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Τ Η Ε Τ HIRD
OR
TRANSITION PERIOD OF MUSICAL HISTORY.
S
U2
CY
114
BY THE SAME AUTHOR.
Lately published, price 8s. 6d.
A NEW AND ENLARGED EDITION OF
THE HISTORY OF MODERN MUSIC:
A Tourse of Lectures
TV
DELIVERED AT THE ROYAL INSTITUTION OF GREAT BRITAIN.
London : LONGMANS & CO.
winnale.
21706
THE
THIRD OR TRANSITION PERIOD
OF
MUSICAL HISTORY.
A Course of Lectures
DELIVERED AT THE
ROYAL INSTITUTION OF GREAT BRITAIN.
Pų
3
1W
!
Fio
JOHN HULL A H,
HONORARY FELLOW OF KING'S COLLEGT ;
PROFESSOR OT VOCAL MUBIO IN QUIEN'S COLLEGE AND IN BEDFORD COLLEGI, LONDON ;
SECOND EDITION.
LONDON :
LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.
1876.
Music
ML
193
.H9
1876
LONDON :
SAVILL, EDWARDS AND 00., PRINTERS, CHANDOS STREET,
COVENT GARDEN.
Transfer to
meile
Il-&- region
TO
THE RIGHT HONOURABLE
WILLIAM EWART GLADSTONE, M.P.
CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER
THIS VOLUME IS INSCRIBED
WITH THE RESPECT AND GRATITUDE OF
THE AUTHOR.
May, 1865.
Des 12-9-30 TENY
PREFACE
ΤΟ
THE FIRST EDITION.
This Course of Lectures stands in the same relation to that
which I delivered at the Royal Institution in 1861, as a topo-
graphical map to a geographical. I have here treated a portion
of a subject which there I had only been enabled to treat
generally, with some attention to detail, and with comparative
completeness. I say “comparative;" because no one can be
more fully alive to his “ sins of omission” in the present instance
than I am. The horizon of the historical student is for ever en-
larging; and every fresh fact, work, or person that comes upon
it, introduces him to others of whose importance--sometimes
of whose existence—he had no previous conception.
In one respect at least this Course will be more valuable, and
of greater interest, than my former one, --in being accompanied
by so many, and such beautiful, musical illustrations. These,
for the most part, consist of pieces never before printed in this
country, some of which indeed had existed heretofore only in
manuscript. The majority will certainly be new to all but the
most enterprising of musical antiquaries.
It is possible that the praises I have bestowed on many of
viii
Preface.
these pieces will seem excessive, to those who make their first
acquaintance with them through the eye. Addressed as they
were, on the delivery of my lectures, to the ear, the very reverse
was assuredly the case. And, on this account, I have a large
debt of gratitude to acknowledge.
For their assistance in the vocal illustrations, I have to thank
Miss Banks, Miss Martin, Miss Palmer, Mr. Wilbye Cooper,
and Mr. Lewis Thomas ; for the various parts they took in the
concerted instrumental pieces, my acknowledgments are like-
wise due to Messrs. Alfred Nicholson, Watson, Zerbini, Webb,
S. Webb, Severn, and Edward Howell; as also to Mr. Henry
Deacon and Mr. Lindsay Sloper, for their presentations of the
several pianoforte-or rather, harpsichord-solos. Nor ought
I to leave unmentioned many most kind offers of assistance I
received—among them one. from Madame Sainton-Dolby—of
which limited time and other circumstances prevented my
2
Those who were present when the agency of these able and
willing artists caused the long "slumbering strains,” only
recorded in the following pages, to “ wake into voice,” were not
slow in expressing their admiration of the result of it. This
admiration will of necessity have been increased by the
consideration that the majority of the pieces performed were
of a kind, and in a style, to which contemporary performers
are somewhat unaccustomed. English musicians are, however,
distinguished for their versatility; none are called upon, even
in their ordinary practice, to deal with so great a variety of
music. If the artists of other countries often excel in this or
Preface.
that speciality, those of our own are, as a rule, wider in their
range,-quicker, because more frequent readers of new works,
and superior in general musical accomplishment.
I have indicated, as the necessity or occasion for doing so
presented itself, the sources of much of the information con-
tained in the following pages, and named the works from which
most of the musical excerpts have been made. For the adapta-
tion (mostly from the German) of English words I am generally
responsible; the exceptions being those of Handel’s “ Passion,"
the English text of which—a labour of love undertaken for
the German Handel Society-is by Mr. Russell Martineau,
and the “ Passions-Musik” of Bach, Miss H. F. H. Johnston's
translation of which is likely to prove inseparable from the
notes with which it is associated in Professor Sterndale
Bennett's admirable edition. To the author of the former,
and the proprietor of the latter, work, Mr. Lamborn Cock,
I am indebted for permission to make free use of both.
I have only to express a hope that the publication of this
volume may do something to promote catholicity of taste
among my musical contemporaries, artist or amateur; in-
ducing them to avail themselves more freely of the inheritance
their predecessors have bequeathed to them-an inheritance
with the richness and variety of which the majority of them
would appear to be but imperfectly acquainted.
J. H.
Afay, 1965.
PREFACE
то
THE SECOND EDITION.
I Avail myself of the opportunity afforded by the publication
of this new edition to correct or supplement a passage which
still stands (in p. 73) as it did in the first, in reference to one
of the most interesting composers of the Transition Period,
Pergolesi. Evidence which there is no reason to distrust has
recently been found, to the effect that Pergolesi was born in
1710, and that he died in 1736, at the very early age, there-
fore, not of thirty-two, but of twenty-six.
J. H.
March, 1876.
CONTENT S.
LECTURE I.
PAGE
ITALY .
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
....... PAGE
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
1
LECTURE II.
ITALY (continued) .................39
LECTURE III.
FRANCE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79
LECTURE IV.
GERMANY :. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125
LECTURE V.
ENGLAND
.
.
. . .
. .
. . . .
. . .
. . . . . . 179
LECTURE VI.
ENGLAND (continued) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 239
ILLUSTRATIONS.
PAGI
HYMN—Ave Maria . . . . . . . Arcadelt . . . 9
ARIA PARLANTE--Lasciate mi morir. .... Monteverde . . 12
TRIO-Turbabuntur İmpii........ Carissimi ... 15 ·
SONGVaghe Stelle . ........ Cavalli ... 26
DUET—Cara e dolce Libertà ...... Cesti .... 31
QUARTET—(Instrumental) ..... Allegri ...
SOLO—Signor, dell'empia Gente ..... Marcello . .
DUET~Quando tramonta il Sole . ... Clari. ...
Song-Lasciami piangere ....... A. Scarlatti ...
QUARTET—Regina Angelorum. ... Durante ...
Solo-Vidit suum Dulcem Natum
. .
Pergolesi . . .
QUARTET—Peuples, racontez .... .. Dumont ...
no
SONG---Roland, courez aux Armes .. " . . . . 103
Solo—(Pianoforte) La Voluptueuse.. Couperin . . . 106
QUARTET— Tendre Amour . . . . . : . Rameau . . . 111
SONG—Je l'ai planté ......... Rousseau . . . 121
SONG-Que le Jour me dure . . . . . .
. . . 123
CANTATA—The Finding of the Saviour ... Schütz ... 132
Solo—(Pianoforte). ........ G. Muffat . . 143
SOLO—0 Abba, Father ! ....... Keiser. ... 153
RECITATIVE , Although mine Eyes ·
J. S. Bach
s. . 161
& AIR
· .40
Jesus, Saviour. . . . .
FANTAISIE~(Pianoforte) ......: C. P. E. Bach . 169
xvi
TO
Illustrations.
PAGE
236
1
Song—While I listen to thy Voice .... H. Lawes . . 187
SONG=Go, Young Man . . . . . . . . . . . 189
TRIO—(Instrumental) . . . . . . . . Jenkins . . . 194
ANTHEM—Hear, O Heavens ! . .i..Humphreys . . 204
SCENE--You Twice Ten Hundred Deities . . Purcell ... 222
SONG-I attempt from Love's Sickness . . .
. . 229
Song Full Fathom Five ........ . .... 232
SONG-Come unto these Yellow Sands .. , ...
SELECTION from the Passion . . . . . . Handel . . . 246
Song—Lascia ch'io pianga .....
:: . 263
SONG—Il Tricerbero umiliato. ...
... 265
MARCH, from Rinaldo . . . . . . . .
. . . 269
} From the Water Music . . .
· 271
MINUETS
DUET—Dagl' Amori flagellata . ...
... 278
COURANTE—(Pianoforte) .....
SONG—Rendi il Sereno .....
SCENE, from Semele . .......
.. 297
· · 290
295
LECTURE I.
ITALY.
DIVISION OF MUSICAL HISTORY INTO PERIODS — THEIR
CHARACTERISTICS-THE PERFECT CADENCE-MUSICAL
COMPOSITION IN THE MIDDLE AGES-EXPRESSION
ANTICIPATIONS OF MODERN TONALITY— ARCADELT—
HYMN, "AVE MARIA”—THE RENAISSANCE--MUSICAL
DECLAMATION OF THE GREEKS—THE FLORENTINE ACA-
DEMY–MONTEVERDE-ARIA PARLANTE, “LASCIATE MI
MORIR”—CARISSIMI—THE ORATORIO—TRIO, “TURBA-
BUNTUR IMPII” -OPERA-CAVALLI-SONG, “VAGHE
STELLE" -CESTI—DUETTO, “CARA E DOLCE LIBERTÀ"-
INSTRUMENTAL ACCOMPANIMENT—THE VIOLIN—BASSANI
AND CORELLI-ALLEGRI-HIS QUARTET FOR STRINGED
INSTRUMENTS.
LECTURE I.
ITALY.
In a former Course of Lectures, delivered in this place, I gave
a rapid and of necessity very incomplete account of the History
of Modern Music from its earliest appreciable beginnings to the
present time. I then divided modern musical history into four
“Periods.” To the beginning of the first of these I did not pretend
to assign a date, but I considered it to have ended about the
year 1400. My second period included the fifteenth and six-
teenth centuries ; my third the century and a half from about
the year 1601 to the year 1750; and my fourth extended from
about 1751 to the present time. As you will easily believe, I
have had frequent occasion to review this division; I have
found no reason for disturbing it. Actually, no doubt the
periods of modern musical history are but two ; for the word
period, sometimes applied to epochs in which mere changes of
style—superficial and obvious variations of form-in an art
have been made, should, I think, be limited exclusively to
successions, whether of centuries or of years, during which
certain ascertained principles prevailed in the theory of that art
and certain strongly marked peculiarities-expressions and
results of this theory-showed themselves in the practice of
it. In my first course I explained at some length what the
principles and peculiarities which severally characterized the
musical theory and practice of the second and of the fourth.
periods were. I cannot of course do this again now; and I
must content myself with following the well known example of
a late eminent physician, by advising those who want further
B 2
Ancient and Modern Tonality.
information on this subject to “read my book.” Let it suffice
for the present that the great difference, obvious surely to the
least cultivated ear, between the music of the fifteenth and
sixteenth centuries and that of our own time—between the music
of the Old Masters and that of our immediate predecessors and
contemporaries—results from the former having had views of
the nature of a “scale” or key which were very different from ours.
From this cause it is that a number of effects, which to them
were possibly pleasing, certainly tolerable, are, to those whose
tastes have been formed exclusively on contemporary music,
unpleasing, if not intolerable; and that, vice versa, combinations
most audacious of their immediate successors hesitatingly and
tentatively ventured upon, are now matters of every-day
experience, and have even become essential-nay, indispensable
—means of musical expression.
It is, I know, hard to believe, for instance, that the "perfect
cadence” or discord of the dominant seventh and its resolu-
tion, with which everybody is now so familiar, which concludes
ninety-nine pieces of modern music out of every hundred, and
which presents itself so frequently—often too frequently-in
every composition, long or short, grave or gay, which comes
under a modern hearer's notice ;-it is hard to believe, I say,
that this effect was once not only unfamiliar,
strange, and startling, but that there was a
time when all the theorists in Europe combined
their voices into one savage howl of indignation
against the musician who first had the courage
-not to like, but—to say he liked it. For,
that his confession rather than his taste was Monteverde's
great offence is very certain. For centuries before his time
the theoretical and practical musicians, the scholars and the
men of impulse, the learned and the unlearned, the talkers or
writers and the doers (call them what you will), had been

Siti
Musical Theory and Practice.
moving, however slowly, in the same direction, but with a
wall of Chinese height and breadth between them; as little
influenced by, as ignorant of, one another's doings as though
their aims had nothing in common; without a conception
that these were really identical, and that they could never be
attained without mutual sympathy and help. Not to go further
into this matter, for which we have no time, it is enough to say
that the modes of operation of the musical schoolmen of the
Middle Ages resembled rather mathematical demonstration than
-the minstrels, the jongleurs and others on the other hand,
simply giving themselves up to the expression of their own
impulses, alike ignorant and heedless of the dogmas of the
learned. That in the passionless process of what he would have
called composition, the mediæval scholar in music should strive
to express anything in his own soul, any condition of his own
being, can never have so much as occurred to him as possible or
to be desired; that the operations of the minstrel could ever be
subject to law can never so much as have occurred to him. It
is a question whether before the time of Josquin Desprès, who
flourished about the end of the fifteenth century, any so-called
musician had attained to anything beyond the vaguest con-
ception of the effect of what he was putting upon paper. It is
recorded of that great composer-and the record implies that
the practice was a new one-that he was in the habit of gather-
ing about him his pupils and friends skilled in singing, and of
putting before them various combinations and successions of
musical notes, in order that he might himself hear and judge
how they sounded. No man could have known better whether or
not they were what his predecessors and contemporaries were
pleased to call according to rule; but the truth was dawning on
Josquin that music would some day come to be tested by the
ear as well as by the eye, by its operation on the affections as
well as on the understanding.
::
Science and Art.
To know exactly how that which he puts upon paper will
sound—what will be its effect on his own ear as well as on
that of others-to hear (so to speak) with his eyes—is the
greatest difficulty with which a musical student has, and
always will have, to deal ;-indeed it is the power of all others
the possession of which constitutes what in modern times is
called a “musician.” Long and special training, some would
say rare and special gifts, are needed to enable the artist in
combined sounds---polyphonic music—to be sure of the effect
of that which he writes, or, what comes to the same thing, to
be sure that he is representing that which he has conceived.
Without this training he may no doubt put notes into juxta-
position and make combinations follow one another, in a way
which may be tolerable to a cultivated ear; nay, he may,
by adhering to accepted rules, make music--good, bad, or
indifferent, as the case may be; but he can never be sure that
it is his music or the music he means it to be; nor can he even
test the correctness or incorrectness of its execution by others.
This was, I conceive, more often than not the condition of
what was called a musician in the Middle Ages.
But the popular mediaval musician knew nothing of these
difficulties. His aim was restricted to the production of melody,
accompanied, if at all, by a few simple combinations and suc-
cessions the effect of which admitted of easy proof. As to the
melody itself, its effect would be ascertained in the very act of
making it: for the mere melodist may be at once composer,
performer, and auditor. As the painter sees the result of every
touch on his canvas, and the sculptor of every chip on his
marble, so the melodist can, if he pleases, hear the effect of every
note as he joins it on to the notes which have gone before.
To express in the fewest words what I conceive to have been
the state of music down to about the end of the fifteenth century,
I should say that in the scholastic music there was no Art, and
in the popular music no Science; whence it is that the former
Musical Expression.
4 science
few won
ed to us
S
has ceased to please and the latter has for the most part perished
utterly. Everything musical that can now give pleasure, every-
thing that can hope to live through the day of its creation,
must result from sentiment the expression of which is subject
to law :-in a word, Music is both an art and a science.
The music of the sixteenth century, especially of the second
half of it, presents numerous instances and affords numerous
proofs of a craving, on the parts of the men of science, for more
art; as indeed do some of the very few works of the men of art
which have been preserved to us, of a craving for more science.
The somewhat supercilious charge of want of expression, so
often brought against the Old Masters, can no doubt frequently,
thongh not universally, be proven. There is no want of that
general accordance between the style of their music and the
sentiment of the words to which it is set which is the first
condition of musical expression. But this accordance is never
more than general. That anything like that close following in
music of the various changes of feeling expressed in poetry to
which we moderns are habituated ever suggested itself to a com-
poser of the second period is sufficiently disproved in one of
Othe greatest works of the greatest of them. Palestrina has seu
these words," Incipit Lamentatio Jeremiæ Prophetæ, Lectio I.”
(“Here beginneth the first Chapter of the Lamentations of the
Prophet Jeremiah”), to music as noble and as affecting as any
suggested to him by the most touching passages which follow in
the “ Lamentations” themselves. As a solitary instance this
might not be worth much. Indeed it might admit of explana-
tion if not justification. But all concurrent testimony, direct or
indirect, is in favour of the truth of my assertion; and, more
than this, the musical incidents which begin the seventeenth
century prove beyond a doubt that the development of the
music of the second period had reached its limits, and that
advancement was only possible with a scale-system, or
“ tonality,” based in nature, and therefore new.
2
Plain-Song.
It is certain that this, which the composers of the third
period proved, was more than suspected by some of the most
inventive of the second. A very pleasing exemplification
of it, among many that might be adduced, is presented in a
short composition by Arcadelt, one of the most illustrious of
that body of Gallo-Belgian musicians who, in the first half of
wards became the Roman School—the musicians, in fact, who
were the teachers of Palestrina and his contemporaries. This
composition is the more remarkable for its precocity, as
being—not a piece of secular music, nor even of "measured”
Church music, butņa piece of harmonized “ plain-song,"—i.e.,
melody in which “ time” is supplemented by "rhythm," and
the relative duration and emphasis of notes are subjected alto-
gether to the quantity and accent of the syllables to which
they are set.*
It is not without an effort that a modern musician is enabled
to realize this timeless music, the traditional mode of performing
which, possibly recoverable, has been for some time partially
if not wholly lost. It is not by accident that we moderns
invariably speak of music as consisting of time and tune-
never, of tune and time. The measured, though monotonous,
beats of a drum appeal far more intelligibly to our musical sense
than the most varied succession of unproportionate sounds.
Nevertheless, whatever its shortcomings, plain-song is a variety
of music in the utter neglect of which modern practice would
seem to have lost a good deal,--if only because it is a variety.
* No existing notation can express more than approximately the rela-
tive duration of the sounds in Plain-Song,—the so-called “Gregorian”
notation no more than our own. In the accompanying copy the semi-
breves, minims, crotchets, and quavers must not be estimated according
to their usual relative value; they must be regarded only as indicating
notes to be performed somewhat quicker or slower than one another.
The words are the only safe guide in the performance of this kind of
music.
Plain-Song.
.
HYMN.-AVE MARIA.
ARCADELT.
Senza tempo.

TTOO
A-ve Ma - ri - a, gra-ti - a
ple. - na, Do-mi-nus te - cum; À - ve Ma - ri - a,
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I have not presented this Hymn of Arcadelt as an average spe-
cimen of the music of his epoch, but as an exceptional one. The
10
The Renaissance.
vocal music of the second period was generally characterized by
breadth, coherence, and high finish; but for the most part it
seems to us vague, from the continual overlapping of one phrase
by another, and inconsequent, from its unsatisfactory “tonality;"
a piece, as a modern musician would say, often or generally
ending in a different scale or key from that in which it began,
or, what is worse, ending with a half-close, or “imperfect
cadence,”- leaving the hearer in expectation that the composer
is going to say something more, when, as it proves, he has said
all he has to say, and has, wisely of course, come to end.
Music like this, though still, on account of its beautiful texture,
always performed with pleasure, and generally listened to with
respect-for though it may be sometimes dull it is never trite
was far from realizing the ideal of the new race of scholars
and savants engendered by that astonishing, and for the time
irresistible force-the Renaissance.
I have on a former occasion given an outline of the action of
the Renaissance of Music--the last of the arts affected by it:
how certain Florentine gentlemen and scholars, united and
stimulated by their love of poetry and music, set to work to re-
unite these too long dissevered powers ; how similar and
possibly unconnected essays were made at the same time in
Rome and other places; how, with the usual impetuosity of
out-and-out reformers, they confounded the good with the bad,
arming themselves with bran-span new brooms wherewith to
sweep into the limbo of used-up things the science of Counter-
point, with all its accessories of canon, fugue, imitation, inver-
sion, augmentation, diminution, and a hundred other musical
artifices, with a view to putting in its place something or other
—they knew not yet exactly what—which they were pleased
to call the restored “Musical Declamation of the Greeks.”
This attempt of course failed; but the effects which indirectly
resulted from it acted on the Musical Art most beneficially. Few
experiments were needed to show to these vehement Classicists
Aria Parlante.
11
that they could not get on at all without “Gothic” art; and they
were not long in calling to their assistance several professors of
that very musical science the destruction of which had seemed
to be the first condition of their own success. Among these was
Claudio Monteverde—an artist both competent and willing to
try his hand at a new style of architecture, but far too well
acquainted with the powers of brick and stone to build long with
unproved materials. The extent however to which men of sound
and commonly sober judgment may be influenced for a time,
even in matters of which they are the best possible judges, by
ignorant enthusiasm, was never shown more clearly than in
the effect at first produced on Monteverde by the Florentine
Academy. Not only are many of his first attempts at this
Musical Declamation of the Greeks, or “Aria Parlante," dismally
dull, but they present examples of grammatical inaccuracy
which could not have resulted from ignorance or carelessness,
but rather from a determination to throw off all restraint, and
show his contempt for the wisdom of his ancestors. This
aberration was not bowever unbroken. At certain moments
his early training shows itself, his good genius prevails, and
Monteverde is at once correct, tasteful, and original. A
fragment of aria parlante* which he has given to the heroine in
his opera Ariadne, written in 1607 for the Court of Mantua, will
sufficiently prove this. Some of the harmonic progressions in
it are a little hard; but the voice part is melodious, and
admirably fitted to the sentiment and rhythm of the words.
The harmony and melody of the passage “in così dura sorte, in
così gran martire” are strikingly expressive and original.
* It may not be amiss, once for all, to remind the reader or performer
of the following and other similar passages that aria parlante is not
recitative,—but melody, wherein the composer has striven to imitate or
embody the accents of impassioned declamation' by successions and
distributions of notes which, unless literally rendered, i.e., sung in time,
will be unintelligible and cannot be properly accompanied.
12
Monteverde
ARIA PARLANTE.—LASCIATE MI MORIR.
From the Opera “ Ariadne."
MONTEVERDE.

1
1
1
11
1
U
La-soia
·
te mi mo . ri - re,
La - soia . to
mi
mo-
TO
1790
TOP
TOTODATTO
OD 10
MTTO
UTOL
10
de
Tori
DILI
ri
.
ro,
cho vo - loe to
voi
cho mi con - for - ti
Ep
V
in 00-81
du - ra
sor - te,
iu 00-81
gran
mar - ti - le ?
La-
ITTO
TOT H
O
500 i

1
•
te
mi mo- ri - ro,
La-scie to
mi
mo- ri - re.
I
Yi
100
11
00
TH
IT DO— 01017
C'es.
019 i
Olid
Carissimi.
13
The fate of all pioneers has been that of Monteverde. His
star has had “to pale” its “ineffectual fire" in the presence
of a nearer if not a greater light; and his works have been
hidden from the eye of posterity by those of a successor
whose powers were not of necessity so much greater, as his
opportunities of cultivating them were more favourable.
Giacomo Carissimi, whose influence direct and indirect on
the history of his art has proved greater perhaps than that
of any other master before or since, and whose career occu-
pied the principal part of the seventeenth century, must be
regarded as the type and glory of the Transition Period.
Strangely enough, in regard to so distinguished a person,
the particular years both of Carissimi's birth and death are
unknown ; but it is certain that he was born not later than
1585, and that he was living in 1672. He might therefore have
seen Palestrina; and in all likelihood he lived to hear Corelli.
He began life when the “Madrigal” had attained its highest
perfection and its greatest favour; he witnessed its decline and
extinction. As a contemporary he must have watched the
struggle made by the later masters of the Roman School to
prolong its moribund existence; he must have been coguizant of
the birth and adolescence, though not of the maturity of the
Musical Drama ; he must have seen Instrumental Music, which
he would first have known as a somewhat helpless and very
humble dependency, disengage itself from vocal, and assert and
make good its claim as an independent and separate power; he
must have known—possibly he survived-Stradella, the first
great Singer (in the full sense of that misapplied word) of whom
we have any definite and trustworthy account; and he was not
merely a witness but an instrument of changes in the language
of Music such as it has taken five centuries at least to bring
about in our own language; for Chaucer and Tennysou have
not expressed themselves in a more different idiom than
Palestrina and Corelli.
14
The Oratorio.
Carissimi, a Paduan by birth, no doubt received his first
musical impressions from Venice—always as innovating and
aggressive in Art as it was conservative and timid in Politics.
At the time he was a youth the Venetian Giovanni Gabrieli
was in the full exercise of his powers, and at the summit of his
reputation. To him (as we shall see) the subsequently great
school of Germany is under heavy obligations; and to him,
as the instructor, direct or indirect, of Carissimi, the Italian,
the French, and even the English Schools, are no less deeply
indebted.
There is not much to be told, even were there time now to tell
it, concerning Carissimi’s life, long as it certainly was, and busy
as it must have been. The best years of it were undoubtedly
spent in Rome, where, through his connexion with the disciples
of St. Filippo Neri, his attention was turned to that form
of musical drama which, from the place in which it was first
essayed, the Oratory, took the name of “ Oratorio.” A conside-
rable number of the very numerous compositions of Carissimi are
of this class; that best known by name* is his “Jephtha," one
of the choruses of which, with the slightest possible alteration,
Handel has paid Carissimi the compliment of inserting bodily in
his oratorio “ Samson.” As on a former occasion I gave a speci.
men of this work, I will call your attention to-day to an extract
from another, which I have never seen in a complete form, but
which seems to be a sort of "Mystery,” concluding with a recita-
tive and trio descriptive of the sufferings of the wicked. You
will not fail to remark a considerable advance in this recitative
on the specimen by Monteverde which was just given; and
those who are familiar with the anthems of Purcell and his
contemporaries, who wrote about half a century later, will
recognise more than one familiar passage the transmission of
which I shall account for in its proper place.
* An edition of it has recently been published in Germany, edited by
Chrysander (1876).
T7
Carissimi.
15
RECITATIVO.-TURBABUNTUR IMPII.
CARISSIMI.

Tur - ba- bun-tur
i
. pi - i
ti - mo- re
hor • ri .bi . li
Cum de-
=

tt
scen-dent in ter-ram te - ne - bro-sam
et 0 - per-tam, mor- tis ca - li - gi - ne,
TN10
-

U · bi nul- lusor - do, sed sem - pi - ter - nus hor- ror in-ha-
.
#
a tempo
WA
-
-
præ an . gus . ti . & spi - ri - tus ge . men-tes et di- cen
-
tes,
1
HH
INTO
UITO
TOOL
1
QIP Bló
011
16
Turbabuntur Impic.
.
TRIO.
Andante. (= 60.)
1. Coro.

heu, no9
mi - 80-ros, Hou,
hou, do-lon-tes,
Hou, hou,
Coro.
25.6-E-FA
111
Hou, hou,
heu, nos
mi - 30-ros, Heu,
heu,
beu, do-
C090.0
TO
Heu, heu,
Hou, nos
mi - se-ros, Heu,
heu,
heu, do-
a
.

1 LOTI
heu, do - len - tes, Des-pe-ra - vi - mus,
des-pe-ra - vi-
UNI
len-tes, do · len · tes,
des-pe-ra - vi-
len-to3, do-len
- tos,
des-pe-ra - vimus, des-pe-ra • vi-
JOT
NA
P
Carissime:

mus ne-qua-quam ul - tra vi .ve . mus, nec vi- de - bi-mus fa - ci-em
DLS
mus
no
•
qua-quam
ul - tra vi-
mug
no
no
qua-quam ul - tra vi - Vo
qua-quam ul - tra vi - vo
-
mus, nec ri.
mus, nec vi-
1t

Do
-
i, nec vi- de - bi-mus fa- ci-em
De
.
i!
vo
-
mus, uec vi- de - bi-mus få - ci - om
De - il Des-Po - ru - vi-
de - bi-mus fu - ci - em Do vi,
2
18
Turbabuntur Impii.
SOLO,

11
Des-pe-ra · vi . mus.
Un-di-que ter-rent nos for-
taha..
11
mus,
des-pe-ra • vi- mus.
O1
Des-pe-ra • vi-mus, des-pe-ra - vi - mus.
11
1

t
mi - di - nes,
Solo.
III
LIIT
Un- di - que in- va · dit nog bor - ror,
Solo.
-
Un-di- que tre
-
mor Dos
S
.
?
I
Carissimi.

un -
di-que, un - di-que pa-vor, luc - tus
et an-gus - ti.
LLC
IT
un - di-gue, un · di -que
pa-vor, luc- tus
et an- gus - ti-
OC - cu-pat,
pa- vor, luc- tus
et an- gus - ti-
.
CHORUS.

des-pe- ra . vi - mus.
1
-H
NI
a, des - pe-ra - vi - mus,
des - pe- ro - vi - mus.
MS
CHORUS.
des -pe- ra • vi-mus, des-po - r'a - vi - mus.
Turbabuntur Impii.

