, in case that
he had no child, made Eliezer of Da—
mascus, the steward of his house, his
heir by will. (Genxv. 2.) The'ancient
way of making a will among the
Greeks, was, for the person who de-
signed to bequeath any thing, to make
his appearance in the xvpi’ar; e’mhnat’ars
—the general assembly of the citizens,
and there 'to declare how he would
dispose of his goods when he died.
(Plut. in Alcib.) The Romans in time
of war used to make their wills, in pro-
cinctu, in their arms, before they Went
out to ﬁght. In time of peace, the
ancient way was to make a will per
aes et libram, by a ﬁctitious sale of the
estate to the person to whom the estate
was bequeathed, to which the libri-
pens, or public teller, and ﬁve other
Roman citizens were witnesses. They
had also a custom to make a will in
the general assembly of the tribes,
which were called the comitia calata,
which was taken from the Greeks.
(Aul. Gellius, lib. xv. c. 27.) At last,
the way of writing down the method in
which the testator designed to dispose
of his effects, became usual among
persons of substance; and this either
on tables, paper, or parchment, with
the testator’s and the witnesses’ hands
subscribed. (Inst. lib. ii. tit. 10. §. 3.)
Other poorer persons made a nun-
cupatory will, which answered to the
old way of bequeathing by the brass
money and the scales, which, if de-
clared before seven witnesses, was
valid. (Inst. lib. tit. 10. §. 14.) Now,
though the making of a will be a
secular matter, and doth not relate to
those spiritual concerns which the
minister comes to the sick man about;
yet, considering that the affairs of in-
testates are generally left in so con-
fused a manner, that great strifes and
contests. are raised in families upon
that occasion, and some branches of
the family left unprovided for, it is
very prudently enjoined by the
(1653)
The Vifitation
1) The Minifter {hould not omit earneftly to
move fuch fick perfons as are of ability,- to
be liberal to the poor.
{I Here fhall the ﬁck perfon be moved to
make a fpecial confesﬁon of his ﬁns, if he
feel his confcience troubled with any weighty
111211161‘.
After which confesﬁon, the Prieft
fhall abfolve him (if he humbly and heartily
deﬁre it) afterthis fort.

l. 1. The 361st page of the Sealed Books commences with “H The”, “1T The” being
also the catch-word on the preceding page.

Church, that the minister should re-
mind every one of settling his affairs
before he dies, partly to avoid the
embezzling of his effects in expensive
law—suits; but chieﬂy, that he may
not be the occasion of the disunion of
the affections of his dearest relations.”
Nicholls on the Common Prayer.
1) Thefe words : (p, 1653p.
P. B. 1549, “ This may be done before
the minister begyn his prayers as he
shall see cause.”
In Grafton’s copy of 1552, and in
the Prayer Book of 1559, this rubric
is placed at the side of the previous
one, and worded as in 1549 ; whilst in
Whytchurche’s copy of the same date,
and from 1572, it was both arranged
and worded as at present.
QT The Minifter :__P, B, 1549,
“The minister may not forget, nor
omitte to move the sicke person, (and
that most earnestly) to lyberalitie to-
ward the poore.”
{I The Minifter ihould not
omit earneftly to move fuch
lick perfons as are of ability
to be liberal to the poor :—
Say not, we must not think to merit
heaven by alms deeds. For though
heaven be too glorious to be bought
by them (as we teach against the
papists (1 Pet. i. 18.)), yet God hath
promised to reward them in heaven
who relieve the poor 011 earth, and
gives heaven only to charitable men
(Matt. xxv. 42.) : not for the merit of
their charity, but of his free grace (as
we teach against hypocritical and sor-
did Protestants who pretend this only
to save their purses) : give, therefore,
with assurance of reward.
By the canon law, every person was
obliged to leave such a proportion of
his estate to charitable uses, as he be-
queathed to each of his children ;
hence Christ was esteemed the second
son, if the man had but one; the third
son if he had two, the fourth if he had
three, (ire. (Decret. par. 2. caus. 13.
q. 2.) This moiety, which belonged to
the Church, was deposited with the
bishop, and went to the maintenance
of the clergy of the church, the
repair of the fabric, 63c. Our Church
has not thought ﬁt to order the sick
rich person to be moved to give any
thing to the religious uses, which the
popish curates for many ages together
chieﬂy busied themselves ‘ about in
(1654)
of the Sick.
Otir iLoiiJ Zlefus Qthiiu. who hath left poip er
to his Qthurth to ahtoloe all ﬁnnere tnho
truly repent ﬂIID- heliene in him. of his great
merry toigioe thee thine oftentee: ﬁne by
his authority committee to me, 3[ ahfolne
thee from all thy fine, Zln the Marne of the
Jiather, ano of the gion, ano of the holy
@huﬂ. amen.
And then the Prieit {hall fay the Collect
follovgin g.

these attendances ; she only enjoins
him to be put in mind of the poor,
that out of his abundance which he is
now going to leave, he should bestow
some liberal largess on them. N icholls
on the Common Prayer.
QT Here ihall the ﬁck perfon
he moved to make a fpecial
confesﬁon of his ﬁns: @1654)
—Our Church considers that most
men’s consciences are very tender
under the fear of approaching death ;
that reﬂections on their former sins
do then most sensibly affect them, and
that, at the same time, many scruples
arise in their mind, either concerning
some acts of injustice they may in
the course of their lives have com-
mitted, and may be at a loss how to
ﬁnd out proper methods of restitution,
or concerning some other sins of a
more heinous nature, which they are
not certain they have pursued the
most proper methods in repenting of ;
upon these considerations, she has
ordered that the sick person, when he
is visited by the minister, may be
moved to make confession of such sins
asv he ﬁnds do trouble his conscience ;
to the end, that by the spiritual ad-
vice and comfort, which he may
receive from him, his mind may be
eased. But our Church motions spe-
cial confession, with relation only to
such sins as disquiet the person’s mind,
only with a view of instructing and
comforting the sick person. Nicholle
on the Common Prayer.
N o kind of confession, either public:
or private, is disallowed by the United
Church of England and Ireland, that
is any way requisite for the due exe-
cution of that ancient power of the
keys which Christ bestowed upon his
Church. The thing which we reject
is, that new sacramental confession,
obtruded upon men’s consciences, as a
matter necessary to salvation, by the
canons of Trent, where the Fathers put
their curse upon every one that either
shall “ deny that sacramental confes—
sion was ordained by divine right,
and is by the same right necessary to
salvation” (Cone. Trid. sess. xiv. can.
6.) : or shall “affirm that in the sacra-
ment of penance it is not by the ordi-
nance of God necessary for the obtain-
ing of the remission of sins, to confess
all and every one of those mortal sins,
the memory whereof by due and dili-
gent premeditation may be had, even
such as are hidden, and be against the
last two Commandments of the Deca—
logue, together with the circumstances
which change the kind of the sin ; but
that this confession is only proﬁtable
to instruct and comfort the penitent,
and was anciently observed only for
(1655)
The Viﬁtation
{Let us pray.
aholl merciful Qi5oo, ruho accogoingto
the multituoe of thy mercies, ooﬂ to
put atoay the tins of thofe who truly repent,
that thou rememlneli them no more; ﬂDpen
thine eye of merry upon this thy feroant, toho
molt earnellly oeiireth paroon ano foggioe=
nets. IBenero in him (mon lopina Jiather)
lohatioeuer hath been oecayeo by the tram:
ano malice of the oeuil, or by his oton carnal
toill ano frailneis, peeierloe ano continue this
fillli member in the unity of the Qthurch;

the imposing of canonical satisfaction.”
(Ibid. can. 7.) This doctrine is re—
jected, as being repugnant to that
which we have learned both from the
Scriptures and from the Fathers.
For in the Scriptures we ﬁnd, that
the confession which the penitent sin-
ner makes to God alone, has the pro-
mise of forgiveness annexed unto it,
which no priest upon earth has power
to make void upon pretence that him-
self or some of his brethren were not
ﬁrst particularly acquainted with the
business: “ I acknowledged my sin
unto thee, and mine iniquity have I
not hid. I said, I will confess my
transgressions unto the Lord; and
thou forgavest the iniquity of my sin.”
(Psa. xxxii. 5.) And lest we should
think that this was some peculiar pri-
vilege vouchsafed to “the man who
was raised up on high, the anointed of
the God of Jacob” (2 Sam. xxiii. 1.),
the same psalmist infers this general
conclusion thereupon: “For this
shall every one that is godly pray
unto thee in a time when thou
mayest be found.” (Psa. xxxii. 6.)
King Solomon, in his prayer for the
people at the dedication of the temple,
treads just in his father’s steps. “ If
they turn,” says he, and “pray unto
thee in the land of their captivity,
saying, We have sinned, we have done
amiss, and have dealt wickedly; if
they return to thee with all their
heart, and with all their soul,” ($20.,
“forgive thy people which have sinned
against thee all their transgressions
wherein they have transgressed against
thee.” (2 Chron. vi. 37, 39.; 1 Kings
viii. 47. 50.) And the poor publican,
putting up his supplication in the
temple accordingly: “ God be merciful
to me a sinner” (Luke xviii. 13, 14.),
went back to his house justiﬁed, with-
out making confession to any other
ghostly father, but only “ the father of
spirits” (Heb. xii. 9.); of whom St.
John gives us this assurance, that “ if
we confess our sins, he is faithful and
just to forgive us our sins, and to
cleanse us from all unrighteousness.”
1 John i. 9.
St. Chrysostom of all others is most
copious in this argument. “ It is not
necessary,” says he, “that thou
shouldest confess in the presence of -
witnesses: let the inquiry of thy
offences be made in thy thought; let
this judgment be without a witness;
let God only see thee confessing.”
(Chryost. Hom. de Poenit. et Confess.
tom. v. ed. Latin. col. 901. ed. Basil.
(1656)
of the Sick.
tonlioer his rontrition, accept his tears.
allmage his pain. as lhall teem to thee mon
erneoient to; him. ano toiasmurh as he
putteth his full trull only in thy merry, im:
pute not unto him his former tins; hut
llrengthen him ioith thy hlelleo %>pirit, am:
when thou art pleateo to take him henre,
take him unto thy taoour, through the merits
of thy mon oearly heloneo %on Kletus Qthiiﬂ
our itoio. Amen.
HI Then

ann. 1558.) “Therefore I intreat and
beseech and pray, that thou wouldest
continually make thy confession to
God. For I do not bring thee into
the theatre of thy fellow servants,
neither do I constrain thee to discover
thy sins unto men: unclasp thy con-
science before God, and shew thy
wounds unto him, and of him ask a
medicine. Shew them to him that
will not reproach, but heal thee. For
although thou hold thy peace, he
knoweth all.” (Id. circa ﬁn. Hom. v.
wepl zixa'rahw'yerrov, de Incomprehensib.
Dei N atun, tom. vi. ed. Graec. D. Hen.
Savil. p. 424. et tom. v. p. 262, 263.)
“Let us not call ourselves sinners only,
but let us recount our sins, and repeat
every one of them specially. I do
not say unto thee, Bring thyself upon
the stage, nor, Accuse thyself unto
others ; but I counsel thee to obey the
prophet, saying ‘ Reveal thy way unto
the Lord.’ Confess them before God,
confess thy sins before the Judge,
praying, if not with thy tongue, yet at
least with thy memory; and so look
to obtain mercy.” (Id. in Epist. ad
Heb. cap. Hom. xxxi. tom. iv.
Savil. p. 589.) “ But thou art ashamed
to say that thou hast sinned. Confess
thy faults then daily in thy prayer.
For do I say, Confess them to thy fel—
low servant, who may reproach thee
therewith? Confess them to God,
who healeth them. For although
thou confess them not at all, God is
not ignorant of them.” (Id. in Psa. i.
Hom. tom. i. ed. Savil. p. 708.)
“Wherefore, then, tell me, art thou
ashamed and blushest to confess thy
sins? Dost thou discover them to
a man, that he may reproach thee".l
Dost thou confess them to thy fellow
servant, that he may bring thee upon
the stage? To him who is thy Lord,
who hath care of thee, who is kind,
who is thy physician, thou shewest
thy wound.” (Id. Hom. iv. de Lazaro,
tom. v. Savil. p. 258.) “I constrain
thee not, saith God, to go into the
midst of the theatre, and to make
many witnesses of the matter. Con-
fess thy sins to me alone in private, that
I may heal thy sore, and free thee
from grief.” (Id. ibid.) “And this is
not only wonderful, that he forgiveth
us our sins, but that he neither dis-
covereth them, nor maketh them open
and manifest, nor constraineth us to
come forth in public, and disclose our
misdemeanours; but commandeth us
to give an account thereof unto him
alone, and unto him to make confes-
5P
(1657)
The Viﬁtation
‘,1 Then {hall the Minifter fay this Pfalm.
tin thee, ilD Logo, hane 3) put my truﬂ, let
me never he put to eonfufion: hut rip me
am] oeliner me in thy righteoulnefs; incline
In te, Domine
[term/i .
Pfal. lxxj .
thine ear unto me, one lane me.
lhe thou my ﬂrong holumhereunto 3[ may
altnay retort: thou hall ptomileo to help me,
to; thou art my houfe of Defence, one my
£81112.
@eliner me, it) my cool], out of the ham:
of the ungooly: out of the bane of the un:
righteous ano eruel man.

1. 1. The 362ml page of the Sealed Books commences with “ QT Then”, “{I’l‘hen” being
also the catch-word on the preceding page.
sion of them.” Id. in ’Av5puiv'r. ad
Pop. Antiochen. Hom. xxi. tom. vi.
ed. Savil. p. 608.
St. Augustine is to the same effect :
“What have I to do with men, that
they should hear my confessions, as
though they should heal all my dis-
eases 2” (Aug. Confess. lib. x. cap. 3.)
And that collection of St. Hilary
upon the last two verses of the 52nd
Psalm, that David there teacheth us
“to confess to no other, but unto the
Lord, who hath made the olive fruit-
ful with the mercy of hope [01‘, the
hope of mercy] for ever and ever.”
(Hilar. in Psal. lii.) And that advice
of Pinuphius, the Egyptian abbot,
which is also inserted among the
canons (Antiq. lib. can. lxvi. titulo-
rum MS. in Bibliotheca Cottoniana.)
collected for the use of the Church of
England, in the time of the Saxons,
under the title, De Poenitentia soli
Deo conﬁtenda : “ Who is it that can-
not humbly. say, ‘ I made my sin
known unto thee, and mine iniquity
have I not hid,’ that by this confes-
sion he may conﬁdently adjoin that
which followeth : ‘ And thou forgavest
the impiety of my heart’? But if
shamefacedness do so draw thee back
that thou blushest to reveal them
before men, cease not by continual
supplication to confess them unto him
from whom they cannot be hid, and
to say: ‘I know mine iniquity and my
sin is against me alway ; to thee only
have I sinned, and done evil before
thee, whose custom is, both to cure
without the publishing of any shame,
and to forgive sins without upbraid-
ing.” (J o. Cassian. Collat. xx. cap. 8.)
St. Augustine, Cassiodore, and Gregory
make a further observation upon that
place of the 32nd Psalm: “1 said, I
will confess my transgressions unto
the Lord ; and thou forgavest the ini-
quity of my sin ;” that God, upon the
only promise and purpose of making
this confession, did forgive the sin.
“Mark,” says Gregory (Expositio Psal. Poenitential.), “how great the
swiftness is of this vital indulgence.
how great the commendation is of
(1658)
of the Sick.
for thou, ED {Logo thou, art the thing that
31 long for: thou art my hope eben from my
youth.
cthiough thee babe 31 been holben up eber
time 31 was boinzthou art he that took me
out of my mothers ioomb; my piaiie lhall
alinay be of thee.
31 am become as it there a monuer unto
many: but my ture truli is in thee.
91) let my mouth be tilleo truth the matte:
that 31 may [ing of thy glogy anb honour all
the bay long.

God’s mercy, that pardon should ac—
company the very desire of him that
is about to confess, before that repen-
tance do come to aﬂlict him ; and re-
mission should come to the heart,
before that confession did break forth
by the voice.” So St. Basil, upon
those other words of the Psalmist, “ I
have roared by reason of the disquiet-
ness of my heart” (Psa. xxxviii. 8.),
makes this paraphrase: “I do not
confess with my lips, that I may mani-
fest myself unto many ; but inwardly
in my very heart, shutting mine eyes:
to thee alone who seest the things
that are in secret do I shew my
groans, roaring within myself. For
the groans of my heart sutﬁced for a
confession, and the lamentations sent
to thee, my God, from the depth of my
soul.” Basil. in Psa. xxxviii.
And as St. Basil makes the groans
of the heart to be a suﬁicient confes-
sion, so does St. Ambrose the tears of
the penitent. “Tears,” says he, “ do
wash the sin, which the voice is
ashamed to confess. Weeping doth
provide both for pardon and for shame-
facedness: tears do speak our fault
without horror; tears do confess our
crime without offence of our shame-
facedness. (Ambros. lib.x. Comment. in
Luc. cap. xxii.) Maximus Taurinensis
follows St. Ambrose herein almost ver—
batim. “The tear,” says he, “washeth
the sin, which the voice is ashamed to
confess. Tears, therefore, do equally
provide both for our shamefacedness
and for our health: they neither blush
in asking, and they obtain in request-
ing.” (Maxim. Hom. de Poenit. Petri,
tom. v. Biblioth. Patr. pars i. p. 21.
ed. Colon.) Lastly, Prosper, speaking
of sins committed by such as are in
the ministry, writes thus: “ They shall
more easily appease God, who being
not convicted by human judgment, do
of their own accord acknowledge their
offence; who either do discover it by
their own confessions, or, others not
knowing what they are in secret, do
themselves give sentence of voluntary
excommunication upon themselves;
and being separated (not in mind, but
in oﬁice) from the altar to which they
did minister, do lament their life as
dead, assuring themselves, that God
being reconciled unto them by the
fruits of effectual repentance, they
shall not only receive what they have
lost, but also, being made citizens of
that city which is above, they shall
come to everlasting joys.” (Prosper. de
Vita Contemplativa, lib. ii. cap. 7.)
5P2
(1659)
The Viﬁtation
hall me not atoay in the time of age:
toefake me not when my llrength taileth me.
not mine enemies fpeali againll me, ano
they that lay roait to; my foul, take their
couniel together, laying: coo hath foetaken
him, perfecute him, ano talte him; for there
is none to oeliner him.
too not far from me, ill) coo: my Qiioo,
halle thee to help me.
iLet them he confounoeo ano perilh that
are againlt my foul: let them he conereo

By this it appears, that the ancient
fathers did not think that the remis-
sion of sins was so tied unto external
confession, that a man might not look
for salvation from God, if he concealed
his faults from man; but that inward
contrition and confession made to God
alone, was sufficient in this case.
Otherwise, neither they nor we do
debar men from opening their griev-
ances unto the physicians of their souls,
either for their better information in
the true state of their disease, or for
the quieting of their troubled con-
sciences, or for receiving further direc—
tion from them out of God’s word,
both for the recovery of their present
sickness, and for the prevention of the
like danger in time to come.
A person addressed the Abbot Ar—
senius thus : “ If I shall sin, although
it be in any small offence, and my
thought do consume me, and accuse
me, saying, Why hast thou sinned?
what shall I do?” to which he an—
swered: “Whatsoever hour a man
shall fall into a fault, and shall say
from his heart, "Lord God, I have
sinned, grant me pardon ;’ that con-
sumption of thought or heaviness
shall cease forthwith.” (Respons. Patr.
Egypt. a Paschasio diacono Latino,
vers. cap. 11.) Where the sinner can
ﬁnd no ease at home, what would he
do but use the best means he can to
ﬁnd it abroad? “ Is there no balm in
Gilead? is there no physician there 9”
(J erem. viii. 22.) N o doubt but God
has provided both the one and the
other for “ recovering of the health of
the daughter of his people ;” and St.
James has herein given us this direc-
tion: “ Confess your faults one to an-
other, and pray one for another, that
ye may be healed.” (Jam. v. 16.) Ac-
cording to which prescription Gregory
Nyssen (de Poem'tent. in Operurn Ap-
pendice, ed. Paris. ann. 1618. pp. 175,
176.), toward the end of his sermon on
repentance, uses this exhortation to
the sinner : “Be sensible of the disease
wherewith thou art taken; afflict thy-
self as much as thou canst. Seek also
the mourning of thy entirely affected
brethren to help thee unto liberty.
Shew me thy bitter and abundant
tears, that I may also mingle mine
therewith. Take likewise the priest
for a partner of thine affliction, as thy
father. For who is that so: falsely
acquires the name of a father, or hath
so adamantine a soul, that he will not
condole with his son’s lamenting?
Shew unto him without blushing the
things that were kept close ; dis-
cover the secrets .of thy soul, as shew-
(1660)
of the Sick.
"roith thame ano oilhonour, that leek to no me
2hiL
as for me, 3! mill patiently ahioe alipay:
ano tnill pgaii'e thee more ano more.
any mouth lhall oaily tpeak of thy right:
eouinets ano talnation: to; El knoio no eno
thereof.
3[ inill go forth in the llrength of the iLogo
Qbooz ano will make mention of thy right=
eouinets only.
@Ehou.
ing thy hidden disease unto thy phy-
sician. He will have care both of thy
credit and of thy cure.”
It was no part of his meaning to
advise us that we should open our—
selves in this manner unto every
priest; as if there were a virtue gene-
rally annexed to the order, that upon
confession made, and absolution re-
ceived from any of that rank, all
should be rectiﬁed; but he would
have us communicate our case both
to such Christian brethren, and to
such a ghostly father, as had skill in
physio of this kind, and out of a fel-
low feeling of our grief would apply
themselves to our recovery. “ There-
fore,” says Origen (in Psa. Xxxvii.
Horn. xi.), “look about thee diligently
unto whom thou oughtest to confess
thy sin. Try ﬁrst the physician, unto
whom thou oughtest to declare the
cause of thy malady, who knoweth to
be weak with him that is weak, to
weep with him that weepeth, who un-
derstandeth the discipline of condoling
and compassionating; that so at length
if he shall say anything, who hath ﬁrst
shewed himself to be both a skilful
physician and a merciful, or if he shall
give any counsel, thou mayest do and
follow it.” For, as St. Basil (in Regul.
Brevioribus, Resp. 229.) observes :
“ The very same course is to be held
in the confession of sins, which is in
the opening of the diseases of the body.
As men, therefore, do not discover the
diseases of their body to all, nor to
every sort of people, but to those that
are skilful in the cure thereof; even
so ought the confession of our sins to
be made unto such as are able to cure
them, according to that which is writ~
ten : ‘ Ye that are strong, bear the in—
ﬁrmities of the weak,’—that is, take
them away by your diligence.”
Before, and partly in the time of,
l‘lectarius, bishop of Constantinople, it
was requisite that confession should
be made to a priest before receiving
the holy communion ; but during his
episcopacy, in consequence of an in-
famy drawn upon the clergy by the
confession of a gentlewoman, deﬁled
by a deacon in that city, it was
thought ﬁt that .the powers of the
priesthood should be restricted; and.
that (Sozomen. Hist. lib. vii. cap. 16.)
liberty should be given unto every one,
upon the private examination of his
own conscience, to resort to the holy
communion without the intervention
of a priest; which was agreeable both
to the rule of the apostle, “Let a man
examine himself, and so let him eat of
that bread, and drink of that cup”
(1 Cor. xi. 28.); and to the judgment
of the more ancient fat-hers, as it ap-
(1661)
The Vifitation
cthou, ﬁll) our, hall taught me from my
youth up until noip: therefore ipill 3) tell of
thy inonogous morhs.
JTogfahe me not, m eon, in mine olo age,
when 31 am gray=heaoeoz until 3[ hape ihetneo
thy ﬂrength unto this generation, ano thy
po‘mer to all them that are yet for to tome.
@thy righteoufnefs, ﬁD out, is hery high,
ano great things are they that thou hall hone:
ill) chop, who is like unto thee?

1.1. The 363rd page of the Sealed Books commences with the word “@huu,”
“ IJHII,” being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

pears by Clemens Alexandrinus (lib. i.
Strom.), who thinks a man’s own con—
science to be his best director in this
case. But the Council of Trent (Cone.
Trid. sess. xiii. can. 11.) have not only
determined that sacramental confes-
sion must necessarily be premised be-
fore the receiving of the eucharist;
but also have pronounced them to be
excommunicate, ipso facto, that shall
presume to teach to the contrary.
If these censures were Worth any-
thing, they would censure Nectarius
and all the bishops that followed him;
but especially St. John Chrysostom,
who was his immediate successor in
the see of Constantinople; for thus
does he expound that place of the
apostle: “ Let every one examine him-
self, and then let him come. He doth
not bid one man to examine another,
but every one himself; making the
judgment private, and the trial with-
out witnesses” (Chrysost. in 1 Cor. xi.
Hom. xxviii.); and in the end of his
second homily Of Fasting (which in
others is the eighth, De Poenitentia),
frames his exhortation accordingly:
“Within thy conscience, none being
present but God, who seeth all things,
enter thou into judgment, and into a
search of thy sins; and recounting thy
whole life, bring thy sins into judg-
ment in thy mind : reform thy excesses,
and so with a pure conscience draw
near to that sacred table, and partake
of that holy sacriﬁce."
The public confession, therefore, of
secret sins being thus abolished by
N ectarius ﬁrst, for the scandal that
came thereby unto others, and by the
rest of the catholic bishops after him,
for the reproach and danger where—
unto the penitents by this means were
laid open; private confession was so
brought in to supplythe defect there—
of, that it was accounted no more
sacramental; nor esteemed, at least
generally, to be of more necessity for
the obtaining of remission of sins than
that other. So that whatsoever order
was afterwards taken herein, had the
nature of a temporal law, which, ac—
cording to the deﬁnition of St. Augus-
tine (de Lib. Arbitr. lib. i. c. 6.), “al-
though it be just, yet in time it may
be justly also changed.” Nay, we ﬁnd
that Lawrence, bishop of Novara, in
his homily De Poenitentia, determines,
that for obtaining remission of sins a
man needeth not to resort unto any
priest, but that his own internal re-
pentance is sufﬁcient for that matter.
“ God,” says he ( Laur. Novar. tomj'vi.
(1662)
of the Sick.
®loiy be to the father. ano to the %on:
ant to the holy Qhhoﬂ;
as it toas in the beginning, is noib ano
eber lhall be: inorlb ibithout enb. amen.
11 Adding this.
() %vabiour of the mono, ioho by thy trots
anb pieeious bloub hall rebeemeb us, tabe
us ano help us, toe humbly befeeeh thee, 2D
ltoio.
Biblioth. Patr. part.i. p. 337. ed. Colon),
“after baptism hath appointed thy
remedy within thyself; he hath put
remission in thine own power, that
thou needest not seek a priest when
thy necessity requireth; but then thy-
self now, as a skilful and plain master,
mayest amend thine error within thy-
self, and wash away thy sin by repent-
ance.” “ He hath given unto thee,”
says another (Auctor Homilies in illud,
Quaecunque ligaveritis, &c., inter opera
Chrysostomi, tom. vii. ed. Savil. p. 268.),
something to the same purpose, “ the
power of binding and loosing. Thou
ast bound thyself with the chain of
the love of wealth; loose thyself with
the injunction of the love of poverty.
Thou hast bound thyself with the
furious desire of pleasure; loose thy-
self with temperance. Thou hast
bound thyself with the misbelief of
Eunomius; loose thyself with the
religious embracing of the right
faith.”
Seneca considers that confession was
“ordained by a certain tradition of the
universal Church, rather than by the
authority of the Old or New Testa-
ment” (Gloss. de Poenitent. init. Dis-
tinct. v. In Poenitentia.), and inferreth
thereupon, that is necessary among
the Latins, but “ not among the
Greeks, because that tradition did not
spread to them.” (Ibid.)
The Bishop of London, in a letter
has (vide The Times, N ov. 26. 1850.),
to three of his clergy (the Rev. Messrs.
Champneys, Villiers, and Auriol, Nov.
22. 1850), stated the difference be-
tween the Churches of England and
Rome as to Confession, to be as fol-
lows: -—“ By the words ‘auricular
confession’ I mean the Roman practice
of confession, and not that kind of
confession which is recognized as use-
ful and salutary by our own Church.
I meant to distinguish between that
upon which the Church of Rome
insists as an indispensable duty, neces-
sary to the forgiveness of sins, and
that which the Church of England
permits as being in certain cases
proﬁtable.
“The former kind of confession is
condemned in the homily Of Repent-
ance, under the name of ‘auricular
confession.’ The latter kind is thus
spoken of in the same homily :—‘ I do
not say but that if any do ﬁnd them-
selves troubled in conscience they may
repair to their learned curate or pastor,
or to some other godly-learned man,
and show the trouble and doubt of
their conscience to them, that they
may receive at their hand the com-
fortable salve of God’s word; but it is
against the true Christian liberty that
any man should be bound to the mem-
bering of his sins, as it hath been used
(1663)
The Viﬁtation
1[ Then {hall the Minif’cer fay,
Tlhe almighty iLozo, who is a moﬂ ﬂrong
toiper to all them that put their trull in
him, to tuhom all things in heapen, in earth,
ano unoer the earth oo hoin- ano ohey, he
noto ano eoermoee thy oetence, ano make
thee knoro ano feel. that there is none other
name unoer heaoen given to man, in whom,
ano through tohom thou mayeﬂ receiue health
ano taloation, but only the ﬂame of our Logo
Zletus Qliheiﬂ. amen.

heretofore in the time of blindness and
ignorance.’
“The difference between the two
Churches is clearly stated by Arch-
bishop Sharpe, one of the ablest oppo-
nents of popery in the time of King
James II. ‘ The papists,’ he says, ‘do
very unjustly traduce and’ calumniate
the Reformation, when they say that
the Protestants are against private
confession. But it is no such thing.
There is no Protestant Church but
gives it that due esteem and regard
that it ought to have. All that they
have done is to regulate it; to set it
upon its true basis and foundation,
which is done, not by requiring private
confession as a thing necessary, but
exhorting men to it as a thing highly
convenient in many cases. In all those
instances where it can be useful, or
serve any good purpose, it is both com-
mended and seriously advised; that is
to say, where a sinner either needs
direction and assistance for the over‘
coming some sin that he labours under,
or where he is so overwhelmed with
the burden of his sins that he needs
the help of some skilful person to
explain the terms of the Gospel; to
convince him from the Holy Scrip-
tures that his repentance (so far as a
judgment can be made of it) is true
and sincere, and will be accepted by
God; and lastly, upon the full examin-
ation of his state, and his judgment
thereupon, to give him the absolution
of the Church. In all these cases, no
Protestant who understands his reli-
gion is against private confession; on
the contrary, all the best writers of
the Protestants, nay, all the public
confessions of the Protestants which
give an account of their faith, are
mightily for it, and do seriously recom~
mend it.’ Sermons, vol. v. p. 122.
“ He proceeds to quote a passage
from Calvin’s Institutes (iii. iv. 12.),
in which private confession is strongly
recommended, and adds: ‘Thus far
Mr. Calvin; and in the same place,
where he doth thus recommend private
confession, doth he also speak of the
beneﬁts of private absolution, in order
to the easing and comforting afflicted
consciences. And this sense of his is
the general sense of the Protestants
abroad ..... .. and this, I think, may be
justiﬁed to all the world.’ ‘But the
popish doctrine in the matter is quite
of another strain, and serves to quite
a different purpose.’ ‘ By confession
they mean, not confession to God, nor
confession to our neighbour in case of.
(1664)
of the Sick.
11 And after that {hall fay,
JTRto @Dbﬁ gtﬁﬁliﬂllﬁ 111213112 anti mUtBCtI'UU
toe commit thee.
ano keep thee.
@Zhe iLoio hlets thee
@the iLoio make his face to
thine upon thee, ano be gracious unto thee.
cthe ltogo lift up his countenance upon thee,
ano gine thee peace, both noio ano enermoie.
Amen.
A
injuries, nor confession to the Church,
in case of public notorious sin, but
private confession to a priest, which
is what they call auricular confession,
because it is whispered into his ear.
This is that confession they make
a necessary part of repentance, and
without which (supposing we have
opportunity) sin is not forgiven.’
“He then quotes the decree of the
Council of Trent, which enjoins the
private confession to the priest of all
mortal sins, even the most secret,
though they be only in thought or
desire, and all the circumstances of
them that may change the nature of
sin; and declares those accursed who
say that such confession is not by
divine law necessary for the obtaining
of forgiveness; and he justly observes,
that ‘ as this confession is managed in
the Church of Rome, it is so far from
being a check or a bridle upon a man
to have a care of committing the same
sins again that he hath thus confessed,
that, on the contrary, it gives a great
encouragement to sinners to continue
in their sins.’ He concludes-——‘ Let all
of us, therefore, when we ﬁnd our-
selves burdened with the weight of
our sins, apply to God, and unburden
ourselves of them by confession to
Him. If we need either advice, or
assistance, or direction, or comfort, we
may call in the assistance of pious and
discreet ministers; nay, we ought in
prudence to do so, and we are wanting
to ourselves if We do not. But still,
the confession that is necessary to the
obtaining our pardon must ever be
understood of confession to God.
Whosoever humbly and sorrowfully
confesses his sins to Him, and endea—
vours to forsake them, such a man
shall ﬁnd pardon, whether he confess
to men or no.’ This is the true Pro-
testant doctrine, and let us all adhere
to it and practise it.
“ It seems to me that the Church of
England does not encourage frequent
or periodical private confession, the
danger of abusing which is so obvious
as not to require pointing out; but
that she does not forbid her members
to have recourse to private confession
on what may be termed great spiritual
emergencies; that cases where such
confession is proper are exceptional
cases; that it is an indulgence to
human weakness rather than a duty,
and that men are not to be exhorted,
or even invited to perform it, except
(1665)
The Viﬁtation
A Prayer for a lick Child.
almighty Qboo ano merciful father, to
tnhom alone helong the iffues of life ano
heath; {Look ooipn from heanen, toe humhly-
hefeech thee, ipith the eyes of mercy upon
this chilo notn lying upon the hen of fichnefs:
iliifit him, 9D ﬂow, with thy falnation, oe:
liner him in thy goon appointee time from
his hooily pain, ano lane his foul to; thy

mercies fake. ﬁthat if it lhall he thy plea=
L1.
The 864th page of the Sealed Books commences withthe words “A Prayer”,
“ A ” being the catch-word on the preceding page.

in the speciﬁc instances for which pro—
vision is made in the oflices of the
Church.
“ I think that such confession should
be wholly and in all its parts voluntary
and spontaneous, and that the minister
to whom it is made should forbear from
those particular inquiries which lead
to the abominations of the Romish con-
fessional. So guarded, I do not think
that private confession ought to be
entirely condemned. ‘ Our Church,’
says Fuller (in his Moderation of the
Church of England), ‘doth declare the
necessity of such a confession as is
useful to the purposes of true repent-
ance—that is, when confession to the
minister of God may be useful for
spiritual advice, and for the quieting
of any one’s conscience, in order to a
good life or a happy death, and parti-
cularly in order to the fruitful receiv-
ing of the holy communion.’
“ Dr. Hey thinks that ‘the real pur-
pose of our Church in quitting the
laws of auricular confession, and at
the same time recommending some
conﬁdential intercourse between a
minister and those troubled in con-
science, was probably to throw off a
yoke hard to be borne, to give liberty
where the sensible and delicate mind
most longs for it, to substitute affec-
tionate exhortation in the room of penal
laws and mechanical Observances, and
thereby prevent hypocrisy and evasion,
without dissolving the pastoral connec—
tion and relation, or weakening the
mutual conﬁdence and mutual kind—
ness between minister and people.’
‘ The ordinary language of our Church
is ‘ confess yourself to Almighty God ;’
and it is found even in our ﬁrst exhor-
tation to the communion; but when
the mind is tormented with scruples,
or debilitated by sickness, advice is
wanted, and the weak should be
‘moved’ to get over their reserve and
solicit spiritual ‘comfort or counsel.’
He might have added, in the words
of the Church, ‘the beneﬁt of absolu-
tion,’ that beneﬁt being, I apprehend,
the comfort which the penitent derives
from being assured by one who is com-
missioned to assure him, upon the au-
thority of God’s word, that if he is
truly penitent his sins are forgiven by
Him who alone can forgive sin; and
who prays for him, as one of God’s
ministers, that He may have mercy
(1666)
of the Sick.
fure to prolong his bays
here on earth, he
may line to thee,.ano be an inurument of thy
glory, by ferbing thee faithfully, anb Doing
goob in his generation; or elfe receibe him
into thofe heabenly habitations, ibhere the
fouls of them that ﬂeep
in the Lore 31 efus
enjoy perpetual reli ano felicity. Qhrant this,
21D iLbrlJ, for thy mercies fate, in the fame
thy %on our iLoro 31efus Qfhrili, ibho libeth
ano reigneth with thee anb the holy Qhhoﬂ,
eber one mob, toorlb toithout eno. Amen.

upon him, and pardon and deliver him
from all his sins. I do not think that
a clergyman to whom confession is
made ought to employ any more posi-
tive form of absolution, except in the
single case of a sick person, for which
a special form is prescribed.
“ I may remark that the 113th
canon, which speaks of the case where
a man ‘confesses his secret and hidden
sin for the unburdening of his con-
science, and to receive spiritual con-
solation and ease of mind from him,’
most probably refers to the cases pro-
vided for in the offices for the Holy
Communion and for the Visitation of
the Sick.
“ I need hardly add that private
confession, even as allowed by our Re-
formed Church, requires the greatest
discretion and carefulness on the part
of those clergymen who encourage or
permit it, to prevent its assuming
the character of auricular confession.”
Vide Stephens on the Articles and
Canons of the United Church of Eng-
land and Ireland.
After which: (p_ 1654_)__p. B,
1549, “After which confession, the
priest [P. B. 1589, “Minister”: P. B.
1622, “Priest’ ’] shall absolve hym after
this forme [R B. 1552, “ sorte”]: and
the same forme of absolucion shall be
used in all pryvate confessions.”
The latter sentence was omitted in
1552: moreover, as regards the former,
the Prayer Books of 1627 and 1631 still
had “ Minister.”
“Here shall the sick person make
special confession, &c., after which
confession the priest shall absolve him
after this sort : Our Lord Jesus Christ
&c., and by his authority committed
to me, I absolve thee.”
At the Savoy Conference this lan-
guage was objected to by the Presby-
terian Ministers, because, “Forasmuch
as the conditions of sick persons be
very various and different, the minis-
ter may not only in the exhortation,
but in the prayer also, be directed to
apply himself to the particular condi-
tion of the person as he shall ﬁnd
most suitable to the present occasion,
‘with due regard had both to his spiri-
tual condition and bodily weakness;
and that the absolution may only be
recommended to the minister to be
used or omitted as he shall see occa-
sion.
“That the form of absolution be de-
clarative and conditional, as, ‘I pro-
nounce thee absolved,’ instead of, ‘I
absolve thee,’ ‘if thou doest truly
repent and believe.”’
(1667)
The Viﬁtation
A Prayer for a ﬁck perfon, when there appeareth
fmall hope of recovery.
.iFather of mercies, ano coo of all com:
fort, our only help in time of neeo;
we ﬂie unto thee for fuccour in behalf of
this thy ferbant, here lying unoer thy hano
in great toeahnefs of bony. lLooh graciouﬂy
upon him, 21) tom; ano the moge the out=
maro man oecayeth, lirengthen him, me be

To which the Bishops replied:—
‘“Forasmuch as the condition,’ 626.
All which is here desired is already
presumed, namely, that the minister
shall apply himself to the particular
condition of the person ; but this must
be done according to the rule of pru—
dence and justice, and not according
to his pleasure. Therefore, if the sick
person shew himself truly penitent, it
ought not to be left to the minister’s
pleasure to deny him absolution, if he
desire it. Our Church’s direction is
according to the thirteenth canon of
the venerable council of Nice, both
here and in the next that follows.
“ The form of absolution in the
Liturgy is more agreeable to the
Scriptures than that which they desire,
it being said in St. John xx., ‘ Whose
soever sins ye remit,’ not, Whose
sins ye pronounce remitted; and
the condition needs not to be ex-
pressed, being always necessarily un-
derstood.”
After which confesﬁon the
PriePc ihall abfolve him:
(p. 1654.)—The special acts or ways
in which the ministers of Christ are
commissioned or authorized to exem—
plify this their power of retaining or
remitting sins, appear to be four acts
of the ministry, whereby the beneﬁt
of absolution is ordinarily dispensed
wunto men.
1. The power of administering the
two sacraments of Baptism and the
Lord’s Supper to all such as are quali-
ﬁed to receive them : which is, there-
fore, called “ sacramental absolution.”
2. The power of declaring or pub-
lishing the terms or conditions upon
which the gospel promises pardon and
remission of sins, which is called the
“declaratory absolution of the word
and doctrine.” ‘
3. The power of interceding with
God for pardon of sins through the
merits of Christ; which is the “ abso-
lution of prayer.”
4. The power of executing church
discipline and censures upon delin-
quents: which consists in excluding
ﬂagitious and scandalous sinners from
the communion of the Church, and
receiving penitents again into her com-
munion, when they have given just
evidences of a sincere repentance.
In these four acts, regularlyexercised,
consists the ministerial power of re—
taining or remitting sins, so far as the
delegated authority of man can be
concerned in it. 8 Bingham, Christ.
Ant. 368.
The minister can only lend his
mouth or his hand toward the ex-
ternal act of absolution; but he can-
not absolve internally; much less the
unqualiﬁed sinner. Christ himself has
assured us, that unless men repent,
they must inevitably perish ; and
(1668)
of the Sick.
leech thee, to much the more continually tnith
thy grace ano holy %]Jitit in the inner man.
Qbine him unteigneo repentance to; all the
El'l‘ﬂlltﬁ 0f his life {1811,
am] ﬂeotaﬂ faith
in thy gion Zleius. that his tins may be
none ainay hy thy mercy, ano his paroon
tealeo in heanen, before
he no more teen.
he go hence, ano
we knouuilD lLoto, that
there
that unless they forgive men their
trespasses, their heavenly Father will
not forgive them their trespasses.
Now, it would be absurd to think,
after this, that a sinner who performs
neither of these conditions should,
notwithstanding, be pardoned by God,
continuing impenitent still; and only
because he chances surreptitiously to
be loosed on earth by some error or
fraud, that therefore he should be also
most certainly loosed in heaven. This
were to imagine one of the vainest things
in the world, that Christ, to make his
priest’s words true, would make his
own words false : as they must needs
be, if any outward absolution, given
by a fallible and mistaken man, could
translate an impenitent sinner into
the kingdom of heaven. 3 Bingham,
Christ. Ant. 396.
Upon this office Archbishop Seeker
thus writes: “Possibly this part of
the oﬁice may seem to have ascribed
so high a power to the minister, of
absolving the sick from their sins, as
to lead some into great mistakes.
And it is indeed more liable to be so
misunderstood than the earlier forms,
which were expressed in the manner
of a prayer. But still all writers on
the subject have agreed, that this ab-
solution either was intended (which
indeed is most probable) only to set
persons free from any ecclesiastical cen-
sures which they might have incurred:
an indulgence granted in every age of
the Church to such as were danger-
ously ill, on their humble request;
but by which it is no more pretended
to make a change in their eternal
state, than a pardon from the king is :
or, if it means also to declare them
restored to the favour of God, means
it only on supposition of a sincere and
thorough repentance; which being
professed by them, it may be charit-
ably presumed,__though not certainly
known, that it‘is real; and without
which all persons are entreated to
observe, no absolution here, granted
by whomsoever, or in what words so-
ever, will do them the least good
hereafter. Accordingly this form is
not appointed ever to be used but
when the sick have made, by their
own choice, ‘a special confession of
some weighty matter troubling their
consciences, humbly and heartily de-
siring’ that it may be used for their
consolation. And as this is but seldom
requested, and consequently the abso-
lution seldom pronounced over any
one; so, whenever it is, it may and
ought to be accompanied with such
explanations as will prevent any wrong
constructions.”
The very formal words which our
Church requires to be used in the
ordination of a minister, are these:
“ Whose sins thou dost forgive, they
are forgiven; and whose sins thou
dost retain, they. are retained.” The
Form of Crdering of Priests.
We acknowledgemost willingly that
the principal part of the priest’s
(1669)
The Viﬁtation
there is no more impoffihle rnith thee, one
that if thou tnilt, thou canﬂ ehen yet raift
him up, ano grant him a longer continuance
amongli us. yet,
fogasmuch as in all ap.
pearance the time of his oiffolution oiaineth
near, to fit ano prepare him, toe hefeech thee,
againﬂ the hour of heath, that after his oepar=
ture hence in peace ano in thy fapour, his foul
may he receineo into thine eherlauing king=
oom, through the merits ano meoiation of

l. 1. The 365th page of the Sealed Books commences with the word “ @211”,
“ there’ ’ being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

ministry is exercised in the matter of
“forgiveness of sins,”-—the question
only is of the manner, how this part
of their function is executed by them,
and of the bounds and limits thereof.
That we may therefore give unto
the priest the things that are the
priest’s, and to God the things that
are God’s, and not communicate unto
any creature the power that properly
belongs to the Creator, who ‘will not
give his glory unto another ’ (Esaxlviii.
1].); we must, in the ﬁrst place, lay
this down for a sure ground, that to
forgive sins properly, directly, and ab—
solutely, is a privilege only appertain-
ing unto the Most High. “ I, even I,
am he that blotteth out thy trans-
gressions for mine own sake, and will
not remember thy sins.” (Isa. xliii. 25.)
“Who is a God like unto thee, that
pardoneth iniquity?” says the prophet
Micah (vii. 18.); which in effect is the
same with that of the scribes (Mark
7. and Luke v. 21.): “Who can
forgive sins but God alone 2” And
therefore, when David says unto God,
“ Thou forgavest the iniquity of my sin”
(Psa. xxxii. 5.), Gregory, surnamed
the Great, the ﬁrst bishop of Rome of
that name, thought this to be a sound
paraphrase of his words: “ Thou, who
alone sparest, who alone forgivest sins.
For who can forgive sins but God
alone 2” (Gregor. Exposit. xi. Psalmi
Poenitential.)
Irenaeus tells us, that our Saviour
in this place, “ forgiving sins, did both
cure the man, and manifestly discover
who he was. For if none,” says he,
“ can forgive sins but God alone, and
our Lord did forgive them, and cured
them, it is manifest that he was the
Word of God made the Son of man;
and that, as man, he was touched with
compassion of us, as God he hath
mercy on us, and forgiveth us our
debts which we do owe unto our
Maker.” (Irenaeus adv. Haeres. lib. v.
cap. 17.) Tertullian (lib. iv. adv.
Marcion. cap. 10.) says, that “when
the Jews, beholding only his humanity,
and not being yet certain of his deity,
did deservedly reason, that a man
could not forgive sins, but God alone,
he, by answering of them, that “the
Son of man had authority to forgive
sins,” would by this remission of sins
have them call to mind, that he was
“that only Son of man prophesied of
in Daniel, who received power of judg-
ing, and thereby also of forgiving sins.”
Dan. 13, 14.
St. Ambrose also observes, upon the
(1670)
of the 3 Sick.
31efus Qfhriﬂ thine only %>on, our iLoro anb
%>abiour. Amen.
11 A commendatory prayer for a ﬁck perfon
at the point of departure.
almighty Qhob, ioith
O
iohom no line the
fpirits of iull men mabe perfect, after
they are belibereo from their earthly prifons;
we humbly commenb the foul of this thy

history of the woman taken in adultery
(John viii. 9.), that “Jesus being about
to pardon sin, remaineth alone. For
it is not the ambassador,” says he
“nor the messenger, but the Lord
himself that hath saved his people.
He remaineth alone, because it cannot
be common to any man with Christ
to forgive sins. This is the office of
Christ alone, who ‘taketh away the
sin of the world.’” (Ambros. Epist.
lxxvi. ad Studium.) So too St. Chry-
sostom is careful to preserve God’s
privilege entire, by often interposing
such sentences as these :—“ None can
forgive sins but God alone.” (Chrysost.
in 2 Cor. iii. Hom. vi.) “ To forgive
sins belongeth to no other.” (Id. in
J oh. viii. Hom. liv. ed. Grace, vel liii.
Latin.) “ To forgive sins is possible
to God only.” (Id. in 1 Cor. xv. Hom.
x1.) “God alone doth this; which
also he worketh in the washing of the
new birth.” (Id. 11).) Whence it is seen
that the work of cleansing the soul is
wholly God’s, and the minister hath no
hand at all in effecting any part of it.
Having thus, therefore, reserved
unto God his sacred rights, we give
unto his under-officers their due,
when we “account of them as of the
ministers of Christ, and stewards of the
mysteries of God” (1 Cor. iv. 1, 2.):
not as lords, that have power to dis-
pose of spiritual graces as they please
(Chrysost. in 1 Cor. iv. Hom. x.); but
as servants that are tied to follow
their Master’s prescriptions therein
(Id. in 2 Cor. iv. Hom. viii. circa init.);
and in following thereof do but bring
their external ministry, for which
itself also they are beholden to God’s
mercy and goodness, God conferring
the inward blessing of his Spirit there-
upon, when and where he will. “Who
then is Paul,” says St. Paul, “and
who is Apollos, but ministers by whom
ye believed, even as the Lord gave to
every man 2” (1 Cor. iii. 5.) “ There-
fore,” says Optatus (lib. v.), “in all
the servants there is no dominion, but
a ministry.” “Cui creditur ipse dat
quod creditur, non per quem creditur ;”
“It is he who is believed that giveth
the things which is believed, not he
by whom we do believe.” (Id. ibid.
Similiter et Chrysost. in 1 Cor. iii.
Hom. viii.) Whereas our Saviour then
said unto his apostles, “Receive the
Holy Ghost; whose sins you forgive
shall be forgiven.” (John xx.) St.
Basil (lib. v. adv. Eunom. p. 113. ed.
Greece-Latin), Ambrose (de Spir.
Sanct. lib. iii. cap. 19.), Augustine
(contra Epist. Parmenian. lib. cap.
11. et Hom. xxiii. Ex. 50.), Chrysostom
(in 2 Cor. iii. Hom. vi.), and Cyril
(Alexandr. in J 0h. lib. xii. cap. 56.),
make this observation thereupon: that
this is not their work properly, but
the work of the Holy Ghost, who re-
mitteth by them, and therein per-
(1671)
‘The Viﬁtation
ferbant, our oear brothel‘, infﬂ thy hanos. as
into the hanos of a faithful Qllreatour, ano
molt merciful %abiour, molt humbly befeech=
ing thee that it may be precious in thy fight.
wall) it, me pray thee, in the blouo of that
immaculate lLamb that was ﬂain to take
aioay the fins of the tooelo, that lohatfoeber
oefilements it may habe contracteo in the
mioft of this miferable ano naughty tooelo,
through the luﬂs of the ﬂelh, or the toiles of
gvatan, being purgeo ano oone away, it may

formeth the work of the true God.
“ For indeed,” says St. Cyril (Id. ibid.),
“ it belongeth to the true God alone
to be able to loose men from their
sins. For who else can free the trans—
gressors of the law from sin, but he
who is the author of the law itself ?”
“ The Lord,” says St. Augustine (Hom.
xxiii. Ex. 50.), “ was to give unto men
the Holy Ghost; and he would have
it to be understood, that by the Holy
Ghost himself sins should be forgiven
to the faithful, and not that by the
merits of men sins should be forgiven.
For what art thou, Oman, but a sick
man that hast need to be ‘healed?
Wilt thou be a physician to me 2 Seek
the physician together with me.” So
St. Ambrose (de Spir. Sanct. lib. iii.
cap. 19.): “Behold, that by the Holy
Ghost sins are forgiven. But men to
the remission of sins bring their
ministry; they exercise not the au-
thority of any power.” St. Chrysostom,
though he make this to be the exercise
of a great power, yet, in the main,
accords fully with St. Ambrose, that
“ it remains in God alone to bestow
the things wherein the priest’s service
is employed.” (Id. in J oh. xx. Hom.
xvi. ed. Grace, vel lxxxv. Latin.)
“And what speak I of priests?” says
he (Id. ib.): “ Neither angel nor arch-
angel can do aught in those things
which are given by God: but the
Father and the Son and the Holy
Ghost do dispense all. The priest
lendeth his tongue, and putteth-to his
hand.” “ His part only is to open his
mouth; but it is God that worketh
all.” (Id. in 2 Tim. cap. i. Horn. xi.)
And the reasons whereby both he and
Theophylact (Id. in J oh. viii. Horn.
liv. Graec. vel liii. Latin.) after him,
do prove that the priests of the law
had no power to forgive sins, are of
as great force to take the same power
from the ministers of the gospel.—
First, because (Theophylact. in J oh.
viii) it is God’s part only to forgive
sins : which is the moral that Haymo
(Halberstat. in Evang. Domin. xv. post .
Pentecost.) makes of that part of the
history of the Gospel, wherein the
lepers are cleansed by our Saviour,
before they be commanded to shew
themselves unto the priests, “because,”
says he, “ not the priests, but God
doth forgive sins.” Secondly, because
(Theophylact. in J oh. viii.) the priests
were servants, yea servants of sin,
and therefore had no power to for-
give sins unto others; but the Son
is the Lord of the house, who “was
manifested to take away our sins,
and in him is no' sin,” says St. John.
(1 John 5.) Upon which saying
of his, St. Augustine writes : “ It is he
(1672)
of the Sick.
he pgetenteo pure ano ioithout fpot before
thee. ano teach us inho iuruine, in this
am: other like oaily fpectacles of mortality,
to fee hoto frail ano uncertain our oiun con-s
oition is. am: to to number our Days. that
toe may teriouﬂy apply our hearts to that
holy ano heanenly miioom, tnhilll toe line
here, iohich may in the eno bring us to life
enerlaﬂing,
I , through the merits of Zlelus
_ Qthiill thine only %on our lLoio. Amen.
A
in whom there is no sin, that came to
take away sin. For if there had been
sin in him too, it must have been
taken away from him; he could not
take it away himself.” (August. Tract.
iv. in 1 J oh. iii.)
In the ancient rituals, and in the
new Pontiﬁcal of the Church of Rome
(Pontiﬁcale Roman. ed. Rom. ann.1595.
p. 567, 568.), as in the present practice
of the Greek Church, the absolution is
expressed in the third person, as attri-
buted wholly to God; and not in the
ﬁrst, as if it came from the priest
himself. One ancient form of absolu-
tion used among the Latins was this :
“ Almighty God be merciful unto thee,
and forgive thee all thy sins, past,
present, and to come, visible and in-
visible, which thou hast committed be—
fore him and his saints, which thou
hast confessed, or by some negligence or
forgetfulness or evil will hast concealed:
God deliver thee from all evil here and
hereafter, preserve and conﬁrm thee
always in every good work ; and Christ,
the Son of the living God, bring thee
unto the life which remaineth without
end.” (Conﬁtentium Ceremonies Antiq.
ed. Colon. ann. 1530.) And so among
the Grecians, whatsoever sins the peni-
tent “ for forgetfulness or shamefaced-
ness doth leave unconfessed, we pray
the merciful and most pitiful God that
those also may be pardoned unto him,
and we are persuaded that he shall
receive pardon of them from God,”
says Jeremias, the patriarch of Con-
stantinople. (Jerem. Patriarch. C. P.
Respons. r. ad Tubingenses, cap. 11.)
There then follows another part of
the ministry of reconciliation, consist-
ing in the due administration of the
sacraments; which being the proper
seals of the promises of the gospel, as
the censures are of the threats, must
therefore necessarily also have refer—
ence to the “remission of sins.” (Acts
ii. 38.; Matt. xxvi. 28.) And so we
see the ancient fathers held, that
(Cyprian. Epist. lxxvi. sec. 4. ed. Pa-
melii, 8 Goulartii ; Cyril. Alexandr. in
.I oh. lib. xii. c. 56.; Ambros. de Poenit.
lib. i. c. 7.; Chrysost. de Sacerdot.
lib. iii. tom. vi. ed. Savil. p. 17. lin. 25.;
vide et tom. vii. p. 268. lin. 37.) the
commission, “Whose soever sins ye
remit, they are remitted unto them,”
(he. (John xx. 23.), is executed by the
ministers of Christ, as well in the con-
ferring of baptism as in the reconcil-
ing of penitents ; yet so in both these,
and in all the sacraments likewise of
both the testaments, that (August.
5Q
(1673)
of the sick.
The Viﬁtation,
A Prayer for perfons troubled in mind or in
confcience.
O
ihleffeo item, the father of mercies.
sun the can of all comforts, ioe hefeech
thee looh onion in pity ano compatfion upon
this thy afﬂicteo ferpant.
@Ehou iniiteﬂ hit=
ter things againli him, ano maheﬂ him, to
poffefs his fogmer iniquities; thy intath lieth

l. 1. The 366th page of the Sealed Books commences with the words “A Prayer”,
“ A” being the catch-word on the preceding page.

Quazst. in Levit. c. lxxxiv. ; Optat. lib.
v. contra Donat. ; Chrysost. in Matt.
xxvi. Hom. lxxxii. edit. Graec. vel
lxxxiii. Latin; in 1 Cor. iii. Hom. viii.;
et in 2 Tim. i. Hom. ii. circa ﬁnem.)
the ministry only is to be accounted
man’s, but the power God’s. “ For,”
as St. Augustine observes: “it is one
thing to baptize by way of ministry,
another thing to baptize by way of
power” (Aug. in Evang. J oh. tract.v.):
“the power of baptizing the Lord re-
taineth to himself, the ministry he
hath given. to his servants (Id. ib.):
“the power of the Lord’s baptism was
to pass from the Lord to no man, but
the ministry was: the power was to
be transferred from the Lord unto
none of his ministers; the ministry
was both unto the good and unto the
bad.” (Id. ib.) And the reason which
he assigns is, “that the hope of the
baptized might be in him by whom
they did acknowledge themselves to
have been baptized. The Lord, there~
fore, would not have a servant to put
his hope in a servant.” (Id. ib.) And
therefore those schoolmen argued :
"' It is a matter of equal power to bap-
tize inwardly, and to absolve from
mortal sin; but it was not ﬁt that
God should communicate the power
of baptizing unto any, lest our hope
should be reposed in man. Therefore,
by the same reason, it was not ﬁt that
he should communicate the power of
absolving from actual sin unto any.”
(Alexand. de Hales. Summ. part. iv.
Quaest. xxi. Memb. 1.)
Our Saviour, therefore, must still
have the privilege reserved unto him
of being the absolute Lord over his
own house. It is sufficient for his
officers that they be esteemed, as
Moses was, “ faithful in all his house
as servants.” (Heb. x. 5, 6.) The place
wherein they serve is a steward’s place;
and the apostle tells them, that “ it is
required in stewards, that a man be
found faithful.” (1 Cor. iv. 2.) They
may not, therefore, carry themselves
in their office as the Unjust Steward
did, and presume to strike out their
Master’s debt without his direction,
and contrary to his liking. (Luke xvi.
6—8.) But our Lord has given no
authority unto his stewards to grant
an acquittance unto any of his debtors
that bring not unfeigned faith and
repentance with them. “ Neither angel
nor archangel” can ; “neither yet the
Lord himself (who alone can say, ‘I
7
(1674)
of the sick.
The Viﬁtatlon, ,
harp upon him, ano his foul is full of trouble:
ibut, ﬂD merciful Qfioo, rbho hali ibritten thy
holy more for our learning, that me through
patience anb comfort of thy holy %>criptures
might habe hope, gibe him a right unber=
ﬂﬂnﬂins bf himfelf, arm of thy threats anb
promifes, that he may neither call aioay his
continence in thee, nor place it any iohere but
in thee. thine him urength againli all his
temptations, anb heal all his oiuempers.
ihrealr not the bruifeo reeo, nor quench the
fmoiu'ng ﬂat.
%hut not up thy tenber

am with you,’) when we have sinned,
doth release us, unless we bring re-
pentence with us,” writes St. Ambrose
(Epist. xxviii. ad Theodosium Imp);
and Eligius, bishop of N oyon, in his
sermon unto the penitents: “Before
all things, it is necessary you should
know, that howsoever you desire to
receive the imposition of our hands,
yet you cannot obtain the absolution
of your sins before the divine piety
shall vouchsafe to absolve you by the
grace of compunction.” (Eligius N ovi-
amens. Hom. xi. tom. vii. Biblioth.
Patr. p. 248. ed. Colon.) To think,
therefore, that it lies in the power of
any priest truly to absolve a man from
his sins, without implying the condi—
tion of his “believing and repenting
as he ought to do,” is both presump-
tion and madness in the highest de-
gree. And Cardinal Bellarmine, who
censures this conditional absolution in
us for idle and superfluous, is driven
to confess, that when the priest (Bel-
larmin. de Poenitent. lib. ii. c. 24. sect.
penult.) says: “I absolve thee,” ‘he
“ doth not affirm that he doth absolve
absolutely, as not being ignorant that
it may many ways come to pass that
he doth not absolve, although be pro-
nounee those words; namely, if he
who seemeth to receive this sacra-
ment” (for so they call it) “perad-
venture hath no intention to receive
it, or is not rightly disposed, or putteth
some block in the way. Therefore the
minister,” says he, "signiﬁeth nothing
else by those words, but that he, as
much as in him lieth, conferreth the
sacrament of reconciliation or absolu-
tion, which, in a man rightly disposed,
hath virtue to forgive all his sins.”
“Evil and wicked, carnal, natural,
and devilish men,” says St. Augustine
(de Baptism. contra Donatist. lib. iii.
cap. ult.), “imagine those things to
be given unto them by their seducers,
which are only the gifts of God, whe-
ther sacraments or any other spiritual
works concerning their present salva-
tion.” But such as are thus deceived
ought to listen to this grave admoni-
tion of St. Cyprian (de Lapsis, sec. 7.
ed. Pamel. 14 Goulart.): “Let no man
deceive, let no man beguile himself:
it is the Lord alone that can shew
mercy. He alone can grant pardon
to the sins committed against him,
who did himself bear our sins, who
suffered grief for us, whom God did
deliver for our sins. Man cannot be
sea
(1675)
F‘ ‘21' n a‘: ‘"9
U5 stairs.
The V lllt3tlOn,:&rr
mercies in oifpleafure, but make him to hear
of joy ano glaonefs, that the bones which
thou hall broken may reioice. @eliber him
from fear of the enemy, ano lift up the light
of thy countenance upon him, ano gibe him
peace, through the merits ano meoiation of
Zlefus @heill our ltogo. Amen.
THE
greater than God, neither can the
servant by his indulgence remit or
pardon that which by heinous trespass
is committed against the Lord; lest
to him that is fallen this yet be added
as a further crime, if he be ignorant
of that which is said: ‘ Cursed is the
man that putteth his trust in man.’”
Whereupon St. Augustine (in Evang.
J oh. tract. v.) writes, that good minis—
ters do consider, that “ they are but
ministers; they would not be held
for judges ; they abhor that any trust
should be put in them; and that the
power of remitting and retaining sins
is committed unto the Church, to be
dispensed therein, “not according to
the arbitrament of man, but accord-
ing to the arbitrament of God.” Id.
de Baptism. contra Donatist. lib. iii.
6. 18.
Repentance from dead works is one
of the foundations and principles of
the doctrine of Christ. (Heb. vi. 1.)
“Nothing maketh repentance certain,
but the hatred of sin and the love of
God.” (August. Serm. vii. de Tempore.)
And without true repentance all the
priests under heaven are not able to
give us a discharge from our sins, and
deliver us from the wrath to come.
“ Except ye be converted, ye shall not
enter into the kingdom of heaven.”
(Matth. xviii. 3.) “Except ye repent,
ye shall all perish” (Luke xiii. 3. 5.), is
the Lord’s saying in the New Testa-
ment. And in the Old, “ Itepent, and
turn from all your transgressions; so
iniquity shall not be your ruin. Cast
away from you all your transgressions,
whereby ye have transgressed, and
make you a new heart and a new
spirit : for why will ye die, 0 house of
Israel 2” Ezek. xviii. 30, 31.
Pope Adrian VI. acknowledged that
the most approved divines were of this
opinion, “ that the keys of the priest-
hood do not extend themselves to the
remission of the fault.” Hadrian (in
Quodlibetic. quaest. v. art. 3. b.) and
Major (in iv. Dist. xiv. quaest. ii. 60110.3.)
affirm that this is “ the common tenet
of the doctors.” So, likewise, it is
avouched for by Gabriel Biel (in iv.
Dist. xiv. quaest. ii. d.), that “the old
doctors commonly follow the opinion
of the Master of the Sentences, that
priests do forgive or retain sins, while
they judge and declare that they are
forgiven by God, or retained.”
It should be remarked, that when
Ferns preached at Mentz, it was held
(1676)

that “ man did not properly remit sin,
but did declare and certify that it was
remitted by God. So that the absolu-
tion received from man is nothing else
than if he should say, Behold, my son,
I certify thee that thy sins are for-
given thee; I pronounce unto thee
that thou hast God favourable unto
thee ; and whatsoever Christ in baptism
and in his gospel hath promised unto
us, he doth now declare and promise
unto thee by me. Of this shalt thou
have me to be a witness: go in peace
and in quiet of conscience.” J o. Ferus,
lib. ii. Comment. in Matth. 0. ix. ed.
Mogunt. ann. 1559.
Upon the forms of absolution, the
Bishop of Exeter, in a Sermon “ On
the Outward Means of Grace, preached
during hisVisitation at Totnes, Aug. 11,
1848, is reported to have thus spoken:
“ In the Book of Common Prayer, we
ﬁnd three forms, called, Of Absolution.
The ﬁrst is at the beginning of Morn-
ing and Evening Prayer; and, as you
are well aware, was added with the
Sentences to the Second Book of King
Edward, in 1552. There is propriety
in such a commencement. The Sen-
tences, the Exhortation, the unani-
mous voice of confession by those who
may happen to have already assembled,
the declaration of God’s inﬁnite mercy,
=—all is appropriate and good: more
than appropriate I do not esteem it:
nor do I see any ground for conclud-
ing that there is anything in it sacra—
mental. The confession is a prayer:
the absolution is declaratory, telling
of the power which God has given to
His ministers, the freeness of pardon
to the true penitent, and the necessity
of calling upon Him. I am unable
also to perceive any force in the use of
the term ‘pronounce,’ and in the words
‘the priest alone.’ In practice, it is
true, that deacons officiating omit this
declaration, and rightly so: the ques-
tion whether they ought not also, as
rightly, to omit other parts of the
oiﬁces where ‘the priest’ is especially
mentioned, immediately occurs : as
they do not so strictly interpret the
rubric in one place, why should they
in another? I am very far from as-
serting that it is the function of a
deacon to ‘pronounce’ this absolution,
but I do not mean, that We cannot
argue for any sacerdotal character to
be especially attributed to it, solely on
account of common practice, and the
wording of the rubric.
“ We come now to the absolution
which is in the Liturgy. This cer—
tainly has an effect: and in order to
learn what effect, we must remem-
ber, that for a thousand years in our
Church the service of the holy com—
munion has never been celebrated
without this or a similar form of con-
fession and absolution, immediately
preceding consecration and reception.
Continued, therefore, as it has thus
been, through all the various revisions
of our service-books, we must regard
it as meaning now what it always
meant, and still working the same
eﬁects. We have no right to put upon
it any new interpretation: if it was
not in old time merely declaratory, so,
neither is it not now: if it was not
then an exercise in its full extent of
the priestly power of absolution, reach-
ing over all sins, great or small, venial
or mortal, so is it not now. And this
ancient form of absolution, at such a
time, was never held by the Church of
England to fall within either one of
these classes or the other: the ﬁrst
would sink it too low, the last exalt it
far too high. Its intention was this.
You know that, before the year 1549,
the constant rule for many centuries
had been, that no one having sin upon
his conscience should receive the holy
communion, except he was ﬁrst orally
confessed, and obtained absolution.
This duty, however, it could not but
often be, must have preceded, by a
longer or shorter time, actual commu-
nion. Yet so great a service was not
to be approached, except in as pure
and puriﬁed a state as might be. And
all men owned, that even for a few
hours it was hardly possible to be
Without sin. Without mortal, wilful
sin, by God’s grace and earnest faith,
it might be ; but still there would be
(1677)

perhaps an inadvertence, perhaps a
careless thought, perhaps a hasty
word, which still would be sin, though
checked. It was to meet these cases,
venial sins, that this form was always
part of the ofﬁce of the Eucharist:
and it was intended to convey remis—
sion of those sins, and of those sins
only.
“ Such is still the force and value of
this form. Whether, in accordance
with the permissionnow granted by
the Church of England (and of which
I have already spoken), we have, in
secret, relying on our own judgment,
carefully searched our consciences, and
spread out our grievous sins in all
their nakedness before the Almighty
Throne, and humbly and with bitter
sorrow asked for pardon; whether,
being doubtful and unquiet, we have
gone, as we are bid to do, to the priest,
and opened our grief, and at his hands
received the beneﬁt of absolution in
its higher sense and meaning;-—what—
ever may have been our determina-
tion, still the succeeding absolution,
in the immediate presence of God
before his altar, remits, as in old time,
the lighter venial sins, and those sins
only.
“We come to the third form, viz.,
that in the office of Visitation of the
Sick. Now, at ﬁrst sight, there is a
most obvious and special distinction
between this and the previous forms,
which must often have occurred to
everyone of us: a distinction which,
whilst it holds with regard to the form
in the communion service, is so clear
with regard to the ﬁrst form, namely,
that preﬁxed to Morning and Evening
Prayer, that it seems to me, in itself
and alone, to be decisive against in-
cluding the three forms under one
class.
“In the ﬁrst form, we ﬁnd a decla~
ration of the inﬁnite mercy of God
towards truly repentant sinners, and
of authority given to his ministers,
followed by a conclusion from those
premises: ‘Wherefore,’ (he, and an
exhortation so to repent, and, if it may,
be forgiven. In the communion, it is
said in a very remarkable mode of
expression, half precatory, half decla—
ratory: ‘ Almighty God....have mercy
upon you; pardon and deliver you,’ die.
But how different is the form which
we are now considering—how exactly
accordant with the example in like
cases, of centuries on centuries, up to
the apostolic age, and therefore to be
interpreted according to the same
theology !
“For, let me repeat and urge upon
you, reverend brethren, the soundest
principle of interpretation which we
can use, in inquiring into the true
meaning of the various services in our
Common Prayer Book, that whatsoever
we there ﬁnd handed down from the
earlier rituals of the Church of Eng-
land, and not limited in its meaning
by any subsequent canon or article,
must be understood to signify, fully
and entirely, all that it signiﬁed before
the revision of the ritual. Few, I
suppose, would argue that we are,
each of us, at libertyto put the crude
and often ignorant conclusions of our
own private judgment upon the preg—
nant sentences and words of our
Common Prayer Book.
“ Recollect, then, the form appointed
in the office for the sick: ‘ Our Lord
Jesus Christ....hath left power to his
Church....and by His authority com-
mitted to me, I absolve thee from all
thy sins, in the name of the Father,
and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost.’
Are these words meaningless? Are
they terms expressive of hope that the
Lord God Almighty will have mercy
upon a truly repentant sinner? Is
language so awful as this called for,
for such a simple end as that ?—-—‘ I
absolve thee from all thy sins !’--We,
brethren, did not arrogate and usurp
power to ourselves: we did not draw
up the form by which it is to be exer-
cised; but we are priests in the Church
of God, and have both received power
and are bound to use it. Using it,
what are the effects that follow?
Brieﬂy—and without inquiring into
what may also be the amount of spi-
ritual grace given, for the further pur-
(1678)

pose of strengthening against temp-
tation, and of conﬁrming in all good
resolutions, and of increasing faith—
briefly, I say, we must hold them to be
these: that if the penitent shall have
made a special confession of his sins;
if, also, he humbly and heartily desire
absolution; if he truly repent and sin-
cerely believe; then, that the priest,
ministerially, by the authority and
power committed to him at his ordi-
nation, does, using this form, actually
and entirely absolve him from the
guilt of those sins, and in consequence
restore him by the sacrament of abso-
lution to the state of justiﬁcation, to
the state of favour and of grace from
which he had fallen.
“ I cannot honestly conceive that such
plain words are not so plainly to be n11-
derstood; nor this solely on that ac-
count, but for other reasons :—because
I have not discovered any trace of
variation in the formal teaching of
the Church of England in this matter;
because I am conﬁdent that she has
always attached one constant meaning
to the form which we have been con-
sidering; because I think that mean—
ing to be in strict accordance with the
faith of the Holy Catholic Church, and
with the written Word; because I
cannot see in the doctrine of restoring
a lapsed Christian to his state of jus-
tiﬁcation by absolution. a greater diﬂi-
culty than in the truth that he is
admitted into that state, originally, by
baptism.”
But whatever "the disciples of the
old Nonjurors may think or aflirm,
the Church of England neither main-
tains nor countenances the opinion,
that a priest, by virtue of his ordina-
tion, has an absolute unconditional
power to forgive sins. The power
that the clergy have received and
exercised, is purely ministerial, being
deﬁned and limited by the written
word of God, which expressly declares
upon what conditions sins shall be
remitted, and upon what retained.
To suppose that any minister of the
gospel, since the apostles, possesses
the power of remitting or retaining
sins at his discretion, s repugnant to
the whole tenor of Scripture, as well
as to every dictate of reason and com-
mon sense. What would be the con-
sequence, if a priest might, as Bellar-
mine and others contend, “imme—
diately, actively, and instrumentally,
effect by his absolution the grace of
justiﬁcation Z” Having nothing to
depend upon but human judgment,
which is liable to a thousand errors
and misconceptions, he might ad-
minister absolution to a sinner whom
God would condemn, and refuse abso-
lution to him whom God would forgive.
He might “slay the soul that should
not die, and keep alive the souls that
should not live.” (Ezek. xii.) This
were to pollute “the Lord among his
people, by lying to the people, who
believe the lies of those that pro-
phesy out of their own heart.” (Id.
lb.) The claim to such a power is
in the highest degree presumptuous
and absurd. It supposes the sentence
of Omniscience to be bound by the
decision of a fallible creature, the jus—
tice of God to be administered by the
wisdom of man.
With great reason, therefore, we
condemn the decrees of popes and
councils, which either affect to retain
the sins of those whom they are pleased
to pronounce heretics, or pretend in-
discriminately to grant plenary abso-
lution to the exterminators of Pro-
testants. And we reject with abhor-
rence the position, that a mortal man
has a judicial power of pardoning and
absolving, knowing that “to forgive
iniquity, transgression, and sin, and by
no means to clear the guilty, is the
glory of the Lord” (Exod. xxxiii. and
xxxiv.); and assured, that “his glory
he will not give to another.” Isa.
xlii. 8. 2 Shepherd on the Book of
Common Prayer, 488, 489.
Our ﬁbril Sirius Qihriftz (p. 1655.)
—-Instead of the name of our Lord
Jesus Christ, the form before the Re—
formation ran in the name of St. Peter:
Absolvimus to, vice Petri Apostolorum
Principis, cui Dominus potestatem li-
gandi atque solvendi dedit, (ire—which,
(1679)
1".-
being both superstitious and blasphe—
mous, was well changed to the form
which we have.
After the absolution, in the old
form, the sick person was enjoined to
kiss the cross, and then the priest and
all the company round : Deinde inﬁr-
mus osculetur crucem, et sacerdotem,
et postea omnes alios per ordinem—
which, tending to no good account,
was by our reformers with prudence
laid aside. Nicholls 011 the Common
Prayer.
Prldll (p. 1655.) -.P. B. 1589.
“Minister.” P. B. 1622, “Priest.”
Here, also, in 1627, “Minister” was
still printed.
0 :ll‘ﬁloft merciful mob; (p. 1656.)—
This prayer is in fact the original ab-
solution, which has been given to
dying penitents for more than thirteen
hundred years in the western churches.
This ancient absolution or reconcilia—
tion of a penitent near death, is not
only found in the old formularies of
the English Church, where it was used
long before the preceding indicative
form was introduced, but in the Sacra:
mentary of Gelasius, A.D. 494; and for
many centuries was commonly used in
the churches of the West. 2 Palmer’s
Orig. Lit. 226.
@Ihilie eye : (p. l656.)-—P. B. 1549,
(t iye.”
@he (‘l'hurch : (p. 1656.)—-P. B. 1545,
“ thy Churche.”
11 Then {hall the Minifter
fay i (p. 1658.)-—P. B. 154.9, “the
minister shall.”
After the sick person is absolved
by the Church, and recommended to
the pardon and grace of God, the
minister is directed to use in his be-
half the seventy-ﬁrst psalm; which
1s so yery apt and proper to express
the SlCk man’s desires and wants,
and, at the same time to exercise
hls faith, to inflame his love, to
uphold his patience, and revive his
hope, that not only our own, but the
Eastern, Western, and most churches
in the world, agree in the choice of it
for this office. At the review at the
Restoration, indeed, the last ﬁve verses
were left out of our own, as supposing
the person restored to his former state
and prosperity, and so not being suit-
able to be used over one whose case is
languishing and dangerous.
Iﬁ thee : (p. 1658.)-—It was only in.
1662, that the last ﬁve verses of this
psalm were left out.
‘I Adding this: (p_ 1663) __
P. B. 1549, “Addyng this anthems.”
{[ And after that: (P, 1665,)
And now being, for aught we know, to
take our last leave of our dear brother,
we do it with giving him a solemn-
blessing at the parting, in which way
the oﬂice is concluded as well in the
Eastern as the Western Church. The
blessings concluding this service of
our own Church, are more and fuller
than in any other place. They consist
of three solemn forms. The ﬁrst is
directed to God the Son, principally
designed to obtain pardon for sin by
his death and passion. The second is
a formal blessing in the name of God
the Father, chieﬂy intended to procure
the defence of his providence. The
last, which was added at the last re—
view, and is a paraphrase on that
divine form, Numb. vi. 24, 25, 26, is
an address to the whole Trinity;
wherein, that the sick person may be
safe in life or death, “unto God’s gra-
cious mercy and protection,” who is
able to keep him from falling, and to
present him spotless before his throne,
we commit him; praying that God the
Father may bless him with all good,
and keep him from all evil; that God
the Son may look cheerfully on him,
and be gracious to him in the pardon
of his sins; and that God the Holy
Ghost may behold him favourably, and
give him that sweet peace of con-
science which will ﬁll him with joy,
and carry him through death to a
glorious immortality, and will support
him now and evermore. Amen. Dean
(1680)

Comber, Discourses on the Common
Prayer, 411, 412.
Of the two benedictions which con-
clude this part of the oﬂice, the former
is (as far as I am aware) peculiar to
the English ritual, into which it seems
to have been introduced in the time of
King Edward the Sixth. The latter
is derived from the benediction which
the priest was directed to give under
the covenant of the law, and which
has been adopted by almost every
Christian church for some occasion or
other. This benediction is directed to
be used in the Office for Visiting the
Sick, according to the Irish ritual,
which Sir William Betham published
in the ﬁrst number of the Antiquarian
Researches, from a MS. which he
refers to the seventh century. It
would be tedious to enumerate the
many oﬁices and churches which have
prescribed this benediction, and I
shall therefore content myself with
citing it from the liturgy of the
ancient Gallican Church :—
Benedicat vos Dominus et custodiat
semper. Ostendat Dominus faciem
suam super vos, et misereatur vestri.
Convertat Dominus vultum suam ad
vos, et det vobis pacem. Per Domi-
num. Missale Gallican. vet.; Mabillon
de Liturg. Gall. p. 371.; also MS. Leofr.
fol. 332.
Unto God’s gracious mercy and pro-
tection we commit thee. The Lord
bless thee and keep thee. The Lord
make his face to shine upon thee, and
be gracious unto thee. The Lord lift
up his countenance upon thee, and
give thee peace, both now and ever-
more. Amen. 2 Palmer’s Orig. Lit.
228,229.
0 Qahinurz (p. 1663.)—P.B.1549,
“ O Saveour of the worlde save us,
whiche by thy crosse and precious
bloud haste redemed us, helpe us we
beseche thee, O God.”
T522: (p. l664.)—Grafton’s Prayer
Book of 1552 ﬁrst has the article.
ﬁﬁtw other: (p. 1664.)—P.B. 1549,
“ no other.”
‘Amen: (p. 1664.) - P. B. 1549,
“ 11 If the sicke person desyre to be
annoynted, then shall the priest an-
noynte hym upon the forehead or
breast onely, makyng the signe of the
crosse, saying thus :
“ As with this visible oyle thy body
outwardelye is annoynted: so our
heavenly father, almightie god, graunt
of his inﬁnite goodnes, that thy soule
inwardly may be annointed with the
holy gost, who is the spirits of al
strength, comfort, reliefe, and gladnes.
And vouchesafe for his great mercy
(if it be his blessed will) to restore
unto thee thy bodely health and
strength, to serve hym: and sende
thee release of all thy paynes, troubles,
and diseases, both in bodye and mynde.
And howsoever his goodnes (by his
divine and unsearcheable providence)
shal dispose of thee: we his unworthy
ministers and servauntes, humbly be-
seche the eternall maiestie, to doe
with thee, accordyng to the multitude
of his innumerable mercies, and to
pardone thee al thy synnes, and
offences, committed by all thy bodely
sences, passions, and carnall atfeccions:
who also vouchesafe mercifullye to
graunt unto thee gostly strength, by
his holy spirite, to withstand and
overcome al temptacions and assaultes'
of thine aduersary, that in no wise he
prevaile againste thee, but that thou
maist have perfect victory and triumph
against the devil, sinne, and deth,
through Christ our Lord : Who by his
deth, hath overcomed the prince of
deth, and with the father, and the
holy goste evermore liveth and reigneth
God, world without end. Amen.
“ Usquequo domine. psal.
“ How long wilt thou forget me, (he.
(The psalm is printed at length.)
“ Glory be to the father. drc.
“As it was in the beginning. dre.”
In 1552, this service was left out.
{I A commendatory prayer:
(p. 1671.) — In the Ofﬁce of Sarum,
when the party was expiring, the priest
was to knock upon the table, and upon
that signal, all the clerks who waited
below were to run up in haste and say
(1681)

the Credo, and a litany, in which were
invoked not only the persons of the
Trinity, but the Virgin Mary, the
angels, the twelve apostles, and a long.
beadroll of saints. Cum anima in
exitu seu dissolutione corporis visa
fuerit laborare,x percutiatur tabula
minute et acriter, et tunc omnes
clerici cum summa velocitate accur-
rent, et dicent Credo, (be. This being
a tumultuous and superstitious prac-
tice, was, upon good consideration, by
our reformers laid aside.
After this followed an office styled
‘ Preces post egressum animm,’ praying
that the soul of the departed might
be carried by Michael into Abraham’s
bosom, and be freed from the pains of
purgatory, &c., and containing an ex-
hortation to the company to join in
prayer for the good of the soul de-
parted: all which, for reasons obvious
enough, were expunged by our re-
formers. Nicholls on the Common
Prayer.
The following curious “FORM or
EXHORTATION AT VISITING THE SIcK,”
has been extracted from the Harleian
MSS. 2383 :—
“ To comfort at man or a woman, yn
her laste ende, a priste schulde seyze
thys. My dere frende, hit semyth that
thou hyest faste owte of thys worlde,
that ys so wretchyde, to the blysse of
euer lastyng joyze ; therefore put
onlyche all thyn herte, and all thy
mynde, yn AlmyQty Code that made
the, and hathe y bou'5te the wythe his
preciouse blode; and be glade that
thou schalte com to heuen; there ys
all maner joyze; where thou schalte
se almyfstty Gode our Saueour yn hys
Godhede, sothefaste Gode (it man; and
ye schalte y fynde (it y se all blessyde
seintts, that prayeth for vs euer more,
and principally our lady seint Marye,
and holy angels, the apostelys, mar-
tyres, (it confessours, & virgins d? all
blessyd men and wemen, that buthe y
passyde to heuen a fore vs; the whych
Cryste our Saueour bou5te whyth hys
preciouse blode apon the roode tree,
and therefor they louyd all myjtty
Code our Saueour above all thynges;
fore as the holy doctor seinte Austyn
telluthe, all thyngs that Cryste suffrede
fore loue of mankynde, hyt was for
loue that he hadde to saue mans soule.
So as he sauyde the by loue, and for
the suﬁ'rede an herde pascion, ware by
thou schalte be sauyde, loke that thou
hauve hys pascion yn myndejand loue
allmjstty Gode aboue all thyngs; for as
seint Austyn seythe, so as Cryste
suﬂrede all thys for loue of the, thou
arte moste y holde of all thyngs to
loue hym ; and therefor, my dere
frende, loke that thou be yn stydfaste
fey, whateuer thou hyre or se; and
put the onlych in to the mercye of
Gods our Saueour, d3 drede the nou3te
of no thyng that thou haste y do: be
sory for thy synnes, and schreue the
clene, and thynke to synne no more.
For seint Austyn seyzt, the goodnesse
and the mercy of all myg3ty Gode our
Saueour ys so moche, that throw
sorow of herte & schryfte of mouthe,
wyllyng to do no more amysse, he
for§eue the clen his syn, for God hym
sylfe seyth thus; what tyme that eny
man ore Woman for sakythe his synnes,
and makuthe hym clen therof, he schall
be sauyd: and holy doctours (Kt blessyd
seintts seythe, that God all my§tty ys
mor redy to 3eue mercye than eny
man or woman be for to aXy. Austyn
seythe, be the synne neuer so grete ne
never so foule, and y wolde axe mercye
of "all myﬁtty God our Saueour, thou
schalte se saue [sic] thoujse thou
schulduste dey anon: therefor my
dere worthe frende, drede the noujte
of dethe, but be glade as seint Austyn
was when he schulde deyfse; whan he
seyde, welkome be thou dethe, for thou
art ende of all Wykkydnes of synnes
(it care (it all wrechydnesse; and thou
artt the begynnyng of all goodnesse of
ever lastynge joyze, (it blysse, & all
blessydnes. And so he was glade to
passye owt of thys wretchyd worlde,
to the ioyfull blysse of heuen, there ys
all blessyde company. And therefor,
my dere brother, be gladde to passy
to the blysse of heuen, for thou
my35ttyste be lorde of all this wrechyd
(1682)

worlde, thou shuldyste be glad to passy
to the blysse of heuen: for then thou
schalt y se all my3tty God our Saueour,
and all blessyd company, and there
thou schalt y fynde all goodness: for
as seint Paule seythe, that is no herte
that may thenke, nore no tonge may
telle, all the goodnesse that God all
myte our Saueour hathy ordeynyd to
all thukke men and wemen, that with
all hur herte clen forsakuthe hur
synnes, and loueth all my5tty God our
Saueour above all thyng ; therefor my
dere frende, do thou so, and thou
schalt com to the grete blysse of
heuen, that ever schall laste, wythe
owt ende. Amen, for Charite.”
(1683)
(1684)
The COMMUNION of the Sick.
11 FOrafmuch as all mortal men be fubject
to many fudden perils, difeafes and fick-
neifes, and ever uncertain what time they
{hall depart out of this life; therefore, to
the intent they may be always in a readinefs
to die whenfoever it {hall
pleafe Almighty
God to call them, the Curates {hall dili-

1.1. The 367th page [H U] of the Sealed Books commences with the words “ The
COMMUNfON”, “ 'l‘I-IE ” being the catch-word on the preceding page.

COMMUNION of the
SlCk 1-- It has been the constant
usage of the Church, in all probability
derived from the apostolic times, for
persons dangerously sick to receive
the holy sacrament of the Lord’s Sup-
per, for their spiritual comfort and
assistance. Hence this private com-
munion obtained the name of e’chédrov
among the Greeks, and Viaticum
among the Latins, e'. e. provision, as it
were, laid in to sustain them in their
journey to the other world. Where
the synaxes, or communions of the
primitive Christians, were celebrated
every day, those who, by reason of
their necessary occasions, or chieﬂy by
sickness, were absent from the as-
sembly, had the sacred elements
brought to them. This is plain from
Justin Martyr (ApOl. ii.): 6t Kahoupevot
ﬂap’ fypiv Accilcovoc, Sedoaow e‘xcio‘rrp 76511
erapéu'roov, ,ue'raBaheiv rim‘) 1'05 e’vxaptﬂe'v-
'ror, c’i'p'rou Kai dwov Kai dda'ros‘, Kai refs‘
05 'rrapoﬁot (ivroqbe'povo't. By which ab—
sentees must be chieﬂy understood
the sick, sickness being the most rea-
sonable excuse for absence. And
moreover, since the very early ages of
the Church, it was thought, that to
partake of the sacrament of the Lord’s
Supper was absolutely necessary to
salvation, from those words of our
Savour, “Except ye eat the ﬂesh of
the Son, and drink his blood, ye have
no life in you.” (John vi. 53.) They
were for improving all opportunities
for those sick persons, who never re~
ceived the eucharist at all, as the
catechumens, or those who had been
long excluded from it, as the excom-
municates, that they might partake of
it before they went out of the world.
Upon which account, the ﬁrst Council
of Orange, held 441, decrees (Auran. i.
can. 3.), that those persons who were
under public penance might receive
the Lord’s Supper without a solemn
absolution, this suﬂicing for a recon-
ciliation, secundum deﬁnitiones Pa-
trum, qui hujusmodi communionem
congruenter viaticum nominaverunt.
And so likewise the Council of Agatha
(can. 11.), held an. 506.: Viaticum
tamen omnibus in mortem positis non
est denegandum. But before these
councils, the great Council of Nice
(1685)
The COMMUNION of the Sick.
gently from time to time (but efpecially in
the time of peitilence, or other infeétious
ﬁcknefs) eXhort
their Parilhioners to the
often receiving of the holy Communion of
the body and bloud of our Saviour Chrift,
when it {hall be publickly adminiftred in
the Church; that fo doing, they may in cafe
of fudden viﬁtation, have the lefs eaufe to be
difquieted for lack of the fame. But if the

decrees thus in this affair; Hepl 86
'rc'bv e’gooevov'rcov b 'mlhatos Kﬂl. Kavovucos
voitos dwhaxdr'loerat Kal 1151/, 65076, 61' TLS‘
5505613“, 'rov Tehev'rat'ov Kai (iva'ykaté-
'ra'rov e’tbodiov pr‘; civroa'rqpu'odat. And
afterwards adds, That if any sick per-
sons under censure do receive the
sacrament in their sickness, and after-
wards recover, they must even then
be among the number of those who
communicate only in prayer, and not
in the sacrament. (Cone. Nic. i. can.
1. 3.) Where we may observe, ﬁrst,
that the former part of this canon
speaks generally of all persons who are
dangerously sick, ei' TLs‘ égoosta, and
not only of persons under censure, as
some understand it. Secondly, that
it is called civa'yxatd'ra'rov e’tpodtov, the
necessary viaticum, which no one
should go out of the world without.
Thirdly, this iS said to be wahazds Kai
mum/mos: vapor, an ancient constitution
of the Church long before the holding
of that council. Indeed, about the
ﬁfth century the absolute necessity of
the viaticum became to be esteemed
so necessary for all sorts of persons,
that many ran into some wild conceits
in the support of it. Some were for
giving the eucharist to persons after
they were dead, cramming it into
their mouths: which profane abuse of
the sacred elements was prohibited by
several councils; as particularly that
of Carthage: Placuit, ut corporibus
defunctorum eucharistia non detur;
dictum enim est a Domino, accipite et
edite. Cadavera autem nec recipere
nec edere possunt. (Conc. Carth. iii.
can. 6.) To the same purpose, and
almost in the same words, speaks the
Council of Trullo (can. 83.): MUCElS
7029 (TOiJILLGO‘L 'rc'bv rehev'rcbv'rwv T179 ’Evxa—
pun-{as pe'radtdd'rm, 'ye'ypa'm'tu 'yclzp,
hdli'e're (pd'yé'rg'rdde 'rc'bv vexptbv o'cblua'rcov
01,186‘ haBeZv our/arm, 01,186‘ (Payew. The
Church has esteemed the beneﬁt of
receiving the sacrament of the Lord’s
Supper, in the last sickness, to be very
great. St. Chrysostom was of opinion,
that this was a means to procure the
assistance of the angels to be ready to
waft the good man’s soul to heaven.
(Christ. lib. vi. de Sacr.) And several
eminent persons were unwilling to de—
part this life without the viaticum. As
Serapion, who desired a priest in his
sickness to give him the communion ;
but the priest himself being sick like-
wise, sent him the consecrated ele-
ments by a lad, which having taken
he died in quiet. (lib. vi. cap. 36.)
This was about the year of Christ 250.
In the Capitulars of Charles the Great,
there is an express canon (lib.i. c. 161.),
Ut presbyter semper eucharistiam, &c.
Our Church in this affair, pursuing her
just rules of moderation, has neither
laid aside the communion of clinics,
as some have done, nor has laid down,
that the receiving the sacrament in
time of sickness is a thing absolutely
necessary, nor yet enjoined the priest
to press it upon sick persons; she has
only commanded him to be ready to
(1686)
The COMMUNION of the Sick.
lick perfon be not able to come to the
Church, and yet is defirous to receive the
Communion in his houfe; then he muit
give timely notice to the Curate, ﬁgnifying
alfo how many there are to communicate
with him
( which {hall be three, or two at
the leaft) and having a convenient place in
the ﬁck mans houfe, With all things neceﬂ'ary
fo prepared, that the Curate may reverently

celebrate a communion in the house
of the sick person, if he shall desire
it, he giving timely notice thereof.
Nicholls on the Common Prayer.
Upon this subject, Mr. Palmer
(2 Orig. Lit. 229-231.) thus writes:
“ The English Ritual, in conformity
with the universal practice of the
Catholic Church, has directed the holy
communion to be administered to the
sick. It is of course unnecessary to
defend or justify this practice to those
who have a right faith with regard to
that sacrament; but it may be ob-
jected to the English ritual, that the
custom of the Christian Church has
been to reserve the sacraments of
Christ’s body and blood from the
public liturgy, and not to consecrate
them in private. It is true, that this
reservation has been the most usual,
and, perhaps, the most ancient, prac-
tice of the Church; but there are
many instances in antiquity of the
celebration of the eucharist in private
for the sick. Thus Paulinus, bishop
of Nola, caused the eucharist to be
celebrated in his own chamber not
many hours before his death. Cum
ante triduum quam de hoc mundo ad
coeleste habitaculum vocaretur, cum
jam de salute ejus omnes desperavis-
sent, et duo ad eum episcopi visitandi
studio convenissent, id est, S. Symma-
chus et Benedictus Hyacinthinus, quasi
profecturus ad Dominum, jubet sibi
ante lectulum suum sacra mysteria
exhiberi, scilicet ut una cum sanctis
episcopis oblate sacriﬁcio animam
suam Domino commendaret. (Vita
Paulini N olani, auct. Uranio Presby~
tero, apud Surium, Junii 22. p. 733.)
Gregory N azianzen (Orat. xix. de Laude
Patris; Orat. xi. de Gorgonia.) informs
us, that his father communicated in
his own chamber, and that his sister
had an altar at home; and Ambrose
is said to have administered the sacra-
ment in a private house at Rome.
Per idem tempus cum trans Tiberim
apud quemdam clarissimum invitatus.
sacriﬁ'cium in domo offerret, (he. (Vita
Ambrosii a Pauline, p. iii. Append.
tom. ii. Oper. Ambros. ed. Bened.)
The English Church is, therefore,
justiﬁed in directing the eucharist to
be consecrated in private houses, for
the beneﬁt of the sick; and she has
taken care, in the rubric immediately
preceding the ofﬁce, that the sacra—
ment should be decorously and reve-
rently administered. ‘Having a con-
venient place in the sick man’s house,
with all things necessary so prepared,
that the curate may reverently mi-
nister, he shall there celebrate the
holy communion.’ In case ‘a man,
either by extremity of sickness, or for
want of warning in due time to the
curate, or for lack of company to re-
ceive with him, or by any other just
impediment, do not receive the sacra-
ment of Christ’s body and blood,’ the
minister is to comfort him in the fol-
lowing manner, which has long been
customary in the English Church :——
(1687)
The COMMUNION of the Sick.
minifter, he {hall there celebrate the holy
Communion, beginning with the Collect,
Epiitle and Gofpel here following.
The Collect.
iLmighty eberlibing coo,
maker of
manhino, ipho bolt correct thofe tohom
thou ooll lobe, ano chaﬂife ebery one rnhom

“ ‘ The curate shall instruct him, that
if he do truly repent him of his sins,
and steadfastly believe that Jesus
Christ hath suffered death upon the
cross for l1im,and shed his blood for
his redemption, earnestly remember-
ing the beneﬁts he hath thereby, and
giving him hearty thanks therefore,
he doth eat and drink the body and
blood of our Saviour Christ proﬁtably
to his soul’s health, although he do not
receive the sacrament with his
mouth.
“ ‘ Deinde communicetur inﬁrmus,
nisi prius communicatus fuerit, et nisi
de vomitu, vel alia irreverentia proba-
biliter timeatur: in quo casu, dicat
sacerdos inﬁrmo: Frater, in 1106 casu
sufﬁcit tibi vera ﬁdes, et bona volun-
tas; tantum credo, et manducasti.’
Man. Sarisb. fol. 97.”
The term “ Sick,” in the title of the
Communion Office, may be interpreted
by means of the 71st canon, which
allows the eucharist to be privately
administered to persons “either so
impotent as that they cannot go to
church, or very dangerously sick.” In
like manner , the Reformatio Legum,
after forbidding communion in private
houses, adds: “1Egrotantibus tamen
et vehementer debilitatis coenam Do-
mini ﬁagitantibus negari nolumus.”
.The dress to be used at the admi-
nistration appears, by virtue of the
general rubric, which orders that the
ornaments of 2 Edward VI. be re-
tained, to come under the order of
that year which directs that “in all
other places [besides churches and
chapels] every minister shall be at
liberty to use any surplice or no.”
Keeling, 356.
Forafmuch as: (p, 1685_)_..By
the Oﬁice of Sarum, no sick person
could then receive the communion,
unless he before declared his belief of
transubstantiation: — Frater, credis
quod sacramentum, quod tractatur in
altari sub forma panis, est verum
corpus et sanguis Domini nostri J esu
Christi. Repondet inﬁrmus, Credo.
But efpecially . . . . difquieted
for I (p. 1686.)—P. B. 1549, “but
specially in the plague time, exhorte
theyr parishoners to the oft receiving
(in the churche) of the holy Commu-
nion of the body and blond of our
saviour Christe: whiche (if they doe)
they shall have no cause in theyr
sodayne visitacion, to be unquieted
[1’. B. 1572, “unquiet”] for.”
Timely notice following :
(pp. 1687—88.)—1’.B. 1549, “knowlege
over night, or els early in the morn-
ing to the curate, sygnifying also how
many be appoynted to communicate
with him. And if the same day there
be a celebracion of the holy Commu-
nion in the churche, then shall the
priest reserve (at the open communion)
so muche of the sacrament of the body
and bloud, as shall serve the sicke
person, and so many as shal commu-
nicate with him (if there be any.)
(1688)
The COMMUNION of the Sick.
thou ooﬂ receine, we heleech thee to hate
mercy upon this thy feroant nititeo tnith
thine hano, mm to grant that he may take
his tickneis patiently, ano reconer his hooily
health (it it be thy gracious tnill) ano rnhen=
foener his foul [hall oepart from the bony, it
may he toithout fpot pgetenteo unto thee,
through Zletus QIhiiﬂ our ltogo. Amen.
iflie
And so soone as he convenientlye may,
after the open Communion ended in
the churche, shall goe and minister
the same, ﬁrste to those that are
appoynted to communicate with the
sicke, (if there be any) and last of al
to the sicke persone himselfe. But
before the curate distribute the holy
Communion: the appoynted generall
confessyon must be made in the name
of the communicantes, the curate
adding the absolucion with the com-
fortable sentences of scripture folow-
yng in the open Communion: and
after the Communion ended, the
Collecte.
“Almigtie and everlivying God, we
moste hartely thanke thee,” dzc.
“ 11 But if the day be not appoynted
for the open Communion in the
churche, then (upon convenient warn—
ing geven) the curate shall come and
visite the sicke person aforenoone.
And having a convenient place in the
sycke mannes house ‘(where he may
reverentely celebrate) with all thynges
necessary for the same, and not being
otherwise letted with the publike ser-
vice or any other iust impediment:
he shall there celebrate the holy Com-
munion after such forme and sorte as
hereafter is appoynted.
“THE CELEBRATION of the holy
‘Communion for the sicke.
“ O prayse the Lorde, all ye nacions,
laude him all ye people : for hys mer-
cifull kyndenes is conﬁrmed towards
us, and the trueth of the Lorde en-
dureth for ever. Glory be to the
father, and to the sonne, dzc.
“Lorde have mercy
upon us. 1»-
“ Christ have mercyi “ upon us‘ repeticion.
Lorde have mercy
upon us.
“ The Priest. The Lorde be with
you.
“ Aunt-were. And with thy spirite.
“ Let us praye.
“ Almyghtye everlyvyng God,” (he.
[1’. B. 1552, “knowledge overnyght,
or els early in the morninge to the
Curate, signifyinge also howe manye
be appoynted to communicate wyth
hym. And havinge a convenient place
in the sicke mans house, where the
Curate maye reverently minister, and
a good nombre to receyve the commu-
nion wyth the sycke personne wyth a1
thynges necessarye for the same, he
shall there minister the holye commu-
nion.
“ The Collecte.
“ Almightie everlyvinge God,” 630.]
“ But if the sick person be not able
to come to church, yet is desirous to
receive the communion in his house,
then he must give knowledge over-
night, or else early in the morning, to
the curate, and having a convenient
place in the sick man’s house, he shall
there administer the holy communion.”
To this language the Presbyterian
Ministers objected :—
5R
(1689)
‘ f the Sick.
The Communion, -&e-,-v
The Epiftle.
Heb.xij. 5.
1V}? fun, tetpite not than the thaﬂm'ng of
.1
the ﬂattens; faint when thou art rebukes
of him. he; tnhem the item ioheth. he that}:
neth; HUD ftnutgeth ehety fun whom he re:
teiheth.
The Gofpel.
8.101“. V. VQEriIp, teeth? 3] tag unto you, {he that
“r- heateth mp 100111, arm heiteheth on him

1.1.
The 368th page of the Sealed Book commences with the words “The Epii'tle.”,
“ The” being the catch-word on the preceding page.

“ Consider, that many sick persons,
either by their ignorance or vicious
life, without any evident manifestation
of repentence, or by the nature of the
disease disturbing their intellectuals,
be unﬁt for receiving the sacrament.
It is proposed, that the minister be
not enjoyned to administer the sacra-
ment to every sick person that shall
desire it, but only as he shall judge
expedient.”
To this the Bishops answered :—
“ It is not ﬁt the minister should
have power to deny this viation, or
holy communion, to any that humbly
desire it according to the rubric; which
no man disturbed in his wits can do ;
and whosoever does must in charity
be presumed to be penitent, and ﬁt to
receive.” Cardwell’s Conferences, 361.
Neal erroneously mentions as one
of the alterations of 1662, that “ the
minister is not enjoined to administer
the sacrament to every sick person that
shall desire it, but only as he shall
judge expedient” (iii.96.) ; but the fact
is, that the minister is bound to admi-
nister it, unless such person be incapa-
citated by illness from comprehending
the nature of the sacrament: in other
words, the same degree of mental
vigour should exist in the sick person
to receive the communion as the law
requires for a person to make his will.
Though the celebrating this holy
communion in private places standeth
condemned in ordinary cases by the
ancient canons, yet, in this extraor-
dinary case, sick or dying persons were
ordinarily allowed to receive it, and
the Council of Nice doth well approve
of the sick person’s desire thereof.
And though it be sufficiently proved,
by Albaspinus, that the viaticum fre-
quently given to dying penitents did
not always include the eucharist, yet
it is manifest that they did frequently
partake thereof, as is expressed, not
only in the canons of the fourth
Council of Carthage, but in the more
ancient testimony of Dionysius Alex-
andrinus.
Divers Protestant churches, besides
our own, have retained the use thereof;
and amongst them the Bohemian, the
Polonian, with the consent of the mi-
nistry of the three several confessions,
and that of Strasburg, as it was in
Bucer’s time. And though this was
not practised at Geneva, yet Calvin
did, in several places, and even to—
wards the end of his life, testify his
allowance thereof, and also that there
were divers weighty causes which
(1690)
of the Sick.
The Communion, see.-
that lent me, hath eberlauing life, anb lhall
not come into conoemnation, but is palfeb
from oeath unto life.
11 After which, the Prieit fhall proceed ac-
cording to the form before prefcribed for the
holy Communion, beginning at thefe Words
[Te t/aat d0 truly, 59°C.]
{1 At the time of the diftribution of the holy
Sacrament, the Prief’t fhall ﬁrft receive the
Communion himfelf, and after minifter unto
them that are appointed to communicate

constrained him to judge that it ought
not to be denied.
But against this it is objected, that
some persons, who have led vicious
lives, may earnestly desire the com-
munion in their sickness, and yet not
be truly penitent for their sins, and
therefore cannot worthily partake of
these holy mysteries. But even in
this case Christian charity must in-
cline to the more favourable part; and
since man hath no certain evidences
to judge of sincere repentance, the
infallible discerning thereof must be
reserved to the judgment of God. And
if this person hath lived vainly and
exorbitantly, the minister may ac—
quaint him with the nature (if need
be) of true faith and repentance, and
the necessity thereof, both to a dying
man and to a communicant ; and if he
appear, so far as is in him, desirous
to practise and exercise those Chris-
tian graces, and to obtain the help of
Jesus Christ and his grace, to deny
him this sacrament, would be to deny
him a testimony, in God’s name, that
he will upon these conditions bestow
grace and remission from a sinner who
seeketh after it; and certainly it can-
not agree with the minister’s ofﬁce to
reject those persons, who, in a. dying
state, declare they would come to
Christ. And in the strict times of
primitive discipline, he was thought
worthy to be deposed from the ministry
who either rejected or did not receive
any sinner upon his return ; and a pecu—
liar charity towards dying persons was
expressed in divers ancient customs.
The Church has always felt a solemn
responsibility in excluding dying per-
sons from communion, and has ever
shewn a disposition to relax her rules
in their favour.
There is an apparent exception,
which proves the rule, in the case of
the Council of Eliberis in Spain, A.D.
305. A very full and strict code was
then drawn up, which refused com-
munion, even at death, to several
heinous offences. (Labbé (it Coss. i. 969.)
This council claimed obedience only in
Spain, being a council of Spanish
bishops only. It does not appear that
there are any other canons, either
before or after, in which the same
principle was adopted. The canons of
Ancyra, at which most of the Asiatic
churches were represented, A.D. 314,
restrained from communion, for many
years, for like offences; but directed
that communion should not be with-
held at death.
5R2
(16:11)
of the
The Communionrgég.
with the ﬁck, and lait of all to the ﬁck
perfon.
‘(But if a man, either by reafon of extremity
of ﬁcknefs, or for Want of Warning in due
time to the Curate, or for lack of company
to receive with him, or by any other juit
impediment, do not receive the Sacrament of
Chrifts body
and bloud, the Curate {hall
inﬁruct him, that if he do truly repent him
of his ﬁns, and ftedfaftly believe that Jefus
Chrift hath fuffered death upon the crofs

The Council of Nice, AJ). 325, only
twenty years after Eliberis, at which
the whole Church was represented, has
these remarkable words: ‘De iis qui
excedunt, ANTIQUA et canonica lex
nunc quoque servabitur, ut si quis
vita excedat, ultimo et maxime neces-
sario viatico ne privetur.’
This seems conclusive, that the
severe code of Eliberis was a solitary
and unwarrantable innovation in the
Church. That code was overruled by 4
the canon of Nice, which was doubt--
less acquiesced in in Spain; since, at
the Council of Toledo, A.D. 400, we
ﬁ .d the Spanish Church insisting on
universal obedience to the canons of
Nice.
The adoption of the canon of
Nice by the African, and many other
churches, might be shewn, but it is
needless, for the canons of Nice were
universally adopted.
This is sufﬁcient to justify a chaplain
in being very tender in refusing com_
munion to a condemned criminal.
The ancient canons always had refer-
ence to penitents; and the principle
of not refusing communion to a dying
person, to whom it ought to be refused
during life, is one that should be kept
in mind.
There seems to be no positive rule
where a criminal condemned to death
for murder professes his innocence.
The method of the Church, above
mentioned, to dying persons, is fully
conclusive of this, that the case of a
dying person is not to be governed by
the rules that would apply to a person
found guilty of an offence not capital,
and yet professing innocence. In that
case, death not being in question, com~
munion should be withheld.
But where death is certain and im—
pending, ordinary rules (by the univer-
sal practice of the Church) are set aside,
and a chaplain is left to seek for some
undeﬁned principles to guide him.
In such a case, the sentence of a
human tribunal ought never to place
the condemned person under the heavy
alternative, either of confessing him-
self guilty of the crime for which he
suffers, or of undergoing a deprivation
of the last consolations of religion.
(Huh tbaftifz: (p. 1688.)--P. B. 1549,
“and chastisest.”
ZLifz : (p. 1691.)—P. B. 1549, “The
Preface. The Lorde be with you.
“ A-zmswere. And with thy spirite.
“ 1i Lift up your heartes. &c.
“ Unto the ende of the Cannon.”
These suifrages were omitted in
1552.
(1.692)
of the Sick.
The Communion, ems
for him, and [bed his bloud for his redemp-
tion, earneftly remembring the beneﬁts he
hath thereby, and giving him hearty thanks
therefore, he doth eat and drink the body
and bloud of our Saviour Chrift proﬁtably
to his fouls health, although he do not
receive the Sacrament with his mouth.
11 When the ﬁck perfon is viﬁted, and re-
ceiveth the holy Communion all at one time,
then the Prieft, for more expedition, {hall
cut off the form of the Vifitation at the

Unto them . . . . ﬁck perfon:
(pp. 1691-92.)—P. B. 1549, “ to them
that be appoynted to communicate with
the sycke (if there be any) and then
to the sycke person. And the sycke
person shal alwayes desire some,
eyther of his owne house, or else of
hys neighbours, to receive the holy
Communion with hym, for that shall
bee to hym a singular great coumfort,
and of theyr parte a great token of
charitie.
“11And if there bee more sycke
persons to be visited the same day
that the Curate dooth celebrate in
anye sycke mannes house: then shall
the curate (there) reserve so much of
the sacrament of the body and bloud :
as shall serve the other sicke persons,
and suche as be appoynted to commu-
nicate with them, (if there be anye.)
And shall immediatly cary it, and
minister it unto them.”
In 1552, this was all left out except
the ﬁrst sentence,——“ unto them that
be appointed to communicate wyth
the sycke.”
Lait of all to the fick perfon:
(p. 1692)—Because those who com-
municate with him, through fear of
some contagion, or the noisomeness of
his disease, may be afraid to drink out
of the same cup with him. For the
same reason, if any of the consecrated
bread and wine remain, it may be con-
sumed in the ﬁre. “Sed hoc quod
reliquum est de carnibus et panibus
in igne incendi praecepit. Quod nunc
vidimus etiam sensibiliter in ecclesia
ﬁeri, ignique tradi queecunque rema-
nere contigerit inconsumpta.” Hesych.
in Lev. lib. ii. Plummer on the Book
of Common Prayer, 280.
A man! (p. 1692.)—P. B. 1549,
“ any man.” P. B. 1607, “a man.”
Want of: (p.1692.)—-P. B. 1549,
5
“ warning”] in.”
P. B. 1607, as at present.
Blond, thﬁi (p. 1692.) -P. B.
1549, “then the.”
The word “then” was left out at
the last review.
Drink the =-P. B. 1549, “spiri-
tually.”
This word did not appear in 1552.
11 When the ﬁck perfon, Sec.
11 In the time of the
plague, 31%! (p. 1693—4.)—These
two rubrics, as being casus omissi be-
(1693)
of the Sick.
‘The Communion,-&e.-
Pfalm [In thee, O Lord, have Ipuz‘ my tree/Z}
and go itraight to the Communion.
{I In the time of the plague, fWeat, or fuch
other like contagious times of ﬁcknefs or
difeafes, when none of the Pariih or neigh-
bours can be gotten to communicate with
the ﬁck in their houfes, for fear of the in-
fection, upon fpecial requefl of the difeafed,
the Miniiler may only communicate with
him.
fore, were added in the ﬁfth of King
Edward. But in the second there was
this addition, which in the ﬁfth was
omitted. The private communion be-
ing ended, the anthem shall be re—
peated, “Remember not, 0 Lord, our
iniquities,” &c., “ Lord,” &c.., “ Our
Father,” &c., “Let us pray,” “ O Lord,
look down,” dtc. ; with the ﬁrst part
of the exhortation and the psalm, “ In
thee, O Lord,” &0.
And of all this order, as it was in
the second year of King Edward, Buoer
gives his judgment, “That it was
altogether agreeable to the word of
God.” Bishop Cosin, apud Nicholls on
the Common Prayer.
Shall Cut 1 (p.1693.)-P. B. 1549,
“shall use this order at the visitacion.
“The anthems. Remember not,
Lorde. (he.
“ Lorde have mercie upon us.
“ Christe have mercie upon us.
THE
“ Lorde have mercie upon us.
“ 1i Our father whiche art in heaven.
6:0.
“ And leade us not into temptacion.
“ Atmswere. But deliver us from evil.
Amen.
“ Let us pray.
“ O Lorde looks down from heaven.
&C.
“ With the ﬁrst parte of the exhor-
tacion, and all other thynges unto the
Psalme :
“ In thee O Lorde have I
trust, the.
“ And if the sicko desyre to be an-
noyncted, then shall the Prieste use
the appoynted prayer without any
Psalme.”
put my
0f ﬁcknefs : _ 11,11 1552, “@f
syckenesses.”
Only: — P, B. 1552, “alonly.”
1). L’. 1625, “ onely.”
(1694)
The OR
For the
DER
BURIAL of the DEAD.
Here is to be noted, that the Oﬁice enfuing
is not to be ufed for any that die unbaptized,
or excommunicate, or have laid violent
hands upon themfelves.

l. 1.
Thc 369th page [Uh 2] of the Sealed Book commences with the words “The
ORDER”, “ THE ” being the catch-word on the preceding page.

