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TA
M4.
/X 2-(e
S E L E CT. T. R. A G T S
CIVIL WARS IN ENGLAND,
KING CHARLES THE FIRST:
BY WRITERS WHO LIVED IN THE TIME, AND WERE
WITNESSES OF THE EVENTS WHICH
THEY DESCRIBE.
witH
PREFACES AND NOTES BY FRANCIS BARON MASERES.
ILLUSTRATED WITH VIEWS AND
PoRTRAITs of contemPORARY CHARACTERs.
IN Two vo Ls.
VOL. II.
LONDON :
PRINTED FOR EDWARD JEFFERY AND SON, PALL MALL.
*
1826.
RELATIONS AND OBSERVATIONS,
HISTORICAL AND POLITICK,
Upon the Parliament begun Anno Dom. 1640.
DIVIDED INTO TWO BOOKS :
I. The Mystery of the Two Juntoes, Presbyterian and
Independent;
II. The History of Independency, &c.
TO GET H E R W IT H
A N A P P E N DIX,
TOUCHING THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE INDEPENDENT
FACTION OF SCOTLAND.
By CLEMENT WALKER, Esq.
Iſistorici est, ne quid falsi audeat dicere;
Ne quid veri non audeat.—PoLY B.
Spe, metúque procèil —HoR.A.T.
LONDON :
FIRST PRINTED IN THE YEAR 1648.
F. { “. . . . c < . ...t, * !-->
D.A. 1-4 & 9 º'c.
(c. (, , -" () [ 323 J
+ () | 2-
PR EFA C E.
*se
t
THE Tract here reprinted, under the title of
The Mystery of the two Juntoes, Presbyterian and
Independent, is the first, or introductory, part of
the work described in the foregoing page, which
is a very copious account of the proceedings
of the Independent party in the Long Parlia-
ment, (that began on the 3d day of Novem-
ber, 1640,) and of the Army of that Parlia-
ment, down to the end of the second Civil
War, when that Army returned victorious to
London, and, against the will of the Parlia-
ment, brought King Charles the First to a pub-
lick trial, for having made an unjust war
against his people, and caused him to be put
to death. It was written by Clement Walker,
Esq. a gentleman of great learning and ability,
and a zealous defender of the Presbyterian
Party of that time, of which Mr. Denzil Holles,
(afterwards Lord Holles,) and the other ten
members of the House of Commons who, with
him, were impeached by the Army in July,
1647, were eminent Leaders. And it was pub-
lished (but without his name,) about the end of
- Y 2 the
324
PREFA CE.
the year 1648, and, as I conjecture, about the
beginning of the month of December, when the
Army was proceeding with violence against the
King. The second part of this workof Mr. Walker,
is intitled, The History of Independency, and is a
very interesting relation of many important
transactions in the course of that famous Civil
War. But it is too long to be inserted in this
volume of small tracts. And therefore I have
here reprinted only the first part of Mr. Walker's
work, which I conceive to be a proper accom-
paniment to the foregoing Memoirs of Lord
Holles, which relate to the same subject, to wit,
that of an exhibition, and, for the most part, a
justification of the sentiments and conduct of
the Presbyterian party in the course of that
famous War.
FRANCIS MASEREs.
Inner Temple,
Nov. 29, 1813.
TO
TO MY DREAD SOWEREIGN.
ROYAL SIR,
YOU have drunk deep in the Cup of Affliction,
and we have all pledged you ; it is wholesome,
though bitter: but let us pray to God to re-
move this Cup in time ; for the dregs and lees
are poyson. You have learned, by over-wind-
ing the strings of Authority, how to tune the
People of this Monarchy, without breaking
their Patience hereafter. Most Princes desire
unlimited power: which is a Sail too great for
any Vessel of Mortality to bear. Though it be
never so well Ballasted with Justice, Wisdome,
Moderation, and Piety, yet one flarb, or other,
will endanger the oversetting it. Those Com-
monwealths are most stable and pleasing,
where the State is so mia!ed that every man (ac-
cording to his degree and capacity) hath some
interest therein to content him. The KING,
Soveraign Command and Power; The Nobility
and Gentry, A derivative Authority and Magis-
tracy, and all enjoy their Laws, Liberties, and
properties. God hath cursed him that remov-
eth the Bound-marks of his neighbour. This
is a comprehensive curse; Kings enlarging
their Prerogatives beyond their limits, are not
excepted from it.
You may be pleas'd to take heed therefore
of two sorts of men, most likely to mis-lead you
in this point. The first sort consists of Ambitious
Lawyers, who teach the Law to speak, not
\ e what
2
I 326
what the Legislators meant, but what you shall
seem to desire. To avoyd this snare, suffer your
Parliament to nominate three men for every
Judge's place, out of which you may please to
choose one, as in the pricking of Sheriffs. For it
is the people that are obnoxious to their wicked-
ness : you are above the reach of their malice.
The second sort is Parasitical Divines:
These earwigs are alwaies hovering in Princes
Courts, hanging in their ears. They take
upon them to make Princes beholden to their
violent wresting of the Text, to bestow upon
them whatever Prerogative the Kings of Juda
or Israel used or usurped; as if the Judicials of
Moses were appointed by God for all Common-
wealths, all Kings: as a good Bishoprick, or
Living, is fit for every Priest that can catch it.
These men, having their best hopes of prefer-
ment from Princes, make Divinity to be but Or-
gamon Politicum, an Instrument of Government,
and harden the hearts of Princes, Pharaoh.
like : and Kings delight to be tickled by such
venerable, warrantable, flattery. Sir, you have
more means to prefer them than to prefer other
men; therefore they apply themselves more
to you than other men do. Tu facis hunc
Dominum ; te facit ille Deum. The King makes
the poor Priest, a Lord; and, rather than
he will be behind with a King in courtesie,
he will flatter him above the condition of
a Mortal, and make him a God. Royal Sir,
permit me to give you this Antidote against
this poyson ; let an Act be past, That all such
Divines, as either by preaching, writing, or dis-
coursing,shall advance your Prerogative and Power
above the known Laws and Liberties of the Land,
shall forfeit all his Ecclesiastical preferments,
- Ipso
ty
[ 327 1
ipso facto, and be incapable ever after, and for
ever banished your Court.
But, above all, learn to trust in your own
Judgement: Plus aliis de te, quam tu tibi, cre-
dere noli. God hath enabled you to remember
things past, to observe things present, and, by
comparing them together, to conjecture-things
to come ; which are the three parts of Wisdom
that will much honour and advantage you.
God keep your Majesty ; so prayes
Your humble Subject,
THEOPHILUS WERAX.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY
S I R T H O M A S F A I R F A X,
And the Army under his Command.
* My Lord and Gentlemen;
I Have here, by way of preparation, laid-open
to your view, those Vlcers, which you have un-
dertaken to cure, viz. The Two Factions in Par-
liament, Authors of Schisme and Divisions in
the two Houses ; from whence there are de-
rived to the whole Kingdom, (to the obstruct-
ing of Justice, and of the establishment of our
Laws, Rights, Liberties and Peace ;) the en-
slaving of the Parliament itself, and the dilapi-
dating of the publick Treasure: whereby the
whole Kingdom may be enfranchised, secured, and
united ; and the King and his Posterity settled
in his due rights ; which is the sum of all your
undertakings in your many re-iterated Papers'
I confess this to be an Herculean labour, and
far beyond that which he underwent in
cleansing the Augatan Stable. That was per-
formed by an arm of flesh : This cannot be
effect, d without an eatraordinary calling : for
an ordinary - calling thereto you have none ;
and God seldome blesseth a man out of his
calling. And, though an heroick heat and
zeal may go far, yet it will tire many miles on
this side the work, unless it be blown and inspired
with divine breath. And, as Alchemists say of the
Philosopher's stone, so I say of this work (which
1S
[ 330
is the Philosopher's stone in our English Politicks)
it cannot be effected but by a man of wonderful and
unspotted Integrity and Innocency, free from all
fraud, Self-seeking, and Partiality. In order
to this great work you have already begun to
sift and winnow the House of Commons, by charg-
ing 11 Presbyterian Grandees ; who, if they be
proved guilty, must needs have their counter-
panes equally faulty, even to a syllable, in the
opposite Junto of Independents. For, when two
factions shall conspire to toss & keep-up the
Golden ball of Government, Profit & Preferment,
between them, neither can be innocent. Unless
therefore you apply your corrosive to one Ulcer
as well as to the other, you will never work a
complete cure, nor will be free from scandal and
appearance of faction, or design (that I may
use your own words) to weaken only one party
(under the notion of unjust or oppressive)
that you may advance another more than your own.
Besides, it is observed that you speak but coldly
as to having the publick accounts of the kingdom
stated; putting it off with a wish only, as if you
did secretly fear, (what the Presbyterians open.
ly say,) that the Independents are guilty of more
Millions of the Publick Money than their party.
Your own words are, We could wish that the
Kingdom might both be righted and publickly sa-
tisfied in point of Accounts for the vast sums that
have been Levied; as also for many other things,
&c. But we are loth to press any thing that may
lengthen dispute. Are so many Millions of Pounds
to be cursorily passed-over without dispute 3
were they not the blood and tears of the ex-
hausted people, and the milk of their Babes 2
are they not like Acham's wedge amongst us ;
i. would
I 331
would it not much ease the people of burthens,
and go far in the payment of souldiers and
publick debts, to have both the King's and the
Parliament's sponges (of what party and pro-
fession soever) squeezed into the common Trea-
sury, whensoever the Common-wealth settles?
Review this clause well; and, as the Parliament
hath altered some Votes in order to satisfy
you, so do you alter this clause in order to
satisfy the people; who long, not only to see
the Kingdom, but also our new-made gentle-
men, in statu quo priès. Gentlemen, you that
will give Counsel, will, I hope, also take it,
without offence against him that dares lay as
good a claim to justice and honesty as your-
selves.
THEODORUS VERAX.
| 333
The Mysterie of the Two Juntoes,
Presbyterian and Independent, with
some Additions.
THE Kingdom being overgrown with Prerogative, Cor-
nuption and Superstition, (the fruits of a long and lazie
peace) by a long discontinuance of Parliaments ; at last, ,
by Providence, His Majesty was necessitated to call a Par-
liament, the only fit College of Physicians to purge the
much-distempered Body of the Commónwealth.
In this Parliament a contest between the King’s Pre-
rogative and the people's Laws and Liberties begat a War.
The Divines on both sides, out of their Pulpits, sounding
an Alarum thereto; and not only Sermons, but Declarations
of Parliament and the National Covenant, holding-forth to
the people the defence of their Religion, Laws, Liberties,
and Properties; inflamed the people to the rage of battel;
as the Elephant is enraged at the sight of Red. This
War occasioned extraordinary Taxes and Levies of mo-
ney; such as were never heard-of by our Ancestors, and
were Irritamenta malorum, the nurse of our corruptions.
This incentive, working upon the human frailty of the Grandees of the
speaking and leading Members of the Houses, caused flºes of Parlia-
them, first, to interweave their particular interests and ment.
ambitions with the publick welfare, and, lastly, to prefer
them before the publick welfare.
Wherefore the saidleading men, or Grandees, (for that is Two Factions, or
now the Parliament-language), first divided themselves into Juntoes, of Presby-
Zwo factions, or Juntoes, of Presbyterians and Indepen- ºnaindep C Il-
dents ; seeming to look only upon the Church, but (Reli-
gion having the strongest operation upon the spirit of
man) involving also the interests of the Common-wealth.
The common people of the two Houses, following (with
- &ll].
334
The Mystery of the two Juntoes.
Monopolizing pro-
§ts and preſerments,
head into all the body.
an implicite faith and blind obedience) the example of
their leaders. divided themselves also into the said Dicho-
tomy: which they did with more seriousness than their
leaders, as not perceiving any thing of design therein;
but, according to the diversity o their Judgements, or, ra-
ther, Fancies and Confidings (for “to resign a man'sjudge-
ment to the opinion of another man” is but a silly trust
and confidence, studi d the upholding of their parties
with earnestness; whilst the Grandee of each party, in
private, close, together for their own advancement, serv-
ing one another’s turn * . . .
The Grandees (in all publick debates) seem as real in
their reciprocal oppositions, as those silly ones who are
in earnest; whereby they cherish the zeal of their respec-
tive parties, keep them still divided (Divide & 'mpera
is the i.evil’s rule) and so amuse them, and take them off
from looking after other interests, in which, were they
conjoyned, they might share with the Grandees them-
selves And for the better contentment of such their Con-
fidents, as looking too intentively after their own gain,
the Grandees of each junto conter something of advan-
tage upon those that are subservient unto them, as five
pounds a week, or some petty employment. :
The seeds of these factions spread themselves into the
Commonwealth and Armies, as Rheum distills from the
Thus the leading men or Bell-weathers, having seemingly
divided themselves, and having really divided the houses, and
captivated the judgements of their respective partisans
(teaching them, by an implicite faith, jura, einverba Ma-
gistri, to pin their opinions upon their sleeves,) they begin
to advance their projects of Monopolizing the Profits, Pre-
ferments and Power of the Kin, doms in themselves. To
which purpose, though the leaders of each party seem to
maintain a hot opposition, yet when any profit, or preſer-
ment, is to be reached-at, it is observed that a powerful ºn-
dependent especially move for a Presbyterian, or a lead-
ing Presbyterian for an Independent; and seldome doth
one oppose, or speak against, another in such cases, unlesse
something
Presbyterian and Independent.
33
something of particular Spleen or Competition come be-
tween, which causeth them to break the common Rule.
By this means the Crandees of each faction seldom miss
their mark; since, an Independent moving for a presby-
terian, his reputation carries the business clear with the
Independent party ; and the Presbyterians will not op-
pose a leading man of their own side. By this artifice the
Grandees of each side share the Common-wealth between
them ; and are now become proud, domineering, Reho-
boams, even over their fellow members, (contrary to the
liberty of Parliament, which consists in an equality) that
were formerly fawning, ambitious, Absaloms.
There hath been lately given away to Members openly
(besides innumerable and inestimable private cheats mutu-
ally connived-at) at least 300,oool, in money, besides rich
Offices, Imployments in money. Committees, Sequestra-
tions, and other advantages. And those Members who have
so well served themselves, under colour of serving the
publick, are, for the most part, old Canvassers of Fac-
tions, who have sat idly and safely in the House, watch-
ing their advantages to confound businesses, and shuffle
the cards to make their own game ; when others, that
have ventured their persons abroad, labour'd in the pub-
lick work, like Israelites under these AEgyptian task-
masters, and lost their estates, are left to starve untill
they can find relief in that empty bag called by fools
jides publica, but by wise men fides Punica, and are now
looked-upon in the House superciliously, like unwel-
come guests, (for it is known how malignantly, and how
jugglingly, Writs for new Elections were granted and exe-
cuted,) and are called younger brothers; and, like younger
brothers they are used, their elder brothers having slipped
into the world before them, and anticipated the inheri-
tance. They have broken first into the common field, and
shut the door to prevent after-comers even from gleaning
after their full harvest ; for the better effecting whereof,
they have now mortgaged, in effect, all the means they have
to raise money, unto the City, And, being fat and full with
the publick treasure, to expresse rather their scornthan their
care of these after-comers, they are making an Ordinance
that no more money shall be given to their Members.
And
336
The Mystery of the two Juntoes.
Committees of
Houses,
thc
And yet, to shew how careful they are of all such as have
cheated the Commonwealth under them, (I will not say
for them,) they have taken advantage of the Petition of
the Army, wherein they desire Indemnity for all acts
done in Relation to the war, and have passed an Ordi-
nance of Indemnity for all such as have acted by Autho-
*ity, and for the service, of the Parliament: wherein,
under great penalties, and with an appeal at last from the
Judges of the Law to a Committee of Parliament, such as
have gone beyond the authority given by Parliament, and
have sequestered men's estates unjustly, and so withheld
their goods under pretence thereof; and such as have le-
vied Taxes three or four times over; are exempted from
being sued for such injuries by private actions; and so
the benefit of Law and Justice is taken from the op-
pressed, to secure Country-Committees, Sequestrators,
and others (not Prerogative, but Legislative) Thieves ;
Contrary to Magna Charta, which says, nulli megabimus,
ºulli differenus, justitiam, aut rectum ; We will not deny,
nor defer justice and right to any man. Oh, prodigious
acts, and of greater Tyranny than any King ever durst
adventure upon What is become of our National Co-
venant, and theſ’arliament's many Declarations for defence
of Laws and Liberty Or have we fought our Liberty
into Slavery : By these devices the homest middle men of
the House (whose consciences will not let them joyn in
any faction to rend the Commonwealth in sunder) are out
of a possibility of repair, and are made contemptible, as
well by their own wants, as by the pride of the Grandees;
and in the end, their poverty will enforce them to leave the
sole possession of the House to these thriving junto—men;
who do beleaguer them therein, making them (for farther
addition to their losses) pay all taxes, from which the
thriving men go free : So that the poorer part of the
House pays tribute to the richer. Nay, it is farther whis-
pered, that at last the Junto-men will quit the Parliament-
i’rivilege of not being sued, purposely to leave these
younger Brothers to the mercy of their creditors, and
disable them to sit in their House. -
Another ambitious aim of those Junto-mem is, their
devise of referring all businesses of moment to Committees.
For the active, speaking, men, by mutual agreement,
naming
Presbyterian and Independent.
s
$
º
naming one another of every Committee (or at least their
confident Ministers) do thereby forestall and intercept
the businesses of the House, and, under colour of ex-
amining and preparing matters, they report them to the
House with what glosses, additions, detractions, and
advantages they please ; whereby the House (judging ac-
cording to their report) oftentimes mis-judgeth, and if .
it be a businesse they are willing to smother, the Com-
mittees have infinite artificial delays, to put it off, and
keep it from a hearing, or at least from a reporting. By
this means the remaining part of the House are but Cy-
phers in value, and Suffragans to ratifie what is forejudg-
ed by the said Committees. This usurpation of theirs is
much helped by keeping the doors of their Committee-
rooms shut, and dispatching all affairs privately and in
the dark ; whereas Justice delights in the light, and ought
to be as publick as the common air, it being against
its nature to be Chambered-up, and kept from the ob-
servation of eye, and ear-witnesses.
And by their examining of men against themselves,
contrary to Magna Charta, they much enlarge their
power. t -
Parts of this project we may well call the Multiplicity
of money-Committees, as Goldsmiths-hall, Haberdashers-
hall, the Committee of the King's revenues, Committee
of the Army, &c. Where every man’s profit and power
is according to his cunning and conscience. Hereby
they draw a general dependency after them : for, he that
commands the money, commands the men. These
Committee-men are so powerfull that they over-awe and
over-power their fellow-members, contrary to the nature
of a free-Parliament; wherein the equality of the mem-
bers must maintain the freedom and integrity thereof,
and suppress factions. *
The like may be said of such Members as (in scorn of
the self-denying Ordinance) hold Offices by gift or conni-
vance of the Parliament, either openly in their own name,
or secretly in the name of some friend : their offices
enabling them to do courtesies and discourtesies. And,
although there hath been a Committee appointed to certi-
fic all pensions, sequestrations, offices, and employments of
* Z advantage
Money-Committees.
Members holding
Otfices, &c.
35s
The Mystery of the Two Juntoes,
Country-Commit-
$eeS.
advantage and profit, conferred by the Parliament upon
any of their Members, in which Committee Mr. Sands
holdeth the chair : yet is this meerly a formality to blind
the eyes of the World, and fool the expectation of some
losing Members, who were then resolute to know who
had already received satisfaction for their losses, and how
far they had out-run their fellow-Members therein. Yet
this Committee is now let fall, no reports demanded of
Mr. Sands ; and, when any is to be made, they are not
unprovided of a means to make it fruitless, by putting
every particular to debate ; well-knowing, that no man
will be willing to argue against the particular persons and
merits of his fellow-Members, and thereby heap envy
upon his own head, besides the delay of a particular debate.
How frequently the Country-Committees act contrary
to the laws of the land; how they trample Magna Charta
under their feet; how boldly and avowedly they trans-
gress all Orders and Ordinances of Parliament, and
break our Solemn League and Covenant ; how they or-
dinarily turn well-affected men out of their freeholds and
goods, imprison and beat their Persons, without any
known charge, accuser, or witnesse against them ; nay,
murther them, as in the case of Doctor Rawleygh, killed
in prison at Welles by the Committee's Marshall; and the
oor men murthered at Bridgewater; whose bloods were
shed like the blood of a dog, and no real prosecution made
thereof; How frequently they levy one tax three or four
times over, and continue their levies after the Ordinance
expires; How cruelly they raise the twentieth and fifth
part upon the well-affected, exercising an illegal, arbitrary,
tyrannical power over their fellow-Subjects, far higher
than ever Strafford or Canterbury durst advise the King to
exercise; How ignorantly and unjustly they exercise a power
to hear and determine, or rather to determine without
hearing, or hear without understanding, private contro-
versies of Meum & Tuum for debt, trespasses, nay, Title
and possession of Lands, without either formality or
knowledge of the law, not having wit, manners, nor
breeding enough, as being chosen for the greatest part,
out of the basest of the people, for base ends, to satisfie
men with an outside, or Complement of justice; Inso-
much.
Presbyterian and Independent.
339
much that nothing is now more common, than an accu-
sation without an accuser, a sentence without a Judge,
and a condemnation without a hearing. How they ex-
clude all other magistracy, engrossing to themselves the
power of Sheriffs, Justices of Peace, Chu: ši-wardens,
&c. in an Arbitrary way; keeping Troops of Horse,
upon pay and free quarter, for their guards, like the 30
Tyrants of Athens ; and, if any man but speak of calling
them to give an account, they presently vote him a De-
linquent, and Sequester him. If any man, I say, be so deaf
as not to hear the loud universal out-crying of the People,
and is so great a stranger in Our Israel as not to know these
truths, let him peruse M. Edward King's discovery of
the arbitrary actions of the Committee of Lincoln, and
the heads of Grievances of Glamorganshire, printed 1647,
where he may see these things briefly Epitomized; but
to Historize them at large would require a volume as big
as the book of Martyrs. These Committees are excellent
spunges to suck money from the people, and to serve
not only their own, but also the Covetous. Malicious,
and Ambitious, ends of those that raked them out of the
dunghill for that employment, and do defend them in
their oppressions. Who is so blind as not to see that these
men have their Protectors the Daemones to whom they
offer-up part of their rapines, to whom they sacrifice
Occulta spolia, & plures de pace Triumphos.
If there be any intention to restore our Laws and
Lib.rties, and free us from arbitrary Government, it is fit
that these Committees and all associations be: laid-down,
having no enemy to associate against, and that the oid
form of Government by Sheriffs, Justices of the eace,
&c. be re-established, and the Militia in each County
settled, as before, in Lieutenants and deputy-Lieutenants,
or in Commissioners. - • * -
The rather, because the people are now generally of
opinion, 1 hat they may as easily find Charity in Hell, as
Justice in any Committee, and that the King hath taken-
down one Star-charaber, and the Parliament hath set-up
a hundred. . . . . . . . .
Nor is it a small artifice to raise monay by so many
z 2 Jeveral
º
The old form of go-
vernment ought to
be re-established in-
stead of the new
mode by Commit-
tees of Parliament.
he tgº, great num-
yer of Taxes, which
breeds confusion,
340
The Mystery of the Two Junioes,
*
several and confused Taxes : Whereas one or two ways,
orderly used and well husbanded, would have done the
work. 1. A Royall Subsidie of goo,000l. 2. Poll money.
3. The free Loans and Contributions upon the Publick
Faith amounted to a vast, incredible, sum in money, Plate
Horse, Arms, &c. 4. I he Irish adventure for the sale of
Lands the second time. 5. The weekly meal. 6. The City
Loan after the rate of 50 Sub-idies. 7. The Assessment
for bringing-in the Scots. 8. The five & twentieth part.
9.The Weekly Assessment for my Lord General's Army.
1o,The Weekly (or monethly) Assessment for Sir Tho-
mas Fairfax's Army. 11. The Weekly Assessment for the
Scotch Army. 12. TheWeekly Assessment for the British
Army in Ireland. 13. The Weekly Assessment for my Lo.
of Manchester's Army. 14. Free-quarter (at least) conni-
ved at by the State, because the Souldiers, having for a
time subsistence that way, are the less craving for their pay;
whereby their Arrears, growing stale, wiil at last either
be frustrated by a tedious Committee of Accounts, or
forgottén ; in the mean time, the Grand. Committee of
Accounts, discount it out of the Commander's Arrears;
whereby the State saves it. I 5.The King's Revenue. 6.
Sequestrations and Plunder by Committees; which, if
well answered to the State, would have carried-on the
work : which thus I demonstrate. One half of all the
goods and Chattels; and (at least) one-half of the Lands,
Rents, and revenues of the kingdome; have been seques-
tered. And who can imagine that one-half of the profit
and Goods of the Land will not maintain any Force that
can be kept and fed in England, for the defence thereof;
17. Excise upon all things. This alone, if well managed,
would maintain the War: the Low-Countries make
it almost the only support. 18. Fortification-money,
&c. By these several ways and Taxes, about forty
Millions, in money and money’s worth, have been milked
from the people; and the Parliament (as the Pope did
once) may call England, Puteum inexhaustum; yet it is
almost drawn-dry. A vast Treasure, and so excessive,
as nothing but a long peace could import ; and nothing
but much fraud and many follies could dissipate: and we
clight not to wonder, if it be accounted inter arcana
• * 72001S$4)711
Presbyterian and Independent.
34, 1
novissini imperii, to be always making, yet never finish-
ing, an account thereof. .
And, as they have artificially confounded the accounts
by 1aying on a multiplicity of Taxes ; so (for the same
reason) they let the money run in so many muddy,
obscure, channels, through so many Committees and Offi-
cers’ fingers, both for collecting receiving, issuing, and
paying it forth, that it is impossible to make, or balance,
any P. blick account thereof; and, at least, one half there-
of is known to be devoured by Committees and Officers,
and those that, for lucre, protect them. By these means,
as they make many men partners with them in the pub-
lick spoyls, so they much strengthen and increase their
party, whereby multitudo peccantium tollit panam.
If these things were not purposely done, 1. Our Taxes
would be fewer in number, and more in effect. 2. They
would be to run in one channel, under the fingering of
fewer Harpies, and perspicuous aud true Entries made
of all receipts and disbursements, which would be pub-
lick to common view and examination. The Exchequer
way of accounts is the exactest, and best known way of
account of England, and most free from deceit; which is
almost confessed de facto, when, to make the King's Re-
venue more obnoxious to their desires, they took it out
of the Exchequer-way, (contrary to the fundamental
Laws of the Land ; for both the Higher and the Löwer
Exchequer are as antient and fundamental as any court in
‘England :) and put it under a Committee, which, (as all
other, Committees do, ) will tender an account of their
Stewardship at the latter day. In the mean time divers
of that Committee buy-in old, sleeping, Pensions, which
they pay themselves from the first of their arrears; yet
other men, that have disbursed money out of their purses
for the King's Service, can receive no pay for any mo-
ney laid-forth before Michaelmas Term, 1643, because
(forsooth) then the Committee, first, took charge of the
Revenue. In the mean time the King's Tenants and
Debtors are deprived of the benefit of the Laws and Li-
berties of the subject, which before they enjoyed; all
Debts and Moneys being now raised by the terrour of
Pursuivants and Messengers, whose Commissions are
Z 3 Only
Accounts.
Accounts again-
_2~
...”
&
$42
The Mystery of the Two Juntoes,
The Committee of
Accounts.
only to destrain and levy, &c. whereas formerly the FX-
chequer sent-out legal Processe, and the Tenant or Deb-
tor had liberty to plead to it in his own defence, if he
thought himself wronged; but now, new Lords, new
Laws; and to countenance their doings, the Committee
have gotten an addition of some Lords to them. 3. If
there were fair play above-board, so many Members of
both Houses would not be ambitious of the trouble and
clamour that attends Task-masters, Publicans, and such
sinners as sit at the receipt of Custome, being no part of
the business for which the Writ Summons, or the people
choose, or trust, them ; and whereby they are diverted
from the business of the House: but would leave that
employment to other men, who (not having the character
and priviledge of Parliament upon them,) will be less able
to protect themselves and their agents from giving pub-
lick accounts of their receipts aud disbursements, and
from putting affronts and delays upon the Committee of
Accompts, (as it is well known) some of thern have
done. Lastly, it is scandalous that the same men should
be continued so long in their money-employments, be-
cause Diuturnitas & solitudo corrumpunt Imperia ; and
by long continuance and experience they grow so har-
dened, so cunning in their way, and so backed with de-
pendencies, that it is almost impossible to trace them.
And although (when we look upon the many persons
employed) we cannot say there is solitudo personarum ;
yet, when we consider that, by a long partnership in their
employments, they are allied-together in one common
Interest, they are to be esteemed but as one man : for a
Corporation of men is but many men joined-together as
one man, and with one mind pursuing one and the same
end or Interest.
And, though they have a general Committee of Ac.
compts, yet they were nominated by those Members
that ought to give Accompts, and it must needs be sus-
picious for an Accomptant to choose those persons be-
fore whom he shall accompt. And we see (after so long
a time of their sitting) no fruit thereof. Whereas the
people did hope, that, after so much money spent, and
such great debts and arrears left to pay, (whereby they
- •- ºr threatened
Presbyterian and Independent.
343
threatened with a continuance of their Taxes) that a full
and exact general account of all Receipts and Disburse-
ments would have been published in print, for their sa-
tisfaction, as is usually done in the Low-Countries, and
as was once done by this Parliament, Anno 1641, by a
Declaration of the Accompts of the Kingdom.
But, it may be, the Synod in favour of the Grandees,
have voted that place in Scripture (Render an account of
thy Stewardship) to be but Apocryphal.
By these exorbitant courses, though they have drained
Forty Willions from the People, yet as Philip of JMa-
cedon was said to be Inter quotidianas rapinas semper
inops) they are fallen to such ridiculous want and beg-
gary, that they have lately pawned almost all the secu-
rity they have, for zoo, bool. to disband the Army, and
enter upon the Irish employment. . hey have slit Gold-
Smith's-Hall in sunder, and given one side thereof to the
City, and kept the other half thereof to themselves, and
that already charged with 200,oool. at least. So that, if
any sudden occasion happen, they have put their purse
into the hands of the uncircumcised Jews of the City,
and cannot raise one penny but by new Taxes upon the
people. It was worth observing, to see how officiously
some of the old Stagers took leave of the publick purse,
before it came into Hucksters’ hands. Alderman Pen-
mington had a debt of 3oool. he owed to Sir john Pen-
mington, forgiven him, (he never asked forgiveness of his
sins more heartily) and 3,000l. more given him out of
Goldsmith's-Hall in course ; the reason of this bounty
was forked, or two-fold.
1. Because he hath got enough before.
2. To comfort his heart, for being left out of the City
Militia. But the most observable thing was, to see this
old Parliament, like a young Prodigal, take-up money
upon difficult terms, and entangle all that they had for a
security.
1. They gave way to the City to hedge-in an old debt,
being a loan of money after the rate of 50 Subsidies, and
other old debts.
2. Whereas 200,000l. only was the sum to be borrow-
ed, the City enjoymed them to take up 230,000l. whº:
Z 4 G
Wants of the Par.
liament, and how
Occasioned.
344
The Åſystery of the Two Juntoes,
§
Modest and middle
nell:bers.
Grandees are making
provision to Saye
themsely ca.
the odd 30,000l. to be bestowed for relief of decayed oc-
cupiers of the City; so that upon the matter the Parlia-
ment pays 30,000l. Brokerage.
3. That the City may not trust the greatest unthrifts of
Christendome, with laying-out of their own money; they
put upon them two Treasurers of the City, to receive and
disburse it for the service for which it was borrowed ; so
you see they have now neither credit, money, nor a purse
to put it in. . -
So that the modest Members, who have been more for-
ward to help their Country than to help themselves,are léft
in the lurch,for their losses, and exposed to the laughter of
their elder brothers, the old junto-men, and factious lea-
ders of the House, all being now mortgaged to the Lom-
bards of the City. The thriving Members hope their
younger brothers ill continue as modest as they have
been, and digest all with patience. But others, and those
neither fools nor knaves, hope that all the modest and mid-
men of the Houses, such as are engaged in no faction,
will be provoked hereby to draw into a third party, or Jun-
to, to moderate the excesses of the other two, when any
thing prejudicial to the Common-wealth is agitated ; and
to call the old Junto-men, those land-Pyrates, to account,
making them cast-up what they have swallowed, and bring
it to a common dividend, or rather to pay the Army and
Publick debts, whereby the people may be eased of their
pressures. Not let them be discouraged with the supposed
difficulty hereof; since 20 or 30 men holding together,
and observing the cross-debates, and different sway of each
party, may easily make themselves moderators of their
differences, and turn the scales, for the best advantage of
the commonwealth, which way they please to cast in their
Votes; since it is very rare to have any question carried by
more than eight or ten voices. ** *
Most of these Grandees are reported to have, for their
retreat, houses in the Low-Countries, richly furnished
with Sequestered Plate, Linnen, and Stuff, and great
store of money in bank for their shelter, against such
stormes as their Rapine, Tyranny, and ignorance, may
happily raise here amongst us. In those their retirements,
these authors of our miseries will enjoy their sins, and
OUIET
Presbyterian and Independent.
our spoyks in Security, attending an opportunity to pur-
chase their peace at last, and betray our safeties and
Liberties to the enraged Prince and People. This is
called robbing of the AEgyptians ; and doubtlesse these
ambitious State-Mountebanks have brought us into dark-
ness worse then Egyptian. The text saith, the Egypti-
ans rose not from their places in three days ; they yet
knew where they were, which is more than we do, every
man being out of his place and rank; the Servant in place
of his Master, the Beggar in place of the King, the Fool
in place of the Councellour, the Thief in place of the
Judge, the cheater in place of the Treasurer, the Clown
in place of the Gentleman: none but God alone can play
Dadaſus’s part, and give us a Clue to lead us out of this
labyrinth, into which these unpolitick Hocus Pocusses
have brought us ; these unskilful workmen, that have
built-up Babel, and pulled-down Sion. Others are said
to prepare Foreign Plantations for retreat ; to people
which, Children are ravished from their parents Arms, and
shipped-away;-an abomination not known in England
before, and therefore no competent law has been made a-
gainstit; no more than in ancient Rome against Parricides.
By what hath been already said, you see what the
several, and what the conjoymed interests of these two
juntoes, or Factions, Presbyterian and Independent, are:
ſet us now consider where their several strength lies.
The Independent groundeth his strength upon the Army,
which if he can keep-up, he hopes to give the Law to all ;
and to produce that great Chimaera, Liberty of conscience;
not considering that the confusion and licentiousnesse of
such a liberty will destroy itself, libertas libertate perit.
The Presbyterians have three Pillars to support them, I,
The City is their chief foundation, with which they keep
a strict Correspondence and daily communication of Coun-
sels. Upon this consideration they have lately put the
Parliament’s purse into the Citie’s Pocket, as aforesaid ;
and settled and enlarged the City-Militia. Whereas all the
Countries of England (being more obnoxious to injuries
than the City) suffer much for wantofsettling their Militia,
the Parliament not trusting them with arms, even so much
as for their own defence. This is an evident sign that there
Grandees; their se-
veral interests and
designs and
strengths.
* 1S
3:46
The Mystery of the Two Juntoes,
is a farther design than that of disbanding this army. And
because the City-Militia can only keep in awe the adjacent
South and East Counties of the Kingdom ; therefore, to
suppress the remoter parts, and enforce them to obedi-
ence, they keep-up some in-land Garrisons, and have the
Scots and General Poyntz's army supernumerary for the
North; and in the West (under colour for sending men for
Ireland) they keep, upon free quarter and pay of the Coun-
try, many supernumerary Regiments and Troops, mostly
Cavaliers, at least five times as many as they really intend
to transport. These are always going, but never, gone ;
like St. George, always in his saddle, and never on his way.
Something ever is and shall be wanting untill Sir Thomas
Fairfax's army be disbanded ; and then (it is thought)
the disguise will fall-off; and these supernumeraries shall
appear a new-modelled Army, under Presbyterian Com-
manders you may be sure, and such whose Consciences
shall not befool their wits where any matter of gain
appeareth. If this be not their aim, why did they not
disband those lewd supernumeraries before last Winter,
since they might have raised as many men the spring
following for half the charge their very free quarters
cost; and most of these swear they will not go for Ire-
land, vowing they will cut the throats of the Round-
heads. \
The Country is amazed, fearing these Cavaliers are
kept on free quarter by a Cavaleerish party for some
Cavaleerish design. Secondly, why did they not rather
divide Sir Thomas Fairfax's Army into two parts, one
to go for Ireland, the other to stay in England, being
already modelled, excellently disciplined, and having the
visible marks of God's favour upon their actions : But to
take a few for Ireland, a few for England, and leave a
Coar in the middle to be plucked-off and disbanded, was
the way to discontent them, and put them into mutiny,
and thereby necessitate the Parliament to disband them
all, and give an opportunity to them that seek it, to
new-modell another army out of the aforesaid Supernu-
meraries, more pliable to the desires of the Presbyterian
junto. Add hereunto the causeless, exasperating speeches
and aspersions cast upon most of the Army, purposely (as
moderate
- Preſbyterian and Indpenient,
#34 ºf
*
moderate men think) to discontent them. Thirdly, if
they have no intent to keep-up an Army against the Peo-
ple, why have they continued the military charge for
another year, and enlarged it from 52,000l. to 60,000l.
a moneth 2
Thus the City, In-land Garrisons, Supernumerary
forces new-modelled are like to prove the three-stringed
whip, wherewith the Presbyterian Phaetons will drive the
triumphant Chariot, if they prevail: to which may be
added the Presbyters themselves, who, by over-awing
mens Consciences with their Doctrine, will subdue and
work mens minds, like wax, to receive any impression of
bondage that tyranny and oppression can set before
them; as they do in Scotland. The Clergy, in all times
and places, have ever held, with the mighty, as the Jackall
hunts still with the Lion to partake of his prey; The
Clergy have ever had an itch to be meddling with State-
affairs; which shows how contemptible an opinion they
have of their own Coat, that they can find no content-
ment in it; yet they would have the Laiety to have a re-
verend opinion, of it. The Popish Clergy draw all Civil
Affairs, publick and private, under their jurisdiction and
cognisance, quatemils there is peccatum in all human ac-
tions; the Presbyterians do the same thing, quatemils there
is scandalumin all human actions. What is the odds? Pec-
catum is the mother, Scandalum the Daughter; and both
pretend they do this in ordine ad Deum. But universal ex-
perience teacheth us, how miserable that Commonwealth
is, where the corruption of a Church-man proves the gene-
ation of a Statesman. ,
The premisses considered, I shall propound these ensu-
ing Quæries to those that are of better judgement than
myself. e e wº
1. Quare, why the title and punishment of Malignants
is translated from the Cavaliers, who fought for regal
Tyranny against the Parliament, and laid upon those that
fought against regal Tyranny for the Parliament Is it
not because those Cavaliers that have fought for one
Tyranny, will not be scrupulous to fight. for another?
and such well-affected as have opposed Tyranny II, Oſle
kind, will not admit of it in another why is it now ac-
- counted
Presbyters.
Quaeres upon the
premisses. -
348
The Myslery of the Two Juntoes,
counted a note of Malignancy and disaffection to endeavour
the putting-down of arbitrary Government, and re-esta-
blishing our Laws, Liberties, and Properties, whereto the
J’arliament by their many Declarations and their National
Covenant are bound lay this to heart, and consider
whether they have not changed these their first Principles,
and consequently whether they are not desirous to change
their old friends who resolutely adhere to the said
Principles. .
2. If the King grant the Propositions, or if he deny
them, and the Predominant Junto (or both juntoes joyned
together, to drive on one Common interest ? for it is now
thought they are upon an accommodation to keep-up
that lower Conjunction, which they despair to uphold
divisim) establish the military and civil power without
him, according to their desires, and in order to their
aims ; Quacre, whether the said leading men settled in
their posture, with their confident guards about them,
may not draw after them so many of their party as upon
an implicit faith, will follow them, and lick-up the
crumbs of the publick spoiles under their tables, expelling
or disabling (as aforesaid) the disengaged Members, and
by this policy make themselves perpetual Dictators, in-
corporating and engrossing to themselves both the Con-
'sultive, Directive, and Ministerial power of the Kingdom,
in all causes Civil and Military, setting-up an Oligarchy, -
or popular Tyranny, instead of a Regal, as the Thirty
Tyrants of Athens did. In crder whereto, they already
declare, 1. That an ordinance of Parliament, without the
King's royal assent, is equall to an Act of Parliament. 2.
That an Ordinance is above a Law by virtue of their
legislative power : upon which, presuming in their Ordi-
nance of Indemnity, they have granted an appeal from
the Judges of the Law to a Committee of Parliament;
See the ordinance May 1, 1647. 3. That they are the
irrevocable Trustees of the peoples Lives, Liberties and
Properties, without account, with other principles prepa-
rative to Tyranny. - - #
3. Quarre, Why Arbitrary and Barbarous Government
by Committees and other illegal proceedings (which in
time of war were used upon real, or pretended, necessity,
- - iº and
Presbyterian and Independent.
349
and were then only excusable, because necessitas tollit
Legem) are still continued upon us now in time of peace,
no enemies troubling our quiet ; and without any further
pretence of necessity, contrary to their National Covenant,
and all their Declarations f is it not to, inure the people
to servitude, and exercise their patience : .. &
4. Quatre, Whether the prodigious oppressions of
Committees, Sequestrators, &c. and of Free-quarter, be
not purposely countenanced to necessitate the people to
rise in tumults, that thence occasion may be taken to
keep in-land Garrisons and Armies : w
5. Quaere. Whether our Laws, Liberties, and Proper-
ties, are not now as liable to an invasion from the Legis-
!ative power, as formerly from the Prerogative 2 consi-
dering that those who, like ambitious Absalom, courted
and wooed the people in the beginning of the troubles,
now, like hungry Rehoboams, care not though the people
complain. Their little finger is heavier than the loyns of
the King; the controversie between the two Juntoes being
no more than whose slaves we shall be.
6. Quaere, Whether if the King hereafter tread in
the steps of the Parliament, and their Committees, he
will not be a greater tyrant than either the Turk,
Russe, or French, and have as absolute dominion over.
his Subjects, as the Devil hath over damned souls in Hell?
and how dangerous these precedents may be to those
Laws and Liberties which we have sworn to maintain.
If the middle and disengaged men in the House, do not
speedily unite themselves into a party, or Junto, (as the
factions have done,) and communicate their counsels, they
will be arena sine calce, loose and dissipated by every
breath ; and neither serviceable to themselves nor to their
Country. Whereas, if they unite, twenty of thirty may
become Moderators and Umpires between both parties;
as hath been already said. Let the moderate men but
consider how sad and dishonourable a thing it is, to see
nothing almost of great and publick concernment
Middle and mode-
I ate Members again.
come into the House, but what hath been before-hand
contrived, debated and digested in one or both of the two
juntoes at their private meetings, and put into so resolved
and prejudicate a way and method of dispatch, that every
IIl21).
350
The Mystery of the Two Juntoes,
TN. B.
Conclusion with
: e.ne complaints.
man is appointed his part, or Cue, before-hand; one.
man to move it, and set it on foot, another to second
him ; one man speak to one part of the Argument, ano-
ther to another part; another to keep himself to the last
for a reserve, and speak to the question; which he is pro-
vided to qualifie with a distinction, or vary it, if he find it
difficult to pass. Thus all publick businesses are measured
by private respects; whereby it appears, that, as frequent
Parliaments are goodPhysick, so continual Parliaments are
bad ſoad; and the people may complain, that qui medice
viviţ, miserè vivit. Parliaments are Bona peritura ; they
cannot keep long without corruption. Their perpetuity
emboldens the members, by taking from them all fear of
being called to account, especially if they get their sons
into the Houses as well as themselves, (as many have
done this Parliament, and more endeavour to do) where-
by they have an estate in their places for two or three
lives". Moreover, by long sitting they become so familiar
with one another's persons and designs, as to serve one
another's turns, to joyn interests, and to draw into facti.
ons, Hodie mihi, cras tibi. If you and your party will
help me to day, I and my friends will help you to-morrow.