LO
Quis sta-re po- te-rit cum
ig-ne de-vo-ran-te ?
SOLO...-
11
Quis sta-re po-te- rit cum ar-
SOLO..

Qua - re non su - mus in
do - ri-bus sem-pi- ter - nis ?
u - to . ro mor-tu - i?
Qua · re,
Carissimi.
21

.
Cur,
cur u · be- ri - bus lac.ta - ti?
Cur,
cur
u
- be- ri - bus lac- ta · ti?
qua- re ex-cop• ti
ge- ni- bus ?
Cur non ab
Hope
*
Ti

LX
11
Qua . re mi - 80 - ris
da . ta est lux?
Qua · re mi - se - ris
da · ta est lux ?
u - te - ro trans-la - ti ad
tu - mu-lum?
Turbabuntur Impii. .

Logo
ZA
TO
Heu, beu, heu,
Coro.
Heu, heu, hou,
Coro.
da - ta est vi- ta his qui in a- ma-ri-tu-di-ne
NI
an - i-me sunt? Heu, heu,
-
l-n IS
ITTO
ITTOO
.

heu, nos
mi - se-ros, Heu,
heu, do-len - tes,
heu, do - lon-
1
1
1
heu, nosm i - 8e-ros, Heu,
heu,
heu, do - lentes,
do - len-
Deu,
108
mi . se-ros, Hou,
hell,
heu, do - len-les, du-len-
TATTOO
Carissimi.
23

11
tes,
pe - re-at di · es,
pe - re - at di - es
tos,
pe - re- at
di - es,
po - re- at di .es
.
tes,
pe- re - at di - es,
pe- re. at di- 09, pe- ro - at di - es
1

1
in qua na · li su-mus,
pe-ro-at nox,
ZT
in qua na - ti su-mus, pe- re - at vox,
ve -
pe- re-at, pe- re - at
1
iu que na · ti su-mus,
pe - re- at di-es,
pe- re-at, pe- re - at
1
f
.
1
f.
f
24
Cavalli.
_

CANO
nor
in
qua con-cep-ti
fu . i . mus, in qua con-cep - ti fu • i- mus.
A
nox in qua con- cep - ti
fu • i - mus, in qua con-cep-ti
fu
• i- mus.
nor in
qua con-cep-tifu i - mus, in qua con-cep-ti fu
. i- mus.
The influence of Carissimi, either directly by means of
personal instruction, or indirectly through the performance
and circulation of his compositions, made itself felt (as I have
just said) up to very distant and different times, and in very
distant and different countries, from those in which he himself
lived and worked. Not only so; it affected seriously a class of
music to which he never contributed a specimen, Opera ; for
Carissimi is the connecting link between the generation of
which Monteverde is the type and that later and more
numerous one of which Cavalli and Cesti are two of the most
distinguished representatives.
Francesco Cavalli, born at Venice about the year 1610,
began to write for the theatre about 1637, and produced,
chiefly in his native city, a succession of works in the course of
which he gradually introduced a style of composition superior,
as respects musical form consistently with fitness for the scene,
Cavalli.
25
to anything that had been employed before on the stage. In his
opera“ Giasone,” first performed in 1649, he would seem to have
marked more distinctly than any predecessor the line which
separates air from recitative; a line which some of the most
recent dramatic composers of our own time, Wagner for instance,
and even Gounod, seem to be doing their best to obliterate. An
example of one of these very early attempts at dramatic melody
will not be without interest to you. It is from the opera “ Eris..
mena,” produced in 1655. Observe the ingenious manner in
which (at *) the first subject is repeated-with a slight change,
not only of notes but of rhythm-beginning again, not on the first
beat of the bar, but on the second. In the second section of
the song a modulation is made into the scale of the dominant
quite in the modern manner; but the rest of it is some-
what laboured, showing that Cavalli felt precisely the same
difficulty which besets an inexperienced composer of our own
time—that of resisting the tendency to modulate into the
scale of the subdominant. The addition of the minor seventh to
the tonic of any given piece of music is so easy, and the effect
of it so pleasing ! But, like many other easy and pleasant
things, it has to be paid for subsequently by such tiresome
and uphill work ! A passage (at t) in this second section is
striking, as having reappeared many years after in the Psalm
tune known as “Hanover," sometimes attributed to Handel.
But the most interesting historical peculiarity of the song is that
it closes with a repetition of the first strain. This contrivance-
the “ Da Capo” as it is now called—is often said to have been first
resorted to by Alessandro Scarlatti, who was not born till 1659
--four years after the production of the opera from which this
song of Cavalli's is taken. Possibly Scarlatti was the first
who used it skilfully, which certainly Cavalli has not, in
this instance, done. We shall see at our next meeting how
much more effective the “ Da Capo" became under Scarlatti's
treatment.
26
Vaghe Stelle.
SONG.-VAGHE STELLE.
From the Opera "Erismena.” 1655.
FRANCESCO CAVALLI.
Andantino. ( = 108.)

Top
Va
ghe
stel
Lu
1
1
TTOO

bel
le,
Nun
dor - mi
-
111

non
dor. mi
- gbe
stel - le,

11
Lu-ci - bel - le,
Non dor - mi - te, non
dor - mi - te.
Troels
1
Cavalli.
27
21

-
-
TOD
AC

1
2
.
Cres.
Fine.
LT 11

.
A - pri - te il se - re - no Dei vos - tri begl' oc-chi, La - scia-te che
---
i
LS
f
cres.
A-
If
-

-
-
-
LI
800 - cchi In
questo mio
se - no A - mor i suoi dar - di, A - mor i suoi
28
Vaghe Stelle.

dar - di Bei
lu - ci - di
sguar
. di,
Lu - ci . di
sguar

.
di I
lu - mi deb a . pri
to. Bei
, TTOO
t
2-
Coll
1

la .ci - di
sguar .di
i
lu - mi deh a - pri
SUNTÓ OLD
1

SAAS
IU
ØTTN
Deh!
Deb!
.
0
JOT Īī
Cavalli.

1
11
.
Lu • ci di
sguar - di
I
la · mi deha • pri
te, Del,
1
1
1
HE
-

Deh,
1
11
il doill!

11
pri - to, Deh
lu
.ci- di sguar-di
i
lu - mi, Deha- pri
THE TOTA

as
HAI
to,
Bei lu - oi - di sguar - di
i
lu - mi deb a-pri
I.
30
Cesti.
Marc-Antonio Cesti, another disciple of the school of
Carissimi, whose epoch is about ten years later than that of
Cavalli, perhaps excelled the latter in his own particular style.
Nor was this to be wondered at. Musical execution made such
rapid strides during the first half of the seventeenth century that
any fairly-taught intelligent musician could produce effects
which no one would have even contemplated ten years before
his time. Monteverde has recorded that, in a passage of
accompaniment which he brought forward at Venice in 1624,
having, for the first time, substituted sixteen iterated semi-
quavers for one semibreve, in several successive bars, the
performers one and all refused at first even to try to play them;
so monstrous and extravagant an innovation seemed this now
most familiar of instrumental details. Cesti, however, was
something more than a fairly-taught intelligent musician;
his invention was of a very high class. He was an Ecclesiastic;
but his orders, whatever their kind, would seem to have hung
loosely upon him. He wrote little ecclesiastical music, though
he was for many years a member of the choir of the Sistine
Chapel. The majority of his numerous compositions were
operas, composed nearly all for the theatres of Venice. A duet
for Soprano and Bass, Cara e dolce libertà, which you will now
hear, is a good example of his manner. You would never have
supposed, and indeed you will find it hard to believe, that it is
two hundred years old. The parts have that easy flow which
generally characterizes Italian vocal writing—the earliest hardly
less than the most recent, the most superficial no less than the
most profound : while they are treated with just enough of
contrapuntal artifice to redeem them from the insipidity with
which this easy flow is so closely connected. The repetition in
the fourth below (at *) of the preceding phrase must have
been a novelty in the middle of the seventeenth century, and the
re-introduction of the first subject, after this principal and only
modulation, is a pleasing example of the art which conceals art.
Cesti.
31
DUETTO.--CARA E DOLCE LIBERTÀ.
Andantino.
M. A. Cesti.

Ca - ra, ca- ra e. dol-ce,
Ca - ra, ca - ra, dol - ce, ca - ra
Ca - ra, ca - rae
dol
-
ce Li-ber - tà,
Ca - ra, dol-ce, ca - ra,
TO
NY N

IN
- ce Li-ber - ta,
Ca-ra e dol-ce Li-ber-
ca - rae dol-ce
Li - ber- ti,
. Ca-ra e dol-ce Li- ber-
1
cres.

1
11
1
L'al-mà
mia con-so- li
tu, Più non vi - po ser-vi
tu, Il mio cor sciolto sen'
Cles.
tà, L'al-mà mia con-so - li
tu, Più non vi - vo ser-vi
tu, il mio cor sciol-to sen'
C7*Cs.
jili
g
32
Cara e dolce Libertà.
dim.

Cres.
Lehdukud
Ca-ra, ca-ra e dol-ce,
va.
dim.
Ca-ra, ca-ra e dol-ce, ca-ra e
cres
CE
.
.
.
Ca-ra, ca-ra e dol
-
ce Li-ber - tà,
Ca-ra, ca-ra e dol-ce,
Ches.
dim.
1
.

dol-ce Li-ber - tà,
Ca - ra e dol - ce Li - ber.
cº • ra dol - ce Li - ber- tà, ..
. Ca-rae dol-ce Li. ber-

tà,
ca • ra a dol - ce . Li - ber - tà.
TU
UU!
.
.ca - rae dol-ce
Li - ber -
1
IUT
Instrumental Music.
33
Enough has been said to show that the first half of the
seventeenth century is an important era in the history of music.
Important as it is, however, it yields in importance, if not
in interest, to the second half of that century—an era charac-
terized not only by the continued and always accelerating
development of old forms but by the creation of what may be
called a new one.
Up to the end of the sixteenth century Instrumental Music
í holds so low a place, in comparison with vocal, that it hardly
claims serious consideration as a part of musical history.
Some of the great masters of the second period—men to whom
nothing connected with their art would have been alien or
uninteresting-have no doubt left proofs of their versatility, in
Variations on some known theme, or“Divisions” on a “Ground,"
chiefly for the keyed instruments of their time—the precursors
of the harpsichord; and some of the best of these which have
been preserved are by Englishmen. But even these very pieces
owe their preservation-as indeed most of their interest—to
the fact of their being the work of men who were also the
authors of vocal music of such intrinsic excellence that it has lost
little of its popularity even in the present day.* The mechanical
deficiencies, the want of finish, of all musical instruments, up
to a comparatively recent time, were alone enough to have
checked any progress in instrumental music at all commensurate
with that in vocal; and so long as the latter was chiefly choral and
(so to speak) self-contained, as there would be little necessity for,
so there would be little likelihood of, the former overtaking it.
But, with the very first beginnings of the musical drama, the
status of instrumental music experienced a great and sudden
change. Recitative of necessity required accompaniment, air
* E.g.-Bird's “Bow Thine Ear," an anthem still all but unrivalled,
(born about 1545) belongs of course to the Elizabethan era, though he
lived till the accession of Charles I.
34
Stringed Instruments.
something like interlude or ritornelle ; symphony was needed
to give force and meaning to pantomime, and dancing in silence
is proverbially the most ridiculous of all human transactions.
A new direction was at once given to musical and mechanical
inventiveness, and the thoughts of many ingenious persons were
suddenly turned to the composition of pure instrumental music,
to increase of skill in the performance of it, and to improvement
in the instruments on which it was to be performed. Of these
instruments it would easily be found that incomparably the
most important were the Violin family—a family whose origin
is lost in the obscurity of pre-historic times, and which up to
about the middle of the sixteenth century had remained in
· too rude and humble a condition to justify any claim to
the influence which it subsequently attained. The rapid im-
provementmor, I should rather say, perfection-of these
instruments, due mainly to three Cremonese houses, the
Amati, the Guarnerii, and the Straduarii, soon reacted on
executive skill; and executive skill is rarely unconnected with
ambition, and never long unobserved. From a mere adjunct,
rather felt than heard, and tolerated rather than acknowledged,
accompaniment began to rival that which it accompanied, in
interest and beauty; and, from a dependency or appanage,
Instrumental Music grew into an independent and rival
power.
This emancipation can hardly be said to have been consum-
mated in Italy till the latter part of the seventeenth century=
the epoch of Bassani and Corelli. In England, as we shall see.
by-and-by, it was brought about some forty years earlier.
But, as always proves to be the case in respect to great.
discoveries, those of Bassani and Corelli had been anticipated,
even among their own countrymen,-by one especially who,
working with inferior means and appliances, and in less propi-
tious times, had produced a composition which, in the number
and relation of its parts, and the instruments by which they
Gregorio Allegri.
35
are to be played, is still, at the distance of two centuries, a
type and a model.
At some time before the year 1650 (he died in 1652)
Gregorio Allegri wrote a “Quartetto," for violini, viola, and basso
di viola. Allegri is chiefly known as one of the last of that great
Roman School of purely vocal music of which Palestrina is the
type and glory. He is the composer of two out of the three
settings of the Fiftieth Psalm (the Miserere), the performance of
which forms so interesting a feature in the music of the Holy
Week at Rome. It is the composition which Mozart when a
boy (no copy ever having been allowed to be taken) wrote out
from memory. As a great master in this style, and the author
of perhaps the earliest piece in another which has since attained
to such high perfection and favour, Gregorio Allegri may well
be considered as the last of the Ancients and the first (in point
of time, of course) of the Moderns. Few pieces of music have
been honoured by more frequent mention than this quartet. It
figures in almost every existing memoir and criticism having rela-
tion to the musical history of the seventeenth century. A copy
of it has fortunately been preserved in a theoretical work now
become rare, and certainly not likely ever to be reprinted, the
“ Musurgia” of Kircher, published in the year 1650. The obso-
lete notation and clumsy musical typography of this work must
have rendered the performance of any of the examples it con-
tains all but impossible for at least a hundred and fifty years
past; and it is probable that the piece in question never found
performers or audience, even during the last century; far less
can it have done so in this. Thanks to the co-operation of four
of my professional friends, you will in a few minutes be in a
position to form an estimate of it. I need hardly warn you not
to expect anything like any quartet you are likely to hear at
the Musical Union or anywhere else. And you will forgive me
pieces of the same epoch, not with nineteenth, but with seven-
D 2
36
The First Quartet.
teenth-century ears. No one would think of complaining that
Giotto was not Rubens, or Chaucer not Pope; so you will
not be disappointed in finding that Allegri is not Mendelssohn.
The work cousists of four movements, all of them in the
contrapuntal and fugued style. The first movement is on two
subjects, the second of which is introduced by the viola, in the
15th bar. The second movement is in triple time, and opens
with a very pretty phrase of six bars, the bass part of which is
afterwards made the subject of a second fugue—in the old sense
of that word. This passes without interruption into a third
movement on a new subject in "alla capella” or duple time.
The fourth and concluding movement is in common time and
on a subject admitting of exceedingly close "imitation.”
The composition* presents an interesting example of uncertain
tonality~oscillating as it does (to a modern musical ear)
between the keys of G and of C,—the forms of the passages
inclining us towards G, and the frequent recurrence of F
natural bringing us back again to C. It ends with a perfect
cadence in G, so brought about as to have the effect rather of
* Its length has prevented its insertion here entire; but the Andante
the second and most pleasing movement will give an idea at least of the
character of the work. The entries of the different instruments are
severally indicated by 1 and 2, 1st and 2nd Violins, V, Viola, and B,
Basso.
ANDANTE FROM A QUARTET.
GREGORIO ALLEGRI.
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2010-01
LECTURE II.
-CONTINUED.
CHANGE OF TONALITY-SUBDIVISION IN MUSICAL FORMS-
SINGING-STRADELLA-PISTOCCHI-SCHOOL OF BOLOGNA
-CHAMBER MUSIC-MARCELLO-SALMO XXV.-CLARI-
DUETTO, “ QUANDO TRAMONTA IL SOLE”- ALESSANDRO
SCARLATTI-ARIA,“ LASCIAMI PIANGERE”-THE NEAPO-
LITAN SCHOOL-DURANTE-RIS PUPILS-QUARTET, “RE-
GINA ANGELORUM"_PERGOLESI-HIS “STABAT MATER.”
GINA AI NGELORUM
PERGOLESI
LECTURE II.
T
.
ITALY-CONTINUED.
I OBSERVED in my last lecture, in reference to the Old Masters,
that there was "no want of that general accordance between the
style of their music and the sentiments of the words to which it
is set which is the first condition of musical expression,” but
that “this accordance was never more than general ;” and that
nothing “like that close following in music of the various
changes of feeling expressed in poetry to which we moderns are
habituated had ever suggested itself to a composer of the second
period.” Indeed, the conditions both of the science and the
art of music down to about the end of the sixteenth century
rendered it all but impossible that any attempt at this “close
following” of words by notes could have been successful, even
had it ever been made.
But, as we have seen, about the beginning of the seventeenth
century the particular tonality, or scale system, which had so
long prevailed in the schools, began to give place to another,
the subsequent universal adoption of which has resulted in the
production of music altogether without precedent, whether for
expression or any other quality, the music of the Fourth Period
-the period of Mozart and Beethoven.
During the whole of the century on which our attention has
been so far fixed (the seventeenth) musical science and musical
art may be said to have been engaged in an unintermittent
struggle with the causes that had so long prevented their perfect
union—the falseness of the former and the rudeness of the
latter. But by about the end of that century—so far as we can
42
The Art of Singing.
trace its progress in the best of all historical records, monu-
ments musical science succeeded in working its way towards a
solid and enduring basis ; musical art borrowing from it or
lending to it, as its occasional weakness, but on the whole ever-
increasing strength, enabled it to do. With the science we
have now no further concern than as it can be shown to have
acted directly on the art, which began now to show the most
decisive of all signs of development-a tendency to subdivision
in its forms. We have already had occasion to notice several
of these; the musical drama, sacred and secular, the cantata,
and perhaps a still greater advance on anything done before-
various kinds of music for instruments only. These different
and continually developing forms of composition exacted of
course corresponding varieties and improvements in musical
performance, and among these in singing. Singing is possibly
the oldest of musical arts, and, as it might be supposed, the
first which would attain perfection. As of all powers which die
with their owners, it is impossible to arrive at any satisfactory
estimate of the condition of the art of singing at any very distant
period. We may safely assume that at all times there have
been persons of strong and deep feeling and fine musical
instincts, who have been also gifted with beautiful voices; and
that these persons, in some way or other, succeeded in making
their ways to the hearts of their hearers. It would seem,
however, that singing only began to deserve the name of an
art as late as the middle of the seventeenth century. Singing
implies not merely voice, sentiment and musical knowledge but
training of a very especial kind, to enable the possessors of these
to turn them to account. And it is not till about this time
that we hear anything of such training, or of any individual
performers whose vocal powers were at all distinguished. A vast
number of persons must have been able, even early in thesixteenth
and in time. In England especially the number of vocalists must
The School of Bologna.
43
have been then very great indeed. But this music was not of a
kind to call for very high finish in its performance; and those
who took part in it did so more often for their own pleasure
than for that of any listeners ; just, in fact, as people dance now
-well or ill, as the case may be, but equally to their own
satisfaction and enjoyment. Vocal skill of this kind and degree,
however, is not what is or should be understood by singing,
which, I repeat, is an art the invention or it may be revival of
which is not yet two centuries old. For, the first vocal per-
former in modern times of whom we have any account which
will justify our believing him to have been what we should now
call a singer, was Alessandro Stradella, no less celebrated as a
composer than as a performer, and still better known to the
world on account of the touching story of his life and death-
a story so strange as well as touching that we should find it
hard to believe it to be true, did we not know that truth is
strange-stranger than fiction.
To tell this story in a few words would be impossible, and for
long stories, however interesting in themselves, we have no time.
Besides, it may be found, with some varieties of detail, but in its
essential particulars identical, in almost every existing work
which treats of musical history and biography. It does not
appear that Stradella communicated any of the secrets of his art
to others, or that he formed any distinguished pupils. Still
less, during his short career, could he have organized anything
like a school. Nor indeed was any such organization attempted
till about the end of the century in which he flourished, when
Francesco Pistocchi (b. 1659), an excellent musician, who had
failed as a dramatic singer, probably from insufficient physical
power, established an academy at Bologna, in which many of
the best Italian singers of the early part of the last century
were educated, and which was the model of the numerous other
academies which soon after sprang up in other Italian cities,
especially Naples. In the Bolognese academy founded by
44
Marcello.
Pistocchi singing was first taught systematically ; i.e., to
the study of musical grammar, composition, and generally
the practice of some instrument, was added instruction in the
mechanical part of the singer's art—"production” or delivery
of voice, management of breath, “vocalization," pronun-
ciation, carriage of the body, and (what we have such high
authority for the importance of, to those who would affect
others) action. How efficient this instruction must have been,
and what apt scholars they were who received it is well known.
During the eighteenth century Italy was, above all others, the
Land of Song, and Italian opera the recreation, I had almost
said the passion, of the whole civilized world.
Although musical expression owes more to the musical drama
-under which head I include oratorio as well as opera—than
to any other form of composition, composers of other kinds of
music were not unmindful of its importance. Vocal chamber
music, after the madrigal had declined in public favour, took
various new forms, in connexion with sacred as well as with
secular poetry.
The most distinguished composer of sacred chamber music-
i.e., music neither dramatic nor ecclesiastical—of the early part
of the last century, was the Venetian Benedetto Marcello,
. born in 1786. This noble and in every sense distinguished
amateur was, as we learn from contemporary testimony, a man
of very varied powers and accomplishments, which he brought
to bear on equally various occupations. He filled a succession
of political offices conformable to his rank : he was a member
of the Council of Forty, and acted on more than one occasion
both as an ambassador and a provincial governor. He would
seem to have been a linguist above even Venetian average,
having attained some reputation for his knowledge of Hebrew.
But what chiefly concerns us at this moment is that he was a
voluminous writer of and about music, a composer of oratorios,
operas, and instrumental music, and the author oſ numerous
His “ Salmi.”
45
treatises, pamphlets, and satirical pieces relating to the musical
art his passion for which even led him in several instances to
act as a singing master. The celebrated Faustina, afterwards
Madame Hasse, whose subsequent rivalry with Cuzzoni, during
her stay in London, forms so amusing an episode in the life of
Handel, was for a time his pupil. The musical work by
which Marcello is best known is his setting of Giustiniani's
paraphrase of the first fifty Psalms of David. Few have
attained wider celebrity, nor is there any one of equal bulk (it
extends to eight folio volumes) of which reprints have been
more numerous. Among these tributes of admiration not the
least hearty is the English adaptation projected by Avison of
Newcastle, but subsequently carried into effect by Garth of
Durham. Nor has favourable criticism been wanting to swell
the fame of Marcello's Psalms. The Venetian edition of
Sebastiano Valle, published in 1803, is prefaced by a highly
encomiastic memoir, and accompanied by numerous laudatory
epistles and a collection of " testimonianze," the sincerity of
which, the reader is told, cannot be questioned, since they were
all written after the death of the subject of them. The style of
the memoir may be judged of from one extract. “In respect to
the title of 'Principe di Musica,' that has been awarded to
Marcello, no one competent to form a judgment on such matters
can doubt that he fully deserved it.” Marcello died in 1733,
when—not to speak of his compatriots of the preceding cen-
tury, or of his German contemporaries, Handel and J. S. Bach
-Scarlatti, Vinci, Leo, Durante, and Pergolesi had produced
the majority of their best compositions.
The judgment of posterity has not quite confirmed that of
Marcello's contemporaries. The cause of this is not far to
seek. Throughout the work the frequent and sudden changes
of sentiment in the text are followed by the music with a
pertinacity often not merely injurious to the effect of the
latter but even inconsistent with anything like good musical
-
.
46
Marcello.
construction. In his determination to carry musical expression
as far as he could, Marcello has sometimes carried it too
far, and in taxing its powers to the utmost he has occasionally
overtaxed them. A sense of weariness comes over the most
patient performer, reader, or hearer who is long kept under the
influence of Marcello's psalmody; and this not from the length,
but from the shortness, of the individual movements. This
incessant coming to an end and beginning again is no
doubt to be defended on the score of the abrupt, frag-
mentary, or fitful character of the Psalms themselves ; but
it may be questioned whether, with Marcello, it was not a
result as much of necessity as of choice, and whether he has
not availed himself of this restless variety in order to hide that
deficiency of constructive skill which the works of so many
composers of the third period betray. Granting this however,
Marcello's Psalms remain a most remarkable monument of in-
vention and taste; nor does there perhaps exist a musical work
from which so many individual passages could be detached
which would obtain more hearty and general admiration.
Every variety to be created by purely vocal resources is
adopted in Marcello's Psalms. We find often, at very short
intervals, recitative, aria parlante, and air, for a single voice;
movements for two, three, four, and five solo voices—these
grouped in the most original ways, and varied and reinforced by
choral parts. Some of these movements still keep their places
in popular collections of sacred music, and even find their way
from time to time into concert programmes—The Duet “ Qual
anelante” for instance, and the Solo and Chorus “I cieli immensi
narrano.” On the present occasion I shall call your attention to
the first movement of Marcello's setting of the Twenty-fifth
Psalm, which will probably be new to most of you. The interest
of the vocal part (for a contralto voice) is greatly increased by
the addition and support of a violoncello accompaniment.
Marcello.
SALMO XXV.
MARCELLO.
Lento. (
= 96.)
.



Sig
IT 1
S
גז דח

nor
dall'om-pia
gen
-
te,
dall'em-pia
gen
-
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che m'as
-
sal d'og-n'in
.
no
- to - 80
mi
1
1
T
1
!

1
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ve
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o g-ni mia
11

-
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pos

Ho sem-pre det- to:
il mio Sig - nor
tu
1
1
1
i.
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Marcello.

t
se - i,
tu
30 - i
per che' il ret - to oprar mi
2
11
11
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di tua de
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è
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11
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DO
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---
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hai pro
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fit
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mi
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non hai pro-

I
1
fit
.
to del-le
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mi
Í


1
Clari.
51
Marcello and some of his contemporaries must have owed
much to a musician born about twenty years earlier than they
(in 1669), the Abbate Clari. The name and works of Clari, com-
paratively forgotten and neglected during the greater part of the
last century, have recently been brought a good deal into notice.
Very little more has been recorded about his personal history
than that he was a Pisan by birth, studied under Giovanni Paolo
Colonna at Bologna, and became subsequently Chapel-master
in the cathedral of Pistoia. He does not appear to have been a
very prolific writer; but that he was a very inventive, tasteful,
and scientific one is happily easily ascertained. In the well-
known volumes published by the late Mr. Novello under the title
of “ Fitzwilliam Music” there are many of Clari's compositions,
more especially some extracts from a “Stabat Mater," which, if
they are fair specimens, would show Clari's setting of that Hymn
to deserve a high place among the many which have come
down to us. Clari's reputation however is chiefly due to his
“Madrigali o Duetti." These, besides exhibiting some technical
excellences which must have been novelties at the time of their
music which could be called both elegant and learned; for, with
à freedom, and even where required a playfulness, that might
become the least pretentious and most ephemeral of contem-
porary sketches, they combine almost every contrapuntal artifice
which would be called into requisition in the most ambitious
and lasting work. One of these duets, “Cantando un dì,” revived
first I believe in Choron's Singing School in Paris some thirty-
five or forty years since, has subsequently gone the round of all
musical Europe. For some years no concert programme seemed
complete without it, and it is still much sung by intelligent ama-
teurs. As this duet is perfectly accessible I prefer introducing
you to another, more especially as it involves a combination of
voices, Soprano and Tenor, less likely to be often at hand than
those for which “ Cantando un dì” is written, two Sopranos,
E 2
:.
Quando tramonta il Sole.
DUETTO. QUANDO TRAMONTA IL SOLE.
Un poco lento. (1 = 80.)
CLARI.