BURIALZ—To Want a decent
burial of the body, after God has been
pleased to call the soul into a separate
state, has been. accounted among all
nations a great mark of dishonour to
the deceased party; which occasioned
that remark of the historian upon the
Great Pompey, Who was deprived of it:
In tantum in illo viro discordante
fortuna, ut cui modo ad victoriam
terra defuerat deesset ad sepulturam.
(Vel. Paterc. Hist. lib. cxi.) This made
Cimon the Athenian choose to go to pri-
son, to satisfy a public debt which his
father Miltiades had contracted, that
his body might be interred; which
otherwise, by the law of Athens, it
could not. (Val. Max. lib. v. cap. 4.)
In like manner the Holy Scriptures
note this, as a very heavy judgment
of God; as for instance upon Jezebel.
“ And the dogs shall eat Jezebel in
the portion of J ezreel, and there
shall be none to bury her.” (2 Kings
ix. 10.) The same thing the Almighty
threatens, as a very great calamity,
which shall befal the Jews. “They
shall not be gathered, nor buried; they
shall be for dung upon the face of the
earth.” (J erem. 2.) “ Thou shalt
fall upon the open ﬁelds; thou shalt
not be brought together,nor gathered.”
(Ezek. xxix. 5.) Upon this account,
the relations and friends of a deceased
(1695)
{T The Priefi and Clerks meeting the corps at
the entrance of the Church-yard, and going
before it, either into the Church, or towards
the grave, {hall fay, or fing,

person have always looked upon it as
part of their duty decently to dispose
of his body with some solemn rites,
according to the custom of the country
in that respect. Thus, we read very
early in the Sacred History, of Abra-
ham’s solemnly interring his wife
Sarah, in a burying-place which he
purchased near Hebron (Gen. xxiii. 19.),
where he himself was likewise buried
(Gen. XXV. 9.), as also his son Isaac
(Gen. xxxv. 25).), Rebecca and Leah
(Gen. xlix. 31.), and Jacob. (Genl. 13.)
Nicholls on the Common Prayer.
But the hopes of a blessed immor-
tality, with which the principles of
Christianity animate its professors,
have been the occasion why Christians,
in all ages, have taken a particular
care in shewing all decent regard to
the body of the deceased, which they
expect to be a sharer with the soul in
the happiness of another World. Thus
Prudentius eloquently writes :—
Venient cito secula. cum jam
Socius calor ossa revisut,
Aniniataque sanguine vitae
llabitacula pristina gcstet.
Quae pigra cadavera pridem
'I‘nmulis putrcfacta jaccbam,
Volucres rapicntur in auras
Animas conn'tata priorcs.
I-Iinc maxima cura sepulchris
Impenditur, hinc resolutos
Honor ultimus accipit artus,
Et funeris ambitus ornat.
Candore nitcntia claro
Przetendere lintea mos est,
Aspersaque myrrha Sahzno
Corpus medicamine sci-vat.
Quidnam sibi saxa cavata ?
Quid pulchra volunt monuments ?
Nisi quod res creditur illis,
Non mortua sed data somno.
The mode of depositing in the earth
has, however, itself varied in the prac-
tree of nations. “ Mihi quidem,” says
Cicero, “ antiquissimum sepulturae
genus id videtur fuisse quo apud
Xenophontem Cyrus utitur.” That
great man is made by that author to
say, in his celebrated dying speech,
that he desired to be buried neither
in gold nor in silver, nor in anything
else, but to be immediately returned
to the earth. “What,” says he, “can
be more blessed than to mix at once
with that which produces and nou-
rishes everything excellent and bene~
ﬁcial to mankind?” There certainly,
however, occurs very ancient mention
(indeed, this passage itself rather in—
sinuates it indirectly) of sepulchral
chests, or what we call coﬁins, in
which the bodies being enclosed were
deposited, so as not to come into im-
mediate contact with the earth. It
is recorded specially of the patriarch
Joseph, that when dead he was em-
balmed and put into a coffin ; both of
them, perhaps, marks of distinction
to a person who had acquired other
great and merited honours in that
country.
It is thought to be strongly intimated
by several passages in the Sacred His—
tory, both Old and New, that coﬂins,
in our sense of that word, were made
use of by the Jews. It is also an
opinion, that they were not employed
by the two polished nations of anti-
quity. It is some proof that they were
not, that there is perhaps hardly in
either of them a term quite synony-
mous with the word “coffin,” the
words in the Greek language, usually
adduced, referring rather to the fere-
trum or bier on which the body was
conveyed, than to a chest in which it
was enclosed and deposited; and the
Roman words are either of similar
signiﬁcation, or are mere general
terms, chests or repositories for any
tress)
I
Qlm the returrection am: the life, faith the syn... .5,
£02111 he that helieneth in me, cbuugh 3,25,“.
tnere oeao, yet lhall he line. ano inhotoener
lineth ano helieneth in me, lhall neoer oie.

purposes (arca and coculus), without
any funeral meaning, and not pecu-
liarly destined to be ﬁnally deposited
in the earth.
Coffins are not nominatim, or di-
rectly, required by any authority what-
ever; and it is to be observed, that in
the funeral service of the Church of
England there is no mention, indeed
there is rather an apparently studious
avoidance, of any mention of coffins.
It is, throughout the whole service,
“the corpse” or “the body.”
The practice of sepulture has also
varied with respect to the places
where it has been performed. In an-
cient times caves were in high request;
then private gardens or other de-
mesnes of the families; enclosed
spaces beyond the walls of towns, or
by the sides of roads; and, ﬁnally, in
Christian countries, churches and
churchyards, where the deceased could
receive the pious wishes of the faith-
ful, who resorted thither in the vari-
ous calls of public worship. 1 Stephens
on the Laws relating to the Clergy,
187.
The primitive Christians had some
remarkable customs in the burial of
their friends.
The ﬁrst was, for the nearest rela-
tion to close the eyes of the deceased.
This is mentioned by St. Chrysostom.
(De Prov. lib. x.)
The Romans added another cere-
mony to it, which had nothing of
nature, but superstition, in it; this
was, as Pliny describes it (Nat. Hist.
lib. xi. 0. 37.), to open the eyes again
at the funeral pile, as if looking to
heaven ; which, according to the
Roman superstition, was as necessary
to be done as it was necessary ﬁrst to
close the eyes against the sight of
men. The ground of this superstition
need not now be inquired into, but it
may be observed, that as the Christians
rejected one ceremony because it was
a mere superstition, so they retained
the other as agreeable to that decency
which is taught by nature. Bingham’s
Christ. Ant., book xxii. c. 3. s. 2.
Another custom was, washing the
body. This practice is recorded in
Scripture in the instance of Tabitha,
whom, when they had washed, they
laid in an upper chamber (Acts ix. 27 .) ;
and is mentioned by many of the
Fathers as an ancient usage in the
Church.
Tertullian (Apologia, cap. 42.) says:
Rigere et pallere post lavacrum mor-
tuos. But we must not think that
this custom of washing took its rise
in Christian times, for we ﬁnd it prac-
tised among the Greeks in the time of
Socrates; for Plato (Phaed) makes him
speak thus before taking the poison :
AoKeZ 'yrip 7’7'61] Be'h'nov six/at honed/1611011
me'iv To qbcipuaxov, Kai 111) 7rptiypa7'a 'ra'is‘
yuz/aaft 'n'ape'xew, vekpov houew.
Another custom was, anointing the
dead with some fragrant oils and
spices. This the primitive Christians
derived from the Jews, and other
Asiatics. For our Saviour interpreted
the pouring the box of ointment upon
his head to be 1rpos‘ r6 e’vraqbttioat.
(Mark xiv. 8.) And after his cruci-
ﬁxion, we ﬁnd that the women of
Galilee prepared spices and ointments
for the embalming of his body. This
example was copied by the Christians
in the most early ages. Tertullian
(Apol. cap. 42.) writes thus of the
Christians of his time: Proinde enim
et corpora medicata condimentis se—
pulturae mausoleis et monumentis
sequestrantur. And to the like pur-
(1697)
job. xix. 25,
26, 27.
l
tannin that my IReheemer iineth, ﬁlm that
he [hail ﬂanu at the latter may upon the
earth. anti though after my skin magma
heﬂrep this heap; pet in my ﬂeﬂ) lhall 31 fee
eon: whom 31 ihaii fee to; my felt, anti mine
epes ihaii hehnih, aim not another.
pose Minutius Felix makes his adver-
sary (Caecil) object to the Christians
as a crime, for being too profuse in
embalming their corpses: Non ﬁoribus
caput nectitis, non corpus odoribus
honestatis, rcservatis unguenta funeri-
bus.
Another usage was, to wrap the
body in ﬁne white linen. This was
derived from the Jews, concerning
whom Buxtorf (Syn. Jud. cap. xxxv.)
writes: “They put upon the dead
man’s body a white linen garment,
commonly that which the person wore
upon the Feast of Expiation, and
so lay it upon the bier. For it is
an ancient custom among the Jews,
to enrobe their dead in white. But
as for other precious garments, it was
not lawful even for the kings of Israel
to be buried in them.” This custom
was followed by those kind friends
who buried our Saviour’s body: “ And
they took the body of Jesus, and wound
it in linen clothes.” (John xix. 40.)
This was imitated by the ﬁrst Chris~
tians, as appears by the lines of Pru-
dentius, already quoted :—
Candore nitentia claro
Pnetendcre lintea mos est.
And by that passage of St. Jerome,
in his Epistle to Innocentius, of the
woman who was seven times struck
by the executioner: Clerici quibus id
oﬁicium erat, cruentum linteo cadaver
obvolvunt, et fossam humum lapidibus
construentes ex more tumulum parant.
St. Chrysostom (Hom. cxvi. tom. 6.)
writes concerning this: Kawois tum-tots
afrrous tipQSte'Coneu, To Kati/6'1! e'z/dvpa 7;]?
dqbdupm'as fynév 1rponryut'iou'res‘.
Psalms were sung at the burial
of the dead. This is noted by the
author of the Constitutions (Apost.
lib. Vi.) 2 Kai 511 7'01‘; egédots 7651/ KeKot-
fuype'ucov \I/éhhov'res‘ Trporre'pvrere aim-obs‘,
é‘av (30': mo'rol €v Kvpt'm. This custom
Gregory of Nazianzen (Oi-at. in Soror.)
calls 'n'povrqutr'ri'lpta Xapt'geadat : To Sing
the oﬁice of carrying out the dead.
Of this St. Chrysostom (Hom. iv. in
Ep. ad Hebr.) speaks, when he says:
TL ,Bozihov-rat oi {Jul/or; oz’me ‘r011 (9661/
dogtigbpév, Kai e’vxapto'roipev, 5'71 )\O[7TOV
eio'regbcivwo's Tov titrehddvra; d'rl. 76511
776110)!) civrv'yhhagev, (in The detht'as‘ 5K—
haBcbu E'Xet wrap’ e'aii-rcp; or’) 6rd *rofrro
ﬁpwot, of; 8rd 'roﬁ'ro \l/(lhfl-COCZQL, 'raii'ra
ﬂ'dl/Ta Xapdvrmz/ e’o'rt'; And he also
mentions the psalms which used to
be sung upon that occasion: ,Ew/dq—
001/ TI \Irahheis Karl 'rou Katpoz/ e’KeZz/ov.
aEvrt'a'rpqlrou \ilvxi‘y ,uoz) 625‘ Thu civcivravo'w
0'02‘), on Kziptos‘ e’z/epyqrryms' (76, the.
(Psal. cxvi. 7.) And again: “I will
not fear any evil, for thou art with
me.” (Psal. xxiii. 4.) “Thou art my
hiding-place, thou shalt preserve me
from trouble.” (Psal. xxxii. 7.) St.
Jerome, in the life of Paulus Eremita,
says that Antony, Prolato foras cor—
pore Pauli, hymnos et psalmos, de
Christiana traditione, decantasse.
Lighted lamps and wax candles
were carried before the corpse by the
deacons and other church officers, and
sometimes by others of the superior
clergy, in token of victory over death
and union with Christ at “ the mar-
riage supper of the Lamb.” Gregory
Nyssen, in his oration at the funeral
of Macrina, says: Hpoqye'i 76 fat m6’
e'Ka'Tepoz/ pelpos duuaiucov ‘re Kai. {mepe'rr'bv
oi’m chi-you whﬁélos, orotxrydcv r05 o'mr
(1698)
‘VVQE brought nothing into this incite, anti 1 Tim.vj.
it is certain ine tan
tarry nothing cut.
site item gene, ant: the new bath takenJob
swaps hieiteti he the ﬂame of the item.
'ﬂ‘.ﬁlfter'
1.1. (Margin) The “ 1 H written upon
#6
‘C2
z/rbpa'ros 'n'po'rropﬂeﬁov, 'rt‘zs 'roi) mypoi)
hamrddas 'e'Xoz/res weir/res‘. And it iS
of these that St. Chrysostom (Hom.
iv. in Heb.) speaks: Tl. Bonhov'rat ai
hapm'ddes ai cpatdpai; And in another
place (Hom. cxvi. tom. vi.) he gives a
rationale of this usage: Gupuipam Kal
Kupiots‘ ai’J'rofJs‘ (T'UUO8OIJO’L6V, deem/1311765‘, 37!.
1'05 oko'rewoii ﬁt'ov Xvde'u'res‘, 'n'pos To gbt'bs
To dhqdwov e’n'opaidno'av. St. Jerome,
in his Epitaphium Paulae, says: Sacer-
dotes lampadas cereosque praeferunt
funeri. And in his epistle to Eusto-
chium, de Obitu Paulee: Cum alii
pontiﬁces lampades cereosque pree-
ferrent. Nicholls on the Common
Prayer.
So early as the fourth century, it
was usual to carry in the processions
palm and olive branches, as symbols
of victory and joy, and to burn in-
cense. (Baronii Annales, ad ann. 313.
n. 10.) Laurel or ivy leaves were
sometimes put into the coffin (Greg.
Turon. de Glor. Conf. c. lxxxiv.;
Surius, Acta Sanctorum, die 6 Septem.),
but the Christians repudiated the cus-
tom of crowning the corpse and the
coﬁin with garlands, as savouring of
idolatry. (Clem. Alex. Paedag. lib. ii.
0. 8. ; Tertull. de Coron. Mil. 0.10.) It
was usual with them, however, to
strew ﬂowers upon the grave. Ambros.
de Cb. Valent. c. 56.; Hieron. Ep. xxvi.
Prudent. Hymn. pro exseq.
To express their hopes that their
friend was not lost for ever, each
person in the company usually bore
in his hand a sprig of rosemary—a
custom which seems to have taken
its rise from a practice among the
heathens, of a quite different import.
For theyhaving no thoughts of afuture
resurrection, but believing that the
bodies of those that were dead would
for ever lie in the grave, made use of
cypress at their funerals, which is a
tree that being once cut down never re-
vives, but dies away. (Plin. l. xvi. c. 33.
et Serv. in .ZEneid. iii. v. 70. See also
Kennet’s Roman Antiquities, p. 343.)
But Christians, on the other hand,
having better hopes, and knowing
that this very body of their friend,
which they are now going solemnly to
. commit to the grave, shall one day
rise again, and be reunited to his soul,
instead of cypress distributed rosemary
to the company, which (being always
green, and ﬂourishing the more for
being cropt, and of which a sprig only
being set in the ground will sprout up
immediately, and branch into a tree)
is more proper to express this conﬁ-
dence and trust (Durandus, Rat. Div.
Off. lib. vii. c. 35. num. 38. fol. 457.);
a custom not unlike that practised by
the Jews, who, as they went with a
corpse to the grave, plucked up every
one a handful of grass, to denote that
their brother was but so cropt OH, and
would again spring up in his proper
season. Gregory’s Sermon on the
Resurrection, p. 73. Medena’s Rites
of the present Jews, p. 228. Wheatly
on the Common Prayer, 464.
The ancient Church had likewise a
custom of carrying their dead to the
(1699)
the
ﬂl After they are come into the Church, {hall
be read one or both of thefe Pfalms follow»
ing.
Dexz, culio-
dzam. P121].
xxxix.
%ain, it will take been to my ways: that
31 eﬁenn nut in my tongue. _
3) will keep my mouth as it were with a
mime: white the ongoing is in my fight.

1. I. The 3701b page of the Scaled Book commences with “1{ After”, “ 11 After” being
also the catch~word on the preceding page.

grave upon the shoulders either of
their friends or of persons particularly
assigned for that purpose. This cus-
tom was derived from the Jews, who
very religiously observed the practice.
For Maimonides (Hal. Efel. cap. iv.)
says that they carry out their dead
upon their shoulders, and do not suffer
it to be drawn in a hearse. This ofﬁce
was done by those veoxépot mentioned
in Acts v. 6.: “And the young men
arose, wound him [Ananias] up, and
carried him out and buried him.”
The Christians in the ages imme-
diately following took up the same
custom, and had persons particularly
designed for that oﬁice in the Church;
which, in the counterfeit Ignatius
(an ancient author however) are called
Kmnébv'res. (EpiSt. ad Ant.) These after-
wards were called Kovrta-ral (Epiph.
Compend. Doct. Fid. Cathol.), and were
formed into corporations at Constan-
tinople, having particular privileges
conferred on them by Justinian (Nov.
59.) But sometimes the friends of
the deceased parties carried the body
themselves. For we read of St. Basil,
that, when he was buried, he was
Xeptriv (i'yt'wv inirozinevos‘, carried by
the hands of holy men, who were pro-
bably bishops or presbyters. (Greg.
N az. Orat. xx.) For persons who had
less relation to the Church than that
famous bishop, were carried by bishops
and priests of prime distinction: as,
for instance, Macrina, sister of Gregory
Nyssen. For, speaking of this funeral
to Olympius, he says: Whilst these
matters were ordering with diligence,
I went under one part of the bier, and
called to him to support the other.
The hinder part was sustained by two
other eminent men of the clergy.
And St. Jerome writes (in Epitaph.
Paulze), that Paula was carried to
burial by bishops, cervicem _feretro
subjicientibus. Nicholls on the Com-
mon Prayer.
For the sake of order, notice of the
moving of a funeral procession was
sometimes given by the tuba, wooden
clappers, or such other methods of
giving public notice as were in use.
In the eighth or ninth century, the
tolling of bells was introduced.
The custom of carrying a cross or
cruciﬁx before the corpse is of com-
paratively recent date. The ﬁrst traces
of it occur in the sixth century (apud
Greg. Turon. vit. SS. Pat. 0. xiv), and
in the ninth (apud Odo. Cluniac. de
Translat. Corp. S. Martini). After-
wards it became common.
It was usual to make funeral ora-
tions (X670; e’vrm'yéewt, epicedia, c’m-
(1700)
1‘ Fr
*1 \-
Burial of the Dead.
31 helo my tongue, ano fpake nothing: 31
kept filence, yea enen from gooo rooios; but
it was pain ano grief to me.
99!? heart was hot iuithin me,ano tohile 31
ioas thus mufing,the tire kinoleozano at the
laﬂ 31 fpake ‘roith my tongue.
ltoio, let me knoin eno, am: the num:
her of my oays: that 31 may he certifieo horn
long 31 hane to line.

'récpta, orationes funebres) in praise of
those who had been distinguished
during life by their virtue or merits.
Several orations of this'kind are ex-
tant; as that of Eusebius at the
funeral of Constantine; those of Am-
brose on the deaths of Theodosius and
Valentinian, and of his own brother
Satyrus; those of Gregory Nazianzen
upon his father, his brother Caesarius,
and his sister Gorgonia; and that of
Gregory of Nyssa upon the death of
Melitus, bishop of Antioch.
It was customary in the early church
to celebrate the Lord’s Supper at
funerals, sometimes at the grave itself
(Conc. Carth. iii. c. 29.; Posid. Vit.
August. 0. 13.; Euseb. Vit. Const. M.
iv. e. 71.); by which was intimated
the communion subsisting between
the living and the dead, as members
of one and the same mystical body,
while a testimony was given to the
fact, that the deceased had departed
in the true faith and as a recognized
member of the Church. This ancient
custom made way for the more modern
and corrupt practices of oﬂferings
and masses for the dead. An early
abuse of administering the conse-
crated elements to the deceased was
speedily forbidden. (Conc. Antissidor.
11.1). 578, c. 12.; Cone. Carth. iii. 0. 6.;
Conc. Trullan. c. 133.) A practice
which had prevailed, of giving a part-
ing kiss Of charity, ¢l.')\17/.L(l ('i'ytov,
to the corpse before the interment,
was likewise abolished.
But whether they had a communion
or not at the funeral, they always had
prayers; as is evident from the canons
of the third Council of Carthage and
the Council of Milevi, which gave di—
rections about them. And in these
prayers, when there was no commu-
nion, they particularly commended the
soul of the deceased to God, whence
probably these prayers more especially
had the distinguishing names of Com-
mendations (wapade'crsw, or commenda—
tory prayers). Besides these, it was
usual to pray for them by private or
sudden ejaculations, of which we have
examples remaining in St. Augustine’s
private prayers for his mother Monica;
not to mention the prayers made for
them annually upon their anniversary—
days of commemoration. One of these
forms of prayer used at funerals is
still remaining in the Constitutions,
which fully shews that there was no
relation to purgatory in these prayers,
but quite the contrary; namely, a sup-
position that the soul of the deceased
had arrived at a place of rest and hap-
piness in Abraham’s bosom. Bingham’s
Christ. Ant. book xxiii. ch. 3. Riddle’s
Christ. Ant. 722-724.
The custom of tolling a hell on the
death of any person, was very an-
ciently observed in England. Bede
speaks of it as common in his time,
(1701)
AmBurial of the Dead.
'ieeholo, thou hall maoe mp oars as it tnere
a lpan long: ano mine age is ehen as nothing
in refpert of thee. ano eerily ehery man lin=
ing is altogether hanitp.
for man lﬂﬂlliﬁth in a pain lhaooio. ano
oilquieteth himlelf in ioain : he heapeth up
riches, ano cannot tell who fhall gather
them.
and explains its object. He relates
the circumstances of the death of the
abbess IIilda, and how it was made
known the same night, in a vision (he
says) to a nun in a monastery at a
great distance: “Heec tune in dormi-
torio sororum pausans audivit subito
in aere notum campanae sonum, quo ad
orationes excitari vel convocari sole-
bant, cum quis eorum de saeculo fuisset
evoeatus.” (Hist. Eccles. lib. iv. cap. 23.)
And six hundred years after this, an
order of the Bishop of Exeter, John
de Grandisson, among the statutes
which he drew up for the College of
St. Mary ()ttery, proves the continu-
ance and general observance of the
ceremony: “ 76. Insuper statuimus
quod classicum pulsetur pro mortuis
parum antequam ineipitur Placebo,
quousque inchoetur Dirige, et similiter
an... missam dum dieuntur commen-
dationes. Ita, videlicet, quod tam in
obitibus quam etiam quando corpus
praesens, habetur secundum dignita-
tem personae brevius vel longius pree-
dictis semper temporibus pulsetur,
cum majoribus et pluribus vel minori-
bus et paucioribus campanis; sed in-
hibemus ne nimis prolixe pulsentur,
nee iterum post of’ﬁcium vel in aurora,
sicut solet Exoniae; quia nihil prodest
animabus ‘ees sonans aut cymbalum
tinniens,’ et tamen multum nocet
auribus, et fabricae, ac campanis.”
(Oliver. Monast. Exon. p. 272.) And
this is one of the uses to which bells
are said to be destined, in the ancient
and often quoted distich;
‘rs-n+0
“ Laudo Deum vcrunnPlebcm voco, (:ongrego Clcruin;
Defunctos ploro, Pesicm fugo, Festa decol'o.”
Maskell’s Mon. Rit. Angl. vol. i. ccxlvi.
ccxlvii.
Another custom existed among the
primitive Christians; which was, for
the poor to be present at their fune~
rals who had considerable doles given
them, according to the station of the
deceased. (Orig. in J 0b.; Ambr. Oratio
fun. in morte Satyri; Chrys. xxxii
Hom. in Mat. xxvii.; 110m. in 2 Epist.
ad Corinth.) N icholls on the Common
Prayer.
All immoderate grief or mourning
for the dead was regarded as incon-
sistent with Christian faith and hope.
And hence the custom which prevailed
among the Jews and Romans, of hiring
women to make lamentations at fune-
rals (mulieres preeﬁcas), was severely re-
proved and denounced by the teachers
of the Church. (Tertull. de Patient.
0. 7.; Chrysost. Hom. xxxii. in Math,
Hom. lxi. in Joh., Hom. vi. in 1 Ep.
ad ThessaL; Hieron. Ep. 25. ad Paul.,
Ep. 34. ad Julian.) And these decla—
rations of the fathers were enforced by
the decrees of councils. But it must
not be supposed that a stoical apathy,
or want of natural affection, was either
enjoined or recommended; the Church
condemned only such grief and lamen-
tations as were immoderate, artiﬁcial,
or otherwise inconsistent with a Chris-
tian profession and the hopes of a
blessed immortality. (Chrysost. Hom.
iv. in Hebr.) We ﬁnd many passages
of ancient authors, in which the right
(1702)
At a Burial of the Dead.
anti new. item, tnbat is my hope: truly
my hope is enen in thee.
Deliver me from all mine uifentes: ann
make me not a rebuke unto the tuuiiﬂ).
i hetame numb aniJ opener: not my
mouth : ftn it was thy Doing.
@L'ake tbp plague ainap from me: 31 am
enen tuniumen by means of thy beam) bani].
when tiJnu with rebukes nun thaﬂen man

and power of nature in this respect
are recognised; and a becoming sor-
row, occasioned by the death of friends,
is justiﬁed both on principles of rea-
son and by reference to scriptural
examples.
In token of mourning, the Jews
used to tear their clothes, and to wear
sackcloth and ashes; the Romans wore
a black robe (toga pulla). We ﬁnd
strong disapprobation of the custom
of wearing black in the writings of
some of the fathers (Cyprian. Serm.
de Mortal; Chrysost. lxix. ad Pop.;
Hieron. Ep. 34.); but others did not
so severely condemn the use of a
mourning-habit; and the practice soon
became prevalent among Christians,
especially in the East.
N o precise rules were made respect-
ing the duration of mourning for the
dead; this matter being left to custom,
and to the feelings of parties concerned.
The heathen had a custom of repeat-
ing their mourning on the third,
seventh, and ninth day, which was
particularly called the Novendiale:
and some added the twentieth, thir-
tieth, and fortieth, not without a
superstitious opinion of those parti-
cular days, on which they used to
sacriﬁce to the Manes with milk and
wine, and garlands and ﬂowers, as
Roman antiquities inform us. Some-
thing of this superstition, abating the
sacriﬁce, was still remaining among
ignorant Christians in St. Augustin’s
time; for he speaks of some who
observed a novendial in relation to
their dead (Quzest. 172. in Gen), which
he thinks they ought to be forbid-
den, because it was a mere heathen
custom. He does not seem to intimate
that they kept it exactly as the heathen
did; but rather that they were super-
stitious in their observation of nine
days of mourning, which was without
example in Scripture. There was a11-
other way of continuing the funeral
offices for three days together, which
was allowed among Christians, because
it had nothing in it but the same wor—
ship of God repeated. Then Evodius,
writing to St. Augustin (Evod. Ep. 258.
inter Ep. August), and giving him an
account of the funeral of a very pious
young man, who had been his votary,
says that he had given him honour-
able obsequies, worthy of so pious a
soul: for he continued to sing hymns
to God for three days together at his
grave, and on the third day offered
the sacraments of redemption. The
author of the Constitutions (Const.
Apost. lib. viii. c. 42.) takes notice of
this repetition of the funeral office on
the third day, and the ninth day, and
the fortieth day, giving peculiar rea—
sons for each of them: Let the third
day be observed for the dead with
psalms, and lessons, and prayers, be-
cause Christ on the third day rose
again from the dead; and let the
ninth day be observed in remembrance
(1703)
Burial of the Dead.
to; fin, thou maheﬂ his beauty to tonfume
atoapJike as it were a moth fretting a gar:
ment: every man therefore is out oanitp.
{hear my prayer. ﬂD iLogo, ano with thine
eats tonfioet mp tailing : hoio not thy peace
at my tears.
jFog 31 am a Granger with thee: am a fo=
ioutnet as all mp fathers mere.
91)
of the living and the dead; and also
the fortieth day, according to the an-
cient manner of the Israelites’ mourn-
ing for Moses forty days; and ﬁnally,
let the anniversary-day be observed in
commemoration of the deceased.
On the anniversary—days of com-
memorating the dead, they used to
make a common feast or entertain-
ment, inviting both the clergy and
people, but especially the poor and
needy, the widows and orphans, that
it might not only be a memorial of
rest to the dead, but an odour of sweet
smell to themselves in the sight of God,
as the author under the name of Origen
writes. St. Chrysostom (Horn. xlvii.
in 1 Ep. ad Cor.) says, that they were
more tenacious of this custom than
they were of some others of greater
importance. But this often degene-
rated into great abuses. (Aug. de
Moribus Eccles. c. 34.; Ep. 64. ad Au—
relium.) Bingham’s Christ. Antiquities,
book xxiii. ch. 3.
There is no positive rule of law or
of religion, prescribing in what way
the mortal remains are to be conveyed
to their last abode, and’there deposited.
The authority under which the present
practices exist, is to be found in our
manners rather than in our laws.
They have their origin in sentiments
and suggestions of public decency and
private respect: they are ratiﬁed by
common usage and consent; and being
attached to subjects of the most
solemn and impressive kind, remain
unaffected by private caprice and
fancy amidst all the giddy revolutions
that are perpetually varying the
modes and fashions which belong to
lighter circumstances in human life.
That a body should be carried in a
state of naked exposure would be a
real offence to the living, as well as
an apparent indignity to the dead.
1 Stephens on the Laws relating to
the Clergy, 201.
But every person dying in this
country, except those who “die un-
baptized, or excommunicate, or have
laid violent hands upon themselves,”
or on conviction for murder in Ireland
(under stat. 4 (it 5 Gul. IV. 0. 26. Ir.),
has a right to Christian burial. The
common law casts on some one the
duty of carrying to the grave, decently
covered, the dead body of any person
dying in such a state of indigence as
to leave no funds for that purpose.
The feelings and the interests of the
living require this, and create the
duty; and it should seem that the
individual under whose roof a poor
person dies is bound to carry the body
decently covered to the place of burial
belonging to the parish: he cannot
keep him unburied, nor do anything
which prevents Christian burial: he
cannot therefore cast him out, so as
to expose the body to violation, or to
offend the feelings or endanger the
health of the living: and for the
(1704)
Burial of the Dead.
ilD fpare me a little, that 31 may reconer
my urength: before 31 go hence, ano be no
111012 [2211.
Qology be to the father, ant: to the %)on:
ant: to the {holy ribbon;
as it was in the beginning, is noio, ano
euer lhall be: mono rnithout eno. amen.
9132B, thou hail been our refuge: from
one generation to another.
jugz'um.
Pl'al. X0.

1. 1. The 371st page [If U 3] of the Scaled Book commences with the words “(9
fpare”, “ (B " being the catch-word on the preceding page.

same reason, he cannot carry him un-
covered to the grave. Therefore, where
a pauper dies in any parish house,
poor house, or union house, that cir-
cumstance casts on the parish or
union, as the case may be, the duty
to bury the body; not by virtue of the
statute of Elizabeth, but on the prin-
ciples of the common law. Reg. v.
Stewart, 12 A. (it E. 776.
The overseers of a parish are not,
however, bound to bury the body of a
pauper lying in their parish, but not
in a parochial house, although such
pauper be a married woman whose
husband is settled in the parish and
receiving relief there. But in the
case of burials under the direction
of the guardians and overseers, it has
been enacted, by stat. 7 dz 8 Vict.
c. 101. s. 31., that guardians or over—
seers can “ bury the body of any poor
person which may be within their
parish or union respectively, and charge
the expense thereof to any parish un-
der their control to which such person
may have been chargeable, or in which
he may have died, or, otherwise, in
which such body may be.”
By stat. 48 Geo. III. e. 75. s. 1., the
churchwardens and overseers of any
parish in which any dead human body
is cast on shore from the sea, are,
upon notice thereof to them given,
to cause such body to be conveyed to
some convenient place, and with all
speed cause it to be decently interred
in the parish churchyard or burial
ground, so that the expenses thereof,
and fees, &'0., do not exceed the sum
allowed by such parish for the burial
of persons buried at the expense of
the parish; but if such body is cast
on shore in any extra-parochial place,
where there are no churchwardens,
660., such notice is to be given to the
constable or headborough thereof, who
is to proceed as directed in the case of
churchwardens, &c.
It seems to be clear that attainted
traitors and felons, who die before exe—
cution, are entitled to Christian burial;
and, as they are admitted to the re-
ceiving the sacrament and other rites
of the Church, and may be attended
by ministers of the Church of England
in their last extremity, there appears
to be no good reason why death by the
law should deprive them of this privi-
lege, though by two ancient canons
,1,-
(1705)
5S
Burial of the Dead.
iBefoze the mountains ioere brought forth,
oi eher the earth ano the inoglo were maoe:
thou art eon from enerlallmg, ano ioozlo
ioithout eno.
@thou turneﬂ man to oeururtion : again
thou faiil, Qrome again, he thiloren of men.
for a thoufano years in thy light are but
as yeneroap: teeing that is pail as a ioatrh
in the night.
Elffoon as thou
frattereﬂ them, they are

it was denied them. 1 Burn’s Ecol.
Law, 261.; 2 Steer’s Parish Law, by
Clive, 56.
By stat. 2 dz 3 Gul. IV. 0. 75. s. 13.,
every body removed for the purpose
of examination is, before such removal,
to be placed in a decent coffin or shell,
and is to be removed therein; and the
party removing it, or causing it to be
removed as aforesaid, is to make pro-
vision that the body, after undergoing
anatomical examination, be decently
interred in consecrated ground, or in
some public burial ground in use for
persons of that religious persuasion to
which the person whose body is so
removed belonged; and a certiﬁcate
of the interment is to be transmitted
to the inspector of the district within
six weeks after the day on which the
body is received.
It seems that, under the words
“ decently interred,” the parson will
be bound to read the burial service
as upon ordinary occasions.
In Jones v.Aslzburn/zam (4 East,465.)
Lord Ellenborough, discussing the suf-
ﬁciency of a consideration to support
a promise, said of the case cited by
Chief Justice Hyde (Quick v. C’oppleton,
1 Lev. 161.; 1 Sid. 242. S. C. nom.;
Weeks V. Copleston, 1 Keb. 866.) of a
mother who promised to pay, 011 for—
bearance of the plaintiff to arrest the
dead body of her son, which she feared
he was about to do,——“ It is contraryto
every principle of law and moral feel-
ing. Such an act is revolting to hu—
manity, and illegal, and therefore any
promise extorted by the fear of it
could never be valid in law. It might
as well be said, that a promise in con-
sideration that one would withdraw
a pistol from another’s breast, could
be enforced against the party acting
under such unlawful terror.”
In Regina v. Fox (2 Q. B. 246.),
where a gaoler refused to deliver up
the body of a person who had died
while a prisoner in execution in his
custody, to the executors of the de-
ceased, unless they would satisfy cer-
tain claims made against the deceased
by the gaoler, the Court of Queen’s
Bench issued a peremptory mandamus
in the ﬁrst instance, commanding that
the body should be delivered up to
the executors. Vide Peg. v. Scott,
Stephens’ Ecclesiastical Statutes, 1 736 ;
1 Stephens’ Laws relating to the Clergy,
200. in not.
To sell the dead body of a capital
convict for the purposes of dissection,
where dissection is no part of the
sentence, is a misdemeanor, and 1n-
dictable at common law. Rex v.
Candie/c, D. dz R. N. P. C. 13. _
It is likewise an offence against
decency to take a person’s dead body
with intent to sell or dispose of it for
(1706)
MsBurial of the Dead.
even as a ﬂeep: ant fave ainap tunnenlp like
the gtal's.
3m the mngning it is green, ant: gtoineth
up: but in the enening it is tut nuinn, inpeo
up, 811D ‘mitheteh.
its; ine tuntume sleep in thy nitpleature:
ﬁlm are strain at thp iniathtul innignatiun.
@IIhuu hall let out mistleens hetoge thee:
ann our tettet fins in the light of thy tuun=
tBUﬂIIIZE.
gain and proﬁt. An indictment charged
(inter alia) that the prisoner, a certain
dead body of a person unknown, lately
before deceased, wilfully, unlawfully,
and indecently did take and carry away,
with intent to sell and dispose of the
same for gain and proﬁt: and it being
evident that the prisoner had taken
the body from some burial-ground,
though from what particular place
was uncertain, he was found guilty
upon this count. And it was consi-
dered that this was so clearly an in-
dictable offence, that no case was
reserved. Rex v. Gilles, R. 82 R. '366.
n. (b); vide etiam Rex v.1)uﬁn, ibid.
365.; 1 Russell on Crimes, by Greaves,
464.
As to the ofﬁce and order of burial
in our Church, we must note that the
ignorance and corruption of the later
centuries have not vitiated any of the
sacred administrations more than this
of burial; on which the fancies of
purgatory and prayers for the dead
had so great an inﬂuence, that most
of the forms now extant consist of
little else but impertinent and useless
petitions for the dead. Our Protest-
ant Reformers, therefore, remembering
St. Augustine’s rule, that all this office
is designed rather for the comfort of
the living than the beneﬁt of the
dead, have justly rejected these super-
stitions; and contrived this present
form wholly for the instruction, admo-
nition, and comfort of the attendants
on this solemnity, and therein have
reduced this matter to its pristine in-
tention and use. It is not easy to tell
exactly what the primitive form of
burial was: but the psalms were a
principal part of it, as all the fathers
testify. They are now also a chief
part of this office: and the rest is
generally taken out of holy Scripture,
being such places as are most proper
to the occasion, so as to form alto-
gether a most pious and practical
office.
Dr. Bennet (on the Common Prayer,
234.) justly remarks, that “too many,
who attend funerals, seem wholly un-
concerned at those prayers, which the
minister offers up to God, as if they
had nothing more to do than barely
to listen to and hear them. I beseech
these inconsiderate persons to remem—
ber, that the solemnity of funerals is
part of religious worship, and that the
whole congregation ought to assist
and join therein. And surely, were
they duly affected with spectacles of
mortality, were they sensible of the
uncertainty of their own lives, and the
inﬁnite concerns of that etern'ty into
which one of their brethren is newly
entered, they could not forbear lifting
up their hearts to God, and pouring
forth the most fervent devotions, when
582
(170:)
te Burial of the Dead.
Jl'ot tnhen thou art angry ail our oays are
gone: toe bring our years to an eno. as it
were a tale that to tow.
@Zhe oaye of our age are thieeftoge years
ano ten, ano though men he to ﬂrong that
they torne to fourftoge years: yet is their
ﬂrength then hut labour ano fogroto, fo foon
patfeth it ainay, ano toe are gone.
IBut who regaroeth the power of thy togath:

they pay the last office to their de-
parted friends and neighbours.”
The Oﬁice enfuing is not
to be ufed for any that die un-
baptized, or excommunicate,
or have laid violent hands
upon themfelves: (91695411116
general law is, that burial is to be
refused to no person; and the limita-
tion of such a law must be considered
strictissimi juris.
Persons not receiving the holy sa-
crament, at least at Easter, or such as
were killed in duels, tilts, or tourna~
ments, were formerly excluded from
burial; but these prohibitions are now
absolutely restricted to the three classes
of persons above mentioned in the
rubric, and which has repealed all
previous prohibitory laws or decrees
upon the subject.
Though this rubric was not drawn
up till 1661, and none of the regula-
tions which it enjoins, excepting only
what relates to persons excommuni-
cate, were before that time speciﬁed in
any of our articles or ecclesiastical
constitutions; yet it must not ‘be con—
sldered as a new law, but merely as
explanatory of the ancient canon law,
and of the previous usage in England.
Zlphepherd on the Common Prayer,
The exclusion of the three classes of
persons alluded to from Christian burial,
is agreeable to the sense of all nations,
who have generally thought ﬁt to
punish some kinds of malefactors with
the want of these rites after their
death, as well to afflict the criminal
while he lives with the apprehensions
of the disgrace to be done to his body,
(which is naturally dear to all men),
as to perpetuate the odium of the
crime, while the corpse is exposed to
public scorn after the offender hath
parted with his life. Thus murderers
were punished among the Romans:
and among the Greeks, robbers of
temples and sacrilegious persons, as
also those that betrayed their country,
with divers other notorious trans-
gressors.
The plain simple meaning of the
word “unbaptized,” in its general
sense, and unconnected with the ru-
bric, is, obviously, a person not bap—
tized at all, not initiated into the
Christian Church. Kemp v. Wz'c/ces,
3 Phil. 264.
Our Church, prohibiting here the
burial office to be used for persons
who die unbaptized, is but agreeable
to the ancient practice of the Church.
For the ﬁrst Council of Bracara (can.
35.), which was held in A.D. 563, deter-
mines the like : Item, placuit ut cate-
chumenis sine redemptione baptismi
defunctis, neque oblationis comme—
(1708)
As (he Burial of the Dead.
to; even thereafter as a man feareth. to is
thy oifpleafure.
9D teach us to number our Days: that toe
may apply our hearts unto inifoom.
@Eurn thee agaimﬁD Itoio, at the Ian: am:
be gracious unto thy terbants.
21D fatisfie us ioith thy mercy, ano that
foon: fo [hall ioe reioyce ano be glao all the
bays of our life.
DB3
Qliomfoit
l. 3. “ (9” apparently altered from “ 9U ”-

moratio, neque psallendi, impendatur
oﬂicium.
It has been held, that a minister of
the Established Church cannot refuse
to bury the child of a dissenter (Kemp
v. Wickes, 3 Phil. 264.), or to bury the
corpse of an infant baptized by a
Wesleyan minister, or when baptism
has been administered by a layman.
‘Scott v. Muslin, 1 Notes of Cases
Ecclesiastical, 552.; Stephens’ Eccle—
siastical Statutes, 2017. S. C. nom,;
Muslin v. Escort, 2 Curt. 692.; 1
Stephens on the Laws relating to the
Clergy, 196.
This office is denied to infants not
yet admitted into the Church by bap-
tism; not so much to punish the
infants, who have done no crime, as
the parents, by whose neglect this
too often happens. And perhaps this
external and sensible kind of punish-
ment may move them to be more care—
ful to accomplish the office in due
time, than higher and more spiritual
considerations will do.
Excommunication, in the meaning
of the law of the English Church, is
not merely an expulsion from the
Church of England, but from the
Christian Church generally. By the
thirty-third article it is expressly
stated, that “A person which, by open
denunciation of the Church, is rightly
cutoff from the unity of the Church
and excommunicated, ought to be
taken of the whole multitude of the
faithful as an heathen and a publican,
until he be openly reconciled by pe-
nance, and received into the Church
by a judge that hath authority there—
untoz” that is, he is no longer to be
considered as a Christian, no longer
to be considered as a member of the
Christian Church universal, but he is
to be considered “as an heathen and a
publican ;” for those are the words of
the article. Kemp v. Wickes, 3 Phil.
272.
The only inquiry which a clergyman
has a right to institute for the pur-
poses of burial is, whether the deceased
had been ipso facto excommunicated, or
not; if he have been ipso facto excom-
municated, then the clergyman would
be justiﬁed in refusing burial; but if
not, he is bound in law to bury the
corpse: in fact, he has no right to
pursue any other investigation.
What is ordered by our rubric, was
likewise decreed by the Council of
Bracara (can. 16.) : N ulla pro illis in
(1709)
theBurial of the Dead.
Qtumt'ngt us again, now after the time that
thou hail piaguen us: ann fog the years
wherein we have tuﬂ’eren annerﬁtp.
%vhem thp fernante thp tough: ant: their
ehilngen thy gimp.
211111 the giugiuus @8121}? of the 11.0111 our
‘26011 be upon us:
mother thou the tough of
our banns upon us, SD mower than our
balmy mark

1. I.
The 372ml page of the Sealed Book commences with the word “Qliumfurt”,
“ @Hlﬂfﬂl't” being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

oblatione commemoratio ﬁat, neque
cum psalmis ad sepulturam eorum
cadavera deducantur, qui pro suis
sceleribus puniuntur :——~which seem-
ingly relates to spiritual punishment
as Well as temporal; and to prohibit
sepulture to be given to excommuni-
cates as well as malefactors. The
canon law in this respect is more ex-
press, and quotes the ancient canons
for it: Sacris canonibus institutum,
ut quibus non communicamus vivis,
non communicemus defunctis: ut
careant ecclesiastica sepultura, &c.
(Decret. lib. iii. tit. 39. cap. 12.) And
again: Si ab aliorum corporibus dis—
cerni poterunt, exhumari debent, et
procul ab ecclesiastica sepultura jac-
tari. And again: Si quos in excom-
municatione defunctos in caemeteriis
ecclesiarum sepelierint, eos extra cae—
meteria ejiciant. (Decret. lib. v. tit.
33. c. 5.) Nicholls on the Common
Prayer.
Where sufﬁcient evidence has ap-
peared to the bishop of the repentance
of an excommunicated person, com-
missions have been granted, both be-
fore and since the Reformation, not
only to bury persons who died excom-
municate, but in some cases to absolve
them, in order to Christian burial.
Cibson’s Codex, 450. Vide stat. 53
Geo. III. 0. 127.; Stephens’ Ecclesias-
tical Statutes, 1050. In an ancient
register of the bishops of Winchester,
is a mandate, ne cadaver excommuni-
cati sepeliatur, donec de contritione
constet episcopo. Adam, fol. 88. (a);
Reyn. 149. 6.; Stat. Wint. 77. (b).
The denial of an honourable sepul-
ture to self-murderers, has been the
usage of most civilized nations. J ose-
phus (Bell. Jud. lib. iii.) informs us,
that it was a custom among his
countrymen the Jews : Tm‘m yoﬁv due-
hdv'ras‘ e'av'rol‘ls, 'n'apd ,uév ﬁp'iv ,us'xpts‘
ﬁht'ov 615050); circi¢ov9 Kpu'rr'rew é'xpwav,
Kai TOl. Kai 7TO)\€[J.[OLS Grim-cw QeIuw-ov
ﬁyoépevoi. The same usage was esta-
blished by law among the Romans.
For Servius, in his notes upon the
twelfth book of Virgil’s ZEneid, says :
Sane sciendum est, quod cautum fuerit
in pontiﬁcalibus libris, ut qui laqueo
vitam ﬁnisset insepultus abjiceretur:
unde bene ait ‘informis lethi,’ quasi
mortis infamissimae. And Pliny (cap.
15.), in his Natural History, relates it
as an ancient law made by Tarquinius
Priscus, that the bodies of those who
made away with themselves, crucibus,
spectanda civibus, simul et feris volu-
cribusque devoranda afﬁgi. And by
the Christian canons (Bra. can. 34.) it
was decreed: Ut qui sibiipsis aut per
(1710)
At“Burial of the Dead.
Qhluip he to the rather,
ant] to the help Qhhull;
ant: to the gvun :
as it was in the beginning. is nuts anti
ehet [hall he: tangle ‘without enn. amen.
1i Then {hall follow the Leﬂ'on taken out of
the ﬁfteenth Chapter of the former Epiftle
of Saint Paul to the Corinthians.
shin is Qthgiu titen from the Dean, anh , C0,...
become the titlhftuits of them that
ferrum, aut per venenum, aut per
praecipitium, aut per suspendium, aut
quolibet modo violentiae inferunt mor-
tem, nulla pro illis in oblatione com—
memoratio ﬁat, neque cum psalmis ad
sepulturam eorum cadavera dedu-
cantur. Nicholls on the Common
Prayer.
In Kemp v. We'olccs (3 Phil. 272.),
Sir John N icholl observed: “ Suicides
are supposed to die in the commission
of mortal sin, and in open contempt of
their Saviour and of his precepts; to
have renounced Christianity; to have
unchristianized themselves: that is
the view which the law takes of the
persons who are self-murderers.”
By stat. 4 Geo. IV. 0. 52. ss. 1 dz 2.
(Stephens’EcclesiasticalStatutes,1222)
no coroner or other officer having au—
thority to hold inquests, may issue
any warrant or other process direct—
ing the interment of the remains of
persons against whom a ﬁnding of felo
de se shall be had, in any public high-
way; but the coroner or other officer
is to give directions for the private
interment of the remains of such per-
son felo de se, without any stake being
driven through the body, in the church-
yard or other burial-ground of the pa-
rish or place in which the remains
might, by the law or custom of Eng-
land, be interred, if the verdict of ‘felo
de se had not been found against the

person. But such interment is to be
made within twenty-four hours from
the ﬁnding of the inquisition, and to
take place between the hours of nine
and twelve at night: nor does the act
authorise the performing of any of the
rites of Christian burial on the inter-
ment of the remains of any such per-
son, or alter the law or usages [Re-
specting the words “ alter the law or
usages,” Sir John Nicholls says (in
Kemp v. Wee/res, 3 Phil. 295.), “Our
Church knows no such indecency as
putting the body into the consecrated
ground without the service being at
the same time performed.”] relating
to the burial of such persons, except
so far as relates to the interment of
such remains in such churchyard or
burial-ground, at such time and in
such manner as aforesaid.
Idiots, lunatics, or persons other-
wise of unsound mind, who have de-
prived themselves of life, are not in-
cluded under the words, “that have
laid violent hands upon themselves ;”
because such language exclusively ap-
plies to those who have destroyed
themselves voluntarily, having capa-
cities to govern themselves, and able
to discriminate evil from good.
The proper judges whether persons
who died by their own hands were
out of their senses are, doubtless, the
coroner’s jury. Or, if the body cannot
(1711)
Aehe Burial of the Dead.
bent. for time by man came oeath, by
man tame alto the refurrertion of the beat].
for as in aoam all oie, eben to in Qfhgiﬂ
than an be mane alibe. tout ebery man in
his oton ogoer: Qfhgiﬂ the firﬂsfruite; after=
inarb they that are Qfhiifis, at his touting.
@L'hen tometh the eno, when he than habe oe=
Iibereo up the bingoorn to con, men the
father; when he that! habe put boron all
rule, ano ail authority ano power. for he

be viewed, the justices in session may
inquire of the felony (3 Inst. 55.); but
their ﬁnding is traversable. The mi~
nister of the parish has no authority
to be present at viewing the body, or
to summon or examine witnesses.
And therefore he is neither entitled
nor able to judge in the affair; but
may well acquiesce in the public
determination, without making any
private inquiry. Indeed, were he to
make one, the opinion which he might
form from thence could usually be
grounded only on common discourse
and bare assertion. And it cannot be
justiﬁable to act upon these, in con-
tradiction to the decision of a jury,
after hearing witnesses upon oath.
And though there may be reason to
suppose that the coroner’s jury are
frequently favourable in their judg—
ment, in consideration of the circum-
stances of the deceased’s family, with
respect to the forfeiture; and their
verdict is, in its own nature, travers-
able; yet the burial may not be de—
layed until that matter, upon trial,
shall ﬁnally be determined. But on
acquittal of the crime of self-murder
by the coroner’s jury, the body in that
case not being demanded by the law,
it seems that a clergyman may and
ought to admit that body to Christian
burial. _ The inquisition of the coroner,
upon view of the body, is not travers-
able by the executors or administra-
tors of the deceased; but evidence
shall be heard by him to prove the
deceased non compos, which, if he
refuse, the inquisition may be quashed
by the Queen’s Bench, who are the
sovereign coroners.
ii Th6 Pl‘l‘iﬁr (p.1696.)-—P. B.
1549, “The priest [B B. 1589, “Mi-
nister”: P111622, “Priest”] metyng
the Corps at the Churche stile, shall
say: Or els the priestes [R B. 1589,
“ Minister” : P. B. 1622, “ Priest ”]
and clearkes shall syng, and so goe
eyther into the Churche, or towardes
the grave.”
Q1 The Prieft and Clerks
meeting the corps at the en—
trance of the Church-yard:
(p. 1696.) —- The attendance of the
minister at the house of the deceased,
and his accompanying the corpse all
the way from thence, is a mere volun-
tary respect, which he is at liberty to
pay or refuse as he pleases.
The clerks that are here mentioned
in conjunction with the priest, mean
the clerical and lay members of choirs
in cathedrals, and the assistant minis—
ters in parishes, as in the oﬂice of
Matrimony, and in the rubric pre—
(1712)
A. as Burial of the Dead.
unner his feet.
niuﬂ reign till he hath put all enemies
@Ebe Iaﬂ enemy that lbaii he
neﬂrupen is Death : ﬁn; he hath put all things
unmet his feet. QBut when he faith all things
are put unner him, it is nianifeﬂ that be is
ereepteu inbieb nin put all things unmet him.
HUD when all things ﬂJaII he iuhnueu unto

ceding the Lord’s Prayer during its
second occurrence in the morning
service. In ancient times, choirs of
clerks frequently oﬁiciated at funerals;
and of this custom we ﬁnd a vestige
in the year 1566. At the church of
St. Giles, Cripplegate, “divers clerks
were in their surplices attending, to
sing as accustomably they used, and
as my Lord of London had prescribed,
namely, to wear surplioes within the
churches.” (Parker’s Life, book iii.
0. x. p. 218.) These are subsequently,
in the same narrative, called singing
men.
It would appear by the wording of
the rubric, that when the introductory
sentences or anthems are not sung,
they ought to be repeated alternately
or simultaneously, by priest and clerks.
In this respect they differ from the
anthem after the lesson, which is to
be said by the priest where there is
no choir, but sung by him and the
clerks when there is.
These sentences are called Respon-
sories in Marbeck. They are of the
nature of anthems, being so arranged
in the choral service, and are not
pointed or adapted for chanting.
Jebb on the Choral Service, 529.
Churchyards were called by the
ancient Christians Koinqn’ypw, ceme-
teries, orsleeping—places, from the Greek
word Kai/wire, which signiﬁes to sleep,
dying being so called in the Scripture
language. “Lazarus our friend, KéKét-
pny'rat, sleepeth.” (John xi. ll.) Hail/res
pe‘v oz’) Koi/uydryo'oneda. (1 C01‘. XV. Therefore St. Jerome says (ad Thes.iv.):
Eos dormientes appellari, quia certum
est eos resurrecturos. The Jews, for
the same reason, call the burying—place
Beth Casim, the house of the living;
to demonstrate their assurance of a
resurrection, and the existence of se-
parate souls. (Skichard de Jur. Heb.
cap. 6.) To set places aside for this
use is very ancient, as appears from
Abraham’s purchasing a ﬁeld of the
Sichemites, to bury his family in.
(Gen. xxiii.) It was a public burying-
place where “as Josiah turned him-
self he spied the sepulchres that were
in the mount.” (2 Kings xxiii. 16.)
And there is mention made of a royal
burying-place, where Uzziah “ was
buried with his fathers in the ﬁeld of
the burial which belonged to the
kings.” (2 Chron. xxvi. 23.) N icholls
on the Common Prayer.
All nations whatsoever,-Jews, hea-
thens, and Christians, have ever had
solemn places set apart for this use;
but in permitting their dead to be
buried either in or near their places of
worship, the Christians differ from
both the former. For the Jews, being
forbid to touch or come near any dead
body, and it being declared that they
who did so were deﬁled, had always
their sepulchres without the city
(Luke vii. 12.): and from them it is
probable that the Greeks and Romans
derived, not only the notion of being
polluted by a dead corpse, but the
law also of burying without the walls.
(Vide 1 Stephens on the Laws relating
to the Clergy, 204, 205. in not.) For
this reason the Christians, so long as
(1713)
mﬁBurial of the Dead.
him, then [hail the %>un alto himteif be fun:
iett unto him that put all things unnet him,
that eon may be all in all.
they on which are
QEIfe inhat lhall
haptiaen in; the mean, if
the neat: rife not at all? inhp are they then
hapti3en for the Dean?
in ieuparnp energy hour?
ant inhp ﬂann tne
31 pgcteﬂ hp your
tempting,

the law was in force throughout the
Roman empire, were obliged, in com-
pliance with it, to bury their dead
without the gates of the city: a cus-
tom which prevailed here in England
till about the middle of the eighth
century, when Cuthbert, archbishop
of Canterbury, obtained a dispensation
from the Pope for making church-
yards within the walls. However,
that the Christians did not do this
out of any belief that the body of a
dead Christian deﬁled the place or
persons near it, may be inferred from
their consecrating their old places of
burial into places of divine worship,
and by building their churches, as
soon as they had liberty, over some or
other of the martyrs’ graves. After
churches were built, indeed, they
suffered no body to be buried in them,
but had distinct places contiguous to
them appropriated to this use. The
ﬁrst that we read of, as buried any
where else, was Constantine the Great,
to whom it was allowed, as a singular
honour, to be buried in the church-
porch. Nor were any of the Eastern
emperors, for several centuries after-
wards, admitted to be buried any
nearer to the church: for several
canons had been made against allow-
ing this to any person of what dignity
soever: and even in our own Church
we ﬁnd that, at the end of the seventh
century, an archbishop of Canterbury
had not been buried within the church,
but that the porch was full with six
of his predecessors that had been
buried there before. By a canon
made in King Edgar’s reign, about
the middle of the tenth century, no
man was allowed to be buried in the
church, unless it were known that
he had so pleased God in his lifetime,
as to be worthy of such a burying-place:
though above a hundred years after—
wards we meet with another canon,
made at a council at Winchester, that
seems again to prohibit all corpses
whatsoever, without any exception,
from being buried in churches. But
in later times, every one that could
pay for the honour has been generally
allowed it: but since all cannot pur-
chase it, nor the churches contain all,
there is a necessity of providing some
other conveniences for this use. And
this has generally been done, as was
observed before, by inclosing some
of the ground round the church for a
burying-place or church-yard; that
so, as the faithful are going to the
house of prayer, they may be brought
to a ﬁt temper and disposition of
mind, by a prospect of the graves and
monuments of their friends—nothing
being more apt to raise our devotion,
than serious thoughts upon death and
mortality.
A person cannot, by right, be buried
in the churchyard of another parish
than that wherein he died ; at least,
without the consent of the parishioners
or churchwardens, whose parochial
right of burial is invaded thereby; and
(1714)
wheBurial of the Dead.
reioycing, iohich 31 home in Qthgill Ziefus out
itoio, 3i oie oailp. it after the manner of men
31 haoe fought ioith heaﬂs at QEphetus, inhat
aooantageth it me, if the oeao rite not? let
us eat ano Drink, to; to=mogtoio toe oie. iBe not
oeceioeo; ehil communications corrupt gooo '
manners. Hinake to righteouinets, ano [in
not; to; tome have not the knoioleoge of

1.1.
The 373111 page of the Sealed Book commences with the word “ rejopcing,”
“rejopcing,” being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

perhaps also of the incumbent whose
soil is broken. In the case of The
Church/wartime of Harrow-on—the-He'll
(Perkins, 1740.), it is said, that, upon
a process against them some years
ago, for suffering strangers to be
buried in their churchyard, and upon
their appearing and confessing the
charge, they were admonished by the
ecclesiastical judge not to suffer the
same for the future. 1 Burn’s E. L.,
by Phillimore, 258.
In Borden v. Calcozft (1 Consist. 17.),
Lord Stowell said: “ The church-
wardens have been blamed in argu-
ment for allowing strangers to be
buried there. This is a permission,
undoubtedly, to be sparingly granted,
since there can be no absolute claim
of that kind.” In Littlewood v. WiZliams
(6 Taunt. 277.), Chief Justice Gibbs
said: “ The counsel for the defendant
has been thundering anathemas against
the churchwardens, who, even with the
assent of the vicar, shall permit the
bodies of strangers to be deposited in
their churchyard. If it could be
shown that other parishioners sus-
tained actual inconvenience, it might
be different; but if there is not that
circumstance, the churchwardens have
the discretion lodged in them to judge
of the probability of it. On the evi-
dence it does not appear that the
vicar has ever interfered to prevent
the burial of strangers here; on the
contrary, he has buried all who have
been brought, but he claims the whole
burial fee.”
But when a parishioner dies at a
considerable distance from his own
parish, being absent on a journey or
otherwise, the obvious expediency of
interment when the death happens,
may, from necessity, supersede this
right of exclusion (Steer’s P. L., by
Clive, 53.) ; as it seemeth to be, where
there is a family vault, or burying
place in the church, or chancel, or
aisle thereof. 1 Burn’s E. L., 258.
In Degge’s Parson’s Counsellor (by
Ellis, 216.), it is stated absolutely,
that, “ by the custom of England,
every person (except such as are after-
wards excepted, the exception not ap-
plying to strangers) may, at this day,
be buried in the churchyard of the
parish where he dies, without paying
anything for breaking the soil.”
A custom in a parish for the inha-
bitants to bury as near as possible to
their ancestors is bad. Fryer v. John-
son, 2 Wils. 28.; 1 Stephens on the
Laws relating to the Clergy, 206, 207.
The common law has given the pri-
vilege of granting permission to bury
in the church to the parson only:
thus in Frances and Leg (Cro. J an.
367.) it was resolved, “that neither
the ordinary himself, nor the church-
(1715)
At the Burial of the Dead.
coon. 31 freak this to your lhame. IBut tome
man will fay, {horn are the bean raifeo up?
ano with iohat booy no they tome; @huu
foot, that which thou fotbeﬁ is not quittv
neo, except it me. am that which thou foioeﬂ,
thou totneﬂ not that booy that than be, but
bare grain, it may thante of wheat, or of

wardens, can grant license of burying
to any within the church, but the
parson only; because the soil and
freehold of the church is only in the
parson, and in none other;”- which
right of giving leave will appear
to belong to the parson, not as hav-
ing the freehold (at least not in
that respect alone), but in his gene-
ral capacity of incumbent, and as
the person whom the ecclesiastical
law appointed the judge of the ﬁtness
or unﬁtness of this or that person to
have the favour of being buried in
the church. Of which merit (and, by
consequence, of the reasonableness of
granting or denying that indulgence)
the incumbent was, in reason, the
most proper judge, and was accord—
/ ingly so constituted by the laws of
the Church, without any regard to
the common law notion of the free-
hold being in him, which, if it prove
anything in the present case, proves
too much; that neither without the
like leave may they bury in the
churchyard, because the freehold of
that is also declared to be in him.
But a parson can only grant leave
for the particular burial about to take
place, and cannot confer a general
right to bury in a certain locality.
Bryant v. Whistler, 8 B. (it C. 293.
The common law, upon the like
foundation of freehold, hath one ex-
ception to this necessity of the leave
of theparson, namely, where a bury-
ing-place within the church is pre-
scribed for as belonging to a manor—
house, the freehold of which is said to
be in the owner of that house, and, by
consequence, he hath a good action at
law, if he is hindered to'bury there.
Gibson’s Codex, 453.; Har-vey’s case,
cit. in Dawney v. Dee, Cro. J ac. 606.
A prescription for a right of burial
in a chancel was, in Waring v. Gr-zﬁt/z-s
(1 Burr, 440.), claimed as belonging to
a messuage, and allowed.
Rich v. Bushnell (4 Hagg. 154.)
seems to have established—1. That the
lay rector is not entitled to construct
avault or erect a monument or aﬂix a
tablet in the chancel without the leave
of the ordinary, for though the chancel
is his freehold, it is subject to the use
of the parishioners, the guardian of
whose rights is the ordinary. 2. That
he must satisfy the ordinary these
rights will not be impaired. 3. That
the leave of the lay rector must pre-
cede the application for the faculty.
4. That the vicar has no power of
interposing an absolute veto, but may
show cause against the issue of the
grant. The vicar has no fee for inter-
ments in the chancel of common
right.
It is “doubtful” (says Sir John
Nicholl in the same case), “whether
the consent of the vicar is necessary
to the construction of a vault, or to
the afﬁxing of a tablet even in the body
of the church, or whether he has in
such a case a claim to a fee, unless
when established by a special custom.”
The learned judge also expressed his
opinion that vaults were highly objec-
tionable in the chancel or in the
church, but that the afﬁxing of tablets
(1716)
Arthr- Burial of‘ the Dead.
tome other grain. that thou gineth it a hoop,
as it hath pteateo him, ano to every teeo his
oton hoop. an ﬂelh is not the fame ﬂelh,
but there is one hino ot ﬂelh of men, another
ﬂelh of heaﬂs. another of tithes, ano another
of hiros.
@there are alto releﬂial hooies,
ano hooies terreﬂriai; but the giogp of the

was rather to be favoured than dis-
couraged. Vide 1 Stephens on the
Laws relating to the Clergy, 207-—
209.
In Doe d. Thompson v. Pitcher (2
Marsh. 61.; 6 Taunt. 359.; 3 M. (it S.
407.) it appeared that A. conveyed a
farm, with a meeting-house and burial
ground, vault and tomb thereon, to
B. and C. in trust; as to the meeting-
house and burial ground, a society of
Quakers were to be permitted to use
the same, so long as they should pay
the rent of 2Z. 108. and keep them in
repair; and after the determination
of that estate, as to the meeting-house
and burial ground, and from the exe-
cution of the conveyance, as to all the
other property, and during the con-
tinuance of the said estate, as to the
rent to B., in trust to keep the vault
and tomb in repair, and to permit
them to be used for the interment of
A. and her family; and after the ter—
mination of that estate, to C., his heirs
and assigns for ever: provided that the
said society might take part of the
farm to build a new meeting—house
upon, if necessary :—It was held, ﬁrst,
that the grant of the meeting-house
and burial ground was void by the
statute of mortmain (9 Geo. II. c. 36.);
secondly, that the limitation of the
vault and tomb was not a charitable
use.
A grant by a rector to an individual
of the exclusive right of burial for
himself‘, his family, and his friends, in
a vault under the church, if it can be
made at all, must be by deed and not
by parol, as it would be an easement
arising out of land; but it would seem
that no such grant can be made by the
rector, but only permission accorded
to bury-there at each particular time.
If such a grant can be made, it must
be by a faculty from the ordinary to a
parishioner, and annexed to a mansion
within the parish. Bryan v. Whistler,
8 B. dz C. 288.
Under stat. 58 Geo. III. 0. 45. s. 80.,
no burials are to be allowed in any
church or chapel erected under such
statute, or in the adjacent cemetery,
at a less distance than twenty feet
from the external walls, except in
vaults wholly arched with brick or
stone, under any church or chapel,
and to which the only access shall be
by steps on the outside of the exter-
nal walls, under the penalty of 50L,
upon conviction before two justices of
the peace; one half to the informer,
the other to the poor of the parish.
Under stat. 5 Geo. IV. 0. 103. s. 15.,
the life-trustees or churchwardens can
sell and dispose of the vaults or burial
places under any church or chapel
comprised within such statute, and
of vaults or burial grounds in the
cemetery or yard of such church or
chapel.
In connexion with this subject, dis—
putes frequently arise as to the erec-
tion of monuments in churches, upon
which it may be stated; It is a gene-
ral rule, that monuments cannot be
set up without the consent of the
ordinary (Palmer v. Exeter (Bis/t0
of), 1 Str. 576.; Cart v. Mars/z, ibid).
(1717)
Burial of the Dead.
releﬂial is one,'ano the glory of the terre=
ﬂrial' is another.
@Ihere is one glory of the
tan, ano another glory of the moon, ano an=
other glory of the ﬂats; for one liar oiﬂ’ereth
from another ﬂar in glory. 2m alto is the
refnrreetion of the Dean; it is foinn in cup
ruption; it is raifeo in ineorrnption: It is

1080.; Barclr'rz v.0aloott, 1 Consist. 14.;
Sharpe v. Hansarol, 3 Hagg. 335.;
1 Stephens on the Laws relating to
the Clergy, 211. Vide etiam Ma'icl'man
v. Malpas, 1 Consist. 205.; Seagar v.
Bowls, 1 Add. 541.; Gibson’s Codex,
452, 453.; 1 Burn’s E. L. 272, 273.;
1 Inst. 18. (b). ; Hopper v.1)aoe's, 1 Lee
(Sir G.), 640.; Watson’s Clergyman’s
Law, 398.); but an appeal lies to the
metropolitan, because the power of
the ordinary in this respect must be
exercised according to a prudent and
legal discretion, which the superior
has a right to look into and correct.
Uart v. ilfarslz, Str. 1080.
A custom for the churchwardens of
a parish to set up monuments, &c.,
in a church, without either the con-
sent of the rector or ordinary, is ille-
gal; for that would, in effect, be
entirely to secularize the Church: but
if the custom claimed be for the
churchwardens to set up monuments
with the leave of the ordinary only,
the case may, perhaps, be different.
Beckwz'th (Cleric) v. Harding, 1 B. (l? A.
508.
After monuments have been once
erected, they may be repaired, for
this is of public consequence, when
their importance in tracing family
descents, (he. is considered.
It may be proper to apply to the
churchwardens for leave to make the
repairs, but they are bound to grant it
as far as their authority extends; and
by refusing may incur the censure of
the ecclesiastical court; for decency
and propriety require that monuments
should not remain in a state of ruin
and decay. Baralz'n v. Oaloott, 1 Con-
sist. 16.
The defacing of monuments is
punishable at common law; for the
property in gravestones, winding-
sheets, coats-of-arms, pennons, or
other ensigns, placed or hung up in
memory of the dead, remains in the
executors, who may have actions
against those who break, deface, or
carry them away, or an appeal of
felony (1 Inst. 18 (b); Frances v. Ley,
Cro. Jac. 367.; 3 Inst. 110. 202.);
but if they are put up without the
ordinary’s consent, he may remove
them (Palmer v. Exeter (Bishop of),
1 Str. 576.), but the defacing of them
without the ordinary’s consent would
be an ecclesiastical offence (Wilson v.
M‘Maz/z, 3 Phil. 89.); and according
to Bis/top v. Turner (Godb. 279.) the
churchwardens may bring an action
for defacing a monument. Steer’s
P. L., by Clive, 37.; 1 Burn’s E. L.
373.; Spoo'ner v. Brewster, 3 Bing. 136.;
9 Ed. 4. 14. (a); Degge’s P. C., by
Ellis, 217.
Trespass may be maintained for
taking away a tombstone from a
churchyard, and obliterating an in-
scription made upon it, at the suit
of the party by whom it was erected,
although the freehold of the church-
yard is in the parson; as the right to
a tombstone vests in the person who
erects it, or in the heirs of the de-
ceased in whose memory it is set up.
Spooner v. Brewster, 1 Bing. 136.;
2 C. & T. 34.; 1 Inst. 18. b.
(1718)
the Burial of the Dead.
loron in oifhonour; it is raiieo in glory :3[t is
toion in roeakneis; it is raiteo in homer: Elt
is foion a natural hoop; it is raiteo a tpiritual
hoop. (there is a natural hooy, ano there is
a lpiritual hoop. Qino to it is irnitten, @he
firﬂ man eloam rnas mane a liking foul, the
1811 aoam i985 mﬁUB a
quickning %>pirit.

Gomg before it: (p_ 1696_)__
Wherever the grave is, the priest is to
“ go before,” and to lead the company
thither, and to conduct, and intro-
duce, as it were, the corpse of the
decease into its house of rest. In
fact, the priest ever went before the
corpse, both in the Eastern and
Western Church, as our rubric now
enjoins; for he was to begin those
holy hymns, wherewith the deceased
were brought to their graves: the
nearest friends and principal mourners
went next; and then all the company
followed in order after the bier: which
ancient custom hath this excellent
moral in it—to be a memento to us
who survive, that this our deceased
friend is gone before us, and that we
must all follow him very shortly to the
same place.
It seems that the clergyman is
bound to read the burial service over
the body brought to be interred, al-
though the performance of such duty
may be in direct opposition to the
expressed wishes of the friends of the
deceased. Thus, stat. 5 Geo. IV. 0. 25.
s. 2. recites, that “the easement of
burial in the churchyards of Protest-
ant churches has been long enjoyed by
all classes of his Majesty’s subjects;
but such burial may not by law be
allowed, unless the burial service or-
dained by the liturgy of the Church
of Ireland, as by law established, shall
be celebrated thereat by the rector,
vicar, curate, or other officiating mi-
nister of the Church of Ireland, in
whose burial such churchyard shall
be had, or by some person in holy
orders of the Church of Ireland duly
authorised by him:” and that “such
minister of the Church of Ireland may
not by law dispense with the celebra-
tion of such service, or permit the
substitution of any other service in
lieu thereof.”
The same statute enacts that offi-
ciating parish ministers in Ireland
may grant permission to clergymen
not of the Church of Ireland duly
authorised to perform burial service :
such permission to be in writing; and
the interment and service had at the
time appointed.
But sec. 4. of that statute enacts
that ministers are not to celebrate
burial service unless required. Vide
1 Stephens on the Laws relating to
the Clergy, 199.
Into the Church, or towards
fhfl grave I (p. 1696.)—The priest
and clerks can go either direct to the
grave, or into the church. But it is
illegal to go into the church at the
conclusion of the prayers at the grave,
and there read the psalm and lesson.
When the rubrics were formed,
there was a reason for the minister’s
going to the grave in the ﬁrst place,
which does not at present exist. It
was then in some places not uncom-
mon to bury the poorer people with-
out a coffin, the body being wrapped
in some thick coarse clothing. On
such occasions there might be an ob-
vious reason for not admitting the
corpse to be brought into the church.
(1719)
we Burial of the Dead.
lhotbbeit, that mas not but which-is fpiritual;
but that tnhirh is natural, ano aftermaro
that tohirh is fpiritual. @the firll man is of
the earth, earthy: the reform man is the {Logo
from heaben. els
is the earthy, futh are
they that are earthy : arm as is the heabenly,
fuch are they alto that are heabenly. elnb

And even at present, where the de-
ceased may have died of the small
pox, or any other infectious disease;
or when the body is putrid, or other-
wise oifensive ; the minister, for the sake
of the health of the company attending
the funeral, as well as on account of
the congregation who may assemble
the same or the following day, would
exercise his discretion properly if he
went to the grave, and not into the
church (2 Shepherd on the Common
Prayer, 417.et seq). But, under other
circumstances, the priest acts very
offensively by not performing the ser-
vice in the same manner over the
remains of the poor as of the rich.
Upon this subject, the Bishop of
Norwich, in his charge at the septen-
nial visitation in 1845, said: “The
point respecting funerals, relates to
what I must call (to say the least) a
very objectionable custom, which pre-
vails, I have reason to believe, to a
very wide extent—that of making a
marked difference between the weal-
thier and the poorer classes—per-
forming over the remains of the latter
but half the funeral service, and tak-
ing the corpse at once to the grave,
while the mourners of the wealthier
classes are alone admitted within the
church, and entitled to the whole of
our beautiful and impressive service.
I can have no hesitation in express-
ing, in the strongest terms, my un-
qualiﬁed disapprobation of such dis-
tinctions. In the eye of God the rich
and the poor stand alike, and surely
at the grave their remains should be
entitled to equal consideration. I
conceive, and I am borne out by high
authorities, that the supposed discre~
tion on the part of the ofﬁciating
clergyman, as to his taking the corpse
at once to the grave, is limited to
cases of infectious disorders. In con-
clusion, with respect to these two last
mentioned points, I have only to say,
that during my own long ministerial
practice, I, in one instance only, that
of a child dying of a very infectious
disease, considered myself justiﬁed in
not admitting the corpse into the
church, and reading the whole of the
service; and that with respect to
baptisms, I also invariably used the
full, entire service, unless the child
was certiﬁed by its parents to be in a
precarious or dangerous state.”
Shall fay: (p. 1696.)-—At the
Savoy Conference, the Presbyterian
Ministers “desired that ministers may
be left to use their own discretion in
these circumstances, and to perform
the whole service in the church, if
they think ﬁt, for the preventing of
these inconveniences which many
times both minister and people are
exposed unto by standing in the open
air.”
To which the Bishops replied: “ It
is not ﬁt so much should be left to
the discretion of every minister; and
the desire that all may be said in the
church, being not pretended to be for
the ease of tender consciences, but of
tender heads, may be helped by’a cap
better than a rubric.”
(1720)
we Burial of the Dead-
as toe hane horn the image of the earthy,
toe that! alto hear the image of the hea=
oenlp. mono this 31 tap, hgethgen, that
ﬂelh ano hiouo tannot
inherit the king:
oom of con, neither ooth roiruption inherit
intogruptionﬂhehoio, 31 them you a mpﬂerp.
me

At the same Conference it was like-
wise urged by the Presbyterians, that
the rubric ought to declare the prayers
and exhortations here used to be “not
for the beneﬁt of the dead, but only
for the beneﬁt of the living.” Card-
well’s Conferences, 258.
This doctrine, the most consonant
with reason as well as with holy Scrip-
ture, is in unison with the whole tenor
of the Church’s teaching. Yet, it
may be observed, that Prayers for the
Dead are nowhere absolutely and dis-
tinctly prohibited by her. In the office
of the judge promoted by Breel's v. Wool-
freg (1 Curt. 880.), it was held, that the
fol owing inscription : -- “ Spes mea
Christus,”— “ Pray for the soul of
J. Woolfrey ;”--“ It is a holy and
wholesome thought to pray for the
dead,” 2 Mac. xii. 46.——“ J. W. obiit
5. die Jan. 1838, set. 50;” was not
illegal, as by no canon or authority of
the Church in these realms had the
practice of praying for the dead been
expressly prohibited. [The inscription
on Bishop Barrow’s tombstone in the
cathedral of St. Asaph in 1680, is as
follows : —— “ O vos, transeuntes in
domum Domini, in domum orationis,
orate pro conservo vestro, ut inveniat
misericordiam in die Domini."]; in
which case Sir Herbert Jenner said:
“ The question, shortly, is this, Is pray-
ing for the dead involved in the doc—
trine of purgatory? Now, with a view
to deciding that question, the ﬁrst thing
to determine is, What is the doctrine
of purgatory as received in the Romish
Church 2 This may be ascertained by
a reference to the decrees of the gene-
ral councils, and to authors who have
written on the subject. As far as I
have been able to learn, it does not
appear that there was any declaration
of the doctrine of purgatory by any
general council until that of Florence,
in 1438, which contained the ﬁrst allu-
sion to the doctrine. This was followed
up by a decree of the Council of Trent,
in 1563, which was a year after the
articles of religion were set forth by
royal authority in this country. When
I state that no mention was made of
the doctrine of purgatory in any
general council previous to that of
Florence, I do not mean to say that
the doctrine was not received at an
earlier period; it would appear, ac-
cording to the best authorities to
which the court had access, that the
notion of purgatory was ﬁrst intro-
duced about the ﬁfth or sixth century.
Bishop Tomline, in his second volume
of his Elements of Christian Theology,
states, that ‘the practice of praying
for the dead began in the third cen-
tury; but it was not till long after-
wards that purgatory was ever men-
tioned among Christians. It was at
ﬁrst doubtfully received, and was not
fully established until the papacy of
Gregory the Great, in the beginning
of the seventh century.’ The doctrine
then so introduced, and which is de-
clared by the twenty-second article of
our Church to be repugnant to the
word of God, is thus described in the
Catechism of Trent :—-‘ Est purgato—
rius ignis, quo piorum animae ad deﬁ—
5T
(1721)
Burial of the Dead.
we lhall not all ﬂeep,
hut ine lhall all he
rhangeo in a moment, in the tioinhling of
an eye, at the laﬂ trump, (for the trumpet
lhall touno, ano the oeao lhall be raiteo in:
eorruptihle, ano ine lhall he ehangeo.)
JFHZ
this eorruptihle mull not on ineorruption, ano
this mortal mull put on immortality. gm

1. l.
The 374th page of the ScaledBook commenceswith the word “ we”, “ m2”
being the catch-word on the preceding page.

nitum tempus cruciatae expiantur, ut
sis in aeternam patriam ingressus
patere possit, in quam nihil coinquin-
atum ingrediatur.’ It was also a part
of that doctrine, that the pains of
purgatory may be alleviated or short—
ened by the prayers of the living, by
masses, and by thanksgivings. This
doctrine being declared by the Church
of England to be without warranty of
Scripture, the question is, Whether
prayer for the dead falls under the
same condemnation? Now the ﬁrst
argument that suggests itself against
this supposition is, that the prayer
for the dead is a practice of a much
earlier date than the introduction of
the doctrine of purgatory; it clearly
appears that the practice of praying
for the dead prevailed amongst the
early, if not the earliest, Christians,
who at that day had no notion of the
doctrine of purgatory. It would be a
waste of time to travel through all the
authorities which might be referred
to to prove, not only the prevalence
of the practice of praying for the dead
long prior to the introduction of pur-
gatory, but also that the prayers by
the primitive Christians for the souls
of the departed were offered with a
different intention from those who
profess the Romish religion. The ob-
ject of such prayers with the latter
was to relieve the souls of the departed
from the pains of purgatory; that of
the former was, that the souls might
have rest and quiet in the interval
between death and the resurrection;
and that, at the last day, they might
receive the perfect consummation of
bliss; but certainly such prayers had
no reference to a state of suffering, in
which the souls were supposed to be
during the intermediate time. With
reference to this point, it will be right
to state one or two passages from
authors on this subject. Bishop Tay-
lor, in his Dissuasive from Popery (in
the tenth volume of Bishop Heber’s
edition), says: ‘There are two great
causes of their mistaken pretensions in
this article from antiquity. The ﬁrst
is, that the ancient churches in their
offices, and the fathers in their writ-
ings, did teach and practise respec-
tively prayers for the dead. Now, be
cause the Church of Rome does so
too, and more than so—relates her
prayers to the doctrine of purgatory,
and for the souls there detained—her
doctors vainly suppose, that whenever
the holy fathers speak of prayer for
the dead, they conclude for purgatory;
which vain conjecture is as false as it
is unreasonable; for it is true the
fathers did pray for the dead—but
how? ‘That God should show them
mercy, and hasten the resurrection,
and give a blessed sentence in the
great day.’ But then it is also to be
remembered, that they made prayers,
(1722)
we Burial of the Dead.
iohen this coiruptihle lhall have put on incog:
ruption, ano this mortal [hall hane put on
immortality. then lhall he brought to pats
the laying that is ingitten,
Death is final:
loroeo up in victory. flD oeath, inhere is thy
flingP 21D graoe, tnhere is thy oictogyi @Iihe
ﬂing of Death is fin, am: the llrength of fin


and offered for those who, by the con-
fession of all sides, never were in pur-
gatory; even for the patriarchs and
prophets, for the apostles and evange~
lists, for martyrs and confessors, and
especially for the Blessed Virgin Mary.’
And he cites authorities—Epiphanius,
St. Cyril, and others. ‘ Upon what ac-
count,’ he adds, ‘the fathers did pray
for the saints departed, and, indeed,
generally for all, it is not now season-
able to discourse: but to say this only,
that such general prayers for the dead
as those above reckoned, the Church of
England never did condemn by any
express articles, but left in the middle.
But,’ he adds, ‘she expressly cone
demns the doctrine of purgatory, and
consequently all prayers for the dead
relating to it.’ And in vol. xi. p. 58.
he shews that, though the ancient
fathers of the Church did sanction
prayers for the dead, they did not even
know the Romish doctrine of purga-
tory.
“Again, Archbishop Usher, whose
opinions upon the subject have been
recently printed in the Tracts for the
Times, says : ‘Our Romanists do com-
monly take it for granted, that purga-
tory and prayer for the dead be so
closely linked together, that the one
doth necessarily follow the other: but
in so doing they greatly mistake the
matter; for howsoever they may deal
with their own devices as they please,
and link their prayers with their pur-
gatory as they list, yet shall they
never be able to show that the com-
memoration and prayers for the dead
used by the ancient church had any
relation with their purgatory.’
“Without reference, then, to any
other authorities, which are numerous
011 the point, it is clear that prayers
for the dead are not necessarily con-
nected with the doctrine of purgatory,
since they were offered up by the pri-
mitive church long antecedent to the
doctrine of purgatory being received
by the Church of Rome.
“But it was said that, whatever
might have been the case in the early
ages with respect to the practice of
praying for the dead, the Church of
England had taken a different view
of the subject; and with reference to
what had taken place in the earliest
time of the Reformation, and subse-
quently, that though prayers for the
dead were not considered, in the ﬁrst
instance, contrary to the principles of
the Christian religion, yet that in later
times they had been considered as op-
posed to the principles and doctrines
of the Church, as had been shown by
the alterations made at different times
in its liturgy.
“ The authorities seem to go no
further than this—to show that the
Church discouraged prayers for the
dead, but did not prohibit them; and
that the twenty—second article is not
violated by the use of such prayers.
The ground on which the Church con-
sented to the omission of these prayers
could not, perhaps, be better stated
than by Mr. Palmer, in his Origines
Liturgicse, to this effect :-—~‘ When the
custom of praying for the dead began
5T2
(1723)
Burial of the Dead.
is the lain. lhut thanks be to Qlioo tnhith
gibeth us the bittogy, through our bozo Zlefus
Qfhgill. @Eherefole,
my belobeb brethren, be
ye ﬂeofaﬂ, unmobeable. altoays abounoing
in the more of the Logo, forasmuth as ye
know that your labour is not in train in the
Logo.
in the Christian Church has never
been ascertained. We ﬁnd traces of
the practice in the second ‘century;
and either then or shortly after it ap-
pears to have been customary in all
parts of the Church. The ﬁrst person
who objected to such a prayer was
Aerius, who lived in the fourth cen—
tury; but his arguments were answered
by various writers, and did not produce
any effect in altering the immemorial
practice of praying for those that rest.
Accordingly, from that time, all the
liturgies in the world contain such
prayers.
“Some persons will, perhaps, say,
that this sort of prayer is unscrip—
tural; that it infers the Romish
doctrine of purgatory, or something
else, which is contrary to the will of
God, or the nature of things. But
when we reﬂect that the great divines
of the English Church have not taken
this ground, and that the Church of
England herself has never formally
condemned prayers for the dead, but
only omitted them in her liturgy, we
may, perhaps, think that there are
some other reasons to justify that
omission.’ And then this learned
writer proceeds to state the probable
reason of the omission of these prayers
in the liturgy of the English Church;
namely, that they might be abused,
to the prejudice of the uneducated
classes, and to the support of the Roman
Catholic doctrine of purgatory. I am,
therefore, of opinion, that in this case
there has been no violation of the
twenty-second article of the Church,
so as to call for punishment by eccle—
siastical censure. The twenty-second
article does not prohibit prayers for
the dead, unless so far as they neces—
sarily involve the doctrine of purga—
tory; and the inscription has not
been shown to be a violation of that
article.
“But it is said that some other
articles of the Church have been
violated, and reference was made to
the thirty-ﬁfth article, which is to
this effect: ‘That the second book of
homilies contained a godly and whole-
some doctrine, and necessary for these
times, as doth the former book of
homilies, which were set forth in
the time of Edward VI.; and, there-
fore we judge them to be read in
churches by the ministers diligently
and distinctly, that they may be un—
derstanded of the people.’ And it
was said in the seventh homily on
prayer, the practice of praying for
the dead is declared to be an erro-
neous doctrine; and, therefore, as the
homilies are directed to be read in
churches for the ediﬁcation of the
people, it must be necessarily inferred
that they are forbidden and prohibited
by the Church of England. Now, if
this were clearly so, it would seem
somewhat extraordinary that many
divines of the Church should, in the face
of these articles and of the homilies,
have fallen into the error of believing
that the Church of England had not
prohibited prayers for the dead, but
merely discouraged them; but it is
still more extraordinary that, consi-
(1724)
thsBul'lﬂl "of the Dead.
1T When they come to the grave, While the
corps is made ready
to be laid into the‘
earth, the Prieft fhall fay, or the Prieft and
Clerks {hall ling,
Man that, is born of a momamhath hat a
lhoit time to line, am: is full of miierp.
lhe tometh up. ano is out ooinn like a ﬂoioer;

dering the violent disputes which had
occurred with respect to this point,
there had been no express prohibition
of the practices in the Articles of
1562. If it had been the intention of
the Church to have forbidden the
practice, surely there would have been
an express and distinct prohibition of
it.
“ It was urged in this case, that the
person by whom the tombstone was
erected being a Roman Catholic, it
must be supposed that the invitation
contained in the inscription, to pray
for the dead, has a necessary reference
to the doctrine of purgatory as re-
ceived by the church of which she is
a member; and that the inscription
must be taken in a Roman Catholic
sense, because the quotation from the
Maccabees was taken from the Roman
Catholic version of the Bible, and not
from that authorised by the Church of
England. Now I do not think this
argument sufficient to authorise me
to put any other construction on the
inscription than the words will bear,
according to their plain meaning. It
is true that the version does not
agree with the English translation
(in fact, in one translation, there is
not a 46th verse in the 12th chapter
of Maccabees); but the question is
not, whether the version is correct or
not, but whether the meaning is or is
not inconsistent with that contained
in the English version? Now, it is
impossible to read the English version
and not see that the sense of the quo-
tation is the same in both; and that
the reconciliation spoken of by Judas
meant a reconciliation of the dead,
with a view to the resurrection.
Whether the doctrine be taken from
the text according to the Romish or
English version, the question is, whe»
ther it is a violation of the articles,
canons, and constitutions of our
Church? That is the view I must
take of the case, sitting here as an
ecclesiastical judge. If any thing
arose from the circumstance of the
party being a Roman Catholic, or
from the sense in which the words of
the inscription are understood by the
Romish Church, it should have been
speciﬁcally pleaded, for the court has
no judicial information of the exis-
tence of a Roman Catholic Bible. . . .
“I am, then, of opinion, on the
whole of the case, that the offence
imputed by the articles has not been
sustained: that no authority or canon
has been pointed out, by which the
practice of praying for the dead has
been expressly prohibited.’7
01" .fin-g: (p. 1696.)-——The Order
for the Burial of the Dead is the only
occasional office for which special ser-
vices have been composed by our
church musicians. There are two in
most general use; one by Morley, of
an eminently solemn character, and
another by Croft, the latter part by
Purcell, an admirable composition, but -
inferior to Morley’s in chastened sim-
plicity. This ofﬁce in Marbeck is
(1725)
Ara-16 Burial of the Dead.
he ﬂeeth as it ioere a fhaooio, ano nener eon:
tinueth in oneﬂay.
3m the mine of life ine are in oeath: of
iohom may roe feel: for tuetour, but of thee,
£11) lLoro, inho for our fins art iuﬂly nit:
pleafeo P
yet, ilD iLoro Qhoo moﬂ holy, iiD iLoro moll
mighty, ED holy ano moﬂ mereitnl %vaoiour,
oeliner us not into the bitter pains of eternal
oeath.
noted throughout. J ebb on the Choral
Service, 528.
I gm the relnrrertion anti the life,
faith the ZLHrU: (p. 1.697.)——This sen-
tence has been in our Prayer Books
since 1549; and it is one of the
very few places where the compilers
of our liturgy have preﬁxed to a pas—
sage from the Gospel the name of the
speaker, when it is not found in the
Bible. Hence some of the gospels
for Sundays and holidays begin too
abruptly. The old missals often intro-
duce the passage with, “Jesus said,”
or “ At that time,” and sometimes
substitute the proper name for the
pronoun in the ﬁrst sentence. 2 Shep-
herd on the Common Prayer,'427.
I Siinoin that my htietteemer Iiheth :
(p. 1698.)-—The Book of Job contains
so many lively descriptions of the
miseries of human life, and the felici-
ties of a religious and holy death, that
it hath been anciently esteemed of
special use in this oiﬁce; and the
Western Church of old had nine
several lessons at burial from hence,
beginning at Job vii. 16. This very
sentence is there reckoned the eighth
lesson; and it is very proper on this
occasion, as being a noble example of
the exercise of that faith prescribed
in the former verse. And surely if he,
who lived among the Gentiles so long
before the revelation of Christianity,
could sustain his spirit with the hopes
of a resurrection, it will be no small
reproach to us, who have fuller and
better assurances of it, to be slower in
our belief of this article than he. The
old translation of these verses in Job
(which was retained in our office till
the last review, when from the Scotch
Liturgy it was changed for the new
one), as it was more agreeable to the
ancient versions and the sense of the
fathers, so was it more applicable to
the present occasion. The words, as
they stood then, were as follow: “ I
know that my Redeemer liveth, and
that I shall rise out of the earth in
the last day, and shall be covered
again with my skin, and shall see God
in my ﬂesh; yea, and I myself shall
behold him, not with other, but with
these same eyes.” Thus the fathers
read it, and accordingly explained it
of a particular resurrection of this
very body. And in this sense it is
an admirable consolation to all that
mourn for the loss of friends, namely,
to believe with holy Job, that the
same person we are now laying in the
earth, there to crumble and to moul-
der into dust, shall in due time, by
the power of God, arise from his grave
and live again. We lose, indeed, the
sight of him for a season, but we
know that Jesus our Redeemer liveth,
(1726)
we Burial of the Dead-
ethou knoioell, logo. the tecrets of our
hearts; lhut not thy merciful ears to our
1323]?“
; hut lpare us, itogo molt holy, ilD
Qhoo moll mighty.£l> holy ano merciful %a=
hiour, thou moll inogthy Ziuoge eternal, tuifer
us not at our laﬂ hour to; any pains of oeath
to fall from thee.
1] Then

1. 3. An erasure, seemingly of an “5”, occurs after the word " PI'KQBI'”.

who will in due time raise us all from
the dust, when both our friend and
we shall all behold him, and even
know and distinguish each other again
with these very eyes.
ghoay‘; hIefIeh : (p. 1699.) —- P. B.
1549, “Even as it pleaseth [P.B. 1552,
“hath pleased”] the Lorde, so cometh
thynges to passe.”
At the last review this passage was
abandoned.
{l After they : (p. 1700.) ._
P. B. 1549, “ These psalmes with other
suifrages folowing, are to be sayde in
the churche, either before or after the
buriall of the corps.
“ Dilexi quoniam. psal. cxvi.
“ Domine probasti. psal. cxxxix.
“ Lauda anima mea. psal. cxlvi.”
The psalms are printed at full, and
followed by the doxologies.
One or both of thefe Pfalms:
(p. 1700.)——-The singing of psalms and
hymns at funerals was a custom used
among Christians even from the ﬁrst
ages (vide ante); and, in compliance
with this ancient and universal cus-
tom, psalms have been prescribed in
our Church also, which are as agree-
able to this solemnity as any that
have place in the best ofﬁces of this
kind now extant in the world.
The ﬁrst psalm, the thirty-ninth, is
supposed to have been composed by
David, upon Joab’s reproaching him
for his public grief for Absalom’s
death; and is of use in this place, to
direct and comfort those that mourn,
to check all loud and unseemly com-
plaints, and to turn them into prayers
and devout meditations.
The second psalm, the ninetieth,
was composed by Moses in the wilder-
ness, upon the death of that vast mul-
titude who, for their murmuring and
inﬁdelity, were sentenced to leave
their carcases in the wilderness; and
who accordingly wasted by little and
little before they came into the land
of Canaan. Upon this the prophet
breaks forth into these religious medi-
tations, not accusing the divine pro-
vidence, but applying all to the best
advantage; shewing us withal what
thoughts we should entertain, when
we have the prospect of a funeral
before our eyes; namely, that we
should reﬂect upon, and consider our
own lot, and endeavour to apply the
instance of mortality now before
us to the bettering and improving
of our own condition. Dean Comber,
Discourses on the Common Prayer,
431.
The present order of our Burial
Service dates, upon the whole, from
1552. At the last review, however,
psalms were again introduced, and
(1727)
Burial of the Dead.
{[ Then While the earth fhall be call upon the
body by fome {landing by, the Prieﬂ fhall
fay,
Fﬂhiafmuth as it hath pleafeo almighty
eon of his great merry to take unto
himfelf the foul of our bear brother here be
parteo, we therefore tommit his booy to the
grouno, earth to earth, alhes to alhes, bull to

l. 1. The 8'75t11 page of the Sealed Book commences with “11' Then”, “ '11 Then” being
also the catch-word on the preceding page.
l. 4.
An erasure occurs on the outer margin.

the position of the lesson altered, both
which changes caused it so far to
bear a greater resemblance to what
existed in the ﬁrst Prayer Book of
Edward VI. To understand the dif-
ference between the two arrangements
of the service previous to 1662, it
must be borne in mind, that in 1549,
after the part to be used at the grave,
came the Psalms, the Lesson, the
Kyrie eleison, the Lord’s Prayer and
Suifrages, with the prayer, “ O Lorde,
with whome do live,” the, which were
always “to be sayde in the churche,
either before or after the buriall of
the corps ;” whilst in 1552 the Psalms
and Suffrages were left out, and the
Lesson then immediately followed the
sentence, “I heard a voyce,” Sec. Be-
sides, though, in compliance with the
rubric, “ the priestes and clerkes,”
after meeting the corpse, might still
go “eyther unto the churche, or to-
wardes the grave,” yet the former
permission referred solely to the case
of the grave itself chancing to be in
the church; for the Prayer Book of
1552 directed the whole service to be
read wherever the grave was. The
third part of the Burial Service of
1549 consisted of “The Celebracion of
the holy Communion when there is a
Burial of the dead.” But this like-
wise was omitted in 1552, though, by
an express order of Elizabeth, after-
wards incorporated into the Latin
Prayer Book published in the second
year of her reign, and intended chieﬂy
for the Universities and public schools.
The service so incorporated, as we ﬁnd
from Sparrow’s Collection of Articles,
(be, p. 204., was only to be used, “si
amici et vicini defuncti communicare
velint;” it contained no psalm, had
the collect somewhat shortened at
the termination, and a second gospel
from John v., beginning, “Dixit Jesus
discipulis suis et turbis J udaeorum:
Amen, amen, dico vobis, Qui sermo-
nem me audit,” &c., and ending with
“ in resurrectionem condemnationis.”
Clav’e Prayer Book Illustrated 168
v “u ~ J a a
169.
In St. Paul’s Cathedral the Burial
Service is interwoven with the oﬁEice
of Evening Prayer; the Sentences be-
ing sung before the service begins, the
two Psalms being substituted for those
of the day, and the Lesson for the
regular Second Lesson. In other re-
spects, the Evening Service is gone
through as usual, at the end of which
the remainder of the funeral office is
performed. (J ebb on the Choral Ser-
vice.) This order is illegal, because
no rubric sanctions it, and it is op-
posed to the prescribed order of divine
service.
(1728)
we Burial of the Dead.
out}. in ture am: certain hope of the tlZftIttB£=
tion to eternal life, through our lLoio Eletus
Qthgill, inho [hall thange our nile hoop, that
it may he like unto his glorious hoog, ar=
turning to the mighty toogking. tnherehg he
is able to tuhoue all things to himtelt.
1T Then {hall be faid or fung,
Ihearo a noire from heanen, taping unto
me, write; from henceforth hlelleo are the

@Iorn he to the jfather: (p. 1705.)
Each of the psalms is concluded with
that ancient and excellent hymn, the
Gloria Patri: upon which we may
here note, that the Church of England
doth not herein follow the Church of
Rome, who reject this hymn, as being
too joyful for the solemnity. Whereas
the ancient Christians buried the faith-
ful with all possible demonstrations of
joy. And therefore, with the Greek
Church, and indeed with the primi-
tive, we express our gratitude and joy
in this eucharistical conclusion of the
psalms, as being well assured of the
resurrection, and the happiness that
shall follow all that depart hence in
the Lord.
{I Then fhall follow the
111mm! (p. 1711.)-P. B. 1549,
“Then shall folowe this lesson, taken
out of the xv. Chapter to the Corin-
thians, the ﬁrst Epistle.”
The admirable composers of this
funeral Office, like that good scribe
instructed to the kingdom of heaven
(Matt. xiii. 52.), have brought forth
out of their treasures things new and
old: that is, as St. Jerome expounds
it, the choicest parts both of the Old
and New Testament: after the psalms
out of the Old Testament, therefore,
they have added this lesson out of the
New. And since the faith of the resur-
rection is not only the principal ar-
ticle of a Christian’s belief, but also
that which chieﬂy concerns us on this
occasion, as well to allay our sorrow
for the party deceased, as to prepare
us freely to follow when God calls;
therefore they have chosen this chap-
ter, which, though it stand among the
epistles, is called St. Paul’s Gospel
(ver. 1.), and is the fullest account of
the resurrection that the whole Scrip-
ture doth afford: that article being
here so strongly proved, so plainly de-
scribed, and so pertinently applied,
that nothing could have been so suit-
able to this purpose, which made it to
be anciently taken notice of, as a very
goper passage for funeral occasions.
ence the Western Church of old did
read one epistle out of it, beginning
at verse 51; and our Salisbury Oﬂice
hath taken one little portion'out of it,
beginning at verse 20. But our judi-
cious reformers thought not ﬁt to
mangle it: beginning, therefore, with
verse 20, they continue to the end
of the chapter. The lesson consists
of three parts: ﬁrst, the certainty of
the resurrection is proved, ver. 20—34 ;
secondly, the queries relating to it
are solved, ver. 35-54; thirdly, the
application of the whole is made,
ver. 55-—58. '
TO I (p. 1725.)-—P.B. 1549, “at.”
Grafton’s copy of 1552 ﬁrst intro-
duced “to.”
(1729)
Burial of the Dead.
oeao inhieh Die in the lLoro: even to faith
the gmirit, for they tell from their labours.
1i Then the Prieit {hall fay,
iLoro, hane merry upon us.
Chriil, have mercy upon us.
iLoro, haoe merry upon us.
Oar jtather rnhirh art in heanen, ihalloin:
eo he thy :Taame. @thy hingoom tome.
@Ihy ioill be none in earth, as it is in heanen.
mine as this Day our Daily hreao. ano forgioe
us our tretpaltes, as me torgine them that

{I When they come to the
grave, while the corps is
made ready to be laid into
th€ earth: (p. 1725.)-— Interment,
or depositing the dead body in a grave,
is the most ancient way of burial.
That this way was used by the Egyp-
tians and other Asiatics, is manifest
by the accounts we have of their
embalming their bodies, to preserve
them from corruption, which we have
an account of in ancient authors; and
from the mummies or dead bodies
taken out of the cemeteries of that
country at this day. That the Jews
did the like is manifest from their
own writers, and from the books of
Holy Scripture, where the dead, as,
for instance, Sarah, Isaac, and Joseph,
are recorded as having been laid
in the ground. But in succeeding
ages, there arose a fashion among
some nations, of burning the bodies
of the dead. Whether this custom
was owing to a fear, that enemies
might offer injury to the corpse after
its interment, by digging it up, as
was the case of Sylla, who ordered his
body to be burnt, contrary to the cus-
tom of the Cornelian family, lest he
should be served as he had served
Marius (Plut. in vit. Syll.), or whether
it was begun upon the bodies of prin-
ces or persons of high dignity, fancy-
ing thereby that their souls were car~
ried up in the ﬂames to consort among
the gods; or whether other persons of
inferior rank thought to get to heaven
that way, is uncertain. The Greeks
used burning very anciently, as early
as the times of the Trojan War, as
appears by Homer’s description of the
funeral Of Patroclus: Hot'rytrav 5% rrvpdu
éKarépa-odov, (he. (Hom. Il. xxiii.) Not
but that they used interment likewise,
ancient historians of that country
giving an account of the way of
placing the body in the grave, viz.
with the face towards the east in some
places (Plut. in Solon), and in other
places towards the west. (Elian. Var.
Hist. lib. vii.) Nay, the bodies of com-
mon people, who could not be at the
charge of a funeral pile, and the
costly sacriﬁcial rites which attended
funeration by burning, were gene-
rally disposed of by way of inter-
ment. And Cicero (de Leg. lib. ii.)
informs us, that in such early times
as those of Cecrops, interment was
altogether made use of by the Grecians.
The Romans took the custom of burn—
ing their dead from the Greeks, and
for the most part used it till Chris-
(1730)
he the Burial of the Dead-
trefpafs againll us.
ﬁno leao us not into
temptation: ihut oeliner us from enil. amen.
Prieft.
_ iLmighty Qhoo, inith rohom no line the
fpirits of them that oepart hence in
the itogo, ano with whom the fouls of
the faithful, after they are oelihereo from
the huroen of the ﬂelh. are in joy ano feli=
city; we gine thee hearty thanks, for that
it hath pleafeo thee to neither this our
brother
tianity prevailed in that empire. But
yet Pliny says (Nat. Hist. lib. vii.
cap. 54.) expressly: Ipsum cremare
apud Romanos non fuit veteris insti-
tuti: terra condebantur. At post-
quam longinquis bellis obrutos erui
cognovere, tunc institutum. Et tamen
multae families priscos servavere ritus:
sicut in Cornelia nemo ante Syllam
dictatorem traditur crematus. Idque
voluisse veritum talionem, eruto C.
Marii cadavere. But though other
nations sometimes used interment, and
sometimes burning, the Jewish nation
made use only of the former, except
perhaps during plague, and the Chris-
tians, treading in their steps, did the
like. N icholls on the Common Prayer.
Constantine the Great was interred
in the porch of the Church of the
Apostles, Constantinople. (Chrys.Hom.
xxvi. in 2 Ep. ad Cor.; Euseb. Vit.
Const. lib. iv. cap. 10.) And he dur-
ing his life instituted several corpora—
tions of men, who were to take care of
the interment of the Christian dead,
which was afterwards conﬁrmed by
Anastasius (Justin. Nov. 49.) and by
Justinian (Const. de Off); and inter—
ment has ever since prevailed through-
out the several ages of Christianity
which have succeeded.
In our Church, when the corpse has
come to the grave, which is by the
Jews called “ the long habitation,”
and by the Christians “the bed of
rest,” whilst it is made ready to be
put into it, our Church hath drawn
up a most pious meditation for the
blessing and sanctifying of our own
souls, and the application of this ex-
ample to our spiritual advantage.
When the body is stript of all but its
grave attire, and is just going to be
put into the ground, it is most likely
to make the deepest impression upon
us, and to strike us with the most
serious apprehensions of our mortality.
This happy opportunity the Church is
unwilling to lose; and therefore, whilst
we are in such a good disposition of
mind, she presents us with a noble
strain of devotion, consisting of a
meditation on the shortness, and
misery, and uncertainty of life, to-
gether with an acknowledgment of
our dependence on God, whom yet we
have disobliged and offended with our
sins. However, we presume to ﬂy to
him for succour, and beg of him to
preserve us from eternal death here-
after, and to support us under the
pains, of temporal death here.
There were several superstitious
(1731)
Burial of the Dead.
brother out of the mileries of this flnt‘ul
moan, heteething thee that it may pleate thee
of thy gracious goounels, ﬂJoztlh to attain:
plr'lh the number of thine elect. ant] to hallen
thy hingnum, that me, with all thofe that are
neparten in the true faith of thy holy Mame,
may have our perfect contamination ﬁIlU
hlils, both in hoop ann foul, in thy eternal

1. 1. The 376th page of the Sealed Book commences with the word “ brother”,
“ brother” being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

practices which were used in the R0—
mish oﬂice, before the Reformation.
Thus, the body of the deceased was
several times to be sprinkled with
holy water, and thurigated; the people
exhorted to pray for the soul of the
departed; the priest to break the
ground to the length of the deceased,
in the form of a cross: Deinde acci-
piat sacerdos fossorium, vel aliud in-
strumentum, et aperiat terram in
modum crucis, ad longitudinem et
latitudinem corporis defuncti, dicens:
Aperite mihi portas justitiae, et in-
gressus in eas conﬁtebor Domino: heec
porta Domini, justi intrabunt in eam.
After this an anthem was to be sung by
the priest and clerks standing at the
head of the corpse.
There is also in that ofﬁce a bene-
diction of the grave, and to that pur-
pose this prayer is said: Rogamus te,
Domine sancte, Pater omnipotens,
mterne Deus, ut bene >1<dicere et
sancti >1‘ ﬁcare digneris hoc sepul-
chrum, et corpus in e0 collocandum:
ut sit remedium salutare in eo quies~
centi, et redemptio animae ejus, atque
tutela et munimen contra saeva jacula
Inimici, per Christum Dominum nos-
trum. Amen.
By the same office, the chief mourner
was to cast earth upon the corpse in the
form of a cross, to thurify it, and cast
holy water upon it: Finitis orationi-
bus executor officii terram super cor-
pus ad modurn crucis ponat, et corpus
thuriﬁcet et aqua benedicta aspergat.
These usages being superstitious, were
laid aside at the Reformation. N icholls
on the Common Prayer.
The Prieft {hall fay, or the
Prieit and Clerks {hall ﬁng:
(p. 1725.)--The two anthems after the
Lesson, “Man that is born of a wo~
man,” and “I heard a voice,” are
sung to various melodies, as those at
the beginning of the office. The lesser
litany has, in Marbeck, the usual in-
tonations, and the Lord’s Prayer the
last two sentences chanted in cadence,
as verse and response. The versicles
which followed the Lord’s Prayer in
the ﬁrst Prayer Book, according to
the analogy of most of our services,
have been omitted in all subsequent
editions, as they were direct prayers
for the dead. Of the two prayers
which follow, the ﬁrst is modiﬁed from
one occurring in an earlier part of the
service in the First Book. The second
is termed the collect; it is so called
because one of similar import was
prescribed for the communion, in an-
cient times performed after funerals.
For this oﬁice an introit, epistle, and
gospel, were appointed"; and in“ Mar-
beck, the lntroit, Kyrie, Sanctus, and
Agnus Dei are set to a notation. It is
(1732)
are Burial of the Dead.
ano eoerlatling glory, through Zlefus Qthriﬂ
our iLorlJ. Amen-
The Collect.
ahertitul Qhoo, the JFather of our ILoro
Zlefus Qihrill, ioho is the refurrertion
ano the lite5 in inhom rohoioeoer helieueth,

to be observed that in two prayers in
this service, Marbeck preserves the
grave cadence, a fall to the ﬁfth be-
low; of which I am not aware that
another instance occurs in our Choral
Service. It has now fallen into total
disuse.
The use of the communion service,
however, was kept up after the altera-
tions of the Prayer Book. Thus, in
1559, it was performed at the funeral
of the Countess of Suffolk in West-
minster Abbey, at which Bishop Jewel
preached: the communion was cho-
rally celebrated by the Dean and two
assistants; and two of the daughters
of the deceased communicated. (Strype,
Annals of the Reformation, book i.
ch. 15.) In 1560 (ibid. book i. ch. 18.),
the queen appointed certain peculiar
forms in Latin to be used when the
friends of the deceased were minded
to celebrate the Lord’s Supper—“a
custom then,” adds Strype, “ but now
wholly disused.” By her injunctions
(ibid.), the communion service was
commanded to be used at funerals.
J ebb on the Choral Service, 530, 531.
An extra anthem is usually per-
formed at state funerals; but there is
no law to justify such conduct.
The proclamation of the style, cus-
tomary at the funerals of princes, was
originally a substitution for the “ Orate
pro anima,” said before the Reforma—
tion, as we are informed by ancient
documents, giving an account of the
celebration of the obsequies of Henry
II. of France.
While:
“whyles.”
Prief’ti (p. 1725.) --P. B. 1549,
“ or els the Priest.”
P.B. 1552, “or the Priest.” [P. B.
P. B. 1607, “Mi—
(p. 1725.) -P. B. 1549,
1589, “Ministers.”
nisters.” P. B. 1622, “ Priest.”]
The usual changes took place also
with the ﬁrst “ Priest” in this rubric:
the second is twice found in the plural,
namely, in Grafton’s copy of 1552, and
in the Prayer Book of 1559.
the ﬂeetl): (p. 1726.)——P. B. 1549,
“he ﬁyeth.”
5mg : (p. 1726. —Against this pas-
sage only is place in the margin the
scriptural reference, but with consider-
able variation. P. B. 1459, “Job ix.”
P. B. 1572, “ Job xix.” P. B. 1589,
“Job 14. 1, 2.”
grt iuftIg : (p. 1726.)—-P. B. 1549,
“ iustly art moved.” [P. B. 1552,
“ displeased ”].
.Q‘Eats’ in : (p. 1727.) — P. B. 1549,
“1yes to our Prayers.”
{I Then while: (p, 1728_)_
P. B. 1549, “ Then the priest castyng
earth upon the Corps, shall saye.”
Prlﬁfti (p. 1728.) -—P. B. 1589,
“Minister.” P. B. 1622, “Priest.”
Foraﬁnuth as : (p. 1728.) — P. B.
1549, “ I commende thy soule to God
the father almightie, and thy body to
the grounde.”
Brother here : (p. 1728.) -— The sex
(1733)
Burial of the Dead.
lhall line, though he oie; ano inhotoener
lineth ano helieneth in him, Ihall not oie
eternally; tnho alto hath taught us (by his
holy apoﬂle %>aint 19am) not to he lorry, as
men ioithout hope, for them that Heep in him,
we meehly hefeeeh thee, ill) father, to raite
us from the Death of tin unto the life of
righteoutnefs , that when ine lhall oepart this

of the person buried was not expressly
provided for until 1662.
“ Forasmuch as it hath pleased
Almighty God, of his great mercy to
take unto himself the soul of our dear
brother here departed: We therefore
commit his body to the ground in sure
and certain hope of resurrection to
eternal life.” -— At the Conference,
the Presbyterian Ministers objected,
that “these words cannot in truth be
said of persons living and dying in
open and notorious sins.”
To which the Bishops, answered:
“ We see not why these words may
not be said of any person whom we
dare not say is damned, and it were a
breach of charity to say so of those whose
repentance we do not see: for whether
they do not inwardly and heartily re-
pent, even at the last act, who knows?
and that God will not even then par-
don them upon such repentance, who
dares say i It is better to be charit-
able, and hope the best, than rashly
to condemn.” Cardwell’s Conferences,
362.
It is said that these words, “ to take
unto himself the soul,” are very im-
proper at the burial of wicked men.
But, ﬁrst, since it hath pleased God to
declare, that “ he hath no pleasure
in the death of the wicked, but rather
desires that he should turn from his
wickedness, and live” (Ezek. xviii.
23. 32.); we may fairly conclude that,
when it pleases God to take a wicked
man out of the world, he does it in
mercy, that he may not go on to
“ heap up wrath to himself against
the day of wrath.” (Rom. ii. 5.) Se—
condly, since Solomon saith of death
with respect to all men: “then shall
the dust return to the earth as it was,
and the spirit shall return unto God
who gave it” (Eccles. xii. 7.); it fol-
lows, that God may be properly said
to take the souls of all men that die
to himself, without excepting the most
notorious and impenitent offenders.
When good men die, he takes them to
himself; that is, to eternal life and
happiness: and though this cannot be
said of wicked men, yet it is as true
that he takes them to himself, that is,
to his own most righteous and just
judgment. Veneer on the Common
Prayer. Bennett on the Common
Prayer, 235.
It seems both unreasonable and
absurd for the Roman office now to
commend a soul to God’s hands, which
he hath already disposed of, and which
the ancient church commended to God
before it was departed: and indeed it
is best done by the party himself,
while his life remains. And concern-
ing that better and nobler part, we
have nothing to do now, but only to
acknowledge that God hath disposed
of that according to his good pleasure;
which is seasonably intimated here,
because our passions are usually at the
very highest upon this last parting.
This office calleth the deceased per-
son “ our brother,” and “ our dear
(1734)
are Burial of the Dead.
life, the may rell in him, as our hope is this
our brother ooth, am: that at the general re=
furrection in the laﬂ Day the may he founo
acceptable in thy fight, ano receioe that hlef=
ting iohich thy ioellehelooeo %UII lhall then
pronounce to all that lone ano fear thee, fay=
ing. Qfome, ye hleffeo chiloren of my jfather,
receihe the kingoom prepareo for you from

brother,”-~these phrases may undoubt-
edly be applied to every person who,
professing Christianity, dieth in the
Church’s communion; and that ex-
tensive sense of those words is sufli_
ciently warranted by the use thereof
in Scripture, when it commands us to
“love our brother,” not to “put a
stumbling-block before our brother,”
not to “defraud our brother,” to
“forgive our brother ;” and when it
speaketh of the “brother that walketh
disorderly,” and of “ admonishing him
as a brother,” and of “thy brother
trespassing against thee,” and “ if he
hear thee, thou hast gained thy bro-
ther ;” and “ if any man that is called
a brother be a fornicator;” from which
place St. Chrysostom observeth, that
every Christian man baptized by the
laver of regeneration is there called
a brother. Tertullian, in a general
sense, as they are men, alloweth even
the heathen to be accounted brethren,
though they be mali fratres, evil
brethren; but in a more special sense
he so esteemeth of all Christians who
acknowledge one God the Father; and
much to the same purpose writeth
Eusebius. And Cyril telleth all those
who gave up their names to Chris—
tianity, that they become the sons
and daughters of one mother. So
that this manner of expression in this
ofﬁce is the same which the Scriptures
and the ancient fathers have ordi-
narily used, or it is approved by those
writings which only are of divine
authority, and by those which are, in
the Church, of greatest human autho-
rity.
The expression of his being a dear
brother doth only include a respect
suitable to a brotherly relation ; and
expresseth that the members of the
Church of Christ had real desires of
the welfare of such persons as were
received into its communion. 3 Tracts
of the Anglican Fathers, 318.
(Earth to earth, tithes to afhes, Unit
in Huff: (p. 1728—9.)—When the body
is brought to the place of interment,
and while preparation is making for
depositing it in the earth, instead
of sprinkling the grave with holy
water, perfuming it with incense, say-
ing over it a benediction, and perform—
ing other idle superstitious ceremo-
nies, prescribed by the Roman Ritual
and the Manual of Sarum, we are sup—
plied with meditations on the short—
ness and uncertainty of human life;
are instructed to acknowledge our
dependence upon God, and to confess
that by our sins he is offended. We
are further taught importunately to
beseech our most merciful Saviour to
deliver us from the second death, or
death eternal, from which there is no
resurrection, and to support us under
the pains of temporal death. These
meditations, which are to be used dur-
ing the time of the interment of the
body, are so seasonable, pious, and
affecting, that their introduction here
can need no apology, and they are so
(1735)
Burial of the Dead.
the beginning of the inoglh. Qhrant this, the
hefeech thee. ED merciful father.
through
Zlefns Qthgiﬂ our meniatour ann reneemer.
Amen.
Tlhe grace of our lingo Zlefns QIhgI'ft, ann the
lone of alien, ann the felloinlhip of the holy
Qohufl, he with us all enerrnoge. Amen.