JHiserimea Republica ubi majestas Jmperii, & 8 a...s p0-
pull discordibus coiflictamtur studiis. What shall we say :
Em / quo discordia tetra
perdua it miseros ?
Shall we complaim to God : God hath a controversie
with us. Of whom shall we complain —of ourselves 2
we must first reform ourselves; We, that take upon us to
reform Ciurch and Common-wealth. Shall we com-
plain of our sins? Ask the grace of repentance first,
and so ask that we may obtain. Shail we complain of
our punishments? Let us first repent, and amend our sins,
that caused them. Let us first pluck off the mask of
hypocrisie ; God will see through such a fantastical gar-
• These inconveniences arising from the long continuance of the same.
House of Commons, would be removed by eviving the good old custom
of having a new Parliament electcd by a new writ of summons, at least
once in every year, as was prescribed by two acts of Parliament in the 4th
and the 86th years of the gi eat king Edward the 3d, which appear to have .
been constantly observed from the 36th year cf king Edward the 3a's reign
to the 18th year of the following eign of king Richaid the 2d, or for 33
successive ye wrs. J
Inent
Presbyterian and Indipendent.
rent of Fig-leaves. Let us no longer make religion a
stalking-horse; God, who is all Wisdome and all Truth,
will not be deceived. If we talk like Christians, and
walk like Turks, Christ will not own us. To fast for a
day, and hang our heads like bulrushes, will not recon-
cile us. We must fast from publick spoyls, rapines, and
oppression, and not drink the tears of the poor and needy.
Shall we complain with the prophets, That our Princes
are become Thieves? That was heretofore our complaint;
but now we must invert it, and cry,Thatour.Thieves (mean
and base people) are become Princes. We are sick, very
sick, intemperately sick, and God hath given us a Physi-
cian in his wrath, a Leper as white as snow, fitter to
infect, than cure us. What Physick doth he prescribe?
Poyson. What diet : Stones instead of bread, Scorpions
instead of fishes; hard fare for them who formerly fed so
daintily. Before I conclude, let me give you the pedi-
gree of our Miseries, and of their Remedies. A long
Peace begat Plenty; Plenty begat Pride, and her Sister
Riot; Pride begat Ambition; Ambition begat Faction;
Faction begat Civil War: And (if our evils be not incu-
rable, if we be not fallen in id temporis quo nec vitia
nostra, nec eorum remedia ferre possumus) our War will
beget Poverty, Poverty Humility, Humility Peace again;
Sic rerum revertentibus vicibus annulus vertitur Politicus.
The declining spoke of the Wheel will rise again. But
we are not yet sufficiently humbled, we have not repented
with Ninevy : We wear Silks and Velvets instead of
Sackcloth and Ashes (even the meanest up-start hath his
thefts writ upon his back by his Taylor in proud Charac-
ters of Gold Lace); we have not watered our Couch with
our Tears, but with an adulterous sweat. Look to it
therefore, ye State Incubi, that, by an incestuous co-
pulation, have begot Plenty upon War, and filled your
houses with the spoyl and plunder of your dear Country;
an inundation of blood, and of the tears of the oppress-
ed, will wash-away the foundation of your houses:
And peace will be far from you in this world, but
especially that peace which the world cannot give: And
because, Salamander-like, you delight in the fire of Con-
tention, an unquenchable fire will be your lot hº
*. An:
2
The Mystery of the Two Junioes,
Resolutiou and scope
of the author.
And, though you escape all accounts here, yet upon the
great day of account, when you shall receive your sentence
of condemnation, those your Children for whose prefer-
ment you sell.your Souls, your God for gold, sh, l not
shew so much thankfulness or pity towards you, as to say,
alas our Father | But your hearts are hardened with Pha-
raoh ; I leave you therefore to Pharaoh's destiny, to be
drowned in your own Red-sea, as he was in his. t
Thus far have I adventured to vindicate our Religion,
Laws, and Liberties with my pen; in discharge of my con-
science and pursuance of our National Covenant, which obli-
eth us to defend them against whomsoever, to our power ;
neither knowing nor caring whether, in so wicked an age
(wherein vice is honoured, and virtue contemned) l may
be thought worthy of punishment for being more
righteous than my superiours. I know an honest man
is wondered-at like a monster, and the innocency of his
life and conversation suspected as a libel against the State:
yet, if I perish, I perish; et pereundum in licitis. Nor
am I less provided of a safe retreat than our Grandees;
my grave is open for me, and one foot in it already.
Contempsit omnes ille qui mortem priès: He that con-
temns death, scorns both Hope and Fear, which are
the only affections that make Knaves, Fools, and Cow-
ards, of all the world. The world is a goodly Thea-
ter, we are the actors, God is poet and chief spectator;
we must not choose our own parts: that is at God’s ap-
pointment ; one man he appoints to play the King, anor
ther the beggar ; one a comick, another a Tragick part;
whatsoever part God hath appointed for me in this re-
mainder of my life, I will have a care to personate it in-
genuously and aptly, not doubting but my Exit shall be
accompanied with an applause into my Tyring-room,
my Tombe; nor will I refuse the meanest part that may
draw a plaudit from so excellent a spectator, but will pre-
pare myself for the worst of evils in this worst of times,
and pray to God to reform our Reformers: Amen.
THE END.
IM E M O I R. S
OF
SIR JOHN BERKLEY,
CONTAIN ING
AN ACCOUNT OF HIS NEGOTIATION
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL CROMWELL,
COMMISSARY-GENERAL IRETON,
AND of HER of Frc EIts of THE ARM r,
For Restoring King CIIARLEs the FIRST, to the Exercise
of the Government of England.
LONDON :
??INTED BY J. DARBY, IN BARTHOLOMEW-CLose, FoR A. BALDWIN,
IN WARWICK I, A N E. MDCXCIX,
&P
M E Mſ. O J R S
O F
S I R J OHN B E R K L E Y.
*.
IN the Year 1647, her Majesty, and his Highness the
Prince of Wales, were pleased to send me into Holland,
to condole the death of the Prince of Orange; and having
performed that office, I returned with Mr. John and Mr.
William Ashburnham, to France, by the way of Calais :
where we met with the news of his Majesty’s being seized
by one Cornet Joyce, in Holmby House, from whence he
was carried with a guard of 400 horse, towards the army,
the Cornet producing no authority, whereby to warrant
this proceeding. The next Post brought us advertise-
ment to Calais, that his Majesty was well-received by the
officers and soldiers of the Army, and that there were
great hopes conceived, that they would both concur to
establish his Majesty in his just Rights. From Calais we
went to Rouen, where we met a confirmation of this in-
telligence, and heard withal, that one Sir Edward Ford
(who was brother-in-law to Commissary-general Ireton)
was sent, by her Majesty and his Highness the Prince of
Wales, into England, to discover the intentions of the
Army, and to promote an agreement between his Ma-
jesty and them. From Rouen, we went to St. Germain’s ;
where, we were no sooner arrived, but we heard that
Mr. Denham (who, during his imprisonment, had con-
tracted a great familiarity with Mr. Peters, a preacher,
and a powerful person in the Army,) was dispatchedcnu,
a Commission to the like effect, with that of Sir Edward
Ford. As I was going-up to her Majesty, I met, acciden-
tally, with my Lord Culpepper, who scarce had saluted
me, before he told me, that I must prepare myself im-
mediately for another journey, her Majesty being resolved
to send me into England, after Sir Edward Ford and
2 A 2 Mr.
356
Memoirs of Sir John Berkley.
Cromwell and some
other officers of the
Tarliament-Army,
send letters to Sir
John Berkley, offer-
ing to treat with the
King for his restora-
tien to the exercise
of the Royal autho-
rity. In June, 1647.
Mr. Denham. I answered, that I had no pass, nor any
acquaintance with any one of the Army; and that I doubted,
that, if the King’sparty should come too thick upon them at
first, those of the Army would be jealous, that they should
have too many sharers in the places and preferments, which
they might, perhaps, meditate to procure and preserve to
themselves. His Lordship replied, That, if I were afraid
to go into England, her Majesty and his Highness would,
serve themselves of some other person, because they con-
ceived it necessary to employ some to the Army, that
might be supposed to have greater trust, both with the
Queen in France, and with the King in England, than either
Sir Edward Ford or Mr. Denham had. I returned, That
if, after a serious consideration, it should be judged of
use to dispatch me into England, I would adventure,
though I had not the honour to be very well known
to his Majesty, and, therefore, could not expect any
great trust from him. To that part, his Lordship
replied, That there was an intention to send Mr. John
Ashburnham after me; but, that he would not go with-
out a pass, and therefore, that I should have it added
to my instructions to procure him one. Within few days
after, I had my dispatch, and went by the way of Dieppe,
where I met with Mr. William Leg, of the Bedchamber
to his Majesty. He embarked with me for England; we
arrived at Hastings, and from thence went the next day
towards London. Two miles on this side Tunbridge I met
with Sir Allen Apsley, who had been my Lieutenant-go-
vernor of Ea'eter, and afterwards Governor of Barnstaple,
in the County of Devon. He told me, that he was going
to me from Cromwell, and some other officers of the Army,
with letters, and a cypher, and instructions, which were
to this effect: “That he should desire me to remember,
“ that, in some conferences with Colonel Lambert, and
“other officers of the Army, upon the rendering of
“Exeter, I had taken notice of the Army’s bitter in-
“veighing against the King’s person, as if he had been
“ the worst of men, and their excessive extolling the
“Parliament; both which being without any colour of
“ground, I had concluded, that those discourses were not
“out of any persuasion of mind, but affected to prepare
- - * ** men.
Memoirs of Sir John Berkley.
357
“men to receive the alteration of Government, which they
intended that the Parliament should effect, by the assist-
“ance of the Army; which I had said, was not only a most
“wicked, but a very difficult, if not an impossible, design,
for a few men, not of the greatest quality, to introduce
“a popular Government against the King and his Party,
against the Presbyterians, against the Nobility and Gen-
“try, against the Laws established, both Ecclesiastical
and Civil, and against the whole Genius of the Nation,
that had been accustomed, for so many ages, to a Mo-
“narchical Government. Whereas, on the other side, if
“ they would but consider, that those of their Party had
* no particular obligations to the Crown, (as many of the
* Presbyterians had.) and therefore ought less to despair of
“his Majesty's Grace and Favour; — that the Presbyter
“began this War upon specious pretences of making the
“ King a glorious King;-that, under that pretext, they
“ had deceived many well-meaning men, and had brought
“great things to pass ; but that now the mask was taken-
*: off, and they were discovered to have sought their own
“advantages—and, at the same time, that the power to do
“ themselves much good, or much hurt to others, was now
“almost wrested out of their hands; and that this had been
“ done by the Independent Party, who could establish them-
“selves, no way under Heaven, so justly and prudently, as
“ by making good what the Presbyterians had only pre-
“tended to do, that is, the restoring King and People
“ to their just and ancient Rights; which would so ingra-
“tiate them with both, that they would voluntarily in-
“vešt them with as much trust and power as Subjects are
“capable of: Whereas, if they grasped at more, it would
“be with the general hatred, and with their own destruc-
“tion. To this discourse of mine, they now informed me
“ that, at that time, they had only given a hearing, but no
“consent, as proceeding from an interest much divided
“from theirs: but that they had since found, by expe-
“rience, all, or the most part, of it, to be so reason-
“able, that they were resolved to put it in practice, as I
“ might perceiveby what hadalready passed. They desired
“ for the present nothing of me, but that I would present
‘ them humbly to the Queen and Prince, and be Suitor to
“ them in their names, not to condemn them absolutely,
2 A 3 ** but
C
G
G
G
358
Memoirs of Sir John Berkley.
• ‘The state of the two
Parties of Presbyte-
rians and Independ-
ents in June, 1647.
“ but to suspend their Opinions of them, and their Pre-
“ tensions towards his Majesty, and judge them rather
“ by their future Behaviour; of the innocence whereof
“ they had already given some Testimonies to the World,
“ and would do more and more, daily. When I should
“ have done this Office, they desired I would come over
“ into England, and become an eye-witness of their pro-
“ ceedings.” I thought this rencounter no ill Omen to
my future proceedings. Sir Allen Apsley told me I
should have to do with subtil men, that governed, them-
selves by other maxims than the rest of the World. I re-
member I answered, that the caution was good, and that I
would arm myself the best I could ; but that it was hard
to secure ourselves from malicious men, when we were ab-
solutely in their power. I took the best information I
could from Sir Alſen Apsley, and resolved with him to go
into London, before I went to the King or the Army, that I
might be enlightened by the most able men of our Party;
which I did, and collected this following discourse from
them.
During the time his Majesty was at Newcastle, the
Independent Party was so prevalent in the House of
Commons; that the Presbyterians were forced to consent
to have the King rendered by the Scots to the Parliament;
and his Majesty was accordingly delivered by them to
the English Committee, and a guard of English set upon
him of the Presbyterian party, and no passionate enemies
of his Majesty. The Presbyterian party, (that was very
numerous in the House of Commons, and over-voted the
other in most questions,) had engaged themselves privately
(by some of their Chiefs) to the Scots in two points ;
first, that the Army should be disbanded, and then that
the King should be brought to his Parliament with Ho-
nour and Safety. The disbanding was gone-about very
seriously by the Parliament; and a Committee (whereof
the Earl of Warwick was the chief) chosen, and accordingly
sent to Newwarket, or Saffron-walden, where the Army
then lay. Many of the Army professed really their obedi-
ence to the Parliament as to the disbanding; but none
more solemnly than Cromwell, who made great execrations
against himself in the House, if he did not desire it cor-
dially.
Memoirs of Sir john Berkley.
dially. He had always professed great submission to the
Parliament,(who had very liberally rewarded him for his
service,) and was hopeful to have begotten so great a con-
fidence in them, that they would have been contented to
entertain the Army as their Pretorian Band; and therefore
was very sorry to see the House bent to license them, but
durst not appear against it, because he had many ill-
willers in the Army, and did believe they durst not, or
would not, unanimously oppose the Parliament in that
particular, and therefore refused to go to the Army, tho’
he was sent-for often by the mutinous party, who upon
that score were not a little offended with him ; and at
length, their discontents increasing, seeing themselves
deserted by their superior officers, they thought of some
means to secure themselves from their ungrateful Parlia-
ment, which they began now perfectly to hate; and there-
upon they chose to themselves Adjutators inevery regiment,
and in every troop of horse, by whom they engaged them-
selves to be absolutely concluded. The first Resolution
these new-elected Officers took, was, not to disband, and,
the next, to seize the King's Person. Cromwell staid
very long in London, for one that had been the Author
of that Design; however, he at last stole out of Town,
and joined with the Mutineers, but did not so readily
concur in the seizing the King's Person, or at least pre-
tended not to do it; For he sent his Kinsman, JWhalley,
with Orders * to use all means but Force, to cause his
Majesty to return to Holmby ; but his Majesty absolutely
refusing, ; ; halley marched with his Majesty towards the
Army. - -
This account I had from the most discerning of my
acquaintance in London, from whence I went to the
Head-Quarters at Reading, with intention (after I had
delivered my Message) to desire leave to wait on his
Majesty at Causum. I was no sooner arrived at Reading,
but I spoke with Sir Edward Ford and Mr. john Den-
* This information given to Sir John Berkley, by his friends at Lon-
don, was not quite exact. . For it was not Lieutenant-general Cromwell,
but Sir Thomas Fairfax, the General in Chief, who gave this order to
Colonel W halley. Cromwell was the person who had advised and en-
couraged the seizure of the King's person by Cornet Joyce.
2 A 4 ‘. ham,
The Army refuses to
be disbanded.
They chuse new of.
ficers called Adjuta-
10/S, or Algétalors, to
manage their dis-
putes with the Par-
liament.
360 - - ** Memoirs of Sir John Berkley.
ham. Both of them were much of the same advice with
those I had discoursed with at London concerning the pre-
sent power of the Adjutators, by whom the mostimportant
affairs of the Kingdom and Army were transacted. By
them I learnt that his Majesty came very unwillingly from
Holmby ; that his Majesty would not go to the Army,
tho' he were earnestly invited by the Officers; that his
Majesty, against the consent of the Army, concurred with
the Vote of the Parliament, to go to Richmond, where he
would have been out of the Army's power, and would not
be persuaded out of his resolution, till the Army forced
the Parliament to recal their Vote: Then his Majesty
would needs go to Windsor, much against the sense of
the Army; but, because they could not persuade his Ma-
jesty, they forced him from thence by ill-usage; and that
the rather, because he would not be intreated to pass by
the Army in his way to J/indsor: In sum, they doubted
that his Majesty hearkened to some secret propositions of
the Presbyterians, and bent all his thoughts to make an
absolute Breach between the Army and the Parliament;
which Ireton discerned, and told his Majesty plainly,
“ Sir, you have an intention to be the Arbitrator between
“ the Parliament and us, and we mean to be it between
“ your Majesty and the Parliament.”
Sir John Berkley has Two or three hours after my arrival, Cromwell sent
&r...". . an Officer to excuse him to me, that he could not wait on
other great officers me till ten at night, by reason he was sitting with the
of the Army, Committee of Parliament, and should not rise till then.
e He came then accompanied with Rainsborough, and Sir
Hardress Pſaller. After general discourse, I told him
the sum of my Instructions from the Queen and Prince;
which were to assure them, that her Majesty and his
Highness, were not partial to the Presbyterians, nor any
way averse to them ; that I should endeavour to incline
his Majesty to comply with them, as far as would stand
with his honour and conscience, and to dispose them to
º Declara- press his Majesty no farther. His answer was in these
*: º words: “ That, whatever the World might judge of
King restored to the “ them, they would be found no seekers of themselves,
*...*.*.**): “farther than to have leave to live as Subjects ought to
authority upon safe .. do, and * {\ * e º EY Q a Q * £).
and reasonable terms, o, and to preserve their consciences ; and that they
“ thought
Memoirs of Sir John Berkley.
361
“ thought no men could enjoy their Lives and Estates
“ quietly, without the King had his Rights, which they
“ had declared in general terms already to the World,
and would more particularly very speedily, wherein
“ they would comprise the several Interests of the Royal,
Presbyterian, and Independent Parties, as far as they
afterwards, to be meant of the Proposals of the Army. I
went the next day to the General, by Cromwell's direc-
tion, to ask his leave to see the King; which he was
pleased to grant. I delivered my Letters and Instructions
to his Majesty. I found that his Majesty discovered not
only to me, but to every one he was pleased to converse
with, a total diffidence of all the Army, except Hunting-
ton, and grounded it chiefly upon the Officers backward-
ness, to treat of receiving any favour, or advantage from
his Majesty. I was of his Majesty’s sense, that men
whose hands were yet hot with the blood of his most
faithful Subjects, ought not entirely to be trusted, but
thought they ought absolutely to be weli dissembled-with,
whilst his Majesty was in their hands, at least, that he
might the better get out of them; and, to this end, Ioffered
several expedients ; as, to suffer Peters to preach before
his Majesty, of which he was very ambitious ; and to con-
verse with him, and others of the Army, with freedom;
and, by all means, to endeavour to gain the good opinion
of the most active Adjutators, and the like. But his Ma-
jesty concurred in none of them; which made me doubt
that his Majesty valued my reasons something the worse on
account of the Author of them'; and therefore I meditated
nothing so much, as to procure a pass for Mr. john Ash-
burnham, with whom I hoped I might prevail, and he with
his Majesty; which, within few days after, I did obtain,
and caused it to be delivered to his Servant.
About four days after my coming to the Army, there
came two General Officers from the Council of War to
me, to let me know, that they had been informed that I
had some wrong done me upon the Rendition of Exeter,
to a great value ; and that, if I would put the sum under
my hand, they would see that I should have satisfaction.
I gave them most hearty thanks; but withal told them,
* that
were consisting with each other;” which I understood
Sir John Berkley has
a conference with
the King.
assº
Memoirs of Sir John Berkley.
that I came not to them upon my own business, but that
of his Majesty; which as soon as they should dispatch, no
man living would be more ready to receive and acknow-
ledge this, or any other, favour from them ; till then, it
would no way become me to do it. This was a genero-
sity which those Self-denyers thought might do well in dis-
course and speculation; but could not understand it, when
brought into practice, and therefore concluded that I was
so great a Presbyterian, that I would chuse rather to loose
twelve hundred pounds (which was my pretension)
than to offend my Lord Roberts, a great Presbyterian,
who must have made me reparation; in which opinion
they were confirmed by two Letters they had lately
perused, the one from Sir Marmaduke Langdale, at Ant-
werp, and the other from Sir William Feelwood, at Lon-
don; both affirming, that to their knowledge I was an en-
gaged Presbyterian. I was altogether a stranger to them
both, and therefore did attribute this, either to their envy
that I was admitted; or grief that they were excluded from
the employment, between his Majesty and the Army.
However it was, upon those surmises Cromwell came to
expostulate the matter plainly with me, and I replied to
him in these words, That I was as much Presbyterian as
Independent; that I, as well as others, was inclined to
think the better of them, because they pretended to mind
the King's Restoration ; but bid them be assured, that as
Soon as 1 should discover they were not real, I, and, I
thought, all the King’s Party, would join with any that
would but dissemble better than they; and concluded,
that I thought nothing would separate the Crown and the
King's Party. Cromwell seemed not unsatisfied with
this plain dealing, and so left me. The next day, Hunting-
ton, who was sent to me by the King, made me acquainted
with two General Officers, whom I durst not name, be-
cause they are obnoxious to the present power. With
these I had often, and free Communication; and inquiring
what opinion they had of the Army in general, as to a con-
junction with the King, they replied, that they did believe,
it was universally desired both by the Officers and Adju-
tators;—that, if Cromwell was not real in it, he was a great
IXissembler, and so was lpeton;–that, for the present the
whole
Memoirs of Sir John Berkley.
3:63
whole Army was so bent upon it, that they durst not be
otherwise;—that, if they should ever happen to change,
they should easily discover it; and, because they had been,
in great part, the cause that Sir Allen Apsley was sent to
ºne, they thought themselves obliged to give me all the
light they could of things and persons; which to the last
they performed, in my opinion, most'sincerely. I let them
know at our first meeting, that I doubted there would be
three great difficulties, which would obstruct the Agree-
ment. First, they would expect that the King should not
only give them Liberty of Conscience, but alter the Esta-
blished Ecclesiastical Government, which his Majesty was
persuaded, he could not in conscience do. The second,
that they would not be contented to separate some few
men from the Court, and from bearing great Offices, un-
less they and their Posterity were ruined, and that by the
King's Act; which his Majesty could not in Honour per-
mit. And, thirdly, that they would not be contented with
a security of the Militia, during his Majestie's life; and his
Majesty could not grant it farther, but infinitely to the
prejudice of his Posterity. They assured me that his Ma-
jesty would be presséd in none of these particulars, and
that there was a draught of Proposals, which Irelon had
drawn, and which would certainly be voted by the whole
Army, wherein there was nothing tending to any such
purpose; and, if his Majesty would consent to them, there
would be an end of all difficultics; and they thought that, the
sooner, his Majesty did it, the better it would be ; because
there was no certainty in the temper of the Army, which
they had observed to have altered more than once already.
I asked whether I might not have a sight of these propo-
sals; they answered, when I pleased. I went with them
to Irelon for that purpose, and remained with him almost
till morning. He permitted me to alter two of the
articles, and that in most material points; and I would
have done a third, which was, the excluding seven per-
sons (that were not named) from pardon, and the ad-
mitting of our party, to sit in the next. Parliament. To
the first he answered, 'That being they had prevailed in
the War, if they should not in the sight of the World
make some distinction between themselves and those that
* * ~ Wel"G
Sir John Berkley ex
àmines the proposals
of the Army in con-
junction with Coua-
inissary General lic-
tu ll. g . .
364,
Memoirs of Sir John Berkley.
were worsted (who always bear the blame of publick
quarrels) they had so many malicious enemies, both in the
Parliament and Army, that they should be censured of
betraying their party, and to have sought their own ends
by private and indirect means. To the second, He con-
ºfessed that he should himself be afraid of a Parliament,
wherein the King's party should have the major vote: but
after the agreement, if the King’s party, and they, could
piece kindly and cordially together, there would be no-
thing easier, than to procure his Majesty satisfaction in
those two particulars. He concluded, by conjuring me,
as I tendered his Majestie's good and welfare, that I would
endeavour to prevail with him, to grant the proposals, that
they might with the more confidence, propound them to
the Parliament, and make an end of all differences. Out
of my discourses and inquiries, I collected these observa-
Of the Opinions and
Inclinations of the
Army at the time of
making these propo-
sals to the King.
Many of the Agita-
tors are jealous of
the ambitious designs
of Cromwell.
tions : First, that the Army was governed partly by a
Council of War, and partly by a Council of the Army, or
Agitators, wherein the General had but a single voice;
that Fairfax, the General, had little power in either; that
Cromwell, and his son Ireton, with their Friends and Par-
tisans, governed the Council of War absolutely, but not
that of the Army, which was the most powerful, though
they had a strong party there also ; but the major part of
the Adjutators carried it. Amongst these Adjutators,
there were many ill-wishers of Cromwell, looking on him
as one who would always make his advantages out of the
Army. These observed that Cromwell resolved to pro-
secute his ambitious ends, through all means whatsoever,
and did not only dissemble, but really-change his way to
those ends; and, when he thought the Parliament would
make his fortune, resigned himself totally to them, even
to the disbanding of the Army before it was paid : When
the Presbyterians prevailed, he took the Covenant:
When he quitted the Parliament, his chief dependence
was on the Army, which he endeavoured, by all means, to
keep in unity; and, if he could not bring it to his sense, he,
rather than suffer any division in it, went-over himself, and
carried his friends with him, into that way which the Army
did chuse; and that faster than any other person in it. Upon
this ground, when the Army was for the Parliament, no man
SQ
Memoirs of Sir John Berkley.
so violent as he in both : When the Army became for the
King against the Parliament, no man drove so furiously
as he and, when the Army changed a third time for the
Parliament, and against the King, he was still the Leader:
and, if the Army shall change a fourth time, to become
Levellers (though he will oppose this at first, as he did
all other changes), no man shall out-go him in Levelling.
All that he seems to desire is, that the Army would be
constant in any way, that he might not be necessitated to
the playing of so many different parts, he being equally
indifferent to all that will afford him equal advantages.”
When I came to Reading, I found many of the Adju-,
tators jealous, that Cromwell was not sincere for the King,
and they desired me, if I found him false to their engage-
ment, that I would let them know it, and they did not doubt
to set him right, either with, or against, his will. But, in all
my conferences with him, I found no man, in appear-
ance, so zealous for a speedy blow as he ; sometimes
wishing that the King was more frank, and would not tie
But he appeared to
Sir John Berkley to
be earnestly desirous.
of a speedy agree-
ment with thc King.
himself so strictly to narrow maxims; sometimes com-
plaining of his son Ireton’s slowness in perfecting the pro-
ºposals, and his not accommodating more to his Majesty’s
sense; always doubting, that the Army would not pre-
serve their good inclinations for the King. I met with
him about three days after I came to Reading, as he was
coming from the King, then at Causum : He told me,
that he had lately seen the tenderest sight that ever his
eyes beheld, which was the interview between the King
and his Children, and wept plentifully at the remem-
brance of it, saying, That never man was so abused as he,
in his sinister opinions of the King, who, he thought, was
the uprightest and most conscientious man of his three
Kingdoms; that they, of the Independent Party, (as they
were called) had infinite obligations to him, for not con-
senting to the Scots Propositions at Newcastle, which
would have totally ruined them, and which his Majesty’s
Interest seemed to invite him to; and concluded, with me,
by wishing, that God would be pleased to look upon him
according to the sincerity of his heart towards his Ma-
jesty. I immediately acquainted, his Majesty with this
passage; who seemed not well edified with it, and did
. believe,
- - | * -
scó
Memoirs of Sir John Berkley. . . -
believe, that all proceeded out of the use Cromwell and
the Army had of his Majesty, without whom, he thought,
they could do nothing ; and this, I conceive, was incul-
cated daily, by Bampfield and Loe, at first, and after-
wards by the Lord Lauderdale, who had frequent acces-
ses to his Majesty from the Scots, the Presbyterians, and
the City of London, who knew there was nothing so fa-
, tal to them as a conjunction between the King and the
Army. Out of all my observations I drew these conclu-
sions, which I prosecuted to the best of my power: That
his Majesty was concerned to come to a speedy issue with
the Army ; that he might either agree with them, or dis-
cover that they intended not to agree with him ; and, in
that case, that his Majesty should secure his escape, and
in the mean time, that his Majesty should not give them
the least colour of exception to his actions; that, seeing
the officers were more easily fixed to his Majesty, by a
visible prospect of their interest, in case of a conjunction,
I took the least pains with them, and applied myself to
Peters and the Adjutators, who swayed their officers more
than their officers commanded them; and, it was more
hard to satisfy them (being many) in point of interest, than
their officers, who were few. . * *
About ten days after my arrival at the Army, the con-
tentions grew high and hot between them and the Pres-
-byterian Party, in the House, (which was the major-part
by much); and the City of London; the one contending
to have the Parliament purged of corrupt Members; and
the other, to have the Army removed farther from the City.
This caused the Army's march from Reading to Bedford,
and, consequently, his Majesty's remove, with his wonted
"The King peruses
the proposals of the
Army for his resto-
- ration, before they
ai e publickly pre-
sented to him.
About the 25th of
July, 1647.
guard; from Cawsum to P700burn, a house of the Earl of
Bedford, where I procured his Majesty a sight of the Army's
Proposals, six or eight days before they were offered to
him in publick. His Majesty was much displeased with
them in general, saying, That, if they had a mind to close
with him, they would never impose so hard terms upon him.
I replied, That, if they had demanded less than they had
done, I should have suspected them more than I now did,
of intending not really to serve his Majesty, but only .
to abuse him; since it was not likely that men, who had,
thro ugh *
**. **
Memoirs of Sir John Berkley. 367
through so great dangers and difficulties, acquired so great
advantages, should ever sit-down with less than was con-
tained in the Proposals; and, on the other side, never was
a Crown (that had been so near lost,) so cheaply recovered,
as his Majesty's would be, if they agreed upon such terms.
His Majesty was of another advice, and returned, That
they could not subsist without him, and therefore he did
not doubt but that he should see them very shortly be -
glad to condescend farther; and then objected to three The King objects to
particular points of the Proposals. The first was, The i. articles of
exception of seven, not named, from pardon. The second, "
The excluding his Party from being eligible in the next
ensuing Parliament. And the third, That though there
was nothing against the Church-government established,
yet there was nothing done to assert it. To these, I re-
plied, That after his Majesty and the Army were accord-
ed, it would be no impossible work to make them remit
in the first point; and, if he could not, when his Majesty
was re-instated in his Throne, he might easily supply seven
persons beyond the seas, in such sort as to make their
banishment supportable to them. To the second; That
the next Parliament would be necessitated to lay great
burdens upon the Kingdom; and it would be a happiness to
the King’s Party, to have no voice in them. To the third,
That the Law was security enough for the Church, and ,
it was happy that men,who had fought against the Church,
should be reduce? (when they were superiors), not to
speak against it. His Majesty broke from me with this
expression, “Well! I shall see them glad ere long to ac-
cept more equal terms.” Inow began to long impatiently
for Mr. Ashburnham, as hoping he had some better to-
picks for his Majesty; and, within a few days after, he Mr. John Ashburn
arrived, to his Majesty’s great contentment as well as º *
mine. His instructions referred to mine, which we were . the King con.
to prosecute jointly, I gave him presently all the light cerning them.
I had, which he seemed to embrace at first; but, after he \
had discoursed more amply with his Majesty, I found him -
so far from crossing him, that he abounded in his Ma-
jesty's sense, and held afterwards this discourse with me;
“That, for his part, he was always bred in the best com-
pany, and, therefore, could not converse with such sense-
- less
368,
Memoirs of Sir John Berkley &
The King rejects,
with disdain, the
proposals of the
A riny. August 2,
1647.
less fellows as the Agitators were; that, if we could gain
the officers sure to the King, there was no doubt, but they
would be able to command their own Army, and, therefore,
he was resolved to apply himself totally to them.” And
so he did; and there grew immediately great familiarities
between him and P/halley, (Captain of the Guard that
waited on the King,) and then with Cromwell and Ireton;
and daily messages between his Majesty and the head-
quarters, which Mr. Ashburnham carried, and sometimes
me with him, though I seldom knew the message; at least
he would have me believe I did not; for he chose to speak
apart with Cromwell and Ireton, when I was present, al-
ledging, that they would not speak freely to two at once.
What, with the pleasure of having so concurring a second
as Mr. Ashburnham, and what with the encouraging mes-
sages, which his Majesty had (by my Lord Lauderdale, and
others) from the Presbyterian Party and the City of Lon-
don, who pretended to despise the Army, and to oppose
them to death, his Majesty seemed very much erected; inso-
much, that, when the proposals were solemnly sent to him,
and his concurrence most humbly and earnestly desired, his
Majesty (not only to the astonishment of Ireton and the
rest, but even to mine) entertained them with very tart
and bitter discourses ; saying, sometimes, that he would
have no man to suffer for his sake, and that he repented
of nothing so much as the Bill against the Lord Strafford;
(which, though most true,wasunpleasai' for them to hear;)
That, he would have the Church established according
to Law, by the Proposals. They replied, It was none of
their work to do it; that it was enough for them to wave
the point, and they hoped, enough for his Majesty, since
he had waved the Government itself in Scotland. His
Majesty said, that he hoped God had forgiven him that
sin, and repeated often, You cannot be without me; You
will fall to ruin if I do not sustain you. Many of the
Army, that were present, and wished well, (at least, as
they pretended,) to the Agreement, looked wishfully, and
with wonder, upon me and Mr. Ashburnham ; and I, as
much as I durst, upon his Majesty, who would take no
notice of it, until I was forced to step to him, and whisper
in his ear; Sir, your Majesty speaks as if you had some
* J & C7 eff
Memoirs of Sir John Berkley. z 369
secret strength and power that I do not know of; and,
since your Majesty hath concealed it from me, I wish you
had concealed it frow these men too. His Majesty soon re.
collected himself, and began to sweeten his former dis-
course with great power of language and behaviour. But
it was now of the latest. For Colonel Rainsborough,
(who, of all the Army, seemed the least to wish the accord,)
in the middle of the Conference stole-away, and posted to
the Army, which he inflamed against the King, with all the
artificial malice he had. As soon as the Conference ended,
I followed him to Bedford, where the Army then lay. I Some of the Agita-
met with some of the Adjutators, who asked me what his i. º Army are
Majesty meant, to entertain their Commissioners so harsh- R ºne,
ly I told them that Rainsborough had delivered it amiss ºf rejecting their
to them, as, indeed, he had, by adding to the truth. Ithen ****
desired a meeting with Ireton, and the rest of the superiour
officers, and obtained it, and there asked them, if the
King should grant the Proposals, what would ensue?
They replied, they would offer them to the Parliament:
But, if they refused them, what would they do then : They
replied, they would not tell me. I then returned, that
I would tell them, I would lose no more time with them :
For, if there came of Proposals nothing but the propound-
ing, I could then propound as well as they. They all
replied, That it was not for them to say, directly, whât
they would do against the Parliament; but, intimated, that
they did not doubt of being able to prevail with the Par-
liament. . When I appeared not fully satisfied with this
reply, Rainsborough spoke-out in these words, If they will
not agree, we will make them; to which the whole com- &
pany assented. But we had a harder work with his Ma- º º ºploys
º gº sº tº • • Q . l e Lawyers
jesty, who was so far from granting, that he sent for Sir and ºlergymen to
Thomas Gardiner, Mr. Jeffry Palmer, and Sir Orlando }. to the Army
Bridgman, his learned Counsel, men, indeed, of great tºº
abilities and integrity; to these were added Mr. Philip
//arwich, Mr. Ashburnham, Mr. Denham, Sir Richard
Ford, Dr. Gough (who came-over with Mr. Ashburnham
from France,) Dr. Sheldon, Dr. Hammond, and myself.
We easily answered the Proposals, both in point of Law -
and Reason. But we had to do with what was stronger. But withoutsucces,
2 B All
**
37O
- Memoirs of Sir John Berkley.
The Army marches
into London, Au-
gust 6, 1647. And
they again vote to
adhere to their Pro -
posals to the King.
And the King is
lodged at Han pton-
Coult.
All this while there wanted not those that meditated a
better understanding between the Parliament and the
Army; but that not taking effect, the Army advanced
nearer London, and lodged at Windsor, and his Majesty
at Stoke. At this time, those that were supposed best in-
clined to his Majesty, in the Army, seemed much af-
flicted with his Majesty’s backwardness to concur with the
Army in the Proposals; and the rather, because they con-
ceived great hopes, that, within few days, they should
be masters of London, which they doubted might alter the
temper of the Army towards the King, Cromwell, Ireton,
and the rest of the superiour officers of the Army, knew
that London would certainly be theirs, two days before they
communicated it to the Army; and, therefore, sent an
express to Mr. Ashburnham, and to me, to express to us that,
since his Majesty would not yield to the Proposals, yet he
should, at least, send a kind letter to the Army, before
it were commonly known that London would submit. We
caused a meeting of the above-named persons at Windsor,
where the letter was immediately drawn: but his Majesty
would not sign it, till after three or four several debates;
which lost one whole day's time, if not more. Mr. Ash-
burnham and I went with it, at last, and, upon the way,
met with messages to hasten it. But, before we came to
Syon, the Commissioners from London were arrived, and
our letter was out of season; for, though his Majesty was
ignorant of the success, when he signed the letter, yet, com-
ing after it was known, it lost both it's grace and it's
efficacy. All that the officers could do, they did; which
was, whilst the Army was in the Act of Thanksgiving to
God for their success, to propose, that they should not
be elevated with it, but keep still to their former engage-
ment to his Majesty, and, once more, solemnly vote the
Proposals; which was accordingly done. The next day
the Army marched into London, and some few of the
Presbyterian Party, that had been most active against the
Army, disappeared. From London, the Head-quarters
came to Putney, and his Majesty was lodged at Hampton-
Court. Mr. Ashburnham had, daily, some message or
another from the King, to Cromwell and Ireton, who had
enough to do both in the Parliament and Council of the
Army,
'. **, ''. }, ..?. 2'. *
Memoirs of Sir John Berkley. 37 Ł
Army, the one abounding with Presbyterians, the other with
Levellers, and both really jealous that Cromwell and Ireton
had made a private compact and bargain with the King ;
Lilburn, printing books, weekly, to that effect: and Sir
Lewis Dives, afterwards, acknowledged to me, that, be-
ing his fellow-prisoner, he had daily endeavoured to pos-
sess him with that opinion; of which, although, he were
not persuaded himself, yet he judged it for the King's
service, to divide Cromwell and the Army. On the other
side, the Presbyterians were no less confident of their sur-
mises; and, amongst them, Cromwell told me, that my
Lady Carlisle affirmed, that I had said to her Ladyship,
that he was to be Earl of Essex, and Captain of the King's
Guards. I had the honour to be well-known to her Lady-
ship, but forbore, contrary to my duty and inclination, to
wait on her, for fear of giving any umbrage to the Army,
she being of the contrary Party; but, having received seve-
ral messages from her Ladyship, by my Lady Newport and
others, I waited on her. I was not long there, before Arpin
came into her chamber, who was an Adjutator, and was sent-
for, as I conceived, to be an eye-witness that I was in my lady
Carlisle's chamber, though nothing passed between us but
general discourses; and I should have lyed if I had said any
thing to that purpose. But these and the like discourses The Agitators of the
made great impression on the Army ; to which Mr. Ash- º grow º:
burnham's secret and long conferences contributed not al. i.
little; insomuch, that the Adjutators, who were wont to rious designs of
complain that Cromwell went too slow towards the King, Cromwell.
began now to suspect that he had gone toofast,and left them
behind him: from whence there were frequent complaints
in the council of the Army, of the intimacy Mr.Ashburn- -
ham and I had in the Army; that Cromwell’s and Ireton's --
door was open to us when it was shut to them ; that
they knew not why Malignants should have so much
countenance in the army, and liberty with the King.
These discourses, both in publick and private, Cromwell
seemed highly to be offended-with ; and, when he could
carry any thing to his Majesty's advantage amongst the
Adjutators, could not rest until he had made us privately,
partakers of it; but withal he told Mr. &hburnham and
me, that, if he were an honest man, he had said enous, -
2 B 2 g Q
3.
7.
2
Mamoirs of Sir John Berkley.
The Parliament
sgain offers to the
king propositions of
Peace. September 7,
1647.
But the king rejects
them. Sept. 18, 1647.
The greater part of
the Army grows
thereupon indispos-
ed towards the
of the sincerity of his intentions; if he were not,
nothing was enough, and therefore conjured us, as
we tendered his Majesty's service, not to come so fre-
quently to his quarters, but send privately to him, the
suspicions of him being grown to that height, that he was
afraid to lie in his own quarters. But this had no opera-
tion upon Mr. Ashburnham, who alledged, that we naust
shew them the necessity of agreeing with the King from
their own disorders.
About three weeks after the Army had entered London,
the Scots had prevailed with the Parliament for another
solemn address to his Majesty, which was performed in
the old propositions of Newcastle, some particulars in re-
spect to the Scots only excepted. The Army was very
unwilling that the King should grant these Propositions, of
which the King advised with all the persons above-men-
tioned ; who were all of opinion, that it was unsafe for his
Majesty to close with the Enemies of the Army whilst he
was in it. And therefore he followed the advice of all the
leading part of the Independent Party both in the Parlia-
ment and Army, by refusing the articles, and desiring a per-
sonal Treaty; whereof his Majesty thought the Proposals of
the Army a better ground than the articles, though there
were something in them to which his Majesty could not
consent. We gave our friends in the army a sight of this
answer the day before it was sent, with which they seemed
infinitely satisfied, and promised to use their utmost en-
deavours to procure a personal Treaty, and to my under.
standing performed it: for both Cromwell and Ireton, with
Pane and all their Friends, seconded, with great resolu-
tion, this desire of his Majesty. But, contrary to their and
all mens expectations, they found a most general opposi-
tion, and that this Message of his Majesty had confirmed
the jealousy of their private agreement with the King; so
that the more it was urged by Cromwell, &c. the more
it was rejected by the rest, who looked on them as their
king, and jealous of betrayers. The suspicions were so strong in the House,
the ambitious de-
signs of Cromwell.
that they lost almost all their friends there; and the army,
that lay then about Putney, were no less ill-satisfied:
for there came-down shoals every day from London of the
Presbyterian
Memoirs of Sir John Berkley. - 373
Presbyterian and Levelling Parties that fomented these
jealousies; insomuch that Cromwell thought himself, or
pretended it, not secure in his own quarters. The Adju-
tators now begin to change their discourses, and complain-
ed openly in their councils both of the King and the
Malignants about his Majesty. One of the first they
voted from him was myself. They said, that, since his
Majesty had not accepted of their proposals, they were
mot obliged any farther to them ; that they were obliged
to consult their own safety, and the good of the Kingdom,
and to use such means towards both as they should find
rational : and, because they met with strong opposition
from Cromwell and Ireton, and most of the superiour of.
ficers, and some even of the Adjutators, they had many
private solemn meetings in London, where they humbled
themselves before the Lord, and sought his good pleasure,
and desired that he would be pleased to reveal it to his
Saints, which they interpret those to be who are most
violent or zealous (as they call it) in the work of the
Lord. These found it apparent that God had, on the
one side, hardened the King's heart, and blinded his eyes,
in not passing the proposals, whereby they were absolved
from offering them any more; and, on the other side, the
Lord had led Captivity captive, and put all things under ana, great part of it
their feet, and therefore they were bound to finish the resolves to 'seize the
work of the Lord, which was, to alter the Government, king's persºn...and
. © º º - tº put him to death, as
according to their first design : and to this end they re- {fi: ...h.
solved to seize the King's Person, and take him out of of all the bloodshed
Cromwell's hands. These proceedings struck So great a i. cº ...ºf the
terror into Cromwell and Ireton, with others of the officers,
that we supposed best-affected to us, that they were of
opinion the Army should be drawn to a rendezvouz,
and their endeavours used to engage them once more to
adhere to the proposals. As soon as the tumultuous part
of the Army had notice of it, they resolved, before the day
of the rendezvouz, to seize the King's Person. I had been
now about three weeks removed from the King, and about
a fortnight after me Mr. Ashburnham. Mr. Leg still re-
mained with his Majesty, and waited in his bed-chamber.