IN
B2
Quan - do tra-mon-ta il
80- le,
can - tando o-gniau-
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do, can - tan - do o-gni au-gel - lo,
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53

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can - tan ·
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CANT
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ni
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bro - 80,
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l'a • gnel-le,
l'a.
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80 - le,
.
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Clari,
55

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Scarlatti.
59
I have now to speak of a musician whose influence on his art
may be clearly traced down to our own time, but whose compo-
sitions have entirely passed from that public favour of which
they once enjoyed so large a share, and of whose life so little is
generally known that he is often confounded with his own son,
an able and interesting person without doubt, but altogether
less able and less interesting than his father.
No one who has looked at all into the history of music and the
biography of musicians can have failed to notice that the
greatest composers have been the most prolific. We have no
“single speech Hamiltons," no Giorgiones who have left a few
specimens only of a talent hardly inferior to that of the greatest
of their fellows. Palestrina, Carissimi, Handel, Bach, Haydn,
Mozart, Beethoven, Mendelssohn, have done not only better but
more than other musicians. Measured by this rule Alessandro
Scarlatti is justly entitled to a place in the illustrious
company I have named, for he was the composer of certainly
one hundred and twelve operas, perhaps more, of at least two
hundred masses, of eight or ten oratorios, of an immense
number of sacred cantatas, hymns, psalms, motets, and other
church music, and of detached pieces-madrigals, duets, and
songs, with and without accompaniment--the most moderate
estimate of the number of which would be at first received with
utter incredulity. Nor let it be for a moment imagined that the
majority of these were in any sense what are called slight works.
Many of them no doubt are slightly accompanied; the single
songs for example, most of which have merely a figured bass;
but others, on the contrary, are scored with great skill, none the
less great because the instruments employed are few in number.
As for his concerted vocal music, especially what are somewhat
loosely called his Madrigals, they are elaborated perhaps to excess.
One of these, the madrigal“ Cor mio," written for four sopranos
and a contralto, which has been preserved in the “Saggio del
Contrapunto” of Martini, who has accompanied it by a careful
60
The School of Naples.
analysis, is unquestionably one of the most learned pieces of
music in existence.
But these productions, enough of themselves, and more than
enough, to have occupied the whole of the lives of half-a-dozen
musicians of average talent and industry, would seem to have
heen the recreations of Scarlatti. The work of his life was the
founding and the raising of what has since been known as the
School of Naples, in which were educated nearly all the most
eminent Italian composers of the last century, and the majority
of those extraordinary vocalists—e.9., Faustina, La Gabrielli,
Mingotti, Senesino, Bernacchi, Cafarelli, Guadagni, Pacchie-
.
nature of their talent notwithstanding, have become a part of
the history of their time. Nor is this all. The indirect
influence of Scarlatti, through this school, was even more im.
portant than the direct; for (as I hope to show at the right
time) the particular direction which the genius and scholarship
of Handel eventually took, is mainly due to his visit to Italy
and his intercourse, for three years, with Scarlatti and his pupils.
It cannot be questioned that but for this visit and this inter-
course Handel's music would have been--no one can say what,
but-assuredly very different music to what it turned out to be.
We have time for only one specimen of Alessandro Scarlatti's
talent, but it is a characteristic specimen, the harmony rich and
varied, and the melody large, flowing, and admirably expressive
of the words, which, like those of all the songs of this epoch, are
limited to two or three lines rather indicating than exhausting
a single thought. I do not know whether the air which you
will now hear forms part of any one of Scarlatti's numerous
operas. I should think not. I found it in a MS. volume of
Cantatas, chiefly by him, which came into my possession a
short time since.
Scarlatti.
ARIA.-LASCIAMI PIANGERE.
Lento non troppo. l = 60.)
ALESSANDRO SCARLATTI.

FA
Q
La scia-mi,
la
-
scia-mi
pian
ge . re
ch'io sò per-
Qon
RULA

il tudi
chè
io
sò,
io
sė,
io sò per - chè.
pl
eo

La-scia-mi pian - ge-re,
o ile
QUB

la · scia-mi' pian · ge- re ch'io sò per - chè,
per-chè, · ch'io sò per-
ko
11.
ER
62
Lasciami piangere.

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tuk
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ch'io sd per - chd,
.
----
0
R
I

io
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io so
per - che.
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per - fi. da
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Scarlatti.'

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64
Durante.
It is of course impossible for me to speak in detail of all the
musicians educated in the Neapolitan School who successively
rose to eminence as composers, conductors, vocal or instrumental
performers, or teachers. Simply to name them would be useless
and uninteresting. I will ask you to devote what little time
remains to us to two of these, Durante and Pergolesi; types,
the former of the learning, the latter of the genius, of their
epoch and country.
Francesco Durante was born in Naples in 1693. At an early
age he came under the notice of Scarlatti, and received instruc-
tion from him for some years. Subsequently he visited Rome,
where he studied singing under Petroni and counterpoint
under Pasquini. On his return to his native city he soon
attracted attention by his broad and scientific style of composi-
tion, and at the age of twenty-two obtained a position in the
Conservatory of S. Onofrio, soon after which he was appointed
Chapel-master in the Conservatory Dei Poveri di Giesù Christo.
This institution having been converted by the Archbishop of
Naples into an ecclesiastical college, Durante, deprived of his
regular occupation, became for a time dependent for subsistence
on his pen. To this period, extending over five years, must be
assigned the majority of the compositions to which he owes
his fame. On the death of Leo, in 1745, he returned to his old
quarters in S. Onofrio, in the capacity of musical director. To
the discharge of the duties of this office the remaining ten
years of his life were devoted. He died, aged 62, in 1755.
Durante was one of those artists who should be estimated as
much by their personal influeuce as by what they leave behind
them in a tangible or appreciable form. Personal influence is not
susceptible of any very exact measurement, and the amount of
Durante's must to a great extent be taken on trust. Something
may be gathered from the fact that—not to speak of what many
musicians whose names have not come down to us, and the
society in which he lived, owed to him-Durante was the in-
S
Durante.
65
structor during his first professorship in the Conservatory Dei
Poveri di Giesù Christo) of Pergolesi, Duni, Traetta, Vinci,
Terradeglias, and Jomelli; and during the second (in the Con-
servatory of S. Onofrio) of Piccinni, Sacchini, Guglielmi and
Paisiello.
But in his own day Durante was hardly less esteemed as a
composer than as a teacher. He still stands high; he deserves
perhaps to stand higher. His views of the dignity of his art
must have been lofty, not to say severe. He never wrote for.
the Theatre, and the only secular works (I believe) which bear
his name are a collection of Chamber Duets, not of his own
composition, but arranged by him, from certain cantatas by his
master Scarlatti, as studies for part-singing. Manuscript copies
of this collection are not rare, but, strange to say, it has never
been printed, although few works have received more frequent
or more honourable mention from musical historians and critics.
In the Library of the Paris Conservatoire de Musique there
is a large, and probably complete, collection of the compositions
of Durante. The catalogue of this, as given by M. Fétis, is a
long one, and includes many Masses and other large works,
each of necessity consisting of many movements, the majority
of which are doubtless considerably developed. Durante is
perhaps more remarkable for his treatment of subjects than his
invention of them ; though the elegance of his part-writing, his
skill in instrumentation and, more than all, the sustained
dignity of his style, make large amends for the want of inven-
tiveness sometimes complained of in his music.
The composition you will now hear, from a Litany to the
Blessed Virgin-one of many which he wrote—is no less re-
markable for the originality of its plan than the refinement of
its detail. The antiphonal effect with which it starts is main-
tained throughout, the “prex" being invariably assigned to one
voice and the “response" to others.
66
Regina Angelorum.
REGINA ANGELORUM.
Allegro Assai. (1 = 144.)
DURANTE.

Hil
Re
•
n8
Qp
=
ge-
.
INO
NE
St.
Re
ng
an
·
ge-
Ro
ua
an
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#

lo
rum,
Re-
11
lo
- rum,
lo. -
rum,
Re-
ra
pro
bis!
I
Durante.

1
11
na
pa · tri
&
cha • rum,
11
na
pa
- tri -&. chą - rum,
na
pa .
tri- & • cha • rum,
T
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pro
.
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.
gi
.
na
no
83
na
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2.
1
na
U UN
10
bis!
i
F 2
Regina Angelorum.

1
pro
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phe
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ta · rum,
Ž TO
IS
pro
phe. •
ta
rum,
TO
pro
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o . ra
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.
bis!
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e-po
100l
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.
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to
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na
-
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pos to. 1o - rum,
- rum,
11
1
Re
.
gi
.
na
a
.
posto
lo · rum,
Durante.
60

--
-
-
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ra
pro
no
-
bis !
:
O
:
ra
1
SS
REZ

o
ra
pro
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f
o . ra
pro
no
·
bis!
0
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pro
n o
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pro
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O.
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Regina Angelorum.
SESES

BASE
PT
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ro
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na
con
.
fes
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80
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r
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110_
NTTOO
ROUN
r
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Moto

pro
bis !
11
ra
pro
no
bis!
1
!
-
I
Re
gi
2
O
-
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TT00
Durante.
71

ra
pro
no-
P
ra
It
ra
pro
no-
bo
na
vir
•
gi
na,
LE

STA
bis
Re
gi
-
na sanc ·
to
·
rum
bis!
gi
.
na sanc · to
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bis 1
gi
.
na sanc.
to
rum
-9-
i
EO
•
na sanc · to
· rum
E
1
.
TI
o-
Idd
1
-
-
72
Regina Angelorum.

oni - ni-um.
o
.
ra
pro
no · bis!
1
I
on-ni-um.
U-ra pro
no- bis !
O
ra
pro
no-
om -ni-um.
0-ra pro
no · bis!
O-ra pro no
·
om -ni-um,
O-ra pro
no · bis !
0-ra pro
no
ON
TIT
TIN!
11
FOTO

NLİ
ra
pro
no
bis!
11
11
bis
pro
no
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bis!
bis!
o
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pro
DO
.
bis!
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l
1
1
1
bis!
pro
pro
no
no · bis!
-
bis!
.
Nu
Pergolesi.
73
But if Durante merit our esteem as the author of this and a
hundred other compositions doubtless as interesting, he will
have a still stronger claim upon it as the teacher of Pergolesi,
a musician whose genius, whose peculiarities—nay, whose very
faults-mark him out, among great, and in some respects
greater contemporaries, as the type of the Neapolitan Era.
Giovanni Battista Jeri was surnamed Pergolesi from the place
of his birth, Pergola, a small town in the duchy of Urbino, not far
from Pesaro, where, in later times, a still more distinguished,
if not more excellent musician, Rossini, first saw the light.
Though more particulars of the life of Pergolesi have been
recorded than of the majority of the men of genius who have
lived in any but very recent times, the first fact to be mentioned
in every biography, the year of his birth, and the last, the year
of his death, are both of them matters of uncertainty or dispute.
Some of his biographers state the former to have been 1704,
some 1707, and some 1710; some give to the latter the date
1737, some 1739. The matter is not so unimportant as it
appears. Our estimate of a very long career may not be
seriously affected by the addition or subtraction of a very few
years, but assuredly it would be satisfactory to know whether
the prodigious quantity of music-generally beautiful and
always highly finished—which Pergolesi has left behind him
was the product of a life of thirty-two years or of only
twenty-six. Either way, however, his career is one of the
most astonishing recorded in musical history. The list of his
works presents examples of every kind of music practised in
his day, of oratorios, operas, instrumental chamber music, and
above all in number and excellence, of masses, motets, psalms,
and hymns. The fate of his operas is remarkable. He wrote
in all certainly seven, and perhaps more, only one of which
attained any success—so long as success could have contributed
to his happiness and worldly prosperity. But no sooner had
Death ended (so prematurely) his laborious and somewhat sad
74
Pergolesi.
career, than the very works which on their first production had
met with nothing but indifference or contempt, became the
objects of the most passionate admiration, first of his own
countrymen and then of all Europe. For some years, whether
in the Theatre, in the Concert Room, or in the Church, no
music, it is said, was tolerated in Italy but Pergolesi's. His
operas, however, like most of the operas of the first half of the
last century, are entirely forgotten. Equally as a matter of
course his purely instrumental music has shared the same fate.
But his church music, and more especially two of his latest
works, his “Stabat Mater" and his “ Salve Regina,” still con-
tinue to find occasional hearers, fit though, it may be, few.
The “Stabat Mater" is a hymn of ten stanzas of six lines
each, written probably in the thirteenth century, wherein are
very touchingly and vividly depicted the sorrows of the Blessed
Virgin on the death of our Lord. Its felicitous and, perhaps
more, its varied expression have made it a favourite subject
among musicians, especially those of Roman Catholic countries.
Indeed, there are few of any eminence who have not set portions
of it to music. In the fifteenth century it exercised the inven-
tion of Josquin Deprès, in the sixteenth that of Palestrina, in
the seventeenth that of Clari, in the eighteenth that of Haydn,
and in our own time that of Rossini.
But, as a whole, this setting of Pergolesi seems to me equal
in most respects, and superior in many, to any of those I have
named. I wish there were time for you to hear it as a whole,
for every movement of a great work suffers (the finest move-
ments most) in being separated from what comes before and
after it. Still, whether as a link in a chain or a fragment out
of one, beautiful handiwork is always admirable; and you will
I am sure agree with me in thinking that the passage which
will now be submitted to you, even torn from its context,
is beautiful in itself and a very perfect example of musical
expression.
.
.
Pergolesi.
75
SOLO.-VIDIT SUUM DULCEM NATUM.
From a " Stabat Mater."
PERGOLESI.
Tempo Giusto. ( = 108.)
SLOPM NATOS E LUCIA

Rakt
.
.

1. Junt
TO

TTO


Noul
Vi
8u - um
dul
dul
-
cem
cem
11
Vidit suum dulcem natum.

na- tum,
Mo . ri -
en- tem,
de - 80 - la
· tum, Mo- ri-

tem,
de . so
la- tum,
Dum
és

sit
spi
•
T
!
11

Vi
...
dit
Su . uin
f
11
Pergolesi.
.

dul. (en
na - tum,
Mo
ri
-
cu - tem,

todl
HU
de - 60
-
la - tun,
. - so - la
-
tum, Dum

sit
spi
ri- tum.
-

-
2.1
su - um dul
cem
ua - tum,
Mo - ri - eu - tem, de - 30-
TOOL
11
TSH
08
Vidit suum dulcem natum.

la
tum,
de -
s0
-
la
tum,
Dum
D
2L1

po
mi - sit,
mi- sit,
dum
dum
e
-
mi
sit

1
tum.
TI
LECTURE III.
FRANCE.
THE GALLO-BELGIAN SCHOOL-MERSENNE—THE AGE OF
LOUIS XIII.-DUMONT_METRICAL PSALM, “PEUPLES,
RACONTEZ”-LULLY-SCENE," J'AI PERDU LA BEAUTÉ"-
AIR, “ROLAND, COUREZ”—COUPERIN-SOLO, “LA VO-
LUPTUEUSE" — RAMEAU — THEORETICAL WRITINGS —
QUARTET, “TENDRE AMOUR"-J. J. ROUSSEAU—WRIT-
INGS ON MUSIC—LE DEVIN AU VILLAGE—LES CONSOLA-
TIONS DES MISÈRES DE MA VIE-AIRS, “ JE L'AI PLANTÉ,"
“QUE LE JOUR ME DURE.”
LECTURE III.
FRANCE.
S
I Am under the necessity of alluding again, and of apologizing
again for alluding, to my former course of lectures delivered
here. During those lectures, I called attention repeatedly to
the fact that modern music owed its development chiefly to
three peoples—the Gallo-Belgians, the Italians, and the Ger-
mans. The majority of French writers on music generally
speak of the first of these musical peoples (I have named them
in chronological order) as Frenchmen; and the majority of
German writers speak of them as Belgians. But, as I have
already explained, these exclusive designations are both inap-
propriate and misleading. Seeing (1) that, although certain
persons who might now be correctly described as Frenchmen,
and certain others who might, with equal propriety, be called
Belgians, contributed to form this earliest of modern schools,
the frontier line of France and Belgium has, during the last
five centuries, been repeatedly changed; and (2) that the birth-
places of many northern musicians of the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries are still unascertained. Moreover, the French school
proper, which dates no further back than the middle of the
seventeenth century, is not a direct consequence or outgrowth
of what I have called the Gallo-Belgian school. This latter
came to end, as an individual or independent school, quite
within the sixteenth century, Orlando Lasso (properly Roland
de Lattre) having died at a very advanced age in 1594. During
the first half of the following century (the seventeenth) the
history of French music is a blank, only relieved, if relieved it
82
Mersenne.
may be said to be, by the writings of a theorist, unquestionably
of great ingenuity and still greater industry. This was the
Père Mersenne, who early in life took orders as a “ Minim” (the
Minims were an offshoot of the Franciscans), and devoted his
leisure, or more properly his whole time, to the collection of
facts bearing on the theory of music, and to speculations growing
out of them. He lived, certainly under no very strict monastic
rule, in Paris, the friend and associate of the celebrated
Descartes. Mersenne would seem to have been the first to
call attention to a very important priuciple in the theory of
music,—that the sounds most consonant with one another
are those between which the simplest relations, or intervals,
exist. E.g., Two sounds an octave apart stand in the relation
of 1 : 2, whereas (to take an extreme case) two sounds a
major seventh apart stand in the relation of 8 : 15. Many
conclusions to which, with better opportunities of investiga-
tion, men of science have since arrived, are said to have been
anticipated by Mersenne. One in particular* respecting the
tension of strings, is noticed by M. Fétis as having been
reached by the altogether independent investigation of
M. Savart. But these and other of the more useful remarks
and more sober speculations of Mersenne are mixed up with
statements and propositions indicating such a large amount of
credulity and such a small amount of common sense, that the
former have now little chance of ever being separated again
from the latter. For example, he considers gravely, and at some
length, whether the temperament of a “perfect” musician should
be sanguine or phlegmatic, bilious or melancholy, in order that
he may be best able to sing or compose the most beautiful
melodies; and even what should be the relative positions of the
stars at the moment of his birth. Moreover, he seems to have
* To raise a string the tension of which is equal to 1 tb. to its octave, a
tension equal to 4 lbs. is not (as might have been expected) sufficient. It
it is necessary to add of lb., i.e., o of the whole weight.
The Age of Louis XIII.
83
been tormented by an indomitable inclination to wander from
the subject on which, for the time, he is professedly treating;
carrying his reader off, in every other sentence, at a tangent,
and offering some new and often irrelevant topic for his con-
sideration.
The writings of Mersenne are voluminous, but the majority
of his theories and discoveries are resumed in a work he
published in 1636, under the title of “ Harmonie Universelle.”
Even a more useful and interesting book of the same magni-
tude would hardly find many readers in the present day; and
the curiosity of most of you will be satisfied with the state-
ment that the “Harmonie Universelle” is a closely printed
folio of 1500 pages. Mersenne died in 1648, at the age of
seventy.
Of music during the reign of Louis XIII. a few names, for
the most part of performers on the organ and the clavecin,
which have been preserved from utter oblivion in French
.musical histories, are the only traces. Nor can the long reign
of his successor be regarded as one of the epochs of musical
history, however remarkable in other respects. Three musicians
only can be said to have added anything to the glories of the
age of Louis XIV.—Lully, Couperin, and Rameau; and their
influence even (unlike that of other really great musicians)
hardly extended, save indirectly, beyond the country in
which it was first exercised. Yet that in their several
ways they were gifted men, and men who had cultivated
their gifts, no one who has looked into their works or their
biographies would think of questioning. But before bringing
this triumvirate under your more especial notice, I must
introduce you to a composition by a contemporary musician
of smaller calibre and much inferior reputation, an incident in
whose life shows his master Louis XIV. in a very amiable light.
Henri Dumont, though a Belgian by birth, was by education
and residence a Frenchman. Early in his career (he was born
G 2
Dumont.
S
in 1610) he attracted the attention of the King, and was
appointed by him musical director of both the Chapels Royal.
During the first years of his reign his majesty was content with
a choir composed of singers, accompanied only, if at all, by the
organ. But the style of church music introduced by Carissimi
and his imitators, in Italy, which involved the employment of
other instruments, spread so rapidly and so widely, that by the
middle of the seventeenth century the Sistine Chapel was
almost the only one of note from which they were excluded.
Louis XIV. was not likely to be slow in adopting any practice
which might add, or seem to add, to the dignity of anything in
which he was concerned ; and about the year 1670 he desired
Dumont to make arrangements for the addition of an orchestra
to the appointments of the royal choir. Dumont, now some-
what advanced in life, and perhaps a little diffident of his in-
strumental knowledge, pleaded one of the decrees of the Council
of Trent, wherein the employment of the harp, şackbut, psaltery,
and other kinds of instruments was, or seemed to be, prohibited.
On this the King, respecting the scruple of his chapel-master,
and unwilling to employ authority where persuasion might
suffice, consulted Harley, then Archbishop of Paris, on the
matter. The Archbishop decided that the intention of the
Council had never been to prohibit the use of instrumental
music in Divine worship, but only the abuse of it. Dumont still
protesting, the King, a short time after, released him from
further care about the duties, allowing him still to retain the
emoluments of his office.
The composition you will now hear is a very simple one. It
is a metrical psalm set, in a somewhat free style, for four voices.
The melody, which is striking and graceful, is I presume, like
the other parts, by Dumont. I scored it many years ago from
a set of old French part-books which were lent to me by the
late Dr. Barrett.
11
Dumont.
85
LAUDATE PUERI DOMINUM.
Ps. 112.
wa Andante.
LAUDATE PUERI DOMINUM.
HENRI DUMONT.
- mf A A A

1
Peu - ples
ra
· con
.
tez
les
lou • au . ges
Du Dieu dont
mf
Peu - ples ra · con
tez
les
lou - an
· ges
Du Dieu dont
ant
ti
Peu - ples
ra · con
-
tez
les
lou - an
· ges
Du Dieu dont
1
Peu - ples ra • con · tez
les
lou · au · ges
Du Dieu dont

le
pou-voir
à
ba - ti
l'U - ni-vers;
Et que son
nom,
le
pou-voir
&
ba - ti
l'U . ni-vers;
Et que son
nom,
le
pou - voir
&
ba - ti
l'U · ni-vers;
Et que son
nom,
le
pou - voir
&
ba - ti
l'U . ni-vers;
Et que son
nom,
-
19-
86
Laudate pueri Dominum.
dim.

士
​#
#
si doux
En
la
bou - chc
dom.
des
an
.
ges,
doux,
si doux
En
la
bou
des an
• che
dim.
ges,
न
-
doux,
si doux
En
la
bou
an
.
ges,
- che des
dim.
NI
-
doux,
si doux En
la
bou - che
des
an
-
ges,
10
#
At
dim.
debede
BEI
be

11
Soit l'u
ni · que
8U - jet
que cé
le brent
vos vers.
mf
1
Soit
lu- ni
·
que
su-jet
que
cé - lè - brent
vos vers.
Tall
Soit
l’u - ni
.
que
su-jet
que cé
-
lè · brent
vos vers.
.
LA
toes
Ai-
Dumont.
82
Adagio.

oit
l'u- ni
gu-jet
que
cé - lò
brent
vos vers.
W
Soit
l'u
. ni . que
su
. jco
que
cé lè
.
brent
v03 vers.
SU
Soit
l'u . ni
que
80
- jet
que
cé - lo
brent
vos vers.
-
-
Soit
l'r- ni .
que
su -jet
que
cé - lè
·
brent
vos vers.
Adagio.

mfn.
C'est lui de
qui
la
pro
•
vi · den -
A
toujours
31
C'est lui de
qui
pro
-
vi . den
-
ce
A tou - jours
fa 1
++
C'est lui de
qui
la
pro
·
vi • den
.
ce A
ma
tou - jours
C'est lui de
qui
la
pro · vi . den - ce
A
tou - jours
.
88
.
Laudate pueri Dominum772,.

f
1
soin
du pauvre, et
re - con • nait sa voix.
C'est lui qui
se
mo.
It
1
soin
du pauvre, et
re · con
• nait sa voix.
C'est lui qui
mo.
-
soin
du
pauvre, et
re - con • nait sa voix,
c'est lui qui
se
mo-
soin
du
pauvre, et
re - con · nait sa voix.
C'est lui qui
se
mo-
DOLL
-ULA
dim.

11
quant.
mo- quant
de l'hu - inai · no
Chinn.
pru - den
-
ce,
AITO
TT
quant,
mo- quant
de
l'hu - mai
pru-deni
-
- ne
dim.
.
quant,
mo- quaut
de
l'hu- mai - we pru - dn
din.
ce,
quant, mo.qnent de
l'inu
mai . ue
Dill - dun
.
TTO! Toe
1
dim. I Y
I
I
NO
Dumont.

ON
I-
Des ber
gers
fait
sou-vent
des prin • ces
et
des rois,
TTD
Des
ber-gers
fait
sou-vent
des
prin- ces
et
des rois,
..
-
.
...
-
IT
Des
ber-gers
fait
souvent
des prin • ces
et
des rois,
1
Adagio.