The
plain and intelligible to every one
that listens to them with ordinary
attention, that they cannot require to
be illustrated by a comment.
This form of committing the “ body
to the ground; earth to earth, ashes
to ashes,” &c., seems, so far as I can
judge, to be peculiar to our Church;
as we ﬁnd that most other rituals of
the East and West appoint some psalm
or anthem to be sung or said while
the body is placed in the tomb: but
nearly the same form has been used
in the English Church for many ages,
though anciently it followed after the
body was covered with earth, and not
while the earth was placed upon it.
The anthems which precede and fol-
low this formulary have generally
been very anciently used in the
English Church on occasions con-
nected with that, which We at pre-
sent consider. 2 Palmer’s Orig. Lit.
235.
The words “ here departed,” is the
phrase of holy Scripture (Luke ii. 29.;
Phil. i. 23.), and the sense of all good
Christians concerning death; that it
is but the entrance into a long journey,
the going a little before in that path,
wherein we must all shortly follow;
so that we may comfort ourselves con-
cerning them with David, saying:
“ We shall go to them, but they
cannot come back to us.” 2 Sam.
xii. 23.
{in {are anti certain hope of the
rciurrectiun to eternal life: (p.1729.)
——The Church of England is accused
of testifying “ a sure and certain hope
of the resurrection to eternal life,” of
every notorious sinner who may be
buried in her communion; but it will
be found upon examination that she
testiﬁes no such thing: the “resur-
rection of the body” being a funda-
mental article of the Christian faith,
the Church of England very properly
considers it her duty to acknowledge
and declare her stedfast belief in that
doctrine, whenever she lays the body of
any Christian in the grave—that is, her
“sure and certain hope of the resur"
rection to eternal life.” In these
words, however, let it be observed,
she by no means expresses “a sure
and certain hope of a resurrection to
eternal life ” of every one buried by
her ministers, that they will rise again
to joy and felicity; nor does she make
any profession of the future estate of
the person then interred: it is not
his or her resurrection, but “the resur-
rection,” that is expressed in her
burial service: nor does it proceed to
mention the “change of his or her
body” in the singular number, but of
“ our vile body,” which comprehends
(1736)

the bodies of Christians in general.
Bassnett Mills. 3 Tracts of the Angli-
can Fathers, 320.
The resurrection, of which we here
profess our sure and certain hope, is
not barely the resurrection of that
person’s body who is interred, but the
general resurrection of all the dead,
which is an article of our Creed, our
stedfastness in which it is highly rea-
sonable that we should publicly ac-
knowledge and declare, when we lay
the body of any Christian in the grave.
Thus has this passage been always
understood by us; and indeed the
context requires it. And whereas the
resurrection is said to be “to eternal
life,” we thereby mean, not an eternal
life in happiness only, as the phrase
does often signify, but an eternal life
in general, whether in happiness or
misery, as the “life everlasting” in
our Creed does import. Bennett on
the Common Prayer, 236.
lithe unto : (p. 1729.)—P. B. 1549,
“lyke to.” P. B. 1625, “like unto.”
I heath a ﬁnite from heathen =
(p. 1729.)—-This scripture was an—
ciently appropriated to this office,
having been of old read in some parts
of the Western Church, at the end
of the lessons: it has since been gene—
rally used for one of the epistles. Nor
had we any reason to leave it out, but
only to set it in a more proper place.
And, as it stands now in our service,
we may consider it, ﬁrst, as it looks
back to the interment, where, having
declared our hope of the resurrection,
we bring a farther conﬁrmation of it
from this place, which was a special
revelation by an immediate voice from
heaven, ordered to be recorded for the
preservation thereof, and attested pe-
culiarly by the Spirit; and is singu-
larly well calculated to allay grief on
account of all holy persons deceased,
who are here declared to be in a
blessed condition. Secondly, the Pro-
testant Church placed this sentence
here before the succeeding collects, to
give a just reason why we do not
therein pray for the dead—who, if
they have died in the Lord, are blessed
already, so that we cannot with any
reason pray for them to obtain that
which they actually enjoy.
for they : (p. 1730.) —P. B. 1549,
“that they.”
itahoursz (p. 1730.)——P. B. 1549,
“Let us pray.
“ We commend into thy handes of
mercy (most mercifull father) the soule
of this our brother departed, N. And
his body we commit to the earth, besech-
ing thine inﬁnite goodnesse, to geve us
grace to lyve in thy feare and love,
and to dye in thy favour: that when
the iudgement shall come whiche thou
haste committed to thy welbeloved
sonne, both this oure brother, and we,
may be found acceptable in thy sight,
and receyve that blessing, whiche thy
welbeloved sonne shall then pronounce
to all that love and feare thee, saying:
Come ye blessed children of my father:
Receyve the kyngdome prepared for
you before the beginning of the worlde.
Graunt this, mercifull father, for the
honour of J esu Christe our onely sa-
viour, mediator, and advocate, Amen.
“ This rag/er also may he added.
“ Almig tye God, we geve thee hertie
thankes for this thy servaunt whom
thou hast delivered from the miseries
of this wretched worlde, from the
bodye of death and all temptacion.
And, as we trust, haste brought his
soule, which he committed into thy
holy handes, into sure consolation and
rest: Graunt we beseche thee, that at
the daye of iudgement, hys soule and
all the soules of thy elect, departed
out of thys lyfe, may with us and we
with them, fullye receyve thy pro-
misses, and bee made perﬁte alto-
gether, thorowe the glorious resur-
reccion of thy sonne Jesus Christe our
Lorde.”
The service at the grave ended, in
1549, with this second prayer.
{1 Then the: (p.1730.)——P.B.
1549, “ The lesson ended, then shall
the priest saye.”
P. B. 1552, “ The lesson ended, the
5U
(1737)

priest [P. B. 1589, “ Minister.” P. B.
1622, “ Priest”] shall saye.”
In 1631, we still ﬁnd “h'linisten’7
Our Jfather : (p.1730.)—P. B. 1549,
“ {I Our father whiche art in heaven. the.
“ And lead us not into temptacion.
“ Auras-were. But delyver us from
evyll. Amen.”
(21111211.: (p. 1731.) — P. B. 1549,
“ Priest. Entre not (0 lorde) into
iudgement with thy servaunt.
“ Armszoere. For in thy sight no
lyving creature shalbe iustiﬁed.
“ Priest. From the gates of hell.
“ Armswere. Delyver theyr soules C
lorde.
“ Priest. I beleve to see the goodnes
of the Lorde.
“ A answere.
livyng.
“Priest. 0 lorde, graciously heare
my prayer.
“ Ame-severe. And let my crye come
unto thee.”
Pl‘lsfll (p. 1731.) --P. B. 1549,
“ Let us praye.”
P. B. 1552, “ The Priest.”
P. B. 1589, “Minister.” P. B. 1622,
“The Priest.”
“ Minister ”
1631.
In the lands of the
still existed here in
Almighty eon : (p. 1731.) —- P. B.
1549, “ O Lorde, with Whome do live
the spirites of them that be dead:
and in whome the soules of them that
be elected, after they be delyvered
from the burden of the ﬁeshe, be in
ioy and felicitie ; graunte unto this
thy servaunt, that the sinnes which
he committed in this world be not
imputed unto him, but that he, escap-
ing the gates of hell, and paynes of
eternal derckness, may ever dwel in
the region of light, with Abraham,
Isaac, and Jacob, in the place where
is no wepyng, sorowe, nor heavynes:
and when that dredful day of the
generall resurreccion shall come, make
hym to ryse also with the iust and
righteous, and receive thys body againe
to glory, then made pure and incor—
ruptible: set him on the right hands
of thy sonne Jesus Christ, among thy
holy and elect, that then he maye
heare with him these moste swete and
coumfortable wordes: Come to me ye
blessed of my father, possesse the
Kyngdome which hath bene prepared
for you from the begynning of the
world : Graunte this we beseche thee,
o mercyfull father, through Jesus
Christ our mediatour and redemer.
Amen. '
with inherit: (p. 1731.) -— P. B.
1552, “ in whom the soules of them
that be elected.”
ilBﬂ Iihe the fpirifﬁ 2 (p. 1731.)—The
primitive Christians used many reli—
gious solemnities at the burial of the
dead, and particularly made prayers
upon the occasion, as is done at this day
in all Christian countries as well as ours.
Our forms, however, are generally our
own, being composed by the compilers
of our liturgy, who could have very
little assistance in this matter from
the Roman ofﬁces, which are ﬁlled
with vainly-repeated and ridiculous
petitions for the dead, whose doom
is already certain; and have no re-
spect to the living, for whose sakes, as
St. Augustin aﬂirms, these things are
chieﬂy intended.
ﬁll/its our: (p. 1731.) —-—P. B. 1552,
“ thys N .”
The name of the deceased was omit-
ted only in 1662.
93H thofe: (p. 1732.) ——P. B. 1552,
“ this our brother, and al other.”
When we give thanks to God that
he hath “delivered this our brother
out of the miseries of this sinful
world,” it must be considered that
the ending all troubles and miseries
is an act of God’s mercy, and ought
to be so acknowledged, though some
men, by their own neglect of the
Christian life, deprive themselves of
the beneﬁts thereof; as the goodness
of God in his patience ought to be
owned, though some aggravate their
(1738)

own misery by the misimprovement
thereof. And some regard may be
had, in this expression, to the Chris-
tian hope of a future state, which is
the more quickened by every instance
of our present frailty. And both this
and the former expressions may be
used with a particular conﬁdence of
the eternal bliss of any holy person
deceased, and with the exercise of the
judgment of charity in its proper
object.
“That we, with this our brother,
and all other departed in the true
faith of thy holy name, may have our
perfect consummation and bliss.”
The Presbyterian Ministers objected,
that “these words may harden the
wicked, and are inconsistent with the
largest rational charity.” Cardwell’s
Conferences.
The Collect: (p, 1733) __ R B,
1549, “ The Celebracion of the holy
Communion when there is a Burial of
the dead.
“ Quemadmodum. psal. xlii.
“ Lyke as the hart, the.”
(The psalm and the doxology are
printed at length.)
“ Collecte.
“ O mercifull God. the.”
Th6 C0116<911 (p. 1'733.)-111 the
introduction, borrowed from the words
of our Saviour, we declare our cer-
tainty of the resurrection of all true
believers to eternal life; and assign a
reason, from St. Paul, why we should
not grieve immoderately, like inﬁdels,
who have no hope. This is followed
by supplications for ourselves: ﬁrstly,
that we may be partakers of the
ﬁrst or spiritual resurrection here,
by “rising from the death of sin
unto the life of righteousness; ” se-
condly, that, when we depart this
life, “ we may rest in Christ;” and
thirdly, that at our resurrection at the
last day we may “receive that bless—
ing, which will then be pronounced
to all that love and fear him.” To
evince the earnestness of our desire,
we iterate our petitions; and beseech
“ our merciful Father, through Jesus
Christ our Redeemer,” to grant our
requests. 2 Shepherd on the Common
Prayer, 441, 442.
sieftts: (p. 1733.) - P. B. 1549,
“ Jesu.” P. B. 1552, “Jesus.”
19st to he furry as men without
hope: (p. 1734.)-—The place here re-
ferred to, is that of St. Paul to the
Thessalonians (1 Thess. iv. 13.): “ But
I would not have you to be ignorant,
brethren, concerning them that are
asleep, that ye sorrow not even as
others which have no hope.” In this
place, the apostle discourages the
cruel and immoderate ways which
the heathen, and sometimes the Jews,
used in the expression of their grief;
which, likewise, St. Chrysostom taxes
some of the Christians of his age
with—such as cutting their arms,
and tearing their hair, and lacerating
their faces. “ We may grieve,” says
he, “ but not dué'rpws—nOt WitllOut
due moderation. I am not of a ﬁerce
and cruel temper. I see that nature
will grieve, and will have its daily re-
turns. We ought not to be void of
all affection and tenderness, which
Christ himself has shewn by his own
example, he weeping over Lazarus.
Follow his example; weep, but mode-
rately and prudently, and so as may
be consistent with the fear of God.”
St. Cyprian (de Pat.) says: Tu vero
cur impatienter feras subductum, quem
credis reversurum? To like purpose
St. Augustin (Serm. xxxiv. De Verb.
Apost.): Permittantur pia corda cha-
rorum de suorum mortibus contristari
dolore sanabili, et consolabiles lachry-
mas fundant. N icholls 011 the Common
Prayer.
The words in the text are a plain
prohibition of excessive grief. They
have been generally thought very
proper to restrain extravagant sor-
row, being found in the ofﬁces of the
Eastern as well as those of the Western
Church ; and they are judiciously
inserted in this consolatory prayer,
where they may be most likely to have
their desired effect; being very duly
5U2
(1739)

inferred from the preceding assurance
of the resurrection, since whosoever
ﬁrmly believes that, cannot rationally
grieve in excess. It is for those to be
immoderate in their grief, who have
no mixture of hope to alleviate and
allay their sorrow. Still Christianity
doth not prohibit the shedding of
some pious tears. The apostle, as St.
Augustine notes, says not: Be not
sorry at all ; but, Be not sorry as hea—
thens without hope. Jesus himself
wept at Lazarus’s grave (John xi. 35.);
and the primitive saints made great
lamentations at St. Stephen’s burial.
(Acts viii. 2.) Christianity will allow
us to express our love to our departed
friends, so it be within the bounds of
moderation, and provided it make us
not forget those divine comforts where-
with religion refreshes us again. “ \Ve
are troubled,” says Augustine, “at the
death of our friends, because of our
loss in parting with them, but not
without hope of meeting them again.
By that we are perplexed: by this
we are comforted. On that side our
inﬁrmity affects us: on this side our
faith revives us. On that side we la-
ment the condition of man: on this
we are cheered with the promises of
God.”
The Jews are of opinion that, by
the Mosaical Law, thirty days are the
prescribed time of mourning for the
nearest relation. “According to the
opinion of the Scribes,” says Maimo-
nides (H. Efel. cap. vi), “ thirty days
must be spent in performing the rites
of mourning. But how do the wise
men prove this thirty days? Because
it is said (Dent. XXl. 13.), she shall
bewail her father and her mother a
full month; therefore the mourner
ought to continue his mourning thirty
days.” So Josephus (Jud. Ant. lib. iv.
cap. Vlii.) I Tpcdxovra d’ r’ypepcbv ém TC?)
we'vder dcehdovoc'bv, afrrcipxas‘ 'ydp e’vri
'rois dcixpvots‘ az’rrai 'rcbv qbrhrd'rwv ro'is
(hpom’pow. And in pursuance of this
rule, we ﬁnd that the Israelites mourn-
ed thirty days for Aaron (Num. XX.
29.), and the same time for Moses
(Deut. xxxiv. 8.); and therefore that
passage in the Apostolical Constitu-
tions, e’ercre'hemdw, (he. Terrcmpcixoo'ra
Ka'rd roll mrhau‘w 'rda'rov, must be read
rpcdKom-a, for all that Cotelerius has
advanced in favour of the common
reading; unless he will alter Josephus
and the Greek and Hebrew Bibles to
support it. Vide Col. Not. in Apost.
Can. xlii. lib. viii.
The ancient Roman laws, which were
made by N uma Pompilius, forbad any
time of mourning at all for a child
under three years old: other children
or grown persons might be mourned for
as many months as they were years
old, provided the time of mourning
did not exceed ten months in all. But
Gratian, Valentinian, and Theodosius,
added two months more to a widow’s
mourning for her husband, so that
she was to mourn a whole year. (Cod.ii.
de secund. Nupt.) Nicholls on the
Common Prayer.
ﬁflay rcft
“may slepe.
“That when we depart this life, we
may rest in him, as our hope is this
our brother doth.”
The Presbyterian Ministers at the
Savoy Conference objected, that “these
words cannot be used with respect to
those persons who have not by their
actual repentance given any ground
for the hope of their blessed estate.”
Cardwell’s Conferences, 333.
We are often said to hope, that
which we do only wish or desire, but
have not particular grounds to believe:
only we are not sure of the contrary,
or that the thing is impossible. For
instance, suppose that in a storm we
should speak of a friend at sea. One
man, considering the greatness of the
tempest, and the circumstances we
imagine our friend to be in, says, I
fear he is lost. Another replies, I
hope not. What now is meant by
this hope? No assurance can be had
on either side. One hopes, and an-
other fears; and both consistently.
The hope, therefore, denotes no more
than a charitable wish or desire that
it may be as we speak. Now this
(p. nap-41 B. 1549,
o
c
‘)3
(1740)

hope may be accompanied with the
greatest fear. There is, therefore, a
twofold hope: the one of assurance,
built upon grounds of belief, which
rises or falls according to the appear-
ance of evidence; the other of desire,
built upon our affections, which rises
or falls according to the degrees of
probability and charity. Now the
hope in this place is of the latter sort;
by which we may hope well of a per—
son, unless we are absolutely sure that
it is ill with him. And, consequently,
we may hope that the deceased does
“rest in Christ,” unless We are abso-
lutely sure, which we can hardly be,
that he is doomed to hell ﬁre. Bennet
on the Common Prayer, 236, 237.
The Church supposes her children
will take all her offices together; and
the person now buried is by the
Church supposed to have repented of
his sins and received the holy Sacra-
ment according to her directions ;—1
and surely she may well judge and
hope the best concerning those who
are thus prepared for the grave. How-
ever, let us suppose the men who take
exceptions at this passage, were left at
liberty to omit it to any particular
person which they were to bury.
Doubtless they would be much at a
loss to know which were the men and
women of whose resting in Christ
they could have no hope at all, since
none can set bounds to God’s mercy,
not till the ﬁnal sentence that shall
pass upon any single person; and if
they did presume at any time to limit
it, their blindfold censoriousness might
be reproved justly with that saying of
St. Paul: “ Who art thou that judgest
another man’s servant '2” (Rom. xiv. 4.)
and they ought to tremble when they
remember: “Judge not, that ye be not
judged.” (Matt. vii. 1.) Our Lord
severely checked the Jews for their
presumptuous censure of some whom
they supposed to have died in their
sins. (Luke xiii. 1, 2.) We will readily
grant that all professed Christians do
not sleep in Christ; but, since we
bury single persons, we cannot cer-
tainly know the state of particular
men; and where we are gnorant,
it is safest to speak and hope the
best.
If it be alleged, that evil men will
hereby be encouraged to continue in
their sins, it may be answered, that
the whole office confutes that vain
conceit, for it promises happiness only
to the pious; and, particularly, the
very clause preceding, doth plainly
obviate this misconstruction, by mov-
ing every bystander to pray that he
may be raised from the death of sin
here, without which the Church de-
clares that he cannot hope for a happy
death or a joyful resurrection. And
it should be observed, that we suppose
the party deceased to have had his
share in the work of grace, before he
obtained a portion in glory: and ac-
cordingly we pray for the ﬁrst as to
ourselves, before we presume to ask
the latter.
The charity of the ancient Christian
Church, in expressing their hope of
those who died in their communion,
is very manifest; and it is a great
mistake, which some have entertained,
that, through the strictness of their
discipline, no persons had their names
honourably mentioned by the Church,
with hopes of their future happiness,
but such as had lived altogether
free from any apparent sinfulness of
life, or had given good testimonies
of a strict amendment. Indeed, some
rigorous canons, neither of general
practice nor of long continuance in
the Church, would not allow some
offenders, whatsoever repentance they
manifested, to be reconciled to the
Church, or admitted to its commu-
nion throughout their whole life, no,
nor at the hour of death; and yet
these canons have been conceived
only to make them perpetual ‘poeni-
tentes,’ so that after their death their
oblations were received; or that all
who were admitted as such penitents,
were then owned among those who
had relation to the Church, and of
whom it had hope. But amongst the
ordinary rules of primitive discipline,
these were generally admitted : First,
(1741)

that whosoever came under any cen-
sure of the Church, whatsoever his
crime was, he might, upon his suppli-
cation, be admitted to be one of the
‘ poenitentes,’ or to be under the rules
of penance; and the not admitting
him hereto was accounted a heinous
crime, because “ non fas est ecclesiam
pulsantibus claudi.” Secondly, that if
any of these poenitentes were under
dangerous sickness, or approaching
death, it was requisite they should be
then admitted to the peace of the
Church and its communion. Thirdly,
that even they who, being under cen-
sure, did only in the time of danger-
ous sickness desire to be admitted
penitents, might thereupon forthwith
be both admitted penitents and receive
reconciliation and communion. This is
indeed consequent upon the former
two, and is included in the canon of
Ancyra; and is clearly manifest by
divers other particular testimonies,
being grounded upon this reason:
“because (as Leo expresseth it) we
cannot limit the times nor deter—
mine the measures of God’s mercy.”
Fourthly, that all who were so received
into the Church, with others who
died in its communion, and even peni-
tents who died without the oppor-
tunity of obtaining disciplinary recon-
ciliation, had the memories of their
names recommended in the Church’s
prayers, as persons of whom it hoped
well, which is, doubtless, intended by
peradtddrco Tr): rrpoaq‘Jopds, in the
Council of Nice, though otherwise un-
derstood by the Greek canonists, and
in Albaspinus’s explication. 3 Tracts
of the Anglican Fathers, 320.
Where a clergyman, in performing
the burial service, improperly omitted
the words, “ as our hope is this our
brother doth,” the Bishop of Exeter
suspended him from his ministerial
duties for fourteen days, and con-
demned him in the costs of the pro-
ceedings.—-—In re Totlcl (Cleric). For a
full report of the case and judgment,
Vide Stephens’ Ecclesiastical Statutes,
2011. 1 Stephens on the Laws relat-
ing to the Clergy, 218.
(lit-ill,‘
‘Hurt that . . . . . ano reoeemer 2
(p. 1735-36.) -P. B. 1549, “ And at the
general resurreccion in the laste daie,
both we and this oure brother de-
parted, receivyng agayne our bodies,
and risinge againe in thy moste gra-
cious favoure: maye with all thine
elect Saynctes obteine eternall ioye.
Graunt this, 0 Lord god, by the
meanes of our advocate Jesus Christ:
whiche with thee and the holy ghoste,
liveth and reigneth one God for ever.”
Amt/11$ (p. 1736.)-P. B. 1549,
“The Epistle. i. Tess. iiii.
“I would not brethren that ye
shoulde be ignoraunt, dtc. . . . Where-
fore coumforte youre selves one an
other wyth these woordes.
“ 1,1 The Gospell. John vi.
“ Jesus sayed to his disciples and to
the J ewes : All that the father geveth
me, dIC. . . . . And I wil raise hym up
at the laste days.”
The grate of our itorn glefus
@hrift: (p. 1736.)——This benediction
was added at the last review. In it
we pray, that the merits of Christ, the
love of the Father, and the aid of the
Holy Spirit, may secure and protect
us in our passage through this sub-
lunary world, and bring us at length
to the haven where we would be.
In the course of the foregoing ser-
vice we have triumphant hymns over
death, taken from holy Scripture:
then a lesson out of St. Paul, to the
same purpose: then a thanksgiving
for our departed brother’s safe delivery
out of misery : lastly, a prayer for our
consummation in glory and joyful ab—
solution at the last day. By all which
prayers, praises, and holy lessons, and
decent solemnities, we do glorify God,
honour the dead, and comfort the
living. “ Take away these prayers,
praises, and holy lessons,” saith Hooker,
“which were ordained to shew at bu-
rials the peculiar hope of the Church
concerning the resurrection of the
dead; and in the manner of the dumb
funerals, what one thing is there
whereby the world may perceive that
we are Christians?” there being in

those dumb shows nothing but what
heathens and pagans do. How can any
unlearned or unbeliever be convinced
by them, that either we who are pre-
sent at them, do, or that he ought to,
believe any part of the Christian reli-
gion? But when the unlearned or
unbeliever hears us sing triumphant
songs to God for our victory over
death, when he hears our holy lessons
and discourses of the resurrection,
when he hears us pray for a happy and
joyful resurrection to glory—by all
these he must be convinced, that we
do believe the resurrection, which is
a principal article of Christian faith;
and the same may be the means to
convince him also, and make him be-
lieve the same, “ and so fall down and
worship God.” And this is according
to St. Paul’s rule (1 Cor. xiv. 23—25.),
who thence concludes, that all our
public religious services ought to be
so done, that the “unlearned or un-
believer may be convinced and brought
to worship God.” Bishop Sparrow on
the Common Prayer, 226, 227.
It would perhaps be expedient to
make a few comments upon the appli-
cation of the law as to Obstructing
Interment—Registration of Death——
Removal of Bodies after interment
-—Burial Fees.
In Rex v. Coleridge (2 B. dz A. 806.)
Chief Justice Abbott said: “If a
clergyman should absolutely refuse to
bury the body of a dead person brought
for interment in the usual way, I am
by no means prepared to say that this
court would not grant a mandamus to
compel him to inter the body.”
The refusal or neglect to bury dead
bodies by those whose duty it is to
perform the ofﬁce appears also to
have been considered as a misdemea-
nour. Thus, in Anderson v. Cawtlz-o'rne
(Willes,537.n.(a)), Mr. Justice Abney,
in delivering the opinion of the Court
of Common Pleas, said: “The burial
of the dead is (as I apprehend) the
duty of every parochial priest and
minister; and if he neglect or refuse
to perform the oﬂice, he may, by the
express words of the 86th canon, be
suspended by the ordinary for three
months. And if any temporal incon—
venience arise, as a nuisance, from the
neglect of the interment of the dead
corpse, he is punishable also by the
temporal courts, by indictment or in-
formation 1” and he cited a case
(H. 7 G. I. B. R.) where the Court of
King’s Bench made a rule upon the
rector of Daventry, in Northampton-
shire, to show cause why an informa-
tion should not be ﬁled, because he
neglected to bury a poor parishioner
who died in that parish.
In Rex v. Tap/lee‘ (Serj. Hill’s MSS.
7 D. 278.) an information was granted
against a person for opposing the
burial of a parishioner in the church-
yard.
By canon 68. no minister shall re~
fuse or delay to bury any corpse that
is brought to the church or church—
yard (convenient warning being given
him thereof before) in such manner
and form as is prescribed in the Book
of Common Prayer. And if he shall
refuse so to do, except the party de—
ceased were denounced excommuni-
cated majori excommunicatione, for
some grievous and notorious crime,
and no man able to testify of his
repentance, he shall be suspended by
the bishop of the diocese from his
ministry, by the space of three months.
111 Tt'zfc/emars/e v. Chapman (3 Notes
of Cases Ecclesiastical, 405.; vide
Stephens’ Ecclesiastical Statutes, 2006.)
Sir Herbert Jenner Fust said, that in
his view, the question of notice was
not an unimportant one. “ The canon,”
he observed, “not only describes the
canonical offence, but requires that
the minister shall have convenient
warning given to him before. These
words do not appear to me to be un-
important; on the contrary, I think
them extremely material. But it has
been contended in the argument, that
these words form no part of the body
of the canon; that they are in a pa-
renthesis, and are to be considered,
for the purpose of this inquiry, as
(1743)

surplusage. Now it appears to me,
on the contrary, that the words were
advisedly inserted in the canon——
whether in a parenthesis or between
commas is immaterial; that they are
part of the canon; and that, if they
are not complied with, the penalty
does not attach. It cannot be said
that, even if the words were omitted,
there ought not to be some qualiﬁca-
tion of the canon. It cannot be con-
tended that a minister of the Church
of England could be punished for re—
fusing to bury a corpse brought to the
churchyard, unless he had some pre—
vious information that it would be so
brought; and, therefore, the words of
the canon itself necessarily import
some qualiﬁcation. Then, if the canon
without these words would require
some previous notice, can it be said
that the words, ‘convenient warning
being given him thereof,’ introduced
into the canon, are, in the construc-
tion of it, to be left altogether out of
the consideration of the court, as
mere surplusage? Is it to be said
that no notice is necessary; that the
bringing of the corpse into the church-
yard is sufﬁcient notice; that a minis-
ter is punishable for not having, at
the moment, gone forth and performed
the burial service on the occasion?
That some qualiﬁcation of the canon
is necessary must be apparent from
this consideration, that the mere fact
of a corpse being brought to the
churchyard cannot be a sufficient no-
tice of itself, because the minister
might be engaged in other duties;
there might be other services to be per-
formed at the very time, which would
render the sudden performance of the
service for the dead inconvenient, and
even impracticable. But the canon itself
renders it unnecessary to pursue this
head of inquiry further, for it requires
previous notice to be given; and
whether the words are inserted in a
parenthesis, or in the body of the
canon, they cannot be taken to be
without some meaning attached to
them; and as the canon is highly
penal in itself, the party proceeded
against is entitled to any beneﬁt he
can derive from a defect in any part
of the proof. Unless all the circum~
stances speciﬁed in the canon concur,
no canonical offence is proved to have
been committed by Mr. Chapman.
“An observation has been made
upon the difference between the Latin
canon and the English canon: it is
said, that in the one the word is
‘competens,’ in the other ‘convenient.’
But if there be any distinction be—
tween ‘competens’ and ‘convenient,’
it appears to me that this is not a
proceeding upon the Latin canon, but
upon the English canon, which is set
forth in the articles; and in this case
we must look at the words in the
English canon, which directs that the
minister shall have ‘ convenient warn-
ing.’
“ Now the words themselves appear
to me to be extremely important, as
deﬁning the manner and the time of
the notice. What are the words?
‘ Convenient warning being given him
thereof before.’ A warning is not
sufficient of itself ; it must be a corn
venient warning; that is, with refe-
rence to the circumstances of time,
place, and the occupations of the
minister, who might be so engaged in
the performances of other services, as
to render a warning under the circum-
stances not a convenient warning]
But he is to have convenient warning
‘thereof.’ It has been argued, that,
in this case, the warning was suffi-
cient, because the corpse was brought
into the church-porch, and left there,
and that this was the same as if notice
had been left at the minister’s house;
that the minister of the parish having
information that the body had been
brought to the churchyard, and de-
posited in the porch, it was equivalent
to a notice being left at his house.
vWhat is the meaning of the word
‘ thereof 1’ To what does it refer ? It
cannot be contended that, by a corpse
being brought to the churchyard, no-
tice ‘thereof’ is given; it may be no-
tice of the fact of the corpse having
been brought to the church or church~
(1744)

yard; but the warning ‘thereof,’ as I
understand the canon, is of the inten~
tion to bring a corpse to the church-
yard for burial; because, otherwise, it
is impossible that the minister could
observe the direction in the rubric, to
meet the corpse at the entrance of the
churchyard, and precede it to the
church or to the grave, repeating
certain sentences appointed in the
service for the burial of the dead. I
conceive, therefore, that ‘ convenient
warning thereof ’ means, of the inten-
tion to bring the corpse to the church-
yard, and not of the corpse having
been actually brought there.
“Then, when is the notice to be
given 7 ‘ Before.’—-Before what l—Be-
fore the minister is to bury the corpse?
or before the corpse is brought to the
churchyard? The latter is the next
antecedent. I think it is quite im-
possible for words to be more precise
than those in the canon. Cases may
arise in which a warning, convenient
in one case, may not be so in another.
The warning must, therefore, be given
‘before,’ that is, before the act is to
be performed, that preparation may
be made for the interment of the
corpse, and that the minister may be
prepared for the due performance of
his duty, one of which is, meeting the
corpse at the entrance of the church-
yard or the church. And for what
reason is this prior notice required?
First, to secure the attendance of the
clergyman to perform the duty. If it
so happened, in this case, that Mr.
Chapman was at home at half-past
six in the afternoon, and it was not
inconvenient to him to perform the
ceremony at that time, it might have
been very inconvenient; and the
party proceeded against under a pe-
nal statute, has a right to object to
the promoter of the oﬂice, that he has
not proved a previous warning. It
may so happen that no grave had been
prepared, and no preparations made
for the interment; for there is nothing
in the evidence to show that any pre—
parations were made for the inter-
ment of this child, and Mr. Chapman
is entitled to take advantage of any
deﬁciency in the proof. It has been
argued that he must have been aware
of the circumstance, as he had pro-
vided himself with a witness; but I
am of opinion that the canon must be
followed out in all its parts, and if the
proof falls short in any one of the cir—
cumstances, a canonical offence is not
proved.”
A mandamus will not be granted to
compel a rector to bury the corpse of
a parishioner in a vault, or in any
particular part of a churchyard; thus,
in Exparte Blew/emote (1 B. &'Ad. 122.),
Mr. Justice Littledale observed: “The
clergyman is bound by law to bury
the corpses of parishioners in the
churchyard, but he is not bound to
bury 1n any particular part of the
churchyard. He and the churchwar-
dens exercise a discretion on that
subject; and if a rector is asked to
do that which by law he is not bound
to do, he may refuse, except upon
certain conditions.” But if a family
have a vested right to be buried in a
vault, the incumbent cannot object
to bury any individual member of
such. family therein without cause
specially assigned. Rich v. Bushnell
(Clerk), 4 Hagg. 164.
An indictment will lie for wilfully
obstructing and interrupting a cler—
gyman in reading the burial service,
and interring a corpse; but such an
indictment must allege that the per—
son obstructed was a clergyman, and
that he was in the execution of his
office, and lawfully burying the corpse;
and it must also show how the party
was obstructed, as by setting out the
threats and menaces used. And it is
not sufficient to allege that the party
did unlawfully, by threats and menaces,
prevent the burial. Rex v. Cheere, 4
B. (it C. 902.; 7 D.&R. 461. Vide Rex
v. How, 2 Str. 699.
‘The preventing a dead body from
belng interred has been considered as
an indictable offence. Thus, the mas-
ter of a workhouse, a surgeon, and
another person, were indicted for a
conspiracy to prevent the burial of a
(1745)

person who had died in a workhouse.
Rea: v. Young, cited in Re]; v. Lynn,
2 T. R. 734.
There is one case in which the
too speedy interment of a dead body
may be an indictable offence; namely,
where it is the body of a person who
has died a violent death. In such
case, according to Chief Justice Holt,
“the coroner need not go ex ofiicio to
take the inquest, but ought to be sent
for, and that when the body is fresh;
and to bury the body before, or with-
out sending for the coroner, is a mis—
demeanour.” (Reg. V. Clerk, 1 Salk.377.;
Anon. 7 Mod. 10.) It was also laid
down (ibid.) that if a dead body in
prison, or other place, whereupon an
inquest ought to be taken, be interred
or suffered to lie so long that it
putrefy before the coroner has viewed
it, the gaoler or township shall be
amerced. Vide Russell on Crimes, by
Greaves, 468.
As to the Registration of Deaths, it
was enacted by stat. 6&7Gul.IV.c.86.
s. 49. that nothing therein contained
should affect the registration of bap-
tisms or burials as then by law esta-
blished; consequently the system of
registry previously adopted by the
parochial clergy remains unaffected,
and the provisions of that statute
must be considered by them as an
independent addition to the old re-
ristry.
That statute (s. 27.) provides that
every registrar, immediately upon re-
gistering any death, or as soon there-
after as he is required so to do, is,
without fee or reward, to deliver to
the undertaker, or other person hav-
ing charge of the funeral, a certiﬁcate
under his hand, that the death has
been duly registered, which certiﬁ-
cate is to be delivered by such under~
taker, or other person, to the minister
or officiating person, required to bury
or to perform any religious service
for the burial of the dead body; and
if any dead body be buried for which
no such certiﬁcate has been so deli~
Vered, the person burying, or perform-
ing the funeral or any religious service
for the burial, is forthwith to give
notice thereof to the registrar; but a
coroner, upon holding any inquest,
may order the body to be buried
before registry of the death, in which
case he is to give to the undertaker
or other person having charge of the
funeral, a certiﬁcate of his order in
writing under his hand, which is to
be delivered as aforesaid: and every
person burying or performing any
funeral or any religious service for
the burial of any dead body, for
which no certiﬁcate has been duly
made and delivered as aforesaid, either
by the registrar or the coroner, and
not, within seven days, giving notice
thereof to the registrar, forfeits a sum
not exceeding lOZ. for every such
oﬂ‘ence. Vide 1 Stephens on the Laws
relating to the Clergy, 203.
As to the Removal of Bodies after
interment, it need scarcely be ob—
served, that the care of the Church
for the bodies of all who have been
made her members, ceases not with
their natural death. The sixty-ﬁfth
canon of those enacted under King
Edgar, in the tenth century, lays the
care of the corpse upon the parish
priest, equally with the necessity of
administering the last rites to the
sick man. “Let him shrive him—-
give him housel, and extreme unction ;
and, after death, carefully order, and
allow not any absurdity with the
corpse, but, with fear of God, bury it
wisely.” Thorpe, ii. 259. Wilkins,
i. 229.
The carcase that is buried belongs
to no one; but is subject to ecclesi—
astical cognisance if abused or re-
moved (3 Inst. 203.); and a corpse
once buried cannot be taken up or
removed without license from the
ordinary. In Hate/rim v. Denzz'loe
(1 Consist. 172.) it was held, that a
churchwarden may be sued in the
ecclesiastical court, if, without obtain—
ing a faculty, he give orders for the
(1746)

removal of a monument or a body to
be buried in another place, or the
like. (Gibson’s Codex, 454.) But in
the case of a violent death, the coroner
may take up the body for his inspec—
tion, if it have been interred before he
comes to view it.
Lord Coke (3 Inst. 203.) says a
corpse is nullius in bonis; yet taking
up a dead body, though for the pur-
pose of dissection, is an indictable
offence at law, as an act highly inde-
cent, and contra bonos mores. Rex v.
Lynn, e T. R. 733.
At the Lent assizes holden at Lei-
cester, 11 dz m J ac. La a case occurred,
where one Haynes had dug up several
graves in the night, and taken the
winding-sheets from the bodies; and
it was resolved by the justices at
Serjeants’ Inn that the property of
the sheets remained in the owner
(that is, in him who had the property
therein when the dead body was
wrapped therewith), for the dead body
is not capable of it; and that the
taking thereof is felony. Haynes’ case,
12 Co. 113.
As to Burial Fees, no constitution
or canon ﬁxed any fee for interment
or for the office of burial; and the
Constitution of Langton (in Consilio
()xon. primo) says [Haec constitutio
habet tres partes. In prima prohibet,
ne pro aliquo sacramento ministrando
exigatur pecunia. In secunda, ibi
‘Absonum,’ reprobat, ut aliquid exiga-
tur vel recipiatur pro chrismate, vel
oleo sancto. In tertia, ibi ‘Si quis,’
adjicit poenam]: “Firmiter inhibemus,
ne cuiquam pro aliqua pecunia [so
solita solvi vel recipi in ministratione
alicujus sacramenti] denegatur [nec
differatun] (Extra eo. c. ad Apostoli-
cam.) sepultura [quae vendi non debet
(8. q. 2. m item quæritur per J 0. et
0. ibi sequentibus de sepul. c. abolendæj
ubi apparet in textu et in glossa quod
in loco sacro, ut puto, ecclesia vel cæ-
meterio, pro sepultura nihil exigi debet;
immo nec pro officio sepulturae, ut
notat ibi Ber.7 et hoc verum quoad
ol‘ﬁcium, quando clericus ratione benea
ﬁcii ad hoc tenetur; secus si non
teneatur ratione beneﬁcii, dummodo
non ﬁat ex pacto, quia tunc esset
simonia. Extra. e. ti. o. intantum.
secundum Hostien. cile non. satis.
Dicit tamen glo. ﬁ. d. c. abolendae.
quod licet clerici exigere non possint
aliquid pro sepultura hujusmodi; cogi
tamen possunt laici pias et laudabiles
consuetudines observare. Et adverte
secundum nota. Hostien. in e. c. quod
petens consuetudinem servari debere,
sibi caveat. Nam si petat pro terra,
vel officiop succumbet, nec proderit
sibi allegare consuetudinem, ut d. c.
abolendae. Si autem dicat, quod pro
quolibet mortuo consuevit tantum
donari presbytero vel ecclesiæp obtine-
bit, ut in 0. ad Apostolicam. Extra. e.
et vide glo. huic similem 13. q. 2. s
c Item quaeritura Sed quaero nunquid
propter debitum defuncti, possit seu
debeat differri sepultura'? Dicit Tancre
quod sic in Anglia et sic hoc olim erat
statutum. Extra. de appel. c. qua
fronte. in parte decisa. Sed ut dicit
J 0. An. hoc, tanquam iniquitatem
continens fuit sublatum de textu,
Mors namque omnia solvit. Auth. de
Nupt. §‘Deinceps.’ nam licet in vita
possit debitor pro debito incarccrari
quandoquej ut Extra. de solu. c. Odar-
dus. Cadaver tamen a tali vinculo
est solutum per rationem praedictam,
ut no. Extra. de sepultu. 0. ex parte.
i. ad ﬁ. per Petrum de Ancho. (Lynd-
wood, Prov. Const. Ang. aram vel
baptismus, vel aliquod sacramentum
ecclesiasticump vel etiam matrimonium
contrahendum impediatur. Quoniam
si quid pia devotione ﬁdelium consue-
tum fuerit erogari, super hoc post-
modum volumus per ordinarium loci
ecclesiis justitiam ﬁeri, sicut in gene-
rali concilio expressius est statutum.
Absonum etiam judicamusp quod de
cætero pro chrismate et oleo aliquid
exigatur, vel erogetur, cum toties hoc
prohibitum reperiatur. Si quis vero
contra hoc facere przesumpserit, ana-
themate sit innodatus.” i
Payment of fees is not a condition
precedent to the right of interment,
(1747)

because burial ought not to be sold,
though if there be a custom to pay
fees, they may be recovered. (Andrews
v. Cawthorne, Willes, 536.) Thus, cus-
tomary fees have been recognised by stat.
10 Ann. 0. 11. s. 21., and stat. 3 Geo.
II. c. 19. s. 5. (Ibid. 539. in not.; vide
etiam Spry (]).D.) V. Emperor, 6 M.
ch W. 639.) And by an express pro-
vision of stat. 6 dz 7 Gul. IV. 0. 86.
s. 49., whatever fee on burials an in-
cumbent was entitled to demand pre-
vionsly to the enactment of that
statute, he may still enforce.
By customary fees are meant such
fees as have existed so long, that the
origin cannot be traced : it need not
be shown that they commenced before
the time of legal memory; it is suff1~
cient to show that they have existed,
so far as can be discovered. The
foundation of all such fees is, that
they were originally given voluntarily.
Customary burial fees of this nature,
therefore, may be sued for in the eccle-
siastical courts, at least, until the cus—
tom has been denied, and prohibition
moved for propter defectum triationis;
and the court will not under such
circumstances prohibit itself. Spry v.
The Directors and Guardians of Mary/-
Zebone, 2 Curt, 10. 3 Black. Com. 89,
90.
Dr. Gibson (Codex, 452.) says: “A
fee for burial belongs to the minister
of the parish in which the party de-
ceased heard divine service, and re--
ceived sacraments, wheresoever the
corpse be buried.” And this, he ob—
serves, is agreeable to the rule of the
canon law (Extra. 1. 3. t. 28. c. 1.),
which says, that every one, after the
manner of the patriarchs, shall be
buried in the sepulchre of his fathers;
nevertheless, that if any one desire
to be buried elsewhere, the same shall
not be hindered, provided that the
accustomed fee be paid to the minister
of the parish where he died, or at least
a third part of what shall be given to
the place where he shall be buried.
But it seems that where no service is
done, no fee can be due. Patten v.
Uastleman, 1 Lee (Sir G.), 387.; Spry
(D.D.) v. Gallop, Exch. April 21, 1847.;
Topsall (Cleric) v. Ferrers (Sir J.),
Hob. 175.
When application is made to the
rector for leave to bury in the church,
the parson giving the license may
insist upon his own price. Exeter’s
case (Dean and Chapter of), 1 Salk.
334.
No fee to the vicar for consent to
interments in the chancel is due of
common right; and any special cus—
tom to such effect must limit the
amount, and be strictly proved. Little-
wood v. Williams, 6 Taunt. 277. 281.
At common law, the churchwardens
have no right to a fee on burial; it
may exist by custom, but the custom
must be immemorial and invariable.
(Littlewood V. Willie/Ins, 6 Taunt. 277.
281.) And by usage about London
the churchwardens take the money
for burying in the church or church-
yard, and the parson has nothing but
for burial in the chancel. Anon. 2
Show. 197.
An action for money had and re-
ceived is not maintainable to recover
a sum of money paid to a church-
warden for burial dues, and paid over
by him' to the treasurer of the trustees
of a chapel previous to the commence-
ment of the action. Horsfall v. Hand-
ley, 8 Taunt. 136.
The proportion of fees due for the
burial of persons, whether to the in-
cumbent or churchwarden, whether
for burying in or out of the parish,
depends upon the particular usage
and custom of each parish respec-
tively. But although the rule of the
canon law is, that in case of denial of
the customary fee, justice is to be
done by the ordinary; yet the temporal
courts reserve to themselves the right
of determining, ﬁrst, whether there is
such a custom, in case that is denied;
and secondly, whether it is a reason-
able custom, in case the custom itself
is acknowledged. Gibson’s Codex, 453.
Andrews v. Str./mean, 3 Keb. 523. ;
Frnz'n v. Yorl: (Dean and Chapter of)
2 ibid. 778.
In Gilbert v. Buzzard (2 Consist.
(174s)

355.) Sir William Scott observed: “In
populous parishes, where funerals are
very frequent, the expense of keeping
churchyards in an orderly and seemly
condition is not small, and that of
purchasing new ones, when the old
ones become surcharged, is extremely
oppressive. To answer such charges,
both certain and contingent, it surely
is not unreasonable that the actual
use should contribute when it is called
for. At the same time, the parishes
are not left to carve for themselves in
imposing these rates; they are all sub-
mitted to the examination of the ordi-
nary, who exercises his judgment, and
expresses the result by a conﬁrmation
of their propriety, in terms of very
guarded caution. It is, perhaps, not
easy to say where the authority could
be more properly lodged, or more con-
veniently exercised ...... ..I shall new
direct the parish to compose a table
of fees for the consideration of the
ordinary.” If atable of fees be not
regularly settled, they cannot be en—
forced; but a chancellor cannot by
his own authority create a new fee for
common burial. Spry (D.D.) v. St.
rllarylebone (the Directors and Guar-
dians of), 2 Curt. 5.; Spry (Cleric) v.
Emperor, 6 M. d: W. 639.; Spry (D D.)
v. Gallop, Exch. April 21. 1847-
Mr. Clive, in his edition of Steer
(Exeter’s case (Dean of ), 1 Salk. 334.),
says: “I am not aware of any instance
in which it has been made a question,
either in the spiritual or common law
courts, whether the clergyman is en-
titled to the usual fees upon the
burial of a pauper who leaves no pro—
perty whatever, and whose interment
is conducted, and the ordinary ex-
penses thereof defrayed, by the pa—
rish.”
Under stat. 22 Geo. III. 0. 83. s. 38.
the expenses of the burial of any poor
person found dead in a parish to which
he did not belong, are to be paid by
the guardians of the place where he
was settled, after being allowed and
certiﬁed by a justice.
By stat. 7 (it 8 Vict. c. 101. s. 31. in
all cases of burial under the directions
of the guardians or overseers of the
poor, the fee or fees payable by the
custom of the place in which the
burial may take place, or under the
provisions of any act of parliament,
must be paid out of the poor rates, for
the burial of each such body, to the
person or persons, by such custom, or
under such act, entitled to receive
any fee.
If an immemorial custom to pay a
ﬁxed fee for burial, as a surplice fee,
which is essential to make it legal, be
established, the proper remedy against
the party liable to pay it, for nonpay-
ment, seems to be in the spiritual
court. (Exeter’s case (Dean of), 1 Salk.
334.) If the custom be disputed, a
prohibition would be granted if ap—
plied for, not propter defectum juris-
dictionis, but triationis (ibid.), the
spiritual court not being competent
to try a custom, as they used to
establish one after an user of forty
years or less (Andrewes v. Smith, 3
Keb. 327.); whereas the common law
requires it to have been from time of
legal memory; but still, when esta-
blished by trial at common law, a con-
sultation would be awarded, and the
spiritual court would proceed as it
would if the custom were not denied
at all. In recent times, the spiritual
court, in order to avoid a prohibition,
and endeavouring to conform to the
rules of the common law, in the ﬁrst
instance inquires into the immemori-
ality of the custom.
But this observation does not apply
to the case where the fee has been
paid to some one, and the minister
seeks to recover from the receiver;
forthe spiritual court has no juris-
diction in that case, and it must
necessarily be the subject of a com-
mon-law suit.
Whether a fee is due to the incum-
bent for erecting a gravestone or
monument in the churchyard, has
been questioned by some, and no case
has occurred wherein the same has
received a judicial determination. It
seems to be an argument in favour
of the incumbent, that, although it is
(1749)

necessary to bury the dead, yet it is
not necessary to erect monuments;
and after the soil has been broken for
intcrring the dead, the grass will grow
again, and continue beneﬁcial to the
incumbent; but after the erection of
a monument, there ceases to be any
further produce of the soil in that
place. And if the incumbent’s leave
be necessary for the erecting a monu-
ment, it seems that he may prescribe
his own reasonable terms; or if an
accustomed fee has been paid, that
such custom ought to be observed.
Vide l Stephens on the Laws relating
to the Clergy, 222.
(1750)
The Thankiigiving of Women after Child—birth,
Commonly called,
The Chum/neg of Women.
‘H The Woman at the ufual time after her de-
livery, {hall come into the Church decently
apparelled, and there {hall kneel down in
fome convenient place, as hath been accuf-
tomed, or as the Ordinary
{hall direct : And
then the Prieit {hall fay unto her,

1. 1.
The 377th page of the Sealed Book commences with “The”, “The” being
also the catch‘word on the preceding page.

The Thankfgiving of
Women after Child-birth:
The First Book of Edward VI. kept
the old title to this office in the Latin
service, calling it “ The Order of the
Puriﬁcation of Women.” But in com-
pliance with the exceptions against
this title, the reviewers of the service
book altered it in the Second Book of
that king, and entituled it as it is
now: “ The Thanksgiving of Women
after Child-birth; commonly called
the Churching of Women.”
The custom for women to come to
church after child-birth, and to give
thanks there publicly for their safe
delivery, received its rise from the
Jewish custom of puriﬁcation, as
many other Christian usages did,
from other parts of the Jewish eco-
nomy. For since in the holy Scrip-
tures the Purification of the Blessed
Virgin, and the presenting her Son
in the Temple, is particularly recorded,
the Church has from the beginning of
Christianity thought ﬁt to do some—
thing in imitation of this practice in
her public devotions, that the world
might see that Christians were not less
backward to return God thanks for
beneﬁts received, than the Jews were.
But still in the ancient laws which
enjoin this practice, there is no
grounding it upon any impurity of
the Woman, which she is to be purged
from. The most ancient ecclesiastical
law of public authority in the Church
(for the determination of Dionysius
of Alexandria in this point, is but the
opinion of a private bishop) is the
seventeenth Constitution of the Em-
peror Leo, published about the year
460 after Christ. But this law speaks
of a praescriptum tempus, and a prac-
ﬁnitum tempus, viz. forty days, which
the custom of the Church had made,
during which women, after child-birth,
(1751)
Dz'lexz', guani-
am. PfaLcxvj.
FﬂDgafmuch as it hath pleafeo almighty coo
of his gooonefs to gioe you fafe oeliner=
ance, ano hath pgeferneo you in the great
oanger of chillnhirth. you lhall therefore gine
hearty thanks unto eon, ano fay,
CXVl
(1T Then fhall the Prieft fay thipAPfalrn)
elm roell pleafeo: that the Logo hath
hears the ooice of my prayer.


were absent from the church, and
after that admitted again; and this it
states the Church did traditionis loco
suscipere. But the Emperor adds:
Quod profecto non tam propter mulie-
brem hanc immunditiem, quam ob
alias causas in intima legis ratione
reconditas; et veteri prohibitum esse
lege, et gratiae tempus traditionis loco
suscepisse puto. And after him we
have the determination of Gregory the
Great, in his answer to Augustine,
ﬁrst archbishop of Canterbury: Si
mulier eadem hora qua genuerit
actura gratias intrat ecclesiam, nullo
pondere peccati gravatur. Si itaque
mulierem prohibcmus intrare eccle-
siam, ipsam ejus paenam vertimus in
culpam. (Grat. Dist. v.) From which
passages, and others of the ancients,
Gratian has drawn this conclusion in
the canon law 2 In lege precipiebatur,
ut mulier si masculum pareret quad-
raginta, si vero faeminam octoginta
diebus a templi cessaret ingressu:
nunc autem statim post partum eccle-
siam ingredi non prohibetur. But the
Gloss upon the canon law adds: Ve-
rius credo potest intrare, sive sit ne—
cessitas sive non; consuetudo tamen
in contrarium se habet. He means
that women generally staid a month
as they do now before they come to
church to return thanks, though there
is no law to oblige them to it. Neither
has our Church since the Reformation
enjoined any settled time for the
woman to come to church to perform
her thanksgiving; it only says, she
shall come at ‘the usual time’; not
after thirty or forty days, but after
such a time as women usually take
for their lying-in, who are the best
judges of conveniency in those mat-
ters; which legislators either are not
suﬁiciently apprised of, or which they
leave (as the Emperor Leo speaks) in
intima legis ratione recondita. Ni-
cholls on the Common Prayer.
How long a particular ofﬁce has
been used in the Christian Church,
for the thanksgiving and benediction
of women after child-birth, it would
be diflicult to say; but it is probably
most ancient, since we ﬁnd that all
the western rituals, and those of the
patriarchate of Constantinople, con-
tain such an office. (Martene de Ant.
Ecol. Ptit. lib. i. c. 9. p. 639. 643.;
Rituale Rom. p. 256.; Goar, Rituale
Grace. p. 324.) That which we use
in the English Ritual occurs in the
ancient Manual of the Church of
Salisbury, with little variation. It
begins with a short address to the
woman, followed by two psalms. The
address seems peculiar to the English
Ritual; but two psalms were repeated
at the beginning of the office, accord-
ing to the Salisbury Manual (Man.
Sarisb. fol. 46.‘), though they were dif-
ferent from those used at present.
2 Palmer’s Orig. Lit. 238.
When holy Scripture describes ex-
(1752)
@tbat he hath inclineu his ear unto me:
therefore will 3[ call upon him as lung as 31
11112.
@tbe mates of Death cumpaffzn me ruunn
about: arm the pains of hell get how upon
1112;
El fuunu trouble ann beanincfs, ﬂIlU 3[
seller: upon the ﬂame of the item: 211) item,
31 hefzecb thee, neither my foul.
conscious
cessive sorrow in the most expressive
manner, it likens it to that of a
woman in travail. And if this sorrow
be so excessive, how great must the
joy be to be delivered from that sor-
row? Commensurate certainly, and
of adequate proportion, must be the
debt of thankfulness to the benefactor,
the donor of the recovery; whence a
necessity of “thanksgiving of women
after child-birth.” If it be asked,
why the Church hath appointed a
particular form for this deliverance,
and not for deliverance from other
cases of equal danger; the answer is,
the Church did not so much take
measure of the peril, as accommodate
herself to that mark of separation
which God himself hath put between
this and other maladies. “To con-
ceive and bring forth in sorrow,” was
equally inﬂicted upon Eve; and, in
her, upon all mothers, as a penalty for
her ﬁrst disobedience (Gen. iii. 16.);
so that the sorrows of childbirth
have, by God’s express determination,
a more direct and peculiar reference
to Eve’s disobedience than any other
disease whatsoever: and, though all
maladies are the product of the ﬁrst
sin, yet is the malediction speciﬁcally
ﬁxed and applied to this alone. Now
when that, which was ordained pri-
marily as a curse for the ﬁrst sin, is
converted to so great a blessing, God
is certainly in that case more to be
praised in a set and solemn ofﬁce.
L’Estrange, Divine Alliance, 473.
Bishop Mant (Clergyman’s Obliga-
tions, 56—59.) says: “ The thanks-
giving of women after child-birth is
so naturally connected with the bap-
tism of the child, and a disposition
to violate the ordinances of the
Church by converting a public into a
private ceremony, shews itself so fre-
quently on this occasion in connexion
with a manifestation of the same dis-
position on the other, that a few words
may be conveniently added upon this
subject before we pass on to the sacra-
ment of the Lord’s Supper.
“Most clergymen are in all proba-
bility occasionally solicited to per—
form the oﬂice now alluded to, as well
as the baptismal ofﬁce, in private.
Yet it is difficult to see how any
clergyman can comply with such a
solicitation, unless from indifference
to his professional obligations, or
at least from thoughtlessness and
inadvertence. Surely the conside-
rate and conscientious clergyman,
when he opens his ‘Book of Com-
mon Prayer and Administration of
the Sacraments and other Rites
and Ceremonies of the Church, ac-
cording to the use of the United
Church of England and Ireland,’ will
not be satisﬁed with administering its
5X
(1753)
The Churching of Women.
7
an»
missions is the item, ann righteous: pea,
our Qhuh is merciful. _
@he iLniiJ pieietneth the inmate: 3 was in
miierp, anti he heipeiJ me.
@turn again then unto thy tel}, 21]) mp foul:
to; the item hath reinariaeh thee.
anti inhp? thou hall neiineteti mp [out from
heath: mine eyes from teats, am my feet
from failing.
31 iniii inaiii before the Loin: in the iann
of the lining.

1.1.
The 378th page of the Sealed Book commences with the word “ @I‘ﬂfiﬂllg ”,
“ @I’Z'Ifiﬂllﬁ" being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

rites according to any other use than
that of the Church itself. When he
turns to the rite in question, and
remarks at the head of the oﬁice,
‘The Thanksgiving of Women after
Child-birth, commonly called, The
Churching of Women,’ he will under-
stand at once the intention of the
Church, and will hesitate in commit-
ting an act of disobedience, involving
in it the practical solecism of church-
ing them at home. When he reads the
preparatory rubric, which directs that
‘the woman shall come into the
church, and shall there kneel down in
some convenient place, and then the
priest shall say’ what is thereupon
provided, he will not feel justified in
being drawn away from the appointed
scene of his ministry, and celebrating
the office in the woman’s chamber.
When he reﬂects on the form, in
which provision is made for her giving
thanks, ‘in the presence of the Lord’s
people, in the courts of the Lord’s
house,’ he will not venture to profane
and nullify the language by pronoun—
cing it in the sequestered apartment
of a private dwelling.
“ What, then, is the clergyman to do?
The answer appears sufficiently obvious
in this, as in all other instances of a
clearly prescribed duty. He is to
ponder well his obligations to obey
the laws of the Church; he is to exa-
mine carefully the laws relating to
the matter in question; he is to make
himself thereby well acquainted with
his duty as a minister of the Church,
and to take every seasonable oppor-
tunity for instructing and admonish—
ing his people in what belongs to
them ;—he is then to do what his con-
science tells him that he ought to do,
and leave the result to God. The
probability is, that the unreasonable
desires of those by whom he may be
solicited to deviate from his duty, will
give way before a steady and tempe-
rate perseverance on his part in ad-
hering to it: if not, his own con-
science will be void of offence, and
his heart will condemn him not.”
ql The woman: (p_ 1751,)_
P. B. 1549, “The woman shall come
into the churche, and there shall
kneele downe in some conveniente
(1754)
The Churching of Women.
3] helienen, anti therefore will I these, but
3! was fuge truuhten: It] tail] in my hahe, an
men are there.
what remarn than 31 gine unto the item:
to; all the benefits that he hath none unto
me?
31 ‘will receive the cup of talnatiun : anti
tail upon the ﬂame of the item.
31 will pay my home note in the pretense
of all his people: in the courts of the items

place, nygh unto the quier doore [P.B.
1552, “ nighe unto the place where
the table standeth”]: and the prieste
standyng by her shal say these woordes
or such lyke, as the case shall requir.”
Decently apparelled: (P1751)
-—-These words simply mean, neatly
clothed. Thus, a poor woman in her
working dress, or a lady dressed for a
ball, would not satisfy the language
of the rubric.
Burnet (Hist. Ref. iii. Records, p.
335.) says that the words “decently
apparelled,” which were inserted at
the last review, are interpreted to
mean “ with a White covering or veil.”
Such was the practice before the Be—
formation, and puritans complain of
it as still prevailing in Elizaheth’s
time.
In the following reign, the Chan cel-
lor of Norwich made an order, that
every woman should be veiled at her
churching; a woman was excommuni-
cated for contempt of this order, and
prayed a prohibition, which was re-
fused by the judges, as they were cer-
tiﬁed by the bishops that the order
was according to the ancient usage of
the Church of England. (Gibson’s
Codex, 451.) Archdeacon Pory, in
1662, inquires whether the veil be
worn; but it is said that we have not
a legal right to enforce it.
Ch. Dict. ed. 2. art. Canon.
on the Liturgy, 262.
It is quite clear that no clergyman
could compel a woman to wear a
white veil, because there is nothing
in the Statute of Uniformity to justify
such an order.
Hook,
Robertson
In fome convenient place, as
hath been accuitomed: (p_ 1751_)
-—The Presbyterian Ministers, at the
Savoy Conference, wished “ that the
minister may perform that service
either in the desk or pulpit.”
To which the Bishops replied: “ It
is ﬁt that the woman, performing
especial service of thanksgiving, should
have a special place for it, where she
may be perspicuous to the whole con-
gregation, and near the holy table, in
regard to the offering she is there to
make. They need not fear popery in
this, since in the Church of Rome she
is to kneel at the church door.”
Cardwell’s Conferences, 276.
As the rubric at present stands, it
is in the discretion of the ordinary to
appoint the time when and the place
where the Woman shall kneel ;——if the
ordinary do not interfere, then at the
time and place where women have under
similar circumstances been accustomed
to kneel: but the bishop has no power
5X2
(1755)
The Churching of Women.
g-aling-
honte, ehen in the minﬂ of thee, ﬂD Elernfaﬂ
Iem. llﬁgatte the item.
@1011) he to the ﬁather, an]: to the %>nn:
, an]: to the help Qbhoﬂ;
ﬁle it was in the beginning, is notmanh
ener [hell he : moan without enn. amen.
1[ Or eh-iemPfalm. cxxvn.
Nzﬁ D0mi~
mu. Pfal.
exxv .
Efeeht the item built the honte: their
labour is but as that hath: it.

ll. 8, 9. Paper and print partially damaged.

to order the service to be said out of
the church ; nor does it seem that the
ordinary can change the “ accustomed
place,” unless there be a reasonable
necessity for it.
Some clergymen introduce “the
Ghurching of Women” either before
the General Thanksgiving, during
which they make particular allusion
thereto; or after the General Thanks-
giving, or after the Order of Morn-
ing or Evening Prayer; or after the
second Lesson; or on Sundays imme-
diately before the Sermon; or at some
other convenient pause, as they judge
most proper. Some read the church—
ing service from the reading pew;
others at the communion table; others
church them at home. “ But,” writes
Bishop Mant (Horse Liturgicee, 51.),
“the ‘Ohurching of Women ’ seems to
take its place most suitably with the
other ‘Thanksgivings upon several
occasions,’ or before ‘the General
Thanksgiving,’ but it is not to be
alluded to therein. The minister
should continue in his reading pew,
the woman ‘kneeling down in some
convenient place,’ such ‘ as hath been
accustomed,’ or ‘as the ordinary,’ if
there be cause for consulting him,
‘shall direct.’”
Mr. J ebb (on the Choral Service,
532.) writes: “There is no direction
as to the place of the service in which
the office for the Ghurching of Women
is to be inserted. It is to be presumed
that this, as well as the place Where
the woman is to kneel, is to he regu-
lated by custom, or by the direction of
the ordinary. It is usually read just
before the General Thanksgiving. In
cases where no special custom exists,
or episcopal direction has been given
(as when a church is built in a
new district), it would seem most
proper to perform this service at the
time of the Oﬁ‘ertory, when offerings
are made at the holy table. The
Woman’s offerings ought, at all events,
to be presented there, instead of being
degraded, as they usually are, into a
fee, paid into the hands of the clerk.”
Bishop Sparrow (on the Common
Prayer, 232.) says, the churching of
women was used to be done between
(1756)
The Churc ring of Women.

QEreept the item keep the rity: the inateh=
man maketh hut in main.
3lt is but lull labour that he haﬂe to rite
up early, aim in late take tell, anu eat the
mean at earefulnets: to; to he gineth his he=
101321] 112213.
11.0, thilngen arm the fruit of the month:
are an heritage anu gift that eumeth at the
item. '
hike as the armies in the harm at the
giant: even to are the young ehiluien.
1931313?
the ﬁrst and second service, as he had
learnt by some bishops’ inquiries at
their visitations, supposing that it
was the least interruption then to
either of those ofﬁces.
Archdeacon Sharp (on the Rubric,
72.) says it is commonly performed,
on the week days, just before the
General Thanksgiving— on Sundays,
just after the Nicene Creed. Some
have thought it a distinct ofﬁce, and
that it ought to be performed before
the public service begins. But under
this uncertainty the time must be
determined by the same rules with
the place; viz. “ as hath been accus—
tomed,” or, “as the ordinary shall
direct.”
The most proper place for this ser-
vice is the chancel, “where,” say the
bishops in 1661, “ she may be perspi-
cuous to the whole congregation, and
near the holy table, in regard of the
offering she is there to make.” (Card-
well’s Conferences, 362.) To say the
service in the desk, the woman remain-
ing in her seat, was noted in the six-
teenth and seventeenth centuries as
puritanical. (Vide Strype, Whitg. 141.;
Collier, ii. 624.; and Montagu’s Ar-
ticles.) It is to be observed, however,
that the rubric of those days pre-
scribed “some convenient place, nigh
unto the place where the table stand-
eth,” and that the priest should stand
by her; whereas the present rubric
leaves the matter to custom and the
ordinary’s direction.
Andrewes at Jesus Chapel churched
a woman ad limen cancellorum. Mon-
tague (p. 78.) orders, that the place be
before the communion table, at the
steps or rail.
Bishop Wren enjoins (Doc. Ann. i.
203.) that the churching begin as
soon as the minister comes up to the
communion table, before the second
service, unless there be a marriage
that same day; for then the churching
is not to begin until those prayers
appointed to be said at the Lord’s
table for the marriage be ended.
Robertson on the Liturgy, 263.
And then the Prieft {hall
fay unto her: (p, 1751,)_Th13
office consists of three parts : ﬁrst, the
preface, shewing the reason and occa—
sion of the duty; secondly, the praises
contained in the two proper psalms;
thirdly, the prayers ﬁtted to the pre—
(1757)
Churching of Women.
ihappp is the man that hath his quiner full
of them: they ihaii not he alhamen when they
[peak with their enemies in the gate.
chimp he to the father, ant: to the %011:
ant to the help Qhhuﬂ;
as it was in the beginning, is new, aniJ
ener lhaii he : muiiii inithuut eniJ. amen.
1T Then the Prieft {hall fay,
iLet us may.
loin, hane mercy upon us.
Chrifi, have mercy upon us.
iLuiiJ, have mertp upun us.
Oe’ir jFather rnhith art in heaven. ihaiinrm
en he thy ﬂame.
@thy kingnum tome.
Gthp will he tune in earth, as it is in heaven.
shine us this say our Daily treat. am: for
gi‘ne us our trefpattes, as we forgive them

1. 1. The 379th page [2 B] of the Sealed Book commences with the word “ 5931131112”,
“;BEQJPQ” being also the catch~word on the preceding page.

sent case, contained in the lesser
Litany, Lord’s Prayer, Suffrages, and
Collect of Thanksgiving.
Furafmnth as it hath pIeafeIi QI‘
mighty @uh : (p. 1752.)——It is a com-
mon defect in all other liturgies, that
they have no preface to introduce the
several offices, and to prepare the
parties concerned to do their duties
with understanding. But it is the
peculiar care of the Church of Eng-
land to instruct us how to do every
duty, as well as to assist us in the
doing it. Hence the daily prayers
begin with an exhortation, as do most
of the other offices of the Church.
Even this short one is not without a
suitable preface directed to the we-
man, whereby the priest ﬁrst excites
her to a thankful acknowledgement
for the mercy she has received, and
then directs her in what words to
perform it.
ﬂBeIiherante, anti : (p. 1752.)—P.B.
1549, “and your childe baptisme.”
This sentence was left out in 1552.
ﬂan IhaII: (p. 1752.) -P. B. 1549,
“ ye shal.”
Quit [a9 : (p. 1752.) -— P. B. 1549,
“ and pray.’7
(qr Then ihall: (p, 1752.)—-
P. B. 1549, “Then shall the prieste
say this psalme.
(1758)
ThrChurching of Women.
that tretpafe againﬂ us. Hno Ieao us not
into temptation: ZBut oeiioer us from eoil.
jFog thine is the hingoom, =H‘ee—the power,
am: the glory, to; eoer ano eoet. amen.
Minifter.
ED Logo, tape this tooman thp feroant;
fkrrfuvetz
who putteth her truﬂ in thee.
Minifter.
.Ihe thou to her a mono toioer;
fkrifuverz
from the fate of her enemy.
Minifter.
itogo, hear our prayer.
Anfwer.
Eino let our try some unto thee.
BE
“ Levavi oculos. psal. cxxi.
“ I have lifted up mine iyes.”
This psalm is printed at length, and
followed by the doxology.
The CXVl Pfalm: (p_1752_)__
The psalm appointed on this occasion,
in all the Common Prayer Books till
the last review, was the 121st, which
with the 128th was also prescribed by
the office used in the Church of
Rome. But neither of these is so
very apt to the case as those are which
we now have; the ﬁrst of which,
though composed by David upon his
recovery from some dangerous sick-
ness, is yet, by leaving out a verse or
two, which makes mention of the
other sex, easily enough applicable to
Minifter,
the case of a woman, who comes to
give thanks for so great a deliverance.
Dean Comber, Discourses on the Com—
mon Prayer, 452.
At the Savoy Conference, the Pres-
byterian Ministers objected to psalm
cxvi, as not being “so pertlnent as
some other, viz. as psalm 0x111 and
psalm cxxviii.n _
To which the Bishops replied: f‘ The
psalm cxvi is more ﬁt and pertinent
than those others named, as 0x111,
cxxviii, and therefore not to be changed.”
Cardwell’s Conferences, 265,
The psalm is sometimes incorrectly
read, like the daily psalms, alternately
by priest and people. This 15 the in—
dividual prayer of the woman, taught
her by the priest,—not of the congre-
gation.
(1759)
churching of Women.
Minifter.
iLet us pray.
O almighty Qhoo, the gihe thee hunihle
thanks for that thou hall houtbfafeo to he:
liner this woman thp ferhant from the great
pain ano peril of fbilﬂ=hitth; Qhrant, toe hefeeth
thee, moll inertiful father, that the through
thp help may both faithfully line, ano tnalk
attoroing to thy mill in this life hrefent. ano
alfo may he partaker of eherla-lling glory in
the life to come, through j'lefue Qthrill our
LUZD. Amen.
‘J The Woman that cometh to give her thanks,
muft offer accuftomed offerings; and if there
be a Communion, it is convenient that the
receive the holy Communion.

1.1. The 380th page of the Sealed Rook commences with the word “Minifter.”,
“ Mlniftcr.” being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

The churching of Vv‘omen:
(p.1754.)—P.B. 1549, “Puryﬁcacion.”
P. B. 1552, “ Churchyng of women.”
{l Or Pfalm CXXVII : (p, 1755)
--—This second psalm more regards the
birth of the child, and it is very sea—
sonable to be used whenever it is liv-
ing, to excite the parents to the
greater thankfulness. And as the
ﬁrst is most proper, when we respect
the pain and peril which the mother
has gone through: so the last ought
to be used when an heir is born, or a
(1760)
child bestowed on those who wanted
and desired one. Nor may it less
aptly be used when those of meaner
condition are churched; for, by en-
larging on the blessings of a numerous
family, it obviates the too common
murmurings of those discontented
persons, who think themselves oppres-
sed by such an increase. Wheatly on
the Common Prayer, 487.
MIHIPEEW I (p. 17eo.)-P. B. 1549,
“ Priest”——and so in the following
three instances.
The substitution of “ Minister” for
“ Priest” is generally reckoned among
the alterations made at the last re-
view; but it had already occurred in
the Prayer Books of 16:25, 1627, 1634,
and 1638.
(B itnrtt, late this inuman thy Ier=
tant; Am‘. who putteth her trait in
thee: (p. 1759.)-—The Presbyterian
Ministers, at the Savoy Conference,
objected to this prayer and answer,
because “It may fall out that a woman
may come to give thanks for a child
born in adultery and fornication, and
therefore we desire that something
may be required of her by way of pro~
fession of her humiliation, as well as
of her thanksgiving.”
To this remonstrance the Bishops
replied: “ If the woman be such as is
here mentioned, she is to do her
penance before she is churched.”
Cardwell’s Conferences, 265.
A clergyman has, however, no legal
right to refuse churching a woman for
unlawful or immoral intercourse, un-
less she have been convicted in the
ecclesiastical court. And stat. 27 Geo.
III. 0. 44., enacts that “no suit shall
be brought in any ecclesiastical court
for fornication or incontinence after
the expiration of eight calendar
months after the time when such
offence shall have been committed;
nor for fornication at any time after
the parties shall have lawfully inter—
married. Stephens’ Eccles. Statutes,
stat. 27 Geo. III. e. 44.
Archbishop Grindal enj oins, at York,

1571, “Ye shall not church any un-
married woman, which hath been
gotten with child out of lawful matri-
mony, except it be upon some Sunday
or holyday, and except either she, be-
fore her child-birth, have done due
penance for her fault, to the satisfac-
tion of the congregation, or at her
coming to be churched she do openly
acknowledge her fault before the con-
gregation accordingly, and show her-
self to be very penitent for the same,
leaving it free for the ordinary to
punish her further at his discretion.”
(Remains, 127.) He inquires to the
same effect at Canterbury, 1576. lb.
164.
Whitgift (1585) requires of a woman
in such circumstances “public ac-
knowledgment of her sin, in such
form as the ordinary prescribed.”
Doc. Ann. ii. 6.
Archbishop Piers (1590), Bancroft
_(160.5), and Laud (1635), make similar
inquiries.
we gine thee humble thanks for
that thou halt nuuthtafetl tn heliher:
(p.1 1760.)——P. B. 1549, “which hast
de yvered.”
walk arrurhiug: (p. 1760.)—-P. B.
1549, “ in her vocacion.”
These words were omitted in 1662.
Q1 The woman: (p, 1760,)...
P. B. 1549, “The woman that is puri-
fyed, must offer her Chrisome, and
other.”
a The woman that cometh
to give her thanks: (p_ 1760.}...
In the Greek and Ethiopic Churches,
women upon these occasions always
did receive the holy sacrament: and
so they did in our own church above
a thousand years ago: we still carry
them up to the altar to remind them
of their duty. And doubtless the
omission of it occasions the too soon
forgetting of this mercy, and the sud-
den falling-off from piety, which we
see in too many. Here they may
(1761)

praise God for our Lord Jesus Christ,
and for this late temporal mercy also:
here they may quicken their graces,
seal their vows and promises of obe-
dience, offer their charity, and begin
that pious life to which they are so
many ways obliged. To receive the
sacrament, while the sense of God’s
goodness and her own engagements
is so fresh upon her, is the likeliest
means to make her remember this
blessing long, apply it right, and effec-
tually proﬁt by it.
“The woman that comes to give
thanks, must offer the accustomed
offerings.”-—This was objected to by
the Presbyterian Ministers at the
Savoy Conference, because it “may
seem too like the Jewish puriﬁcation,
rather than a Christian thanksgiv—
111 .”
gl‘o which the Bishops answered:
“ Offerings are required as well under
the gospel as the law; and amongst
other times most ﬁt it is, that obla-
tions should be when we come to give
thanks for some special blessing. (Psal.
lxxvi. 10, 11.) Such is the deliver-
ance in child-bearing.” Cardwell’s
Conferences, 267.
Upon the meaning of the word
“offerings” Mr. Robertson (on the
Liturgy, 265—267.) thus writes: “A
complaint has lately been made by
some declamatory writers in periodi-
cal publications, that the offering to
God at churching has been corrupted
into a fee to the priest. It is neces—
sary, therefore, to inquire in what
sense the word ‘ offering ’ is here
used.
“ The Book of 1549 orders that ‘the
woman who is puriﬁed must offer
her chrism, and other accustomed
offerings.’ The chrism was the white
vesture which had been put upon the
child at baptism.
“When the use of this was aban-
doned, in 1552, it was no longer men-
tioned in the rubric; but in 1561 we
ﬁnd among the bishops’ interpreta-
tions of the royal injunctions the fol-
lowing direction: ‘To avoid conten-
tion, let the curate have the value of
. “FE—-7 ‘M. ./_._._.- __>-_.__»_..____....~_.~_.-__
the chrism, not under the value of 4d,
and above as they may agree, and as
the state of the parents may require.’
(Doc. Ann. i. 206.) This appears to
be a rule for the amount of the offer-
ing at churching.
“Whitgift (Defence, 535.), Hooker
(v. 74, 4.), and L’Estrange (326.) are
evidences that the offering made on
these occasions belongs to the minis-
ter.
“ We have already had occasion to
see that the dues of the clergy are some-
times intended where the words ‘offer-
ing or ‘oblation’ are used; indeed,
it would appear from Gibson and Burn
that the term ‘fee’ properly signiﬁes
money paid to persons connected with
spiritual courts, while that which is
given to the clergy for performance
of offices is styled by some other name.
(Comp. Johnson, Vade Mecum, i. 244.)
Archbishop Mepham, in 1328, says
that at marriages, churchings, an
burials, ipse Dominus in ministrorum
suorum personis solebat oblationum
libamine populariter honorari. (Gib-
son, 739.); and in like manner, An-
drewes observes on the old rubric of
the Communion Office, which directed
that dues should be paid ‘on the offer-
ing~days appointed :’ ‘they should not
pay it to the curate alone, but to God
upon the altar, from whence the
curate has his warrant to take it, as
deputed by Him, and as the apostle
plainly alludes. (1 Cor. ix. 13, 14.; Heb.
xiii. 10.)’ Nicholls, App. 42.
“While, therefore, the writers to
whom I have alluded, are in so far
right that the money ought most pro-
perly to be offered on the altar, it is
an utter mistake to suppose that it is
misappropriated in being applied to
the maintenance of the priest.
“There can, of course, be no objec-
tion to the expression of gratitude to
God on occasions of deliverance ‘ from
the great pain and peril of child-
birth,’ by the offering of money for
pious uses in addition to the customary
dues, and besides the ordinary alms of
the giver; and it is to be wished that a
practice so becoming were universal.”
(1762)

The American Prayer Book differs
— from ours, in appointing that the
offerings be applied by the minister
and churchwardens to the relief ‘of
distressed Women in childbed.
“ And if there be a communion, it
is convenient that she receive the
holy communion.”'-' At the Savoy
Conference the Presbyterian Ministers
“desired this may be interpreted of
the duly qualiﬁed; for a scandalous
sinner may come to make this thanks-
givin .”
To which the Bishops answered:
“ This is needless, since the rubric and
common sense require that no noto-
rious person be admitted.” Cardwell’s
Conferences, 267.
If there be a Communion:
(p. 1760.)—These words united with
the words ‘ offerings ’ clearly prove
that the Churching of Women ought
to take place immediately before the
communion, for the rubric does not
contemplate the tendering of ‘offer-
ings’ at any other period of the
service than immediately before the
communion.
(1763)
(1764)
A COMMINATION,
OR
Denouncingof Gods angerand judgements againft
finners, with certain, prayers to be ufed on
the ﬁrPt day of Lent, and at other times,
as the Ordinary {hall appoint.
{I After Morning Prayer the Litany ended
according to the accuftorned manner, the
Prieft {hall in the reading Pew or Pulpit,
fay,
1.1.
The 381st page [22 2] of the Sealed Book commences with the words “A
(1 U M M 1N AT lUN,” “ A” being the catch-word on the preceding page.

A COMMINATION :—--
P. B. 1549, “ The ﬁrst daie of Lente,
commonly called Ashewednisdaye.”
P. B. 1552, “A Comminacion
agaynste synners, with certayne
prayers to be used dyvers tymes in
the yere.”
{l After Morningz—p, B1549,
“1T After mattens ended [1’. B. 1552,
“After Mornyng praier”], the people
beyng called together by the rynging
of a bel, and assembled in the churche:
Thinglishe letanye shall be sayed after
thaccustomed maner: whiche ended,
the prieste [1). B. 1589, “Minister.”
P. B. 1622, “Priest.”] shall goe into
the pulpitte, and saie thus.” .
This title - “ A Commination ” --
strictly belongs to those sentences and
exhortations only, which cannot pro-
perly be used except on the ﬁrst day of
Lent, as appears by the commencing
address ;——not to the psalm and subse—
quent ofﬁce, which are termed “ cer—
tain prayers to be used on the ﬁrst
day of Lent, and at other times as the
Ordinary shall appoint.” Like the
former and latter litany, the structure
of these two parts of the ofﬁce, as well
as the place of their performance, is
different. The exhortations are read
either in the reading-pew, that is,
the lesson-desk, not the place where
prayers are read, or in the pulpit: the
latter parts are to be said at the fald-
stool, or place where the Litany is
customarily said.
(1765)
methien, in the piimitioe QIhurth there
was a going oittipline, that at the be:
ginning of iLent, tuth pertons as ﬂooo eon=
nitteo of notorious tin, were put to open
penance. ano punilheo in this mono, that
their fouls might be iaoeo in the cap of the
itoio; am: that others aomonilheo by their
example, might be the more afraio to oifeno.
Blnﬂeao rohereot (until the rain oittipline
may he reﬂoieo, again, iohith is much to be

In the ancient offices of Salisbury,
also, we ﬁnd that this office began
after the prayers which were said at
the sixth hour, or twelve o’clock in
the day (Feria, in capite jejunii, post
sextam imprimis ﬁat sermo ad popu-
lum si placuerit.); and many of the
Western offices appointed a litany at
the beginning of this service. (Martene
de Antiq. Eccles. Rit. lib. i. c. 6. p. 86.
95.; De Antiq. Eccl. Discipl. in Div.
Officiis, c. 7. p. 140. the.) The English
oﬁice then proceeds with an address
or sermon, full of exhortations to
penitence and conversion from sins,
which is called ‘a Commination’; and
in the course of it the priest recites
the curses of God against sin, to each
of which the people, according to the
custom of the old law, are invited to
testify their assent. It has long been
customary in the Western churches
for the bishop or presbyter to make a
discourse or sermon on the subject of
penitence at this part of the office, as
we may see in the missals of Salisbury,
and in several Western rituals men-
tioned by Martene. (De Antiq. Eccl.
Discipl. in Div. Ofﬁciis, c. xvii. pp.
135, 136, 137, 141, am.) After this
sermon or commination, the ﬁfty-ﬁrst
psalm, anciently noted in the Church
as one of the penitential psalms, and
especially called the ‘ Psalm of Confes-
sion,’ is appointed to be sung by the
priest and clergy. 2 Palmer’s Orig.
Lit. 241, 242.
There is no choral precedent for
this service, which is usually said
parochially. But nothing can hinder
its choral recitation to a penitential
chant. It is not clear how the com-
mination should be said;——by the
riest and clerks, the rubric directs:
but it does not appear whether simul-
taneously, or alternately like a litany.
The analogy of the other psalms would
lead us to suppose that it ought to be
sung to a chant. One of a very slight
inﬂection, in the minor key, without
the organ, would be most appropriate.
The anthem, “ Turn thou us,” ought
to be said, like the Confession, clause by
clause, after the minister. The First
Book directed it to be said or sung.
It may be observed, that the three
Occasional Services, of Matrimony,
Churching, and the Lent Prayers, are
all cast in a similar mould. A psalm
is followed by the lesser Litany, which,
as usual, precedes the Lord’s Prayer;
then follow certain versicles and re-
sponses, with collects: analogous to
that part of Matins or Evensong which
follows the Canticles. The structure
of the Conﬁrmation Service is differ—
ent. J ebb on the Choral Service,
533.
in the primitihe Qthurth there
was a grimly hifttpIi'ne:——The coercive
(1766)
toilheo (it is thought goon, that at this time
(in the pgetenre of you all) lhoulo he real:
the general tentenres of Qhoos rurting againll
impenitent tinners, gathereo out of the teoen
ano twentieth Qthaprer of Eeuteronomy, e
other plares of %>rripture,
am: that ye lhoulo
anfroer to eoery tentenre, Amen: do the
intent that being aomonilheo of the great
inoignation of pot againli tinners, ye may
8122
the
power of the Church being spiritual,
she has in the purest ages made
use of this only for reclaiming sin-
ners; which consisted in driving
them out from the fellowship of the
faithful, and in denying them the
beneﬁts and comforts of the public
ordinances. This, in the Jewish
Church, was called by the name of
‘ Cursing,’ by the Christians ‘Excom-
municatio,’ acpépwnos, or other words
of like purport.
It has been considered that the
origin of excommunication took its
rise among the Jews, in the time
of their captivity, when the power of
life and death, and of inﬂicting all
external punishment, was vested in
the Persians, who were their temporal
governors; they being therefore forced
to ﬂy to this spiritual sword of excom-
munication to restrain the boldness of
offenders from breaking in upon the
Mosaical laws. (Grot. in N eh. xiii. 25.
Selden de Syn.) But Mr. Nicholls
(on the Common Prayer) considers
“that the custom of the ‘ Cherem,’ or
excommunication'curse, is much more
ancient, there being several passages
in scriptural books, which seem to
allude to it. For as to those frequent
passages in the Mosaical Law, con-
cerning a ‘soul’s being cut off,’ it is
hard to interpret all those places of
the offenders being cut off by the
hand of the executioner—some of
them not seeming to be capital crimes
in the eye of the Mosaical, or indeed
of any other merciful legislature.
‘ The soul that doeth ought presump-
tuously, that soul shall be cut off from
among his people.’ (Numb. xv. 30.)
Now it does not seem probable, that
every wilful sin was capital. For we
ﬁnd, that in the case of very grievous
presumptuous sins, such as retaining
a deposit, robbery, perjury, &c., a
trespass-offering was accepted for
atonement. (Levit. vi. 1, 2, (£20.) Nay,
lesser sins than these had the pu-
nishment of cutting-off threatened
against them. “Whosoever toucheth
the dead body of any man that is
dead, and puriﬁeth not himself, that
soul shall be cut off from Israel.”
(Numb. xix. 13.) For touching any-
thing unclean, and afterwards eat-
ing of the sacriﬁce of the peace-
oﬁ'ering, any one is to be cut off.
(Lev. vii. 21.) And so for eating the
fat of a burnt-offering (Lev. vii. 25.),
or the blood of anything. (Lev. vii. 27.)
Now, there being no account given in
Scripture of the trial of persons who
committed such supposed capital of—
fences, nor of the execution of the
laws against such offenders, it is most
reasonable to conclude that the exci-
sion here mentioned was not an exci-
sion by death, but only a cutting-on"
(1767)
A Commination.
the rather he moneo in earnell ano true re=
pentante. ano may male more trarily in thefe
oangeroue oaye; ﬂeeing from tuth nitee, for
tnhith ye affirm tnith your oton mouths the
turfe of Qhoo to he one.
(Iflrteo is the man that maketh any tarheo
or molten image, to morlhih it.
1T And the People {hall anfwer and fay,
Amen.
Minifter.
QIurfeiJ is he that turfeth his father ano
mother.
Anfwer.
Amen.
l. 1.
The 382ml page of the Sealed Book commences with the word “th£."7
“ the” being also the catch-word on the preceding page.
1. 6.
An erasure occurs on the outer margin.
1. 11. An erasure occurs on the outer margin.

by excommunication; and the barring
out of those who had committed these
offences from the beneﬁt and comfort
of the public sacriﬁces and religious
assemblies, till they were reconciled
again by repentance, and by offering
up an expiatory sacriﬁce. Nor are
the Rabbis, though they are forward
enough on all occasions to enhance
the severities of the old Mosaical
law, willing to allow that the ‘Ghereth,’
or excision, ever extended to capital
punishment for all offences. ‘Death
in the House of Judgment,’ (2'. e. capi—
tal punishment), they say was in-
ﬂicted only in case of the most griev-
ous sins, such as idolatry, adultery,
incest, murder, and the violation of the
Sabbath; but that, in other cases, the
‘ Chereth,’ or excision, had no other
corporal penalty attending it than
scourging. (Vid. Maim. More N evoch.
par. iii. cap. xli.) Besides, in the fol-
lowing times of the Jewish State, as
when the Angel of the Lord is repre-
sented in the Song of Deborah and
Barak as cursing bitterly the inhabit-
ants of Meroz, who seditiously divided
themselves from the rest of their
brethren of Israel, in the time of
public danger, when they were invaded
by an idolatrous enemy,—-—this curse
of the Angel of God alludes manifestly
to a spiritual curse, or excommunica-
tion, which was then generally in use
among them. And in that long cata-
logue of curses set down in the 27th
chapter of Deuteronomy, it must be
supposed that the curses there men-
tioned were not only denounced
against persons who should hereafter
be guilty of those crimes, but also
actually pronounced upon those who
were under the guilt of them ; which
was properly the ‘ Cherem,’ or excom-
munication-curse, which was used in
(1768)
A Commination.
Minifter.
Qtuttetl is he that remuheth his neighbours
lanumark.
Anfwer.
Amen. I
Miniiter.
Qturfeu is he that maketh the hlinu to go
out at his way.
Anfwer.
Amen.
Miniilier. ‘
Qllurten is he that pernerteth the iungement
of the (hanger, the fatherlels, antl minute.
Anfwer.
Amen.
l.
l.
l. l
2. An erasure occurs on the outer margin.
7. An erasure occurs on the outer margin.
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later ages. For this curse was to be
proclaimed with as great solemnity
as any excommunication might be.
‘And the Levites shall speak, and say
unto all the men of Israel with a loud
voice, Cursed,’ &0. And, after the
return from the Captivity, we ﬁnd
that Nehemiah inﬂicted the ‘ Cherem,’
or excommunication-curse, upon the
profane violators of the law. N eh.
xiii. 25.
When the form of ecclesiastical
discipline among the Jews, some con-
siderable time after their captivity,
came to be settled, they distinguished
this excommunication into several
species or degrees, each degree thereof
being proportionally heavier than the
other. The ﬁrst was the ‘Nidui,’ or
the ‘Aversion,’ by which a man was
marked out as an evil person, and all
pious people were obliged to avoid
conversation with him, and not to
come nearer to him than four paces;
this censure to remain upon him
for thirty days. However, he was
allowed to come into the synagogue,
but must abide only in a peculiar
place there, which was allotted to such
in common with the heathen prose—
lytes. (Vid. Buxt. Lex Talm. in voce
‘ N idui.’) The next degree of excom—
munication was the ‘ Cherem,’ by
which a man was turned out of the
congregation, with the curses and
imprecations of the whole assembly,
they expecting some extraordinary
mark of the divine vengeance, in a
short time after, to befal him. Now,
whilst the excommunicate was under
this censure, all pious persons were
not only obliged to avoid any conver-
sation with him, but they were to
turn him out of the synagogue if he
offered to present himself there. But
the third and highest degree of ex-
5Y
(1769)
Commination.
Minifter.
Qturteo is he that imiteth his neighbour
tecretlp.
Amen.
Anfwer.
Miniiter.
Qturteo is he that lieth ioith his neighbours
wife.
Amen.
Anfwer.
Minifter.
Qturteo is he that taketh remaro to ﬂag the
innocent.
Amen.
Anfwer.
Minifter.
l.
l.
l. 1
2. An erasure occurs on the outer margin.
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communication was the ‘Shammatha,’
which is derived from two Syriac
words, ‘Sham,’ ‘there,’ and ‘Matha,’
‘deathfi—which denotes as much as
if death and destruction were, where
such a person was. This was likewise
called ‘Maranatha,’ from the Syriac
‘Maran,’ which signiﬁeth ‘the Lord,’
and ‘atha,’ which signiﬁes ‘comes,’
to denote that the Almighty would
come with some signal vengeance and
destruction upon such an impious
person. Selden was of opinion that
the ‘Cherem’ and the ‘Shammatha’
were the same degree of excommuni-
cation (Selden, de Syn. lib. 1. cap.
14.; De Jure Heb. iv. cap. 7.); but
Elias Levita maintains the threefold
division. (El. Lev. in Thisb.)
After Christianity had taken root,
many of the Jewish customs were
transplanted into it, whereof this of
excommunication was one. New,
whereas the ‘ Nidui’ among the Jews
was only a friendly discipline of the
Church, they retaining such an ex~
communicate in the brotherhood, still
making use of this severity only for
his good; so, in the Christian eco~
nomy, they made use likewise of dif—
ferent sorts of excommunication, one
being called the Greater, another
the Lesser Excommunication. In the
lesser excommunication, they only re-
pelled the excommunicate from the
partaking of the holy sacrament, al-
lowing him to be present in the
church, and to receive the beneﬁts of
other Christian ordinances; or, in
other more grievous crimes, from the
Christian assemblies likewise—still
acknowledging him to be a member of
(1770)
Commination.
Minifter.
Qturfeo is he that putteth his trull in man,
ano talreth man for his oetenre, arm in his
heart goeth from the itoro.
Anfwer.
Amen.
Minifter.
Qliurfeo are the unmerriful, fognirators.
ano aoulterers, rohetous pertons, ioolaters.
ﬂanoerers, ogunlraros. ano ertogtioners.
Anfvver.
Amen.
1.1.
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“ Miml'ter.” being also the catch-word on the preceding page.
1:)
.7. An erasure occurs on the outer margin.
11. 8, 9, 10. Erasurcs occur on the outer margin.

the Church, though a faulty one. But
in the greater cxcommunication, a
person was perfectly cut off from the
Christian Church, and deprived of all
right of membership or brotherhood
therein, not out of any hopes of mend-
ing the person thereby, concerning
whom, for his wickedness, she has
cast off all care, but with a view only
of purging the Church of a corrupt
and scandalous member. In apos-
tolical times, the lesser excommunica-
tion was accompanied with several
torments, which the devil was per-
mitted to inﬂict upon the bodies of
the persons under censure, that they,
taking warning by these severe lashes,
might have a care for the future how
they relapsed into sin. This is what
St. Paul calls “ the delivering over
unto Satan for the destruction of the
ﬂesh, that the spirit might be saved
in the day of the Lord Jesus.” (1 Cor
v.5.) The same power, the apostle
says he exercised over Hymenaeus and
Alexander, whom he delivered over to
Satan, that they might learn not to
blaspheme.
In the following ages of the Church,
when miraculous powers began to
fail, the length of the excommunica—
tions supplied the place of the severity
of punishment, which formerly went
along with them. By the canons of
St. Basil the Great (can. xxii.) any per-
son who was guilty of fornication
must continue under censure for ﬁve
years; and by the decree of the Council
of Eliberis, for ten years. (Conc. Elib.
can. xiii.) To put away a lawful wife,
and to marry another woman, had
a penance enjoined of seven years.
(Cone. Trull. can. lxxxvii.) Whosoever
should commit wilful murder, was to
5Y2
(1771)
Commination.
Pfal. cxix. 2.1. N


Minifter.
ﬂDio feeing that all they are ateurfeo (as
the prophet @am'o heareth initnefs) toho
oo erre ano go anray from the eommanoments
of eon, let us (rememhring the oreaoful
iuhgement hanging oher our heaos, ans
alinays reahy to fall upon us) return unto
our ﬂoro son with all tontrition ano meek:
nets of heart; hemailing ano lamenting our
finful life. atknomleoging ans tonfelling our
olfenees. ans teeaing to bring forth worthy
S.Mat.iij. 10. ftm'tg gf penalise.
for note is the ar hut
unto the root of the trees. to that ehery tree
that hrmgeth not forth gooo fruit, is heinn
Hcb-x- 31- Union ans call into the fire.
Kit is 8 fearful

lie under excommunication twenty
years. (Basil. can. lvi.) And as for
the crimes of incest and bestiality, if
the offenders were young persons, a
penalty of twenty—ﬁve years was im-
posed; if they were further advanced
in age, a penance of thirty years; but
if they were old persons, they must
continue excommunicates as long as
they lived. (Conc. Aquisgr. can. xvi.)
By the ﬁrst canon of the Council of
Eliberis, if any grown person should go
to a heathen temple and sacriﬁce, he
was not to be admitted to the com-
munion, even at the time of his death.
And by the seventh canon of the same
Council, the like punishment was in-
ﬂicted upon those who having done
penance for adultery should fall into
fornication. But this extreme rigour
was moderated by the Council of Nice,
which decreed that the communion
or viaticum should not be denied to
any penitents at their death. Cone.
Nicen. can. xiii.
The course of discipline to which
the lapsed were subjected, when under
excommunication, was as follows :—
At ﬁrst, whilst they were newly laid
under censure, and the sense of their
crime was fresh in their minds, they
were to be ranked amongst the lowest
degrees of penitents, who were called
KAGLIOVTGS‘, or ‘the weepers.’ The
manner of their penance is described
by Sozomen (Hist. Ecol. lib. vii. c. 17.):
“ There is in the churches at Home a
particular place, in public View, for
the penitents, in which they stand
moaning and wailing till the eucharist
is over, which they must not partake
of, the pure worshippers of God being
only to communicate of that; there
they throw themselves down upon the
ground with groans and lamentations.
Then on the other side the bishop, all
in tears and sighs, falls down upon
them. And then the 'whole congre-
gation is in tears. After this the
bishop ﬁrst rises himself, and helps up
(1772)
Commination.


thing to fall into the hanos of the lining coo:
hoe wall pour oomn rain upon the linners, Pl'al. .116.
fnares, tire auo lniinllone.
this lhall he their portion to oginlr. hog lo,
llorm ﬁlii] rerun 211;
the itoro is tome out of his place to oitit the
ioielreonels of lurh as omell upon the earth.
But who may ahioe the oah of his com:
ing .>
he ahheareth.> lhis fan
who lhall he able to enoure rohen Mario-2-
15 in his banU,S.Matt.iij.
ano he will purge his ﬂoor, ano gather”
his ioheat into the barn,
the chart with unquenrhahle tire.
oap of the ltoro eonieth
but he haill hurn
@EbBIThefIv.
as a thief in the “:3-
night: ano rohen men lhall tap, llaeaee,
eeg
lillll
the penitents; and when they have
shown as much sorrow as is sufficient,
he, praying over them, dismisses them.’
And Eusebius (Hist. Eccl. lib. v. c. 28.)
describes the behaviour of N atalis un-
der his penance, for his lapsing into
the heresy of Theodotus, how with
tears he bewailed his errors, throwing
himself at the feet of Zepherinus the
bishop, and laying himself down to
be trodden upon, not only by the
clergy, but even by the laity. Now,
the place where they were to perform
their n'pdaxhavmr, or ‘weeping,’ was
in the church-porch, as Gregory
Thaumaturgus (in Ep. Can. cap. xi.)
informs us: 1'7 'n'po'UKhavULs‘ 2'50) 'rﬁs‘
rfuhns‘ 'rofi ei’mrnpt'ov e’o'n'v.
After this discipline was gone over,
which continued sometimes several
years, the penitents were raised to
the rank of LlKPOCb/iGVOL, Or ‘the
hearers.’ Their discipline, Gregory
Thaumaturgus (Ep. Can. cap. xi.) says,
was performed within the doors of the
church. ‘H rilcpoaorr E'vdodr 1'1"]; 'mlhns‘,
511 1'6) ucipdnm é'zlda e’o'ra'uat Xpf; Thu r'jlmp-
rnxo'ra, gees rcbv Kwrnxovpe'vcov, Kai 611-613-
661) e’ge'pxecrdat.
After having continued some time
in this rank of penitents, they were
removed to a higher class, which was
that. Of the inron'ier'rov'res‘, or ‘the
kneelers.’ The place which was
allotted to them in the church, was
farther from the door than that of
‘the hearers.’ Gabriel, the metropo-
litan of Philadelphia, cited by Suicer
in his Lexicon, says: ‘0 The {mom-(beams:
Ton-(‘)9 e’ovrtv é'vdov 7'01’) vaoz'}, Ka'rdn'w roi}
(lnBcoz/os, 6’11 (‘0 i'o'rav'rar 6L r'm'on'irr'rov'res,
C7) Til/GS‘ ,UI€TC\Z 7631/ KCLTT’XO'U’Lél/(DV égépXOU-
Tat 7'05 vaod {yr/[Kn Tol,”Oo'ot Ka'rnxovlue'vot
'n'poe'hge're, ﬁnd 105 ALaKdI/ov €,K¢0)l/7]677.
For the same purpose he quotes Theo-
rianus, explaining {m-oplvrrew, by s’vrés:
,ue’u 7;]? e’mchnaias eioépxecrdae, 51/ 56‘ rd)
h'mo'dev paper To?) (inﬁrm/o; io'r'ao‘dar, Kai
e’ére'z/at ,ue'rd 'rdn/ Ka'rnxovpéucov. The
same place is assigned to them by
Balsamon, in his note upon the xith
canon of the Council of Nice. Their
discipline was to kneel down whilst
the faithful were passing by, as that of
Ifa. xxvj. 2 I.
(1773)
Commination.
S.Matth.xxv.
10, ii, 12.
ano all things are late, then lhall tuooen
oeﬂruction come upon them, as foiroio com=
eth upon a ipoman trahelling ioith chilo, ano
ij. ., 5. they lhall not etcape.
ethen lhall appear the
wrath of coo in the pay of hengeance, rohich
ohuinate finners, through the ﬂuhhoinnefs of
their heart, hahe
heapeo unto themfelhes,
rohich oeipiteo the gooonefs, patience ano
longztufferante of Qhoo, iohen he calleifii them
continually to repentance.
j. .8, call upon me (faith the itoio) hut 31 inill not
@hen lhall they
19> is hear, they lhall feet me early, hut they lhall
not tino me, ano that hecaute they hateo
linoioleoge, ano receiheo not the fear of the
ﬂow, hut ahhoireo my countel, ano oetpiieo
my correction.
ethen lhall it he too late to
knock iohen the too; lhall he that, ano too

1. 1. The 384th page of the Sealed Book commences with the word “ anti”, “ allh”
being also the cinch-word on the preceding page.

‘the weepers’ was to cry and to lie
grovelling on the ground.
The last stage of discipline, which
the lapsed were to go through, was the
outr'ratns‘, when the penitents, after
having gone through the former parts
of their penance, were permitted to
join with the faithful in the prayers
of the congregation, but were not
allowed to partake of the eucharist.
Gregory Thaumaturgus explains this
state thus I 'H 071307-0019, i'va crvmoruiz/(u
'rols srto'ro'is, Kai. ;u) e’ge'pxez/at per-(‘l 7611/
Ka-rqxovnéuwu. So that persons in this
class were allowed to stay in the
church, after the Missa Catechumeno-
rum was over, and not to go out with
them; but, however, they were not to
partake of the sacrament, being only
spectators of those who did. It is of
such that the Council of Nice speaks,
who were 7759 e’vxiis howls‘ Kori/cove?!)—
Rowen/sir Xwpis trpoo'¢cpds——and 'rds‘
Kowtom'as 'rv-yxrivew 'rijs‘ sis‘ 7rpooevxfys‘.
Cone. Nic. Can. xi. xii.
After having run through these
several stages of penance, the peni-
tents were admitted at last into the
full privileges of the faithful again;
and then they were allowed to partake
of the eucharist, like as they were
before their lapse.
In the Greek Church, before their
admission to the communion, they
were obliged to make their é§onoh6~
'yqms, or public confession of their
fault; and then the bishop and
clergy, who were present, were to lay
their hands upon them, and absolve
them. This is plain by that of St.
(177.1)
Commination.
late to try for merry inhen it is the time of
white. ill) terrihle ooire of moll lull iuoge=
ment which lhall he pronounreo upon them,
when it lhall he taio unto them, Qho ye rurteo
into the tire eoerlalling, iohirh is preparer:
for the oehil ano his angels. @Eherefore, hre=
thren, take toe heeo hetime, iohile the My of. vj. ..
taloation lalleth, for the night rometh, iohen 8,101... ix,
none ran roots: but let us, while the bane the light, helieoe in the light, ano toalk as
rhiloren of the light, that toe he not call into
utter oarknets, rohere is toeeping ano gnalh= 234mm"-
ing of teeth. Let us not ahufe the gooonefs '
of Qholl, toho ralleth us mercifully to ameno=
ment, ano of his enolefs pity promiteth us
torgioenefs of that tohirh is pail, it toith a

l. 4. An erasure occurs on the outer margin.
1. 9. An erasure occurs on the outer margin.

Cyprian (Ep. x.), who complains, that
several of the lapsed were admitted to
peace: N ondum poenitentia acta,
nondum exornolegesi facta, nondum
manu eis ab episcopo et clerico impo-
sita, eucharistia eis datur. The same
practice he blames, almost in the very
same words. (Ep. xi.) After this, they
were received again as perfect mem-
bers of the Christian congregation,
with the great joy of all the assembly.
Cyp. Ep. xlvi.
It must be further observed, that
for the more regular keeping up of
discipline, and bringing offenders un-
der penance to a deeper sense of their
sins, they avoided conversation with
them. Wherefore, as soon as a person
was excommunicate, the bishop dis-
patched his literae tractatoriee, to
signify that such a person was under
public censure, and to prohibit all
persons to communicate with him.
(Aug. Cone. xi. in Psal. xxxvi; Bas.
Epist. xlvii.) Nicholls on the Com-
mon Prayer.
étooh: (p. 1766.)-—P. B. 1549, “as
were notorious sinners.”
were put to open penante =
f p. 1766.)—In this prefatory introduc-
tion, and in the following exhortation,
it must be remembered that the word
‘penance ’ sometimes signiﬁes repent-
ance, and at other times a punishment
inflicted upon a sinner, either by him-
self or by ecclesiastical authority, for
some offence committed by him. In
the latter sense it is here used: and
in the former sense it is used in the
exhortation. Bennet on the Common
Prayer, 240.
QBthers: (p. 1766.) — 1’. B. 1549,
“ other.”
(1775)
A Commination.
perfect ano true heart the return unto him.
for though our fins he as reo as ftarlet,they
mall he mahe hohite as fnolp : ano though
they he like purple, yet they lhall he maoe
rohite as mooll. @urn ye(faith the lore)
from all your mithehnefs. anh your fin lhall
not he your hehruttion. Qliall away from you
all your ungoolinefs that ye hahe none, make
you new hearts. ans a nehn fpirit: where
fore mill ye hie, m ye houfe of Zlfrael.
feeing that 31 hahe no pleafure in the
Death of vhim that hieth, faith the horn
can; earn ye then. ano ye lhall lihe.
although we hahe finneo. yet hahe the
an aohotate with the ~ll'ather, Zlefus QLhr-ill
the righteous. ano- he is the propitiation
. for
Ifa. 18.
Ezek. xviij.
30.
1 S. John.
I. 2.

1. 6. An erasure occurs on the outer margin, after “ 30.”.

In Prayer Books of 1572, 1589, and
1607, ‘.‘ other” is also found.
ilnfteah: (p. 1766.) — P. B. 1549,
“In the steeds.”
whirl) is: (p, 1766.) — PB. 1549,
“ whiche thynge.”
The word “thynge” existed here
until 1662.
3511 the : (p. 1767.) — B. B. 1549,
“(in your presence)”.
sin: that ye Ihonlh anfhoer to their)
Ientente, Amen: (p.1767.)-'——This pious
and rational ofﬁce hath been traduced
and derided by some, who pretend the
saying of ‘Amen’ to these sentences
of God’s law is a cursing of ourselves,
and a wicked as well as a foolish
thing. But let it be considered, ﬁrst,
that God himself commanded this very
manner of answering; so that it can
be no less than blasphemy to call it
either wicked or foolish; yea, though
it had been purely ceremonial, since it
is a divine institution, it cannot be
impious or ridiculous—but they are
so in the highest degree, who affront
heaven, while they endeavour to vilify
our sacred usages.
Secondly, nor do they shew less
ignorance than impiety, while they
afﬁrm this ‘Amen’ to be a wishing
of ourselves accursed; since ‘Amen’
is not originally nor properly an adverb
of wishing, but affirming; being de-
rived from a root signifying ‘ truth’,
whence it is so often translated
‘verily’ in the Gospels; and Jesus,
who is the truth, is called ‘the Amen’
(Rev. iii. 14.); that is, the faith—
ful and true witness; and in him
the promises are ‘Yea’ and ‘Amen’
(1776)
A Commination.
for our fins. for he ioas ioounoeo for our Ie- 1iii- 5-
oﬂ’enees, ano fmitten for our ioiekeonefs.
net us therefore return unto him, ioho is the
merciful rereioer of all true penitent finners ,
auuring our feloes that he is reaoy to rereioe
us, ano moll roilling to paroon us, if roe
tome unto him hoith faithful repentanee; if
toe @mil-lwfuhmit our feloes unto him, ano
from henceforth ioallr in his trays; if the roill
take his eatie yoke, ano light huroen uponS-Mmh-Xi-
us, to follow him in loholinefs, patienre, ano 29’ 3°‘
charity, ano he ogoereo by the gooernanee of
his holy %hirit5 feehing alroays his glory,
anoferioing him ouly in our notation ioith
thanhfgioing. @his if roe oo, Qthiiﬂ mar
oelioer us from the eurfe of the lato, ano
from the ertream maleoietion iohirh lhall
light upon them that wall he let on the left
hano, ano he roill fet us on his right hano, smash-xxv-
ano gioe us the gracious heneoirtion of his 3W"
~lfather, eommanoing us to talre hoffeflion of
his glorious hingoom: unto mhieh he noueh:

l. 1. The 885th page of the Sealed Book commences with the word “ for”, “flit”
being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

(2 Cor. i. 20.), that is, certain and
true; in which sense the primitive
Christians said ‘Amen’ at the receiv-
covenant. (Nehem. v. 13.) Even so,
when the people said in Joshua’s time,
and we, in imitation of them, say
ing of the eucharist, to testify their
belief that it was truly the body and
blood of Christ. (1 Cor. xiv. 16.) So
also, in that mystical vision, the truth
of those promises is sealed with ‘Amen.’
(Ptev. vii. 10. 12, 13,14.) Nor did the
people curse themselves, but only tes-
tify their belief that God would curse
them, who stood not to Nehemiah’s
‘Amen,’ after the reading of this
divine malediction, we do no more than
set to our seal that God is true, and
his threatening to be feared. Nor doth
this assenting to the truth of God’s
word bring any curse on the penitent,
nor so much as make the impenitent
any other ways or more impenitent
or more accursed than they were be-
(1777)
Commmation.
Mz'fw'eiv' mcz',
Deus. Pfal .lj .
iafe to hiing us all, fog his infinite mercy.
amen.
{l Then {hall they all kneel upon their knees,
and the Prieft and Clerks kneeling (in the
place Where they
are accuftorned to fay the
Litany) {hall fay this Pfalm, Myers}? 77162‘,
Dear.
ape mercy upon me, ill) son, after
the great gooonefs: accoioing to the
multituoe of thy mercies, oo aioay mine
offences.
wall) me thioughly from my roickeonels:
ano cleante me from my fin.
for El aclrnoinleoge my faults: ano my fin
is eher before me.
Hgainu thee only hahe 3i finneo, ano oone
this ehil in thy fight: that thou mighteﬂ he
iuﬂifieo in thy laying, ano clear when thou
art iuogeo.
fore. Though they be guilty, it brings
not the curse on them, but shews it to
them at a distance, to affright them
into the avoiding of it by repentance,
and so it proves a blessing in the
event—being like our Saviour’s woes,
of which the Gospel is so full, not
wishers or procurers of evil, but com-
passionate predictions of it, in order
to prevent it. It is certain that sin-
ners, while they remain such, are
really accursed: and to convince them
of this, and make them own it, is the
lheholo,
truest blessing we can give them, and
to bless them in that estate is to curse
them. (Deut. xxix. 19.; Ps. x. 3.) So
that ‘Amen’ is no more here than a
declaration, that he whom God blesseth
is blessed, and he whom God curseth
is cursed. And if we believe this
with our hearts, when we say it with
our lips, it will shew us our danger,
and bring us to repentance.
As for the sins here enumerated in
the order wherein they lie in holy
Scripture, they are of the greatest and
(177s)
Commination.
QBeholo, 3[ was lhapen in ioirlreonefs: ano
in [in hath my mother ronreineo me.
lhut lo, thou requirell truth in the inroaro
parts: ano lhalt make me to unoerllano
ioitoom terretly.
@Zhou lhalt purge me roith hyllop, mm 3)
lhall he rlean: thou lhalt toalh me, ano 3i
lhall he tohiter than fnoto.
cthou lhalt make me hear of joy ano glao=
nets : that the bones which thou hall broken,
may reloyre.
@L'urn thy fareii'trom my tins: ano put out
all my misoeeos.
spake me a rlean heart, 9D Qhoo : ano
renein a right tpirit toithin me.
Qtall me not atoay from thy pretence: ano
take not thy holy %>pirit from me.
ill) gioe me the romfort of thy help again:
ano llahlilh me with thy tree %>pirit.
cthen lhall 31 tearh thy inays unto the
mirlieo: ano tinners lhall he ronoerteo unto
thee.
_.___._.____
l. l. The 39ml) pn're oi‘ the Sealed Book commences with the word “ iteholtt,”
“ iSElJUIU,” being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

worst kind, and such as are threatened
with curses and damnation in the
Law, the Prophets, and the New Tes-
tament. Idolatry against God; dis-
obedience to parents; injustice to
neighbours; contempt of the mise-
rable; oppression of the helpless; se-
cret mischief; adultery; bribery and
corruption ; relying on the creature:
to which are added those sins, which
the Gospel reckons to be damnable;
namely, uncharitableness, fornication,
lust, covetousness, spiritual idolatry,
slander, drunkenness, and extortion.
Now surely those persons who are
guilty of these crimes, are in a state
of condemnation, whether they answer
‘Amen’ or not, and had need judge
themselves impartially, repent heartily
and amend speedily, that they may
escape the wrath to come; and to
move them to this necessary duty, the
(1779)
Commination.
following
contrived.
@e : .(p. _ _
Previous to last review this pronoun
came before “ beyng admonished.”
iDeliher me from hlouo:guiltinefs, 21D coo,
thou that art the out of my health: ano my
tongue lhall fing of thy righteoufnefs.
@Iihou lhalt open my lips, 9D horn: am: my
mouth ﬂJall [hero thy praife.
Jfor thou oefirell no lacrifice, elfe inoulh 31
gihe it thee: hut thou oelightell not in hurnt=
oh’erings.
@Ihe facrifice of Qhoo, is a trouhleo fpirit:
a hroken ano contrite heart, it) moo. thalt
thou not oefpife.
21) he fahourahle ano gracious unto %ion:
huilo thou the malls of Zlerufalem.
@then lhalt thou he pleafeo faith the facri=
tice of righteoufnefs. with the hurntzoﬂferings.
ano ohlations: then lhall they offer young
hullochs upon thine altar.
Qhlory he to the rather, ant: to the %on:
ano to the holy @hoft,
Anfwer.
as it iras in the heginnim is note. ans
eher lhall he: inorlo mithout eno. amen.
horn

exhortation is admirably jfor inhirh : (p. 1768.)——P.B. 1549,
‘C ‘ 7)
for the which.
itnrage, to : (p. 1768.)——P. B. 1549,
“an abominacion to the Lord, the
worke of the handes of the craftes
manne, and putteth it in a secrete
1767.)—P. B. 1549, “you.”
- ~ lace.”
@Commina l : 1 ~ - - P 1
_ 3 ) "no (l1}\“l-11‘1<3= In 1662 tnese sentences were aban-
p. l.'6t>.)——] .B. 104$), ' lhe fyrst (laye dunucp
of Lent.”-
§3e moheli: (p. 1768.)—-P. B. 1549,
“be called.”
Minifiﬂ‘. (p. 1769.) — A Prayer
Book of 1627 uses, in this place,
“Minister” and “Priest” alternately.
(1780)
Commination.
iLogo, hahe merry upon us.
Chrift, have mercy upon us.
itoio, hahe merry upon us.
Oar Jfather rohirh art in heahen, lhalloro=
eo he thy shame. @thy lringoom tome.
@thy will he hone in earth, as it is in heahen.
Qhioe us this my our Daily hgeao. ano for=
gine us our trefpalles, as the foggihe them
that trefpafs againu us. Elno leao us not
2103 temptationzlhut oeliher us from ehil.
men.
Minifter.
9D iLogo, tahe thy ferhants;
Anfwer.
@hat put their truil in thee.

