*Z . . . . . * : * 2…: ; ; ** •º’ * . . . . . sº * * * * * * . ; ; ; *.*…* * : 3 & 3.4 × .3° 3. L& #2 * * * * CONTENTS PAGE INTRODUCTION. . . . . . . . . J & ſº tº # 8 º' & & & & 8 tº # 4 º' tº dº & E is is ſº tº v e º 'º º $ tº # 4 º' º & © tº $ g º º ºt , 7 COMPARISON OF COLOR TERMS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . $ & a e e º ºr tº ſº e º 'º tº . . . . . 9 YELLOW IN THE FLAMMEUM. . . . . . . . . . . . * * * * * * * * * * is s º º y º ºs e e s tº e . . . . . . . 12 YELLow AS THE COLOR OF THE BRIDE's SHOEs, ETC.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 FIRE. As A SYMBOL OF LIFE. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 YELLow AS THE CHROMATIC SYMBoD OF FIRE AND OF LIFE . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 THE TORCH AS A SYMBOL OF LIFE. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 YELLOW USED BY WOMEN. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 FIRE As A SYMBOL OF PURIFICATION. . . . . . * * * * * * * * g ºn tº ſº º $ g º º tº º ºs º ºs tº as $ $ tº , 25 YELLOW IN THE CULTS OF THE GODS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 YELLOW IN MAGIC. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 CONCLUSION. . . . . . . . . . * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * 31 BIBLIOGRAPHY. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33 INTRODUCTION The conventional significance of color occupies an important and little-understood position in the human thought of all ages, but it is only within recent years that any detailed study has been made of individual colors as being religiously sym- bolic. Among the ancient Romans, religion was almost en- tirely a matter of convention, and we should therefore expect to find that their religious rites were, in a large degree, fettered by a formalism which tended to produce an intricate system of symbolism. Such being the case, it has been for centuries the task of scholars to attempt to discover the meaning of cer- tain religious rites, a meaning which the Romans themselves were far from understanding. In all these researches, however, there is but little mention of the significance of color, and it is the aim of this study to examine a part of this phase of Roman religion. A recent study by Dr. M. E. Armstrong, of Goucher College, has accounted most satisfactorily for the use of scarlet, purple, black and white, and gold in Roman ritual, but no study has been made of the use of yellow, which is important particularly in the marriage ceremony. Of what natural phenomena was yellow the visible sign or representation, and what was the underlying idea which the Romans wished to express by its use? These are the questions which must be confronted in an investigation of this kind. In this connection the words found to be of the greatest importance are luteus and croceus. First of all, therefore, we have tried to collect, as nearly as possible, all the passages in which they occur, in order to decide the difference, if any, in their color denotation. Though it has been impossible to make separate mention of all the refer- ences collected for this purpose, those have been quoted which seem to bear especially upon the final decision. A brief study of the word flavus revealed the fact that, with perhaps one exception, it has apparently no symbolical sig- nificance; therefore references to its use are few, and the dis- cussion is confined for the most part to passages in which luteus Or CrOCeºl S OCCUITS. 7 rt. 8 The Ritual Significance of Yellow In an effort to discover the fundamental idea which the Romans wished to express by their use of yellow, it has been found necessary to introduce discussions of some length ex- planatory of several of the most important conceptions associ- ated with Roman religion and private life. Greek literature has been drawn upon only so far as it bears directly upon our discussion, and no exhaustive collection of material has been attempted in that field. THE RITUAL SIGNIFICANCE OF YELLOW AMONG THE ROMANS CoMPARISON OF COLOR TERMS The word yellow, like all other general terms denoting one color or another in the English language, may be understood to indicate any one of a number of shades. Similarly in Latin, a somewhat wide range of tint variation must be given to such a general term as luteus, croceus, or flat us. Professor Price finds in the color system of Vergil forty-two pigments, and calculates that “each color term must cover on an average, the expression of twenty-six closely allied tints.” It is fair to draw the conclusion then that by a like study of other Latin authors somewhat the same result would be obtained, and that “for each color term, therefore, we must seek to find one color as the norm or axis of its chromatic power.” A study and comparison of the words luteus and croceus is interesting chiefly because of the similarity rather than the dissimilarity of the objects to which they are applied. Flowers,” flower seeds,” violets,4 the aurora," pallor of countenance," the yolk of egg," parchment,” flickering light,” are indifferently spoken of as luteus or croceus. Professor McCrea” arrives at the conclusion that Ovid's standard in nature for luteus is sul- phur, judging from the line “luteave exiguis ardescunt sulpura * T. R. Price, The Color System of Vergil, AJP. IV, pp. 1–20. * Avian. Fab. 26.5; Ov. Met. 3.509; Diosc. 4.125; Plin. N. H. 25.108; 26.57. * Plin. N. H. 27.83; 21.49, 124. * Colum, 9.4.4; Plin. N. H. 21.131; Copa 13. There is manuscript authority for the reading “et Cecropio” for “etiam croceo” in the last passage, a read- ing which would make the reference of no value here. * Verg. Aen. 7.26; Ov. Met. 7.703; 13.579 f.; Fast. 4.714; Ars 3.179 f.; Sen. Herc. F. 124; Sidon. Carm. 22.48 f.; Auson. 431.1. * Prud. Cath. 8.26–7; Tib. 1.8.52; Hor. Epod. 10.16; Pers. 3.95; Cass. Fel. 49, p. 128.9 (ed. Rose); Paul. Petric. Mart. 3,199. * Mart. 13.40.1; Mart. Cap. 2.140; Cass. Fel. 78, p. 190.14 (ed. Rose); Marcell. Med. 4.15; Plin. N. H. 10.144, 148. * Juv. 7.23; Tib. 3.1.9. * Sol. 2.43; Apul. Met. 11.3. -* * N. G. McCrea, Ovid's Use of Colour and Colour Terms, Classical Studies in Honour of Henry Drisler, p. 188. 9 10 The Ritual Significance of Yellow fumis.” He argues therefore that luteus is a greenish yellow, showing also that in Ovid's other three uses of the word” the ap- plication would be scientifically accurate. Of Ovid this is perhaps true, as would also be suggested by such word combinations as: “(folia) colore in luteum languescente,” “(cucumis) mades- cit luteus,” 14 “luteis ramulis,” is “luteola oliva,” 18 and “folia eius (dodecatheoni) exeunt a lutea radice.” Following Pro- fessor McCrea's interpretation we might also accurately de- scribels the color effects of the aurora by luteus. Pallor of countenance too, as everyone probably can attest from personal observation,” properly comes under the same designation. But in uncritical passages such as those extant in Latin literature, it seems unlikely that the greenish tint would be emphasized in referring to parchment, the yolk of egg, flowers and flower stamens,” though any one of these is capable of great variation of color. It is the brilliant yellow of the marigold” which Vergil wishes to impress upon the mind of his reader and not the greenish hue of a rare variety. But primitive man was notoriously awkward and unobserving in devising terms for color, and the ancient Romans them- selves without doubt confused the two words, and in many passages are found actually to have identified them. Isidore” says: “luteus color rubicundus, quod est croceus. Nam cro- ceum lutei coloris est, ut (Verg. Ecl. 4. 44): “croceo mutavit 11 Met. 15.351. H. Blümner, Die Farbenbezeichnungen bei den römischen Dichtern, Berliner Studien, vol. XIII, p. 128, maintains that in this case the word “bedeutet einfach gelb.” 12 Met. 7.703; 13.579 f.; Fast. 4.714. 13 Plin. N. H. 27.133. 14 Colum. 10.398. 15 Plin. N. H. 27.55. 16 Colum. 12.49.9. 17 Plin. N. H. 25.28. 18 O. Rood, Modern Chromatics, p. 245. * Cf. Macbeth 1.7: 37-8: “And wakes it now, to look so pale and green, At what it did so freely?” 20 Plin. N. H. 21.14. * Verg. Ecl. 2.50. * Orig. 19.28.8. Cf. Serv. ad Verg. Ecl. 4.44: “luto colore rubicundo. Et est hypallage pro ‘croco luteo,’ nam crocum lutei coloris est.” Non. p. 549 M. “Luteus color proprie crocinus est.” Isid. Orig. 18.41.2: “luteos, id est croceos.” Claud. 10.211. The Ritual Significance of Yellow 11 vellera luto.’” Gellius” classes luteus as “rufus color,” associ- ating it with rubidus, rutilus, and poeniceus, but perhaps no more credence can be given to this classification than to his accompanying etymology: “luteus contra rufus colorest dilutior; inde ei nomen quoque esse factum videtur.” It is strange that Latin writers persistently class luteus with the shades of red when no passage of literature, with one possible exception,” forces us to interpret the word thus. But it is constantly difficult for us to draw the line between the shades of red and those of yellow, and luteus and croceus, like our scarlet, may denote shades tinged either with yellow or with orange. On the other hand, Gellius” speaks of croceus as “rufus color,” associating it at the same time with igneus, flammeus, san- guineus, ostrinus, and aureus. There is probably more reason for considering croceus as being of a reddish hue” than luteus, because of several passages in which the former is used of blood.” The sunset,” and the rainbow,” of which the most noticeable hues are perhaps those of red, are also called croceus. A number of other word combinations would further suggest the reddish color.” Except in these few passages the usage of the word does not seem to differ from that of luteus, and so we may conclude that the norm of each color scale is a pure yellow, tending to shade, in the case of luteus, toward green, in the case of croceus, toward red. Little need be said of flavus, since it is of less distinctive im- portance to our study and shows fewer variations in hue. Its general standards in nature are the waters and sands of the Tiber,31 the arena,” the shore,” and especially the golden 28 2.26.8, 15. * Nemes. Cyn. 319; “rubescere luto.” 25 2.26.5. * Price, op. cit. p. 14. * Chiron 169: “cuicumque sanguilentus umor per nares profluet et croceus.” Perhaps also Cypr. Gall. Lev. 112; Weg. Mulom. 