About eight or ten days before the time appointed for º: *...*.*. ‘.
the drawing-together of the Army, Mr. Ashburnham in- i. i. ºnse
. . -- - 2 B 3 vited Hampton-Court,
£74.
Memoirs of Sir John Bel Kley.
About the 3d of No- vited me from London, and Mr. Leg from Hamptom-Court,
Yember, 1647.
to dine with him on a Sunday at Dillon, being the other
side of the water. They were both there long be-
fore me, and I a good while before dinner. But just as
dinner was ready to come-in, they took me aside in the
room, and told me that his Majesty was really afraid of his
life by the tumultuous part of the Army, and was resolved
to make his escape; and that they had order from his Ma-
jesty to command me in his name to wait on his Majesty in
his intended escape. I replied, It was a great honour, and
accompanied with not a little danger; but withal it was new
to me, and therefore nothing occurred to my thoughts at
present but two things: the first was, that I thought it ab-
solutely necessary that Mr. Ashburnham, who kept the
King's money, should immediately employ his servant
Dutton, who was well-acquainted with the coast, to pro-
vide three or four ships in several ports, to be ready in all
events; the second, that I also might receive his Majesty's
commands immediately from himself. To the first they
seemed to concur; but nothing was ever done in it: which
to this day amazes me. The other was effected, and I
went the Tuesday night after to Hampton-Court privately,
being introduced a back way by Mr. Leg. The King told
me he was afraid of his life, and that he would have me
assist in person in his escape. I asked, which way his Ma-
jesty would go? his Majesty replied, that both Mr. Ash-
burnham, who was present, and I, should know that by
// ill. Leg. The Monday before, Mr. Ashburnham and I
went to the head-quarters,to desire passes to return beyond
the seas ; and by the way back he told me, that the Scots
had much tampering with the King, but could come to no
agreement; that they would fain have his Majesty out of
the Army, and to that end had much augmented his just
fears; and therefore asked me what I thought of his Ma-
jesty’s coming privately to London, and appearing in the
House of Lords? I replied, Very ill; because the Army
were absolutely masters both of the City and Parliament,
and would undoubtedly seize his Majesty; and, if there
should be but two swords drawn in the scuffle, they would
accuse his Majesty of beginning a new war, and proceed
with him accordingly. He then asked me what I thought
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Memoirs of Sir John Berkley.
3
7
5
of the Isle of JPight 2 I replied, “better than of London;
though I knew nothing of it, nor who was Governour.”
He replied, that he had had some communication with the
Governour of late, and conceived good hopes of him, but
had no assurance from him. I then asked him, Why his
Majesty would not make his retreat secure by quitting the
kingdom He replied, that he would not, for two reasons;
the first was, that the rendezvous would be a week after,and
his Majesty was not willing to quit the Army before that
were passed: because, if the superiour officers prevailed,they
would be able to make good their publick engagement;
and, if they were overtopped, they must apply themselves
to the King for their own security The second was, that
the Scots were in Treaty with the King, and very near to
a conclusion of it; which they would never come-to, but
out of their desire to separate the King and the Army;
that, if the King went to them before the conclusion of
it, they would hold him to impossible conditions; and
therefore his Majesty was resolved to conclude with them
first. In which advice Mr.Ashburnham was most positive,
and told me often, “that the world would laugh at us, if
we quitted the Army before we had agreed with the
Scots; “and let them do so, replied I, provided his Majesty
be secure.” On the H'ednesday, as I take it, we had orders
to send spare horses to Sutton in Hampshire, a place where
I never had been ; and the Thursday after, his Majesty,
with JWill. Leg, came-out at the closing of the evening,
and immediately went towards Oatlands, and so through
the forest; where his Majesty was our guide: but we lost our
way, (though he were well-acquainted with it,) the night
being excessively dark and stormy. When his Majesty
first sat-out, he discoursed long with Mr. Ashburnham,
and at last called me to him, and complained very much
of the Scots Commissioners, who were the first that pre-
sented his dangers to him, and offered him Expedients for
his escape: but, when he proposed to make use of those
they had offered, they were full of objections to them ;
saying, that his coming into London was desperate,
his hiding in England chimerical, and his escape to
Jersey prevented, because my ship was discovered ;
which particular, the King said, my Lord Lanerick
had affirmed. The King thereupon asked me, if I had
ever a ship ready ? I answered, that I neither had, nor
2 B 4. could
The King escapes
from Hampton-
court about eight or
nine o'clock in the
evening of the 10th
of November, 1647.
ºr
37:63
* *
R" ,'
Memoirs of Sir John Berkley.
could have, any, having not one penny of money; that I
had desired Mr. Ashburnham earnestly to make provision,
but knew not what he had done in it. The King then asked
me, what I thought might be the reason they should say
that I had one, and that it had been discovered, if I had
none I replied, It was hard for me to affirm what was
their meaning in that particular, or, in general, in their
manner of proceeding with his Majesty: but I did conjec-
ture, that they were very desirous to have his Majesty
out of the Army ; which made them present his dan-
gers to him so frequently as they had done: and, in the
next place, they desired that his Majesty should put him-
Self again into their hands, but wanted confidence, or be-
lieved it would be ineffectual, to move it directly to his Ma-
jesty, because they had given so ill an account of him, when
he was last with them ; and therefore they objected against
their own Expedients of either coming openly into London,
or of obscuring himself in Eng/and. And, because they
could find no other reason against his going to jersey, they
pretended that I had a Ship which had been discovered;
believing, perhaps, that I was totally separated from his
Majesty, and so should not have had any opportunity of
contradicting it; and by this means his Majesty, being ex-
cluded from all other means of escaping, should have been
necessitated to make use of Scotland. His Majesty laid his
hand upon my shoulder, and said, “I think thou art in the
right,” and believed it afterward more confidently than I did.
I then asked his Majesty “ which way he would go ;” his
Majesty replied, “that he hoped to be at Sutton three hours
“ before day, and that, while our horses were making ready,
“we would consider what course to take.” But, what by the
length and badness of the road, the darkness of the night,
and our going at least ten miles out of our way, it was day-
break when we came to our Inn at Sutton; where our servant
came out to us, and told us there was a Committee of the
County then sitting about the Parliament's business.
His Majesty thereupon sent for our horses out, and we
continued our way towards Southampton; and his Ma-
jesty resolved, that we four should walk down the next
; with our horses in our hands, and, as we walked, con-
Sult what we were to do. Then I inquired if Mr. JAsh-
burnham
Memoirs of Sir John Berkley. 377
burnham had gotten a ship, and, finding he had not, I pro-
posed going farther West, where I was sure I had some
friends would favour our escape: and here again I found
the two reasons prevail, of not leaving the army before
the rendezvous was passed, and the treaty with the Scots
finished. His Majesty resolved (and that for the first time, The King resolves to
for aught I could then discover) to go for the Isle of Wi. the Isle of
Wight, whither he ordered Mr. Ashburnham and me to "*"
go with these Instructions, by word of mouth, to the
Governour Hammond, and return to his Majesty, who went
with Will. Leg to a house of my Lord Southampton, at
Titchfield; that we should carry him a Copy of the Letter
his Majesty left at Hampton-Court, and of two Letters sent
to him, one from Cromwell, the other without a name.
Cromwell’s and the other Letter contained great apprehen-
sion and fears of the ill-intentions of the Levelling party
in the Army and City against his Majesty; and that from
Cromwell added, that, in prosecution thereof, a new Guard
was the next day to be put upon his Majesty of that party.
His Majesty's letter contained his distrust of the disorderly
part of the Army, and his necessity thereupon of provid-
ing for his own safety, which he would so do as not to
desert the interest of the Army: that, in order thereunto,
we should let the Governour know, that of all the Army
his Majesty had made choice of him to put himself upon,
as being a person of good extraction, and one, that, though
he had been engaged against him in the war, yet it had been
prosecuted by him without any animosity to his person, to
which he had been informed he had no aversion: only his
Majesty, that he might not surprize him, thought fit to
send us before to advertise him, and to desire his promise
, to protect his Majesty and his servants to the best of his
power; and, if it should happen that he might not be able
to do it, then the Governour should oblige himself to leave
us in as good a condition as he found us, that is, suffer us
to make our escape. With these instructions we parted:
but, before I had gone ten yards, I returned to his Majesty,
and said, I had no knowledge of the Governour, and there-
fore could not tell whether he might not detain us in the
Island; and therefore advised his Majesty, if we came not
to him by the next day, that his Majesty should think no
• - I}\Ol'ê
3
• Memoirs of Sir John Berkley.
I
8
more of us, but secure his own escape. His Majesty
thank d me for the caution, and pursued his way, and
Mr. Ashburnham and I ours. The first thing we resolved
was, that, since his Majesty went towards the east side of
the island, that we would go-on to the west, to a place
called Limington, where Mr. Ashburnham told me there
was a short passage over. By the way, I asked Mr.
Ashburnham if he had any acquaintance with Hammond
the Governour. He replied, “not very much,” yet he had
lately had some discourse with him upon the highways
near Kingston, and found him not very averse to his
Majesty; but that which made him conceive the best
hopes of him was, the character Mr. Denham, and the
commendations my Lady Isabella Thynn gave of him.
We came to Limington that night, but could not pass,
by reason of a violent storm that blew. The next morn-
ing we got-over, and had then eight miles to the castle
of Carisbrohe, where the Governour dwelt. We came
thither after ten in the morning, and found the Gover-
nour was newly gone-out towards Newport. When we
overtook him, Mr. Ashburnham desired me to open the
matter to him, which he would afterwards second him-
self. After I had saluted him, I took him aside, and
delivered our message to him word for word. But he
grew so pale, and fell into such a trembling, that I did
really believe he would have failen off his horse: which
trembling continued with him at least an hour after, in
which he broke-out into passionate and distracted ex-
pressions, sometimes saying, “O gentlemen you have
“undone me by bringing the King into the island,—if,
“at least, you have brought him ; and, if you have not,
“pray let him not come: for, what between my duty
“ to his Majesty, and my gratitude for this fresh obli-
“gation of confidence, on the one hand, and my observ-
‘‘ing my trust to the army, on the other, I shall be
“confounded.” Other while he would talk to a quite con-
trary purpose. I remember, that, to settle him the better,
I said, that, “God be thanked, there was no harm done ;
“ that his Majesty intended a favour to him and his poste-
“rity, in giving him an occasion to lay a great obligation
“ upon him, and such as was very consisting with his re-
“lation to the army, who had so Solemnly engaged them-
“selves
Memoirs of Sir John Berkley.
9
3
*
“selves to his Majesty : but, if he thought otherwise, his
“Majesty would be far from imposing his person upon
“ him " To that he replied, that then, if his Majesty should
come to any mischance, what would the army and king-
dom say to him, that had refused to receive him To
this I replied, that he did not refuse him, who was not
coine to him. He returned, that he must needs know
where his Majesty was, because he knew where we were.
I told him he was never the nearer for my part. He
then began a little to Sweeten, and to wish that his Ma-
jesty would have reposed himself absolutely upon him,
because it would have been much the better for both. I
then went to J/r. Ashburnham, and told him, that this
Governour was not a man for our purpose, and that for
my part, I would never give my consent that his Majesty
should trust him. Mr. Ashburnham acknowledged that
he did not iike him ; yet, on the other side, he much
feared what would become of his Majesty; if he should
be discovered before he had made his point, and made
appear what his intention was ; for then he would be ac-
cused of what his enemies pleased to lay upon him. I
replied, that, if we returned not that night, his Majesty
would be gone to sea. I perceived Mr. Ashburnham
liked not that so well, and therefore took the Governour
to task apart, and, after some conference, they came both
to me; and the Governour said, that, since we desired it,
he would say, that, because his Majesty, he believed, had
made choice of him, as a person of honour and honesty, to
lay this great trust upon, therefore he would not deceive his
Majesty’s expectation. I replied, that expression was too
general, and did not come home to our instructions. He
then made many discourses not much to the purpose,
during which time he kept himself between Mr. Ashburn.
ham and me; and when he found me still unsatisfied, he
added, that I was harder to content than Mr. Ashburn-
ham, and he did believe that his Majesty would be much
easier pleased than either, and thereupon concluded that
I should go into the castle, and that Mr. Ashburnham
should take his horse and go to the King, and tell his
Majesty what he said. I embraced the motion most
readily, and immediately went over the bridge into º
/ Castle,
38C)
Memoirs of Sir John Berkley.
castle, though I had the image of the gallows very per-
fectly before me. Mr. Ashburnham went, I believe, with
a better heart to horse; but before he was gone half a
flight shot, the Govenour (being before the castle-gate,)
called to him, and had a conference of at least a quarter
of an hour with him, to what purpose I never knew until
I came into Holland, where a gentleman of good worth
and quality told me, that the Governour affirmed after-
wards in London, and in many places, that he then offered
to JMr. Ashburnham, that I should go and he should stay,
as believing his Majesty to be less willing to expose him
than me, but that Mr. Ashburnham absolutely refused.
Whatever passed between them, I am sure they came
both back to me; and the Governour putting himself
between us said, that he would say that, which he was
sure ought to content any reasonable man, which was,
that he did believe his Majesty relied on him, as on a
person of honour and honesty, and therefore he did en-
gage himself to us, to perform whatever could be ex-
pected from a person of honour and honesty. Before I
could make any, Mr. Ashburnham made this reply, I will
ash no more. The Governour then added, let us then all
go to the King, and acquaint him with it. Mr.Ashburn-
ham answered, with all my heart. I then broke from
the Governour, who held me in his hand, and went to
JMr. Ashburnham, and said, what do you mean, to carry
this man to the King before you know whether he will
approve of this undertaking or no 2 undoubtedly you
will surprise him. Mr. Ashburnham said nothing but,
I'll warrant you; and so you shall, said I; for you know
the King much better than I do, and therefore when we
shall come where the King is, I assure you I will not
see him before you have satisfied his Majesty concerning
your proceeding, Well; he would take that upon him.
I then desired he would not let the Governour carry any
other person with him, that in all events we might the more
easily secure him; which he consented-to. Nevertheless,
when we came to Cott's Castle, where we were to take
boat, Hammond took Bashet, (the Governour of that cas-
tle) along with him; and,when I complained of it to Mr.
Ashburnham, he answered, “It was no matter; for that we
should
Memoirs of Sir John Berkley.
381
should be able to do well enough with them two.” Wher:
came to Titchfield, my-Lord of Southampton's House,
Mr. Ashburnham, according to his promise, went up to the
King, and left me below with Hammond and Basket. I
afterwards understood, that when Mr. Ashburnham had
given an account of our message and the Governour's an-
swer, and came to say that he was come along with us to
make good what he had promised, his Majesty struck him-
self upon the breast, and said, “What I have you
“brought Hammond with you? O, you have undone
“ me; for I am by this means made fast from stir-
ring.” Mr. Ashburnham replied, “ that, if he mis-
“ trusted Hammond, he would undertake to secure him.”
His Majesty said, “I understand you well enough :
“ but the world would not excuse me. For if I should
“ follow that counsel, it would be said, and believed, that
“he [Hammond] had ventured his life for me, and that f
“ had unworthily taken it from him. No, it is too late now
“ to think of anything, but going through the way you
“ have forced upon me, and to leave the issue to God.”
But, when his Majesty began anew to wonder that he could
make so great an oversight, Mr. Ashburnham, having no
more to reply, wept bitterly. In the mean time Hammond
and Basket were so impatient at this long stay below in the
court, that I was forced to send a gentlemaſi of my Lord
Southampton, to desire that his Majesty and Mr. Ash-
burnham would remember that we were below. About
half an hour after, we were sent-for up; but before Ham-
mond and Bashet kissed his hand, his Majesty took me
aside and said, “Sir John Berkley, I hope you are not so
“passionate as jach Ashburnham : do you think you have
“followed my directions?” I answered, “No, indeed, Sir;
“but it is none of my fault, as Mr. Ashburnham can teli
“you, if he please; I have exposed my life to prevent it.
And then I told his Majesty the sum of what had passed,
and particularly of my being a prisoner in the castle, and
of Mr. Ashburnham’s coming-away without me; which Mr.
Ashburnham had omitted. His Majesty judged that it was
now too late to boggle, and therefore received Hammond
cheerfully, who promised more to his Majesty than he
had done to us: and we all went over that night to the
Cows. In the morning his Majesty went with the Go-
vernour to Carisbroke, and was met in the way, by divers
gentlemen
382
Memoirs of Sir John Berkley.
The King is received gentlemen of the Island, from whom we learnt, that we
into Carisbrook cas-
tle by Colonel Ham-
mond, the Gover-
nour of it.
At the rendezvous
of the Army the su-
periour officers quell
the mutiny of the
Levellers.
1647.
Nov., 13,
were more fortunate than we were aware of; for the whole
Island was unanimously for the King, except the Gover-
nours of the castles, and Hammond’s captains; that there
were but twelve old men in the castle; and that they had
served under the Earl of Portland, and were all well-af-
fected ; that Hammond might be easily gained, if not more
easily forced, the castle being day and night full of Loyal
subjects and servants of his Majesty; and his Majesty having
daily liberty to ride abroad, might chuse his own time of
quitting the island. Indeed, not only his Majesty, and all
that were about him, but those that were at a further
distance approved by their letters, this resolution of his
Majesty. Both his Majesty and Mr.Ashburnham at-
tackt the Governour, and, I think, very prosperously; for
both he and his captains seemed to desire nothing of his
Majesty, but that he would send a civil message to the
Houses, signifying his propension to Peace; which was
done to their satisfaction. Three days after our coming
to the island, a Messenger was sent by the Parliament, for
Mr. Ashburnham, Sir John Berkley, and Mr. Leg : but
the Governour refused to let us go. The fifth day after
our arrival, we heard that in the rendezvouz of the Army,
the superiour officers had carried it, and that one or two sol-
diers were shot, and eleven more of the mutinying levellers
made prisoners. This made us bless God for the resolu-
tion of coming into the island: and now Mr. Asburnham
and the Governour were frequent and fervent in private
conferences, and (as Ihave heard) came toparticulars of ac-
commodation for him, in case of the King's recovery: In-
somuch that now the Governour seemed Sollicitous of no-
thing so much, as that the Army should resume its wonted
discipline, and clear themselves of theirimportunate andim-
pertinent Adjutators, of whose authority in the Army he
had never approved; and therefore he sent his Chaplain im-
mediately to the Army, to conjure the superiour officers to
make use of their success upon the Adjutators. Two or
three days after,he moved earnestly, that his Majesty would
send one of us three to the Army with colourable letters to
* This rendezvous of the army was held on the 13th of November,
1647, between Hertford and Ware. See Rushworth's Historical Collec-
tions abridged and improved, in six volumes octavo ; Vol. 6, page 298.
the
Mimoirs of Sir John Berkley. -
the General; but that he should write with confidence to
Cromwell and Ireton, to whom he [the Governour] would
also write: and he did accordingly write to them, conju-
ring them by their engagement, by their interest, by their
honour, and their consciences, to come to a speedy close
with the King, and not to expose themselves still to
the fantastick giddiness of the Adjutators. My two com-
rades were very well contented, that I should go this voyage;
which I did, not without some apprehension of the event,
as to my own particular. His Majesty charged me to re-
quire //ill. Ashººrnham, to provide a ship for him, upon
the coast of Sussex: But Mr. Ashburnham thought not fit,
that I should be furnished with money for that, or for my
journey. I desired that, in case the Army should not in-
tend well, I might have commission to the Scots; but Mr.
Ashburnham did not think it fit. I then took a Cousin-
German of mine with me, one Mr. Henry Berkley, son to
Sir Henry Berkley, and procured a pass from the Gover-
nour of the Cows, for his return within four or five days;
which had been otherwise forgotten. Between Bagshot
and JWindsor, (then the head-quarters) I met Traughton,
the Governour’s Chaplain, who told me he could carry no
good news back, the Army being as yet come to no reso-
lution as to the King. As I was half-way between Bag-
shot and Windsor, Cornet joyce (a great Adjutator, and he
that had taken the King from Holmby,) overtook me. He
seemed much to wonder that I durst adventure to come to
the Army. Upon my discourses with him, I found, that
it had been discoursed among the Adjutators, “whether,
for their justification, the King ought not to be brought
to a trial;” which he held in the affirmative: not (he said)
that he would have one hair of his head to suffer, but that
they might not bear the blame of the War. I was quick-
ly weary of his discourse; but I perceived he would not
leave me, until he saw me in Windsor, and knew where I
lodged. About an hour after, I went to the General’s
quarters, and found a general meeting of the officers
there. After an hour's waiting I was admitted, and, after
I had delivered my compliment, and letters to the Gene-
ral, I was desired to withdraw; and having attended half
an hour, I was called-in. The General looked ver
severely upon me, and, after his manner, said, “That they
Were
Sir John Berkley
carries letters from
the King to Sir Tho-
mas Fairfax, (the Ge-
neral of the Army,)
and to Cromwell aud
II eton.
And is coldly re-
ceived by them.
384
Memoirs of Sir John Berkley.
Notwithstanding the
suppression of the
late mutiny at the
Rendezvous of the
Army, the Levelling
Party soon after-
wards prevails, and
Cromwell and Ireton
comply with them,
and resolve to de-
stroy the King.
“were the Parliament's Army, and therefore could not say
“anything to his Majesty’s motion of peace, but must re-
“fer those matters to them; to whom they would send his
“ Majesty's Letters.” I then looked about, upon Cromwell
and Ireton, and the rest of my acquaintance; who saluted
me very coldly, and had their countenances quite changed
towards me, and shewed me Hammond’s letter, which I
had delivered to them, and smiled with much disdain upon
it. I saw that that was no place for me, and therefore
went to my lodging; where I staid from four until six, and
none of my acquaintance came to me; which appeared
sad enough. At last I sent my servant out, and wished
him to see if he could light upon any of my acquaintance.
At last he met with one that was a General Officer, who
whispered in his ear, and bad him tell me, that he would
meet me at twelve at night, in a Close, behind the Garter
Inn. I came at the hour, and he not long after. I asked him
what news 2 and, he replied, “None good;” and then con-
tinued this discourse. “You know, that I and my friend
“engaged ourselves to you ; that we were zealous for an
“Agreement. And, if the rest were not so, we were
“ abused ; that, if there was an intention to cozen us, it
“would not be long hid from us; that, whatever we should
“ discover, should not be secret to you; that we, since the
“ tumults of the Army, did mistrust Cromwell ; and, not
“long after, Ireton; whereof I informed you. I come
“ now to tell you, that we mistrust neither ; but know
“ them, and all of us, to be the archest villains in the
“world. For we are resolved, notwithstanding our en-
“gagements, to destroy the King and his Posterity; to
“ which end, Ireton made two Propositions, this after-
“noon; one, that you should be sent prisoner to London;
“ the other, that none should speak with you upon pain
“ of death: and I do hazard my life now by doing of it.
“The way that is intended to ruin the King, is to send
“eight hundred, of the most disaffected of the Army, to
“secure his person, (as believing him not so now,) and
“ then bring him to a trial; and I dare think no farther.
“This will be done in ten days; and, therefore, if the
“ King can escape, let him do it, as he loves his life.”
I then inquired what was the reason of this horrid
- change ;
Memoirs of Sir john Berkley.
385.
change; what had the King done to deserve it: He said,
“Nothing; and that to our grief: for, we would leap
for joy, if we could have any advantage against him. I
have pleaded hard against this Resolution this day; but
have been laughed-at for my pains " I then said, “Well,
but still, why is this horrid perfidiousness resolved-on since
there appears no occasion for it,the officers being superiour
at the rendezvous? He answered, “...that he could not tell
“ certainly; but he conceived this to be the ground of it:
“That, though one of the Mutineers was shot at the late
“Rendezvous, and eleven made prisoners, and the rest,
“ in appearance, overquelled, yet they were so far from
“ being so indeed, that there have been with Cromwell
“ and Ireton, one after another, two third parts of the
* Army to tell them, that, though they were certainly to
“ perish in the attempt, they would leave nothing unes-
“sayed, to bring the Army to their sense; and, if all
“failed, they would ma's a division in the Army, and
“join with any that would assist in the destruction of
“ their opposers. Crorwell and Ireton, therefore, argued
“ thus; If the Army divide, the greatest part will join
“with the Presbyterians, and will, in all likelihood, pre-
“vail to our ruin; and we shall be forced to make appli-
“cations to the King, wherein we shall rather crave than
“offer any assistance ; and, when his Majesty shall give
“ it us, and afterwards have the good fortune to prevail,
** if he shall then pardon us, it is all we can pretend-to,
“ and more than we can promise ourselves; and, there-
“ upon, concluded, “‘That, if we cannot bring the Army
“ to our sense, we must go to theirs; a schism being evi-
“dently destructive.’” And, therefore, Cromwell bent all
“ his thoughts to make his peace with the Party that was
“ most opposite to the King ; in which Pelers was instru-
“mental. He then acknowledged, (as he had formerly done,
“ upon the like occasion) that the Glories of the World
“ had so dazzled his eyes, that he could not discern clearly
“ the great Works the Lord was doing; and said, that he
“ was now resolved to humble himself, and desire the pray-
“ers of the Saints, that God would be pleased to forgive
“ him his Self-seeking. These Arts, together with comfort-
“ able messages to the prisoners(that they should be ofgood
* ~ * - 2 C “ cheer ;
N. B.
386 - Memoirs of Sir John Berkley.
“cheer; for no harmshould befall them, since it had pleased
* - “God to open his eyes)—perfected his Reconciliation ;
“ and he was re-instated in the Fellowship of the Faithful.”
i then asked this Gentleman, whether I should not en-
deavour. to deliver my letters from the King to Cromwell.
and Ireton : he replied, “By all means, lest they should
mistrust that I had discovered them.*-” . .
* - 3 As
* The account here given by Sir John Berkley of Cromwell’s
abandoning the treaty which he had been carrying-on with the
King for more than five months, (from about the beginning of June
to the middle of November, 1647,) for restoring him to the exer-
cise of his royal authority upon the terms that had been proposed
to him by the Army, and whica isfid been drawn-up by Commissary-
General Iretori, (€romwell’s Son.in-Eaw,) is so clear and circumstan-
tial, and support: ; by the testimony of so many respectable persons
who were concerned in the mayagement of it, that “it seems highly
deserving-of credit, without sea!...ng: any other motive for this change
of his conduct towards the King besides the fear of losing his influ-
ence over the army if he should persist in his endeavours to restore
the Kisig to his authority after a great part of the army had resolved
to act against him. But it has been supposed by Some writers, that
Cromwell had also another reason for abandoning the King's Interest,
and concurring with the party of the Army that was adverse to him,
which arose from a discovery which he had made (by means of a letter -
from the King to his Queen Henrietta Maria, who was then in
France, which he had intercepted), that the King was resolved,
when he should be restored to his authority, to break all the pro-
mises of favour which he had made to Cromwell and other Officers
of the Army in the course of the Negotiation then on foot, and to
punish'them as Rebels. Concerning this Letter Mr. Seward, in
the first volume of Anecdotes of distinguished Persons, in four
volumes, octavo, (the fifth edition, published in the year iso4, for
Cadell and Davies in the Strand,) in Page, 287, 288, and 289, has,
the following Passage : . . . - . • -
“This unfortunate Monarch most probably met-with his very se-
were fate in consequence of his Duplicity. Cromwell declared that he
could not trust him. His fate is a striking instance of the truth of
the maxim of Menander, which is thus translated by Grotius : .
In re omni conducibile est quévis tempore
Perum proloquier. Idque in vità spondeo
Securitatis esse partem maſcimam. -
At every time, and upon all occasions,
'Tis right to speak the truth. And this I vouch
In every various state of human life, • . . . .
The greatest part of our security.
Of
Memoirs of Sir John Berkley
387
As soon as I came to my lodging, I dispatched my
cousin, Harry Berkley, to the Isle of Wight, with two
letters ; the one containing a general relation and doubt-
ful judgement of things in the Army, which I intended
should be shewn to the Governour ; the other was in cy.
pher, wherein I gave a particular account of this con-
ference, naming the person, and concluding with a most
passionate supplication to his Majesty, to meditate no-
thing but his immediate escape. The next morning I
sent Colonel Cook to Cromwell, to let him know that I
had letters and instructions to him from the King. He
sent me word, by the same messenger, that he durst not
See me, it being very dangerous to us both, and bid me
be assured, that he would serve his Majesty as long as
he could do it without his own ruin; but desired that I
would not expect that I should perish for his sake, As
soon as I had this answer, I took horse for London, with
this resolution, “not to acquaint any man with the inten-
tions of the Army, nor of his Majesty's intended escape;”
which I presumed would be within few days, the wind
Serving, and the Queen having sent a ship to that pur-
pose, and pressed it earnestly by her letters. The next
Of the letter which is said to have been the cause of the death of
Charles, the Author of the “Richardsoniana” has preserved the
following very curious account. - -
“ Lord Bolingbroke told us * (June 12, 1742) that Lord+ Oxford
“ had often told him that he had seen, and had in his hands, an
“ original letter that King Charles the First wrote to the Queen,
** in answer to one of her’s that had been intercepted, and then for-
‘‘ warded to him ; wherein she had reproached him for having made
“ those villains too great concessions (viz. that Cromwell should be
** Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland for life without account ; that that
* kingdom should be in the hands of the party, with an army there
“ kept which should know no head but the Lieutenant; that Cromwell
“should have a garter, &c.). That in this letter of the King's it was
“ said that she should leave him to manage, who was better informed
‘‘ of all circumstances than she could be ; but she might be entirely
“easy as to whatever concessions he should make them ; for that he
“should know in due time how to deal with the rogues, who, instead
“ of a silken garter, should be fitted with a hempen cord. So the
“letter ended : which answer, as they waited for, so they intercept-
“ed accordingly ; and it determined his fate. This letter Lord Ox-
“ford said he had offered 500l. for.”
* “Mr. Pope, Lord Marchmont, and myself.”
f “ Harley, the second Earl of Oxford, the son of the Lord-Treasure:.”
- 2 C. 2 day,
388
Memoirs of Sir john Berkley.
day, after my arrival at London, I had a letter from my
Lord Camerich and lord Lauderdale, desiring a meet-
ing with me, as presuming I had a Commission to
treat with them from his Majesty. At our meeting they
wondered to find the contrary. In my discourse with
them, I happened to say, The last words his Majesty said to
me,at parting, were. “That whatever I should undertake,
“to any person, irº his name, his Majesty would make it
“good on the word of a King.” My Lord Lanerich, there-
upon, replied, “that he would ask no more Commission
“ for me; believing it to be true, both, because I affirmed
“it, and because he had received the like from his Majesty,
“upon the like occasion.” Our first conference was inter-
rupted through my Lord Lauderdale's vehement indigna-
tion against the letter of Mr. Ashburnham to the Speaker,
wherein he had this passage, That he would not expose
his Honour to the discrelion of either Scot or Adjutator.
This letter was written by Mr. Ashburnham, before I left,
the island, upon the occasion of Whalley’s complaint to
the House of Commons, that Mr. Ashburnham had broken
his engagement with him at his first coming to Wooburn,
wherein he undertook that the King should not leave the
Army without his knowledge and consent. Dr. Sheldon,
Dr. Hammond, Mr. Leg and I, objected hard against this
expression; but Mr. Ashburnham liked it so well, that
we could not make him depart from it. On the Friday
after, we had another meeting, wherein we discoursed
ourselves well towards an Agreement, and resolved, on
Monday following, to conclude one way or other. The
next day, being Saturday, I had a letter from Mr. Ash-
burnham, requiring me, in his Majesty’s name, to lay-by
all other business whatsoever, and return instantly to his
Majesty. I sent, therefore, my excuse to my Lords La-
nerich and Lauderdale, and went that night out of town :
which they took very ill, though they had no reason for
it; for I would as willingly have excused my journey as
they, as believing it was only to assist in his Majesty's
escape: for I had more than once observed, that, though
Mr. Ashburnham were willing enough to appropriate em-
ployments of honour and profit, yet he was contented to
communicate those of danger with his friends. The next
morning
Memoirs of Sir John Berkley. --- 339
morning I was with his Majesty, who received me more
graciously than ordinary, aſ a told me that he had always a
good opinion of my honesty and discretion, but was never
so much cºnfirm, a in it, as by my dispatch from Wind- ---
sor; for which his Majesty thanked me. After I had, re-
turnec my acknowledgements for his Majesty's favour, I
asked, if his Majesty, approved the advice so well, why
did he not follow it º' Why was he still in the Island 3
where he could not long promise himself the liberty he
now had, since, there were forces designed, both by sea
and land, to secure his person. His Majesty replied, that
he would have a care of that time enough, and that he was
to conclude with the Scots before he left the Kingdom,
because from their desire to have him out of the Army’s
hands, they would listen to reason; whereas, if he went
away before, they would never treat with him but upon
their own terms: and in this opinion Mr. Ashburnham fully
concurred with his Majesty. , Against this, I argued the
best I could; and, when I saw it was in vain, I desired his
Majesty would dispatch this Treaty ; for that his condition
would admit no delays. His Majesty then ordered me to
withdraw with Mr. Ashburnham, Dr. Sheldon, Dr. Ham-
‘mond, and Mr. Leg, to see how far his Majesty had gone
in a Treaty with the Scots. This Treaty had been ma-.
naged in London by Dr. Gough, who, in the Queen's
name, conjured his Majesty to make his speedy escape,
in all his letters, and in his own name, beseeched his
Majesty not to insist upon nice terms in this present exi-
gence of his affairs. But Mr. JAshburnham refined much \
upon several expressions of the Articles, that concerned *
the Covenant, and Church, of England, (of which he was
a great Professor,) and made many replies and alterations,
and moved, that messenger be sent after messenger about
it, and at last insisted, that the King should send for the
Scots Commissioners to come to him. The next day I
fell sick, what with my late journeying, and what with . \
my vexation at this slow way of proceeding. The day
following I went to his Majesty, and, as soon as I could be
admitted, spoke to him in these words: Sir, if you make
no more haste than you do, I doubt you will not be able to
secure your escape; and, therefore, I humbly beseech your
2 c 3 ... Majesty
390 Memoirs of Sir John Berkley.
Majesty to make two Papers or Draughts, the one contain-
ing the utmost eatent of what your Majesty will give the
Scots, and sign it; and, at the same time, send another,
containing the least you will receive of them, and let the
Scots sign, and deliver that to Dr. Gough, at the same
time that he shall deliveryour Majesty's concessions to them,
and provide instantly for your safety. About the middle
of this discourse with the King, Mr. Ashburnham came-in;
and when I had ended, very graciously smiling, said,
“That this Proposition would be good, if it were practica-
“ble; which it was not: for, though the Scots should agree
“ to the substance of all the Articles, yet they, and all men
“ else, would have their several senses concerning the ex-
“pressions; which must be satisfied, or no Agreement
“could be made: and, therefore he concluded, that the
“ Scots were to be sent-for.” To this I replied, “ that
Mr. Ashburnham had reason, ordinarily speaking, for
what he objected; but that his Majesty’s danger made
this a very extraordinary case.” His reasons carried
it clear, and Sir JWilliam Flemming, or Mr. Mungo
Murray, (for they both went and came by turns)
was sent to invite the Scots Commissioners to come
to his Majesty. The next day, after his departure,
in the evening, the King called me to him, and told me,
“I think you are a Prophet; for the Scots Commissioners
“ at London have sent an express, desiring me to do the
“ same thing, in effect, as you had moved; but that it was
“ now too late: for they would be come-away, before
“ another express could be gone out of the island towards
“ them.” I replied, that our concurrence was accidental ;
for I had not the least intelligence with the Scots Com-
misioners: but, when I saw there was no remedy, I ap-
plied myself to what was the next best, I could. And,
‘liament God knows, there was work enough for abler men than any
*" *...on. of us were: for, at the same time that they, the Scots, were
ers to the King, … coming to the King, there were also Commissioners sent
º º º by the Parliament to his Majesty, with offers of a Treaty,
ration, provided he upon condition that his Majesty, as a pledge of his future
willº P. sincerity, would giant four Preliminary Bills, which they
ously to pass foul & w s 5 * &
it which icy pre had brought ready-drawn to his Majesty's hands. The First
intº !". 1647 contained the Revocation of all Proclamations and Decla-
§º. ...'s rations against the Parliament; wherein his Majesty made
himself
Memoirs of Sir John Berkley,
391
himselfexpressly the author of the war. Tº e Second, was,
against the Lords that had been lately made by as Majesty;
that they should have no seat, or vote, i, Paºlº nºt and
that neither his Majesty, nor his successors, should make
any Lords for the future, without consent of Parliament ;
which was to take-away the most unquestioned flower of
his Crown, that of his being the sole founta's of Honour.
The Third, was a Bill of exceptions from pardon, that
included almost all of his Majesty’s subjects that had any
considerable estates. The Fourth, was an Act for the Mi-
litia; whichembraced ten times more power than the Crown
ever exercised, for the two Houses, raising men and money.
arbitrarily ; which was neither more nor less than dethron-
ing of the King, and enslaving the people by a law, and, in
effect, to give the King only the leave to discourse whose
the glass windows should be. Nevertheless, the 'i'itle
and Frontispiece of this vast design, was so modest, that
many well-wishing persons were induced to believe, that,
by all means, his Majesty ought to pass those Bills for
many reasons; but especially, because his enemies would
deliver his Majesty to the World, as obstinate to his own
and the Kingdom’s ruin, if he should not accept this
offer. To avoid both the inconveniences of granting or
refusing, I drew an answer of the Treaty before it began;
That, if they would needs think it expedient to require so
great hostages from his Majesty, they would not be back-
ward to give some token to his Majesty of their reality,
and then desired, at the same time, his Majesty should
pass these four Bills, the Houses would pass four of his
Majesty's drawing, which were all most popular, and
such as they durst not pass, nor well deity: at least, if
they did, they could with no colour of justice accuse his
Majesty for not granting what was most unjust and most
unpopular. The First, was a Bill, for payment of the
Army, wiich contained their disbanding, as soon as they
were paid. The Second, a period to the present Parlia-
ment. The Third, for restoring the King, Queen, and
Royal Family, to their revenues. The Fourth, the
settling of the Church-government without any co-er-
cive power; and, in the mean-time, till such a Govern-
ment were agreed-on, the old one to stand, without co-er-
* - 2 C 4 cive
392
Memoirs of Sir John Berkley.
The English Com-
missioners present
the four Bills to the
King. December
24, 1647.
A
The Scottish Com-
missioners treat also
with the King ; but
his answers to them
do not give them
satisfaction.
cive authority. I shewed this Answer first to Mr. Leg,
then to Dr. Hammond and Dr. Sheldon, who seemed to
approve of the Expedient, and desired Mr. Ashburnham
would acquaiut the King with it. But I never heard any
thing from his Majesty; and I was resolved never to have
it obtruded, lest I shouid appear fond of my own con-
ceptions: By his Majesty’s directions, an Answer was
drawn, that gave a full denial ; which was, in my judge-
ment, very well penned. But I thought good pen-
ning did not signify much at that time, and therefore
made this objection: It is very possible, that upon his.
Majesty’s giving an absolute Negative, the Commis-
sioners may have orders, to enjoin the Governour to look
more strictly to his person ; and so his intended escape
would be prevented. His Majesty replied immediately,
That he had thought of a rem dy, which was, to deliver
his Answer, sealed, to the Commissioners ; and so left
us. I could not hold from letting Mir, Ashburnham find
my sease of this sorry expedient, by saying, that the
Commissioners would either open the Answer, or con-
clude that, in effect, it was a deniai, and proceed accord-
ingly : but all was in vain. Some few days after, the
English Commissioners arrived and delivered their mes-
sage, and desired an Answer within three or four days.
The next day, the Lords Lowdºn, I americh, Lauderda e,
Chic ly, and others, Commissioners for the Kingdom of
Scotland, delivered a Protestation to the King, subscribed
by them against the message, as not according with their
Covenant. From that time they began to treat seriously
with his Majesty... but would not perii,it, that either Mr.
Ashburnham or 1 should assist at the ireaty: for which I
forgive them with all my heart; for it would have been
very insecure for us to have had any communication with
them at that time. At last, they came to such a conclu-
sion, as they could get ; not such a one as they desired
from the Ki:g, but much short of it : which gave an ad-
vantage to the Lord Argyle, and the Clergy-party in
Scotland, to oppose it, as not satisfactory: and, by that
means, retarded the proceeding of Duke Hamilton, and
that army, four months: Which was, consequently, the
ruin of Langhorn in Males, and of the forces in Kent
and
Memoirs of Sir John Berkley.
398
and Essex, and of the Scots Armv also, which consisted
of twenty-four thousand men; all which forces were the
result of the reaty ; which appears to ºne, if it had been
sooner dispatched, to have been one of the mos. prudent
Acts of his Majesty’s Reign, however unprosperous.
When the tinić was come, that the King was to deliver
his Answer, his Miajesty sent for the English Commis-
sioners, and, before he deliver, d his Answer, asked my
Lord Denbigh (who was ºne Chief Commissioner,) whe-
ther they had pow'r to alter any substantial, or circumstan-
tial, part of their Message; and, when they replied, “that
they had not,” his Majesty delivered his Answer to the
Lord Denbigh sealed. After they had withdrawn a while,
my Lord Denbigh returned with the rest, and seemed
offended with his Majesty for delivering the Message
sealed, and expressed his indignation in harsher terms
than one Gentleman ought to use to another. After long
expostulations, his Majesty was persuaded to open his
Answer; which was so far from allaving the storm, that it
increased it both in the Commissioners and the Gover-
nour, who, all together, retired from the Castle of Caris-
brook to Newport, an English mile from the Castle. As
soon as they were gone, I went to Mr. Ashburnham, who
told me, he had newly dispatched-away a footman over
the water, to order four or five horses to be removed from
the place where they then stood, lest they should be found
and seized by the soldiers, that were coming into the
The King refuses to
consent to the four
Bills presented to
him by the Com-
missioners of the
Parliament.
December 28, 1647.
Island. I conjºred him by no means to do it, lest the
winds or the Parliament s frigates, might force us, in our
escape, and we should want horses. He, thereupon,
sent a groom after him, and brought him back ; but
within few hours after, sent him again with the first or-
der; but upon what ground I know not, unless that of
good husbandry. That night, or the next morning, his
Majesty resolved to endeavour his escape; but he met
with two great obstacles: the Wind in the very instant be-
came cross, and the Governour returned from Newport
full of fury, and locked-up the gates, and doubled his -
guards, and went not to bed that night. In the morning in consequence of
he commanded all his Majesty's servants from him. Be- this refusal, Colonel
fore we took our leaves, we acquainted his Majesty, that ººlººl.
a"
the guards upon the
We King:
394
Memoirs of Sir John Berkley.
we had left the Captain of the Frigate, and two honest
and trusty Gentlemen of the Island, to assist his escape,
and that we would have all things in readiness on the
other side of the water. His Majesty commanded us to
draw a Declaration in his name that night. and send it to
his Majesty in the morning, wheſ, we came to Newport.
JPill. Leg and I left Mr. Ashburnſ ºn and the rest in the
Inn, and went to an acquaintance's house of ours in the
town; where, after we had staid an hour, we heard a drum
beat confusedly; and, not long after that, one Captain Bur-
ley, with divers others, were risen to rescue the King. Upon
this Mr. Leg and I went to the Inn, where we found Mr.
Ashburnham making speeches to those poor well-affected
People, advising them to desist from their vain Enterprize.
I must confess I thought any communication of ours with
them dangerous, and therefore I advised Mr. Ashburn-
ham not to sayanything to them; for, when his words were
out of his mouth, others would interpret them, and say
he said what they pleased. And it was well for him and us
that we did so ; for the prisoners were not only examined
concerning us, but were promised Liberty and Pardon in
case they would accuse us; and the Governour of the Cows
had order from Hammond to put us on ship-board, and to
carry us to London, upon suspicion that we were accessary
to this Rising; which was a design so impossible for those
that under-took it to effect, (they consisting chiefly of wo-
men and children, without any arms, Saving one musket, )
that no sober man could possibly have been engaged in it.