1.1. The 387th page of the Sealed Book commences with the word " 131%,",
“ ZLHI’U” being also the catch-word on the preceding page.


this neighhonrs Ian‘onnarh : (p.
1769.)——P. B. 1549, “ awaie the marks
of his neighbours land.”
iBerherteth the juhgment of the
ftranger, the fatherlefs, anII haihoin =
(p. 1769.) -— P. B. 1549, “letteth in
iudgement the right of the straungier,
of them that be fatherless, and of
widowes.”
The present sentence would almost
seem, at the last review, to have been
adopted from J ames’s version of the
Bible,though, if strictly accurate, “be”
should occupy the place of “is,” and
“the” be omitted before “ fatherless.”
Elie innorent : (p. 1770.) —— I’. B,
1549, “ the soule of innocent bloudt ”
jfornitators, anti ahultrrers, rohet—
ous rrlons. (holsters: (p. 1771.)—
P. . 1549, “the fornicatours and
advouterers [1’. B. 15:32, “and adul-
terers and”], the covetous persones,
the wurshyppers of images.”
(1781)
Commination.
Minifter.
%eno unto them help from about.
Anfwer.
ano ehermoie mightily oefeno them.
Minif’ter.
lhelp us,ilD Qhoo our giahiour.
Anfwer.
mm for the glory of thy ﬂame oeiiher us; he
merciful to us finners for thy memes fate.
Minifter.
ED il.oio,hear our prayer.
Anfwer.
ano let our cry come unto thee.
@—
glfnays reahy to fail upon us:
(p.1772.)——P. B. 1549, “ being alwayes
at hande.”
idcknoinlehging: (p. 1772.)-—P. B.
1549, “knowlagyng.”
for porn : (p. 1772.) —— P. B. 1549,
“even now.”
“Even” was omitted in 1552.
@3132“: (p. 1772.) —- P. B. 1549,
“whiche.”
:Es come: (p. 1773.) -—- P. B. 1549,
“ is cummen.”
iitt : (p. 1773.)-—P. B. 1549, “upon.”
llinfri themfelhes : (p. 1774.) ——
P. B. 1549, “ unto themselfe.”
$92 taIIe'fh them: (p. 1774.) -~
P. B. 1549, “he called them.”
Minifter.
$35 thilllren: (p. 1775.)-—P. B. 1549,
“ as the children.”
At the last review, “the” was like-
wise omitted before “utter derkenes.”
@ perfect snh true: (p. 1776.) -—
P. B. 1549, “ a whole mind and a
true.” P. B. 1552, “ and true.”
382 matte hohite: (p. 1776.)—P. B.
1549, “ be as white.”
Qilhey {hall he matte: (p. 1776.)—-
P. B. 1549, “ shall they be as.”
qturn ye: (p. 1776.) -—P. B. 1549,
“ Turne you cleane.”
ﬁe: (p. 1776.)—P. B. 1549, “you.”
The “ ye” immediately succeeding
was substituted for the original read-
ing, “you,” in 1589.
(1782)
Commination.
Minifter.
1L“ 115 may.
0 ltoro, toe beteerh thee mercifully hear our
prayers, ano tpare all thofe who routers
their [ins unto thee. that they iohote ron=
trienres by [in are arrufeo, by thy merriful
paroon may be ablolbeo, through Qthgill our
11,011]. Amen.
spoil mighty Qhoo, ano merritul father,
who hall rompallion upon all men, ano
hatell nothing that thou hall mace, inho
roouloell not the Death of a iinner. but that
he lhoulo rather turn from his fin, ano be
fabeo, ayerrifully foggibe us our tretpaﬂ'es;
rereibe ano comfort us, toho are griebeo ano
toearieo ioith the burthen of our tins. @Zhy

1.1. The 388th page of the Sealed Book comm’ ces with the word “Minifter.”,
“ Minifter.” being also the catch-word on preceding page.


@1131 he is the prrlpititttioit : (p. “And leads us not into temptacion.
1776.)——P. B. 1589, “ (it he 1t is that “Aanswere. But deliver us from
obteyneth grace.” evil. Amen],
(Bur tribes: (p. 1777.)—-P. 13.1549, Miniﬁgn (p 1781)_As before
“ our selfe.” ' - 2
in this same service, a Prayer Book
“
. - -a of 1627 has “ Minister” and Priest”
QCIJe gratious: (p. 177/.) — P. B. alternated i
1549, “ the blessed.”
which: (p. 1777.) — P. B. 1549, Ebat: (p. 1781.) —- P. B. 1549,
“the whiche.” “ Whyche.”
Tie/{l 1 " - - ‘15hr 1811mm (11 1782.)—P. B. 1549
“ Igielstes ” (p. 1 (78') P. B’ 1552’ “ thy name’s sake.” ’
P. B. 1589, “Minister.”
Gar prayer : (p. 1782.)-P. B. 1549,
Our father: (p. 1781.)--P.B. 1549, “ my prayer.” P. B. 1552, “our
“ Our father whiche art in heaven. (he. prayers.”
(1783)
Commination.
property is always to hahe mercy; to thee
only it appertaineth to forgihe fins. sspare
us therefore. gooolLorh, fpare thy people whom
thou hall reoeemeo, enter not into iuogement
with thy ferhants, who are hile earth, ano
miferahle finners; hut in turn thine anger
from us, who meelrly aclrnoinleoge our pile:
nets, am: truly repent us of our faults , ant:
to make halle to help us in this inorlo, that
‘we may eher line inith thee in the morlo to
come, through Zlefus Qllhrih our lLoro. Amen.
@105: (p. 1782.)——P. B. 1549, “my.”
let us pray: (p. 1783.) — Two of
these three collects can be repeated
by the minister alone, the third by the
priest and people together ; but all of
them are earnest petitions for pardon.
We dare not here, with the Roman
Church, in a mixed assembly, pro—
nounce a positive and formal absolu—
tion to all; yet we address ourselves
to Almighty God, who best knows
who needs a pardon and who is ﬁt
{I Then
for it, beseeching him importunately
to grant it to all such.
cipon all: (p. 1783.)--P. B. 1549,
“of al.’
_ @hineangcrz—P. B. 1549, “thy
ire.”
Grafton’s copy of 1552 introduced
“thine” for “ thy.”
grhnotnlehge :-—P. B. 1549, “know-
ledge.”
(1784)
Commination.
1T Then {hall the people fay this that fol-
loWeth, after the Minif‘ter.


@Irn thou uo, £{D goooiL-ogo, ano to lhail
the he turneo. ‘IBe t'ahourahie, ED iLogo,
QBe favourable to thy people, who turn to
thee in weeping, falling, ano praying. for
thou art a merciful Qﬁoo, full of compaﬂ'ion,
ﬂongduﬂ’ering, ano of great pity. @hou
fparen tohen ‘roe oeferne puntlhrnent, em in
thy togath thinheﬂ upon mercy. %>pare thy
peopie,gooo iLogo, [pare them, ano let not
thine heritage he brought to confution. {hear
uo, ED logo, to; thy mercy to great, ano after
the multituoe of thy mercies look upon us,
@thgough the merits ano meoiation of thy
hleffeo %>on BIeIuo Qthn'ﬂ our ILogo. amen.
{I Then the Minif’cer alone {hall fay,
@L'he iLogo hleto' ue, ano keep us; the
iLozo iift up the ﬁght of his countenance upon
us, ano gine no peace nom ano fog ehermoge.
Amen.
1. 1. The 389th page of the Sealed Book _ mences with “ 1? Then”, “ 1? Then” being
also the catch-word 0n the prece page.
M
‘I Thgn thg p€Op1€ ; office is taken from Numb. vi. 24, 25,
P B 1549 “Then Shall thvs antheme :26,- that 1s, from that very form 111
be’ <8: (1Q son ,7 j whlch God hlmself commanded Aaron
53h); lurk iﬁefﬁ n5 ano keep 115: and his Sons 13" bless the Children Of
The Blessing which honcludes this Israel‘
5 Z (1785)

The 390th page of the Sealed 1300.1: is blank.
(1786)


P
A " " *" ”_ "t ' "“"'-: /"; : ‘-' "";"~ "‘ ““
' .
After the“ Tm‘ﬂﬁatié'ﬁ “csf'wthe' "Gf‘e'zit' "
Pointed as 'th‘eyefe'td' ‘be'Su'hg 61‘ Said if}
C S.


‘ EGYWITO’N;
Printed by the Printers to’the'Kings moﬁ'E'Xceﬁe'fﬁ
Maj eﬁy'-:"*Mi3€1; XI I".


c UM ~P RW-Iirﬁfffﬂ;


1.1. The 39kt page of the Sealed Book commences with the word “THE”, the
preceding page being blank.
5 Z 2 (1787)

The 392ml page of the Sealed Book is blank.
(1788)
THE
Pfalms of David.
ifhe iﬁtﬁ ihahn.
Beatus vir, qui non abiit.
iLeffeo is the man that hath not inalkeo
in the counfel of the ungooly, no; ﬂooo
in the ioay of finners: ano hath not fat in
the feat of the fcognful.
2 lhut his oelight is in the lain of the
Logo: ano in his lain inill he erercife himfelf
oay ano night.
3 211111 he lhall he like a tree planteo by the
‘materdioez that ioill hging fogth his fruit in
one feafon.
4 {his leaf alfo {hall not toither: ano look
‘rohatfoener he ooth, it lhall mother.
5 els fog the ungooly it is not to ioith them:
but they are like the chaff rohich the inino
fcattereth ainay from the face of the earth.
6 @therefoge the ungooly lhall not he able
to ﬂano in the iuogment: neither the finners
in the congregation of the righteous.
7 Qhut the ﬂow knoineth the may of the
righteous: ano the ioay of the ungooly ﬂJall
perifh.
(klare

582
/'\~\/\
Thedj.
DAY.
W
mm
Morning
Prayer.
W
l. 1. The 393111
the prec * ' lg page being blank.
ge [g3 2] of the Sealed Book commences with the word “ THE”,

The Pfalms of David:
—-There are four kinds, or sorts, of Gallican, and Hebraic.
Latin Psalters; which have passed
under the names of Italic, Roman,
The Italic Latin Psalter is of the
(1789)
The Pfelmse
N,‘ Qare fremuerunt gentes? Rial.’
The 3..
DAY. Wlhp no the heathen to furiouﬂp rage to:
W gether: ano rohp oo the people imagine
a pain thing .>
2 @Ehe kings of the earth ﬂano up, ano the
rulers take tountel together: againll the Logo,
ano againﬂ his anointeo.
3 iLet us break their honoa afunoer: ano
tall aroap their eotos from us.
4 the that omelleth in heanen, lhall laugh
them to from: the lloto mall hahe them in
oerifion.
5 @Zhen lhall he {peak unto them in his
torath: ano oer them in his tote oifpleafure.
6 get haoe 31 tel: mp king: upon my holy
bill of %>ion.
7 31 toill preach the lam, tnhereof the Logo
bath taio unto me: @Ehou art my gvon, this
Day haoe 3! begotten thee.
8 Eefire of me, ano 31 lhall gioe thee the
heathen to; thine inheritance: ano the utmoll
parts of the earth to; the eotletsion.
9 Qthou lhalt hguite them ‘with a roo of

l. 1. The 394th page of the Scaled Book commences with the word “ Quare ”, “ Quare”
being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

old translation, or version, such as it
was before Jerome’s time. The com-
mon opinion is, that there were seve-
ral Latin Versions before Jerome [Qui
enlm Scripturas eX Hebraea lingua in
hnguam Graecam verterunt numerari
possunt, Latini autem interpretes
nullo modo: ut enim cuique primis
ﬁdel temporibus in menus venit
codex, et aliquantulum facultatis sibi
utriusque linguae videbatur, ausus est
interpretari. (August. de Doct. Christ.
1. 2. 0. xi. p. 25. tom. iii.)], but one
more eminent than the rest, called
Italic [In ipsis autem interpretationi-
bus Itala caateris praeferatur: 11am est
verborum tenacior cum perspicuitate
sententite. (August. ibid. p. 27.)], as
(1790)
The Pfalms.
iron: ano break them in pieces like a potters
oeilel.
IO UBe ‘mile notn therefore, 91D ye hinge:
he learneo, ye that are iuogee of the earth.
11 %>erne the ﬂora in fear: ano reioyte
unto him toith reuerente.
12 little the %>on, leﬂ he be angry, ano to
ye perilh from the right may: if his totath he
hinoleo (yea, but a little) hleﬂ‘eo are all they
that put their truﬂ in him.
Domine, quid multiplicati P~'Pfa*l~.--iij-.
LilDgo, horn are they intreateo that trouble
me: many are they that rife againﬂ me.
2 ahany one there he that lay of my foul:
there is no help for him in his Qiioo.
3 IBut thou, ilD iLogo,
art my oefenoer :
thou art my tooglhip, arm the litter up of my
beao.
4 3i oio call upon the Logo tnith my hoite:
ano he hearo me out of his holy hill.
5 3i laio me ooton ano ﬂept, ano role up
again: for the ﬂow tullaineo me.
631
1. 23. From a blot upon the “f ” of “ fultaineh”, this word has the appearance
of “ fuftainetl ”.

being received into common use in
Italy. [Ecclesia Latina a principio,
vel ferme a principio, usa est versione
Latina Testamenti Vet. ex Greeca LXX
translatione facta, quee Itala vulgo
dicebatur, quoniam in Italia prius
usitata, in alias inde Latinorum Eccle-
sias recipiebatur. Hodius, De Biblior.
Text. Origin. p. 342.]
However that may be, it is become
customary with such as treat of this
subject, to speak of all that was ex-
tant before Jerome as of one version,
under the name of Vetus Vulgata, or
Versio Italica. There are entire
Psalters of this old version, printed,
and in manuscript (Le Lang, Biblioth.
Bibi. vol. i. p. 243.), though now no-
where in use in divine offices, except
such parcels of it as, having been an-
(1791)
The Pfalms.
M
The DAY.
W
6 31 mill not he strain for ten thoufanos of
the people: that hahe fet themfelhes againll
me rouno ahout.
7 (Hp lLoro. ano help me, 21D my sion: for
thou fmitell all mine enemies upon the cheek:
hone5 thou hall hrohen the teeth of the un:
gooly.
8 gvalhation helongeth unto the lLoro : ano
thy hlefsing is upon thy people.
_ f 11 '1 . ‘v .if’Sfrlllrl-w
Cum invocarem. mPafalsé-ler
QEar me tohen 31 call, ED out of my right=
eoufnefs : thou hall let me at liherty when
31 was in trouble ; hahe mercy upon me, one
hearhen unto my prayer.
2.. ill) ye tons of men. horn long will ye
hlal'pheme mine honour: ano hahe fuch plea=
fure in hanity, ano feelr after leafingr
3 lhnom this alto. that the horn hath chofen
to himfelf the man that is gooly : tohen31 call
upon the lLoro, he will hear me.
4 %tano in aine, ano fin not: commune

l. 1. The 395th page E Zlof the Sealed Book commences with “6 if ", “ 6 If ”
being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

ciently taken into the Roman Missals,
or other old liturgies, remain there
still, the people being accustomed to
them, and there being no great neces—
sity for changing them: but all the
‘ entire Psalters in use are of another
kind. Martianay, in his edition of
J erome’s works, intended to give
an entire and correct Psalter (with
some other of the sacred books) of the
old Italic version. But the various
readings were so many and so different,
that the work appeared too laborious
and difficult, for which reason he
laid it aside. [Appendicem sacrorum
aliquot voluminum, juxta Veterem
Vulgatam usu receptam ante Hierony—
mum, hoc loco edendam statueramus :
sed quum operi manus jamjam acce—
deret, tantam inter MSS. codices hujus
versionis latinae deprehendimus dis-
sonantiam, ut impossibile esset vel
solas variantes horum codicum lec-
tiones adnotasse nisi maximo temporis
(1792)
The Pfalms.
loith your oion heart, ano in your chamber, _
ano he Hill.
5 ﬂDifer the facrifice of righteoufnefs: ano
put your truﬂ in the iLogo.
6 @here be many that fay: ioho ioill iheio
us any goon;
7 ﬂow, lift thou up : the light of thy coun:
tenance upon us. _
8 ethou hall put glaonefs in my heart:
fince the time that their coin ano ioine ano
oyl increafeo.
9 31 toill lay me ooton in peace, ano take
my reu : fog it is thou, Logo, only that makeﬂ
me omen in fafety.
ﬁes e: w
t h E?’ s/
I y ‘u y
""313 ‘1
l. - ..
IzJ a") l
"V ' ,‘ \ .
u!'\A-‘
f i ‘:-
I a, I
Verba auribus. 'Peih-zlr'vnm"
Pﬂhnoer my iooios, ED iLogo: confioer my
meoitation.
2 sh hearken thou unto the voice of my call=
ing, my lking, ano my QholJ: fog unto thee
inill 31 make my pgayer.
3 Hey noice lhalt thou hear hetimes, ED
iLogo: early in the morning ioill 31 oirect my
player unto thee, ano ioill look up.
983 4ﬁm

intervallo. Quare ne in sequentem
annum diﬂ'erretur editio hujus diviae
Bibliothecee, Appendicem praedictam
1atiori operi, ac majori otio reservavi-
mus. (Martian. Not. ad Hieronym.
seventh.
ferent from the Italic.
the sixth century or beginning of the
The Roman Psalter is not very dif—
It is nothing
else but that old version cursorily
vol. i. p. 1419.)] This version or ver-
sions is what the Latins used before
Jerome, and many after him, the
Africans especially, at least down to
and in part corrected by Jerome, in
the time of Pope Damasus, AJ). 3b3.
It has the name of Roman, because
the use of it began the soonest, and
(1793)
The Pfalms.
M
The DAY.
W
4 for than art the Q5633 that haﬂ nu ptea:
ture in tnitkennefs: neither lhall any enil
iJtneII tnith thee.
5 %>uth as he fnuiifh [hail nut ﬂana in thy
tight: tag than hateﬂ all them that route
nanity.
6 @Ihnn lhait neﬂruy them that {peak teat:
int; : the item tnili ahhog bath the hlnuwthirﬂy
antl neteitfui man.
7 15m as tag me, 3! mill tame intu thine
Dante, enen upon the muititune of thy merry:
ant: in thy tear tail! 3{ tnutfhip tumarn thy
haty temple.
8 iLean me. 8D item, in thy righteuutnets,
became of mine enemies : make thy may plain
hefuge my face.
9 ﬁne there is no taithtninets in his mouth:
their intnart: parts are very tnitkennefs.
to @their thtaat is an open tepniehre: they
ﬂatter tnith their tongue.
11 Dettroy than them, ED @an, let them
perilh thgengh their awn imaginatians: tan
them nut in the muititrme at their unganii=
nets; to; they hane reheitea againﬁ thee.

l. 1. T1 396th age of the Sealed Book commences with “ 4- dfur”, "4- ;ifﬂl‘ ”
' cdil
ung a the catch-word on the prec 1g page.

continued the longest, in the Roman
It obtained in Gaul nearly as
soon as at Rome, but Was laid aside in
Offices.
posuit, Psaltcrium cantant; quam
Gregonus, Turononsis Episcopus, a
partibus Romanis mutuatam, 111 Gal-
the sixth century, When Gregory of
Tours [Psalmos autem cum secundum
LXX Interpretes Romani adhuc ha-
beant; Galli et Germanorum aliqui
secundum emendationem quam Hie-
ronymus pater de LXX editione com-
liarum dicitur ecclesias transtulisse.
(Walafrid. Strab. de Reb. Eccles. c. 25.
p. 690.)] introduced the other Psalter,
since called Gallican. The Roman
Psalter, however, still obtained at
Rome till the time of Pope Pius V.
(1794)
The Pfalms.
12 am let all them that put their trull in
thee reioite: they lhall euer he giving of
thanks, hetaute thou oefenoell them; they
that lope thy ﬂame, [hall he ioyful in thee,
13 for thouJLogo, rnilt gine thy hletfing
unto the righteous: ano with thy fapourahle
kinonefs toilt thou oefeno him as toith a
ﬂJielo.
Domine ne. Pm..- vj
NA
Evening
Prayer.
W
0 ﬂow, rebuke me not in thine inoig=
nation: neither thallen me in thy oif=
pleature.
2 ihaue merry upon me, ilD iLoto, for 3[ am
toeak: 9]) logo, heal me, for my bones are
UBL‘BU.
3 say foul alto is loge trouhleo: hutJLogo,
horn long toilt thou punilh me;
4 @turn thee, ED lLogo, ano oeliper my foul:
8D tape me for thy mercies take.
5 Jiog in Death no man rememhgeth thee:
ano toho inill gine thee thanks in the pit; 6 3i

[Vid. Card. Bona, Rerum Liturgic. l. 2.
c. 3.; Hodius, p. 383.; Mabillon de Gurs.
Gallican. p. 398.], and it is still used
in the Vatican, and some few churches
besides.
The GaZZz'can PsaZter is J erome’s
complete Latin translation, made from
Origen’s Hexapla [Vid. Hieron. Epist.
a Sunn. et Fret-e1. p. 627. ed. Benet].
tom. ii], his celebrated edition of
the Greek Septuagint, corrected where
the Greek was supposed to be faulty,
from the Hebrew; obelisks and aste-
risks denoting the common Greek ver-
sion in those places to be either re-
dundant or deficient. Many of the
old manuscript copies exhibit these
marks; but in the greater number
they are omitted, probably to lessen
the labour of transcribing. This more
correct Psalter was drawn up by
Jerome, in the year 389, and was
ﬁrst used in Gaul about the year
580; certainly not later than 595:
from which circumstance it came
to have the name of Gallican, in
(1795)
The Pfalms.
M
The
DAI.
6 31 am ‘weary of my groaning, ehery night
lhalh~31 my heo: ano water my couch with
my tears.
7 shy heauty is gone for hery trouhle: ano
thorn ainay hecaufe of all mine enemies.
8 elinay from me, all ye, that more tianity: 4
‘for the {torn hath hearo the hoice of my ineep:
ing.
9 @Ehe lLoro hath hearo my petition: the
horn mill receihe my prayer.
10 all mine enemies lhall he confoun‘oeo.
ano fore hereozthey lhall he turneo hath, ano
put to lhame tuooenly. '
..~» Domine, Deus meus.
.0
Euro my mon, in thee hahe 31 put my
trull: fahe me from all them that per=
fecute me, e oeliher me;
2 hell he oehour my foul like a lion, ano
tear it in pieces: tnhile there is none to help.
3 ED {Doro my Qhoo. if 31 hahe oone any
fuch thing: or if there he any ioickeonefs in
my hanos;
4 3f 31 hahe remaroeh ehil unto him that
oealt frienoly inith me : yea, 31 hahe oelihereo
him that tnithout any caufe is mine enemy ;

l. 1. The 397th page of the Sealed Book commences with “ 6 1E ”, “ 6 it ” being
din
also the catch-word on the prece g page.

contradistinction to the Roman. From
Gaul, or France, it passed over into
England before the year 597, and
into Germany, Spain, and other coun-
tries. The Popes of Rome, though
they themselves used the other psal-
ter, have tacitly allowed the use of
this, in the Western churches, and
even in Italy; and sometimes even
privily authorized it in churches and
monasteries [An. 1369. Urbani V.
auctoritate sanctitum, ut Cassinensis
Psalterio Gallicano uterentur. (Mont-
fauc. Diar. Ital.'p. 331.) Pope Adrian,
(1796)
The Pfalms.
5 @Ehen let mine enemy perfecute my foul,
ano take me: yea, let him treat: my life
oobon upon the earth, ano lay mine honour
in the Hull.
6 %>tano up, ED lLoio, in thy iorath, ano
‘lift up thyfelf,.becaufe of the inoignation of
mine enemies: arife up for me in the iuog=
ment that thou hall commanoeo.
7 ano fo lhall the congregation of the
people come about thee : for their fakes there=
foze lift up thy felf again.
8 @the Logo fhall iuoge the people, gine
fentence with me, ill) lLogo: accogoing to my
righteoufnefs, ano accogoing to the innocency
that is in me.
9 ill) let the toickeonefs of the ungooly
come to an eno: but guioe thou the iull.
IO for the righteous Qboo: trieth the nery
hearts ano reins.
II 9.1912 help cometh of can : ioho pgefern=
eth them that are true of heart.
12 Qboo is a righteous iuoge, llrong ano
patient: ano Qhoo is pgonokeo ebery oay.
13 if a man ioill not turn, he will iohet
his tibogo: he hath bent his born, ano maoe
it reaoy.
I4 1198


long before, had recommended the
Gallican Psalter to the church of
Bremen]; till at length it was pub-
licly authorized in the Council of
Trent, and introduced shortly after
into Rome itself by Pius V. It was
admitted in Britain and Ireland be-
fore the coming of Augustine the
monk, and continued in general use,
excepting at Canterbury [Ante ad-
ventum Augustini monachi, primi
Archiepiscopi Cantuariensis, in Ang-
liam (27. e. ante annum 597), Ecclesiae
Britannica: et Hibernicze Psalterium
Gallicanum receperant. August-inns,
hue a Gregorio M. missus, Romanum
secum advexit, et ecclesiae suae Can—
tuariensi tradidit. Sed loco illius
(1797)
The Pfalms.
M
The j.
DAY.
W
14 the hath mepareo to; him the inttru=
ments of oeath: he ogoaineth his arrotos
againu the pertetutours.
15 QBehoto, he traoetteth tnith mitthiet:
he hath eoneeioeo togrotp, ano htought togth
ungootinets.
16 the hath granen ano oiggeo up a pit:
ano is tatn himtett into the oeﬂruttion that
he maoe to; other.
17 fog his trapet thatt come upon his oton
heao: ano his toitheonets ﬂJatt fatt on his
oton pate.
18 3t toitt gioe thanks unto the itogo, at=
totoing to his righteoutnets: ano 3t toitt
pgaite the ﬂame of the itogo molt thigh.
Domine, Dominus noiter. Pfaliviijx
O iLoio our gopernour, hoto ertettent is thy
ﬂame in all the moan: thou that halt
tet thy gtozy above the heavens!
2 QDut of the mouth of oery babes ano tuetv
tings hail thou ogoaineo tirength. became of
thine enemies: that thou mightett hill the
enemy ano the apenger.


“~—
1. 1. Th . “98th page of the Sealed Book commences with “ 14- ;EE”, “ I4- 39? ”
711g also the '
(.‘ZI’CClbWOItl on the preceding page.

invaluit tandem, per omnes ecclesias
Anglicas, usus Gallicani. (Hodius, de
Text. Bibl. Origin. p. 3384.)] which
was more immediately under the
archbishop’s eye, and more conform-
able to the Roman offices than other
parts of the kingdom. It has been
said [Hodiernum in Liturgia Ecclesiae
Anglioanae retinetur editio Gallicana :
at versio illa quae habetur in biblio-
rum voluminibus, quaeque pro authen-
tica agnosoitur, ex Hebraeo est. (Hod.
ibid. 384)] that this very Gallican
Psalter is what we still retain in our
Liturgy, called the reading-psalms,
in contradistinction to the other
(1798)
The Pfalms.
gJFor 31 toill tontioer thy heapens, even
the roogks of thy fingers:
the moon ano the
liars inhith thou hall otoaineo.
4 what is man, that thou art minotul of
him: ano the ton of man, that thou uititeﬂ
him 2
5 ethou maoeil him lotoer than the angels:
to trotnn him tnith glory ano toorthip.
e @Ihou makell him to hate oominion of
the toogks of thy hanos: ano thou hall put all
things in tuhiettion unoer his feet;
7 an iheep ano oren: yea,ano the heaﬂs
of the tielo;
8 am torols of the air, am: the tithes of
the tea: ano rohattoeuer toalketh through the
paths of the teas.
9 it) logo our gopernour: horn ertellent is
thy ~llﬁame in all the motlo!
J»
Conﬁtebor
psalms in our Bibles of the new trans-
lation. But this is not strictly true; for
the old translation, although taken
in a great measure from the Gallican,
has yet many corrections from the
Hebrew (where they were thought
wanting), ﬁrst by Coverdale in 1535,
by Coverdale again, 1539, and last of
all by Tonstall and Heath, in 15-11 :—
according to which edition the Psalter
is now used in our Liturgy.
The Hehi'at'c -Latt'n Psalter means
J erome’s own translation immediately
from the Hebrew, made in the year
391. This, though otherwise of great
esteem, was never used in the public
Church offices. [Tertium est de Hebraeo
in Latinum, quod Hieronymus trans-
tulit de Hebraeo in Latinum. Sed non
in usu Ecclesiae, sed viri studii literati
et sapientes eo utuntur. (Roger Bacon,
ap. Hodium de Text. Origin. p. 384)]
There are comparatively few copies
of it, because this Psalter, having
(1799)
The Pfalms.
M
Morning
W
M
The .
DAY.
Conﬁtebor will gihe thanks unto thee. ED lloro, inith
my inhole heartz31 mill fpeak of all thy
Pmyer- marhellous inorks.
2 31 will he glao ano reioyce in thee: yea,
my fongs mill 3 make of thy name, ED thou
moll lhighell.
3 while mine enemies are orihen hack:
they lhall fall ano perilh at thy pretence.
4 for thou hall maintaineo my right, ano
my caufe: thou art fet in the throne that
iuogell right.
5 @thou hall rehukeo the heathen, am: he
llroyeo the ungooly: thou hall put out their
name for eher ano eher.
6 ED thou enemy, oellructions are come to
a perpetual eno: ehen as the cities tohich
thou hall oellroyeo,
thith them.
their memorial is perilheo

1.1. The 399th
age of the Sealed Book commences with the word “Conﬁtebor”,
“ Conﬁte or ” being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

never been in common use, like the
Roman and Gallican, has been con-
ﬁned to a few hands. We cannot
expect an Athanasian Creed in this
Psalter, it not being intended for the
use of the choir; neither are we to
expect to meet with it in the Italic
Psalters, which are rare, and which
were grown, or growing, out of use
before the Athanasian Creed was
brought into the public ofﬁces. But
in the Roman and Gallican Psalters
we may ﬁnd it : and it will be of mo-
ment to observe in which of them it
is found. Indeed, there are some
manuscript Psalters which have the
Roman and Gallican together, in oppo-
site columns, the Gallican always set
ﬁrst. [Hodius, de Text. Bibl. Origin.
p. 385.] Others have the Hebraic and
Gallican set column-wise, as the for--
mer: and some have all the three
versions of Jerome placed in the like
order. Dr. Hody informs us of two
(1800)
The Pfalms.
'7 QBut the bozo lhall enoure fog ener: he
hath alfo pgepareo his feat fog iuogment.
8 ~ﬂog he lhall iuoge the mono in righteouf=
nefs: ano miniller true iuogment unto the
11201112.
9 @the lLogo alfo ioill be a oefence fog the
oppielfeo :
trouble.
eben a refuge in one time of
10 am they that knoib thy ﬂame, ioill
put their fruit in thee: for thou, ltoguhall
nener faileo them that feek thee.
11 ill) piaife the ltoio iohich o‘roelleth in
%ion: lheio the people of his ooings.
12 for when he maketh inquifition for
blouo, he remembgeth them: ano foigetteth
not the complaint of the pool.
13 lhane mercy upon me, ill) lLoio, confioer
the trouble rohich 3 fuffer of them that hate
me: thou that lifteil me up from the gates of
oeath. '
14 @that 31 may lhero all thy piaifes inithin
the ports of the oaughter of %>ion: 31 will
reioyce in thy falnation.
I5 @Ihe

such manuscripts; to which may be
added a third, now in Trinity College,
Cambridge, which has the Athana-
sian Creed with Brunc’s Comment in
it. Another such triple Psalter is at
St. J ohn’s, Cambridge; and there was
formerly in Lord Oxford’s library, a
ﬁne old Latin Bible, in which the
three versions were given. Nay,
some manuscripts have the Greek also
as well as the others, making a fourth
column. An account of this last sort
may be seen both in Dr. Hody and
Le Long. (Biblioth. Bibl. vol. i. p. 244.)
These double, triple, or quadruple
Psalters, were not introduced before
the end of the tenth century or be-
ginning of the eleventh. For Berno
Augiensis, of that time, acquaints us
with the occasion and use of them,
and how they came to be so contrived.
[Inter ceetera, Hieronymus ex emendata
LXX Interpretum translatione Psalmo-
ruin ex Grzeco in Latinum vertit; illud—
6A
(1801)
The Pfalrns.
/"\-&_/*\
The ij .
DAY.
W
15 @Iihe heathen are with ooton in the pit
that they maoe: in the tame net tohith they
hio pginity, is their foot taken.
16 @the itogo is hnotpn to eretute iuog:
ment: the ungooty is trappeo in the toogk of
his oton hanos.
17 @L'he toitkeo thatt he turneo into hett:
ano all the people that forget Qhoo.
18 for the poo; thatt not attnay be top
gotten: the patient ahioing of the meek thatt
not perith to; eoer.
19 trip itoio, ano tet not man haoe the
gpger hano : tet the heathen he iuogeo in thy
'g t.
20 lent them in fear, i1) logo: that the
heathen may ttnoto themtetnes to he but
men.
The X. Psalm.
Ut quid, Domine? ‘Pﬁ'lZ—XT
Wihy ﬂanoeti thou to far oﬂ’, 21D itogo: ano
hioeti thy fate in the neeotut time of
trouble?
2 @Ehe ungooty to; his oion tutt ooth perte=
tute the poog: tet them he taken in the tratty
toitinets that they haoe imagineo. ‘
3 din; the ungooty hath maoe hoati of his


1. l. The 400th page of the Sealed Book commences with “ 15 @132”, “ 1 5 an)?”
' the
being also catch-word on the preceding page.

que cantandum omnibus Gallize, ac
quibusdam Germaniae ecclesiis tradi-
dit. Et ob hoc Gallicanum Psalterium
appellavit, Romanis adhuc ex corrupta
Vulgata editione Psalterium cauenti-
bus: ex qua Romani cantum compo-
suerunt, nobisque usum cantandi dede-
runt. Unde accidit quod verba, qute
in diurnis vel nocturnis ofﬁciis canendi
more modulantur, intermisceantur, et
(1802)
The Pfalrns.
oirm hearts oetire: ano tpeaketh gooo ot the
tonetous tnhom Qhoo ahhorreth.
4 @the ungooly is to prouo, that he rareth
not for Qhoo: neither is Qhoo in all his
thoughts.
5 this roays are alioays griepous: thy
iuogments are far ahohe out of his tight,
ano therefore oetieth he all his enemies.
6 Jl'or he hath mm in his heart, @Zuih, 3i
ihall never be tall ooinn: there lhall no harm
happen unto me.
7 this mouth is full of cutting, oeteit, ano
trauo: unoer his tongue is ungoolinets ano
hanity.
8 the titteth lurking in the thiepilh corners
of the llreets: ano prihily in his lurking oens
ooth he murther the innotent, his eyes are
tet againu the poor.
9 for he lieth roaiting tetretly, even as a
lion lurketh he in his Den : that he may rahilh
the poor.
18 {he ooth rahifh the poor: inhen he get=
teth him into his net.
1 1 the talleth ooion ano humhleth himtelt:
that the
tongregation

, . .
1.22. “ 18 ’, sir: orig.

confuse nostris Psalmis inferantur; ut et Gallicanum Psalterium, quod nos
a minus peritis haud facile possit canimus, ordinavit in una columna;
discerni quid nostrae, vel Romanae in alteraRomanumﬂn tertiaHebraeum.
conveniat editioni. Quod pius pater (Berno Augiens. Epist. inedit., apud
ac peritus magister intuens, tres edi- Mabill, de Cursu Gallicano. p. 396.;
tiones in uno volumine composuit: Hodius, de Text. Bibl. Orig. p. 2382.)]
e A 2 (1803)
The Pfalms.
NA congregation of the poor may fall into the
The 1,‘.
DAY.
VTY’V
hanos of his captains.
12 lhe hath fail: in his heart, @tulh, Qhoo
hath forgotten: he hioeth array his face, ano
he will neher fee it.
1 3 elrife,ED lLoro our, one lift up thinehano:
forget not the poor.
14 wherefore lhoulo the inickeo hlafpheme
Qhoo: inhile he ooth lay in his heart, @L'ulh,
thou Qhoo carell not for it.
15 %>urely thou hall feen it: for thou he=
holoell ungoolinefs ano throng.
16 @Ihat thou mayell take the matter into
thy hano: the poor committeth himfelf unto
thee, for thou art the helper of the frienolefs.
17 Uhreak thou the poiner of the ungooly
ano malicious: take away his ungoolinefs,
ano thou lhalt fino none.
18 (the horn is lking for eher ano eher:
ano the heathen are perilheo out of the lane.
19 iLoro, thou hall heart: the oefire of the
poor: thou prepareh their heart, ano thine
ear hearkneth thereto.

1. 1. The 401st page of the Sealed Book commences with the word ” congregation”,
“ congregation” being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

When the Roman way of singing,
ﬁrst adapted to the Roman Psalter,
had been introduced into France and
Germany (which was ﬁrst done in the
eighth century), in process of time it
bred some confusion in the two
Psalters, mixing and blending them
one with the other, that it was diﬂfi~
cult to distinguish which words be-
longed to this and which to that. To
remedy this inconvenience, a way was
found out to have both the Psalters
distinctly represented to the eye to—
gether, in two several columns; and
thus came in the kind of Psalters
before mentioned. We easily see why
the Gallican used to be set in the ﬁrst
column; namely,because those psalters
were contrived by the French and
Germans, who made use of the Galli-
(1804.)
The Pfalms.
2'0 eto help the fatherlefs ano poo; unto
their right: that the man of the earth be no
more eralteo againll them.
The Xj. Psalm.
In Domino conﬁdo. . .
In? the iLoio put 31 my truil: holb fay ye
‘then to my foul, that the lhoulo ﬂee as a
bun unto the hill ?
2 jl'og lo, the ungooly beno their boio, ano
make reaoy their arroios toithin the quiber:
that they may piibily lhoot at them iohich are
true of heart.
3 ho; the founoations ioill be call oobon:
ano iohat hath the righteous U002?
4. @Iihe itoio is in his holy temple: the
ﬂows feat is in heaben.
I 5 {his eyes confioer the pooi: ano his eye=
lios try the chilogen of men.
6 @he ltoio alloroeth the righteous: but
the ungooly, ano him that oelighteth in
ioickeonefs both his foul abhor.
7 fiipon the ungooly he [hall rain fnares,
fire ano
biimﬂone,

can, and so gave the preference to
their own.
David was the son of Jesse, of the
tribe of Judah, a descendant of that
family to which God’s covenant was
made. He was born about an. 29:20,
and lived seventy years, during forty
of which he was in possession of the
throne of Israel, being raised by God
from an humble to a conspicuous sta-
tion, that the genealogy of the Messiah
might be displayed, and ascertained
with more clearness and distinction.
He declared with his last words, that
the Spirit of the Lord spake by him,
“that His word was in his tongue, and
that God had made with him an ever-
lasting covenant, which was his salva-
tion and his desire.” 2 Sam. xxiii. 1—5.
The Church uses the Psalms of
David oftener than any other part of
Scripture. N or can she herein be
accused of novelty: since it is certain
the temple-service consisted chiefly of
(1805)
The Pfalms.
AMA
Ewmng
W
The ij.
DAY.
M bgimﬂone. ﬂogm, ano tempeﬂ: this thatt be
their portion to oginti. _
8 for the righteous itogo tobeth righteout=
nets: his countenance toitt behoto the thing
that is int}.
The >eij.Psa1m° Salvum me fac.
Y QEtp me, itoio, to; there is not one gooty
man tet't: to; the faithful are minilheb
Pm)?" from among the thitogen of men.
2 @[hey talk of oanity ebery one toith his
neighbour: they no but ﬂatter ioith their tips,
ano oit’tembte in their ooubte heart.
3 @Ehe itogo thatt root out all oeteittut tips:
ano the tongue that fpeaketh mono things.
4 which habe rain, with our tongue ioitt
toe pgebait: toe are they that ought to tpeatr,
ioho is itogo ober us?
5 mom for the tomtogttefs troubtes take of
the neeoy: ano betaute ot the beep tighing
of the poor ;
6 31 toitt up, faith the how: am: toitt help

1. 1. The (“End page of the Sealed Book commences with the word “ hl'imﬁﬂﬂz”,
“ brlmﬁﬂliz ” being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

forms taken out of the Psalms (1 Chron.
xvi. 1-37.; xxv. 1, 2.); and the prayers
of the modern Jews also are mostly
gathered from thence. (Buxtorf. Synag.
Judaic. e. 10.) The Christians un-
doubtedly used them in their public
service in the times of the apostles
(1 Cor. xiv. 26.; C01. iii. 16. ; James v.
13.); and in the following ages they
were repeated so often at the church,
that the meanest Christians could re-
hearse them by heart at their ordi--
nary work. (Vid. Chrysost. Hom. de
Poenit. tom. v. 001. 741. D. in a Latin
edition, printed at Paris, 1588.)
Wheatly on the Common Prayer, 128.
The Book of Psalms—that is, the
Book of Hymns or Praises—contains
(1806)
The Pfalms.
ebery one from him that troelleth againll him,
ano toill tet him at tell.
7 @the tooros ot the ﬂora are pure iooros:
eben as the filber, which from the earth is
tryeo, ano puritieo teben times in the fire.
8 @Ehou lhalt keep them, ED iLoro: thou
lhalt preterbe him from this generation for
RUBY.
9 @the ungooly ‘walk on ebery tioe: iohen
they are eralteo, the thiloren of men are put
to rebuke.
ThexiiiPsalm- Ufque quo, Domine
HﬂDtn long toilt thou forget me, iLoro,
for eber : horn long toilt thou hioe thy tare
{113111 1112 P
2 lhoio long lhall 3i teek tountel in my toul,
ano be to bereo in my heart: horn long lhall
mine enemies triumph oher me?
3 Qtontioer ano hear me, ilD lLoro my Qhoo:
lighten mine eyes, that it ﬂeep not in Death.
4 lLell mine enemy tag. 31 babe prebaileo
againu him: for if I be £811 ootnn, they that
trouble me, will reioyte at it.
5 QBut my truﬂ is in thy merry: ano my
heart is joyful in thy talbation.
63
the productions of different writers.
(Hieron. ad Cyprian. et Sophron;
Hilar. Prmf. in Psal.; Geneb. in Ps. i.;
R. David Kimchi.) These produc—
tions are called, however, the Psalms
of David, because a great part of
them was composed by him, who, for
his peculiarly excellent spirit, was
distinguished by the title of “ The
Psalmist.” (2 Sam. xxiii. 1.; Josephi
Antiq. lib. vii. c. '12. p. 319.) Some
of them were perhaps penned before,
and some after the time of David;
but all of them, it may be presumed,
by persons under the inﬂuence of the
Holy Ghost, since all were judged
worthy to be inserted into the canon
of Sacred Writ and are generally
cited by evang 'cal writers as in-
spired. Ezra probably collected them
into one book, and placed them in the
order which they now preserve, after
(1807)
The Pfalms.
M
The 1].
Y.
W
o 3] will ﬂag of the ileum, hetaufe he hath
Dealt to ltmingth with me: pea, 3[ mill matte
the name of the item mull ihigheﬂ.
The xiv. Psalm.
DiXit inﬁpiens. The foal hath rain in his heart: @thete is
no @oh.
0 2 ﬁber) are corrupt, ann became abominable
m then Dumas: there is none, that hath goon,
IIU U01? 0112.
3 @the item loosen Imam from heahen upon
the thilugen of men :' to fee if there were any,
that mouth unnerﬂanh, ant: fees after Qhun.
4 25m they are all gone out of the may,
they are altogether become abominable: there
is none, that hath goon, no not one.
5 @heir thguat is an open fepuithge, with
. their tongues have they neeeinen : the potion
of atns is unner their line.
6 @heit mouth is full at‘ cutting, 81111

1. 1. The 4_O3rd page [33 of the Sealed Book commences with “ 6 33 ”,
being $50 the catch-word on the preceding page.
“6%,?
they had been probably put together
in part. (2 Chron. Xxix. 25—30.) It
appears that the 150 Psalms therein
contained were selected from a much
greater number, which, it may be pre-
sumed, were not suggested by the
Holy Spirit. The Levites were, no
doubt, employed to keep in the temple
(1 Chron. xvi. 2. XXV. l—-7.; Josephi
hntiq, lib. iii. 0. i. p. 98.; vide etiam
lib. vil. e. 14. p. 327.) all such hymns
as might be composed in honour of
God; and of these, indeed, there must
have been a large collection; but such
only could be admitted into the canon
as were evidently inspired composi—
tions; and We may judge of the scru—
pulous severity with which they were
examined, since the numerous hymns
of Solomon were rejected; and even,
as it is said, some of David’s himself
were thought unentitled t0 insertion.
The authority of those, however, which
we now possess, is established, not
only by their rank among the sacred
writings [They are cited, as ‘the Law,’
J ohn X. 34.; xii. 34.], and by the un-
varied testimony of every age, but
(1808)
The Pfalms.
bitternefs :
blouo.
their feet are fipift to then
7 @ellruction, ano unhappinefs is in their
inays, ano the may of peace hape they not
knoion: there is no fear of Qboo befoie their
21) 25.
8 ihane they no knotoleoge, that they are
all fuch tooikers of mifchief: eating up my
people as it boere bieao, ano call not upon
the lLozlJ .>
9 Qthere were they brought in great fear,
eben iohere no fear toas: to; chop is in the
generation of the righteous.
10 as for you, ye hape maoe a mock at
the counfel of the poor: becaufe he putteth
his fruit in the Logo.
11' who lhall gine ialpation unto Zltrael
out of gvioni when the bozo turneth the
captipity of his people:
then lhall Zlacob
reioyce, ano Blfrael lhall be glao.
15h
Domine
likewise by many intrinsic proofs of
inspiration. Not only do they breathe
through every part a divine spirit of
eloquence, but they contain number—
less illustrious prophecies that were
remarkably accomplished, and that
are frequently appealed to by the
evangelical writers. The sacred cha-
racter of the whole book is established
by the testimony of our Saviour and
his apostles, who in various parts of
the New Testament appropriate the
predictions of the Psalms as obviously
apposite to the circumstances of their
lives, and as intentionally preconcertecl
to describe them.
Without attempting to settle the
date and author of each individual
psalm, or to specify the circumstances
that occasioned its production, it may
be brieﬂy observed, that the Talmudists
(Bava Bathra, cap. i.; Kimchi, (he)
and Masoretic writers, admit, as au-
thors of the Psalms, Adam, Melchi-
sedec, Abraham, Moses, the Sons of
Korah, David, Solomon, Asaph, J edu-
thun, and Ethan; and that Calmet,
after a judicious investigation of par-
(1809')
The Pfalms.
Thtxv'Psalm Domine, quis habitabit.
iiDgo, toho thatt oioett in thy tabernatte:
DAY. or toho lhatt reﬂ upon thy hoty hitt?
NA 2 QEben he, that teaoeth an untogrupt tite:
Merm'ﬂg ano both the thing, tohith is right. ano tpeatv
Preyer- eth the truth from his heart.
" 3 the that hath uieo no oeteit in his
tongue, not oone ebit to his neighbour: ano
hath not ﬂanogeo his neighbour.
4 the that tetteth not by'himtett, but is
totnty in his oton eyes: ano maheth much
of them, that fear the itogo.
5 the that ttoeareth unto his neighbour,
ano oitappointeth him not: though it ioere
to his oton hinogante.
6 the that hath not giben his money upon
utury: no; taken reroaro againﬂ the inno:
rent.
7 whoto both thete things: lhatt neber
tatt.

l. l. The 401th page of the Scaled Book commences with the word “ Domine,” “ Domine ”
being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

ticulars, has adopted nearly the fol-
lowing arrangement, if we consider
them as distributed in the Hebrew
Temple upon the Feast of Trumpets;
as also at the Feast of Tabernacles]
is attributed to Asaph; the x0. to
and in our translation.
Under the ﬁrst head are twelve
psalms, of which the chronology is
uncertain; viz.——i. iv. v. viii. xix. lxxxi.
xc. xci. xcix. ex. cxxxix. cxlv. The
ﬁrst of these was probably composed
by David or Ezra; the lxxxi. [This was
probably designed to be sung in the
Moses, and the ex. to David. The
authors of the others are unknown,
though some of them are inscribed to
David. .
Under the second head are included
the psalms which were composed by
David during the persecution carried
on against him by Saul, or other ene—
(1810)
The Pfalms.
The xvj. Psalm.
Conferva me, Domine.
Pifteterbe me, ED thou: for in thee have 3]
put my trull.
2 ED my toul, thou hall taio unto the lLoro:
ethou art my eon. my gooos are nothing
unto thee.
3 an my oelight is upon the taints, that
are in the earth: ano upon tuth, as errel in
UBl‘fUlZ.
4 abut they, that run after another goo:
lhall habe great. trouble.
5 Qtheir orink=oiferings of blouo toill 31
not otter:
names within my lips.
neither make mention of their
6 ithe lLoro himfelf is the portion of mine
inheritance, am] of my tup: thou lhalt main=
tain my lot.
7 @the lot is fallen unto me in a fair
grouno: yea, 31 habe a goooly heritage.
8 it will thank the iLoro for gibing me
roarning: my reins alto thallen me in the
night=featon.
9 31 have

mies; these are in number twenty,
viz.-—v11. x1. xv1. XVII. xv111. xxu. xxxi.
xxxiv. xxxv. lii. liv. lvi. lvii. lviii. lix.
lxiv. cix. cxl. cxli. cxlii.
Under the third head are placed
such as David composed on different
occasions, after his accession to the
throne; these, which amount to forty-
four, are as follows z—ii. vi. ix. xii. xx.
xxi. xxiii. xxiv. xxviii. xxix. xxxii.
xxxiii. xxxviii. xxxix. xl. xli. 1i. 1x. lxi.
lxii. lxiii. lxv. lxviii. lxix. lxx. lxxxvi.
m-
xcv. xcvi. ci. ciii. civ. cv. cvi. cviii.
cxviii. cxix. cxx. cxxi. cxxii. cxxiv.
cxxxi. cxxxiii. cxliii. cxliv.
The fourth head contains those
which were written by David during
the rebellion of Absalom, amounting
to six; which are, the xlii. xliii. lv.
lxxi. lxxxiv.
The ﬁfth head includes those written
from the death of Absalom to the Gap-
tivity; these, which appear to be ten,
are, the xxx. xlv. lxxii. lxxiv. lxxvi.
(1811)
The Pfalms.
/\M
The iij.
DAY
9 Bl haue let Qhoo alhoays hefoge me: fog
he is on my right hano, therefore 1h lhall not
fall.
10 wherefore my heart was glao, ano my
glory reioyreo: my ﬂelh alto lhall reﬂ in
ope.
1 1 for iohy? thou 1halt not leahe my foul
in hell: neither ﬂJalt thou fuﬂ'er thy holy
iiDne to fee corruption.
12 @thou lhalt lheiu me the path of life;
in thy piefenre is the tulneis of Joy: arm at
thy right hano there is pleafure to; eoermoie.
The Psalm.
Exaudi, Domine. . HQEat the right, 9D ﬂow, ronfioer my tom:
plaint: ano hearlren unto my prayer,
that goeth not out of feigneo lips.
2 iLet my fentente tome forth from thy
pretence: ano let thine eyes look upon the
thing that is equal.
3 @Ehou hall pioueo, ano hititeo mine
heart in the night teatou ; thou hall tryeo
me, am [halt fino no toitheonets in me: to;

l. 1. The 405th page h 2] of the Sealed Book commences with “ 9 31' hate”,
“ 9 ii hahe ” being'also the catch-word on the preceding page.

lxxviii. lXXix. lxXXii. lxxxiii. cxxxii.
Of these, probably, David composed
the xxx, the lxxii, and possibly the
lxxviii. The lxxvi. seems likely to
have been produced after the miracu-
lous deliverance from the Assyrian
army, in the days of Hezekiah.
The sixth head comprehends the
psalms composed during the distresses
and captivities of the Church; these
were Written chieﬂy by Asaph and
Korah, and their descendants. They
may be reckoned thirty in number,
and are the x. xiii. xiv. Xv. XXV. XXVi.
XXvii. Xxxvi. Xxxvii. Xliv. xlix. l. liii.
lxvii. lxxiii. lXXV. lXXvii. lXXX. lxxxviii.
lxxxix. Xcii. Xciii. Xciv. cii. cxiii. cxv.
cxxv. cxxix. cxxx. cxxxvii.
(1812)
The Pfalms.
3i am utterly purpofeo, that my mouth [hall
HUI Uﬂ‘BI’tU.
4 Ihecaufe of mens tooiks, that are oone
againu the iooios of thy lips: 3i habe kept
me from the ipays of the oeﬂroyer.
5 ED holo thou up my goings in the paths:
that my footlleps ﬂip not.
6 3i hape calleo upon thee,ilD Qi5oo,foi thou
lhalt hear me: incline thine ear to me, ano
hearken unto my iooios.
7 %>heto thy marnellous loning kinonefs,
thou that art the %>abiour of them, iphich put
their trufi in thee : from fuch as refill thy right
hano.
8 lkeep me as the apple of an eye: hioe
me unoer the lhaooin of thy ioings.
9 Jfrom the ungooly,
that trouble me :
mine enemies compafs me rouno about to
take atoay my foul.
IO @they are inclofeo in their oton fat:
ano their mouth fpeaketh piouo things.
11 cihey lieioaiting in our toay on enery
fioe: turning their eyes Down to the grouno.
<35 llrz
' I 2 lLike

To the last head are assigned those
hymns of joy and thanksgiving, which
were written as well after other deli-
verances as upon the release from
Babylonish captivity, and at the build-
ing and dedication of the Temple.
These, which are twenty-eight, are the
xlvi. Xlvii. xlviii. lxvi. lxxxv. lXXXvii.
xcvii. Xcviii. c. cvii. cxi. cxii. cxiii.
cxiv. cxvi. cxvii. cXXvi. cxxvii. cxxviii.
cxxxii. cxxxiv. cxxxv. cxxxvi. cXXXviii.
cxlvi. cxlvii. cxlviii. cxlix. cl.
According to Calmet’s account, from
which this in some respect varies, only
forty-ﬁve psalms are positively assigned
to David, though probably many more
should be ascribed to him. It is, how-
ever, of less consequence to determine
precisely by whom the Holy Spirit
delivered these oracles, since we have
indubitable evidence of the sacred
character of the whole book ; for it is
collectively cited in Scripture [The
evangelical writers cite the Psalms in
(1813)
The Pfalms.
Th 12 itihe asia tion that is greeoy of his
DZ?‘ prey: am: as it were a tions tnhetp, turtiing
W‘; in tetret plates.
13 tip, itogo, oitappoint him, ano eat} him
ooton: oetioer my tout from the ungooty,
which is a ttooto of thine.
14 from the men of thy hano, ED tLogo,
from the men, it tay, ano from the ebit
tootto: tohith hane their portion in this tite,
tohote betties thou tttteﬂ toith thy hio trea=
ture.
15 @Lhey babe thitogen at their oetire: ano
teabe the rett of their tubﬂante to; their
babes.
16 Ohm as to; me, it toitt behoto thy pte=
fence in righteoutnets: ano tohen 31 a‘mahe
up after thy tittenets, 3i lhatt be tatistieo
toith it.
M
The xviij. Psalm, Diligam te, Domine.
Evening will mnelthw, 5D Low,- 1112 tirength,
Prayer. the ﬂow Is my ﬂony rots, ano myoa
fente: my %>abiour, my Qboo, ano my might,
W
l. 1. The 406th page of the Sealed Book comme es with “ 12 like”, “ 12 1L6“ ”
being also the catch-word on the prece ' g page.

general under the name of David],
and is prophetical in almost every
part (Gutheri Theolog. Proph. p. 98.;
Brentius, ad 2 J am. xxiii. 26.): and
several of those persons who are sup—
posed to have contributed to the com-
position of the work, are expressly
represented as prophets in Scripture.
The name of David is preﬁxed to
about seventy—three; and many per-
sons have collected from the last verse
of the seventy-second psalm, which
reports, that “the prayers of David,
the son of Jesse, are ended”—that
David’s hymns do there conclude. If,
indeed, we consider that this psalm
(1814)
The Pfalms.
in inhom 31 ioill truﬂ, mp hutltlet, the hoin
alto of my ialpation, ano mp refuge.
2 3[ ioill tall upon the Logo, iphith ie
ipogthp to he pgaiteo: to lhall it he fate from
mine enemiee.
3 @the foetoioe of oeath tompaﬂ'eo me:
ano the opetﬂoininge ot ungoolinete maoe
me aftaio.
4 @the paine of hell came about me: the
tnatee of Heath opettook me.
5 3m my trouble 31 ioill call upon the ﬂow:
ano tomplain unto my Qhoo.
o %>o lhall he hear my poite out of hie
holp temple: ano my complaint lhall tome
hetoge him, it lhall enter into hie eate.
7 @the earth ttemhleo,ano quaheo : the new
founoatione alto of the hille lhooh, ano ioere
temopeo, hetaute he inae iogoth.
8 @[here ioent a tmolie out in hie peetente:
am: a tonfuming fire out of hie mouth, to
that male ioete hinoleo at it.
9 the hoioeo the heapene alto, ano tame
ooion: am: it toae oath unoet hie feet.
IO {be

was probably produced on the esta-
blishment of Solomon on the throne
of his father, it is not unlikely that
it contains the last effusion of David’s
prophetic spirit ; but as his composi-
tions are not all placed together, many
which follow in the order of the book
may have been written by him; and
we may suppose him to have been the
author of at least all those which are
not particularly assigned to others,
nor inconsistent with his time. The
Psalms are certainly not arranged
with any regard to chronology (Hieron.
in J erem. xxv.), and many which follow
the seventy-second in the order of the
book are inscribed with the name of
David. It must be observed, however,
that the titles preﬁxed to the Psalms,
some of which are not in the Hebrew
manuscripts, are often of very ques-
tionable authority, and sometimes un—
doubtedly not of equal antiquity with
the text, being possibly afﬁxed as con-
(1815)
The Pfalms.
/‘\J\/-\
The iij .
DAY.
vw-V
Io lherooe upon theqtheruhinsano oio ﬂier
he came ﬂying upon the toings of the inino.
1 1 the mace oarlmets his terret place: his
pahilion rouno about him with oars inater,
ano thirh rlouos to toner him.
12 at the hiightnets of his pretence his
tlouos remooeo:
fire.
hail=uones, ano roals of
13 @the iLogo alto thunogeo out of heaven,
ano the Ihigheu gape his thunoer: hailaiones.
ano roals of fire.
14 the tent out his arrows, ano trattereo
them: he call forth lightnings, auo oeﬂroyeo
them.
15 @Zhe tpiings ot toaters roere teen, arm
‘the tounoations ot the rouno iooglo were hit’
tooereo at thy rhioing, ED Logo: at the hlau=
ing of the breath of thy oitpleature.
16 the lhall teno ooirm from on high to
tetrh me: ano lhall take me out of many
inﬁtﬁtﬁ.
17 the lhall oelioer me from my urongeu

1.1. The 407th page {J 3] of the Scaled Book commences with “ IO £92 U,
“ 10192”
being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

jectural. They were not always de-
signed to point out the author, but
often apply to the musicians appointed
to set them to music. They likewise
sometimes appear to be only terms of
instruments (as, perhaps, N ehiloth,
Sheminith, Gittith, Michtam, Aijeleth,
Shehar, &c.-—Vid. Geirus ad Psa. v.,
Michaelis, &c.), or directions for the
choice of tunes (as Neginoth.—Vide
Burney’s Hist. of Music, vol. i. p. 235. ;
Harmer’s Observations on Passages in
Scripture, vol. ii. ch. ii. Observ. 111.)
But it must be confessed, that upon
this subject the opinions are so various
and conjectural, that nothing satis—
factory can be offered, any more than
upon the word Selah, which so often
occurs.
Many fanciful divisions of this book
have been made. The Jews, at some
uncertain period, divided it into ﬁve
sections, probably in imitation of the
divisions of the Pentateuch. (h'ladrash
(1816)
The Pfalms.
enemy, am: from them, iohich hate me: for
they are too mighty fog me.
18 @Ehey piebenteo me in the bay of my
trouble: but the bozo ioas my upholoer.
16 lhe brought me foith alto into a place
of liberty: he biought me foith, epen becaufe
he ban a fapour unto me.
26 Gthe lLoio lhall reioaro me after my
righteous oealing: accoioing to the clean=
nets of my hanos lhall he recompenfe me.
21 iBecauie 31 habe kept the ioaies of the
bozo: ano hape not foifaken my Qboo, as
the ioickeo ooth. '
22 go; 31 base an eye unto all his latos:
ano ioill not call out his commanoments
from me.
23 31 ioas alfo uncoirupt befoie him: ano
efcheibeo mine oion ioickeonefs.
24 @Iiherefoge lball the Logo remaro me
after my righteous oealing: ano accoioing
[111120 the cleannefs of my hanos in his eye=
‘g; t.
25 with the holy thou lhalt be holy: ano
ioith a perfect man thou lhalt be perfect.
15 b 3 26 with

Sillim. fol. 2. vol. i.; Ilieron. Preef. in
Psalm. juxt. Heb. Verit. Hilar. Prol.
perhaps, that in which they were sung
in the temple (Euthyni. Prol. in Psal.
in Psalm. Huet assigns this division
to the time of the Maccabees. Vide
Prop. iv. in Psalm; Gregor. N yss. in
Psalm. lib. i. c. v. lib. ii. 0. ix.; 2Macc.
ii. 13,14.) The ﬁrst four books of
this division terminate with the word
‘Amen,’ the ﬁfth with ‘Hallelujah,’
which signiﬁes ‘Praise ye Jehovah.’
The present order of the Psahns is,
Comp. Psalms xiv. and liii.), and the
recitation there used may account for
the occasional repetitions.
The hymn which our Saviour sung
with his disciples at the conclusion of
the last supper, is generally supposed
to have consisted of the Psalms that
are contained between the one hundred
and thirteenth and the one hundred
613
(lei?)
The Pfalms.
5171;’ 26 with W £18811 thou [halt be tlean:
DZ?” @1111 with the fromaro thou lhalt learn fro.
roaronets.
27 for thou ﬂialt fahe the people, that are
in aoherfity: ano lhalt bring ooton the high
looks of the moat.
28 @hou alto lhalt light my tanole: the
:Loéo my coo lhalt make my oarknets to he
ig t.
29 jtog in thee 3] lhall oiftomfit an hoﬂ of
men: ano toith the help of my moo it than
leap oher the toall.
30 @the may of Qhoo is an unoefileo may:
the tough of the ltogo alfo is trieo in the tire,
he is "the oetenoer of all them, that put their
truﬂ in him.
31 Jl'oi toho is Qhob, but the itorb: or roho
hath any ﬂrength, ertept our coo: -
32 Kit is <2i5oo,that giroeth me toith ﬂrengt
of toar: ano maketh my toay perfect.
3 3 the maketh my feet like harts feet: ano
fetteth me up on high.
34 the tearheth mine hanos to fight: ano
mine arms lhall break eben a both of ﬂeet.
35 @Ehou haﬂ gihen me the oefente of thy

l. 1.. The 408th page of the Sealed Book 0 men c with “ 26 with”, “ 26 with”
being also the catch-word on prec 'ng page.

and eighteenth, inclusive. (Buxtorf.
Lex Talmud. foot, vol. ii. 354. 444.) This was
called by the Jews the Great Hallel,
or Hymn, and was usually sung
by them at the celebration of the
Passover. Christ also exclaimed, in
Tl. col. iv. 13.; Light'-
his solemn invocation on God from
the cross, in the complaints of the
twenty-second psalm (comp. Matt.
xxvii. 46. with Psa. xxii. 1.), and
breathed out his last sentiments of
expiring piety in the words of David.
(Cf. Luke xxiii. 46. with Psa. xxxi. 5.)
(1818)
The Pfalrns.
iaination: thy right hano aito that! both me
up, ano thy toning togtettion than make me
great.
36 Qthou Ihait make room enough unoet
Hie to; to go: that my foot=ﬂepe lhail not
ioe.
37 31 iuiii foiioiu upon mine enemies, ano
ouettahe them: neither will 31 turn again till
31 haue oeﬁroyeo them.
38 31 iniii fmite them, that they [hail not
he able to ﬂano : but fail unoet my feet.
39 Qthou hall gitoeo me tnith ﬂtength
unto the hattei: thou lhait thgoto ooiun mine
enemies unoet me.
40 uthou hail maoe mine enemiee aiio to
turn their bathe upon me : am: it ihaii oeﬂtoy
them,that hate me.
41 @they lhaii try, but there [hail be none
to help them: yea euen unto the ﬂow lhaii
they try, but he ihail not hear them.
42 3t iniii beat them as [mail as the out}
hefoge the toino: 3{ will call them out ae the
clay in the iiteete.
43 @Zhou lhalt oeiiuer me from the ﬂriu=
ings of the people: ano thou ﬂJait make me
the heao of the heathen.
4491
“No tongue of man or of angel,”
says Dr. Hammond, “ can convey a
higher idea of any book, and of their
felicity who use it aright.” The
Christian Church has, therefore, by
divine appointment, adopted the
Psalms as a part of its service, and
chosen, from its ﬁrst institution, to
celebrate the praises of God in the
language of Scripture; and these
sacred hymns are indeed admirably
calculated for every purpose of devo-
tion.
They ﬁnely illustrate the connection
which subsisted between the two
covenants, and shed an evangelical
light on the Mosaic dispensation, by
unveiling its inward radiance. The
veneration for them has in all ages
of the Church been considerable. The
5B2
(1819)
The Pfalms.
N?
The in].
l)fl§?.
\..¢W
44 a people, whom 31 haue not known:
lhall terhe me.
45 as toon as they hear of me they
thall ohey me: but the ﬂrange thiltllerl lhall
oiilemhle hoith me.
46 @the llrange rhiloien lhall tail : ano he
atraio out of their pp'tons.
47 tithe itogo liheth, ano hletteo he my
urong helper: ano piaiteo he the Qhoo of my
talhation.
48 atom the chop, that teeth that SI he
apengeo : ano tuhoueth the people unto me.
49 En is he,that oelipereth me from my
rruel QEnemies, ano tetteth me up above
mine Elopertaries : thou lhalt rip me from
the inirheo man.
50 not this raute will 31 gihe thanks unto
thee, 21D iLoio, among the Qhentiles: ano ting
pgaites unto thy itﬁame.
51 @geat piotperity gipeth he unto his
thing: ano lheineth lohing hinonets unto
EDahio his ﬂnointeo, ano unto his %eeo tog
ehermoie.

1.1.
The 409th page of the Sealed Book comn 1003 with “44- CH”, “ 44- g ,7
being also the catch-word on the prece '
g page.

Fathers assure us, that, in the earlier
times, the whole Book of Psalms was
generally learnt by heart [Pueri mo—
dulantur domi, viri foro 011'Clllllf01‘llllt.],
and that ministers of every grada-
tion were expected to be able to re-
peat them from memory; that psal-
mody was everywhere a constant
attendant at meals and in business:
that it enlivened the social hours.
and softened the fatigues of life. The
Psalms have, indeed, as Lord Claren-
don observes, ever been thought to
contain something extraordinary for
the instruction and reformation of
mankind.
David, in the spirit of inspiration,
uttered his oracles with the most lively
and exact description. He expressed
the whole scheme of man’s redemp-
(1s20)
The Pfalms.
The xix. Psalm.
Cmli enarrant.
Ihe lheabens oeclare the glo;y of <2i5oo:
m k ano the Jiirmament lheioeth his hanoy=
o; .
2 iDne oay telleth another: ano one night
certifieth another.
3 Gthere is neither fpeech, no; language:
but their boices are hearo among them.
4 @their tomb is gone out into all lanos:
ano their rooms into the enos of the boo;lo.
5 31n them hath he let a tabernacle fo; the
%>un: ibhich cometh fo;th as a 15;ioegroom
out of his chamber, ano reioyceth as a Qbiant
to run his courfe.
6 31c goeth fo;th from the uttermoﬂ part of
the lheanen, ano runneth about unto the cup
of it again: ano there is nothing hill from
the heat thereof.
7 @the lain of the lLo;o is an unoefileo
lain, conpert:
ing
Am
Morning
Prayer.
MK‘)
tion: the Incarnation (Psa. ii. 7.; Acts 6
xiii. 33.; Talmud Succah, cap. v.; Aben the
Ezra. R. Kimchi}; the Passion; the
Resurrection (Psalm xvi. 9—11. Com-
ino' his own enemies and sufferings,
Spirit enlargeth his sentiments,
and swelleth out his expressions to a
proportion adapted to the character of
pare with Acts ii. 31.); and Ascension
of the Son of God, as likewise the gifts
of the Holy Ghost, which our Lord
obtained (Psalm lxviii.18.), rather as
a witness than as a prophet. As an
eminent type of his descendant, he is
often led, in the retrospect of the cir-
cumstances of his own life, to speak of
those of Christ. While he is describ—
the Messiah. Hence, even the per-
sonal sufferings of Christ are described
with minute and accurate ﬁdelity;
and in the anticipated scene of pro-
phecy we behold him pictured on the
cross, and surrounded by those who
“stand staring and looking,” upon
him, under every attendant circum-
stance of anguish, mockery, and horror,
(1821)
The Pfalms.
M
The iiij.
I).ALTYZ
W
ing the tout: the teﬂimony of the ltoto is
fure, ano giheth mifoom unto the fimple.
8 ethe ﬂatutes ot the .lLoto are right, ano
reioyce the heart: the commanoment of the
hogo is pure, ano giheth light unto the eyes.
9 tithe fear of the itogo is clean, ano en:
oureth for eher: the iubgements of the itogo
are true, ano righteous altogether.
Io shore to be oetireo are they than golo.
yea. than much fine golo: ttoeeter alto than
honey,ano the honey=comh.
11 ehoieooer by them is thy %erhant
taught: ano in keeping of them there is .
great retoaro.
12 who can tell hoto oft he oﬂ’enoeth:
it) cleanfe thou me from my tecret faults.
13 meep thy ferhant alto from ptefump=
tuous fins, tell they get the oominion oher
me: to lhalt it be unoeﬂteo, ano innocent
from the great oﬂ’ence.
14 Let the booths of my mouth, ano the
meoitation of my heart: be altnay acceptable
in thy'tight, ' v
I 5 81) Logo : my ﬂrength, ano my reoeemer.

l. 1.
The 410th page'of the Sealed Book commences with “ ing”, part of the word
“ [H1153 El‘ttl'lg ”, ‘ ‘ HIE ” being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

and most of the ancient writers main-
even to the “parting of his garments,”
and to the “ casting lots for his ves—
ture.” Psalm xxii. 16—18. compared
with Matthew xxvii. 35. Burnet’s
10th and 11th Sermons, in Boyle’s
Lectures.
Josephus asserts (lib. vii. c. xii.
p. 329., &c.; Hieron. Epist. ad Paulin.),
tain, that the Psalms were composed
in various metres. They have un-
doubtedly a peculiar conformation of
sentences, and a measured distribu—
tion of parts. Many of them are
elegiac, and most of David’s are of
the lyric kind. There is not sufficient
(1822)
The Pfalrns.
The xx. Psalm. '
Exaudiat te Dominus.
Tlhe iLoio hear thee in the bay of trouble:
the ﬂame of the hop of Blatob oefeno
thee.
2 %>eno thee help from the %>anttuary:
ano ftrengthen thee out of %ion.
3 Iliemember all thy oiferinge: ano areept
thy burnt %varrifite.
4 Qhtant thee thy hearts oefire:ano fulﬁll all
thy mino.
5 we tuill reioyre in thy faluation, ano
triumph in the ﬂame of the iLoto our Qooo:
the ltow perform all thy petitions.
6 mom hnobo it, that the ltoro helpeth his
anointeo, ano ioill hear him from his holy
lheauen: euen ipith the ipholtom urength of
his right hano.
7 %>ome put their trull in Qllhariote, .ano
fome in lhogfee: but‘ toe will remember the
ﬂame of the iLogo our Qhoo.
8 @Ihey are brought boron, ano faln : but
we are rifen, ano llano uptight.
reason, however, to believe, as some
writers have imagined, that they were
written in rhyme, or exactly in any
of the Grecian measures. Some of
them are acrostic ; and though the
rules of Hebrew prosody are now lost
to us, there can be no doubt, from
the harmonious modulation of the
Psalms, that they were written with
some kind of metrical order; and they
must have been composed in accom-
modation to the measure to which
they were set.
The Masoretic writers have marked
9 %aue
them in a manner different from the
other sacred writings.
The Hebrew copies, and the Septua-
gint version of this book, contain the
same number of Psalms; only the
Septuagint translators have, for some
reason, which does not appear, thrown
the ninth and tenth into one: as also
the one hundred and fourteenth and
one hundred and ﬁfteenth ; and have
divided the one hundred and sixteenth
and the one hundred and forty-seventh,
each into two.
In the Syriac and Arabic versions,
(1823)
The Pfalms.
M
The iiij.
DAY.
W
9 %ahe,ltoro, ano hear us, ﬁll) {King of
lheahen: when hoe call upon thee.
Domine,‘ in virtute manning.-.
The thing lhall reioyre in thy llrength, 5D
ﬂoro : erteeoing glao lhall he he of thy
talhation.
2 @hou hall gihen him his hearts oetire:
ano hall not oenieo him the requeﬂ of his
lips.
3 jtor thou lhalt prevent him toith the
hlettings ot gooonets: ano lhalt tet a crown
of pure golo upon his heao.
4 the asheo life of thee, ano thou gaheﬂ I
him a long life: ehen tor eher, ano euer.
5 {his honour is great in thy talnation:
glory, ano great toorlhip lhalt thou lay upon
im.
6 for thou thalt gihe him eherlauing teli=
rity: ano make him glao with the joy of thy
rountenanre.
7 Huh iuhyi heraute the thing putteth his

1. 1. The 411th page of the Sealed Book commences with “ 9 @2032 ", “ 9 @KBE "
being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

indeed, and also in most copies of the
Septuagint, as well as in an Anglo-
Saxon version, there is annexed to
might have compiled it out of the
writings of David, Isaiah, and Ezekiel.
The version of the Psalms in our
the hundred and ﬁfty canonical Psalms
an additional hymn, which is entitled
“A Psalm of thanksgiving of David,
when he had vanquished Goliath.”
This, though admitted by some (Athan.
in Synop.) as authentic, was probably
(as it is not in the Hebrew) a spurious
work of some Hellenistic Jew, who
Bible, which was made by the trans—
lators employed under James the First,
is posterior to that printed in our
Prayer Books, which was executed in
1539. This last, as very excellent,
and familiarized by custom, was re-
tained in the Liturgy, though, as
translated chieﬂy from the Septuagint,
(1824)
The Pfalms.
trail in the item: anti in the metty of the
mail ihigheti he lhaii net miitatty.
8 2111 thine enemies lhall feel thy hann:
tgy tight hann lhatl tine out them that hate
t ee.
9 @Eheu ihait make them like a fiery unen
in time of thy inrath : the item lhail neﬂtey
them in his niipteafute, anti the fire that!
teniume them.
IO @theit fruit ihatt thou rent out of the
earth : antl their teen from among the thitngen
of men.
1 1 1m; they intentlen mifehiet againﬁ thee:
ann imaginen tueh a nenite as they are not
able to pettugm.
12 etheretege ihait then put them to ﬂight:
ﬂl’lU the ﬁrings of thy hem thait than make
teany againﬂ the face at them.
13 IBe thou eratteli, item, in thine einn
ﬂrength: in will ine ting, anti ptaite thy
homer.
I)eus,
with some variation in conformity to
the Hebrew, corrupted by the Maso-
retic points, it does not so exactly
correspond with the original as does
that in our Bibles.
“The Psalms,” Writes Archbishop
Seeker, “ very justly make a principal
part of the joint praises that We otfer
up to God. For though several of
them Were composed on particular
occasions, yet they are plainly ﬁtted
for general use; and their insertion
into the canon of Scripture proves
them to be designed for it. The Jews
anciently recited them in the temple,
and do still in their synagogue: the
New Testament hath recommended
them to Christians; and the whole
Church hath sung them ever since.
The subject-matter of them is indeed
very various: but those of joy are
much more numerous than any other
sort: and all of them afford ground
of praise at least; the doctrinal, the
exhortatory, the historical, as well as
the rest. Even the plaintive and
(lees)
The Pfalms.
M
The is}.
DAY,
NA
E‘ommg
P Myer.
W
Deus, Deus meus. Pfetir'exifiitf
is Qhoo. my coo, look upon me, tohy
haﬂ thou fogtaken me: ano art to far
from my health, mm from the tooios of my
complaintP
2 a) my Qfioo, 31 cry in the bay time , but
thou heareﬂ not: am: in the night teaton alto
it take no reﬂ.
3 ano thou continueﬂ holy: 8D thou toog=
thip of Zltraet.
4 khur fathers hopeo in thee: they truﬂeo
in thee, ano thou oioﬂ oeliher them.
5 @Ihey calleo upon thee, ano hoere holpen:
they put their truﬂ in thee, ano toere not
confounoeo.
6 lent as for me, 3[ am a room, ano no
man: a bery tcoin of men, ano the outecaﬂ
of the people.
7 an they that fee me, laugh me to tcogn:
they lhoot out their lips. ano lhake their
heaos, taying,
8 the truﬂeo in Qbob, that he ‘moulo beliher
him: let him oeliher him, if he toill hahe
him.

1.1. '
412th pug f the Scaled Book commences with the word “Deus,”,
eing also > printed catch-word on the preceding page.
“ Dcus,”

petitionary minister cause of thanks—
giving to Him, who hath promised
to hear and support, and deliver; and
make ‘all things work together for
good to them that love him.’ (Rom.
viii. Glory, therefore, to the
blessed Three in One, is a ﬁt conclu—
sion to every Psalm.
(1826)
The Pfalms.
9 IBut thou art he, that took me out of
my mothers roomb: thou than my hope, when
3{ hangeo yet upon my mothers bgells.
IO h habe been left unto thee eber time 3[
ioas born: thou art my mob eben from my
mothers ioomb.
1' 1 ED go not from me, for trouble is barn at
hano: ano there is none to help me.
12 arrhany oren are tome about me: fat
bulls of lhafan rlole me in on ebery line.
1 3 @hey gape upon me with their mouths:
as it boere a ramping, arm a roaring lion.
14. BI am poureo out like water, ano all
my bones are out of ioynt: my heart alto
in the miolt of my booy is eben like melting
11.1312.
15 key llrength is oryeo up like a potlhero,
ano my tongue rleabeth to my gums: ano
thou malt bring me into the pull of Heath.
. 16 for many Dogs are come about me:
ano the tounril of the iuitkeo layeth liege
againll me.
17 @her

“ But in reading them it must be
carefully observed, and may with mo~
derate care be commonly distinguished,
in whose person the several sentences
are spoken. In some psalms, or por-
tions of psalms, it is God, or Christ;
in others it is wicked men, that speak.
These we must repeat as their say-
ings: and none as our own, but those
intended for us. Even the words
of the Psalmist, if we are to adopt
them, may frequently seem so inap—
plicable to the outward condition, or
inward frame, of many in every con-
gregation, that, if they attend to them,
they cannot say them with truth.
But most of them all good people may
say, even of themselves singly, with
much truth. For they have constantly
enemies, temporal or spiritual, aﬁ’ilic-
tions more or less heavy, valuable
mercies, and at times warm feelings
of pious dispositions: which, if not
present, may be so recalled, and made
their own again, as to be very sin-
cerely expressed to God. And what
they cannot say in their own name
separately, they may truly say in the
(1827)
The Pfalms.
A/\/'\
The iii j.
I) A Y.
WV
17 cthey pierteo my hanos, ano my feet,
31 may tell all my hones: they ﬂano ﬂaring,
am: looking upon me.
18 cthey part my garments among them:
ano rail lots upon my heﬂure.
19 ihut he not thou tar from me, ED lLoro:
thou art my turtour. haﬂe thee to help me.
, 20 Eeliher my toul from the tinoro: my
oarling from the poioer ot the hog.
r21 %ahe me from the lions mouth: thou
haﬂ hearo me alto from among the horns of
the unitorns.
22 31 ioill oerlare thy name unto my me:
thren: in the mioﬂ ot the rongregation mill
3! praite thee.
23 ED praite the lLoro, ye, that tear him:
magnitie him, all ye ot the teeo ot ilaroh,
ano tear him,all ye teeo ot Zltrael.
24 nor he hath not oetpiteomor ahhorreo
the loin etlate ot the poor: he hath not hit:
his fare from him, hut inhen he ralleo unto
him he hearo him.

1. l. The 413th page of the Sealed Book commences with “ 17 @D29”, “ I 7 @Jhep "
being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

name of Christ’s church, of which
believers. Or if there be any passages
they are members: and they ought,
and surely do, bear some share of the
mercies and sufferings, the fears and
desires, of every part of it, in every
state. And as David, in some of the
psalms, takes on him the person of
Christ; in others he seems to take
that of his disciples; and to speak,
not in any one particular character,
but as representing the Whole body of
which neither of these methods will
suit, still we may rehearse them as
expressing the case of some eminent
worthy of old times, and be affected
by it accordingly: for we often are
strongly affected by the circumstan-
ces, well described, not only of distant,
but of imaginary, persons. We may
consider, as we go on, the likeness, or
the diﬂ‘erence, between his situation,
(1828)
The Pfalms.
25 Hey pgail'e is of thee in the great ton:
gregation: my horns toill 31 perfogm in the
fight of them, that fear him.
26 @he poo; thall eat, am: he tatistieo:
they, that teek after the ﬂow, thall pgaite
him; your heart thall line to; eher.
27 all the enos of the iooglo thall remem:
her themieloes, ano he turneo unto the Logo:
am: all the kinoreos of the nations lhall
toogthip hefoge him.
28 JFog the kingoom is the itogos: ano
he is the gooernour among the people.
29 all tuth as he tat upon earth: haoe
eaten, ano toogthippeo.
30 all they, that go ooron into the hull,
thall kneel hetoge him: ano no man hath
quiekneo his oton foul.
31 any feeo thall ierhe him: they thall he
tounteo unto the logo to; a generation.
32 ethey thall tome, ano the heaoens thall
oetlare his righteoutnets: unto a people
that thall he horn, rohom the ltogo hath
malJe.
Dominus
his temper, and our own: and raise
from it many reﬂections of sympathy
occasions of our own or others.
the Book of Psalms is so inexhaustible
and caution, of humiliation, encou-
ragement, and thankfulness. Thus,
at least, We may bring everything We
say home to ourselves: and, by so
doing, furnish our minds with a most
valuable store of devout thoughts and
language, perhaps for many future
a treasure of every branch of piety,
that a more constant use of it than of
any other in the Whole Bible, hath,
with very just reason, been appointed
in public forms of prayer, and recom-
mended in private ones.
“ It may be objected, that in several
(1829)
The Pfalms.
AA
The v.
D A Y.
W
Dominus regit me. e-P~fale.~-~xx-in.
Tlhe ltoto is my lhephero : therefore can 3]
lack nothing.
2 the wall feeo me in a green paﬂure: ano
leao me fogth hefioe the roaters of comfort.
3 the lhall conhert my foul: ano bring me
forth in the paths of righteoutnets for his
ﬂames take.
4 yea, though 31 hoalk through the oalley
of the lhaooio of oeath, 3i toill fear no ehil:
for thou art toith me, thy rob, ano thy ﬂalf
comfort me.
5 @JIhou thalt prepare a table before me
againﬂ them, that trouble me: thou haﬂ
anointeo my heao toith oil, am: my cup
lhall be full.
6 Thur thy toning kinonets ano mercy lhall
folloho me all the bays of my life: ano 3i
toill otoell in the houte of the ﬂora for eher.

l. 1. The 414th page of the Sealed Book commences with the word “1)01ninus",
“ Dominus ” being also the printed catch-word on the preceding page.

of them David utters most bitter im-
precations against his enemies, in
which, to say nothing harsher, we
cannot follow him; for the rule of
the New Testament is, ‘Bless, and
curse not.’ (Rom. xii.14.) But indeed
most, if not all, the places which ap-
pear Wishes of evil, may, according to
the confessed import of the original,
be understood only as predictions of
it. Or, supposing them wishes, David
might be directed by inﬁnite wisdom
to pronounce them even against the
opposer of his reigning over Israel; who
opposed, at the same time, the known
decree of Providence. Repeating them
in this view, solely as his, must be
innocent; and strongly suggest an
important admonition, ‘not to ﬁght
against God.’ (Acts xxiii. 9.) But
perhaps in some of these, as well as
other passages, he speaks in the per-
(1830)
The Pfalms.
"Fire xxiv, Pfalm, DOmlni €ﬂ tetra. M
The earth is the horns, am: all that Al/glm’z’Zg
therein is: the rompals of the roorlo, ano they that otoell therein.
2 for he hath founoeo it upon the teas:
ano prepareo it upon the ﬂouos.
3 who [hall afteno into the hill of the
ltoro : or who lhall rife up in his holy plate?
4 QEben he, that hath rlean hanos, am: a
pure heart: ano that hath not lift up his mino
gnto banity, nor fioorn to oereiue his neigh=
our.
5 lhe lhall rereibe the bletsing from the
horn: ano righteoufnefs from the Qooo of
his falbation.
6 tithis is the generation of them, that
feek him: euen of them, that feek thy fare,
21D 3latob.
7 {Lift up your beans, 9]) ye gates, ano be
ye lift up, ye eberlailing ooors : ano the liking
of glory lhall tome in.
8 who is the liking of glory: it is the lLoro
ilrong ano mighty, eben the lLoro mighty in
battel.
9 Lift up your heaos, 2D ye gates, ano be
ye lift up, ye eberlailing ooors: ano the lking
of glory lhall come in.
IO who is the lking of glory: eben the
ﬂora of hoﬂs, he is the lking of glory. Ad

son of the whole Church of God, two most dreadful of these psalms are
against all its irreconcileable adver- applied (Acts i. 20.): and, with the
saries, whoever they may be. Such utmost tenderness to the whole of
was Judas: to whom, therefore, the God’s creation, we may and must de-
(1831)
The Pfalms.
N/“\ P‘ ‘v, m. I
'Thexn the xxv..hadna
D A Y. Ad te, Domine, levav1.~~%3.1slwxsrv~.
W Ultato thee, ED lLoro, toill 3t lift up my toul,
my coo. 3i haue put my truﬂ in thee:
ED let me not he tontounoeo, neither let mine
enemies triumph oher me.
2 for all they that hope in thee lhall not
he alhameo: hut turh as trantgrets iuithout
a raute lhall he put to tontution.
3 %ihero me thy ioaies, ED lLoro: ano teach
me thy paths.
4 iLeao me forth in thy truth, ano learn
me: for thou art the coo of my taluation;
in thee hath heen my hope all the hay long.
5 Qtall to rememhranre,ED iLoro,thy tenoer
merries: ano thy lohing hinoneltes, iohirh
haue heen eher of olo.
6 EDh remember not the tins, ano ottenres
of my youth: hut atroroing to thy merry
think thou upon me, ED ﬂoro, for thy gooo=
nets. .
7 chrarious, ano righteous is the torn:
therefore will he teath tinners in the may.

l. 1. The 415th page of the Scaled Book common with the word “ Ad ”, “ Ad” being
also the printed catch-word on the prece ' g page.

sire the overthrow of them who obsti-
nately hate him and his laws. For,
though we ought much more to desire
the repentance than the death of a
sinner, as he himself doth ; yet, if they
will not repent, we ought to think and
speak with approbation and satisfac—
tion, yet mixed with an awful concern,
of their punishments here and sentence
hereafter: which last St. Paul repre—
sents good persons as joining to pro-
nounce: ‘Do ye not know, that the
saints shall judge the world i’ 1. Cor.
vi. 2.
“ It may be objected further, that
however this may be, the Psalms are
unﬁt for our use on another account:
they are full of Jewish notions and
phrases. But they were composed by
the aid of the Holy Spirit with a view
(1832)
The Pfalms.
, 8 @them,that are meek, lhall he guioe in
luogementz ano iuth as are gentle,them
thall he learn his way.
9 ﬁll the paths of the {Logo are merry, ano
truth: unto tuth as keep his tohenant, ano
his tetlimonies.
10 hot thy ﬂames take, 5D ﬂow: he
merciful unto my tin, for it is great.
I 1 what man is he, that feareth the iLogo:
him thall he teach in the may, that he thall
thoote.
12 this-foul thall oioell at eate: ano his
teeo thall inherit the lane.
13 (the ferret of the {Logo is among them,
that fear him: ano he will lhero them his
tohenant.
14 spine eyes are eher looking unto the
Logo: for he Ihall plutk my feet out of the
list.
15 eturn thee unto me, ano hahe merry
upon me: fog i am oeiolate, am: in mifery.
16 @he iogroios of my heart are inlargeo :
ilD hging thou me out of my trouhles.
(II t 17 hook

to Christian times: our Saviour ap-
peals particularly to those things
‘which are written in the Psalms
concerning him’ (Luke xxiv. 44.);
and they are many. Nor is the diffi-
culty great, in applying the peculiari—
ties of one dispensation to what an-
swers them in the other: of under-
standing by the Law, the doctrine of
him who came to fulﬁl it; by J erusa—
lem and Zion, the Christian Church;
by the several sacriﬁces, that of our
Blessed Lord, or of our own prayers
and praises offered up in his name;
by the altar, the holy table; by tem-
poral enemies and deliverances, spiri-
tual ones; and so of the rest: thank-
ing God, at the same time, that We
have light afforded us, to see so much
deeper into this and every book of the
Old Testament than they who wrote
it.
“Still there may be more passages
than a few in the Psalms, which many
understand not. However, even these
they may allowably read over, as un-
6C
(lass)
The Bfalms.
WV
Am
The v.
17 {Look upon my aohertity , ano mitery:
DAY- ano torgihe me all my tin.
18 @ontioer mine enemies hobo many they
are: ano they bear a tyrannous hate againﬂ
me.
19 8D keep my foul, ano oeliher me: let
me not be confounoeo, for 31 hahe put my
truﬂ in thee.
29 iLet perfectnets , ano righteous oealing
toait upon me: for my hope hath been in
thee.
21 @eliher Zltrael , 2th coo: out of all his
troubles.
The xxvj. Psalm.
Judica me, Domine. BQE thou my Zluoge, 8D Loro, for 31 hahe
toatkeo innocently: my truﬂ hath been
alto in the horn, therefore lhall it not fall.
2 QEramine me,
a horn, ano probe me:
try out my reins, ano my heart.
3 for thy toning kinbnets is eher before
mine eyes: ano 3] mill malkin thy truth.

1. The 416th page of the Scaled Book commences with “ 17 51111111”, “ I 7 inch”
being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

doubtedly they often do other things,
in order and in hope to understand
them; and, by reading with attention,
they will come gradually to under—
stand more and more of them.
“All considerate Christians will ac—
knowledge the excellence of the Psal—
ter in a good translation. But some
object against that which we have
in our Prayer Books, as made in times
of less learning and exactness than
the other in our Bibles, which, being
more correct, they think should be
used instead of it. But, indeed, as
the latter is, in some places, juster
than the former; so is the former, in
some, juster than that: and it hath
one general ground of preference—-
that, not rendering the words of the
Hebrew so strictly, it gives the sense
of them more intelligibly ; notwith—
standing that a very few expressions
are become, in the space of two
hundred years, which have passed
(1834)
The Pfalrns.
a El habe not omen with pain perfons:
neither trail 31 habe felloiuﬂgip roith the oe=
reitfull.
,5 3i habe hateo the rongregation of the
botrkeo: ano iuill not fit among the ungooly.
6 31 inill ioalh my hanos in innorenty, llD
horn: aim to mill 3[ go to thine altar;
,7‘ @hat it may lhebo the uoire of thankl=
gluing: ano tell of all thy roonorous’iuorks.
8 ltoro, 3i habe lobeo the habitation of thy
houfe: am the plate ruhere thine honour
oiuelleth.
9 £11) [hut not up my toul inith the finners:
nor my life with the blouosthirlly;
to Zlnrohofe hanos is mirkeonefs: ano
their right hano is full of gifts.
I 1 Ehut as for me, 31 will walk innocently:
ill) oeliber me, ano be mertiful unto me.‘
12 any foot ﬂanoeth right: El ioill prail'e
the lLoro in the congregations.
Dominus
since it was made, less clear or proper
than they were at ﬁrst. Indeed this
old version hath here and there addi-
tions to what we now ﬁnd in the ori~
ginal. But the only considerable one
is taken from, if not warranted by, the
New Testament: they are all harm—
less: they are most of them founded
on authorities not contemptible, par-
ticularly on that of the very ancient
Latin interpreter, departing from which
without necessity would have given
occasion of cavil to the Itomanists.
And, as this translation in our Prayer
Books was made by martyrs and con-
fessors for the Protestant religion, so
it was with reason highly esteemed by
the people, and soon grew, by often
repeating it, so familiar to them, that
changing it for another, though some-
what better on the whole, would have
been disagreeable to them. Therefore,
the sense of both being sufﬁciently
the same, as any one by comparing
them will be convinced, the words to‘
which the congregation were accus-
6C2
(1835)
The Pfalms.
Evenmg
The xxvij . Psalm. Dominus illuminatio.
Tlhe itogo is my light, ano mp talpation;
DAY: tnhom then lhall 3[ fear: the .lLogo is
W the llrength of my life; of ruhom then [hall 31
M be afraioz
2 when the iuitkeo, epen mine enemies,
Pm)”- ano my toes tame upon me to eat up my
ﬂelh: they llumhleo, ano fell.
3 @thouah an hull of men iuere laio againll
me, yet ihall not my heart he afraio: ano
though there role up that againﬂ me, yet
inill 31 put my trufl in him.
4 ﬂDne thing haue 31 oeiireo of the logo,
iuhith 3i ioill require: euen that 3[ may
oiuell in the houte of the Logo all the oaies
of my life, to heholo the fair beauty of the
Logo, ant: to uilit his temple.
5 jl'og in the time of trouble he lhall hioe
me in his tabernacle: pea, in the ferret plate
of his omelling lhall he hioe me , ano let me
up upon a rotk of [tone

‘6 (C
l. 1. An erasure after "hm-"ii ,7, apparently of l “-
1.1. The ~Ll'ith c go [(‘1: £ 2] of the Sealed Book commences with the word “Dominus”,
“ Domi ” being also the printed catch-word on the precedlng page.

tomed have been retained to this
day.
“ It hath been further objected,
that, granting the use of this transla—
tion to be justifiable, yet the manner
in which We use is not. For We read
it on, just as the Psalms lie: and thus
we blend together those of joyful and
those of sorrowful import, Without
distinction and Without method; yet
We cannot be supposed to vary our
affections so quick as this requires.
But it should be remembered, that on
the principal stated fasts and festivals,
and on all occasional ones, psalms
proper to them are appointed out of
the common course. On days, indeed,
which have nothing so particular in
(1836)
The Plialms.
6 am: noin thall he lift up mine heao:
ahohe mine enemies rouno ahout me.
7 @Iherefoze tuill 3t otfer in his oioelling
an ohlation hoith great glaonets: 3t toill ting,
ano {peak pgaiies unto the iLogo.
8 Ihearken unto my hoire, ilD lLogo, iohen
31 try unto thee: haoe merry upon me, ano
hear me.
9 spy heart hath talkeo of thee, %>eek ye
my fare: thy tare, itogo, will 31 leek.
10 8]) him not thou thy fare from me:
no; ratl thy teroant atoay in oiipleature.
11 (Ithou hall been my turrour: leahe me
not,neither togtake me,£lD Qhoo of my ialha=
“DU.
12 when my father,
ano my aeother
togiake me: the itozo taketh me up.
13 etearh me thy may, ﬁll) Itogoz ano leao
me in the right may,
enemies.
herauie of mine
14 Delioer me not oher into the hoill of
mine ﬂU=
QLtz
hertaries :

them, we follow the order in which
they are set down. For we could not
vary it, without omitting some of
them (which none of them deserve) or
disposing them in a way entirely new.
Now, what that should be, would be
very hard to settle; and, whatever
was done, at least as many faults
would be found then as now. The
present arrangement is certainly older
than our Saviour’s days: the public
oﬂices of the whole Christian churches
have followed it from the very ﬁrst
account of them that we have; and
why should We make alterations, only
to raise perplexities? The Psalms
are indeed miscellaneous, but so are
many other parts of Scripture. The
Book of Proverbs is vastly more so.
Yet no one objects against reading
those as they lie. In truth, scarce a
chapter of the Bible, or any author
whatever, can be read, but what calls
for a variety of dispositions and affec-
tions to be exercised, within a very
small compass. Even in a short
(res?)
The Pfalmst
M
The v.
DAY,
W
hertariee: tag there are taii'e mitneﬂ‘ee rifen
up againﬂ me, arm tath ae theah mama.
15 31 ﬁiﬂlllh atterih hahe faiuteh: but that
31 heiiehe heriip to fee the goaimeie of the
harm in the lane at the iihina.
16 211) tarry than the home ieafure: he
arena, ant he maii tamiogt thine heart, arm
hut than thp true in the Later
The Xxviij. Psalm.
Ad t6, Domine.
Utlatn thee M1131 trh, @ time my ttrength:
think an team at me, tell it than make ae
though than heareﬂ nut, 31 herume like them,
that an Down mm the hit. ,
2 ihear the wire at my humble petitions,
when 31 try unto thee: when 31 hull] up my
harms tamarne the mertpdeat at the help
temple. '
- 3 ED plush me not array, neither neﬂrop
me with the ungahihantl wither: were:
rnhith fheah trienmp to their neighhuurahut
imagine miiehiet' in their heartet ~
4 lRehaarn them attaining tn their Deena:


l. 1. The 418th page of’ the Sealed Book CODITDQ-IH'GS with “ herfariesz”, part of
th Yord “ ahhrrfarieﬁ”, “ herfarieﬁz” being also the catch-word
on preceding page.

prayer, is there not great variety, if it
be Well considered?
may it do so When prepared, as in the
In poetry and present case, by a previous knowledge
music, these transitions are often ex-
tremely abrupt and sudden, from one
thing to its contrary in the highest
degree. Yet the mind goes along with
them very easily. Much more, then,
of What is to come next, and long
practice in the change. And if repeat-
ing the Psalms in course be right, We
have certainly ﬁxed a right period
of this course, that of a month;
(1838)
The Pfalms.
.ano attoroing to the boitkeonefs of their oton
inbentions.
5 lRerompenfe them after the work of their
hanos: pay them that they haue oeferbeo.
6 for they regaro not in their mino the
iuorks of the horn, nor the operation of his
hanos: therefore ihall he break them boron,
ano not builo them up.
7 Wraiteo be the horn:
for he hath hearo
the uoire of my humble petitions.
8 @the horn is my nrength, ano my
lhielo, my heart hath truneo in him, ano 31
am helpeo: therefore my heart oanreth for
Joy, ano in my long boill Kl praile him.
9 @he lLoro is my nrength: ano he is the
tuholfom oefenre of his anointeo.
‘ 19 ill) faue thy people, ano gibe thy blels:
mg unto thine inheritanre: feeo them,ano
let them up for eber.
The xxix. Psalm.
Afferte Domino. ' Iking unto the horn, ill) ye mighty, bring
- young rams unto the horn: afrribe unto
the lLoro boorﬂnp, ano urength.
2 @1112

whereas the Church of Rome goes
through them in a week, which is
making one part of the service too
long; and the Creek Church in twenty
days, which is making it hard to ﬁnd.”
The custom of singing or repeating
the Psalms alternately, or verse by
verse, seems to be as old as Chris-
tianity itself. Nor is there any
question but that the Christians re—
ceived it from the Jews; for it is
plain that several of the psalms, which
were composed for the public use of
the temple, were written in amoebaeic,
or alternate verse. (A8} the cxivth,
cxviiith, the.) To which way of sing-
ing 111:6CllIl the temple, it is probable
the vision of Isaiah alluded, which he
saw of the seraphim crying one to
another, ‘ Holy, holy, holy,’ dZC. (Isaiah
viii. 3.) That it was the constant
practice of the Church in the time of
(1839)
The Pfalms.
Aw
The vi.
D A Y.
.2 Qhiue the Logo the honour oue unto his
ﬂame: morﬂn'p the ILogo with holy iuoglhip.
3 3n is the ﬂow, that tommanoeth the
waters: it is the glorious Qhoo, that maketh
the thunoer.
4 in is the ﬂow, that ruleth the %>ea; the
uoite of the ﬂow is mighty in operation:
the voice of the lLogo is a glorious twice.
5 @the uoite of the ﬂow hgeaketh the
Q£eoar=trees: yea, the ﬂow lneaketh the
Qieoars of lLihanus.
6 the maketh them alio to skip like a talf:
iLihanus alio, ano @irion like a young uni:
$0111.
7 @Ehe uoite of the {Logo oipioeth the
ﬂames of fire, the uoite of the Logo lhaketh
the ioiloernets: yea, the iLoto lhaketh the
iniloernefs of Qiaoes. 4
8 @the uoite of the Logo maketh the hinos
to lning forth poung, ano oittouereth the
thitk hulhes: in his temple ooth euerp man
{peak of his honour.
9 @the Logo litteth ahoue the mater=ﬂouo:
ano the {Logo remaineth a llama for euer.

1.1, The 419th page [45 t. 3] of the Sealed Book commences with “ 2. @612”,
“ 2 @lhﬁ ” being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

St. Basil, we have his own testimony:
for he writes (Ep. ad Clerum N eocaes.
Ep.63.tom.ii.p. 843.D.) that the people
in his time, “ rising before it was light,
went to the house of prayer, and there,
in great agony of soul, and incessant
showers of tears, made confession of
their sins to God; and then rising
from their prayers, proceeded to sing-
ing of psalms, dividing themselves
into two parts, and singing by turns.”
Ever since which time it has been
thought so reasonable and decent, as
to be universally practised.
(1840)
The Pfalms.
‘IO ethe hogs thall gine tlrength unto his
' people: the horn thall gine his people the
hletsing of peare.
XXX. Psalm. Exaltebo te, Domine.
will magnitie thee, 8D itogutog thou hall M
tet me up: ano not maoe my toes to Momma
triumph oner me. Prayer-
2 9D itogo my son, 31 rryeo unto thee: W
ano thou hat} healeo me. .
3 @thou, lLogo, hail brought my toul out of
hell: thou hatl kept my life from them,that go
ooion to the pit.
4 %>ing pgaites unto the itogo, 8D ye taints
of his:ano gine thanks unto him to; a re=
memhganre of his holinets.
5 for his rogath enoureth hut the troinkling
of an eye, am: in his pleature is lite: heahi=
nets may enoure to; a night, hut ioy rometh
in the morning.
6 ano in my pgotperity 3t taio, 3L. thall
neher he remoheo: thou, ﬂow, of thy gooo=
nets harttl maoe my hill to tlrong.
$113.3
7 @Iihou

Nor does the use of musical instru-
ments in the singing of psalms appear
to be less ancient than the custom
itself of singing them. The ﬁrst psalm
we read of was sung to a timbrel, viz.
that which Moses and Miriam sang
after the deliverance of the children
of Israel from Egypt. (Exod. XV. 20.)
And afterwards at Jerusalem, when
the temple was built, musical instru-
ments were constantly used at their
public services. (2 Sam. vi. 5.; 1 Chron.
XV. 16.; 2 Chron. v. 12. and xxix. 25.)
Most of David’s psalms, we see by the
titles of them, were committed to
masters of music to be set to various
(1841)
The Pfalms.
/'\/'\l‘\
The vi.
D A Y.
VN’ — \J"
31 was trouhleo.
7 @thou oioll turn thy fare from me: ano
8 @hen rrieo 31 unto them]? iLogo: ano
gat me to my Logo right humbly.
9 what pgoiit is there in my hlouo : when
31 go ooum to the pit?
Io %hall the pun nine thanke unto thee:
oi wall it oetlare thy truth?
11 hear, 21D iLoio, ano haue merry upon
me: .lLoio, he thou my helper.
12 @hou hau turneo my heauiuele into
joy: thou hall put on my iatk=tloth, ano
giroeo me with glaouele.
13 @therefote lhall epery goon man [ing of
thy pzaite without seating: 91) my out, 31
will pipe thanks unto thee to; euer.
The Xxxj. Psalm.
In te, Domino, fperavi. Pfal. XXXi.
P13 thee,£1D iLogtuhane 31 put my truu: let
me neper he put to ronfuiiomoeliuer me
in thy righteoutnets.
2 15am ootun thine ear to me : make halle
to oeliuer me.

1.1. The 420th page of the Scaled Book comme .s with “ 7 @hou ”, “7 @lihuu”
th '
being also the catch-word on
e prece
g page.

tunes: and in the hundred and ﬁftieth
psalm especially, the prophet calls
upon the people to prepare their diffe—
rent kinds of instruments wherewith
to praise the Lord. And this has
been the constant practice of the
Church, in most ages, as Well since as
before the coming of Christ. Basil.
in Psal. i. tom. i. p. 126. B.; Euseb.
Histor. Eccles. lib. ii. 0. 17. p. 57. 0.;
Dionys. Areop. de Eccles. Hier. c. 3.
p. 89.1); Isid. Pelcns. lib. 1. Ep. 90.
p. 29. A.
When We repeat the Psalms and
hymns we stand; that, by the erection
of our bodies, We may express the
elevation or lifting up our souls to
God. Though another reason of our
(1842)
The Pfalrns.
3 elnb be thou my ﬂrong rotk, ano houfe
of oefenre: that thou mayefl fabe me.
4j1'or thou art my urong rork, am: my
raffle: be thou alfo my guioe, ano leao me
for thy mames fake.
5 Erato me out of the net, that they haue
laio priuily for me: for thou art my itrength.
6 31nto thy hanos 31 rommeno my fpirit:
for thou hall reoeemeo me,8D horruthou Qhoo
of truth.
7 3i habe hateo them,that holo of fuper=
llitious banities: am: my trun hath been in
the ltoro.
8 31 boill be glao,ano reioyre in thy merry:
for thou hall ronfioereo my trouble, ano hall
kno‘um my foul in aoberfities.
9 @hou haﬂ not lhut me up into the ham
of the enemy: but hall let my feet in a large
room.
IO {habe merry upon me, 211) ltoro,for 31
am in trouble: ano mine eye is tonfumeo
for uery heabinefs; yea,
booy.
my foul, ano my
11 for

standing is, because some parts of
them are directed to God, and others
are not: as, therefore, it would be
very improper to kneel at'those parts
which are not directed to him, so it
would be very indecent to sit when
we repeat those that are. And there—
fore, because both these parts, viz. those
which are and those which are not
directed to God, are so frequently
altered, and mingled one with another,
that the most suitable posture for
each of them cannot always be used,
standing is prescribed as a posture
which best suits both together; which
is also consonant to the practice of the
Jewish Church recorded in the Scrip-
ture. For we read (2 Chron. 6.),
that while the priests and Levites were
offering up praises to God, all Israel
stood. And we learn from the ritual--
ists of the Christian Church (Vide
Amal. Fort. lib. iii. 0. 3.; Durand.
Rational. lib. v. cap. 1.), that when
(1843)
The Pfalms.
‘The Vi: 11 for my life is iuaren olo ibith heabi:
DAY. nets: am: my years ipith mourning.
W 12 any urength faileth me, becauie of
mine iniquity: am: my bones are conlumeo.
13 31 became a repioof among all mine
enemies, but eipecially among my neigh=
hours: am: they of mine acquaintance ioere
atraio of me, ano they,that oio lee me inith=
out, conbeyeo themtelbes from me.
14 31 am clean forgotten, as a bean man <-
out of mino: 31 am become like a broken
bellel.
15 no; 3[ haue beach the blatphemy of the
multituoe: ano fear is on ebery iioe, bohile
they contpire together againll me, ano take
their counlel to take aiuay my life.
16 IBut my hope hath been in thee, 9D
ﬂow: 31 habe taio, @Ihou art my Qboo.
17 any time is in thy hano, oeliber me
from the hano of mine enemies: mm from
them,that pertecute me.
18 %>heiu thy lerbant the light of thy coun:
tenance: ano fabe me to: thy mercies take.
19 lLet me not be confounoeo, ilD Logo,
for 31 haue calleo upon thee: let the ungooly

l. 1. The 421st page of the Sealed Book commences “illi “ I I :lfﬂl'”, “ I I drill‘ ”
being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

they came to the Psalms, they always Psalter is appointed to be read), and
shewed the affections of their souls by all the hymns (except the Te Deum,
this posture of their bodies. which, because it is nothing else but
At the end of every psalm, and of the Gloria Patri enlarged, hath not
every part of the hundred and nine- this doxology annexed), we repeat
teenth psalm (see the Order how the Glory be to the Father, cite. In the
(1844)
The Pfalms.
he put to rontution, ano he put to tilenre in
the grape.
20 Let the lying lips he put to tilenre:
tohirh rruelly, oitoaintully, ano oetpitetully
tpeak againtl the righteous.
21 8D horn plentiful is thy gooonets iohirh
thou hall laio up to; them, that fear thee:
ano that thou hati pgepareo to; them, that
put their trutl in thee, ehen hetote the tons
of men! a
22 @thou thalt hioe them pginily hy thine
ohm pgetenre from the pgoooking of all men:
thou thalt keep them terretly in thy tahernarle
from the tlrite ot tongues.
23 ethanks he to the Logo: to; he hath
thetoeo me maroellous great kinonets in a
tlrong rity.
24 ano when 3[ maoe hatle, 31 taio: 3[ am
ratl out of the tight of thine eyes.
25 meherthelets thou hearoetl the ooire of
my prayer: iohen 31 rryeo unto thee.
268D
Eastern Churches they never used
this gloriﬁcation, but only at the end
of the last psalm, which they called
their Antiphona, or Allelujah, as being
one of those Psalms which had the
Allelujah preﬁxed to it (Strabo de Rob.
Eccles. c. 25.); but in France, and
several other of the Western Churches,
it was used at the end of every psalm
(Cassian, Inst. 1. 2. c. 8.) ; which is still
continued with us, to signify that we
believe that the same God is worship-
ped by Christians as by Jews; the same
God that is gloriﬁed in the Psalms
having been from the beginning,
Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, as well
as now. So that the Gloria Patri is
not any real addition to the Psalms,
but is only used as a necessary expe-
dient to turn the Jewish Psalms into
Christian Hymns, and ﬁt them for the
use of the Church now, as they were
before for the use of the Synagogue.
Wheatly on the Common Prayer,
129-132.
That the reader may the more easily
turn to such psalms as will best suit
the present state of his mind, accord-
(1845)
The Pfalms.
Avw 26 2D lone the aozoall ye his faints: for
g‘? {j the itogo pgeferneth them, that are faithful,
vi‘; ano plenteoully reinaroeth the pgouo ooer.
27 the llrong, ano he lhall ellahlilh your
heart: all ye, that put your truﬂ in the
ltogo.
‘The Xxxij- Psalm-Bead, quorum. Pialeeeaexii':
5% itelleo is he, iohofe unrighteoufnefs is
P'mmg fogginen: ano fohofe fin is cooereo.
fig 2 lelelleo is the man, unto inhom the torn
imputeth no fin: arm in iohofe tpirit there
is no guile.
3 ho; rohilei'ﬁl helo my tongue: my bones
confumeo ainay through my oaily complain:
mg.
4 for thy hano is heaoy upon me oay, ano
night: am: my moillure is like the Drought
in fummer.
5 31 inill acknoholeoge my fin unto thee:
ano mine unrighteoufnefs hane Bl not hill.
6 31 rain, 31 ioill confefs my fins unto the

. C‘ 77 M f 7)
1.1. The 422ml page of the Sealed Book 0 ncnccs with 26 QB , 20 (9
being also the catch-word on the prec~ 1g page.

ing to the different circumstances, Pray/67's.
Whether external or internal, into I. Prayers for pardon of sin: Psalm
which, by the changes and chances of vi. XXV. xxxviii. li. CXXX. Psalms
life or the variations of temper and styled Penitential: vi. xxxii.
disposition, he may at any time be Xxxviii. li. cii. CXXX. cXliii.
thrown, a Table of Psalms, classed II. Prayers composed when the Psalm-
under their several subjects, is here ist was deprived of an opportunity
subjoined. of the public exercise of religion :
Psalm Xlii. Xliii. lxiii. lxxxiv.
(1846)
The Pfalms.
lLoro: ano to thou forgabeil the ioirkeonefs
of my fin.
7 Jtor this lhall ebery one, that is gooly,
make his prayer unto thee, in a time iohen
thou mayell be founo: but in the great
iuater=ﬂouos they lhall not tome nigh him.
8 @thou art a plare to hioe me in, thou
lhalt preferue me from trouble: thou lhalt
rompafs me about ruith tongs of oeliber=
anre.
9 31 roill inform thee, ano tearh thee in the
boay, tuherein thou lhalt go: ano 31 will
guioe thee toith mine eye.
16 QBe ye not like to horfe, ano mule, iuhirh
haue no unoerllanoing: tohofe mouths mull
be helo toith bit, ano briole, leil they fall
upon thee.
1 1 Qhreat plagues remain for the ungooly:
but tohofo putteth his fruit in the lLoro, merry
embrareth him on ebery fine.
12 lee glao, ED ye righteous, ano reioire
in the lLoro: ano be joyful all ye, that are
true of heart.
Exultate,
III. Prayers wherein the
Psalmist
seems extremely dejected, though
not totally deprived of consola-
tion, under his afflictions: Psalm
xiii. XXii. lxix. lxxvii. lXXXviii.
cxliii.
IV. Prayers wherein the Psalmist ask-
eth help of God, in consideration
of his own integrity and the up—
rightness of his cause : Psalm vii.
xvii. xxvi. xxxv.
V. Prayers expressing the ﬁrmest trust
VI.
and conﬁdence in God under
afflictions: Psalm iii. Xvi. xxvii.
XXXl. liv. lvi. lvii. lxi. lxii. lXXi.
lxxxvi. ~
Prayers composed when the
people of God were lying under
affliction or persecution: Psalm
Xliv. 1x. lxxiv. lxxix. lxxx.
lxxxiii. lxxxix. Xciv. cii. cxxiii.
cxxxvii.
(1847)
The Pfalms.
M L‘iXXllj- Psaln'i.
The Vi- Exultate, jufti.
Pill’; RQEioyce in the bozo. ED ye righteous: for
it becometh tnell the iuﬂ to be thankful.
2 lbgaife the logo tuith harp : fing pgaifes
unto him faith the lute, ano inllrument of ten
ﬁrings.
3 gving unto the Logo a netn fong: fing
pgaifes lullily unto him ibith a gooo courage.
4 no: the inogo of the logo is true: am:
all his toogks are faithful.
5 lhe lobeth righteoufnefs, ano iuogement:
the earth is full of the gooonefs of the Logo.
6 15y the more of the iLogo toere the heabens
maoe: ano all the bolts of them by the breath
of his mouth.
7 lhe gathereth the waters of the tea to:
gether, as it were upon an heap : ano laieth
up the new, as in a treafure=houfe.
8 let all the earth fear the Logo: ﬂano
in aioe of him, all ye, that oiuell in the
iuoglo ;

1.1. The 423ml page of the Sealed Book commences with “Exultatc,”, “Exultate,”
being also the printed catch-word on the preceding page.

VII. The following are likewise prayers safed to particular persons: Psalm
in time of trouble and affliction. : ix. xviii. XXi. XXX. xxxiv. xl. lxxv.
Psalm iv. v. xi. xxviii. xli. lv. lix. ciii. cviii. cXvi. cXviii. cxxxviii.
lxiv. lxx. cix. cxx. cxl. cXli. cxlii. cxliv.
VH1’ Prayeirs of .l.nterces§wn 1. Psalm II. Thanksgivings for mercies vouch-
XX' lxvn' CXXH' CXXXH' cxhv' safed to the Israelites in general :
Psalm xlvi. xlviii. lxv. lxvi. lxviii.
lxxvi. lxxxi. lXXXv. Xcviii. cv.
cxxiv. cxxvi. CXXlX. cxxxv. cxxxvi.
I. Thanksgivings for mercies vouch- cxlix.
Psalms of Thanksgiving.
(1848)
The Pfalms.
9 for he tpake, ano it ‘was oone: he rom:
manoeo, ano it tlooo tail.
lo @the ltogo hgingeth the rountel ot the
heathen to nought: ano maketh the centres
of the people to he of none ettert, ano ratleth
out the rountels ot lhginres.
11 @he rountel ot the Euro thall enoure
tog'eherz ano the thoughts of his heart from
generation to generation.
12 IBletleo are the people, iphote soon is
the lLogo Zlehohah: ano hletteo are the folk,
that he hath rhoten to- him,to he his inherit=
ante.
13 ethe iLogo lookeo oohon from heahen,
ano hehelo all the rhiiogen of men: from the
hahitation of his otoelling he rontioereth all
them, that oioell on the earth.
14 the tathioneth all the hearts of them:
ano unoertlanoeth all their roogks.
15 @Ehere is no king, that ran he taheo hy
the multituoe of an hoﬂ: neither is any
mighty man oelihereo hy murh tlrength.
1 6 elhogteisrounteo hutanain thingtotahe a
man:

Psalms of Praise and Adoration, dis-
playing the Attributes of God.
I. General acknowledgments of God’s
goodness and mercy, and particu-
larly his care and protection of
good men: Psalm xxiii. xxxiv.
xxxvi. xci. c. ciii. cvii. cxvii. cxxi.
cxlv. cxlvi.
II. Psalms displaying the power, ma-
jesty, glory, and other attributes of
the Divine Being : Psalm viii. xix.
xxiv. xxix. xxxiii. l. lxv.
lxvi. lxxvi. lxxvii. xciii. xcv. xcvi.
xcvii. xcix. civ. cxi. cxiii. cxiv.
cxv. cxxxiv. cxxx1x. cxlvii. cxlviii.
Destructive Psalms.
I. The different characters of good and
bad men; the happiness of the
one and the miseries of the other,
are represented in the following
Psalms: i. v. vii. ix. x. xi. xii. xiv.
xv. xvii. xxiv. xxv. xxxii. xxxiv.
6 D
(1849)
The Pfalms.
/\JL/‘\
The v1.
:[)fhf§T.
W
man: neither lhall he heliper any man by
his great hrength.
17 leeheln, the eye of the new is upun
them, that fear him: antl upon them, that
put their trnll in his mertp.
18 6th iJeliher their foul frnm heath: anlJ
tn teen them in the time of hearth.
19 EDur fnnl hath patiently tarrien fog the
item : in; he is our help, anlJ our lhieln.
20 1m cur heart lhall reiupte in him:
hetanfe me hape hupen in his holy name.
21 iLet thp merciful kinnnefe, 9D Luge, be
upon us: like as ine he put our trail in thee.
The XXXlilj. Psalm.
Benedicam Domino.
I will alinap gihe thanke nntu the 11,0111:
his pzaife lhall eper he in my mouth.
2 they feul lhall make her huall in the Min:
the humble lhall hear thereof , am he glam.
3 ED pgaife the .lLugn with me: ﬂIIU let us
magnitie his llﬂame together.
4 31 fought the ﬂute, will he heartl me:
pea, he nelineretl me out of all my fear.