1.3; Potam. Tract. 2 p. 1416*; Lucr. 6.1188. * Prud. c. Symm. 2 praef. 4; Cypr. Gall. Eacod. 615. * Cypr. Gall. Gen. 333; Werg. Aen. 4.700. * Cypr. Gall. Ios. 407: “unde rubet croceum venientis flamma diei.” Prud. c. Symm. 2 praef. 4: “vesper croceus rubet.” Ambr. in Psalm. 118, serm. 17.29: “rubet croceo colore.” Plin. N. H. 31.90: “crocei coloris aut rufi.” Ov. Fast. 5.318. 31 Ov. Met. 14.448; Trist. 5.1.31. 32 OV, Ibis 47. . 38 Oy. Met. 15.722. 12 The Ritual Significance of Yellow yellow hair?" which the Romans valued so highly. Schmidt’s describes flavus as “nur gelb oder blond.” It is used especially of Ceres” and seems to have become a fixed poetic epithet descriptive of the ripened grain. YELLOW IN THE FLAMMEUM No mention has as yet been made here of these words as used in certain connections which would be of no consequence in determining their color denotation, but which nevertheless are of great importance to the study of Roman life and thought. The most important use of yellow in Roman ritual was in the bridal veil, the flammeum, “quo se cooperiunt mulieres die nuptiarum.” I speak of it as “yellow” in spite of a number of German critics, notably Samter,” who mention it as being “von roter Farbe.” The bridal veil was, however, luteus,” and luteus, as has been shown, can scarcely be considered red.” So important were the rite and the color of the veil, that there were dyers at Rome who devoted themselves wholly to the coloring of marriage veils, “flammeari, infectores flammei col- oris,” says Festus.“ The custom of veiling the bride seems never to have been departed from; the very expressions: “mulier nubit,” “flammea sumit,”43 were in themselves indicative of * Sen. Oed. 420; Hor. Carm. 4.4.4; Verg. Aen. 4,590; Gell. 2.26.12–13. * J. H. H. Schmidt, Handbuch der lateinischen und griechischen Synonymik, p. 218. * Lucan. 4.412; Tib. 1.1.15; Verg. Georg. 1.96; Ov. Am. 3.10.3, 43; Met. 6.118; Fast. 4.424. 87 Schol. ad Juv. 6.225. * Ernst Samter, Familienfeste, pp. 47 ff. * Claud. 10.211; Plin. N. H. 21.46; Lucan. 2.361. A. Rich (Wörterbuch der röm. Alt., S. v. flammeum) says: “Es (the veil) war von tiefer und glänz- ender gelbe Farbe, wie eine Flamme, daher sein Name.” * Blümner, op. cit., p. 126, n. 1: “blutrot war die Farbe des Flammeums auf keinen Fall.” A. Walde, Lateinisches etymologisches Wörterbuch, s. v. lutum, translates luteus as “goldgelb.” Schol. ad Juv. 6.225, calls it “sang- uineum.” * Festus p. 89 M. * Orthographia Capri, Gram. Lat. VII, p. 103.14–15, Keil. Cf. Martial’s use of nubere: 5.17.4; 4.13.1; 6.45.3; and many other instances. * Juv. 2.124 (here in derision for effeminacy); Stat. Theb. 2.341. Cf. also Apul. Apol. 76: “flammeo absoleto”; Juv. 6.225: “flammea conterit”; and Schol. on this line. The Ritual Significance of Yellow 13 the marriage ceremony. The practice was by no means con- fined to Rome,44 but of the significance and universality of the custom there is no need to speak, though several interesting conjectures might be noted.” The Romans themselves had their own ideas as to the reason for the use of the flammeum. It was worn, says Festus,” “omi- nis boni causa,” and was the symbol of the stability of human marriage,” “quod eo assidue utebatur flaminica . . . cui non licebat facere divortium.” Rossbach” explains the use of the veil, in each case, in connection with the sacrifice which was offered by the matron at the household hearth, by the Flaminica at the altar of Juppiter Dialis, and by the bride at the hearth of her new husband. Diels” also connects it with the idea of the sacrifice and considers the putting on of the jlammeum an expiatory rite: “das purpurne Oder rote Gewand- stück ahmt die Farbe des Blutes nach”; while Samter 50 thinks it a substitute for blood offerings. In these cases there is a misconception of the color used. The simple veiling could not have been considered necessarp in connection with the sacrifice alone, because veiling was common among people who made no such sacrifice.” Furthermore, the sacrifice was not an inseparable part of the Roman marriage ceremony. On the other hand, the supposition that it was the custom for the matron to wear the veil rests upon a single statement of Nonius:” “flammeum, vestis vel tegmen quo capita matronae *Samter, op. cit. p. 48; L. Schroeder, Die Hochzeitsbrauche der Esten, p. 72 ff.; Genesis XXIV, 65. ** F. C. Conybeare, Myth, Magic and Morals, pp. 232 f.: “The idea that spirits, especially evil ones, approach women through the ears . . . was an old Rabbinic one, found in the Talmud, in Philo, Josephus, and above all in Paul . . . (I Cor. XI). . . . Tertullian . . . explains that evil angels were ever lurking about, ready to assail even married women . . . through their ears. From this point of view he penned: De Virginibus Velandis,” and the church is still careful to veil the nuns and to require a hat to be worn in church. E. J. Wood, The Wedding Day in All Ages and Countries, p. 18, states that among the Jews it was the sign of subjection to the husband. 46 Fest. p. 89 M. 47 Cf. Frédéric Portal, Des couleurs symboliques, p. 242. ** A. W. Rossbach, Untersuchungen über die rômische Ehe, pp. 284 f. * Hermann Diels, Sibyllinische Blätter, p. 70. See also note 129. *" Op. cit. p. 53. 5, Ibid. p. 52. * Non. p. 541 M. 14 The Ritual Significance of Yellow tegunt.” In reference to this, Ellis, in his edition of Catullus, * admits that the marriage flammeum may not have been identical with that of the matronae, while Samter” goes even farther and more rightly considers that the passage “steht nicht in Einklang mit den sonstigen Nachrichten; vermutlich liegt nur ein Missverständnis oder ein undeutlicher Ausdruck des Com- pilators vor.” At least the passage does not necessarily mean that the matron wore the flammeum continuously, and it may be merely a careless statement of the well known marriage cus- tom. Enveloping the head” and covering the hair,” the flammeum veiled the downcast face of the bride." It must not be associ- ated with the veil worn by the bride of today, for it was not an accessory part of the bridal costume, but a robe in itself which covered the whole figure from head to foot.* It was by far the most important and noticeable portion of the wed- ding attire by reason of its size and color, as may well be realized by a glance at the illustrations,” particularly the Aldobrandini marriage picture." In this, the use of yellow is especially emphasized, since the headdress of the bridegroom, the shoes of the bride, the mattress and the counterpane of the bed, the footstool, and the towel are all of that color. We have, how- ever, no ancient literary authority for such extensive use of yellow by the bride and groom, though there is mention of a network cap,” “reticulum luteum,” worn by the bride, “ominis causa.” On the ancient marriage veil, exclusive of the Roman, * 61.8, note. * Op. cit. p. 47, n. 2. * Petron. 26.1: “caput involverat flammeo.” 56 Claud. 10.285. . * Mart. 12.42.3; Lucan. 2.361; Orthographia Capri, Gram. Lat. VII, p. 103.14–15, Keil. * Cf. E. T. Merrill's note on Cat. 61.8; Rich, op. cit, discussion and plate under flammeum; H. B. Walters, A Classical Dictionary, discussion under flammeum. * Th. Schreiber, Atlas of Classical Antiquities, pl. 81. * C. A. Böttiger, Aldobrandinische Hochzeit, pp. 192 ff. See for illus- tration: H. B. Walters, The Art of the Romans, pl. 40. Cf. Werg. Aen. 4,585. di Fest. p. 286 M. * Samter (op. cit, p. 48) says that the use of the flammeum or its equivalent was not exclusively a Roman custom, but errs in citing as parallels instances of red or purple in the marriage ritual of other peoples. The Ritual Significance of Yellow 15 there is no direct evidence, though Wachsmuth's believes that the ancient Greek veil was of reddish hue. But a true parallel may be found in the modern Greek custom in accordance with which the bride wears a flame-colored, gold-fringed veil. 64 YELLOW As THE COLOR OF THE BRIDE's SHOEs, ETC. The shoes also of the bride were yellow. Hymen, the god of love and marriage, is pictured" wearing the “luteus soccus.” Now the use of the soccus was in general confined to women” and comic actors. Since Hymen can have no connection with comic actors, we must consequently interpret his use of the soccus as indicative of the marriage ceremony, and as assigned to him in his role of the bride.” Again we have, with reference to the bride, the expressions “fulgentem plantam” and “aure- olos pedes,” both doubtless containing the same idea of color. But in Seneca,” we find the line: “luteo plantas cohibente socco,” with reference to the wife of Hercules, and with ap- parently no idea of the marriage custom.” The use of the color yellow was confined almost entirely to women, says Pliny,71 and since other garments of the color were commonly worn by them at all times, it is not improbable that yellow shoes also were common articles of dress, and such a connection may serve only to convince us of the truth of Pliny’s statement. Cupid, dressed in a yellow tunic, flits hither and thither about the head of Catullus’ sweetheart, Lesbia.” Among the gifts pre- sented to a bride we read of a veil embroidered with the yellow i 68 Curt Wachsmuth, Das alte Griechenland im neuen, p. 90, n. 43, quoted by Samter, op. cit. p. 48. The opinion is based on Achill. Tat. 2.11. * Reinsberg–Duringfeld, Hochzeitsbuch, p. 59, quoted by Samter, op. cit. p. 48. **Cat. 61.5–10. Cf. Ov. Met. 10.1 f.: “croceo velatus amictu . . . digreditur . . . Hymenaeus.” Epist. 21.162: “(Hymenaeus) . . . trahitur multo splendida palla croco.” 66 Suet. Cal. 52: “soccus muliebris.” 