Des
ber-gers
fait
sou-vent
des prin - ces
et
des rois.
-
Des ber - gers
fait
sou - vent
des prin - ces
et
des rois.
ll! f
11
Des ber - gers
fait
sou - vent
des prin - ces
et
des rois.
11
Des
ber-gers
fait
sou-vent
des prin - ces
et
des rois.
O AL
00
| Adagio.
90
Lully.
But of far greater interest in every way than Dumont are the
three musicians whom I just now named, and of these again
the most interesting, to us English especially, is Lully; since
(as we shall see by-and-by) through him the Italian style of the
second period, with all that belongs to it, made its way into our
own country.
John Baptist Lully, like Dumont, was not a Frenchman by
birth. He was born, in the year 1633, at or near Florence :
he even made acquaintance with the elements of music before
he left Italy; for an old monk is said to have taught him to
play upon the guitar. At the age of thirteen he was carried by
the Chevalier de Guise into France, and placed in the establish-
ment of Madlle. de Montpensier, who, being possessed with a
fine lady's whim to have an Italian page, had commissioned
the Chevalier to bring her one. Here, his musical talent or
promise being accidentally revealed, he was placed, through the
instrumentality of the Princess, under instruction—of whom is
not recorded. His progress as a violin player and, in some
small way even, as a composer, soon began to attract attention ;
but he was eventually dismissed from a post that had been
given him in the private band of his benefactress, in conse-
quence of his having set to music a gross and indecent libel
upon her. This was but a foretaste of Lully's way of life,
which-it is grievous to have to say this of a man of
His morals and manners, however, do not seem to have stood
much in the way of his worldly prosperity; at any rate, his
genius balanced any disadvantage to which they might have
put him. He procured admission into the famous band of
violins—the prototype of the “ four-and-twenty fiddlers all of a
row” whom our Charles II. subsequently organized in England;
he found favour with the King, the Princes, and a number of
the nobility, and by command of the King formed a second
orchestra, called “les petits violons," to distinguish them from
Lully.
91
the first, who were known as “la grande bande.” For these
he wrote an immense number of pieces made up of dance tunes
---sarabands, courants, gigues, &c.—most of which, it is said,
are extant, though still in MS. He composed music also for the
majority of the Court ballets, in which, as is well known, the
highest personages of the realm, even the King himself, took
part. In the year 1664 he struck up an alliance with Molière,
and from that time wrote the incidental music to all his plays.
Nor did he allow even this large amount of professional occu-
pation to absorb his whole time, or to prevent lis cultivating or
exercising any faculty that would bring him favour, influence
or money,—for Lully added avarice to the number of his vices.
Like the latter, his talents were certainly very various. For
some years he danced in the Court ballets under the name of
Baptiste, not assuming his patronymic till he had made some
position in the world. Later, however, Molière, persuaded him to
return to the stage, in the new capacity of a low comedian. He
played the part of the "Mufti” in “Le Bourgeois Gentilhomme,"
with great success; and having displeased the King by some
outrage on propriety too gross or too overt to be ignored, he
restored himself to favour by his performance of “Monsieur de
Pourceaugnac," in the comedy of that name.
To his other gifts Lully added a vein of wit, none the less
abundant or effective for his utter disregard of time, place, or
person in the exercise of it. He may be said to have carried
impudence to a pitch of the sublime ; for he more than once
took a liberty with the Grand Monarque. On the occasion of
a performance at Court, the commencement was, from some
cause, so long delayed that the King sent word to him that he
was tired of waiting. « Le roi est bien le maître," said he,
“il peut s'ennuyer tant qu'il lui plaira." His wit, or in this
case rather his humour, sometimes took the form of a grim
practical joke. Once, during a fit of illness, he sent for a con-
fessor, who, as a condition to granting him absolution, insisted
92
The Royal Academy of Music.
on his destroying the score of the last opera which he had com-
posed, “Armide,” then in rehearsal. The Prince of Conti
called to see him the same day, and hearing what had been
done, said to him,—“Why, Baptiste, how could you be so
foolish as to throw such a work as that into the fire ?”
“ Hush ! hush h monseigneur," said Lully, “I knew what I was
about; I've another copy."
In the year 1672, by discreditable intrigues, Lully obtained the
exclusive privilege, already accorded to others,* of opening in
Paris, under the title of Royal Academy of Music, a theatre for the
performance of opera ; and the fifteen years following this, down
to the year of his death, in 1687, are those during which he esta-
blished his claims to a place in the list of eminent musicians,
Odious as was the personal character of Lully, it is impossible to
deny him the possession of some very signal and great qualities.
His industry was prodigious; his perseverance indomitable ; his
management of time, and his power of doing business would have
done credit to a Minister of State. He had to form, and eventually
succeeded in forming, his whole staff—actors, singers, orchestral
performers, dancers, scene-painters, dressers, mechanicians, and I
know not whom besides. He seems to have possessed in perfection
the first of all powers for a public character—that of turning to
account the talents of inferior men. He employed such even
in the composition of his operas, restricting the exercise of his
own talent to things that he knew no one could do for him.
Powers like these, undisturbed in their exercise by scruples of
any kind, raised Lully to a high pitch of worldly prosperity, and
earned for him a very lasting reputation. Though his career
was a short one, he not only realized a great fortune, but
produced a number of works whose term of popularity has been
longer than that of any others of the same kind that have yet
* Among them Cambert, who died in England shortly after, ruined
and broken-hearted.
Lully's OperasLa
93
.
been given to the world. The oldest operas of which it can, in
any sense, be said that they still “keep the stage” are the
“Alceste” and “Orfeo” of Glück, first produced in 1761-4.just
a century ago. Several of Lully's operas retained their hold on
public favour as long as, and one of them even longer than,
this ; his “Theseus" produced in 1665, lived till 1768-1.e., for
á hundred and three years.
Lully wrote in all nineteen operas. The favour with which
the majority of these were received was no doubt partly due to
the novelty of opera itself, to the skill of the performers—for
histrionic skill is no new accomplishment in France to the
fashion, and to the interest of the subjects of the libretti and
the tact with which they were treated. In the seventeenth
century the dramatic poet had but one difficulty in his choice of
subject—l'embarras de richesses. The world of history, of fable
and of fiction, classical and mediæval, was all before him, where
to choose. The stories and adventures of Alcestis, Theseus,
Proserpine, Perseus, Amadis, Armida, Acis and Galatea—beau-
Quinault was to draw his outlines, and which Lully was to make
glow with colour. But the skill neither of the poet nor of the
theatrical machinist has ever alone made an operatic success;
and such success as is due altogether to style of performance
dies of course with the performer. Some of Lully's operas, I
repeat, kept the stage for a century; and this unparalleled
longevity must be attributed in a great measure to the music,
which, however wanting in charm much of it might prove to
us, had once the merit of novelty, is often beautiful in itself, and,
so far as I have been able to study it, is eminently dramatic-
i.e., appropriate to the characters whose means of expresion it
is, and to the situations in which they are thrown. Satisfactory.
proof of this could only be obtained by what we are none of us
ever likely to witness-a theatrical performance of one of Lully's
'e non
94
Perseus.
operas. But something may be made of extracts, and I will
now ask you to listen to two.
The first of these is a Recitative and Air from the opera
“ Perseus." It falls to the share of no less portentous a per-
sonage than Medusa, and is in the opera assigned to a tenor
voice. This falsification of sex is, of itself, an exceedingly
ingenious contrivance. A tenor, I need not say, is and has
the effect of a high voice under ordinary circumstances; but
a tenor voice, issuing from a mask-a head still beautiful,
though now so terrible as to turn beholders into stone-sur-
mounting a female figure, would come upon the ear, not with its
accustomed effect, but with an effect of preternatural, and to the
ordinary hearer, unaccountable depth. Apart from these acces-
sories and the scene, Lully's intention will, I think, be better
realized by a contralto voice. I have therefore ventured to
transpose this song from F into C.
In the first, or declamatory, portion, the expression of the
very fine words, has no doubt, been the principal consideration
with the composer. He has, however, not forgotten, in an
over-attention to their sense, accent and quantity, that he had
to express them through music; nor that, in setting them, he
was subject to the conditions of musical art. The train of
modulation, though varied and spontaneous, is thoroughly
musician-like. The air, though stately, as suits the personage
to whom it is assigned, is flowing and becoming to the voice.
The accompaniment, to the recitative more especially (I have
made not an “arrangement” but a literal transcription of
the score), is most masterly, and shows that Lully was quite
aware, among other things, how much the effect of a voice part
may be increased by keeping the instrumental parts clear of it.
A song of a very different character, from the opera “Roland,"
will I think give you as high a notion of Lully as a composer of
bright and clear melody as you may derive from the first song
in respect to his energetic cxpressiou.
Lully.
05
J'AI PERDU LA BEAUTÉ.
From the Opera “Perseus.”
J. B. LULLY.
Andantino. (A= 108.)

OUR

pa


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2nd

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Lully.
97

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ſut
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freuso au - tant
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98
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Lully.

BO
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Tool

Bat
1

Je
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vante et
la
mort en
tous lieux; Tout se
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2
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Lully.
101

-E
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1
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102
J'ai Perdu la Beauté.
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Lully.
103
SONG.-ROLAND, COUREZ AUX ARMES.
From the Opera “ Roland." 1685.
J. B. LULLY.
Animato. (= 132.)

RO - land,
cou -
rez
aux
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QUX

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104
Roland, Courcz aux Armes.

1
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vi- freau de-
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-

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1
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là
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cou - rez
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111
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TIL
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Sy
Couperin.
105
S
As in other countries, side by side with but overshadowed by
vocal, instrumental music made some progress in France during
the seventeenth century; Mersenne makes mention of a good
many instrumental writers and performers living in his time,
the first half of it. But, as I have said before, they are, for the
most part, to us mere names. Considerable interest in one of
these has however been created or revived in our own time;
and to it I must now call your attention.
Like the name Bach, the name Couperin represents an illus-
trious musical family, as well as an illustrious musician, the
biographies of no less than ten members of which—two of them
women-have been thought worthy of record. For the
moment I shall only speak of François Couperin, one of the
second generation known musically, and surnamed “ Le Grand”
in consequence of his superiority, as a performer on the organ
and harpsichord, to all contemporary Frenchmen. This of
itself would argue relative rather than absolute merit; for in-
strumental performance was no doubt at a low ebb in France at
the beginning of the last century; but as Couperin lived at the
same time as Louis Marchand, a performer who, however
unworthily, was once induced to enter lists with the great J. S.
Bach, and as Couperin was thought superior to Marchand,
there can be little doubt that the former was a great performer,
none whatever that he was an ingenious, tasteful, and effective
writer for his instrument. I will only preface the introduction
of a specimen of his composition by saying that Le Grand
Couperin was born at Paris in 1678, and died in 1733, and that
he held the offices of organist in the Church of St. Gervais
and the Chapel Royal, and of clavecinist to the King. The
majority of Couperin's compositions are distinguished by titles
indicative of some idea, person, or condition of mind which
may have suggested them. That which you will now hear is
entitled “ La Voluptueuse.”
106
La Voluptueuse.
LA VOLUPTUEUSE.
FRANÇOIS COUPERIN.


-
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-
1er Couplet. By

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fin.
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11
2nd Couplet.

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Couperin.
107

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​108
Rameau.
But the greatest musical name of the first half of the last
century (the end of the third period) in France, is that of
Rameau, whose long and interesting career deserves more time
and attention than we shall now have to give to it. He was
born at Dijon in 1683, visited Italy early in life, and afterwards
became a pupil of Marchand. Unsuccessful in obtaining a
position in Paris, he accepted the office of organist to the
cathedral of Clermont, in Auvergne. Rameau's residence in
this remote and quiet city proved singularly favourable to
the prosecution of certain researches in which he had long
been engaged ; and these resulted in the completion, after
four years' labour, of a treatise on the science of Harmony.
Proverbially “ Paris is France ;” and to bringing his discoveries
before the world, a residence in the capital became or seemed
to Rameau an indispensable preliminary. There was an
obstacle to this, however, in the agreement which he had made
with the Chapter of Clermont to hold his office for a term of
years, which agreement the Chapter, proud of their organist,
altogether refused to terminate prematurely. Whereupon the
too competent subordinate hit on an expedient more creditable
to his cunning than his professional pride, and took to playing
so abominably that the Bishop and his clergy were only too
glad to come to any arrangement that would relieve their ears
from the torture to which Rameau daily subjected them. Un-
willing, however, that the unfavourable impression produced
by his temporary musical aberrations should be permanent, the
recusant organist is said to have poured forth such a rich and
varied stream of harmony on the congregation at his farewell
performance, that his late masters would willingly have re-
scinded his order of release. But it was too late.
Rameau arrived in Paris in 1721, and in the following year
brought forth his “ Traité d'Harmonie.” “This work,” says
M. Fétis, “was at first not at all understood ;” but the critiques
upon it, though unfavourable, were so far advantageous to
Rameau.
109
Rameau that they drew public attention upon him. Some
pieces of vocal and instrumental chamber music which he
published about the same time increased his notoriety; and he
soon found office as an organist, and large occupation as a
teacher. Desirous of distinction in every branch of his calling,
he connected himself with Piron, the dramatist, and by way of
preparing himself for greater undertakings, wrote much inci-
dental music-choruses, dances, &c., for Piron's plays. In 1726
he published his “Nouveau Système de Musique Théorique,"
and in 1732 his “Dissertation sur les différentes Méthodes
d’Accompagnement pour le Clavecin et pour l'Orgue.” In this
same year, having arrived at the age of forty-nine, he succeeded
in making his debut as an opera composer. His first work,
“ Hippolyte et Aricie,” was coldly received. Nor is this in the
least surprising. For half a century past the music of Lully
had exclusively occupied the Parisian ear and, as a consequence,
formed the Parisian taste; and any deviation from the Lullian
style was regarded as the rankest and most unjustifiable musical
heresy. The boldness and originality of Rameau were obstacles
to his success—at first. Combinations which, so soon as the
public ear had become habituated to them, were called vigorous,
expressive, and original, were, on their first performance,
denounced as cacophonous, unmeaning, and extravagant; and
their author was accused of indulging his own perverse passion
for “harmonic experiments” at the expense of his Public's
organs of hearing. * As a matter of course—for no musical
inventor has escaped this—his music was pronounced altogether
VITY
* The following is one of many contemporary epigrams to the same
effect:-
Si le difficile est le beau,
C'est un grand homme que Rameau;
Mais si le beau, par aventure,
N’était que la simple nature,
Quel petit homme que Rameau !
“Le beau” in Art is surely not identical with "la simple nature."
110
Rameau.
deficient in melody, which is often tantamount to saying that it
does not abound with familiar and commonplace passages. The
music of Rameau however did succeed eventually in making
its way to the hearts of his countrymen, and during the re-
maining thirty years of his life (he died in 1764, at the age of
place he had so slowly and painfully won.
The theoretical writings of Rameau have been translated into
many languages, and his theories have been accepted or
rejected—-certainly, studied—wherever music is regarded as a
matter worthy of serious consideration. Perhaps the rank
assigned to him as a discoverer, by his countrymen, is rather
higher than foreigners may be disposed to think him entitled
to. His clearness of view and power of statement it would be
difficult to overrate; and, at the lowest, Rameau is entitled to
the credit of having been the first writer who ever attempted
to systematize, account for, and reconcile a number of facts
which, before his time, were held to be unconnected, incon-.
sistent, and irreconcilable with one another. His vocal music,
like that of Lully, has never made any successindeed, it has
rarely travelled-out of France; but some of what he no doubt
regarded as the least important of his works, his compositions
for the clavecin, have found very general acceptance and
favour. Examples of these are not unfrequently met with in
collections of pianoforte music; but I know not whither to
refer you for specimens of his vocal compositions. The
following Quartet will probably be new to most of you. It is
from his opera “Les Indes Galantes," produced in 1735, and
therefore one of his earliest essays in dramatic music. It pre-
sents many instances of those bold—or harsh—combinations
for which Rameau has been both praised and blamed (note
especially that in the last bar but four); but the composition
has at least the merit of being vigorous and well-sustained.
Rameau.
111
QUARTET.-TENDRE AMOUR.
From “Les Indes Galantes."
Andante. (d=96.)
J. B. RAMEAU.

1
1
1
11
Tendre A - mour, que pour nous
ta
chai

1
Tendre
A - mour, que pour
nous
ta
chai
ne
Dure
a ja-
1
001
ti
112
Tendre Amour.

Tendre
À
, mour, que pour
nous
ta
chai
.
ne
Dure
à
mais, à
ja · mais, à
ja-
I
mais, que ta
chai
.
-
-
ne
Dure à
·
ja-
Det
Tendre
A • mour, que pour
nous
-
TOQ
1
cres.
Hell

ne
dure
à
11
mais,
Que
ta
chai - ne
dure
à
mais,
Que
ta
chai · ne dure
chai
·
·
ne dure
à
LO
U TO
:
I
a
dan
Rameau.
113

11
mais.
Tendre
A · inour.
Que pour nous
ta
mais. Tendre
A - mour.
-
19
mais.
Que pour nous
ta chai
ne dure
ige
mais..
...
Que pour nous
ta
cliai . ne
ta
Tool
TOQ11

chai
.
no
dure
à
ja - mais, à
ja · mais, à
-
Que
ta
chai
ne
duro
ja - mais,
&
mais,
e file
dure à
ja - mais,
à
ja
mais, &
INN
114
Tendre Amoir.

LA
mais. Que pour nous
ta
chai - ne dure à
ja - mais.
In
II!!
mais. Que pour nous f&
chai - ne dure
à
ja - mais.
Tendre
A-
!
mais.
Tendre A - mour, que ta
mais.
TIN
TION
S
.-

Tendre
A-mour, tendre
A-mour, tendre
A.md
mour, que
ta
que ta
chai
-
ne
du
.
re à
ja - mais, que ta
SHI
-
.
chai
chai
Rameau.
115

chai - ne dure à
ja - mais,
à
ja · mais, que pour nous
ta
chai - ne dure à
ja • mais, à
ja · mais,
que
pour
ne dure à
ja - mais,
à
ja · mais,
ne dured
ja - mais,
à
ja · mais, que pour nous
TOTOD
40

-
1
chai
-
ne dure
à
ja
- mais, • •..
ja · mais, .
nous, que pour nous
chai
.
ne dure à
ja · mais,
8 .
=
1
1
1
que pour nous
ta
chai
ne dure &
ja
. mais,
chai - ne dured
ja . mais,
.
OHL 01
NUL
1
116
Rousseau.

I
à
ja · mais;
ja , mais, à
ja - mais!
ja · mais, à
ja - mais!
!
à
ja · mais, à
ja - mais!
Noll
...S
ja - mais,
d
ja · mais, à
ja - mais !
L
TODO
TToo
b
VO
!
Of the numerous assailants whom the theoretical writings,
the music, and the somewhat acrid temper and angularity of
Rameau raised up against him, not the least formidable was
J. J. Rousseau. For anything like general considerations of
the character and writings of Rousseau this, of course, is not
the time; but music occupies so large a space in his writings,
and so greatly influenced his life, that it is impossible to dismiss
even this very imperfect outline of French musical history in the
third period without some notice of both.
Rousseau would seem to have been gifted with a fine musical
organization, and under favourable circumstances he might
have been made a musician. The timemand it was a good
deal-- which he devoted to music was about equally divided
between sneering at everything which, for the last four hundred
Lettre sur la Musique Françoise.
117
years, musicians and the mass of mankind have agreed to call
music, and striving to make a reputation as a practitioner of
this very art. His writings abound in disparaging contrasts
between modern music and the music of the ancients—what-
ever that expression may mean—and in abuse (I can call it
little else) of every artifice which gives interest to modern
musical practice. His letter “Sur la Musique Françoise” is
the best-known and the most accessible of these writings, all of
which however will reward perusal; for Rousseau, I need not
say, is always readable, whether he treats on a subject of which
his knowledge is profound or his ignorance absolute. The
apparent object of this letter is to prove that the French language
is little fitted for poetical, and quite unfitted for musical, expres-
sion; and he inaugurates the demonstration of this thesis by
this remark :-“I do not hesitate to address myself on this
subject to poets; but as for musicians, no one would think of
consulting them on any matter requiring the exercise of reason."
His real object in the letter would seem however to have
been to glorify melody at the expense of harmony, and to show
that the chief obstacles to the perfection of modern music con-
sisted in everything in relation to it worthy of the name of
science. “The only effect,” says he, “which can result from
the aggregation of a number of melodies individually good is
that they destroy one another, for it is impossible for the ear to
take in at the same instant several melodies.” Here we have
a not uncommon example of generalization from a particular
instance. That Rousseau's ear could not take in more than one
melody at a time was likely enough; that hundreds of ears can
do so is a matter of daily experience. Again, he says of the
orchestra,—" to make the violins play this passage, the flutes
that, and the bassoons the other, each having its own particular
design, and to call this chaos music, is to insult alike the ears
and the judgments of an auditory.” But the following is still
more curious, not merely for the sentiment but likewise for the
118
Rousseau's Operas.
illustration :—“As for fugues, double fugues, fugues by inver-
sion, augmentation or diminution--as for ground basses and
other preposterous difficulties, that neither the ear can endure
nor the reason justify—they are evidently relics of barbarism
and bad taste which remain, like the portals of our Gothic
churches, to the shame of those who have had the patience to
build them."
With audacious inconsistency, the author of this and much
more to the same effect produced several operas-the music as
well as the words professedly his own;—not monophonous operas
after the manner of the ancients;" not revivals of that pure
and beautiful Greek music which sweetly and submissively and
subordinately contented itself with lending an additional grace
to poetry ; but unequivocal operas in the modern sense of the
word, with duets, the parts of which were neither in unison nor
in octaves, unless by accident, with concerted pieces still more
widely divergent from classical usage,-nay, even an overture :-
all these accompanied, not by the pipe of Pan, the lyre of
Mercury, the salpinx, the syrinx, the cithara, the chelys, the
psalterion, or the tibia utricularis, but by those Gothic abomi-
nations, the violin, the viola, the violoncello, and the violone-
the self-same implements by the use of which Lully and Rameau,
Scarlatti and Pergolesi, Handel and Bach, had been debasing
the public taste for half a century before.
Rousseau's attacks on Rameau were not unprovoked. The
former began his musical career by that commonest and easiest
of all musical transactions—the invention of a new system of
musicography. Unable, as indeed he remained to the end of
his days, to master the alphabet of modern music—the only
alphabet which has ever had the slightest pretension to the
epithet “universal”—he set to work to devise another. This
however the world obstinately refused to adopt, notwith-
standing his eloquent plaidoiries against all existing alphabets,
and in favour of his own. It was not exactly the old story of the
His Musical Powers.
119
--.
—
fox that had lost his tail, but rather of a single and exceptional
“ tailless variety of fox who had never known the advantage of
that comely and convenient appendage. This scheme proving
abortive, he turned his hand, as I have said, to opera. His
first attempt was entitled “ Les Muses Galantes," which was
actually performed in Paris, at the house of the Fermier Général,
Popelinière. Rameau, who was domestic musician-in-chief to
this establishment, took part, as a matter of course, in the
rehearsals and performance of this opera ; and declared, very
ineloquently no doubt, but very decisively, that it was the work
of two hands, the one an artist, the other an ,utter ignoramus.
Five minutes' association at a rehearsal must have convinced a
musician like Rameau that the better parts of “Les Muses
Galantes” could not be the work of Rousseau ; and Rameau, as
it was not in the least likely that he should, did not conceal his
opinion. Rousseau never forgave him.
Some years of subsequent undirected and fitful application did
however give Rousseau some knowledge of the science about
which he had already written so much and so disparagingly.
“Docendo disces” might have been his motto in respect to the
theory of music. In the art he made little improvement; never,
it is believed, having attained to anything beyond the slowest
appreciation of the relations between notes and the musical
effects represented by their infinitely various combinations and
successions. The cause of this is simple enough. Rousseau
had never received any systematic training in music at the only
time such training can be effectual. This is greatly to be
regretted. His musical organization was undoubtedly fine; and
had he fallen early enough into good hands, he would no doubt
have done something both beautiful and original. His compo-
sitions, or rather concoctions, which have seen the light, timid
and laboured as they are, give evidence of far better intentious
than their author was at all able to carry into effect. He would
secm to have been the first composer who added instrumental
120
Les Consolations.
accompaniment to spoken dialogue—a use of the orchestra
which, though seemingly calculated to impair the reality of
dramatic performance, is unquestionably very effective; serving
to point and intensify action, while adding to it the charm of
another art.
· Rousseau made several attempts, besides that I have already
mentioned, at dramatic music. One of these, and one only,
attained anything like success, “ Le Devin au Village," which,
first performed in 1752, kept its place on the French stage for
sixty years. Rousseau's claim to the authorship of the music has
been again and again contested, but it is now generally agreed
that the essential portions of the work were his, though in some
of the details he must have received help. The music of his
melodrama “Pygmalion” has been attributed to a musician
named Coignet, but no claimant has been set up for that of the
“Devin au Village.” The posthumous collection of vocal music
which he entitled “Les Consolations des Misères de ma Vie”is un-
disputedly his work. It consists wholly of airs of the most simple
construction and, generally, plaintive character. In going over
them some years since I marked those I thought worthy of
especial note. The two best of these few you shall now hear.
The first, “ Je l'ai planté,” is a very favourable specimen of
Rousseau's manner-a simple and unpretending, but surely
very touching melody. The slight variation at the end of the
last stanza is the composer's own.
The second song is fairly entitled to such admiration as is
due to every contest with difficulty, even though it be self-
imposed. The melody consists of only three notes. Why a
song should be constructed after the pattern of an orchestral
drum-part might have puzzled even its eloquent author to
explain. The result, however, is quaint and pleasing. The
first phrase will remind you of the well-known French air, “ Au
Clair de la Lune." Whether of the two airs was composed
first I am unable to say.
'Rousseau.
121
AIR.-JE L'AI PLANTÉ.
J. J. Rousseau.
Con tenerezza.
Foto

1st ver. Je l'ai
2nd ver. Jo-yeux
3rd ver. Pour les
plan - té, je l'ai vu naî - tre Ce beau
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122
Je l'ai Planté.

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123
AIR DE TROIS NOTES.-QUE LE JOUR ME DURE.
J.J. ROUSSEAU.
Allegretto.

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124
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HE
N'est
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Si
LECTURE IV.
GERMANY.
HEINRICH SCHUTZ-CANTATA, “THE FINDING OF THE
SAVIOUR”—THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR-ORGANISTS AND
ORGANS—THE CLAVICHORD-GEORGE MUFFAT"NOVA
CYCLOPEIAS HARMONICA"-REINHARD KEISER-—- AIR,
“O ABBA, FATHER”-HASSE AND GRAUN--J. SEBASTIAN
BACH-RECITATIVE AND AIR FROM HIS PASSIONS-MUSIK
-C. E. EMMANUEL BACH-FANTASIA.
LECTURE IV,
GERMANY
GERMANY contributes sume great names to the history of the
third period : though the third is not the great period of
German musical history. Handel's long expatriation almost
warrants our excluding him from the list of German musical
worthies. The most important works of Glück belong rather
to the beginning of the fourth than to the end of the third
period. Moreover they owe much to foreign inspiration; for
the two “Iphigenies” and “Armide” are, all three, French
operas-the earliest only begun in 1774, when the composer
was sixty years of age. The name of John Sebastian Bach is
truly a great one: but what single name, however great, can
be put in comparison with those which make up the glorious
company that succeeded him—Haydn, Mozart, Beethoven,
Schubert, Spohr, Weber, Schumann and Mendelssohn ?
I have on a former occasion shown how largely indebted is
the Italian School to the Belgian, and how much of its develop-
ment, if not of its inspiration, the former owes to Josquin Des-
près, Goudimel and others who, in the first half of the sixteenth
century, introduced the artifices of part-writing to the South of
Europe ;--for these men were the teachers of Palestrina and
others, through whom their traditions, widened, deepened and
beautified exceedingly, have been passed on by careful and
reverential hands almost to our own time; since, so late as 1714,
Tommaso Bai made an addition, which has proved permanent, to
the music of the Holy Week at Rome, and Janacconi, musically
128
Heinrich Schütz.
the last of the Romans, lived till the beginning of the present
century (1816).
(
have been amply acknowledged; and, it should be added, re-
turned with interest. To the Italians recent German music
owes much, directly and indirectly. We shall see by-and-by,
for example, what the School of Naples did for the Anglo-German
composer, Handel. But for the moment let us confine our
attention to a more distant example in every sense, one to whom
the Germans themselves have given the honourable and affec-
tionate title of “the Father of German music.” This patriarch
of harmony, Heinrich Schütz, whose name may now be heard
by many of you for the first time, was boru at Koesteritz in the
Voigtland, in 1585. His beautiful voice drew attention to him
as a boy, and, by a rare deviation from the ordinary course of
things, was a means of, not an impediment to, his receiving a
good general education. He distinguished himself very greatly
prudence, cultivating his talent for music meanwhile with great
zeal, and such success as to attract the notice of the Margrave
Maurice, who sent him, at his own charge, to Venice, to study
under Giovanni Gabrieli, then at the very height of his celebrity
as a composer and teacher, but unfortunately nearly at the end
of his career. The intimate relations which existed at this time
between Venice and the great commercial cities of Germany
reudered this a very natural proceeding. Venetian art was no
less familiar, in the sixteenth ceutury, to the citizens of Dresden
or Nuremburg, than Venetian commerce. Gabrieli's relations
with the North of Europe were close and extensive. He was
again and again tempted to take up his residence in this or that
German Court or Capital, but the attraction of his native city
was too strong for him. He never quitted Venice. Some
notion of the estimation in which he was held by his contempo-
raries may be got from the following passage, written many
Schütz.
129
VIL
years afterwards by Schütz himself :-" I served my first
years of apprenticeship in music under the great Gabrieli :
Ye Immortal Gods, what a man was that! If the ancients,
so rich in expression, had been acquainted with his powers
they would have set him above the Amphions: and if”-here
Schütz touches, or oversteps, the confines of the sublime and
if the Muses had been inclined to enter the marriage state,
Melpomene would have desired no other husband than he, so
great was he in his art.”
Schütz remained at Venice three years, at the end of which
(in 1612) Gabrieli died. He then returned to Germany, whence,
after sixteen years of residence, he was driven, by the misery
and confusion consequent on the Thirty Years' War, ther in its
tenth year. He returned in 1628 to Venice, not merely as a
place endeared to him by a thousand pleasant reminiscences, the
sight of which-after a sixteen years' episode, including much
doinestic affliction, as well as an unavoidable participation in
public calamity-would in some sense renew to him the time of
his youth, but for a special reason which he himself has taken
the trouble to record. “I returned,” he says, “ to Venice, to
make myself acquainted with the new kind of music which had
been developed there since I last left it.” This expression,
“new kind of music,” refers of course to the compositions of
Monteverde and his imitators, of which I have already so often
spoken, and affords in itself a valuable piece of unconscious
and incidental evidence of the importance attached to it by
Monteverde's contemporaries.
After a residence of six years in Venice and other Italian
cities, Schütz returned to Germany, to find less opportunity
than ever for the exercise of his peaceful art. He passed on to
Copenhagen, where, meeting with a very enthusiastic reception,
he remained four years, returning for a short time to Germany,
then back again to Denmark, and finally to his native country,
never again to leave it. The last years of his life were passed
130
Schütz.
in Dresden, where he died, in the year 1672, at the good old
age of eighty-seven, in the fullest enjoyment of
that which should accompany old age,
As honour, love, obedience, troops of friends.
The career of Henry Schütz resembles in many respects that
of his great countryman, Handel, and in none more than its
termination. Schütz, like Handel, gave up his last years to
the composition of sacred music, doubtless with the same
feeling as that which actuated Handel; because, as the latter
is recorded to have said, the composition of sacred music
especially became a musician descending in the scale of years.
In one important particular these two distinguished men differ.
Handel, early in life, threw off all connexion with his native
country. With insignificant exceptions, his operas were all
Italian, his oratorios all English. Schütz, with all his wander-
ings, never lost his nationality. He is essentially a German-
a composer and a man of whom his countrymen have just
cause to be proud. With the exception of a book of Madrigals
published in 1511, during his first residence in Venice, and a
few Latin motets, all his numerous compositions were inspired
by German texts. These are for the most part sacred works.
He is distinguished, however, as the composer of the first
German operama translation by Opitz of Rinuccini's “Daphne.”
This work, the composition of which is an epoch in the history
of music, was produced in 1627.
Copies of the printed works of Schütz have now become
exceedingly rare; nor do we often find even fragments of them
among the selections and collections of Ancient Classical Music,
so many of which have of late years issued from the German
press. Three of his arrangements of ancient chorales are given in
Winterfield's “ Evangelische Kirchengesany;" but several niuch
more characteristic specimens of his manner may be found in a
very recent and more accessible work, Reissmann's “ Allgemeine
•
131
The Minding of the Saviour.
Geschichte der Musik.” Some of these are extracted from
a composition in MS., in the public library at Dresden, “ The
Passion,” four settings of which, after the accounts of the four
Evangelists, Schütz made in his eighty-first year. In these
the several acts of that tremendous drama are presented in
music of extraordinary energy, variety, and appropriateness.
There is possibly some even earlier work of the kind with which
I am unacquainted ; but, so far as my own reading extends,
Schütz's “Passion according to St. Matthew" is the type not only
of the more elaborate treatments of Bach and Handel (for two
early works of this kind by Handel have recently been made
known), but of that class of oratorio of which Mendelssohn's
“St. Paul” is so fine an example, and which the unfinished
“ Christus” by the same master promised at least to equal.
A performance of these choral fragments, not by a chorus but
by a quartet, and detached, as they must be, from their context,
would convey bnt a faint idea of their effect in the work to
which they belong, especially having regard to its early date.
Another work which I have been fortunate enough to find will
give you, I think, a better idea of the genius and culture of this
composer. It is a sort of little oratorio or cantatama musical
illustration of that touching scene of which so fine and original
a pictorial illustration has recently been given by Mr. Holman
Hunt-the finding of the Saviour in the Temple. It is, fortu-
nately for our present purposes, not long, and you shall hear it
entire. It consists of an introduction for stringed instruments,
a duet for Contralto and Bass, and a solo for a Soprano. In
the introduction, which is in five real parts, the second sub-
ject of the duet which follows it is incidentally treated, quite
in the manner of a modern overture. For the sake of contrast
and keeping, this duet is accompanied by a bass and clavichord
only, but in the concluding solo the stringed instruments are
re-introduced, doubtless with a view of giving it greater dignity,
and concluding the work with more striking effect.
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132
The Finding of our Lord in the Temple.
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The Finding of our Lord in the Temple.