1.1.
The 424th page of the Scaled Book commences with “ 1118112” “man 2”
being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

XXXVL
lxxiii. lxxv. lXXXiv. Xci. xcii. Xciv.
cxii. cxix.
cxxviii. cxxxiii.
II. The excellence of God’s
Psalm xix. cxix.
III. The vanity of human life : Psalm
V. The virtue of humility: Psalm
cxxxi
Xxxvii. l. lii. liii. lviii.
cxxi. cxxv. cxxvii.
Psalms more eminently and directly
Pe'ophetz'cal.
Psalm ii. Xvi. xxii. xl. xlv. lxviii. lxxii.
lxxxvii. ex. cxviii.
law :
xxxix. xlix. xc.
IV. Advice to Magistrates:
lxxxii. ci.
Historical Psalms.
Psalm lxxviii. cv. cvi.
Psalm
(1850)
The Pfalms.
5 @IIhey hao an eye unto him, ano tnere
lighteneo: ano their fares iuere not alhameo.
6 to, the poor rrieth, ano the lLoro heareth
him: yea, ano fabeth him out of all his
troubles. .
7 @the angel of the horn tarrieth rouno
abbout them, that fear him: ano oelibereth
t em.
8 21D talle, ano fee, horn grarious the lLoro
is: bleileo is the man, that trulleth in him.
9 SD fear the lore, ye, that are his %>aints:
for they, that fear him, lark nothing.
IO @the lions oo lark, ano fuifer hunger:
but they, iuho feek the horn, ihall ipant no
manner of thing, that is gooo.
11 Qfome, ye rhiloren, ano hearken unto
me: 31 ioill tearh you the fear of the {Lore
12 what man is he, that luileth to line:
ano tooulb fain fee gooo times?
13 lkeep
13 lkeep thy tongue from ebil: ano thy
lips, that they fpeak no guile.
14 QEfrhein euil, am] no no gooo: feek
peare, ano enfue it.
15 @he eyes of the ltoro are ober the
righteous: ano his ears are open unto their
prayers.
16 @the rountenanre of the lLoro is againll
them, that no ebil: to root out the remem=
branre of them from the earth.
The vii.
DAY.
the Sc _
catch-w r on the preceding page.
l. 21. The 425th pag
being a so
Book commences with “ I 3 33229”, “ I 3 5322;)”
6D2
(1851)
The Pfalms.
17 @the righteous cry, ano the {torn heareth
them: ano oelibereth them out of all their
troubles. ' -
18 @the {turn is nigh unto them, that are
of a contrite heart: ano toill fabe fuch, as
be of an humble fpirit.
19 Qhreat are the troubles of the righteous:
but the ﬂoro oelibereth him out of all.
20 the keepeth all his bones: to that not
one of them is broken.
21 QBut misfortune lhall ﬂay the ungooly:
ano they, that hate the righteous, lhall be
oefolate.
22 @the iLoro oelibereth the fouls of his
ferbants: ano all they, that put their truﬂ in
him, lhall not be oeuitute.
The see-v. Psalm. ]udica me, Domine.
M
Morning
Prayer.
W
(1852)
iLeao thou my caufe,£D ﬂow, with them,
that llribe tuith me: am fight thou
againﬂ them, that fight againﬂ me.
2 bay hano upon the 1hielo, ano buckler:
ano ﬂano up to help me.
3 "Bring forth the tpear, ano ﬂop the may
againﬂ them, that pertecute me: fay unto
my foul, 31 am thy falbation.
4iLet them be confounoeo, ano put to
lhame, that leek after my foul: let them be
turneo back,ano brought to confufion, that
imagine mifchief for me.
5 bet them be as the bull before the rhino:
ano the angel of the horn fcattering them.
6 bet
The Pfalrns.
6 itet their may he oark, ano ﬂippery: ano let the angel of the itogo perterute them. DAY.
7 for they hahe pgioily laio their net to WV
oetlroy me inithout a raute: yea, ehen with
out a raute hane they mate a pit to: my toul.
8 {Let a tuooen oetlrurtion rome upon him
unaioares, ano his net, that he hath laio
pgihily, ratth himtelt: that he may fall into
his oton mitrhiet.
9 Qlnumy toul, he ioytul in the ltogo: it
thall reioyre in his talhation. ~
19 an my hones thall tay, itogo, who is
like unto thee, roho oeliheretl the poo: from
him, that is too tlrong to: him: yea,the
poog, ano him that is in mitery, from him,
that tpoileth him.
11 jFalte initneﬂ‘es oio rite up: they laio
to my rharge things, that it knero not.
12 @Ihey reroaroeo me eoil to: gooo: to
the great oitromtogt of my toul.
13 Jfieherthelets, tohen they toere tirk, 3]
put on tarkrloth, ano humhleo my toul hoith
tailing: am: my player thall turn into mine
oton hotom.
14 3t hehaheo my telt, as though it has
heen my trieno,o: my hgother: 3 went
heaoily, as one, that mourneth to: his
mother.
15 Qhut in mine aooertity they reioyreo,
ano gathereo themtelnes together: yea,the
hery ahierts tame together againti me un:
1.1. The 426th page of the Sealed Book commences with ‘i 6 aLit”, “ 6 ﬂit”
being also the Catch-n (It!
‘11111 on the prece ' 151 mg‘:-
(1853)
The Pfalms.
NA
The vij.
DAY.
V‘N
aioares, making mass at me, ano teafeo
not.
16 with the ﬂatterers ioere hutie motkers:
ioho gnalheo upon me with their teeth.
17 ilogo, horn long toilt thou look upon
this: ED oelioer my foul from the talamities,
iohith they hging on me, ano my o‘arling from
the lions.
18 gvo will 31 gipe thee thanks in the great
congregation: 31 will pgaife thee among
muth people.
19 ED let not them, that are mine enemies,
triumph ooer me ungooly: neither let them
inink ioith their eyes, that hate me without a
mute.
20 2mm iohyi their tommuning is not to;
peace: but they imagine oeteittul mogos
againll them, that are quiet in the lano.
21 @L'DBQ
2 1 @hey gapeo upon me tnith their mouths,
ano faio: Jl'ie on thee,tie on thee, me taro it
toith our eyes.
22 @this thou hall teen, ilD Logo: holo not
thy tongue then, go not far from me, ill)
ﬂow.
2 3 eliuake ano ﬂano up to iuoge my quar=
gel: aoenge thou my taufe, my eon, ano my
ogo.
24 Zluoge me, QD {Logo my Qboo, attogoing

1-2“ Thc‘g'g'ith Pal-'0 U] of the Sealed Book commences. with “21 Qllbip”,
2
7) , .
1 D211 being also the catch-word on the preceding page.
(1854)
The Pfalms.
to thy righteoufnefs: ano let them not
triumph ober me.
25 iLet them not lay in their hearts,
@there there, to booulo toe hane it: neither
let them fay, we have oeboureo him?
26 iLet them be put to ronfufion ano lhame
together, that reioyre at my trouble: let them
be rlotheo rnith rebuke ano oilhonour, that
boan themfelues againll me.
27 iLet them be glao ano reioyre, that
fabour my righteous oealing: yea, let them
fay altoay, IBIelIeo be the horn, inho hath
pleafure in the prolperity of his feruant.
28 am: as for my tongue, it lhall be talk=
ing of thy righteoufnels: ano of thy praiie
all the bay long.
The Xxxvj. Psalm.
Dixit injuitus.~P¥al=-.-—xxaevi-:~=~
My heart lheipeth me the mirkeonefs of
the ungooly: that there is no fear of
moo before his eyes.
2 for he ﬂattereth himfelf in his o‘ron
fight: until his abominable fin be founo out.
3 @he tuoros of his mouth are unrighteous,
ano full of oereit: he hath left oil to behabe
himfelf tuifely, ano to no gooo.
4 the imagineth mifrhief upon his beo, ano
hath fet himfelf in no gooo may: neither
both he abhor any thing that is ebil.
5 @Ihy merry, h) Loro, rearheth unto the
heabens: ano thy faithfulnefs unto the
rlouos.
6 @L'hy righteoufnefs ﬂanoeth like the
(1855)
The Pfalms.
The vi'.
D AY.
ﬁr'k]
_ i Il€ >1
ALA
Evening
Pra er.
ML ooers.
rsx'rij. Psalm. Noli mmulari.
ﬂrong mountains: thy iuogements are like
the great beep.
7 @hou, ﬂoro, lhalt tape both man
ano beau, {hobo ercellent is thy mercy,
8D Qhoo: ano the chiloren of
Do men
'men lhall put their truu unoer the fhaooro of
thy things.
8 @Zhey lhall be fatisfieo ioith the plente=
oufnefs of thy houfe: ano thou Ihalt gibe
them brink of thy pleafures, as out of the
riber.
9 nor with thee is the ibell of life: am: in
thy light lhall iue fee light.
to 8D continue forth thy lobing kinonefs
unto them, that knobo thee: ano thy right=
eoufnets unto them, that are true of heart.
1 1 ill) let not the foot of prioe come againll
me: ano let not the ham: of the ungooly call
me baton.
12 @Ehere are they faln, all that toork
ibickeonefs: they are can ootun, ano lhall
not be able to tlano.
IRet not thyielf becaufeof the ungoolyr
neither be thou enbious againll the ebil

l. 7. The 428m 1: ge of the Sealed Book comm
b V I also the catch-word on the
ence "th the word “men”, "MEN"
prec 'gpagc.
(1856)
The Pfalrns.
2 j'FUg they thall toon he rut ooton like the
grats: ano he ioithereo eoen as the green herh.
3 {@ut thou thy trut‘i in the ltoio, ano he
ooing gooo: oioell in the lano, ano herily
thou thalt he teo.
4 Delight thou in the Logo: am: he thall
gine thee thy hearts oetire.
5 Qtommit thy may unto the ltogo, ano
put thy trutl in him: ano he [hall hging it to
pats.
6 the thall make thy righteoutnets as rlear
as the light: ano thy iutl healing as the
noon=oay.
7lholo thee kill in the itogo, ano ahioe pa:
tiently upon him: hut griehe not thy telt at
him, iohote ioay ooth pzotper, againtl the
man, that ooth atter eoil rountels.
8 iteahe oil’ from iorath, ano let go oit:
pleature: fret not thytelt, elte thalt thou he
moheo to ho ehil.
9 wirkeo ooers thall he rooteo out: ano
they, that patiently ahioe the kozo, thote thall
inherit the lane.
10 pet a little rohile, ano the ungooly thall
he rlean gone: thou thalt look after his plare,
ano he thall he away.
11 ihut the meekztpiriteo thall pottets the

earth : ano
M
ano thall he retretheo in the multituoe ot Ths Vij-
pzate. D A Y.
W
l. 27. The 429th page [53H 2: of tin,- Scaietl lluo'n' commrnccs with the word “ 311B”,
71 1
“ EIIIU being also the CZUL‘H-Wul‘tl on the preceding page.
(1857)
The Pfalms.
12 @[he ungooly feeketh counlel againﬂ
the blull: ano gnalheth upon him toith his
teet .
13 @the ﬂow lhall laugh him to lcogn:
to; he hath teen, that his hay is coming.
14 @he ungooly haue ogaron out the ttoogo,
ano haoe hent their hole: to can ootnn the
poo; ano neeoy, ano to ﬂay fuch, as are of
a right conoerfation.
15 @heir fioogo lhall go thgough their oion
heart: ano their hoto lhall he lnoken.
16 a fmall thing that the righteous hath:
is better than great riches of the ungooly.
17 JFog the arms of the ungooly lhall he
bgoken: am the logo upholoeth the righte=
ous.
18 @the ilogo knotoeth the ipays of the
gooly: ano their inheritance lhall enoure fog
ener.
19 @they lhall not he contounoeo in the
perillous time: ano in the oays of oearth
they lhall haue enough.
20 as to; the ungooly, they lhall perilh,
ano the enemies of the iLogo lhall confume
as the fat of lamhs: yea, epen as the fmoke
lhall they conlume airway.
21 @IZhe ungooly hogrotoeth, ano payeth
not again: but the righteous is merciful,
ano liberal.
22 %>uch, as are hlell‘eo of @otnlhall polfets
the lane: am: they, that are curfeo of him,
lhall he rooteo out.
23 @he {Logo ogoereth a goon mans going:
ano maketh his may acceptable to himfeli.
(1858)
The Pfalms.
24 Gllhough he fall, he lhall not be tall
grnay: for the lLoro upholoeth him luith his
arm.
25 31 habe been young, ano noiu am olo :
ano yet fabo 31 neber the righteous forfaken,
nor his feet] begging their breao.
26 @the righteous is euer merriful, ano
lenoeth: am: his feeo is bleileo.
27 flee from euil, ano no the thing that
is goob : ano otoell for ebermore.
28 for the lLoro loneth the thing that is
right: he forfaketh not his, that be gooly,
but they are preferneo for eber.
29 @Ihe unrighteous lhall he punilheo: as for
E) D 2 IIJB
the feet: of the ungooly, it lhall be rooteo
out.
30 ethe righteous lhall inherit the lano:
ano oboell therein for euer.
31 @the mouth of the righteous is ererrifeo
in roifoom: ano his tongue iuill be talking
of iuogement. '
32 tithe lain of his too is in his heart:
am: his goings lhall not nine.
33 @he ungooly teeth the righteous: ano
feeketh orrafion to ﬂay him.
34 @the iLoro tuill not leabe him in his
hano: nor ronoemn him tuhen he is iuogeo.
35 lhope thou in the lloro, ano keep his
roay, ano he lhall promote thee, that thou
The v'".
DAY.

, alcd Book comm _1 s with the word “ the ",
-\ "0111 on the prece g page.
1. 16. The 430th age of th
being a so the cat -
‘(than
(1859)
The Pfalms.
r"\/'~,\
lhlbrvezng;
.ZDrwQyer:

lhalt pottets the lano: when the ungooly
lhall perilh, thou Ihalt tee it.
36 31 mytelf haue teen the ungooly in great
potuer: ano ﬂourilhing like a green bay=
tree.
37 3'1 ment by, ano lo, he ioas gone: 31
fought him, but his place coulo no tuhere be
founb.
38 lkeep innocency, ano take heeo unto
the thing that is right: for that [hall bring a
man peace at the tall.
39 as for the trantgrettours, they lhall
perilh together: ano the em: of the ungooly
is, @L'hey lhall be rooteo out at the lab.
40 lbut the talbation of the righteous
cometh of the iLoro: who is alto their
llrength in the time of trouble.
41 ano the lLoro lhall llano by them, ano
tabe them: he lhall oeliber them from the
ungooly, ano lhall tabe them, becaute they
put their truﬂ in him.
"r11 111:: 111 .tJ-S'etiﬂ’i.
[)ornine, me in fur0re.-I%&HeeeaaewHie"
Pflit me not to rebuke, 8D ﬂow, in thine
anger: neither chaﬂen me in thy heaby
oitpleature.
2 for thine arrotos hick fan in me: ano
thy hano prell‘eth me tore.
3 @there is no health in my ileth, becaute
of thy oitpleature: neither is there any cell
in my bones, by reaton of my tin. 4 jtor
(1880)
The Pfalms.
. M
4 for my roirkeonetles are gone oher my The viii,
heao: ano are like a tote hurthen, too heavy DAY.
for me to hear. W
5 spy ioounos tlink, ano are rogrupt:
through my foolithnets.
6 3{ am hgought into to great trouhle, ano
mitery: that 31 go mourning all the {my
long.
7 ho; my loins are filleo ioith a tote oit=
eafe: ano there is no inhole part in my
hooy.
8 31 am teehle, ano toge tmitten: i hahe
roageo to: the oery oitqutetnets of my heart.
9 itotuthou knoroeﬂ all my oetirezano
my groaning is not km from thee.
IO stay heart panteth, my tlrength hath
faileo me: am: the fight of mine eyes is
gone from me. .
11 array toners, ano my neighhours oio
tlano looking upon my trouhle: ano my
kinfmen tlooo afar off.
12 ethey alto, that fought after my life,
laio tnares to; me: ano they, that ioent
ahout to Do me ehil, talkeo of inirkeonefs,
ano imagineo oereit all the hay long.
13 as fog me, 31 was like a heat man, ano
hearo not: ano as one, that is oumh, who
ooth not open his mouth.
14 31 herame even as a man, that heareth
not: ano in tohote mouth are no repgoofs.
15 for in thee, 2D Logo, hahe Bl put my

1.1. The 43lst page [5521' 3] of the Sealed Book commences with “ 4-jfﬂ1‘”,
“ 4 for” being also the catch~word on the preceding page.
(1861)
The Pfalms.
The V“.
DAY.
truﬂ: thou lhalt antiner fog me, ED iLogo my
Qboo.
16 31 hape requireo that they, eoen mine
enemies, lhoulo not triumph oper me: fog
when my foot ﬂipt, they reioyceo greatly
againﬂ me.
17 Elm: 31, truly, am fet in the plague:
ano my heaoinets is eper in my light.
18 jr'og 31 toill confets my toickeonets: am:
he togry fog my tin.
1 9 QBut mine enemies line , ano are mighty:
am: they, that hate me iogongfully, are many
in number.
29 @Iihey alto, that retoaro epil fog gooo,
are again& me: hecaute 31 folloto the thing
that gooo is.
21 jFogtake me not, 91) Logo my Qhoo: he
not thou far from me.
22 ihaﬂe thee to help me: ED iLogo eoo of
my talpation. E o 3 DiXi,
The XXXiX, Psalm.
Dixi, cuftodiam.
I %vaio, 31 ipill take been to my maies: that
31 offeno not in my tongue.
2 31 ipill keep my mouth as it there ioith
a hgiole: rnhile the ungooly is in my tight.
3 31 helo my tongue, ano tpake nothing:
31 kept tilence, yea, eoen from gooo toogos;
but it was pain, ano grief to me.

1. Q1.
ences with the word “Dixi,” "Dixi,”
The 432ml pace of the Sealed Book co
b the ing page.
eing also . catch-word on the pre
(1862)
The Pfalms.
4 any heart inas hot roithin me, ano lohile
31 boas thus muting, the fire kinoleo: am: at
the lab.‘ 31 fpake boith my tongue.
5 lLoro, let me knobo my eno, ano the
number of my oaies: that 31 may be rertifieo
- horn long 31 habe to line.v
6 Ibeholo, thou hall maoe my oaies as it
tuere a {pan long: ano mine age is eben as
nothing in refpert of thee, ano berily ebery
man lining is altogether banity.
7 for man toalketh in a pain lhaooiu , ano
oilquieteth himfelf in pain: he heapeth up
rirhes, ano rannot tell, roho lhall gather
them. I
8 arm noru, lLoro, inhat is my hope: truly
my hope is eben in thee.
9 @eliuer me from all mine offenres: ano
make me not a rebuke unto the foolilh.
16 31 berame oumb, ano openeo not my
mouth: for it boas thy ooing.
1 1 Qtake thy plague aruay from me: 31 am
guru ronfumeo by the means of thy heaby
tirub.
12 when thou toith rebukes ooth rhailen
man for fin, thou makeﬂ his beauty to ron=
fume aboay, like as it iuere a moth fretting
a garment: euery man therefore is but
banity.
13 lhear my prayer, 8D lLoro, ano tpith
thine ears ronfioer my ralling: holo not thy
peare at my tears.
14 for 31 am a llranger roith thee, ano a
foiourner: as all my fathers roere.
15 9D fpare me a little, that 31 may rerober
(1863)
The Pfalms.
The viij.
D A Y.
my urength: before 31 go hence, ano be no
more teen.
Expeétans
“(F .. ‘ QT it -,
1‘ gwvl f}, _r' ) '. 1» \ 1 '“
q 1 AI \ :
Expeétans expeetavi. aP'fal: xlr”
Imaiter patiently for the horn: ano he in:
clineo unto me, ano hearo my calling.
2 {he brought me alto out of the horrible
pit, out of the mire, ano clay: ano tet my
feet upon the rock, ano oroereo my goings.
3 sun he hath put a netn tong in my
mouth: eben a thanktgibing unto our moo.
4 ahany lhall tee it, ano fear: ano lhall
put their truﬂ in the born.
5 Ibletteo is the man, that hath tet his
hope in the horn: ano turneo not unto the
prouo, am: to tuch as go about ibith lies.
6 ED ﬂoro my @ob, great are the iponorous
works, tnhich thou hall none, like as be alto
thy thoughts, tohich are to us=tbaro: auo yet
tlbiere is no man, that oroereth them unto
t ee.
7 31f 31 lhoulo oeclare them, ano tpeak of
them: they lhoulo be moe than 31 am able to
etprets.
8 %>acrifice, ano meat=otteringthou mouloeu
not: but mine ears hall thou openeo.
9 15urnt:oﬂ’erings,ano tacritice for tin haﬂ
thou not requireo : then mm 31, lto, 31 come.

1. 4.
The 4‘ 3* page of the Sealed Book commences with the word “ EXPe&9~n5”a
9
“ P‘aéhins ’ being also the catch-word on the preceding page.
(1864)
The Pfalms.
IO 3m the holume of the hook it is
‘rogitten of me, that 3[ thoulo fulfil thy ioill,
8D my Qhoo: 3t am rontent to no it, yea, thy
lain is toithin my heart.
11 3t haoe oerlareo thy righteoufnets in
the great rongregation: lo, it will not refrain
my lips. 81) itogo, ano that thou knoinetl.
12 3[ have not hio thy righteoufnets foithin
my heart: my talk hath heen of thy truth,
ano of thy taloation.
1 3 3i hahe not kept hark thy toning merry,
ano truth : from the great rongregation.
14 withogaho not thou thy merry from
me, 8D ltoio: let thy lohing kinonets. ano
thy truth alioay pgeterhe me.
15 for innumerahle trouhles are rome
ahout me, my tins have taken tuth holo
upon me, that 31 am not ahle to look
up: yea, they are moe in numher than
the
the hairs of my heao, ano my heart hath
faileo me.
16 8D itogo, let it he thy pleafure to oeliher
me: make hatle, ilhltogo, to help me.
17 ﬂet them he athameo, ano ronfounoeo
together, that teek after my font to oetiroy
it: let them he oginen harktoaro, ano put to
rehuke, that faith me ehil.
18 iLet them he oetolate, ano reroaroeo
with lhame: that tay unto me, fie upon thee,
fie upon thee.
The v'".
DAY.

1. 21. The 434th page oft
being also the 0
-word 0 e preceding page.
, . n H 7’
Sealed Boo ' commences with the word “ 6J2 , “)2
6E
(1865)
The Pfalms.
M
Etvemng
Prayer.
W
19 ILet all thote, that teek thee, he ioyful,
ano glao in thee: ano let tuch as lope thy
talhation tay alhoay, @L'he how he pgaifeo.
20 as fog me, 31 am pooi, ano neeoy: hut
the itogo careth fog me.
21 @thou art my helper, ano reoeemer:
make no long tarrying, ilD my Qhoo.
The xlj. Psalm.
Beatus, qui intelligit. “X44?”
Bil-.eﬂ'eo is he, that contioereth the poog, ano
neeoy: the Logo lhall oeliher him in the
time of trouhle.
2 @the ﬂow pgeterhe him, ano keep him
alihe, that he may he hletteo upon earth:
ano oeliher not thou him into the mill of his
enemies.
3 @L'he iLogo comfogt him, tohen he lieth
tick upon his heo: make thou all his heo in
his ficknets.
4 31taio, how, he merciful unto me: heal
my toul, foe 31 hahe tinneo againﬂ thee.
5 shine enemies tpeak ehil of me: when
[hall he oie, ano his name IJBtiﬂ)? _
6 ano if he come to tee me, he fpeake
hanity: am: his heart conceiheth fallhooo
ioithin himtelf, ano tohen he cometh foith he
telleth it.
7 an mine enemies lohitper together againﬂ
“me: ehen againll me no they imagine this
ehil. I
8 Let the tentence of guiltinets pzoceeo
(1866)
The Pfalms.
againll him: ano note that he Qty, let him
rife up no more. *
9 raea, euen mine oton familiar frieno,
tuhom 31 truileo: tuho oio alfo eat of my
breao, hath laio great toait for me.
5 Io lhut
1 0 15m be thou merriful unto me, 9D lLoro:
rgife thou me up again, arm 31 lhall reboaro
t em.
11 ‘by this 31 knoiu thou fauourell me:
that mine enemy ooth not triumph againil
me.
12 sun ‘when 31 am in my health, thou
upholoeil me: ano lhalt fet me before thy
fare for eber.
13 iBleileo be the lLoro Qhoo of 31frael:
inorlo inithout eno. amen.
The xlij. Psalm.
(memadmodum.
L31ke as the hart oefireth the boater=brooksz
io longeth my foul after thee, 21D son.
2 stay foul is athirll for thou, yea, eben for
the lining Qi5olJ : when lhall 31 tome to appear
before the prefenre of moor
3 key tears haue been my meat oay ano
night: rohile they oaily fay unto me, where
is notp thy @073?
4 llbotu bohen 31 think thereupon, 31 pour
out my heart by my felf : for 31 boent boith the
The viii.
DAY.

1. 7. Th - . 5th pag f Sealed B
r ' g also 0 -word on
preceding page.
commences with “ 1 O gut”, " IO gilt"
6 E 2
(1867)
The Pfalms.
M
The ix.
D A Y.
W)‘
multituoe, ano brought them forth into the ‘
houte of Qhoo;
5 31n the boice of praite ano thanktgibing:
among fuch as keep holymay.
6 why art thou to full of heapinets, 81)
my toul: ano tohy art thou ~to" oitquieteo
tuithin me?
7 119m thy truu in Qhoo: for 31 toill yet
gibe him thanks for the help of his counten=
ance.
8 any cool], my toul is beteo ibithin me:
therefore will 31 remember thee concerning
the lano of 31oroan, am: the little hill of
lhetmon.
9 ﬂDne oeep calleth another, becaute of the
noite of the tuater=pipes: all thy ipabes auo
norms are gone ober me.
10 @the {torn hath granteo his lobing
kinonets on the oay=timez arm in the night=
teaton bib 31 ting of him, ano maoe my prayer
unto the Qﬁoo of my life.
1 1 31 will tay unto the coo of my ﬂrength,
why hall thou forgotten me: why go 31 thus
heabily, tnhile the enemy opprelteth meP
12 any bones are tmitten atunoer as with
a ttboro: tuhile mine enemies that trouble
me catt me in the teeth;
1:3 iﬁiﬂﬂllﬁe
1 3 119amely,iohile they fay oaily unto me:
where is now thy about
1.29. The 436th .
of the Scaled Book commences with “ UﬁM'ﬂﬂQ,"
‘ ‘ 13 13a '” being the catch-word on the preceding page.
(1868)
The Pfalms.
14 why art thou to hereo, 8D my toul:
ano tohy art thou to oitquieteo ioithin me:
I 5 8) put thy trutl in Qhoo: for 31 hoill yet
thank him, tohirh is the help of my rounten=
ante, ano my Qhotl.
The Xliij. Psalm.
Judica me, Dena—BM}:-
(“31oetentenretoith me, 8) Qhoo, ano oefeno
I my raute againtl the ungooly people: o
oeliher me from the oereitful, ano toirkeo man.
2 for thou art the Qhoo of my tlrength,
tohp hall thou put me from thee: ano inhy
go 31 to heahily, iohile the enemy oppgetteth
me?
3 8) teno out thy light ano thy truth, that
they may leao me: ano hging me unto thy
holyhill, ant to thy oinelling.
4 am: that 3 may go unto the altar of
Qhotl, eoen unto the @611 of my joy, ano
glaonets: ano upon the harp toill 31 gioe
thanks unto thee. 8) Qhoo, my Qhoo.
_ 5 why art thou to heavy, 8) my toul:
ano ruhy art thou to oitquieteo inithin me?
6 8) put thy fruit in choc : to: 31 will yet
gihe him thanks, hohirh is the help of my
rountenanre, ano my Qhoo.
.iiilV. Psalm.
Deus, auribus. QB hahe hearo toith our ears, 8) Qhoo,
our fathers hahe tolo us: tohat thou
hatl hone in their time of olo.
M
Morning
Prayer.
W
(1869)
The Pfalms.
/\_A./\
The ix.
D A Y.
\IW’V
~__-.____
2 ihoho thou hall ogihen out the heathen
toith thy hano, ano planteo them in: hoio
thou hall oeﬂroyeo the nations, one call them
out.
3 ho; they gat not the Ian]: in poltetfion
thgough their oton tipogh: neither was it their
oton arm that helpeo them.
4 IBM
4 15m thy right hano, ano thine arm, am:
the light of thy countenance: hecaute thou
haotl a fahour unto them.
5 @thou art my thing, ill) Qhoo: feno help
unto31acoh.
6 @thgough thee toill the oherthzoin our
enemies: ano in thy Jlﬂame hoill the treao
them unoer, that rite up againﬂ us.
7 jl'og 31 ioill not trull in my hoto: it is
not my ttoogo that lhall help me.
8 ihut it is thou that taheﬂ us from our
enemies: ano putteh them to contution that
hate us.
9 we make our hoaﬂ of Qhoo all oay long:
ano inill pgaite thy ﬂame to; eher.
19 'lBut nohi thou art farr otf, ano putteﬂ
us to confution: ano goeﬂ not togth toith our
armies.
1 1 @thou makett us to turn our hacks upon
our enemies: to that they, tohich hate us.
tpoil our gooos.
12 @hou lettell us he eaten up like lheep:
ano hall tcattereo us among the heathen.

l. 9. The 4.137th page of the Sealed Book commences with “ 4- 331a”: “ 4 331“ ”
being also the catch-word on t]
IC preceding page.
(1870)
The Pfalms.
13 @Zhou felleﬂ thy people for nought: ane
taken no money for them.
14 @Ihou makell us to be rebukeo of our
neighbours: to be laugheo to frorn, ano has
in oerifion of them that are rouno about us.
15 ethou makell us to be a by=rooro among
the heathen: am: that the people lhake their
beans at us.
16 any ronfuiion is oaily before me: ano
the lhame of my fare hath rouereo me,
17 ~itor the uoire of the ﬂanoerer, ano
blafphemer: for the enemy, ano auenger.
18 ano though all this be rome upon us,
yet so toe not forget thee: nor behabe our
felbes froiuaroly in thy rouenant.
19 QDur heart is not turneo bark: neither
our ileps gone out of thy may,
20 3E0, not when thou hail [mitten us into
the plate of oragons: ano robereo us tuith
the lhaoobo of Heath.
21 31f toe habe forgotten the ﬂame of our
moo, ano holoen up our hanos to any ﬂrange
goo: [hall not moo fearrh it outr for he
knoiueth the bery ferrets of the heart.
22 .for
22 jl'or thy fake alfo are toe killeo all the
my long: mm are rounteo as lheep ap=
pointeo to be ﬂain.
23 flip, Itoro, iohy ﬂeepeu thou: aroake,
ano be not abfent from us for eber.
M
The ix.
DAY.
1. ‘36. The 438th page 0 18 Sealed Bo)
being also the a li-u'ord On t
pro 'c 'ng page.
. cc , cc a
cm > ees with 7-2 dfﬂr ,, 22 dfﬂr ’
(1871)
The Pfalms.
24 wherefore hioetl thou thy face: ano
forgettell our mitery ano trouble:
25 for our toul is brought loin, eben unto
the out}: our belly cleabeth unto the grouno.
26 Etrite, ano help us: ano oeliber us
for thy mercies take.
Psalm.
Eruétavit cor meurn.
My heart is inoiting of a gooo matter: 31
tpeak of the things rbhich 31 haue maoe
unto the lking.
2 any tongue is the pen : of a reaoy writer.
3 ethou art fairer than the chiloren of men:
full of grace are thy lips, becaute Qhoo hath
bleﬂ'eo thee for eber.
4 Qhiro thee ioith thy trnoro upon thy thigh,
8D thou moﬂ mighty: accoroing to thy more
lhip, ano renoiun.
5 Qhooo luck habe thou ibith thine honour:
rioe on, becaute of the worn of truth, of
meeknets ano righteoutnets, ano thy right
hano lhall teach thee terrible things.
6 @thy arroius are bery lharp, ano the
people lhall be tuboueo unto thee: men in
the mint} among the kings enemies.
7 @thy teat, 21D Qhoo, enoureth for eber:
the tcepter of thy kingoom is a right tcepter.
8 @Ehou hall lobeo righteoutnets, ano hateo
iniquity: tuherefore Qhoo, eben thy Qhoo,
hath anointeo thee with the oil of glaonets
abobe thy felloius.
(1872)
The Pfalms.
9 an thy garments tmell of seyrrh, elloes,
ano Qtaftia: out of the ihogy palates, ioherehy
they hahe mane thee glao.
10 lkings
16 llaings Daughters were among thy ho=
nourahle toomen: upon thy right hano oio
ﬂano the 8)ueen in a hetlure of golo,
togought ahout inith oihers rolours.
11 lhearken, 8) Daughter, ano rontioer,
enrline thine ear: forget alfo thine oron
people,ano thy fathers houfe.
12 %o thall the ltting hahe pleature in thy
heauty : for he is thy ltogo Qhoo, ano inogthip
thou him.‘
138ml the oaughter of etyre thall he
there ioith a gift: like as the rirh alto among
tge people thall make their tuppliration hefoge
t ee.
14 @L'he kings Daughter is all glorious
within: her rlothing is of togought golo.
15 %he [hall he hgought unto the lking in
raiment of neeoleaoogk: the hirgins,that he
her felloius, thall hear her rompany, ano
thall he hiought unto thee.
16 with ioy, ano glaonets [hall they he
hgought: ano fhall enter into the things
palare.
17 31n tleao of thy fathers thou thalt haoe
rhilogen: rohom thou mayetl make pginres in
all lanos.
AKA
The ix.
I)£XTFL

1.5. The 439th page [QE 2] of the Scaled Book commences with “ mailings”,
“ 10 13111955 7’ being also the catch-word on the preceding page.
(1873)
The Pfalms.
mm
The ix.
DAY.
18 31 will rememher thy shame from one
generation to another: therefoge lhall the
people give thanks unto thee, inoglo ioithout
eIlUL
xiv) . Peal m Deus noiler refugium.~llfal—.-Xlvi;~
GilDh is our hope ano llrength: a hery
pgetent help in trouhle.
2 @therefoge ioill toe not fear though the
earth he moheo: ano though the hills he
carrieo into the mint} of the tea.
3 @Ihough the ioaters thereof rage, ano
troell: ano though the mountains lhake at
the tempeﬂ of the fame.
4. @the rihers of the ﬂouo thereof lhall
make glao the city of Qhoo: the holy place
of the tahernacle of the moﬂ lhighell.
5 @on is in the mioll of her, therefoge
lhall the not he remoheo: Qhoo lhall help her,
ano that right early.
6 @the heathen make much aoo, ano
the kingooms
QB e
are moheo: hut Qhoo hao lheipeo his hoice,
mm the earth lhall melt aioay.
7 @Ihe logo of bulls is toith us: the Qhoo
of 31acoh is our refuge.
8 8D come hither, ano heholo the ioogks of
the ﬂop]: hohat oeﬂruction he hath hiought
upon the earth.
fifEZ
l. 23.
' commences with the Word “are”, “ KY2,’
preceding page.
The 440th page of the Sealed B
being also the catch-word on
(1874)
The Pfalms.
9 lhe maketh iuars to reate in all the
ioorlo: he breaketh the boiu, ano knappeth
the fpear in funoer, ano burneth the rhariots
in the fire.
16 he [till then, ano knolu that 31 am
Qhoo: 31 roill be eralteo among the heathen,
ano 31 boill be eralteo in the earth.
I 1 @Ihe lLoro of hous is with us: the Qhoo
of 31arob is our refuge.
imtqhe xlvii. Psalm.
Omnes genres, plaudite.
O Qflap your hanos together, all ye people:
8) [ing unto son with the uoire of
melooy. ,
2 for the ILoro is high, ant to be feareo:
he is the great thing upon all the earth.
3 lhe lhall fuboue the people unoer us:
ano the nations unoer our feet.
4 lhe fhall rhoofe out an heritage for us:
euen the toorlhip of 31arob, tohom he lobeo.
5 Qhoo is gone up faith a merry noife:
ano the lLoro boith the tomb of the trump.
6 8) [ing praifes, ling praifes unto our
moo: 21D ling praifes, ling praifes unto our
thing.
7 jl'or Qhoo is the lining of all the earth:
ling ye praifes toith unoerﬂanoing.
8 Qhoo reigneth ober the heathen:
fitteth upon his holy feat.
9 @the prinres of the people are ioyneo
unto the people of the Qhoo of Qbraham: for
QﬁUD
M
Evening
Prayer.
W
(1875)
The Pfalms.
The ix.
D A Y.
Qhoo, tohich is bery high eralteo, ooth oefeno
the earth, as it tnere faith a lhielo.
Magnus
The xlviil. Psalm.
Magnus Dominus. Gikeat is the ﬂow, ano highly to be
praiteo: in the city of our com, eben
upon his holy hill.
2 ethe hill of %ion is a fair place, ano the
joy of the inhole earth: upon the northetioe
lieth the city of the great thing, eon is tuell
known in her palaces as a ture refuge.
3 for lo, the kings of the earth : are
gathereo, ano gone by together.
4 @they marbelleo to tee fuch things: they
were allonifheo, ano tuooenly tau ootnn.
5 fear came there upon them,ano torro‘tn:
as upon a woman in her trabail.
6 ethou Ihalt break the lhips of the tea:
through the eaﬂeinino.
7 Like as boe habe hearo, to haue toe teen
in the city of the iLoro of bolts , in the city of
our Qhoo : Qhoo upholoeth the tame for eber.
8 we boait for thy lobing kinonets,£lD
Qhoo: in the mint} of thy temple.
9 8) Qhoo, accoroing to thy ﬂame, to is
thy praife unto the inorlos eno: thy right
hano is full of righteoutnets.

1.41. The '
t page [QB 2 2] he Sealed Book comn ices w' the word “Magnus”,
" ‘ agnus” being also printed catch-word on 1 8 pre 'ng page.
(1876)
The Pfalms.
10 art the mount %1ion reioyre, arm the
Daughter of 31uoah he glao: heraute of thy
iuogements.
1 1 walk ahout %>ion, ano go rouno ahout
her: ano tell the toioers thereof.
12 spark hoell her hulioarks, let up her
houfes : that ye may tell them that rome after
13 for this root: is our Qhoo for eher, ano
eoer: he thall he our guioe unto Death.
The xlix. Psalm,
Audite hasc, omnes.
O lhear ye this, all ye people: ponoer it
toith your ears,all ye,that oroell in the
‘worth.
2 thigh. ano loho, rirh, ano poor: one ioith
another.
3 shy mouth thall tpeak of toitoom: ano
my heart thall mute of unoerﬂanoing.
4 8
QE 8 2
4 31 ioill inrline mine ear to the parahle:
ano them my oark tpeerh upon the harp.
M
The ix.
DAY.
5 wherefore thoulo 31 fear in the oayes of W
roirkeonets: am: when the roirkeonets of my
heels rompatteth me rouno ahout?
6 efhere he tome that put their trutl in
their gooos: ano hoatl themfelhes in the
multituoe of their rirhes.
7 Ihut no man may oeliher his hgother:
no: make agreement unto root for him ;

l. t. The Mind page of the Scaled Book commences with “4- it”, “ 4- i2 ” being
also the catch-11 ord
on the preceding page.
(1877)
The Pfalms.
8 31oz it coll moge to reoeem their fouls:
to that he mull let that alone to; eher;
9 @ea, though he lihe long: ano tee not
the grahe.
19 for he teeth that hoite men alto oie,
ano perilh together: as ipell as the ignorant
ano foolilh, ano leahe their riches to; other.
11 am: yet they think that their houtes
lhall continue for eher: ano that their oioel:
ling places lhall enoure from one generation
to another, ano call the lanes after their oion
names.
12 meherthelets, man inill not ahioe in
honour: teeing he may he compareo unto
the heatls that perilhs this is the may of
them.
13 @this is their foolilhnets: ano their
poﬂerity piaite their faying.
14 ethey lie in the hell like lheep, heath
gnahoeth upon them, ano the righteous lhall
hahe Domination oher them in the moining:
their beauty lhall contume in the tepulchre
out of their otoelling.
15 lhut Qhoo hath oelihereo my foul from
the place of hell: for he lhall receihe me.
16 'iBe not thou atraio, though one he
maoe rich: o; if the glory of his houfe he
increateo;
17 11o; he lhall carry nothing atoay inith
him, iohen he oieth: neither lhall his pomp
folloto him.
18 for rnhile he liheo, he counteo himtelf
an happy man: ano to long as thou ooh ioell
unto thy telf, men ioill tpeak gooo of thee.
(1878)
The Pfalms.
I9 lhe lhall folloto the generation of his
fathers: ano lhall neper fee light.
20 than
26 span being in honour hath no unoer= ﬁlm
tlanoing: but is rompareo unto the beans D
that perilh. \ W
"the 1. 1389.111... 'Deus deorum. ~Rfaleah~
Tlhe lLoro, eben the moll mighty coo hath M
fpoken: ano ralleo the morlo, from the Merm'ﬂg
rifing up of the fun, unto the going ootun Prayer.
thereof. W
2 that of %rion hath QDoo appeareo: in
perfert beauty.
3 £1Dur Qhoo lhall rome,ano lhall not keep
filenre: there lhall go before him a ronfum=
ing fire, am: a mighty tempell lhall be ilirreo
up rouno about him.
4 lhe lhall rall the heaben from above:
mm the earth, that he may iuoge his people.
5 Qhather my faints together unto me:
thofe that haue maoe a rouenant toith me
with farrifire.
6 ano the heabens lhall oerlare his right=
eoufnefs: for moo is 31uoge himfelf.
7 lhear, 8D my people, ano 31 tuill fpeak:
31 my felf toill tellifie againﬂ thee, 8D 31frael;
for 31 am Qhoo, eben thy Qhoo.

l. 4, The 443K] page [QE 2 3] of the Sealed Book commences with “ 20 £33m ”,
c‘ 20 ﬂan ” being also the catch-word 0n the preceding page.
(1879)
The Pfalms.
The x.
I)1%.§f.
8 31 inill not reprobe thee becaute of thy
tacrifices, or for thy burnt=olteringsz becaute
they lnere not alibay before me.
9 31 will take no bullock out of thine houfe:
nor he1goat out of thy folos.
10 for all the beans of the foreﬂ are mine:
ant: to are the cattel upon a thoutano bills.
11 31 knotu all the foinls upon the moun=
tains: ano the iniloe beans of the new are
in my fight. '
12 31f 31 be hungry, 31 will not tell thee:
for the inhole morlo is mine, ano all that is
therein.
13 @thinkeu thou, that 31 toill eat bulls
ﬂelh: ano Drink the blouo of goats?
14 ﬂDtter unto Qhoo thanktgibing: ano yay
thy boius unto the mou ihighett.
QE 8 3 I 5 HUD
1 5 anti call upon me in the time of trouble:
to will 31 hear thee, ano thou lhalt praite me.
16 IBut unto the ungooly taio Qhoo: why
oott thou preach my latus, ano taken my
cobenant in thy mouth;
17 whereas thou hateﬂ to be reformeo:
ano hall can my inoros behino thee?
18 when thou tarbeﬂ a thief, thou cone.
tenteoﬂ unto him: ano haﬂ been partaker
faith the aoulterers.
19 @thou halt let thy mouth tpeak ipickeo=
nets: ano toith thy tongue thou hail tet forth
oeceit. .

l. 19. The 444th page of the Sealed B
being also the catch-word on
s with “ I 5 gun”, “I 5 Quit”
Page-
comm
prece '
(1880)
The Pfalms.
2o ethou tatetl, ano tpaketl againtl thy
hgother: yea, ano hatl ﬂanoereo thine oton
mothers ton.
21 @IIhefe things hall thou oone, ano 31
help my tongue, ano thou thoughtetl toirkeoly,
that 31 am ehen tuth a one as thy telf: hut
31 will repgooe thee, ano tet hefoge thee the
things. that thou hall oone. _
22 8) rontioer this, ye that forget eon:
letl 31 plurk you atoay, ano there he none to
oeliher you. ~
23 ititlhoto otfereth me thanks. ano pgaite,
he honoureth me: ant to him, that otoereth
his ronhertatton right, will 31 theio the talha=
tion of eoo.
The li. Psalm.
Miferere mei, Deus. .EfaJmli.
Hate merry upon me, 8) Qhoo , after thy
great gooonefs: arrogoing to the multi:
tune of thy merries oo aroay mine otfenres.
2 math me thgoughly from my ioirkeo=
nets: ano rleante me from my tin.
3 for 31 knoinleoge my faults: ano my fin
is eher hefoge me.
4 Hgaintl thee onely hahe 31 tinneo, ano
oone this ehil in thy fight: that thou mightetl
he iutlitieo in thy taying, ano rlear, when
thou art iuogeo.
5 )Beholo. 31 hoas thapen in toirkeonets:
arm in tin hath my mother ronreioeo me.
6 IBut lo, thou requiretl truth in the in:
hoaro parts: ano thalt make me to unoer:
tlano ioitoom terretly.
7 @fhou thalt purge me toith hytlop, ano 31
6F
(1881)
The Pfalms.
The x.
I)1%.§7.
lhall he clean: thou lhalt toalh me , mm 31
lhall he tohiter then fnoio. 1 8 @thou
8 @thou lhalt make me hear of Joy, ano
glaonets: that the hones, tohich thou hall
hioken, may reioyce.
9 @turn thy face from my fins: ano put
out all my mitoeeos.
16 shake me a clean heart, ilD ooh: ano
reneiu a right tpirit roithin me.
11 Qtall me not aroay from thy pietence:
ano take not thy holy %>pirit from me.
12 8D gihe me the comfort of thy help
again : ano llahlilh me toith thy free %pirit.
13 (then [hall 31 teach thy ioayes unto the
ilgitkﬁﬂt ano tinners lhall he conherteo unto
t ee.
14 Deliher me from hlouo=guiltinets,'£lD
Qhoo, thou that art the Qhoo of my health:
am: my tongue lhall ting of thy righteout=
nets.
15 Qthou lhalt open my lips, 8D itoio:
ano my mouth lhall lhein thy pgaite.
16 31o; thou oetirell no tacritice, elte tooulo
31 gihe it thee: hut thou oelighteﬂ not in
hurnt=olferings.
17 @the tacrifice of (hop is a trouhleo
tpirit: a hgoken, ano contrite heart, 21D Qhoo ,
lhalt thou not oetpite.
18 ED he fahourahle, ano gracious unto
%>ion : huilo thou the toalls of 31erutalem.
16 @then lhalt thou he pleateo with the

1. 3. T116 448111111136 61 the Sealed BOOk COmmCIICiZS 11-1111 “ 8 @DUII’Z
being also the catch-word on the preceding page.
a 8 gnu"),
(1882)
The Pfalms.
farrifire of- righteoufnefs, tuith the burnt:
offerings, ano oblations: then [hall they otter
young bullorks upon thine altar.
The lij. Psalm.
(mid gloriaris P Wlhy boallell thou thy felf,thou tyrant:
that thou ranll oo mifrhief:
2 whereas the gooonefs of con: enoureth
yet Daily?
3 ethy tongue imagineth inirkeonefs: ano
boith lies thou rutten like a [harp rafour.
4 @thou hall lopeo unrighteoufnefs , more
than gooonefs: ano to talk of lies more than
righteoufnefs.
5 @Zhou
5 @hou hall loneo to fpeak all inoros, that
may no hurt: 21D thou falfe tongue.
6 @therefore [hall Qhoo oeilroy thee for ener:
he [hall take thee, ano plurk thee out of thy
otpelling, ano root thee out of the lane of the
lining.
7 @he righteous alfo [hall fee this, am]
fear: ano [hall laugh him to frorn.
8 lLo, this is the man, that took not Qhoo
for his [lrengthz but trulleo unto the multi=
tube of his rirhes, ano [lrengthneo himfelf in
his tpirkeonefs.
9 as for me, 31 am like a green olibe2tree
in the houfe of moo: my trull is in the tenoer
merry of Qhoo for eber, ano eber.
16 31 will alboayes gibe thanks unto thee
The X.
DAY.

1. 15. The 446th page of the Sealed Book commences with “ S Ebﬂlvb “
being also the catch-word on the preceding page.
“Ethan ’
6'F 2
(1883)
The Pfalms.
M
E'uenzng
Prayer.
W
M
The x.
for that thou hall oone: ano 31 inill hope in
thy shame, for thy taints like it well.
The 1111 PSZllIU. DiXit inﬁpienspﬁialmliiin
Tlhe foolith booy hath mm in his heart:
ethere is no Qhoo.
2 Qtorrupt are they, ano become abomi:
nable in their mickeonets: there is none,
that both gooo.
3 Qhoo lookeo boron from heaben upon the
chiloren of men: to fee if there were any ,
that moulo unoeruanmano teek after con.
4 lhut they are all gone out of the inay,
they are altogether become abominable:
there is alto none,that ooth gooo, no not one.
5 are not they inithout unoerﬂanoing, that
inork ibickeonets: eating up my people as
if they lboulo eat breao? they habe not calleo
upon Qhoo.
6 @they were afraio rohere no fear boas:
for Qhoo hath broken the bones of him, that
betiegeo thee; thou hall put them to confu=
tion, becaute Qhoo hath oetpiteo them. .
7 ilDh that the talbation tnere giben unto
31trael out of grion: ﬂDh that the iLoro booulo
oeliber his people out of captibity!
* 8 ethen
8 ethen lhoulo 31acob reioyce: ano 31trael
thoulb be right glao.

DAY.
W
l. 27.
The 447th ces with “ 8 @3211", “ 8 Gilbert”.
' page of the Sealed Book com
being a so the catch-word on the pr ing page.
(1884)
The Pfalrns.
The liv. Psalm.
Deus, in nomine. PM
Sane me, 8D sion, for thy ﬂames take:
ano aoenge me in thy tlrength.
2 lhear my prayer, 8) Qhoo: ano hearken
unto the moths of my mouth.
3 for tlrangers are riten up againti me:
ano tyrants,inhirh hahe not Qhoo hefote their
eyes,feek after my toul.
4 Zheholo, Qhoo is my helper: the itogo is
loith them that upholo my foul.
5 the thallreioaro ehil unto mine enemies:
oettroy thou them in thy truth.
6 an offering of a free heart will 31 gine
thee, ano pgaite thy 119ame,8) ltogo: heraute
it is to romfottahle.
7 for he hath oelihereo me out of all my
trouhle: ano mine eye hath teen his oetire
upon mine enemies.
The lv. Psalm.
Exaudi, Deus. -B-fal-.-1¥__.
HQEar my prayer, 8) Qhoo: ano him not
thy felt from my petition.
2 @fake heeo unto me, ano hear me: hoho
31 mourn in my pgayer,ano am hereo. 4
3 ethe enemy trieth to, ano the ungooly
rometh on to fall: for they are minoeo to no
me tome mitrhief, to malirioutly are they tet
againtl me.
4 say heart is oitquieteo foithin me: ano
the fear of oeath is fallen upon me.
5 Jfearfulnefs ano tremhling are rome upon
me: ano an hogrihle ogeao hath ohertohelmeo
me.
(1835)
The Pfalms.
The X.
DAY.
MW
6 ano 31 taio, ilhh that 31 hao iuings like a
hope: fog then tooulo 31 ﬂee atpay ano he at
reﬂ.
7 lo, then iooulo 31 get me ahoay far off:
ano remain in the ioiloernets.
8 31 inoulo make halle to etcape: hecaute
of the lloimy ioino ano tempell.
9 @eﬂroy their tongues, 111) how, ano
oihioe them:
to;
for 31 have tpieo unrighteoutnets,ano urine
in the city.
10 Day one night they go ahout iuithin
the hoalls thereof: mifchief alto, ano toiroio
are in the mioll of it.
11 wickeonets is therein: oeceit, ano
guile go not out of their llreets.
12 Jtoi it is not an open enemy, that hath
oone me this oilhonour: fog then 31 coulo
hahe hoin it.
13 meither toas it mine aooertary, that
his magnifie himtelt againll me: fog then
geraohenture 31 tnoulo hahe hit: my telf from
m.
14 ihut it was eloen thou,my companion:
my guioe, ano mine olon familiar frieno.
15 we took ttoeet countel together: ano
toalkeo in the houte of Qhoo as frienos.
16 Let oeath come hallily upon them, ano
let them go ooton quick into hell: fog ioickeo=
nets is in their omellings, ano among them.

I. 11. The 44
_ 8th page of the Sealed Book commences with “ for”, “ for”
belngalso the catch-word on the preceding page.
(1886)
The Pfalms.
17 21$ for me, 31 trn'II call upon Qhoo : mm
the logo that! tane me.
18 3m the ehening,ano mogning,ano at
noon oap toil! 31 may, ano that inﬁantly: ano
he lhatl hear my hoire.
19 it ie he that hath oelinereo mp tout in
peare,from the battle, that toae againﬂ me:
for there toere manp trn'th me.
20 ﬁea, ehen Qﬁotuthat enoureth foe ener,
ﬂJail hear me, am: bring them ooron :t'or they
tru'II not turn, no; fear Q5011.
21 {he Iaio his hanoe upon furh as he at
peare tuith him: ano he hgahe his ronenant.
22 Qthe moroe of hie mouth tnere tofter
than butter, having tnar in hie heart: hie
toogoe tnere fmoother than oil, am: yet be
they nery ttoogos.
2 3 ED raﬂ thp huroen upon the Logo, am:
he lhatt nourtlh thee: ano than not fuﬂ'er the
righteoue to fail to; ever.
24 Hno ae for them: thou, 51) won, lhait
hging them into the pit of oeltrurtion.
25 @the hlouo=thirﬂp, ano oereitfui men
than not line out half their oapee: neoerthe=
1efe,my truﬂ lhali he in thee,£iD iLogo.
Miferere
M
The xi.
. I _ ' _ D A Y.
The) jDQflh'n-M1f€r6r6 {1161, D€US-
W
BQE merriful unto me, 911) Qf5UD,fo; mlan goeth about to oenour me: he is oath; Pmmg
fighting, ﬁIlU trouhiing m2. rayer.
W
l. 27. The 449th page of the Sealed Book commences with theword “Miferere”,
“ Mifererc ” being also the printed catch~w0rd on the prccedmg page.
(1887)
The Pfalms.
2 shine enemies are oaily in ham to ttoal=
loin me up: for they be many, that fight
againu me,£1D thou molt {higher}.
3 naeberthelets, though 31 am tometime
afraio : yet put 31 my truﬂ in thee.
4 31 will praite ®oo, becaute of his moro :
31 habe put my truﬂ in eon, ano tnill not
fear tbhat ﬂelh can no unto me.
5 @L'hey oaily millake my moros: all,that
they imagine, is to no me evil.
6 @Ihey holo altogether, ano keep them:
telbes clote: ano mark my lleps,tuhen they
lay toait for my toul.
7 %>hall they etcape for their rnickeonets:
thou,ﬂD Qhoo, in thy oitpleature lhalt call
them ooinn.
8 @Ehou tellett my ﬂittings, put my tears
into thy bottle: are not thete things notch
in thy book?
9 fitthentoeber 31 call upon thee, then lhall
mine enemies be put to ﬂight: this 31 knobs;
for thou is on my title.
10 31n Qhoos rnoro rnill 31 reioyce: in the
iLoros moro tnill 31 comfort me.
11 raeann Qhoo haue 31 put my trutl: 31
rnill not be afraio iuhat man can no unto
me.
12 (unto thee,£lD ®oo,roill 31 pay my moms:
unto thee will 31 gibe thanks.
13 for thou hall oelibereo my toul from
beach, ano my feet from falling: that 31 may
inalk before Qnoo in the light of the lining.
(1888)
The Pfalms.
The lvij. Psalm.
Miferere mei,Deus. BQE merriful unto me,8)<26oo, he merriful
unto me,fo1 my toul trufteth in thee: ano
unoer the thaootu of thy things lhall he my
refuge, until this tyranny he ooer=patl. 2 31
2 3 mill rall unto the motl high Qhott :eoen
unto the hon, that thall perform the raute,
iohirh 31 hahe in ham.
3 {he thall true from heaoen: ano tahe
me from the repgoof of him, that inoulo eat
me up.
4 8507) thall teno fo;th his merry , ano truth:
my foul is among lions.
5 Huh 31 lie ehen among the rhilogen of
men,that are tet on fire: iohote teeth are
fpears, ano arroios, ano their tongue a [harp
ttoogo.
6 %>et up thy telf, 8) Qhoo, ahohe the
heahens: ano thy glory ahohe all the earth.
7 efhey hahe laio a net to; my feet, ano
pgetteo ooron my toul: they have oiggeo a
pit before me, ano are faln into the mint} of
it themfelhes.
8 my heart is’ fireo,8) Qhoo, my heart is
fireo : 31 will ting, ano gioe pgaite.
9 Hioake up,my glory; aioake, lute, ano
harp: 31 my telf hoill atoake right early.
16 31 will gine thanks unto thee, 8) ltogo,
among the people: ano 3| inill ting unto thee
among the nations.
The xi.
DAY.

1.6. " 4501
cing
u 2 g min)’,
Book commences with
mge of the Sea
catch-word o e preceding page.
662$’,
(1880)
The Pfalms.
The xi.
I)ﬁthf.
1 1 11oz the greatnets of thy mercy reacheth
unto the heahens: ano thy truth unto the
clowns-
12 get up thy telf, ED Qhoo, ahohe the
heahens: ano thy gloiy ahohe all the earth.
The lviijJ Psalm.
Si vere utique. AIRe your minos tet uyon righteoutnefs,
ED ye congregation: ano oo ye iuoge
the thing , that is right, ED ye tons of men.>
2 pea, ye imagine mitchief in your heart
upon the earth: am: your hanos oeal toith
tpickeonets.
3 @Ihe ungooly are froinaro, ehen from
their mothers inomh: as toon as they are
horn, they go allray, ano tpeak lies.
4 @Ihey are as henemous, as the poiton of
a terpent: ehen like the heat aooer, that
ﬂoppeth her ears;
5 which refuteth to hear the hoice of the
charmer: charm he neher to hoitely.
6 "lhreak
6 lhgeak their teeth, ED Qhoo, in their
mouths, tmite the iato=hones of the lions, ED
Logo: let them fall arnay like water that
runneth apace, ano iohen they lhoot their
arrotos let them he rooteo out.
7 iLet them contume aioay like a tnail, am:
he like the untimely fruit of a woman: ano
let them not fee the tun.
8 ED; eher your pots he maoe hot toith

l. 22.
The 45lst page f] of the Sealed Book commences with “ 6 ihreak”,
“ 6 ihreak” being also the catch-word 0n the preceding page.
(1890)
The Pfalms.
thorns: to let inoignation per him, epen as
a thing that is rato.
9 @the righteous lhall reioyte iphen he
teeth the pengeanre: he lhall tnalh his foot=
ﬂeps in the hlouo of the ungooly.
Io %>o that a man [hall fay, iiierily there
is a retnaro fog the righteous: oouhtlefs
there is a Q5071 that iuogeth the earth.
The M2. P5211111. Eripe me de inimicisﬂ-Bial-e-Jix—w
DQEliper me from mine enemies, 9D eon: M
me
oefeno me from them that rife up againfi E‘Ue’il’zg
.l’regyeru
M
2 ill) oeliper me from the tnirheo ooers:
ano tape me from the hloutvthirﬂy men.
3 J'FU; Io, they lie toaiting fog my foul: the
mighty men are gathereo againﬂ me tnithout
any oﬂ'enre or fault of me, ED iloro.
4 @L'hey run ano pgepare themfelpes tuith=
out my fault: arife thou therefoie to help
me, am: heholo.
5 %>tano up,£lD iLogo Qhoo of hoﬂs,thou
Qhoo of BIfraeLto pifit all the heathen: ano
he not merriful unto them that offeno of
malicious tnirheonefs.
6 Qthey go to anti fro in the enening: they
grin like a hog, ano run about thiough the
rity.
7 QBeholo, they {peak tpith their mouth,
ano itoogos are in their lips: for who ooth
hear?
8 "But thou,ED lLogDJhalt hape them in
(1891)
The Pfalms.
The xi.
I)fhTYl
oerition: ano thou malt laugh all the heathen
to tcorn.
9 any ﬂrength will 31 afcribe unto thee:
for thou art the chop of my refuge.
19 (tion lhetoeth me his gooonets plente:
outly: ano coo lhall let me tee my oetire
upon mine enemies.
ft‘
11 %lay them not,leﬂ my people forget
it: but tcatter them abroao among the people,
ano put them Union, 81) iLoro our oefence.
12 for the tin of their mouth, arm for the
tnoros of their lips they lhall be taken in their
prioe: ano why? their preaching is of curting
ano lies.
13 Qtontume them in thy lurath, contume
them, that they may perilh: ano knoro that
it is Qhotl that ruleth in 31acob, ano unto the
cups of the morlo.
14 tlno in the ebening they tnill return:
grin like a Dog, ano toill go about the city.
15 @they will run here ano there for meat:
ano gruoge if they be not tatisfieo.
16 els for me, 3 ibill ting of thy potber,
am: will praite thy mercy betimes in the
morning: for thou halt been my oefence ano
refuge in the bay of my trouble.
17 Unto thee, 8D my tlrength,tbill 31 ting:
for thou, 8D Qhotnart my refuge ano my
merciful @ob.
I I grlay

1. 9. The_4-52nd page 1*] of the Sealed Book miences with “ I 1 guy ,2 “ l 1 H
being also is re catch-word on the pre 'ng page.
(1892)
The Pfalms.
The lx. Psalm.
Deus, repulifti nos.-P-fa-l-.-lx.-
O Qhoo, thou hall rall us out, ano trattereo
us ahgoao: thou hall alto heen oitpleateo,
8D turn thee unto us again.
2 ethou hall mourn the lane ano oiotoeo
it: heal the totes thereof, for it thaketh.
3 @thou hall lheioeo thy people heaoy
things: thou hall gihen us a Drink of oeaoly
mine.
4 @[bﬂll hall gihen a token for turh as fear
thee that they may triumph heraute of the
trut .
5 (therefore ioere thy heloheo oelihereo:
help me ioith thy right hano,ano hear me.
6 hot hath tpoken in his holinets, 31 ioill
reioyre ano oihioe %irhem: ano mete out
the halley of %)urroth.
7 Qhileao is mine,ano manattes is mine:
QEphgaim alto is the llrength of my heao131uoah
is my laio=gioer,
8 moah is my loathpot, oner QEoom toill 31
rall out my thoe : 1hhilillia he thou glao of me.
9 who will leao me into the llrong rity :
hoho toill hging me into QEoom2
* 1c) ﬂhilfl
19 lhall not thou rall us out, 8D moo:
can: not thou, 8) mon, go out toith our
hoﬂs?
11 8) he thou our help in trouhle: for pain
is the help of man.
M
The xij.
D AY.
W

1. 26. The 453ml page f 2] of the Sealed Book commences with i‘ 10 #Ealt”,
“ to $981K
,7
being also the catch-word on the preceding page.
(1893)
The Pfalms.
12 cthiough Qhoo ioill the no great acts:
fog it is he that lh-all treao ooipn our enemies.
'l'f‘he 1111. Psalm.
Exaudvi, Deus. QEar my crying,ED Qhoo : glue ear unto my
pgayer.
2 from the enos of the earth toill 31 call
upon thee: tohen my heart is in heahinets.
3 ED tet me up upon the rock that is higher
than 31: for thou halt heen my hope, ano a
llrong totner fog me againl‘i the enemy.
4 31 ioill otoell in thy tahernacle fog eher:
ano my truﬂ [hall he unoer the cohering of
thy things.
5 31oz thou,ED Itoiohaﬂ hearo my retires:
ano hall gihen an heritage unto thote that
fear thy Mame.
6 Qthou lhalt grant the lking a long life:
that his years may enoure thio'ughout all
generations.
7 the lhall otoell hefoge Qhoo for eher: ED
piepare thy lohing mercy ano faithfulnets,
that they may pgeterhe him.
8 %>o toill 31 alioays ting piaite unto the
shame: that 31 may oaily perform my horns.
The ‘11.13., 183-1111., Nonne D€O.-Bf3L—l-Xi§-
'M - 2
- y toul truly toaiteth hill upon Qhoo: for
152;? M of him cometh my talhation.
W’ 2 the herily is my llrength ano my talha=
tion: he is my oefence, to that 31 lhall not
greatly fall.
(1894)
The Pfalms.
3 lhotn long will ye imagine mifchief
againll epery man: ye lhall be ﬂain all the
foit of you; yea, as a tottering tnall lhall ye
be, ano like a bioken heoge.
4 @Eheir oepice is onely horn to put
him out tnhom ooo tuill eralt:
oelight is in lies, the)? gioe
jF f 2 Q0011
gooo mogos toith their mouthhut curfe ipith
their heart.
5 ﬁeperthelefs, my foul, toait thou ﬂill
upon Qooo: fog my hope is in him.
6 {he truly is my ﬂrength am: my falba:
tion: he is my befence, to that 31 [hall not
fall. *
7 3In cool: is my health am: my gloty: the
rock of my might, mm in Qooo is my trail.
8 ill) put your truﬂ in him altoay, ye people:
pour out your hearts befoge him, for Qboo is
our hope.
9 els fo; the chilogen of men, they are but
tianity: the chilogen of men are oeceitful
upon the weights, they are altogether lighter
than banity it felf.
10 8D truﬂ not in togong ano robbery, gibe
not your felbes unto banityg: if riches in=
create, let not your heart upon them.
1 1 Qooo fpake once, ano ttnice 3i habe alto
beam the fame: Gthat potoer belongeth unto
QﬁUUs
12 2111B that thou how art merciful: to;
their '
The xij.
D A Y.

1. 9. The 454th page [i] of the Sealed Book co ences with the word “ QHUU ", “ QHUU ”
being also the 'nted catch-word on p
5 sh
receding page.
1. 26. Mark on thi occasioned by a. blotch of ink on the opposite side.
(1895)
The Pfalms.
M
The xij.
D A Y.
W
thou reiuaroett ebery man accoroing to his
inork.
The lxiij. Psalm.
Deus,Deusmeus.pm lviﬁ-
O Qboo, thou art my Qboo: early iuill 31
teek thee.
2 any foul thirtieth for thee, my ﬂefh alto
longeth after thee: in a barren ano ory lano
inhere no toater is.
3 ethus babe 31 lookeo for thee in holinets:
that 31 might beholo thy potoer ano glory.
4 for thy lobing kinonets is better than
the life it felt: my lips lhall praite thee.
5 as long as 31 libe null 31 magnifie thee
on this manner: ano lift up my hanos in
thy Mame.
6 stay toul lhall be tatisfieo eben as it were
inith marroin ano fatuets: when my mouth
praiteth thee with ioyful tips.
7 lhabe 31 not remembreo thee in my beo:
ano thought upon thee tuhen 31 was making:
8 JBecaute thou hall been my helper: there:
fore unoer the lhaooin of thy tnings toill 31
reioyce.
9 shy toul hangeth upon thee: thy right

hano hath upholoen me.
T 10 @thete
1e @Ehete alto, that teek the hurt of my
toul: they lhall go unoer the earth.
11 let them fall upon the eoge of the
tinoro: that they may be a portion for totes.

l. 27. The 455th page f 3] of the Sealed Book commences with “ IO QEIJEIB”,
u
10
Ehete” being the catch-word on the preceding page.
(1896)
Th6 Pfalms.
12 iBut the ihing Ihall reioyre in Q5073; all
they alto, that linear by him, lhall be com
menoeo: fog the mouth of them, that lpeah
lies, lhall he lloppeo.
The Ixliij. Psalm.
Exaudi, Deus. HQEar my voice, 211) Qhoo, in my player:
pgeferoe my life from fear of the enemy.
2 lhioe me from the gathering together of
the frotuaro: ano from the inturrettion ot
ioitheo ooere. .
3 who hahe iohet their tongue like a
ttoogo: ano lhoot out their arrows, enen
hitter ioozoe.
4 ﬁthat they may pgioily lhoot at him that
i5 perfert: l'uooenly no they hit him, ano
fear not.
5 @they inrourage themlelnee in mifrhief:
ano commune among themlelnes, horn they
may lay lnaree, ano lay, that no man lhall
lee them.
6 @hey imagine tnitkeonele, ano pgartile
it: that they keep ferret among themlelnes,
euery man in the Deep of hie heart.
7 IBut Qhoo ihall luooenly lhoot at them
inith a linitt arroin: that they 'lhall he
loounoeo.
8 iaeagheir oion tongues lhall make them
fall: inlomurh that who to teeth them [hall
laugh them to from.
9 Hno all men, that lee it, Ihall lay, @his
hath ®oo none: to; they lhall perreihe that
it i5 his tooth.
10 @he righteous lhall reioyte in the ﬂow,
6G
(1897}
The Pfalms.
ano put his trul‘t in him: am: all they, that
are true of heart, [hall he glao.
The lX‘V. Psalm.
Te decet hymnus.
M Tlhou, ED hon, art pgaiteo in %>ion: ano
Ew'iz'ig unto thee [hall the horn he perfogmeo in
Pmyf’" 31erutalem.
' ' 2 @thou that heareﬂ the player: unto thee
[hall all flelh come.
Jit'3 ‘ 3%}?
M 3' shy mitoeeos pgehail againlt me: ED he
The xij. ' '
DA Y. thou merciful unto our fins.
W 4 Ihletfeo is the man, tnhom thou chooteli,
ano receiheli unto thee: he lhall otoell in thy
tourt,.ano [hall he tatisfieo with the pleatures
of the houte, ehen of thy holy temple.
5 ethou [halt [help us roonoerful things in
thy righteoutnets, ED @oo of our talhation:
thou,that art the hope of all the enos of the
earth,ano of them that remain in the hgoao
tea.
6 who in his hrength tetteth fall the
mountains: ano is giroeo ahout ipith potoer.
7 who ﬂilleth the raging of the tea: ano
the noite of his teams, mm the maonets of
the people.
8 @hey alto,that oioell in the uttermolt
parts of the earth, [hall he afraio at the

,
l. 10. The 456th page of the Sealed B ' com ces with “ 3 ﬁll”, “ 3 ﬁlly ,
also the catch-word
being on t rece ' g. page. _
(1898)
The Pfalms.
tokens: thou, that makeﬂ the outzgoings
of the mogning ano ebening to pgaife thee.
9 @Iihou pifiteﬂ the earth,ano blelfeﬂ it:
thou makeﬁ it pery plenteous.
1o @Ihe riper of hot] is full of tnater: thou
ptepareﬂ their coin, fog fo thou pgobioeﬂ for
the earth.
1 1 @thou inaterell her furrotos, thou feno:
ell rain into the little balleys thereof: thou
makell it loft tnith the ogops of rain, ano
hlelleﬂ the increafe of it.
12 Q'Ehou crotoneli the year tpith thy gooo:
nefs: ano thy clouos ogop fatnefs.
13 ethey lhall orop upon the otnellings of
the toiloernefs: am: the little hills ﬂJall
reioyce on ebery fine.
14 @he folos lhall be full of lheep: the
palleys alfo lhall ﬂano to thick tpith coin,
that they lhall laugh ano fing.
The lxvj. Psalm.
Jubilate Deo. O 15c ioyful in Qhoo, all ye lanos: [ing
piaifes unto the honour of his ﬂame,
make his piaife to be glogious.
2 %vay unto Qhoh, 8D hoin toonoerful art
thou in thy tpogks: thgough the greatnefs of
thy potoer lhall thine enemies be founo liars
unto thee.
3 hot
3 ho; all the tnoglo lhall iooglhip thee: ting
of thee, ano pgaife thy ﬂame.
M
T
he xij.
DAY.
W

-2 . . c ” u '1
l- 33- The 401th page of the healed Book commences with ‘ 3 jfor , Zdfﬂr
being also the catch-word on the preceding page.
6G2
(1899)
The Pfalrns.
4 8D come hither, ano beholo the inorks of
son : horn iuonoerful he is in his ooing
toiuaro the chiloren of men.
5 the turneo the tea unto ory lano: to
that they roent through the lnater on foot;
there oio toe reioyce thereof.
6 the ruleth ioith his poiner for eber, his
eyes beholo the people: ano fuch, as rnill not
beliebe, lhall not be able to eralt themtelbes.
7 8D praite our son, ye people: ano make
the boice of his praite to be hearos
8 who holoeth our toul in life: ano tuf:
fereth not our feet to flip.
9 Jfor thou, 8D Qtioo,halt probeo us: thou
alto hall trieo us, like as tilber is trieo.
19 @L'hou broughteu us into the tnare: ano
laiotl trouble upon our loins.
11 @L'hou tutfereott men to rioe oner our
heaos: toe went through fire ano mater, ano
thou broughteﬂ us out into a rnealthy place.
12 31 will go into thine houte with burnt:
offerings: ano tnill pay thee my botns, which
31 promiteo with my lips, ano tpake inith my
mouth, when 31 was in trouble.
1 3 31 mill oh’er unto thee fat burnt=tacrifices,
inith the incente of rams: 31 iuill otter bullocks
ano goats. -
14 81) come hither, ano hearken, all ye,
that fear (boo: ano 31 ioill tell you, tohat he
hath bone for my toul.
15 3 calleo unto him with my mouth:
ano gabe him praites inith my tongue.
16 31f 31 incline unto tnickeonets tnith mine
heart: the itoro will not hear me.
(1900)
The Pfalrns.
I7 QBut Qboo hath heart: me: ano ronfi:
oereo the poire of my player.
18 lﬁgaileo he Qbomroho hath not call out
my prayer: no; turneo his merry from me.
Deus
The lxyij. Psalm. " M
Deus mlfereatur. Th6 Xiij_
GilDo he merriful unto us, ano hlel‘s us: DAY,
ano their] us the light of his tountenanre, W
ann he merriful unto us;
2 @that thy may may he ltnoion upon earth:
thy taping health among all nations.
3 Let the people pgaile thee, 21D Qhoo: yea
let all the people pgaile thee.
4 ED let the mations reioyre, ano he glan:
fog thou lhalt iunge the folk righteouﬂy,ano
govern the nations upon earth. '
5 iLet the people ptaile thee, ED Qﬁooz let
all the people pgaile thee.
6 @Ihen lhall the earth hging forth her in=
treale: ano Qﬁomeoen our oiun Qhomlhall
gine us his hlelsing.
7 Qhoo lhall hlels us: am: all the enos of
the inoglo [hall fear him.
Tm my} Pmm, Exurgat Deus. QEt Qhotl arife, ano let his enemles‘he Mam-ﬁg
frattereo: let them alto, that hate him, prayer.
ﬂee hefoge him. VN

1. 6. The 458th page of the Sealed Book com 110 'ith the word “ Dells ”, “ Dells”
being also the printed catch-word on pr mg page.
(1901)
The Pfalms.
qPhe x3".
DAY.
2 itike as the tmoke hanilheth, to [halt
thou ogihe them aioay: ano like as hoar
melteth at the fire, to let the ungooly perith
at the pgetence of Qhoo.
3 ihut let the righteous he glao, ano re=
ioyce hefoge ooh: let them alto he merry,
ano joyful.
4 E) ting unto ®oo,ano ting piaites unto
his ﬂame: magnitie him, that rioeth upon
the heahens, as it there upon an hogtes pgaite
gim in his ﬂame, yea ano reioyce hefoie
1m.
5 the is a father of the fatherlets, am: he
tenoeth the route of the iuiooros: ehen Qhoo
in his holy hahitation.
6 the is the Qhoo,that maketh men to he of
one minoe in an houte, ano hiingeth the p1i2
toners out of captihity: hut letteth the tuna:
gates continue in [carcenets
7 ED
7 E) Qhoo, iohen thou lpenteﬂ fogth hefoie
the people: iohen thou toentell through the
toiloernets,
8 @the earth lhook, ano the heahens ogoppeo
at the pietence of Qhoo: ehen as %>inai alto
toas moheo at the pgetence of Qhoo, toho is
the chop of 31trael. .
9 ethou, ED ®oo, tentell a gracious rain
upon thine inheritance: ano refrelheoll it
tohen it tnas toeary.
Io @thy congregation [hall otoell therein:

1. 21.
The 459th page of the Sealed Book commences with “ 7 QB ”> ‘c 7 (9 n being
also the catch-word on the preceding page.
(1902)
The Pfalms.
fog thou, 8D Qhomhaﬂ of the hooonefs pge=
pareo fog the poog.
11 @the Logo gape the tooth: great ‘was
the company of the pgeachers.
12 lhings tpith their armies oio ﬂee, ano
toere oifcomfiteo: ano they of the houlholo
lJI'hiUeiJ the fpoil.
13 Qthough ye have lien among the pots,
yet lhall ye be as the things of a hope: that
is cohereo tnith filher things, ano her feathers
like golo.
14 when the almighty fcattereo kings fog
their fake: then toere they as tohite as fnoto
in %>almon.
15 as the hill of ‘lBafan, to is Qhoos hill:
eben an high bill, as the hill of "ihafan.
16 why hop ye to. ye high hills? this is
Qhoos hill, in the tohich it pleafeth him to
otuell: yea, the lLogo will abioe in it foe
eper.
17 tithe chariots of Qhoo are ttoenty thou:
fano, epen thoufanos of angels: mm the
how is among them, as in the holy place of
%>inai.
18 @thou art gone up on high, thou hall
leo captibity captibe, ano receipeo gifts for
men: yea, eben fog thine enemies, that the
logo Qooo might oipell among them.
19 llhgaifeo be the logo oaily: epen the
@ob inho helpeth us, ano poureth his benefits
upon us.
20 {he is our hot], eben the chop of tohom
cometh falpation: Qhoo is the ﬂoio, by inhom
hoe efcape Death.
(1903)
The Pfalms.
The Xm.
I).ALTYI
21 (hob lhall mouno the heap of his ene:
mies: ano the hairy tcalp of fuch a one as
goeth on bill in his tnickeonets.
22 @the ﬂow hath taio, 31 built bring my
people again, as 31 pin from ihatan: mine
otnn tuill 31 bring again,as 31 pin tometime
from the beep of the tea.
23 (That
23 @Zhat thy foot may he oippeo in the
blouo of thine enemies: ano that the tongue
of thy oogs may be reo through the fame.
24 3c is ibelt teen, 81) eon, horn thou
goett: horn thou my Qhoo ano lking- goett in
the tanctuary.
25 @the fingers go before, the minﬂrels
folloiu after: in the mint} are the oamtels
playing iuith the timbrels.
26 chine thanks, 8D 31trael, unto Qi5oiJ the
thorn in the congregations: from the grouno
of the heart.
27 @here is tittle lheniamin their ruler,
sun the princes of 31uoah their countel: the
péinces of 5abulon, am: the princes of 319eph=
t ali.
28 @Zhy coo hath tent forth ﬂrength for
thee: uablilh the thing, 8) (bob, that thou
ball tnrought in us,
29 for thy temples take at 31erutalem: to
thall kings bring pretents unto thee.
39 when the company of the tpear=men
ano multituoe of the mighty are tcattereo

L9.
Book commences with “ 2 3 what”; “ 23 what”
4-60th page of the Sea
also on the preceding page.
eing the catch-w
(1004)
The Pfalms.
ahgoan among the healls ot' the people, to
that they humbly hging pieces of film-er: ann
inhen he hath fratteren the people that Delight
in roar,
31 6th-en lhall the pgintes come out of
QEgypt: the ahogians lano lhall toon ﬂretth
out her hanos unto Qhotl.
32 %>ing unto Qﬁotl, 21D ye hingooms ot' the
earth: ED ling pgaites unto the ﬂow.
33 who litteth in the heapens oher all
from the beginning: lo, he Both lentl out his
poite, yea, ano that a mighty voice.
34 elltrihe ye the poiner to Qhon oner
Zllrael: his tooglhin anlJ llrength is in the
rlouDs.
35 £1) Qhoo, inonoerful art thou in thy holy
plates: even the Qhoo of Zllrael; he will gine
grength antl potoer unto his people; hlellen
e Qhon.
Salvum
M
_ The Xiij.
The lxix, Psalm, SaIVum m6 fac. W
Sane me, 2D Qhotl: fo; the roaters are come M
in, ehen unto my foul. E'venmg
2 Bl ﬂith fall in the Deep mire, rnhere no Prayer‘.
grountl is: 3 am tome into peep waters, lo W
that the ﬂouns run over me. '
3 31 am tneary of trying, my throat is my:
my light faileth me tog rnaiting lo long upon
my Qhotl.
4 @hey, that hate me rnithout a raute, are

1.2}. The 4615b page of the Sc Book commel with the word “Sah'um”,
“ Salvum” being also the p ‘ ed catchm'ord he precellmg page.
(1905)
The Pfalms.
moge than the hairs of my heao: they, that
are mine enemies, ano tooulo oellroy me
guiltlets. are mighty.
5 3 pain them the things that 31 neher took:
Qhoo, thou knotoeﬂ my [implenefs , ano my
faults are not hio from thee.
6 iLet not them, that fruit in thee, ED iLoio
Qhoo of holls, he alhameo fog my, caute: let
not thote,that teek thee,he confounoeo thiough
me, ED itoio Qhoo of 31trael.
7 ant: tohyi fog thy take hahe 31 tuﬂfereo
repgoof : lhame hath cohereo my face.
8 31 am hecome a llranger unto my hgethzen:
ehen an alien unto my mothers chilogen.
9 11oz the seal of thine houte hath ehen
eaten me: ano the rehukes of them, that
rehukeo thee, are faln upon me.
19 31 inept ano challneo my telf toith fall=
ing: ano that toas turneo to my repgoof.
1 1 31 put on tackcloth alto: am: they learn
upon me.
12 @they, that [it in the gate, tpeak againll
me: mm the ogunk'aros make tongs upon me.
13 lhut, Logo, 31 make my prayer unto
thee: in an acceptahle time.
14 lhear me.ED Qhoo, in the multituoe of
thy mercy: ehen in the truth of thy talhation.
15 @ake me out of the mire,that 31 [ink
not: ED let me he oelihereo from them that
hate me, ano out of the new toaters.
16 itet not the toaterzﬂouo ogohon me,
neither let the Deep ttoalloto me up: ano let
not the pit lhut her mouth upon me.
17 lhear
(1906)
The Pfalms.
17 {hear me, 8D lLogo, fog thy lobing kino= The 1111]‘.
nefs is comfogtable: turn thee unto me DAY.
accogoing to the multituoe of thy mercies. W
18 Elna hioe not thy face from thy ferbant,
for 31 am in trouble: ill) halle thee ano hear
me.
19 Brain nigh unto my foul ano tape it:
81') oeliber me becaufe of mine enemies.
20 @Zhou hall knoion my repgoof,my lhame,
ano my oilhonour: mine aoberfaries are all
in thy fight.
21 @thy rebuke hath bgoken my heart, 31
am full of heabinefs: 3i lookeo fog fome to
hahe pity on me, but there tpas no man,
neither founo 31 any to comfogt me.
22 @Ehey gape me gall to eat: ano tnhen 31
was thirﬂy, they gape me pineger to blink.
23 iLet their table be maoe a fnare to take
themfelhes ioithal: ano let the things, that
lhoulo hape been for their tpealth, be unto
them an occafion of falling.
24 let their eyes be blinoeo that they fee
not: ano eber bobo thou ooipn their backs.
25 {hour out thine inoignation upon them:
ago let thy tpgathful oifpleafure take holo of
t em.
26 lLet their habitation be boio: ano no
man to pinch in their tents.
27 jFog they perfecute him tnhom thou hall
fmitten: ano they talk hotp they may bet
them bohom thou hall tpounoeo.
28 ilet them fall from one tnickeonefs to

l. 1. The 4621111 page of the f4 ‘illcd Book commel : ' with “ I 7 £22310’, “ I 7 @2111!”
being also the cat - -word on the prece g page.
(1907)
The Pfalms.
another: ano not come into thy righteout:
nets.
29 Let them be boipeo out of the book of
the lining: ano not be written among the
righteous.
39 as for me, inhen 31 am poor an]: in
heabinets: thy help, 8) Qhoo, lhall lift me
up.
31 31 tnill praite the name of thou roith a
tong: ano magnifie it tnith thanktgibing.
32 ethis alto lhall pleate the ltoro: better
than a bullock that hath horns ano hoofs.
33 @IIhe humble lhall contioer this ano be
glao: teek ye after choo ano your toul lhall
libe.
34 for the Itoro heareth the poor: ano
oetpiteth not his pritoners.
35 let
Thexiv- 35 iLet heaben ano earth praite him: the
DAY- tea ano all that mobeth therein.
W 36 for (thou tnill tabe %>ion, ano builo the
cities of 31mm: that men may omell there,
ano haue it in poltetfion.
37 @the potlerity alto of his terbants lhall
inherit it: ano they, that lobe his name, lhall
otbell therein.
the 1,1,1, p,,1,,,,Deus in adjutorium.
Heine thee, 8) Qhoo, to oeliber me: make
haﬂe to help me,8) itoro.

l. 19. The _463rd page of Scaled Book commences with “ 3 5 itet”, “ 35 ﬂit”
being also the 0 -word on the preceding page.
(1908)
The Pfalms.
2 {Let them he alhameD anD ront‘ounDeD,
that leeh after my toul: let them he turneD
hathhoarD anD put to ronfufion, that inilh me
evil.
3 lLet them to; their retoarD he loon
hbgought to 1hame: that try oher me, @Ehere,
t ere.
4 lhut let all thote, that feel: thee, he ioy:
ful anD glaD in thee: anD let all turh as
Delight in thy falhation, lay alinay, Ethe lLogD
he pgaifeD.
5 els for me, 31 am poo; anD in mitery:
halle thee unto me, ED QDDIJ.
6 @rhou art my helper anD my IKeDeemer:
ED EogD, make no long tarrying.
The lxxj. Pam. In 1e, Domine, fperavi. "Pfﬁ‘l'iMlXX'i’t"
Isa thee, ED ILogD, hahe 3l put my trull, let NA
me never he put to ronfulion: hut riD me, Morning
anD Delioer me in thy righteoufnets, inrline Prayer.
thine ear unto me anD lane me.
2 lBe thou my llrong holD,rohereunto El
may alinay relogt: thou hall pgomileD to help
me, to; thou art my houfe of Defence anD my
tallle.
3 EDeliher me,ED my <2l5oD,out of the hanD
of the ungoDly: out of the hanD of the un:
righteous anD truel man.
41%; thou, ED lLogD QDoD, art the thing
that Ill long tog: thou art my hope, ehen from
my youth.
ea g 5 @Zhzouah

(1909)
The Pfalms.
M
The xiv.
D A Y.
W
5 ﬁthgough thee hahe 31 heen holoen up
eher tince 31 toas hoin : thou art hethat took
me out of my mothers toomh, my piaife [hall
he alioaies of thee.
6 31 am hecome as it there a monller unto
many: hut my [ure truh is in thee.
7 ED let my mouth he filleo toith thy pgaite:
that 31 may [ing of the glory ano honour all
the hay long.
8 Qtall me not ahoay in the time of age:
fogtake me not when my ﬂrength faileth
me.
9 Jtog mine enemies [peak againli me, am]
they, that lay inait for my foul, take their
countel together, taying: chop hath foitaken
him, pertecute him ano take him, fog there is
none to oeliher him.
16 Qho not far from me, ED Qhoo : my Qhoo,
halle thee to help me.
1 1 iLet them he confounoeo ano perilh,
that are againll my toul: let them he cohereo
toith lhame ano oilhonour, that teek to no me
ehil.
1 2 Els fog me, 31 toill patiently ahioe alinay:
ano ioill pgaite thee mote ano moge.
13 89y mouth lhall oaily [peak of thy
righteoutnets ano talhation: for 31 knotp no
eno thereof.
14 31 ioill go fogth in the llrength of the
ltogo Qhoo: ano toill make mention of thy
righteoutnefs only.
15 @thou, ED Qhoo, hall taught me from my

1. 1. The 461th page of the Sealed Book commences with “ 5 @DI‘UUQI)”,
“ 5 Ebl'ﬂllg'bn being also the catch-word on the preceding page.
(1910)
The Pfalms.
youth up until notu: therefoge mill 3) tell of
thy tnonogous lnogks. -
16 fogfake me not, ill) Qhoo, in mine olo
age, tohen 3! am gray=heaoeoz until ZI hape
lheineo thy nrength unto this generation, ano
thy poiper to all them that are yet fog to
come.
17 ﬁlthy righteoufnefs, 8D Qboo, is bery
high: ano great things are they that thou
hall bone; 2]) Qboo, inho is like unto thee;
18 8D tnhat great troubles ano aoherfities
hall thou lhetoeo me! am: yet oioa thou turn
ano refrelh me: yea, ano bgoughteﬂ me from
the beep of the earth again.
19 @hou hall bgought me to great honour:
ano comfoeteo me on ebery fine.
29 @therefoie mill Bl pgaife thee a thy faith=
fulnefs, 8D
Qboo,
Qhoo, playing upon an inﬂrument of mufick:
unto thee toill 31 fing upon the harp, 8D thou
holy one of Iilfrael.
21 shy lips tnill be fain bohen 3) [ing unto
thee: ano to will my foul tnhom thou hail
oelipereo.
22 hey tongue alto lhall talk of thy right=
eoufnefs all the bay long: fog they are con=
founoeo ano biought unto 1hame,that feek to
no me ebil.
M
The XIV.
DAY.
W

l. ‘.20. The 465th page [@ Q 2] of the Sealed Book commences with the word “ @HIL",
‘
‘ @HU,” being also the catch-word on the preceding page.
(1911)
The Pfalms.
The lxxij. Psalm.
Deus, Judicium.
G31be the thing thy iuogements, 8) Qhoo:
ano thy righteoutnets unto the things
ton.
2 ethen lhall he iuoge thy people accoroing
unto right: ano oefeno the poor.
3 @the mountains alto lhall bring peace:
ano the little hills righteoutnets unto the
people.-
4 the lhall keep the timple folk by their
right: oefeno the chiloren of the poor, ano
puniw the rurongmoer.
5 tithey lhall fear thee, as long as the fun
ano moon enoureth: from one generation to
another. >
6 the lhall come ootbn like the rain into a
ﬂeece of ipooll: eben as the orops that iuater
the earth.
7 31n his time lhall the righteous ﬂourilh:
yea, ano abunoance of peace, to long as the
moon enoureth.
8 this oominion lhall be alto from the one
tea to the other: mm from the ﬂouo unto the
iuorlos eno.
9 @they, that otnell in the iniloernets, lhall
kneel before him: his enemies lhall lick the
out}.
16 ethe kings of @Ihartis, ano of the 31ﬂes
lhall gibe pretents: the kings of arabia ano
%vaba lhall bring gifts.
11 all kings lhall fall ooinn before him:
all nations lhall oo him terbice.
(1912)
The Pfalms.
12 for he lhall Deliver the poog, ‘when he
rryeth: the neeDy allo, anD him that hath no
helper.
1 3 {he lhall he faloourahle to the [imple anD
neeDy: anD lhall pgelerhe the fouls of the
poop
14 lhe lhall Deliher their fouls from fallhooD
anD rotong: anD Dear lhall their hlouD he in
his fight.
15 {he lhall line, anD unto him lhall he
gihen of the
Qﬁgz golD
golD of elrahia: pgayer lhall he maDe eher
unto him, anD Daily lhall he he pgaiteD.
16 Where lhall he an heap of row in the
earth, high upon the hills: his fruit lhall
lhake like lLihanus, anD lhall he green in the
rity like grafs upon the earth.
17 ihis name lhall enDure to; eher, his
name lhall remain unDer the fun among the
pollerities: lnhith lhall he hlelTeD through
him, anD all the heathen [hall pgaife him.
18 iBlelleD he the iLogD QDDU, epen the QDDD
of Zllrael: which only Doth loonDgous things;
19 anD hlelTeD he the name of his ahaielly
to; eher: anD all the earth lhall he filleD with
his apaieﬂy. Elmen, elmen.
M
The xiv.
DAY.
W


1.13. The ‘ hpa
, g 315 preceding page.
of the .- ed Book commences with the word “ gum”, “salty,
he eat - ‘on! on the
6H
(1913)
The Pfalms.
1118 11.1113, 111111111. (hiam bonus Ifrael. PfalrlX-Xiiir“
Am
Evening
Prayer.
MA
The xiv.
DAY.
WV
Illuly shop is lohing unto 31trael: ehen
unto tuch as are of a clean heart.
2 Jlaeherthelets, my feet there almoll gone:
my treaoings hao toell=nigh llipt.
3 ﬁne inhy? 31 toas grieheo at the roickeo:
31 oo alto tee the ungooly in [uch piotperity.
4 .lioi they are in no peril of oeath: hut
are lully ano llrong.
5 @hey come in no misfoitune like other
folk : neither are they plagueo like other men.
6 ano this is the caute that they are to
holoen with mine: ano ohertohelmeo toith
cruelty.
7 @their eyes tipell roith fatnets: ano they
no ehen iphat they lull.
8 @Ehey coirupt other, ano [peak of toickeo
hlatghemy: their talking is againll the moll
Ihig .
9 ho; they llretch fogth their mouth into
the heahen: ano their tongue goeth through
the tooilo.
19 etherefoge fall the people unto them:
ano thereout tuck they no [mall aohantage.
11 @tulh, tay they, horn lhoulo Qhoo per:
ceihe it : is there knotpleoge in the moll lhighP
12 ito, thete are the ungooly, thete pzotper
in the
hooilo,
tnoglo, ano thete hahe riches in polletfion:
am: 31 mm, ehen hahe 31 cleanteo my heart

1.30. The 467th p.
H [45 g 3] of the Sealed Book commences with “ worm”,
“ inﬁrm’ Bing also the catch-word on the preceding page.
(1914)
The Pfalms.
in pain, ano tnalheo mine hanos in inno=
cency.
1 3 an the bay long habe 31 been punilheo :
ano chaneneo ebery mogning.
14 hea, ano 31 hao almon faio epen as
they: but lo, then 31 lhoulo hahe conoemneo
the generation of thy chilogen.
15 @then thought 31 to unoerllano this:
but it boas too haro fog me,
16 (Until 31 tpent into the fanctuary of Qhoo:
then unoerllooo 31 the eno of thefe men:
17 mamely, hobo thou not} let them in
ﬂippery places: ano callell them boron, ano
oeﬂroyeli them.
18 ilDh hotn fuooenly no they confume:
perilh, ano come to a fearful eno!
19 pea, eben like as a ogeam tnhen one
aioaketh: fo lhalt thou make their image to
banilh out of the city.
20 @Ihus my heart toas griebeo: ano it
tpent eben thiough my reins.
21 %>o foolilh tpas 31, ano ignorant: eben
as it iuere a bean befoie thee.
22 meberthelefs, 31 am alipay by thee:
fog thou hail holoen me by my right hano.
23 @thou lhalt guioe me ipith my counfel:
am: after that receibe me toith glogy.
24 whom habe 31 in heaben but thee: ano
there is none upon earth, that 31 oefire in
comparifon of thee.
25 eghy ﬂelh, ano my heart faileth: but
@on is the ﬂrength of my heart, ano my
pogtion fog eber.
26 11o; lo, they that fogfake thee, lhall
65EI2
(1915)
The Pfalms.
perith: thou hall oeﬂroyeo all them that
commit fornication againﬂ thee.
27 QBut it is gooo for me to holo me fall
by Qhoo, to put my trutl in the lLoro <85oo:
ano to tpeak of all thy inorks in the gates of
the oaughter of téion.
the 111111. Psal:11,Ut quid, Deus?
The xiv.
I).AL'§T.
0 con, tnherefore art thou abtent from us
to long: tnhy is thy ibrath to hot againtl
the lheep of thy paiiurer
85g 3 2 8D
2 8) think upon thy congregation: inhom
thou hall purchateo, ano reoeemeo of olo.
3 @think upon the tribe of thine inherit=
ance: ano mount %ion, rnherein thou hall
otnelt.
4 iLift up thy feet, that thou main utterly
oetlroy ebery enemy: which hath Bout evil
in thy tanctuary.
5 @hine aobertaries roar in the mioﬂ of
thy congregations: ano tet up their banners
for tokens.
6 the that herneo timber afore out of the
thick trees: inas knoion to bring it to an
ercellent inork. -
7 lent note they break ooron all the carbeo
tbork thereof: baith ares ano hammers.
8 @hey haue tet tire upon thy holy places:
ano habe oetileo the oibellingeplace of thy
ﬂame, enen unto the grouno.

l. 12. The 468th page of the Sc.
also the catch-word on
. a n ,
Book commences with ‘5 2 QB’ , “ 2 QB bemg
preceding page.
(1916)
The Pfalms.
9 geea, they laiD in their hearts, iLet us
make hahock of them altogether: thus have
they hurnt up all the houles of Q6011 in thelanD.
10 we lee not our tokens, there is not
one pgophet mote: no,not one is there among
us, that unDerllanDeth any mote.
11 ED QDDIJ, hoho long lhall the aDherlary
Do this Dilhonour: hoio long lhall the enemy
hlalpheme thy llaame, for ever?
12 why rnithogainell thou thy hanD: inhy
pluckell thou not thy right hanD out of thy
holom to conlume the enemy?
13 for QDoD is my ihing ol olD: the help,
that is Done upon earth, he Doth it himlell.
14 @thou DiDll DihiDe the lea thgough thy
poloer: thou htakell the heaDs of the Dgagons
in the loaters.
15 @Ehou lmotell the heaDs ol iLepiathan in
pieces: anD gahell him to he meat for the
people in the hoilDernels.
16 @L'hou hgoughtell out fountains, anD
roaters out of the ham rocks: thou DrieDll
up mighty heaters.
17 @the Day is thine, anD the night is
thine: thou hall pgepareD the light anD the lun.
18 @Ehou hall let all the hogDers ol the
earth : thou hall maDe lummer, anD mime;
1g) 2:
19 Illemelnher this, ED lLogD, both the
enemy hath rehukeD: anD how the loolilh
people hath hlalphemeD thy JlDame.
/“-\—'-\
The Xv.
I)jXTY.
W

1. so. The 109111 page 6f the Sealed B6611 commences with “ 19 ilememher”,
“ I 9 339' n being the catch-word on the preceding page.
(1917)
The Pfalms.
26 ED oeliher not the foul of thy turtle=oohe
unto the multituoe of the enemies : ano forget
not the congregation of the poor to; eher.
21 iLook upon the cohenant: for all the -
earth is full of oarknets, ano cruel hahita=
tions.
22 ED let not the [imple go atoay alhameo:
hut let the poor ano neeoy gihe pgaite unto
thy lhame.
23 arite, ED hop, maintain thine oion
caute: rememher hoto the foolilh man hlat:
phemeth thee oaily.
24 jFogget not the hoice of thine enemies :
the pgetumption of them, that hate thee,
encreateth eher more ano more.
The ix" Psalm» Conﬁtebimur tibi. .
M + ' .
Marni-ﬁg Vllilto thee, ED Qhoo, oo toe gihe thanks.
Prayer.
W
yea, unto thee Do the gihe thanks.
2 @thy lhame alto is to nigh: ano that ho
thy roonogous toogks oeclare.
3 when 31 receihe the congregation: 31
[hall iuoge accogoing unto right,
4 @the earth is tpeak, ano all the inhahiters
thereof: 31 hear up the pillars of it.
5 31 [aio unto the fools, Deal not to maoly:
ano to the ungooly, %et not up your horn.
6 %>et not up your horn on high: ano tpeak
not ipith a llill neck.
7 jtog promotion cometh neither from the
gallb not from the hoell: no; yet from the
out .
(1918)
The Pfalms.
8 Hub tohy1 Qhoo is the iuoge: he putteth
oobon one, ano fetteth up another.
9 jfog in the haul: of the iLoio there is a
cup, ano the toine is reo : it is full mirt, ano
he poureth out of the fame. 19 21s
19 91s fog the ogegs thereof: all the ungooly M
of the earth ihall mink them, ano fuck them The X“
nut. . DAY.
1 1 115ut 31 boill talk of the ®oo of 31acob:
ano pgaife him for eber.
12 8111 the hoins of the ungooly alfo toill 31
bgeak: ano the hogns of the righteous lhall
be eralteo.
The 1.12111. Psalm.NOtUS in Judzea.
1119 31ury is Qboo knotnn: his ﬂame is
great in 31frael.
'zﬂt %>alem is his tabernacle: ano his
otoelling in giion.
3 @Ehere bgake he the arroins of the boto :
the lhielo, the ftuogo, ano the battel.
4 @thou art of mole honour ano might:
than the hills of the robbers.
5 @Zhe pgouo are robbeo, they hahe llept
their ﬂeep: ano all the men, tphofe hanos
tnere mighty, habe founo nothing.
6 ﬁt thy rebuke, 2D Qhoo of 31acob: both
the chariot ano hogfe are faln.
7 ethou, eben thou are to be feareo: arm

1. 6. The lTUlh page of the Sealed Book commences with “ 10 Q5”, “ 10 a5 ”
being also the catch-word on the precedmg page.
(1919)
The Pfalms.
who may haul: in thy tight, when thou art
angry?
8 ethou oioﬂ caute thy iuogement to be
heart: from heaben: the earth trembleo, ano
mas kill,
9 when Qhoo arote to iuogement: ano to
help all the meek upon earth.
16 (the tiercenets of man lhall turn to thy
praite: ano the tiercenets of them lhalt thou
refrain.
1 1 lhromite unto the lLoro your Qhoo. ano
keep it, all ye that are rouno about him:
bring pretents unto him that ought to be
feareo.
12 the lhall refrain the fpirit of lhrinces:
anobis ioonoerful. among the kings of the
eartf.
11818811188111.1111. VocemeaadDominum.aB£n-lfl;gcvH-.-' " ,
The xv.
IDfhlY.
I can: cry unto Qhoo tbith my boice: ebetr
unto Qhoo tnill 31 cry tnith my boice, ano he
lhall hearken unto me.
2 3n the time of my trouble 31 fought the
lLoro: my
tore
tore ran, ano ceateo not in the night=teaton;
my toul refuteo comfort.
3 when 31 am in heaninets, 31 will think.
upon moo : when my heart is bereo, 31 tbilt
complain.

I. 25. The 47151; page of the Sealed Book commences with the word “mtg”, “ mtg”
t 6
being also catch-word on the preceding page.
(1920)
The Pfalms.
4 ethou holDell mine eyes making: 3 am
lo leehle, that 31 cannot lpeak.
5 31 have conliDereD the Daies ol olD: anD
the years that are pall.
6 31 call to rememhgance my long: anD in
the night 31 commune with mine olon heart,
anD learch out my lpirits.
7 will the iLo1D ahlent himl'elf log eher:
anD loill he he no mole iIIIfB'ﬁtBD?
8 31s his mercy clean gone to; eher: anD
is his ptomile come utterly to an enD fog
eoermo1e1
9 lhath QDoD loggotten to he gracious: anD
loill he lhut up his lUUI'I’lg kinDnels in Dil=
plealure1
10 am 31 laiD, 31t is mine ohon infirmity:
hut 31 hoill rememher the years of the right
hanD of the moll lhighell.
1 1 31 will rememher the toogks of the ILogD:
anD call to minD thy hoonDers ol olD time.
12 31 will think allo of all thy roogks: anD
my talking lhall he of thy Doings.
13 @thy toay, ED QDDD, is holy: hoho is lo
great a QDDD, as our Q5131]?
14 @thou art the QDDD that Doth toonDers: ~
anD hall DeclareD thy pohoer among the
people.
1 5 Q‘thou hall mightily DelipereD thy people:
eoen the tons of 31acoh anD 31oleph.
16. @the waters la‘rn thee. ED QDDD, the
tnaters lain thee, ano roere alraiD: the Depths
allo mere trouhleD.
17 @the clouDs poureD out water, the air
thunDgeD: anD thine arrows ment ahgoaD.
(1921)
The Pfalms.
The xv.
DAY.

NA
Evening
Prayer.
W
18 @the hoice of thy thunoer toas hearo
rouno ahout: the lightnings [hone upon the
grouno, the earth [has moheo ano lhook
toithal.
19 @hy may is in the tea, ant: thy paths
in the great toaters: ano thy footlleps are
not knoion.
26 ethou leooell thy people like lheep: hy
the ham: of shotes ano Elaron. Atten-
The lxxviij. Psalm.
Attendite, popule.
QEar my lath, ED my people: incline your
ears unto the toogos of [my mouth.
2 31 ioill open my mouth in a parahle : 31
tnill oeclare haro tentences of olo;
3 which the hahe hearo ano knoinn: ano
fuch as our fathers hahe tolo us;
4 @that the lhoulo not hioe them from the
chilogen of the generations to come: hut to
[help the honour of the tore, his mighty ano
toonoerful inogks that he hath none.
5 the maoe a cohenant ioith 31acoh, ano
gahe 31trael a la‘ro : which he commanoeo our
forefathers to teach their chiloien;
6 @Ihat their pollerity might knoto it: arm
the chiloren tohich there yet unhogn;
7 @to the intent, that hohen they came up:
they might [help their chiloien the tame,

1.10. The 472ml pJage he Sealed B
“Attenﬁ’ enig *printcd catc -
comm es w'
the word “Attendite,”
0rd on‘.
P100‘ ' gpage.
(1922)
The Pfalms.
heap.
8 @that they might put their truﬂ in Qhoo :
ano not to fogget the toogks of Qhoo, but to
keep his commanoments;
9 elno not to be as their fogefathers, a
faithlefs ano ﬂubbogn generation: a genera=
tion that let not their heart aright, ano tohote
tpirit cleabeth not ﬂeofaltly unto Qhoo;
IO itike as the chilogen of Qephgaim: toho
being harneffeb, ano carrying botns, turneo
themfelpes back in the oay of battel.
11 @they kept not the cobenant of Qboo:
ano inoulo not walk in his latp;
12 that foggat tohat he hao oone: mm the
toonoerful boogks that he hao lhetpeo fog them.
13 eharpellous things oio he in the fight
of our foiefathers, in the lano of QEgypt: epen
in the help of 3oan.
14lhe oinioeo the tea, ano let them go
thtough: he mane the tpaters to 11am: on an
15 31n the oayztime alto he leo them tnith
a clouo: ano all the night thgough tpith a
light of fire.
IéSEhhEZ
16 the claim the barn rocks in the tpiloer:
nets: ano gape them ogink thereof, as it hao
been out of the great Depth.
17 the bgought boaters out of the ﬂony
rock: to that it gulheo out like the riners.
1 8 geet fog all this they finneo mote againn
The XV.
I).HLTYL

.- l 7’
l. 25. The 4T3rd page of the Sealed Book commences with ‘ 16 m2 ,
being also the catehnvord on the preceding page.
H16 men
(1923)
The Pfalms.
him: ano probokeo the moll highetl in the
wiloernets.
19 ethey tempteo Qhoo in their hearts:
ano requireo meat for their lull.
2o ﬁthey tpake againtl ®oo alto, taying:
Qshall Qhoo prepare a table in the lniloernetsa
21 the tmote the tlony rock inoeeo, that
the tuater gulheo out, ano the llreams ﬂoboeo
boithal: but can he gibe breao alto, or probioe
ﬂeth for his people:
22 when the lLoro hearo this, he was
rbroth: to the fire tnas kinoleo in 31acob, ano
there came up heaby oitpleature againll
Zlftﬂtl ;
23 Qbecaute they beliebeo not in con: ano
put not their trull in his help.
24 %1o he commanoeo the clouos abobe:
ano openeo the ooors of heaben.
2 5 the raineo ooiun shanna alto upon them
for to eat: ano gabe them fooo from heaben.
26 %>o man out eat angels fooo: for he
tent them meat enough.
27 the cauteo the eall=tnino to bloro unoer
heanen : ano through his poiuer he brought in
the touth=tuetleininu
28 the raineo ﬂelh upon them as thick as
oull: ano feathereo fotols like as the tano of
the tea.
29 the let it fall among their tents: eben
rouno about their habitation.
3o %>o they oio eat, ano toere ibell tilleo,
for he gape them their oipn oetire: they tnere
not oitappointeo of their lull.
31 lhut ruhile the meat tuas yet in their
(1924)
The Pfalms.
mouths, the heavy rngath of QDDD came upon
them, anD Help the loealthiell of them: yea,
anD lmote Dolon the cholen men that were in
31frael.
32 IBut fog all this they linneD yet mote:
anD helieheD not his monDgous mogks.
33 ethere=
33 @therefole their Days DiD he conlume in
hanity: anD their years in trouhle.
34 when he lleto them, they lought him:
anD turneD them early, anD enquireD after
QhoD.
35 am they rememhgeD that QDDD was
their llrength: anD that the high QDoD was
their IlleDeemer.
36 llaeherthelels, they DiD hut ﬂatter him
‘with their mouth: anD DillemhleD with him
in their tongue.
37 .llog their heart toas not tohole with
him: neither continueD they lleDfall in his
cohenant.
38 QBut he was lo merciful, that he foggahe
their milDeeDs: anD DellroyeD them not.
39 yea, many a time turneD he his rogath
atoay: anD tooulD not fuller his tnhole Dil=
plealure to arile.
4o Jfog he confiDereD that they were hut
llelh: anD that they were ehen a ininD that
palleth atoay, anD cometh not again.
41 aeany a time DiD they plohoke him in
The xv.
DAY,
1. a. The 474th page of the Sealed BOOk commences with “ 33 Qiherefllre”,
“ 33 $321171” being the catch-word on the preceding page.
(1926)
The Pfalms.
The xv.
DAY.
W
the tniloernets: ano grieheo him in the
hetert.
42 @they turneh hack ano tempteo eon:
ano moheo the holy EDne in 31trael.
43 @Ihey thought not of his hano: ano of
the hay hohen he oelihereo them from the
hano of the enemy ;
44 lhoin he hao ioiought his miracles in
QEgypt: ano his hoonoers in the hell: of
3oan. '
45 lhe turneo their [haters into hlouo:
to that they might not Drink of the rihers.
46 the tent lice among them, ano oehoureo
them up: ano frogs to oellroy them.
47 lhe gape their fruit unto the caterpillar:
ano their lahour unto the gralhopper. .
48 the oellroyeo their pines ioith hail=
léiones: ano their mulherry=trees with the
roll.
49 lhe [mote their cattel alto ihith hail:
goines: ano their ﬂocks toith hot thunoer=
o tst
59 the call upon them the furioutnets of
his tpgath, anger, oitpleature ano trouhle:
ano tent ehil angels among them.
51 the maoe a toay to his inoignation, ano
tpareo not their toul from heath: hut gahe
their life oher to the pellilence. 52 Elno
52 Elno tmote all the firll=hogn in QEgypt:
the moll principal ano mightiell in the otpel=
lings of lham.

1. 29. The 475111 page HQ 1)] 61 1116 8621611 B6611 66111111611666 11-1111 “ 52 gull”,
“ 52 lélnh " being also the catch-word on the preceding page.
(1926)
The Pfalms.
53 IBut as fog his oion people, he let: them
fogth like theep: ano carrieo them in the
tniloernets like a flock.
54 the biought them out fafely, that they
thoulo not fear: ano obertnhelmeo their
enemies tpith the tea.
55 ﬂno bgought them tnithin the boioers
of his fanctuary: even to his mountain tohich
he purchateo tpith his right hano.
56 the can out the heathen alto befoge them:
cauteo their lano to be oinioeo among them
to; an heritage, ano mane the tribes of
31trael to o‘mell in their tents.
57 %>o they tempteo ano oitpleateo the
moft high Qhoo : ano kept not his teilimonies ,
58 QBut turneo their backs, ano fell aipay
like their fotefathers: llarting atioe like a
btoken both.
59 ,itog they griebeo him lnith their hill=
altars: ano pgobokeo him to oitpleature tpith
their images.
66 when Qhoo hearo this, he boas togoth:
ano took tote oitpleature at 31trael;
61 %m that he fogtook the tabernacle in
%>ilo: epen the tent that he hao pitcheo
among men.
62 the oelipereo their poroer into captibity:
ano their beauty into the enemies hano.
63 he gape his people oher alto unto the
ttpogo: ano tpas togoth ‘with his inheritance.
64 ethe fire contumeo their young men:
ano their maioens there not giben to mar:
riage.
65 erheir ptieﬂs there ﬂain tnith the ttpoio:
(1927)
Th€~ Pfalms.
The x '.
DAYa
M
Marnz'ng 0
Prayer.
W
ano their were no iniootns to make lamenta=
tion.
66 %o the ﬂow aiuakeo as one out of
ﬂeep: ano like a giant refrelheo with mine.
67 The tmote hia enemiea in the hinoer
parte: ano put them to a perpetual lhame.
68 {he refufeo the tabernacle of Zloteph:
ano chote not the tribe of QEphgaim;
69 IBut chote the tribe of Zluoah: even the
hill of %ion which he loheo.
76 Qlno there he built his temple on high:
ano laio the tounoation of it like the grouno
which he hath maoe continually.
Ihh 71 the
71 the thofe Eauio alto his leruant: ano
took him ainay from the lheepfolos.
72 as he roae folloining the etne great
with young ones he took him: that he might
feeo Zlacoh his people, ano 31trael hia inherit=
ance. '
73 %>o he tell them with a faithful ano true
heart: ano ruleo them pguoently tuith all hie
poiner.
The lxxixl Psalm.
Deus,‘ venerunt. Qhoo, the heathen are come unto thine
inheritance: thy holy temple have they
oefileo, ano mane 3ierulalem an heap of lionee.