I was desired, that night, to draw the Declaration for his
Majesty; which I did, and it was approved of by all but Mr.
Ashburnham, and at last published in his Majesty’s Name.
After we had staid, on the other side of the water, about
three weeks, expecting the King's coming over to us,
and began at last to despair of it, I moved to V. Ash-
burnham, Mr. Leg, and Mr. Denham (who w, ... then
come to us from London,) that some one might be sent to
the Queen from us all ; which was consented-to, and I
was made choice-of by the rest to go on that business.
F I N I S.
S UN D R Y R E A S O N S,
IN DU C J N G.
MAJOR ROBERT HUNTINGDON
'T' O LAY DO W N H IS COMMISSION.
Humbly presented to the Honourable Houses of Parliament,
August 2nd, 1748.
[Extracted from Thurloe's St Ate PAPERS, Pol. I, pages 94,
95, 96, 97, and 98.]
SUNDRY REASONS,
97
tº
MAJOR ROBERT HUNTINGDON
To lay down his Commission.
H AVING taken-up arms in defence of the authority and
power of King and Parliament, under the command of
the Lord Grey of Warke, and the Earl of Manchester,
during their several employments with the forces of the
Eastern Association;—and, at the modelling of this army,
under the present Lieutenant-general, having been ap-
pointed, by the honourable Houses of Parliament, a
Major to the now regiment of Lieutenant-general Crom-
well ; –and in each of these employments having served
constantly and faithfully, answerable to the trustreposed in
me;—and having lately quitted the said employment, and
laid-down my commission;–I hold myself tied both in
duty and conscience to render the true reason thereof;
which in the general is briefly this:—Because the princi.
ples, designs, and actions of those officers which have
a great influence upon the army, are (as I conceive)
very repugnant and destructive to the honour and safety
of the Parliament and Kingdom, from whom they derive
their authority. *
The particulars whereof (being a breviat of my sad
observations) will appear in the following narrative.
First, That, upon the orders of Parliament for disband-
ing this army, Lieutenant-general Cromwell and Commis-
sary-general Ireton were sent Commissioners to Walden,
to reduce the army to their obedience, but more espe-
cially in order to the present supply of forces for the
service of Ireland. But they, contrary to the trust re-
posed in them, very much hindered that service, not only
by discountenancing those soldiers that were obedient and
willing, but also by giving encouragement to the unwil-
ling and disobedient, declaring “ that there had lately been
much cruelty and injustice in the Parliament’s proceedings
against
398 - Major Huntingdon's Reasons
A *
against them, meaning the Army.” And Commissary-
general Ireton, in further pursuance thereof framed those
papers and writings which were then sent from the Army
to the Parliament and Kingdom, saying also to the Agi-
tators, “ That it was then lawful and fit for us to deny
“ disbanding, until we had received equal and full satis-
“faction for our past service:” Lieutenan-general Crom-
well further adding, “ that we were in a double capacity,
“ as Soldiers, and as Coinn oners; and ilaving our pay
“ as Soldiers, we have something else to stand upon as
“Commoners.” And when, upon the rendezvous, at
Triplo-heath *, the Commissioners of Parliament, accord-
ing to their orders, acquainted every Regiment with what
the Parliament had already done, and would further do,
in order to the desires of the army, the soldiers, being
before prepared, continued still unsatisfied, and notwith-
standing any thing that could be said, or offered, to them
by the Commissioners, still cried-out for justice / justice /
And for the effecting of their further purposes, ad-
vice was given by Lieutenant-general Cromwell and Com-
~ missary-general Ireton to remove the King's person from
$ºhºl. Holdenby, or to secure him there by other guards than
bºdy of horse, seizes those appointed by the Commissioners of parliament;
#. º a which design was thought most fit to be carried-on by the
#. S.“ private soldiery of the army, and promoted by the Agitators
ºt June 4, of each regiment; whose first business was to secure the
º garrison at Oxford, with the guns and ammunition there;
and from thence to march to Holdenby in prosecution of
the former advice; which was accordingly acted by Cornet
Joyce, who, when he had done the business, sent a
letter to the General, then at Keinton, acquainting his
Excellency, “ that the king was on his march towards
Newmarket.” The General, being troubled thereat, told
Commissary-general Ireton, that he did not like it ; de-
manding withal “ who gave those orders.” He replied,
“That he gave orders only for securing the King there,
and not for taking him away from thence.” Lieutenant-
general Cromwell coming then from London, said, “That,
“ if this had not been done, the king would have been
“fetched-away by order of Parliament; or else Colonel
By the advice of
* This rendezvous of the Army at ‘l riplo-heath was on the 11th of
June, 1647. See Rushworth's Collections abridged, Vol. 6th, page 153.
‘‘ Graves,
for laying-down his Commission.
399
* Graves, by the advice of the Commissioners, would
“ have carried him to London, throwing themselves upon
“ the favour of Parliament for that service.” The same
day Cornet Joyce, being told that the General was dis-
pleased with him for bringing the king from Holdenby,
he answered, “That Lieutenant-general Cromwell had
“given him orders at London, to do what he had done,
‘‘ both there and at Oxford.” -
The person of the King being now in the power of the
Army, the business of Lieutenant-general Cromwell was to
court his Majesty, (both by members of the Army, and
several gentlemen formerly in the King's service) into
a good opinion and belief of the proceedings of the
Army, as also into a disaffection and dislike of the pro-
ceedings of Parliament; pretending to shew, that his
Majestie's Interests would far better suit with the princi-
ples of Independency, than with those of Presbytery. And
when the King did alledge (as many times he did), That the
power of Parliament was the power, by which we fought,
Lieutenant-general Cromwell would reply, “That we were
“ not only Soldiers, but also Commoners; promising that
“ the army would be for the King in the settlement of his
“whole business, if the King and his party would sit still,
“ and not declare, nor act, against the Army, but give
“ them leave only to manage the present business in hand.”
That, when the King was at Newmarket, the Parlia-
ment thought fit to send to his majesty, humbly de-
siring, that, in order to his safety and their addresses for
a speedy settlement, he would be pleased to come to
Richmond. Contrary hereunto, a resolution was taken
by the aforesaid officers of the army, that, if the King
would not be diverted by persuasion (to which his må-
jesty was very opposite) that then they would stop him
by force at Royston, where his Majesty was to lodge the
first night, keeping accordingly continual guard upon
him against any power, that should be sent by order of
Parliament to take him from us: and to this purpose out-
guards were also kept to prevent his escape from us with
the Commissioners; of whom we had special orders given
us to be careful; for that they did daily shew a dislike to
the present proceedings of the Army against the Parlia-
Iſlent,
The Parliament
votes that the King
shall reside at Rich.
Inoud, July 15, 1647,
The Army prepares
to oppose such re-
moval of the King
by force.
4OO
Major Huntingdon's Reasons
But the two Houses
of Parliament re; oke
their former votes
concerning the
King's coming to
Richmond. June 24,
1647.
The officers of the
Army make fair pro-
mises to the king.
About the 6th of
July, 1647.
ment, and that the king was most conversant and private
in discourse with them, his Majesty savi, g, “That, if any
“man should hinder his going (now that his Houses had
“ desired him upon his late message of ; 2 May, 1647), it
“should be done by force, and laying-hold on his bridle;
“ which if any were so bold as to do he would endeavour
“to make it his last.” But, con rary to his Majesty's ex-
pectation, the next morning, when the king and the
officers of the army were putting this to an issue, came
the votes of bºth houses to the king which informed
him of their compliance with that which the Army
formerly desired. After which his Majesty did incline
to hearken to the desires of the Army, and not before.
Whereupon, at Caversham *, the king was continually
sollicited fºy messengers from Lieutenant-general Crom-
well and Commissary-general Ireton, proffering any
thing his Majesty should desire, as revenues, chaplains,
wife, children, servants of his own, visitation of friends,
access of letters, and (by Corumissary-general Ireton) that
his negative voice should not be meddled-withal, and that
he had convinced those that reasoned against it at a ge-
neral council of the army ; and all this they would do,
that his Majesty might the better see into all our actions,
and know our principles ; which lead us to give him all
these things out of conscience. For that we were not a
people hating his Majesty’s person, or Monarchical go-
vernment; but that we liked it as the best ; and that by
this king: saying also, That they did hold it a very un-
reasonable thing for the Parliament - to abridge him of
them; often promising, that, if his Majesty would sit still,
and not act against them, they would, in the first place,
restore him to all these, and upon the settlement of our
own just rights and liberties, make him the most glorious
prince in Christendom. That to this purpose for a set-
tlement they were making several proposals, to be offered
to the Commissioners of Parliament then sent-down to
the Army, which should be as bounds for our party as to
the king's business; and that his Majesty should have
wº- *
* The King went to Lord Craven's house at Caversham about the 4th
of July, 1647, See Rushworth's Collections abridged, Vol. 6, page 185.
liberty
‘or laying-down his Commission.
y
401
liberty to get as much of these abated as he could, for that
many things therein were proposed only to give satisfaction
to others who were our friends ; promising the King,
That at the same time the Commissioners of Parliament
should see these Proposals, his Majesty should have a
copy of them also, pretending to carry a very equal hand
between King and Parliament, in order to the settlement
of the Kingdom by him; which, besides their own judge-
ments and conscience, they did see a necessity of it as to
the people; Commissary-general Ireton further saying,
That what was offered in these Proposals should be so just
and reasonable, that, if there were but six men in the
Kingdom that would fight to make them good, he would
make the seventh, against any power that should oppose
-them. - g -
... The head-quarters being removed from Reading to Bed-
ford, and his Majesty to Wobourne*, the Proposals were
given to me by Commissary-general Ireton, to present to
the King; which his Majesty having read, told me, “ that
he would never treat with Army, or Parliament, upon
“ these Proposals, as he was then minded.” But the next
day his Majesty, understanding that a force was put on
his Houses of Parliament, by a tumult, sent for me again,
and said unto me, Go along with Sir jo. Berkley to your
General and Lieutenant-general, and tell them, that, to
avoid a new war, I will now treat with them upon their
Proposals, or any thing else, in order to a Peace : only
let me be saved in honour and conscience. Sir Jo. Berk-
ley falling-sick by the way, I delivered this message to
the Lieutenant-general and to Commissary-general Ireton,
who advised me “not to acquaint the General with it,
till ten or twelve officers of the Army were met together
at the General’s quarters, and then they would bethink
themselves of some persons to be sent to the King about
it.” And accordingly Commissary-General Ireton, Colo-
nel Rainsborow, Colonel Hammond, and Colonel Rich,
attended the King, at Woburne, for three hours together,
debating the whole business with the King upon the Pro-
posals; upon which debate, many of the most material
* The King went to the Earl of Bedford's house at Woobourne on the
21st of July, 1647: See Rushworth's Collections abridged, Vol. 6, p. 205.
2 D things
402.
Major Huntington's Reasons
* This was on the
6th of August, 1647.
pected or desired, that his Majesty should either sign them
things which the King disliked were afterwards struck-out,
and many other things were much abated by promises;
whereupon his Majesty was pretty well satisfied. Within aday
or two after this, his Majesty removed to Stoke, and there
calling for me, told me, He feared an engagement between
the City and the Army, saying, he had not time to write
any thing under his hand, but would send it to the Ge.
neral after me; commanding me to teli Commissary-
General Ireton, (with whom he had formerly treated upon
the Proposals,) that he would wholly throw himself upon
us, and trust us for a settlement of the kingdom, as we had
promised; saying, If we proved honest men, we should
without question make the kingdom happy, and save much
shedding of blood. This Message from his Majesty I de-
livered to Commissary-General Ireton at Colebrooke, who
seemed to receive it with joy, saying, That we should be
the veriest knaves that ever lived, if in every thing we
made not good whatever we had promised, because the
King, by his not declaring against us, had given us great
advantage against our adversaries.
After our marching through London * with the Army,
his Majesty being at Hampton-Court, Lieutenant-Ge-
neral Cromwell and Commissary-General- Ireton sent
the King word several times, that the reason why they
made no more haste in his business, was, because the party,
which did then sit in the House (while Pelham was
Speaker) did much obstruct the business, so that they could
not carry it on at present; the Lieutenant-General often
saying, Really they should be pulled-out by the ears; and
to that purpose caused a regiment of horse to rendezvous
at Hyde-park to have put that in execution (as he himself
expressed) had it not been carried by vote in the House
that day as he desired. The day before the Parliament voted
once more the sending of the Propositions of both Kingdoms
to the King by the Commissioners of each Kingdom at
Hampton-Court, Commissary-General Ireton bade me tell
the King, That such a thing was to be done to-morrow in
the House; but that his Majesty need not be troubled at it,
for that they intended it to no other end but to make good
some promises of the Parliament, which the nation of
Scotland expected performance of. And that it was notex-
O! .
jor laying-down his Commission.
40s
or treat upon them: for which there should be no advan-
tage taken against the King. Upon the delivery of which
Message, his Majesty replied. He knew not what answer
to give to please all without a treaty. Next day after this
vote passed”, the Lieutenant-General asking me there-
upon, “if the King did not wonder at these votes,” I told
“ him, no; for that Commissary-General Ireton had
“sent him such a Message by me the day before
“ the vote passed, to signify the reason of it.” The
Lieutenant-General replied, “ That really it was the
“truth, and that we (speaking of the Parliament) in-
“tended nothing else by it, but to satisfy the Scott, who
“otherwise might be troublesome.” And the Lieutenant-
General and Commissary-General, enquiring after his
Majesty's Answer to the Propositions, and what it would
be, it was shewed them both privately in a garden-house.
at Putney, and in somé part amended to their own minds.
But, before this, the King. doubting what answer to give,
sent me to Lieutenant-General Cromwell, as unsatisfied
with the proceedings of the Army, fearing they intended
not to make good what they had promised, and the rather
because his Majesty understood that Lieutenant-General
Cromwell and Commissary-General Ireton agreed with
the rest of the House in some late votes, that opposed the
Proposals of the Army. They severally replied, That
they would not have his Majesty mistrust them ; for that,
since the House would go so high, they only concurred
with them, that their unreasonableness might the better
appear to the Kingdom. And the Lieutenant-General
bade me further assure the King, That, if the Army re-
mained an Army, his Majesty should trust the Proposals
with what was promised, to be the worst of his Conditions,
which should be made for him ; and then, striking his
band on his breast in his chamber at Putney, bade me tell
the King, He might rest confident and assured of it. And
many times the said Message hath been sent to the King
from them both, with this addition from Commissary-
General Ireton, “That they would purge, and putge, and
“ never leave purging the Houses, till they had made them
*~,
A-
--~~
* The vote of both houses of Parliament for seuding once inore to the
King at Hampton-Court the Propositions of the two kingdoms of England
and Scotland by the Commissioners of each kingdom, for the restoration
of Peaee, which had been sent to him at Newcastie, was passed on the 1st
day of September, 1647. See Rushworth's Collections, Vol. 5, page 256.
2 D 2 “ of
The King grows sus-
picious that the
Officers of the Army
will not adhere to
the promises they
have made to him.
But Cromwell and
Ireton renew their
protestations to the
King that they would
faithfully perform all
the promises they
had made bim-
404
Major Huntington's Reasons
“ of such a temper, as should do his Majesty's business;
“ and rather than they wºld fall short of what was promis-
“ed, he would join with French, Spaniard,Cavalier, or any
“that would join ºth him. to force them to it.” Upon the
delivery of which Message, the King made answer, That,
if they do, they would do more than he durst do. After
this the delay of the settlement of the Kingdom was ex-
cused upon the commotions of Colonel Martin and Colonel
Rainsborough, with their adherents; the Lieutenant-Ge-
nerai saying, That speedy course must be taken for outing
of them from the House and Army, because they were now
putting the Army into a mutiny, by having a hand in pub-
lishing several printed papers, calling themselves the agents
of five regiments, and the agreement of the people, although
some men had encouragement from Lieutenant-General
Cromwell for the prosecution of those papers. And he
being further prest to shew himsslf in it, he desired to be
excused at the present, for that he might shew himself
hereafter for their better advantage; though in the com-
pany of those men, which were of different judgements, he
would often say, that these people were a giddy-headed
party, and that there was no trust nor truth in them; and to
that purpose wrote a letter to Colonel Whaley on the day that
the King went from Hampton-Court, intimating doubtfully
that his Majesty’s person was in danger by them, and that
he should keep out-guard to prevent them; which letter
was presently shewn to the King by Colonel Whaley.
That about six days after, when it was fully known by
the Parliament and Army, that the King was in the Isle of
Wight, Commissary-General Ireton, standing by the fire-
side in his quarters at Kingston, and some person speaking
of an agreement likely to be made between the King and
the Parliament, now the person of the King was out of the
power of the Army; Commissary-General Ireton replied,
with a discontented countenance, “That he hoped it would
“ be such a peace, as we might with a good conscience
“fight against them both.” ſ'
Thus they, who, at the first taking the King from Hol.
denby into the power of the Army, cried-down Presbyterian
Government, the proceedings of this present Parliament,
and their perpetuity, and, instead thereof, held-forth an
- earnest
jor laying-down his Commission.
405
earnest inclination to a moderated Episcopacy, with a new
election of Members to sit in Parliament for the speedy
settlement of the Kingdom; and afterwards, when the
eleven Members had left the House, and the marching
through London with the Army, the seven Lords im-
peached, the four Aldermen of London committed to the
Tower, and other Citizens committed also, then again they
cried-up Presbyterian Government, the perpetuity of this
present Parliament, Lieutenant-General Cromwell further
pleasing himself with the great suns of money, which
were in arrears from each county to the Army, and the
taxes of 60,000 l, per month for our maintenance. Now,
saith he, we may be, for aught I hnow, an Army as long
as we live. And since the sending-forth the Orders of
Parliament for the calling of their Members together,
Lieutenant-General Cromwell perceiving the Houses would
not answer his expectation, he is now again uttering words
persuading the hearers to a prejudice against the proceed-
ings of Parliament, again crying-down Presbyterian Go-
vernment, setting-up a single interest, which he calls an
honest interest, and that we have done ill in forsaking of it.
To this purpose it was lately thought fit, to put the Army
upon the choosing new agitators, and to draw-forth of the
Houses of Parliament sixty or seventy of the Members
thereof, much agreeing with his words he spake formerly in
his chamber at Kingston, saying, “What a sway Stapleton
“ and Holles had heretofore in the Kingdom, and he knew
“nothing to the contrary but that he was as well able to go-
“vern the Kingdom as either of them;” so that in all his dis-
coursenothing moreappeareth, than hisseeking after the go-
vernment of King, Parliament, City, and Kingdom. For
effecting whereof he thought it necessary, and delivered it
as his judgement, that a considerable party of the chief
citizens of London, and some in every county be clapt-up
in castles and garrisons, for the more quiet and submissive
carriage of every place to which they belong : further
saying, That from the raising of the late tumult in Lon-
don there should be an occasion taken, to hang the Re-
corder and Aldermen of London then in the Tower, that
the City Inight see, that, the more they did stir in opposition,
the more they should suffer; adding, that the City must first
$2 D 5 be
Cromwell expresses .
a desire of seeing vio-
lent and cruel mea.
sures employe
against the citizens
of London to reduce
them to a compli-
ance with the army.
4O6
Major H untington's Reasons
Principles of con-
uct delivered by
lieutenant-General
Cromwell, both in
publick and in pri-
Vate, and acted-upon
by him,
be made an example. And since that Lieutenant-Gene-
ral Cromwell was sent down from the Parliament for the
reducing of the Army to their obedience, he hath rhost
frequently, in publick and private, delivered these ensuing
heads, as his principles, from whence all the foregoing
particulars have ensued, being fully confirmed (as P
humbly conceive) by his practice in the transaction of his
last year’s business: x - -
1. First, That every single man is judge of just and
right, as to the good and ill of a Kingdom.
2 That the interest of homest men is the interest of the
Kingdom. And “that those only are deemed honest men by
him, that are conformable to his judgement and practice,”
may appear in many particulars. To instance but one, in
the choice of Colonel Rainsborough to be Vice-Admiral;
Lieutenant-General Cromwell, being asked “how he could
“ trust a man, whose interest was so directly opposite to
“ what he had professed, and one whom he had lately aimed
“ to remove from all places of trust?” he answered, “That
“ he had now received particular assurance from Colonel
“ Rainsborough, as great as could be given by man, that
“ he would be conformable to the judgement and direction
“ of himself and Commissary-General Preton, for the ma-
“ maging of the whole business at sea.” -
3. That it is lawful to pass through any forms of go-
vernment for the accomplishing his ends. And, therefore,
either to purge the Houses, and support the remaining
party by force, everlastingly; or to put a period to them by
force; is very lawful, and suitable to the interest of hones?
7776??,
4. That it is lawful to play the knave with a knave.
These gentlemen aforesaid in the Army, thus principled,
and (as by many other circumstances might appear) acting
accordingly, give too much cause to believe, that the
success which may be obtained by the Army (except timely
prevented by the wisdom of Parliament) will be made use
of to the destroying of all that power, for which we first
engaged; and having for above these twelve months past
(sadly and with much reluctance) observed these several
passages aforesaid, yet with some hopes that at length there
might be a returning to the obedience of Parliament; and
- - contrary
for laying-down his Commission.
4.()
contrary hereunto, knowing that Resolutions were taken-
up, that, in case the power of Parliament cannot be gained
to countenance their designs, then to proceed without it;
I therefore choose to quit myself of my command, wherein
I have served the Parliament for these five years last past,
and put myself upon the greatest hazard by discovering
thºse truths, rather than, by hopes of gain, with a troubled
mind,continue an abettor, or assistant, of such as give affronts
to the Parliament and Kingdom, by abusing their power
and authority to carry-on their particular designs, against
whom, in the midst of danger, I shall ever avow the truth
of this narrative, and myself to be a constant, faithful, and
obedient servant to the Parliament of England.
ROB. HUNTINGTON.
Aug. 2d, 1648. Copia vera,
2 D 4 - 3}{OR."
3HORT MEMORIALS
OF
THOMAS, LORD FAIRFAX.
Written by Himself.
*mºm-
L O N DO N :
*RINTED FOR RICHARD CHISweLR, AND ARE TO BE Sold AT THE
Rose AND CRewN, IN ST. PAUL’s CIIURCH-YARD, 1699,
41%
TO THE
RIGHT HONOURABLE
T H O M A S, L'O R D FA I R FA X.
My Lord,
It is with your Lordship's leave, that this short manuscript
of my Lord Fairfax, your noble predecessor, is now printed
from the original, written in his own hand, and left in your
study at Denton in Yorkshire; for it was never intended by him
to be published, but to remain for the satisfaction of his own
Relations.
But of late something has happened, which in the judgement
of your Lordship, and many other persons of condition, makes
it necessary that these papers should be sent to the press;
which is now done, without any material alterations from the
original, but only by placing them in the natural order of
time. * -
Though no copy was ever taken by your Lordship's consent,
yet, I know not how, some imperfect ones are got into other
hands. And (this being an age, wherein every man presumes
to print what he pleases, of his own, or other mens,) we are
plainly told, that my Lord Fairfax's memorials are ready to
be
412 . Dedication.
be published; and by the very same person, who has lately
set-forth some memoirs, wherein his Lordship is scarce ever
named but with reproach; nor to be excused by what the
Editor himself confesses, that the author was much out of hu-
umour when he writ the book.
My Lord Fairfax's true character is better known to many
wise and good men, than to be blemished by such envious de-
tractions. Nor can his reputation thereby suffer with any
who were acquainted with his person, and the true intentions
of his actions, and knew him in the latter part of his life.
His great misfortune, and so he accounted it, was to be en-
gaged in the unhappy wars, whereof he desired no other me-
morial than the act of Oblivion; which few that ever needed
it, better deserved. * -
It cannot be denied, that, as a Soldier, his life would furnish
as noble a memoir as the age has produced, from the time that
he began with a troop of horse, and a few undisciplined
forces in the North, to his being General of a victorious army
in the South; which he governed, not as a cypher, but with
great prudence and conduct, in cºuncils of war, as well as ani-
mated by his personal courage in the field, as long as they
had any enemy to oppose them.
But after that, they broke into factions, and were over-run
with enthusiasm, and became ungovernable by their General,
when they chose their own Agitators, and were managed by
men of the deepest dissimulation and hypocrisie: by whose
fair, but treacherous, promises, some Greater Persons than
himself, were deceived to their own ruin.
That most tragical and deplorable part of the civil war, the
death of the King, he utterly from his soul abhorred, and le-
mented to his dying day; and never mentioned it but with
tears in his eyes. -
The
Dedication. - 413
The retired part of his life gave him greater satisfaction
than all his former victories; when he lived quietly at his own
house at Nun-Appleton in Yorkshire; always earnestly wishing
and praying for the restitution of the Royal Family, and fully
resolved to lay hold on the first good opportunity to contri-
bute his part towards it; which made him always lookt upon
with a jealous eye by the usurpers of that time. -
As soon as he was invited by General Monk to assist him
against Lambert's army, he cheerfully embraced the opportu-
nity, and appeared at the head of a brave body of Gentlemen of
Yorkshire; and, upon the reputation and authority of his name,
the Irish brigade of twelve hundred horse forsook Lambert's
army, and joyned with him; the consequence was the imme-
diate breaking of all Lambert's forces, which gave General
Monk an easy march into England.
This was always acknowledged, not only by General Monk,
but by the King himself, as a signal testimony of his zeal to
make amends for what was past, and of the very considerable
assistance he gave towards the restoring the Royal Family.
After he had waited on his Majesty in Holland, as one of
the commissioners sent to invite him home, and had seen the
King established on his throne, he retired again into his
own country, where he died in peace, in the 60th year of his
age, Anno 1671, leaving behind him an only daughter, the
Lady Mary, Dutchess of Buckingham.
I shall now say no more of him, but, that, so long as un-
feigned Piety towards God, invincible Courage, joyned with
wonderful modesty, and exceeding good nature; justice and
charity to all men in his private life; and an ingenuous ac-
knowledgment of his publick error, with hearty endeavours to
make reparation, as soon as he was convinced of it; shall be
•steemed in the world: so long shall the name of my Lord
- Fairfax
414 Dedication.
~
Fairfax be honoured by good men, and be had in perpetual
remembrance. - →
Your Lordship had the good fortune to be born after the
storms and tempests of that age: but you have had the ho-
nour to appear eminently in defence of our religion, and civil -
rights, in this last happy revolution, as your noble predecessor
did at the restoration.
My Lord,
I am,
Your most affectionate Uncle,
and humble Servant.
April 22, 1699. BRYAN FAIRFAX,
A § HORT
A SHORT MEMORIAL
O F
The Northern Actions in which I was engaged,
during the War there,
From THE YEAR 1642, Ta THE YEAR 1644.
*º ºmeº
Is gratitude to God for his many mercies and deliver-
ances, and not to deprive myself of the comfort of their
remembrance, I ſhall set down, as they come into my
mind, those things wherein I have found the wonderful
assistance of God to me in the time of war in the North;
though not in that methodical and polished manner as
might have been done, being intended only for my own
Satisfaction, and help of my memory.
My father was call’d-forth by the importunity of his
Country to join with them in their own defence, which
was confirmed by a Commission from the Parliament.
The first action we had was at Bradford. We were
about three hundred men, the enemy seven or eight hun-
dred, and two pieces of ordnance. They assaulted us;
out close to the town to receive them; they had the ad-
vantage of the ground, the town being encompassed with
hills, which exposed us more to their cannon, from
which we received some hurt; but our men defended
those passages by which they were to descend, so well,
that they got no ground of us; and now the day being
spent, they drew-off; and retired to Leeds.
A few days after, Captain Hotham with three troops
of horse, and some dragoons, came to us: then we
marched to Leeds; but the enemy, having notice of it,
quitted the town, and in haste fled to York.
We
415
Ferdinando, Lord'
Eairfax, and his sons
Sir Thomas Fairfax,
(the author of this
Memorial,) at the
head of 300 men on
the side of the Par-
liament, repulses a
body of 700 Royal-
ists, at Bradford. In
January 1642-43,
416
A Short Memorial of
Tadcaster,
Wetherby.
We advanced to Tadcaster, eight miles from York,
that we might have more room, and be less burthensome
to our friends; and being increased to one thousand men,
it was thought fit that we should keep the Pass at We-
therly, for the securing of the West-Riding, or the grea-
test part of it; from whence our chief supplies came. -
I was sent to Wetherly with three hundred foot, and
forty horse; the enemy's next design from York, was to
fall upon my quarters there, being a place very open,
They are again at-
tacked by the Royal-
ists at Wethelby,
and succeed in re-
pulsing them.
'*One of them had a
Pension for his Life
and easy for them to assault, there being so many back-
ways, and friends enough to direct them, and give them
intelligence. •
About six a clock one morning they fell upon us with
eight hundred horse and foot, the woods thereabout fa-
vouring them so much, that our scouts had no effect or
notice of them, and no alarm was given till they were
ready to enter the town: which they might easily do,
the guards being all asleep in houses; for in the begin-
ning of the war, men were as impatient of duty, as they
were ignorant of it. -
I myself was only on horseback, and going-out to the
other end of the town to Tadcaster, where my father lay,
when one came running after me, and told me the enemy
was entering the town; I presently galloped to the Court
of Guard, where I found not above four men at their
arms, as I remember *, two Serjeants and two Pikemen,
who stood with me, when Sir Thomas Clenham, with
about six or seven commanders more, charged us; and
after a short, but sharp encounter, they retired, in which
one Major Carr was slain; and by this time more of the
guards where got to their arms. I must confess, I knew no
strength but the powerful Hand of God that gave them
this repulse.
After this they made another attempt, in which Cap-
tain JAtkinson (on our part ) was slain : and here again
there fell-out another remarkable providence ; –During
this conflict, our Magazine was blown-up. This struck
such a terror into the enemy, believing we had cannon
(which they were before informed we had not,) that they
instantly retreated ; and though I had but a few horse,
we pursued the enemy some miles, and took many pri-
SOIl£IS .
Thomas Lord Fairfar.
4.17
soners : we lost about eight or ten men, whereof seven
were blown-up with powder; the enemy lost many more.
At this time the Earl of Cumberland commanded the
forces in Yorkshire for the King; he, being of a peaceable
nature and affable disposition, had but few enemies; or,
rather, because he was an enemy to few, he did not
suit with their present condition. Their apprehensions
and fears caused them to send to the Earl of Newcastle,
(who had an army of six thousand men,) to desire his as-
sistance, whereof he assured them by a speady march to
Xorh. *.
Being now encouraged by this increase of force, they
resolved to fall upon Tadcaster. My father drew all his
men thither ; but, in a Council of War, the town was
judged untenable, and that we should draw-out to an
advantageous piece of ground, by the town; but, before
we could all march out, the enemy advanced so fast,
that we were necessitated to leave some foot in a slight
work above the Bridge, to secure our retreat ; but the
enemy pressing on us, forced us to draw-back, to main-
tain that ground. -
We had about nine hundred men, the enemy above
four thousand, who in Brigades drew-up close to the
works, and stormed us. Our men reserved their shot,
till they came near, which they did then dispose-of to so
good purpose, that the enemy was forced to retire, and
shelter themselves behind the hedges. And here did
the first flight continue from eleven O-clock at noon, till
five in the night, with cannon and musquet, without in-
termission. - -
They had once possessed a house by the bridge, which
would have cut us from our reserves that were in the
town: but Major-general Gifford, with a commanded
party, beat them out again, where many of the enemy
were slain, and taken prisoners. They attempted at ano-
ther place, but were repulsed by Captain Lister, who
A battle near Tad-
CaStel'.
The Royalists are re-
pulsed.
was there slain ; a great loss, being a discrete gen-
tleman. e
By this time it grew dark, and the enemy drew-off into
the fields hard by, with intention to assault us the next
2 E. - They
458
A Short Memorial of
Sir Thomas Fairfax
and his little army
mal ch to Selby;
and, three day: after,
they go to Bradford.
They left that right above two hundred dead and
wounded upon the place. But, our ammunition being all
spent in his day’s fight, we drew-off that-night and
marched to Selly, and the enemy entered the next morn-
ing into the town. -
Thus, by the mercy of God, were a few delivered from
an army, who in their thoughts had swallowed us up.
The Earl of Newcastle now lay betwixt us and our
friends in the West-Riding ; but, to assist and encourage
them, I was sent, with about three hundred foot, and three
troops of horse, and some arms, to Bradford: I was to
go by Ferry-bridge, our intelligence being that the enemy
was advanced no further than She burne; but when I
was within a mile of the town, we took some prisoners,
who told us, my lord of Newcastle lay at Pontefract,
eight hundred men in Ferry bridge, and the rest of the
army in all the towns thereabout : so that our advance or
retreat seemed alike difficult. Little time being allowed
us to consider, we resolved to retreat to Selby : three or
four hundred horse of the enemy shewed themselves in
rear, without making any attempt upon us, so that, by
the goodness of God, we got safe to Selby.
Three days after this, upon better intelligence how the
enemy lay, with the same number as before, I marched
in the night by several towns where they lay, and came
the next day to Bradford, a town very untenable, but
for their good affection to us, deserving all we could ha-
zard for them. -
Our first work then was to fortifie ourselves; for we
could not but expect an assault. There lay at Leeds
fifteen hundred of the enemy, and twelve hundred at
Wahéſield, neither place above six or seven miles distant
from us. They visited us every day with their horse,
ours not going far from the town, being very unequal in
number: yet the enemy seldom returned without loss,
till at last our few men grew so bold, and theirs so dis.
heartened, that they durst not stir a mile from their garrisons.
Whilst these daily skirmishes were among the horse, I
thought it necessary to strengthen ourselves with more
foot; I summoned the country, who had by this time
more liberty to come to us. I presently armed them
- - , , - . with
Thomas Lord Fairfax. - 4 9
with those arms we brought along with us; so that in
all we were about eight hundred foot.
Being too many to lie idle, and too few to be upon
constant duty, we resolved, through the assistance of God,
to attempt them in their garrisons. --
. We summoned the Country again, and made a body They then march to
of twelve or thirteen hundred men, with which we Leeds, and take it by
marched to Leeds, and drew them up within half cannon- *
shot of their works, in Battalia, and then sent a trumpet
with a summons to deliver-up the town to me, for the
use of King and Parliament. They presently returned this
answer, that it was not civilly done to come so near before
I sent the summons, and that they would defend the
town the best they could with their lives.
I presently ordered the manner of the storm, and we
all fell-on at the same time : the business was hotly dis-s
puted for almost two hours; but the enemy being beaten
from their works, and the barricadoes into the streets
forced open, the horse and foot resolutely entered, and
the soldiers cast-down their arms, and rendered them-
selves prisoners. The Governour and some chief Officers
swam the river and escaped, only Major Beaumont was
drowned ; about forty or fifty slain; good store of ammu-
nition taken ; of which we had great want.
The consequence of this action was yet of more im-
portance; for those who fled from Leeds to Wakefield,
quitted that garrison-also, and gave my Lord of New- , Kr
castle such an alarm at Pom/efract, that he drew all his º C2S s
army again to York, leaving once more a free intercourse, great army of Royal.
which he had so long time cut-off, betwixt my father.W. Pontefact
and us. - -- e
After a short time the Earl of Newcastle returned But soon after re-
again to the same quarters, and we to our stricter du- ºn to his former
ties. But we quickly found our men must have more “”
room, or more action:
Captain Hotham and I took a resolution early one sir Thomas Fairfix
morning, from Selly, to beat-up a quarter of the ene- and Captain Hothan
my's, that lay at Fenton; they being gone, we marched º
to Sherburne, intending there only to give them an near Šherburne, and
alarm ; but they might see us a mile or more, over a ...”
plain common, which lay by the town, and they sent “
2 E 2 - twenty
A Short Memorial of
And they then return
to Selby.
twenty or thirty horse, to guard a pass near the town.
I had the van ; for at this time we commanded our
troops distinct, one from another, both making five troops
of horse, and two of dragoons. I told Captain Ho-
than, that, if he would second me, I would charge
these horse, and, if they fled, I would pursue them so
close as to get into the town with them : He promised
to second me. i went to the head of my troops, and pre-
sently charged them; they fied, and we pursued close to
the barricado ; but they got-in, and shut it upon us.
Here my horse was shot in at the breast: we so filled
the lane, being strait, that we could not retreat without
confusion, and dagger of their falling in our reer; so we
stood to it, and stormed the works with pistol and
sword. At the end of the barricado there was a nar-
row passage for a single horse to go in ; I entered
there, others following me, one by one; and close at one
side of the entrance stood a troop of horse of the enemy:
so soon as eight or ten of us were got in, we charged
them, and they fled; by this time the rest of our men
had beat them from their barricado, and entered the town:
we soon cleared the streets, and pursued those that fled;
and now my horse, which was shot in the lane, fell
down dead under me; but I was presently mounted
again. - -
The enemy in the towns about having taken the alarm,
it made us think of securing our retreat, with the priso-
ners we had got; some of them being considerable, among
w’om was Major General Windham, We had scarcé
got into order before General Goring came with a good
body of horse up to us ; and, as we marched-off, he fol-
lowed us close in the reer, without doing us any hurt;
only my trumpet had his horse shot close by mé. And
thus we returned to Selby. –
Though this did not free us wholly from a potent ene-
my, yet we lay more quietly by them a good while
after. * - -
In this recess of action, we had several treaties about
prisoners ; and this I mention the rather, for that Captain
Holham here first began to discover his intention of leav-
ing the Parliament’s Service, in making conditions for
himself,
GE () R (, E, L () RI) () () || || N G
Aººſ ººzºº
º////

9 Thomas Lord Fairfax.
421
t
himself, with the Earl of Newcastle, though it was not
discovered till a good while after : Which had almost
-ruined my father, and the forces with him. For, being
now denied help and succour from Hull, and the East-
ſiding, he was forced to forsake Selby, and retire to
Leeds, and those western parts where I then lay,
To make this retreat, I was sent-to, to bring what
men I could to joyn with him at Sherburn: for my Lord
of Newcastle’s army lay so as he might easily intercept
us in our way to Leeds; which he had determined to do,
and, to that end, lay with his army on Clifford-Moore,
having present intelligence of our march. . . . . .
Whilst my father, with fifteen-hundred men, ord-
nance, and ammunition, continued his way from Selby to
Leeds, I, with those I brought to Sherburne, marchéd a
little aside, betwixt my Lord of Newcastle's army and
ours. And, to amuse them the more, we made an attempt
upon Tadcaster, where they had three or four hundred
men, who presently quitted the town, and fled to York,
Herewe stayed three or four hours, slighting the works;
which put my Lord Newcastle's army to a stand, being
on the march to meet us, and thinking he was deceived in
his intelligence, and that we had some other-design upon
York ; he presently sends-back the Lord Goring with
twenty troops of horse and dragoons to relieve Tadcastér.
We were newly drawn-off when he came : “my Lord
Goring past over the river to follow us ; but, seeing we
were far unequal in horse to him, (for I had not above
three troops,) and were to go over Bramham-Moore
plain, I gave direction to the foot to march-away, whilst
I stayed with the horse to interrupt the enemy's pas-
sage in those narrow lanes that lead up to the Moore.
V
Ferdinando, Lord
Fairfax, with a body
of 1500 men, marches
from Selby to Leeds.
His son, Sir Thomas
Fairfax, with his
body of men (that
had been engaged
with the Royalists at
Sherburn,) takes pos-
session of Tadcaster,
and from thence
marches to Leeds,
where he arrives
about an hour afte
his father. -
Here was much firing at one another; but in regard of
their great numbers, as they advanced, we were forced
to give way; yet had gained by it sufficient time for the
foot to have been out of danger.
When we came up to the Moore again, I found them
where I left them, which troubled me much, the enemy
being close upon us, and a great plain yet to go over. So
we, marching the footin two divisions, and the horse in the
f
- sº, > 3 t
*
3. E-3 three
rear,the enemy followed about two musket-shot from us, in
- ~,
422. * A Short Memorial of
three gocd bodies, and made no attempt upon tis: And
thus we got well over this open campaign, to some inclo-
~ sures, beyond which was another Moore, (called Seacroft
Moore) less than the former. Here our mén, thinking them-
selves Secure, were more careless in keeping order; and,
whilst their officers were getting them outof houses where
A
, they sought for drink, (it being an extream hot day,) the
enemy got, by another way, into the Moore, as soon as we;
and,when we had almost passed this plain also, they, seeing
us in some disorder, charged us both in flank and rear: the
countrymen presently cast-down their arms and fled; and,
soon aſter, the foot fled also, not being able, for want of
pikes, to withstand their horse: some were slain, many
were taken prisoners; few of our horse, stood the charge
-/ , . Some officers with me, made our retreat with much diſti-
wº culty; in which Sir Henry Fowlis had a slight hurt; my
- Cornet was taken prisoner. We got well to Leeds, about
. . . an hour after my father, and the men with him got safe
- thither. - , , . . .
st time raiſe This was one of the greatest losses we everreceived. Yet
and his trºops, after was it a Providence that it was a part, and not the whole,
great faiiguº and of the forces, which received this loss; it being the enemy’s
many difficulties, ar- . & º . e e : --
rive at Hull. . intention to have fought us that day with their whole army,
* (which was at least ten thousand men,) had not our attempt
upon Tadcaster put a stand to them. And so concluded
that day with this storm, which fell on me only.
We being at Leeds, it was thought fit to possess some
other place; wherefore I was sent to Bradford with seven
or eight hundred foot, and three troops of horse. These
two towns were all the garrisons we had ; and at Wake-
field, six miles off, lay three thousand of the enemy. But
* * they did not much disturb us: and we were busied about
- procuring the release of several of our men who had been
taken prisoners at Seacroft; most of whom were coun-
trymen, whose wives and children were still importunate
for their release, which was as earnestly endeavoured by
** us. But no conditions would be accepted by our enemies;
so that their continual cries, and tears, and importunities,
compelled us to think of some other way to redeem these
; nien; and we thought of attempting Wakefield. -
Our intelligence was, that the enemy had not above
eight or nine hundred men in the town ; I acquainted my
. - * father,
g
Thomas Lord Fairfax.
father with our design, who approved of it, and sent
some men from Leeds, so that we were able to draw-out
eleven hundred horse and foot.
Upon Whitsun idy, early in the morning, we came
before the town. But they had notice of our coming, and
manned all their works, and set about five hundred mus-
keteers to line the hedges without the town ; which made
us now doubt our intelligence : but it was too late.
After a little consultation we advanced, and soon beat
them back into the town, which we stºrmed at three
places; and, after an hour's dispute, the foot forced open
a barricado, where I enter'd with my own troop ; Colonel
Alured and Captain Bright followed with theirs: the
street where we entered was full of their foot; we charged
them through, and routed them, leaving them to the
foot that followed close behind us ; and presently we
were charged again with horse led-on by General Goring;
where, after a hot encounter, Some were slain, and the
General himself was taken prisoner by Colonel 4 lured.
I cannot but here acknowledge God’s goodness to me
this day. For, being advanced a good way, single, before
my men, having a Colonel, and Lieutenant-colonel,
who had engaged themselves to be my prisoners, only
Sir Thomas Fairfax
with a party of 1100
men, horse and foot,
attacks the town of
Wakefield, and takes
it by Storm May 20,
1643.
A na; row escape of
Sir Thomas Fairfax.
with me, and many of the enemy now betwixt me
and my men, I lighted upon a regiment of foot
standing in the Market-place. Being thus compassed,
and thinking what to do, I spied a lane, which, I
thought, would lead me back to my men again; at the
end of this lane there was a Corps-de-guard of the
enemy's, with fifteen or sixteen Soldiers, who were just
then quitting of it, with a serjeant leading them off; whom
we met, and seeing their Officers, they came up to
us, taking no notice of me, and asked them “what they
would have them do,” for that they could keep the work
no longer, the round-heads (as they called them) came so
fast upon them.
The Gentlemen, who had passed their words to me to
be my true Prisoners, said nothing; and, looking one
upon another, I thought it not fit now to own them as Pri-
soners, much iess to bid the rest to render themselves to
me; but, being well-mounted, and seeing a place in the
works where men used to go-over, I rushed from them,
2 E 4 and
4.
A Short Memorial of
4.