66* See Ellis' note on Cat. 61.10. 67 Cat. 68.71. 68 Cat. 61.167. 69 Phaed. 322. 79 Blümner, op. cit. p. 125. 7. Plin. N. H. 21.46: “lutei video honorem antiquissimum in nuptialibus flammeis totum feminis concessum.” 72 Cat. 68.133–4. 16 The Ritual Significance of Yellow acanthus.” The very bonds of wedlock, probably as sacred to the Romans as to us, in spite of the satirists, were yellow (flava . . . vincula).” FIRE As A SYMBOL OF LIFE What the omen” was which the Roman mind associated with these marriage customs may possibly best be determined by a study of the other rites indispensable to the occasion. The deductio, commemorating, says Pliny,” the rape of the Sabines, was essential to the validity of the marriage, and hence was never omitted when the parties were of any social standing whatever. The part of the deductio which assumes foremost place in the consciousness of the Roman poets was apparently the use of torches,” the felices taedae, 77 which was also con- sidered an omen.” These were carried not only by the patrimus or matrimus who bore the wedding torch (spina alba),” but also by the procession of guests.” In ancient Greece, too, we find the use of torches common, since the mother of the bride accompanied her daughter, torch in hand, to her new home, where she was welcomed by the mother of the bridegroom, also carrying a torch.” In modern Greece the bride and groom themselves carry torches,” and many other examples might be noted.* They were necessary, says Festus,84 “quia noctu nubebant,” and Servius” likewise states: “Varro . . . dicit sponsas ideo faces praeire, quod antea non nisi per noctem 78 Auson. 355.4; cf. Verg. Aen. 1,649 ff., 1.711. 74 Tib. 2.2.18. * See notes 46 and 61. 75 N. H. 16.75. 7° Mart. 3.93.26; 4.13.2; 12.42.3; Cat. 61.15; Claud. 10.202; Prop. 3.16.16; Ov. Epist. 11.101; Stat. Silv. 1.2.5; and many others. 77 Cat. 64.25. 78 Prop. 4.3.13; Plin. N. H. 16.75. ” Fest. p. 245 M, Varro ap. Non. p. 112 M. * Fest. p. 288 M: “rapi solet fax . . . ab utrisque amicis.” The word usually occurs in the plural. * Schol. Eurip. Troad. 315; Eurip. Iph. Aul. 732 f.; Phoen. 344 f.; Medea 1024 ff.; Schol. Apoll. Arg. 4.808. * Wachsmuth, op. cit. p. 93. * Ernst Samter, Geburt, Hochzeit und Tod, p. 75. * Fest. p. 245 M. * Ad Verg. Ecl. 8.29. The Ritual Significance of Yellow 17 * nubentes ducebantur a sponsis.” Catullus opens his marriage poems" with the words: “Vesper adest, iuvenes, consurgite,” and later in the same poem” states: “nec iunxere priusquam se tuus extulit ardor (Hespere).” But we must bear in mind that because of the variation in the time of the rising of the evening star the “felix hora” was not inevitably after dark. Therefore we need not agree entirely with Festus’ and Servius' explanation and may perhaps connect” the use of torches with another important use of fire in the wedding ceremony, namely the acceptance by the bride of fire and water from her husband, who met her in the atrium.8% of her new home after the deductio. So essential was this formality that, like expressions with nubere, “aqua et igni accipi’” was indicative of the marriage rite when used of a woman. This use of fire and water is variously ex- plained, but seems generally to be thought of as indicative of the life which the couple were to live together” and of the woman's part in the home. Yet a deeper meaning may be dis- cerned even in the Roman authors themselves, who find in the use of these two elements so essential to existence, an under- lying religious idea, which played a prominent part in the family life of the great Empire. The Romans conceived of the soul after death as “hovering around the place of burial and requiring for its peace and happi- ness that offerings of food and drink should be made to it regu- larly. Should these offerings be discontinued, the soul would cease to be happy itself, and might become perhaps a spirit of evil. The maintenance of these rites and ceremonies devolved naturally upon the descendants from generation to generation, whom the spirits in turn would guide and guard. The Roman was bound, therefore, to perform these acts of affection and piety so long as he lived himself, and bound no less to provide for their performance after his death by perpetuating his race, 86 62.1. 87 62.29. * Cf. Samter, G. H. und T., p. 72. * Varro L. L. 5.61 says: “in limine.” * Scaev. Dig. 24.1.66: “priusquam (virgo) aqua et igni acciperetur, id est nuptiae celebrarentur.” Serv. ad Verg. Aen. 4,167: “aqua et igni mariti uxores accipiebant.” * Fest. p. 87 M.: “ut ignem atque aquam cum viro communicaret.” Cf. Joachim Marquardt, Das Privatleben der Römer, I, p. 56. 18 The Ritual Significance of Yellow and the family cult. A curse was believed to rest upon the childless man” . . . who “had to face the prospect of the extinction of his family, and his own descent to the grave with no posterity to make him blessed.” Therefore it is not strange that we find in the marriage ritual a representation of the idea of productivity in the form of the “duo . . . validissima vitae humanae elementa ignis et aqua.” - Numa consecrated perpetual fire,” the greatest of elements,” as first of all things, and fires of some kind were preserved in all the principal temples of the known world.” Light was the sign of being and life;97 it was from the vitalis calor” that life originated: “vapor humidus omnes res creat.” All living creatures, man as well as animals, were produced from the two discordant” elements, fire and water;” the soul itself was a commixture of the two.1% Fire and water were differentiated in this connection, fire being considered the masculine, and water the feminine element of creation.19% The same idea of fire as the symbol of life is expressed in Artemidorus,” when he says that a bright light foretold to * H. W. Johnston, The Private Life of the Romans, pp. 29 f. Cf. W. W. Fowler, Roman Festivals, pp. 307 ff.; Liv. Epit. 59; Gell. 1.6.8; Cic. Leg. 3.7. * Isid. Orig. 13.12.2. Cf. Ov. Met, 1.431: “ab his oriuntur cuncta duobus (humore caloreque).” Ov. Fast. 4,791 f., “quod in his (igni et unda) vitae causa est, haec perdidit exul, his nova fit coniunx.” Serv. ad Verg. Aen. 4.103: “aqua et igni adhibitis; duobus maximis elementis, natura coniuncta habeatur.” 94 Plut. Numa 11. * Plin. N. H. 2.10: “Nec de elementis video dubitari, quattuor esse ea: ignium summum.” * * R. P. Knight, Symbolic Language of Ancient Art and Mythology, p. 26. 97 Plut. Q. R. 2. **Cic. N. D. 2.24: “caloris natura vim habet in se vitalem.” Cf. Isid. Orig. 11.1.16; Curt. 3.5.3; 7.3.15; 8.4.8. * Ov. Met, 1,432 f. Cf. also Isid. Orig. 19.6.2: “nihil est enim pene quod igne non efficiatur.” Plin N. H. 36.200–1: “nihil paene non igni perfici . . . Inmensa, improba rerum naturae portio, et in qua dubium sit, plura absumat an pariat.” Varro L. L. 5.61: “igitur duplex causa nascendi ignis et aqua.” Plin. N. H. 28.80: “ne igne quidem vincitur, quo cuncta.” Plin. N. H. 2.239, Speaks of fire as “fecunda.” * Ov. Met, 1.432, says “pugnax,” Fast, 4.787: “contraria semina.” * Hippoc. Diaeta 1.4. 102 Ibid. 1.8. * Varro L. L. 5.61; Plut. Q. R. 1. 104 On. 2.9. The Ritual Significance of Yellow 19 a sick person his recovery, a dim one his death. It was by boiling that Medea professed to give back youth to the aged, 10% and Pelops, after being served as a banquet by Tantalus, was boiled by the gods and made alive and young again.” The creative powers of fire are invoked by the Hindus by means of fire sticks, the use of which is thought to produce male off- spring.107 Travelers to the Kei Islands in the East Indies relate that when the natives are away on a voyage, friends keep a sacred fire in their absence, watching it carefully day and night, because its extinction would be an evil omen, since it is a symbol of the life of the absent ones.” In like manner the life of Meleager was bound up with a brand plucked from the fire on the hearth, and when his mother in a fit of rage at her son destroyed the brand, he died a death of terrible agony.” The comforting and reviving powers of the sun,” of fire, and of the heat produced from both, must have been among the first ideas to be grasped by the savage mind. These were among the principal sources of their comfort and of their agri- cultural success. Now, inasmuch as the earth is usually spir- itualized as feminine,” and since the fertility of women and the productive power of the earth were closely associated in the primitive mind,” we have an extension of this idea in the common belief, found in the legends of all races, that women might be impregnated by the sun or even by the moon.” At Hindu marriages” in ancient times, and in Iran and Central Asia today,” the bride is made to expose herself to the sun’s * Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 1321; Hygin. Fab. 24; Paus. 8.11.2. Fire was not the sole life-giving element in this case, since herbs also were used by Medea. 10% Pindar Olymp. 1.40 ft. with Schol. 107 Hymns of the Atharva-Veda (Sacred Books of the East, vol. XLII), trans. by M. Bloomfield, p. 97 ff.; 460. * Le P. H. Geurtjens, Le cérémonial des voyages awa, Iles Keij, (Anthropos V, 1910, p. 337 ff.) 109 Aesch. Choeph. 604 f.; Diod. Sic. 4.34.6–7; Ov. Met. 8.445 ff.; Hygin. Fab. 171, 174. * Adelaide S. Hall, Important Symbols, p. 6, classifies the sun as the sym- bol of the active power of nature. Cf. Ernest Crawley, Mystic Rose, p. 197. * E. B. Tylor, Primitive Culture, II, 245. * Fowler, op. cit, p. 104. * Hans Egede, A Description of Greenland, p. 209. * Monier Williams, Religious Thought and Life in India, p. 354. * H. Wambery, Das Türkenwolk, p. 112. 