1. 15.
The 476th pave of the Sealed B
aTso atch
' 'commences with "71 $92", “ 71 39¢”
bemg the c -wor c d
n the pre e ing page.
v(1928)
The Pfalms.
2 ethe DeaD homes of thy lerhants hahe
they given to he meat unto the forols of the
air: anD the ﬂelh of thy laints unto the healls
of the lanD.
3 @their hlouD haoe they lheD like toater
on every fiDe of 31erulalem: anD there ‘was
no man to hury them.
4 we are hecome an open lhame to our
enemies: a hery lcogn anD Derilion unto them
that are rounD ahout us.
5 lLogD, hoio long ioilt thou he angry:
[hall thy iealoulie hurn like fire fog eher1
6 119our out thine inDignation upon the
heathen that have not known thee : anD upon
3 the kingDoms that haoe not calleD upon thy
lDame.
7 for they have DeooureD 31acoh: anD laiD
roalle his Dtnelling place.
' 8 E) rememher not our olD fins, hut hahe
mercy upon us, anD that loon: fog toe are
come to great milery.
9 lhelp us, ED QDoD of our lalhation, log the
gloty of thy lDame: ED Deliher us am he
I merciful unto our fins fog thy ﬂames lake.
10 Ettlherefoge Do the heathen lay: where
is noip their @011?
11 ED let the nengeance of thy leroants
hlouD that is IheD: he openly lheioeD upon
the heathen in our fight. 12 ED

f4
12 E) let the logro‘roful lighing of the pli: The W'-
loners come hefoge thee: accogDing to the
I) AY .
\/:, "\J

1. 311, The 177111 page I) 2] of the Sealed Book commences with
“ I 2 (e) " being also the Catch-Word 011 the preceding page.
“ a.’
I- ’
61
(1929)
The Pfalms.
greatnets of thy potoer, preterhe thou thote
that are appointeo to pic.
13 Elno for the hlafphemy lphereioith our
neighhours hahe hlatphemeo thee: retparo
thou them, ED ltoto, [ehen folo into their
hotom.
14 %>o toe, that are thy people ano lheep
of thy pallure, lhall gihe thee thanks for
eher: ano trill alipay he lhetoing forth thy
praite from generation to generation.
The lxxx. Psalm.
(Qi regis Ifrael. Pfalf-l-Jeea-
QEar, ED thou lhephero of 31trael, thou that
leaoell 31oteph like a lheep: lhein thy telf
alto, thou that [ittell upon the Qtheruhims.
2 lhefore QEphraim, lheniamin ano 939w
nalles: an up thy llrength, ano come, ano
help us.
3 @urn us again, ED Qhoo: lheto the light
of thy countenance, ano hoe lhall he tohole.
4 ED lLoro Qhoo of holls: holn long ioilt
thou he angry hoith thy people that IJZﬁQBID?
5 @Ihou feeoell them toith the hreao of
tears: ano gihell them plenteoutnets of tears
to Drink.
6 Qthou hall maoe us a hery llrife unto
our neighhours: ano our enemies laugh us
to tcorn.
7 eturn us again, thou Qhoo of holls: [help
the light of thy countenance, ano toe lhall he
tohole.
8 @thou hall brought a nine out of QEgypt:
thou hall call out the heathen ano planteo it.
(1930)
The Pfalms.
9 @thou maoeﬂ room fog it: ano inhen it
hao taken root it filleo the lam].
19 @Ihe hills boere copereo ‘with the thaooio
of it: ano the boughs thereof toere like the
goooly ceoar=trees.
I I %>he firetcheo out her bganches unto the
tea: ano her boughs unto the riber.
12 (filthy hall thou then bgoken ooton her
heoge: that all they that go by pluck off her
grapes?
13 @he ipilo boar out of the moon ooth
root it up: ano the with bealts of the elo
oehourit
lb h 2
14 @Eurn thee again, thou Qhoo of bolts,
look ootnn from heanen: beholo, ano bitit
tbllg Dine;
15 tlno the place of the pineyaro that thy
right hano hath planteo : am: the bganch that
thou maoelt to ﬂrong fog thy telf.
16 31f is burnt tpith fire ano cut ooion:
ano they lhall perilh at the rebuke of thy
countenance.
17 iLet thy hano be upon the man of thy
right hano: ano upon the ton of man, tnhom
thou maoeﬂ to ﬁrong fog thine oton telf.
18 Qno to tnill not ‘me go back from thee:
8D let us line, ano ‘me lhall call upon thy
ilBame.
19 @turn us again, 8D ﬂow ®oo of bolts:
14.5[UtH
The Xvj.
DAY.

1. 15. The 478th page of the Sealed Book commences with “ I4- @:l11'11”, “ M—GUI'H"
being also the '
preceding page.
the catch-word on
6 I 2
(1931)
The Pfalms.
their: the light of thy countenance, ano tne
lhall be whole.
,i
1,111:
:_ ‘ ,i F i my. .2 ,. 7 .1
>~' ;_.u @v :,.r'\._.\.:’ ; ._L. 7‘- --‘~-
Exultaté D 60. Pfal: lX-XXi-.-
Silng toe merrily unto Qhjoo our urength:
make a cheerful noite unto the Qhob of
Zlacob.
2 @take the ptalm, bring hither the tablet:
the merry harp inith the lute.
3 QBloin up the trumpet in the neib=moonz
epen in the time appointeo, ano upon our
tolemn feafkoay.
4. for this was maoe a uatute fog 31trael:
am: a lain of the Qhoo of 31acob.
5 iithis he ogoaineo in Zlofeph to; a teﬂi=
monyzibhen he came out of the lam: of
QEgypt, ano hao heart] a ﬂrange language.
6 3i eaten his lhouloer from the buroen:
ano his hanos mere oelibereo from making
the pots.
7 @thou callebu upon me in troubles, ano
31 oelibereo thee: ano hearo thee inhat time
as the uogm fell upon thee.
8 31 pgobeo thee alto: at the waters of
ﬂrife. -
9 lhear,£lD my people, ano ZI mill allure
thee, ED 31trael: if thou rnilt hearken unto
me,
10 @there lhall no urange gun he in thee:
neither lhalt thou roogfhip any other goo.
11 31 am the Logo thy Qhoo, who brought
thee out of the lano of QEgypt: open thy
mouth mine, a 31 lhall fill it.
(1932)
The Pfalms.
12 Illut my people rnoulD not hear my
hoice: anD 31lrael hooulD not ohey me.
13 %>o
13 %>o 31 gape them up unto their olpn
hearts-lulls: anD let them folloho their oton
imaginations.
14 E) that my people hooulD hahe hearkneD
unto me : fo; if 31lrael haD inalkeD in my ways,
15 31 lhoulD loon hape put Doton their
enemies: anD turneD my hanD againll their
aDherlaries. -
16 @he haters of the lLo;D lhoulD hahe
heen founD liars: hut their time lhoulD haoe
enDureD fo; eher.
The x '.
DAY.
17 the lhoulD hahe feD them allo ioith the ‘
fl'nell rnheat=llourz anD with honey out of the
llony rock lhoulD 31 hahe latisfieD thee.
'11; lr-zxxil. Deus ﬂ€tit.
EDD llanDeth in the congregation of p;inces:
he is a iuoge among goDs.
2 lhoio long will ye gine to;ongiuDgement:
anD accept the perlons of the ungoDly.>
3 EDefenD the poo; anD fatherlels : fee that
luch as are in neeD anD necellity haoe right.
4 EDelioer the outecall anD poo; : laoe them
from the hanD of the ungoDly.
5 @they roill not he learneD no; unDerllanD,
hut tnalk on llill in Darknels : all the founDa=
tions of the earth are out of courle.
M
Evenmg
Prayer.
IN
I, .1. The 479th page b 0f the Sealed Book 60111111111065 with “ 13 5B”,
“ I 3 QB” 11111115 also the catch-word on the prectlling page.
(1933)
The Pfalms.
6 31 hahe taio, ye are goos: ano ye are
all the chiloren of the moll lhighell.
7 lhut ye lhall the like men: ano fall like
one of the princes.
8 elrite, ED Qhoo, ano iuoge thou the earth:
for thou [halt take all heathen to thine inhe=
ritance.
The lxxxlij. Psalm. D6118, quis
The x '.
DAY.
HEDlo not thy tongue, ED @oh, keep not
llill [ilence: refrain not thy telf, ED (hop.
2 for lo, thine enemies make a murmur:
ing: ano they that hate thee hahe lift up
their heao. ‘
3 @Ihey hahe imagineo craftily againll thy
people: ano taken countel againll thy [ecret
ones.
4 @they hope taio, Qtome, ano let us root
them out,
lb h 3 that
that they he no more a people: ano that the
name of 31trael may he no more in remem=
hrance. I
5 for they hahe call their heaos together
which one content: ano are confeoerate againll
t 28;
6 Qthe tahernacles of the Qlioomites arm
the 31tmaelites: the shoahites ano lhagarens,
7 @ehal, ano ﬁmmon, ano ﬁmalech: the
11E>hilillines, with them that oroell at @Eyre.

. . 7) ‘g H
1. 20. ThelSMh page 01 the Sealed Book commences with the Word “ that J hcmg also the catch-word on lllC' preceding page.
(1934)
The Pfalms.
8 elltur alto is ioyneo tnith them: ano hane
holpen the chilogen of hot.
9 that no thou to them as unto the eha=
oianites: unto %vitera, ano unto 31abin at
the bgook of ikifon,
IO who perilheo at QEnoog: ano became
as the oung of the earth.
1 1 shake them ano their ptinces like ilhreb
ano 5eb: yea, make all their ptinces like as
5eba ano %valmana,
12 who tay, let us take to our telhes:
the houtes of Qhoo in poﬂ'effion.
13 91) my Qooo, make them like unto a
inheel: ano as the ﬂnbble befoie the tomb;
14 iLike as the fire that burneth up the
moon: ano as the ﬂame that contumeth the
mountains.
15 119ertecute them eben to toith thy tern:
pen: ano make them afraio inith thy ﬂogm.
16 ehake their faces afhameo, 8D ﬂow:
that they may teek thy ﬂame.
17 ﬂet them be confounoeo ano bereo
ebermoge ano mote: let them be put to lhame
ano perilh.
18 211111 they lhall knoto that thou ‘mhote
ﬂame is 31ehonah: art only the mott lhigheli -
over all the earth.
The ixxxiv. Pealm. (luam dilecta
O tooth amiable are thy otnellings: thou
hogo of bolts!
2 89y foul hatb a oetire ano longing to
enter into the courts of the itoio : my heart
ano my flelh reioyce in the lining Qhoo.
(1935)
The Pfalms.
The X '.
DAY.
3 rhea, the tparroib hath founo her an houte,
ano the ttnalloro a netl, inhere the may lay
her young: eben thy altars, 9D horn of hoﬂs,
my lking ano my mob.
4 7512111211
4 lhleﬂ'eo are they that bibell in thy houfe:
they will be alibay praiting thee.
5 QBlelYeo is the man ibhote ﬂrength is in
thee: in ibhote heart are thy ways.
6 who going through the pale of mitery,
ufe it for a tnell: ano the pools are filleo
lbith water.
7 @they will go from ﬂrength to firength :
ano unto the Qhoo of gobs appeareth ebery
one of them in gvion.
8 ED iLoro Qhoo of hoﬂs, hear my prayer:
hearken, 2D Qhoo of 31acob.
9 IBeholo, ilD Qhoo our befenoer: ano look
upon the face of thine anointeo.
Io Jfor one may in thy courts: is better
than a thoutano.
11 31hao rather be a ooorzkeeper in the
houte of my Qhoo : than to omell in the tents
of ungoolinets.
12 for the iLorb Qhoo is a light ano oefence:
the horn mill gibe grace ano morlhip, ano no
gooo thing lhall he tbithholo from them that
line a gobly life.
13 ED ﬂoro Qhoo of hoﬂs: bleffeo is the
man that putteth his truﬂ in thee.

1. 6. The 4815131» ‘0f the Seal’ Book - m6]- 1 with “ 4 331mm”, “ 4331mm”
being 1 ‘u the cat
ch-W ‘t. onir' )rece ' g page:
(1936)
The Pfalms.
' l ‘ 11 e l . P satin). .
Benedixifti, Domine. ~Pfa-le-l-xxxv:
LED;D, thou art hecome gracious unto thy
lanD: thou hall turneD atoay the captihity
of 31acoh.
2 @Ehou hall fo;gihen the offence of thy
people: anD cooereD all their fins.
3 Qthou hall taken atnayall thy Dilplealure:
anD turneD thy felt from thy ro;athful inDig=
nation.
4 @turn us then, ED QooD our %>aniour: anD
letthine anger ceale from us.
5 wilt thou he DilplealeD at us fo; eher:
anD roilt thou llretch out thy m;ath from one
generation to another?
6 wilt thou not turn again anD quicken
us: that thy people may reioyce in thee?
7 %vheto us thy mercy, ED ll.o;D: anD grant
us thy laloation.
8 31 ioill hearken what the iLo;D <E5oD will
lay concerning me: fo; he lhall lpeak peace
unto his people,
anD
anD to his laints, that they turn not again.
9 .lFo; his lalhation is nigh them that fear
him: that glo;y may Dlnell in our lanD.
Io eeercy anD truth are met together:
rigbhteoulnels anD peace hahe killeD each
ot er.
11 etruth lhall llourilh out of the earth:
The xvi'.
I).A&TYQ

The 4821111 page of the Scale
hem; also the euteh-wo 11 the preee page.
ook commences with the ‘word “ 311:1”, “ 3.11:1”
(ling
(1937)
The Pfalms.
ano righteoutnefs hath lookeo ooipn front
beauen.
12 gaea, the Logo [hall lheio loping kino=
nets: ano our lano lhall give her intreale.
13 Illighteouinels lhall go before him: ano
he lhall oirett his going in the may.
Y ~‘ha l'xxxvj. Psalm.
Inclina, Domino. aP-iahﬂk-Xawiws
Morning BﬂDio ooipn thine ear, ilD iLogo, ano hear
Prayer.
W
me: to; 31 am poo; ano in mifery.
2 wgeterpe thou my foul, for 31 am holy:
my Qiioo, tape thy terpant that putteth his
trull in thee.
3 QBe inertiful unto me, ED ﬂow: for El
mill tall oaily upon thee.
4 Qllomfogt the foul of thy terpant: to;
unto thee, 21D Logo, on 3[ lift up my foul.
5 for thou, iLogo, art gooo ano gracious:
ano of great merry unto all them that tall
upon thee.
6 Qﬁipe ear, iLoro, unto my prayer: ano
ponoer the noite of my humble oeiires.
7 3m the time of my trouble 31 will call
upon thee: for thou heareﬂ me.
8 among the goos there is none like unto
thee, ilD Logo: there is not one that can no
as thou Doll.
9 ﬁll nations tohom thou hall maoe lhall
tome ano rnorlhip thee, ilD Logo: ano lhall
glogifie thy llﬂame.
10 for thou art great, ano ooll monogous
things: thou art Qﬁoo alone.
p (1938)
The Pfalrns.
11 @teath me thy tnay, ilD ilogo, mm 3']
lolll inallr in thy truth: ilD hnit my heart
unto thee, that 31 may fear thy ﬂame.
12 3[ null thank thee, ED lLogo my Ql5oo,
luith all
111.12
my heart: ano will pgaile thy ﬂame to;
euermoge. DAY.
13 for great is thy merry toloaro me: W
ano thou hall oelihereo my foul from the
nethermoﬂ hell.
14 ED moo, the pgouo are riten againll me:
ano the tongregatlone of naughty men haue
fought after my foul, ano haue not let thee
before their eyes.
15 lhut thou, ED {Logo Qﬁoo, art full of
tompafflon ano merry: long=lulfering, plen<
teous in gooonefe ano truth.
16 ED turn thee then unto me, ano haue
merry upon me: glue thy llrength unto thy
feruant, ano help the ton of thine hanomaio.
17 %>helu tome token upon me to; gooo,
that they who hate me may fee it am: he
albameo : hetaule thou, lLogo, hall holpen me
am: tomfogteo me.
The lxxx'v'ij. Psalm.
Fundamanta qua-W.-
HQEr founoations are upon the holy hllle:
the logo loueth the gates of %n'on mole
than all the Dwellings of Zlaroh.

l. 7. 'l’hc"18-3rd page of the Scaled Book cornmqnces with the word “ 111])", “ my”
bung also 5L8 catch-word 0n the prccedulg page.
(1939)
The Pfalms.
The Xvi'.
DAY.
2 tltery ercellent things are fpoken of thee:
thou city of Qhob.
3 3[ will think upon IRahab anb QBabylon:
with them that knotn me.
4 iheholb ye the {@hililtines alto: anb they
of @L'yre, inith the seorians, lo, there ioas he
born.
5 Hnu of %>ion it lhall be reporten that he
was born in her: anb the moﬂ thigh lhall
ﬂablilh her.
6 @the ILoro lhall rehearte it when he
inriteth up the people: that he inas born there.
7 @he fingers alto anb trumpeters lhall
he rehearte: all my frelh tprings lhall be in
thee .. . - ..
The ixxxvm, Psalm.
Domine Deus. ‘@fﬁl'i'4éﬁéXYVii-i.
O Loro Qhoo of my talbation, 31 habe cryeb
‘ bay anb night before thee: ED let my
prayer enter into thy pretence, encline thine
ear unto my calling.
2 for my toul is full of trouble: anb my
life bratbeth nigh unto hell.
3 31 am counteb as one of them that go
ooum into
the
the pit: anb 3i have been eben as a man that
hath no ﬂrength.
4 free among the bean, like unto them
that are mounbeo, ano lie in the grape: who

I. 26. The 484th paie of the Sealed Book commences with the word “ the”: “ a)?”
be alsot c 0 tab-
ing a word on the preceding page.
(1940)
The Pfalms.
are out of rememh;ance, anD are cut aioay
from thy hanD.
5 @Ihou hall laiD me in the loroell pit: in
a place of Darknels anD in the Deep.
6 @Ihine inDignation lieth harD upon me:
anD thou hall oereD me hoith all thy llo;ms.
7 @hou hall put ahoay mine acquaintance
far from me: anD maDe me to he ahho;reD
of them.
8 31 am lo fall in p;ilon: that 3 cannot
get fo;th.
9 shy light faileth fo; hery trouhle: iLo;D,
31 hahe calleD Daily upon thee, 31 haoellretcheD
fo;th my hanDs unto thee.
Io EDoll thou [help loonDers among the
DeaD: o; [hall the DeaD rile up again, anD
p;aile thee1
11 %>hall thy loning kinDnels he lheipeD
in the grape: o; thy faithfulnels in Dellruc=
tion?
12 gvhall thy toonD;ous too;ks he knohon in
the Dark: anD thy righteoulnels in the lanD
tohere all things are fo;gotten2
13 Unto thee have 31 cryeD, ED lLo;D: anD
early [hall my p;ayer come helo;e thee.
14 .lLo;D, rohy ahho;rell thou my loul: anD
hiDell thou thy face from me?
15 31 am in milery, anD like unto him that
is at the point to Die: eoen from my youth
up thy terrours hahe 31 lullereD [pith a trouhleD
minD.
16 ethy to;athful Dilplealure goeth ooer
me: anD the fear of thee hath unDone me.
17 @lihey came rounD ahout me Daily like
(1911)
The Pfalms.
M
The Xvij .
DAY.
W
M
Evening
Prayer.
W
ioater: ano tompalleo me together on every
line.
18 shy lohers ano trienos hall thou put
aioay from me: am] hio mine atquaintante
out of my light.
Mife-
The lxxxix. Psalm.
Mifericordias Domini. —P£a~l=-4§%Xi-x~.
M19 tong lhall he altoay of the lom'ng hino:
nets of the ﬂow: inith my mouth will 31
eper he lhetning thy truth from one genera=
tion to another.
2 ~itog 31 hane laio, sherry lhall he let up
to; ever: thy truth [halt thou ﬂahlilh in the
heapens.
3 3i hape mane a topenant tnith my thoten:
31 hane fioogn unto Damn my ferpant,
4 @Ihy leeo toill 31 llahlilh to; ever: ano
let up thy throne from one generation to
another.
5 9D ﬂow, the pery heahens lhall pgaite
thy monogous moths: antl thy truth in the
congregation of the taints.
6 for inho is he among the tlouos: that
lhall he tompareo unto the Logo?
7 Qlno tohat is he among the guns: that
lhall he like unto the ﬂow?

1. 7. The 485th pag of the Scaled Book commc . s with the word “Mifcricordias”,
“ Mife-” bcin the '
g the catch-word on prec g page.
(1942)
The Pfalms.
8 Qhoo is oery greatly to he feareo in the
tountel of the faints: ano to he ban in reue=
renre of all them that are rouno about him.
9 ED lLogo Qhoo of bolts, toho is like unto
thee: thy truth, moll mighty ﬂow, is on
every fine.
to @Zhou rulell the raging of the tea: thou
ﬂillell the waves thereof when they arife.
1 1 @thou hall fuhoueo QEgypt ano oellroyeo
it: thou hall lrattereo thine enemies ahgoao
with thy mighty arm.
12 @ljhe heauens are thine, the earth alto
is thine: thou hall laio the tounoation of the
rouno ipoglo, ano all that therein is.
13 @hou hall maoe the nogth ano the
touth: @Iiahog ano lhermon lhall reioyte in
thy ﬂame.
14 @thou hall a mighty arm: ﬂrong is
thy hano, ano high is thy right hano.
15 Illighteoutnefs ano equity are the habit:
ation of thy teat: merry ano truth lhall go
hetoge thy face.
16 ihlelfeo is the people, 8D ﬂow, that
ran re= ,
ioyte
ioyte in thee: they lhall mall: in the light of
thy eountenante.
17 @heir oelight lhall he Daily in thy
Mame: am: in thy righteouineis [hall they
make their hoall.
M
The Xvij.
f&'§7.
W

1.26. The M661 page of the Scaled Book commences with “filing”, part of the
“Md ‘‘ rfj [11)“3”, “ )UQIB ” being the catch~w0rd 0n the preceding page.
(1942)
The Pfalms.
18 for thou art the glory of their llrength:
ano in thy lobing kinonefs thou lhalt lift up
our horns.
19 fur the iLoro is our oefence: the holy
ﬂDne of 31trael is our thing.
20 @thou tpakeﬂ tometime in hifions unto
thy taints, ano faioﬂ: 31 habe laio help upon
one that is mighty,Ii1 haue eralteb one chofen
out of the people. '
21 31 habe founb iDabio my terbant: with
my holy oil babe 31 anointeo him.
22 HEP hano lhall holo him fail: ano my
arm lhall ﬂrengthen him.
23 ethe enemy lhall not be able to no him
giolence: the ton of ibickeonefs lhall not hurt
1m.
~ 24 31 ibill tmite boron his toes before his
face: anb plague them that hate him.
25 shy truth alto ano my mercy lhall be
with him: ano in my mame lhall his horn
be eralteo.
26 31 inill tet his Dominion alto in the tea:
anb his right hanb in the ﬂoubs.
27 the lhall call me, @thou art my father:
my Qhob, ano my ﬂrong talbation.
28 slnb .31 inill make him my firﬂ=born:
higher than the kings of the earth.
29 grey mercy will 31 keep for him for
ebermore: ano my cobenant lhall llano fall
irn'th him. _
36 {his teeb alto ibill 31 make to enoure for
eber: anb his throne as the baies of heaben.
31 IBut if his chiloren fortake my lain:
ano inalk not in my iubgements;
(1944)
The P1211115.
32 31f they h;eak my llatutes, anD keep not
my commanDments: 31 hoill hifit their of=
fences with the roD, anD their fin with
lcourges.
33 llheherthelels, my lohing kinDnels lnill
3 not utterly take from him: no; luffer my
truth to fail.
34 spy cohenant ioill 31 not h;eak, no;
alter the thing that is gone out of my lips:
31 hahe lrno;n once hy my holinels, that 31
will not fail EDapiD. 35 lhis
35 his leeD [hall enDure fo; eper: anD his
leat is like as the lun hefo;e me.
36 lhe lhall llanD fall to; ehermo;e as the
moon: anD as the faithful ioitnels in heahen.
37 IBut thou hall ahho;reD , anD fo;taken
thine ﬁnointeD : anD art DilplealeD at him.
38 ethou hall h;oken the cohenant of thy
leroant: anD call his croron to the grounD.
39 @hou hall ouerthminn all his heDges:
anD h;oken Dohon his llrong holDs.
40 all they that go by, lpoil him: anD he
is hecome a rep;oach to his neighhours. '
41 @Ihou hall let up the right hanD of his
enemies: anD maDe all his aDperlaries to
rel'oyce.
42 @L'hou hall taken aroay the eDge of his
ltoo;D: anD gihefl him not picto;y in the
hattel.
43 @hou hall put out his glo;y: anD call
his th;one Doron to the grounD.
'The Xvﬁ.
I).ALTYL

The ~187th page of the Sealed Book
being also the catch-word on the‘ pre
1 12.
ng page.
nuances with “ '35 $815”, “ 35 $915’
6K
(1941)
The Pfalms.
AA’:-
The xvnJ
DAYUH
.
"4L "
Lb... 31L.
W I‘
M
Morning
Prayer.
44 @he oayes of his youth halt thou wort:
neo : ano tobereo him toith oilhonour.
45 Logo, horb long rbilt thou hioe thy felt",
for eber: ano lhall thy rozath burn like fire?
46 9D remember hoto lhogt my time is:
ibheretoge hall thou maoe all men for nought?
47 what man is he that libeth, ano lhall
not tee oeath: ano lhall he oeliber his foul
from the hano of hell r
48 Logo, where are thy olo lobing kino=
neﬂ'es: tnhirh thou tioarell unto iDabio in
thy truth?
49 iKemember, ﬂow, the rebuke, that thy
ferbants habe: anb how 3) oo bear in my
botom the rebukes of many people;
50 whereroith thine enemies habe blat:
phemeb thee, ano ﬂanoereo the footlleps of
thine Hnointeo : pgaiteo be the ﬂow for eber=
more. amen, ano amen.
3H
Domine,
Psalm-DOmine, refugium. BM-
LQDgo, thou hall been our refuge: from one
generation to another.
2 QBefoge the mountains tbere brought
forth, or eber the earth am: the booglo mere
maoe: thou art Qbob from eberlaﬂing , ano
booglb mithout eno.

1. 21.
T 'ith the word “Domine,”,
488th page of the Sealed Book con nce
“ omme,” bemg also the printed catch-w ' on preceding page.
(1942)
The Pfahns.
3 Qthou turneﬂ man to oellruetion: again
thou iayeﬂ, time again, ye thilogen of men.
4 .ﬁog a thouiano years in thy light are
but as yelleroay: teeing that is paﬂ as a
matth in the night.
5 ellfoon as thou ttattereﬂthem, they are en en
as a ﬂeep: ano t'aoe aluay l'uooenly like the
grafs.
6 3m the morning it is green, ano groroeth
up: but in the euening it is rut ooionmgieo
up, ano roithereo.
7 jl'og roe toniume aioay in thy oiipleature:
ano are afraio at thy iogathful inoignation.
8 @hou hall let our miloeeos hefoge thee:
ano our tetret [ins in the light of thy toun=
tenanre.
9 hot inhen thou art angry, all our oayes
are gone: the being our years to an eno, as
it ioere a tale that is mm.
10 @the Days of our age are thgeeftoge
years ano ten, ano though men he to llrong.
that they tome to fDIltftUZB years: yet is
their llrength then but lahour, ano fogrotu;
to toon paileth it aroay, am: the are gone.
11 lhut luho regaroeth the polner of thy
rogath: fog euen thereafter as a man feareth,
to is thy oitpleaiure.
12 %>o teach us to number our oayes:
that toe may apply our hearts unto hoiloom.
13 eturn thee again, <25 ﬂow, at the lail:
ano he gracious unto thy lerhants.
14 h) iatistie us roith thy merry, ano that
loon : to lhall toe reioyte am: he glao all the
oayes of our life.
6K2
(1943)
The Penms.
The xv'".
D Y.
15 Qtomfort us again note after the time
that thou hall plagueo us: ano for the years
ibherein the have tuﬂfereo aoberfity.
165 §E§ZJElII
16 %>hetu thy terbants thy work: ano their
chiloren thy glory.
17 ano the glorious seaieﬂy of the horn
our Qhoo be upon us: protper thou the work
of our hanos upon us,ilD protper thou our
hanbystbork.
(@1 112161121. -ll§al-.—e@j-.-
Wlhoto o‘melleth unoer the Defence of the
moe thigh: lhall abioe unoer the ihaoorn
of the almighty.
2 3 mill fay unto the horn, @Zhou art my
hope, ano my tirong holo: my Qhob, in him
tuill 31 truﬂ.
3 for he lhall oeliber thee from the tnare
of the hunter: ano from the noifome peﬂi=
lence.
4 the wall befeno thee unoer his wings,
ano thou lhalt be fafe unoer his feathers: his
faithfulnets ano truth lhall be thy lhielb ano
buckler.
5 @thou lhalt not be afraio for any terrour
by night: nor for the arroin that ﬂieth by pay;
6 for the pellilence that toalketh in oark=
nets: nor for the ticknets that oeliroyeth in
the noon2oay.
7 21 thoufano lhall fall befioe thee, ano ten

1. 5.
T16": 489th D1126 £3) i 2] of the Realm] Book commences with “ I6 éhein”.
1 6 ein being also the catelnvord 0n the preceding page.
(1944)
The Pfalms.
thoulanD at thy right hanD: hut it [hall not
come nigh thee.
8 pea, roith thine eyes [halt thou heholD:
anD fee the relnarD of the ungoDly.
9 ho; thou,lLo;D, art my hope: thou hall
let thine houle of Defence hery high.
IO ethere [hall no enil happen unto thee:
neither [hall any plague come nigh thy Dwell:
ing.
1 1 11o; he [hall gine his angels charge
over thee: to keep thee in all thy toayes.
12 @Ehey [hall hear thee in their hanDs:
that thou hurt not thy loot againll a llone.
13 @Zhou [halt go upon the lion anD aDDer:
the young lion anD the D;agon [halt thou treaD
unDer thy feet.
14 lhecaule he hath let his [one upon me,
therefo;e [pill 31 Deliher him: 31 will let him
up,hecaule he hath knoion my llaalne.
15 [he [hall call upon me, anD 31 will hear
him: yea, 31 am with him in trouhle: 31 [pill
Delioer him , anD h;ing him to honour.
31 i 2 16 with
16 with long life will 31 latisfie him: anD [help him my falhation. TgsAxpll'
.11 r the: m ., O W
Bonum ePt conﬁteri. Pfal. XCiJ.
16B is a gooD thing to gine thanks unto the
lLo;D : anD to ling p;ailes unto thy llaame,
ED moll lhighell;

1. 2-1. The 19111.11 page of the Sealed Book commences with “ I6wiﬂ)“, “ I6 being also the catch-word on the preceding page.
(194a)
The Pfalms.
2 @to tell of thy lobing kinonets early in
the morning: ano of thy truth in the night=
teafon ;
3 Upon an inllrument of ten ﬁrings, ano
upon the lute: upon a loub inllrument, ano
upon the harp.
4 Jtog thou,ll.ogo,haft maoe me glab through
thy works: ano KI inill reioyre in gibing
pgaite for the operations of thy hanbs.
5 it) iLogo, horn glorious are thy works:
thy thoughts are bery Deep.
6 an untoite man both not toell rontioer
this: am] a fool both not unoerﬂano it.
7 when the ungooly are green as the
grats , ano iohen all the workers of ioirkeo=
nets oo ﬂourilh: then lhall they be oellroyeb
for eber; but thou,lLoro,art the moll lhigheﬂ
for ebermoge.
8 j'FDg lo, thine enemies, ED Logo, lo, thine
enemies lhall perilh: ano all the tbogkers of
toitkebnets lhall be oellroyeb.
9 lhut mine horn lhall be eralteo like the
horn of an unitogn: for BI am anointeb tbith
frefh oil.
IO wine eye alto lhall tee his lull of mine
enemies: ano mine ear lhall hear his oetire
of the ioirkeo that arite up againll me.
1 1 @lihe righteous lhall ﬂourifh like a palm:
tree: ano lhall tpgeao abzoao like a Qteoar in
lLibanus.
12 %>urh as areplanteo in the houte of the
ﬂora: lhall ﬂourifh in the courts of the
houfe of our Q5073. .
13 @they alto lhall bring forth more fruit
(1946)
The Pfalms.
in their age: ano lhall he“ fat ano toell
liking. .
14 @Ehat they may lhetu horn true the Logo
my ﬂrength is : app that there is no unright=
eoufnefs in him.
Dominus
“-
The xvnJ.
. . , DAY.
The X(‘1‘.__l Psaim. Domlnus regnavlt.
Tlhe horn is thing, ano hath put on glogi= ous apparel: the lLogo hath put on his Pwm’zg
apparel, ano giroeo himfelf toith ﬂrength. my”;
2 he hath maoe the rouno iooilo fo fure:
that it cannot be moheo.
3 QEuer time the moglo hegan hath thy feat
been pgepareo: thou art from eoerlahing.
4 @the ﬂouos are rifen, ilD logo, the ﬂouos
hape lift up their poite: the ﬂouos lift up
their iuapes.
5 @Ihe toaoes of the tea are mighty, ano
rage hogrihly: hut yet the Logo, roho oiuelleth
on high, is mightier.
6 @thy tellimonies,£lD iLogo,are hery iure:
holineis hetometh thine houfe fog eher.
Th1: xciiw Deus ultionum. O llogo cihoo, to tohom pengeante helongeth:
thou Qhoo,to tuhom uengeante helongeth,
lheio thy felf.
2 elrife, thou Zluoge of the rooglo : ano re:
loaro the pgouo after their oeferhing.
l. 7 The 491st )zlge i 3] of the Sealed Book CO] cnces with I word “Dominus”
“Du ' us” being also the printed catch-w on the prec g page.
(1947)
The Pfalms.
The xix.
D A Y.
3 iLoro, horn long lhall the ungooly: horn
long lhall the ungooly triumph?
4 lhom long lhall all toickeo ooers tpeak to
oitoainfully: ano make fuch prouo boaﬂingr
5 @[hey tmite ooion thy people, E) iLoro:
ano trouble thine heritage.
6 ethey muroer the miooimano the ﬂranger:
ano put the fatherlets to Death.
7 am: yet they fay, etulh, the logo lhall
not tee: neither lhall the Qhoo of 31acob
regaro it.
8 @take heeo, ye untnite among the people:
ED ye fools, ibhen ibill ye unoerﬁano?
9 lhe that planteo the ear, lhall he not
hear: or he that maoe the eye, lhall he not
fee;
10 EDr he that nurtureth the heathen: it is
he that teacheth man knoinleoge, lhall not he
punilhP
1 I @he iLoro knoineth the thoughts of man:
that they are but pain.
31 i 3 12 leleileo
1 2 IBleiTeo is the man tohom thou chaﬂeneﬂ,
ED iL-oro: ano teacheﬂ him in thy lain.
13 @that thou mayeﬂ gibe him patience in
time of abberfity: until the pit be oiggeo up
for the ungobly.
14 for the lLoro will not fail his people:
neither tnill he fortake his inheritance;
15 itintil righteoutnets turn again unto

1. 23. The 499ml Pgfe 0f the Sealed Book commences with “ 1 2 3312MB”, “ I 2 gBIgﬂzh ”
being so the catch~word on the '
preceding page.
(1949)
‘The Pfalms.
iuDgement: all luch as are true in heart [hall
follorp it.
16 who rpill rile up tpith me againll the
ipickeD: o; rpho rpill take my part againll the
epil Doers;
17 31f the lLo;D haD not helpeD me: it haD
not faileD hut my loul haD heen put. to
[ilence.
18 Qeut lphen 31 laiD, spy foot hath llippeD:
thy mercy, ED lLo;D, helD me up.
19 31n the multituDe of the lo;rotps that 31
haD in my heart: thy comfo;ts hape refre[heD
my loul.
26 will thou hape any thing to Do [pith
the llool of ipickeDnels: tphich imagineth
mifchief as a latpe
21 @they gather them together againll the
loul of the righteous: anD conDemn the inno=
cent hlouD.
22 )But the lLo;D is my refuge: anD my
QDoD is the llrength of my confiDence.
23 lhe [hall recompence them their lpickeD=
nefs, anD Dellroy them in their oipn malice:
yea, the ﬂo;D our Q1591‘! [hall Dellroy them.
" Psw Venite, exulternus.
Qlome let us [ing unto the lLo;D: let us
heartily reioyce in the llrength of our
lalpation.
2 iLet us come hefo;e his p;elence [pith
thanklgiping: anD [help our felpes glaD in
him rpith plalms.
M
Morning
Prayer.
W
(1949)
The Pfalms.
The xix.
I).ALTYL
3 Jl'og the {Logo is a great coon: am: a
great thing abobe all goos.
4 3m his hanos are all the corners of the
earth: ano the llrength of the hills is his
alto.
5 @Ehe tea is his, ano he maoe it: am: his
hauos pgepareo the my lano. :: 6 ED
6 ED tome, let us rooglhip ano fall boron:
ano kneel before the Logo our maker.
7 J'fog he is the logo our Qooo: am] the
are the people of his paﬂure, ano the lheep of
his hano.
8 @Eo pay if ye ioill hear his boite, haroen
not your hearts: as in the probotation, ano
as in the bay of temptation in the miloernets,
9 when your fathers tempteo me: ptobeo
me, ano taro my tbogks.
IO fourty years long boas 3i griebeo toith
this generation, anb taio: It is a people that
no erre in their hearts, for they habe not
knoion my toayes;
1 1 ﬁnto tohom 3i ttoare in my togath: that
they fhoulo enter into my rell.
:5. € XCVj, 11 32.171.
Cantate Domino.
O %~ing unto the Logo a neib tong: ting
unto the lLoglLall the tnhole earth.
2 %>ing unto the Logo , ano pgaite his
ﬂame: be telling of his talbation from bay
to bay.

1. 8. h
. u v a n
mences with 6 (B 7 6 QB
' 1;; page.
493111 re of the Sea Book
'ng also t * catch-word o e prec
(1950)
' The Pfalms.
3 Declare his honour unto the heathen:
anohis ruonoers unto all people.
4 hot the ﬂow is great, ano cannot root:
thily he pgaiteoz he is mote to he feareo than
all goes.
5 as to; all the goos of the heathen, they
are hut tools: hut it is the ﬂow that maoe
the heahens. i
6 Qhlogy ano inoglhip are hefoge him: poiner
ano honour are in his fanctuary.
7 ﬁfcrihe unto the iLogmﬂD ye kinngeos of
the people: afcrihe unto thelLozo tuoglhip
ano poiuer. '
8 Hftrihe unto the Logo the honour oue
unto his ﬂame: hging pgefents, ano come
into his courts.
9 2D iooglhip the Logo in the heauty of
fholinefs: let the rohole earth Piano in aloe of
1m.
IO Well it out among the heathen that the
ﬂow is lking: ano that it is he tuho hath
maoe the rouno inoglo to fall that it cannot
he moheo, ano hole that he lhall iuoge the
people righteoully. I
11 Let the heauens reioyce, ano let the
earth he glao : let the tea make a noite, ano
all that therein is.
12 lLet
12 llet the fielo he joyful, am all that is
in it: then lhall all the trees of the moon
reioyce hefoge the Itogo.
M
The xix.
DAY.
\/\r\/

. P. - i‘ ” cc :7
l. 29. The 11111.11 page 01 the beuled Book commences with 12 3L2‘: , 12 ﬂit
being also the catch-word on the preceding page.
(1951)
The Pf‘alms.
13 for he cometh, for he cometh to iuoge
the earth: ano inith righteoutnets to iuoge
the inorlo, ano the people inith his truth.
"1
l’ 7‘ t“ 331"“ ‘"1 P1" 1 m"
Dominus regnavit.
Tithe iLorU is thing, the earth may be glao
thereof: yea, the multituoe of the ﬁles
may be glao thereof.
2 Qtlouos ano oarknets are rouno about
him: righteoutnets ano iuogement are the
habitation of his teat.
3 Q'here lhall go a fire before him: ano
burn up his enemies on enery fine.
4 this lightnings gape wine unto the tnorlo:
the earth tain it, ano mas atraio.
5 @the hills melteo like that at the pretence
of the itoro: at the pretence of the itoro of
the tnhole earth.
6 tithe heabens habe oeclareo his righteouf=
nets: ano all the people habe teen his glory.
7 Qtonfounoeo be all they that inorihip
carbeo images, ano that oelight in bain goos:
toorfhip him, all ye gobs.
8 %vion hearo of it, ano reioyceo: ano the
Daughters of 31mm rnere glao, becaute of thy
iuogements, ED ILoro.
9 for thou,11.oro,art higher than all that are
in the earth: thou art eralteo far abope all
gobs.
IO ED ye, that lobe the horn, fee that ye
hate the thing which is ebil: the lLoro pre=
terbeth the touls of his taints; he lhall oeliber
them from the ham: of the ungooly.
(1952)
The Pfalms.
11 @Ihere is lp;ung up a light fo; the
righteous: anD joyful glaDnels fo; luch as
are true=hearteD.
12 lllel'oyce in the lLo;D, ye righteous: anD
gipe thanks to; a rememh;ance of his holi=
nels.
(:antate
NA
I.’ , The xix.
1 11.15 x1;- li'ealm. DAY.
Cantate Domino. *P'Fahrxcviijr W
' M
O %>mg unto the lLo;D a neip long: fo; he Eeem'ng
hath Done marpellous things. Prayer.
2 with his ' otpn right hanD, anD [pith his W
holy arm: hath he gotten himlelf the picto;y.
3 @the lLo;D DeclareD his lalpation: his
righteoulnels hape he openly [heipeD in the
fight of the heathen.
4 [he hath rememh;eD his mercy anD truth
tolparD the houle of 31lrael: anD all the enDs
of the lpo;lD hath leen the lalpation of our
QDDD.
5 %>help your lelpes ioyful unto the iLo;D,
all ye lanDs: ling, reioyce anD gine thanks.
6 119;aile the iLo;D upon the harp: [ing to
the harp rpith a plalm of thanklgiping.
7 with trumpets allo anD lharpms: ED
[help your lelpes ioyful hefo;e the Rom the
thing.
8 lLet the lea make a noile, anD all that
therein is: the rounD lpo;lD, anD they that
Dwell therein.

1. 8. The 495111 page of the Sealed Book commences with the port] “Cuntatc,”
“ Cantate " helng also [he pnntell cutclvwonl on the preceding page.
(1959)
The Pfalms.
Am
The xix.
DAY.
W
9 lLet the ﬂouos tlap their hanos, ano let
the hills be ioyful together before the iLoro:
for he is tome to iuoge the earth.
16 with righteoutnets lhall he iuoge the
toorlo: ano the people with equity.
The mix. Psalm.
Dominus regnavit.
Tlhe iLoro is thing, be the people neber to
unpatient: he titteth betrbeen the theru:
bims, be the earth neber to unquiet.
2 @Ihe ﬂow is great in %ion: ano high
abobe all people.
3 @L'hey lhall gibe thanks unto thy lhame:
rohith is great, monoerful, ano holy.
4 @he kings potoer lobeth iuogement, thou
halt prepareo equity: thou halt ereruteo
iuogement, ano righteoutnets in ilatob.
5 ED magnifie the iL-oro our Qhoo: ano fall
ootnn before his footﬂool, for he is holy.
6 epofes
6 Epotes ano Elaron among his priells, ano
%amuel among tuth as tall upon his JDame:
thete ralleo upon the lLoro, ano he hearo
them.
7 the tpake unto them out of the tlouoy
pillar: for they kept his teﬂimonies, ano the
lain that he gape them.
8 Qthou hearoell them,ED iLoro our ooo:
thou forgabell them, ED Qhob , ano punilheolt
their oton inbentions.

1. $20.
,
The 496th age of the Scaled Book commences with “ 6 ﬁﬂﬂfzﬁ", “ 6 ﬁﬁﬂflﬁ’
being nYso the catch the
-word on preceding page.
(1954)
The Pfalms.
9 ED magnifie the {Logo our ehoo, ano loop
lhip him upon his holy hill: fog the how our
eon is holy.
., 11,11“, Jubilate Deo. ~P¢£aLFe-.-<-~
O QBe ioyful in the how, all ye lanos:
ferhe the ﬂow inith glaoneis, ano come
hefoge his pgefence ioith a fong.
2 QBe ye lure, that the ﬂow he is Qhoo: it
is he that hath maoe us, ano not the our
felhes: the are his people, ano the lheep of
his paﬂure.
3 £1) go your iuay into his gates ioith
thankfgihing, ano into his courts loithpgaife:
he thankful unto him, ano fpeak gooo of his
ﬂame.
4 hot the ﬂow is gracious, his mercy is
eherlaﬂing: ano his truth enoureth from
generation to generation. ' ,
The Psalm.
Mifericordiam 8: judicium.
Mia tong lhall he of mercy ano iuogement:
unto thee, ilD ﬂow, will 31 ling.
25]) let me haue unoerﬂanoing: in the
tuay of goolinefs.
3 when milt thou come unto me: Bl roill
toalk in my houfe iuith a perfect heart.
4 31 ‘will take no roickeo thing in hano; Kl
hate the tins of unfaithfulneis: there lhall
no fuch cleahe unto me.
5 El froiuaro heart ihall Depart from me:
31 toill not knoiu a ruickeo perfon.
6 whofo pgihily llanoereth his neighhour:
him toill 31 oeﬂroy.
The Pfalms.
The xx.
I).AQ§T.
/\JL/\
M 0rm'n g
Prayer.
WV'
7 tctlhoto hath alto a prom] look ano high
ltomack: 31 ibill not tulter him.
8 sfrhine
8 seine eyes look upon fuch as are faith=
ful in the lano: that they may binell ibith
me.
9 whoto leaoeth a gooly life: he lhall be
my terbant. '
IO @there lhall no oeceitful perton oinell
in my houte: he that telleth lies, lhall not
tarry in my light.
1 1 31 lhall toon oeltroy all the ungooly that
are in the lanb: that 31 may root out all
tnickeo ooers from the city of the iLoro.
The 61;. P412161. Domine, €X8Udi.%“€ijr
QEar my prayer, ED Eeoro: ano let my
crying come unto thee.
2 lhioe not thy face from me in the time
of my trouble: incline thine eare unto me
when 31 calhE) hear me, ano that right toon.
3 J'Fbr my oayes are contumeo ainay like
tmoke:ano my bones are burnt up as it there
a fire=brano.
4 Hey heart is tmitten ootnn, ano ibithereb
like grats: to that 31 forget to eat my breao.
5 for the boice of my groaning: my bones
rnill tcarce cleabe to my ﬂelh.
6 31 am become like a pelican in the mil:

1. 4.
ices with “ 8 wing”, “ 8 wine”
'ng page.
The 497th page of . Sealed Book com
being also the c. . -word on the prec
(1956)
s The Pfalms.
Dernels: anD like an otpl that is in the
Delert.
7 31 hahe [patcheD, anD am epen as itlpere
a lparrotp : that [itteth alone upon the houle:
top.
8 spine enemies repile me all the Day long:
anD they, that are maD upon me, are l[po;n
together againll me.
9 11o131hape eaten alhes as it [pere h;eaD:
anD mingleD my D;ink [pith [peepings
16 app that hecaule of thine inoignation
anD [p;ath: fo; thou hall taken me up, anD
call me Dotpn.
1 1 spy oayes are gone like a [haDo[p: anD
31 am [pithereD like grals.
12 ieut thou,ED lLo;D,[halt enDure fo; eper:
anD thy rememh;ance th;oughout all genera=
tions.
13 @thou [halt arile, anD hape mercy upon
%>ion: fo; it is time that thou hape mercy
upon her, yea, the time is come.
' I4 511D
14 ﬂnD [phyP thy lerpants think upon her
llones: anD it pitieth them to lee her in the
hull.
15 @Zhe heathen [hall fear thy llaame, ED
ILo;D: anD all the kings of the earth thy
$812111);
16 when the lLo;D [hall huilD up %ion:
anD [phen his glo;y [hall appear;
17 when he turneth him unto the p;ayer
NA
The xx.
DAY.
I h . 1 (G r )7 , )y
l. ‘23. The 498th page of 1111; sealed Book commences vnln 14 ant‘ , “ l4 Q1111
lJCDlg also the cetch-\void on [he precedni
page. .
6 L
(1957)
The Pfalms.
ofﬂthe poor oellitute: ano oetpiteth not their
be ‘re.
1 8 @L'his lhall be ioritten for thote that come
after: mm the people inhith lhall be born lhall
praite the iLoro.
19 for he hath lookeo boron from his
%>anttuary: out of the heaben oio the iLoro
beholo the earth;
26 @that he might hear the mournings of
tuth as are in taptibity: ano oeliber the
thilbren appointeo unto Death;
21 @hat they may oetlare the ﬂame of
the iLoro in %ion: ano his morlhip at 31eru=
falem,
22 when the people are gathereo together:
am: the kingooms alto to term the norm.
23 lhe brought boron my llrength in my
iourney: ano lhortneo my oayes.
24 lhut El taio,ED my QDoiJ, take me not
ainay in the miolt of mine age: as for thy
years they enoure throughout all genera:
tions.
25 @thou, horn, in the beginning halt laio
the founoation of the earth: am: the heabens
are the work of thy hanos.
26 Qthey lhall perilh, but thou lhalt enoure:
they all lhall roar olo as both a garment,
27 Elno as a bellure lhalt thou thange
them, ano they lhall be thangeo: but thou
art the fame, ano thy years lhall not fail.
28 @the thiloren of thy terbants lhall ton=
itiinge: ano their teeo lhall ﬂano fall in the
g t.
(1958)
The Pfalms.
The Ciij. Psalm. Benedic, anima mea. . .
PIKail'e the ﬂow, 21) my foul: ano all that
is ioithin me pgaife his holy ﬂame.
2 matte the ﬂow, 9]) my foul: ano fogget
not all his benefits;
3 who
NA
3 who foggiheth all thy fin: ano healeth The XX-
all thine intirmities 1 D A Y.
4 who faheth thy life from oellruction: W
ano croirmeth thee iuith mercy ano lohing
kinonefs;
5 who fatisfieth thy mouth with gooo
things: making thee young ano luﬂy as an
eagle.
6 ethe 11.6111 erecuteth righteoufnefs ano
iuogement: fog all them that are oppgeﬂ'eo
with toiong.
7 lhe lheiheo his loayes unto shores: his
ioozks unto the chiloien of Zlfrael.
8 ethe ﬂow is full of compafsion ano
mercy: long futfering am: of great gooo:
nets.
9 ihe_tnill not alhoay he chioing: neither
keepeth he his anger fog eher.
19 {he hath not oealt ioith us after our
fins: no: remaroeo us accogoing to our
ioickeonelles.
11 JFog look hoin high the heahen is in
compariion of the earth: to great is his
mercy alfo toinaro them that fear him.
12 lLook hoio ioioe alto the tell is from
'._---————~_
I - ., 1: , "r =1
1.7. The 499m page [53 ii) of the Sealed Book CUlIlUICIlCCS “1111 5wijﬂ ,
“3min” »
being also the CillCil-Wﬂl'tl 011 the preceding pu'ce.
6 L 2 (19.59)
The Pfalms.
M
‘The xx.
the well: to far hath he tet our fins from
us.
13 yea, like as a father pitieth his oinn
chiloren: eben to is the horn merciful unto
them that fear him.
14 Jtor he knoibeth whereof the are mabe:
he remembreth that the are but bull.
15 ethe oayes of man are but as grats:
for he ﬂourilheth as a ﬂoboer of the fielo.
16 for as toon as the rhino goeth ober it,
it is gone: ano the place thereof lhall knoin
it no more.
17 teut the merciful gooonets of the iLoro
enoureth for eber ano eber upon them that
fear him: am: his righteoutnets upon chit:
orens chiloren;
18 QEben upon fuch as keep his copenant:
ano think upon his commanoments to no
them.
19 @the ltorb hath prepareo his feat in
heaben: ano his kingoom ruleth ober all.
26 E) praite the itorcnye angels of his, ye
that ercell in ltrength: ye that tulfil his com=
manbment, ano hearken unto the boice of
his booths.
21 ED praite the ﬂorcnall ye his hoits: ye
terbants of his that to his pleature.
13 k 22 ED
22 ED tpeak gooo of the hole, all ye works
of his, in all places of his oominion: praite
thou the lore, ED my toul.

DAY.
W
1. 29.
. n r 77
noes with “ 22 (B ; ‘ 22 (9
page.
The 500th pag
. the Sealed Book eomme
belng also the 2 h-wortl on the preceding
(1960)
The Pfalms.
1.,. Benedic, anima m€ar~Plélr-€-l-V—.—
illaile the lLo;D,ED my foul: ED iLo;D my M
QDDD, thou art hecome erceeDing glo;ious , Evening
thou art clotheD [pith maielly anD honour. Prey”-
2 @Zhou Deckell thy lelf [pith light as it W
[pere [pith a garment: anD lp;eaDell out the
heapens like a curtain.
3 who layeth the heams of his chamhers
in the [paters: anD maketh the clouDs his
chariot, anD [palketh upon the [pings of the
[pinD.
4 lhe maketh his ﬂngels lpirits: anD his
minillers a ﬂaming fire.
5 he laiD the founpations of the earth:
that it neper [houlD mope at any time.
6 @hou copereDll it [pith the Deep like as
gpith a garment: the [haters llanD in the
ills.
7 ﬁt thy rehuke they ﬂee: at the poice of
thy thunDer they are afraiD. _
8 @Ihey go up as high as the hills, anD
Dotpn to the palleys heneath: epen unto the
place [phich thou hall appointeD fo; them.
9 @Ehou hall let them their hounDs [phich
they [hall not pals: neither turn again to
coper the earth.
16 lhe lenDeth the lp;ings into the ripers:
[phich run among the hills.
11 all healls of the ﬂelD D;ink thereof:
anD the [pilDe alles quench their thirll.
12 QEeliDe them [hall the forpls of the air
hape their hahitation: anD ling among the
h;anches.
(1991)
The Pfalms.
The XX.
DAY.
13 {he toatereth the hills from abobe:
the earth is filleo tnith the fruit of thy
works.
14 {he bringeth forth grats for the tattel:
ano green herb for the terbite of men.
15 @Ihat he may bring fooo out of the
earth, ano ioine that maketh glao the heart
of man: ano oil to
T make
make him a thearful countenance , ano breao
to llrengthen mans heart.
16 @the trees of the iLoro alto are full of
tap: eben the teoars of lLibanus which he
hath planteo.
17 wherein the biros make their neﬂs:
anbk the firretrees are a otoelling for the
lior .
18 ethe high hills are a refuge for the intro
goats: ant: to are the ﬂony rocks for the
tonies.
19lhe appointee the moon for certain
teafons: ano the fun knoineth his going
Down.
26 @Zhou makell oarknets that it may be
night: toherein all the bealls of the forell oo
mobe.
21 @the lions roaring after their prey: oo
teek their meat from Qhoo.
22 @the fun ariteth, ano they get them
atoay together: ano lay them boron in their
oens.

1.10. The 501st age [53 I3 2] of the Sealed Book commences with the word “ makz”:
“ mil 2” being also the catch-word on the preceding page.
(1962)
The Pfalms.
23 Ethan goeth fogth to his toogk, ano to
his labour: until the ebening.
24 ED lLoio, horn manifolo are thy tboiks:
in iuifoom hall thou maoe them all, the earth
is full of thy riches.
25 %>o is the great ano tnioe fea alto:
lbherein are things creeping innumerable,
both fmall a great beahs.
26 ethere go the thins, ano there is that
ILeniathan: tohom thou hail maoe to take his
pailime therein.
27 @liheie ipait all upon thee: that thou
mayell gibe them meat in oue ieaion.
28 (when thou gibell it them, they gather
it: ano ibhen thou openeh thy hano, they
are filleo rnith gooo.
29 when thou hioeil thy face, they are
troubleb: ibhen thou takeﬂ aibay their
math. they oie, ano are turneo again to
their bull.
39 when thou letteﬂ thy bgeath go fogth,
they lhall be maoe: ano thou lhalt renero the
face of the earth.
31 @the glogious shaieily of the lLogo lhall
enoure fog eber: the ﬂow ﬂiall reioyce in his
ioozks.
32 @the earth lhall tremble at the look of
him: if he no but touch the hills, they lhall
fmoak.
33 El tbill ling unto the ﬂow as long as 3i
line: 3) ‘mill pgaife my ®oo hohile Kl habe my
being.
* 13 k 2 34 811B
(1963)
The Pfalms.
M
'ITie )(XJ.
I).Pt"§?.
34 elnb to lhall my iboros pleate him: my
joy lhall be in the itoro.
35 21s for tinners they lhall be contutneo
out of the earth,ano the ungooly lhall come
to an eno : praite thou the ltoro,ED my toul,
praite the horn.
Conﬁtemini Domino.
M
lhibrveing;
.1’regyeru
W
O Qhibe thanks unto the lore, ano call
upon his thame: tell the people ‘what
things he hath bone.
2 ED let your tongs be of him, ano praite
him: ano let your talking be of all his inon=
orous works.
3 Ikeioyce in his holy ﬂame: let the heart
of them reioyce that teek the lLorb.
4 %eek the horn ano his ﬂrength: teek
his face ebermore.
5 Remember the marbellous inorks that he
hath bone: his monoers ano the iuogements
of his mouth;
6 ED ye teeo of Hbraham his terbant: ye
chiloren of 31acob his chofen.
7 the is the iLoro our Qhoo: his iuoge:
ments are in all the roorlo.
8 the hath been alinay minoful of his cope:
nant ano promife: that he maoe to a thou=
tano generations;
9 QEben the cobenant that he maoe inith


l. 1. Th _2nd page of the ealed Book commences with “ 34. ﬁrth”, “34- gm”
so the catch- on t
ng al word he preceding page.
(1964)
The Pfalms.
ﬂh;aham: anD the oath that he llpare unto
31laac ;
16 anD appointeD the lame unto 31acoh fo;
a la[p: anD to 31lrael fo; an eperlalling tella=
ment.
11 %>aying, Elnto thee [pill 31 gipe the lanD
of Qtanaan: the lot of your inheritance.
12 when there [pere yet hut a felp of
them: anD they llrangers in the lanD;
13 [lﬂlhat time as they [pent from one
nation to another: from one kingDom to
another people;
14 {he luﬂfereD no man to Do them
[p;ong: hut rep;opeD epen kings fo; their
lakes.
1 5 @DJUED
15 @Iiouch not mine ﬁnointeD: anD Do my
p;ophets no harm.
16 apo;eoper he calleD lo; a Dearth upon
the lanD: anD DellroyeD all the p;opifion of
h;eaD.
17 IBut he haD lent a man hefo;e them:
epen 3oleph, [pho [pas mm to he a honD=
lerpant;
18 whole feet they hurt in the ﬂocks:
the iron entreD into his loul;
19 tllntil the time came that his caule
[pas known: the mm of the iLo;D trieD
him.
26 @the king lent, anD DelipereD him : the
p;ince of the people let him go free.
The xxj .
I).ALTY.

1.17. The 599111 page 12311 3] 61 the Sealed BOOk commences with “I 5 @Zcluch”,
‘(
I 5 Enrich” being also the catch-word on the preceding page.
(1965)
The Pfalms.
21 the maoe him loro alto of his houte:
ano ruler of all his fubllance;
22 @hat he might inform his princes after
his toill: ano teach his tenatours toitoom.
2 3 31trael alto came into QEgypt: ano Zlacob
was a llranger in the lam: of ham.
24211111 he increateo his people erceeo:
ingly: ano maoe them llronger than their
enennes;
25 whote heart turneo to,that they hateo
his people: ano oealt untruly with his ter=
pants.
26 @then tent he ahotes his terbant: ano
klaron iohom he hao choten.
27 sub thete lhetoeo his tokens among
them: ano toonoers in the lane of lham.
28 {he tent oarknefs, am] it was bark:
ano they were not obeoient unto his tooro.
29 the turneb their toaters into blouo: ano
ﬂeib their filh. _
36 @their lano brought forth frogs: yea,
eben in their kings chambers.
31 the tpake the boorb, am: there came all
manner of ﬂies: ano lice in all their quar:
ters.
32 the game them hailﬂones for rain: ano
ﬂames of fire in their lano.
3 3 the tmote their pines alto ano fig=trees:
ano oeﬂroyeo the trees that ioere in their
coaﬂs.
34 the tpake the rooro, ano the gralhoppers
came, ano caterpillars innumerable: ano
DI'U eat up all
{Bk 3 the
(1966)
The Pfalms.
M
the grais in their lano, ano oeboureo the The Xxj.
fruit of their grouno. DAY-
3 5 the fmote all the firﬂzbogn in their lano: W
eben the chief of all their ﬂrength.
36 lhe bgought them fogth alfo inith filber
ano golo: there was not one feeble perion
among their tribes.
37 QEgypt mas glao at their oeparting: fog
they were afraio of them.
38 {he fpgeao out a clouo to be a cobering:
ano fire to gibe light in the nightdeafon.
39 sit their oefire he bgought quails: ano
he filleo them lpith the bgeao of heaben.
46 he openeo the rock of hone, am: the
rnaters ﬂoiueo out: to that ribers ran in the
my places.
41 jFog ibhyi he remembieo his holy pgo:
mile: ano ilbgaham his ierbant.
42 am: he btought foith his people with
ioy: ano his chofen ibith glaoneis;
43 ﬂno gabe them the lanes of the heathen:
am they took the labouts of the people in
poffefsion;
44 @Ihat they might keep his liatutes: ano
obferbe his labos.
The cvi- Psalm Conﬁtemini Domino. Am
Qhibe thanks unto the hogo, fog he is EWm-ng
gracious: ano his mercy enoureth to; Prayer.

1. 1. The 504th page of the Sealed Book commences with the word “ tbi”, “ the”
being also t e catch-word on the preceding page.
(1967)
The Pfalms. *
The X '.
I)1%f§?.
2 who can erprets the noble acts of the
{torn : or lhe‘m forth all his praiteP
3 lhleﬂteo are they that alinay keep iuoge=
ment: anb oo righteoutnets.
4 Remember me, ED itoro, accoroing to
the fabour that thou bearelt unto thy people:
ED bitit me ibith thy talbation.
5 @that31 may fee the felicity of thy chofen:
ano reioyce in the glaonets of thy people, ano
gibe thanks inith thine inheritance.
6 we have tinneo inith our fathers: ioe
habe bone amits, ano oealt iuickeoly.
7 EDur fathers regaroeo not thy toonoers
1'11 ‘Egypt.
neither
neither kept they thy great gooonets in re
membrance: but inere oitobeoient at the tea,
even at the cell tea.
8 iiﬂeberthelets he helpeo them for his
iteames take: that he might make his poiner
to be knoion. _
9 the rebukeb the ten tea alto,ano it tnas
orieo up: to he let: them through the oeep,as
through a tniloernets.
IO ano he faneo them from the aobertaries
hano: ano oelibereo them from the ham: of
the enemy.
11 as for thote that troubleo them, the
waters oberrohelmeo them: there roas not
one of them left.

1. 16. The 505th page of the Sealed Book commences with the word “ “Bfﬂjll'”,
“ lllttbm' ” being also the catch-word on the preceding page.
(1968)
‘ I The Pfalms.
12 ﬁthen heiienen they his mums: ann fang
pgaife nntu him.
13 15m within a while they fuggat his
marks : anti month nut ahine his rountel.
14 15m Ina came upon them in the tail:
nernefs: HUD they temptetl Qbnn in the
nefert.
15 ann he gane them their nefire: anti
fent Ieannefs inithaii intu their fnnl.
16 ﬁthey angren aihuies alto in the tents: I
ann ﬁarun the faint at the ﬂow.
17 %>0 the earth upenen, ann finaiinmen up
Eathan: aniJ runereiJ the rangregatian at
ﬁhiram. -
18 anti the fire was hinnien in their rum:
pany: the ﬂame hurnt up the nngunly.
19 @hey mane a calf in Ihugeh : anD mop
fhippen the molten image.
20 @hus they turnen their giogyzintu the
fimiiitnne at a calf that eateth hay.
21 anti they faggat Q5011 their faninnr: who
haD Done in great things in QEgypt5
22 wunnguus marks in the lann at iham:
aniJ fearful things by the ren tea.
23 %n he rain, he month hahe neitruyen
them, hat: nut ahufes his thufen ﬂoun before
him in the gap: tn turn away his mgathfnl
innignatian, ieit he ihunIiJ Deﬂruy them.
24 iﬁea, they thunght trngn at that piea=
{ant iann: anti game no trenente nntn his
mum. e
25 that murmnren in their tents: anti
hearknen not unto the mice of the ilegn.
' 26 Q’Ihen
(1969)
The Pfalms.
M
The xxj.
DA Y.
W
26 @then lift he up his hano againll them:
to oberthroin them in the tniloernets;
27 @to call out their teen among the na:
tions: am: to fcatter them in the lanos.
28 QTheyioyneo themtelbes unto “Eaakpeor:
ano ate the offerings of the man.
29 @hus they probokeo him to anger inith
their ornn inbentions: am] the plague was
great among them.
36 @Ehen llooo up lﬁhinees ano prayeo:
mm to the plague ceateo.
31 ﬁne that ‘was counteo unto him for
righteoutnets: among all pollerities for eber=
more.
32 @they angreo him alto at the inaters of
llrife: to that he punilheo ahotes for their
[ﬁkeg ;
33 iBecaute they pronokeo his tpirit: to
that he tpake unaoniteoly rnith his lips.
34 JEeither oellroyeo they the heathen: as
the lore commanoeb them;
3 5 But inere mingleo among the heathen:
ano learneo their tnorks.
36 Zlntomuch that they roorlhippeo their
iools, inhich turneo to their own oecay: yea,
they otfereo their tons ano their oaughters
unto Devils’,
37 klnb lheo innocent blouo, eben the
blouo of their tons ano of their Daughters:
bahom they otfereb unto the tools of Qtanaan,
am: the lano rnas betileo toith blouo.
38 @hus there they llaineo inith their oron

l. 1. The 506th page of the Sealed Book commences with “ 26 @IJZII”, “ 26 QUJEII"
being also the catch-word on the precedlng page.
(1970)
The P‘falms.
tbogks: ano ioent a iohoging inith their own
inbentions. ~
39 QTherefoge was the ibiath of the ltogo
kinoleo againll his people: infomuch that he
abhogreo his oinn inheritance.
46 sub he gabe them ober into the hano
of the heathen: ano they, that hateo them,
there logos ober them.
41 @Zheir enemies oppgeifeo them: ano hao
them in fubiection.
42 shany a time oio he oeliber them: but
they rebelleo againll him ioith their olon
inbentions, ano mere biought boron in their
ioickeoneis.
43 ﬂeber=
43 ﬂeberthelefs tuhen he faib their aober:
fity: he hearo their complaint.
44 the thought upon his cobenant, ano
pitieo them, accogoing unto the multituoe of
his mercies: yea, he maoe all thofe that let]
them aibay captibe , to pity them.
45 23eliber us, 21]) {Logo our Qhoo, ano
gather us from among the heathen: that the
may gibe thanks unto thy holy ﬂame, ano
make our boail oi thl,9 matte.
46 QBIeiTeIJ be the ﬂoto Qhoo of Zlfrael from
eberlailing, ano bootlo toithout eno: ano let
all the people fay, amen.
T116 1611)‘.
D A Y.

1. 16. The 5071 h page of the Sealed Book commences with “ 4-3 ﬁllﬁil'ﬂJUIEfE”,
“ 43 512eber= ”
being the catch-word on the preceding page.
(1971)
The Pfalms.
M
.il/Iorm'ng
Prayer.
\./\r\./
M
The Xxij.
D A Y.
W
Conﬁtemini Domino.-~P¥a¥.~evij-.~
. .- \3. ‘1.
Qhibe thanks unto the iLorb, for he is
graciouszano his mercy enoureth for eber.
2 lLet them gibe thanks tnhom the horn
hath reoeemeo: ano oelibereo from the ham:
of the enemy;
3 klno gathereb them out of the lanos.
from the ealt, ano from the melt: from the
north, ano from the touth.
4 @Ihey inent aliray in the ibiloernets out
of the inay: ano founo no city to o‘rbell in;
b 5 {hungry ano thirliy: their toul fainteb in
t em.
6 %1o they crieo unto the iLoro in their
trouble: ano he oelibereo them from their
oilirets.
7 the lee them forth by the right way:
that they might go to the city iohere they
otbelt.
8 ED that men inoulo therefore praite the
horn for his gooonets: ano oeclare the toon:
oers that he both for the chiloren of men;
9 Jtor he tatisfieth the empty toul: ano
filleth the hungry toul thith gooonets;
10 %uch as fit in oarknets ano in the
lhaooin of Heath: being fall bouno in mitery
ano iron.
I I QBecaufe
1 1 ihecaute they rebelleo againh the moros
of the horn : ano lightly regaroeo the countel
of the molt lhighell;

1.29. The 508t1
ge of the Sealed Book commences with “ 1 I §3NHUIQH1
“ 1 I 38 “[2” being the catch-word on the preceding page.
(1972)
Th6 Pfalms.
12 the alto {nought oohon their heart thgough
heahinets: they tell ooinn, ano there was
none to heip them.
13 %o iohen they trieo unto the Logo in
their trouble: he oeiihereo them out of their
oiiirets.
14 11o; he hgonght them out of oarhnets,
ano out of the lhaootn of Death: ano hgake
their bonus in tunoer.
15 91) that men inouto therefore maite the
lLogo to; his gooonets: ano oeclare the toon:
oers that he ooth to; the rhiiogen of men;
16 jtog he hath h;oken the gates of hgats:
ano tmitten the bars of iron in tnnoer.
17 Jtooiiﬂ) men are piagneo tog their of:
tenre: ano heraute of their rnirkeonets.
18 @their toul ahhogreo alt manner of
meat: ano they inere eoen haro at oeaths
Hoop
19 %>o tohen they rrieo unto the ﬂogo in
their trouble: he oeiioereo them out of their
oiﬂrefs.
20 the tent his ‘roogo, ano heaieo them:
am: they were taheo from their oeiiruttion.
21 ED that men hoouio therefo;e matte the
{Logo to; h is gooonets: ano oeclare the toon:
oers that he ooth to; the rhiioien of men;
22 @that they tooulo otter unto him the
tarritire of thanhtgioing: ano teii out his
moths with giaonets.
23 @hey that ga ooion to the tea in thins :
ano orrupie their hutinets in great inaters,
221 @thete men tee the booths of the ﬂogo :
ano his ioonoers in the Deep.
6M
(1973)
The Pfalms.
The xxij.
D A Y.
W)
25 for at his worn the ftormy tnino ariteth:
inhich lifteth up the rnabes thereof.
26 @they are carrieo up to the heaben, ano
oornn again to the beep: their toul melteth
aroay becaute of the trouble.
27 Gthey reel to am: fro, ano llagger like
a orunken man : ano are at their inits ergog)
2 D
28 %>o when they cry unto the iLoro in
their trouble: he oelibereth them out of their
oillrets.
29 JFor he maketh the norm to ceafe: to
that the planes thereof are llill.
36 When are they glao, becaute they are
at rett: ano to he bringeth them unto the
haben tbhere they booulo be. ‘
31 ED that men inoulo therefore praite the
iLoro for his gooonets: ano oeclare the noon:
pets that he both for the chiloren of men!
32 @that they moulo eralt him alto in the
congregation of the people: ano praite him
in the feat of the eloers!
33 who turneth the ﬂouos into a iniloer=
nets: ano orieth up the tnater=tprings.
34 Q! fruitful lano maketh he barren: for
the mickeonefs of them that otoell therein.
35 again he maketh the ipiloernets a
llanbing mater: anb inater=fprings of a Dry
grouno.
36 kino there he tetteth the hungry: that
they may built] them a city to otnell in.

l. 9. The_509th page of the Sc
being also the catch-war
77
Book commences with “ 28 5H”, “ 23 5“
n the preceding page.
(1974)
The Pfalms.
37 @Ehat they may foiu their lano, ano
plant bineyaros: to yielo them fruits of
increafe.
38 {he bleifeth them,fo that they multiply
erceeoingly: ano iuifereth not their caitel to
oecreafe.
_ 39 ﬁno again, iuhen they are minilheo ano
bgought loin: thgough oppgefsion, thgough
any plague or trouble;
46 @Zhough he iuifer them to be ebil in:
treateo thiough tyrants: ano let them iuan=
her out of the may in the iniloernefs,
41 pet helpeth he the poo; out of miiery:
ano maketh him houlholos like a ﬂock of
iheep.
42 ethe righteous ioill coniioer this am:
reioyce: arm the mouth of all ioickeonefs
Ihall be ﬂoppeo.
43 tidihofo is iuife rbill ponoer thefe things:
ano they lhall unoerilano the lobing kinonefs
of the iLogo.
Paratum
M.
The xxg.
Psalm Paratum cor meum.—P¥e-l-.-e¥i-ij-. DAY:
W
0 ehoo,my heart is reaoy, my heart is Nb
really: 31 ibill ling ano gibe ptaife inith E'vmmg
the bell member that 31 habe. Prayer-
2 situake, thou lute ano harp: 31 my ielf W
tbill aboake right early.
1. 23. The 510th page [1] of the Sealed Bo ' ommences "'h the word “Paratum”, “Paratum”
being also the printed catch-w on the pre 11;; page.

6 M 2 (1976)
The Pfalms.
331 mill gipe thanks unto thee,ED lLorb,
among the people: 3 mill ting praites unto
thee among the nations.
4 for thy mercy is greater than the
heavens: ano thy truth reacheth unto the
cloubs.
5 %>et up thy telf, ED Qhoo, abobe the
heabens: ano thy glory abobe all the earth.
6 Ethat thy belobeo may be oelibereo : let
thy right hano tape them, ano hear thou me.
7 eon hath tpoken in his holinets: 31 tnill
reioyce therefore ano oibioe %>ichem, ano
mete out the bailey of %uccoth.
8 Qhileao is mine ano ehanaltes is mine:
QEphraim alto is the ﬂrength of my heao.
9 31mm is my lamgiber, ehoab is my inalh;
pot: ober QElJbm inill 31 call out my lhoe;
upon lhhililiia will 31 triumph.
16 who inill leao me into the ltrong city :
ano inho ibill bring me into QEoomP
11 lhall not thou tortaken us, ED eon:
ano lnilt not thou,ED Qhoo,go forth inith our
hoﬂsi
12 ED help us againll the enemy: for pain
is the help of man.
13 @t'hrough Qhoo toe lhall no great acts:
ano it is he that lhall treao boron our
enemies.
'l‘he P231111.
I)euslaudurn.;Eﬁﬂ-fuY -
HEDlo not thy tongue, E) eon of my praite:
for the mouth of the ungooly, yea, the
mouth of the oeceitful is openeo upon me.
2 ans they habe tpoken againlt me with

(1976)
The Pfalms.
talte tongues: they tompaiteo me about alto
rnith inogos of hatreo, ano fought againll me
without a raute.
1 3 hot
3 Jtoi the lobe that 31 hao unto them, lo,
they take noib my tontrary part: but 31 gibe
my telt unto p;ayer.
4 @thus habe they rernarbeo me ebil to:
gooo: ano hatreo to; my gooo mill.
5 %>et thou an ungooly man to be ruler
ober him: ano let %atan liano at his right
hanb.
6 when tentente is giben upon him, let
him be tonoemneo: ano let his p;ayer be
turneo into tin.
7 Let his oayes be tein: ano let another
take his office. '
8 Let his thilogen be tatherlets: ano his
wife a tpioo‘ro.
9 iLet his thiloien be bagabonos, ano beg
their bgeao: let them teek it alto out of oeto=
late plates.
IO let the ertogtioner tontume all that he
hath : ano let the Granger tpoil his labour.
1 1 lLet there be no man to pity him: no;
to habe tompatsion upon his tatherlets
thilogen. I
12 iLet his poilerity he oeilroyeo: ano in
the nert generation let his name be tlean put
out.
13 iLet the roitheonets of his fathers be
Thex'ﬁ
I) £& 5?.

l. 5. The 511th page I] of the Sc 1 (1 Book . mences with “ 3;]7UI' H, “ 3 for”
hemg also the catch-word 0 e prece .g page.
(1077)
The Pfalms.
The 16111)‘.
D A Y.
hair in remembrance in the fight of the iLoro:
ano let not the tin of his mother be none
atbay.
14 iLet them alinay be before the lLoro:
that he may root out the memorial of them
from oil’ the earth;
15 ano that, becaute his mino tnas not to
no gooo: but pertecuteo the poor helplets
man, that he might ﬂay him that tnas bereo
at the heart.
16 lhis oelight was in cutting, ano it lhall
happen unto him: he lobeo not bletsing,
therefore lhall it be far from him.
17 he clotheo himtelf inith curting, like as
inith a raiment: am: it lhall come into his
botnels like ioater, ano like oil into his bones.
18 iLet it be unto him as the cloak that he
hath upon him: anb as the girole that he is
alinay giroeo rnithal.
19 lLet it thus happen from the iLoro unto
mine enemies: am to thote that tpeak ebil
againll my toul. -
1L 1 20 75111;
29 'lBut oeal thou with me, ED Lore Qhoo,
accoroing unto thy ﬂame: for tineet is thy
mercy.
21 ED oeliner me, for 3[ am helplets ano
poor: am] my heart is inounoeo tnithin me.
22 3[ go hence like the lhaooin that be
parteth: ano am orinen aioay as the grat=
hopper.

ll 24.
00k com_ nces with “ 20 aﬁutt”, “ 20 %Ut ”
1e prcce g page.
The 5_12th page [*1 of the Seal
beuig also the catch-word 0
(1979)
The Pfalms.
23 shy knees are ioeak thtough falling:
my flelh is oiieo up to; ioant of fatnets.
24 31 became alto a reptoach unto them:
they that lookeo upon me, lhakeo their
beans.
25 help me, 211) Logo my Qhob: ED tabe me
accoioing to thy mercy.
26 sub they lhall knoio, hoio that this is
thy hano: ano that thou, 11.6111, hail oone
it
27 ethough they curte, yet blets thou: ano
let them be confounoeo that rite up againil
me; but let thy terbant reioyce.
28 let mine aobertaries be clotheo boith
ihame: ano let them cober themtelbes ibith
their oton contution as ‘with a cloak.
29 sis fog me, 31 ibill gibe great thanks
unto the 11,611: ioith my mouth: ano pgaite
him among the multituoe.
36 for he lhall llano at the right hano of
the poog: to tape his toul from unrighteous
iuoges.
L 1-3
DiXit Dominus.—-P-i;a~l~=—e%r-
The {Logo taio unto my ﬂow: %>it thou on my right hano , until 31 make thine Pmy67,_
enemies thy footilool.
2 @the {Logo ihall term the rob of thy poboer
out of %>ion: be thou ruler,eben in the mioﬂ
among thine enemies.
3 31n the bay of thy poboet [hall the people

(1979)
The Pfnlms.
NA
The xxiij.
D A Y.
olfer thee freetoiltolterings with an holy
toorlhip : the hem of thy birth is of the ioomb
of the morning.
2 4 @Ihe
4 @Ihe itoro tibare, ano inill not repent:
@Ehou art a 1hrieli for eber after the oroer of
@elchiteoech.
5 @Ehe Itoro upon thy right hano: lhall
toouno enen kings in the bay of his inrath.
6 the lhall iuoge among the heathen; he
lhall fill the places inith the bean booies: ano
tmite in tunoer the heaos oper oibers
countries.
7 the lhall brink of the brook in the may:
therefore lhall he lift up his heao.
The ex}. Psalm.
Conﬁtebor tibi. MBielemexjtrm
I will gibe thanks unto the lLoro with my
tphole heart: tecretly among the faithful,
ano in the congregation.
2 @L'he inorks of the horn are great: fought
out of all them that hate pleature therein.
3 {his work is worthy to be praiteo ano hat:
in honour: ano his righteoutnets enoureth
tor eber.
4 @the merciful ano gracious itorb hath to
bone his marbellous inorks: that they ought
to be has in remembrance.
5 the hath giben meat unto them that fear
him: he lhall eber be minoful of his cobenant.
6 {he hath theineb his people the poiner of
%
l. 5.
The 513th page [31 I 2] of the Sealed Book commences with c‘ 4- @319”,
‘t
4- QUJB ” being also the catch-word on the preceding page.
(1990)
Th€ Pfalms.
his works: that he may gine them the hem’:
tage of the heathen.
7 (the iUUZkS of his hanos are berity ano
iuogement: all his tommanoments are true.
8 @hey iiano fall for eber ano eber: ano
are bone in truth ano equity.
9 the tent reoemption unto his people: he
hath tommanoeo his tobenant fog eber5 holy
ano repereno is his ﬂame.
IO @Ihe fear of the ﬂow is the beginning
of ioitoom: a goon unoerlianoing habe all
they that no thereafter; the pgaite of it en=
oureth for eper.
The (">151-
Beatus vir. ﬁakwesxéjlw
Blleiteo is the man that feareth the ﬂow:
he hath great Delight in his tommanb=
ments.
2 this teeo lhall be mighty upon earth:
the generation of the faithful lhall be blelteo.
{L I 2 3 IRitbBS
3 IBithes ano plenteoutnets lhall be in his
houte: ano his righteoufnets enoureth fog DAY)‘
@1181‘. W
4 iHnto the gooly there ariteth up light in
the oarhnets: he is merriful, lobing, ano
righteous.
5 a goon man is merriful, ano lenoeth:
ano tnill guioe his moms ipith oittretion.
6 ~hog he lhall neber be mobeo: ano the
righteous lhall be hall in eberlailing remem:
bgante.

1. 21. The a 1 page [.-.j of 1112 Sealed k com ces with “ 333M185 ”, “ 33hithes”
'ng also the rd 0
catch-we e prec ' :1 page.
(1981)
The Pfalms.
7 he will not be afraio of any ebil tioings:
for his heart ltanoeth fan, ano beliebeth in
the lLoro. '
8 his heart is .allablifheo, ano tnill not
lhrink: until he tee his oetire upon his
enemies.
9 he hath oitperteo abroao, ano giben to
the poor: ano his righteoutnets remaineth
for eber; his horn lhall be eralteo tnith
honour. -
16 @the ungooly fhall fee it, am] it lhall
griebe him: he lhall gnalh tnith his teeth ano
contume away; the oefire of the ungooly
lhall perilh.
The cxiij. Psalm.
Laudate, pueri.
PIKaite the iLoro, ye terbants: ED praite the
shame of the iLoro. 3
2 ielelleo be the ﬂame of the lLoro: from
this time forth for ebermore.
3 @he iLoros ﬂame is praiteo : from the
riting up of the fun, unto the going boron ot
the fame.
4 @the ﬁbre is high abobe all heathen: am:
his glory abobe the heanens.
5 who is like unto the ﬂora our out: that
hath his btnelling to high : ano yet humbleth
himtelf to beholo the things that are in heaben
ano earth?
6 the taketh up the [imple out of the bull:
ano lifteth the poor out of the mire.
7 @Zhat he may tet him inith the princes:
eben with the princes of his people.
(1992)
The Pfalms.
8 the maketh the barren iboman to keep
houte: ano to be a ioyful mother of chilogen.
In
M
The xxiij .
DAY.
The 611139441111. In exitu Ifrael. v ‘ "'
NA
Wlhen 31trael came out of QEgypt: am: the Evening
houte of 31acob from among the llrange Prayer.
people, “W
2 31uoa was his tanctuary : ano 3trael his
oominion.
3 ethe tea fair: that ano ﬂeo: 31otoan iuas
oiiben back.
4 @lIhe mountains skippeo like rams: ano
the little hills like young lheep.
5 what aileth thee, ilD thou tea, that thou
ﬂeooell: ano thou 31ogoan that thou than
Diiben back?
6 iae mountains that ye skippeo like rams:
anb ye little hills like young IheepP
7 @Zremble thou earth at the pgetence of
the hon] : at the pgetence of the Qhoo of 31acob.
8 who turneo the barn rock into a ﬂano=
ing lpater: ano the ﬂint=tlone into a tpginging
melt.
The crew. PSZlilll.
Non nobis, Domine.
ﬂDt unto us, 2D ﬂow, not unto us, but
unto thy name gibe the pgaite: fog thy
lobing mercy, ano to; thy truths take.
1. -1. The 5151b page ULI 3] of * Sealed Book commences with the word “In”,
“ In” being also the printed ' h-word on the preceding page.

(1983)
The Pfalms.
The Xxiv.
I)1%.§7.
2 wherefore lhall the heathen tay: ibhere
is noin their Qhoo?
3 He for our Qhoo, he is in heaben: he
hath bone tnhattoeber pleateo him.
4 @Iheir iools are tilber ano golo: ehen
the inork of mens hanbs.
5 @Ehey habe mouths ano tpeak not: eyes
haue they ano tee not.
6 @lIhey habe ears ano hear not: notes
habe they ano tmell not.
7 @they habe hanos ano hanole not, feet
habe they ano walk not: neither tpeak they
through their throat.
8 cthey that make them are like unto
them: ano to are all tuch as put their trull
in them.
he I 3 9 15m
9 IBut thou houte of 31frael,truli thou in
the horn: he is their tuccour ano oefence. .
10 he houte ot Haron, put your trull in
the herb: he is their helper ano oefenoer.
11 the that fear the il.oro,put your trult in
the iLoro : he is their helper ano oefenoer.
12 @the iLoro hath been minofull of us,
ano he lhall blets us : eben he lhall blets the
houte of 31trael, he lhall blets the houte of
elaron.
13 the lhall blets them that fear the itoro:
both tmall ano great.
14 @the lore lhall increate you more ano
more: you ano your chiloren.

1. 18.
The_516th page '1 of the Sealed Book commences with “ 9 aﬁut”, “9 aﬁut”
hemg also th ch-word on the preceding page.
(1984)
Th6 hfalms.
15 iae are the bleffeo of the Logo: ipho
maoe heaben ano earth.
16 all the iohole heabens are the Logos:
the earth hath he giben to the thilogen of
men.
17 @Iihe oeao pgaite not thee, ED iLogb:
neither all they that go boron into tilente.
18 IBut roe ipill pgaite the ilogozfrom this
time forth to; ebermoie. llﬁgaite the logo.
“1111;; @341‘), 17511111},
M
I am ioell pleateo : that the iLogo hath hearo MWm-ng
the uoite of my prayer. pmye,._
2 @hat he hath entlineo his ear unto me : W
therefo;e ipill 3[ call upon him as long as 31
ibe.
3 @the tnares of Heath tompaiteo me rouno
about: ano the pains of hell gat holo upon
me.
4 El lhall finp trouble ano heabinets, ano
31 ioill call upon the ﬂame of the ﬂow:
ill) Logo, 31 beteeth thee, oeliber my toul.
5 Qhgatious is the Logo ano righteous:
yea,'our Qhoo is merriful.
6 @he iLogo pgeterbeth the timple: 3t ioas
in mitery, ano he helpeo me.
i 7 @Eurn
M
7 @Iurn again then unto thy reil, a) my Thii xxiv.
toul: fo; the ﬂow hath reinaroeo thee. D A Y-
W
l. 27. The hl'fth page of the Sealed Book commences with “7 Earn”, “ 7 warn”
hemg also the catch-word 0n the prcvcding page.
(1985)
The Pi'alms.
8 tlno tohyr thou hall oelibereo my toui
from oeath: mine eyes from tears, ano my
feet from falling.
9 3] mill inalk before the iLoro: in the
lane of the lining.
IO 3[ belieneo, ano therefore will 31 tpeak,
but 3[ tnas fore troubleo: 31 faio in my halle,
an men are liars.
11 what retoaro lhall 3i gine unto the
iLoro: for all the benefits that he hath oone
unto me?
12 3] mill receibe the cup of falbation: ano
call upon the 10981118 of the ﬂora.
13 BI will pay my boios norm in the pre:
tence of all his people: right bear in the
fight of the ﬂora is the Death of his taints.
14 IBeholo, ED lLoro, horn that 31 am thy
terbant: 3{ am thy terbant, ano the ton of
thine hanomaio, thou hall broken my bones
in tunoer. '
‘15 31 rnill oﬂfer to thee the tacrifice of
thanktgibing: ano tnill call upon the name
of the iLIJrD.
16 31 toill pay mp boibs unto the lLoro, in
the tight of all his people: in the courts of
the iLoros houte, eben in the mine of thee, ED
Zlerutalem. praite the iLoro.
The exvij. Psalm.
Laudate Dominurn.
O praite the lLoro, all ye heathen: praite
him, all ye nations.
2 for his merciful kinonets is ener more
ano more toroaros us: am: the truth of the
iLoro enoureth for ener. praite the {torn
(1986)
The Pfalms.
The cxviij. Psah'n.
Conﬁtemini Domino. O Qhibe thanks unto the ﬂow, to; he is
gracious: becaute his mercy enoureth
to; eber.
2 lLet 31trael norb contets, that he is gra:
cious: ano that his mercy enoureth for eber.
3 iLet the houte of siaron nobb contets:
that his mercy enoureth fog eber.
4 We.
4 19ea,let them noiu,that fear the itogo,1~m_
contets: that his mercy enoureth fog eber. DAY.
5 31 calleo upon the itogo in trouble: ano W
the iLogo hearo me at large.
6 @the 11611: is on my title: 31 ioill not fear
ruhat man both unto me.
7 @the {Logo taketh my part iuith them
that help me: therefoge [hall 31 tee my oetire
upon mine enemies.
8 31t is better to truli in the Logo: than to
put any continence in man.
9 31t is better to truil in the 116111: than to
put any continence in ptinces.
16 slll nations compatteo me rouno about:
bhut in the ﬂame of the 116111 iuill 31 oeﬂroy
t em.
11 ethey kept me in on ebery time, they
kept me in, 31 tay, on ebery title: but in the
ﬂame of the itogo luill 31 beﬂroy them.
12 @hey came about me like bees, ano
are ertintt eben as the tire among the thogns:

1. 10. The 51 page [1161 1112 56111611 B6611 COmIIIBIICCS 1111111 “4 @211", “4 ﬂea”
' catch 'ord ont din
. 11g also the -11 he prece ' g page.
(1987)
The Pfalms.
AM;
The xxiv.
D A Y.
W
for in the ﬂame of the horn 31 will oellroy
them.
13 ethou hak thruh tore at me, that 31
might fall: but the horn inas my help.
14 @Ehe horn is my lirength ano my tong:
ano is become my talbation.
15 @he boice of Joy ano health is in the
omellings of the righteous: the right hano
of the iLoro bringeth mighty things to pats.
16 ethe right hano of the iLoro hath the
preeminence: the right hano of the iLoro
bringeth mighty things to pats.
17 31 lhall not oie,but libe: ano oeclare
the inorks of the iLoro.
18 @the iLoro hath chatleneo ano correcteo
me: but he hath not giben me ober unto
Death.
19 EDpen me the gates of righteoutnets:
that 31 may go in to them, ano gipe thanks
unto the horn.
26 @Zhis is the gate of the horn: the
righteous lhall enter into it.
21 31 built thank thee, for thou hall hearo
me: ano art become my talnation.
2:2 (EIllE
4
22 @the fame tione inhich the builoers re=
futeo : is become the healeltone in the corner.
23 @this is the horns ooing: ano it is
marbellous in our eyes.
24 @his is the bay inhich the ﬂoro hath
maoe: toe inill reioyce ano be glao in it.

1. 26.
519th page of the Sealed Book co ences with “ 22 WEB”, ‘6 22 am)!”
also ﬁle catch-word
ing on the pre . 'ng page.
(1988)
The Pfalms.
25 Ihelp me noro, 13D .lLoio: SD ﬂogo, teno
us noto pgotperity. _
26 Qhleifeo be he that rometh in the ﬂame
of the logo : toe habe toilheo you gooo lurk,
ye that are of the houte of the 11.9111.-
27 Q’o'oo is the iltogo toho hath iheineo us
light: bino the tatrifite toith toios,yea,eben
unto the bogus of the altar.
28 @thou art my Qhomano 31 will thank
tgee: thou art my .Qhotuano 31 will pgaite
t ee.
29 ill) gine thanks unto the itogmfog he
is gratious: ano his merry enoureth for
ever.
Beati immaculatiwl-lfals%x=i~xv=
Bileeileo are thote that are unoefileb in
the may: ano toalk in the lain of the
lLogb.
2 IBlelIeo are they that keep his teﬂi=
monies: ano teek him roith their inhole
heart.
3 11o: they toho no no initkeonets: toalk
in his inayes. ._
4 @IIhou hail thargeo: that ‘me lhall oili:
gently keep thy tommanoments.
5 ﬁll) that my toayes mere maoe to oirett:
that El might keep thy llatutes.
6 %>o [hall 3 not be tonfounoeozinhile 31
habe retpett unto all thy tommanoments.
7 3] will thank thee boith an unfeigneo
heart: inhen 31 wall habe learneo the iuoge=
ments of thy righteoufnets.
AIMA
E‘venmg
Prayer.
W
6N
(1999)
The Pfalms.
8 3i inill keep thy ceremonies: ED fortake
me not utterly.
In
In quo com get.
- V‘i'lherernithall lhall a young man cleante
his toay: enen by ruling himtelf after
thy tooro.
‘2 with my tbhole heart habe 3i fought
thee: ED let me not go borong out of thy
commanoments.
3 @thy iooros hane 31 hit: niithin my heart:
that 31 lhoulo not tin againll thee.
4 Ehlelleo art thou, ED lLoro: ED teach me
thy llatutes.
5 with my lips habe 3i been telling: of
all the iuogements of thy mouth.
6 3i habe hao as great Delight in the toay
of thy teﬂimonies: as in all manner of
riches.
7 31 inill talk of thy commanoments: ano
hane refpect unto thy inayes.
8 hey oelight lhall be in thy ﬂatutes: anti
3[ tbill not forget thy inoro.
Retribue fervo tuo.
0 Do toell unto thy fernant: that ii may
line ano keep thy inoro.
2 EDpen thou mine eyes: that 3[ may fee
the inonorous things of thy lain.
3 3[ am a llranger upon earth: ED hioe not
thy commanoments from me.

l. 4. The 520th page [.2] of the Se
being also the catch-word on
Book commences with the word “In”, “In”
preceding page.
(1990)
The Pfalms.
4 any tout bgeaketh out to; the bery ferbent
oetire: that it hath alroay unto thy iuoge:
ments.
5 @lihou hail rebukeo the pgouo: ano curteo
are they that no erre from thy commano=
ments.
6 111) turn from me lhame ano rebuke: to;
31 habe kept thy tellimonies.
7 119ginces alto bio tit ano tpeak againﬂ
me: but thy terbant is occupieo in thy
iiatutes.
8 31oz thy tellimonies are my oelight: am]
my countellers.
Adhmﬁt pavimento.
Mia foul cleabeth to the bull: 11D quicken
thou me accogoing to thy tooth.
2 31 habe knoinleogeo my inayes, ano thou
hearoeﬂ me: 21D teach me thy ﬂatutes.
3 shake
3 shake me to unoerliano the may of thy
commanoments: arm to lhall 31 talk of thy
ioonogous roogks.
4 shy toul melteth aiuay fog bery heabi=
nets: comfogt thou me accotoing unto thy
tooth.
5 etake from me the may of lying: ano
caute thou me to make much of thy labo.
6 31 habe choten the may of truth: ano
thy iuogements habe 31 laio befoge me.
The XXV.
D A Y.

1. 20. The 52151; page of the Sealed Book commences with “ 3 558.32”, “ 3 milkz”
being also the catch-word on the preceding.’ page.
6N2
(1991)
The Pfalms.
’ " “. ‘
Mornmg
Prayer.
W
7 3i hane ﬁnch nnto thy tellimonies: ill)
itogo, confouno me not.
8 31 will run the may of thy commano:
ments: iohen thou hall fet my heart at
tiherty.
Legem pone.
TQEach me, ED ltoicnthe may of thy uatutes:
ano 31 lhall keep it unto the em.
2 came me nnoernanoing,ano 3f lhall keep
ghy lain: yea, 3i lhall keep it ioith my tohole
eart.
3 shake me to go in the path of thy com=
manoments: for therein is my oefire.
4 ilncline my heart unto thy tellimonies:
ano not to cooetoufnefs.
5 if) turn aioay mine eyes, left they heholo
oanity: ano quicken thou me in thy may.
6 ill) llahlilh thy tooth in thy fernant: that
31 may fear thee.
7 @take aroay the rehuhe that 31 am afraio
of z to; thy iuogements are gooo.
8 QBeholo, my oelight is in thy commano=
ments: fID quicken me in thy righteoufnefs.
Et veniat fuper me.
LQEt thy looing mercy come alfo unto me,
21D ﬂout: eoen thy faloation, accogoing
unto thy room.
2 %vo
(1992)
The Pfalms.
2 %>o [hall 31 make antiner unto my blat= Tm“
phemers: fog my trull is in thy toogb. D AY.
3 ill) take not the tooth of thy truth utterly W
out of my mouth: fog my hope is in thy
iuogements.
4 %o lhall 31 alipay keep thy lain: yea,
fog eber ano eber.
5 211111 31 ‘will walk at liberty: fog 31 teek
thy tommanoments.
6 31 ioill tpeak of thy teﬂimonies alto, epen
befoge kings: ano ipill not be alhameo.
7 am my oelight thall be in thy tommano=
. ments: iphith i habe lobeo.
8 9,122 hanos alto inill 31 lift up unto thy
tommanoments, tohith 31 habe lobeo: anb
my ﬂuoy [hall be in thy ﬂatutes.
Memor ePro fervi tui.
O Qthink upon thy terbant, as tonterning
thy ipogo: ioherein thou hall eauteo me
to put my truil.
2 @the fame is my tomfogt in my trouble:
to; thy inogb hath quitkneo me.
3 @lihe pgouo habe has me erteeoingly in
oerition: yet habe 31 not fhiinkeo from thy
lain.
4 11o131 remembgeo thine euerlaﬂing iuoge=
ments, ilD lLogo: ano reteibeo romfogt.
5 31 am hogribly afraio: fo; the ungobly
that fogtake thy lain.
6 @thy ﬂatutes habe been my tongs: in
the houte of my pilgrimage.

, _ n . u >1 cc 2’
l. 1. 'lhe 92-21111 page of healed] 0 ' commences with 2 5n 1 7- 55
being also the ca -word on : pzecedmg page.
(1993)
The Pfalms.
The XXV.
D A Y.
7 3i habe thought upon thy lhame, ED iLoro,
in the night=teaton: ano habe kept thy mm.
8 Qthis 3i hao: becaute 3i kept thy com=
manoments.
Portio mea, Domine.
Tlhou art my portion, ED Euro: 31 habe
promiteo to keep thy lain.
2 3i mabe my humble petition in thy pre=
tence tnith my inhole heart: ED be merciful
unto me accoroing to thy tboro.
3 3i
3 3i calleo mine otnn toayes to remem:
brance: ano turneo my feet unto thy telli=
monies.
43l maoe hafte, ano prolongeo not the
time: to keep thy commanoments.
5 @lihe congregations of the ungooly habe
robbeb me : but 3i habe not forgotten thy lain.
6 at mionight E tnill rite to gibe thanks
unto thee: becaute of thy righteous iubge=
ments.
7 3[ am a companion of all them that fear
thee: ano keep thy commanoments.
8 a’the earth,ED il.oro,is full of thy mercy:
ED teach me thy llatutes.
Bonitatem feciPti.
lLoro, thou hall oealt graciouﬂy inith thy
terbant: accoroing unto thy more.
()
1. 12. TheSQSrd page 111 1
a 3%"
he Sealed Book commences with “ 3 g”;
on the
eing 21180 the catch-w ' preceding page.
(1994)
The Pfalms.
2 ED learn me true unoerilanoing anb
knotoleoge: fog 31 habe beliebeo thy com=
manoments.
3 Ihefoge 3 iuas troubleo, 31 loent iogong:
but note habe 31 kept thy inogb.
4 @thou art gooo ano gracious: 9D teach
me thy ﬂatutes.
5 @L'he piouo habe imagineo a lie againti
me: but 31 tuill keep thy commanoments
ioith my iuhole heart.
6 @liheir heart is as fat as bgainn: but my
oelight hath been in thy lain.
7 3t is gooo to; me that 31 habe been in
trouble: that 31 may learn thy ﬂatutes.
8 @the lain of thy mouth is bearer unto
me: than thoutanos ot golo ano tiluer.
Manus tum fecerunt me.
T1131) hanos habe maoe me ano falhioneo 5*?“
me: 11D gibe me unoerﬂanoing, that 31 “m8
may learn thy commanoments. Pray”-
2 @they that fear thee will be glao rohen ‘ ' "
they tee me: becaute 31 habe put my truﬂ in
thy tooth.
3b 31 knonnsl) lLogo,that thy iuogements are
rig t:
919 "1 ano
/—~vk”\
ano that thou of bery faithfulnets hall cauteo Th6 XX“
me to be troubleo. 3g.

1. 27. The 52% ge of Sealed Book comm s with the word “ anti”, “ EIIU"
being the c -word on the prece ' ' page.
(1995)
‘ Th6 Pfalms.
4 ill) let thy merciful ln'nonel'a he my
tomfogt: aeeotoing to thy mom unto thy
teroant.
5 ill) let thy lom'ng mercies tome unto
me, that 3,! may line: to; thy law to my
Delight.
6 iLet the {noun he eonfounoeo, to; they go
tm'elaeoly about to oeﬂtoy me: hut El loill he
oetupieo in thy eommanomento.
7 iLet lueh as fear thee, ano haue RIIUiUII
thy telltmoniea: he turneo unto me.
8 QB let my heart he louno in thy llatutea:
that Kl he not alhameo.
Defecit anima mea.
My foul hath longeo to; thy faloation: ano
Bl have a goon hope heeaufe of thy inogo.
2 Erlﬁiﬂe eyes long loge fog thy mom: laying,
ED hohen totlt thou eomfogt me?
3 .ﬁoz 31. am heeome like a bottle in the
fmoke: yet no it not fogget thy llatutea.
4 ihoto many are the oayes of thy feruant:
when toilt thou he ahengeo of them that
petleeute me?
5 @Ihe pgouo haneoiggeo pita to; me:
which are not after thy latn.
6 all thy tommanoments are true: they
perfeeute me falfely, ED he thou my help.
7 @they hao almoﬂ maoe an eno of me
upon earth: hut 31 foglook not thy eommano‘
mente.
8 ED qutthen me after thy loving kinonet‘e:
ano to wall 3i keep the telltmoniee of thy
mouth.
(1996)
The Pfalms.
In wternum, Domine.
O lLo1o,thy ioogb: enoureth fog eber in
heaben.
2 ethy truth alto remaineth from one gene:
ration to another: thou hail laio the founoa=
tion of the earth, am: it abioeth.
3 @hey tontinue this Day attogoing to thine
ogoinante: to: all things terbe thee.
4 31f my oelight has not been in thy lain:
31 lhoulo habe peritheo in my trouble.
5 31
M
5 31 ioill neuer fogget thy tommanbments : The xxvj.
fog ioith them thou hail quitkneo me. DAY-
6 31 am thine, 8D tape me: foe Bl habe W
fought thy tommanbments.
7 @[he ungooly laio toait to; me, to oellroy
me : but 31 inill tontioer thy tellimonies.
8 31 fee that all things come to an enb : but
thy tommanoment is erteeoing bgoab.
(Qomodo dilexi !
Lilhio, iohat lope habe 31 unto thy lain: all
the bay long is my lluoy in it.
2 @L'hou thiough thy tommanoments hail
maoe me hotter than mine enemies: fog they
are eber ipith me.
3 El habe moge unberftanbing than my
teachers: to; thy teliimonies are my iluoy.
4 31 am ioiter than the ageo: betaute 31
keep thy tommanoments.

‘ . 2. . g n
l. 1.,. 1116 1 22th age III 2] el 11 beaded Book emmuences 1111.11 ‘ 5 3} 1 “ S 3} H
being ' the catch-word 0 ‘ - e preceding page.
(1997)
The Pfalms.
5 3i habe refraineo my feet from ebery
enil may : that 3 may keep thy more.
6 3i habe not lhrunk from thy iuogements:
for thou teachell me.
7 ED horn tineet are thy rnoros unto my
throat: yea, tineeter than honey unto my
mouth.
8 @Ihrough thy commanoments 3i get un:
oerfianoing : therefore 3| hate all enil inayes.
Lucerna pedibus meis.
M’f‘ lhy more is a lantern unto my feet: anb
Agar??? T a light unto my paths.
v1‘; 2 31 habe ttborn am: am ﬂeofaﬂly purpoteo:
to keep thy righteous iuogements.
3 3 am troubleo abobe meafure: quicken
me, ED lLoro, accoroing to thy tnoro.
4 let the free2tnill2offerings of my mouth
pleate thee, E) iLoro: ano teach me thy
iuogements.
9.19 m 2 5 9E1?
., M 5 they foul is altoay in my hano: yet no 3[
Tgejfyl' not forget thy lain.
WV‘ 6 @Ehe ungooly habe laio a tnare for me:
but yet 3i tinerbeo not from thy commano=
ments.
7 @Zhy teltimonies habe I claimeo as mine

1. 21. Th 526th page [*1 of the Seal Book commences with “ 5 ﬁg”, “ 5 my”
ing also the catch-word 0 he preceding page.
(1998)
The Pfalms.
heritage to; eber: ano UJBPP they are the
bery Joy of my heart.
8 31 habe applyeo my heart to fulfil thy
ﬂatutes alioay : eben unto the eno.
Iniquos odio habui.
I ihate them that imagine ebil things: but
thy lain oo 31 lobe.
2 ethou art my oefence ano lhieloz ano
my truﬂ is in thy looio.
3 ﬁroay from me, ye ibickeo: 31 inill keep
the commanoments of my (thou.
4 21D llablilh me accogoing to thy ioogo, that
31 may line: anb let me not be oitappointeo
of my hope.
5 lholo thou me up, am: 31 thall be tafe:
yea, my oelight [hall be eber in thy ﬂatutes.
6 ethou hall trooen ooinn all them that
Depart from thy liatutes: to; they imagine
but oeceit.
7 @Ihou putteﬂ aroay all the ungooly of
the earth like ogots: therefote 31 lobe thy
tellimonies.
8 shy ﬂeth trembleth to; tear of thee: ano
31 am afraio of thy iuogements.
Feci judicium.
IsDeal inith the thing that is laiuful am:
right: ill) gibe me not ober unto mine
oppgeilours.
2 shake thou thy terbant to Delight in that
which is gooo: that the pgouo no me no
ibgong.
3 some eyes are rbalieo aroay inith looking
(1999)
The Pfalms.
for thy health: am: for the inogo of thy
righteoulnele.
4 513 M81 with thy ierpant accogoing 1mm
thy loping mercy : ano teach me thy llatutes.
NA
The xxvj.
D A Y.
5 3[ am thy lerhant. QD grant me unoer=
ﬂanoing: that 3[ may knoro thy teﬂimonies.
6 it is time to; theeJLoro, to lay to thine
hano: for they have oellroyeo thy lain.
* 7 for
7 for 31 lone thy commanoments: ahope
golo ano precious ﬂone. ‘
8 @Iherefoge holo 31 ﬂrait all thy commano=
mente: am: all talfe ioayee 31 utterly abhor.
Mirabilia.
Tlhy teﬂimoniee are monoerful: therefore
Both my foul keep them.
2 when thy mogo goeth forth: it gipeth
light ano unoeruanoing unto the iimple.
3 3i openeo my mouth,anoogeroinmyhgeath:
for my oelight was in thy commanoments.
4 £1) look thou upon me, ano he merciful
unto me: as thou uleﬂ to no unto thole that
lope thy ﬂame.
5 ilDroer my ﬂeps in thy ioogo: ano fo lhall
no ioickeonels hape oominion oper me.
6 210 oeliper me from the iurongfuloealinge
of men: ano to lhall 31 keep thy commano=
mente.
7 %>heho the light of thy countenance upon
thy ierpant: ano teach me thy ﬂatutee.

l- 10- The 5;?7ﬂ1page m 3] of the Scaled Book commences witn “ 7 fur”,
a
7
7 .
{Fur , being also the catch-word on the preceding page.
(2000)
The Pfalms.
8 shine eyes guth out with water: betaute
men keep not thy lato.
Juf’tus es, Domine.
Righteous art thou, 21D lLogb: ano true is
thy iuogement.
2 ethe teﬂimonies that thou hail tom:
manoeo: are erteeoing righteous ano true.
3 shy 5eal hath epen tontumeo me: be=
raute mine enemies habe foggotten thy inogps.
4 @lihy tooth is trieo to the uttermoll: ano
thy terbant lobeth it.
5 31 am tmall, anb of no reputation: yet
on 31 not fogget thy tommanb-ments.
6 @thy righteoutnets is an eberlaﬂing
righteoutnets: anb thy lain is the truth.
7 etrouble ano heapinets habe taken holo
upon me: yet is my Delight in thy tommano:
ments.
8 ethe righteoutnets of thy teﬂimonies is
eberlalling: 21D grant me unperﬂanoing, ano
31 wall libe.
3p m 3 Clamavi
NA
The xxvj.
DAY.
Clamavi in toto corde meo. W
I Qtall with my tohole heart: hear me, ill) Ewm'ng
ILDZD, 31 will [$221] If)? ﬂﬁfllwﬁ. Prayer.
, 2 ieea, epen unto thee oo 31 tall: help me, v“,
ano 31 lhall keep thy teﬂimonies.

l. 23. The 528th page [1] of the Sealed Book commences with the word “ Clamavi”, “Clamavi ”
being also the catch-word on the preceding page.
(2991)
The Pfalms.
3 QEarly in the morning oo 31 cry unto
thee: for in thy more is my trull.
4 shine eyes prenent the night=inatches:
that 31 might be occupieo in thy rooros.
5 lhear my noice,ED ﬂormaccoroing unto
thy lobing kinbnets: quicken me accoroing
as thou art toont.
6 @they brain nigh that of malice pertecute
me: am: are tarre from thy lain.
7 15c thou nigh at hano,ED lLorlJ: for all
thy commanoments are true.
8 as concerning thy tellimonies. 31 habe
knotnn long tince: that thou hall grounoeo
them for eber.
Vide humilitatem.
0 Qtontioer mine aoberfity, ano oeliner me:
for 31 no not forget thy lain.
2 ﬁnenge thou my caute, ano oeliber me:
quicken me accoroing to thy tnoro.
3 lhealth is farre from the ungoolyzfor
they regaro not thy llatutes.
4 Qhreat is thy mercy,ED lLoro: quicken me
as thou art inont.
5 agany there are that trouble me, am:
pertecute me: yet no 31 not tmerbe from thy
tellimonies.
6 31t griebeth me tohen 31 fee the trant=
grellors: becaute they keep not thy lain.
7 Qtonfioer, ED lLoro, horn 31 lone thy com=
manoments: ED quicken me accoroing to thy
lobing kinonets.
8 @thy inorb is true from eberlalling: all
(2002)
The Pfalms.
the iuogements of thy righteoutnets enoure
fog ebermoge.
O.
Principes
Principes perfecuti funt. T/h\*’\_
PIRinces habe pertecuteo me ibithout a ﬁAxyxf'J'
caute: but my heart lianoeth in aloe of W
thy mogo.
2 31 am as glao of thy ibogo : as one that
tinoeth great tpoils.
3 as fog lies, 31 hate ano abhoi them: but
thy lain oo 31 lobe.
4 %>eben times a bay oo 31 piaite thee:
becaute of thy righteous iuogements.
5 threat is the peace that they habe inho
lobe thy lain: ano they are not ottenoeo at
it
6 ﬂow. 3i habe lookeb fog thy tabing
health: ano bone after thy commanoments.
7 any foul hath kept thy tellimonies: ano
lobeo them erceeoingly.
8 31 habe kept thy commanoments ano
tgﬂimonies: fog all my lbayes are befoge
t ee.
Appropinquet deprecatio.
LQZEt my complaint come befote thee, 9])
now: gibe me unoertianoing accogoing
to thy rboio.

l. 4. The 529111 go of Sealed Book commences w’ _ the word “Principes”,
“ Pi-ineip . ” being 0 the catch-word on the prece g page.
(2903)
The Pfalms.
AAA
The xxvij.
DAY. ,
W
’ "‘1 ‘
illbrveznq;
.ZJreQVerz
W
2 iLet my lupplication come before thee:
oeliper me accoroing to thy iooio. .
3 gay lips lhall lpeak of thy pgaile: iohen
thou hall taught me thy ﬂatutes.
4 yea, my tongue lhall ling of thy room :
to; all thy commanoments are righteous.
5 il.et,thine hano help me: for 3[ hape
cholen thy commanoments.
6 31 hape longeo for thy failing health, 8])
logo : ano in thy law is my oelight.
7 8D let my loul lipe, am: it lhall pgaile
thee: ano thy iuogements lhall help me.
8 Bl have gone aﬂray like a lheep that is
loll: 8D leek thy lerpant, for El no not forget
thy commanoments.
IXci
CE‘ZX. Zz'salm. Dominum.
lhen 31 was in trouble, El calleo upon
the logo: ano he hearo me.
2 Eeliper my loul,81> 1Logo,lrom lying lips:
anIJ from a oeceitlul tongue.
3 what reiparo lhall he given or none unto
thee, thou falle tongue: epen mighty ano
lharp arroins, with hot burning coals.
4 we is me, that KI am conﬁraineo to
oroell roith agelech: arm {to hape my hahita:
tion among the tents of gram.

1. 17.
The 530th page of the Sec Book commences with the word “ Ad ”, “ Ad ” being
also the catch-word on preceding page.
(2004)
, Th6 Pfalms.
5 99y foul hath long omelt among them:
that are enemies unto peace.
6 3l labour to; peace, but iohen Bl {peak
unto them thereof: they make them reaoy to
hattel.
Tho cxxj. Psalm.
Levavi oculos.
I ioill lift up mine eyes unto the hills: from
tohence cometh my help.
2 99y help cometh open from the ﬂow:
roho hath maoe heapen ano earth.
3 lhe toill not fuller thy foot to he mopeo :
ano he that lreepeth thee ioill not ﬂeep.
4 IBeholo, he that keepeth Zllrael: lhall
neither. ﬂumher no; ﬂeep.
5 @Ehe lLogo himtelf is thy keeper: the lLoio
is thy oefence upon thy right hano;
6 %>o that the fun lhall not burn thee by
oay : neither the moon by night.
'7 @Iihe lLogo 1hall pgeferpe thee from all
epilzyea, it is even he that lhall keep thy
toul.
8 @he lloio Ihall pgeierpe thy going out
ano thy coming in: from this time fogth fog
epermoge.
Laetatus
'i‘hr: cxxiij. Psalm. Laatatus fum, “Pﬁkrffif’iﬂjpu. ' DAY.
Itoas glao tohen they faio unto me: we W
will go into the houfe of the ﬂow.

1. 26. 1 5315i page of the Sealed Book mmcl 2 with the word '"' Laetutus ", “ LEL’IEAUIS "
icing also the catch-word on prec :< 1g page.
(a 0 (zoos)
The Pfalms.
2 EDur feet lhall llano in thy gates: E)
31erutalem.
3 31erutalem is built as a city: that is at
unity in it felt.
4 ,11'or thither the tribes go up, ebenthe
tribes of the lLoro: to tellitie unto 31trael, to
gine thanks unto the 31981118 of the lLoro.
5 for there is the feat of iuogement: enen
the feat of the houfe of EDanio.
6 ED pray for the peace of 31erutalem: they
lhall protper that lobe thee.
7 lDeace be inithin thy malls: ano plente=
outnefs tnithin the palaces.
8 for my brethren ano companions takes:
31 ioill inilh thee protperity.
9 rhea, becaute of thehoufe of the limb our
Qhoo: 31 toill teek to no thee gooo.
The exxiii. Psalm.
Ad te levavi oculos h1eos.=-B¥e-l—e*§eh3-. Ullﬂto thee lift 31 up mine eyes: E) thou
that oinellell in the heabens.
2 leeholo, eben as the eyes of ternants look
unto the hano of their mallers,ano as the eyes
of a maioen unto the hano of her millrets:
corn to our eyes toait upon the lLoro our Qhoo,
until he habe mercy upon us.
3 lhane mercy upon us, E) lLoro, habe
mercy upon us: for toe are utterly oetpifeb.
4 EDur foul is filleo ibith the fcornful re=
proof of the inealthy: ano tbith the oetpite=
fulnets of the proub.
(2008)
The Pi‘alms.
The exxiv. Peahn.
N iﬁ quia Dominus. Makeseanlwd-
In’ the ltogo himtelf hao not been on our tioe,
norb may 31trael tay: if the logo himtelf
hao not been on our fine, ibhen men rote up
againll us ;
2 ethey hao tioalloineo us up quick: iuhen
they there to ioiathtully oitpleateo at us.
3 19931
3 gaea, the ioaters hao ogoinneo us: ano TQM/o.
the liream hao gone ober our toul. . Def?!‘
4 @the beep ibaters of the pgouo : hao gone W‘;
eben ober our toul.
5 115ut pgaiteo be the 116111: ioho hath not
giben us ober to; a pgey unto their teeth.
6 ﬁDur toul is etcapeo eben as a biro out of
the tnare of -' the foipler: the tnare is broken,
aim the are oelibereo.
7 ilDur help ﬂanoeth in the name of the
ltoto : loho hath maoe heaben ano earth.
‘1%:11‘111-Qui conﬁdunt. Finis they that put their truil in the lingo, lhall
be eben as the mount %>ion : which may
not be remobeo, but llanoeth fall fog eber.
2 @the hills llano about 31erutalem: eben
to llanoeth the ltogo rouno about his people,
from this time fotth fog ebermoge.
3 Jl'oi the too of the ungooly cometh not
into the lot of the righteous: tell the right:
eous put their hano unto ioickeonets.
4 Do inell, ED ltogoz unto thote that are
gooo ano true of heart.
' - it n 4‘ 1 1
l. 9. 632110. page of the Sealed Book commences wlth 3 £333, 1 3 25M,
icing also the catch-word on the preceding page.