…”
against that body of men that stood in the Market place
who presently rendered themselves.
and made my horse leap over the work; and, by a good
providence, got to my men again ; who, before I came,
had, by direction of Major-General Gifford, brought-up
a piece of ordnance, and placed it in the Church-yard
2
All our men being gol into the town, the streets were
cleared, and many prisoners taken; but the horse got-off,
almost entire. . . ~ .
This appeared the greater mercy, when we saw our
mistake; for we found three thousand men in the town,
and expected but half the number. We brought away
fourteen hundred Prisoners, eighty Officers, twenty eight
Colours, and great store of Ammunition.
But seeing this was more a miracle than a victory; more
the effect of God’s providence, than human force, or
prudence, let the honour and praise of all be his only.
After this, we exchanged our men that were Prison-
ers, and we were freed a good while from any trouble or
attempt of the enemy. -
Hitherto, through God’s mercy, we had held-up near
two years against a potent army. But, they finding us to be
almost tired of continual service, and treacherously used by
friends, and in want of many things necessary for support
and defence, the Earl of Newcastle marched with an
army of ten, or twelve, thousand men to besiege us, and
resolved to sit down before Bradford, which was a very
untenable place. -
Hither my father drew all the forces he could spare out
of the garrisons; but seeing it impossible to defend the
town otherwise than by strength of men, and that we had
not above ten or twelve days provision for so many as
were necessary to keep it; we resolved the next
morning very early, with a body of three thousand
men. to attempt his whole army, as they lay in their
quarters three miles off. Hoping by it to put him to some
distraction, which could not be done any other way, by
reason of the unequal numbers. -
To this end my father appointed four o'th’clock next
morning to begin our march ; but Major-General Gifford,
who had the ordering of the business, so delayed the ex-
. ecution,
Thomas Lord Fairfur.
425.
ecution of it, that it was seven or eight before we began
to move. And this was not without much suspicion of
treachery; for, when we came near the place we intended,
the enemy’s whole army was drawn-up in Battalia.
We were to go up a Hill to them ; that our forlorn.
hope gained by beating theirs into their main body, which
was drawn up half a mile further upon a plain called
Adderton-Moor. We being all got up the hill, drew into
Battalia also. I commanded the right wing, which was
abºut one thousand foot, and five troops of horse. Ma-
jºr-General Gifford commanded the left wing, which was
abºut the same number, My father commanded in
chi.f. - - - - - - -
We advanced through the inclosed grounds, till we
came to the Moore, beating the foot that lay in them,
to their main body. - - -
Ten or twelve troops of horse charged us in the right
wing; we kept the inclosures, placing our musketeers
in the hedges next the Moore; which was a good advan-
tage to us who had so few Horse. -
There was a gate, or open place, to the Moore, where
five or six might enter a-breast. Here they strive to en-
ter, we to defend it; but after Some dispute, those that
entered the pass, found sharp entertainment; and those
who were not yet entred, as hot welcome from the muske-
teers that flanked them in the hedges. They were aii, in
A battle on Adderton
Moore between the
Parliamentary army
under the command
of Ferdinando Lord
Fairfax and his son,
and the army of
Royalists under the
command of the Earl
of Newcastle.
the end, forced to retreat, with the loss of Colonel How-
ard, who commanded them.
Our left wing at the same time was engaged with the
enemy’s foot, and gained ground of them. The horse
came-down again, and charged us, they being about
thirteen or fourteen troops. We defended ourselves as
before, but with much more difficulty; many having got-in
among us; but they were beaten-off again with some loss.
Colonel Herne, who comfºanded that party, was slain.
We pursued them to their cannon. Iłere I cannot omit
a remarkable instance of divine Justice. Whilst we were
engaged in the fight with those horse that entered the gate,
four soldiers had stript Colonel Herne naked, as he lay on
the ground, men still fighting round about him ; and so
dexterous were these villains, that they had done it, and
mounted
426
A Short Memorial of
They are defeated by
the Royalists.
mounted themselves again, before we had beaten the ene-
my off: but after we had beaten them to their ordnance,
as I said, and now returning to our ground again, the
enemy discharged a piece of cannon in our rear, the bul-
‘let fell into Captain Copley’s troop, in which were these
four men; two of them were killed, and some hurt or
mark remained on the other, though dispersed into Se-
veral ranks of the troop, which made it more remarkable.
We had not yet martial law among us; this gave me a
good occasion to declare to the soldiers, how God would
punish, when men wanted power to do it. -
This charge, and the resolution our men shewed in the
left wing, made the enemy think of retreating. Orders
were given for it, and some marched-off the field. '
Whilst they were in this wavering condition, one Colo-
nel Shirton desired his General to let him charge once
with a stand of Pikes, with which he broke-in upon our
men; and, they not being relieved by our reserves, (which
were commanded by some ill-affected officers, chiefly Major
General Gifford, who did not his part as he ought to do,)
our men lost ground, which the enemy Seeing, pursued
this advantage, by bringing-on fresh troops; ours being
herewith discouraged, began to fly, and were soon routed.
The horse also soon charged us again, we not knowing
what was done in the left wing: Our men maintained their
ground, till a command came for us to retreat, having
scarce any way now to do it, the enemy being almost
round about us, and our way to Bradford cut off. But
there was a lane in the field we were in, which led to
Haliſaw; which, as a happy providence, brought us off,
without any great loss, save of Captain Talbot, and
twelve more that were slain in this last encounter. Of
those who fled, there were about sixty killed, and three
hundred taken prisoners. -
After this ill success, we had Small hopes of better;
wanting all things necessary in Bradford for defence of the
own, and having no expectation of help from any place.
The Earl of Newcastle presently besieged the town; but,
before he had surrounded it, I got-in with those men I
brought from Halifax. I found my father much trou-
bled, we having neither a place of strength to defend our-
* selves
Thomas Lord Fairfar. - - - 427
selves in, nor a garrison in Yorkshire to retreat to ; for
the Governour of Hull had declared, if we were forced to
retreat thither, he would shut the gates on us. . -
Whilst he was musing on these sad thoughts, a mes
senger was sent unto him from Hull, to let him know the
townsmen had secured the Governour; that they were
sensible of the danger he was in, and, if he had any occa-
sion to make use of that place, he should be very readily
and gladly received there. Which news was joyfuſly re-
ceived, and acknowledged as a great mercy of God ; yet
it was not made use of till a further necessity compelled.
My father having ordered me to stay here with eight
hundred foot, and sixty horse, retired that night to Leeds, Bradford.
tC SèCure It. . -
. The Earl of Newcastle ſpent three or four days in laying The Earl of Newcas-
his quarters about the town of Bradfor", and brought-down tie la siege to the
his cannon; but needed not to raise batteries; for the hills ºr e
within half musket-shot commanded all the town. Being it by storm. "
planted in two places, they shot furiously upon us, and
made their approaches; which made us spend very much of
our little store, which was not above twenty-five, or twenty-
six, barrels of powder, at the beginning of the siege. Yet
the Earl of Newcastle sent a trumpet to offer us conditions;
which I accepted, so they were honourable for us to take,
and safe for the inhabitants. We sent two captains to
treat with him, and agreed to a cessation during that time :
but he continued working still ; whereupon I sent-forth
the commissioners again, suspecting a defign of attempting
something upon us. They returned not till eleven a clock
at night ; and then with a slight answer.
Whilst they were delivering it to us, we heard great
shooting of cannon and muskets; all run preſently to the
works, which the enemy was ſtorming. Here for three But is twice repulsed
quarters of an hour was very hot ſervice ; but at length by the garrison.
they retreated. * - tº .
They made a second attempt, but were alſo beaten-off;
after this, we had not above one barrel of powder left, and
no match I called the officers together, where it was ad-
viſed and reſolv’d to draw off preſently, before it was day, - .
* and -
A Short Memorial of
Sir Thomas Fairfax
with his little army
quits Bradford, and
retires to Leeds,
His wife is taken pri-
soner by the Royal-
ists under the com-
mand of the Earl of
Newcastle.
and to retreat to Leeds, by forcing a way; which we muſt
do, because they had ſurrounded the town. -
Orders were dispatched, and ſpeedily put in execution.
The foot, commanded by Colonel Rogers, were ſent-out
through some narrow lanes; and they were to beat-up the
dragoons quarters, and ſo go-on to Leeds. -
I myſelf, with ſome other officers, went with the horſe,
(which were not above fifty,) in a more open way.
I Inust not here forget my Wife, who ran the same ha-
zard with us in this retreat, and with as little expression
of fear ; not from any zeal, or delight in the war, but
through a willing and patient suffering of this undesirable
condition.
I sent two or three horsemen before, to discover what
they could of the enemy ; who presently returned, and
told us there was a guard of horse close by us. Before
I had gone forty paces, the day beginning to break, I
saw them upon the hill above us, being about 300 horse.
I, with some 12 more, charged them ; Sir Hen. Fowles,
Major General Gifford, myself, and three more, brake
through; Captain Mudd was slain; and the restofour horse
being close by, the enemy fell upon them, and soon routed -
them, taking most of them prisoners, among whom was
my wife, the offeer, JWill. Hill, (behind whom she rid,)
being taken.
I saw the disaster, but could give no relief; for, after
I was got-through, I was in the enemy's reer alone; those
who had charged through with me, went on to Leeds,
thinking I had done so too : but I was unwilling to leave
my company, and stayed till I saw there was no more in
my power to do, but to be taken prisoner with them. I
then retired to Leeds. -
The like disaster fell among the foot, (that went the
other way,) by a mistake, for, after they had marched a
little way, the ºan fel; into the daggons quarters, clearing
their way ; but, through a cowardly fear, he that com-
manded these men, being in the reef, made them face
about, and march again into the town, where the next
day they were all taken prisoners. Only 80, or thereabout,
of the front, that got through, came all to Leeds, mount-
ed on horses which they had taken from the enemy; i
. . . ,” - I foun
Thomas Lord Fairfax.
I found them when I came thither; which was some joy
to them all, as they had concluded that I was either slain
or taken prisoner. .’ * -
At Leeds I found all in great distraction; the council
of war newly risen, where it was resolved to quit the
town, and retreat to Hull, which was sixty miles off,
and many of the enemy's garrisons lay in the way. This,
in two hours after, was accordingly done, lest the ene-
my should presently send horse to prevent us; for they
had fifty, or sixty, troops within three miles. But we got
well to Selby, where there was a ferry, and hard-by a
Garrison, at Cawood. - .
My Father, being a mile before, with a few men, get-
ting over the ferry, word came to us that he was in dan-
ger to be taken. I hasted to him with about forty horse,
the rest following in some disorder. He was newly got
into the boat, when the enemy, with three cornets of horse,
entered the town. - .
I was drawn-up in the market-place, directly before the
street they came down; when they were, almost half, come
into the market-place, they turned on the right hand;
with part of my troop I charged them in the flank, and
divided them ; we had the chace of them down the long
street that goes to Brayton. --
It happened at the same time that those men I left
behind were coming-up the street. But, being in disorder,
and discouraged with the misfortunes of many days be-
fore, they turned-about, and gave-way, not knowing we
were pursuing the enemy in their rear.
At the end of this street was a narrow lane, which led
to Cawood. The enemy strove to pass that way; but, it
being narrow, there was a sudden stop, where we were
mingled one among another. •.
Here I received a shot in the wrist of my arm, which
made the bridle fall-out of my hand, and (being among the
nerves and veins,)suddenly let-out such a quantity of blood,
that I was ready to fall from my horse: but, taking the
reins in the other hand, in which I had my sword, the
enemy minding nothing so much as how to get-away, I
drew myself out of the crowd, and came to our men, who
turnedabout,and,seeing me ready tofail from myhorse,they
laid me on the ground; and soon after, when I was almost
- senseless
*
The Parliament's
troops at Leeds re-
solve to retreat to
Hull.
Sir Thomas Fairfax.
is severely wounded:
in the Wrist, at Selby,
43O
A Short Memorial of
senseless, my surgeon came seasonably, and bound-up
the wound, and stopt the bleeding. -
After a quarter of an hour's rest, I got a horse-back
again; the other part of our horse had beaten the enemy
back to Cawood, the same way they came first to us.
Thus, by the goodness of God, our passage was made
clear. Some went over the ferry after my father. I myself,
with others, went through the Levels to Hull. Bºt it proved
a very troublesome and dangerous passage, being often
Sir Thomas Fairfax
with a small body of
finen, after great fa-
tigue and many diffi-
ulties, arrive at
| lull,
interrupted by the enemy, sometimes in our front, some-
tl neS II) OUI reer. .
I had been twenty hours on horse-back, after I was shot,
without any rest or refreshment; and as may hours before.
And, as a further affliction, my daughter, not above five
years old, being carried before her maid, endured all this
retreat a horse-back; but, nature not being able to hold-
out any longer, she fell into frequent swoonings, and in
appearance was ready to expire her last. -
Having now passed the Trent, and seeing a house not
far off, I sent her with her maid only thither, with little
hopes of seeing her any more alive, though I intended
the next day to send a ship from Hull for her.
I went on to Barton, having sent before to have a
ship ready against my coming thither. Here I lay-down
to take a little rest, if it were possible to find any in a
body so full of pain, and a mind yet fuller of anxiety and
trouble. Though I must acknowledge it as the infinite
goodness of God, that my spirit was nothing at all dis-
couraged from doing still that which I thought to be my
duty. .
I had not rested a quarter of an hour, before the ene-
my came close to the town. I had now not above a hun-
dred horse with me : we went to the ship, where, under
the security of her ordnance, we got all our men and horses
a-board; and, crossing the Humber, we arrived at Hull, our
men faint and tired. I my self had lost all, even to my
shirt; for my cloaths were made unfit to wear with rents
and blood. Presently after my coming to Hull, I sent
a ship for my Daughter, who was brought the next day
to the town, pretty-well recovered of her long and tedious
journey. - -
Not
Thomas Lord Fairfar.
431
Not many days after the Earl of Newcastle sent my
JWife back again in his coach, with some horse to guard
her ; which generous act of his gained him more reputa-
tion than he could have got by detaining a lady prisoner,
upon such terms.
Many of our men, who were dispersed in this long
retreat, came hither again to us. Our first business was
to raise new forces, and, in a short time, we had abou
1500 foot, and 700 horse. - -
The town being little, I was sent to Beverly, with the
horse, and 600 foot, but my Lord of Newcastle now
looking upon us as inconsiderable, was marched into
Jincolnshire, with his whole army, leaving some few
garrisons. He took-in Gainsborough and Lincoln, and
intended to take in Boston, which was the key of the asso-
ciated Counties ; for his orders, (which I have seen,) were
to go into Essex, and block-up London on that side.
Having laid a great while still, and being now strong
enough for those forces which remained in the Country,
we sent-out a good party to make an attempt upon
Stamford-bridge, near Tork. But the enemy, upon the
alarm, fled thither, which put them also in such a fear,
that they sent earnestly to my Lord of Newcastle to desire
him to return, or the Country would again be lost.
Upon this he returned again into Yorkshire, and not long
after came to besiege Hull.
I lay at Beverley in the way of his march; and, finding
we were not able to defend such an open place against an
army, I desired orders from my Father to retire back to
Hull; but the Committee there had more mind of raising
money, than to take care of the Soldiers. And yet these
men had the greatest share in command at this time, and
would not let any orders be given for our retreat; nor
was it fit for us to return without order.
The enemy marched with his whole army towards us:
retreat we must not; keep the town we could not. So,
to make our retreat more honourable and useful, I drew-
out all the horse and dragoons towards the enemy; and
stood drawn-up by a wood-side all that night.
Next morning by day, our scouts and theirs fired on
one another. They marched-on with their whole body,
The Earl of Newcas-
tie sends his wife
back to him in his
coach.
which
4.32
A Short Memorial of
The Farl of Newcas-
tle lays siege to the
to in of Hull.
which was about 4000 horse, and 12,000 foot. We
stood till they were come very near to us. I then drew-
off; having given direction before for the foot to march-
away towards Hull, and thinking to make good the
retreat with the horse.
The enemy with a good party came-up in our rear.
The ſancs being narrow, we made good shift with them,
till we got into Beverley, and shut the gate; which we
had scarce time to do, they being so close to us.
In this business we lost Major Layton, and not above
two more. . . - -
The enemy not knowing what forces we had in the
town, stayed till the rest of the army came-up, which
was about a mile behind. This gave our foot some
advantage in their retreat, it being five miles to Hull,
and the way on narrow banks. I sent the horse by
Cottingham, a more open road, who got well thither ;
they overtook the foot, and made good their retreat,
till we got to a little bridge two miles from Hull, where
we made a stand ; the enemy followed close ; our men-
gave them a good volley of shot, which made them draw-
back; and they advanced no further.
So leaving a small guard at the bridge, we got safe to
. Hull. -
Thus, not only for want of military skill in the gentle-
men of the Committee, but, to say no more, for want of
good-nature, we were exposed to this trouble and
danger. -
My Lord of Newcastle now laid siege to Hull, but at
a great distance. For the sluces were let-open and drown-
ed the land for two miles about the town.
Yet upon a bank, which was the highway, he
approached so near as to shoot cannon-shot at random
into the town, and, for the most part, hot bullets. But,
by the diligence and care of the Governour, who caused
every inhabitant to watch his own house, the danger was
prevented. & - - -
Our horse was now useless, and many horses died every
day, having nothing but salt-water about the town. I
was therefore sent-over with the horse into Lincolnshire
to join with the Earl of Manchester's forces, which were
• . - then
Thomas Lord Fairfax. - 433
commanded by Major-General Cromwell, who received
us at our landing with his troops. .
Sir John Henderson lay within three or four miles of
...this place, with 5000 men, to prevent our conjunction,
but durst not attempt it. He marched three or four days
near unto us, but for want of good intelligence, we did
not know so much. For I altogether trusted to the care
of our new friends, being a stranger in those parts.
At Horncastle one morning he fell upon our out-guards; Winsby, or Horn-
who, being but newly raised in that country, fled towards “” w
£incoln, without giving any alarm to our quarters, that
lay dispersed and secure. -
Sir John Henderson, marching slowly with his army,
gave the alarm to some of our out-quarters, which was
soon taken in all the rest. Yet we were in some disorder
before we could get into any considerable body. My
Lord Willoughby with his horse, and my dragoons,
commanded by Colonel Morgan, brought-up the rear,
and, after some skirmishes, we lodged that night in the
field. . - - * .
The next day the Earl of Manchester came to us with
his foot; the day following we advanced toward the ene-
my, and, chusing a convenient ground to fight on, we
drew-up the army there. The enemy did so on the side
of another hill close-by, having a little plain betwixt us.
Lieutenant-General Cromwell had the van, the reserve
of horse, and my Lord Manchester all the foot. -
After we had faced one another a good while, the A battle with the
forlorn hopes began the fight: presently the bodies met º: #.
on the plain, where the fight was hot for half an hour ; The Royalists are
but then they were forced to a rout, with 200 killed and defeated.
many taken prisoners. * * -
This was the issue of Horncastle-fight, or, as some call.
it, Winsby-fight. - - - -
At the same instant we heard great shooting of ordi- The garrison of Hull
nance towards Hull, which was a Sally my Father made ºl.
out of the town upon my Lord of Newcastle's trenches, sieging army.
who drew-out most part of his army to relieve them : . .
but our men charged so resolutely, that they possessed:, .
themselves of the cannon, and pursuing their advantage,
- 2 F & . . . Put,
434
A Short Memorial of
The Royalists raise
the siege of Hull,and
return to York.
put the enemy to a total rout, upon which he raised the
siege, and returned again to York.
These two defeats together, the one falling heavy upon
the horse, the other upon foot, kept the enemy all that
winter from attempting any thing; and we, after the
The Parliament or-
ders Sir Thomas
Fairfax to march to
the relief of the be-
sieged town of Nant-
wich.
N. B.
He begins his march
on the 29th of De-
cember, 1645.
taking of Lincoln, settled ourselves in winter-quarters.
In the coldest season of the year I was commanded by
the Parliament to go and raise the siege at Nantwich,
which the Lord Byron, with the Irish army, had re-
duced to great extremity. The troops under my com-
mand were the most unfit of all their forces to be so
employed, having been ever the worst-paid, and my
men being sickly and almost naked. I desired the Parlia-
ment that they would be pleased to supply these wants;
not excusing my self, as some did, who had no will to
stir, though well enough accommodated.
The Parliament's answer was “a positive direction to
march; for that it would admit of no delay.” But, foreseeing
I should have such a return to my desires, and considering
the necessity of the business, I had, upon my own credit,
got so much cloth as cloathed 1500 men, and all were
ready to march when these orders came to me.
The twenty-ninth of December we set-forward from
Falkingham in Lincolnshire, with 1800 horse, and 500
dragoons, and power to call the regiments of foot in
Lancashire and Cheshire, to make-up the body of the
army: Which I found was not a little trouble, when I came
to Manchester; for some were thirty, some forty, miles
distant, besides the dissatisfaction of some of their Colo-
nels, who went as their particular safety, or interest, swayed
them. - º • ‘
But, finding more readiness in the inferior Officers,
*. common soldiers, I got-up in a few days near 3000
OOt. -
With this army we marched to JNantwich, which was
at the point of surrendering. When we came within a days
march, I had intelligence that the Lord Byron had drawn-
off his siege, and intended to meet us in the field. I
put my men into the order in which I intended to fight,
and continued my march till we came within three miles
of the town. - s
- There

Thomas Lord Fairfax.
There was a Pass kept with about 250 men : I sent
Colonel Morgan with his dragoons, who beat thern off,
in which his brother was slain. The Major, who com-
manded the other party, with some others, was taken
prisoner.
We marched-on till we came within cannon-shot of
their works, where half of their army was drawn-up.
And we were informed, that the river which runs through
the town, being raised by the melting of the Snow,
hindered those that lay on the other side of the town
from joining with them.
We called a council of war, wherein it was debated,
whether we should attenupt those in their works, being
divided from the rest of the army, or should march into
the town and relieve them, and, by the increase of our
force, be better able the next day to encounter them.
This last was resolved-on ; and, making way with pio-
neers through the hedges, we marched to the town; but
after we had gone a little way, word came that the ene-
my was in the rear. We faced about with two regiments,
and my own regiment of horse, commanded by Major
Rokeby, and relieved those that were engaged, and so
the fight began on all sides. -
These that fell on our rear, were that part of their army
that lay on the other side of the town, who had passed
Sir Thomas Fairfax
defeats the Royalists
under Lord Byron
near Nantwich.
About January 26th,
1643-44.
the river. Those who were drawn-up under their works,
fell upon our van, which was marching to the town.
Thus was the battle divided, there being a quarter of a
mile betwixt us, in the divisio," that first engaged. Our
foot at the beginning gave a little ground; but our horse
recovered this, by beating the enemy’s horse out of the
lanes that flanked our foot; which did so encourage our
men, that they regained their ground on the enemy, and
made them retreat from hedge to hedge, till at length
they were forced to fly to their works.
Their horse retreated in better order, towards Chester,
without much loss. Our other wing being assisted from
the town, (who Sallyed-out with seven or eight hun-
dred musketeers,) beat the enemy back into the same
works; we presently surrounded them; and they, being in
great disorder and confusion, soon yielded themselves
+ 2 F 2 Prisoners,
s
436 - .* A Short Memorºl of
prisoners to us, with all their chief Officers, Arms, Co-
lours, and Ammunition. - ſº
Thus, by the mercy of God, was this victory obtained,
being the more signal, in that we were not to deal with
young Soldiers, but with men of great experience, and
an army which had ever been victorious.
After this we took-in several garrisons in Cheshire;
Latham only in Lancashire held-out, which was besieged
by the forces of that County; but afterward the siege was
raised by Prince Rupert.
Having spent three or four months in this expedition,
my Father commanded me back into Yorkshire; that, by
the conjunction of our forces, he might be abler to take
the field. We met about Ferry-bridge, he being come
out of Hull thither, with intent to fall upon the enemy’s
garrison at Selly. s
Sir Thomas Fairfax I received at this time another command from the Par-
º i. º liament to march immediately with my horse and dragoons
i., into Northumberland, to join with the Scot’s army.
alºny. The Earl of Newcastle, who was then at Durham,
was much stronger in horse than they ; for want of
which they could not advance. But, it being resolved
within a day or two to storm Selby, I stayed till that bu-
siness was over ; which proved as effectual for the relief
of the Scot’s army. -
In conjunction with The Governour of York, Coll. Bellasis, lay in Selby
i. º; with 2000 men. We drew our horse and foot close to
Se/ºy stºrm."" " the town. Sir John Meldrum led-on the foot, which had
April 10, 1944, their several posts appointed them, where they should
storm : I with the horse being ready to second them. The
enemy within defended themselves stoutly a good while.
Our men at length beat them from the line, but could
not advance further because of the horse within. I got
a barricado open, which let us in betwixt the houses and
the river. Here we had an encounter with their horse :
after one charge, they fled over a bridge of boats to York;
their horse came up, and charged us again, where my
horse was overthrown; I being single a little before my
men, who presently relieved me, and forced the enemy
back. They retreated also to York. In this charge we took
Colonel Bellasis, Governour of York. By this time the
foot
/ - t
Thomas Lord Fairfax. . . . . . . 437
foot had entered the town, and had taken many prisoners.
This good success of ours put them into great distraction
and fear at York; so that they speedily sent to the Earl of
Newcastle to haste back thither, believing we would pre-
séntly attempt them. . . . . .
This news suddenly called him back, leaving the Scots,
who with cold, and often alarms, were reduced to great
extremity. But now they advance after him. –
The Earl of Newcastle gets into York; the Scots join
with my father at Wetherby ; and all together they made
16,000 foot, and 4,000 horse. They march-on to York. *
For the siege of York it was thought necessary to have The Parliament,
more men, the town being large in compass, and strongly $.”
manned. The Earl of Craford, Lindsey, and my Self,
were sent to the Earl of Manchester, to desire him to join
with us in the siege; to which he willingly consented, bring-
ing an addition of 6,000 foot, and 3,000 horse.
Now the Army had three Generals, Lesly, Manchester, June 3, 1644.
and Fairfax, who lay apart in three several quarters before
the town : but the north side still remained open. -
... Some time was spent here without any considerable
action, till, in my Lord of Manchester’s quarters, ap-
proaches were made to St. Mary’s tower, and they soon
came to mine it. Colonel Crayford, a Scotchman, who
commanded that quarter, sprung the mine", (being ambi- June 16, 1641.
tious to have the honour alone of it, ) without acquainting -
the other two Generals, for their advice and concurrence;
which proved very prejudicial: for having engaged ilis
party against the whole strength of the town, without
more forces to second him, he was repulsed with the icss
of three hundred men; for which he had surely. been
called to an account, but escaped the better by reason of
this triumviral government. 4. - * *
Soon after Prince Rupert came to relieve the town. Prince Rupert ad-
we raised the siege. Hessey Moore was appointed the .#.
rendezvous. The whole Army drew thither. About a the tºwn, -
mile from thence lay the Prince, the river Ouse being be-
twixtus, which he that night passed-over at Popleton. The
next day he drew his army into the same Moore, which,
being now joined with my Lord of Newcastle’s army,
made about 23 or 24,000 men; we something more.
2 F 3 -- -
*
and joins the army
of the Earl of New-
castie.
*
*
t
*
• ,
}
*}
We
4.38
A Short Memorial of
A great battle at
Marston-Moor.
July 2, 1644.
-
We were divided in our opinions what to do. The
English were for fighting : the Scots for retreating, to
gain (as they alledged) both time and place of more ad
vantage. - -
This being resolved-on, we marched-away to Tadcaster,
which made the enemy advance the faster.
Lieutenant-General Cromwell, Lesley, and my Self
were appointed to bring-up the rear. We sent word to the
Generals of the necessity of making a stand, or else the
enemy, having this advantage, might put us in some dis-,
order. But by the advantage of the ground we were on,
we hoped to make it good till they came-back to us, which
they did. -
The place was Marston fields, which afterwards gave
the name to this battle. *. -
Here we drew-up our army. The enemy was drawn-
up in battalia on the moor a little below us. -
The day being most part spent in preparations, we now
began to descend towards, them. Lieutenant-General
Cromwell commanded the left wing of the horse, and was
seconded by Major-General Lesley; I had the right wing,
with some Scots horse, and lances for my reserves. The
three Generals were with the foot. * -
Our left wing first charged the enemy’s right wing:
which was performed for a while with much resolution
on both sides; but the enemy at length was put to the
WOrSt. $
Our right wing had not all so good success, by reason
of the furzes and ditches we were to pass-over before we
could get to the enemy : which put us into great dis-
order. !
Notwithstanding I drew-up a body of 400 horse. But,
because their intervals of horse, in this wing only, were
lined with musketeers, who did us much hurt with their
shot, I was necessitated to charge them. We were a long
time engaged one within another; but at last we routed
that part of their wing which we charged, and pursued
them a good way towards York. Myself only returned
presently, to get to the men I left behind me. But that
part of the enemy which stood, perceiving the disorder
they were in, had charged and routed them before I could
- get
Thomas Lord Fairfax.
439
get to them : so that the good success we had at the first
was eclipsed by this bad conclusion.
Our other wing and most of the foot went on prosper-
ously, till they had cleared the field.
I must ever remember with thankfulness the goodness
of God to me this day For having charged through the
enemy, and my men going after the pursuit, and myself re-
turning back to go to my other troops, I was got-in among
the enemy, who stood, up and down the field, in several
bodies of horse. So, taking the signal out of my hat, I past
through them for one of their own commanders, and got
to my Lord of Manchester's horse, in the other wing;
only with a cut in my cheek, which was given me in the
first charge, and a shot which my horse received.
In this charge many of my officers and soldiers were
hurt and slain: the Captain of my own troop was shot in
the arm, my Cornet had both his hands cut, so as ren-
dered him ever after unserviceable. Captain Michlethwait,
an honest, stout gentleman, was slain: and there was scarce
any officer who was in this charge but received a hurt.
Colonel Lambert,(who should have seconded me, but could
not get-up to me,) charged in another place Major Fair-
far, who was Major to his regiment, had at least thirty
wounds, of which he died at 1 orh, after he had been abroad
again, and in good hopes of recovery.
But that which nearest of all concerned me, was the
loss of my brother", who (being deserted of his men,) was
sorely wounded, of which, in three or four days after, he
died. He was buried at Marston. Ætat. 23.
In this charge as many were hurt and killed as in the
whole Army besides.
On the enemy’s part there were above 4,000 slain, and
many taken prisoners.
Prince Rupert returned into the south, the Earl of
Newcastle went beyond sea, with many of his officers.
York was presently surrendered, and the North now was
wholly reduced by the Parliament's forces, except some
garrisons.
Soon after this I went to Helmesley, to take-in the
castle there, where I received a dangerous shot in my
2 F 4 shoulder,
* Charles Fairfax,
The Royalists are de-
feated with great
loss.
The city of York
surrenders to the
Parliament's Army.
July 16, 1644,
440
A Short Memorial, &c.
Sir Thomas Fairfax,
laying siege to
Helmsley Castle, is
dan gerousl \ \\ () Ul nd- s
ed in the shoulder.
shoulder, and was brought back to York, all being doubt-
ful of my recovery for some time. .
At the same time the Parliament voted me to command
the Army in the South.
But my intentions being only to keep in mind what I
had been present in during this Northern War, I shall put
an end to this discourse, where it pleased God to deter-
mine my service there.
Yet thus, with some smart from his rod, to let me see
I was not mindful enough of returning my humble thanks
and acknowledgments for the deliverances and mercies
I received; for which, alas ! I am not yet capable enough
to praise him as I ought, that may say by experience,
Who is a God like unto our God,
Therefore, not unto us, O Lord, not unto us, but unto
thy name give we the praise, -
But as for my-self, and what I have dome, I may say
with Solomon, I looked on all the works that my hands
had wrought, and on the labour that I had laboured to do,
and behold / all was vanity and vexation of spirit.
For there is no remembrance of the wise more than of the
fool for ever, seeing that which now is, in the days to come
shall be forgotten.
T. FAIRFAX.
SHORT
SHORT
M E M O RIA L’s
Some Things to be cleared during my Command in the
Army.
~mºm-
By the grace and assistance of God, I shall truly set-
down the grounds of my actions during this unhappy War,
and especially of those actions which seemed to the world
most questionable.
My first engaging in the sad calamities of the War, was
about the year i 641, when the general disteniper of the
three kingdoms, I mean the difference betwixt the King
and Parliament, had kindled such a flame, even in the heart.
of the State, that, before a remedy could be found, the
whole body was almost consumed to ashes.
I must needs say, my judgement was for the Parliament,
as the King and Kingdom’s great and Safest Council : as
others were averse to Parliaments, because they did not go.
high enough for Prerogative. . .
Upon this division, different powers were set-up : the
Commission of Array for the King, and the Militia for the
Parliament. But those of the Array exceeded their Com-
mission in oppressing many honest people, whom, by way
of reproach, they called Round-heads, who, for their Reli-
gion, Estates, and Interest, were a very considerable part
of the country ; which occasioned them to take-up arms in
their own defence, and it was afterward confirmed by
authority of Parliament. -
My father, being yet at his house at Denton, where I
then waited on him, had notice from his friends, that
it was intended he should be sent-for as a prisoner
- - to
442
A Short Memorial of
to York: he resolved not to stir from his own house, not
being conscious to himself of any thing to deserve impri-
SOIlmeilt. .*
The country suffering daily more and more, many
came and intreated him to join with them in defence of
themselves and country, which was extremely oppressed
by those of the Array (who after had the name of Cava-
liers) and he (being also much importuned by those about
him,) seeing his neighbours in this distress, resolved to run
the same hazard with them. g
Then did the Parliament grant a commission to him to
be General of the Forces in the North; myself also having
a commission under him to be General of the Horse.
It is not my intention in this place to relate the ser-
vices done in this cause of the Parliament. For I am
rather desirous to clear my actions, than to declare them ;
and therefore I shall say no more of this three years war
in the North, there being nothing (I thank God) in all
that time to be objected against me in particular: but I
shall say something how I came to be engaged in the
South.
Some years had been spent in those parts, in a linger-
ing war betwixt the King and Parliament, and several
battles so equally fought, that it could scarce be known
on which side the business in dispute would be deter-
mined. Though it must be confest that the Parliament's
Army was under the command of a very noble and gal-
lant person, the Earl of Essex, yet they found that time
and delay gained more advantage against them and their
affairs, than force had done. They therefore resolved to
make a change in the constitution of their armies, hoping
by it to find a change also in their business, which was
then something in a declining condition. In this distem-
per of things, the Army was new-modelled, and a new
General proposed to command it : and by votes of the
two Houses of Parliament I was nominated, though most
unfit; and was so far from desiring it, that, had not so great
an authority (which was then unseparated from the Royal
Interest) commanded my obedience; and had I not been
urged by the persuasion of my nearest friends, I should
have refused so great a charge. But, whether it was from
a natural
* Thomas Lord Fairfax.
443
a natural facility in me, that betrayed my modesty, or from
the powerful hand of God, which all things must obey, I
was induced to receive the command. :
Then was I immediately voted by the Parliament to
come to London, and fake my chargº, though not fully
recovered of a dangerous wrºund which I had received a
little before at Helmesley, and which I believe, without
the miraculous hand of God, would have proved mortal.
But here, (alas!) when I bring to mind the sad con-
sequences that crafty and designing men have brought to
pass since those first innocent undertakings, I am ready to
let go that confidence I once had with God, when I could
say with Job. Ti4 I die I will not remove my integrity
from me, nor shall my heart reproach me so long as 1 live:
but I am now more fit to take-up his complaint, and say,
Why did I not die # why did I not give-up the ghost when
my life was on the confines of the grave à
God having been pleased thus to give me my life for a
prey, I took my journey southward, hoping it might be
some ways serviceable to the publick. But, when I came
thither, had it not been in the simplicity of my heart, I
could not have supported myself under the frowns and
displeasures of those who were disgusted with these alte-
rations, in which many of them were much concerned:
and therefore they sought by all means to obstruct my
proceedings in this new charge ; though they could not
prevent what the necessity of affairs prest most to do,
which was to march speedily out with the Army; yet
were we by them made so inconsiderable, for want of fit
and necessary accommodations, that it rather seemed that
we were sent to be destroyed, than to do any service to
the kingdom. - .
Surely, then, if we had had no other end but self-
interest, this might have discouraged us: but it wrought
no such effect on me, but rather gave the more hopes of
future success, as happened to the Parliament’s great ad-
vantage. But, if any ill use hath been made of such
mercies, let the mercies be acknowledged from God, but
the abusers of them receive their due reward of shame
and punishment. . - *
Being thus led-on by good success, and clear intention
- of
444
A- A Short Memorial of
of publick good, some of us could not discern the serpent
which was hid under the leaves of so good fortune, nor
believe that the fruits of our hopes would prove as cocka-
trice-eggs, from whence so mischievous a brood should
afterwards spring. - - •
But how ill-deserving soever we were, it pleased God
still to give the Army such success in the years of 1645
and 1646, that there remained in England neither army
nor fortress to oppose the Parliament in settling the peace
of the kingdom. -
This mercy was soon clouded with abominable hypo-
crisy and deceit, even in those men who had been instru-
mental in bringing this war to a conclusion.
Here was the vertical point on which the Army's
honour and reputation turned into reproach and scandal.
Here the power of the Army I once had, was usurped by
the Agitators, the forerunners of confusion and anarchy.
My commission as General obliged me to act with
council ; but the arbitrary and unlimited power of this
council would act without a General : and all I could do
was ineffectual to oppose them ; especially when the Par-
liament itself became divided.
At this time the paywas with-held from the Army; which
increased their distempers. Then followed free-quarter;
and that wrought a general discontent through the whole
nation ; which gave these factious Agitators occasion to
carry-on their design of raising their own fortunes upon
the publick ruin. -
I was much troubled to see things in this condition,
and rather desired to be a sufferer than a commander.
But, before I laid-down my commission, I thought fit to
consult some friends, rather than gratify my private rea-
son and desires ; especially having received it from a pub-
lick authority; which might justly expect to have notice
before I laid it down. - . . -
This was the cause of my continuing in the Army
longer than I would have done: which did indeed preserve
the Parliament for some time from those violences that it
afterwards suffered from these disturbers.
I shall now descend to some particulars of their agi-
tations. -
The
Thomas Lord Fairfar. - - 445
The first time I took notice of them, was at Notting.
ham, by the soldiers meeting to frame a Petition to the
Parliament about their arrears. The thing seemed just; but,
not liking the way, I spake with some officers, who were
principally engaged in it, and got it suppressed for that
time. But this was only as the cutting off a Hydra's
head; for they began again, not so near the head-quar-
ters, but in more remote corners of the Army; so that,
before I could prevent it, they presented it to the Parlia-
ment; at which they were highly displeased.
They now fell into differences, the consequence of
which did not only prove fatal to the King, but destructive
to themselves: the one striving to uphold their authority;
the other, who had a spirit of unsettlement, to preserve
themselves from the ruin they feared.
This, with a natural inclination to change, I believe,
created thoughts of a new government, which in time
attained the name of a Commonwealth, but never arrived
to the perfection of it, being sometimes democratical, then
oligarchical, lastly anarchical : and indeed all the ways of
attaining to it, seemed nothing but confusion. For now
the officers of the Army were placed and displaced at the
will of the new Agitators: and violence so prevailed, that
it was above my power to restrain it. This made me have
recourse to my friends, to get me a discharge from my
command. And several Members of Parliament met and
consulted about it: but none would undertake to move it
to the House, as affairs then stood; believing such a mo-
tion would be unpleasing to them.
This was the answer I received from them, and that I
should satisfy myself; for it would be the Parliament's
care to compose all things for the good and settlement of
the kingdom. - º
These hopes did a little support my spirit, but could not
balance the grief and trouble I had, that I could not get
my discharge : so that, if you find me carried-on with this
stream, I can truly say, it was by the violence of it, rather
than my own consent.
The Army got this power and strength by corre-
spondence with some in Parliament, who found it after-
wards to their own trouble. The Army marched nearer
- London ;
446
A Short Memorial of gº
In Kent, c.
Of the removal of the
King from Holmby
by Cornet Joyce, at
the head of a body of
horse, June 4, 1647.
London; and at JWindsor, after two days debate in a
Council of War, it was resolved to remove all out of the
House, whom they conceived to be guilty of obstructing
(as they called it) the publick settlement.
I was prest to use all expedition in this march; but
here I resolved to use a restrictive pover, where I had
not a persuasive: and when the Lieutenant-General, and
others, did urge me to sign orders for marching, I still
delayed it, as ever dreading the consequences of breaking
Parliaments, and at a time when the kingdom was falling
into a new war, which was so near, that my delaying three
or four days the giving-out orders, diverted this humour of
the Army, from being Statesmen, to their more proper
duty as Soldiers.
Then did Colonel Poyer declare in Wales; great forces
did rise with my Lord Goring in Kent; and Duke Ha-
millon came into England, almost at the same time, with
a powerful army of Scots; all which set-out work enough
for that summer. -
This I write to shew how, by Providence, a few days of
delay secured the Parliament above a year from the vio-
lence which soon after was offered them.
I might here mention those great and difficult actions
the Army performed that year, which were designed for
the good of the kingdom. But that factious party grow-
ing more insolent, as success made them more powerful,
I shall forbear to relate them; though otherwise they would
have deserved a better remembrance than, in modesty, it
were fit for me to give. .
I shall rather punish myself with the continuance of
this story of the irregularities of the Army. But I must
not forget one thing of very great concernment in the after-
changes, which should have been inserted before the
mentioning of this second war; namely, the King’s removal
from Holmly; the sad consequences whereof fill my heart
with grief in the remembrance of them, as they did then
with care how to prevent them. - *
Being at Saffron. Walden, in Essex, I had notice that
Cornet Joyce, an Arch-Agitator, who, quartered about
Oxford, had seized on the King's person, removed his
guards, and given such a check to the Commissioners of
Parliament,
Thomas Lord Fairfaa. \
44.'
Parliament, who were ordered there to attend his Majesty,
that they refused to act any further on their Commission,
being so unwarrantably interrupted.
So soon as I heard of it, I immediately sent-away two
regiments of horse, commanded by Colonel Whaley, to
remove this force, and to set all things again in their due
course and order. But, before he came to Holmby, the
King was advanced two or three miles on his way to
Cambridge, attended by Joyce, where Colonel Whaley
acquainted the King, he was sent by the General to let
him know how much he was troubled at those great in-
solencies that had been committed so near his person;
and, as he had not the least knowledge of them before
they were done, so he had omitted no time in seeking to
remove that force, which he had orders from me to see
done: and therefore he desired his Majesty that he would
be pleased to return again to Holmby, where all things
should be settled again in as much order and quietness as
they were before. And also he desired the Commissioners
to re-assume their charge, as the Parliament had directed.
them, which he was also to desire them to do from the
General. But the King refused to return, and the Com-
missioners to act; whereupon Colonel Whaley urged
them to it, saying, “He had an express command to
“see all things well settled again about his Majesty,
“which could not be done but by his returning again to
“ Holmby.”
The King said positively “he would not do it;” so the
Colonel prest him no more to it, having indeed had a spe-
cial direction from me to use all tenderness and respect, as
was due to his Majesty.
The King came that night, or the next, to Sir John
Cutts’s house, near Cambridge; and the next day I
waited on his Majesty, it being also my business to per-
suade his return to Holmby. But he was otherwise re-
solved.
I prest the Commissioners also to act according to the
power given them by the Parliament, which they also re-
fused to do: so having spent the whole day about this
business, I returned to my quarters; and, as I took leave
of the King, he said to me, Sir, I have as good interest in
the
*
448
A Short Memorial of
the Army as you; by which I plainly saw the broken reed
he leaned-on. * * *
The Agitators could change into that colour which
served next to their ends; and had brought the King
into an opinion that the Army was for him.