20 The Ritual Significance of Yellow rays. In a modern Greek tale the Sun bestowed a daughter upon a childless woman,” and a Sicilian legend tells of a young princess who conceived a child by the Sun.” The old Greek story of Danaë,118 imprisoned by her father in punishment for her disobedience, and impregnated by Zeus, who came to her in a shower of gold (probably standing for sunshine), perhaps belongs to the same class of tales. - Vesta, the personification of fire,” is identified with the earth,120 probably in its productive aspect. Rain when accom- panied by lightning was thought by the Greeks to be more nutritive and prolific,” and it was probably with some such idea as this that the Arcadians sacrificed to thunder, lightning and the tempest.” Krishna, in an old Hindu poem, says: “I am the thunderbolt; I am the fire residing in the bodies of all things which have life.” Vulcan himself, the personi- fication of fire, may originally, thinks Preller,” have been thought of as a beneficent nature spirit, perhaps the warm fertilizing power of the earth. Closely connected with the cult of Vulcan was the cult of Bona Dea (Maia), that rather mys- terious goddess; for it was the Flamen Vulcanalis who sacrificed to her on May 1, and she is addressed in invocations as Maia Volcani.” Now Bona Dea seems certainly to have been a protective deity of the female sex, the Earth-mother, a goddess of fertility.1% Men were excluded from her rites, 127 which *J. G. von Hahn, Griechische und albanesische Märchen, no.4.1, vol. I, p. 245. * Laura Gonzenbach, Sicilianische Märchen, no. 28, vol. I, pp. 177 ff. * Soph. Antig. 944 ff.; Apollod. Bibliotheca 2.4.1. * Ov. Fast, 6.291: “Nec tu aliud Vestam quam vivam intellege flammam.” August Preuner, Hestia-Vesta, p. 221, speaks of Vesta as the “Gottheit des Feuers, Sofern religiöse, ethische Ideen sich in demselben abspiegeln, nicht des Feuers als blossen Elements.” Cf. C. Schwenk, Die Sinnbilder der alten Völker, p. 117. * Ov. Fast. 6,267: “Vesta eadem est quae Terra. Subest vigil ignis utrique.” Cf. August. Civ. 7.16. 12. Plut. Symp. 4.2.1. 12% Paus. 8.29.2. * Bhagavat-Gita X. * L. Preller, Römische Mythologie, II, p. 149. 125 Gell. 13.23.2. * Fowler, op. cit. p. 71, 104, 106. Cf. Macr. Sat. 1.12.21: “Auctor est Cornelius Labeo huic Maiae, id est terrae, aedem Kalendis Maiis dedicatam sub nomine Bonae Deae.” * Cic. Dom. 105; Har. Resp. 8, 37, 38; Ov. Ars 3,637; Tib. 1.6.24; Plut. Caes. 9; Q. R. 20. ~ * The Ritual Significance of Yellow 21 were conducted by the Vestals.” The significance of the presence of these priestesses of fire is not to be overlooked, since all their public services were rendered at festivals relating to fruitfulness.129 YELLow AS THE CHROMATIC SYMBoL of FIRE AND OF LIFE In view of all these facts, and of the natural association of ideas to which they lead, it is not illogical to suppose that orig- inally these concepts pertaining to the color yellow, to fire, and ultimately, perhaps, to the sun, were connected in the primitive Roman mind, although the Romans of later times may not have realized it. It is true that statements in literature which make any connection between yellow and fire are de- cidedly few, although Isidore” concisely states that the use of yellow on race horses was symbolic of the patronage of fire and of the Sun. It was also with reins of yellow that the sun-god guided his horses on their daily journey through the heavens,” and Vulcan, the personification of fire, is called luteus.” In China today one of the oldest divinities, the “Herdfürst” or “Kükengott,” called also, says Nagel, “Wang-ti, der gelbe Raiser,” is represented by the use of paper striped with red and yellow.188 The Flaminica Dialis, as we have seen, wore the yellow flam- meum.” To her and her husband, it is thought, may have been assigned in early times the duty of kindling and caring for the sacred fire.” At least there can be no doubt of the 128 Plut. Cic. 19–20; Dio, 37.45. * Fowler, op. cit. p. 71; Smith's Dict. s. v. Vestales. Hans Dragendorff, Rheinisches Museum für Philologie, LI, p. 294, considers that the dress of the Vestals was originally identical with that of the bride. 180 Orig. 18.41.2: “luteos, id est croceos, igniet soli . . . sacraverunt.” Cf. M. H. de Charencey, Symbolique romain, p. 8. * Claud. 22.471: “(Sol) . . . lutea lora iubasque Subligat alipedum.” 1% Juv. 10.132. In Maeterlinck's Bluebird the spirit of fire is clothed in red and yellow. The robin, on account of its color, was sacred to Thor, the god of lightning (J. A. Farrer, Primitive Manners and Customs, p. 293). 189 A. Nagel, Arch. Rel. XI, 1908, p. 24, 30. Cf. A. Hall's classification of yellow, Important Symbols, pp. 11 f.; and that of Charencey, op. cit, p. 11. * Fest. p. 92 M: “flammeo vestimento flaminica utebatur, id §§ Dialis uxor et Iovis sacerdos, cui telum fulminis eodem erat colore.” Cf. Fest. p. 89 M. ** J. G. Frazer, The Golden Bough, Magic Art, II, p. 246. 22 The Ritual Significance of Yellow sanctity of the fire which was kept by the Flamen, as is proved by the rule that it might not be taken from his house except for the purpose of sacrifice.” The regulation that he could not be absent from his home even for a single night” also empha- sizes the importance ascribed to the discharge of his duties. That the rules of life imposed upon the Flamen Dialis were very similar to those observed by the Brahmans, the fire priests of India,” might furnish additional evidence for the idea that the original function of the Flamen and his wife was the care of the sacred fire, and this parallelism is the more striking if, as some scholars hold, the names Brahman and Flamen are philologi- cally identical.18% - In one instance at least, the ancients seem to have concisely connected in thought not only fire, but also yellow and the idea of life; for the possession of the golden-yellow hair (flava coma), so characteristic of divinities and heroes,” was thought to confer long life and strength. Poseidon made Pterelaus immortal by bestowing upon him a golden hair upon which his life was dependent.” In modern Greek folklore the strength and very life of a man are contingent upon the preser- vation of three golden hairs upon his head, and when these are pulled out he grows weak and is open to the attacks of his enemies, at whose hands he finally meets death.” In the Hymns of the Atharva-Veda the goddess of misfortune is eu- phemistically addressed as “golden-locked,” and the goddess of grudge and avarice as “gold-complexioned, lovely one, who rests on golden cushions . . . who wears golden robes.” * Gell. 10.15.7: “Ignem e flaminia, id est flaminis Dialis domo, nisi sacrum efferri ius non est.” Cf. Fest. 106 M. * Liv. 5.52.13 f. Gell. 10.15.14 says: “de eo lecto trinoctium continuum non decubat”; and Tac. Ann. 3.71.3: “plus quam binoctium abesset.” 188 Frazer, l.c. * P. Kretschmer, Einleitung in die Geschichte der griechischen Sprache, pp. 127 f.; O. Schrader, Reallerikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde, pp. 637 f. Th. Mommsen, Hist. (New York 1900) I, p. 215, and Fowler, op. cit. p. 147, derive flamen from flare, while Walde, op. cit. s. v. flamen, derives it from a different form, *fadmen or *fladsmen. * See K. F. Smith on Tibullus, 1.1.15 and W. P. Mustard's Sannazaro, p. 78, n. 84, for instances. *Apollod. Bibliotheca, 2.4.5, 7. * J. G. von Hahn, op. cit, I, p. 217; II, p. 282. *SBE., vol. XLII, p. 173. The Ritual Significance of Yellow 23 THE TORCH As A SYMBOL OF LIFE If, as seems to have been the case, yellow is to be connected with fire, and fire was the symbol of life, let us return to the marriage ceremony and see if the same thought is connected with the use of the nuptial torch. It was a common belief, says Servius, that whoever carried a marriage torch was des– tined to long life.144 “Hier,” says Rossbach, 45 “wird offenbar die Hochzeitfackel als Lebensflamme gefasst.” Festus tells us,146 furthermore, that nuptial torches were carried in honor of Ceres. This is not a strange statement, in spite of Mar- quardt,” since Ceres represents in Roman religion the “gen- erative power of nature,” an idea, as we are beginning to see, perfectly in accord with the Roman concept of the marriage ceremony. Etymologically also the name Ceres contains the same notion, being probably connected, as Servius thought, with creare.14% In general, torches were the symbol not only of life, but of its termination.” The torch held erect, as at the wedding, symbolized the fullness of life, while reversed it indicated death.” It was perhaps from the appearance of this reversed torch in a vision that Polynices inferred his own approaching death.” The life of the Roman was, as it were, bounded by two torches; “vivimus insignes inter utramoue facem,” says Propertius.” *Serv. ad Verg. Ecl. 8.29: “Corneae sane faces, quae quasi diutissimae luceant. Quas rapiunt tamguam vitae praesidia; namdue his qui sunt diutius feruntur vixisse.” 4 * Op. cit. p. 340. :* 146 Fest. p. 87 M. * Op. cit. I, p. 55, n. 7: “scheint nicht bekannt zu sein.” * Fowler, op. cit. p. 73. Cf. Rossbach, op. cit. p. 340, who considers that the “Lebensflamme . . . der Ceres heilig ist, die als agrarische Göttin das Leben erhält.” 14° Serv. ad Verg, Georg. 1.7: “Ceres a creando dicta.” Cf. Fowler, op. cit. p. 73. * Böttiger, op. cit, p. 142: “So wird die Fackel das doppelte Symbol des Lebens wie des Todes.” * Sil, 2.184: “Adfecit leto, taedaeque ad funera versae.” Cf. Sil. 13.547; Ov. Met. 10,6–7. * Stat. Theb. 11.142: “Coniugis Argeiae lacera cum lampade maestam Effigiem.” - 1° 4.11.46. Cf. Ov. Fast, 2.561 f.: “Conde tuas, Hymenaee, faces et ab ignibus atris Aufer! habent alias maesta sepulcra faces.” Epist. 21.172: “Et face pro thalami fax mihi mortis adest.” Apul. Flor. 16. p. 66: “prius ad funebrem facem quam ad nuptialem venisse.” Cf. Marquardt, op. cit. I, p. 55, n. 2. 