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The Finding of our Lord in the Temple.
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The Finding of our Lord in the Temple.

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141
It is one of the most curious facts counected with the history
of music that, at the close of the Thirty Years' War, Germany
was found to be provided, and not at all insufficiently, with a
body of very learned contrapuntists and skilful organists;
proving, of course, that an art and science which one would
picture to oneself as the very incarnation of political quiescence,
had found diligent practitioners and students during the most
sanguinary and protracted struggle that had ever cursed a great
and civilized nation. Such, however, was the case. The Thirty
Years' War extended from 1618 to 1648. During those years,
Hans and Christopher Bach, Schütz, Scheidt, Scheidemann,
and many others, cultivated, practised, and must have taught
their art; since they were almost immediately succeeded by
J. Amboise Bach, Kerl, Froberger, Theile, and Zackau, who,
in his turn, became nothing less than the teacher of Handel.
Again, skilful organists imply of necessity organs of a certain
scale, completeness, and finish. Of all musical performers the
organist is most at the mercy of his instrument, perfection in
the complex mechanism of which is simply indispensable to
effective performance. Before the middle of the seventeenth
century the organ must have attained to something very like
perfection in Germany. Indeed, before the expiration of the
preceding century (the sixteenth) almost every essential pecu-
liarity of the modern organ was invented, -registers, stopped
pipes, reed and various imitative stops, and pipes of small scale.
So also the key-board had been extended to four octaves (nearly
its present compass), and the pedal-board (an invention of the
fifteenth century) had been universally adopted. It would be
reasonable to suppose that during the Thirty Years' War more
organs were destroyed than built; yet it is certain that it was in
the course of the seventeenth century that Germany became,
above all others, the land of great organs and great organists.
Nor were the domestic keyed instruments less cultivated in
Germany, at the epoch of which I am speaking, than those
142
George Muffat.
whose use was limited to Divine Worship. Several of the
organists whom I have named were able to touch with equal
skill, and hardly less science, the clavicytherium, the clavichord,
and the spinet. Others devoted themselves to this class of
instrument exclusively. Of these one of the most distinguished
was George Muffat, who early in life found his way to Paris,
and received instruction from Lully. He began his professional
career as organist of the Cathedral of Strasburg, from which
city, being driven out by one of the “ Crusades” of Louis XIV.,
he proceeded to Vienna, and subsequently to Rome, where he
resided for several years. In 1690 he returned to Germany,
and became organist and chapel-master, first to the Archbishop
of Salzburg, and then to the Bishop of Passau. The year of his
death, as of his birth, is unknown. These particulars, with some
others, are recorded in a preface to one of his works (a collec-
tion of instrumental concerted pieces), written in four languages,
Latin, Italian, French, and German. Muffat was evidently
desirous of securing to himself a large public.
In one of his works, entitled “ Apparatus Musico-organis-
ticus,” published at Augsburg in 1695, is a piece called “ Nova
Cyclopeias Harmonica," a title which may have suggested that
of the more recent “Harmonious Blacksmith.” It consists of
an Air in two sections, followed by another headed “Ad
Malleorum Ictus Allusio,” to which are added seven variations.
This melody is siugularly constructed; it begins with a sequence
formed by the repetition of the initiatory phrase, which is in
C, first in A minor, then in F major. The variations are devoid
of those extended arpeggios which afterwards became so
common; but they are crowded, to excess, with shakes, trills,
and mordenti ; indeed there is hardly a place in them which
would bear a shake which is left without one.
There is a piece in Dr. Rimbault's History of the Pianoforte
by Theophilus Muffat, which contains the germ of Handel's March
in “ Judas Maccabeus.” This composer was the son of George
Muffat, whose "Nova Cyclopeias Harmonica” you will now hear.
Muffat.
143
TOCCATA.
Georg MUFFAT.
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Reinhard Keiser.
151

U

Le
iz
.
The history of German opera is commonly considered to
begin with the works of Reinhard Keiser, though, as we have
seen, he had a predecessor in Heinrich Schütz. Schütz,
however, seems to have had no imitators or immediate suc-
cessors.
Reinhard Keiser was born at a village near Leipzig in 1673.
His musical education, begun by his father, was completed in
the celebrated School of St. Thomas, at Leipzig. The parti-
cular bent of his genius showed itself early; he produced his
first work, a sort of pastoral, at the age of nineteen, and his
second, an opera, “ Basileus," two years afterwards.
He entered on his career at an auspicious moment, when the
German operatic stage, recently altogether dependent on Italian
or French sources, or at least on works of foreign model, was
beginning to tolerate and encourage native efforts. Attracted
by reports of the flourishing condition of the theatre at
Hamburg, Keiser succeeded in getting his opera played, and
eventually in making himself a position, in that city. This
be held for forty years, in the course of which, besides much
152
Keiser.
other music, he composed and produced, according to a contem-
porary biographer, as many as a hundred and sixteen operas.
Extravagant encomium is no novel characteristic of musical
criticism. The somewhat wasteful expenditure of laudatory
epithets which come daily under the notice of all of us--espe-
cially in respect to music of whose excellence no one entertains
the smallest doubt, and musicians who have long been in every
sense beyond the reach of praise or blame-would seem to be
as old as music itself. To tell you, therefore, that Keiser's
contemporaries and immediate successors spoke and wrote
about him as the greatest genius the world had ever seen, would
be to tell what has been said and written many times before
about many other people. Contemporaries like Mattheson and
Hasse, however, compel our attention ; and it would have been
difficult for them to have spoken of Keiser—of his originality,
fecúnditý; and science—more highly than they have done.
When we learn too that Handel made the first use of his liberty,
as a young man, to visit Hamburg during Keiser's reign,—that
she was content to enter his orchestra in quite a subordinate
capacity, evidently that he might have opportunities of studying
his modes of operation as a composer and conductor,—we are
obliged to believe that in Keiser we have to do with a man of
altogether exceptional powers. Circumstantial evidence is the
more valuable in this case on account of the extreme rarity of
copies of Keiser's works. Few of his operas, to which he
owes most of his fame, were ever printed in any complete form;
even the titles of a very large number of them are irrecoverably
lost; and of his other works copies are so rare as to be, for
all practical purposes, non-existent. There are, however, in
Winterfeld's “Evangelische Kirchengesang," a few extracts
from one of his Sacred Works, “ The Passion," a subject
treated by almost every eminent composer of the third period.
. One of these, an air for a bass voice, with an oboe obbligato,
you shall hear.
02
Keiser.
153
SOLO.-O) ABBA, FATHER!
From “ The Passion,".Luke xxii. 42. REINHARD KEISER (1712).
Adagio.

I
VOCE.

1

· Ab - ba, Fa · ther! if Thou be
will - ing,
154
O Abba, Father!

Ab - ba, Fa · ther!
if Thou be
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Keiser.
155

1
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be
be
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will but Thine
be done.
.
18.
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156
Hasse and Graun.
I had not long been engaged in the preparation of these
lectures before I found that I had undertaken to do more than
I should have time for. I shall not trouble you with any
regrets at having to dismiss briefly two men whose names figure
in my syllabus, Hasse and Graun-men whose careers and
whose fortunes present many points of resemblance, both of
whom enjoyed, during their lives, at least as much public
favour as they deserved, and one of whom, Graun, still main-
tains, in his native country, an amount of it that it is not easy to
account for. The “ Tod Jesu" and the “Te Deum” of Graun are
still, I believe, often performed in Germany; but Hasse is to
the world at large, Germany included, now a mere name, and is,
I think, likely to remain such. Yet (so much harder is it to
estimate contemporaries than predecessors) among the many
compliments paid to this composer during his lifetime, Hasse
actually received an invitation to visit this country—as the
rival of Handel! His own estimate of himself was, however,
lower and juster than that of his inviters; for his answer is
said to have been—"Then Handel, I suppose, is dead.”
But I do feel my limits as to time strongly, in having
now to speak of John Sebastian Bach—of all musicians
the most difficult to estimate fairly; whose reputation among
the learned in music and the unlearned is so widely discrepant,
that while, by many among the former, he is regarded as the
most original, the most inventive, the most suggestive, and
therefore the most interesting, of composers, on the majority
of the latter he has never directly exercised any but the feeblest
influence—if even that. I am of course not unaware that some
few pieces from his hand-instrumental works especially—have
had attention drawn to them of late by the “ interpretation”
(as the phrase is) of certain eminent performers. But much of
the admiration which they have, under these circumstances,
called forth, must surely be attributed to the marvellous skill of
these performers, and to the sense of satisfaction which all
Bach.
157
observers have in a successful contest with difficulty—a spec-
tacle in which even the Gods are said to take pleasure. With
the initiated, for the moment, I have no concern. But I presume
the most enthusiastic worshipper of Bach that lives will not
hesitate to admit-nay, he will rather glory in avowing—that,
as compared with Handel, Haydn, Mozart, Beethoven—to say
nothing of writers of another class—his idol is utterly unknown
to the world at large.
How is this? Who is to blame? These questions admit of
more than one answer.
The ultimate use and purpose of Fine Art are to instruct
and to inform. In these particulars of course it is not
singular or alone. But it differs from, and has perhaps an
advantage over, other humanizing agencies in the fact of its
effecting, or seeking to effect, its purposes, by means which of
themselves give pleasure. This pleasure will vary in its inten-
sity according to the susceptibility of those to whom it is to
be given ; and this susceptibility, to whatever extent it may or
may not be natural, is capable of great increase by cultivation.
Now, it is notorious that the great mass of mankind do not put
their susceptibilities under any sort of culture, in any syste-
matic way, for any length of time; nor, in other words, do they
accept Fine Art as a science, and study it, and deal with it,
accordingly. The consequence of this inevitably is that works
of art-poems, pictures, statues, and, more than all, pieces of
music—have been, and perhaps always will be, produced in
considerable numbers, which neither have had, nor ever can
have, the smallest direct influence on the world at large; for
there always have been, as again there always will be, many
artists—poets, painters, sculptors, or musicians--whose facility
or felicity of expression, whose method of putting things, or
whose power of statement, is so far inferior to their concep-
tion and intention in a word, whose style is of itself so devoid
of charm—that their thought, however original or profound,
158
Bach.
never has reached, never, it is to be feared, will reach, the great
mass of readers, spectators, or auditors.
The question then is whether this great mass—the world at
large, the uninitiated-are the more to blame for not appreciat-
ing such works of art, or the artists themselves for producing
them. And the answer to this question is involved in that to an-
other ;-is any sacrifice of self-respect entailed on an artist by the
endeavour to extend the sphere of his direct influence as largely
as possible ? or, to put it in another way, is pure and beautiful
thought inconsistent with clear and beautiful expression ?
I think not. The history of music at least surely teaches us
that the pure and the beautiful may and often do find a response
in the common heart; for, some of the most popular works in
existence are also some in which there is the least evidence of
sacrifice of self-respect on the part of their composers. Nay,
I will say more; the musical works which have taken the
strongest hold on the musical public—which, remember, is not
a mere national public, but a public of all nations—are those
whose internal structure reveals to an observant eye and ear
not merely the most copious inventiveness and the most delicate
sense of beauty, but the profoundest science.
Think of the "Hallelujah Chorus” in Handel's “Messiah," of
Mozart's overture to “ Zauberflöte,"—the list might be extended
indefinitely. Where is the sacrifice of self-respect shown in
the composition of these pieces? where the evidence of writing
down to the level of an ignorant public? Where, indeed? But
the makers of these works possessed, one and all, that indis-
pensable complement to the highest genius-never dissevered
from it-good sense. And good sense taught them that to be
heard they must speak plainly, to be understood they must
speak clearly; and that even diamonds and pearls, uncut and
unpolished, if thrown at people's heads, will not find that
grateful acceptance which a little exercise of the lapidary's
skill, and a more courteous delivery, would have insured them.
Bach.
159
11
Clearness of expression, so necessary in all the arts, is espe-
cially requisite in two of them-music and the drama. For these
exist, for the world at large, not in space, but in time. A lyric
or an epic poem, a building, a statue, or a picture, is a fact per-
manently open to our study and consideration. If we do not
succeed in understanding it to-day, we may try to do so again
to-morrow. But, to the mass of mankind, an unperformed piece
of music, or an unacted play, is non-existent; and if it be not-
I do not say perfectly understood, but to some extent felt, on
a first hearing, there is little likelihood of its ever being under-
stood or felt at all. A musical hearer can no more stop the
course of a musical performance, to any good purpose, than he
can stop the course of time itself. A passage is not even com-
plete for him till it has become a thing of the past.
It may be difficult at first to understand how a distinction
between matter and manner, between thought and expression,
can with propriety be made in reference to music. To the
mass of mankind music is expression, and nothing else.
In one way, out of many, that will be easily understood. A
musical composer may be laboriously incomprehensible and
perversely unmeaning, by putting too much into his score,—by
making one figure obscure another, or (technically) by piling
part on part, passage on passage, till analysis becomes difficult,
even for the eye, and impossible for the ear, and the result
comes to resemble rather the incoherent cries of a mob than
the clear utterances of a succession of thoughtful speakers.
Again, the musical composer, like the dramatic poet, but un-
like other artists, acts on the public indirectly—through the
medium of others. And, if he would act efficiently on the
former, he must in some degree consult the powers-nay, the
tastes—of the latter. It must be admitted that no musical
passage could be written, within the compass of a particular
voice or instrument, which a skilful performer slıould not be
able to execute. But the difference between the most skilful
160
Bach.
performer's execution of that which is becoming to his voice or
instrument and that which is not, is like the difference between
walking on a well-rolled pathway and floundering over a
ploughed field.
To the charges of want of clearness in his own utterances,
and absolute in difference to the convenience of those who
were to be the interpreters of them, which they (and who can
wonder at it ?) have been often too ready to resent, J. S. Bach
is, I think, often open. That these drawbacks on the enjoy-
ment of his works, even among the learned, are to be accounted
for in his manner of life-his entire freedom from com-
petition, and the arrogance which a seemingly unapproachable
excellence and an entourage of altogether inferior persons and
things inevitably beget-is certain. But that, with all these
drawbacks, the music of this master remains and must remain
material whose height and depth will afford subject for the
wonder and the love of the few who will ever be able to scale
or to sound it, is as much so. The strongest sense of his merits
is not unlikely to be connected with the strongest sense of his
defects; and these latter, alas ! are of a kind that, as they
always have prevented, so, I think, they always will prevent,
the former exercising their due and legitimate influence.
We must not, of course, part from this great master without
some tribute of respect. This we will pay, not by trying to
read one of his riddles or explaining away one of his paradoxes,
but by showing that at times he could be clear as well as deep,
and that careful and skilful performance may render one of not
the least simple of his productions intelligible, even on a first
hearing.
You shall hear two successive movements from one of the
only two* of his great works that have yet been heard in
England, “ The Passion,” according to St. Matthew.
* The other was, when this was written, the Credo from his Mass in
B minor, performed under my direction at St. Martin's Hall in 1851.
Bach.
101
RECITATIVE.-ALTHOUGH MINE EYES.
From the “ Passions- Musik.”
J. S. BACH.

Fot_Adagio.
Al • though
mino
eyes
with tears
o'er-
Oboi d'amore.
See
on laissa
SA
sostenuto,

tu
flow
Be
•
cause
.....
my
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TO
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.
now,
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in
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162
Passions-Musik.
-
-

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ne
bo
queathes He
in my hand.
TO
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did
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still un - to
the
end.
CN
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le
Bach.
103
ARIA.-"JESUS, SAVIOUR.”
J. S. Bach.
Andante con moto.

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164
Passions-Musik.
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and dwell
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sus, Sa . viour,
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am
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and dwell
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... and dwell my heart within.
... my heart within.
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Bach.
165

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I
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but loss . .
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in thy
cross, Dear-er
than
the world be · side,
Is
the
Sa • viour.
Toes
toel
DA
166
Passions-Musik.

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.
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. . who
hath died.
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le
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ry
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viour
who
hath died.
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C. P. E. Bach.
167
The name Bach, as I have already had occasion incidentally
to notice, represents not only an individual but a race. The
progeny of John Sebastian, like the ancestry, include many
excellent and some very distinguished musicians. I have time
to notice only one of these, Carl Philip Emmanuel Bach,
whose life and works might furnish material for more than one
long and interesting session. One, and that the main fact
about him, may fortunately be stated in a few words; that he
is, if any individual can be so called, the founder of the modern
school of composition for, and performance on, the pianoforte.
Not that the pianoforte was his instrument. He belongs to
the harpsichord age; and his instrument was by no means the
best, even of its kind. You will find a full and interesting
account of him in Dr. Burney's “Present State of Music in
Germany" (1775); and a part of it is devoted to his per-
formance on the clavichord, an instrument which in the latter
part of the last century must have been old-fashioned, but
which still kept its favour. Dr. Burney says:
“After I had looked at these (some portraits), M. Bach was
so obliging as to sit down to his Silbermann clavichord, and
favourite instrument, upon which he played three or four of
his choicest and most difficult compositions, with the delicacy,
precision, and spirit for which he is so celebrated among his
countrymen. In the pathetic and slow movements, whenever
he had a long note to express, he absolutely contrived to
produce, from his instrument, a cry of sorrow and complaint,
such as can only be effected upon the clavichord, and perhaps
by himself.”
Of C. P. E. Bach we have something more enduring than
the record of his skill as a performer—a large number of com-
positions in which a careful student will discern the germs, and
a good deal more, of much of that which he finds so delightful
in the later productions of Mozart and Beethoven. Emmanuel
Bach was one of the first who threw his musical ideas into the
168
C. P. E. Bach.
“form" now universally adopted for the principal movement of
a Sonata, Symphony, or other similar work. Perhaps he was
the very first who did this effectively. The characteristic of
this form, as I have elsewhere explained more fully, is the
presentation of the most important themes, first in the scale or
key of the dominant (to the original scale), and subsequently
in that of the tonic; this repetition forming the second
"period” or section of the movement, and being connected
with the first by the "free fantasia” (Ger. Dürchführung), in
which these themes are presented in every conceivable variety
of aspect. Into this form not only did Emmanuel Bach, as I
have just said, throw his ideas—of itself no easy matter now,
and far more difficult a century ago, before Haydn had written
or Mozart come into the world—but the ideas themselves ex-
hibit an amount of inventiveness and refinement in which few
writers have equalled, and none but the greatest surpassed, him.
A large number of Emmanuel Bach's works are still unpub-
lished, but so much attention has of late been directed to those
which are in any way accessible, that it is not unlikely we may
eventually see all of them in print. Meanwhile, I will call
your attention to the volume I now hold in my hand, which is
a collection, edited by M. Fétis, of his pieces so interesting,
one and all, that I have had some difficulty in deciding which
of them I should bring under your notice. I have selected,
from a Sonata which consists of the usual number of move-
ments, the third and last-a Fantaisie, full of bold modulation
and sudden changes of time, introduced however with so much
art, that they seem rather illustrations of, than digressions
from, the principal theme. You will not fail to recognise
many effects which will be familiar to you in the works of
Beethoven, who was eighteen years of age when E. Bach died
(at the age of eighty-two),—especially the very grand and un-
expected transition near the close.
C. P. E. Bach.
169
FANTAISIE.
C. P. E. BACH.

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PHOH
LECTURE V.
ENGLAND,
THE ENGLISH SCHOOL_ITS DURATION-EARLY ENGLISH
MUSIC-DUNSTABLE-EXPRESSION --HENRY LAWES —
DOWLAND AND FORD—SONGS, “WHILE I LISTEN TO
THY VOICE,” AND “GO, YOUNG MAN”_ENGLISH INSTRU-
MENTAL MUSIC—NORTH'S “MEMOIRES”—JOHN JENKINS
—THREE-PART FANCY—THE INTERREGNUM—THE RE-
STORATION-PELHAM HUMPHREYS-PEPYS' “DIARY”
-ANTHEM, “HEAR, O HEAVENS !”—BLOW, WISE, AND
PURCELL—THE PERFECT CADENCE-MUSICAL IMITA-
TION—PURCELL—SONGS, “YOU TWICE TEN HUNDRED
DEITIES,” “I ATTEMPT FROM LOVE'S SICKNESS TO FLY,"
“FULL FATHOM FIVE,” AND “COME UNTO THESE
YELLOW SANDS.”
PL
N
2
LECTURE V.
ENGLAND.
WHATEVER clainis--and they are very strong claims—we English
may have to be called a musical people, it cannot be pretended
that we have exercised much-some would say, any–influence
on Continental music. That this is attributable, not to any
inferiority, real or supposed, in our music, but altogether to
our insular position, might be shown in many ways. It is
sufficiently shown in a single fact. When Haydn first visited
London (in 1791), he had never heard performed any one of the
oratorios of Handel, who had then been dead more than forty
years. Handel, I need hardly tell you, spent all his artistic
life in England; and from this cause, although a German by
birth, his works, the latest of them now more than a century
old, and but few of these, have only recently attained anything
that can be called popularity or circulation in his native country.
They are still but very little known in any other part of
Europe.
I have already, more than once, called your attention to the
fact that three peoples--the Gallo-Belgians, the Italians, and
the Germans have taken the lead in musical Europe succes-
sively; the Gallo-Belgian school having been superseded by
the Italian, and the Italian by the German, which, following a
universal law, will doubtless be superseded in its turn by some
other. The English school has a claim not only on our
sympathy as Englishmen, but on the respect of every musical
182
Early English Musicians.
people as having had a career equal in extent or duration to
that of all other schools added together.
The early records of these islands abound in evidence direct
and indirect of the intense love and diligent culture of music
among our forefathers, and of the high honour paid to the art
and its professors, in the remotest times of which we have any
credible account. Druid, bard, scald, and other such words,
all having their different shades of meaning, but have all reference
to musical practitioners of some kind or other,--some having
been personages of the highest political or religious importance.
The ancient languages of Great Britain are singularly rich in
musical terms, and present names, more especially of musical
instruments, some of which have come down, in slightly modi-
fied forms, to the present day. “Harp” is one of these ; “pipe”
is another : and more interesting than any, as throwing light
on the early history or origin of the instrument itself, is the
word fithelem whence fiele, viel, viola, and at last violin, for
almost every portion of which instrument a name of English
origin exists—e.g. bridge, back, sound-post, bow.
The most recent writer on early English music, my friend
Mr. William Chappell, has, in the introduction to his delightful
volumes of " Popular Music of the Olden Time," presented a
body of information on this subject which, in quantity, arrange-
ment, and general interest, at once resumes and surpasses the
results of any preceding labour of the same kind. I am glad
to be able to refer those who are curious in the early lyrical
and musical history of England to a work so readable and
so thoroughly trustworthy as Mr. Chappell’s.
Dismissing, as I must now do, this remote though interesting
period of English musical history, it is certain that England gave
birth, early in the fifteenth century, to a composer who has been
more often alluded to, and always respectfully, by Continental
musical historians and critics than any other native of these
islands whatever. John Dunstable, who died in 1458, attained
Musical Expression.
183
so great a reputation as a composer and teacher that the very
invention of counterpoint or concerted music has gravely been
attributed to him. Indeed, even at this distance of time, at the
end of four hundred years, his name has not lost its Continental
reputation : for a French archæologist (M. Stephen Morelot)
has recently in 1856) deciphered and printed two of Dun-
stable's compositions which he had discovered in the public
library at Dijon in Burgundy.
From the beginning of the sixteenth century, down to our
own time, the list of English musicians presents an unbroken
succession of names.
The last years of the sixteenth and the first of the seventeenth
centuries form what might be called the golden age of English
music-the age, for all musical Europe, of the Madrigal. No-
where was the cultivation of that noble form of pure vocal
music, whether in composition or performance, followed with
more zeal or success than in our own. Our great masters in
this branch of art are exactly contemporaneous too with those
of Italy,—not subsequent, but exactly contemporaneous.*
* With the seventeenth century begins in England, as else-
where, the third, or transition period of musical history—dis-
tinguished by the acceptance of many new principles in musical
composition, and by continually increasing skill in many
branches of musical practice-instrumental performance espe-
cially; and, more than all, by continually increasing attention
to the conformity of notes with words,-in fact the diligent
study of everything which goes to perfect what is popularly
called “ expression" in music.
Attempts, at home as abroad, and not unsuccessful ones, at
musical expression, had been made at much earlier epochs; but
no general consciousness of their deficiencies in this respect
* Take the two most celebrated in either country-Luca Marenzio and
John Wilbye; both of these illustrious musicians were born in or about
the year 1555, both died about the end of the century.
184
Dowland and Ford.
prevailed among English musical composers till about the
middle of the seventeenth century. Our great poet Milton
(himself an excellent musician) has, in the opening of his sonnet
to Henry Lawes, who first set the masque of “Comus” to music;
sufficiently indicated, within the compass of four lines, what the
shortcomings of English composition had been prior to the
advent of his friend. He thus addresses him :
“Harry, whose tuneful and well-measured song
First taught our English music how to span
Words with just note and accent, not to scan
With Midas' ears, committing short and long."
From this it is plain that the close alliance of sound and
sense to which the musical compositions of Henry Lawes owed
their favour was a rarity, even in the middle of the seventeenth
century. But assuredly it had been exhibited earlier, though
in a form less favourable to expression than that adopted by
Lawes, whose best and most numerous compositions are
“Ayres” for a single voice.
Two musicians, Dowland and Ford, had, half a century
before Lawes, published songs, to be sung either by one voice
or by four, which, superior to his in mere musical facture, are
the expression of the words to which they are set. Nor had
this particular excellence been unappreciated or unrecognised
by the contemporaries of these composers. The name of John
Dowland, like that of Henry Lawes, has been enshrined in a
poem attributed to a greater even than Milton-Shakspeare.
It begins thus :
“ If music and sweet poetry agree,
As needs they must (the sister and the brother),
Then must the love be great 'twixt thee and me,
Because thou lov'st the one, and I the other."
Here the thing taken for granted is that music and poetry,
be their characteristics what they may, must of necessity agree-
Henry Lawes.
185
a certain dependence on or subordination to poetry, on the
part of music, being implied in their relation as “the sister
and the brother,” To this agreement, this thorough union and
interdependence of words and notes, must be attributed the
fact that after two hundred and fifty years some of the compo-
sitions of Dowland, and one at least of Ford, “Since first I saw
your Face,” still retain their popularity. Perhaps no piece of
vocal music has been still is--more often sung than the last'
I have named.
But their successor Lawes has been less fortunate. Posterity
has not confirmed the judgment of Milton in respect to him ;
and the poet's prophecy-
"To after years thou shalt be writ the man
Who with smooth air could'st humour best our tongue,"
is still assuredly unfulfilled. Yet these were not the words of
one accustomed to speak from imperfect knowledge or without
consideration; and much could be said to justify them. At the
time they were written very important experiments were being
made, in Italy especially, in musical practice, which, though
not attended with the particular results. expected by those
who made them, contributed greatly towards that change of
style by which the music of our own time is distinguished
from that of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Milton,
as a scholar and a poet, would have watched with interest and
with hope the effects of the Renaissance (of which I said so
much in my former course) on music. His Italian travels,
· and his classical tastes, will have led him, as they led far
better musicians, to underrate the music of the second period,
and to believe that the new style of which he witnessed the
growth could be formed without the science by which the old
had been so eminently distinguished. The musical declamation
of the Greeks—that Philosopher's Stone of our art—had
obviously led even his educated taste astray; and at the time
186
.
Lawes. .
the sonnet “to Mr. Henry Lawes” was penned Milton will
have entertained—not too great, but—too exclusive an ad-
miration for the “spanning." of-
“Words with just note and accent."
: That Lawes achieved this result to perfection, is certain ; that
he was possessed of a vein of melody quite unprecedented among
his countrymen, and still almost unrivalled, is, I think, as
certain. Unfortunately he was an ill-taught musician, unable
to develope his own ideas with any effect, or to any good
purpose ; and he presents another instance of the truth that no
lasting popularity has ever been attained for unscientific, ill-
constructed music. A very large number of his compositions
are too short and too simple in their plan to betray his musical
incapacity. They are for the most part “ Ayres” for a single
voice, with a bass not even figured,—these Ayres seldom ex-
tending beyond a few phrases, or involving more than one or
two modulations. The words he set to music were, almost
without exception, interesting, and in most cases beautiful.
Two of these Ayres you shall now hear; the first a setting of
Waller's well-known Lines to a Lady Singing, “While I listen
to thy Voice.” In this may be traced the influence of the
then new Italian school founded by Monteverde, and improved
by Carissimi. Lawes had avowedly studied the works of his
Italian contemporaries and immediate predecessors, with pro-
found attention. With some of the same faults, his music
exhibits some of the same beauties; and, more than any, that
felicitous union of poetical and musical rhythm which makes the
sound seem rather a development of the sense than an addition
to it; so that words are not so much sung to his music as said
sonorously, and with strict regard to quantity, accent, and
(what is generally confounded with it) emphasis.
: Lawes.
187
SONG.-WHILE I LISTEN TO THY VOICE.
The Words by WALLER.
HENRY LAWES.
Parlante.
ho Washion
WHILE I LISTEN TO THY VOICE LAW.