6 O 2 (21107)
The Pfalms.
Evening
Prayer.
The xxvij.
I).f&-§T.
5 21s for luch as turn. hack unto their oinn
rnickeonels: the Logo lhall leao them forth
rnith the enil ooers, hut peace lhall he upon
Zllrael.
\ In convertendo.
lhen the ﬂow turneo again the captivity
of %>ion: then were ‘we like unto them
that Dream.
2 @hen toas our mouth lilleo with laughter:
ano our tongue inith joy.
3 @then laio they among the heathen: the
logo hath oone great things for them.
4 yea, the ileoto hath oone great things to;
us alreaoy: iohereof toe reioyce.
5 @Eurn our captipity,£ll> {Logo : as the ripers
in the louth.
6 Qthel?
6 @Ihey that fume in tears: [hall reap in
joy.
7 lhe that note goeth on his way ioeeping,
ano heareth forth gooo leeo: lhall oouhtlels
come again ioith joy, ano bring his fheapes
Niﬁ 63.5556‘; Efcept the hero huilo the houle:
labour is but loll that huilo it.
2 QErcept the horn keep the city:
matchman inaketh hut in pain.
their
the

l. 18. The 533rd page of the Sealed Book comm
being also the catch~wort1 0n the prec
.63 with “ 6 ,1.’ ‘l 6 whey,’
'ng page.
(2008)
The Pfalrns.
‘M éj_‘.'li_;‘l-
3 it is hut loll lahour that ye hafle to rife
up early, ano to late take tell, ano eat the
hgeao of carefulnefs: fog to he gioeth his
heloheo lleep.
4 lo, chilogen ano the fruit of the ioomh:
are an heritage ano gift that cometh of the
lLogo.
5 lLike as the arrorps in the ham of the
giant: ehen to are the young chilogen.
6 lhappy is the man that hath his quiher
full of them: they lhall not he alhameo iphen
they fpeak roith their enemies in the gate.
Be'ati omnes. BlLeffeo are all they that fear the llogo : ano
toalk in his roayes.
2 ,lfog thou lhalt eat the lahours of thine
hanos: ED tnell is thee, am: happy lhalt thou
he.
3 'dthy ‘wife lhall he as the fruitful pine:
upon the ipalls of thine houfe.
Arﬁthy chiloien like the olihe:hganches:
rouno ahout thy tahle.
5 Lo, thus [hall the man he hlelfeo: that
feareth the lLogo.
6 @he iLogo from out of %ion [hall to
hlefs thee: that thou lhalt fee Zlerufalem in
pgofperity all thy life long. i
7 @ea, that thou lhalt fee thy chiloiens
chilozen: ano peace upon Ifrael. .
expugnaverunt. .W‘éX‘XTXf
any a time haoe they fought againﬂ me
from my youth up : may Efrael nomigfay.
2 ea,
(2009)
The Pfalms.
M
The xxvij.
D A Y.
W
2 pea, many a time hane they bereo me
from my youth up: but they hane not me
baileo againll me.
3 Ethe plotoers ploibeo upon my back: ano
maoe long furroms.
4 lhut the righteous lLoro: hath heioen the
tnares of the ungooly in pieces.
5 lLet them be confounoeo ano turneo back=
ioaro : as many as hane enil toill at %>ion.
6 Let them be eben as the grats grorning
upon the houte=tops: tnhich rnithereth afore
it be pluckeo up.
7 whereof the moioer filleth not his hano:
neither he, that binoeth up the lheabes, his
botome.
8 too that they tnho go by fay not to much
as, @the lore protper you: toe inifh you gooo
luck in the lhame of the lLorlJ.
The CXXX. Psaim.
De profundis. W
Otit of the beep hane 31 calleo unto thee,
E) Loro: lLoro, hear my noite.
2 ED let thine ears contioer tbell: the boice
of my complaint.
3 31t thou, lLoro, tbilt be ertreme to mark
inhat is none amits: ED lLoro, toho may abioe
it-)
4 jFor there is mercy toith thee: therefore
lhalt thou be feareo.
5 31 look for the lLoro, my foul ooth tnait
for him: in his tboro is my trull.
6 Hey foul ﬂeeth unto the lLoro : before the

l. 1.
. ,7 _ n
_nces with “ 2 £25, , “ 2 @221
1g page.
The _53~ 11 page of the Sc Book con
being also the catch-“'0' 1 the m'ec
(2019)
The Pfalms.
mowing inattb, El lap, befnge the megning
match.
7 ill) Zlttael, trail in the min, to; with the
min there ie mercy: arm with him is plenteuus
renemptinn.
8 81111 be [ball reneem 31trael: from all
hie line.
he CllfiXXjl Psalm
Domine, non eﬁ. 'Pﬁkmxirm
LilDgn, El am nut bigbmiinnen: Bl bane no
mean Invite.
2 3{ no not erettife mp tell’ in great mat=
tete: which are too high to; me.
3 QBut 31 retrain my fuul, antl keep it loin,
like a5 a
tbiltl
tbiln that is meanen from his mother: pea, M
my toul is even as a ineanen tbiln. The Xxviii
4 QB 31trael, trail in the ﬂew : from tbie 2131';
time with to; enetmute.
The cxxxij. Psalm.“ Memento, Domine. ‘P'Qfﬁ’l-fGXeXeXijz
M
LﬂDgtl, remember iDanilJ: emu all Die Morning
ttlJllhllZ. Prayer,
2 {pain he [tnare unto the iLugD: ann W
numen a new unto the almighty @5013 of
Zlatnh;
3 31 tnill not tame initbin the tabernacle at
mine bnute: no; climb up into my hen ;

1. 16. The 535,111 page 11] of the Sealed Book commcnvs with the word “ rbilh”,
“ If)! ” being also the catch-word on the preceding page.
(2011)
The Pfalms.
M
The xxviij.
DAY.
W
4 3t will not fuller mine eyes to ﬂeep, no;
mine eye=lios to ﬂumber: neither the temples
of my heao to take any rel},
5 ﬁntil 31 fino out a place fog the temple
of the how: an habitation for the mighty
tool] of Zlacoh.
6 ho, the beam of the lame at QEphzata:
ano founo it in the tnoob.
7 we will go into his tabernacle: ano
fall loro on our knees before his foottlool.
8 strife, 9D ﬂow, into thy reﬂing place:
thou, ano the ark of thy llrength.
9 {Let thy pgieﬂs be clotheb toith righteoul:
nefs: ano let thy laints ling trn'th ioyfulnefs.
to for thy lerbant Barrios lake: turn not
atnay the pgelence of thine elnointeo.
11 Qthe Logo hath maoe a faithful oath-
unto EDabio: ano he lhall not lhrink from it t
12 ilDf the fruit of thy booy: lhall 3[ let
upon thy feat. '
13 ill thy chiloren toil-l keep my cobenant ,
ano my tellimonies that i lhall learn them :
their chilogen alfo lhall fit upon thy feat for
ebermoge.
14 for the llogo hath cholen %>ion to be an
habitation for himlelf :- he hath longeo. fog her.
119 It I 5 @L'his
I 5 @his lhall be my reﬂ for eber: here
tpill I otoell, fog 31 harm a oelight therein.
16 it will blels her bictuals roith increale:
ano lpill latisfie her poo; toith bgeao.

l. 28. The 536th page [1”] of the Sealed Book commences with “ I 5 Q'Jhiﬂ”, “ 15 Ebiﬂ’”
bung also the cedi
catch-word on rho pre 11g. page.
(2012)
The Pfalms.
17 31 roill oeck her pgiells with health : anh
her faints lhall reioyce ano ting.
18 @there [hall 3 make the horn of EDahio
to ﬂourilh: 31 hahe ogoaineo a lantern fog
mine ﬁnointeo.
19 21s for his enemies, 3i ﬂJall clothe them
roith lhame : hut upon himfelf [hall his crohon
ﬂourilh.
The cxxxiij. Psalm.
Eccr, quzlm bénum. BQEholo, hotn gooo ano joyful a thing it is :
hgethgen to omell together in unity.
2 it is like the pgecious ointment upon the
bean, that ran oolpn unto the hearo: ehen
unto ﬁarons hearo, ano toent ootnn to the
skirts of his clothing.
- 3 lLike as the oeho of lhermon: tohich fell
upon the hill of %>ion.
4 no; there the Logo pgomifeo his hlefsing:
ano life for euermoge.
Th6 cxxxiv. Psalm.
Ecce nunc. BQEholo noio, pgaife the ILUZUI all ye fer=
pants of the ﬂow;
2 iﬁe that by night llano in the houfe of
the Logo: ehen in the courts of the houfe of
our Qhoo.
3 lift up your hanos in the fanctuary; ano
pgaiie the {Logo
4 @the ﬂogo, that maoe heahen ano earth:
gihe thee hlefsing out of %ion.
(2i i123)
The Pfalms.
The Xxviij.
D A Y.
Til ""111.
:1 ‘1-’? 15241.1( 1' 11.111 _
Laudate Nomen.
O lhraife the ILorb, laub ye the shame of
the lLorb: praite it, ED ye terbants of the
£01715
2 gee that llanb in the houfe of the lLorb:
in the courts of the houfe of our @073,
3 ED praite the lLorb, for the iLbrlJ is gra=
cious: E) ting praifes unto his 31381112, for it
is lonely.
4 for bohyP the lLorb hath choten 31acob
unto himtelf: anb 31trael for his otnn polletz
sion.
1 5 for
5 for 31 knoro that the iLorb is great: anb
that our lLorb is abobe all gobs.
6 whatfoeber the limb pleafeb, that bib
he in heaben, anb in earth: anb in the tea,
anb in all beep places.
7 lhe bringeth forth the cloubs from the
enbs of the iborlb: anb tenbeth forth light=
nings with the rain, bringing the tninbs out
of his treatures.
8 lhe tmote the firlkborn of QEgypt: both
of man anb beall.
9 the hath tent tokens anb boonbers into
the mibll of thee, ED thou lanb of QEgypt:
upon"‘11)haraoh,anb all his fernants.
16 the tmote bibers nations: anb ﬂero
mighty kings; _
1 I %ehon king of the Elmorites,anb EDg the

1. 1-1.
The 537th page II 2] of the Sealed Book commences with “ 5 fur”,
77 , .
“ 5 if at being also the catch-word 011 the preceding page.
(2014)
The Pfalms.
king of Ihaianz ano all the kingoome ot
Qtanaans
12 ﬁno gaue their lano to he an heritage:
even an heritage unto 31trael his people.
13 @thy Jmame, 9D iLogtnenoureth to; ever:
to Both thy memorial, 21D ﬂow, from one
generation to another.
14 not the ﬂow ioill anenge hie people:
am] he gratioue unto his teroants.
15 915 to; the images of the heathen, they
are but iilner ano golo: the inogk of mena
hanoe.
16 Qthey hane moutha, ano tpeak not:
eyes haue they, but they tee not.
17 @Ehey hahe eare, am: yet they hear not:
neither is there any breath in their mouths.
18 @they that make them are like unto
them: ano to are all they that put their truli
in them.
19 1i9gaife the ﬂow, ye houte of Zltrael:
piaite the ﬂow, ye houte of elaron.
20 Maire the ﬂow, ye houte ot iLeni: ye
that fear the ﬂow, piaite the into.
21 Matteo he the {Logo out of %>ion: toho
omelleth at Blerutalem.
319 I’! 2 Conﬁ-
(2015)
The Pfalms.


NA
The Xxviij.
Conﬁtemini. -— .- , 1~
II: 0 ®ibe thanks unto the itogo, fog he is
Evening gracious: am: his mercy enoureth for
Prayer. BUM‘.
W
2 8D gibe thanks unto the eon of all gobs:
for his mercy enoureth for eber.
3 8D thank the Logo of all logos: fog his
mercy enoureth for ether.
4 who onely both great inonoers: for his
mercy enoureth fog ether.
5 who by his ercellent miloom maoe the
heabens: fog his mercy enoureth for eber.
6 who laio out the earth abobe the roaters:
fog his mercy enoureth for eber.
7 who hath maoe great lights: for his
mercy enoureth fog eber;
8 @Ihe fun to rule the bay: fog his mercy
enoureth fog eber;
9 @the moon arm the liars to govern the
night: fog his mercy enoureth fog eber.
to who lmote QEgypt toith their firll=bogn:
for his mercy enoureth for eber;
1 1 sun brought out Zllrael from among
them: for his mercy enoureth for ebers
_ 12 with a mighty hano ano llretcheo=out
arm : for his mercy enoureth for eber.
13 who oibioeo the rep lea in tioo parts:
for his mercy enouretb fog ebers
14 sub maoe Ifrael to go though the
mint} of it: for his mercy enoureth for eber.

1. 1.
The 538th page of the Se
k comme s w' the word “Contitemini.”,_
“ C0nﬁ-” hung the print
at -wor<1 on , pre e 'ng page.
(2016)
The Pfalms.
15 EBut as for 1E>haraoh ano his holl, he
oherthgetp them in the reo fea: fog his mercy
e'noureth fog eher.
16 who leo his people through the miloer:
nets: for his mercy enoureth for eoer.
17 who fmote great kings: fog his mercy
enoureth fog eher;
18 1aea,ano ﬂeip mighty kings: for his
mercy enoureth fog eper,
19 %>ehon king of the Elmoiites: for his
mercy enoureth for eoer;
20 HUD
20 klno EDg the king of ihafan: fog his The XXVllJ.
mercy enoureth fog eher; DAY-
21 klno gape airway their lano fog an hert= W
tage: for his mercy enoureth fog eher,
22 QEhen for an heritage unto ilfrael his
ferhant: for his mercy enoureth fog ever.
2 3 who rememhieo us iohen the toere in
trouhle: for his mercy enoureth fog eher,
24 klno hath oelioereo us from our ene=
mies: fog his mercy enoureth for eher.
25 who giheth fooo to all ﬂelh: fog his
mercy enoureth fog eher.
26 ill) gihe thanks unto the Qhoo of heahen:
fog his mercy enoureth fog eher.
27 ED gihe thanks unto the lLogo of logos:
fog his mercy enouteth for ever.

1.13. The 539th page 11 3] of the Sealed Book commences with “ 20 Quit”,
“ 20 gnu being also the catch-word on the preceding page.
(2017)
The Pfalrns.
M
The xxix.
I)1Xf§?.
W
S u per ‘8111111116
B? the inaters of Babylon the fat boron
anb roept: rohen toe remembreb thee, ED
%ion.
2 as for our harps, toe hangeb them up:
upon the trees that are therein. _
3 for they that leb us atoay captine , re=
quireb of us then a tong anb meloby in our
heaninets: %>ing us one of the tongs of %>ion.
4 lhoio lhall roe ting the lLorbs tong: in a
ttrange lanb?
5 31f 31 forget thee, e 31erutalem: let my
right hanb forget her cunning.
6 31f 31 bo not remember thee, let my
tongue cleabe to.the roof of my mouth: yea,
it 31 prefer not 31erutalem in my mirth.
7 Ikemember the chilbren of QEbom,E)lLorb,
in the bay of 31erutalem: horn they taib,
EDornn toith it, boron with it, eben to the
grounb.
8 E) baughter of EBabylonJballeb tnith
mitery: yea, happy lhall he be that reinarbeth
thee as thou hall terbeb us.
9 Ehletfeb lhall he be, that taketh thy chil=
bren: anb throtoeth them againlt the llones.
313 11 3 Conﬁ-
Conﬁtebor tibi. will gibe thanks unto thee, El) lLorb, roith
my tnhole heart: eben before the gobs will
31 ting praite unto thee.
,3’, I

l. 27.
The 540th page of 1 Seal
“Conﬁ-” eing th ch-w r
Book com ces with the word "Conﬁtebor",
on the pre e 'ng page.
(2018)
Th6 Pfalms.
" .X;>l-1>,.-r:><. Domine probaf’ci.
2 3] ‘mill moglhip toboaro thy holy temple,
anb pgaite thy ﬂame, betaule of thy lobing
kinbnefs ano truth: to; thou hall magnifieo
thy Mame, ano thy room abobe all things.
3 when 3[ ralleo upon thee,thou hearoeﬂ
me: anb enoueoli my foul roith muth
llrength.
4 an the kings of the earth lhall pgaife
thee, ill) ﬂow: for they habe hearo the roogos
of thy mouth.
5 ,l‘aea, they lhall [ing in the inayes of the
iLogo : that great is the glogy of the ﬂow.
6 not though the logo be high,yet hath he
refpett unto the loroly : as to; the pgouo, he
beholoeth them afar oil.
7 @IIhough Kl ioalk in the mibll of trouble,
yet lhalt thou retrelh me: thou lhalt llretth
fogth thy hano upon the turioutneis of mine
enemies, ano thy right hano lhall tabe
me.
8 @L'he iLogo lhall make gooo his lobing
kinonets toinaro me: yea,thy merry,£lD iLogo,
enoureth fog eber; oetpite not then the roogks
of thine oinn hanbs.
M
0 ﬂow, thou hall tearrheo me out, ano Msrm'ng
knoron me: thou kno‘rbell my ooinn: Prayer.
fitting, anb mine up:riling, thou unoerﬂanoell W‘
my thoughts long hetoge.
2 @IIhou art about my path, anb about my
beo : ano ipieﬂ out all my roayes.
(‘2019)
The Pfalms.
The xxix.
I)1%f§?.
3 ,fr'oi lo,there is not a tooth in my tongue:
but thou,£lD itogmknoioelt it altogether.
4 @thou haﬂ fathioneo me behino ano before:
ano laio thine hano upon me.
5 %)uch knoinleoge is too tnonoerful ano
ercellent to; me: 31 cannot attain unto it.
6 whither
6 whither [hall 3[ go then from thy %>pirit:
or whither lhall 31 go then from thy pielenceP
7 31f 3i climb up into heaben, thou art there:
if 31 go Down to hell, thou art there alfo.
8 3If it take the roings of the morning:
ano remain in the uttermoll parts of the lea:
9 QEben there allo lhall thy hano leao me:
ano thy right hano lhall holo me.
16 Elf 3i lay, leeraobenture the oarknefs
lhall cober me: then lhall my night he turneo
to bay.
11 yea, the oarknefs is no oarknels inith
thee, but the night is as clear as the bay:
the oarknels ano light to thee are both alike.
12 for my reins are thine: thou hall
cobereo me in my mothers tpomb.
13 3t ioill gibe thanks unto thee, for El am
fearfully ano tponoerfully maoe: marbellous
are thy ipoiks, arm that my loul knoineth
right toell.
14 my bones are not hit] from thee : though
31 be maoe lecretly, ano falhioneo beneath in
the earth.

tongue”, sic Orig.
1.1 “
l. 8. The 541151: page II 4-] of the Sealed Book commences with “ 6 wbl'tbil'”,
(l
er” being also the catch-word on the preceding page.
(2020)
The Pfalms.
15 @thine eyes oio fee my fuhllance, yet
heing unperfect: am in thy hook there all
my memhers togitten:
16 which may by Day lpere falhioneo:
hohen as yet there hoas none of them.
17 lhoio oear are thy counfels unto me, ill)
Qhoh: ED hoio great is the fumme of them!
18 If El tell them, they are moe in number
than the fano: iohen El roake up, Zl am pie:
lent ioith thee.
19 wilt thou not llay the roickeo, ilD Qhoo:
Depart from me ye hlouo=thirlly men.
20 for they fpeak unrighteoully againﬂ
thee: ano thine enemies take thy ll'rlame in
pain.
21 Do not 3] hate them,ilD lLogo,that hate
thee: am: am not 31 grieh-eo toith thofe that
rife up againll theeP
22 yeajl hate them right loge: e‘oen as
though they there mine enemies.
2 3 Qliry me,£lD ®oo,ano feek the grouno of
my heart: pgohe me, ano eramine my
thoughts.
24 lLook toell if there he any may of
ioickeonefs in me: ano leao me in the may
eherlalling.
I]? II 4 Eripe
Eripe me, Domine. Pfa-lrgexllwe Tmx_
DQEliher me, ill) llogo, from the ehil man: DAY-
ano pgeferhe me from the toickeo man. W

l. 28. l’ 542nr1paze of the Sea ' Book co enccs m'th the word “Bripe ”, “Eripe"
ring also the catch—two ‘ l. the pro: 11;; page.
a P (2621)
The Pfalms.
2 who imagine mitchief in their hearts:
anb llir up llrife all the bay long.
3 @Ihey hane lharpneb their tongues like a
terpent: abbers poiton is unber their lips.
4 ‘keep me, ED limb, from the hanbs of the -
ungobly: preterbe me from the toickeb men,
inho are purpoteb to oberthroro my goings.
5 Ethe proub habe laib a tnare for me, anb
tpreab a net abroab inith corbs: yea, anb tet
traps in my may.
6 31 taib unto the ltorbﬂ‘thou art my Qhob:
hear the noice of my prayers, ED ltorb.
7 ED itorb Q1501], thou llrength of my health:
thou hall cobereb my heab in the bay of
battel.
8 Let not the ungobly hane his betire, ED
lLorb: let not his mitchienous imagination
protper, lell they be too proub.
9 Let the mitchief of their ornn lips fall
upon the heab of them: that compats me
about.
19 Let hot burning coals fall upon them:
let them be call into thefire, anb into the pit,
that they nener rite up again.
11 a man full of rnorbs lhall not protper
upon the earth: ebil lhall hunt the ibickeb
perton to oberthroro him.
12 %>ure 31 am, that the lLorb rnill anenge
ihfe poor: anb maintain the caufe of the help=
e s.
I3 Ethe righteous alto lhall gine thanks
unto thy shame: anb the iull lhall continue
in thy fight.
(2022)
The Pfalms.
~ .15.- - > .r-vv
5; $2211 I
:1 " E‘ q ,y Y‘ r .l
(I - _. 1 ,
X, 2' . l i ;
Domine, clamaei“. Pfal. exlj.‘
LﬁDgb, Bl call upon thee, haﬂe thee unto me:
ano tonlioer my boite, inhen3l try unto thee.
2 let my pgayer be let fogth in thy tight
as the inrente: ano let the lifting up of my
hanos be an ebeningiarriiire.
3 %>et a inatrhﬂD iloimbefoze my mouth:
ano keep the boot of my lips.
+ 4 £11)
4 ill) let not mine heart be intlineo to any T'he nix‘.
ebil thing: let me not be orrupieo in ungooly D AY,
roogks, ioith the men that inogk roitkeonets, W
tell 3[ eat of turh things as pleate them.
5 let the righteous rather fmite me frienoly:
ano repiobe me.
6 QBut let not their pierious balms bgeak
my heao: yea, 1 mill may yet againll their
lnitkeonefs.
7 Mt their iuoges be oberthloron in ﬂony
plates: that they may hear my rooms, to;
they are lroeet.
8 ilDur bones lie feattereo before the pit:
like as when one bgeaketh anb helpeth moon
upon the earth.
9 Ihut mine eyes look unto thee,8D iLogo
Qhoo : in thee is my truﬂ, 81) £811 not out my
foul.
Io {keep me from the tnare that they habe
laio for me: ano from the traps of the roitkeo
ooers.

l. 11. The 543111 p t of the Se Book commences with “4- (9”, “ 4 (9" being
also the r- to -word.
on _ preceding page.
a P 2 (2023)
The Pfalms.
M
E'uenmg
Prayer.
W
1 1 Let the ungooly fall into their oinn nets
together: ano let me eber elcape them.
Voce mea ad Dominum. Pfal. (:Xlij.
I Qlrieo unto the Logo tuith my noice: yea,
epen unto the iLogo bib 3'. make my luppli=
cation.
2 3i poureo out my complaints befoie him:
ano lhetoeo him of my trouble.
3 when my lpirit boas in heabinels, thou
knetpell my path: in the may roherein 31
tpalkeo habe they pgibily laio a lnare for
me.
4 31 lookeo allo upon my right hano: ano
lain there toas no man that tooulo knoro
me.
5 3t hab no place to ﬂee unto: ano no man
careo fog my foul.
6 3i crieo unto thee, 8D ﬂow, ano laio:
@thou art my hope ano my portion in the lano
of the lining.
7 Qlonlioer my complaint: for 31 am bgought
bery loin.
8 ED oeliber me from my perfecutots: for
they are too ltrong fog me.
9 151mg my loul out of pgilon, that it may
gibe thanks unto thy ﬂame: tuhich thing if
thou boilt grant me, then lhall the righteous
relogt unto my company.
Domine,
(2024)
The Pfalrns.
Domine, exaudi. Pfal. cxliij.
HQEar my pgayer, ilD lLogo, ano confioer my
oefire: hearken unto me fog thy truth ano
righteoufnefs lake.
2 elno enter not into iuogement toith thy
ferhant: fog in thy fight lhall no man lining
he iuﬂifieo.
3 ho; the enemy hath perfecuteo my foul,
he hath fmitten my life ooton to the grouno :
he hath laio me in the oarknets, as the men
that hahe been long clean.
4 @Iherefoge is my fpirit hereo toithin me:
ano my heart toithin me is oefolate.
5 ,iyet no it remember the time pall, 3l mule
upon all thy roogks: yea, 31 erercife my felf
in the roogks of thy hanos.
6 3l llretch fogth my hanos unto thee: my
foul gafpeth unto thee as a thirlly lano.
7 lhear me, ill) lLogo, ano that foon, fog my
fpirit inareth faint: hioe not thy face from
me, lell 31 he like unto them that go ooton
into the pit.
8 ill) let me hear thy loping kinonefs hetimes
in the mogning, fog in thee is my trull: lheto
thou me the may that Kl lhoulo ‘walk in, fog
31 lift up my foul unto thee.
9 Deliher me,ﬂD llogo,from mine enemies:
fog Zl ﬂee unto thee to hioe me.
10 @teach me to no the thing that pleafeth
thee, fog thou art my Qhoo: let thy lohing
%pirit leao me fogth into the lano of right=
coufnei's.
W\
The xxix.
D A Y.
W

l. 1. The 544th page _
“Domino” being'
if r the Scaled Bowl: CC'IJIHICLC‘L‘S mth the word “Domine,”,
it the printed catch-word on zlle precedlng page.
(2025)
The Pfalms.
M
The xxx.
DAY.
W
1 1 EDuicken me,ED lLorb,for thy ﬂames
fake: anb for thy righteoutnets take bring my
toul out of trouble.
12 Hub of thy goobnets ﬂay mine enemies:
anb bellroy all them that oer my toul, for 31
am thy terbant.
: Bene-
11521111. Benedietus Dominus. Pfal. cXIiv-
M
Morning
P rayer.
L‘ 8. The_54.5th page of the Sealed Book commences with “Bcnedictns”,
being the printed catch-word on the preceding page.
ltelfeb be the iLorb my llrength: rnho
reacheth my hanbs to roar, anb my fingers
to fight;
2 any hope anb my fortrets, my callle anb
beliberer, my befenber, in bohom 31 trull : tbho
fubbueth my people that is unber me.
3 lLorb, rohat is man, that thou hall tuch
retpect unto him: or the ton of man,that thou
to regarbell him?
4 than is like a thing of nought : his time
palteth aboay like a lhabotn.
5 thorn thy heanens, E) Itorb, anb come
boron: touch the mountains, anb they lhall
tmoke.
6 Qliall forth thy lightning anb tear them:
lhoot out thine arroros anb contume them.
7 %>enb boron thine hanb from abobe:

H Belle-”
(2026)
The Pfalms.
oeliber me, am: take me out of the great
toaters, from the hano ot llrange ehilogen;
8 iitlihote mouth talketh of banity: ano
their right hano is a right hano ot roitkeo=
nets.
9 Bl ioill ling a neio tong unto thee, 8D
Qhoo: ano ling pgaites unto thee upon a ten=
llringeo lute.
10 Qthou hall giben birtogy unto kingszano
hall oelibereo iDabio thy terbant from the
peril of the tioogo.
11 %>abe me, ano oeliber me from the
' hano of llrange rhiloien : iohole mouth talketh
of banity, ano their right hano is a right
hano of iniquity.
12 @Ihat our ions may groin up as the
young plants: am] that our Daughters may
be as the poliiheo togners ot the temple.
13 @that our garners may be full ano
plenteous inith all manner of huge: that our
lheep may bring togth thoulanos, ano ten
thouianos in our llreets.
14 eljhat our oren may be llrong to labour,
that there be no oetay: no leaoing into tap=
tibity,ano no complaining in our ﬂreets.
15 198111112
15 13am]? are the people that are in futh a {w XXX
rate: yea, blelleo are the people who habe the D A Y.
Logo to; their mob. vlrv

1. 27. The 5l6ih page of the Sealed Book com races with “ 1 552219911”, “ 1 slizappy”
being also the catch-word on the prec * mg page.
(2027)
The Pfaltns.
Exaltaho te, PferLexlv.
I ioill magnifie theeﬂD @oh, my thing: anti
it will piaile thy ﬂame for eber ano eber.
2 QEbery pay will 3i gibe thanksunto thee:
ano piaile thy ﬂame for euer ano eber.
3 meat is the ﬂow, ano marpellous,
worthy to be pgaileo: there is no eno of his
greatnels.
4 ﬂDne generation lhall piaile thy tooiks
unto another: ano oeclare thy poiper.
5 as for me, it toill be talking of thy
tboglhip: thy glory, thy piaile ano iponogous
itlﬂlkﬁ; '
6 %u that men lhall lpeak of the might of
thy marnellous acts: ano 31 ipill alfo tell of
thy greatnels.
7 @the memoiial of thine abunoant kino:
nels lhall be lhetoeo: ano men lhall ling of
thy righteoulnels.
8 @the {Logo is gracious ano merciful:
longdulfering, ano of great gooonefs.
9 @the {Logo is lobing unto ebery man:
ano his mercy is ober all his works.
16 ﬁll thy root-ks pzaile thee, 8D ﬂow: ano
thy laints gibe thanks unto thee.
11 @Ehey lheio the glory of thy kingoom:
ano talk of thy poipers
12 @Ihat thy poroer,thy glogy,ano mighti:
nels of thy kingoom: might be knotpn unto
men.
13 @Ehy kingoom is an eberlalling king=
hem: ano thy oomin-ion enoureth throughout
all ages.
(2028.)
The Pfalms.
14 @the ﬂow upholoeth all tuch as fall:
ano lifteth up all thote that are ootnn.
15 @the eyes of all toait upon thee,9DlLogo:
ano thou gihell them their meat in Due teaton.
16 @hou openell thine hano: ano fillelt
all things lining roith plenteoutnets.
17 @the ﬂow is righteous in all his ioayes:
ano holy in all his toogks.
18 @Ehe iLoio is nigh unto all them that call
upon him: yea, all tuch as call upon him
faithfully.
19 The
19 the mill fulfil the oetire of them that m_
fear him: he alto toill hear their cry, ano DAY.
toill help them. W
26 @the lLogo pgeterheth all them that looe
him: hut tcattereth ahioao all the ungooly. -
21 shy mouth lhall tpeak the pgaife of the
ﬂow: ano let all ﬂelh gihe thanks unto his
holy ﬂame fog eher ano eher.
Lauda, anima mea. Pfa'l.
PIRaite the ﬂow, 21D my toul, while 31 lihe
toill Bl pgaite the ﬂow: yea,as long as 3i
hahe any heing. Zl ‘will ting piaites unto my
Qhoo.
2 SD put not your trufl in princes, not in
any chilo of man: for there is no help in
them. .
3 Jtog tohen the hgeath of man goeth fogth,

l. 13. The 547th ge of the Sealed Book commences with “ I9 {92", “ I9 32?”
being 2115 e catchqvord on the preceding page.
(2029)
The Pfalms.
he thall turn again to his earth: anb then
all his thoughts perith.
4 EBIelfeb is he that hath the Qhob of 31acob
for his help: anb rnhote hope is in the ltorb
his 9669.
5 who mabe heanen anb earth,the tea anb
all that therein is: who keepeth his promite
for eber.
6 who helpeth them to right that tuffer
inrong: rnho feebeth the hungry.
7 @he ltorb looteth men out of priton: the
Lorb gi‘oeth tight to the blinb.
8 @he itorb helpeth them that are fallen:
the lLorb careth for the righteous.
9 @the lLorb careth for the llrangers, he
befenbeth the fatherlets anb rniboio: as for
the inay of the ungobly, he turneth it upfibe
baton.
16 Elhe lLorb thy Qhob, ED %>ion, lhall be
lking for ebermore: anb throughout all gene=
rations.
Laudate Dominum. B11'a19eX1vij.-~
MA
Evening
Prayer.
W
M‘\
The XXX.
D A Y.
W
O 119raite the iLorb, for it is a goob thing to
ting praites unto our Qhob : yea, a joyful
anb pleatant thing it is to be thankful.
2 (the lLorb both builb up 31erutalem: anb
gather together the out:calls of 31trael.
3 he
3 the healeth thote that are broken in heart:
anb gibeth mebicine to heal their ticknefs.

1.29. The 548th page of the Sealed Book commences with “ 3 gag”:
being also the catch-word on the preceding page.
‘l 3 3'98‘),
(2030)
The Pfalms.
4 lhe telleth the number of the liars: ano
talleth them all by their names.
5 Qbgeat is our Logo, ano great is his
poiner: yea, ano his roifoom is infinite.
6 @the Logo fetteth up the meek: ano
bgingeth the ungooly oobon to the grouno.
7 ill) ling unto the logo with thanksgibing:
ling pgaifes upon the harp unto our Qhoo.
8 who tobereth the heaben with tlouos,
ano pgepareth rain for the earth: ano maketh
the gral's to groin upon the mountains, ano
herb for the ute of men.
9 who gibeth foooer unto the tattel: ano
geeoeth the young rabens that call upon
1m.
IO {he hath no pleafure in the lirength of
an hoife: neither oelighteth he in any mans
legs.
1 1 lhut the Logos oelight is in them that
fear him: ano put their trull in his mercy.
12 {@gaife the bozo, ilD Zlerufalem: pgaife
thy Qhoo, ilD %>ion.
13 for he hath maoe fall the bars of thy
gbates: ano hath bleﬂ'eo thy rhilogen roithin
t ee.
14 lhe maketh peace in thy bogoers: ano
filleth thee ioith the ﬂour of roheat.
1 5 lhe fenoeth forth his rommanoment upon
earth: ano his room runneth bery tioiftly.
16 {he gipeth fnoin like ioooll: ano ftat=
tereth the hoavfroﬂ like alhes.
17 {he talleth fogth his ire like mogfels:
ioho is able to abioe his fruit?
18 {he fenoeth out his ioogo, ano melteth
(2031)
The Pi‘alms.
(‘M
The XXX.
. DAY.
them: he bloipeth with his toino, ano the
tnaters ﬂoiu.
19 the lheineth his tough unto Zlacob: his
llatutes ano ogoinances unto Ellrael.
26 the hath not oealt lo tnith any nation:
neither habe the heathen knotoleoge of his
latos.
Laudate
Laudate Dominum.~ P-fal. cxlviij.
0 liinaile the iLogo of heaben: piaile him in
the height.
2 lhgaile him, all ye angels of his: pgaile
him, all his holi.
3 lﬁgaile him, fun ano moon: pgaile him,
all ye liars ano light.
4 llhgaile him, all ye heabens: ano, ye
inaters, that are abope the heabens.
5 ﬂet them pgaile the ﬂame of the 11.0111:
for he lpake the tooth, ano they toere maoe,
he commanoeo, ano they toere createo.
6 the hath maoe them fall for eber ano
eber: he hath giben them a lain which thall
not be broken.
7 ﬂgaile the iLogo upon earth : ye ogagons
am: all oeeps;
8 fire ano hail, lnoto ano bapours: ioino
ano ﬂoim, fulfilling his tooth;
9 ehountains ano all hills: fruitful trees
ﬁlm all Eztlﬁliﬁ;

1 6 IBealls ano all cattel : toogms ano
feathereo foiols;
1.9. The 5- .h page of the Sealed Book commences with the w ~ “Lnudatc,”
“ ' date” being also the printed catch-word on the piece ' g page.
(2032)
The Pfalms.
1 1 things of the earth am: all people:
princes am: all iuoges of the tooglo;
12 ihoung men ano maioens, olo men ano
chilogen, pgaite the ﬂame of the lLogo: foe
his ﬂame only is ercellent, ano his pgaite
ahooe heahen ano earth.
13 the [hall eralt the horn of his people, all
his taints lhall pgaite him : open the chilogen
of Zlfrael, ehen the people that terheth him.
Cantate Domino. Pfal. cxlix.
O gving unto the Logo a neto tong: let the
congregation of taints pgaite him.
2 lLet Zltrael reioyce in him that maoe him:
ano let the chilogen of %>ion he ioyful in their
Thing.
3 Let them pgaite his ﬂame in the oance:
let them ting piaites unto him roith tahget
ano harp.
4 jtog the {Logo hath pleafure in his people:
ano helpeth the meekzhearteo.
5 iLet
5 lLet the taints he joyful ioith glogy: let
them reioyce in their heos.
6 {Let the pgaites of Qooo he in their mouth:
ano a tmo2eogeo ttnogo in their hanos;
7 @[o he ahengeo of the heathen: ano to
rehuke the people;
8 @o hinoe their kings in chains: ano
their nohles hoith links of iron.
9 @that they may he ahengeo of them , as
The xxx.
DAY.
. H i
1.22. The 550th page of the Sealed Book mences with “ 5 let 2 ‘ 5 ﬂit”
being also the catch-word on the preee ' g page.
(2033)
The Pfalrns.
it is inritten: %>uch honour hane all his
taints.
Laudate Dominum. Pkg}: e1.»
0 1B)raite Qhob in his holinets: praite him
in the firmament of his poiper.
2 {praite him in his noble acts: praite him
accorbing to his ercellent greatnets.
3 ﬂraife him in the tounb of the trumpet:
praite him upon the lute anb harp.
4 llyraite him in the cymbals anb bances:
praite him upon the ﬁrings anb pipe.
5 llEJraite him upon the roell=tuneb cymbals:
praite him upon the loub cymbals.
6 let ebery thing that hath breath: praite
the limb.
(2034)
The following TABLE, showing the probable occasion when each Psalm was
composed, is abridged from Townsend’s Harmony of the Old Testament.

Psalms.
After what Scripture.
Probable occasion on which each Psalm was composed.
B.C.
i.
ii.
iii.
iv.
v.
vi.
vii.
viii.
ix.
x.
xi.
xii.
xiii.
xiv.
xv.
xvi.
xvii .
xviii.
xix.
xx.
xxi.
xxii.
xxiii.
xxiv.
xxv.
xxvL
xxvii.
xxviii.
xxix.
XXX.
xxxi
xxxii.
xxxiii.
xxxiv.
xxxv.
xxxvi .
xxxvii.
xxxviii.
xxxix.
xl.
xli.
xlii.
xliii.
xliv.
xlv.
xlvi.
M-v-_l\~_\,_/ aw \-v_z\_\/_1w_; M

Nehem. xiii. 3.
1 Chron. xvii. 27. .
2 Sam. xv. 29. .
2 Sam. xvii. 29.
2 Sam. xvii. 29.
1 Chron. xxviii. 21.
2 Sam. xvi. 14.
1 Chron. xxviii. 21.
1 Sam. xxvii. 4.
Dan. vii. 28. .
1 Sam. xix. 3. .
1 Chron. xxviii. 1. .
Dan. vii. 28. .
1 Chron. xvii. 27. .
1 Sam. xxii. 19.
2 Sam. xxii. 51.
1 Chron. xxviii. 21.
2 Sam. x. 19.
1 Chron. xvii. 27 .
1 Chron. xxviii. 21.
Dan. vii. 28.
1 Chron. xxviii. 21.
1 Chron. xxi. 30.
1 Sam. xxiii. 12.
2 Sam. xii. 15.
1 Sam. xxi. 15.
1 Sam. xxii. 19.
Dan. vii. 28.
1 Chron. xxviii. 21.
2 Sam. 29.
2 Kings xix. 7. .
1 Chron. xvii. 27. .
2 Chron. xx. 26.
Written by Ezra as a preface to the Book of
e promise by Nathan to
David—a prophecy of Christ’s Kingdom .
On David’s ﬂight from Absalom . .
During the ﬂight from Absalom .
. During the ﬂight from Absalom .
Inserted towards the end of David’s 11
. On the reproaches of Shimei
Inserted towards the end of Davi
On the victory over Goliath
. During the Babylonish captivity .
When David was advised to ﬂee to th
On the delivery of th
Inserted towards the end of ‘David’s life.
. During the Babylonish Captivity .
On the delivery of the promise by Nathan t
. On the murder of the ‘priests by Ooeg
. On the conclusion of David’s wars
Inserted towards the end of David’s life
. On the war with the Ammonites and Syrians .
. On the delivery of the promise by Nathan
Inserted towards the end of David’s life
. During the Babylom'sh Captivity .
Inserted towards the end of David’s life
On the dedication of the threshing-ﬂoor o
On David’s persecutio
. On the pardon of David’s adultery
. On David’s leaving the city of Gath
On David’s persecution by Doeg .
. During the Babylonish Captivity .
Inserted towards the end of David’s life
. On David’s ﬂight from Absalom .
On the blasphemous message of Rabshakeh
On the delivery of the promise by Nathan
. On the victory of J ehoshaphat .

1044
1023
1015
1023
1015
1063
539
1062
1015
539
1044
1060
1019
1015
1036
1044
1015
539
1015
1017
1060
1034
1060
1060
539
1015
1023
710
1046
896
(2035)

Psalms. After what Scripture. Probable occasion on which each Psalm was composed. no.
xlvii. 2 Chron. vii. 10. On the removal of the Ark into the Temple . 1004
xlviii. Ezra vi. 22. On the Dedication of the Second Temple 515
flu" } Dan. vii. 28. . . During 11116 13285116111511 Captivity. 539
ll. 2 Sam. xii. 15. Confession of David after his adultery 1034
iii. 1 Sam. xxii. 19. On David’s persecution by Doeg . . 1060
liii. Dan. vii. 28. . During the Babylonish Captivity . . 539
liv. 1 Sam. xxiii. 23. . On the treachery of the Ziphimes to David 1060
IV. 2 Sam. xvii. 29. . During the ﬂight from Absalom . . . 1023
lvi. 1 Sam. xxi. 15. When David was with the Philistines in Gath . 1060
lvii. 1 Sam. xxiv. 22. On David’s refusal to kill Saul in the cave 1058
lviii. 1 Sam. xxiv. 22. Continuation of Psalm lvii. . . . . 1058
lix. 1 Sam. xix. 17. On Saul surrounding the house of David . 1061
1x. 1 Kings xi. 20. On the conquest of Edom by J oab . . 1040
lxi. 1 Chron. xxviii. 21. Inserted towards the end of David’s life 1015
lxii. 2 Sam. xvii. 29. In David’s persecution by Absalom . 1023
lxiii. 1 Sam. xxiv. 22. . Prayer of David in the wilderness of Engedi . 1058
lxiv. 1 Sam. xxii. 19. On David’s persecution by Saul . 1060
lxv. 1 Chron. xxviii. 21. Inserted towards the end of David’s life 1015
lxvi. Ezra iii. 13. . On laying the foundation of the Second Templ 535
lxvii. Dan. vii. 28. . . During the Babylonish Captivity . . . 593
lxviii. 2 Sam. vi. 11. . On the ﬁrst removal of the Ark . . 1045
lxix. 1 Chron. xxviii. 21. Inserted towards the end of David’s life 1085
if; } 2 Sam. xvii. 29. . On Absalom’s rebellion . . 1023
lxxii. 1 Chron. xxix. 19. . On Solomon being made king by his father 1015
lxxiii. 2 Kings xix. 35. . On the destruction of Sennacherib ‘ 710
lxxiv. J er. xxxix. 10. . On the destruction of the City and Temple 588
1112:; } 2 Kings xix. 35. . On the destruction of Sennacherib 710
lxxvii. Dan. vii. 28. . . During the Babylonish Captivity . . 539
lxxviil. 1 Chron. xxviii. 21. Inserted towards the end of David’s life 1015
lxxix. J er. xxxix. 10. . On the destruction of the City and Temple 588
lxxx. Dan. vii. 28. . During the Babylonish Captivity . . 539
lxxxi. Ezra vi. 22. . On the dedication of the Second Temple . 515
lxxxii. 2 Chron. xix. 7. On the appointment of Judges by J ehoshaphat 897
lxxxiii. J er. xxxix. 10. On the desolation caused by the Assyrians 588
lxxxiv. Ezra iii. 13. . On the foundation of the Second Temple 535
lxxxv. Ezra i. 4. . . On the decree of Cyrus . . . 536
lxxxvi. 1 Chron. xxviii. 21. Inserted towards the end of David’s life . 1015
lxxxvii. Ezra iii. 7. . . On the return from the Babylonish Captivity . 536
lxxxviii. Exod. ii. 25. . . During the aﬂiiction in_ Egypt . . . 1531
lxxxix. Dan. vii. 28. . . During the Babylonish Captivity . 539
xc. Numb. xiv. 45. On the shortening of man’s life, due. 1489
xci. 1 Chron. xxviii. 10. After the advice of David to Solomon 1015
} Dan. vii. 28. . During the Babylonish Captivity . 539
xciv. J er. xxxix. 10. . On the destruction of the City and Temple 588
xcv. 1 Chron. xxviii. 21. Inserted towards the end of David’s life . 1015
. - - On the removal of the Ark from Obed-edom’s
mm. 1 Chron.xv1. 43. . { house . _ _ . . . . 1051
xcvii.
X‘Wiii- l 2 0111611 " 10 o 11 1 1 fth A 11' 1 111 '1' 1 1004
mix. ‘ . v11. . n t e 1emova o e r in o e emp e .
c.
(2036)


Psalms. After what Scripture. Probable occasion on which each Psalm was composed. 13.0.
ci. 1 Chron. xxviii. 21. Inserted towards the end of David’s life 1015
cii. Dan. ix. 27. . On the near termination of the Captivity 538
ciii. 2 Sam. xii. 15. On the pardon of David’s adultery . . 1034
civ. 1 Chron. xxviii. 21. Inserted towards the end of David’s life 1015
cv. . On the removal of the Ark from Obed-edom’
cvi. } 1 Chron' XVI‘ 43' ' { house. . . . . . . 1051
cvii. Ezra iii. 7. . . On the return from the Captivity 536
cviii. 1 Kings xi. 20. . On the conquest of Edom by J oab 1040
cix. 1 Sam. xxii. 19. . On David’s persecution by Doeg . 1060
ex. 1 Chron. xvii. 27. . On the promise by Nathan to David 1044
cxi.
Ezra iii. 7. . On the return from the Captivity . 536
cxiv.
cxv. 2 Chron. xx. 26. . On the victory of J ehoshaphat 896
221i } Ezra iii. 7. On the return from the Captivity 536
cxviii. 1 Chron. xvii. 27. . On the promise by Nathan to David 1044
cxix. N eh. xiii. 3. . . Manual of Devotion by Ezra 444
cxx.
cxxi. } 1 Chron. xxviii. 21. Inserted towards the end of David’s life . 1015
cxxii.
cxxiii. Dan. vii. 28. . . During the Babylonish Captivity . . . 539
cxxiv. 1 Chron. xxviii. 21. Inserted towards the end of David’s life 1015
cxxv. Ezra iii. 7. . On the return from the Captivity . 539
cxxvi. Ezra i. 4. . On the decree of Cyrus . . 536
22:23 } Ezra iii. 7. . On the return from the Captivity . 536
cxxix. Ezra iv. 24. . On the opposition of the Samaritans 535
cxxx. Dan. vii. 28. . . During the Babylonish Captivity . . . 539
cxxxi. 1 Chron. xxviii. 21. Inserted towards the end of David’s his 1015
cxxxii. 1 Chron. xv. 14. . On the second removal of the Ark 1051
cxxxiii. 1 Chron. xxviii. 21. Inserted towards the end of David’s life 1015
cxxxiv. Ezra iii. 7. . On the return from the Captivity . 536
gig; } 2 Chron. vii. 10. . On the removal of the Ark into the Temple . 1004
cxxxvii. Dan. vii. 28. . . During the Babylonish Captivity 539
cxxxviii. Ezra vi. 13. . On the rebuilding of the Temple . . . 519
cxxxix. 1 Chron. xiii. 4. . Prayer of David, when made king over all Israel 1048
cxl. 1 Sam. xxii. 19. . On David’s persecution by Doeg . . . 1060
cxli. 1 Sam. xxvii. 1. . Prayer of David when driven from J udea 1055
cxlii. 1 Sam. xxii. 1. . Prayer of David in the Cave of Adullam 1060
cxliii. 2 Sam. xvii. 29. . During the war with Absalom . . 1023
cxliv. 2 Sam. xviii. 8. . 0n the victory over Absalom . 1023
cxlv. 1 Chron. xxviii. 10. David, when old, reviewing his past life 1015
g 1V1‘ to} Ezra vi. 22. . On the dedication of the second Temple 515
6 Q (2037 )
(2038)
Forms of Prayer
to heufed at
SE
A.
{I The Morning and Evening Service to be
ufed daily at Sea, {hall be the fame which is
appointed in the book of Common Prayer.
11 Thel'e two following Prayers are to be alto
ui'ed in His Majei‘ries Navy every day.
(llI-ternal itogo (hob, ipho alone fpgeaoelt out
the heabens , ano ruleft the raging of the lea;
who halt tompal’feh the boaters with bounos
until bay ano night tome to an rub; the pleal‘eo to
reteibe into thy Ellmightp ano molt ggatious Pia:
tertion the perfons of us thy ferbants, ano the fleet
in lphith roe ferbe.
iagelerbe us from the bangers

1. I. The 55lst page [*1 of the Scaled Book commences with the word “ Forms ”, there
being no catch-word on the preceding page.

Forms of Prayer to be ufed
at SEA 3—These prayers were ﬁrst
added in 1662, but were not intended
for a complete ofﬁce, nor comprised
in any regular method; except the
ﬁrst two, which are to be used daily
in the Navy.
The applicability and unobjection-
able nature of these forms have been
so universally recognized, that illus-
trations of the text are not required.
6Q2
(2039)
Forms of Prayer
of the tea , out from the biolence of the enemy ,
that tne may be a fafe=guaro unto our molt gig.
tious foberaigu logo thing CHARLES ano his king.
boms, nub a fecurity fog fuch as pals on the feas
upon their laipfull occalions; that the inhabitants
of‘ our Zillano may in peace ano quietnefs ferbe the-e
our tihoo, ano that hoe may return in fafety to enjoy
the blefsings of the Inuit, inith the fruits of our
labours; ano ipith a thankfull remembrance of thy
mercies to pgaife ano glogifie thy holy ﬂame,
rhgoush hefus ethgift our hogo. Amen. Th
96 1 e
The Colleét.
iRebent us, 21) 11.11111, in all our ooings, ibith thy
molt gracious fabour , ano further us boith thy
continual help; that in all our rpogks begun,
continueo, ano when in thee, toe may glogiﬁ'e thy
holy jhame, ano finally by thy mercy obtain eber=
laiting life, through ilel'us elhgiit our itogo. Amen.
Prayers to be ufed in Storms at Sea.
eyolt poiuerful ano glogious logo tihoo, at
. tphofe commano the rhinos blotp, ano lift up
the mates of the tea, ano boho itillelt the rage
thereof; we thy creatures, but miferable ﬁnners,
oo in this our great biitrefs cry unto thee for help:
fabe, itogb, o3 elfe the perilh. we confefs, when
use habe been fafe, ano feen all things quiet about
us, lDB habe foggot thee our (iBob , ano reful'eo to

l. 13.
k commences with the word “The”, “The”
preceding page.
The 552nd_p at of the Scaled
being also catch-word on 1
(2040)
to be ufed at Sea.
hearken to the itill hoice of thy worn, ano to obey
thy commanoments: llhut notp the fee horn terrihle
thou art in all thy mogks of monoer, the great tint]
to he feareo ahohe all: Elna therefoge the aooge thp
oihine tlhaieltp, acknomleoging thp power, ano im:
ploging thp gooonefs. llaelp, hogs, ano fahe us fog
thp mercies lake in Zlefus Qhhgiit thp @on, our lLogo.
Amen.
Or this.
0 short glogious ano ggacious itogll ilhoo, tpho
otnellelt in heahen, hut heholoelt all things
heloro; hook ootnn, the hefeech thee, ano hear us,
calling out of the Depth of miferp, ano out of the
iatps of Death , hohich is really notn to ftpalloho us
up: évahe llogo, o; elfe the perilh. 25hr lining, the
Iihing lhall pgaife thee. £D lent] thp tnogo of com:
mono to rehuke the raging rhinos , one the roaring
fca , that the heing oelihereo from this oittrefs map
lihe to ferhe thee, ano to glogift'e thp jlaame all the
pairs of our life. leear, Logo, ano fahe us, fog
the infinite merits of our hlelleo Qahiour thp hon,
our itogo ilefus Qllhgilt. Amen.
The
The Prayer to be laid before a Fight at Sea againft any Enemy.
' shoit powerful ano glogious Logo tlhoo, the
Logo of hofis, that rulelt ano commanoeit all
things; ‘(Chou [ittelt in the thgone iuoging
right , ano therefoge the make our aoogefs to thy

l. 24. The 553ml page 1"‘ 2: of the Sealed Book commences with the word “'ihe", “The ”
being also the catch-word on the preceding page.
(2041)
Forms of Prayer
bibine Ehaielty in this our necell'ity , that thou
nloulblt take the caufe into thine orpn hanb, anb
iubge bctrncen us , anb our enemies. atir up thy
llrength, @ lLorb, anb come anb help us , for thou
ginelt not alipay the battcl to the ll‘rong, but canlt
~ tabe by many or by fern. ED let not our fins non:
cry againtt us for bengeante, but hear us thy poor
frrbants begging mercy, anb imploring thy help,
anb that thou tooulblt be a befrncr unto us againlt
the face of the enemy. Ehake it appear that thou
art our Qabiour anb mighty belibcrer, through
3efus Elihriit our ltorb. Amen.
Short Prayers for tingle perfons, that cannot meet to joyn in Prayer
with others by reafon of the Fight, or Storm.
General Prayers.
Lﬂrb, be merciful to us tinners, anb fabe us for
thy mercies fake.
@hou art the great Ehob, that half mabe anb
rulelt all things: ED beliber us for thy ,ﬂamcs
take.
@hou art the great (hub to be feareb abobe all: 2D
fabe us, that the may praite thee.
Special Prayers with refpeét to the Enemy.
Tlhou, 2D liorb, art iult anb ponrerful; 2D befcnb
our caufe againll the face of the enemy.
:1) (Dub, thou art a itrong tamer of bcfence to all
that flee unto thee: ED fabe us from the biolence
of the enemy.
2D liorb of hulls, ﬁght forus, that hoe may glorifi'r
thee.
E) fuﬁ‘er us not to link unber the nicight of our
fins, or the biolcnce of the enemy.
E) ltorb, arife, help us, anb beliber us for thy
ﬂames fake.
(2042)
to be ufed at Sea.
Short Prayers in rei‘peél: of a Storm.
Til-sou, 21) 1mm, that ltillelt the raging of the fea,
hear, hear us, ano fabe us, that hoe perifh not.
so blell‘eb émbiour , that bihlt labe thy oifriples
nearby to perilh in a item , hear us any l'abe us,
roe befeerh thee.
lingo, habe merry upon us.
Qthgilt, habe merry upon us.
itogb, habe merry upon us.
21) logo, hear us.
2D Qthgift, hear us.
* 2
(hub
that the jlather, (than the ban, (hob the iholy
ilhholt, habe merry upon us, [she as noio ano
ebermoge. elmen.
Oilar j'Father bohirh art in heaben, halloboeo be
thy name. @[hy kingoome tome. @Lhy mill be
bone in earth, as it is in heaben. (thine us this
bay our Daily bgeao. ﬁno foggibe us our tref:
pall'es, as me foggibe them that trefpafs againlt us.
ﬂno leab us not into temptation. JIBut oeliber us
from ebil. for thine is the kingoome, the power,
anb the glory, fog eber ano eber. amen.
{I When there {hall be imminent danger, as many as
can be {pared from neceﬂ'ary fervice in the Ship,
{hall be called together, and make an humble Con-
feilion of their ﬁns to God: In which every one
ought feriouﬂy to reﬂect upon thofe particular {in

1.13. The 554th page of the Sealed Book commences with the word “ @UU ”,
) . . .
“ @UU ’ beinrr also the catch-word on the rccedm a e.
' a ! ' 3,
artial erasure 0 rs of the “ s ’ in “ ﬁns .
erasure after “ ”, apparently of an “ s”.
I. 27. 1
l. 26'. -
(2043)
Forms of Prayer
of which his Conl'cience {hall accul‘e him: Saying as
followeth,
The Confeilion.
ilmighty (Ihob, father of our ltoro hefus
Qthrilt, maker of all things, iuoge of all
men; we acknoroleoge ano betoail our ma:
nifolo fins ano tpickeonefs, which hoe from time to
time molt griebouﬂy habe committeb,by thought,
more, one area againit thy oibine ahaiefty, probok:
ing molt j_ultly thy rprath ano inoignation againit
us. iitiie no earneitly repent, ano be heartily forry
for thrfe our mifooinss; the remembrance of them
is griebous unto us ; the buroen of them is intoler.
able. lhabe mercy upon us, habe mercy upon us,
molt merciful father; for thy §>on our horn Sirius
Qfhrilt’s fake, forgibe us all that is pait, ano
grant, that the may eber hereafter ferbe ano pleafe
thee in nemnefs of life, to the honour ano glory of
thy jhame, through ilefus (thrift our itoro. ﬁmen.
{I Then {hall the Prielt, if there be any in the Ship,
pronounce this Abfolution.
Aittnighty (thou, our heabeuly jiather, who of
his great mercy hath promifeo forgibenefs of
fins to all them which tuith hearty repen:
tance auo true faith turn unto him; ihabe mercy
upon you, paroon ano beliber you frotn all your
fins; confirm ano ltrengthen you in all gooonefs,
ano bring you to enerlatting life, through iefus
Qthriit our horn. Amen.
Jubilate
1. 2.
“ followeth”, sic orig.
(2044)
to be ufezd at Sea.
Thankfgiving after a Storm.

Jubilatc: D630. PfaLLXVI.
llBe joyful in (Boo, all ye lauoelz ling pgaifeﬁ
unto the honour of hip; name, make his
pgaife to he glogiouo+
gap unto (IBoiJ, 2D hobo mouoerful art thou in thy
morkozthgough the greatnefa of thy power [ball
thine euemieo he fouuo liara unto thee.
31o; all the moglo lhall tnoglhip thee: fiug of thee,
auo pgaife thp name+
£9 tome hither, auo heholo the moglio of QBoo:
hotn mouoerful he is; in hip ooing tomaroo the
thilhgen of IIIBIL
{he turueo the lea iuto ogp lauo: l‘o that they
tnent thgough the water on foot; there oto me
rejopte thereof.
{he ruleth with his power fog eoer, hi5 eieo
heholo the people: auo futh as will not helieoe,
thall not be able to eralt themfeloeﬁ.
ED pgaife our QBoo , pe people: auo make the ooite
of hi5 pgaife to he hearo;
who holoeth our foul in life: auo fuffereth not
our feet to ﬂip.
yo; thou, 9 QBoo, hall pgooeo us: thou alfo
half trieo us, like a5 filoer i5 trieo.
‘@Zhou hgoughtelt uel into the fuare: auo laiolf
trouble upon our loitta.
@hou ful’lereolt men to rioe oher our heaoo: we
went thgough fire ant: mater, auo thou hgoughtelt
us out into a wealthy plate.
31 mill go into thp houfe with hurut oﬂ'eriuga:

1. 1. The 555th pag, If 3‘ of the Sealed Boo}: commences with the word “Ihankfgwmg”,
“ Jubllate ’ emg the catch-word on the prccedmg page.
(2045)
Forms of Prayer
anIJ will pay thee my name inhith 31 pgmnifen with
my lips, ana [11339 with my nmnth inhen 31 was
in trouble
3] mill nﬂ'er unto thee fat linentd‘attifiteﬁ, with
the intenfe of tainnign 3! mill uifee hllllﬂtkgi anti
guatei.
2D tame hither ann heathen, all ye, that fear
(113011: ann i will tell pun what he hath Dune fag
mp fun!‘ , , mine
31 tallen nntn hnn with-mgr mnuth: anb game
hiin pgaifeel with my tungue.
315 31 intline nntu initliennefsz with my heart: the
1mm mill nut hear me.
115m (hem hath heath me: anb tunfiaeeea the
ﬁnite of my pgapet.
{Bgaifen he (Bun, tnhu hath not talk out my
pgapet: nag tntnen hi5 nieetp ftnm nie+
Qﬁlogp lie tn the ~:IFathet, ant tn the ‘ban, anb
tn the llanlp QBhalI ;
£15 it mass in the beginning, in 1mm, anti ehet
lhall he, inuglh mithunt enhi ﬁtneni
* 3 Conﬁte—
Conﬁtemini Domino. Pfal. CVII.
QBihe thankei nntu the 1mm, fag he is’ gratinnel:
anh his niertp enanteth fag eliei:+
iLet them gihe tIJﬂIIfi§_iDbUIII the 1mm hath
teneeineh: anti neliheteh fmin the hanb uf the
enemy;
Qinn gatheeen them ant of the lanhga, from the
ealt anti feuni the well: from the nugth anb fenni
the [math],

1. 23. The 556th p
of Sealed B commences with the word
‘ch
age . _ “ Conﬁiemini ”,
“COnﬁteJ’ b01110 catch-wo' n e rccedmv awe.
D D D
(2046)
to be ufed at Sea.
@hey burnt altray in the ipiloernel's out of the
may: ano founo no rity to omell in;
lhungry ano thirl‘ty: their foul fainteo in them.
go they rryeo unto the ltogo in their trouble:
ano he oelibereo them from their oiitrel' s.
the let: them fogth by the right way: that they
might go to the rity where they omelt.
2D that men moulo therefoge pgaife the ltogo fog
his gooonels: ano oerlare the monoers that he hath
fog the rhilogen of men.
so; he farisﬁ'eth the empty foul: ano filleth the
hungry l'oul ioith gooonefs.
south as lit in oarknel's, ano in the lhaoobo of
heath: being our bouno in mil‘ery ano iron;
theraule they rebelleo againlt the mogos of the
ltogoz ano lightly regaroeo the rounfel of the molt
high:
the all'o bgought ooipn their heart thgough heabi:
nels: they fell ooron, ano there boas none to help
them up.
9o tohen they rryeo unto the itogo in their
trouble: he oelibereo them out of their oiitrels.
jlog he bgought them out of .oarknefs, ano out ot
the lhaoorp of oeath: ano bgake their bonos in
funoer.
2D that men rooulo therefoge pgaife the logo fog
his gooonefs: ano oetlare the monoers that he ooth
fog the rhilogen of men.
fog he hath bgoken the gates of bgals: ano lmit:
ten the barrs of iron in funoer.
yooliih men are plagueo fog. their offenre: ano
beraufe of their rpirkeonel's.
@Shrir foul abhogreo all manner of meat: ano
they were eben haro at oeaths ooog.
§3>o when they rryeo unto the itogo in their
trouble: he belibereo them out of their .oiitrel's.

~ . ' a’ . .
l. 11 An erasure occurs alter “ , and a sermcolon written on the erasure.
(2047)
Forms of Prayer
the [cut his tporo ano healeo them: our they tuere
fabeo from their oeltruction.
ED that men booulo therefore praife the horn for
his gooonefs: ano hectare the monoers that he both
for the chiloren of men;
@Lhat they inoulb oﬁ'er unto him the facriﬁte of
thankfgibing: ano tell out his works ipith glao=
nefs.
r@Zhey that go ooinn to the fea in ﬂiips: nub
occupy their bulinefs in great rnaters;
@Lhefe
@hefe men fee the inorks of the horn: one his
rponoers in the hem.
for at his inoro the itormy rnino arifeth: tphirh
lifteth up the tonnes thereof.
‘@hey are carrie‘o up to the heaben, ano ootpn
again to the‘ beep: their foul melteth alpay becaufe
of the trouble.
@Lhey reel to one fro, ano itagger like a orunken
man: ano are at their baits eno.
2o bohen they cry unto the horn in their
trouble: he nelibereth them out of their oiltrefs.
for he maketh the itorm to ceafe: fo that the
wanes thereof are itill.
@hen are they glao, becaufe they are at reit: anti
fo he br‘ingeth them unto the haben rphere they
booulb be.
2D that men rpoulo therefore praife the Itoro for
his gooonefs: ano Declare the trousers that he
both for the chiloren of men;
@har they ipoulb eralt him alfo in the congre:
gation of the people: ano praife him in the feat of
the eloers;
who turneth the ﬂouos into a ipiloernefs: aub
orieth up the roater=fprings.
1.12. The q5!:5I'J7th page of the Sealed Book commences with the word “ EDBIZH,
6‘ 2 7
7 . .
2 being also the catch-word on the preceding page.
(2048)
t0 b6 ufod at Sea.
a fruitful lano mabeth he barren: fog the ‘with:
eonefa of them that oboell therein,
ﬁgain he malteth the miloernefo a ll‘anoing
mater: ano matersfpginga of a ogy grounoi
ﬂno there he fetteth the hungry : that they may
built: them a tity to omell in;
‘C’Lhat they may fobo their lano, ano plant bine:
yaroa: to yielo them fruits of intreafet
19e blell'eth them, in that they multiply erteeo=
ingly : ano fuﬂfereth not their tattel to oetteafe.
ﬁno again, when they are minilheo ano bgought
loin: thgough oppgelfion, thgough any plague og
trouble ,
(‘though he fuffer them to be ebil:entreateo
thgough tyganta: ano let them toanoer out of the
may in the roiloernefa ;
{let helpeth he the poo; out of mifery: ano
malteth him houlholoa like a ﬂock of weep,
‘@Zhe righteous toill tonl‘ioer thie, ano rejoyte:
am) the mouth of all baitbeonefa [ball be ltoppeoi
who fo is wife, will ponoer thefe things: ano
they lhall unoerﬂ‘ano the lobing kinonefa of the
itogol
(IBlogy be to the father, ant: to the Qon, ano
to the llaoly (IBholt;
Eta it was in the beginning, is; now, ano eber
wall be, moglo without enot amen.
Colleéts
(2049)
Forms of Prayer
Colleé‘cs of Thanksgiving.
e'huil lileffeu anu glugiuiia lLugiJ QBuu, rnhu art
uf inﬁnite guuunefa anu merry, me thy Puug
treatnrea,nihum thunhaﬁ mane anu pgeferueu,
huluing unr funla in life, anu num refining na
unt uf the Jame uf ueath, humbly pgefent unr feluea
again befuge thy uiuine ihaielty, tu uﬁ‘er a fatrifite
uf pgaile anu thankfgining, in; that thun hearuelt
1123, when rne talleu in unr truuhle, anu uiun nut
tail unt unr pgayer, inhith ine maue hefuge thee in
we great uillrefa; even, when ine gane all fug lull,
unr lliip, uur guuue, uur lineal, then uiuit thuu mer=
tifnlly luuk npun n5, anu munuerfnlly tummanu a
uelinerante; fug irhith, me nuin being in fafety, uu
giue all pgail'e anu glugy tu thy huly Jlzame,
thgungh 31efna Qthgiil unr lugui Amen.
Or this.
ﬂhuit mighty anu ggatiuna guuu QBuu, thy
merry is utter all thy niuglta, hut in fpetial
manner hath been ertenueu tuinaru na, mhum
thun hart fu puinerfnlly anu munuerfnlly uefenueue
@hun halt lheineu na terrible thinga, anu munuera
in the ueep, that we might fee hum puinerfnl anu
gratiuna a (113m) thun art; hum able anu reauy tu
help them that trail in thee+ @hun halt lhemeu net,
hum huth mama anu feaa uliey thy tummanu, that
we may learn ehen frum them, hereafter tu uliey thy
uuite, anu en ﬁn thy mill+ we therefuge lilefa anu
glugiﬁ'e thy ﬂame fug this thy merry in faning us,
when me were reauy tu perilhe ﬁnu me hefeeth thee,
make 115 as truly fenﬁ'hle nuin uf thy merry , as roe

.- , . a
1.1. The 008th page of the Sealed Book commences with the word “ Conﬁﬂs, ,
a
Colleéls ” being also the catch-word on the preceding page.
(2050)
to b€ ufed at S€8..
msts tbsn nf tbs nangst: ﬁlm gins m3 bsatts
almapstt tsahp tn stprsfsi nut tbaukfulnsfgi, not nnlp
hp mm, but alfu by our lihsﬁ , in hsing mugs uhs=
m'snt tn tbp buIy tummmmmsntsa qtnntinus, ms
hsfsstb tbss, tﬁiﬁ tbp gunnnsfg tu as, tbat has,
tnbnm tbnu bait fahsn, map fsrhs tbss in bulinsfgi
ant: tigbtsuufnsfs, all‘ tbs hapssi nf our life,
tbguugb isfuﬁ Qtbgiif nut ﬂush arm Qahinut.
Amen.
A
A Hymn ofPraife and Thankfgiving after a dangsrous Tempeﬁ.
O Qtums, Ist us gins tbankﬁ untn tbs item, fog
bs i5 ggatiuuﬁ: ant: bis msttp snnugstb fag
shsm
(IBgsat 1'5 tbs itugn, mm grsatlp to hs-pgaifsn; Ist
tbs rsnssmsn nf tbs 1mm fay fu: mbnm bs batb
nsiihsssn from tbs msttt'lsfa sags nf tbs fsat
‘@Lbs 31,031) is gtatiuuﬁ am: full uf tumpaffion:
Hum tn angst, arm of gtsat msttp+
15s batb not DBﬂIt mitb a5 attugm'ng tu nut ﬂaw:
nsitbst rsmashsn n5 attugtn'ng tn nut iniquitt'sﬁ.
115m at; tbs bsahsn 1'5 bigb ahuhs tbs sattb: fu gtsat
batb hssn bis msrtp tuinarns n5.
Wills fntmh truuhls arm bsaninsfgaz ms msrs shsn at
nsatbsi hung;
@bs inﬂtstﬁ uf tbs fsa ban hasII nigb tohstsn 11$:
tbs pgutm waters; bah tnsII nigb guns uhsr out
foul;
@bs fsa tnatsiJ: ant: tbs ﬁngmy mum Iiftstl up tbs
inahsa tbstsuf;

1. 11. The 559th (gm: of the Sealed Book commences with “A”, “A ” being also the
catch-w 0n the prcccdmg page.
(2051)
Forms of Prayezr
we were tattieh up, as it mete, tn heaiien , ana then
Damn again intu the beep: out faul melten tnithin
n3, hetaufe uf trouble;
@Zhen ttpen we untu thee, ED 1min: ann than man
Delinet n8 nut nf out iJiitrefai+
ilb‘leﬂen be thy name, who man nae aefpife the
pgapee of thy fegiiantai but hint? heat we cry,
ann haft fatten n5,
@huu man fena fogth thp tnnnnanhment: ana the
tninhp ll‘ngin teafen, ann ‘was turn’n intn a calm
ED let us therefuge pgaife the £031: fag hi5 guunnefa:
ant: hetiare the manners that he hath Dune, anh
ftill hath fag the thilhgen nf men.
wgaifen he the lags Baily: ehen the am that
heipeth as, any paureth his heneﬁ'ta upon use
{he is our (150:1, ehen the (£503: of inhum tunieth fal=
nation: am ia the min, by whom we have
eftapen Death+ ‘
‘dihuu, 1min, haft mane na glam thgnugh the opera:
tiun nf thy hanlta: ann me will triumph in tijp
pgail'e.
1151mm he the 1mm (Bun: ehen the atom (113w, inhu
unIp hath munamna things; ,
ﬁna hlell'en he the ﬂame uf hi5 niaieﬁp fag ehet:
anh Iet ehetp nne nf us fapﬁmenﬁmen.
(IBIugp he tn the father, anti tn the Sun, ant
to the {gulp <IBhait;
ﬁe; it was in the beginning, i5 nutn, ann ebet
mall he, muglh inithunt enn. iinten+
2 Cor. .
Tihe grate nf nut 2min ilefua Qthgiif, anh the lobe
of QBuh, ann the fellntnihip of the hnlp QBhnﬂF,
he with us all Wm-eiietmage+ Amen.
After
_ ,
l. 30. An erasure occurs after “ 13-, '
(2052)
to be ufed at Sea.
After Viétory or Deliverance from an Enemy.
A Pfalm or Hymn of praife and thankf'giving after Viétory.
If the 1Logo hao not been on our fine, nobo may
we lay: if the logo himfelf hao not been on our
lioe,mhen men rol‘e up againlt ua;
@hey hao fboallorbeo ua up quirk: when they were
TH bogathfnlly oifpleafeo at net.
{Iea the boaters hao orotnneo ua, ano the ltream hao
gone ober our foul: the beep waters of the pgouo
hao gone ober our foul.
)lBut pgaifeo be the lLogo: bnho hath not giben uel
ober as a pgey unto them.
@he Logo hath tngought: a mighty falbation fog
us.
we gat not thiei by our obon flpogo, neither was it
our own arm that fabeo uel: but thy right hano,
ano thine arm, ano the light of thy tountenant-e,
betaufe thou habit a fabour unto uﬁ.
@he irogo hath appeareo fog ua: the 1Logo hath
tobereo our heaoet, ano maoe us to Piano in the
oay of battel.
@he ilogo hath appeareo fog net: the 1Logo hath
ooerthrornn our enemieel, ano oalheo in pieteei
thofe that role up againll ua;
@herefoge not unto ua, £D Logo, not unto net: but
unto thy Jlelame be giben the glogy.
@he Logo hath oone great thinga fog net: the llogo
hath bone great things fog ua, fog tbhith me
reioyte.
EDur help ﬂ‘anoeth in the jllame of the ﬂop): who
hath maoe heaben an?) earth.
llﬁleﬂ'eo be the jllame of the logo: from thia time
fogth fog ebermoge.

L. 1. '1'! r: 5644111 page: of the Sea ' Bonk commences with the word “ After”, “ After ”
in}; also the ClllCh-WUI’ m the precedmg page
6 R (-2053)
Forms of Prayer
(IBlugy be tu the father, anu tu the évun, anu
tn the leuly (IBhulT;
Q15 it bean in the beginning, is num, anu ebtr
lhall be, inuglu niithuut enu. amen.
{I After this Hymn may be (ting the Te Deum.
{I Then this Colleét.
almighty QBuu , the fuaeraign tunnnanuer ut'
all the muglu, in inhule hanb ia pumer anb
might inhith nune ta able tu mithltanu; we
hlefa anu magnifie thy great anu glugiuua jIQame
fug thia happy biuugy, the mhule glugy inhereuf me
uu al'tribe tu thee, tuhu art the unly giber uf
biaugy. anu, rue befeeth thee, gibe ua grate tu
impgube thia great merry tu thy glugy, the abbanre:
ment at thy ilﬁufpebthe hunuur uf uur Quberaign,
anu,aa muth as in net lieth, tu the guuu uf all
manlsinu. emu, me befeeth thee, gibe ua
futh
futh a fenl'e uf thia great merry, aa may engage
1153 tu a true thanltfulnefa, futh age may appear in
uur libea by an humble, huly, anu ubeuient tnalbing
befuge thee all uur uayea , thguugh hefua ethgilt uur
1min: @Lu bohum mith thee, anb the huly §>pirit ,
a5 fug all thy mertiea, fu in partitular in; thin
binury anu ueliberante, be all glugy anb hunuur
inuglu buithuut enti+ Amen.
2 Cor. XIII.
Tree grate uf uur llrugu Zlefua Qthgil't, anu thelube
uf QBuu, anu the fellubulhip uf the huly (llihuil ,
be with us all ebermuge. Amen.
1.19. The 561st page of the Sealed Book commences with the word “[11111)",
C‘
1. 27.
)7 - .
bemg also the cal ehavord on the preccdlng page.
An erasure oeem-s after " XIII ”
(2054)
to be ufed at Sea.
At the Burial of their Dead at Sea.
{I THe Oﬂice in the Common Prayer-book may be
ufed; Oniy in Ptead of thefe Words [VVe there-
fore cammz't his body to the ground, Earl/a to Earth,
69%.] fay,
ms tbsssfugs tummt't bit; ham: to tbs EDssp, to hs
tutnsn intn tngtuptinn, Iunking fag tbs ssfuttsttt'nn
uf tbs hump, (tnbsn tbs fsa ibaII gins up bst imam)
mm tbs Iifs of tbs muglh tn toms, tbguugb nut itugn
31mm @Ibgt'tt; mbu at big; taming wall tbangs out
hiIs hump, tbat it map hs Iiks big; glugiuue hnnp,
attugtn'ng to tbs migbtp mugking, mbsrshp bs 1'5
able to fuhnus all tbt'ngs to bimfslfs
THE
6 R 2 (2055)

The 562ml page of the Sealed Book is blank.
(2056)
THE
FORM and MANNER
OF
MAKING, ORDAINING,
AND
CONSECRATTNI}
OF
BISHOPS,
AND
PRIESTS
D E A o o N 3,
According to the Order of the CHURCH
ENGLAND.
London
Printed by [/36 Primers to 1,416
King; maﬁ Exceﬁenz
Mair/i‘),
1. 1. The 563ml page of the Sealed Book commences with the word “ THE ”, the previous
page belng blan .
1.15. “Printers” appe '
0 be an alteration from “ Kings.”

ORDAINING 3—The apostles
having appointed certain ‘sons to
be the standing governors a preach-
ers of the Christian Church, it has
been thought necessary that there
should be a power lodged somewhere,
to set apart some distinct orders of
men for the exercise of these public
offices. The act of appointing or set-
ting them apart for the ministry of
holy things is called ordination.
(2057)

The 564th page of the Sealed Book is blank.
(2058)
THE
PREFACE.
T is evident unto all men diligently reading
holy Scripture and ancient Authors, that
from the Apoftles time there have been thefe
Orders
of Minifters in
Bifhops, Prielts, and Deacons.
Chriit’s Church;
Which Ofii—
ces were evermore had in fuch reverend eiti-
mation, that no man might prefume to exe—
cute any of them , except he were ﬁrft called,
tried, examined, and known to have fuch
qualities as are requiﬁte for the fame; and
alfo by publick prayer, with impoﬁtion of
hands, were approved and admitted thereunto
by lawful Authority. And therefore, to the

1.1. The 565th page of the Sealed Book commences with the words “The Preface”, the
previous page being blank.

By Article xxiii. “ it is not lawful
for any man to take upon him the
office of public preaching, or minister-
ing the sacraments in the congrega-
tion, before he is lawfully called and
sent to execute the same. And those
we ought to judge lawfully called and
sent, who are chosen and called to
this work by men who have public
authority given unto them in the
congregation, to call and send ministers
into the Lord’s vineyard.” Stephens
on the Laws relating to the Clergy,
821.
Crdinations are now generally per—
formed in cathedral ,churches~—to
which these offices, above all others,
more peculiarly belong. It is long
since the Bishops of the Province of
Canterbury have been consecrated else-
where than in the chapel of Lambeth
Palace, which is thus hallowed by the
most solemn association. The metro-
politan cathedrals of Armagh, York,
St. Patrick’s and Christ Church in
Dublin, and, till their sacrilegious de-
gradation, those of Cashel and Tuam,
were usually employed for the conse-
cration of suffragans.
On these services but few peculiar
remarks remain to be made. The
Litany is enjoined to be used, at
ordination; in a place analogous to
its position in the Greek Liturgies, in
(2059)
The Preface.
intent that thefe Orders may be continued,
and reverently ufed and ei’teemed in the
Church of Eng/and; No man {hall be ac-
counted or taken to be a lawful Bifhop,
Prieﬂ, or Deacon in the Church of England,
or fuffered to execute any of the faid Func-
tions, except he be called, tryed, examined
and admitted thereunto, according to the
Form hereafter following, or hath had for-
merly Epifcopal Confecration, or Ordination.
And none {hall be admitted a Deacon, ex-
cept he be Twenty three years of age, unlefs
he have a Faculty. And every man which
is to be admitted a Prieit, {hall be full F our
and twenty years old. And every man which
is to be Ordained or Confecrated Bifhop,
{hall be fully Thirty years of age.
And
02
conjunction with the Communion Ser-
vice, after the sermon. It is directed
to be sung or said by the bishop ‘and
clergy. It is remarkable that the
rubric introducing the latter litany
is worded as usual, “Then shall the
priest,” &c., not “the Bishop.” By
this it might appear that the Bishop
may delegate this introductory service
to a priest.
The Veni Creator is prefaced by one
of the most affecting directions in the
Prayer Book. “After this,” that is,
after the vows of the clergy and the
bishop’s prayer for grace to enable the
performance of those vows, “the con-
gregation shall be desired, secretly in
their prayers to make their humble
supplications to God for all these
things: for the which prayers there
shall be silence kept for a space.”
The Veni Creator, the only one of
those ancient hymns of the Western
Church which we have retained, is
appointed to be sung or said: the in-
tonation by the bishop, and the anti-
phonal mode, whether it be said or
sung, being expressly enjoined. J ebb
on the Choral Service, 534, 535.
Ordm‘ 31 (p. 2059.) — There is no
lack of evidence that before the six-
teenth century, the English Church
regarded Orders as a sacrament -—
that she ranked this rite too highly,
and not according to the more
just measure and rule of the holy
Scriptures and the primitive ages.
Thus, a synod of Durham, in the year
1220, in its canon, ‘ De numero sacra-
mentorum,’ ﬁrst speciﬁes ﬁve, and
then continues: “Duo vero sequentia
sunt Ordo et Conjugium, ncc omnium,
licet quorundam, nec per eorum virtu-
tem peccata dimittuntur, sed in eorum
altero, scilicet in Conjugio, peccatum
fornicationis vitatur; in altero, scilicet
Ordine, quorundam virtutes augeutur.”
(2060)
The Preface.
And the Biihop knowing either by himfelf,
or by fuﬁicient teitimony, any perfon to be a
man of vertuous converfation, and Without
crime, and after examination and tryal, ﬁnd-
ing him learned in the Latine Tongue, and
fuﬁiciently inﬁructed in holy Scripture, may
at the times appointed in the Canon, or elfe
upon urgent occaﬁonlpon fome other Sunday
or Holyday, in the face of the Church, admit
him a Deacon, in fuch manner and form as
hereafter followeth.

The
“~—
1.1. The 566111 page of the Scaled Book commences with the word “And”, “And”
being al~o the catch-u old on the preccdmg page.

(Wilkins’ Concilia, tom. i. p. 574.)
Again, the famous synod of Exeter, in
the year 1287: "Est et septimum
sacralnentum, sc. Ordo; nam, sicut in
Veteri Testamento sacriﬁcia offere-
bantur, non per quoscunque, sed voca—
tos a Domino; ita use in Novo, nisi
p'er 1psos, qui ad hoc sacros suscepe—
rint ordines, ecclesiastica sacramenta
poterunt dispensari.” (Ibid. torn. ii.
p. 131. cf. p. 295. A canon of a synod
at Winchester, Ann. 1308; and Cardinal
(2061)

_ Pole, Reform. Angl. fol. 9. 1). ed. Aldus,
1562.) So also Lyndwood, in his gloss
upon a constitution of Archbishop
Peckham: “Ordo. Istud est unum
de duobus sequentibus e. sacramen~
tis] et sextum in numero, aliis connu-
meratis praecedentibus: et nota quod
Ordo, prout est sacramentum ecclesiee
ut hic est signaculum quoddam; per
quod spiritualis potestas traditur ordi-
nato. Secundum Thomam istud sacra—
inentum pertinet ad generationem
spiritualem.” (Lib. i. tit. 7. Ignorantia,
verb. ‘Ordo.’) And once more, the
“Pupilla Oculi,” which commences
with the enumeration of seven sacra-
ments, of which the ﬁfth is “Ordo,”
presently has several chapters “de
sacramentis Ordinis.”
Mr. Palmer states (Treatise of the
Church, vol. i. p. 374.) : “ If we divide
the sacred ministry according to its
degrees instituted by God, and under-
stood the word ‘ order’ in the sense of
‘degree,’ we may very truly say that
there are three orders of the Christian
ministry; but if we distribute it ac-
cording to its nature, we may say that
there are only two orders, viz. bishops
or presbyters, and deacons; for pastors
of the ﬁrst and second degree exercise
a ministry of the same nature. Both
are ministers of Christ, and stewards
of the mysteries of God; both are in-
vested with the cure of souls, and the
government of the Church, in their
respective degrees: both are sent to
teach and preach the Gospel of Christ;
to make disciples by baptism; to cele-
brate the Eucharist; to bless the con-
gregation; to offer prayers and spiri-
tual sacriﬁces in the presence of all
the people; even to seal with the Holy
Spirit in conﬁrmation. In the power
of ordination alone do the ministers
of the ﬁrst degree differ absolutely
from the second: and therefore may
be considered, in general, as of the
same order.”
As an oﬂice, there is no evidence
that the “Modus faciendi tonsuras”
can be traced higher than the seventh
century. Hence we do not ﬁnd any
prayers or forms in the oldest M88.
and Sacramentaries, “ De clerico fa-

ciendo.” Not that it can be disputed‘,
that the practice of distinguishing the
clergy by their hair, is of very high
antiquity: probably ﬁrst introduced
to a moderate and seemly extent, for
the sake of outward decency and
gravity, according to the admonition
of the apostles; afterwards restricted
within the limits of a certain fashion
and shape. And it is not diﬁicult to
trace the progress of these restrictions
in the canons of successive councils,
as time went on. (Cf. Garth. iv. can.44.
Barciron. can. 3.; Toletan. iv. 0. 40. ;
and others, cited by Morinas, p. 203.)
The reason why, about the time above
mentioned, the conferring of the ton-
sure came to be a separate and dis—
tinct otﬁce probably was, because
parents were then accustomed to de—
dicate their children to the sacred
ministry, and to place them in monas—
teries, at an age too young to permit
of their performing even the lowest
functions of 0stiarius or lector ; when,
nevertheless, it was desirable that a
mark should be set upon them, that
they were no longer merely secular.
The opinion in the Anglo-Saxon
age, generally, seems to have been,
that the number of orders was limited
to seven. Late in the seventh century
We ﬁnd a constitution, beginning:
“ Septuplicia sunt dona Spiritus Sancti,
et septem gradus eeclesiasticorum
ordinum et sacrarum functionum.”
(Wilkins, Conc. tom. i. p. 62.) Again,
in the canons of Elfric: “Seven de-
grees are established in the Church-
the sixth deacon, the seventh presby~
ter.” (Thorpe, Ancient Laws and In—
stitutes, vol. p. 347.) Once more,
in the pastoral epistle of the same
Elfric: “ Beloved, seven orders are
appointed in books [on bocum] for
God’s ministers in Christ’s Church.”
(Ibid. p. 379.) Against these, we have
the following in the Ecclesiastical
Institutes, about the same period, in
the chapter “ De munere et dignitate
sacerdotum: “Ye ought also to know,
that your orders are the second orders
after our orders, and the next to us;
like as the bishops are in the stead of
the apostles in the church of the holy,
(2062)

so are the mass-priests in the stead of
Christ’s disciples.” Ibid. p. 403.
For later opinions, the Pupilla oculi
may be ﬁrst quoted. “Septem sunt
ordines sive gradus: et sic loquendo
de Ordine, ut est sacramentum, et
characterem imprimi ; prima tonsura
non est ordo sed dispositio quædam ad
ordinem. Episcopatus autem non est
ordo proprie, sed dignitas, sive excel-
lentia in ordine, tum quia non im-
primit characterem, tum etiam quia
omnis ordo ordinatur ad sacramentum
eucharistiae.” (Pars vii. cap. 1.) And,
secondly, Lyndwood: “Ut volunt theo-
logi quasi omnes, solum sunt septem
ordines. Unde secundum eos, tonsura,
quæ vocatur psalmistatus, non est
ordo, sed solum dispositio ad ordines:
sic etiam episcopatus, secundum eos,
non est ordo in quantum sacramen-
tum, sed dignitas. Ordo namque su-
mitur multipliciter. Nam aliquando
est nomen dignitatis, et sic episcopa—
tus dicitur Ordo : aliquando est nomen
oﬁicii, et sic psalmistatus dicitur Ordo:
aliquando est nomen spiritualis potes-
tatis, et sic diaconus dicitur Ordo.”
Lib. tit. 1. Ut Clericalis. verb.
‘ Ordinis.’ But compare lib. i. tit. 4.
Eos qui., verb. ‘Sacros ordines’: where
he enumerates eight.
As to the shape and fashion of the
tonsure, many have not hesitated to
trace it up to the authority of St. Peter
himself. For instance, Rabanus Mau-
rus: “Sunt quidam doctorum, qui
asserunt, diversas ob causas Petrum
apostolum hunc ritum primum sump-
sisse primitus.” (De Instit. Cleric. lib.
i. cap. 3.; Bibl. Patrum. Auct. tom. i.
p. aia See also Alcuin, cap. De
Tonsura; Amalarius, De Div. Off.
lib. cap. 5.) But long before his
time, Bede records an epistle of the
abbot Ceolfrid, about the year 710, to
whom an application had been made
for an opinion concerning the variety
of tonsures, who says: “Inter omnes
tamen, quas reperimus tonsuras, nul--
lam magis sequendam nobis amplec-
tendamque jure dixeram ea, quam in
capite suo gestabat ille, cui se conﬁ-
tenti Dominus ait, ‘Tu es Petrus.’--
Neque vero ob id tantum in coronam
attondemur, quia Petrus ita attonsus
est,” etc. (Hist. Ecol. lib. v. cap. alo
And such would seem to be still the
accredited teaching of the Church of
Rome, according to the Tridentine
Catechism z “ Primum autem omniuma
ferunt, apostolorum principem eam
consuetudinem induxisse, ad memo-
riam coronæ quæ ex spinis contexta
Salvatoris nostri capiti fuit imposita.”
(ed. Aldus, p. sook
It is most probable that in England,
before the Reformation, the strict rules
which were in force, that a bishop
should confer orders only within the
limits of his own diocese, except with
license, did not apply to the giving of
the tonsure. The common opinion of
the canonists inclined to that liberty,
and it was therefore generally exer-
cised. One of the decrees of the
Council of Trent, at ﬁrst sight, appears
however to have removed this privi-
lege from the bishops of the Roman
communion: “Nulli episcopo liceat,
cujusvis privilegii praetextu, pontifi-
calia in alterius dioecesi exercere, nisi
de ordinarii loci expressa licentia, et
in personas eidem ordinario subjectas
tantum.” (Sessio vi. De Reform. cap.5.)
But the later commentators under-
stand this to have respect to the pub-
lic wearing of the pontiﬁcal vestments
on such an occasion; and that if per-
formed privately, the conferring of the
tonsure is still permitted. Cf. Bona-
cina, tom. i. Disput. viii. p. 224., and
the expositions of Balsamon and Z0-
naras upon the 14th and 35th Aposto-
lical Canons z Bevereg. Pandect. tom. i.
p. 9. 24.
It should be remarked here, that
not only bishops, but priests, by spe-
cial permission, or privilege, as in the
case of abbots, were permitted to
confer the tonsure, and even the
minor orders. Thus, the Pupilla laid
down: “Episcopus et nullus inferior
eo potest ordines conferre auctoritate
propria et ordinaria potestate. Alii
vero non episcopi, ut abbates, ex pri-
vilegio vel speciali permissione pos—
sunt minores ordines conferre. Sacros
autem solum episcopus.” Pars vii.
cap. z A. Compare cap. 1. C.
(2063)

There was a difference, it is quite
clear, from the English councils, be—
tween the ‘tonsura’ and the c corona’,
although the two are frequently cou-
founded, and sometimes both meant
by the use of either term alone. When
both are named, one must doubtless
be understood to relate to the length
of the hair, the other to the bare
circle on the top of the head—the
shaven crown.
But that we may not delay to par-
ticularise all these disqualiﬁcations
separately, two authorities may be
cited in which they are joined and
named together; one of these, of a
very early date, from the dialogue of
Archbishop Egbert, the ﬁfteenth in-
terrogation: “Pro quibus criminibus
nullus sacerdos potest ﬁeri, vel pro
quibus jampridem ordinatus deponi-
tur? Pesponsio. Hujusmodi tunc or—
dinatio episcopi, presbyteri, vel dia-
coni, rata esse dicitur: si nullo gravi
faciliore probatur infectus, si secun-
dam non habuit [uxorem] nec a marito
relictam ; si poenitentiam publicam
non gessit, nec ulla corporis parte
vitiatus apparet; si servilis aut ex
origine non est conditionis obnoxius;
si curiæ probatur nexibus absolutus;
si adseoutus est literas; hunc elegimus
ad sacerdotium promoveri. Pro his
vero criminibus nullum licet ordinari,
sed promotas quosque dicimus depo-
nendos; idola scilicet adorantes; per
aruspices incantatores captivos se dia-
bolo tradentes; ﬁdem suam falso testi-
monio expugnantes; homicidiis vel
fornicationibus contaminatos; furta
perpetrantes; sacrum veritatis nomen
perjurii temeritate violantes.” (Thorpe,
Ancient Laws, vol. p. 93.); the
other, a canon of the council of
Oxford under Stephen Langton: a Mi-
nores clerici ad inferiores gradus non
admittantur, nisi idoneos habeant
procuratores, et per testimonium eo-
rundem admittantur. N ullus simo-
niacus, homicida, excommunicatus,
aut suspensusa furarius, sacrilegus,
incendiarius, aut falsarius, aut ali-
ter hujusmodi canonicum impedi-
mentum ad quoscunque ordines præ-
sumat accedere.” Wilkins’ .Concilia,
tom. i. p.595.
tit. 5.
It may be asserted, that at no time
after Christianity became ﬁxed, and
spreading, among the Anglo-Saxons,
was the necessity overlooked of a title,
that is, of a nomination to some post
of duty, previously to the actual re—
ception of Holy Orders. The Council
of Calcuith, in the eighth century,
decreed, that all priests and deacons
a in illo titulo perseverent, ad quem
consecrati sunt.” And before this,
the Excerpts of Egbert (citing a Chal-
cedonian canon) say: aut nullus ab-
solute ordinetur, et sine pronuncia-
tione loci ad quem ordinandus est.”
The term ‘absolute’ is explained by
its use in the eighth canon of the
Council of London, 1126: “Nullus in
presbyterum, nullus in diaconum, nisi
ad certum titulum ordinetur ; qui vero
absolute fuerit ordinatus, sumpta ca-
reat dignitate.” (Wilkins’ Conc. tom. i.
p. 408.) This is not to be so inter-
preted as to mean, that his orders, so
received, were invalid; but that he
was not to enjoy the dignities and
privileges attached to his degree.
Again, the sixth canon of the Council
of London, in 1200: a Firmiter obser-
vari præcipimusa ut si episcopus ali-
quem sine titulo certo, in diaconum
vel presbyterum ordinaverit, tamdiu
ei subministret, donec ei in aliqua
ecclesia convenientia stipendia militiæ
clericali assignet, nisi forte talis qui
ordinatur, extiterit, qui de sua vel
paterna hæreditate subsidia vitæ
possit habere. Idem in subdiaconi
ordinatione statuimus ; adjungentes,
ut si archidiaconus citra speciale
mandatum episcopi sui aliquem præ-
dictorum ordinationi praesentaverit,
et is ad ejus præsentationem ordi-
natus fuerit, prædictæ poenæ sub-
jaceat.” cwilkinsa Conc. tom i. p. 506.)
Once more z The Synod of Exeter, in
legis “Caveant ad sacros ordines
promovendi, ut titulum habeant sufﬁ—
cientem, sine quo omnibus ad sacros
ordines accedere interdicimus facul-
tatem.” Wilkins’ Conc. tom. ii. p. liii
The possession of a title, by every
candidate for orders, as insisted on so
Vide Lyndwood, lib. i.
(2064)
universally, sprung not only from the
desire that he should have some im-
mediate ﬁeld or scope for his labours,
but also to check the increase, which
was becoming excessive about the
seventh and following centuries, of
unemployed clergy; unemployed, be-
cause they either would not seek for,
or could not obtain, cures or beneﬁces.
There were so many privileges and
exemptions from civil jurisdiction,
which at that time began to be at-
tached to the spirituality, that men
were eager to receive orders, merely
that they might enjoy its privileges.
A title, also, conveyed with it the
customary stipend, sufﬁcient to provide
the usual and proper necessaries of
life. Otherwise, the Church would
have been overrun not only with idle,
but with indigent clergy. This is a
point already touched upon in one of
the canons just quoted, and so also
the Pupilla Oculi: “Inquirant etiam
examinatores de titulo ordinandi, et
si habeat patrimonium proprium unde
, poterit sustentari competenter z-quia
si ordinetur sine titulo tenetur episco-
pus seu praesentator ei necessaria pro-
viders.” Pars vii. cap. 3. H.
And John de Athon justly says,
that any arrangement with a bishop,
or patron, not to press or insist upon
this claim, would be of the nature of
simony. “ Ordo namque sacer sine
titulo, t'.e. beneﬁcio, dare non debet,
&c. N ec tamen potest ordinandus re-
promittere ordinanti, vel praesentanti,
de non inquietando eos in forma, abs~
que specie simoniae ex utraque parts.”
The title, also, must not be a feigned
one. “Et vero [2,’. e. non ﬁcto] alius
ordinans talem, se obligat. Sed nun-
quid sufiiciat ad excusationem ordi-
nantis quod ordinandus hujusmodi suo
titulo oblato asserat se contentum iri
hoc praecavendum sit indecentia cle-
ricali. Item hujusmodi remissio ex-
pressa simoniam induceret, ergo tacite
non censetur subintelligi. Et intelligo,
quod dc hujusmodi titulo certo ordi-
nandus debet facere ﬁdem per aliqua
sufﬁcientia documenta, so. per testes,
the.” In Constit. Othonis, De scrutinio
ordinand; verb. Titulo ct Vero.
Orders of Miniiters in
Chrilts Church: (p_ 2059,) _ Of
these ﬁve orders in the Church of
Rome—1. the Subdeacon is he who
delivereth the vessels to the deacon,
and assisteth him in the administra-
tion of the sacrament of the Lord’s
Supper. 2. The Acolyth is he who
bears the lighted candle whilst the
gospel is being read, or whilst the
priest consecrated the host. 3. The
Exorcist is he who abjureth evil
spirits in the name of Almighty God,
to go out of persons troubled there-
with. 4. The Reader is he who reads
in the Church of God, being also or-
dained to this, that he may preach the
word of God to the people. 5. The
Ostiary is he who keepeth the doors
of the church, and tolleth the bell.
These, though some of them ancient,
were human institutions, and such as
do not come under the limitation
which immediately precedes, “from
the apostles’ time:”—for which rea-
son, and because they were evidently
instituted for convenience only, and
were not immediately concerned in
the sacred ofﬁces of the Church, they
were laid aside by our ﬁrst reformers.
Stephens on the Laws relating to the
Clergy, 821.
Of the distinction among the gover-
nors of the Church there was never
made in ancient times any question;
nor did it seem disputable in the
Church, except to that malcontent
Aérius, who found very few followers
in his heterodoxy. No great body
even of heretics could ﬁnd cause to
dissent from the Church on this
point. But all Arians, Macedonians,
N ovatians, Donatists, the, maintained
the distinction of orders among them-
selves, and acknowledged the duty of
the inferior clergy to their bishops.
Reason plainly requires such sub-
ordinations. This all experience at-
tests—this even the chief impugners
of episcopal presidency do by their
practice confess—who, for prevention
of disorders, have been vain of their
own heads to devise ecclesiastical sub-
ordination of classes, provinces, and
(2065)
nations, and to appoint moderators, or
temporary bishops, in their assemblies.
So that reason has forced the dissenters
from the Church to imitate it.
Holy Scripture also plainly enough
countenances this distinction. For
therein we have represented one
“ angel” presiding over principal
churches, which contained several
presbyters (Rev. ii. 1., (he); therein
we ﬁnd episcopal ordination and juris-
diction exercised; we have one bishop
constituting presbyters in divers cities
of his diocese (Tit. i. 5.; 1 Tim. v. 1.
17. 19. 20. 22., &c.); ordering all
things therein concerning ecclesiasti-
cal discipline; judging presbyters; re-
buking “with all authority,” or im-
periousness, as it were (Tit. ii. 15.);
reconciling offenders, and secluding
heretics and scandalous persons.
In the Jewish Church there were
“High Priest, Chief Priest, and San-
hedrim,” or senate, or synod. There-
with, the government of congregations
amongst God’s ancient people, which
it is probable was the pattern that the
apostles followed in establishing eccle-
siastical discipline among Christians,
agrees: for in their synagogues, an-
swering to our Christian churches,
they had, as their elders and doctors,
so over them, an archisynagogus, or
hacham, the head of the eldership and
president of the synagogue.
The primitive general use of Chris-
tians most eﬁ‘ectually supports Scrip-
ture, and interprets it in favour of
this distinction, scarce less than de-
monstrating it constituted by the
apostles. For how otherwise is it
imaginable, that all the churches
founded by the apostles in several
most distant and disjoined places—
at Jerusalem, at Antioch, at Alexan-
dria, at Ephesus, at Corinth, at Rome
—should presently conspire in the
acknowledgement and use of it? How
could it without apparent confederacy
be formed—how could it creep in
without note — how could it be ad-
mitted without considerable oppo-
sition~~—if it were not in the founda-
tion of those churches laid by the
apostles? How is it likely, that in
L
those times of grievous persecution,
falling chieﬂy upon the bishops, when
to be eminent among Christians
yielded slender reward, and exposed
to extreme hazard, when to seek fore-
eminence was in effect to court danger
and trouble, torture and ruin, an am—
bition or irregularly advancing them-
selves above their brethren should so
generally prevail among the ablest
and best Christians? How could those
famous martyrs for the Christian truth
be, some of them, so unconscionable
as to affect, others so irresolute as to
yield to, such injurious encroach-
ments? And how could all the holy
fathers, persons of such renowned, such
approved wisdom and integrity, be so
blind as not to discern such a corrup-
tion, or so bad as to abet it? How,
indeed, could all God’s Church be so
weak as to consent in judgment, so
base as to comply in practice, with it?
In ﬁne, how can we conceive that all
the best monuments of antiquity,
down from the beginning, the Acts,
the Epistles, the histories, the com-
mentaries, the writings of all sorts,
coming from the blessed martyrs and
most holy confessors of our faith,
should conspire to abuse us; which
all speak of nothing but bishops;
long catalogues of bishops succeeding
in this and that city; bishops contest~
ing for the faith against pagan ido-
lators, and heretical corrupters of
Christian doctrine; bishops here teach-
ing, and planting our religion by their
labours, their suffering, and watering
it with their blood.
Bilhops, Prieits, and Dea—
Cons 1 (p. 2059.)—-The word ‘ bishop’
is from the Saxon ‘biscop,’ and that
from the Greek e’m'oxmroe, an overseer
or superintendent; so called from that
watchfulness, care, charge, and faith-
fulness, which by his place and dig-
nity he hath and oweth to the Church.
The word ‘priest’ is nearly the same
in all Christian languages: the Saxon
is ‘preost,’ the German ‘priester,’ the
Dutch ‘preester,’ the Swedish ‘praeste,’
the French ‘prétre,’ the Italian ‘prete,’
(2066)

the Spanish ‘preste,’—-all evidently
enough taken from the Greek 1rpwBé~
'repos‘. In like manner the Word
‘deacon,’ with little variation, runs
through all the same languages,
deduced from the Greek mam.
Stephens on the Laws relating to the
Clergy, 821.
The bishops who rule the churches
of these realms were validly ordained
by others, who by means of an un—
broken spiritual descent of ordinations
derived their mission from the apostles,
and from our Lord. This continual
descent is evident to any one who
chooses to investigate it. Let him
read the catalogues of our bishops,
ascending up to the most remote pe-
riod. Our ordinations descend in a
direct unbroken line from Peter and
Paul, the apostles of the Circumcision
and the Gentiles. These great apostles
successively ordained Linus, Cletus,
and Clement, bishops of Rome; and
the apostolical line of succession was
regularly continued from them to
Celestine, Gregory, and Vitalianus, who
ordained Augustine and Theodore for
the English Church. And from those
times an uninterrupted series of valid
ordinations have carried down the
apostolical succession in our churches
even to the present day. There is
not a bishop, priest, or deacon amongst
us, who cannot, if he pleases, trace his
own spiritual descent from St. Peter
and St. Paul.
Secondly, these bishops are the
rightful successors of those who ruled
the Church in the beginning. The
pastors who originally preached the
gospel, and converted the inhabitants
of these to Christianity, were legiti-
mately ordained, and therefore had
divine mission for their work. The
ancient British bishops, who sat in
the councils of Arles and Nice, in the
fourth century (vide Stillingﬁeet’s
Crigines Britannicae, ch. 2 and 3.),
were followed by a long line of suc-
cessors, who governed dioceses in
Britain; so were those prelates from
Ireland, who, in the seventh century,
converted a great portion of the
pagan invaders of Britain; and so
also was Augustine, archbishop of
Canterbury, who was sent by Gregory
of Rome about the same time, and
who preached to another portion of
the Anglo-Saxons. The churches, de-
riving their origin. from these three
sources, were governed by prelates,
who all ﬁlled distinct dioceses; and
those dioceses have been occupied by
a regular series of bishops, canonically
ordained, from the beginning down to
the present day. We can, therefore,
not only prove that we are descended
by valid ordinations from the apostles
Peter and Paul, but can point out the
dioceses which our predecessors have
rightly possessed even from the be-
ginning. We stand on the ground of
prescriptive and immemorial posses-
sion, not merely from the time of
Augustine, but from those more re—
mote ages, when the bishops and
priests that were our predecessors
attended the councils of Arles and
Nice; when Tertullian and Origen bore
witness that the fame of our Chris-
tianity had extended to Africa and
the East.
It is true, that there are some
schismatical Romish bishops in these
realms, but they are of a recent origin,
and cannot shew the prescription and
possession. which we can. Some of
these teachers do not profess to be
bishops of our churches, but are titular
bishops of places which we know not.
Others usurp the titles of various
churches in these islands, but neither
are in possession themselves, nor can
prove that their predecessors have
ever occupied them. This sect arose
in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, when
certain persons, unhappily and blindly
devoted to the see of Rome, refused to
obey and communicate with their law-
ful pastors, who, in accordance with the
law of God and the canons, asserted
the ancient independence of the Bri-
tish and Irish Church; and the Roman
patriarch then ordained a few bishops
to sees in Ireland, which were already
occupied by legitimate pastors.
In England, this ministry is of a
later origin; for the ﬁrst bishop of
that communion was a titular bishop
(2067)

v
of Chalcedon in the seventeenth cen-
tury. I must observe further, that
the orthodox and undoubted bishops
of Great Britain and Ireland are the
only persons who, in any manner,
whether by ordination or possession,
can prove their descent from the
ancient saints and bishops of these
isles. It is a positive fact, that
they, and they alone, can trace their
ordinations from .Peter and Paul,
through Patrick, Augustine, Theodore,
David, Cuthbert, Chad, Anselm, Os-
mund, and all the other worthies of
our church. No popish bishops can
by any possibility trace their spiritual
descent by ordination from the ori-
ginal pastors of our churches; for
their line of succession began at
Rome, scarcely more than two centu-
ries ago; and none of them have ever
received ordination from any British
or Irish bishops, descended from the
ancient line of prelates who for so
many ages have represented the apos-
tles in these realms. These facts are
sufficient to prove that the orthodox
bishops in possession are the true, the
apostolical ministers of God. And
hence we are justiﬁed in demanding
of schismatical bishops, “ Wherefore
do you presume to invade the offices
of those whose predecessors have pos-
sessed these churches from the begin-
ning? What can your claims avail
against the representatives of those
primitive British and Irish bishops,
with whom you cannot trace a single
link of connection? Cease, then, to
trouble an inheritance which God has
entrusted to others, and, before it is
too late, implore his pardon for the
schism of which you have been
uilty.”
Thirdly, the true and orthodox
bishops and pastors teach those doc—
trines which the Catholic Church has
taught in all ages from the beginning.
We are ready to give a reason for the
faith that is in us, and to prove irre-
sistibly, that the faith we hold is the
same which the apostles delivered,
and which has descended by a con-
tinual succession in the Catholic
Church even to the present day.
Those points in which Romanists
differ from us have never at any time
been the doctrine of the Church. The
doctrines of transubstantiation, pur-
gatory, the papal supremacy, 820., as
erroneously taught by schismatical
bishops, were never more than the
opinions of individuals in the western
churches, till the Council of Trent——
they were believed by some, and dis-
believed by others.
All the great eastern and apostolical
churches of Constantinople, Antioch,
Alexandria, Ephesus, Caesarea, Russia,
Georgia, as well as the ancient sects
of Monophysites and Nestorians in
Egypt, Syria, Chaldaea, Persia, Arme-
nia, India, Tartary, and China, always
rejected these doctrines, as they almost
universally do at the present day.
The meeting termed the Council of
Trent did not represent the Universal
Church, being illegitimately summoned,
and neither attended nor received by
the eastern patriarchs, the metropo-
litans and bishops of these realms, nor
any of the orthodox. Hence, it is
manifest that the erroneous doctrines
taught by Romish pastors have never
been those of the Catholic Church.
These three things being certain,
that the bishops and clergy now pos-
sessing the churches of these realms
have received a valid apostolical ordi-
nation; that they and their predeces-
sors from the beginning have been
canonically and rightly ordained to
and possessed of these churches; and
that they teach the doctrines which
the apostles delivered to the Catholic
Church; then it follows, that they are
the true successors of the apostles,
and consequently have divine mission.
But Romanists may object, that
mission, or the right of performing
ministerial ofﬁces, is lost by schism,
and therefore that we cannot have
mission, because our predecessors and
ourselves are in schism, and separated
from the Catholic Church.
In reply to this, we have only to
deny that we or our predecessors have
either been guilty of schism, or sepa-
rated from the Catholic Church. How
is it that we have committed schism Z
(2068)
Was it in continuing to communicate
with the Roman patriarch, when, in
the ninth century, he separated from
the eastern church? This, at least,
will hardly be objected to us as a
crime by Romanists. Was it asserting
the ancient liberties of our‘ Church,
and declining the jurisdiction of the
Roman Pontiﬁ', already prohibited by
the councils of Nice and Ephesus?
This could not have been schism, be-
cause it was strictly according to the
canons. And if the Roman patriarch,
and his party in the west, excommu-
nicated our predecessors for doing so,
that excommunication did not separate
us from the Catholic Church, but its
own authors and upholders. There
is then no proof that we are in schism,
and therefore the mission of our clergy
remains unquestionable.
' It is necessary to meet another ob-
jection, which persons of various tenets
will no doubt advance. They will
say, that “the bishops and clergy of
these churches before the Reformation
differed in several points from their
successors; that we must believe they
were heretical in several doctrines;
and therefore they could not have
been legitimate- bishops, nor could
they have transmitted to others a
mission which they had not them-
selves.”
It is true that certain Romish errors
prevailed amongst many of our prede-
cessors for some time before the Re-
formation ; but that those errors were
universally held by them, or that they
were viewed as matters of faith, and
not of probability, is more than any
man can prove certainly, or even pro—
bably. Hence it is as impossible to
prove, as it is uncharitable and un—
natural to maintain, that our prede—
cessors in any age were a heretical
body.
Secondly, admitting that many of
the British and Irish bishops were
formerly infected with errors in mat-
ters of faith, yet this alone does not
prove them heretics, for many of the
most illustrious fathers and doctors
have erred on particular points. ()ur
predecessors are defended from the
charge of heresy by the same reasons
which Bossuet uses to exculpate the
Council of Frankfort, and all the bi-
shops of Gaul, Germany, and Britain,
for rejecting the worship of images.
(Bossuet, Defensio Declarationis Cleri
Gallicani, lib. vii. c. 31.) They were
not considered heretical, because they
seemed to inquire about those matters
with good intentions, and not with
stubborn and pertinacious zeal. They
erred from Want of sufficient informa-
tion, and accordingly have never been
condemned by the Church; and hence
we have no right to say that those
British and Irish bishops who held
erroneous doctrines were all heretics.
Thirdly, even supposing that some
of those prelates were pertinaciously
erroneous, and actually heretical, yet
no one can prove that a bishop, cano-
nically ordained, loses all his mission
for good and beneﬁcial acts by heresy
ipso facto; no one can prove that
such an heretical bishop, against
whom the Church has made no decree
of deposition and excommunication,
is devoid of mission for the purpose of
ordination; and therefore, even sup-
posing the case, that there have been
heretics in the line of our ordinations,
yet, as those heretics were not publicly
known to be such, excommunicated
and deposed when they acted, they
had the power of conveying mission
to their orthodox successors.
Unlefs he have a Faculty:
(p.2050.)—So that a faculty or dispen-
sation is allowed for persons of extra-
ordinary abilities to be admitted dea-
cons sooner. Which faculty must be
obtained from the Archbishop of Can-
terbury. But for the admission of a
priest under the age of four-and-
twenty years there is no dispensation;
because it is expressly prohibited by
statute. Thus, by stat. 13 Eliz. 0.12.
“none shall be made minister being
under the age of four-and-twenty
years.”
In Roberts v. Pain (3 Mod. 67.) a
person being presented to the parish
church of Christ Church in Bristol,
was libelled against, because he was
GS
(2069)

not twenty-three years of age when
made deacon, nor twenty-four when
made priest. A prohibition was
prayed, upon this suggestion, that if
the matter was true a temporal loss,
to wit, deprivation, would follow; and
that therefore it was triable in the
temporal court. But it was denied,
because so it is also in the case of
drunkenness and other vices, which
are usually punished in the ecclesias-
tical courts, though temporal loss may
ensue.
By stat. 44 Geo. III. 0. 43. s. 1. “no
person shall be admitted a deacon be-
fore he shall have attained the age of
three—and-twenty years complete, and
that no person shall be admitted a
priest before he shall have attained
the age of four-and-twenty years
complete; and in case any person
shall, from and after the passing of
this act, be admitted a deacon before
he shall have attained the age of
three-and-twenty years complete, or
be admitted a priest before he shall
have attained the age of four-and-
twenty years complete, that then and
in every such case the admission of
every such person as deacon or priest
respectively shall be merely void in
law, as if such admission had not been
made, and the person so admitted
shall be wholly incapable of having,
holding, or enjoying, or being admitted
to any parsonage, Vicarage, beneﬁce,
or other ecclesiastical ppromotion or
dignity whatsoever, in virtue of such
his admission as deacon or priest re-
spectively, or of any qualiﬁcation de—
rived or supposed to be derived there-
from: provided always that no title to
confer or present by lapse shall accrue
by any avoidance or deprivation, ipso
facto, by virtue of this statute, but
after six months’ notice of such avoid~
ance or deprivation. given by the ordi-
nary to the patron.”
And by sect. 2. nothing therein con-
tained “shall extend, or be construed
to extend, to take away any right of
granting faculties heretofore lawfully
exercised, and which now be lawfully
exercised by the Archbishop of Can-
terbury or the Archbishop of Armagh.”
And after exammation and
tryal, ﬁnding h1m learned 1n
the Latine Tongue: (p_2()51_)
-—-The next care of the bishop is to
examine and try the understandings
of such as come to offer themselves to
be ordained, of which he and his
chaplains are competent judges. So
that if he ordain any illiterate person,
that fault must lie upon the ordainer
only; since virtue may, but learning
cannot, be counterfeited before a
learned and diligent examiner. It is
St. Paul’s injunction, and so indis—
pensable, that he “ be apt,” or, as the
word imports, able, “ to teach” (1 Tim.
iii. 2.); nor can any man be ﬁt to teach
others, who hath not himself been well
instructed, ﬁrst, in secular learning,
and secondly, in holy Scripture. The
apostles, wanting time and opportu-
nity to get learning in an ordinary
way, were miraculously inspired both
with the knowledge of all tongues and
all divine truths, to shew that Christ
himself judged these were necessary
qualiﬁcations for his ministers. But,
as the manna ceased when God’s
people came to a land where corn
would grow by industry, so heaven
hath now withdrawn immediate inspi-
ration, and left us to acquire know-
ledge by study and other proper means.
(2070)
THE
Form and Manner
Of Making of
D E A C Q N S-
{I WPlen the day appointed’ by the Bilhop
1s come, after Morning Prayer is
ended, there {hall be a Sermon or Exhorta—
tion, declaring the Duty and Ofﬁce of fuch
as come to be admitted Deacons; how necef-
fary that Order is in the Church of Chrift;
and alfo, how the people ought to efteem
them in their ()Hice.