24 The Ritual Significance of Yellow This identification of life with the flame is found in the modern Greek custom of keeping the “unsleeping lamp” (tò 3xoſpºnto xxyöſ),t) burning, either in the room where death took place or at the grave, for a variable period of time. Only with the extinction of the flame comes, it is believed, unconsciousness of the world. A few couplets from a modern funeral dirge may well illustrate this: - “And when the priests with solemn song march toward the grave with me, Steal thou out from thy mother's side, and light me torches three; And when the priests shall quench again those lights for me, ah then, Then, like the breath of roses, sweet, thou passest from my ken.” \ We should like to believe, therefore, that the use of the mar- riage torch as a symbol of life at the wedding ceremony served to intensify the significance of the color yellow at the same ceremony. - YELLOW USED BY WOMEN We have stated” that yellow was a favorite color of dress among the women of Rome and was, in fact, as Pliny says, all but confined to women. This conclusion is based upon a study of certain articles of clothing to which the investigation of the color yellow must necessarily lead, and of which only a brief outline need be given. There were in use at Rome, and apparently also in Greece,” several garments which, to judge from their names alone, must certainly have been yellow. These were the crocota, the crocotula, the epicrocum,” and the calthula. All these take their names from yellow flowers which, no doubt, they imitated in their color.157 Their use was, for the most * Quoted from the version by A. T. G. Passow, Popul. Carm. no. 377A; see J. C. Lawson, Modern Greek Folklore and Ancient Greek Religion, p. 508 ff. Cf. the use on the Haterii Relief of torches around the bed on which the body of the dead lies, Daremberg-Saglio, Dict. s. v. funus, fig. 3360. 154* See note 71. * Creuzer, op. cit. IV, p. 596, n. 1. For illustrations see O. M. von Stackel- berg, Die Gräber der Hellenen, pl. 44.2; 46.2. 156 Fest. p. 82 M. - * Non. p. 548 M: “Caltulam et crocotulam, utrumque a generibus florum translatum, a caltha et croco.” Well. 2.82.4: “crocota velatus aurea.” Another manuscript reading on this passage gives “corona.” Non. p. 549 M: “Crocota, crocei coloris vestis.” The Ritual Significance of Yellow - 25 part, confined to women,” and consequently men who wore them were considered foppish and were taunted with effem- inacy” or with voluptuousness.” Thus we find the actor wearing the crocota,” whereby the ill repute in which he was proverbially held” was heightened. The preference of the Roman woman for yellow is seen in the wall paintings dis- covered at Herculaneum and Pompeii. In the famous mytho- logical picture in the House of the Tragic Poet, Iphigenia, when about to be offered as a sacrifice to the goddess, is pic- tured in a yellow robe.” In another Pompeian wall painting, Medea, when meditating the murder of her children, is likewise dressed in that color.” This very extensive use of yellow in women's garments cannot have been without some reason and fundamental significance. We believe that it confirms the truth of our correlation of the ideas of yellow, fire and life. FIRE As A SYMBOL OF PURIFICATION Another idea besides that of productivity attaches itself inseparably to the symbolic use of fire and its chromatic symbol yellow, and that is the conception of flame as an agent of puri- fication.* This is no new notion in religion, and is especially * Non. p. 538 M. (Plaut. Aul. frag. 1): “pro illis crocotis, strophiis, sumptu uxorio.” Ciris, 251 f.: “puellam, Quae prius in tenui fuerat succincta crocota.” Plaut. Epid. 231; Non. p. 548 M ; Aristoph. Lys, 44 f.; Thesm. 945 f.; Eccl. 878 f., 331; Pollux, 7.56 (ed. Bekker) * Cic. Harus. Resp. 44: “P. Clodius a crocota . . . a muliebribus soleis purpureisque fasceolis . . . est factus repente popularis.” Non. p. 318 M. “Varro de sermone latino lib. III: ‘Utrumque mulieres, et epicrocum viri quoque habitarunt.” Aristoph. Thesm. 137–8, 945, 253. The “vestis picta croco” of Verg. Aen. 9.614, is probably the crocota, used as a taunt for effeminacy. 160 Varro L. L. 7.53. 161 Apul. Apol. 13. 18° Cic. Arch. 10; Nep. Praef. 5; Suet. Tib. 35. 1* Creuzer, op. cit. IV, p. 596, n. 1; Walters, Art of the Romans, pl. 42; Wolfgang Helbig, Wandgemälde, §1304. 164 G. F. Hill, Illustrations of School Classics, $156. Cf. Pierre Gusman, Pompeii, pl. 1. * Serv. ad Verg. Aen. 6.741: “Unde etiam in sacris omnibus tres sunt istae purgationes: nam aut taeda purgant et sulphure, aut aqua abluunt.” Cf. Lev. VI, 30: “And no sin offering . . . shall be eaten: it shall be burnt in the fire.” 26 The Ritual Significance of Yellow familiar to us because of the Jewish teachings in regard to it; but the same thought may be traced in almost all of the re- ligious systems of the world, even to the present day. Possibly the origin of this idea of purity and cleansing power is to be found in the use of fire in burnt offerings and sacrifices. The fire was thought to destroy the material part of the sacrifices and by virtue of its own inherent purity to make them fit for the gods.” Pursuing this idea further, the ancients believed that in the same manner fire purged away the mortal parts of men, leaving only the immortal, and for this reason a death by fire came to be regarded and sought as a kind of apothe- osis.” Hence goddesses tried to confer immortality upon mortals by burning them by night,” but their kind purposes generally failed of accomplishment because of the interference of some terrified mortal who was ignorant of the design of the heavenly visitor. It was a custom, common in antiquity, annually to extinguish and renew the sacred fire kept, in the case of the Romans, in the temple of Vesta, and renewed yearly on March 1.1° Each year the Greeks imported fresh fire from Delos to Lemnos, 170 and similar practices are found among the South American Indians,” and among the Japanese.” In all these cases there is the idea of the beginning of a new and purified life with the new and pure flame. This purificatory purpose of the flame seems to have been well understood by the Romans, as is shown by its use particularly in the festivals of the yearly calendar. The instruments of purification (februa casta),” that is, the blood of the October horse mixed with the ashes of the unborn calves burnt at the Fordicidia (April 15), were kept in the Penus Vestae. “Vesta dabit. Vestae munere purus eris,” says Ovid.174 At the Parilia (April 21) these were sprinkled over a 106 Iamblichus, De Mysterås, V, 12. 167 Lucian, De Morte Peregrini, 25 ff.; Diog. Laer. 8.2.69 ft. 168 Plut. Isis et Osiris, 16; Ov. Fast. 4.547 ff.; Homer, Hymn to Demeter, 231 ff.; Apollod. Bibliotheca, 1.5.1; Apoll. Rhod. Argon. 4.865 ff. 169 Macr. Sat. 1.12.6; Ov. Fast, 3.135 ff. 170 Philostratus, Heroica, 19.14 (ed. Kayser). 171 C. C. Jones, Antiquities of the Southern Indians, p. 21. 17° S. Reinach, Orpheus, p. 223. 178 Ov. Fast. 2.19–46. 174 Fast, 4.732. The Ritual Significance of Yellow 27 bonfire. The people leaped over the flames and drove their flocks through them, 175 a rite in which Ovid himself took part.17% The object of the whole ceremony was obviously purification,” and we find that the Vestals very appropriately played an im- portant part; for, as we have noted, they had in their keeping the februa casta, the holy instruments of purification. It is perhaps an analogous practice to that of passing through the fire for the purpose of purification which isso bitterly attacked in the Old Testament.178 The same rite is still practiced in India,” and survives in the Beltane fires of Ireland, Scotland, northern England and Cornwall, where the people leap through the flames and cause their cattle to do so in order to cleanse them of disease, in quite the old Roman fashion. The crops within the radius of the light from these fires are considered immune from sorcery for the space of a year.189 The Hotten- tots purify their sheep in the same way by driving them through the fire,” and among the Tartars it is the custom to pass through two fires. 182 The same notion, as well as that of productivity, is probably also to be connected with the use of this element in the mar- riage ceremony. “Fax ex spinu alba praefertur, quod pur- gationis causa adhibetur,” says Varro.” This power of puri- fication bordered closely on magic, as the torch possessed the ability, both in the Greek and in the Roman conception, to drive away evil spirits.” It is rather this idea of its magical 175 Ov. Fast. 4,733 ff., esp. 805. 176 Ibid. 4.727. 177 Fowler, op. cit. p. 83. 178 Lev. XVIII, 21: “And thou shalt not let any of thy seed pass through the fire to Moloch.” Cf. Ezek. XVI, 21; XXIII, 37; Is. L, 11. 17° T. Maurice, Antiquities of India, V, p. 1075. 189 Forbes Leslie, Early Races of Scotland, I, pp. 115 ft.; J. A. Farrer, op. cit. pp. 297 ff. 18i C. P. Thunberg, in Pinkerton's Voyages and Travels, XVI, p. 143. 18° R. Kerr, Voyages, I, p. 131. 188 Apud Charisium, I, p. 144.21 Keil. Cf. Juv. 2.157–8: “cuperent lustrari, si qua darentur Sulpura cum taedis et si foret umida laurus.” Novius per Non. p. 516 M; “Sequere me! Puriter volo facias; igni atque aqua hunc volo accipe.” 