Xht-t
- YK
While
I
lis
t en to
thy voice,
Chlo- ris, I
feel
OY

110
my life
de
cay;
That pow'r - ful noise
calls
my fleet - ing
11
|||90p 11

soul
à - Way;
Tollo TT001
gup - press
that ma-gic sound, ..
1

... Which destroys with · out
a
wound.
Peace, peace,
Chloris,
f
188 .
While I listen to thy voice.

peace,
or sing
· ing die, That to - gether thou and
I
to heav'n may
-
cres.
o
11

IN
go;
For
all
we know
Of what
the bless-ed do

bove
Is that
they sing,
and that they
love.
000
In his lighter and less ambitious efforts, Lawes is equally
careful and equally successful in giving expression to the poetry
he takes in hand. Here is a song of a very different character
-less fragmentary, and, in one sense, far more musical than
that which you have just heard.
Lawes.
189
:
SONG.–GO, YOUNG MAN.
HENRY LAWES.
Allegretto.

1st o. Go, young man,
2nd o. 'Tis on · ly
let
beau
my heart :
ty you
- lone,
ad - mire,
I

'Twill
And
be
that's
the
pris'
ob
ner un- to none;
ject of de • sire,
Nor will I
Which by de

1
Cu
are
pid's shackles
burns to a
wear,
flame,
Since lo-vers' laws
And hence Love first
grees
re-
-boll
190
190
Go, young man.

80
•
my
80
its
vere.
name.
Love
Then,
is
young
ceiv'a
man,
1

CON-
slave
give
whilst I
me leave
de - spise,
to doubt,
But once
Since Love's
IT

rall.
1st verse.
and verse. I
-
ran - nize.
tent
fire,
he'll
and
ty
fires
•
.
.
.
.
will
out.
English Instrumental Music.
191
If the vocal compositions of Lawes, so interesting in many
respects, convey rather an unfavourable impression of English
musical science in the first half of the seventeenth century, the
instrumental compositions of a contemporary might remove this
impression most effectually. John Jenkins, whose only Italian
rivals were Frescobaldi and Allegri, actually died, at the age of
seventy, fifteen years before any of the compositions of Corelli
were given to the world ; he may be fairly said, indeed, to have.
made a reputation, and a great one, before the father of Italian
instrumental music was born.
The “Memoires of Musick” of the Hon. Roger North,
Attorney-General to James II., a book which, though long
known to musical literati in manuscript, was first published only
a few years since, through the care of Dr. Rimbault, contains
many curious and interesting particulars about this musician,
and also about the state of music in England during the first
half of the seventeenth century. Any reputation that we may
now have among Continental nations, as musicians, must be
attributed entirely to our essays in vocal music; in instrumental
we must be content to accept a very inferior status. This,
however, was certainly not always the case; and many passages
could be cited, from foreign as well as English memoirs of the
time, to show that, in the composition as well as in the perfor-
mance of instrumental music, the English were regarded as on the
whole superior to any other people. Roger North, for instance,
speaking of the Italian fantazias, says, “Afterwards these were
imitated by the English who, working more elaborately, im-
proved upon their patterne, which gave occasion to an observa-
tion, that in vocall, the Italians, and in instrumental music, the
English excelled."* And further on he speaks of “those
authors whose performances gained to the nation the credit in
excelling the Italian in all but the vocall.”
* Memoires of Musick, pp. 74 and 83,
192
John Jenkins.
Another writer of about the same time, Christopher Simpson,
says, “You need not seek outlandish authors, especially for
instrumental musick ; no nation (in my opinion) being equal to
the English in that way.”* And a more positive and pungent
authority, Matthew Lock, has the following, “And for those
mountebanks of wit, who think it necessary to disparage all
been and are some excellent things done by strangers, I shall
make bold to tell them (and I hope my known experience in this
science will inforce them to confess me a competent judge) that
I never saw any foreign instrumental composition (a few French
courantes excepted) worthy an Englishman's transcribing."
This is very strong language. But it must be remembered that
it was uttered before any of the great Italians who followed
shortly after-Corelli, Bassani, Geminiani, Tartini—had given
anything to the world, and indeed before some of them had
come into it.
I need not say that all the instrumental music of this period,
Italian or English, with the partial exception of some of Corelli's,
is now utterly forgotten. It will excite no surprise that the
writings of John Jenkins have not proved exempt from this
common lot. Yet assuredly no composer's reputation could have
appeared to be built on a wider or a firmer basis. Jenkins had
invention, science, and facility. “For nearly half a century,"
says North, “the private music in England was, in great
measure, supplied by him.” Nor was his reputation confined to
this country. One at least of his works, a Collection of Sonatas
for two Violins and a Bass, was reprinted at Amsterdam (in 1664),
and North tells a story (p. 87) of a Spanish Don who “sent
some papers to Sir Peter Lely containing one part of an English
“Concert,” desiring that he would procure and send him the other
parts costa che costa.” It was shown to Jenkins and recognised
* Compendium of Practical Music, 1667, p. 145.
His Fancies.
.
193
by him as from his hand, but when and where he had written
it he was altogether unable to say. Such was the reputation of
this musician at about the middle of the seventeenth century,
that to a contemporary his “ Fancies” (the name by which most
of his pieces were known) would have seemed as little likely to go
out of favour as the Quartets of Haydn to any of us. Alas,
for the instability of musical fame! Four bars, forming one poor
little three-part Round, “A Boat, a Boat unto the Ferry," are

all out of the horse-loads of music by John Jenkins which the
world has not " willingly let die.” Let us devote five minutes
to the payment of a tribute of respect to the memory of this
worthy, and try to find something, in one of his works, of the
churm which so many of them assuredly had for our ancestors.
The piece I have selected for performance, from a collection
which I bave here, in a contemporary handwriting, possibly
that of the composer, is one of his Three-Part Fancies. It re-
tains few traces of the old tonality of which I have so often
spoken, and begins and ends in G minor. It is built on two
subjects, not treated at very great length, but certainly with
much skill. It contains a pleasing little episode in triple time
beginning in the relative major key of B b. But the most re-
markable features of the piece are some chromatic effects which
you will recognise at once, and which you will have some
difficulty in believing to be two hundred years old. I cannot
vouch for their genuineness, though they are unmistakeably
indicated in my old copy. Little reliance is to be placed on
the accidentals found in early manuscript music, often inserted,
as they evidently are, by a later hand. In some cases no doubt
such insertion is the verification of a tradition, but in others it is
simply the record of individual fancy.
194
Three-Part Fancies.
TRIO.
JOHN JINKINS.
100.)
Allegro Moderato. (=
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195

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HY
200
The Interregnum.
The stream of musical history, which flowed on smoothly in
Italy down to the middle of the last century, if not down to our
own time, found obstruction in our Civil Wars and the social
changes which grew out of them, which it cannot be fairly said
ever to have thoroughly surmounted. The interdiction of the
Choral Service, the dispersion of choirs, and the destruction of
organs were, in the middle of the seventeenth century, tanta-
mount to laying the practice of music under an interdict; for
be it always remembered, up to this time the best art had been
religious art, and the highest genius had hitherto reserved its
greatest efforts for the service of the Church. Private musical
performance no doubt went on, in a quiet way, during the
Protectorate, without interruption or discouragement; indeed
the Protector himself was, it is said, a lover of music and might
eventually have become a patron of it. But the bolt was shot
and could not be recalled, even by the bowman himself.
At the close of the Interregnum, in the year 1660, England
might be described as equally wanting in pipes and strings, and in
people to play upon them. There were no organs, no organists;
voices there were of course, but there were no vocalists. The
remedy for this musical famine was, perhaps, inevitable ; at all
events it would have seemed so to a Court whose tastes and
habits were so entirely of foreign growth as that of Charles II.
Continental artists must be introduced in considerable numbers;
and, to complete our musical denationalization, our young musi-
cians must be sent abroad to learn their art.
Among the first set of choristers got together for the Chapel
Royal, after the Restoration, one Pelham Humphreys early
attracted attention by his musical aptitude. At this time the
works of Lully were regarded by his adopted countrymen, the
French, as combining in the most perfect proportions every
quality by which music should or could be distinguished.
Though some deduction must be made from this national and
contemporaneous estimate, Lully was a man of great ability,
Pelham FIumphreys.
201
who had had the good sense or good fortune to form his style
on that of Carissimi-unquestionably the greatest genius of the
seventeenth century.
By the direction and at the charge of Charles II., Pelham
Humphreys was sent to Paris to study under Lully, and like his
master therefore he formed his style, though at second-hand,
on that of Carissimi, and on his return home was the means of .
making his artistic brethren acquainted with a number of effects,
many of them beautiful and all new, and a system of composi-
tion differing, in plan and detail, from that of the great English
masters of the second period as widely as the “ Lyrical Ballads”
of Wordsworth differ from the “ Pastorals” of Pope.
Before introducing you to an example of Pelham Humphreys'
compositions, I will read you one or two passages from a book
with which many of you will be familiar, Pepys' Diary, which
will serve to introduce to you Pelham Humphreys himself, shortly
after his return from the expedition on which he had been sent
by Charles II. My attention has been called to these passages
by my kind friend Dr. Rimbault, so distinguished for the extent
of his reading, especially in English musical history. The
passages furnish a lively sketch of the state and progress of
post-Restoration music.*
“ Nov. 22, 1663.-At chapel : I had room in the Privy Seale
pew with other gentlemen, and there heard Dr. Killigrew preach.
The anthem was good after sermon, being the fifty-first psalme,
made for five voices by one of Captain Cooke's boys, a pretty
boy. And they say there are four or five of them that can do
as much. And here I first perceived that the King is a little
* Dr. Rimbault has further obliged me by communicating the following
extracts from MSS. in his possession entitled “ Moneys received and paid
for Secret Services, Temp. Car. II.”
1664.-To Pelham Humphreys to defray the charge of his journey into
France and Italy, 2001.
1665.-To Pelham Humphreys, bounty 1001.
1666.—To Pelham Humphreys, bounty 1501.
202
Pelham Humphreys.
ATQ
musical, and kept good time with his hand all along the
anthem.
“ Nov. 1, 1667.-To Chapel, it being All Hallows Day, and
heard a fine anthem, made by Pelham, who is come over.
“ Nov. 15, 1667.—Home, and there find, as I expected, Mr.
Cæsar and little Pelham Humphreys, lately returned from
France, and is an absolute Monsieur, as full of form and confi-
dence and vanity, and disparages everything, and everbody's
skill but his own. But to hear how he laughs at all the King's
musick here, as Blagrave and others, that they cannot keep
time nor tune, nor understand anything; and the Grebus, the
Frenchman, the King's master of the music, how he under-
stands nothing, nor can play on any instrument, and so cannot
compose ; and that he will give him a lift out of his place; and
that he and the King are mighty great."
From this last extract we may gather that Master Pelham
Humphreys had returned from foreign parts with a very high
opinion of his own powers, and a very low one of those of the
people among whom he found himself. And this condition of
mind he was at no pains to conceal. It is impossible to doubt
that his estimate of himself, as well as of the people about
him, was a tolerably just one. Of the old English school
the last and greatest master, Orlando Gibbons, had been
gathered to his fathers forty years before; and its only sur-
viving representatives, Child, Rogers, and a few others, were
men advanced in life, whose powers, whatever they might once
have been, or have become under more favourable circumstances,
had been crippled by years of poverty and neglect, and who
found themselves called upon to work under conditions which
were new to them and to which they were altogether unequal.
In Italy the transition from the style of Palestrina to that of
Cavalli, Cesti, and Stradella was made gradually and all
but insensibly. But during great part of the time in which
it was being made in foreign parts, music, when enjoyed at all
Si
Pelham Humphreys.
203
in England, was a stolen pleasure, and the only vocal exercise
recognised by the law of the land was the practice of unisonous
metrical psalmody.
Thus the English music of the first years of the seventeenth
century is separated from that of the last by a great gulf, which it
was hopeless to expect that those who had been left on its further
side should ever bridge over. Those on the near side, therefore,
had a clear field before them, and the only impediment to the
successful exercise of their invention they were likely to find
was the last they would have been likely to take into account,
“ the weight of too much liberty.” Nothing more unlike the
ecclesiastical music of any of his English predecessors than
that of Pelham Humphreys can possibly be conceived.
Mozart's "Idomeneo" was not a greater advance on all pre-
ceding operas, nor Beethoven's “ Eroica" on all preceding sym-
phonies, than is the anthem to which I shall now invite you to
listen, on all preceding compositions of the same kind. Every-
thing in it was new to English ecclesiastical music-its harmony,
melody, and, more than all, plan. In place of the overlapping
phrases of the old masters, growing out of one another like the
different members of a Gothic tower, we have masses of har-
mony subordinated to one rhythmical idea; in place of sus-
tained and lofty flights, we have shorter and more timorous
ones—these even relieved by frequent halts and frequent diver-
gences; and in lieu of repetition or presentation of a few
passages under different circumstances, a continually varying
adaptation of music to changing sentiment of words, and the
most fastidious observance of their emphasis and quantity. It
would be easy to point out the faults in Pelham Humphreys'
music, as in all the music of his time, but the faults are at least
counterbalanced by the beauties, which were once novelties as
well as beauties, and which must ever remain beauties, though
to us they may have lost their companion charm.
204
Hear, O Heavens.
ANTHEM.-HEAR, O HEAVENS.
Isaiah i. 2, 4, 16, 17, 18.
PELHAM HUMPHREYS.

IOT
ta
Hear,
o hoav'ns, and
give ear,
0
earth: for
the Lord hath
g
1
1
00
1
O
.
7,
folgen
1

spoken.
I have nourish'd and brought up chil - dren, and they have re-
_ YITO
-
-
--

1
1
1
Ah!.. sin - ful nationi,
bellid
against me.
against me.
a
seed of
8 - vil - do-ers,
1
1
Ilumphreys.
205

=
Ah!
sin - ful
children that are corrupters: they have for - sak · en
the Lord.

na • tion, they have
provok - ed the
ho - ly
One
of
Is · ra • el
AT
PE
Th110-
-

.
x
...
un . to an -ger:
Ahl
sinful, sin - ful
Ah! _
Ah!
sinful nation,
Ah!
sin - ful
206
Hear, O Heavens.

seed of e - vil - do -ers,
chil - dren that are cor-rup - ters,
they have for-
na- tion.
na
•
tion.

sak- en the Lord. Ah!
sinful
nation, Ah!
sin - ful
na
.
tion.
Tro
Ah! ...... sin- ful na - tion,
11
Ahl ...... sin - ful na - tion,
-
e
Humphreys
207

CHORUS.
They have pro-vok - ed
the
Ah!
- ful na - tion.
They have pro-vok - ed the
Ah!
Ah!
sin
-
ful na- tion. They have pro-vok - ed the
CHORUS.
11
Ah! Ah!
sin
-
ful na - tion.
They have pro-vok - ed the
FULL
.

họ - ly One
of Is • ra • el
an · ger; Ah! sin-ful na-tion,
ho - ly One of
Is - ra - el
un - to
an • ger; Ah! sin-ful na-tion,
ho - ly One
of Is
·
ra - elun - to an-ger;
Ah!
Ah!
-
>
TO
ho
One of
Is - ra • el
un , to
an - ger; AL!
ALI
-
-
-
bebe.
208
Hear, O Heavens.

1
.
1
1
sin - ful na - tion,
Ah! sin- ful na
tion.
1
120
sin - ful na- tion,
Ah!
sin - ful, Ah!....
sin-ful na - tion.
sin - ful na- tion,
Ah!
Ah!
sin
-
ful na- tion.
LO
sin . ful na - tion,
Ah!.....
sin - ful
na
.
.
.
tion.
GEDI
VERSE.

NL
Put a-way the e- vil of your doings from be- fore mine
1.
11
Make you clean,
Wash ye,
NỮ
-
UN
Humphreys.
209

eyes,
seek judgment,
H
learn to do well,
cease to do
8 - vil,
re - licve th'oppressed,
TOOD
TTO
UNIO
.
+

plead,
plead,
plead,
plead,
plcad ..
judge
the fa - therless,
for the widow,
for the widow,
plead
-In
for the widow,
for the widow,
plead
11
-
210
Hear, 0 Heavens.

.
....
for the widow.
Come now,
let us reason to-gether, saith the
· for
the
widow.
Come now,
let us reason to-gether, saith the
....
for the widow.
Come now,
let us reason to-gether, saith tho
į aith
hug (23)

|
Lord,
Lord,
they shall be as white as
Lord,
Lord,
they shall be
as white as
Lord, Tho'
your sius
be
as
scar · let,
Humphreys.
211

PHF
Show,
they .... shall be
as wool, tho' your
HIA
✓
Snow,
snow,
AS
11
tho' they be red like crimson,
they shall be
as
wool,

sins be as scar - let,
11
-
they shall be as white as snow, tho' they
be
like
they shall be as wbite as snow, tho' they
be red like
212
Hear, 0 Heavens.

SL-
28 scar - let,
they
..... shall be
as
wool,
crim - son,
like crim - son,
they shall bo
as
wool,
tho
crim - son,
liko criin - SOD,
they shall be
as
wool,
tho
R
back
hem

as scar - let,
they . . . . . shall be as
they shall be
as
thcy be red liko crim-son,
like crim-son,
they be red like crim-son,
like crim - son,
they shall be
08
Humphreys.
213
CHORUS.

Tho' your sins be
as
scar
a la
1
wool.
Tho' your sins be
18
scar - let, they shall be
as
wool.
Tho' your sins be
CHORUS.
13
scar · let, they
shall
wool.
Tho' your sins be
as
scar - let,
they shall be
as
00
NULL,
L

11
they shall be
as white
as
snow,
tho' they
be
+
HE
white,
as
white
as
Snow,
·be
as white, as white
as
snow, tho' they be
red
like
white
99
snow, tho' they be
red
like
1
214
Hear, O Heavens.
-

red
like crim
-
son,
tho' they be red
like
crim - son, like
EFT
11
-
tho'they be red
like crim
-
son,
tho' they be
red
like
crim
son,
tho' they be
red
liko
crim
-
son,
thoʻthey be
red
like crim
-
son,
red
like
0
1
1
4
foto

crim - son, they
shall be
as
wool,
tho' they be
Ett
111
crim · son,
they .... shall be as
wool,
HH
crimson,
they shall
be
as
wool, tho' they be red
re
crim - son,
they shall
as
wool, tho' they be red
like
Humphreys.
215

red
like crim
-
son,
tho' they
thor i
y be
be
red
red
like
like
PITA
tho' they be red
like
crim
Bon,
tho' they be
crim
son,
tho' they
be
crim
son,
tbo' they
be
red
like crim
son,
S

crim- son, like crim
·
8011, they
shall
be
as
wool. :
red
like crim
• son,
they ....
shall be
as
wool.
red
like crim- son,
they shall
83
wool.
-b
red
like crim
· son, they shall
be
as
wool.
216
The Perfect Cadence.
S
Pelham Humphreys' career as a composer is the very shortest
on record. It extends over something less than seven years.
He returned from Paris in 1667, and died in 1674, at the early
age of twenty-seven. Yet no artist ever exercised a greater
influence on his age and country; none so great an influence
within so short a space of time. It may be traced in the com-
positions of his fellow-students Wise and Blow—men of his
own standing; in those of Purcell, who was but sixteen years
old at the time Humphreys died; and in the still later composi-
tions of Croft, Weldon, and others of inferior mark,-in fact in
the writings of every English composer educated before the
arrival of Handel in England, in 1710,
In the works of three of the musicians I have just named,
Blow, Wise, and Purcell, there is a strong family likeness;
although those of the last, Purcell, are distinguished by far
greater originality, strength, and sweetness. In all, as there
are some of the same excellences, so there are some of the same
faults. If they now and then reach the sublime in expression,
they sometimes make the one step beyond it. They often
follow the changing sense of the words, to the sacrifice of every-
thing like musical construction. Their themes are rarely de-
veloped to any considerable extent: their movements rarely
comprise more than a few phrases, which do not, as I just said,
grow out of one another, like those of the old and of the best
modern masters, but are rather patched on to one another, often
in a somewhat inconsequent manner.
I have more than once called attention to the fact that many
musical forms and effects now indispensable to musical practice
were, up to the end of the sixteenth century, only used by a few
composers, and used only by them in a somewhat tentative and
very reticent way. The most striking of these is the “perfect
cadence," a figure so familiar to nineteenth century ears that it
is hard to believe it formed no part of the composer's recognised
material up to about two hundred and fifty years ago, and that
Musical Imitation.
217
before the seventeenth century it was not an accepted, but
rather a discredited and tabooed, form. In the second half of
the seventeenth century every trace of that hesitation had been
removed. In the works of Carissimi it is at least of sufficiently
frequent occurrence, but in those of his imitators it recurs
literally ad nauseam. They seem to have been never weary of
using it.
In an anthem by Michael Wise, a very popular one, “Prepare
ye the Way of the Lord,” there are in the first movement, which
consists of only fourteen bars, no less than six perfect cadences,
in the direct or uninverted form; the composition, which consists
in all of but ninety-seven bars, being actually broken up into
no less than eight movements. In an anthem by Jeremiah
Clarke, “Praise the Lord, O Jerusalem !” which is of about the
same length as this of Wise, and which is divided into six
movements, the time undergoes no less than five changes. As
to the perfect cadences, they are introduced in every second bar.
Moreover, a very serious error of taste first made its appear-
ance about this time, no sign of which I discern in the writings
of Humphreys, but which disfigures some, and some too of the
best, works of the greatest of his successors, Purcell. This,
which shows itself in an extravagance of expression which
amounts almost to musical punning, arises from a very false
though not uncommon view both of the powers and the pur-
poses of music. Music is a highly suggestive, but not an imi.
tative, art. Musicians have at times lost sight of this truth;
and, misled by certain seeming analogies, they have turned the
powers of sound to improper uses, and not content with por-
traying or suggesting by particular successions of notes parti.
cular states of feeling, they have tried to mimic the actions of
man and the lower animals, and even the changing appearances
of inanimate nature.
Two examples will sufficiently illustrate my meaning. Purcell,
generally so very felicitous, so true to nature and art, in his
218
Musical Imitation.
expression, opens his anthem, “ They that go down to the Sea
in Ships,” by a descending musical passage of two octaves,
tbus:--
They that go
down ,.
to, the bes
in
ships,
And a little further on he presents us with the words, “ They
are carried up to heaven and down again to the deep,” as
follows:-
They are car-ried up
to Heav'n and down .
....
gain
to
the
deep
.
.
.
Now I do not think there is any true analogy between
-“ going down to the sea" and going down the scale; between
being “carried 11p to heaven” by the force of the winds and
waves, and being carried up to the top of one's voice by any
influence whatever. Nor is there any obvious resemblance
between the fearful chasms of a rolling sea—the “deep," as it
is finely called in the Scriptures—and a very exceptional and
often ludicrous note at the bottom of a bass voice. If there
be any analogy, or similitude, or parity between these several
actions and things, and the passages I have sung, it follows
that there is analogy, or similitude, or parity among the things
themselves : for “things equal to the same thing are equal to
one another.”
But enough of the faults and shortcomings of these composers,
faults in defence of which much might be said, and which,
Henry Purcell.
219
admitted in full, amount to very little, and are the all but
inevitable result of the circumstances in which they found them-
selves placed. Let us return to the more agreeable occupation
of contemplating their beauties, exhibited as they are, in the
greatest number and to the greatest advantage, in the works of
Henry Purcell.
Of the life of this, the most interesting of English musicians,
but few particulars have been preserved. Purcell has to be
added to the list of those illustrious musicians who have justi-
fied the apophthegm, “ Those whom the gods love, die young."
His career ended with his thirty-eighth year; but, happily for
the world, it was begun early. He was admitted to the Chapel
Royal as a probationer at six years of age, immediately after
the death of his father, from whom, probably, he received his
first instructions in music; and, before the termination of his
occupation as a choir-boy, i.e., before his fifteenth year, he had
actually made a considerable reputation as a composer in the
highest and most difficult branch of composition, Church i
through the works of Pelham Humphreys who, you will re-
member, returned from Paris in 1667, when Purcell would have
been nine years of age. Shortly after Humphreys' return, Cooke,
the first master of the boys subsequently to the Restoration, on
whom had devolved the difficult task of reconstructing the
Royal Choir, died, and Humphreys reigned in his stead. As
a matter of course Purcell became his pupil, and was early
made familiar with that new style of which I bave spoken so
often. Purcell, like every man of great genius, was to a great
extent self-taught. His Church music more especially indi- /
cates acquaintance with a larger, more learned, and therefore
earlier, style than that on which Humphreys had formed
his. It is well known that at this time all such music-all
the works of our old masters had been consigned to the Index
Expurgatorius of King Charles II. That “ brisk and airy
10
220
Purcell.
S
Prince,” tolerant of so many other things, was altogether in.
tolerant of the ancient modes, of contrapuntal artifice and, as
an old Editor puts it, of “the grave and solemn way which had
been established by Tallis, Byrd, and others.” His majesty liked
music “ to which he could beat time;" thus measuring it, in
more senses than one, by a rule of thumb. But though the ,
grave and solemn way might be tabooed, much of the music in
which it had been followed had escaped destruction. The old
books, the depositories of the learning and genius of his prede-
cessors, were still accessible to, and doubtless often opened by,
Henry Purcell. One can picture to oneself this gifted and
beautiful boy piecing together from half a dozen separate part
books (scores were rare in those days) some of these venerable
Services and Anthems, and trying to realize, with his mind's
ear, something of the effect of that music in which a Henry VIII.
might have taken part, and by which an Elizabeth or a Charles I.
might have worshipped within those very walls in which they
were still housed; and, though of course not unsusceptible
to the influences of his own time, wondering over the chances
and changes which had for the moment reduced all this to the
value of waste paper, and revolving the possibility, not of galva-
nizing into a ghastly and ridiculous caricature of existence that
of which the life had long been extinct and the work long done,
but of turning to account the eternal principles of truth and
beauty which had once quickened it, in a style of music which,
whether better or worse, was the only style acceptable to his
own generation. This, so far as one can read his mind in his
works, Purcell must have aimed at; and this, to a considerable
extent, he succeeded in attaining to. In his secular works no
less than in his ecclesiastical, in his instrumental compositions
no less than in his vocal, there is a strength, a clearness, a
healthiness which, though never manifested in a revival of the
sustained grandeur of the old Italian and English schools, or
an anticipation of that of the modern German school--for at
Purcell.
221
the time in which his lot was cast that was impossible—there
is, I say, in all his writings that which only the discipline
attendant on the study of music of a very different epoch to
that of his own could possibly have given to them.
We have neither time nor force now to justify all this or any-
thing like it, by illustration ; but in the, with one exception,
minor compositions of this great composer which you will now
hear, all of which I have extracted from his secular works,
you will, I think, discern irrefragable evidence of a rich vein
of melody, of a fine taste in harmony, of a delicate sense both
of the inward graces and the outward signs of poetry ;-all
these powers made orderly and effective by that science which
in the works of great artists, though often occult, is never
altogether inoperative, or undiscernible by the inquiring eye
or ear. The one composition to which I have alluded, which
cannot be called minor, is the song, “ You Twice Ten Hundred
Deities,” which, like many other of Purcell's single songs, forms
part, not of an opera but, of a play, “ The Indian Queen,” a
joint production of Dryden and Sir Robert Howard. I find
that this play was first produced in 1665, when Purcell was
only seven. It is impossible to believe that the music you are
about to hear can have been the production of a youth of that
age, or indeed of any Englishman at so early a date. It bears
all the traces both of a very practised hand and of a later time,
and must belong to Purcell's mature years.
In the same play, “The Indian Queen,” is another song of very
different character, “I attempt from Love's Sickness to fly,"
which will remind those who were present at my first lecture of a
song by Cavalli; seeing that, though the details are different in
every respect, the form—the Rondo form as it might be called,
wherein the first subject is repeated after every section is
adopted in both. It has always been regarded as one of the
most touching and refined of Purcell's compositions.
222
You Twice Ten Hundred Deities.
SCENE.—YOU TWICE TEN HUNDRED DEITIES.
From “ The Indian Queen.”
H. PURCELL.
Recitativo.