That it might appear what a real trouble this act was
to me, though the Army was almost wholly infected with
this humour of Agitation, I called for a Council of War,
to proceed against Joyce for this high offence, and breach
of the Articles of War; but the officers, whether for fear,
of the distempered soldiers, or rather (as I suspected) a
secret allowance of what was done, made all my endea-
vours in this ineffectual. And now, no punishment being
able to reach them, all affairs were steered after this com-
pass : the King and his party in hopes; those of the
Parliament, and others, who kept to their Covenant-inte-
rest, in fears ; SO as for many months all publick councils
were turned into private Juntoes, which begot greater
emulations and jealousies among them. So that the Army
would not trust the King any longer with the liberty he
had, nor the Parliament suffer the Army to undertake
that which was more properly their own work, to settle
the kingdom in its just rights and liberties; and the Army
was as jealous that the Parliament would not have care
enough of their security.
All things growing worse and worse, made the King
endeavour to escape: which he did; but out of a larger
confinement at Hampton-Court, to a straiter one in the
Isle of Wight. -
Here the Parliament treated upon. Propositions of Peace
with the King; but, alas ! the envious one sowed tares.
that could not be rooted-out, but by plucking-up the corn
also. -
The King was the golden ball cast before the two par-
ties, the Parliament and the Army; and the contest grew
so great, that it must again have involved the nation in
blood. But the Army, having the greater power, got the
King again into their hands, notwithstanding allendeavours
to hinder it. - -
The treaty was scarce ended before the King was seized
- QFl
sº
Thomas Lord Fairfur.
449
on by the hands of the same persons that took him from
Holmby ; soon after followed his trial. .
To prepare a way to this work, this Agitating Council
did first intend to remove all out of the Parliament who
were like to oppose them, and carried it on with such se-
crecy, as I had not the least intimation of it till it was
done, as some of the Members of the House can witness,
with whom I was at that very time upon special business,
when that attempt was made by Colonel ºride upon the
Parliament, which I protest I never had any knowledge of
till it was done. The reason why it was so secretly car-
ried, that I should have no notice of it, was, because I
always prevented those designs when I knew them.
By this piarging of the House (as they called it) the
Parliament was brought into such a consumptive and lan-
guishing condition, that it could never again recover that
healthful constitution, which always kept the kingdom in
its strength, life, and vigour. -
This way being made by the sword, the Trial of the
Ring was easier for them to accomplish. . .
My afflicted and troubled mind for it, and my earnest
endeavours to prevent it, will, I hope sufficiently testify
my dislike and abhorrence of the Fact. And what will they
not do to the shrubs, having cut-down the Cedar?
After this, Duke Hamilton, the Earl of Holland, the
Lord Capel, and others, were condemned to death.
‘It is fit for me in this place to say something for my
own vindication about my Lord Capel, Sir Charles Lucas,
and Sir George Lisle; who were prisoners at mercy upon
the rendering Colchester: seeing some have questioned the
just performance of those articles. . -
I laid siege to the town, and made several assaults: but,
finding their forces within much more numerous than those
I had without, I was forced to take another course in
blocking them up, and, by cutting off all supplies, to bring
them to a surrender; which, after four months close
siege, they were compelled to, and that upon mercy,
being in number three or four thousand men; and “de-
livering upon mercy, is to be understood that some are to
suffer, and the rest to go free.”
Immediately after our entrance into the town, a Council
2 G - of
A Short Memorial of
of War was called, and those forenamed persons were sen.
tenced to die, the rest to be acquitted. .
This being so resolved, I thought fit notwithstanding to
transmit the Lord Capel, the Lord Norwich, &c. over to
the Parliament, being the civil judicature of the kingdom,
consisting then both of Lords and Commons, and so most
proper judges in their case, who were considerable for
Estates and Families: but Sir Charles Lucas, and Sir George
Lisle, being mere soldiers of fortune, and falling into our
hands by chance of war, were executed; and in this I did
nothing but according to my Commission, and the Trust
reposed in me. -
But, it may be objected, that I went into the Court dur-
ing the trial: to which I answer, that it was at the earnest
request of my Lord Capel's friends, who desired me to
explain there “what was meant by surrendering to Mer-
cy:” otherwise I had not gone there, being always un-
satisfied with those courts. - -
For this I need say no more, seeing I may as well be
questioned for the articles of Bristol, Oxford, Exeter, or
any other action in the war, as this. -
I have now related the most remarkable things that
might be alledged against me, during the prosecution of
the war. -
One thing more requires I should say something to it,
before I conclude; that is, concerning Papers and Decla-
rations of the Army that came-out in my name, and that
of the Council of Officers.
Isay, that, from the time they declared their usurped au-
thority at Triplow Heath, I never gave my free consent to
anything they did: but being yet undischarged of my place,
they set my name in way of course to all their papers,
whether I consented or not : and to such failings are all
authorities subject. Under the Parliament's Authority
many injuries have been done; so here hath a General's
power been broken and crumbled into a levelling faction.
Yet even this I hope all impartial judges will interpret
as force and ravishment of a good name, rather than a vo-
luntary consent, which might make me equally criminal
with that faction. And if in a multitude of words, much
more in a multitude of actions, there must be some trans-
gressions;
Thomas Lord Fairfax.
451
gressions; yet I can truly say, they were never designedly,
or willfully, committed by me. -
All the power being got into the Army, they cut-up the
root of kingly government; after this were engagements
made to abolish that title. Then was war declared against
Scotland for assisting the King, and several leagues made
with foreign Princes, to confederate with their new Go-
vernment (which was now a Commonwealth), against the
Kingly Power. . ~.
All this I saw with grief and sorrow, and, though I pos-
sessed the love of the Army as much as ever, and was with
great importunity sollicited by that remaining Parliament
and the Soldiers to continue my command; and, though I
might, so long as I acted their designs, have attained to what
height of power, and other advantages, I pleased; yet, by
the mercies and goodness of God, I did, so long as I con-
tinued in the Army, oppose all those ways in their
Councils; and, when I could do no more, I then declined
their actions: though I did not resign my Commission,
which I had from the Parliament, till the remaining part
of it took it from me. •
Thus have I given you the sum of the most consider-
able things, for which the world may censure me, during
this unhappy war; and I hope that, in all my weakness and
failings, there shall not be found any crimes of such mag-
nitude as to make me be numbered with those who have
done these things through Ambition and Dissimulation.
FINIS,
2 G 2 THOMAs
452 A Short Memorial of
THOMAS LORD FAIRFAx,
HIS
E PIT A P H,
GEORGE WILLIERS,
THE SE con D DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM,
Who married Mary, the only Child of the said renowned Commandes.
—- sº- -º.
UNDER this Stone doth lie
One born for Victory,
Fairfax the valiant, and the only He,
Who e're, for that alone, a Conqueror would be.
Both sexes’ virtues were in him combin’d ;
He had the fierceness of the Manliest mind,
And all the meekness too of Worhankind.
He never knew what Envy was, nor Hate;
His soul was fill’d with Worth, and Honesty,
And with another thing besides, quite out of date,
Call'd Modesty.
He ne'er seem’d Impudent, but in the Field;—a place
Where Impudence itself dares seldom shew its face.
Had any stranger spy’d him in a room,
With some of those whom he had overcome,
And had not heard their talk, but only seen
Their gesture, and their mien,
They would have sworn he had the vanquisht been:
For as they bragg’d, and dreadful would appear.
Whilst they their own ill-luck repeated,
His modesty still made him blush to hear
How often be had them defeated.
Through his whole life the part he bore
Was Wonderful and Great.
And yet it so appear'd in nothing more
Than in his private, last retreat :
For 'tis a stranger thing to find
One mail of such a glorious mind
yº. As
Thomas Lord Fairfax, g 453
As can despise the power he has got,
Than millions of the Polls and Braves,
Those despicable fools and knaves,
Who such a pudder make,
Through dulness and mistake,
In seeking after power, and get it not.
When all the Nation he had won,
And, with expence of bloºd, had bought
Store great enough, he thought,
Of Fame, and of Renown,
He then his arms laid-down,
With full as little pride,
As if he’d been o'th’ conquer’d side,
Or one of them could do that were undone.
He neither Wealth nor Places sought;
For others, not himself, he fought.
He was content to know,
(For he had found it so ;)
That, when he pleas'd to conquer, he was able;
And left the spoil and plunder to the rabble.
He might have been a King,
But that he tinderstood,
How much it is a meaner thing *
To be unjustly Great, than honourably Good.
This from the World did Admiration draw,
And from his Friends both Love and Awe,
Remembring what he did in fight before.
Nay, his foes lov’d him too,
As they were bound to do,
Because he was resolv’d to fight no more.
So, blest of all, he died; but far more blest were we,
If we were sure to live till we could see,
A man as great in war, as just in peace, as He-
2 G 3
B E H E M ot H.
THE
HIS TO R Y
OF THIE CA US ES OF TH 3
CIVIL WARS OF ENG LAND,
*
And of the Counsels and Artifices by which they were carried
on, from the Year 1640, to the Year 1660.
By THOMAS Hobbes, of Mainsbury.
Bella per Angliacos plusquant civilia campos,
Júsque datum sceleri loquimur——
2 G 4
B E H E M O TH:
or,
THE EpiroME -
- of THE
civil wars of ENGLAND.
*
PART 1.
A. IF in time, as in place, there were degrees of high
and low, I v.rily believe that the higheſt of time would be
that which passed, between 1640 and 660; for he that
tºe ce, as from the Devil s Mountain, should have ooked
upon the World, and observed the Actions of Wien, espe-
cialiv in England, might have had a prospect of all kinds
of inju rice, and all kinds of folly that the world could
affortſ; and how they were produced by their Hypocrisy
and et conceit: whereof the one is double Iniquity, and
the other double Foily . . . . . . . . .
B | should be glad to behold that prospect. You
tha', have liv i in that time, and in that part of your age,
where in men u e to see best into good and evil ; I pray
you set ºn (that could not see so we 1) upon the same
m ºuritain by the relation of the actions you then saw,
anº of £a ir slau es, Pretensions, Justice, Order, Artifice,
ºf ºn the vear 1640, the Government of Fngland was
Monarcinical, and the King that reigned, Charles, the
first o that name, holding th Sovereignty, by right of a
descent continued above six hundred years, and from a
much longer descent King of Scotland, and from the in.
458
Behemoth.
Presbyterian Minis-
ters.
Papists.
of his ancestor Henry II. King of Ireland; a man that
wanted no virtue, either of body or mind, nor endea-
voured any thing more than to discharge his Duty towards
God, in the well governing of his subjects.
B. How could he then miscarry, having in every
county so many trained Soldiers as would (put together)
have made an army of 60,000 men, and divers magazines
of ammunition in places fortified ? -
A. If those soldiers had been (as they and all other of
his subjects ought to have been) at his Majesty's com-
mand, the Peace and Happiness of the three kingdoms had
continued, as it was left by King James; but the People
were corrupted generally, and disobedient persons were
esteemed the best Patriots.
B. But sure there were men enough, besides those that
were ill-affected, to have made an Army sufficient to have
kept the People from uniting into a body able to oppose
him.
A. Truly I think, if the King had had Money, he might
have had Soldiers enough in England; for there were
very few of the common people that cared much for either
of the causes, but would have taken any side for pay and
plunder. But the King's Treasure was very lov, and his
Enemies (that pretended to be desirous of the people's ease
from taxes, and of otherspecious things), had the command
of the City of London, and of most Cities and corporate
Towns in England, and of many particular persons besides.
B. But how came the people to be so corrupted and
what kind of people were they that did so seduce them :
A. The seducers were of divers sorts. One sort was
Ministers, Ministºrs (as they called themselves) of Christ;
and sometimes, in their Sermons to the People, God's
Ambassadors, pretending to have a right from God to
govern every one his parish, and their Assembly the whole
Ilat 10ſ). -
Secondly, There were a very great number (though
not comparable to the other), which (notwithstanding that
the Pope's power in England, both temporal and eccle-
siastical, had been by Act of Parliament abolished,) did
still retain a belief, that we ought to be governed by the
Pope, whom they pretended to be the Picar of Christ,
- and
Behemoth. * - - 459
and in the right of Christ to be the Governour of all Chris-
tian People; and these were known by the name of Pa- } |
pists, as the Ministers I mentioned before were commonly
called Presbyterians. . . . . . .
...Thirdly, There were not a few, who in the begin-
ning of the troubles were not discovered, but shortly
after declared themselves for a 2 lberty of Religion; and
those were of different opinions from one another. Some of
them (because they would have all Con regations free and
independent one upon another) were called independents: Independents;
others, that held baptism to infants, and to such as under-
stood not into what they are baptized, to be ineffectual, were
called therefore Anabaptists; others that held that Christ’s Anabaptists;
kingdom was at this time to begin upon the earth, were
called Fifth-monarchy Men; besides divers other sects, Fifth-Monarchy
as Quakers, Adamites, &c. whose names and peculiar "...i.
* - . I - Adamites; and other
doctrines I do not well remember. And these were the sectaries. -
enemies which arose against his Majesty from the private
interpretation of the Scripture, which had been exposed
to every man’s scanning in his mother-tongue. ."
Fourthly. There were an exceeding great number of Many Gentlemen,
men of the better sort, that had been so educated, as that ºf ºd estates,
gº & , ºt *... . . . . . , º bred-up in the study
in their youth having read the books written by famous of the 'Greek and
men of the antient ºrecian and Roman Commonwealths, Roman authºrs, who
concerning their polity and great actions; in which books . jë.
the Popular Government was extolled by the glorious ment.
name of Liberty, and Monarchy disgraced by the name of
Tyranny, they became thereby in love with their forms
of government: and out of these men were chosen the
greatest part of the House of Commons; or, if they were
not the greatest part, yet, by advantage of their eloquence,
~
• &D -
they were always able to sway the rest. . .
Fifthly, The City of London, and other great towns of
trade, having in admiration the posperity of the Low- f
Countries, after they had revolted from their monal ch Phi-
lip the 2nd, King of Spain, were inclined to think, that the
like change of Government here, would to them produce
the like Prosperity. * . - . .
Sixthly, There were a very great number that had
either wasted their fortunes, or thought them too mean
for the good parts they thought were in themselves; and
* * - II].OTº
46O
Behemoth.
The grounds of the
pretensions of the
Papists to have
power in the State.
more there were that had able bodies, but saw no means '
how honestly to get their bread : these longed for a war;
and hoped to maintain themselves hereafter by the lucky
chusing of a party to side with, and consequently did, for
the most part, serve under them that had the greatest
plenty of money. -
Lastly, The People in general were so ignorant of their
duty, as that not one perhaps of ten thousand knew what
right any man had to command him, or what necessity
there was of King or Commonwealth, for which he was
to part with his money against his will; but thought him-
self to be so much master of whatsoever he possessed,
that it could not be taken from him upon any pretence of
common safety without his own consent. King they
thought was but a title of the highest honour, which Gen-
tleman, Knight, Baron, Earl, Duke, were but steps to
ascend to, with the help of riches; they had no rule of
equity, but precedents and custom; and he was thought
wisest and fittest to be chosen for a Member of Parliament,
that was most averse to the granting of subsidies, or other
publick payments. ... '
B. In such a constitution of people, methinks the King
is already outed of his Government, so that they need not
have taken arms for it; for I cannot imagine how the
King should come by any means to resist them.
A. There was indeed very great difficulty in the busi-
ness; but of that point you will be better informed in the
pursuit of this narration.
B. But I desire to know first the several grounds of the
pretences, both of the Pope, and of the Presbyterians,
by which they claim a right to govern us, as they do, in
chief; and after that, from whence, and when, crept-in
the pretences of that long Parliament for a Democracy.
A. As for the Papists, they challenge this right from
a text in Deut. xvii. and other like texts, according to
the old Latin translation in these words: And he that
out of pride shall refuse to obey the commandment of that
priest, which shall at that time minister before the Lord
thy God; that man shall, by the sentence of the judge, be
put to death. And because, as the Jews were the People
of God then, so is all Christendom the People of God
-- 110W 5
Behemotb.
now ; they infer from thence, that the Pope, whom they
pretend to be the High Priest of all Christian People,
ought also to be obeyed in all her decrees, by all Chris-
tians, upon pain of death. Again, whereas in the New
Testament Christ saith, All power is given unto me in
Heaven and in Earth; go therefore and teach all nations,
and baptize them in the name of the Father, and of the
Son, and of the Holy Ghost, and teach them to observe
all these things that I have commanded you. From thence
they infer, that the command of the Apostles was to be
obeyed, and by consequence the nations were bound to
be governed by them, and especially by the Prince of the
Apostles St. Peter, and by his successors the Popes of
Rome. - -
B. For the text in the Old Testament, I do not see
how the commandments of God to the Jews to obey their
priests, can be interpreted to have the like force in the
case of other nations Christian, more than upon nations
Unchristian; for all the world are God's people ; unless
we also grant, that a King cannot of an Infidel be made
Christian, without making himself subject to the laws of
that Apostle, or Priest, or Minister that shall convert him.
The Jews were a peculiar people of God, a sacerdotal
kingdom, and bound to no other law, but what first
Moses, and afterwards every High Priest did go and re-
ceive immediately from the mouth of God in Mount Si-
nai, in the Tabernacle of the Ark, and in the Sanctum
Sanctorum of the Temple. And for the text in St. Mat-
thew, I know the words of the Gospel are not Go teach,
but Go and make disciples; and that there is a great dif-
ference between a subject and a disciple, and between
teaching and commanding. And if such texts as these
must be so interpreted, why do not Christian Kings lay-
down their titles of Majesty and Sovereignty, and call
themselves the Pope's Lieutenants But the doctors of
the Roman church seem to decline that title of absolute
power, in their distinction of power spiritual and power
temporal; but this distinction I do not very well under-
Stand.
A. By spiritual power they mean the power to deter. Of the meaning of
mine points of faith, and to be Judges in the inner Coºrt
of
the words Spi, iſ waſ
Power, as understood
by the Papists,
462
Behemotb.
of Conscience, of moral Puties, and of a power to punish
those men that bey nºt their Precepts by ecclesiastical
Censure, that is by 'xcommunication: and this power,
they say, the Cope hath immediately from Christ, without
dependence upon any King or Sovereign assembly, whose
subjects they be that stand excommunicate. But for the
power temporal which consists in judging and punishing
those actions that are done again tthe Civil Laws, they
say, they do not pretend to it directly, that is to say, [only
so far forth as such actions tend to the hindrance or ad-
vancement of Religiºn and, good Manners, which they
mean when they say in ordºne ad spiritualia.
B. What power then is left to Kings, and other civil
Sovereigns, which the Pope may not pretend to be his
in ordine ad spiritualia P .' .
A None or very little: and this power the Pope pre-
tends to in all ſhristendom. But some of his Bishops also
[pretended to have it in their several dioceses, Jure Di-
vino, that is, immediately from Christ, without deriving it
from the Pope. **
R. But what, if a man refuse obedience to this pre-
tended power of the Pope and his Bishops ? What harm
can Excommunication do him, especially if he be the
subject of another Sovereign :
A. Very great harm; for by the Pope’s, or Bishop's,
signification of it to the civil power; he shall be punished
sufficiently.
B. He would be in an ill case then, that should venture
to write, or speak, in defence of the civil power, since he
must be punished by him whose rights he defended; like
Uzza, that was slain, because he would needs, unbidden,
put forth his hand to keep the Ark from falling. But, what
if a whole nation should revolt from the Pope at once 2
What effect could Excommunication have upon the Na-
tion ? - - 2 *
A. Why, they should have no more Mass said, at least
by any of the Pope’s Priests: and besides, the Pope should
have no more to do with them, but to cast them off;
and so they would be in the same case, as if a nation
should be cast-off by their King, and left to be governed
by themselves, or whom they would. .* *
B. This would not be taken so much for a punishment
£O
Behemoth.
463
tº the People, as to the King; and therefore, when a Pope
excommunicates a whole nation, methinks he rather ex-
communicates himself, than them. But, I pray you, tell
me, what were the Rights that the Pope pretended-to in the
kingdoms of other Princes
A. First, An exemption of all Priests, Friars, and Monks,
in criminal causes, from the cognizance of civil Judges.
Secondly, Collations of Benefices on whom he pleased,
native or stranger; and exaction of Tenths, First-fruits,
and other payments. Thirdly, Appeals to Rome in all
causes where the Church could pretend to be concerned.
Fourthly, To be the supreme Judge, concerning lawful-
ness of Marriage (i.e. concerning the hereditary succes-
sion of Kings) and to have the cognizance of all causes
concerning Adultery and Fornication.
B. Good! a Monopoly of Women.
A. Fifthly, A power of absolving subjects of their
duties, and of their oaths of fidelity to their lawful Sove-
reigns, when the Pope should think fit, for the extirpa-
tion of Heresy.
B. This power of absolving subjects of their obedience,
as also that other of being judge of manners and doctrine,
is as absolute a sovereignty as is possible to be ; and con-
sequently there must be two kingdoms in one and the
same nation, and no man would be able to know which of
his masters he must obey. -
JA. For my part, I shall rather obey that master that had
the right of making Laws, and of inflicting Punishments,
than him that pretended only to a right of making Canons,
that is to say, rules, and no Right of co-action, or other-
wise punishing, but by Excommunication.
B. But the Pope pretends also, that his Canons are
Laws; and for punishing, can there be any greater punish-
ment than Excommunication; supposing it true (as the
Pope saith it is) that he that dies excommunicate is damn-
ed? Which supposition, it seems, you believe not; else
you would rather have chosen to obey the Pope, that
would cast you, body and soul, into Hell, than the King,
that can only kill the body. -
A. You say true; for it were very uncharitable in me
to believe, that all Englishmen (except a few Papists)
- that
Of the rights claim-
ed by the Pope in
the kingdoms of
other Princes.
464
Behemoth.
Of the meaning of
the word Heresy.
that have been born and called heretics, ever since the
Reformation of Religiºn in England, should be damned.
B. But those that die excommunicate in the Church
of England, at this day, do you not think them also
damned : -
.A. Doubtless he that dies in sin without repentance, is
damned: and he that is excommunicate for disobedience
to the King's Laws, either Spiritual or Temporal, is ex-
communicate for sin ; and therefore, if he die excommu-
nicate and without desire of reconciliation, he dies impe-
nitent. You see what follows; but to die in disobedience
to the precepts and doctrines of those men that have no
authority, or jurisdiction, over us, is quite another case,
and bringeth no such danger with it. .
B. But what is this heresy which the church of Rome
so cruelly persecutes, as to depose Kings that do not,
when they are bidden, turn all Heretics out of their do-
minions : -
A. Heresy is a word, which, when it is used withou
passion, signifies a private of inion. These, for Example,
the Opinions of the different sects of the old Philosophers,
Academians, Peripatetics, Epicureans, Stoics, &c. were
called Heresies. But in the Christian Church, there was
in the signification of that word comprehended a sinful
Opposition to him that was Chief Judge of Doctrines, in
order to the Sºli aiion of Mens Soul: ; and consequently
heresy may be said to bear the same relation to the power
Spiritual, that Rebellion doth to the power Temporal, and
is suitably to be persecuted by him that will preserve a
power Spiritual and dominion over mens consciences.
B. It would be very well (because we are all of us per-
mitted to read the Holy Scriptures, and bound to make
them the rule of our actions, both publick and private)
that heresy were by some law defined, and the particular
opinions set-forth, for which a man were to be condemned
and punished as a heretich. For else, not only men of
mean capacity, but even the wisest and devoutest Chris-
tian, may fall into heresy without any will to oppose the
Church; for the Scriptures are hard, and the interpreta-
tions different of different men. -
4. The meaning of the word heresy is by law declared
1I]
Behemoth.
465
in an Act of Parliament in the first Year of Queen Eliza-
beth, wherein it was ordained, That the Persons who had,
by the Queen’s Letters Patents, the Authority Spiritual
(meaning the High-Commission) shall not have the Au-
thority to adjudge any Matter, or Çause, to be Heresy, but
only such as heretofore have been adjudged to be Heresy.
by the Authority of the Canonical Scriptures, or by the
first four General Councils, or by any other General Coun-
cil, where the same was declared Heresy by the express
and plain Words of the said Canonical Scriptures, or such
as hereafter shall be adjudged Heresy by the High Court
of Parliament of this Realm, with the Assent of the Clergy
in their Convocation. - .
B. It seems therefore that, if there arise any new Error
that hath not yet been declared Heresy (and many such
may arise) it cannot be judged Heresy without a Parliament.
For, how foul soever the Error be, it cannot have been de-
clared Heresy, neither in the Scriptures, nor in the Coun-
cils, because it was never before heard of and conse-
quently there can be no Error (unless it fall within the
Compass of Blasphemy against God, or Treason against
the King) for which a Man can in Equity be punished.
Besides, who can tell what is declared by the Scripture,
which every Man is allowed to read and interpret to him-
self? Nay, more, what Protestant, either of the Laiety or
the Clergy, (if every General Council can be a competent
Judge of Heresy) is not already condemned? for divers
Councils have declared a great many of our Doctrines to
be Heresy, and that (as they pretend) upon the Authority
of the Scriptures.
A. What are those Points that the first four General
Councils have declared Heresy . . .
B. The first General Council held at Nice declared all
to be Heresy, which was contrary to the Nicºne Creed,
upon occasion of the Heresy of Arius, which was the de-
nying the Divinity of Christ. The second General Coun-
cil held at Constantinople, declared Heresy the fjoctrine of
Macedonius; which was, that the H ly Ghost was created.
The third Council assembled at Ephesus, condemned the
Docrine of Nestorius, that there were two Persons in
Christ. The fourth held at Chalcedon, condemned the
- 2 FI - Error
The Opinions that
were declared to be
Herestes by the first
four General Coun-
cils.
466
Behemoth.
Error of Eutyches, that there was but one Nature in
Christ. I know of no other Points condemned in these
four Councils, but such as concern Church-Government,
or the same Doctrines taught by other Men in other
Words : and these Councils were all called by the Em-
perors, and by them their Decrees confirmed, at the Peti-
‘tion of the Councils themselves.
4. I see by this, that both the calling of the Council,
and the confirmation of their Doctrine and Church-Go-
vernment, had no obligatory force, but from the authority
of the Emperor. How comes it then to pass, that they
take upon them now a legislative power, and say their
Canons are Laws 2 That text, All power is given to me in
Heaven and Earth, had the same force then as it hath
now, and conferred a legislative power on the Councils,
not only over Christian men, but over all nations in the
world. . -
B. They say, no; for the power they pretend-to is de-
rived from this, that when a King was converted from
Gentilism to Christianity, he did by that very submission
to the Bishop that converted him, submit to the Bishop's
government, and became one of his sheep; which right
therefore he could not have over any nation that was not
Christian. . -
A. Did Sylvester (who was Pope of Rome in the time
of Constantine the Great, who was converted by him) tell
the Emperor, his new disciple, beforehand, that, if he be-
came a Christian, he must be the Pope's subject 2
B. I believe not ; for it is likely enough, if he had
told him so plainly, or but made him suspect it, he would
either have been no Christian at all, or but a counterfeit
OIlê. º . . . .
A. But, if he did not tell him so, and that plainly, it
was foul play, not only in a priest, but in any Christian ;
and for this derivation of their right from the Emperor's
consent, it proceeds only from this, “that they dare not
challenge to themselves a legislative power, nor call their
Canons Laws in any Kingdom in Christendom, farther
than the Kings make them so.” But in Peru, when Ata-
balipa was King, the Friar told him, that Christ, being
King of all the World, had given the disposing of all
z - - the
Behemoth.
the kingdoms therein to the Pope, and that the Pope had
given Peru to the Roman Emperor, Charles V. and re-
quired Atabalipa to resign it; and, for refusing it, seized
upon his person by the Spanish army there present, and
murdered him. You see by this “how much they claim,
- when tº ey have power to make it good.” . . . . . . .
º, B. When began the Popes to take this authority upon
them first P. . . . . . . . . - . . . . .
4. After the Inundation of the northern people had
overflowed the western parts of the Empire, and they had
*-possessed themselves of Italy; the people of the City of
Rome submitted themselves, as well in Temporals as in .
Spirituals, to the Government of their own Bishop ; and
then, first, was the Pope a Temporal Prince, and stood
no more in so great fear of the Emperors, who lived
far off at Con-tantinople. In this time it was, that the
Pope began, by pretence of his power-Spiritual, to en-
croach upon the Temporal rights of all other Princes of
the West, and so continued gaining upon them, till his
power was at the highest, in that period of three hundred
years, or thereabout, which passed between the eighth and
the eleventh century, that is, between the time of Pope Leo
III. and that of Pope Innocent III. For in this time Pope
Zachary I: deposed Chilperic, then King of France, and
gave the kingdom to one of his subjects, Pepin; and Pepin
took from the Lombards a great part of their territory,
and gave it to the Church. Shortly aſter, the Lombards
having recovered their estate, Charles the Great retook it,
and gave it to the Church again, and Pope Leo III, made
Charles Emperor. ~ ~
B. But what right did the Pope then pretend for the
creating of an Emperor - . . . .
A. He pretended the right of being Christ's Vicar; and
what Christ could give; his Vicar might give; and you
know that Christ was King of all the World.
B. Yes, as God; and so he gives all the Kingdoms of
the World; which nevertheless proceed from the Consent
of the People, either for Fear or Hope. ;
4. But this Gift of the Empire was in a more special
Manner, to wit, in such a Manner as Moses had the Govern-
ment of Israel given him, or rather as Joshua had it given
him, to go in and out before the People, as the High-Priest
-- " - º 2-H 2 . . . should
!
*
46&
Behemotă.
should direct him ; and so the Empire was understood
to be given him, on Condition to be directed by the Pope ;
for when the Pope invested him with the Regal Orna-
ments, the People all cried out, Deus dal, that is to say,
“’tis God that gives it ‘’’ and the Emperor was contented
so to take it. And from that time all, or most of the Chris-
tian Kings, do put into their Titles the Words Dei gratié,
that is, by the Gift of God; and their Successors use
still to receive the Crown and Scepter from a Bishop.
B. 'Tis certainly a very good Custom for Kings to be
put in mind by whose Gift they reign. But it cannot from
that Custom be inferred, that they receive the Kingdom
by Mediation of the Pope, or by any other Clergy : for
the Popes themselves received the Papacy from the Em-
peror. The first that ever was elected Bishop of Rome,
after the Emperors were Christians, and without the Em-
peror's Consent, excused himself by Letters to the Em-
peror with this; “That the People and Clergy of Rome
had forced him to take it upon him;” and prayed the Em-
peror to confirm it; which the Emperor did, but with a
Reprehension of their Proceedings, and a Prohibition of
the like for the Time to come : The Emperor was Lotha-
rius, and the Pope Calixtus I. ---
A. You see by this “ that the Emperor never acknow-
ledged that this gift of God was the gift of the Pope, but
maintained, that the Popedom was the gift of the Emperor.”
But in process of time, by the negligence of the Emperors
(for the greatness of Kings makes them find it difficult to
descend into the obscure and narrow mines of an ambitious
Clergy), they found means to make the people believe, that
there was a power in the Pope and Clergy, to which they
ought to submit, rather than to the commands of their
own Kings, whensoever those two Powers should come
into competition. And to that end they devised and de-
creed many new Articles of Faith, which tended to the
diminution of the authority of Kings, and to the disjunc-
tion of them from their subjects, and to a closer adhe-
rence of their subjects to the Church of Rome;—Articles,
either not at all found in, or not well founded upon, the
of the prohibition of Scriptures; AS, for example, in the first place, that it should
Marriage to Priests, not be lawful for a Priest to marry.
B. What
Behemoih.
B. What influence could that have upon the power of
Kings? - l
A. Do you not see, that by this the King must of ne-
cessity either want the priesthood, and there with a great
part of the reverence due to him from the most religious
part of his subjects, or else want lawful heirs to succeed
him : by which means, being not taken for the Head of
the Church, he was sure in any controversy between him
and the Pope, that his subjects would be against him.
R. Is not a Christian King as much a Bishop now, as
the Heathen Kings were of old ; for among them Episco-
pus was a name common to all Kings? Is not he a Bishop
now, to whom God hath committed the charge of all the
souls of his subjects, both of the Laiety and the Clergy? And,
though he be, in relation to our Saviour, (who is the chief
Pastor.) but a sheep; yet, when he is compared to his own
subjects, they are all sheep, both la-ic and cleric, and he
only is their Shepherd. And, seeing that a Christian Bishop
is but a Christian endued with power to govern the Clergy,
it follows, that every Christian King is not only a Bishop,
but an Archbishop, and his whole dominion is his diocese.
And, though it were granted, that the Imposition of hands
is necessary from a priest, yet seeing Kings have the go-
vernment of the Clergy, that are his subjects, even before
his baptism; the baptism itself wherein he is received as
a Christian, is a sufficient Imposition of hands; so that,
whereas, before his baptism he was a Bishop, he is now a
Christian Bishop. * - -
A. For my part, I agree with you. This prohibition of
Marriage to Priests came-in about the time of Pope Gre.
gory VII. and William I. King of England; by which
means the Pope had in England, (what with secular, and
what with regular, Priests,) a great many lusty Batchelors in
his service. - s - *
A second new Article of Faith of the same tendency, in-
troduced by them, was, “That auricular Confession to a
Priest was necessary to Salvation.” 'Tis true, that before
that time, Confession to a Priest was usual, and performed
for the most part (by him that confessed) in writing; but
that use was taken-away about the time of King Edward
III. and Priests were cominanded to take Confessions from
the mouth of the Confitent: and men did generally be-
lieve, “that, without Confession and Absolution before their
2' H 3 departure
Of Auricular Con .
fession of Sins to a
Priest.
4" () Behemoth,
departure out of the world, they could not be saved;” and
“ that, having Absolution from a Priest, they could not be
damned.” You understand by this, how much every man
- would stand in awe of the Pope and Clergy, more than they
would of the King ; and what an inconvenience it is to a
State for their subjects to confess their secret thoughts to
spies. - . , “
B. Yes; as much as eternal torture is more terrible
than death, so much they would fear the Clergy more than
the King. . . . . . . . . .
A. And, though perhaps the Roman Clergy will not
maintain, that a Priest hath power to remit sins absolutely,
but only with a condition of Repentance, yet the people
were never so instructed by them; but were left to be-
lieve, “ that whensover they had Absolution, their prece-
dent sins were all discharged, when their Penance, (which
they took for Repentance,) was performed ” • .
The Doctrine of . Within the same time began the Article of Transubstan-
‘Plansubstantiations tiation. For it had been disputed a long time before “in.
what manner a man did eat the body of our Saviour Jesus,
Christ,” as being a point very difficult for a man to con-
ceive and imagine clearly. But now it was made very
clear, that the Bread was transubstantiated into Christ’s
body, and so was become no more Bread, but Flesh.
B . It seems then that Christ had many bodies, and was
in as many places at once, as there were Communicants.
I think the Priests then were so wanton, as to insult upon
the Gulness, not only of common people, but also of Kings
and their Counsellors. -
A. I am now in a narration, not in a disputation; and
therefore I would have you at this time to consider nothing
else, but what effect this doctrine would work upon Kings,
and their subjects, in relation to the Clergy, “who only
were able, of a piece of bread to make our Saviour’s body,
and thereby, at the hour of death, to save their souls.”
B. For my part, it would have an effect on me to make
me think them Gods, and to stand in awe of them, 'as of
God himself, if he were visibly present.
w
A. Besides these and other Articles tending to the up-
holding of the Pope's authority, they had many fine points
in their Ecclesiastical Polity, conducing to the same end;
of which I will mention only such as were established
. . . . . . within
Behemotb. -- 471
within the same time. For then it was the order came- The Institution of
up of Preaching Friars, that wandered up and down with #. of Preaching
power to preach in what congregation they pleased, and "
were sure enough to instil into the people nothing that
mightlessen their obedience to the Church of Rome; but on
the contrary, whatsoever might give advantage to it against
the Civil Power. Besides they privately insinuated them-
selves with Women, and men of weak judgement, confirm-
ing their adherence to the Pope, and urging them in the
time of their sickness, to be beneficial to it by contribution
of Money, or building religious Houses, or pious works,
and necessary for the remission of their sins. .
B. I do not remember that I have read of any Kingdom,
or State, in the world, where liberty was given to any pri.
vate man to call the people together, and make orations
frequently to them, or at all, without first making the State
acquainted, except only in Christendom. I believe the
heathen Kings foresaw, that a few such orators would be
able to make a great sedition. Moses did indeed com-
mand to read the Scriptures, and expound them in the Sy-
nagogues, every Sabbath-day. But the Scriptures then
were nothing else but the laws of the nation delivered unto
them by Moses himself; and I believe it would do no hurt,
if the laws of England also were often read and ex-
pounded in the Several congregations of Englishmen, at
times appointed, that they may know what to do; for
they know already what to believe.
.4. I think that neither the preaching of Friars nor
Monks, nor of parochial Priests, tended to teach men what,
but whom to believe. For the power of the mighty hath
Ilo foundation, but in the opinion and belief of the people;
and the end which the Pope had in multiplying sermons,
was no other, but to prop and enlarge his own authority
over all Christian Kings and States.
Within the same time, that is, between the time of the
Emperor Charles the Great, and that of King £dward III.
of England, began their Second Polity, which was to bring
Religion into an Art, and thereby to maintain all the decrees The Institution of
of the Roman church by disputation; not only from the §."º",
Scriptures, but also from the Philosophy of Aristotle, both ton. ſ
moral and natural. And to that end the Pope exhorted
2 H 4 - tile
4.
Behemoiń. .
2.
the said Emperor by letter to erect schools of all kinds of .
Literature: and from thence began the institution of Uni-
versities; for, not long after, the Universities began in Paris
and in 6)xford. It is true, that there were Schools in Eng-
land, before that time, in several places, for the inst1uction
of children in the Latin tongue, that is to say, in the
tongue of the church : but, for an University of learning,
there was none erected till that time; though it be not un-
likely that there might be then somePersons that taught Phi-
losophy, Logic, and other arts, in divers Monasteries, the
Monks having little else to d6, but to study. After some Col-
leges were built to that purpose, it was not long time before
many more were added to them, by the devotion of Princes
and Bishops, and other wealthy men: and the discipline
therein was confirmed by the Popes that then were, and
abundance of scholars were sent thither by their friends to
study, as to a place, from whence the way was open and
easy to preferment both in Church and Commonwealth.
The profit the Church of Rome expected from thern, and
in effect received, was the maintenance of the Pope’s
doctrine, and of his authority over Kings, and their sub-
jects, by School-divines, who, striving to make-good many
points of Faith that were incomprehensible, and calling in
the Philosophy of Aristotle to their assistance, wrote great.
books of School-divinity, which no man else, nor they them-
selves, were able to understand'; as any man may perceive
that shall consider the writings of Peter Lombard, or
Scotus, or of him that wrote Commentaries upon him, or
Suarez, or any other School-divine of later times. This
kind of learning hath, nevertheless, been much admired by
two sorts of men, who were otherwise prudent enough: the
one of which sorts were of those that were already devoted,
and really affectionate, to the Roman Church : for they
believed the doctrine before; but admired the arguments
because they understood them not, and yet found the
conclusions to their mind; the other sort were negligent
men, that had rather admire with others, than take the
pains to examine. So that all sorts of people were fully
resolved, both that the doctrine was true, and that the
Pope's authority was no more than what was due to him,
8. I see that a Christian King, or State, how well
- ~~ - SO eVē1°
Behemoth.
473
soever provided he be of money and arms (where the
Church of Rome hath such authority), will have but a
hard match for it, for want of men; for their subjects
will hardly be drawn into the field, and fight with courage
against their consciences.
. A It is true, that rebellions have been raised by church-
men in the 'ope's quarrel against Kings; (as, in England
against King John, and in France against King Henry IV.)
wherein the Kings had a more considerable part of the
People on their sides, than the Pope had on his. And they
will always have this Advantage, if they have money; for
there are but few men whose consciences are so tender as
to refuse inchey when they want it But the great mis-
chief done to Kings upon pretence of religion is, when the
Pope gives power to one King to invade another.
B. I wonder how King Henry VIII. could then so
utterly extinguish the authority of the Pope in England;
and that without any rebellion at home, or any invasion
from abroad. | -
A First, The priests, monks, and friars, being in the
height of their power, were now, for the most part, grown
insolent and licentious ; and thereby the force of their ar-
guments was now taken away by the scandal of their lives;
which the gentry and men of good education easily per-
ceived : and the Parliament, consisting of such persons,
were therefore willing to take-away their power; and ge-
nerally the common people, (which, from a long custom,
had been in love with Parliaments,) were not displeased
therewith. - -
Secondly, the doctrine of Luther beginning a little
before, was now by a great many men of the greatest.
judgements so well received, as that there was no hope to
restore the Pope to his power by rebellion. thirdly, the
revenue of Abbies, and all other religious houses falling
hereby into the King's hands, and by him being disposed-
of to tile most eminent gentlemen in every county, could not
but make them do their best to confirm themselves in the
possession of them. Fourthly, King Henry was of a
nature quick and severe in the punishing of such as should
be the first to oppose his designs. Lastly as to invasion
from abroad) in case the Pope had given the kingdom to
another Prince, it had been in vain; for England is ano-
“, ther
Of the Suppression
of the Pope's Autho-
rity in F ngland in
the Reign of King
Henry the 8th.
474. ,
Behemoth.
ther manner of kingdom than Navarre. Besides, the
French and Spanish forces were employed at that time one
against another: and though they had been at leisure, they
would have found perhaps no better success, than the
Spaniards found afterwards in 1588. Nevertheless, not-
withstanding the insolence, avarice and hypocrisy of the
then Clergy, and notwithstanding the doctrine of Luther,
if the Pope had not provoked the King by endeavouring to
cross his marriage with his second wife, his authority might
have remained in England, till there had risen some other
quarrel. - - - * i
B. Did not the Bishops that then were, and had taken
an oath, wherein was, amongst other things, that they
should defend and maintain the regal rights of St. Peter;
the words are, Regalia Sancti Petri, (which nevertheless
some have said are, Regulas Sancti Petri, that is to say,
St. Peter’s rules or doctrine ; and that the Clergy after-
ward did read it (being perhaps-written in short-hand),
by a mistake to the Pope's advantage, Regalia :) Did not,
Of the Reſormation
of Religion in the
Reign of King Ed-
ward the 6th.
I say, the Bishops oppose that Act of Parliament against
the Pope, and against the taking of the Oath of Supre-
macy 3 a" |
A. No; I do not find that the Bishops did, many of them,
oppose the King ; for, having no power without him, it had .
been great imprudence to provoke his anger. There was,
besides, a controversy in those times between the Pope
and the Bishops, most of which did maintain, that they
exercised their Jurisdiction Episcopal in the right of God,
as immediately as the Pope himself did exercise the same
over the whole church. And, because they saw that, by this
Act of the King in Parliament, they were to hold their
power no more of the Pope, and never thought of holding
it of the King, they were perhaps better content to let that
Act of Parliament pass. -
In the reign of King Edward VI, the doctrine of
Luther had taken so great root in England, that they
threw-out also a great many of the Pope's new Ar-
ticles of Faith; which Queen Mary, succeeding him,
restored again, together with all that had been abo-
lished by Henry VIII. Saving (that which could not be
restored), the religious houses; and the Bishops and
clergy of King Edward were partly burnt for hereticks,
- - e partly
Behemoth.
475
partly fled, and partly recanted : and they that fled be-
took themselves to those places beyond sea, where the
reformed religion was either protected, or not persecuted;
who, after the decease of Queen Mary, returned again to
favour and preferment under Queen Elizabeth, that re-
stored the religion of her brother King Edward : and so
it hath continued till this day, excepting the interruption
made in this late rebellion of the Presbyterians and other
democratical men. -
But, though the Romish religion were now cast-out
by the Law, yet there were abundance of people, and
many of them of the Nobility, that still retained the
religion of their ancestors; who, as they were not
much molested in points of conscience, so they were
not by their own inclination very troublesome to the civil
government. But, by the Secret practice of the Jesuits, and
other emissaries of the Roman Church, they were made
less quiet than they ought to have been ; and some of
them were induced to venture upon the most horrid act
that ever had been heard-of before; I mean the Ús un-
powder. Treason, And upon that account, the Papists of
Of the Papists in the
Reigns of Queen Eli-
zabeth and King
James.
England have, ever since, been looked-upon as men that
would not be sorry for any disorders here that might pos-
sibly make way to the restoring of the Pope's authority;
and therefore I named them for one of the distempers of
the State of England, in the time of our late King Charles.