184 Samter, G. H. und T., p. 74; Erwin Rohde, Psyche, I, p. 237.3; J. E. Harrison, Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion, p. 39. The Timorlaut natives of the East Indies place infants by the fire to drive evil from them, Ernest Crawley, Mystic Rose, p. 226. Cf. Ov. Fast. 6.165 ft. 28 The Ritual Significance of Yellow potency that led to the use of fire in the marriage ceremony, than any more spiritual idea, such as a purification of the heart and soul, as Schlesinger” thinks; for of such a spiritual con- ception the early Romans would scarcely have been capable. With these thoughts in mind it is easier to interpret the legal formula. “interdictio aquae et ignis,” the sentence which made of the offender an outcast without the right to exercise the privileges of a citizen. If, as is very common, the legal ex- pression for marriage from the woman's viewpoint, “aqua et igni accipi,” is interpreted as symbolical of the necessities of life which she was to share with her husband, the corresponding legal phrase of the interdictio must then be understood as mean- ing merely an exclusion from those same rights,186 But still bearing in mind the purificatory power of fire (and that of water), we may more logically understand the phrase as sym- bolic of a pure society which the offender would defile by fur- ther use of these elements, and for this reason he is cut off from all share in that society, as being unclean and unworthy of sharing in its blessings.” Recalling our formula: yellow = fire = life, we conclude that the use of yellow conveyed the further idea of purification to the Roman mind. YELLOW IN THE CULTS OF THE GODS One other ceremonial use of yellow, to which the foregoing discussion especially relates, lies in the crocota of Bacchus. That the god was represented and thought of as robed in yellow there can be no doubt. Antony, in the garb of Bacchus, “velatus crocota aurea,” rides in his triumphal chariot, 188 and Seneca.18% also describes the god in the guise of a maiden, his robe held in place by a yellow girdle. In Greek literature we find the same thing.” Of this use of the color in the ceremonial robe of ** Max Schlesinger, Geschichte des Symbols, p. 251. * Isid. Orig. 5.27.38: “Ideo autem Romani aquam et ignem interdicebant quibusdam damnatis, quia aer et aqua cunctis patent et omnibus data Sunt; ut illi non fruerentur quod omnibus per naturam concessum est.” * Rudolph von Ihering, Geist des rôm. Rechts, I, p. 288. *Well. 2.82.4: “crocotaque velatus aurea, et thyrsum tenens cothurnisque succinctus curru velut Liber Pater vectus esset.” There is manuscript authority for the reading corona for crocota in this passage. 189 Sen. Oed. 418 ff. * Pollux, 4,117 (ed. Bekker); Callix, ap. Ath. 5, p. 198 c; Aristoph. Ram. 45–6, and Schol. The Ritual Significance of Yellow 29 the god there may be two explanations. We find the Roman god Liber associated with Ceres and Libera in the great triad representative of fertility. The later confusion by the Romans of the native Italian divinity Liber with the imported Greek Bacchus or Dionysus has rendered it difficult for scholars to decide what were the original attributes of the native Italic. god. But, falling back on the name as an ultimate source, authorities agree that it has something of the same basic mean- ing as genius, and means a “creative, productive spirit, full of blessing” and hence generous and free.” In Samothracian genealogy the Greek Dionysus was the son of Hephaestus, the god of fire,” and was himself a god of nature.” In view of these circumstances it is quite possible to explain the yellow robe of Bacchus as the symbol of his earlier attribute of pro- ductivity. But the second idea of which yellow was symbolic suggests another explanation. Yellow was used in the worship of a number of deities and it may have been conceived as being indicative of purity, because the devotee, in coming into the presence of the god, wished to be purified. With this idea, then, we find its use along with fire in the ceremonies of the Egyptian mysteries. The devotee, in the ceremony of initia- tion to the worship of Isis, bore a torch in imitation of the Sun,” and the worshiper of Osiris, as part of the mystic dress, wore a yellow: palla.” The color must have played an important part also in the dress of the worshipers of Cybele, whose cere- monies were of an especially mystic and esoteric nature, for her priests wore not only the crocota but also yellow shoes,” so that a procession of worshipers such as Apuleius describes must indeed have been a brilliant spectacle. The custom of using the color in the garments of those devoted to a god, or of representing the deity himself as dressed in yellow, is not confined either to Greece and Rome or to their age, for Vishnu * Fowler, op. cit. p. 55; G. Wissowa, Myth. Leæ. s. v. Liber, p. 2022; E. Aust, Leæ. s. v. Juppiter, p. 662; August. Civ. 7.16. 19% Creuzer, op. cit, IV, p. 22. 193 Ibid. I, p. 468; IV, p. 125. * Apul. Met. 11.24: “At manu dextera gerebam flammis adultam facem . . Sic ad instar Solis . . .” * Tib. 1.7.46: “fusa sedad teneros lutea palla pedes.” * Apul. Met. 8.27: “mitellis et crocotis et carbasinis et bombycinis iniecti, pedes luteis inducti calceis.” 30 The Ritual Significance of Yellow wore yellow,197 as do the Buddhist monks of today.193 What- ever the significance of the employment of yellow among other peoples, a consideration of the evidence of its uses among the Romans, suggests that the purificatory value attributed to it.” made its use especially appropriate in these divine ceremonies. YELLOW IN MAGIC The only remaining use of yellow with which the Romans were familiar was not ritualistic, but was an instance of what Frazer” calls “homeopathic magic.” The Greek word txtepog signified at the same time jaundice and a bird of a greenish yellow color, the sight of which was thought to cure a jaundiced person, with, however, disastrous results for the bird, since it died im- mediately.” A like belief was attached to the stone curlew (X&pgöptóg),” also a yellowish bird, with a large yellow eye.” It was probably this yellow eye which was thought to possess curative power, since Plutarch says that the bird received the malady to itself through the eyesight. Bird fanciers kept these birds covered, lest a jaundiced person should look at them and be cured for nothing.204 Wine in which the feet of a hen had been washed (the hen must be one with yellow feet) was also believed to be a cure for the disease.” A stone, the hue of which resembled that of jaundice, was thought to act as a cure,” while in Germany yellow turnips, gold coins, gold rings, saffron and other yellow things are still believed to be remedies for this ailment.”07 Almost an exact parallel is found among the Hindus, who tried by magic to banish the yellow color of the disease to yellow creatures and objects. The pa- 197 Portal, op. cit, p. 69. 198 K. F. Smith on Tibullus. 1.7.46. * Cf. Psa. LXVIII, 13: “Though ye have lien among the pots, yet shall ye be as the wings of a dove covered with silver, and her feathers with yellow gold.” 200 Op. cit. I, p. 79. 201 Plin. N. H. 30.94. * Plut. Quaest. Conviv. W., 7.2,8 f.; Ael. N. A. 17.13. * Alfred Newton, Dict. of Birds, p. 129. * Schol. Aristoph. Av. 266; Schol. Plato, Gorg. p. 494 B. 205 Plin. N. H. 30.93. 208 Ibid. 37.170. * Frazer, op. cit. I, p. 81. The Ritual Significance of Yellow 31 tient was daubed with yellow porridge and put upon a bed, to the foot of which were tied three yellow birds by a yellow string. Into these birds the malady was thought to pass, after a spell had been uttered by the priest”: “Up to the Sun shall go thy jaundice, in the color of the red bull do we envelope thee. . . Into parrots, thrushes and yellow wag-tails do we put thy jaundice.” The whole idea is entirely one of magic and cannot be con- nected with the ritualistic symbolism of the color, but the notion is perfectly obvious. The ancients knew that in jaundice there was an excess of yellow in the complexion, and they thought that by spells they could exorcise the abhorrent quality and drive it into some object of nature, which, by reason of its own similar color, would readily absorb both the disease and the accompanying excess of yellow. In the case of the Hindus, the patient tried at the same time by other magical means to apply to himself the healthy redness which he saw all about him in nature. CONCLUSION In a summary of this investigation no well defined line can be drawn between the use of the words most important to the study, luteus and croceus. We have shown from passages of literature that there actually was a difference in their chromatic value. Luteus denotes tints of yellow shading toward green, croceus a more reddish hue, while flavus is of small importance both in color differentiation and in symbolic significance. The Romans apparently made no logical and uniform distinction in their use of the three words, and yellow was used in ritual probably without reference to shade. The most important instance of the use of the color was in the flammeum, the marriage veil. The yellow shoes which the bride also wore may have been used by women in general, as were the four yellow garments, the crocota, the crocotula, the epicrocum, and the caltula. In the case of these robes it is impossible to make any distinction as to shade. Except for 208 Ibid. p. 79. * Atharva-Veda, 1.22, see SBE., vol. XLII, p. 7–8, 263. Perhaps the same idea is found in Bavaria, Saxony and Bohemia, where the cross-bill, whose plumage is crimson and flame color, is kept in the homes of peasants to ward off fire and lightning, Frazer, op. cit. p. 82. 32 The Ritual Significance of Yellow the names which designated them, names derived from yellow flowers the color of which they imitated, there is no evidence upon which to base a conclusion. In order to discover the symbolic idea expressed by the use of yellow, we have studied the practices most nearly associated with its employment. In the marriage ceremony fire played a part second only to that of the flammeum, and a number of passages of literature would substantiate the view that the two were connected in thought and that yellow was the chro- matic symbol of fire. A study of the use of fire in the wedding ceremony and of other evidence leads to the conclusion that this element was symbolic of productivity and life, and it is these two ideas which yellow in the marriage rite and in women's garments symbolized. * Yellow was worn by Bacchus and by worshipers of Cybele and Osiris. Since the former was originally a god of creation and productivity, the employment of the color in his cult can also be classed as symbolic of these functions. The ideas of life and fertility were not as prominent, however, in the cults of Cybele and of Osiris as in that of Bacchus, and we must therefore look farther for a solution in these cases. Fire in almost all of the religious systems of the world, in- cluding that of Rome, has been considered an agent of purifica- tion. Therefore the use of its chromatic symbol, yellow, in the cults of Cybele and of Osiris was perhaps thought to cleanse the devotees and make them fit for communion with