{I Firft the Arch-Deacon or his Deputy
{hall prefent unto the Bifhop (ﬁtting in his
Chair, near to the holy Table) fuch as deﬁre
to be ordained Deacons; (each of them being
decently habited) faying thefe Words,
RQEnerenn ﬂatter in than, it mefent unto
you their patrons pgefent to he anmittzn
EDeatuns.

1.1. The 567th page H 3] of the Sealed Book commences with the word “ THE ”
“ 'lhe ” bcin” the Catch-word on the recedin ave.
(‘7 D
6 S 2
(2071)
The Ordering
The Bifhop.
Take heen that the perione inhum ye me:
tent untu us, he apt ans meet, fag their
learning aniJ grimy tonneriatiun, to erertife
their shimmy Duty, to the hermit at man,
ant the enitying at his QLhurth.
{I The Arch-Deacon {hall anfwer,
I ihahe enquires at them, ans aim eraminen
them, am: think them in te be.
9D 0 3
ﬂ[ Then the Bifhop {hall fay unto the people,
Bﬁethgen, if there be any at you tube
knutneth any impeniment oi nutahie
trime in any of theie perfuns piefenten to he
ugneren Ebeatune, to; the tnhith he ought not
to he atlmittetl to that ﬂDffite, let him come
with in the ﬂame of man, anu them inhat
the crime cg impeniment is.
{I Then
{I And if any great crime or impediment
be objected, the Bifhop {hall furceafe from
Ordering that perfon, until fuch time as the
party accufed {hall be found clear of that
CI'IIIIC.
{I Then the Biihop (commending fuch as
{hall be found meet to be Ordered, to the
prayers of the Congregation) fhall, with the
Clergy and people prefent, ﬁng or fay the
Litany, With the Prayers, as folloWeth.

l. 11. The 568th page of the Sealed Book commences with “lJThcn ”, “ {I Then” being
also the catch-word on the pit-ceding page.
(2072)
of Deacons.
W The Litany and Sufl‘rages.
Qﬁoo, the nether of heauen: hane merry
upon us miferahle ﬁnnere.
O God the Father of heaven: have mercy
upon us miferable ﬁnners.
ED thou the %>on, IReoeemer of the mono:
bane merry upon us miferahie finnere.
O God the Son, Redeemer of the World:
have mercy upon us miferable ﬁnners.
9D Qboo the {holy Qehoﬂ, pgoreeoing from
the father, sun the gvon: hare merry upon
us miferahie ﬁnnere.
O God the holy Ghoft, proceeding from the
Father, and the Son: have mercy upon us
miferable ﬁnners.
£11)
iID holy, hieifeo ano glorious Qtrinity, three
perfons ano one eon: hane merry upon us
miferahle tinners.
O holy, blefIed (and glorious Trinity, three
rfons and one God: have mercy upon us
miferable ﬁnners.
Remember not {Logo our offences. no;
the offences of our forefathers, neither take
thou nengeanre of our ﬁns: {pare us, goon

, . . . \ - . *4 , H
1.17. The atfnh page or the healed Book commence: man ‘ lJUIl),
being the catch-word on the pl'ct‘ctlilrlr page.
(2073)
The Ordering
ltugu, fpare thy yeuyle tuhum thuu halt re:
ueemeu with thy mull ygeriuus bluuu, anb be
not angry tuith us for eber.
Spare us, good Lord.
from all ebil anu mitchief, from tin, from
the traits anb allaults ut the uebil, from
thy nnath, anu from eberlalling uamna:
tiun,
Good Lord, deliver us.
from all blinuneis of heart, from mine,
baiwglugy, ant hyputrilie; from early. batten,
anb malite, anu all untharitablenefs,
Good Lord, deliver us.
from tugnitatiun, am: all other ueauiy fin,
anu from all the ueteita of the ibuglu, the
ﬂelh, anb the trail, \
Good Lord, deliver us.
from lightning anu temyeﬂ, from plague,
peﬂilenre, anb famine; from battel anu mur=
uer, anu frum fuuuen Heath,
Good Lord, deliver us.
jFrum all teuitiun, ygiby tuqlpiraty, anb
rebellion; from all falfe uuttrinieinhereiie, one
“whim, {mm harunefs of heart, anu tunteinpt
of thy won] anu rummanument,
Good Lord, deliver us.
15y the myﬂery of thy huly Zlnearnatiun;
by thy huly matibity anb Qliirtulntiliun; by
thy Ibaytinn, halting, anu @Iemptatiun,
Good Lord, deliver us.
15y thine elguny anu bluuuy %>ineat; by
thy Qtrufs anu {@afliun; by thy ygetiuus
EDeath anu leurial , by thy glorious iRefur:
(2074)
of Deacons.
rettion anti attention3 am: by the coming of
the holy Qhholl,
Good Lord, deliver us.
Zln
3m all time of our tribulation; in all time
of our wealth; in the hour of Death, am: in
the Day of iuogment,
Good Lord, deliver us.
we [innere no hefeeeh thee to hear us, ill)
iLogo Qhoo, am: that it may pleafe thee to
rule ano govern thy holy QLhurth uniuertal
in the right way;
We befeech thee to hear us, good Lord.
@that it may pleafe thee to keep an]:
ﬂrengthen in the true moglhipping of thee, in
righteoutneie ano holineie of life, thy iernant
CHARLES our moli gratioue liiing ano
Qhonernour;
We befeech thee to hear us, good Lord.
@Ehat it may hleafe thee to rule his heart
in thy faith, tear, ano lone, am that he may
euermoge hane afﬂante in thee, ano ener leek
thy honour ano glory;
We befeech thee to hear us, good Lord.
@‘lihat it may pleafe thee to be his oetenoer
ano keeper, gihing him the victory over all
his enemies ;
We befeech thee to hear us, good Lord.
@IIhat it may pleaie thee to hlefs ano pie:
fern e oiur-wgratioueilhae-en C A TH-ER I N E;

. 7,
lmences with the word “ £11 ,
he precedl
0k con
l. 5. The 57 pag fth c aled
being" so *catc - 'ord ng page.
“ In”
(2075)
The Ordering
Mary the‘ -mcieen=@cther, ~ James- Duke inf
York,anc|~-al~l-»theﬁayal'jFami-ly--,
We befeech thee to hear us, good Lord.
@that it may pleate thee tn illuminate all
“hilhnps, lhiieas, ant Deaccins with true
knuiplehge ann unnerllanning of thy wail],
ann that both by their preaching ann lining
they may let it faith, anti lhem it accuglJ:
;
We hefeech thee to hear us, good Lord.
@that it may plea-[e thee to hlefe thete thy
lerpants, notn tn he apmitten tn the SlDilJer of
Demons [0; Priefts] anlJ tn pour thy grace
upon them, that they may truly execute their
HDmce, to the epifying ct thy Qthurch, anti the
gluiy cif thy holy name,
We befeech thee to hear us, good Lord.
@hat it may pleate thee tn entitle the lLuilJs
cf the Qtuuncil, am: all the inability, with
grace, inilnum anti unperllanhing,
We befeech thee to hear us, good Lord.
@L'hat
@L'hat it may plealetthee tn hlets ann keep
the ahagiﬂratee, gining them grace to execute
iuﬂice, app to maintain truth,
We befeech thee to hear us, good Lord.
@that it may pleaie thee to hlete anlJ keep
all thy people,
We befeech thee to hear us, good Lord.
Qthat it may pleate thee to give tn all
nations unity, peace, anti cuncogh,

l.
The 571st page of the Scaled Bo
ommcn .c with the word “ @Zhat”, “ i’
_ ok c.
being also the catch-word on the prccc I page.
£2076)
of Deacons.
We befeech thee to hear us, good Lord.
@Ehat it may pleate thee to glue us an heart
to lone anti lueao thee, anti oiligently to line
after thy tommanumenta;
We befeech thee to hear us, good Lord.
@Lhat it may pleale thee to glue to all thy
people intreal'e of grace, to hear meelely thy
worn, ant to reteiue it with pure atfertion,
ano to bring forth the fruits of the %vpirit;
We befeech thee to hear us, good Lord.
@that it may pleale thee to hang into the
may of truth all turh as haue erreo ano are
oereiueu;
We befeech thee to hear us, good Lord.
@Iihat it may pleale thee to urengthen tuth
as oo llano, ant: to tomfogt. ano help the
mealehearteo. ano to raite up them that fall,
ano ﬁnally to heat ooron gvatan unoer our feet 5
We befeech thee to hear us, good Lord.
@that it may pleate thee to lutrour, help,
anJJ romfogt. all that in Danger, netettlty,
ano tribulation,
We befeech thee to hear us, good Lord.
@that it may pleate thee to pgelerue all that
trauel hy lano oz by water, all toomen labour:
ing of thiloe, all title perfona ano young
thilogen, ano to lhe‘ro thy pity upon all
pu'lonere ano raptiuee;
We befeech thee to hear us, good Lord.
@that it may pleafe thee to oefeno ano pgo=
nine to; the fatherlels rhilogen ano tuiootns,
ano all that ire oelolate anp oppgelleo ,
We befeech thee to hear us, good Lord.
Qthat
(2077)
The Ordering
What it may pleate thee to hane merry
[111011 a" men;
We befeech thee to hear us, good Lord.
@that it may pleate thee to tuggine our
enemies, perfetutuze', anti ﬂanherere, ant: te
turn their hearts;
We befeech thee to hear us, good Lord.
@Zhat it may pleate thee to give am we
terne to our ate the hinting fruits of the earth,
{0 as in Due time the may eninp them;
We befeech thee to hear us, good Lord.
@that it may pleate thee tn gihe ue true
repentance, to forgive us all our fine, negh':
genres arm ignugantes, arm to enhue us with
the grace of thy huly %pirit, tn amenh our
{thee accorbing tn thy help ‘mum;
We befeech thee to hear us, good Lord.
@111 of @011: me heteeth thee tn hear us.
Son of God: We befeech thee to hear us.
ED iLamh at eon: that taheﬂ a‘map the
ﬁne at the mullet;
Grant us thy peace.
ﬂD iLamh of eon: that taheﬂ away the
ﬁne at the worth;
Have mercy upon us.
ED Qlhgiﬂ, hear he.
0 Chriﬂ, hear us.
item, hane merry upon 115.
Lord, have mercy upon us.
Qihgt'ﬂ, have mercy upnn ue.
Chrif’t, have mercy upon us.

1. 1. The 572ml page of the Seaied Book commen _ with the word “ @hat”, " @111)?“ ”
on 1;
being also the catch~w0rd he prece g page.
of Deacons.
lLoro, hahe merry upon us.
Lord, have mercy upon us.
{I Then {hall the Prief’t, and the people with
him, fay the Lords Prayer.
()tlr ﬁather, ruhith art in heahen, ihallotneo
he thy ﬂame. @Ihy kingoom tome. 6th?
will be none in earth, as it is in heauen.
chine us this Day our Daily hreao. am] for:
nine us our tretpailes, 21s the forgipe them,
that tretpats againll us. ant] leap us not
into temptation; ihut oeliper us from ehil.
amen
Prieit.
Prieft.
2D ILoro, oeal not with us after our fins.
Anfwer.
meither retriaro us after our iniquities.
Let us pray.
Qhoo merciful father, that oefpiteﬂ not
the ﬁghing of a tontrite heart, nor the
petite of tuth as he forrotnful; mercifully
alliﬂ our prayers that hoe make hetore thee
in all our troubles ano atmeriities, when:
foeper they opprets us, ano gratiouﬂy hear
us, that thofe eoils which the trait ano

. a - , ' . 5 ,' ’
l. ll. The 573ml page 01 the Sealed Book comn e. ties with the word. “ Pllcii. ’ “ Pllcll. ,
being also the catch-word on the prec g page.
2079)
The Ordering
l’uhtilty of the oenil or man inogketh againu
us, he brought to nought, am] by the pio=
pioence of thy gooonets they may he oitperteo,
that ioe thy ternants, being hurt by no per=
tecutions, may eoermoie gine thanks unto
thee in thy holy Qlthurch, through Zletus Qthiill
our lLoio.
O Lord, arife, help us, and deliver us for
thy Names fake.
O coo, roe hane hearo ‘with our ears , ano
our fathers hahe oeclareo unto us the
noble mocks that thou oioli in their oaies, ano
in the olo time hefoie them.
O Lord, arife, help us, and deliver us for
thine honour.
Qhloiy he to the father, ano to the %>on:
ant: to the {holy Qhholl;
Anfwer.
sis it was in the beginning, is noin, ano
eper thall he: moilo without eno. elmen.
from
jFrom our enemies oefeno us, ii) QLhiifl.
Graciouﬂy look upon our afflictions.
lhitifully heholo the toiroros of our hearts.
Mercifully forgive the ﬁns of thy people.

1.22. T 574th page of the Scaled Book commcnc with the word “ JI'UIII”, “ JFI'UIII”
eing also the catch-word on tho preco ' g page.
(2080)
of Deacons.
.lFauourahly roith merry hear our prayers.
0 Son of David, have mercy upon us.
iBoth norn ano euer uourhfate to hear us, 81)
Qllhp'll.
Gracioufly hear us, 0 Chrift; gracioufly
hear us, 0 Lord Chrift.
Prief’t.
8D lLogo, let thy merry he lhetneo upon us.
Anfwer.
21s the no put our trull in thee.
1 - up,“
WQE humbly heleerh thee, it) jtather, mer:
ritully to loolr upon our lnfirmities, ant
to; the glory of thy shame, turn from us all
thole ern'ls that toe moﬂ righteoully hate or:
return; anu grant, that in all our troubles
rue may put our tuhole truﬂ ano rontioenre in
thy merry, ant enermoge ferue thee in hon:
nets anp purenels of lining. to thy honour
anlJ glory, through our only sheoiatour ano
sonorate, pews Qthu'u our itogo. Amen.

‘1 Then
{I Then {hall be fung or {aid the Service for
the Communion, with the Collect, Epiftle,
and Gofpel, as followeth.

l. 22. The 575th page p] of the Sealed ’o k commences with “ (Therf’, "'jThen”
being also the catch-word on the pr " ing page.
(2081)
The Ordering
1Tim.3.8.
The Collect.
AiLmighty Qhoo, toho by thy oioine moot:
oente hall appointeo oioers ﬂDgoers of
ahinillers in thy QIhurth, ano oioa infpire
thine ﬁpoﬂtes to thoofe into the BDgoer of
@eatons the firﬂ erthartyr %>. gneoen, toith
others; ehertifully heholo thefe thy feroants
noho talleo to the like ﬂDtfite ano Hominiilra=
tion. lReplenilh them to toith the truth of
thy oottrine, ano aoogn them toith innotenty
of life, that both by toogo ano gooo erample,
they may faithfully feroe thee in this EDffiee,
to the glory of thy ﬂame, ano the eoifitatiou
of thy QIhurth, through the merits of our
%>aoiour Zlefus QLhgiﬂ, tnho lioeth ano reigneth
toith thee mm the holy Qbhoﬂ noto mm for
ener. Amen.
The Epif’tle.
LZlhetoife mull the Eeatons he graoe. not
oouhle=tongueo, not gioen to muth ‘mine,
not greeoy of filthy lutre, holoing the myilery
of the faith in a pure tonftiente. ano let
thete alto fitﬁ he ptooeo, then let them ate
the ilDffiee of a EDeaton, heing founo hlame=
leis. Given to mull their toioes he graoe,
not ﬂanoerers, foher, faithful in all things.
iLet the EDeatons he‘the hushanos of one
tuife, ruling their thiloten ano their oton
houfes inell. for they that hane ufeo the
iﬂDffiee of a HDeaton well, purthafe to them:
feloes a goon oegree, ano great holonefs in
the faith tohith is in Qfhgitl Elefus.
we hOr
(2082)
of Deacons.
‘l Or elfe this out of the Sixth of the Aéts of
the Apoftles.
Tlhen the trbelbe talleb the multitube of Ms M
the biftiples unto them, anb faib, 3lt is
not reafon that tne lhoulb leabe the more of
Qhob, anb ferbe tables. wherefore, bre=
thren, look ye out among you feben men of
honeﬂ report, full of the holy Qhhoil anb
rnifbom, bohom the may appoint ober this
bufinefs. IBut toe tbill gibe our felbes ton:
tinually to prayer, anb to the miniﬂry of the
tborb. ﬁne the laying pleafeb the rubble mul:
titube. Elnb they thofe %>teben, a man full
of faith, anb of the holy Qhhoﬂ, anb ltahilip,
anb lhrothorus, anb Jlaitanor, anb @imon,
anb llaarmenas, anb mitolas, a profelyte of
Qintioth: whom they let before the ﬁpoﬂles;
ano when they hao prayeb, they laio their
hanbs on them. anti the worn of son en=
treafeo, anb the number of the @iftiples
multiplieb in Zlerufalem greatly, anb a great
tompany of the wrieﬂs tbere obebient to the
faith.
1] And before the Gofpel, the Biihop ﬁtting
in his Chair {hall caufe the Oath of the
Kings Supremacy, and againit the power and
authority of all foreign Potentates to be
miniltred unto every of them that are to be
Ordered.
l. l. The 576th ) as of the f<caled ' ook commences with “TCr”, “'fOr” being also
the (rat 1 -w0r<l on the prec - g page.
(2083)
The Ordering
The Oath of the Kings Soveraignty.
I A. B. oo utterly tellifie ano oeclare in my
contcience, @Zhat the lkings ihighnefs is
the only %>upieam ®opernour of this Iiiealm,
ano of all other lhis lhighnelles Eominions
ano Qtountries, as inell in all gvpiritual o;
Qtccleiiauical things or cautes. as etempoialz
ano that no foreign llyiince, lleerion, llyielate,
%>tate, oi llyotentate hath. oi ought to have
any iuriioiction. poloer, fuperioiity, pieemi:
nence or authority Qliccleiiatlical oi %piritual
within this iRealm. am: therefore 3! oo utterly
renounce ano fogiake all foreign iurisoic=
tions, powers, iuperiorities ano authorities,
ano
ano oo piomiie. (that from henceforth 3i fhall
hear faith ano true allegiance to the lkings
lhighnels, {his lheirs ano lainful @ucceﬂ'ogs,
mm to my poioer ihall alliﬂ ano oeteno all
iurisoictions, minileoges, pzeeminences ano
authogities granteo oi belonging to the ikings

l. 16. The 577th page [18 P 2] of the Sealed Book commences with the word “ 311B ”,
“ anti ” being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

The Oath of the Kings
SOW-ralgnty I—WhateVer were the
immediate motives of King Henry
VIII. in rejecting the power of the
Pope inthe supremacy of the Church,
no doubt can remain in the rational
and reﬂecting breast that he was
quite right in point of principle, as
well as of law. Notwithstanding his
arbitrary notions and despotic rule,
in a conciliating moment he declared
to the Convocation at York, “the
sense of the supreme head of the
Church, though offensive in the
sound to ignorant ears, yet claim-
eth nothing more thereby than what
Christian princes in the primitive
times assumed to themselves in their
own dominions.”
The Oath of Supremacy only affirms,
that the sovereign of England has the
right, from ancient custom, universal
consent of the Church, and expediency,
(2084)
of Deacons.
lhighnefs, lhis lheirs ano gvurretfors, or
unitelJ ano annereo to the imperial Qtroron
of this Illealm; %n help me eon, am] the
Qtontents of this IBoob.
1T Then {hall the Bifhop examine every one
of them that are to be Ordered, in the ‘pre-
fence of the ‘people, after this manner fol-
lowing.
91) you truli that you are inruaroly mourn
by the holy Qhhoﬂ, to take upon you this
£lDlfire ano @inillration, to [true crop for the
promoting of his glory. ano the eoitying of
his people?
Anfwer.
El trull to.
The Bifho'p .
Dill) you think that you are truly ralleo
arroruing to the will of our lLoro Zlelus

to direct, control, and support the
affairs of the Church in this empire,
for its own good, and according to the
Law of God and the Canons; while, at
the same time it permits us to add,
that there are pastors, who have a
divine right to administer spiritual
affairs; that the sovereign cannot in-
vade their peculiar office; and that
he can do nothing lawfully against
the Christian faith and discipline, the
Canons, or the beneﬁt of the Church.
Several of the kings of Israel and
Judah exercised rule in ecclesiastical
affairs, without any rebuke from the
prophets; and the Christian emperors
and kings, from the beginning, have
been acknowledged to have the power
of keeping the clergy and laity to
their religious duties; of enforcing
the ecclesiastical canons, and of mak-
ing new laws and regulations for the
external and internal beneﬁt of the
Church, with the consent and advice
of the bishops. “ N 0 one denies,” says
Champney (De Vocat. Ministr. c. 16.),
“that kings in their own order and
degree govern ecclesiastical affairs;
that is to say, in making laws for the
Church, according to the tenor of the
Canons, and the judgment of bishops;
indeed this is their chief office, for
which they are given the power of the
sword by God.”
All the bishops of Russia swear to
“yield true obedience to the holy
6T
(2085)
The Ordering
Qfhrill, am: the one ﬂDgoer of this mealm, to
the aniniﬂry of the Qﬂblltfb?
Kl think to.
Anfvver.
The Bifhop.
D91) you unfeigneoly helieoe all the QIano:
nital %>triptures of the shin ano rlaeio
Qteﬂament 2
Anfvver.
31 oo heliehe them.
The Bifhop.
Willl you oiligently reao the fame unto the
people aifemhleo in the Qthurth where
you lhall he appointeo to feroe?
AnfWer.
3i mm.
{[913 2 The

legislative synod of all the Russias, as
instituted by the pious emperor Peter
the Great” (King’s Rites of the Creek
Church, 295.); and every member of
that legislative synod, Whether he be
a bishop, an abbot, or a dean, declares
that “he acknowledges upon oath, that
the monarch of all Russia himself is
the supreme judge of this spiritual
college.”
The Russian bishops promise obe-
dience to those who swear that the
emperor is supreme judge in ecclesias-
tical affairs, and therefore justify the
English Church for affirming that the
king is supreme governor in such af-
fairs. The eastern patriarchs of Con-
stantinople, Antioch, Alexandria, and
Jerusalem, hold communion with those
bishops; and therefore we have the
testimony of the Whole Eastern Church
at the present day, that there is no-
thing heretical or uncanonical in ad-
mitting the king to have supreme
authority in the Church. 2 Palmer’s
Orig. Lit. 278.
The usurped jurisdiction of the pope
being abolished, and there being no
longer any danger to the liberties of
the Church or State from that quar-
ter, and divers sovereigns of England
having entertained more exalted _no-
tions of the supremacy, both eccles1as—
tical and civil, than were deemed con-
sistent with the regal ‘establishment
and constitution, it was thought ﬁt at
the Revolution. to declare and express
how far the regal power, in matters
(2086)
of Deacons.
The Bifhop.
16E appertaineth to the ilDﬂ‘ire of a ZDeaton
in the QIhUt‘fh tnhere he ihall be appointeb
to ferbe, to affift the lhrieﬂ in EDibine ferbite,
anb fpetially when he miniﬁreth the holy
Qfommunion, ano to help him in the biilri:
bution thereof, anb to reap holy gvtriptures
anb lhomilies in the Qfhurth; anb to inﬂrutt
the youth in the Qfatethifm; in the ab=
fente of the lhriell to ibaptire infants, anb
to lhreath, if he be abmitteb thereto by the
"lhiihop. anb furthermore, it is his ilhtfite,
tbhere probifion is in maize, to fearth for the
fitk, poor anb impotent people of the lﬁarifh,
to intimate their eﬁates, names, anb plates
tnhere they smell, unto the Qllurate, that by
his erhortation they may be reliebeb with
the alms of the {harilhioners or others. will
you no this glably anb willingly?
Anfwer.
31 tbill to Do by the help of Qhob.

1.1. The 578th page of the Sealed Book commences with the word “The”,
“ Th0 ”
being the catch-word 0n the preceding page.

spiritual as well as temporal, doth
extend. For this purpose the follow-
ing became part of the coronation
oath :—“A'/'c/zbe's/wp or Bis/top: Will
you to the utmost of your power
maintain the laws of God, the true
profession of the Gospel, and Protest-
ant Reformed Religion established by
law? And will you preserve to the
bishops and clergy of this realm, and
to the churches committed to. their
charge, all such rights and privileges
as by law do, or shall, appertain unto
them, or any of them ? The King 07'
Queen shall answer: All this I promise
to do.” (Stat. 1 Gul. (it M. c. 6.) And
by the Act of Union (5 Ann. 0. 8.) it is
enacted, that “the sovereign at his
coronation shall take and subscribe
an oath, to maintain and preserve in-
violably the settlement of the Church
of England, and the doctrine, worship,
discipline, and government thereof, as
by law established.”
The king having given this assur-
ance of his government both in Church
6T2
(ens?)
The Ordering
The Biihop.
Willi you apply all your oiligence to frame
ano falhion your oron lines, ano the lines
of your families, accoioing to the ooctrine of
Qfhiiu, ano to make both your fclbes ano
them,as much as in you lieth, roholfome
examples of the ﬂock of Qfhiiui
Anfwer.
3] mill to no, the logo being my helper.
The Biihop.
Will you reberently obey your ilDioinary,
ano other chief shiniuers of the Qfhurch,
ano them to whom the charge ano gopern=
ment ober you is committeo, folloibing ipith
a glao mino ano mill their gooly aomoni=
tionsi
Anfwer.
3i ioill enoeabour my felf, the ﬂow being my
helper.
‘I Then

and State, it is reasonable that the
security of an oath should be required
of those who hold any ofﬁce, civil or
ecclesiastical, under his jurisdiction.
The ﬁrst thing which candidates,
both for deacon’s and priest’s orders,
after they are presented, are required
to do, as distinct from the rest of the
congregation, is to take the oaths of
allegiance and supremacy. For, as
they are to be ministers of the Church
established by law in this nation, it is
evidently reasonable that the civil
government, established by law, should
be assured of the ﬁdelity and affection
of the persons to whom it gives and
secures privileges and proﬁts, and who
are intrusted with the care, amongst
other matters, of making men good
subjects. Now, these oaths bind every
person, who takes them, to “honour
the king” (1 Pet. ii. 17.); and, by con-
sequence, all that are put in authority
under him, both in word and in deed;
and to lead, in subjection to them,
quiet and peaceable lives. (1 Tim. ii.2.)
That these things may with a good
conscience be promised and performed,
there is no just cause of doubt. But,
if any one thinks there is, he ought to
apply for satisfaction; and, till he re-
ceives it, he ought to abstain from
(2088)
of Deacons.
1] Then the Bifhop, laying his hands everally
upon the head of every one of them, humbly
kneeling before him, {hall fay,
Telbe thou authority to ererute the ﬁDlfire of
aHDearon in the QLhurrh of thou rom=
mitten unto thee; in the shame of the
father, ﬁfth of the %>on, ano of the holy
Qﬁboﬂ. Amen.
1T Then {hall the Bifhop deliver to every one
of them the New Teftament, faying,
Take thou authority to reap the Qhofpel in
the Qlhurrh of thou, ant] to prearh the
fame, it thou be thereto lirenteu by the
lbilhop himtelf.
1T Then one of them appointed by the Bifhop
{hall read
The Gofpel.
QEt your loins be giroeo about, ano your
lights burning , ano ye your telbes like

1.1. The 579th pa e [P P 3] of the Sealed Book commences with “U Then”,
“if Then ' )eing also the catch-word on the preceding page.

taking the oaths: for “whatever is
not of faith, is sin” (Rom. xiv. 23.);
and in this case it would be no less
than perjury. Nothing is a plea suffi—
cient for committing any sin, much
less one so heinous—not even all the
force that can be used. But here is
no shadow of force. The persons are
come voluntarily to offer themselves,
well knowing that the oaths must be
tendered to them; that is, they have
made it their choice to take them.
Though (observes Dean Comber) the
original form of the oath of supremacy
in our nation be no older than the
dawning of the Reformation under
Henry VIII., yet the thing is as old
as the holy Scriptures; for the right
of kings, which this oath declares, is
set forth in God’s Word, where David
and Solomon, Hezekiah and Jehosa-
phat (1 Chron. xxviii. 21.; 1 Kings
ii. 27.; 2 Chron. viii. 14, 15.; xx. 21.),
as supreme in the ecclesiastical as well
as in civil affairs, made laws in mat-
ters of religion, and the priests, as well
S Luke12.35.
(2089)
of Deacons.
unto men that tnait for their logo, when he
tnill return from the meooings that iohen he
tometh ano hnotheth , they may open unto
him immeoiately. lBleffeo are thofe feroants,
tohom the {Logo when he tometh, lhall fino
toatthing. oierily 3i fay unto you, that he
lhall giro himtelf, ano make them to fit union
to meat, ano ioill tome forth ano feroe them.
ﬁrm if he lhall come in the fetono match, or
tome in the thiro matth, ano fino them to,
hlelleo are thote feroants.
1] Then lhall the Biihop proceed in the Com-
munion,- and all that are Ordered, {hall
tarry and receive the holy Communion the
fame day with the Biihop.
1T The Communion ended, after the lait
Collect, and immediately before the Bene-
diction {hall be faid thefe Collects follow-
ing.
P P 3 almighty

as the people, were subject to them.
And the New Testament declares, that
the clergy are subjected to kings and
princes as well as laymen. St. Chry-
sostom notes, that St. Paul says:
“ Let every soul,” (though a priest or
an apostle), “be subject to the higher
powers.” (Rom. xiii. 1.) And St. Ber-
nard tells a great bishop: “ Every soul
must be subject; then yours; he that
attempts to except you out of that
universal command, endeavours to
deceive you.”
It is necessary, however, to remark,
that, although the sovereign of this
country is justly and lawfully consi-
dered as the supreme head of the
Church of England, it is not with any
reference to his possessing in his own
person, or conferring upon others, the
office of priesthood. Queens may en—
joy this prerogative, when possessing
in their own right the supreme power,
but on them the priesthood never
could be conferred. But the regula-
tion of church government, which
must reside somewhere on earth, for
Christ is truly the spiritual head of
his own Church, cannot be reposed in
better hands than in his, to whom is
intrusted the supreme power of regu—
lation in the state. The United Church
of England and Ireland considers her-
self as an integral part of the consti—
tution of England; as such, their inte~
rests are interwoven; and as, in the
@2090)
The Orderingfa-‘
Allmighty Qhob, giber of all goob things,
who of thy great goobnefs hall bouchfafeb
to accept anb take thefe thy ferbants unto the
shrine of sDeacons in thy Qlhurch; shake
them, boe befeech thee. ilD born, to be mobeﬂ,
humble, ano conllant in their ayiniﬂration,
to harm a reaby mill to obferbe all fpiritual
btfctpline, that they habing alboays the telii=
mony of a goob confcience, anb continuing
eber liable anb ﬂrong in thy %>on Qthriu,
may to well behabe themtelbes in this infe=
rtour ilDlfice, that they may be founo worthy
to be calleb unto the higher styiniflries in thy
Qthurch, through the fame thy gron our
%>abiour Elefus Qthrill; to whom be glory
anb honour boorlb tbithout enb. Amen.
Pikebent us, ill) born, in all our boings with
I thy molt gracious fabour, anb further us
truth thy continual help; that in all Our
tborks begun, continueb anb enbeb in thee,
toe may glorift'e thy holy ﬂame, anb final=
ly by thy mercy obtain eberlaﬂing life.
through Zlefus Qfhriu our lLorb. Amen.

1.1. The 580th page of the Sealed Book commences with " Ailmighiy",
‘ ﬁlmtghty '7 being the catch-word 0n the preceding page.


course of national events, they have
fallen and risen together—may the
unity and concord which subsist be—
tween them, contribute to the prospe'
rity of both, and be indissoluble !
THAT DAMNABLE DOCTRINE AND POSI-
TION.-—-Th€ position asserted in the
former part of this oath has been de-
med by some modern Roman Catholic
universities, and probably several of
thatcommunion may be of the same
opinion; but if the acknowledged
doctrine of that church he unalter—
able, as we are assured that it is,
by the highest authority which they
possess, the clause must continue to
be considered as a security of the
rights of the Church of England and
this protestant country and fully suf-
ﬁcient to vindicate a conﬁrm the
second part of the oath, for the exclu-
sion of every foreign power in the
jurisdiction of this realm. While
“ The Sentence Declaratory of Pope
(2091)
The Ordering,
The peace of Qboo which paifeth all unoer:
ﬁanoing, keep your hearts ano minos in
the knoinleoge ano lobe of con, ano of his
gion Zlefus Qthiiu our lLoio. ano the bleff:
ing of con almighty, the Jl'ather, the %>on,
ano the holy Qbholl be amongil you, ano
remain with you alibaies. Amen.
1i ANd here it muﬂ: be declared unto the
Deacon, that he muf’t continue in that
Office of a Deacon the fpace of a Whole year
(except for reafonable caufes it {hall othervvife
feem good unto the Bifhop) to the intent he
may be perfect, and Well expert in‘ the things
appertaining to the Ecclefiaftical adminif’tration .
In executing whereof, if he be found faithful
and diligent, he may be admitted by his Dio-
cefan to the Order of Prieithood, at the
times appointed in the Canon; or elfe on ur-
gent occaﬁon, upon fome other Sunday, or
Holy-day, in the face of the Church, in fuch

manner and form as hereafter followeth.
{I The

Pius the Fifth against Queen Elizabeth
and the Heretics adhering to her” re-
mains unrepealed or disavowed, this
oath of supremacy will be considered
as indispensably necessary.
The following is Calvin’s deﬁnition
of the inward call, in his book of In-
stitutes, which, being published about
ten years before the Ordinal of Edward
the Sixth, might probably be a guide
to our reformers in framing this ques-
tion: “ That it is the good testimony
of our own heart, that we have taken
this office, neither for ambition, covet-
ousness, nor any ewdl design, but out
of a true fear of God, and a desire to
edify the Church.” Now, this we may
know by duly considering whether it
were the external honours and reve-
nues that are annexed to this profes-
sion, or any other worldly end, that
ﬁrst or chieﬂy did incline us to the
ministry. If so, we were moved by
carnal‘ objects, and led. on by our own
corrupt will and affections. But if
our principal motives were spiritual,
that is, a zeal for God’s glory, and a
desire to promote the salvation of
souls, then we were “moved by the
Spirit, and inwardly called by God.”
We cannot but know there are honours
and rewards, piously and justly an-
nexed to this holy function; and, as
men, we cannot but hope for a com-
(“2092)

petency of them; nay, this may even
be a subordinate motive.
{I Then lhall the Bifhop
deliver to every one of them
the New Teitament, faymg:
(p. 2089.)—This is the signiﬁcant rite
used in our ordination, concerning
which it may be observed, that the
deacons in the Christian Church are
made after the pattern of those minis-
ters among the Jews, whose oﬁice was
to keep the book of the law, and, upon-
occasion, to read it publicly in their’
synagogues; in whose stead our Sa-
viour did once minister. (Luke iv. 20.)
So that the place was honourable,
though inferior to that of the ruler of
the synagogue. In like manner the
deacon’s proper office was to read the
holy Scripture in the Christian assem-
blies, as many ancient writers havev
particularly stated.
(2093)
(2694)‘
{l The Form and Manner of Ordering
of PRIESTS.
1[ When the day appointed by the Bifhop is
come,after Morning Prayer is ended, there
fhall be a Sermon or Exhortation, declaring
the Duty and Oﬁice of fuch as come to be
admitted Prieits; hovv neceﬁ’ary that Order
is in the Church of Chriit; and alfo how
the people ought to efteem them in their
Oﬂice.

{i F irft the Arch-Deacon, or in his abfence,
one appointed in his ftead, {hall prefent
unto the Bilhop ﬁtting in his Chair near to
the holy Table, all them that {hall receive
the Order of Priefthood that day (each of
them being decently habited) and fay,
RQEberenb father in Qhob, 31 prefent unto
you thefe perfons prefent, to be abmitteb
to the ﬁhrber of 1t9rieﬂhoob.

l. l. The 531st page of the Sealed Book ‘commences with “1; The”, “'J The” being
also the catch-word on the preceding page.
(2095)
The Ordering
1I The Bifhop.
Take been that the perfons tnhom ye piefent
unto us be apt ano meet, for their learning
ano gooly conberfation, to erercife their
aeiniury ouely, to the honour of coo arm
the eoifying of his Qfhurch.
1I The Arch-Deacon {hall anfwer.
3i habe enquireo of them, ano alto eramineo
them, ano think them to to be.
1I Then
1I Then the Bifhop {hall fay unto the people.
Gabon people, thefe are they rohom me
purpofe, coo willing, to receibe this Day
unto the holy ilDffice of llbgiellhoob: jfoi after
one eramination roe fino not to the contrary,
but that they be lawfully calleo to their
.fFunction ano seiniﬂry, ano that they be
perfons meet for the fame. QBut yet if there
be any of you inho knoibeth any impeoiment
oi notable crime in any of them, for the
which he ought not to be receibeo into this
holy spinillry, let him come forth in the
ﬂame of moo, ano their inhat the crime or
impeoiment is.
{I And if any great crime or impediment be
objected, the Bifhop {hall furceafe from
Ordering that perfon, until fuch time as
the party accufed fhall be found clear of
that crime.

1.11. T 582ml pag
the Se Book commences with “1] Then”, “ 1i Then” being
0 the catc - 0rd on preceding page.
(2096)
of Priefts.
1T Then the Bifhop (commending fuch, as
fhall be found meet to be Ordered, to the
prayers of the congregation) fhall, With the
Clergy and People prefent, ﬁng, or fay
the Litany, with the prayers, as is before
appointed in the Form of Ordering Deacons;
fave only that in the proper Suffrage there
added, the Word [Deaeam] fhall be omitted,
and the Word [Prz'ejir] inferted in ftead of
11:.
q[ Then {hall be fung or faid the Service for
the Communion; with the Collect, Epiftle,
and Gofpel, as followeth.
{I The C olleét.
iLmighty Qhongiber of all gooo things,
tnho by thy holy %ipirit hall appointeb
pipers ilDrbers of seiniuers in the Qthurrh,
mercifully beholo there thy lerbants nolb
ralleo to the ilDlfire of lhrieﬂhooo, anb re:
plenilh them to boith the truth of thy bortrine,
ano aoorn them tnith innorenry of life, that
both by more anb goon erample they may
faithfully lerbe thee in this ilDﬂ‘ire, to the glo=
ry of thy Jlﬂame, am: the eoitiration of thy
Qlihurrh, through the merits of our %>abiour
helus Qfhrill, tuho libeth anb reigneth with
thee anb the holy Qhhoﬂ, boorlo tnithout eno.
Amen. ‘J The
(2097)
The
Ordering
{I The Epiitle.
Eph. 4.. 7.
Jlﬂto ehery one of us is gioen grate,
attoroing to the meafure of the gift of
Qllhgill.
wherefore he faith, when he
aftenoeo up on high, he leo festivity £811’
‘tine, ano gahe gifts unto men.
(more that
he afeenoeo, iohat is it, hut that he alto
oeftenoeo firu into the loiner parts of the
earth? the that oeftenoeo, is the fame alto
that aftenoeo up far ahohe all heahens, that
he might fill all things.) am he gape fome
apollles, ano tome leiophets, ano fome
QEhangeliﬂs, ano fomelpaﬁours, ano @Ieathers,
for the perfetting of the faints, for the more
of the miniﬂry, for the eoifying of the bony of
Qlhgiﬂ; till toe all come in the unity of the
faith, ano of the knotuleoge of the %>on of

l. 1.
The 583rd page of the Sealed Book commences with “q The ”, “1 The” being
also the catch-word on the preceding page.

q‘. Th3 __. The proper
portions of Scripture appointed for
the Epistle and Gospel at the or-
dination of a priest have been various
in divers churches. That which our
reformers chose from (Eph. iv. 7-13.)
is very proper for the occasion; be-
cause the apostle here treats of the
diversity of gifts and offices of the
Church, and particularly of their
Author, variety, and use.
To prevent any misconception or
misapplication of the word “ hireling”
in this gospel, it is necessary to re-
mark, that it does not mean one who
performs the duty of a minister for
hire or reward; for the apostle, or
rather our blessed Lord himself, says,
“ The labourer is worthy of his hire,”
or “reward.” (1 Tim. v. 18.; Lukex.7.)
In an established country, and indeed
in any country, where the teacher
must be supported by the taught,
whether the emolument be of a public
or a private nature, the man who is
duly appointed, and performs his duty
to his ﬂock, is a true pastor, and no
hireling. “Even so hath the Lord
ordained that they which preach the
Gospel should live of the Gospel.”
(1 Cor. ix. 14.) But he is an hireling,
in the debased sense of the expression,
who endeavours to make a gain of
godliness, a mercenary, who teaches
for doctrines the commandments of
men; one who will ﬂee when the
wolf cometh, who will not stand in the
gap, who neither possesses faith to
fulﬁl the duties of his office, nor a
(2098;
of Prieﬂs.
@DU, unto El IJBtfQCf man,
unto the meafure
of the nature of the fulnefs of Qfhrill.
1i After this {hall be read for the Gofpel part
of the Ninth Chapter of S. Matthew, as
followeth.
lhen Zlelus fatb the multitubes, he mags-Matthew.
mobeb tbith compalfion on them, be:
caufe they tainteb, anb tbere fcattereo abroab,
as lbeep habing no lhepherb.
@Ihen faith he
unto his bifciples, @the barbell truly is plen=
teous, but the labourers are fern. {bray ye
therefore the itorb of the barbell, that he tnill
fenb forth labourers into his barbell.
‘IOr
1i Or elfe this that followeth out of the Tenth
Chapter of Saint John.
VQErily berily 3i fay unto you, the that S-Johnwm
entret'h not by the pour into the iheep=folb,
__.___—
l. 15.
catch‘word on the preceding page.
The 584th page of the Sealed Book commences with “501'”, “ 1] Or” being the

desire to protect his sheep. Teachers
of false doctrines, self—appointed and
self-approved preachers, fanatical de-
claimers, those who intrude them-
selves into the chair of instruction
under hypocritical or false pretences;
all these unquestionably are hirelings.
(2 Pet. ii. 1, 2.) Another order of
hirelings are those, who are ignorant
of their profession, whether in learn-
ing or in faith, and are totally unqua-
liﬁed to perform its duties; “ desiring
to be teachers of the law, understand~
ing neither What they say, nor whereof
they afﬁrm” (1 Tim. i. 7.); “intruding
themselves into those things which
they have not seen, vainly puffed up
by their ﬂeshly mind.” (Col. ii. 18.)
Nor shall we be less justiﬁed in call-
ing those persons hirelings, who in
their moral conduct are as defective
as in their religious belief.
(2099)
The Ordering
but climbeth up tome other may, the tame is a
thief ano a robber. that he that entreth in
by the ooor, is the lhephero of the lbeep. @Io
him the porter openeth, ano the lheep hear
his boice; ano he calleth his oron lheep by
name, ano leaoeth them out. sun when he
putteth forth his oion fheep, he goeth before
them, ano the 'lheep follow him, for they
knoin his boice. am a uranger will they
not folloto, but will ﬂee from him, for they
knoio not the boice of iirangers. @L'his pa:
rable fpake Zlefus unto them, but they unoer=
uooo not inhat things they ioere which he
tpake unto them. @Zhen taio Zletus unto
them again, fierily berily 3i tay unto you, 31
am the poor of the iheep. all that eber came
before me, are thiebes ano robbers,, but the
lheep oio not hear them. 3i am the Door, by
me if any man enter in, he [hall be tabeo,
ano [hall go in sub out, ano fino paﬂure.
Qthe thief cometh not but for to lleal, ano to
kill, ant to oeuroy: 31 am come that they
might habe life, ano that they might habe
it more abunoantly. 31 am the gooo %vhep=
hero: the gooo %>hephero gibeth his life for
the lheep. that he that is an hireling ano
not the lhephero, ibhofe own the lheep are
not, teeth the fault coming, ano leabeth the
lheep, ano ﬂeeth, ano the wolf catcheth them,
ano fcattereth the lheep. Qthe hireling ﬂeeth
becaute he is an hireling, ano careth not for
the lheep. 3[ am the gooo %>hephero, ano
knoin my lheep, ano am knoibn of mine. as
the jfather knoineth me, eben to kno‘m 3{ the
(2100)
of Prlefts.
.ifather, ano Bl lay boron my life for the
lheep. anti other lheep 3i habe rnhirh are
not of this folo: them alto 31 mull bring, ano
they mall hear my boire; anb there lhall be
one folo,ano one lhephero.
q] Then
1T Then the Bifhop ﬁtting in his Chair {hall
minifter unto every one of them the Oath
concerning the Kings Supremacy, as it is
before fet forth in the Form for the Order-
ing of Deacons.
1]‘ And that done, he fhall fay unto them as
hereafter followeth.
ilDu habe hearo, brethren, as boell in
your prinate eramination, as in the
erhortation tuhirh bias noro mane to you, ants
in the holy ltellons taken out of the Qbotpel,
ano the ruritings of the apollles, of rohat
Dignity, anp of horn great importanre this
ﬁbtfire is, ruhereunto ye are rallep. sub nom
again for erhort you in the ﬂame of our
lLorb Elefus Qfhriﬂ, that you babe in remem:
branre into horn high a Dignity, ant] to horn
iueighty an olfire ano rharge ye are ralleo:
@Zhat is to lay, to be meffengers, tnatrhmen,
ano ﬂetnaros of the born, to tearh anb to
premonilh, to feeb ano probioe for the itoros
family; to feet for Qthriﬂs lheep that are
oifperfeb abroao, anb for his rhilbren tbho

l. 7. The 535th page of the Sealed Book commences with “ Then”, “'5 Then” being
also the catch-word. on the preceding page.
6U
(-2101)
The Ordering
‘are in the mioll of this naughty tuorlo, that
they may he taoeo through Qthriﬂ for eher.
lhahe altnays therefore printeo in your
remembrance, hoth great a treafure is tom=
mitteo to your charge. for they are the
lheep of Qlhriﬂ, tohith he bought toith his
oeath, ano for inhom he then his hlouo. ﬁthe
Qthurth ano Qtongregation inhom you mull
terhe, is his tpoute, ano his hooy. ano if it
lhall happen the fame Qllblltfb, or any member
thereof to take any hurt or hinorante hy
reaton of your uegligente, ye huoro the
greatnets of the fault, ano alto the horrible
punilhment that will entue. wherefore
eonfioer loith your teloes the eno of your
minillry totoaros the thiloren of eno, to’
inaros the tpoute ano hooy of Qfhrill;
ano fee that you neher teate your lahour,
your tare ano oiligente, until you hahe
oone
oone all that lieth in you, attoroing to your
hounoen Duty, to hring all tuth as are or
[hall he tommitteo to your charge, unto that
agreement in the faith ano knotoleoge of
eno, mm to that ripenets ano perfettnets of
age in Qthriﬂ, that there he no place left
among you, either for errour in iKeligion, or
for hitioufnets in iLife.
Jtorafmuth then as your ﬂDlfite is hoth of
to great ertellenty,ano of to great oiffitulty,
ye tee toith hoth great care ano lluoy ye

l. 21. The 586th page of the Sealed Book commences with the word “ DUNE”, “115112,,
being also the catch-word on the preceding page.
(2102)
of Prieits.
ought to apply your felbes, as tnell that ye
may lhetn your felbes outiful am: thankful
unto that ﬂorb tbho hath placeo you in to
high a Dignity, as alfo to betbare that neither
you your felbes olfeno, nor be occafion that
others ou’eno. lhotbbeit ye cannot habe a
mint: ano tbill thereto of your felbes, for
that toill ano ability is giben of Qhoo alone:
@therefore ye ought, ano habe neeo to pray
earnellly for his holy %>pirit. ano feeing
that you cannot by any other means compafs
the boing of to rbeighty a roork, pertaining
to the falbation of man, but tbith ooctrine
ano erhortation taken out of the holy %cri=
ptures, ano faith a life agreeable to the fame;
conlioer hobo ﬂubious ye ought to be in reao=
ing ano learning the %>criptures. arm in
framing the manners both of your felbes,
anb of them that fpecially pertain unto
you, accoroing to the rule of the fame
%criptures: Hub for this felfdame caufe,
horn ye ought to forfake ano fet alioe (as
much as you may) all tnorloly cares anb
ﬂuoies.
we habe gooo hope that you babe tnell
toeigheo ano ponbereo thefe things tbith your
felbes long before this time, ano that you
habe clearly betermineo, by chops grace, to
gibe your felbes toholly to this iDffice, ibhere:
unto it hath pleafeo thou to call you: %>o
that as much as lieth in you, you roill apply
your felbes boholly to this one thing, ano
orabo all your cares ano ﬂuoies this may; anb
that you toill continually pray to chop the
6U2
(2103)
The Ordering
jiather, by the meoiation of our onely %iabiour
Zlefus Qthriﬂ, for the heabenly alfiuance of the
holy Qhholl, that by oaily reaping ano ioeighing
of
of the %criptures, ye may fear riper ano
lironger in your minillry, ano that ye may
to enoeabour your felbes from time to time,
to fanctifie the lines of you ano yours, am:
to falhion them after the rule ano ooctrine of
Qthrili, that ye may be tnholfom ano gooly
eramples ano patterns for the people to fol=
loin.
am: not: that this pretent congregation of
Qthrill here alfembleo, may alto unoerltano
your minos ano mills in thete things, ano
that this your promite may the more mobe
you to no your outies, ye lhall anfiner plainly
to their things, which ‘we in the ﬂame of
Qhob, ano of his Qthurch, lhall oemano of you
touching the fame.
DilD you think in your heart that you be
truly calleo, accoroing to the inill of our
lLoro Zlefus Qthriu, ano the ilhroer of this
Qthurch of QEnglano, to the ﬁDroer ano
ahiniiiry of lifiriellhoooP
I fhrrfvvera
3i think it.
'ThelBnhop.
Allie you pertroaoeo that the holy %>crip:
tures contain tufficiently all @octrine

l. 5. The 587th page [(9. q] of the Scaled Book commences with the word “ Hf ", “ Hf "
being also the catch-word on the preceding page.
(2104)
of Priefls.
requireo of neretfity for eternal falbation
through faith in Zlefus Qfhrill? ﬁns are you
betermineb out of the taib %>rriptures to
inllrurt the people rommitteo to your rharge,
ant: to tearh nothing (as requireb of nerelfity
to eternal talbation) but that tphirh you lhall
be perf‘roaoeo may be ronrluoeo ano probeo
by the %>rripture .>
Anfwer.
3[ am to perfrnabeb, anb habe to oetermineo
by mobs grate.
The Bifhop.
Willl you then gibe your faithful oiligenre
aliuays to to minitler the @ortrine ano
%>arraments, anb the EDifriplme of Qthriu, as
the lore hath rommanoeo, am] as this
Qfhurrh ano IBealm hath rereibeo the fame,
arroroing to the Qfommanoments of con, to
81111
that
Aite you perfbaabeb that the holy
ﬁrriptureﬁ : (p. 2lO~i.)—This question
materially differs from that put in the
former office. For a deacon’s princi—
pal duty being only to read the Scrip-
tures, it was enough for him to declare
before God and the congregation,
that he believed all the canonical
books were divinely inspired. But a
priest must further, ﬁrst, declare his
faith, that the holy Scripture con-
tains all doctrines that are necessary
to be believed, and is sufficient,
through faith, for our eternal salva-
tion. Secondly, he must publish his
resolution to take all his doctrines
from thence, and promise never to
teach anything, as of necessity to sal-
ration, that cannot be proved thereby.
For his office is to preach all-saving
truths, and teach his people all those
duties that are requisite for bringing
them to eternal life.
N or is there any need for the candi-
date to hesitate at, or doubt of, the
the declaration or the promise. For,
ﬁrst, the thing declared is certainly
true: the infallible word of God doth
assure him, that holy Scripture is able,
without the help of tradition or new
revelations, “ to make us wise unto
salvation, through faith which is in
Christ Jesus” (2 Tim. iii. 15.); that
there is enough in it to make us
capable of eternal life, through believ-
ing (John xx. 30, 31.); and that being
received with meekness, and a due
submission to its doctrines and pre-
cepts, it is able to save our souls
(James i. 21.); ﬁnally, that it is so
perfect a rule that nothing can be
added to it or taken away from it
(2105)
The Ordering
that you may teach the people committeo to
your time ano QLharge, toith all oiligente to
keep ano ohteroe the fame.)
Anfwer.
it mill. to ho hy the help of the itoro.
The Biihop.
Willi you he reaoy inith all faithful oili=
' gence to hanilh ano orihe aioay all erro=
'neous ano llrange Doctrines, contrary to
ehoos tooro, ano to ute hoth puhlich ano pri:
hate monitions ano erhortations, as well to
the tick, as to the iohole ioithin your (times,
as men lhall require, ano occalion lhall he
gihen ? Anfwer.
31 mm, the horn being my helper.
The Bilhop.
“73m you he oiligent in prayers,ano in
reaoing of the holy %triptures, ano in

l. 1. The 5_88th page of the Sealed Book commences with the word “ that”, “ that”
being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

(Dent. iv. 2; Rev. xxii. 18.) Where-
fore, unless we can be so impious as
to imagine that the God of truth de-
signed to deceive us, we must give
credit to his character of holy Scrip-
ture, and believe that it contains all
necessary truths.
And this was the opinion of the
Catholic‘ Church in all ages: and was
the doctrine of the Roman Church,
but it was before they had brought in
so many new doctrines and practices
grounded on tradition only, that they
were forced to decree at Trent, “ that
traditions were to be received with
the same pious affection and venera-
tion that they received the Scrip-
tures.” But in the primitive ages
nothing but the word of God was
allowed to decide controversies of
faith; and therefore the holy Bible
alone was placed openly in all Chris-
tian councils, to serve as the only judge
in such cases.
Wherefore it is very necessary that
every priest should declare his belief
of the perfection of Scripture; and,
secondly, that he should promise to
teach no doctrines but what may be
proved by it. For this is the greatest
security of his being orthodox which
the Church can have; since no man
can be a heretic who takes his faith
from the plain words of Scripture, and
r2106)
of Priefts.
fuch liuoies as help to the knotoleoge of the
fame, laying alto-e the ﬁlthy of the toorlo am:
the ﬂelhr
Anfwer.
3 mill enbeabour my felf to to no, the
Itorb being my helper.
The Bilhop.
W ﬁll you be oiligent to frame ano falhion
your otbn felbes ano your families,
accoroing to the BDoctrine of Qthrill, ano to
make both your felbes ano them, as much as
in you lieth, ibholfom eramples ano patterns
to the ﬂock of QfhriuP
Anfwcr.
31 tbill apply my felf thereto, the itoro being
my helper.
The
proves it by necessary consequences
drawn from thence. And it is of such
importance to the Church, that those
she admits for guides to others be not
in the wrong way themselves, that all
the Reformed Churches ask the same
question of their candidates. More
particularly, this excludes all papists
and enthusiasts from holy orders; be-
cause the former pretend traditions,
and the latter new revelations, for the
proof of their false doctrines, both
agreeing to deny the perfection of
holy Scripture: which false principles
would make our faith changeable and
uncertain, whereas nothing ﬁxes our
fundamentals in religion like binding
all priests to a written and unalterable
rule.
WiEII you then gibe your faithful
Diligence: (p. :2105.)—The rubric, to
which the clergy here bind themselves
by express consent and promise, is
upon a different footing from all other
ecclesiastical laws. For, without con-
sidering it as statute law, and, as
such, only upon the level with several
other acts of parliament relating to
their occasional ministrations, they
are under this peculiar circumstance
of obligation to observe it, that they
have, by their subscriptions at both
ordinations, by one of their vows at
the altar for the order of priesthood,
by their subscriptions and declara—
tions of conformity before their ordi-
nary, and repetition of them in the
Church before their congregations,
and likewise by their declarations of
assent and consent, as prescribed in
the Act of Uniformity, they have tied
themselves down to a regular, con-
tant, conscientious performance of all
and everything prescribed in and by
the Book of Common Prayer, accord-
ing to the usage of the Church of
(2107)
The Ordering
The Bifhop.
Willi you maintain ano tet formaros, as
much as lieth in you, quietnets. peace
ano tone among all Qthrillian people, ano
efpecially among them that are or lhall be
committee to your charge?
Anfwer.
31 tnill to no, the lLoro being my helper.
Bifhop.
Willi you reberently obey your il'Droinary,
ano other chief ahiniﬂers, unto rohom is
committee the charge ano gobernment ober
you, following with a glao mino ano rnill
their gooly aomonitions, ano tubmitting
your telbes to their gooly iuogementsi
Anfwer.
31 will to no, the horn being my helper.

1. The 589th page l1 2] of the Scaled Book commences with the word “ The ”,
“ 'l‘he ”
being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

England ;—and it has been done to
lay them under these engagements,
in order to preserve exact uniformity
in the public worship and in the
liturgic oﬂices. Nay, since it has
been judged proper to carry them
through a train of these stipulations,
before they can get possession of any
beneﬁce; and to make them renew
them again and again, as often as
they change their preferment, or ob-
tain any new promotion; and that
they have entered, as they have pro—
fessed, ex animo, into this covenant
with the Church, and have deliberately
renewed it as often as there has been
occasion. It is frivolous and false for
any of them to say, that the conniv-
ance, or the presumed consent of their
ordinary, or the private conveniency
of themselves or families, or the oblig-
in g of any of their parishioners, or the
apparent inexpediency of adhering to
the letter in some few cases, will dis-
solve this obligation to conformity.
And, however much the Church gover-
nors may dispense with breaches of
the rubric, however the people may
acquiesce in them or approve of them,
yet the question is, how far are the
clergy at liberty to dispense with
themselves on account of the fore-
mentioned engagements, to which God
and the Church are made witnesses in
as solemn a manner as they are to
such personal stipulations at conﬁn-
(2108)
of Priells.
{I Then {hall the Bifhop {landing up, fay,
Altmighty Qhoo, roho hath giben you this
fbill to on all thel'e things, tyrant alfo un=
to you llrength anb poboer to perform the
fame; that he may arromplilh his more rnhirh
he hath begun in you, through Klefus Qthrill
DUI‘ iLUrU. Amen.
qI After this the Congregation {hall be deﬁred,
fecretly in their prayers to make their
humble fupplications to God for all thefe
things: For the which prayers there {hall
be ﬁlence kept for a fpace.
II After which {hall be fung or faid by the
Bifhop (the perfons to be Ordained Priefts,
all kneeling) Vent, Creator Spz'rz'z‘ur; the
Bifhop beginning, and the Priefts and
others that are prefent, anfwering by
Verfes, as followeth.
Cil'Dme, holy Qbhoﬂ, our fouls infpire,
And lighten with celeftial ﬁre.
£11112
@thou
e‘t'hou the anointing %pirit art,
Who doit thy fevenfold gifts impart.

l. The 590th page of the Scaled Book commences with the word “ ﬁbrin”, “ EDEN!”
being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

mation or matrimony; or whether
they have not in this case precluded
themselves from all beneﬁt of such
exemption or dispensation, as might
perhaps be reasonably alleged in seve—
ral other merely statutable or canoni-
cal matters.
itaping alibe the Itubp of the ninrlb
anti the ﬂrl'h : (p. 2107.)———That is, not
making either gross pleasures, or more
(2109)
The Ordering
@Iihy hlelIeo ihlnction from ahooe,
Is comfort, life, and ﬁre of love.
QEnahle inith perpetual light
The dulnefs of our blinded ﬁght.
anoint ano cheer our toileo face
With the abundance of thy grace.
lheep far our foes, gihe peace at home:
Where thou art guide, no ill can come.
@Eeach us to hnoto the .lfather, gvon,
And thee, of both, to be but one.
@that through the ages all along,
This may be our endlefs fong;
praite to thy eternal merit,
Father, Son, and holy Spirit.
1T Or this.
CﬂDme, holy Qhholl, eternal Qhoo,
proceeoing from ahohe,
Both from the Father and the Son,
the God of peace and love.
illilit our minos, into our hearts
thy heavenly grace infpire,
That truth and godlinefs We may
purfue With full deﬁre.
@thou art the hery Qllomforter
in grief ano all oillrets:
The heavenly gift of God moll: high,
no tongue can it exprefs.
@Zhe fountain ano the lining tpring
of joy celellial:

reﬁned amusements, even literary ones
unconnected with your profession, or
power, or proﬁt, or advancement, or
applause, your great aim in life; but
labouring chieﬂy to qualify yourselves
for doing good to the souls of men,
and applying carefully to that purpose
whatever qualiﬁcations you attam.
(2110)
of Priefts.
The ﬁre fo bright, the love fo fweet,
The Unétion fpiritual.
@IZhou in thy gifts are manifoio,
by them Qthgiﬂo Qllbutth ooth ﬂano :
In faithful hearts thou Writ’ft thy law,
the ﬁnger of Gods hand.
ﬂttogoing to thy momife. Logo,
thou gioeﬂ tpeeth ioith grate,
That
That through thy help Gods praifes may
refound in every place.
ED hoiy oaoo, into our minoe
teno ooton thy heaoeniy light ;
Kindle our hearts With fervent zeal,
to ferve God day and night.
SDut ioeakneto ﬂtengthen ano confirm
(to; into, thou knoioﬂ us frail)
That neither devil World nor ﬂefh
againit us may prevail.
lﬁwt back out enemie fat from us,
ano help us to obtain
Peace in our hearts With God and man
(the bell, the truef’t gain ;)
ﬁno grant that thou being. ED Logo,
out ieaoet ano out guioe,
We may efcape the fnares of ﬁn,
and never from thee flide.
%>uth meatutes of thy powerful grate,
grant, ﬂow, to us, toe may.
That thou maiit be our comforter
at the lait dreadful day.

l. 10. The 59151 page q 3] or‘ the Scait-d Bimk commences ‘with the vmgd “That”,
“ That” bemg also the printed catch-word on i116 PICCBtllDg page.
1.20. After “ EIIEITIiB ” an erasure occurs.
(2111)
The Ordermg
ibf urife ano of oiﬂ'enfion
oitfoloealh lLoro, the banos,
And knit the knots of peace and love,
throughout all Chriftian lands.
Qhrant us the grace that ice may knoin
the father of all might,
That We of his beloved Son
may gain the blisful ﬁght,
ano that for may ioith perfect faith
eber acknoroleoge thee,
The Spirit of Father, and of Son,
one God in perfons three.
@Eo thou the Jl'ather, lauo ano praife,
ano to his bleﬂ'eo %on,
And to the holy Spirit of grace,
Co—equal three in one.
£11113 mm
mm pray the that our only lLoro
‘moulo pleate his fpirit to leap
On all that {hall profefs his Name,
from hence to the worlds end.
Amen.
{I That done, the Bithop {hall pray in this
Wife, and fay,
lLet us pray.
itmighty Qhoo ano heabenly father, who
of thine infinite lobe ano gooonefs to:
inaros us, hall giben to us thy only ano molt
oearly belobeo %on Eefus Qthriii, to be our

1. 18. The 592nd Dﬂgc 0f the Sealed B ' Commences with the word “ gun-7’: ‘‘ gnu”
being also the catch-word on preceding page.
(2112)
of Priefts.
illeoeemer, ano the eluthour of eberlalling
life, boho after he hab maoe perfert our lRe=
oemption by his heath, anti boas afrenbeb
into heaben, lent abroab into the tborlo his
Hpoﬂles. 113>tophets, Qlibangeliﬂs, E'Dortors
ano lpallors, by inhofe labour ano minillry
he gathereo together a great ﬂorb in all the
parts of the morlb, to fer forth the eternal
praife of thy holy ﬂame: for there to great
benefits of thy eternal gooonefs, ano for that
thou hall bourhfafeb to rall thefe thy ferbants
here prefent, to the fame ilDffire ano sninillry
appointee for the falbation of manbino, toe
renter unto thee moﬂ hearty thanks, for
praife ano morlhip thee; anb roe humbly be=
teeth thee by the fame thy blelleb %>on, to
grant unto all, rohirh either here or elleiphere
rall upon thy holy shame, that the may ron=
tinue to lhern our felbes thankful unto thee
for there anb all other thy benefits, ano that
for may Daily enrreafe anti go fortnarbs in
the lenotnleoge ano faith of thee anb thy
%on, by the holy %vpirit. %>o that as luell
by theft thy sghmiuers, as by them ober
ruhom they lhall be appointee thy shiniuers.
thy holy Jlaame may be for eber glorin'eb, ano
thy blelleo lhingoom enlargeo, through the
fame thy thou jefus Qllhrill our ltorb, roho
' libeth ano reigneth with thee in the unity of
the lame holy %vpirit, tnorlb tuithout eno.
firrieri.
{I \h7l1e11
(2113)
The Ordering
{I When this Prayer is done, the Bilhop, with
the Priefls prefent, {hall lay their hands
feverally upon the head of every one that
receiveth the Order of Prielthood; the
receivers humbly kneeling upon their knees,
and the Bilhop faying,
Reliceihe the holy Qhholl for the ﬂDffice ano
more of a Ipriell in the Qthurch of (too,
notu committeo unto thee hy the Zlmpofition of
our hanos. tiiﬂhofe fins thou ooll forgihe,
they are forgihen; ano hohote fins thou ooll
retain, they are retaineo. am: he thou a
faithful EDitpenter of the colors of Qhoo, ano
of his holy %>acraments; in the ﬂame of the
father, ano of the %>on, ano of the holy
Qhhoﬂ. amen.

l. 1. The 593rd page of the Sealed Book commences with “{I When”, “1] When”
being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

RQEceihe the {holy @huft: —This
form is taken from our blessed
Saviour’s own words after his ascen-
sion, when he solemnly sent his dis-
ciples to preach the Gospel; for then
he said, “Receive ye the Holy Ghost,”
dzc. (John xx. 21, 22, 23.) And doubt-
less, no words can be ﬁtter than those
spoken on the same occasion by our
Saviour, who had been sent by his
Father, after the Holy Ghost descended
011 him, to preach the Gospel, which
he had hitherto done by himself; but
being now to leave the earth, he here-
by delegates this work to his apostles,
and sends them with the like qualiﬁ-
cations and authority as he was sent
by his Father.
These words in the bishop’s mouth,
when spoken over the persons or—
dained, properly express, in the ﬁrst
place, the communication of that au-
thority which proceeds from the Holy
Ghost. (Acts xiii. 2.; xx. 28.) They
also express, in the second place, the
bishop’s earnest request to the Father
of mercies, that the ordained may at
all times enjoy such proportions, both
of the graces and gifts of the Spirit,
as will be needful for them; which
request, if it be not their own fault,
will prove effectual; because having
in the common course of his provi-
dence, appointed the bishop, though
unworthy, to act in his behalf, he will
assuredly be ready to own and bless
the bishop’s ministrations.
when ﬁns thou Unit forgihe:
-— These again are the words of
Christ to his apostles, immediately
after the former. But he did not
grant to them the power, either of
retaining the sins of penitent persons,
or of forgiving the impenitent. Nor
does the bishop pretend to grant, by
uttering them, all the powers which
(2114)
of Priefts.
{I Then the Bifhop
{hall deliver to every
0116
of them kneeling, the Bible into his hand,
faying,
Take thou authogity to preach the itillogo of
con, aim to miuiiler the holy %>ﬂttﬁ=
merits in the Qtongtegation, iohete thou [halt
he laiofully aphointeo theteunto.
1T When this is done, the Nicene Creed {hall
be fung or faid, and the Bilhop {hall after
that go on in the Service of the Commu-
nion , which all they that receive ()rders,
{hall take together, and remain in the fame
place Where hands were laid upon them,‘
until fuch time as they have received the
Communion.
The Communion being done, after the lafl
Collect, and immediately before the Bene-
diction, lhall be faid thefe Collects.
MiiDil merciful father,
feno upon thefe thy
ioe heteeth thee to
fetoante, thy hea=

the apostles had in this respect. They
had “the discernment of spirits” (1
Cor. xii. 10.); and could say with cer-
tainty when persons were penitent,
and consequently forgiven, and when
not. (Acts viii. 21-23.) They were
able also to inﬂict miraculous punish-
ments on offenders, and to remove on
their repentance, the punishments
which had been inﬂicted. These
Words will convey nothing of all this
to the persons now ordained. But
still, when the bishop uses them, they
give them, ﬁrst, an assurance, that,
according to the terms of that Gospel
which they are to preach, men shall
be pardoned or condemned ; secondly,
a right of inﬂicting ecclesiastical cen-
sures for a shorter or a longer time,
and of taking them off; which is
regard to external communion, is re—
taining or forgiving offences. This
power, bestowed for the ediﬁcation of
the Church, must be restrained, not
only by general rules of. order, but
according to the particular exigences
of circumstances. And our Church
wishes, with much reason, for circum-
stances more favourable to the exer-
tion of it.
(2115)
The Ordering,
benly blelfing, that they may be clotheo roith
righteoufnefs, ano that thy iooro tpoken by
their mouths. may habe tuch tuccets, that it
may neber be tpoken in pain. Qorant alto
that we may harm grace to hear ano receibe
rohat they lhall oeliber out of thy moll holy
moruor agreeableto the fame, as the means of
our
our falbation, that in all our moros ano oeeos
inc may feek thy glory, ano the increate of
thy lkingoom, through Zletus Qthriuvour lLoro.
Amen.
PiRebent us, 91) itoro, in all our ooings inith
thy mou gracious fabour, ano further us
ioith thy continual help, that in all our iporks
begun, continueo, ano enoeo in thee, ine may
glorifie thy holy ilaame. ano finally by thy
mercy obtain eberlauing life, through Zletus
Qlihrill our lLoro. Amen.
The peace of con which palIeth all unoer:
lianoing, keep your hearts ano minos in
the knotoleoge ano lobe of con, ano of his
%>on Zlefus Qthrill our lLoro. ano the blef:
fing of Qhoo almighty, the jfather, the %on,
am: the holy Qhhoﬂ be amongli you, ano re,
main with you always. Amen.

{I ANd if on the fame day the Order of
Deacons be given to fome, and the

l. 9.
The 594th page of the Scaled Book commences with the word “ 0111'”, “ ["11",
being also the catch-word on the preceding page
(2116)
of Priests.
The Ordering, “git-:-
Order of Priefthood to others; The Deacons
{hall be ﬁrit prefented, and then the Priefts:
And it {hall fuﬁice that the Litany be once
faid for both. The Collects {hall both be
ufed; firft that for Deacons, and that for
Priefts. The Epiftle {hall be Eph.iv.7,—-~I§;.
as before in this Office. Immediately after
which, they that are to be made Deacons, {hall
take the Oath of Supremacy, be Examined
and Ordained, as is above prefcribed. Then
one of them having read the Gofpel (which
»1§%
{hall be either out of S. Matthix. 36.,as before
in this Ofiice; or elfe SLuke xii. 35,~-~— 3?‘. as
before in the Form for the Ordering of Dea-
cons) they that are to be made Priefts {hall
likewife take the Oath of Supremacy, be
Examined and Ordained, as is in this Office
before appointed.
{I The
(2117)
(2118)
The Form of Ordaining or Confecrating of an
ARCH-BISHOP,
Which is always to be performed upon fome
or BISHOP;
Sunday or Holy-day.
1i When all things are duly prepared in the
Church, and fet in Order; after Morning
Prayer is ended , the Arch-Bilhop (or fome
other Biihop appointed) {hall begin the
Communion-Service; in which this lhall be
The Collect.
Aitmighty coo. ioho by thy %>on Zletus
Qllhgill oioa give to thy holy Hpoﬂles many
ertellent gifts, ano oioﬂ charge them to teen
thy ﬂock; Qoioe grate, ioe heteeth thee, to all

1. 1.
The 595th page of the Sealed Book commences with the word “The ", “ {I The ”
being the catch-word on the preceding page.

The Form of Ordaining or
Confecratmg: _St_ Cyprian, to
shew the great use and necessity of a
bishop, compares him to the shepherd
of a ﬂock, the pilot of a ship, and the
ruler among the people; and implies,
that, as a ﬂock cannot be fed without
a shepherd, a ship steered without a
pilot, nor a multitude kept in order
without a governor, so neither can a
church be managed or preserved with-
out a bishop; which, being the highest
order in the Church, and those who
are advanced to it being constituted
supreme ecclesiastical rulers, not only
over the people, but also over the
inferior orders of the clergy, therefore
the holy Scripture gives very strict
rules for the choice of bishops, and
their admission to this dignity has
been very solemn in all ages—at ﬁrst,
by fasting, prayer, and imposition of
hands, and afterwards with more
ceremony. The ﬁrst general council
requires, that three bishops at least
shall perform the consecration, which
was grounded on those apostolical
made in the ages of persecution;
and that shews the practice, which
6X2
(2119)
The Confecration
1 Tim. iij. I,’ E ‘
thilhoils, the thaﬂors of thy Qllhurch, that
they may oiligently preach thy thorn, ano
only aominiﬂer the gooly Iiifcipline thereof;
ano grant to the people that they may obe:
oiently follow the tame, that all may receibe
the croiun of eberlauing glory, through Zletus
Qthriu our ILoro. Amen.
{I And another Bilhop {hall read
The Epiftle.
‘work. a lhilhop
{his a true taying, Elf a man oetire the
ilDm’ce of a lhilhop, he oefireth a goon
then mull be blamelefs,
the husbano of one ioife, bigilant, tober,
of gooo behabiour,
apt to teach,
giben to hotpitality,
not giben to mine, no
llriker,
we still retain, to be very primitive.
And so is their declaration of their
faith, and the strict scrutiny into
their manners, with the laying of the
holy Bible on their head, though no
express constitution appears to enjoin
these things until the fourth Council
of Carthage. There is no doubt but
there were forms of prayer, and parti-
cular supplications for the Holy Spirit,
used even from the apostles’ times,
and by their examples. (Acts xiii. 3.)
But those now extant, though some of
them be very ancient, yet are of later
date. However there have been such
forms in all churches, in the Eastern
or Greek Church, as also among the
Syrian and Ethiopic Christians, and
in all eminent churches in the West.
The Roman Church has of late
added abundance of frivolous and
superstitious ceremonies and benedic-
tions, which crept in while ignorance
and error prevailed in all these parts
of the world. But our judicious re-
formers, in compiling this office, as
well as in the rest, have cast away all
the Roman superﬂuous and corrupt
innovations, about blessing vestments,
anointing, delivering the ring, pastoral
staff, the; and so have reduced the
substantial part of it as near to the
primitive form as our circumstances
could bear; but have enlarged it with
divers pertinent texts of Scripture,
and proper questions, as also with
accurately composed prayers; so that
now we may affirm our form of con—
secrating bishops to be better adapted
to the occasion than any office extant.
(2120)
of Bifhops.
firibrr, not greeoy of filthy lurre5 but patient,
not a braiuler, not rouetous, one that ruleth
ruell his oizbn houfe, hating his rhiloren in
fubiertion toith all grabity, (for if a man
lrnorn not horn to rule his orpn houfe, horn
lhall he take rare of the @hurrh of thou?)
not a nobire, lell being lifteo up with prior,
he fall intothe ronoemnation of the oeuil.
agoreober, he mull habe a goon report of
them tohirh are fbithout, leu he fall into re=
proarh, ano the fnare of the oeuil.
{I Or this, for the Epiftle.
IRom seiletus lhaul lent to @phefus, am: My It
ralleo the eloers of the illlhurrh. ﬁne
when they were rome to him, he faib unto
them, gee bnoru from the firu Day that 31 tame
into elfia, after luhat manner 31 habe been
rnith you at all feafons, ferbing the itoro
with all humility of mini], ano fuith many

1. 1. The 596th page of the Sealed Book commences with the word “ﬁrihrrﬂ,
“ “111321)” being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

faithful pastor, as no pencil but his,
{I Or this, for the Epiftlez
-—The Lutheran office for ordination
hath part of this portion read 011
that occasion, namely, ver. 255-31.;
but which was not in the first
()rdinal of King Edward the Sixth.
It was added since, with great reason,
and such propriety, that at first
hearing, all men must discern that
nothing can be more suitable at the
consecration of a bishop, than this
pious and pathetical address of our
eloquent and divinely-inspired apostle,
when he took his last leave of the
bishops of lesser Asia, wherein there
is such a lively and lovely character of a
and none but one so guided, could draw.
So that the candidates for this order
ought, when they hear it, to suppose
St. Paul himself is speaking to them,
directing them by his rules and his
example, both how to live, to suffer,
and to preach; and exhorting, yea,
charging them, by the most cogent
arguments and most moving entreaties
to do their duty in so great a trust.
So that, if they lay it to heart and
duly consider it, this portion of Scrip-
ture cannot fail to inspire them with
holy resolutions to follow such incom-
parable advice and so grave or prece-
dent.
(2121)
The Confecration
tears ano temptations iuhich hefell me hy the
lying in wait of the 31etos: ano hole 31 kept
hack nothing that was profitahle unto you,
hut haoe fheroeo you. ano hahe taught you
puhlickly, mm from houte to houfe, teﬁi:
tying hoth to the 31eros, ano alto to the
Qhreeks repentance toroaro Qhoo, ano faith
toroaro our lLoro 31etus Qthriu. ano noho
heholo, 31 go houno in the %>pirit unto 31eru=
talem, not knotoing the things that lhall he=
fall me there; tape that the holy Qhhoﬂ toit=
neueth in ehery city, taying, @that honos ano
afflictions ahioe me. lhut none of thete
things mohe me, neither count 31 my life
oear unto my felt. to that 31 might finilh my
courfe ioith joy, ano the miniﬂry which 31
hane receiheo of the lore 31efus, to tellifie
the Qhofpel of the grace of eon. ano noio
heholo, 31 knotn that ye all among iohom 31
haoe gone preaching the iltingoom of eno,
lhall tee my face no more. wherefore 31 take
you to recoro this Day, that 31 am pure from
the hlouo of allmen. Jtor 31 hane not lhunneo
to oeclare unto you all the countel of soon.
@take
@l'ake heeo therefore unto your telhes, arm to
all the ﬂock ooer the rohich the holy ehholl
hath maoe you ﬂDherteers, to feel: the QIhurch
of moo, tohich he hath purchateo inith his
otnn hlouo. for 31 knoho this, that after my
oeparting, lhall griehous toolhes enter in

l. 26. The 597th page of the Sealed Book commences with the word “ minke”, “ Qljﬂkg”
being :
llSl.‘ the catch-word on the precedingr page.
(2122
of Bilhops.
among you, not fparing the ﬂora. alto of
your oion felbes ihall men arife, fpealv
ing perberfe things, to brain ainay oiftiples
after them. @Iherefoge ioatth, ano remember,
that by the fpate of three years 3i teafeo not
to ioarn ebery one night ano bay with tears.
ano noio, brethren, 31 tommeno you to chop,
am: to the ioogo of his grace, which is able to
builo you up, app to gibe you an inheritance
among all them iohith are fanttifieo. 3i habe
tobeteo no mans filber or golo, oi apparel,
yea, your feloes lmoio, that thefe hanos habe
minilireo unto my neteffities, sub to them
that ioere ibith me. 3] babe lheioeo you all
things, born that to labouring ye ought to
fuppoit the ioeab, app to remember the ioogos
of the {Logo Zletus, hoio he faio, Bit is more
bleifeo to gibe than to reteibe.
{I Then another Bifhop {hall read
The Gofpel.
JQEfus faith to %>imon meter, %>imon, ton of S- John X3;
Zlonas, lobeﬂ thou me more than thefe.> {he

The GOfpel:-1n the Western
Church they read no other epistle
and gospel than those for the day
on which the consecration happen-
ed; but, afterwards, one proper por-
tion of the gospel was ﬁxed to be
read, to which, a little after, a second
was added for variety. Those that
are selected by our Church, which are
peculiar to us, are more pertinent to a
bishop’s consecration than any of those
used abroad; the ﬁrst of our gospels
being the commission and charge, which
Christ gave to St. Peter, and through
him, as the ancients note, to all
bishops. The other two are the ac-
count of that general mission which
our Saviour gave to all his apostles,
whose successors the bishops are, as
they are severally related by St. John
and St. Matthew; concerning which
last two it may be noted, that the
former respects the authority which
Christ gave them over those already
converted, namely, to “remit or retain
their sins,” as the found men penitent
or impenitent; the latter relates to
the power he gave them to bring men
into the Church, by ﬁrst teaching
and then baptizing them.
(2122)
The Confecration
S.]0hn xx.
19.
faith unto him, laea, Logo, thou hnoioeﬂ that
3[ {one thee. {he faith unto him, jFeeo my
Iamhe. {he faith to him again the fetono
time, %>imon, fon of ZIonae, ioueﬂ thou me?
ihe faith unto him, yea, iLoin, thou hnomeit
that 31 lone thee. {he faith unto him, feel: my
lheep. {he faifa~ unto him the thief] time,
%imon, fon of Zionas, ioheﬂ thou me? lllhetet
was giieheo hetaufe he faio unto him the
thito time, iLoneﬂ thou me; am he fain unto
him, iLoio, thou hnoineﬂ all things; thou
knoioeﬂ that Bliohe thee. Ziefue faith unto
him, jFeeo my lheepv
{I ()4?
$18
1T Orhthifs.
{he fame oay at evening, being the titﬂ
Day of the toeeh, when the Boom mere
lhut, where the oiftiples ioere aﬂ'emhleo fog
feat of the Zieioe, tame Ziefua ano ﬂooo in the
mint}, ano faith unto them, 1E)eate he unto
you. saw iohen he hao fo faio, he lheioeo
unto them his hanos ano hie fioe. @Zhen
there the hiftihiee man, iohen they fain the
ﬂow. @hen faio hefus to them again, 1E>eate
he unto you: as my jfathet hath fent me,
even fo feno it you. ano tohen he hao faio
thie, he hgeatheo on them, ano faith unto
them, iKeeeihe ye the holy Qhhoﬂ. ioffhofe
foeher fins ye remit, they ate temitteo unto
them, ano iohofe foehet fins ye retain, they
are tetaineh.

1. 15. The 598th page of the Scaled Book commences with “ ‘H 01"’ “ ‘ET Or” being also
‘the caicl'l-wnrd on the preceding page.
(2124)
of Bifhops.
‘ll Or this.
JQEtus tame arm tpahe unto them, fﬂping,$-Mat-X¥vli§i>
an putnet is gihen unto me in heaven ant: '
eta-1 earthathupe thetetuge,ann teach all nations,
haptismg them in the ﬂame at the father,
ann at the %vun,am1 of the huh) Qhhutt: teach:
ing them to uhtethe all things tnhatfuehet 31
bane tummannen you: ant: to El am with gnu
aituap, enen untu the eat] at the with].
{I After the Gofpel, and the Nicene Creed,
and the Sermon are ended, the Elected
Bifhop (vetted with his Rotchet) {hall he
prefented by two Bifhops unto the Arch-
Biihop of that Province (or to fome other
Bifhop appointed by lawful Commifsion)
the Arch-Bifhop ﬁtting in his Chair near
the holy Table, and the Bifhops that prefent
him, faying,
MﬁDﬂ IRehetenn father in Qﬁntt, me metent
unto youthie gouty ann TUBIHBHL‘UBH man,
to he ﬂDgnamen am] Qtunfettaten IBilhnp.
‘1T Then
{l Then {hall the Archhilhop demand the
Kings Mandate for the Confecration, and
caufe it to be read. And the Oath touching
the acknowledgement of the Kings Supre-
macy, {hall be miniftred to the perfons
Elected, as it is fet down before in the Form
for the Ordering of Deacons. And then

P ‘ \ \ - , - - . . ,
L23. The 599th page [11 1'] 0f the bealed Book commences \mh "',, 111cm’, “r, lntn”
being also the catch-word on the preceding page.
(2125)
The Confecration
lhall alfo be miniitred unto them the Oath
of due obedience to the Archbiihop, as
followeth.
The Oath of due Obedience to the Archbifhop.
In? the ﬂame of eno. amen. I. N. choten
lhilfhop of the Qthurch ano %>ee of N. on
profefs ano promite all oue reherence ano
oheoience to the archhilhop, ano to the ﬁghetro=
political Qlihurch of N. ano to their fuccelTors;
%o help me Qhoo, through hefus Qlihrill.
11 This Oath lhall not be made at the Confe—
cration of an Archbifhop.
11 Then the Archbiihop lhall move the Con-
gregation prefent to pray, faying thus to
them ,
Blnethren, it is toritten in the Qhotpel of %>.
iLuke, @that our %ahiour Qthrill continueo
the tohole night in prayer, hefore he on:
choote ano teno forth his ttoelhe elpoﬂles. 31t
is tnritten alto in the acts of the ﬂpollles,
@that the @itciples toho there at antioch, oio
fall ano pray before they laio hanos on 11r>aul
ano IBarnahas, ano tent them forth. lLet us
thereforafollotuingthe erample of our %vahiour
Qthrill ano his apottles, firﬂ fall to prayer,
before the aomit ano feno forth this perton
pretenteo unto us, to the ihork iohereunto the
trull the holy Qhhoil hath calleo him.
11 And then lhall be faid the Litany, as before,
in the Form of Ordering Deacons: Save
only that after this place, ‘That it‘ may plerje
(2126)
of Bilhops.
thee to illuminate all Bz'ﬂiapr, 69%. the proper
Suffrage there following, {hall be omitted,
and this inferted in ftead of it;
Tlhat it may pleafe thee to blefs this
our brother QEletteo, sub to feno thy
grate upon him. that he may only we
care the ilhtfite ibhereunto he is
IRr
ralleo, to the eoifying of thy Qthurth. ano to
the honour, praife ano glory of thy ﬂame
Anfwer.
We befeech thee to hear us, good Lord.
{I Then {hall be faid this prayer following.
itmighty Qboo, giber of all gooo things,
inho by thy holy %>pirit hail appointeo
oibers ﬂDroers of apiniﬂers in thy Qllbtltflj,
mercifully beholo this thy ferbant noin talleo
to the more ano Hpinillry of a QBilThop, ano
repleniih him to toith the truth of thy lJot=
trine, ano aoorn him ioith innotenty of life,
that both by tooro ano oeeo, he may faithfully
ferbe thee in this ilDm’te, to the glory of thy
imame, arm the eoifying ano ioelbgoberning
of thy Qfhurth, through the merits of our
%abiour Eetus Qfhriu, toho libeth ano reign=
eth ioith thee am: the holy Qbhoﬂ, boorlo ioith=
out eno. Amen.
H Then the Archbiihop ﬁtting in his Chair,
{hall fay to him that is to be Confecrated,
ralleo
-_ . 7) 7,
l. ‘J. The (300th page of the Sealed Book commences with the word “ [ElHkIU , “IZIIIEU
being also the catch-word on the preceding page.
(21
7)
~
5)
The Confecration
Bluother, foiafmurh as the holy %tripture,
arm the anrient Qlanons rommano, that
ine lhoulo not he hally in laying on hanos,
ano aomitting any herfon to gooernment in
the Qthurth of Qlihiill, inhirh he hath purehafeo
with no lefe mire than the eﬂ’uiion of hia oiun
hlouo; before 1 aomityou to thia aomini:
llration, h roill eramine you in rertain articles,
to the eno that the Qlongregation pretent may
have a trial, ano hear mitnefo hoio you he
minoeo to hehane your felt in the Qlhurrh of
Ql‘iﬂﬂ.
Allie you herfhoaoeo that you he truly ealleo
to this ahininration, artoioing to the will
of our now Zlefue Qthtill, ano the HDgoer of
this Realm?

Brother, foralmuth as the holy
gati'ipturez—This introduction is to
show, that these necessary interro-
gatories before the admission of a
bishop are grounded, ﬁrst, upon holy
Scripture, even St. Paul’s charge to
Timothy, concerning his not ordain-
ing any without a previous examina-
tion. (1 Tim. v. 22.) Secondly, this
method of asking questions of the
candidate for a bishopric is grounded
on divers ancient canons, especially on
that of the fourth Council of Carthage,
Where it is expressly required, and
where all the particulars to be in-
quired of, as to his manners, his
learning, and especially as to his faith,
are set down at large; and, unless he
could give an account in all the par-
ticulars, the metropolitan was not to
consecrate him. From this canon,
which also cites the place of St. Paul,
our Church has taken this preface,
being like also to the most ancient
forms used in the Western Church.
But after the papal monarchy was set
up, about the year 900, two questions
more were added, about “receiving
and keeping the traditions of the
fathers, and about the decrees of the
apostolical see,” and about “ﬁdelity
to St. Peter and his vicar.” And the
modern Roman Pontiﬁcal has made
this second question still larger, put-
ing in the pope’s name, and binding
them to “pay ﬁdelity, subjection, and
obedience in all things to him and his
successors.” But all this, being mere
innovation, Was justly expunged by
our reformers; and we have reduced
this preface to what it was in the
primitive primitive ages,——to what
it was in the Church of Rome, while
pure and uncorrupted; and in this,
as well as in many other things, we
have left them only in those things
wherein they had ﬁrst left their own
orthodox and pious predecessors, and
so departed from themselves, and from
the right way.
(2128)
of Bilhops.
Anfwer.
3 am to perftoaoeo.
The
The Archbifhop.
AIKe you perftoaoeo that the holy %>erip:
tures tontain fuﬂ'ieiently all oottrine
requireo of neteifity to eternal falhation
thgough faith in Blefus Qlhiiﬂi Qino are you
oetermineo out of the fame holy %>triptures
to inﬂrutt the people tommitteo to your
rharge; ant: to teath or maintain nothing as
requiteo of neteffity to eternal falhation, hut
that tuhieh you lhall he perftoaoeo may he
toneluoeo ano moheo hy the fame;
Anfwer.
31 am to perfroaoeo ano oetermineo hyQhoos
grate.
The Archbiihop.
Willl you then faithfully erertife your felf
in the fame holy %vtriptures, ano call
upon Qhoo hy prayer, for the true unoerﬂano:
ing of the fame; to as ye may he ahle hy them
to teach ano erhogt toith roholfome ooetrine,
ant: to ioithﬂano ano tonhinee the gain:
layers?
Anfwer.
El tnill to on, by the help of Qhoo.

l. 4. The 601st ( re [33 I‘ 2] of the Sealed Book commences with the word “The”, ‘
being ' rd on the
the catch-“'0 preceding page.
‘The”
(2129)
The Confecration
The Archbifhop.
the you reaoy toith all faithful oiligence
to hanilh ano orihe aioay all erroneous
ano lirange ZDoctrine, contrary to Qhoos thorn;
ano hoth mioately ano openly to call upon,
ano encourage others to the fame?
Anfwer.
31 am really, the horn heing my helper.
The Archbifhop.
W31ll you oeny all ungoolinets ano hoorloly
lulls, ano lihe toherly, righteoully, ano
gooly in this prefent toorlo, that you may
them your felt in all things an erample of
gooo works unto others, that the aohertary
may he alhameo, hahing nothing to fay againll
you?
Anfwer.
3 hoill to no, the Euro heing my helper.
13.1‘ 2 The
The Archbiihop.
W31ll you maintain ano tet fortoaro, as
much as lhall lie in you, quietnefs,
lohe, ano peace among all men, ano tuch
as he unquiet, oitoheoient, ano criminous
within your EDiocets, correct ano punilh, ac=
coroing to tuch authority as you hahe hy
Qhoos thorn. ano as to you lhall he committeo
hy the il'Droinance of this iBealm?

l. 20. The 6 -
being
k commences with the word “The”, “ The
preceding page.
(1 page of the Sealed
0 the catch-word on
(2130)
of Bilhops.
Anfwer.
31 ioill to on by the help of Qhoo.
The Archbilhop.
Wjlll you be faithful in oroaining, fenoing,
or laying hanos upon others?
Anfwer.
31 toill to be by the help of con.
The Archbilhop.
Willl you lheto your felf gentle, ano be
merciful for Qfhriﬂs fake to poor ano
neeoy people, ant: to all ﬂrangers oellitute
of help;
llrrﬁwler;
‘3i ioill fo lheio myfelf, by Qhoos help.
1[ Then the Archbifhop ftanding up, {hall fay,
Aitmighty coo, our heabenly ~itather, boho
hath giben you a goon ‘mill to no all thefe
things, grant alfo unto you ﬂrength ano
potper to perform the fame; that he accom:
plilhing in you the gooo more iohich he hath
begun, you may be founo perfect ano irrepre=
henfible at the latter pay, through Zletus,
Qllhriﬂ our iLoro. Amen.

WiiII you be faithful in orbaiw
i'ug:—-Since the bishops have the
sole right of ordaining, it is doubtless
very necessary strictly to require a
promise from them, at their consecra-
tion, that they will faithfully perform
this great trust, of ordaining and
sending out ﬁt persons to execute the
priestly and episcopal oﬂices. For, if
they promote any that are hetcrodox
or schismatical in their opinions, weak
and unripe in their judgments, or
vicious and debauched in their lives,
either by negligence in duly examin-
ing them before, or, which is worse,
by fear or favour be imposed upon, it
is the greatest sin they can possibly
commit, and they are answerable for
all the ill effects of admitting such
persons into so holy an employment.
(2131)
The Confecration
1 Then {hall the Biihop Elect put on the reit
of the Epifcopal habit, and kneeling down
[Venz', Creator Spz'rz'z‘ur] {hall be fung or faid
over him, the Archbifhop beginning, and
the Bifhops, With others that are prefent,
anfwering by Verfes, as followeth.
QLome
ilDme, holy @hoﬂ, our fouls infpire,
And lighten With celeitial ﬁre.
@Ehon the anointing %>pirit art,
Who doft thy fevenfold gifts impart
@Ehy hleffeo oinrtion from ahooe,
Is comfort, life, and ﬁre of love.
QEnahle toith perpetual light
The dulnefs of our blinded ﬁght.
anoint ano rheer our foileo fare
With the abundance of thy grace.
iaeep far our foes , gioe peace at home:
Where thou art guide, no ill can come.
@Eearh us to ltnoio the father, @on,
And thee, of both, to be but one.
Qthat through the ages all along,
This may be our endlefs fong;
llhtaife to thy eternal merit,
Father, Son, and holy Spirit.
1] Or this.
Cilbme, holy Qhhon, eternal Qhoo, as before in the
‘I as .Forrn oiaordcring Priests
' a
Beeheﬁtetarsthmandmtheéear
.1‘ :5 ‘.9 , ..


.,_,i~.,.'x. “- , .5.
I I '

l. 8. The 603ml go of the Sealed Book commences with the word “ C®me,"
“ @1111! ’ ’ lreing the catch-word on the preceding page.
(2132)
of Bithops.
hiifit our min-Us, ‘into our hearts--
thy heahenly grate infpire,“
That truth and godlinefs Weemaye-
~puefuealwitheflullaéeﬁreae
@houart the hery Qfomfogtem
Pain-aeie-fano all mare-Esme
heeheavenly gift ofrGodrmoﬁ ‘high,
~no~tongne~can it 6X‘PI'6fS't"
@he fountain ano the lining fpging
of toy teleftial:
“T he ﬁre fo bright, the love’fmthv'eet,
~ the Un-é’tion fpiritu-a}. ~
*ﬁthou" in thy gifts art'manit'olh,
' hy them QL-hiilis Qfhurth'ooth ‘ﬂano:
"In faithful hearts‘thotr‘writ’t’r thy 121W,
'- the ﬁnger of Gods-"hand.
'ﬁrtogoingto thy‘piomifei'itogo,
vgnu ett tpeeth'toith'grare,‘
13 r 3 That
‘Phat throughwhy- help“God's"praifes may
- refound in ‘every’ place. "
ﬂD holy®hoﬂ, intoour'minos ‘
‘ feno oo‘mn'thy heavenly‘ ‘light;
Kindle our hearts with fervent‘zea'l;
To ferve- God day and night.
'- EDurirIeahnefs-ﬂrength en‘ anoronfirm
(fog, itozo, thou lenotoeli us'frail)‘
That neither devil',"‘wor‘ld, "norﬂeﬂf‘ ‘“
againft its may prevail."
W hath our enemies farfrom us;
ano help us to obtain"

1. 20. The 60ml of the Sealed k con nces with the word “That”, “That” being
also the catch-word 0n prcce ' 5; page.
6 Y (2133)
The Confecration
. iafgscxz“iiiecnairiataartsrrnritirr(daart‘aaicl‘rrrarrr,
6W1’ the we“ gym‘

.
eeheezamnemgethee,
iPhemS‘piritsoflPatherTandrePSen,
ans-to hishteltee %en,~
Qe—eqtealwthrree—l-ia one’; a
ass pray-tee- thateeure-onty-eero
rooulnpleafehtWtt-termns,

l. 28. The 685th page of the Scaled Rook commences with the word “ gull”, “ gulf"
being also the catch-word on the preceding page.
(2134)
of B llhOpS .
(Dr-r»all‘that‘ﬂaallprofefsrhisrN'ame,'
- ~from-~henee~~to~ theworldsend';
"ﬂmen .
{I That ended, the Archbifhop {hall fay,
iLoro, hear our prayer.
Anfwer.
ano let our cry come unto thee.
iLet us pray.
iLmighty Qhoo, ano moi} merciful Jl'ather,
ioho of thine infinite gooonets hall giben
thy only ano oearly belobeo %>on Zlefus Qfhritl,
to be our Ikeoeemer, ano the author of eber:
lailing life, who after that he hao maoe per:
fect our reoemption by his oeath, ano boas
afcenoeo into heaben, poureo ootonabun=
oantly -h»is~-g»i~fts~upon men, making fome
apoﬂles, tome llarophets, fome QEbangeliﬂs,
fome {haﬂors ano @octors, to the eoifying
ano making perfect his Qfhurth, Qorant, toe
befeech thee, to this thy ferpant fuch grace,
that he may ebermore be reaoy to fpreao
abroao thy Qbofpel, the glao tioings of recon=
ciliation toith thee, ano ufe the authority
giben him, not to oeuruction, but to falba=
tion, not to hurt, but to help, to that as a
toife ano faithful ferbant, giping to thy fa=
mily their portion in one featon, he may at
lall be receibeo into eoerlaﬂing ioy, through
Zlefus Qfhriil our iLoro, ibho boith thee ano the
holy Qhhou libeth ano reigneth one ®oU, toorlo
DJltlJUllt 'BIIU. Amen.
6‘Y 2
(213i
The Confecration
{I Then the Archbifhop and Biihops prefent
{hall lay their hands upon the head of the
Elected Biihop, kneeling before them upon
his knees, the Archbifhop faying,
RQEtei‘oe the holy @holl. to; the ﬂbffite
ano more of a lhilhop in the Qfhnreh
of Qhoo, noto tom=
mitteo
mitteo unto thee hy the Elmyofition of our
hanos, 3111 the shame of the father, ano of

l. 9. The 606th page of the Sealed Book commences with -“ mitteb”, part of the
word “ fommittell”, “ mitteh” being also the catch-word on the
preceding page.


Rttliteihe the iholy @hoft: —The
order of priesthood is so near the
episcopal, that the Words of the
admission to both are very much
alike; only, because their duty dif-
fers in some points, the one has the
Spirit communicated “for the oﬂice
and work of a presbyter,” the other,
“ for the office and work of a bishop ;”
and, since the power of binding and
loosing was given to the candidate
when he was ordained priest, that is
not repeated now, since every bishop
must pass through that order ﬁrst.
But, instead of that form, here is
added that reasonable admonition of
St. Paul to Timothy, to “stir up the
grace of God, that is now given them
by the imposition of hands ;” to which
the reason of the charge is annexed,
namely, because God has not given us
the spirit of fear, but of power and
love, and soberness.” The consecrated
bishop ought ﬁrmly to believe, that
he does now receive the gifts and
graces of the Holy Spirit, so far as is
necessary for his office. And we see
here, St. Paul takes it for granted,
that imposition of hands did convey
it to Timothy; for he has said, God
gave him the Spirit, and his grace, by
this rite; and his successors in the
dignity have the same need, and the
same method is used now. But, lest
this privilege should make them proud
and negligent, they are ﬁrst put in
mind, that the gifts of the Spirit are
like the celestial ﬁre in the Jewish
temple, which came from heaven, yet
was to be kept alive by human in-
dustry, and continually putting on
fresh fuel. Even these gifts and graces
will be extinguished, if those who
have received them do not continually
endeavour to quicken them by daily
and devout prayer, by diligent and
constant reading and study, and by
being ever employed in all good works.
God does not give them his Spirit to
exempt them wholly from working,
but to engage them to co-operate with
him; and therefore it is St. Paul’s
argument for our “working out our
own salvation with fear and trem-
bling,” because “God worketh in us
to will and to do” (Phil. ii. 12, 13.);
yea, he calls the omitting to do our
parts “receiving the grace of God in
vain.” (2 Cor. vi. 1.) And our Saviour
shows that servant was condemned
who only kept his talent safe, but did
not improve it. Matt. xxv. 24, the.
(2136)
of Bithops.
the %ion, anD of the holy Qhhoﬂ. amen. anD
rememher that thou hit up the grace of QhoD
rohith is gipen thee hy this Zlmpofition of our
hanDs: Jl'og QhoD hath not gihen us the fpitit
of fear, hut of power, anD lone, anD foher=
nets.
1[ Then the Archbithop {hall deliver him the
Bible, faying,
G3lhe heeD unto reaDing, erhoitation anD
Doetrine. Qthinh upon the things ton=
taineD in this lhooh. lhe Diligent in them,
that the entreafe coming therehy may he
manifeﬂ unto all men. @Eake heeD unto thy
felf, anD to Doctrine, anD he Diligent in Doing
them: for hy fo Doing, thou lhalt hoth fahe
thy felf, anD them that hear thee. he to
the ﬂock of Qfhgiﬂ a ﬂJepherD, not a wolf;
feeD them, Dehour them not. iholD up the
‘weak, heal the tick, hinD up the hiolten, hiing
again the outtalis, feeh the loll. QBe to met:
tiful that yif' he not too remifs; to miniﬁer
Diftipline, that you fogget not merry: that
tohen the thief %>hephero lhall appear, yr
may reteihe the neher=faDing troion of glo:
ry, thgough Elefus Qfhgiﬂ our ILogD. Amen.
q] Then the Archbithop {hall proceed in the
Communion-Service; With Whom the new
Confecrated Bifhop (with others) {hall alfo
COIDITIUHICQ'E6.
1] And for the laft Collect, immediately before
the Benediction, {hall be faid thefe Prayers.
t,
The Confccration
ilDﬂ merciful ,ll'ather, toe heteech thee
i to teno oornn upon this thy ternant
thy heaoenly hleﬂing, ano to enoue him inith
thy holy %>pirit, that he preaching thy worn,
may not only he earnell to remone, heteech,
ano rebuke ioith all patience ano ooctrine;
hut alto may he to tuch as believe, a iohol=
tom erample in tooth, in conneriatiomin lone,
in faith,in chaﬂity,ano in purity;that faithfully
fulﬁlling his courte, at the latter oay he may
receine
receine the croinn of righteoutnets laio up
by the ﬂow, the righteous iuoge, toho lineth
ano reigneth one choo ioith the JFather,ano the
holy Qﬁholl, morlo roithout eno. Amen.
PIRenent us, o ltogo, in all our ooinge, ioith
thy moll gracious fanour, ano further us
toith thy continual help; that in all our moths
begun, continueo ano enoeo in thee, toe may
glogiﬁe thy holy llﬂame, am: finally by thy
mercy ohtain eoerlatling life, through Eletua
Qthgiﬂ our ILogo. Amen.

1. 12.
607th, page of the Sealed Book commences with the word "receihe”,
‘ I'l‘ﬁﬁlhz ” being also the catch-word on the preceding page.

ﬁfloft merciful jfather: — After
the communion is over, all the an-
cient formularies conclude with :1 Col-
lect, as We do. That of the Western
Church, in this place, is very like ours
in substance: only our form is larger,
and expressed in the very words of
holy Scripture, and especially in the
words of St. Paul, relating to his be-
loved and lately consecrated bishop,
Timothy, which cannot but be very
proper on this occasion. The particu-
lars take in all the necessities and
duties of one that is admitted to this
order: the expressions are plain, and
the method clear.
(2138)
of Billiops.
Tlhe peace of coo, iohich paffeth all unoer:
llanoing, keep your hearts ano minos in
the knotoleoge ano lobe of coo, ano of his
%>on Zlefus Qfhriu our iLoro. am: the bleifing
of Qboo almighty, the jtather, the %on, arm
the holy tohoﬂ be amongu you, ano remain
with PHI! alibays. Amen.

FINIS.
The Formes of Prayer for ye V of November,
the XXX of january 86 for the XXIX of May are be printed at the end of this Book.
(2139)

The 608th page of the Sealed Book is blank.
(2140)
Llhrum P719610” Puhlz'mrum, Adminittrationz's Sacramen~
torum , aliorﬁmque rituum Eccleﬁae Anglicanae, una
cum forma, 8: modo Qrdinandi, 81 Confecrandi Epzfcopos,
Presbyteros, & Diaconos, juxta literas Regiae Majettatis
nobis in hae parte direétas, Rave/um, & quingentas, quadra—
ginta, & quatuor paginas continentem, N0: Guilz'elmus
Providentié diviné. Cantuarienﬁs Archiepifcopus, totius
Anglia: Primas, 8: Metropolitanus, 8: N05 Episcopi ejusdem
Provinciae, in facra provinciali Synodo legitimé congregati,
‘unanimi affenfu & confenfu in hanc formam redegimus,
recepimus, 8: approbavimus, eidemque fubfcripﬁmus, Vice-
{imo die menﬁs Decembris, Anno Dom. milleﬁmo fexcente-
limo fexageﬁmo primo.
W. Cam‘.
Gilb. London. Ro. Lincoln.
Guilielmus Bath. (‘St Wellenf. B. Petrib.
Per Procuratorem Suum R0. Hugo _Landavenﬁs.
Oxon. Johannes Exonienﬁs.
Matthaeus Elien. Gilb. Briftolienﬁs.
Ro. Oxon. Guil. Gloucettrenﬁs.
Guil. Bangor. Ed. Norvic.
Jo. Roffenf.
Hen. Cicettrenﬁs.
Humfredus Sarum.
Georgius Vigornienﬁs.
Georgius Afaphentis.
Guiliel. Menevenﬁs.

A No:

l. 1. The 609th page [A] of the Sealed Book commences with the word “ Llb’l'u’mni
the preceding page has no catch-word.
(2141)
NO: etiam Univerfus Clerus inferioris Domus ejui‘dem
Provinciae Synodicé Congregat’ diéto Libro Publicarum
Precum, Sacramentorum & rituum, una cum forma, & modo
Ordinandi 8: Confecrandi Epifcopos Presbyteros, & Diaconos
unanimitér confenﬁmus & fubfcripﬁmus, Die & Anno
Prmdié‘tis.
Hen. Fern’ Decan. Elienf. 8: Prolocutor.
Guil. Brough Decan. Glouc’
Tho. Warmf’cry Decanus Wigorn.
Jo. Barwick S. Pauli London Decan.
Jo. Earles Dec. Weltmonaiterii.
Alex. Hyde Dec. Winton.
Herbert Croft Dec. Hereford.
Jo. Crofts Dec. Norvicenﬁs.
Michael Honywood Decan Lincoln.
Edv. Rainbowe Dec. Piietriburgenﬁs.
Guilielmus Paul Decan. Lichﬁeld.
Nath. Hardy Decan. RofF.
Seth Ward Decan. Exon.
Griff. ()H'orienﬁs Decanus Bangor.
Johan. Fell Decan. ZEd. Chriiti ()xon.
Guil. Thomas Praecentor Menevenﬁs.

Geo:
l. 1. The 610th page of the Scaled Book commences with the word “ NOS”, “ .NOSU
being also the catch-word on the preceding page.
(2142)
E0. Hall Archidiac. Cantuar.
Thomas Paske Archidiac. Londin. per Procuratorem
fuum Petrum Gunning.
Robertus Pory Archidiac. Middlef.
Johannes Hanlley Archidiac. Colcelt.
Marcus Franck Archidiac. S. Alban.
Johannes Sudbury Procurator Capituli Ecclef. Weltmonaﬂer.
Tho. Gorges Archidiac. Winton.
Bernardus Hale Archidiac. Elienﬁs.
Grindallus Sheafe Archidiac. Wellenﬁs.
Johannes Selleck Archidiac. Bathon.
Johannes Pearfon Archidiaconus Surrienﬁs.
Gulielriius Pierce Archidiaconus Tanton per Procuratorem
fuum Ri. Bulby.
Guilielmus Creede Archidiaconus Wilts.
Jo. Ryves Archidiaconus Berks.
Tho. Lamplugh Archidiaconus Oxon.
Guilielmus Hodges Archidiaconus Wigorn.
Franc. Coke Archidiaconus Staﬁfordiae.
Edvardus Young Archidiaconus Exonienﬁs.
Raphael Throckmorton Archidiaconus Lincoln.
Jafper Mayne Archidiaconus Cicellrenﬁs.
Geo. Benfon Archidiac. Heref.
Antonius Sparrow Archidiaconus Sudburienﬁs.
Robertus Hitch Archidiaconus Leceﬂrenﬁs.
Guil. Jones Archidiaconus Carmarthen.
Edvardus Vaughan Archid. Cardigan. per Procuratorem fuurn
Guil. Jones.
Guilielmus Gery Archidiaconus Norvicenﬁs.
Guilielmus F ane Procurator Dioecefeos Bathon: 8: Wellenf.

l. l. The 611th page [A 2] commences with “ GEO i’, “ Gem” being the
catch-word on the preceding page.
(2143)
Gualterus Fofter Procurator Dioecefeos Bathon 85 Wellenf.
Petrus Mews Archidiaconus Huntington.
Nicolaus Prefton Procurator Capituli Wintonienﬁs.
Jofephus Loveland Procurator Capituli Nordovicenf.
Henricus Sutton Procurator Vigorn. Dioecef.
Richardus Harwood Procurator Dioecef. Gloceitrenf.
Francifcus Davis Archidiaconus Landaven.
Robertus Morgan Archidiac. Merion.
Mich. Evans Capituli Bangor Procurator.
Rodol. Brideooke Dioecef. ()Xon. Procurator.
Johannes Priaulx Procurator Capituli Sarisbur.
Guilielmus Moftyn Archidiaconus Bangor.
A 2 Edoardus
Edoardus Wynne Dioecef. Bangor Procurator.
Edoardus Martin Procurator Cleri Elienﬁs.
Herbertus Thorndike Procurator Cleri Dioecef. Londinenﬁs.
Johannes Dolben Capit. Eccl. Cath. Chriit. Oxon. Procurator.
Guilielmus Haywood Cleri Dioec. Londinenﬁs Procurator.
Ri. Bufby Capit. Eccleﬁm Wellenf. Procurator.
Edvardus Cotton Archiadiaconus Cornubienf. per Procurato»
rem fuum Ri. Bufby.
Guilielmus Dowdefwell Procurator Capituli Wigornienﬁs.
Jofephus Crowther Procurator Cleri Wigorn.
Rad. Ironﬁde Procurator Dioecef. Briftol.
Ed. Hitchman Proc. Cleri Gloceft.
Johannes Howorth Procurator Capit. Ecclef. Petrob.
Thomas Good Procurat. Dioecef. Hereford.
Gualt. Jones Procurator Capit. Ecclef. Cathed. Ciceftrenﬁs.
Petrus Gunning Procurator Dioeceﬁs Petriburgenﬁs.
Jacobus Fletwood Capituli Co. & Lich. Procurator.
Gualterus Blandford Capituli Gloceftr. Procurator.

1.14. The 612th p ye of the Sealed Book commences with the word “Edoardus”,
“Edoardus ' being also the catch-word on the preceding page.
(2144)
Henricus Glemham Decanus Briitol. per procuratorem fuum
Gualt. Jones. Guilielmus Herbert ProcuratorACleri Suffolcienﬁs.
Jofephus Maynard Procurator Dioecefeos Exonienﬁs.
Johan. Pulleyn Procurator Capituli Lincolnienﬁs.
Richardus Ball Procurator Capituli Elienﬁs.
Baﬁlius Beridge Procurator Dioecef. Lincolnienﬁs.
Georgius Stradling Cleri Dioecef. Landavenﬁs Procurator.
Humphredus Lloyd Procurator Cleri Dioecef. Afaphenﬁs.
Timotheus Halton Capituli Eccleﬁae Cathedralis Menevenﬁs
Procurator.
Egidius Aleyn Procurator Cleri Dioecef. Lincoln.
Guil. F oulkes Capituli Afaphenﬁs Procurator.
Richardus Clayton Cleri Dioecef. Sarisburienﬁs Procurator.
Jofephus Goultton Cleri Dioecef. Winton. Procurator.
Guil Rawley Cleri Elienf. Procurator.

Lz'érum
(2145)
[6mm Precum Puélicarum, Adminiftrationis Sacramen-
torum, aliorﬁmque rituum Eccleﬁae Anglicanx, una
cum forma, 8: modo Ordinandi, 8: Confecrandi Epifcopos,
Presbyteros, 8: Diaconos, juxta literas Regiae Majeitatis
nobis in hac parte direétas, Re‘vﬂum, 8: quingentas quadra~
ginta 8: quatuor paginas continentern, N05 ‘A/cceptus Provi-
dentia divina Eéarum Archiepifcopus Angliae Primas, 8:
Metropolitanus, 8: N05 Epzfwpz' ejul'dem Provinciae in facra
Provinciali Synodo legitime Congregati, unanimi aﬂ'eni‘u 8:
confenfu in hanc formam redegimus, recepimus, 8: approba-
vimus, eidemque fubfcripﬁmus, Viceﬁmo die menﬁs Decemérz's
Anno Dom. Milleﬁmo fexcenteﬁmo fexageﬁmo primo.
14:‘. Eéor.
Jo. Dunelmenﬁs- Rich. Carliol.

N05
1. 1. The 613th page of the Sealed Book commences with the word “ LIbrum”,
“ Librum’ ’ being the catch-word on the preceding page.
(2146)
NO: ez‘z'am Univerfus Clerus inferioris Domus ejufdem
Provincim Ebor’ Synodicé congregati per noﬂros
refpectivé Procuratores fuﬂicienter 82: legitimé conititut’ 8:
fubi’titut’ diéto libro Publicarum Precum, Adminiﬂrationis
Sacramentorum et rituum, una cum forma & modo Ordinandi
8c Confecrandi Epifcopos, Presbyteros & Diaconos unanimitér
confenﬁmus 8: fubfcripﬁmus die & Anno praedictis.
Henr. F ern.
Jo. Barwick:
Rob. Hitch.
Matt. Smalwood.
Humphredus Lloyd.
And. Sandeland.

‘We whofe Names are hereunder Written Commissioners amongst others
appointed by Our Sovereign Lord Charles yc Second by the Grace of God King
of England, Scotland, France 86 Ireland Defender of the Faith 850 by His
Higneile Letters Patents under ye Great Seale of England bearing date ye ﬁrlt
day of November in yC fourteenth yeare of His Raigne in purl'uance of a certain
Act made in y8 Parliament begun 86 held at Westminster‘ yC eighth day of Megy
in ye thirteenth yeare of yc Reigne of Our said Soveraign Lord King Charles yc
Second 86 there continued untill yc nineteenth day of May in yc fourteenth yeare
of His said Majesties Raigne & thence prorogued to y0 eighteenth of February
then next following, Entituled .422 .401‘ ﬁn- )1" Uniformity 0f Public/r Prayer: is’
ﬂdmz'izirt'reztirm of Sacra-merit: 63° other Rite; and Ceremonies is’ for erz‘ablir/Jiﬂg ye
Form of Making Ordainirzg 69° Coizrecratz'izg Bis/raps, Priests £9’ Deacons my‘? C/mre/J
ofEnglmzd, do certiﬁe, that We have examined 85 compared this Book with the
Originall 85 we ﬁnd it a true 85 perfect Copy. Jn Witness whereof We have
hereunto set Our Hands & Scales, this thirteenth-day of December in y8 fourteenth
ycare of the Raigne of Our said Soveraign Lord King Charles y‘I Second 85 in y6
ycare of Our Lord Christ one thoufand six hundred sixty 86 two.
folm Crofte: [L.S.] Deerﬂlcrc: M517", _ Frame/e
70f. [L.S.] Heiiﬂzezw Dee: Cieeﬂ-r: fire/eel. [11'5"] S. ﬁll).
Ric/0 [Ls] Claezworllo Geo [11.5.] Sir/calling.
Guilielm’ [1.5.] Peale Der. Ziclifeilel.
.Will; Bra/hoarse.

1. The'614th page of the Sealed Book commences with “NOs", “ Nos”
being the catch-word on the preceding page.
(2147)
PRINTED BY HARRISON AND SONS,
LONDON onzu'r'ru OFFICE, ST. MARTIN’S LANE

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