You twice ten hundred De - i-ties,
to whom,
to whom we daily
HIPOO
TOTO
=
10

1
88 - cri-fice;
Ye pow'rs,
ye pow'rs
that dwell with Fates be-
-
cres.
Hoo MOL
Teil
low,
And see what Men
are doom'd
to
Where Elements
66
Hoto 11
Øl

ITALS
- cord dwell;
Thou, God of sleep,
ITUTUS
mult
0010
Purcell.
223

riso
..... and tell,
Tell,
great Zempoalla, what strange, strange fate
! Opp
cres.

bo-
vi - sion wait.
must on
her
dis .
-
-
-
-
is . • mal
ITTOO
TO
AIR.
Moderato. () = 80.)

By the croaking of the

In
Toad,
her cave that makes & - bode;
A
224
You Twice Ten Hundred Dcilics.

By the croaking of the Toad, In her cave that makes a - bode ;
161
11

UNI
E
Earthy Dun,
Earthy Dun
that
pants ....
Li
be
jQ10

..... for breath, With her swellid
.
..
cres.

OLU
-STI
sides
full,
full,
full . . . . of death
Purcell.
225

By the crested Adder's pride,
By the crested Adder's
Lei
-

pride,
That a long the cliffs do
glide, ..
Re

IO
1
By thy
1

e,
By thy visage
fierce ...
visage,
and black,
cres.
226
You Twice Ten Hundred Deities.

By the Death's head on thy back;
10
twist .
.
1
.

f
.... ed
Serpents plac'd
For &
ws
he

1
girdle
round ..
thy
waist;
By the
A
cres.

hearts of gold that deck
thy breast,
thy shoulders,
and thy neck;
1
Purcell.
227

From thy
sleep ... • ing mansion
Q
Legato.
T

rise,
And
0 - pen,
thy
un - wil .
-
ling
.
00
cres.
cres.

ndan
1
eyes!
bub - bling
springs their

cres.
&nd
0 - pen
While
mu - Bio keep,
While
bub - bling springs their
OIL
'
228
You Twice Ten Hundred Deities.

1
I
mu - sic keep
that
us'd
to
lull thee,
usd
to
lull
thee,

lull thee
in
thy
sleep.
1

That
usd
to
lull thee,
lull thee,
lull theė,
us’d
to
11

lull thee,
lull
thee
in
thy sleep.
1
Purcell.
229
AIR.-I ATTEMPT FROM LOVE'S SICKNESS TO FLY.
From “ The Indian Queen."
H. PURCELL.
Andante Grazioso. (J= 92.)

I
at-tempt from
Love's
sick - ness
to
fly
..

.
... in
vain, Since
I
am
my · self my own fe - ver, Since
WIL
TTO QUAL
:
TAB

--
-
nad
am my · self my own
fe · ver
and
pain.
No
Tot
.

it
-
more now, no more now, fond
heart,
with pride no more swell,
Thou
UT
TO
ER
230
I attempt from Love's sickness to fly.
.

.
canst not
raise
for - ces, Thou
canst
not raise
for - ces
TTDY
THE
1

EL
nough
to
re
- bel.
For
Love has more
pow'r and
less
OTOR
TTA

mer • cy than Fate, To
make us
seek
ru
-
in,
I PAS
1000L
i

0
1
make us seek
"ru -
in,
and
love those
that
hate.
24
PRE
ILI
-
O
.
.
Purcell.
231
As it has been one of my objects, throughout these lectures,
to introduce you to some composers with whom you might have
had little previous acquaintance, so of others whose names are
generally better known I have been careful to bring under your
notice only such compositions as have not, I think, received their
fair share of attention. It would be easy to follow this latter
course in respect to Purcell. He presents no exception to the
general industry and versatility of great musical composers. We
rise from the perusal of a list of his productions, wondering alike
at its extent and variety. His sacred music alone, as scientific
and as highly finished as it is original and interesting, fills, in
a recent edition, four large and closely-printed volumes ; his
instrumental music, which has never been collected, would pro-
bably occupy still more space; he wrote many operas, not mere
strings of songs, but veritable operas, in which the business of
the drama is for the most part worked out in music; and he
contributed a large quantity of incidental music, vocal and in-
strumental, to the plays written, or revived with alterations, by
Davenant, Dryden, and others.
From this vast repertory I shall choose two, not of the least
but of the best-known pieces-pieces forming now accepted
portions of one of the most familiar of Shakspeare's dramas,
“ The Tempest.” A specimen or two of Purcell's illustrations of
Shakspeare will not be inappropriate to the present time:*
perhaps it would be hard to find a time to which they would
be. They are all utterances of the same personage, the loveliest
of poetical creations, the “delicate Ariel.” Surely if ever
musician had ear to catch, memory to retain, and hand to
record any of those "noises” of which Prospero's isle was
“ full,” those
"Sounds and sweet airs that give delight and hurt not,"
Purcell was he.
* That of the Tercentenary Commemoration of the Poet's birth.
232
Full Fathom Five.
AIR AND CHORUS. ---FULL FATHOM FIVE.
From SHAKESPEAR'S “ Tempest."
H. PURCELL.
- Largo. (d = 66.)

DTB

Full fa - thom
five
thy
fa
. ther
mi

lies;
Full
f- thom
Sito

five
ly
f&- ther
lies; Of his bones
is
00 -
- - ral made; Those are
Purceil.
233

pearls
that were bis
eyes:
.... • thing
of
him
that doth

1st time.
2d time.
!
fade,
fade, But doth suf- fer, doth
suf - fer
&
sex ,
-
-

change In - to some - thing
rich and strange, But doth suf-fer, doth suf-fer a
DO TO
TN

sea
strange.
TROL
YA
0 Guillo
234
Full Fathom Five.
CHORUS.

• nymphs hourly
ring
his
knell:
Hark! now I hear them, -
.
Ses · nymphs hour • ly
ring
his kuell:
Hark! now I hear them,
Sea • nymphs hour - lyring
his
knell: Harki now I hear them,
Sea - nymphs hour - lyring
his
knell:
Harkı'now I hear them,-
eves sempre ....

ding-dong, ding-dong, bell.
Hark! now I hear them,ding-dong,ding-dong, bell.
ding - dong, hell.
Harki now I hear them, ding - dong, bell.
ding · dong,
bell.
Harki now I hear them, ding - dong,
bell.
11
11
ding - dong,
bell.
Hark! now I hear them, ding - dong,
COL
1
Purcell.
235

cres.
Hark! now I
mf
hear them, Hark! now I hear them, Hark! now I hear them,
cres.
S1
Hark! now I hear them, Hark / now I hear
cres,
them, Hark! now I hear them,
mte
Hark! now I hear them,
cres.
Hark! now I hear them, I hear them,
Hark! now I hear them, Hark! now I hear them, Hark! now I hear them,
cres.
8ves sempre. ...
dim.

ding - dong, bell, ding,
dim.
ding - dong, bell,
ding · dong
bell.
ding - dong, bell, ding,
ding - dong, bell, ding, ding • dong,
bell.
dom
AFT
ding, dong, bell, ding, ding-dong, bell, ding, ding - dong,
bell.
dim.
ding - dong, bell, ding, ding - dong, bell, ding, ding - dong,
bell.
dim.
236
Come unto these Yellow Sands.
AIR AND CHORUS.-COME UNTO THESE YELLOW SANDS.
From SHAKESPEAR'S “Tempest.”
H. PURCELL.
1st time,

II

2d time.
TTO?
Ho!
TO AL
VO
TT

1st time.
L
.
11
Come un - to these yel -
- low sands, And there take hands:
TO

2d time.
there take hands: Foot it
feat-ly here and there; And let the rest the bur-den bear.
.
E
TO
HOTO
100_1
TO 1
RUL
Purcell.
237
CHORUS

RX
Hark,
hark! the watch - dogs bark: Hark, hark! I
hear
the
Hark,
hark!
the watch-dogs bark:
Hark, hark! I hear
the
-
1
hark!
the watch-dogs bark:
Hark, hark! I
hear
the
Hark,
hark!
the watch-dogs bark:
Hark, hark! I hear
Quaal
11
-

RT
strain of chanticleer. Hark, hark! I
hear
the strain
of chanticleer.
ain
of chanticleer. Hark, hark! I hear
the
strain
of chanticleer.
1
strain of
chanticleer. Hark, hark! I hear
the strain
of
chanticleer.
strain
of
chanticleer. Hark, hark! I
hear
the strain of chanticleer,
-
LECTURE VI.
ENGLAND.CONTINUED.
HANDEL-HIS EDUCATION-ZACKAU-HAMBURG-KEISER-
“THE PASSION" - ITALY - ENGLAND —- “RINALDO"-
WATER MUSIC—THE DUKE OF CHANDOS—“ACIS AND
GALATEA”-SUBJECTS AND TREATMENT-CHAMBER DUET,
“DAGL' AMORI”-INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC-THE HARPSI-
CHORD — PIÈCES POUR LE CLAVECIN - COURANTE -
“ SOSARMD"-" SEMLLE"_CONCLUSION.
LECTURE VI.
ENGLAND-CONTINUED.
I ENDEAVOURED to show, in my last Lecture, to what extent the
Italian music of the Transition Period had influenced our own.
The traditions of the English School had been broken off by
the music of other countries gradually and spontaneously, had
to be made in our own suddenly, and under exotic influences.
Our first great composer, after the Restoration, Henry Purcell, 1
received his earliest musical impressions from Pelham Hum-
phreys, a pupil of Lully, who, in his turn, had formed his style
on that of Carissimi-indisputably the type of the Transition
Period—the composer whose works at once. surpass and, as it
were, resume all others of his age.
The style of music imported by Pelham Humphreys, and
adopted by his fellow-students Wise and Blow, and subsequently
developed by Purcell, and Purcell's successors; Croft, under
whose hand English music seemed for a time to be resuming
its wonted masculine character; Jeremiah Clarke, whose grace
and sensibility all but redeemed his want of science; John
Weldon, perhaps the most tasteful ecclesiastical composer we
have yet had ;-in fact, the style of every English composer
whose education had been completed before the year 1710,
continued in favour for about half a century.
In the month of December of that year George Frederick
Handel made his first visit to England. This visit proved
even more fruitful in results than that of Humphreys to
242
Handel.
France; for not only did it again change the character of
English music, but it added one of the greatest of German
names to the list of English composers.
The details of Handel's life are so easily accessible, and
indeed so extensively known, that I shall only mention a few
dates in connexion with some of them, in order to make what
I have to say about the development of his genius intelligible.
He was born at Halle in Saxony in 1685. Like most other
great musicians, he exhibited his aptitude, and what is so often
mistaken for it his liking, for music, very early; but his father,
who was a doctor of medicine, opposed the cultivation of his
particular taste most strongly; as, by the way, the father of
every man of genius is invariably said to have done. Fortunately
for the world, certain accidents served to remove Dr. Handel's
scruples, and his son was placed under the instruction of
Zackau, an excellent contrapuntist and skilful organ player.
Handel was “an old man's child :" his father had attained
the age of sixty-three when his son was born to him. It is not
astonishing therefore that the latter was left fatherless at an
early age. Dr. Handel died, at the age of seventy-five, when
his son was in his thirteenth year. For some time, though with
occasional interruptions, the young Handel continued to profit
by the instruction and assistance of Zackau; but at the age of
eighteen, doubtless furnished with more science and skill than
judgment and taste, but strong in hope and not wanting in self-
reliance, he set off, with a light heart and a lighter purse, like
some hero of a fairy tale, to seek his fortune. Of course he
was not long in reaching the gates of an Enchanter's palace,
the doors of which yielded willingly to the “open Sesame” which
he bore about with him. This palace was the Hamburg
Theatre, and the Enchanter that very Reinhard Keiser about
whom I said a good deal in my third Lecture, and of whose
powers of enchantment you then had an opportunity of forming
some estimate. At this time Keiser, Handel's senior by twelve
Hamburg.
243
years, had made some way in the long and splendid career
which proved to be before him, and had more than begun to
exercise that influence which subsequently made itself felt so
actively and so widely. He was “ facile princeps" among the
musicians, not of his age perhaps, but of his country. Among
those of his own standing he had no doubt many equals in
contrapuntal skill and general knowledge; but in invention,
facility, and taste, he stood alone among his compatriots. J. S.
Bach, like Handel (they were born in the same year), was as yet,
at the time of which I am speaking, among those always uncer-
tain and often disappointing personages—promising young men.
Among Keiser's forces Handel then enrolled himself, in the
comparatively humble capacity of a “ripieno," second violin.
The tide which leads on to fortune was not long in rising to
his feet, nor he unready to take it at the flood. The sudden
indisposition, not of the Prima Donna nor even of the Primo
Tenore, but of the Clavecinist, gave him an opportunity of which
he was in every sense prepared to avail himself. The duties of
the Clavecinist, up to a time quite recent, in an opera per-
formance, were both onerous and delicate. The greater part
of the dialogue was delivered in recitative, not accompanied as
is now the custom by more or less of the whole orchestra, but
by a single Violoncello, Double Bass, and Harpsichord; and
even of Songs large portions were left with no other written
accompaniment than a figured bass, out of which the Clavecinist
was expected to call into existence graces innumerable,-thus
in the fullest sense
“ Untwisting all the chains that tye
The hidden soul of Harmony."
Handel's temporary lieutenancy soon led to permanent and
recognised occupation, and the substitute became a responsible
officer. Nor was his faculty for composition long without an
opportunity of being tested. During his stay in Hamburg he
produced four operas, which proved, with two or three excep-
R 2
214
The Passion.
tions, to be the only works with German words he ever set to
music. To one of these exceptions I have now to call your
special attention. It is “ The Passion,” according to St. John ;
interesting, if for no other reason, as the earliest work of
Handel that has been preserved (it is anterior to any even
of the operas I have just named), but far more so as exhibiting
his first manner; thus enabling us to estimate the effect
which his subsequent travels in Italy, and residence in England,
had upon his taste and genius.
· This very curious work was first given to the world only a year
or two since-a century and a half after its completion and first
performance. Its publication is due to the German Handel
Society, of whose noble edition of Handel's complete works it
forms Part IX. The editor, Herr Chrysander, tells us, in his
brief preface, that it “bears so genuine a Handelian impress,
that, notwithstanding its youthful immaturity, it may claim a
place in the series of Handel's works on its own account," and
that “no one will think of doubting its Handelian origin."
That it may claim a place among Handel's works on its own
account, that is as a work of genius, and one which those who
have gone into its history are fully satisfied is Handel's, is
unquestionable. But that “no one will think of doubting its
Handelian origin," from internal evidence, is so far from being
the case that I cannot discern in it the slightest trace of that
manner with which the subsequent works of Handel -- even the
earliest of these--are unmistakeably impressed. The external
or historical evidence of the work being Handel's would seem
to be very strong indeed ; but the internal has, it seems to me,
been excogitated by the learned Editor “ from the depths of his
own moral consciousness.” Had the work been brought under
my notice anonymously, I should, I hope, have been able to fix
its date pretty accurately, but I should have hesitated long in
assigning it to any particular author. It abounds in passages,
or rather turns of expression, which are not unfrequent in the
The Passion.
245
works of J. S. Bach, but which are not at all peculiar to him;
while the vocal parts are far more becoming to the voice than
any Bach ever wrote, except by accident. The work is one
that none but a singer could have written; and Handel, we
know, though he had but a feeble voice, sang so exquisitely as
to have given pleasure to the greatest vocalists of his own
time-eminently a time of great vocalists.
The pieces to which I shall now ask you to listen form an
uninterrupted series, beginning with the work itself. They
lose something, as all music does, by the translation of the
words to which it is set, however skilfully that may be made;
but for this you will make allowance. The work begins with
a short symphony followed by a recitative for a Tenor voice,
to which the part of the Evangelist is assigned throughout.
This recitative is followed by a song for a Soprano, which I am
sure you will agree in thinking exquisite. It contains too the
only quasi-Handelian passage in the selection. The first phrase
bears some resemblance to that of the opening of the beautiful
quintet, “ All that is in Hamor mine," in Handel's “ Jephtha”
his last oratorio, which is thus connected with his first by a
cycle of labour extending over all but fifty years. This song
is followed by another Tenor recitative, and a chorus; this again
by another Tenor recitative, and this by a short Alto air for
Pilate, to whom some of the most graceful, I would almost say
some of the most touching, passages in the work are assigned.
We will stop with a duet for two Sopranos, which is perhaps
the most interesting movement of all. It is full of “imita-
tion," the first six bars indeed being in strict canon in unison.
It concludes with a most striking effect (evidently called forth
by the words) which the composer has thrown into the
instrumental bass, the vocal melody remaining undisturbed
gliding on like the waters of some deep clear stream, over
and round about some great boulder which has tumbled into
its bed.
246
Passion
246
The The .
PassionTHE PASSION.
John xix.
HANDEL (1704).
SINFONIA.
Grave.

11
1

1
#
Mooo
!
RECIT. (TENOR.)

(EVANGBLIST.) Then Pi-late took
Je-sus and scour
II
TO
Air. (SOPRANO.)
Andante.

tes
ged him.
Sins
of ours of deep- est
DOOL
:TTOO
QQ
Wali
TO IL
Handel.
247

1
stain,
To the pure and righteous
S&- viour,
.

to
the Sa - viour,
Are
a weight of care far

beavier,
& weight far hea - pier, Than the
12
11

cru-el scourge's pain, . .
... Than the cru - el
scourge's
11
248
77, Pussion.

pain.
Thee, O
1
SER
11

man . .
Thee, 0
man .
11

.
the thought a - bash - es,
the thought a • bash - es, God for

thee endures thcsc lashes.
God
for thee en - dures these
Handel.
249

lash
Thee,
Thee,
o
cres.
1

man, the thought &- bashes, God for
thee endures these lash - es, God
for
.

T
1
thee
en- dures these lash
-
es.

1
TRI
111!
THIN00 lei
250
The Passion
.
N
Recit. (Tenor.

And the sol - diers stripped him,
and
platt - ed a crown of thorns, and
To
TO 001

C
put it up-on his head, and put on him & purple robe, and said,
00 V
1
CHORUS.
Allegro. NN

Poza
R
King of Ju-dah!
King of Ju-dah !
Hail! all bail
to thee!
To
King of Ju-dah!
King of Ju-dah!
Hail! all hail
to thee!
King of Ju-dah!
King of Ju-dah!
Hail! all hail to thee!
Roc
King of Ju-dah!
King of Ju-dah!
Hail! all hail
to thee
1
Tow!
TOR
Toe
TORAL
2.
I.
.
.
Handel.
257

E
of Judah !
King of
Ju-dah!
_
_
of
Ju-dahl
King of
Ju-dah!
0 King of Ju - dah!
King of
Ju-dah!
1.
0 King of
Ju - dah!
King of
Ju-dah!
TO
need
TOON
wita

Tool
15
Hail! all hail to thee,
dal!
TIT
l
Haill all hail to thee,
O King of
Ja
dah!
Hail! all hail to thee,
O King of
Ju
.
dah!
.
1
11
2-
Hail! all hail to thee,
O King of
Ju
.
dah!
TITRE
01
To
TOOR
.
-
The Pussion.

King of
Ju- dah!
Hail I all
hail to ti
-
King of Ju-dah!
Hail! all hail to thee,
11
King of Ju-dah!
Hail! all hail to thee,
King of Ju-dah!
Hail! all bail to thee,
.
.
-
-

-
Fidel
o King of Ju
•
dah!
FFF
KUL
o King of Ju
•
. dahl
i
0 King of Ju
:
o King of Ju
-
dah!
Handel.
253

Recit. (TENOR.)
And with their hands they smote him.
Pi-late therefore went forth &
1
TOOR
.
1
1
100 #
1
AIR. (ALTO.)
Andante.

ain, and saith an · to thein:
Be - bold !
Be-
11
.
P

I bring him forth
to
you,
that
ye may
ILU

hold!
know that
I
find
20
I
find no
fault .,
254
The Passion.

I
.
.
.
.
in
him.
that
ye nay know that
I
.

find
no
fault
in
him,
no
fault
in

RECIT. (TENOR.)
_
1
Then came Je-sus forth, wearing the crown of thorns, and pur-ple robe.
DIT
H
iQ_
.
Ooh
c
DUET. (SOPRANI.)
Adagio non troppo.

E
-
-
--
See our
lov'd
Je
.
sus is
the
roses,
See our
loy'd
Je
.
sus is
like
to the
TTO
Handel.
255

See our lov'd
Je-sus,
See
our lov'd
Je
sus, Je - sus
is
-
-
1
ro-ses,
See
our lor'd Je-sus,
Je • sus
is
like to
the

like
to
the
ro - ses,
is
like
to
the
ro - ses,
Wrapping their
ro • ses,
is
like
to
the
ro · ses, .
Wrapping their pur - ple, their
1
SRE

-
1
pur - plein
cov'r. ing of
thorn;
pur - plein
cor'r - ing
of
thorn;
256
The Passion.

Yet
he
is
lov - li - er
far than the bush
- C8
Which the fair
Yet
he
is
lov . li - er
far than the bush - 08

S
mea - dows,
which the
fair
Je - richo's mea - dows a - dorn;
Which the fair mea-dows, fair
Je
• richo's mea - dows & - dorn;
Chi
JOT

of our sins he will
che -
rish,
sins he will
che
For the deep
wounds
For the deep wounds of our
rish,
Handel.
257

1
Tend-ed
by
him
we ne - ver
shall
po
-
rish, For
the deep
Tend.ed
by
by
him
we ne - ver shall
pe
-
rish, For the deep
1
1
AIL
1
1

wounds of
our sins he will che -
rish, For
the deep wounds
of
wounds of our sins he will che - rish, For
the deep wounds of our
ji
ER

sing he will che - rish,
Tend - cd
by
him
WO ne - ver shall
-
ใm
sins he will che • rish,
Tend-ed
by
WO
DO - ver shall
258
Italy.

1
-
-
-
pe . rish.
pe
-
rish.

Handel's stay in Hamburg lasted three years at the end of
which, in 1706, at the age of twenty-one, having had much
experience in practical composition, and some in the superin-
tendence of operatic performance, he turned his steps in the
direction towards which his thoughts had doubtless been long
inclined to Italy.
I have said enough already about the attractions which the
South of Europe must have held out to a young and inquiring
eighteenth century. In 1706-9, which were the years occupied
by Handel's Italian travels, Alessandro Scarlatti was at the
summit of his reputation. The majority of the best pupils of
the school which he founded—the Neapolitan—were mere
youths; but one or two, his son Domenico, for instance, and
Porpora, were already distinguished artists. Corelli was still
Italy.
259
1
living at Rome, in the enjoyment of the dignity which attends
on the last years of a long and useful life, and his pupil
Geminiani was carrying further the principles and practices
which Corelli had done so much to establish and improve.
Venice, never bebiud, generally ahead of, the rest of Italy
in artistic culture, abounded in excellent musicians, among
wliom Lotti was the most complete, and Marcello the most
promising. Gasparini, Steffani, and Clari were all in the fullest
exercise of their powers. In Rome too, so rich in traditions
of all kinds, those of the old masters, notwithstanding their
rapid decay elsewhere, were still preserved and passed on, with
jealous and reverential care; the music of Palestrina was
still worthily performed, and the style which he had perfected
still lived in the fresh productions of Tomaso Bai and Giuseppe
Pitoni.
Then, again, the most fascinating of musical arts—the art of
singing-new even in Italy, was absolutely unknown elsewhere.
To one with dispositions like Handel's who had never heard
anything better than the vocal utterances of his compatriots,
which one of their own old writers on music has likened to the
howling of wolves,—to one, I say, who had never heard anything
better than German singing, the spontaneous utterance, the
smooth passage from note to note, the flexibility, the sweetness
and strength, to say nothing of the sentiment, of an Italian
singer of the eighteenth century, would have been not so
much a sensation more delightful than any he had ever known
before, as the revelation and first experience of some new
sense.
It follows too that the people among whom artists like
those I have named were living and working—had been living
and working for more than a century and a half—had had their
susceptibility to beauty—to musical beauty especially-deve-
loped to the highest conceivable point, and that a musical student
would find in Italy not merely excellent individual models and
s 2
260
London.
instructors, but an atmosphere in which, if even unconsciously,
he would inhale music at every pore.
To realize the effect of all these influences upon one so pre-
pared for them as Handel-prepared by his sterling musical
science and skill, no less than by his susceptibility and his
youth-no great effort of imagination would be needed, even
were all evidence in respect to it wanting. Fortunately this is
not the case ; for we have the best of all evidence of this effect-
nothing less than that of his subsequent life and works. Those
three years in Italy transformed, or rather re-formed, him
entirely; and the Handel who returned to Germany in 1709,
returned with new aspirations, new tastes, new methods of
working-returned, in fact, a new man; for with artists “the
style is the man."
In 1709, I say, Handel returned to Germany-not, however,
to his native place, or to the place of his apprenticeship, but
to Hanover, where the Elector received him with open arms;
for the young composer had made some reputation during his
travels, having given something to, in exchange for what he
had brought away from, Italy. The Elector offered him the
position of Chapel Master in his Court, and what was in those
days a handsome salary. This offer he accepted, on condition
of being allowed such leave of absence as would enable him to
visit England, which some English nobleman with whom he
fell in at Hanover had invited him to do. He reached
London in the month of December, 1710. He was not many
days in our busy capital before a commission was given him, to
set to music an opera called “Rinaldo,” founded on a well-known
episode of Tasso's “ Jerusalem Delivered,” the libretto of
which was the work of Aaron Hill, a small contemporary poet,
who was then also manager of the Haymarket Theatre. Hill
of course wrote his drama in English, and it was translated
into Italian by a certain Giacomo Rossi. Handel's rapidity of
composition would seem to have driven this poor man nearly
frantic. He proved quite unable to keep pace with the young,
Rinaldo.
261
inventive and practised musician, who set his verses to music
faster than he had written them, and who unceasingly taxed
the poet's invention and industry for “more copy.” Rossi
has left a record of his collaboration with Handel, in a short
and not ungraceful preface to the printed copy of the work.
“Accept, I pray thee, discreet reader (he says), this my
hurried labour, and if it should not prove worthy of thy praise,
do not at any rate refuse it thy compassion—I would rather say,
thy justice—having regard to my limited time; inasmuch as
the Signor Handel, the Orpheus of our age, in putting it to
music, has hardly given me time to write, far less to think; for,
I have in the present instance been the amazed witness of an
unprecedented feat—the composition of an opera, complete
and perfect in all its parts, in the incredibly short space of
S
In fourteen days, or rather within fourteen days, then, ac-
cording to this amazed witness, Handel threw off an opera, by
no means inconsiderable even in respect to quantity, the vigour,
sweetness, originality, and science of which at once established
his reputation in England. It was played many times suc-
cessively, to the exclusion of every other opera. Its reputation
soon spread to the Continent, and its success was as great in the
principal theatres of Italy and Germany as in London. It was
this work that called forth Handel's bon mot, addressed to
Walsh the publisher, who, it was said, had cleared 15001. by it.
“My good sir, as it is right we should be upon an equal footing,
you shall compose the next opera, and I will sell it.”
Of all Handel's works “Rinaldo,” though of course not the
greatest, is surely the most interesting; for it was his first con-
siderable production after his return northwards from Italy.
In comparing a few specimens of it, therefore, with those you
heard just now, of “ The Passion," written, you will remember,
before he left Germany, you will have the best possible oppor-
tunity of testing the truth of what I have said that his Italian
travels entirely changed his style.
262
Rinaldo.
It will be objected perhaps that no fair comparison is possible
between an oratorio or Church cantata and an opera. But it
must be remembered that Handel came to England in the capa-
city, professed and acknowledged, of an opera composer; and
that it was not till three years after his first visit that he gave
his adopted countrymen any opportunity of judging of his talent
as an Ecclesiastical musician, by the composition of the Utrecht
“Te Deum” and “Jubilate;" while his second attempt at oratorio
was delayed till the year 1717, when he wrote, at Hanover,
bis second “Passion”—thirteen years after the first. This
work, I may observe in passing, though set to German words,
is as widely different from the first, in style, as any two works
of the same class by any two different composers that could pos-
sibly be named. Moreover, by the time Handel set the Utrecht
“ Te Deum,” a new influence had been exercised upon him—
that of English music. No doubt any setting of the “Te
Deum” by Handel would have been a fine one; but it would
surely bave been altogether unlike the Utrecht, had he never
seen Purcell's—which he has followed closely, even to a fault.
Handel's style subsequently to his Italian tour must therefore
be judged by his secular works, since there are no others to
test it by, of the same date.
I will ask you therefore to listen to three pieces the first
two the songs, "Lascia ch'io pianga” and “Il Tricerbero;"
the last, a march.
I bave read somewhere that the former of these songs is
founded on an instrumental movement-a“minuet" in fact,
written by Handel many years before. It may be so. Somebody
may have danced to this tune before it left Hamburg, but itis more
certain that many have wept to it since it came back from Italy.
Of a very different class is the latter, to which more than one
set of English words of a bacchanalian character have been
adapted. The subject of the original is the victory of Rinaldo,
the hero of the drama, over the three-headed monster, Cerberus.
Chlo
Ilanum
203
AIR-LASCIA CH'IO PIANGA.
From the Opera “ Rinaldo."
Largo.
HANDEL.