B. see that Monsieur du Plessis, and Dr Morton,
Bishop of Durhan, writing of the progress of the Pope’s
power, and intituling their books, one of them, The Mys-
tery of Iniquity; the other, The Grand Imposture, were
both in the right: for I believe there was never such an-
other cheat in the world; and I wonder that the is ings
and States of Christelidom never perceived it.
A. It is manifest that they did perceive it. How else
durst they make war against the Pope, and sºme of them
take him out of Rome itself, and carry him away prisoner *
But, if they would have freed themselves from his tyranny,
they should have agreed together, and made themselves
every one (as Henry VIII. did) Head of the Church within
their own respective Dominions. But, not agreeing, they
let his Power continue,; every one hoping to make Use
of
476
Behemoth,
Of the Rise of the
Power of the Presby-
terians in England.
of it, when there should be Cause, against his Neigh-
bour. - {
B. Now, as to that other Distemper by Presbyterians,
how came their Power to be so great, being of themselves,
for the most part, but so many poor scholars?
A. This Controversy between the Papists and the Re-
formed Churches, could not choose but make every Man, to
the best of his Power, examine by theScriptures “which of
them was in the right;” and to that End the Scriptures
were translated into vulgar Tongues; whereas, before, the
Translation of them was not allowed, nor any Man permitted
to read them, but such as had express Licence so to do:
for the Pope did, concerning the Scriptures, the same that
Moses did concerning Mount Sinai: Moses suffered no Man
to go-up to it to hear God speak, or to gaze upon him, but
such as he himself took with him; and the Pope suffered
none to speak with God in the Scriptures, that had not
some part of the Pope's Spirit in him, for which he
might be trusted. -
B. Certainly Moses did therein very wisely, and ac-
cording to God’s own Commandment.
A. No doubt of it; and the Évent itself hath made it
since appear so : for, after the Bible was translated into
English, every Man,—nay every Boy and Wench,--that
could read English, thought they spoke with God Al-
mighty, and understood what he said; and, when, by a cer-
tain Number of Chapters a Day, they had read the Scrip-
tures once or twice over, the Reverence and Obedience
due to the Reformed Church here, and to the Bishops
and Pastors therein, was cast-off, and every Man became
a Judge of Religion, and an Interpreter of the Scriptures
for himself. -
B. Did not the Church of England intend it should
be so? What other End could they have in recommend-
ing the Bible to me, if they did not mean I should make
it the Rule of my Actions ; else they might have kept it,
(though open to themselves), to me sealed-up in Hebrew,
Greek, and Latin, and fed me out of it in such Measure
as had been requisite for the Salvation of my Soul, and
the Church's Peace.
A. I confess, this Licence of interpreting the Scripture
- - WaS
Behemoth.
7
4.
was the Cause of so many several Sects as have lain-hid,
till the beginning of the late King's Reign, and did then
appear to the Disturbance of the Commonwealth. But, to
return to the Story; those Persons who fled for Religion
in the Time of Queen Mary, resided, for the most part,
in Places where the Reformed Religion was professed,
and governed by an Assembly of Ministers, who also were
not a little made Use-of, for want of better Statesmen, in
Points of Civil Government; which pleased so much the
English and Scotch Protestants that lived amongst them,
that, at their Return, they wished there were the same Ho-
nour and Reverence given to the Ministry in their own
Countries ; and in Scotland, (King James being then
young,) they soon (with the Help of some of the powerful
Nobility) brought it to pass. Also they that returned into
England, in the Beginning of the Reign of Queen Eliza-
beth, endeavoured the same here; but could never effect
it, till this last Rebellion, and, even then, not without the
Help of the Scots: and it was no sooner effected, but
they were defeated again by the other Sects, which, by
the Preaching of the Presbyterians, and the private Inter-
pretation of Scripture, were grown numerous.
B. I know indeed, that in the beginning of the late
War, the Power of the Presbyterians was so very great,
that not only the Citizens of London were, almost all of
them, at their Devotion, but also the greatest Part of all
other Cities and Market-Towns of England. But you
have not yet told me “by what Art, and what Degrees,
they became so strong.” -
A. It was not their own Art alone that did it; but they
had the Concurrence of a great many Gentlemen, that did
no less desire a popular Government in the Civil State,
than these Ministers did in the Church ; and, as these
did, in the Pulpit, draw the People to their Opinions, and
to a Dislike of the Church-Government, Canons, and
Common-Prayer-Book, so did the others make them in
Love with Democracy by their Harangues in the Parlia-
ment, and by their Discourses and Communication with
People in the Country, continually extolling of Liberty,
and inveighing against Tyranny ; leaving the People to
collect of themselves, that this Tyranny was the present
- y Government
- Behemoth.
~. Government of theState; and, as the Presbyterians brought
with them into their Churches their Divinity from the Uni-
versities, so did many of the Gentlemen bring their Poli-
tics from thence into the Parliament. But neither of them
did this very boldly in the Time of Queen Elizabeth, And,
though it be not likely that all of them did it out of ma-
lice, but many of them out of Error ; yet certainly the
chief Leaders were ambitious Ministers and ambitious
Gentlemen; the Ministers envying the Authority of Bi-
shops, whom they thought less learned; and the Gentle-
men envying the Privy Council, whom they thought less
wise, than themselves. For ’tis a hard Matter for Men
who do all think highly of their own Wits (when they
have also acquired the Learning of the University) to be
persuaded, that they want any Ability requisite for the Go-
vernment of a Commonwealth; especially having read the
glorious Histories, and the sententious Politics, of the an-
cient popular Governments of the Greeks and Romans,
amongst whom Kings were hated, and branded with the
Name of Tyrants, and popular Government (though no
Tyrant was ever so cruel as a popular Assembly) passed
by the Name of Liberty. The Presbyterian Ministers, in
the beginning of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, did not
(because they durst not) publickly preach against the Dis-
cipline of the Church ; but not long after (by the Favour
perhaps of some great Courtier)"they went abroad preach-
ing into most of the Market-Towns of England, (as the
preaching Friars had formerly done,) upon Working-days
in the Morning : in which Sermons, those, and others of
the same Tenets, that had Charge of Souls, both by the
Manner and Matter of their Preaching, apply'd themselves
wholely to the winning of the People to a liking of their
Doctrines, and good opinion of their Persons. -
And, first, for the Manner of their Preaching. They
framed their Countenance and Gesture at the Entrance into
the Pulpit, and their Pronunciation, both in their Prayer and
Sermon, and used the Scripture Phrase, (whether under-
stood by the People or not,) so as that no Tragedian in the
World could have acted the Part of a right-godly Man
better than these did ; insomuch that a Man unacquainted
The Manner of
P. of the
resbyterian Mini-
Sters.
* This seems to allude to Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester.
with
Behemoth.
479
with such Art, could never suspect any ambitious Plot in
them, to raise Sedition against the State (as they then had
designed) or doubt that the Wehemence of their Voice,
(for the same Words with the usual Pronunciation would
have been of little Force) and the Forcedness of their Ges-
ture and Looks, could arise from any thing else, but Zeal
to the Service of God. And by this Art they came into
such Credit, that Numbers of Men used to go forth of
their own Parishes and Towns, on Working-days, leav-
ing their Calling, and on Sundays, leaving their own
Churches, to hear them preach in other Places, and to
despise their , own, and all other Preachers that acted
not so well as they : and, as for those Ministers that
did not usually preach, but, instead of Sermons, did read
to the People such Homilies as the Church had appointed,
they esteemed and called them Dumb Dogs.
Secondly, For the Matter of their Sermons, because
the Anger of the People against the late Roman Usurpation,
was then fresh, they saw there could be nothing more
gracious with them, than to preach against such other
Points of the Romish Religion, as the Bishops had not
yet condemned: that so, receeding farther from Popery than
the Bishops did, they might, with Glory to themselves, leave
a Suspicion on the Bishops, as being Men not yet well-
purged from Idolatry. • -
Thirdly, Before their Sermons, their Prayer was, or
seemed to be, extempore, which they pretended to be dic-
tated by the Spirit of God within them; and many of the
People believed, or seemed to believe, it: for any Man
might see, that had Judgement, that they did not take Care
beforehand what they should say in their Prayers. And from
hence came a dislike of the Common-Prayer-Book; which
is a set Form premeditated, that Men might see to what
they were to say Amen, -
Fourthly, They did never in their Sermons, or but
lightly, inveigh against the lucrative Vices of Men of
Trade or Handicraft; such as are Feigning, Lying, Cozen-
ing, Hypocrisy, or other Uncharitableness, except want of
Charity to their Pastors and to the faithful; which was a
great Ease to the generality of Citizens, and the Inhabi.
tants of Market-Towns, and no little Profit to themselves.
Fifthly,
i
480
Behemoth.
.."
Fifthly, By preaching up an Opinion, that Men were to
be assired of their Salvation by the Testimony of their
own private Spirit, meaning the Holy Ghost dwelling
wi, in them. And from this Opinion, the People that
found in themselves a sufficient Hatred toward the Pa-
pists and an Ability to repeat the Sermons of these Men
at their coming Home, made no Doubt but that they had
all that was necessary to their Salvation, how fraudu-
lently and spightfully soever they behaved themselves to
their Neighbours that were not reckoned amongst the
Saints, and sometimes to those also who were thought
worthv of that Appellation,
Sixthly. They did indeed with great Earnestness and
Severity inveigh often against two Sins, carnal Lusts and
vain Swearing; which without question was very well done.
But the common People were thereby inclined to believe,
that nothing else was Sin, but that which was forbidden in
the third and seventh Commandments: for few Men do
understand by the Name of Lust, any other Concupis-
cence than that which is forbidden in the seventh Com-
mandment; (for Men are not ordinarily said to lust after
another Man's Cattle, or other Goods, or Possessions,) and
therefore they never made much Scruple of the Acts of Fraud
and Valice, but endeavoured to keep themselves from Un-
cleanness only, or, at least, from the Scandal of it. And,
whereas they did, both in their Sermons and Writings,
maintain and inculcate, that the very first Motions of the
Mind, that were of that'ſ endency, that is to say, the Delight
Men and Women took in the sight of one another's Form,
(though they checked the proceeding thereof, so that it ne-
ver grew-up to be a design,) was nevertheless a Sin, they
brought young Men into Đesperation, and to think them-
selves damned, because they could not (which no Man can,
and is contrary to the Constitution of Nature) behold a
delightful Object without Delight: and by this Means they
became Confessors to such as were thus troubled in Con-
science, and were obeyed by them as their spiritual Doctors
and Directors, in all Cases of Conscieńce.
B. Yes, divers of them did preach frequently against
Oppression. -
J4. 'Tis true, I had forgot that; but it was before such
as were free enough from it. I mean the common People,
their
• Behemotb.
481
who would easily believe themselves oppressed, but never
Oppressors. And therefore you may reckon this amongst
their Artifices, to make the People believe they were oppres-
sed by the King, or, perhaps, by the Bishops, or by both ;
and incline the meaner Sort to their Party afterward, when
there should be Occasion. But this was but sparingly done
in the Time of Queen Elizabeth, whose Fear and Jealousy
they were afraid-of. Nor had they as yet any great Power
in the Parliament-House, whereby to call in Question her
Prerogative by Petitions of Right, and other Devices; as
they did afterwards, when democratical Gentlemen had
received them into their Counsels, for the Design of chang-
ing the Government from Monarchical to Popular, which
they called Liberty 2 -
B. Who would think that such horrible Designs as these
could so easily and sô long remain covered with the Cloak
of Godliness? For “ that they were most impious Hypo-
crites” is manifest enough by the War these Proceedings
ended in, and by the impious Acts in that War committed.
But, when began first to appear in Parliament the Attempt
of popular Government, and by whom -
4. As to the Time of attempting the Change of Go-
vernment from Monarchical to Democratical, we must dis-
tinguish. They did not challenge the Sovereignty in plain
Terms, and by that Name, till they had slain the King; nor
did they challenge the Rights of the Sovereignty altogether
by particular Heads, till the King was driven from London by
Tumults.(raised in that City against him), and had retired, for
the Security of his Person, to York; where he had not been
many Days, when they sent unto him nineteen” Propositions,
whereof above a dozen were Demands of several Powers,
essential parts of the Power Sovereign. But before that
Time they had demanded some of them, in a Petition,
which they called a Petition of Right, which nevertheless
the King had granted them in a former Parliament, though
he deprived himself thereby, not only of the Power to levy
Money without their Consent, but also of his ordinary
Revenue by Custom of Tonnage and Poundage, and of
the Liberty to put into Custody such men as he thought
likely to disturb the Peace, and raise Sedition in the
* These nineteen Propositions were presented to the King at York
Qº the 2nd day of June, 1642. They are set-down at length in Mr.
Thomas May's excellent History of the Ilong Parliament, Chapter iv.
Pages 124, 125, 120, and 127, of the late Edition in Quarto, published in
the year 1811. -
2 I Kingdom.
4.82
Behemoth.
* Kingdom. As for the Men that did this, 'tis enough to
Of the troubles in
Scotland in the Year
1687.
say they were the Members of the last Patliament, (which
the King had dissolved on the 5th of May, 1640,) and of
some other Parliaments in the Beginning of King Charles's,
and in the End of King James’s, reign; to name them all is
not necessary, farther than the story shall require. Most
of them were Members of the House of Commons; and
there were some few that were Members of the House of
Lords: but all of them, in both Houses, were such Per-
sons as had a great Opinion of their own Sufficiency in
Politicks, which they thought was not sufficiently taken
Notice-of by the King.
B. How could the Parliament, when the King had a
great Navy, and a great number of trained Soldiers, and
all the Magazines of Ammunition in his Power, be able
to begin the War?
A. The King had these Things, indeed, in his Right.
But that signifies little; when they that had the Custody
of the Navy and Magazines, and with them all the trained
Soldiers, and in a Manner all his Subjects, were, (by the
preaching of Presbyterian Ministers, and the seditious
Whisperings of false and ignorant Politicians,) made his
Enemies: And when the King could have no Money
but what the Parliament should give him; which, you may
be sure, should not be enough to maintain his Regal Power,
which they intended to take from him.
And yet I think they would never have adventured
into the Field, but for that unlucky Business of imposing
upon the Scots (who were all Presbyterians) our Book of
Common-Prayer. For, I believe, the English would never
have taken it well that the Parliament should make War
upon the King upon any Provocation, unless it were in
their own Defence, in case the King should, first, make
War upon them; and therefore it behoved them to provoke
the King, that he might do something that might look like
Hostility. It happened in the Year 1687, that the King (by
the Advice, as it is thought, of Dr. Laud, the Archbishop
of Canterbury), sent-down a Book of Common-Prayer
into Scotland, (which did not differin Substance from ours,
nor much in Words, besides the putting of the Word Pres-
byter for that of Minister), commanding it to be used (for
the sake of Conformity to the Church of this Kingdom) by
the Ministers there, for an ordinary Form of divine Service.
- This,
Behemoth.
483
This, being read in the Church at Edinburgh", caused such
a Tumult there, that he that read it had much ado to escape
with his Life; and it gave Occasion to the greatest Part of the
Nobility and others to enter, by their own Authority, into
a Covenant amongst themselves, (which impudently they
called a Covenant with God), to put-down Episcopacy,
without consulting with the Kingf. And this they presently
did, being animated thereto by their own Confidence, or by
assurances (from some of the Democratical Englishmen,
that in former Parliaments had been the greatest Opposers
of the King's Interest,) that the King would not be able to
raise an Army to chastise them without calling a Parlia-
ment; which Parliament would be sure to favour them.
For the Thing which those Democraticals chiefly then
aimed-at, was to force the King to call a Parliament;
which he had not done for ten Years before, as having
received no Help, but, rather, Hindrance to his Designs,
in the Parliaments he had formerly called. However, con-
trary to their Expectation, the King (by the Help of his
better-affected Subjects of the Nobility and Gentry) made
a Shift to raise a sufficient Army to have reduced the Scots
to their former Obedience, if it had proceeded to a Battle:
and, at the Head of this Army, he marched into Scotland,
where the Scotch Army was also brought into the Field
against him, as if they meant to fight. But then the Scots
sent to the King for Leave to treat by Commissioners on
both Sides; and the King, (willing to avoid the Destruc-
tion of his own Subjects,) condescended to it i. The Issue
was Peace; and the King thereupon went to Edinburgh, and
passed an Act of Parliament there to their Satisfaction.
B. Did he not then confirm Episcopacy
A. No, but yielded to the abolishing of it. But by this
Means the English were crossed in their Hope of a Par-
liament. But the said Democraticals, who had formerly
been Opposers of the King’s Interest, ceased not to endea-
vour still to put the two Nations into a War; to the End
that the King might be compelled to buy the Parliament's
Help, at no less a Price than his Sovereignty itself.
B. But what was the Cause that the Genury and Nobi-
lity of Scotland were so averse from the Episcopacy For
* On the 23d of July, 1637.
t This Coyenant was not entered into until the Month of February,
1637, and 38. See May's History of the Long Parliament, chapter iv. page 25.
... This Peace, or Pacification, was concluded on the 18th of June, iè39.
2 I 2 I can
The King raises all
Army in England,
and marches with it
into Scotland to re-
duce the Scots to
Obedience. In June,
1639.
But soon afterwards
makes a ‘l’reaty of
Peace, or Pacifica-
tion, with them.
484
Behemotb.
Soon after this
Treaty of i'acifica-
tion the King re-
turns to London,
and the e annuls it.
I can hardly believe that their Consciences were extraor-
dinarily tender, nor that they were so very great Divines,
as to know what was the true Church-Discipline established
by our Saviour and his Apostles; nor yet so much in love
with their Ministers, as to be over-ruled by them in the
Government either Ecclesiastical or Civil; for in their
Lives they were just as other Men are, Pursuers of their
own Interests and Preferments, wherein they were not
more opposed by the Bishops than by their Presbyterian
Ministers. -
A. Truly I do not know; I cannot enter into other
Men's Thoughts farther than I am led by the Considera-
tion of human Nature in general. But upon this Consi-
deration I see, first, that Men of ancient Wealth and Nobility
arenot apt to brook, that poor Scholars should (as they must
when those Scholars are made Bishops) be their Fellows.
Secondly, That, from the Emulation of Glory between the
two Nations, they might be willing to see this Nation afflicted
by Civil War, and might hope, by aiding the Rebels here,
to acquire some. Power over the English, at least so far as
to establish here the Presbyterian Discipline; which was
also one of the Points they afterwards openly demanded.
Lastly, They might hope for, in the War, some great Sum
of Money, as a Reward for their Assistance, besides great
Booty; which they afterwards obtained. But, whatsover
was the Cause of their Hatred to Bishops, the pulling of
them down was not all they aimed-at: If it had (now
that Episcopacy was abolished by Act of Parliament) they
would have rested Satisfied. But this they did not do; for,
after the King was returned to London, the English Pres-
byterians and Democraticals, (by whose Favour they had
put down £ishops in Scotland,) thought it but reasonable
that they should, in return, have the Assistance of the Scots,
for the putting-down of Bishops in England. And, in order
thereunto, they might, perhaps, deal with the Scots se-
cretly, to rest unsatisfied with that Pacification, which they
were before contented with, Howsoever it was, not long
after the King was returned to London, they sent-up to
some of their Friends at Court a certain Paper, containing
(as they pretended) the Articles of the said Pacification *;
which was a false and scandalous Paper, and, by the King’s
* Concerning this Pacification and Paper, see May's History of the Par-
liament, chapter 5, pages 34 and 35, and Ludlow's Letters, pages 125, 126,
1:27, 128, and 129. -
Command,
Behemotb.
Command, was burnt (as I have heard) publickly by the
Hangman. And so both Parties returned to the same Con-
dition they were in, when the King went-down with his
Army.
B. And so there was a great deal of Money cast-away
to no Purpose. But you have not told me who was Ge-
neral of that Army.
A. I told you that the King was there in Person: He
that commanded under him was the Earl of Arundel, a
Man that wanted not either Valour or Judgement. But “to
proceed to Battle or to Treaty,” was not in his Power, but
in the King's. -
B. He was a Man of a most noble and loyal Family,
and whose Ancestors had formerly given a great Over-
throw to the Scots, in their own Country : and in all like-
lihood he might have given them the like now, if they
had fought.
J4. He might indeed : but it had been but a kind of
Superstition to have made him General upon that Account,
though many Generals heretofore have been chosen for
the good Luck of their Ancestors on like Occasions. In
the long War between Athens and Sparta, a General of
the Athenians by Sea won many Victories against the
Spartans; for which Cause, after his Death, they chose his
Son for General; but he had ill Success. And the Romans,
(who had conquered Carthage by the Valour and Con-
duct of Scipio,) when they were about to make War again
in Africa against Caesar, chose another Scipio for their Ge-
neral, who was a Man valiant and wise enough ; but he
perished in the Employment. And, to come home to our
own Nation, the Earl of Essex made a fortunate Expedition
to Cadiz ; but his Son, who was sent afterwards to the same
Place, could do nothing, 'Tis but a foolish Superstition to
hope that God has entailed Success in War upon a parti-
cular Name or Family. ſ
B. After the Pacification broken, what succeeded
next? -
A. The King sent Duke Hamilton with a Commission
and Instructions into Scotland, to call a Parliament there,
and to use all the Means he could otherwise. But all
was to no Purpose: for the Scots were now resolved
to raise an Army, and to enter into England, to de-
liver, as they pretended, their Grievances to his Majesty
in a Petition; because the (King, they said, being in the
2 I 3 Hauds
The Scots resolve to
raise another A tº y,
and to Inarch into
England and de iver
a Petition to the
Ring.
4.86
Behemoth.
The King calls a Par-
liainent in England.
April 18, 1640.
Hands of evil Counsellors, ) they could not otherwise ob-
tain their Right. But the Truth is, they were animated
to it by the Democratical and Presbyterian English, with a
Promise of Reward, and the Hope of Piunder. Some have
said, that Duke Hamilton also did rather encourage them
to, than deter them from, the Expedition, as hoping, by the
Disorder of the two Kingdoms, to bring to pass that which
he had formerly been accused of having endeavoured,
namely, to make himself King of Scotland. But I take this
to have been a very uncharitable Censure, upon so little
Ground, to judge so hardly of a Man, that afterwards lost
his Life in seeking to procure the Liberty of the King, his
Master. -
This Resolution of the Scots to enter England being
known, the King, wanting Money to raise an Army against
them, was now (as his Enemies here in England wished)
constrained to call a Parliament to meet at Westminster, o
the 19th Day of April, 1640. ---
B. Methinks, a Parliament of England, if upon any
Occasion, should, on this, have been willing to furnish the
King with Money for a War against the Scots, out of an
inveterate Disaffection to that Nation, that had always
anciently taken part with their Enemies the French, and
which always esteemed the Glory of England for an
Abatement of their own.
A. 'Tis indeed commonly seen, that neighbour Na-
tions envy one another’s Honour, and that the less potent
bears the greater Malice ; but that hinders them not from
**
agreeing in those Things, which their common Ambition
leads them to. And therefore the King found not the
more, but the less, help, from this Parliament; and most
of the Members thereof, in their ordinary Discourses,
seemed to wonder why the King should make a War upon
Scotland: and in that Parliament sometimes called them
Their Brethren the Scots. But, instead of taking the
King's Business, (which was the raising of Money,) into
their Consideration, they fell upon the redressing of
Grievances, and especially such Ways of levying Mo-
ney as, in the late Intermission of Parliaments, the
King had been forced to use, such as were Ship-Mo-
ney, and Money for Knighthood, and such other Vails
(as one may call them) of the Regal Office, which
Lawyers had found to be justifiable by the ancient
Records of the Kingdom. Besides, they fell upon the
Actions
Behemoth.
487
Actions of divers Ministers of State, though done by
the King's own Command and Warrant ; insomuch, that
before they were to come to the Business for which they
were called, the Money which was necessary for this War
(if they had given any, as they never meant to do) would
have come too late. It is true, there was Mention of a Sum
of Money to be given to the King, by Way of Bargain,
for relinquishing of his Right to Ship-Money, and some
other of his Prerogatives, but so seldom, and without de-
termining any Sum, that it was in vain for the King to
hope for any Success. And therefore, upon the 5th of May and dissolve; it ov
following, he dissolved it. t;
B. Where then did the King procure Money to raise
and pay his Army -
A. He was forced a second Time to make use of the
Nobility and Gentry: who contributed, some more, some
less, according to the Greatness of their Estates ; but,
amongst them all, they made-up a very sufficient Army.
B. It seems then that the same Men that crossed his
Business in the Parliament, now, out of Parliament, ad-
vanced it all they could. What was the Reason of that ?
A: The greatest part of the Lords in Parliament, and
of the Gentry throughout England, were more affected
to Monarchy than to a popular Government; but so, as
not to endure to hear of the King’s absolute Power: Which
the 5th of May,
1640.
made them, in Time of Parliament, easily condescend to
abridge it, and bring the Government to a mixt Monar-
chy, as they called it, wherein the absolute Sovereignty
should be divided between the King, the House of Lords,
and the House of Commons *.
B. But how, if they cannot agree ? -
A. I suppose they never thought of that ; but I am sure
that they never meant the Sovereignty should be wholly,
either in one or both Houses. Besides, they were loth to
desert the King, when he was invaded by Foreigners; for
the Scots were esteemed by them as a foreign Nation.
B. It is strange to me, that England and Scotland (being
but one Island, and their Language almost the same, and
being governed by one King,) should be thought 1 o-
reigners to one another. The Romans were Masters of
* This seems to be a true account of the sentinents of the English No-
bility and Gentry at this time; but does not well agree with what our author
tells us, in other passages of this Tract, of their incliuation to a popular,
or repkö/icut, form of Government.
2 I 4 many
488
Behemoth.
*s
many Nations, and, to oblige them the more to obey, by
the Edicts and Laws sent unto them from the City of
Roume, they thought fit to make them all Romans; and
out of divers Nations, as the Inhabitants of Spain, Ger-
many, Italy, and France, to advance some of them (whom
they thought worthy of such Honour,) even to be Sena-
tors of Rome, and to give to every one of the common
People the Privileges of the City of Rome, by which they
were protected from the Contumelies of other Nations,
where they resided. Why were not the Scots and Eng-
lish in like Manner united into one People? *
A. King James, at his first coming to the Crown o
Fngland, did endeavour it, but could not prevail. But
for all that, I believe the Scots have now as many Privi-
leges in England, as any Nation had in Rome, of those
which were, so as you say, made Romans; for they are
all naturalized, and have Right to buy Land in England
to themselves and their Heirs. . .
B. It's true of them that were born in Scotland after
the Time that King James was in Possession of the King-
dom of England. -
24. There be very few now that were born before that
time. But why have they a better Right that were born
after, than they that were born before ? -
B. Because they were born Subjects to the King of
England, and the rest not.
A. Were not the rest born Subjects to King James :
and was not he King of England? -
B. Yes, but not then.
A. I understand not the Subtilty of that Distinction.
But upon what Law is that distinction grounded ? It there
any Statute to that Purpose? *
B. I cannot tell; I think not: but it is grounded upon
Equity. t
JA.. I see little Equity in this ; that those Nations that
are bound to equal Obedience to the same King, should
not have equal Privileges. And now, seeing there be so
very few born before King James's coming-in ; what
greater Privilege had those ingrafted Romans by their
Naturalization in the State of Rome, or in the State of
England the English themselves, more than the Scots.
B. Those Romans, when any of them were in Rome,
had their Voice in the making of Laws.
4. And
Behemoth.
489
A. And the Scots have their Parliaments, wherein their
Assent is required to the Laws there made ; which is as
good. Have not many of the Provinces of France ther
several Parliaments and several Constitutions? and yet
they are all equally natural Subjects to the King of France:
and therefore, for my part, I think they were mistaken,
both English and Scots, in calling one another Foreigners.
Howsoever that be, the King had a very sufficient Army,
wherewith he marched towards Scotland, and by that Time
he was come to York, the Scots Army was drawn-up to
the Frontiers, and ready to march into England; which
also they presently did, giving-out all the Way, that their
March should be without Damage to the Country, and
that their Errand was only to deliver a Petition to the
King for the Redress of many pretended Injuries they had
received from such of the Court, whose Counsel the King
most followed. So they passed through Northumberland
quietly, till they came to a Ford in the River of Tine, a
little above Newcastle, where they found some little Op-
position from a Party of the King's Army sent thither to
stop them, whom the Scots easily inastered, and, as soon
as they were over, seized upon Newcastle, and, coming
farther on, they seized also upon the City of Durham,
The King raised a
second Army to
make War against
the Scots. In June,
1640.
The Scottish Army
enters England, and
takes Possession of
Newcastle. In Au-
gust. 1640.
and then sent to the King to desire a Treaty; which was
granted, and the Commissioners’ on both Sides met at
Rippon. -
ferred to another Parliament, which the King should call
to meet a, Westminster, on the the third of November foſſ-
lowing, being in the same Year 1640; and thereupon the
King returned to London.
B. So the Armies were disbanded ?
A. No ; the Scotch Army was to be defrayed by the
Counties of Northumberland and Durham, and the King
was to pay his own, till the disbanding of both should be
agreed-upon in Parliament,
B. So, in Effect, both the Armies were to be maintainca
at the King's Charge, and the whole Controversy to be
decided by a Parliament almost wholly Presbyterian, and
as partial to the Scots as themselves could have wished.
JA. And yet for all this they durst not presently make
War upon the King. There was so much yet left of Reve-
rence to him in the Hearts of the People, as to have made
them odious, if they had declared what they intended :
they
The Conclusion was, that all should be...re-
A Treaty between
the two Armies is
concluded at Rippon,
October 16, 1640.
In consequence of
this ‘l’reaty the King
calls another ºnglish
Parliament, which
meets on the 3d of
November, 1640.
{
490
Behemoth.
they must have some Colour, or other, to make it be believed,
that the King made War first upon the Parliament; and
besides, thcy had not yet sufficiently disgraced him in ,
Sermons and Pamphlets, nor removed from about him
those who, they thought, could best counsel him. Therefore
they resolved to proceed with him like skilful hunters; first,
to single him out by Men, disposed in all parts, to drive
him into the open Field, and then, in Case he should but
seem to turn Head, to call that a making of War against
the Parliament.
And, first, they called in question such as had either
preached or written in Defence of any of those Rights,
which belonged to the Crown, and which they meant to
usurp, and take from the King to themselves: whereupon
some few Preachers and Writers were imprisoned, or forced
to fly. The King not protecting these, the Parliament
proceeded to call in question some of the King's own
Actions in his Ministers ; of whom they imprisoned
some, and some went beyond Sea. And, whereas
certain Persons (who had endeavoured, by Books and
Sermons, to raise Sedition, and had committed other
Crimes of a high Nature,) had therefore been censured
by the King's Council in the Star-chamber, and im-
prisoned; the Parliament, by their own Authority, to
try, it seems, how the King and People would take it, (for
their Persons were inconsiderable) ordered them to be set at
Liberty; which was accordingly done, with great Applause
of the People; who flocked about them in London, in man-
ner of a triumph. This being done without Resistance, the
King's Right to Ship-Money— -
B. Ship-Money ! What's that?
2. The Kings of England, for the Defence of the Sea,
had Power to tax all the Counties of England, (whether
they were maritime or not) for the building and furnishing of
Ships; which Tax the King had then lately found Cause to
impose, and the Parliament exclaimed against it as an Op-
pression: and one of their Members,” that had been taxed
but 20 s. (mark the Oppression ; a Parliament-man of
500 ſ. a Year Land, taxed at 20s. ) they were forced to
bring it to a Trial at Law, he refusing Payment; and he
was cast. Again, when all the Judges of Westminster-hall
were demanded their Opinions concerning the Legality of
The Proceedings of
this new Parliament.
Of the Tax called
Ship-Money.
Buſkinshaſh.
* John Hampden, Esquire, one of the Members for the County of
this
Behemotb.
493
this tax, out of twelve Judges (which is their whole Num-
ber) it was judged to be legal by Ten : for which decision,
though they were not punished, yet they were now af-
frighted by the Parliament.
B. What did the Parliament mean, when they did ex-
claim against it as illegal P Did they mean it was against
Statute-law, or against the Judgements of Lawyers given
heretofore, which are commonly called Reports; or did
they mean it was against Equity, which I take to be the
same with the Law of Nature? - -
JA. It is a hard matter, or rather impossible, to know
what other Men mean, especially if they be crafty. But
sure I am, that Equity was not their Ground for this Pre-
tence of Immunity from contributing to the King, but at
their own Pleasure: for when they have laid the Burthen
of defending the whole Kingdom, and governing it, upon
any Person whatsoever, there is very little Equity that he
should depend on others for the Means of performing it;
for if he do, they are his Sovereign, not he theirs. And,
as for the Common Law contained in Reports, they have .
no Force, but what the King gives them. Besides, it were
more unreasonable, that a corrupt or foolish Judge's un-
just Sentence, should by any Time, how long soever, ob-
tain the Authority and Force of a Law. But amongst
the Statute Laws there is one called Magna Charta, or
the Great Charter of the Liberties of Englishmen, in
which there is one Article, wherein a King heretofore
hath gracted, That no Man shall be distrained, that is,
have his Goods taken from him, otherwise than by the
Law of the Land:
B. Is not that a sufficient Ground for their Purpose?
A. No ; that leaves us in the same Doubt which you
think it clears: for where was that Law of the Land then :
Did they mean another Magna Charta, that was made by
some King more ancient yet? No; the Statute was made,
not to exempt any Man from Payments to the Publick,
but for securing of every Man from such as abused the
King's Power by surreptitious obtaining the King's War-
rants, to the oppressing of those against whom he had any
Suit in Law. But it was conducing to the Ends of some
rebellious Spirits in this Parliament to have it interpreted
in the wrong Sense, and suitable enough to the Under-
standing of the rest, or most part of them, to let it pass
B. You
492
- Behemoth.
f
B. You make the Members of that Parliament very
simple Men; aud yet the People chose them for the wisest
of the Land, - ... - 2
A. If Craft be Wisdom, they were wise enough; but
Wise, as I define it, is he that knows how to bring his Bu-
siness to pass (without the Assistance of Knavery and
ignoble Shifts) by the sole Strength of his good Contriv-
ance: A Fool may win from a better Gamester by the
Advantage of false Dice, and packing of Cards.
B. According to your Definition there be few wise Men
now-a-days; such Wisdom is a Kind of Gallantry that
few are brought-up to, and most think to be Folly. Fine
Cloaths, Great Feathers, Civility towards Men that will not
swallow Injuries, and Injury towards them that will, is the
present Gallantry. But, when the Parliament afterwards,
having gotten the Power into their Hands, levied Money
for their own Use ; what said the People to that
A. What else, but that it was legal, and to be paid, as
being imposed by Consent of Parliaments :
B. I have heard ofter that they ought to pay what was
imposed by Consent of Parliaments to the Use of the King;
but to their own Use, never before. I see by this, that it is
easier to gull the Multitude, than any one Man amongst
them: for what one Man (that has not his natural Judgement
depraved by Accident) could be so easily cozened in a
Matter that concerns his Purse, had he not been passion-
ately carried-away by the rest to the Desire of a change of
the Government, or, rather, of a Liberty of evºry one to
govern himself? *
/ A. Judge then what Kind of Men such a Multitude of
ignorant People were like to elect for their Burgesses and
Knights of Shires. i - -
B. I can make no other Judgement, but that they, who
were then elected, were just such as had been elected for
former Parliaments, and as are like to be elected for Par-
liaments to come : for the common People have been,
and always will be, ignorant of their Duty to the Publick,
as never meditating any Thing but their own particular In-
terest; in other'Things following their immediate Leaders;
which are either the Preachers, or the most potent of the
Gentlemen that dwell amongst them; as common Soldiers,
for the most part, follow their immediate Captains, if they
like them. If you think the late Miseries have made them
- - - wiser,
Behemoth.
493
wiser, that will quickly be forgot, and then we shall be no
wiser than we were. . *
A. Why may not Men be taught their Duty, that is,
the Science of Just and Unjust, as divers other Sciences
have been taught, namely, from true Principles and evi-
dent Demonstration ? and much more easily than any of
those Preachers and Democratical Gentlemen could teach
Rebellion and Treason f -
B. But who can teach what none have learned Or, if
any Man hath been so singular, as to have studied the
Science of Justice and Equity; how can he teach it safely,
when it is against the Interest of those, that are in Posses-
sion of the Power to hurt him : . /
A. The Rules of Just and Unjust (sufficiently demon-
strated, and from Principles evident to the meanest Ca-
pacity) have not been wanting; and, notwithstanding the
Obscurity of their Author, have shined", not only in this,
The true Principles
of Civil Government
are capable of being
taught in a demon-
strative, or scienti-
fic, manner.
but also in foreign Countries, to Men of good Education.
But these are few in respect of the rest of Men; whereof
many cannot read ; many, though they can, have no
Leisure; and of them that have Leisure, the greatest part
have their minds wholly employed and taken-up by their
private Businesses, or Pleasures: So that it is impossible,
that the Multitude should ever learn their Duty, but from
the Pulpit and upon Holy-days: But then, and from
thence it is, that they learned their Disobedience. And
therefore the Light of that Doctrine has been hitherto co-
vered and kept-under here by a Cloud of Adversaries,
which no private Man's Reputation can break-through,
without the Authority of the Universities. But out of the
Universities came all those Preachers that taught the con-
trary to these Rules of the Science of Just and Unjust.
The Universities have been as mischievous to this Nation,
as the Wooden Horse was to the Trojans.
B. Can you tell me why, and when, the Universities
here and in other Places first began
JA. It seems, as for the Time, that they began in the Reign
of the Emperor Charles the Great; before which Time, I
doubt not but that there were many Grammar-Schools for
* Mr. Hobbes seems here to allude to his own great work on the Origin
of Civil Government, in titled, Leviathan ; or the Matter, Form, and
Power, of a Common-wealth. By Thomas Hobbes, of Malmsbury, 1651. In
a small Folio Volume, containing S96 pages.
the
Of the beginning of
the Universities in
Europe.
494,
Behemoth.
Of Peter Lonnbard
and John Scot of
Duns.
the Latin Tongue, which was the natural Language of the
Roman Church: but for Universities, that is to say,
Schools for the Sciences in general, and especially for Di-
vinity, it is manifest, that the Institution of them was re-
commended by the Pope's Letter to the Emperor Charles
the Great, and recommended farther by a Council held in
his Time, I think, at Chalon sur Saone. And, not long
after, was erected an University at Paris; and the College
called University-College at Oxford : And so by Degrees
several Bishops, Noblemen and rich Men, and some Kings
and Queens, contributing thereunto, the Universities ob-
tained at last their present Splendor. -
B. But what was the Pope's Design in it? -
A. What other Design was he like to have, but what
you heard before, the Advancement of his own Authority
in the Countries where the Universities were erected :
There they learned to dispute for him, and with unintelli-
gible Distinctions to blind Men's Eyes, whilst they en-
croached upon the Right of Kings; and it was an evident
Argument of that Design, that they fell in hand with the
Work so quickly. For the first Rector of the University
of Paris, as I have read somewhere, was Peter Lombard,
who first brought into them the Learning called School-
Divinity; and was seconded by John Scot of Duns,
who lived in, or near, the same Time; both of which
celebrated Writers any ingenious Reader, (not know-
ing what was the Design,) would judge to have been
two of the most egregious Blockheads in the World; so
obscure and senseless are their Writings. And from these
the Schoolmen that succeeded, learnt the Trick of im-
posing what they list upon their Readers, and declining
the Force of true Reason by verbal Forks; I mean Dis-
tinctions that signify nothing, but serve only to astonish
the Multitude of ignorant Men. As for the understanding
Readers, they were so few, that these new sublime Doctors
cared not what they thought. Those Schoolmen were to
make good all the Articles of Faith, which the Popes,
from time to time, should command to be believed:
amongst which were very many inconsistent with the
Rights of Kings, and other civil Sovereigns, as asserting
to the Pope all Authority whatsover that they should declare
to be necessary, in ordine ad Spiritualia, that is to say, in
order to Religion,
- From
Behemotſi.
495
Prom the Universities also it was, that all Preachers
proceeded, and were poured out into City and Country to
terrify the People into an absolute Obedience to the Pope's
Canons and Commands; which, for fear of wakening
Kings and Princes too much, they durst not yet call
Laws. - *
From the Universities it was, that the Philosophy of
Aristotle was made an Ingredient to Religion, as serving
for a Salve to a great many of the absurd Articles, con-
cerning the Nature of Christ's Body, and the Estate of
Angels and Saints in Heaven ; which Articles they thought
fit to have believed, because they bring, some of them Pro-
fit, and others Reverence, to the Clergy, even to the
meanest of them : for when they shall have made the
People believe that “the meanest of them can make the
Body of Christ,” who is there that will not both shew them
Reverence, and be liberal to them, or to the Church, espe-
cially in the Time of their Sickness, when they think they
make and bring unto them their Saviour ; ~ -
B. But what Advantage to them in these Impostures
was the Doctrine of Aristotle?
A. They have made more Use of his Obscurity than of
his Doctrine : for none of the ancient Philosophers Writ-
ings are comparable to those of Aristotle for their Apt-
ness to puzzle, and entangle Men with Words, and to
breed Disputation, which must at last be ended in the
Determination of the Church of Rome. And yet in the
Doctrine of Aristotle they made use of many Points; as,
first, the Doctrine of separated Essences.
B. What are separated Essences?
A. Separated Beings.
B. Separated from wº.at :
A. From every thing that is.
B. I cannot understand the Being of any Thing, which
I understand not to be : but what can they make of
that f -
A. They make a great deal of it in Questions concern-
ing the Nature of God, and concerning the Estate of Man’s
Soul after Death,in Heaven, Hell, and Purgatory; by which
you, and every Man knows, how great Obedience, and
how much Money, they gain from the common People.
Whereas Aristotle holdeth the Soul of Man to be the
& first
Of the Introducton
of the Philosophy of
Aristotle into the
the Universities, as
useful to the Study
of Religion.
- 496
- Behemoth.
first Giyer of Motion to the body, and consequently, to
itself; they make use of that in the Doctrine of Free-will.
What, and how, they gain by that, I will not say.
He holdeth-forth, that there be many things that come
to pass in this World from no Necessity of Causes, but
mere Contingency, Casualty, and Fortune.
B. Methinks in this they make God stand idle, and to
be a meer Spectator of the Games of Fortune; for “what
God is the cause-of” must needs come to pass; and, in my
Opinion, nothing else. But, because there must be some
Ground for the Justice of the eternal torment of the
Damned ; perhaps it is this, that Men’s Wills and pro-
pensions are not (they think) in the Hands of God, but
of themselves ; and in this also I see somewhat conducing
to the Authority of the Church. -
A. This is not much ; nor was Aristotle of such Credit
with them, but that, when his opinion was against theirs,
they could slight him. Whatsoever he says is impossible
in Nature, they can prove well enough to be possible,
from the Almighty Power of God, who can make many
Bodies to be in one and the self-same Place, and one body
to be in many Places, at the same Time, if the Doctrine
of Transubstantiation require it; though Aristotle deny it.
I like not the Design of drawing Religion into an Art,
whereas it ought to be a Law ; and, though not the same
in all Countries, yet in every Country indisputable. Nor
do I like, that, though they pretend to teach Religion as an
Art, they do not teach it as Arts ought to be taught, namely,
by shewing, first, the Meaning of their Terms, and then de-
riving from them the Truths they would have us believe. Nor
do I like that their Terms are, for the most part, unintelli-
gible; though (to make it seem rather want of Learning in
the Reader, than want of fair-dealing in themselves) they
are, for the most part, Latin and Greek words, wry’d a
little, at the Point, towards the native Language of the
several Countries, where they are used. But that which
is most intolerable is, that all Clerks are forced to make
as if they believed them, if they mean to have any Church-
Preferment, the Keys whereof are in the Pope's Hands;
and the Common People, whatsoever they believe of those
subtle Doctrines, are never esteemed better Sons of the
Church for their Learning. There is but one way there to
Salvation,
Behemotk.