the deity. This second idea of purification may also play some part in the cult of Bacchus. The only remaining use of yellow with which the Romans were familiar was in the magic practices by which a jaundiced person tried to drive the disease from himself into yellow crea- tures or objects. In consideration of this possible explanation of the significance attached to yellow, and of the familiarity of the ideas of fer- tility and purification to the Roman mind, it is strange that no use of the color is found in the many ceremonies of the in- digenous Italic divinities or in the dress of their priests. The deities in whose rituals it appears are foreign to Rome, and we are tempted to believe that in the thought of the early Roman the use of the color was indeed, as Pliny states, confined to women. BIBLIOGRAPHY The following list indicates the works to which, in addition to the texts of the Greek and Latin authors, reference has been made more or less constantly. Works less frequently consulted are not listed here, but will be found cited in the footnotes. GENERAL WORKS Creuzer, Symbolik und Mythologie der allen Völker. Daremberg et Saglio, Dictionnaire des antiquités grecques et romaines. Marquardt-Mommsen, Handbuch der römischen. Altertümer. Pauly–Wissowa, Real-Encyclopädie der klassischen. Altertumswissenschaft. Preller-Jordan, Römische Mythologie. Rich, Wörterbuch der römische Alterthümer. Smith, Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. Smith, Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology. Wissowa, Religion und Kultus der Römer (Iwan von Müller, Handbuch der klassischem. Alterium swissenschaft, vol. W, 4). SPECIAL WORKS Armstrong, Mary E., The Significance of Certain Colors in Roman Ritual Menasha, Wis., 1917. Blümner, Hugo, Die Farbenbezeichnungen bei den römischen Dichtern (Ber- liner Studien für klassische Philologie und Archaeologie, XIII, 3). , Technologie und Terminologie der Gewerbe und Künste bei Griechen wind Römern. Berlin, 1912. Böttiger, C. A., Die Aldobrandinische Hochzeit. Dresden, 1810. Charencey, M. H. de, Symbolique romain; des couleurs affectées awa, cochers du cirque. Caen, 1876. De Marchi, Attilio, Il culto privato di Roma antica. Milan, 1896. Diels, Hermann, Sibyllinische Blätter. Berlin, 1890. Farrer, James A., Primitive Manners and Customs. London, 1879. Fowler, W. Warde, Roman Festivals. London, 1899. Frazer, J. G., The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion. London, 1907–15. Hall, Adelaide S., Important Symbols. Boston, 1912. Johnston, H. W., The Private Life of the Romans. Chicago, 1903. Knight, R. Payne, Symbolical Language of Ancient Art and Mythology. New York, 1876. Lawson, J. C., Modern Greek Folklore and Ancient Greek Religion. Cam- bridge University Press, 1910. Leland, C. G., Etruscan Roman Remains. New York, 1892. McCrea, Nelson Glenn, Ovid's Use of Colour and of Colour Terms (Classical Studies in Honour of Henry Drisler. New York, 1894). Portal, Frédéric, Des couleurs symboliques. Paris, 1857. 33 34 The Ritual Significance of Yellow Price, Thomas R., The Color System of Vergil (AJP. vol. IV, 1883, pp. 1–20.) Reinach, Salomon, Orpheus. Paris, 1909. Rossbach, August Wilhelm, Römische Hochzeits- und Ehedenkmäler. Leipzig, 1871. –Untersuchungen über die römische Ehe. Stuttgart, 1853. Samter, Ernst, Familienfeste der Griechen und Römer. Berlin, 1901. Geburt, Hochzeit und Tod. Leipzig and Berlin, 1911. Schlesinger, Max, Geschichte des Symbols. Berlin, 1912. Schwenk, Conrad, Die Sinnbilder der alten Völker. Frankfurt, 1851. INDEX TO ANCIENT AUTHORS NOTE Achilles Tatius 2.11. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63 Aelian N. A. 17.13. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203 Aeschylus Choeph. 604 f... . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ambrosius in Psalm. 118, serm. 17.29.. 30 Apollodorus Bibliotheca 1.5.1. . . . . . . . . . . . . 168 2.4.1. . . . . . . . . . . . . 118 2.4.5, 7... . . . . . . . . 141 Apollonius Rhodius Arg. 4.808 and Schol... . . . . . . 81 4,865 fſ.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 168 Apuleius Apol. 13. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 161 76. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 Flor. 16 p. 66. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153 Met. 8.27. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 196 11.8. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 11.24. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 194 Aristophanes Schol. Av. 266. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 204 Eccl. 331. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158 878 f... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158 Schol. Eq. 1321. . . . . . . . . . . . . 105 Lys. 44. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158 Ran. 45–6 and Schol... . . . . . . 190 Thesm. 137–8. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159 258... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159 945 f... . . . . . . . . . 158, 159 Artemidorus On 2.9. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104 Augustine Civ. 7.16. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120, 191 Ausonius 355.4. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73 431.1. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 Avianus Fab. 26.5. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 Callixenus ap. Ath, 5 p. 198 c. . . . . . . . . . 190 NOTE Cassius Dio 37.45. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128 Cassius Felix (ed Rose.) 49 p. 128.9. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 78 p. 190.14. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 Catullus 61.5-10. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65, 66a, 618. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53, 58 61.15. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 61.167. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68 62.1. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86 62.29. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 64.25. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77 68.71. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67 68.133–4. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72 Chiron 169. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 Cicero Arch. 10. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 162 Dom. 105. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127 Har. Resp. 8, 37, 38. . . . . . . . . 127 44. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159 Leg 3.7. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92 N. D. 2.24. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98 Ciris 251 f... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158 Claudian 10.202. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 10.211. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22, 39 10.285. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56 22,471. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131 Columella 9.4.4. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 10,398. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 1249.9. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 Copa 13. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 Curtius 3.5.3. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98 7.3.15. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98 848. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98 Cyprian of Gaul Gen. 333. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 Earod. 615. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 35 36 The Ritual Significance of Yellow NOTE Lev. 112. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 Ios. 407. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 Digest 24.1.66 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90 Diodorus Siculus 4.34.6–7. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109 Diogenes Laertius 8.2.69 f... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167 Dioscorides Latinus 4.125. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 Euripides Iph. Aul. 732 ft. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81 Medea 1024 ft. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81 Phoen. 344 ft. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81 Schol. Troad. 315. . . . . . . . . . . . 81 Festus p. 82 M. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 156 87. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27, 91, 146 89. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41, 46, 134 92. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 134 106. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 136 245. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79, 84 286. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61 288. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80 Gellius 1.6.8. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92 2.26.5. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 2.26.8, 15. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 2.26.12-13. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34 10.15.7. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 136 10.15.14. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137 13.23.2. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125 Hippocrates Diaeta 1.4. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101 18. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102 Homer Hymn to Demeter 231 ff. . . . . . . 168 Horace Carm. 4.4.4. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34 Epod. 10.16. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 Hyginus Fab. 24. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105 171, 174. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109 Iamblichus - De Mysteriis 5.12. . . . . . . . . . . . 166 Isidore Orig. 5.27.38. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 186 NoTE 11.1.16. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98 13.12.2. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93 18.41.2. . . . . . . . . . . . . 22, 130 19.6.2. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99 19.28.8 22 Juvenal 2.124. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 2.157–8. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183 6.225 and Schol. . . . . . . . 37, 40, 43 7.23. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 10.132. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132 Livy 5.52.13 f... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137 Epit. 59. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92 Lucan 2.361. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39, 57 4.412. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 Lucian De Morte Peregrini 25 ff... . . . 167 Lucretius 6.1188. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 Macrobius Sat. 1.12.6. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169 1.12.21. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126 Marcellus Med. 4.15. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 Martial - 3.93.26. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 4.13.1. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42 4.13.2. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 5.17.4. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42 6.45.3. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42 12.42.3 . . . . . . . . . . 57, 76 13.40.1. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 Martianus Capella 2.140. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 Nemesianus Cyn. 319. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 Nepos Praef. 5. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 162 Nonius p. 318 M. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159 516. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183 538. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158 541. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52 548. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157, 158 549. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22, 157 The Ritual Significance of Yellow 37 NOTE Orthographia Capri Gram. Lat. VII, p. 103.14–15, Keil. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42, 57 Ovid Am. 3.10.3, 43. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 Ars 3.179 f... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 3.637. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127 Epist. 11.101. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 21,162. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65 21.172. . . . . . . 153 Fast, 2.19–46. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173 2.561 f... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153 3.135 ft. . . 169 4,424. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 4,547 ff 168 4,714. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5, 12 4.727. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 176 4.732. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 174 4.733 ff. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175 4.787. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100 4,791. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93 4.805. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175 5.318. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 6.165 fſ.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 184 6.267. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120 6.291. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119 Ibis 47... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32 Met, 1.431. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93 1.432 f... . . . . . . . . . . . 99, 100 3.509. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 6.118. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 7.703. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5, 12 8.445 ff. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109 10.1 f... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65 10.6-7. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151 13.579 f... . . . . . . . . . . . . 5, 12 14,448. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31 15.351. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 15,722. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33 Trist. 5.1.31. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31 Paulinus Petricordiae Mart. 3, 199. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 Pausanias 8.11.2. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105 8.29.2. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 122 NOTE Persius 3.95. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 Petronius 26.1. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55 Philostratus Heroica 19.14 (ed. Kayser). . . 170 Pindar Olymp. 1.40 ff. and Schol.... 106 Plato Schol. Gorg. p. 494 B. . . . . . . . 204 Plautus Aul, frag. 1. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158 Epid. 231. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158 Pliny . N. H. 2.10. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95 2,239. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99 10.144, 148. . . . . . . . . . . 7 16.75. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75, 78 21.14. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 21.46. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39, 71 21,49. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 21.124. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 21.131. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 25.28. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 25.108. 2 26.57. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 27.55. 15 27.83. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 27.133. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 28.80. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99. 30.93. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 205 30.94. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 201 31.90. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 36.200–1. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99 37.170. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 206 Plutarch Caes. 9. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127 Cic. 19–20. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128 Isis et Osiris 16. . . . . . . . . . . . . 168 Numa 11... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94 Q. R. 1. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103 2. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97 20. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127 Quaest. Conviv. 5.7.2, 8 ff. . . . . 202 Symp. 4.2.1. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121 38 . The Ritual Significance of Yellow •, NOTE Pollux (ed. Bekker) 4,117. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 190 7.56. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158 Potamius Tract. 2 p. 1416 a. . . . . . . . . . . 27 Propertius 3.16.16. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 4.3.13. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78 4.11.46. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153 Prudentius Cath. 8.26–7. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 c. Symm. 2 praef.4. . . . . . . . 28, 30 Seneca Herc. F. 124. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 Oed. 418 ft. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189 420. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34 Phaed. 322. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69 Servius ad Verg. Aen. 4.103. . . . . . . . . . 93 4.167. . . . . . . . . . 90 6.741. . . . . . . . . . 165 ad Verg. Ecl. 4.44. . . . . . . . . . . 22 8.29. . . . . . . . 85, 144 ad Verg. Georg. 1.7. . . . . . . . . . 149 Sidonius Carm. 22.48 f... . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 Silius Italicus 2,184. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151 13.547. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151 Solinus 2.43. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 Sophocles Antig. 944 ft. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118 NOTE Statius Theb. 2.341. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 11.142. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 152 Silv. 1.2.5. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 Suetonius Cal. 52. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66 Tib. 35. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 162 Tacitus Ann, 3.71.3. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137 Tibullus 1.1.15. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 1.6.24. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127 1.7.46. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195 18.52. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 2.2.18. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74 3.19. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 Varro ap. Charisium, I p. 144.21, Keil 183 ap. Non. p. 112 M. . . . . . . . . . . 79 L. L. 5.61. . . . . . . . . . . . 89, 99, 103 7.53. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 160 Vegetius Mulom. 1.3. . . . . . . . • . . . . . . . . 27 Welleius Paterculus 2.82.4. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157, 188 Vergil Aen. 1.649 ff., 1.711. . . . . . . . . 73 4.585. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60 4.590. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34 4.700. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 7.26. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 9.614. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159 Ecl. 2.50. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 Georg. 1.96. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 FEB 17 1021 | THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN GRADUATE LIBRARY DATE DUE ** >, < ..... &º. wºrk.” ſº ***.. : 1385. JUL|09 1985 ** 161973 r Form 9584 ||||||||||