Las-cia ch'io pian-ga
mia cru - da
sor - te,
E che 808
-

어
​pi - ri
la
li - ber
E
che
BOS • pi - ri,
3 |
TTOOE
_ 001

-
E
che sos - pi - ri
l a
li · ber
.
Las-cia
ch'io
TTOO
19.
TOT
vidi
1.1.1

IT
JI
pian-ga
mia cru - da
sor - te,
I
che
sos
pi - ri
l a
TOTOO
TTO
91
Tot
- Rani
.
264
Lascia ch'io pianga.

li. ber
Togo
ft
001
爾​、華
​TOIT
|
igTe
TITT
士
​
Il duolo
in - fran - ga
IE
在
​ques - te
ri - tor - te,
De miei mar - ti - ri
s ol
per pie-
爾衝雪
​
iii
Till
00D
TTDO!

119
,
,
De
miel mar • ti - risol
per pie
• tà.
tti
Handel.
265
SONG.IL TRICERBERO UMILIATO.
From the Opera “Rinaldo."
HANDEL (1711).
Allegro vivace. Id= 80.)

Il tri - cer - be - ro, u - mi · lia -
to,
Al mio
bran-do
ren - de-
stacc."

Il tri • cer - be - ro, u - mi - lia - to,
Al mio
bran- do
ren - de-
TO
TN
0
1

Ng
Il tri • cer - be - ro, a • mi - lia - to,
Al mio bran - doren - de-
I

io bran
Al mio
do, Al mio bran
bran
266
Il Tricerbero umiliato.

... dd, Al mio
bran
do,
Al mio
bran-do
ren-de-

... reu
.
de
rò,..
Al mio

bran - doren • de • rò!
gri sempre

TON.
TD
Handel.
207
Fine.

E d'Al . ci-de l'al- to
fa- to
Co- la-
Fine.
.
前南下​、重衝衝
​
HE
n
.no.ve
•
E d’Al · ci . de l'ai - to
fa - to,
d'Al-
| |
2分
​_
1
_-
HTT
.

Cres
-
ci • de l'al - to
fa
· to Co- la
•
giù
ri · no
• ve • rò
.
|
1
.11

cen - do
......
Bd'AI • ci • de l'al • to
a. to
Co • la-
-
-
268
Rinaldo.

giù
ri · no • ve. ro .......... ri. no - ve.
11
1
*
Dal segno.

Il
tri.
TOTO
TDO
ITETO
11
QULA.
A short instrumental movement in this opera attained, and
for many years maintained, the most extraordinary popularity-
the “March.” It was adopted by the regiment of Life
Guards who, it is said, played it every day upon parade for
forty years. And, twenty years after its first production, it
was arranged by Pepusch, as a song and chorus in “The
Beggar's Opera," and sung to the following words :-
.
“Let us take the road;
Hark, I hear the sound of coaches, ..
The hour of attack approaches;
T'your arms, brave boys, and load.
See the ball I hold;
Let the chemists toil like asses,
Our fire their fire surpasses,
And turns our lead to gold !"
Handel.
269
MARCH.
From the Opera “ Rinaldo."
TDEL.

00L
00 DO
-
f
fx
fx
fz
P

Ooo
CO
dult OLNU
ULLI

lul
.
F
tool
Dad
TODO

TOON
1
ToHD
270
Water Music.
-
Handel remained in London for six or seven months after the
production of his opera “Rinaldo,"and then returned to Hanover.
The small capital of a small German State proved but an unex-
citing residence to one who had finished a sort of royal progress
through Europe by a splendid reception in London. Obtaining
a new leave of absence, he reappeared in London, in January,
1712, not many months after he had quitted it. Here he re-
mained, the centre of a continually increasing circle of friends
and admirers, altogether unmindful of the duties of his office at
Hanover (which he still held), until they were suddenly and
somewhat alarmingly brought to his recollection by the arrival
in England of the Elector, who, on the death of Queen Anne,
became King George I. Handel, who, it must be admitted, had
treated his old master very ill, was naturally doubtful how far the
King might resent his neglect and insubordination. He there-
fore kept out of his Majesty's way till some favourable occasion
might present itself for making his apologies and his peace. A
certain Baron Kilmanseck succeeded in finding this. The King
attending a fête on the river Thames, Handel prepared a num-
ber of short instrumental pieces, which the Baron arranged
should be played in a barge which followed that of the King, who
very soon, it is said, finding out to whose strains he was listening,
not unwillingly restored Handel, shortly after, to his favour.
This succession of little pieces is known, from the occasion
which suggested the composition and first performance of them,
as Handel's “Water Music.” They are scored for, besides the
usual stringed instruments, flutes, oboes, bassoons, trumpets,
and French horns. The introduction of this latter instrument
(now a sine quâ non in the orchestra) must have been a great
novelty at this time. I wish you could hear one or two of these
very elegant movements in their original orchestral form, but
even from the pianoforte arrangement which I have made you
will be quite able to understand the clemency of King George I.
to his penitent composer.
Handel.
271
AIR.
From the “Water Music."
HANDEL.

1

11
-

11

TODO

11
1
272
272
Water Music.


HTTO
.
.!
K
.
TITI!

1
1
L.

TOUT

TO
Handel.
273
273

1
ALL
11
gri sempre

Tempo di minuetto.
H: 42
Corni


0-
0-0-0-0-+

274
Water Music

It
TDOO

1
Ist time.
2nd time.

GUNTO Globo
George I., whatever may have been his shortcomings in other
respects, certainly knew good music when he heard it, and how
to take care of a good musical composer when he had found-in
this instance, recovered—him. Having occasion in 1716 to revisit
Hanover, his Majesty, who certainly had proved the truth of
the proverb, “out of sight out of mind," determined to take
Handel with him. The king and the composer passed the year
1717 in Hanover. On their return to England, the latter took
up his residence with a nobleman whose wealth, taste, and
munificence have earned him the title accorded three centuries
before to Lorenzo de' Medici. For “the magnificent” Duke
of Chandos some of the best Church and Chamber music of
Handel's earlier years was composed, and among the latter the
Acis and Galatea.
275
exquisite pastoral “Acis and Galatea.” Handel had already
composed and produced a Cantata on this same subject, at
Naples, in 1708; but, with trifling exceptions, the English
“Acis” is an altogether different work. This was first produced
at Cannons, the residence of the Duke of Chandos, in 1720, laid
aside, and probably forgotten by the composer, till the year
1732, when it was performed, possibly without his consent,
certainly without his participation, and at last reproduced
(with many additions) under his own direction.
“Acis and Galatea,” however, did not assume its present
shape till many years after this. Once revived, the world
would not willingly part with it a second time; and it was
subsequently often performed under the direction of the com-
poser, who—as was his wont-made additions to, subtractions
from, and alterations in it, for every performance.
Whether from pressure of time, or from a very natural unwil.
lingness that so much good material and careful workmanship
should be wasted, Handel often fell back, later in life, on the
productions of his earlier years. And this, in two ways. (1) He
took the “subjects” of former compositions, and treated them in
a new way, developing them more fully, decorating them, and
augmenting their interest by the addition of others; and (2)
a much more simple procedure, he took his older compositions
bodily, and adapted them to new situations and to new words,
often of a very different character.
The former of these procedures is one of the commonest
possible among musicians. The genius and science of a great
master are exhibited so much more signally in the treatment of
the subjects of a large movement-such a one, for instance, as
“We never will bow down,” in “Israel in Egypt,” or the "Amen"
chorus in “The Messiah”-than in the subjects themselves, that
musicians have at all times felt themselves justified, not merely
in making the same passages the subjects of different composi-
tions, but in using as subjects passages not of their own invention.
T 2
276
Subjects and Treatment.
1
In the early ages of modern music, i.e., in the fifteenth and
sixteenth centuries, this practice was rather the rule than the
exception; and even much later times might present us with
examples of structures of surpassing grandeur reared on old
foundations, or whose walls held many a stone which had done
duty elsewhere.
Thus—to bring in evidence one of the most inventive as well
as one of the most learned of modern composers—the principal
subjects of Mozart's overture to “ Die Zauberflöte” and of his
finale to the “ Jupiter" symphony are, both of them, to be
found in the “ Forty-eight Fugues” of J. S. Bach,—who, again,
was certainly not the inventor of the latter, nor perhaps of the
former. More recently, entire operas have been built up on
national melodies,-in two instances on one melody each.
Take away “Robin Adair” from Boildieu's “La Dame Blanche,”
or “ The Last Rose of Summer" from Flotow’s “Martha," with
the passages which grow directly or indirectly out of them, and
both those popular operas would cease to have visible or audible
existence.
As to Handel, like every composer of his own time, he would
have used old subjects whether his own or not--without the
faintest idea ever crossing his mind that he was palming off old
goods for new ones, or stealing other people’s. I dwell longer
than might at first seem necessary on these reproductions and
so called “plagiarisms,” because a good deal has been said
about them lately. One of Handel's most recent biographers,
M. Schälcher, has wasted much excellent indignation, and
poured out many vials of wrath on certain musical critics who
have indicated the movements in which Handel has availed
himself of the labours of his predecessors and contemporaries.
Heedless of the danger of proving too much, M. Schoelcher
would seem to claim for Handel the invention of every passage
to be found in the many works which bear his name—a claim
Chamber Duets.
277
·
which could not be substantiated in respect to the most inven-
tive genius the world has ever seen.
In one instance which “Acis and Galatea” presents of adapta-
tion of old materials, Handel has achieved a feat analogous to
what builders call “ under-pinning." He has not furbished up
an old fabric with a new façade, nor has he rebuilt one out of
old materials. But he has left an entire and elaborate structure
as it was, and given it a new foundation. To drop metaphor, he
had added to a contrapuntal movement on two subjects, a third
subject which, from its surpassing dignity, situation, and treat-
ment, seems not to have been added to them, but, as it were, to
have taken them on to it. I cannot call to mind another in-
stance of a similar proceeding. Every one will know the
chorus “Wretched Lovers," and the wailing prophetic strain
with which it opens.
Wretch -ed
lo - vers!
Those who know thus much will remember the stirring
second subject on the words, “ Behold the Monster Poly-
phème," and the counter subject, so different in character, on a
fragment of the same phrase. In a set of thirteen “ Chamber
Duets” which Handel is said to have written during his stay in
Hanover after his first visit to England, i.e., in the year 1711,
there is a movement which is made up of the second and
third subjects of the chorus, but without the first. As an
example of one of Handel's earlier productions, of which he
evidently thought well, and which illustrates one of his modes
of working, you will be interested perhaps in hearing it. The
entire composition consists of three considerably developed
movements, of which the following is the last.
278
Dagl amori flagellata.
DUET.--DAGL' AMORI FLAGELLATA.
From the “ Chamber Duets.”
wa, Andante con moto.
HANDEL.

TTE-


Dagli
19 LA
Wal
T491
Ta aa

mori
fila - gelola - ta, da - gl'a - mo- .
..
i la - gel-
Dagl' a-mo-rifla
-
gel - la-ta
11
也
​}
Handel.

la - ta
la
discordia
fuggi - rà,
fuggi - rà,
fuggi-
da
.
.
-
-
-
gl'a
....... mo ...
11
-
.
.
1

rà
la discordia fuggi - rà,
fuggi - ra,
fuggi - rà,
fuggi-
-
ri .
.
fla
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
gel - - -
Tom
F
AL

2
-
-
da glamo - ri
fla
-
gel - la-ta la discordia fuggi.
A
lata, la discordia fuggi - rà, la discordia fuggi - rà,
la discordia fuggi -
TORS
280
Dagſ amori flagellata.

fug - gi - rå,
fug - gi - ride
da gl'amo- re
deb
fila
• • gel -
42
fug - gi • ra,
fug - gi • rà,
da gl’amo - r8
fila
• •
gel -

la-ta la discordia fuggi - rà, fuggi - rå, fuggi - ra,
da
· · · gl'a ·
la-ta la discordia fuggi-rà, fuggi - rà, fuggi - ri,
da
.
gl'a .
TL
ITTUTI

11
mo • . .ri
fla · .• . gel - la- ta, la discordia fuggi-
11
mo - . . - ri
Als
.
•
-
-
gel
.
.
la
.
.
nge
Handel.
281

fuggirà,
fuggirà,
AK
nh
la discordia fuggira,
fuggi - rà,
fuggi.

da-gl’a - mo- ri
flagel - la - ta, dagel - la-ta la dis-cordia
fuggi -
da-gl'a - mo- ri
flagel - la - ta, flagel - la-ta
la
dis-cordia
fuggi -
14
-
-

fuggi - rå,
fuggi - rå.
la dis-cor · dia
fug - gi -
rà,
fuggi - rà,
fuggi - rd,
la dis-cor - di&
fug - gi -
TTV
1
282
Dagl amori flagellata.

H
(
1
- (
|
1
1
I
|
|
44
=
=
|


Handel.
283

.
1
-
Bel . la
gio - ia in- &
• mo-
Bel - la
gio - ia in- & - mo – ra - tà

lampi e - terni spaigerà,
lampi e - terui spargerd,

-
-
-
-
-
-
-
•
ti
lampi e - terni spargerà,
lampi e - terni spargera,
sparge -
JI
1
11a
Rain
1
i
ui
284
Dagl amori flagellata.

lampi e - terni spargera,
lampi e-terni spargerd,
. lampi e-terni sparge-

-
lampi e - terni sparge - rd
ampi o - terni sparge - rd ................
...
rà, lampie e - terni sparge - rd
...

.
Bel-
-
l&
gio - ia in- & - mo - ra - tà,
in - & -mo-
1.
-
Bel
-
.
-
la
gio - ia in- &
- mo
lal
.
Handel.
285

in
.
.
mo-la
.
.
.
-
-
1
1
1

in • a • mo - 18 - tu
in-s-mo-ra-ea bei - la
bel - la
in
Q-mo-ra-ti
bel - le
IL
IU
11

1
TTTO
I
gio
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
.
.
.
-
-
ia,
lampi e-ter - ni, e-
gio
-
-
-
ia,
lampi e-ter - ni,
lampi e-
-
II_
286
Dagl' amori flagellata.

+
ni
spar - ge-ra, ....
ter - ni
spar - ge-rd, .
.
.

-
.-
lampi e - ter · ni spar - ge - rà,
spar-ge - rà, spar - ge -
lampi
ter - ni spar - go - ra,
spar - ge- ra,
spar-ge -
11
.

rd,
lampi e - ter • ni spar - ge - rà,
spar-ge-rà,
de-gi'a
rà, lampi e - ter - ni spar - ge - rà,
spar-ge-rà,
Instrumental Music.
287
I have repeatedly called attention in this course to the fact
that, thongh many very ingenious and interesting essays in
instrumental music were made at very early epochs, the Second
Period (the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries) owes, so to speak,
all its interest for us—and even the Third Period with which we
have been lately dealing, most of its interest—to its vocal com-
positions. Instrumental music has actually attained its present
eminent or pre-eminent position--nay, I might say, it only began
to attain it-within the memory of men living. Mendelssohn
and Spohr were among us, as it seems, but the other day.
These very meetings of ours have been honoured by the pre-
sence of a musician who knew and had received council from
Beethoven. And I could name another who has actually seen,
and even spoken with, Haydn. The epoch of Handel is, as you
know, considerably anterior to this more recent and emi-
nently instrumental or " symphonic" epoch. Handel was forty-
seven years of age when Haydn was born ; and Mozart had only
attained his third year when Handel's career was brought to a
close. During the first half of the last century, a success in
instrumental music at all equivalent to that of Handel in vocal
music, was obviously not to be looked for. “Ample strides"
are not altogether unfamiliar to the student of art history;
but the stride from Corelli to Beethoven was too ample even
for the giant Handel. Moreover, it must always be remembered
that the musical composer, unlike the poet or the painter,
touches the publić only through an intermediate agency; and
whatever Handel might have conceived, any musical conceptions
demanding for their expression more than a very limited
amount of executive skill must have waited many a long year
before they could bave been made intelligible to any public, and
(I may add) before any public could have been found to whom
they would have proved intelligible. Handel, to whom nothing in
his art was alien or unfamiliar, wrote much instrumental music;
but it bears no comparison, either in quantity or quality, with
288
The Harpsichord.
his vocal music. Indeed no instrumental music of that epoch
could possibly do so. But it would be a great mistake to suppose
that, whatever it might be relatively, absolutely Handel's in-
strumental pieces are deficient in invention, science, or interest.
On the contrary, some of them are among the comparatively
few contemporary works of this kind that are still familiar
even to the unlearned.
The "Pastoral Symphony” in “ The Messiah," and the March
in “ Judas Maccabeus,” would of course have kept their places
in public estimation, in connexion with the two very popular
oratorios of which they form part. But the Overture to the
“ Occasional Oratorio,” and above all the “Dead March" in
“ Saul," are compositions which rest on their own individual
merits; being known to comparatively few in their original
positions, to almost everybody as single pieces.
I propose however, on the present occasion, to call your
attention not to any pieces of this character, but to one or
two of a class which Handel did much to raise to its present
importance-music for keyed instruments.
The finger-board is a very ancient invention, and one of
those inventions which, being of necessity governed by natural
laws, attain perfection, in all essential points, at once. The
average size of the human hand once ascertained, the average
width of each key in the organ (to which keys were first
applied) was necessarily determined with it. The keyed in-
struments of the years following the first invention of the
finger-board, down to the latter part of the last century, differed
from the pianoforte in the fact that the strings were acted upon,
not by a hammer, but by a plectrum, which, by pulling the
string out of its place, set it in vibration-as the strings of the
harp or guitar are set in vibration by the finger. A still
existing type of these instruments is presented in the mandolin,
a little guitar still now and then heard in the streets. This
class of instrument, the generic term for which is “ clavichord”
Pièces pour le Clavecin.
289
(i.e. stringed instrument with keys), attained perfection in the
harpsichord, examples of which many of you perhaps have seen.
For the harpsichord, on which Handel was a great performer,
he wrote many pieces, which were published at intervals during
his life, under the French title of “ Pièces pour le Clavecin."
The first Collection of these was published in 1720; the
second in 1733. In the first is found the air with variations,
since known as “The Harmonious Blacksmith.” I say." since
known” because the name does not appear in any edition of these
Pièces published during Handel's life. Nor am I aware of any
authority for the story which has been connected with it. There
is nothing in itself improbable in the fact or fiction of a
musician like Handel excogitating a tune out of the blows of
à hammer, the chiming of bells, and the whistling of a black-
smith, either heard separately or all together. The tune has
been attributed to a contemporary of Handel, Wagenseil, a very
eminent performer on, and composer for, the harpsichord. But
so many musical ideas—other people's, as well as his own-
must always have been stored in Handel's memory, that he
might very well be excused having forgotten, at times, who
were their right owners. Be this as it may, the tune, though
a very pretty one, owes all its celebrity to the variations that
follow it, which variations are indisputably Handel's, and
may be not unfitly compared to the tail of a comet, which,
small as may be its specific gravity, fills the mind of the common
observer with more wonder than does the body to which it
owes its existence.
The so-called “Harmonious Blacksmith" is too familiar and
too accessible to justify my introduction of it now. I prefer
bringing before you another and a less familiar example of
these Suites, or Series of movements. It is from No. 6 of the
Second Book, the first movement of which is an “ Allemande,"
the second a “ Courante," the third and last a “ Gigue"--all
in G minor. You shall hear the “ Courante."
290
Courante.
COURANTE.
From “ Pièces pour le Clavecin,"
2nd Col. No. 6.
HANDEL.


H

1

1
X

Handel.
291

SQUI
S
DOO
Qlolls
1.
11

illii


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!

e
Ti
292
Courante.
a
-
-
+
1
001
-





Handel.
293


.

11

1

11
W010_
294
Sosarme- Semele.
We have had two specimens of Handel's earlier dramatic
music. It will be interesting and instructive to compare with
these one of much later date, from the opera “Sosarme," written
and produced in 1732, i.e., seven years before the termination
of his connexion with the Opera stage, and his entry on that
new career which has made his name so widely known among,
and so dear to, his countrymen by adoption. Here is an air,
better known in connexion with some sacred words subse-
quently misfitted to it, than in its original form. Touching
and graceful as is the melody, however allied, I greatly prefer
it with the original words, which are words of consolation from
a child to a mother. The notes are inspired by the very soul
of tenderness and filial love.
This I shall follow by an example of Handel's songs of a
very different class—a class of which as yet we have had no
specimen, and to which I find it hard to give a distinctive
name. It would have been strange had Handel left no record
in his works of a certain humour, or rather playfulness of
character, none the less real from having been kept in check
by, or rather hidden under, a somewhat august if not austere
manner. There is a song in the secular oratorio (if I may
use such an expression)“ Semele” (produced in 1743, the year
subsequent to that in which the “Messiah” was first performed)
which is sung by a somewhat unpromising vocalist, Somnus,-
if not " in the intervals of business," at least in the intervals
of his normal state; for it is a very lively song. Indeed it seems
to me less characteristic of Somnus than of Handel himself
at the time he wrote it; being just such a song as a gentleman
of a certain age and portly presence might, under softening in-
fluences, throw off in an easy-going way. It is preceded by a
short dialogue in recitative between Juno and Iris, which ex-
plains the situation and is in itself pleasing. It will, I think,
be new to most of you.
Handel.
295
AIR.RENDI ’L SERENO.
From the Opera “ Sosarme."
Largo.
HANDEL.

15

III
Rendi 'l se-reno al ci - - glio,
Madre non pianger piu,
on pianger
...

ILLERE
TEL
n
I
1
più,
no,
Madre non pianger piu.
Ren -
TS
IT
ITRES

*
- di'l se - 10
-
no al ciglio,
Madre non pianger più.
#
RAJ
BLU
diin.
Cres.
:
290
Rendi 'l sereno.

No,
no,
Madre
non pianger piu.
non
-
TTO
ho
02
Hood
I
1
1_
..
1
To
ITORI
**
-
F
mer
' al
cum
po - ri
glio,
-
-
-
IXT
I
Dal Segno.

PH
-
--
TO
se-
Og.gi
come
puoi tu
og - - • gi, come puoi tu
madie,
Norcununi.
i IT
8
#
A
Handel.
297
SCENE.
HANDEL
From CONGREVI'S “Semele.”
RECITATIVE. (SOPRANO.)

(Inis.) Dull god! canst thou at-tend the wa-ter's fall, And not hear
Sa- tur-dia's.
--
-
(CONTRALTO.)

(Juno.) Peace, I - ris! peace, I
know
how
to charm him; P& • si-

thea's name &- lone can warm him.
Som - nus, a-rise!
Dis · close thy ten- der
TTOO
17
Q_
QQI
-
TT

f
O-
eyes; For
Pa-si - the-a's sight Endure the light. Somnus, a • rise !
1
1
1
10
If
IL1
298
More sweet is that name.
AIR. (Basso.)

Allegro.
MITI

118
(Sor
More sweet is that name than a
soft pur - ling stream, More
-

11
1
11
sweet is that name than a
soft purling stream, More sweet is that name than a
E-
Táv
-
It

soft
soit
.
.
soft .......
.
.
.
than a
soft purling stream, than a
8.
DOLOR
15
2-
:
Handel.
299

E
soft
..... than
a
soft purl - ing stream, More sweet is
that
TEH
-

name, More sweet is that name
than a
soft .
than
a

1.
•
soft purl ing stream, More
sweet ...
More
sweet
is
TO

1.1.1
TE
RIXI
that . . name, More sweet is that name than a
soft purl.ing stream.
S-
-
R
---
G
300
More sweet is that name.

1

With
pleasure, with plea - sure re • pose
I'll for · sake,
If
1
1
1

you'll grant me but her to soothe me & • wake......
TOTT

SI
AP-
With
pleasure, with pleasure re-
11
.
Handel.
301

22.
pose I'll for- sake, If you'll grant me but her to
soothe me- a - wake...
ron
NR

T
.... to soothe me 8 - wake,
J
Da Capo.

LI
If you'll grant me but her to
soothe me & - wake.
TOO
.
'Da Capo.
UNTU
I have confined myself in this lecture almost exclusively to
one view of Handel's genius and career, and this the least im-
portant, though perhaps not the least interesting, one. Of
Handel the composer of “ The Messiah” and “Israel in Egypt,"
it cannot be so necessary to say anything, to an English audience,
302
Conclusion.
as of Handel the industrious, versatile, and ready artist in
operas, masques, ballets, concertos, sonatas, marches, gavots,
hornpipes, fire-music, water-music, forest-music, and I know
not what besides, and the thirty years' manager of a London
Italian Opera House,-always (let this never be forgotten) the
same honest, truth-telling, God-fearing man, who so becomingly.
gave his later years to compositions (as he himself said) better
suited to the decline of life, and which he hoped would " not
merely entertain his hearers but make them better.”
Of Handel's influence on English musical composition Iwould
willingly have spoken more fully; but I have already trespassed
too long on your indulgence. If I do so for a moment longer,
it is that I may, in your presence, very heartily thank the
Ladies and Gentlemen behind me—not forgetting those absent
0
.
you may have taken in these lectures. What meets the public
ear is the least part of the labour of those who address them-
selves to it; and I feel that I have taxed the time and pains of
my friends here very heavily. To you I may be permitted to
express a hope that our present parting may not prove to have
been final.
THE END.
WORKS BY JOHN HULLAH,
HONORARY FELLOW OF KING'S COLLEGE,
PROFESSOR OF VOCAL MUSIC IN QUEEN'S COLLEGE, AND BEDFORD COLLEGE, LONDON,
AND ORGANIST OF CHARTERHOUSE.
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WILHEM'S METHOD OF TEACHING SINGING,
Adapted by JOHN HULLAH to English Use.
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The Exercises and Figures contained in Parts I. and II.
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WORKS BY JOHN HULLAH-continued.
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