497
Salvation, that is, extraordinary Devotion and Liberality
to the Church, and Readiness for the Church's Sake, if
it be required, to fight against their natural and lawful
Sovereigns. j
B. I see what use they make of Aristotle's Logic,
Physics, and Metaphysics; but I see not yet how his Poli-
tics can serve their Turn. -
4. Nor I. It has, I think, done them no good, though
it has done us here much hurt by Accident. For Men,
grown weary at last of the Insolence of Priests, and ex-
amining the Truth of these Doctrines that were put upon
them, began to search the Sense of the Scriptures, as they
are in the learned Languages, and consequently, studying
Greek and Latin, became acquainted with the democra-
tical Principles of Aristotle and Cicero, and, from the Love
of their Eloquence, fell in love with their Politics, and
that more and more, till it grew into the Rebellion we
now talk-of, without any other Advantage to the Roman
Church, but that it was a weakening of the English
Nation, whom, (ever since we broke out of their Net,
in the time of Henry VIII.) they have continually endea-
voured to recover-back to their Communion.
Ethics? •
4. It is some Advantage to them, that neither the
Morals of Aristotle, nor of any other, have done them
any harm, nor us any good. Their Doctrines have caus-
ed a great deal of Dispute concerning Virtue and Vice,
but no Knowledge of what they are, nor any Method of
obtaining Virtue, nor of avoiding Vice.
The end of moral Philosophy is to teach Men of all
sorts their Duty, both to the Publick and to one another.
They estimate Virtue, partly by a mediocrity of the Pas-
sions of Men, and partly by that they are praised for
their actions: whereas it is not the much or little Praise,
bestowed upon it, that makes an Action virtuous, but the
Cause; nor the much or little Blame bestowed upon it,
that makes an Action vicious, but its being unconform-
able to the Laws, in such Men as (being Members of a Civil
Society,) are subject to the Law, or its being unconform-
able to Equity, or Charity, in all Men whatsoever. B. I
2 K - - , it
B. What have they gotten by teaching of Aristotle’s
498
Behemoth.
Of the virtues of
Subjects, or private
Persons.
Of the virtues of
Sovereigns.
B. It seems you make a Difference between the Ethics
of Subjects, and the Ethics of Sovereigns,
JA. So I do. The Virtue of a Subject is comprehend-
ed wholly in Obedience to the Laws of the Common-
wealth. To obey the Law is Justice and Equity, which
is the Law of Nature, and consequently is Civil Law in
all Nations of the World: and nothing is Injustice or Ini-
quity otherwise than it is against the Law. Likewise to
obey the Laws is the Prudence of a Subject; for without
such Obedience the Commonwealth (which is every Sub-
ject's Safety and Protection) cannot subsist. And, though
it be Prudence also in private Men, justly and moderately
to enrich themselves, yet craftily to withhold from the
Publick, or defraud it of, such a Part of their Wealth as is
by Law required, is no Sign of Prudence, but of want of
Knowledge of what is necessary for their own Defence.
The Virtues of Sovereigns are such as tend to the
Maintenance of Peace at Home, and to the Resistance of
Foreign Enemies. Fortitude is a Royal Virtue; and,
though it be necessary in such private Men.as shall be
Soldiers, yet for other Men, the less they dare, the better
it is, both for the Commonwealth, and for themselves.
Frugality (though perhaps you will think it strange) is also
a royal Virtue : for it increases the Publick Stock; which
cannot be too great for the Publick Use, nor any Man too
sparing of what he has in Trust for the good of others.
Liberality also is a royal Virtue: for the Commonwealth
cannot be well served without extraordinary Diligence
and Service of Ministers, and great Fidelity to their Sove-
reigns; and therefore such Ministersought to be encouraged,
and especially those that do him Service in the Wars. In
sum, all Actions and Habits are to be esteemed good or
evil by their Causes and Usefulness, in reference to the
Commonwealth, and not by their Mediocrity, nor by
their being commended: for several Men praise several
Customs; and that which is Virtue with one is blamed by
Others, and contrarily what one calls Vice, another calls
Virtue, as their present Affections lead them.
B. Methinks you should have placed amongst the
Virtues that, which in my Opinion is the greatest of all
Virtues, namely Religion.
* 4. So
Behemoth.
499
A. So I have, though, it seems, you did not observe it.
But whither do we digress from the way we were in 2
B. I think you have not digressed at all : for I suppose
your purpose was, to acquaint me with the History, not
so much of those Actions that pass'd in the Time of the
late Troubles, as of their Causes, and of the Counsels and
Artifice by which they were brought to pass. There be
divers Men that have written the History, out of whom I
might have learned what they did, and somewhat also of
the Contrivance; but I find little in them of what I would
ask. Therefore, since you were pleased to enter into this
Discourse at my Request, be pleased also to inform me
after my own Method ; and, for the Danger of Confusion
that may arise from that, I will take care to bring you
back to the Place from whence I drew you ; for I well
remember where it was.
4. Well then ; To your Question concerning Religion;
inasmuch as I told you, that all Virtue is comprehended
in Obedience to the Laws of the Commonwealth, where-
of Religion is one, I have placed Religion amongst the
Virtues. -
B. Is Religion then the Law of a Commonwealth
4. There is no Nation in the World, whose Religion
is not established, and receives not its Authority from the
Laws of that Nation. It is true, that the Law of God
receives no Evidence from the Laws of Men ; but, because
Men can never, by their own Wisdom, come to the Know-
ledge of what God hath spoken and commanded to be
observed, nor be obliged to obey the Laws, whose Author
they know not, they are to acquiesce in some human
Authority or other. So that the Question will be, whe-
ther a Man ought in Matter of Religion, that is to say,
when there is no Question of his Duty to God and the
King, to rely upon the Preaching of their Fellow. Subjects,
or of a Stranger, or upon the Voice of the Law
B. There is no great Difficulty in that Point. For there
is none that preach, here or any where else, (or at least,
that ought to preach,) but such as have Authority so to
do from him, or them, that have the Sovereign Power;
so that, if the King gives us leave, you or I may as law-
fully preach as any of them that do. And, 1 believe,
- 2 K 2 X- We
Of the nature of Re-
ligion.
JBehemoth.
we should perform that Office a great deal better than
they that preached us into the late Rebellion. -
A. The Church-Morals are in many Points very dif.
ferent from those that I have here set-down, for the Doc-
trine of Virtue and Vice; and yet without any Conformity
with those of Aristotle, For in the Church of Rome the
principal Virtues are, in the first place, “To obey their
Doctrine, though it be Treason;” and that is to be reli-
gious : and secondly, “To be beneficial to the Clergy;”
“That is their Piety and Liberality;” and thirdly, “To
believe, upon their word, that which a man knows in his
Conscience to be false;” which is the Faith they require.
I could name a great many more such Points of their
Morals, but that I know you know them already, being
so well versed in the Cases of Conscience written by their
Schoolmen, who measure the Goodness and Wickedness
of all Actions, by their Congruity with the Doctrine of
the Roman Clergy. - *
B. But what is the Moral Philosophy of the Protestant
Clergy in England? g
A. So much as they shew of it in their Life and Con-
versation is, for the most part, very good, and of very
good Example;—much better than their Writings.
B. It happens many times that Men live honestly for
Fear, who, if they had Power, would live according to
their own opinions; that is, (if their opinions be not
right,) unrighteously. -
A. Do the Clergy in England pretend (as the Pope
does, or as the Presbyterians do,) to have a Right from
God immediately to govern the King and his Subjects in
all Points of Religion and Manners ? If they do, you can-
not doubt but that, if they had Numbers and Strength,
(which they are never like to have;) they would attempt
to obtain that Power, as the others have done.
B. I would be glad to see a System of the present Mo-
rals written by some Divine of good Reputation and Learn-
ing, and of the late King’s party. &
A I think I can recommend unto you the best that is
extant, and such as (except a few Passages that I mislike)
is very well worth your reading. The Title of it is, The
whole Duty of Man, laid-down in a plain and familiar
'I’lle Morals of the
Church of Rome.
*
Of the Morals
taught by the
Church of England
Clergy.
Those Morals are
well jºid-down in the
[3ook called The
w/v/. Duty of Man.
%ay;
Behemolh.
Iſay; and yet I dare say, that, if the Presbyterian Minis-
ters, (even those of them which were the most diligent
Preachers of the late Sedition,) were to be tried by it, they
would go near to be found not Guilty. He has divided .
the Duty of Man into three great Branches, which are his
Duty to God, to himself, and to his Neighbour. In his
Duty to God he puts the Acknowledgement of him in his
Essence and his Attributes, and in the believing of his
Word: His Attributes are, Omnipotence, Omniscience,
Infiniteness, Justice, Truth, Mercy, and all the rest that
are found in Scripture. Which of these did not those
seditious Preachers acknowledge equally with the best of
Christians ? The Word of God are the Books of holy
Scripture received for Canonical in England.
B. They receive the Word of God; but it is according
to their own Interpretation. -
A. According to whose Interpretation was it received,
by the Bishops and the rest of the loyal Party, but their
own He puts for another Duty, Obedience and Sub-
mission to God's Will. Did any of them, nay, did any
Man living, do any thing at any time against God’s Will P
B. By God's Will I suppose he means there his reveal-
ed Will, that is to say, his Commandments; which I am
sure they did most horribly break, both by their preaching
and otherwise.
A. As for Actions, there is no doubt but all Men are
guilty enough (if God deal severely with them) to be
damned. And for their preaching, they will say they
thought it agreeable to God’s revealed Will in the Scrip-
tures: and, if they thought it so, it was not Disobedience,
but Error; and how can any Man prove they thought
otherwise 2
B. Hypocrisy hath this great Prerogative above other
Sins, that it cannot be accused.
A. Another Duty he sets-down is, to honour him in
his House, (that is the Church,) in his Possessions, in his
Day, in his Word and Sacraments.
B. They perform this Duty as well (I think) as any
other Ministers: I mean, the loyal party, and the Presby-
terians have always had an equal care to have jod's House
free from Profanation ; To have Tithes duly paid, and
2 K 3 Offerings
JBehemoth.
Of the Duty of
Active Ohedience to
the Civil Magistrate.
Of the Duty of
Passive Obedience.
Offerings accepted; To have the Sabbath-day kept holy,
the Word preached, and the Lord’s Supper and Baptism
duly administered. But is not keeping of the Feasts and
of the Fasts one of those Duties that belong to the Ho-
nour of God If it be, the Presbyterians fail in that.
A. Why so : They kept some Holy-days, and they
had Fasts amongst themselves, though not upon the same
Days that the Church ordains, but when they thought fit;
as when it pleased God to give the King any notable Vic-
tory; and they governed themselves in this Point by the
holy Scripture, as they pretend to believe ; and who can
prove they do not believe so :
B. Let us pass over all other Duties, and come to that
which we owe to the King, and consider whether the
Doctrine taught by those Divines which adhered to the
King be such, in that Point, as may justify the Presbyte-
rians, that incited the People to Rebellion. For that is
the thing you call in Question. * -
A. Concerning our Duty to our Rulers, he hath these
Words . An ºbedience we must pay, either active or pas-
sive ; the active, in case of all lawful Commands, that is,
whenever the Magistrate commands something which
is not contrary to some command of God, we are then
bound to act according to that Command of the Magis-
trate, to do the Things he requires. But, when he enjoyns
any thing contrary to what God hath commanded, we are
not then to pay him this active Obedience ; we may, may
we must, refuse thus to act, (yet here we must be very
well assured that the thing is so contrary, and not pretend
Conscience for a cloak of Stubbornness) we are in that case
to obey God, rather than Men. But even this is a Season
for the passive Cºbedience; we must patiently suffer what
the Magistrate i.flicts on us for such Refusal, and not, to
secure ourselves, rise-up against him.
B. What is there in this to give colour to the late Re-
bellion :
A. They will say they did it in Obedience to God, in-
asmuch as they did believe it was according to the Sc ip-
tus : out of which they will bring Examples, perhaps, of
D.V d and his Adherents that resisted King Saul; – and
of ii.e Propnuts afterwards, that vehemently, from time to
- . tiſſle,
Behemoth.
5O3
time, preached against the idolatrous Kings of Israel and
Judah. Saul was their lawful King : and yet they paid
him neither active nor passive Obedience. For they did
put themselves into a posture of defence against him,
though David himself spared his person ; and so did the
Presbyterians put into their Commissions to their General,
that they should spare the King’s person. Besides you
cannot doubt but that they, who in the pulpit, did animate
the people to take Arms in defence of the then Parliament,
alledged Scripture, that is, the Word of God, for it If
it be lawful then for Subjects to resist the King, when he
commands any thing that is against the Scripture, that is,
contrary to the command of God, and to be Judge of the
Meaning of the Scripture, it is impossible that the Life of
any King, or the Peace of any Christian Kingdom, can be
long secure. It is this Doctrine that divides a Kingdom
within itself, whatsoever the Men be, Loyal, or Rebels,
that write or preach it publickly. And thus you see, that
if those seditious Ministers be tried by this Doctrine, they
will come-off well enough.
B. I see it; and wonder at People that, having never
spoken with God Almighty, nor knowing, one more than
another, what he hath said, when the Laws and the Preacher
disagree, should so keenly follow the Minister, (who is, for
the most part, an ignorant, though a ready-tongu'd,Scholar,)
rather than the Laws that were made by the King, with
the Consent of the Peers and the Commons of the Land.
4. Let us examine his Words a little nearer : First,
concerning passive Obedience. When a Thief hath bro-
ken the Laws; and, according to the Law, is therefore exe-
cuted: can any Man understand, that this Suffering of his
is an Obedience to the Law Every Law is a coinmand
to do, or to forbear; neither of these is fulfilled by suf-
fering. If any Suffering can be called Obedience, it must
be such as is voluntary ; for no involuntary Action can be
counted a Submission to the Law. He that means that his
suffering should be taken for Obedience, must not only
not resist, but also not fly, nor hide himself, to avoid his
Punishment. And who is there, amongst them that discourse
of Passive Obedience, that, when his Life is in extreme
Danger, will voluntarily present himself to the one;
2 K 4. Q
504
Behemoth.
the revealed Will of God.
of Justice? Do not we see that all Men, when they are
led to Execution, are both bound and guarded, and would
break-loose, if they could, and get-away Such is their
Passive Obedience. Christ saith, The Scribes and Pha-
risees sit in Moses’s Chair : all therefore whatsoever they
bud you observe, that observe and do, Matt. xxiii. 3.
which is a doing an active Obedience: and yet the Scribes .
and Pharisees appear not, by the Scripture, to have been
such Godly Men, as never to command any thing against
B. Must Tyrants also be obeyed in every thing actively :
Or is there nothing wherein a lawful King's Command
may be disobeyed? What, if he should command me with
my own Hands to execute my Father, in case he should
be condemned to die by the Law -
A. This is a Case that need not be put. We have
never read, nor heard, of any King, or Tyrant, so inhu-
man as to command it. If any did, we are to consider
whether that Command were one of his Laws: for by
disobeying Kings, we mean the disobeying of his Laws;
Laws, those his Laws that were made before they were
applied to any particular Person: for the King, (though he
is sometimes considered as a Father of Children, and a Mas-
ter of Domestic Servants,) yet he commands the People in
general never but by a precedent Law, and as a politic, not
a natural, Person. And, if such a Command as you speak-
of were contrived into a general Law, (which, however,
never was, nor ever will be) you would be bound to obey
it, unless you departed the Kingdom after the Publication
of the Law, and before the Condemnation of your Father.
B. Your Author says farther, in refusing Active obe-
dience to the King that commanded any thing contrary to
God's Law, we must be very well assured that the thing
is so contrary, I would fain know how it is possible to
be so assured . . . ~ : . .
JA.. I think you do not believe that any of those Refu-
sers, do, immediately from God’s own Mouth, receive
any Command contrary to the Command of the King,
(who is God's Lieutenant,) nor any other Way than you
and 1 do; titat is to $ y, than by the Scriptures. And,
because Men do, for the most part, rather draw the Scrip-
- - - ture
^.
Behemoth.
505
ture to their own Sense, than follow the true Sense of
the Scripture, there is no other Way to know certainly,
and in all Cases, what God commands, or forbids us to
do, but by the Sentence of him, or them, that are consti-
tuted by the King to determine the Sense of the Scripture
upon hearing of the particular Case of Conscience, which
is in question. And they that are so constituted are easi-
ly known in all Christian Commonwealths, whether they
be Bishops, or Ministers, or Assemblies, that govern the
Church under him, or them, that have the Sovereign
Power. t
B. Some Doubts may be raised from this that you now
say. For, if Men be to learn their Duty from the Sentence
which other Men shall give, concerning the Meaning of
the Scriptures, and not from their own Interpretation ; I
understand not to what End they were translated into
English, and every Man was, not only permitted, but also
exhorted, to read them. For, what could that produce
but Diversity of Opinions, and consequently (as Vian's
Nature is) Disputation, Breach of Charity, Disobedience,
and, at last, Rebellion : Again, since the Scripture was
allowed to be read in English, why were not the Trans-
lations such as might make all that’s read be understood,
even by mean Capacities? Did not the Jews, such as could
read, understand their Law in the Jewish Language, as
well as we do our Statute-Laws in English : And, as for
such Places of the Scripture, as had nothing of the nature
of a Law, it was nothing to the Duty of the Jews, whether
they were understood or not, seeing that nothing is punish-
able, but the Transgression of some Law. -
The same Question I may ask concerning the New
Testament: for I believe, that those Men to whom the
original Language was natural, did understand sufficiently
what Commanus and Counsels were given them by our
Saviour and his Apostles, and his immediate Disciples.
Again ; how will you answer that Question which was
put by St. Peter and St. John, Acis iv. l I. when by
Annas the High Priest, and others of the Council of Je-
rusalem, they were forbidden to teach any more in the
Name of Jesus? Whether is it right in the sight of God,
to hearken unto you more than univ God?
A. The
506
Behemoth.
A. The Case is not the same. Peter and John had
seen, and daily conversed with our Saviour, and, by the
Miracles he wrought, did know he was God, and con-
sequently knew certainly, that their Disobedience to the
High Priest's present Command was just. Can any
Minister now say, that he hath immediately, from God's
own mouth, received a Command to disobey the King,
or know otherwise, than by the Scripture, that any Com-
mand of the King, that hath the form and Nature of a
Law, is against the Law of God, which in divers places
directly and evidently commandeth to obey him in all
things. The Text you cite does not tell us, that a Minis-
ter’s Authority, rather than a Christian King's, shall de-
cide the Questions that arise from the different Interpre-
tations of the Scripture. And therefore, where the King
is Head of the Church, and by Consequence (to omit,
that the Scripture itself was not received, but by the Au-
thority of Kings and States) chief Judge of the Rectitude
of all Interpretations of Scripture, to obey the King's Laws
and publick Edicts, is not to disobey, but to obey God.
A Minister ought not to think, that his skill in the Latin,
Greek, or Hebrew Tongues, if he have any, gives him a
Priviledge to impose upon all his Fellow-Subjects in his
own Sense, or what he pretends to be his Sense, of every
obscure place of Scripture; nor ought he, as oft as he
hath found-out some fine interpretation, not before thought-
on by others, to think he had it by Inspiration: for he
cannot be assured of that ; no, nor that his Interpretation,
(as fine as he thinks it,) is not false; and then all his Stub-
bornness and Contumacy toward the King, and his Laws,
is nothing but Pride of Heart and Ambition, or else im-
posture. And, whereas you think it needless, or perhaps
hurtful, to have the Scriptures in English, I am of another
Mind. There are so many Places of Scripture easy to be
understood, that teach both true faith, and good Morality,
and that as fully as is necessary to Salvation; of which no
Seducer is able to dispossess the mind of any ordinary rea-
der ; and the reading of them is so profitable, as not to be
forbidden without great Damage to them and the Com-
monwealth. -
B. All that is required, both in Faith and Manners, for
Man’s
Behemoth.
507
• * -
Man's Salvation, is, I confess, set-down in Scripture, as
plainly as can be. Children, obey your Parents, in all
Things : Servants obey your Masters : Let every Soul be
subject to the higher Powers, whether it be the King, or
ibose that are sent by h m : Love God with all your Soul,
and your Neighbour as your, elf: are words of Scrip-
ture, which are well enough understood : but neither
Children, nor the greatest part of Men, do understand why
it is their Duty to do so. They see not that the Safety of
the Commonwealth, and consequently their own, depends
upon their doing it. Every Man by Nature, without Dis-
cipline, does, in all his Actions, look upon, as far as he can
, see, the Benefit that shall redound to himself from his
Obedience. He reads “that Covetousness is the root of
all Evil;” but he thinks, and sometimes finds, it is the root
of his Estate. And so in other Cases, the Scripturesays one
thing, and they think another; weighing the Commodities,
or Incommodities, of this present Life only, which are in
their Sight; but never putting into the Scales the Good
and Evil of the life to come, which they see not.
A. All this is no more than happens where the Scripture
is seal’d-up in Greek and Latin, and the People taught the
same things out of them by Preachers. . .
But they that are of a Condition and Age fit to examine
the Sense of what they read, and that take a Delight in
searching-out the Grounds of their Duty, certainly can-
not chuse but, by their reading of the Scriptures, come to
such a Sense of their Duty, as not only to obey the Laws
themselves, but also to induce others to do the same: for
commonly Men of Age and Quality are followed by their
inferiour Neighbours; who look more upon the Example of
those Men whom they reverence, and whom they are un-
willing to displease, than upon Precepts and Laws.
B. These Men of the Condition and Age you speak-of,
are, in my Opinion, the unfiltest of all others to be trusted
with the reading of the Scriptures. I know you mean
such as have studied the Greek or Latin, or both
Tongues, and that are withal such as love Knowledge, and
consequently take Delight in finding-out the Meaning of
the most hard Texts, or in thinking they have found it,
in case it be new, and not found-out by others. These are
* - - therefore
|
3O8
Behemoth.
The obscure passages
in the Bible which
are the subjects of
controversies
amongst Divines,
are not fit matter for
the sermons of pub-
Jick preachers.
therefore they, that pretermitting the easy Places, which
teach them their Duty, fall to scanning only of the Mys-
teries of Religion; as, How it may be made-out with
Wit, that there be three that bear Rule in Heaven, and
those Three but One : How the Deity could be made
Flesh How that Flesh could be really present in many
Places at once Where is the Place, and what the Tor-
ments of Hell, and other metaphysical Doctrines? Whe-
ther the Will of Man be free, or governed by the Will of
God Whether Sanctity comes by Inspiration or Educa-
tion ? By whom Christ now speaks to us? Whether by
the King, or by the Clergy, or by the Bible, to every
Man that reads it and interprets it to himself, or by a pri-
vate Spirit to every private Man These and the like
Points are the Study of the Curious, and the Cause of all
our late Mischief; and the Cause that makes the plainer
sort of Men, whom the Scripture had taught Belief in
Christ, Love towards God, Obedience to the King, and
Sobriety of Behaviour, forget it all, and place their Re-
ligion in the disputable Doctrines of these your wise
Men. - -* -
A. I do not think these Men fit to interpret the Scrip-
ture to the rest, nor do I say that the rest ought to take
their Interpretation for the Word of God. Whatsoever is
necessary for them to know is so easy, as not to need In.
terpretation. Whatsoever is more does them no good.
But in case any of those unnecessary Doctrines shall be
authorized by the Laws of the King, or other State, I say
it is the Duty of every Subject not to speak against them;
inasmuch as it is every Man's Duty to obey him or them
that have the Sovereign Power; and it is the Wisdom of
all such Powers to punish such as shall publish, or teach,
their private Interpretations, when they are contrary to
the Law, and likely to incline men to Sedition, or disput-
ing against the Law. -
B. They must punish then the most of those that have
had their Breeding in the Universities. For such curious
Questions in Divinity are first started in the Universities;
and so are all those politic Questions concerning the Rights
of Civil and Ecclesiastical government: and there they are
furnished with Arguments for Liberty out of the Works
- - of
JBe hemot B.
509
of Aristotle, Plato, Cicero, Seneca, and out of the His-
tories of Rome and Greece, for their Disputation against
the necessary Power of their Sovereigns. Therefore I
despair of any lasting Peace among ourselves till the Uni-
versities here shall bend and direct their Studies to the
settling of it, that is, to the teaching of absolute Obedience
to the Laws of the King, and to his publick Edicts under
the great Seal of England. For I make no Doubt, but
that solid Reason, back'd with the Authority of so many
learned Men, will more prevail for the keeping of us in
Peace within ourselves, than any Victory can do over the
Rebels. But I am afraid that it is impossible to bring the
Universities to such a Compliance with the Actions of
State, as is necessary for the Business.
A. Seeing the Universities have heretofore, from time
to time, maintained the Authority of the Pope, contrary
to all Laws, Divine, Civil, and Natural, against the Rights
of our Kings, why can they not as well, when they have
all manner of Laws and Equity on their Side, maintain the
Rights of him that is both Sovereign of the Kingdom, and
Head of the Church 2
B. Why then were they not in all Points as zealous in
the support of the King's Power, presently after that King
Henry VIII. was in Parliament declared Head of the
Church, as they had been before in the support of the
Authority of the Pope? -
A. Because the Clergy in the Universities, by whom
all things there are governed, and the Clergy without the
Universities, as well Bishops as inferiour Clerks, did think
that the pulling-down of the Pope was the setting-up them
(as to England) in his Place, and made no Question (the
greatest part of them) but that their spiritual Power did de-
pend, not upon the Authority of the King, but of Christ
himself, derived to them by a successive Imposition of
Hands from Bishop to Bishop, notwithstanding they knew
that this Derivation passed through the Hands of Popes
and Bishops; whose Authority they had cast-off. For,
though they were content that the Divine Right, which
the Pope pretended-to in England, should be deny'd him;
yet they thought it not so fit to be taken from the Church of
England, whom they now supposed themselves to represent.
It
The Clergy of the
Church of England,
after the abolition of
the Pope's Authority
in England, pretend-
ed to have then-
selves some Spiritual
Authority transmit-
ted to them from the
Apostles.
510 Behemoth.
It seems they did not think it reasonable that a Woman
or a Child, or a Man that could not construe the Hebrew,
Greek, or Latin Bible, nor know perhaps the Declensions
and Conjugations of Greek or Latin Nouns and Verbs,
should take upon him to govern so many learned Doctors
in Młatters of $31Vinity; for Religion has been for a long
time, and is now by thost People, taken for the same thing
with Divinity, to the great Advantage of the Clergy.
B, And especially now amongst Presbyterians; for I
see few that are by them esteemed very good Chris-
tians, besides such as can repeat their Sermons, and
wrangle for them about the Interpretation of the Scrip.
ture, and fight for them also with their Bodies or Purses,
when they shall be required. To believe in Christ is no-
thing. with them, unless you believe as they bid you :
Charity is nothing with them, unless it be Charity and
Liberality to them, and partaking with them in Faction.
How we can have Peace while this is our Religion, I can-
not tell. Haeret lateri lethalis arundo. The seditious
Doctrine of the Presbyterians has been stuck so hard in the
People’s Heads and Miemories, (I cannot say into their
Hearts; for they understand nothing in it, but that they
may lawfully rebel) that I fear the Commonwealth will
never be cured. - -
A. The two great Virtues that were severally in Henry
VII. and Henry VIII. when they shall be jointly in one
King, will easily cure it. That of Henry VII. was, with-
out much noise of the People to fill his Coffers; that of
Henry VIII. was an early Severity; but this without
the former cannot be exercised. - t"
B. This that you say, looks (methinks) like an Advice
to the King, to let them alone till he have gotten ready
Money enough to levy and maintain a sufficient Army,
and then to fall upon them, and destroy them. . .
A. God forbid that so horrible, unchristian, and inhu-
man a Design should ever enter into the King's Heart :
I would have him have money enough, readily to raise an
Army able to suppress any Rebellion, and to take from
his Eneinies all iiope of Success; to the end that they
may not dare to troubie him in the Reformation of the
Universities. But I would have him to put none of
-them to Death . without the actual committing such
Cl 11116S ,
Behemoth.
51 1
crimes as are already made capital by the Laws. The Core
of Rebellion, (as you have seen by this, and read of other
Rebellions,) is in the Universities; which, nevertheless,
are not to be cast-away, but to be better disciplined ; that
is to say, that the Politics there taught be made to be as
true Politics should be) such as are fit to make Men know
that it is their Duty to obey all Laws whatsoever that
shall, by the Authority of the King, be enacted, till, by the
same Authority, they shall be repealed;—such as are fit to
make Men understand, that the Civil Laws are God's
Laws, as they that make them are appointed by God to
make them; and to make men know, that the people and
the church are one Thing, and that no man has Title to
govern under him. That the King owes his Crown to
God only, and to no Man, Ecclesiastic, or other; and
that the Religion they teach there, be a quiet waiting for
the coming-again of our Blessed Saviour; and, in the
mean time, a resolution to obey the King's Laws, (which
also are God’s Laws,) to injure no man, to be in charity
with all Men, to cherish the Poor and Sick, and to live so-
berly and free from Scandal. Without mingling our Reli-
gion with points of natural Philosophy, as Freedom of Will,
incorporeal Substance, everlasting Nows, Ubiquities, and
Hypostases; which are subjects that the people under-
stand not, nor will ever care-for. When the Universities
shall be thus disciplin'd, there will come out of them,
from time to time, well-principled Preachers, and they
that are now ill-principled, from time to time, will fall-
away. ---
B. I think it a very good course to take, and, perhaps,
the only one, that can make our peace amongst ourselves
be lasting. For, if Men know not their duty, what is there
that can force them to obey the laws : An Army, you'll
say ; but what shall force the Army 2 Were not the Train-
bands an Army Were not the men that, not very long
ago, slew the Turkish Sultan, Osman, in his own Palace at
Constantinople, his own Janissaries? I am therefore of
your Opinion, both that men may be brought to a love of
obedience by preachers and gentlemen that imbibe good
principles in their youth at the Universities, and also, that
we never shall have a lasting Peace, till the Universities
themselves
The useful branches
of knowledge that
ought to be taught
in the Universities.
R
Behemoth. ^.
themselves be, in such Manner as you have said, reform-
ed; and the Ministers know they have Bo authority but
what the Supreme civil power gives them, and the No-
bility and Geutry know that the liberty of a State is not
an Exemption from the laws of their own country, made
by an Assembly, or by a Monarch; but an Exemption'
from the Constraint and Insolence of their Neighbours.
And now I am satisfied in this point, I will bring you
back to the place, from whence my Curiosity drew you
to this long Digression.
We were upon the point of Ship-money, one of those
Grievances which the Parliament exclaimed-against as ty–
rannical and arbitrary Government, thereby to single-out
(as you call it) the King from his Subjects, and to make a
party against him, when they should need it. And now
you may proceed, if it please you, to such other Artifices
as they used to the same purpose.
A. I think it were better to give-over here our Discourse
of this Business, and refer it to some other Day that you
shall think fit.
B. Content. That Day, I believe, is not far off.
B EHEMO'TH.
[ 513 1
B E H E M OT H.
PART II.
af. You are welcome; yet, if you had stayed somewhat
longer, my Memory would have been so much better
provided for you. •
B. Nay, I pray you give me now what you have about
you ; for the rest, I am content you take what time you
please. { ---
A. After the Parliament had made the People believe,
that the exacting of Ship-Money was unlawful, and the
People thereby inclined to think it tyrannical; in the next
Place, to increase their Disaffection to his Majesty, they
accused him of a Purpose to introduce and authorize the
Roman Religion in this Kingdom, than which nothing
was more hateful to the People; not because that Reli-
gion was erroneous (which the People had neither Learn-
ing nor Judgement enough to examine), but because
they had been used to hear it inveighed-against in the
Sermons and Discourses of the Preachers whom the
trusted-to: and this was indeed the most effectual Ca-
lumny to alienate the People's Affections from the King,
that could possibly be invented. The Colour they had
for this Slander was, first, that there was one Rosetti, Re-
sident (at, and a little before, that Time) from the Pope,
with the Queen, and one Mr. George Con, (Secretary to
the Cardinal Francisco Barberini, who was Nephew to
Pope Urban VIII.) who had been sent-over, under the Favour
and Protection of the Queen (as was conceived) in order
to draw as many Persons of Quality about the Court as
he should be able, to reconcile themselves to the Church
of Rome. With what Success he carried-on this De-
sign, I cannot tell: but it is likely he gained some con-
verts, especially of the weaker Sex; if I may say, that they
2 I. . Weſe
The King is accused
of favouring the Po-
pish Religion.
514
Behemoth.
Of the Controversy
between the Episco-
pal and the Presby- .
terian Clergy con-
cerning the Opinions
qf Arminius.
were gained by him, when, not his Arguments, but 'the
Hope of Favour from the Queen, in all Probability pre-
vailed upon them.
B. In such a Coniuncture as that was, it would, perhaps,
have been better that they had not been sent.
A. There was an Exception also taken at a Convent of
Fryars, Capuchins, in Somerset-House; though this had
been allowed by the Articles of the King’s Marriage: and
it was reported that the Jesuits also were shortly after to
be allowed to have a Convent in Clerkenwell: and, in the
mean time, the principal Secretary of State, Sir Francis
Windebank, was accused for having, by his Warrant, set
at Liberty some English Jesuits, that had been taken and
imprisoned, for returning into England after Banishment,
contrary to the Statute which had made such Return a
capital Crime. Also the Resort of English Catholicks to
the Queen’s Chapel gave them Colour to blame the Queen
herself, not only for that, but also for all the Favours that
had been shewn to the Catholicks; insomuch that some of
them did not stick to say openly, that the King was go-
verned by her.
B. Strange linjustice The Queen was a Catholick by
Profession, and therefore could not but endeavour to do
the Catholicks all the Good she could; she would not else
have been truly that which she professed to be: but it seems
they meant to force her to Hypocrisy, being Hypocrites
themselves. Can any Man think it a Crime in a devout
Lady, of what Sect soever, to seek the Favour and Bene-
diction of that Church whereof she is a Member?
A. To give the Parliament another Colour for their
Accusation on Foot of the King, as to introducing of Po-
pery, there was a great Controversy between the Episcopal
and Presbyterian Clergy about Free-will. The Dispute
began first in the Low-Countries, between Gomar and
Armin, in the Time of King James; who, foreseeing it
might trouble the Church of England, did what he could
to compose the Difference: And an Assembly of Divines
was thereupon got-together at Dort, to which also King
James sent a Divine or two. But it came to nothing; the
Question was left undecided, and became a Subject to be
disputed of in the Universities here. All the Presbyte-
rians were of the same mind with Gomar; but a very great
many
Behemoth.
515
many others not; and those were called here Arminians;
who, (because the Doctrine of Free-will had been exploded
as a Papistical Doctrine, and because the Presbyterians
were far the greater Number, and already in Favour with
the People) were generally hated. It was easy therefore for
the Parliament to make that Calumny pass currently with
the People, when the Archbishop of Canterbury, Dr.
Laud, was for Arminius, and had, a little before, by his
Power Ecclesiastical, forbidden all Ministers to preach to
the People of Predestination; and when all Ministers that
were gracious with him, and hoped for any Church-Pre-
ferment, feil to preaching and writing for Free-will to
the uttermost of their Power, as a Proof of their Ability
and Merit. Besides, they gave-out (some of them), that
the Archbishop was in his Heart a Papist ; and, in case he
could effect a Toleration here of the Roman Religion,
Archbishop Laud
was a fa vourer of the
złºtinians.
was to have a Cardinal’s Hat; which was not only false,
but also without any Ground at all for Suspicion.
B. It is a strange Thing, that Scholars, obscure Men,
that could receive no Clarity but from the Flame of the
State, should be suffered to bring their unnecessary Dis-
putes, and, together with them, their Quarrels, out of the
Universities into the Commonwealth ; and more strange,
that the State should engage in their Parties, and not ra-
ther put them both to silence. A State can enforce Obe-
dience, but cannot confute an Error, nor alter the mind of
them that believe they have the better Reason on their Side.
Suppression of Doctrines does but uniteand exasperate; that
is, increase both the Malice and the Power of those who
have already believed them. But what are the Points they
disagree in : Is there any Controversy between Bishop
and Presbyterian concerning the Divinity or Humanity of
Christ? Do either of them deny the Trinity, or any Ar-
ticle of the Creed? Does either Party preach openly, or-
write directly against Justice, Charity, Sobriety, or any
other Tuty necessary to Salvation ; except only the Duty
to the King, and not that neither, but when they have a
Mind either to rule, or destroy the King? Lord have
Mercy upon us! Can nobody be saved that understands
not their Disputations? Or is there more requisite, either
of Faith or Honesty, for the Salvation of one Man than
another? What needs so much preaching of Faith to us
3 1. 2 that
5 16
Behemoth.
N. B.
The Presbyterians in
their sermons often
mis-interpret the
word Ieighteousness.
N.B.'
that are no Heathens, and that believe already all that
Christ and his Apostles have told us is necessary to Salva-
tion, and more too : Why is there so little preaching of
Justice I have indeed heard Righteousness often recom.
mended to the People, but I have seldom heard the Word
Justice in their Sermons ; nay, though in the Latin and
Greek Bible the Word Justice occurs exceeding often ;
yet in the English (though it be a Word that every Man
understands) the Word Righteousness (which few under-
stand to signify the same, but take it rather for Rightness
of Opinion than of Action or Intention) is put in the place
of it. s
A. I confess I know very few Controversies amongst
Christians upon Points necessary to Salvation. They are the
Questions of Authority and Power over the Church, or of
Profit, or of Honour to Church-men, that, for the mos: part,
raise all the Controversies. For what Man is he, that will
trouble himself, and fall out with his Neighbours, for the
saving of my Soul, or the Soul of any other than himself?
When the Presbyterian Ministers and others did so fu-
riously preach Sedition, and animate men to Rebellion in
these late Wars; who was there that had not a Benefice,
or having one, feared not to lose it, or some other part of
his Maintenance, by the Alteration of the Government, that
did voluntarily, without any Eye to Reward, preach as
earnestly against Sedition, as the other Party preached
for it 2 I confess, that (for aught I have observed in His-
tory, and other Writings of the Heathens, Greek and La-
tin,) those Heathens were not at all behind us in point
of Virtue and moral Duties, notwithstanding we had much
preaching, and they none at all. I confess also, that (con-
sidering what Harm may proceed from a Liberty that Men
have, upon every Sunday, and oftener, to harangue all the
People of a Nation at one Time, whilst the State is igno-
rant of what they will say, and that there is no such Thing
permitted in all the World out of Christendom, nor there.
fore any Civil Wars about Religion,) I have thought much
preaching an Inconvenience. Nevertheless I cannot think
that preaching to the People the Points of their Duty, both
to God and Man, can be too frequent, so it be done by
grave, discreet, and ancient Men, that are reverenced by
th.”
Behemotö
517
the People; and not by light, quibbling, young Men,
whom no Congregation is so simple as to look to be
taught by them (as being a Thing contrary to Nature) or
to pay them any Reverence, or to care what they say, ex-
cept some few that may be delighted with their Jingling.
I wish with all my Heart there were enough of such dis-
creet and ancient Men, as might suffice for all the Pa-
rishes of England, and that they would undertake it. But
this is but a Wish ; I leave it to the Wisdom of the State
to do what it pleaseth.
B. What did they next?
4. Whereas the King had sent, as prisoners, into Places
remote from London, three Persons that had been con-
demned for publishing seditious Doctrine, some in Writ-
ing, and some in publick Sermons, the Parliament (whether
with his Majesty's Consent or no, I have forgotten) caused
them to be released, and to return to London ; meaning
(I, think), to try how the People would be pleased there-
with, and, by Consequence, how their Endeavours to draw
the People’s Affections from the King had already pros-
pered. When these three persons came through London”,
it was a kind of Triumph, the People flocking-together to
behold them and receiving them with such Acclamations,
and almost Adoration, as if they had been let-down from
Heaven. Insomuch that the Parliament was now suffi-
ciently assured of having a great and tumultuous Party,
ready to assist them, whensoever they should have Occa-
sion for it : On the Confidence whereof they proceeded
to their next Plot, which was to deprive the King of such
Ministers as, by their Wisdom, Courage, and Authority,
they thought most able to prevent, or oppose, their far-
ther Designs against the King. &
And, first, the House of Commons resolved to impeach
the Earl of Strafford, Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, of High-
Treason. * - .
B. What was that Earl of Strafford before he had that
Place? And how had he offended the Parliament, or given
them Cause to think he would be their inemy? for I have
heard that in former Parliaments he had been as Parlia-
mentary as any other.
A. His Name was Sir Thomas Wentworth; he was a Gen-
2 L 3 tleman,
Mr. Prynne, Dr.
Bastwick, and Mr.
Burton, are released
from their imprison-
ment by the order of
Parliament.
* November 28,
1640.
Of the Earl of Štrafe
ford.
518
Behemoth.
* The Principles of an
upright Member of
Barliament.
tleman, both for Birth and Estate, very considerable in his
own Country, which was Yorkshire, but more considerable
for his Judgement in the publick Affairs, not only of that
Country, but generally of the Kingdom, and was there-
fore often chosen for the Parliament, either as Burgess for
some Borough, or Knight of the Shire. For his Prin-
ciples of Politicks, they were the same that were generally
proceeded-upon by all Men else that were thought fit to
be chosen for the Parliament, which are commonly these :
To take for the Rule of Justice and Government the
Judgements and Acts of former Parliaments, which are
commonly called Precedents: To endeavour to keep the
. People from being subject to extra-parliamentary Taxes of
{n the Parliaments in
the first three years
of King Charles's
reign Lord Strafford
was a strong opposer
of the King's mea-
SuſéSe
Money, and from being with parliamentary Taxes too
much cppressed: To preserve to the People their Liberty
of Body from the arbitrary Power of the King out of Par-
liament: To seek Redress of Grievances. -
P. What Grievances : . .
A. The Grievances commonly were such as these:
The King's too much Liberality to some Favourite:
The too much Power of some Minister or Officer of the
Commonwealth : The Misdemeanours of Judges, Civil or
Spiritual, but especially all unparliamentary raising of
Money upon the Subjects. And commonly of late, till
such Grievances be redressed, they refuse, or, at least,
make great Difficulty, to furnish the King with Money
necessary for the most urgent Occasions of the Common-
wealth. - . .
B. How then can a King discharge his Duty as he
ought to do, or the Subject know which of his Masters
he is to obey; for here are manifestly two Powers, which,
when they chance to differ, cannot both be obeyed?
A. 'Tis true; but they have never before differed somuch
to the Danger of the Commonwealth, as they have done
in this Parliament, 1640. In all the Parliaments of the
late King Charles, before the Year 1640, my Lord of
Strafford did appear in Opposition to the King’s De-
mands, as much as any Man, and was, for that Cause,
very much esteemed and cried-up by the People as a good
Patriot, and one that courageously stood-up in defence of
their Liberties; and for the same Cause was so much the
. {{1OTC
- Behemoth.
*** *
**
more hated, when afterwards he endeavoured to maintain
the Royal and just Authority of his Majesty. .
B. How came he to change his Mind so much, as it
seems he did
.4. After the Dissolution of the Parliament holden in
the Years 1627 and 628, the King finding no Money to
be gotten from Parliaments, which he was not to buy with
the Blood of such Servants and Ministers as he loved best,
abstained a long Time from calling any more, and had ab-
- stained longer, if the Rebellion of the Scots had not forced
him to it. During that Parliament the King made Sir
Thomas Wentworth a Baron, recommended him for his
great Ability, which was generally taken notice of by
the Disservice he had done the King in former Parlia-
ments, but which might be useful also for him in the
Times that came-on : and, not long after, he made him a
**
Member of the Privy Council, and, after that again, Lieu-
tenant of Ireland ; which Place he discharged with great
Satisfaction and Benefit to his Majesty, and continued in
that Office, till, by the Envy and Violence of the Lords
and Commons of that unlucky Parliament of 1640, he
died. In which Year he was made General of the King's
Forces against the Scots, that then entered into England;
and, the Year before, he had been made Earl of Strafford.
The Pacification being made, and the Forces on both -
He is impeached by.
Sides disbanded, and the Parliament at Westminster now
sitting, it was not long before the House of Commons.
accused him to the House of Lords of High-Treason.
B. There was no great Probability of his being a
Traitor to the King, from whose Favour he received his
Greatness, and from whose Protection he was to expect
his Safety. What was the Treason they laid to his
Charge? * . . . .
4. Many Articles were drawn-up against him, but the
Sum of them was contained in these two. First That he
had traiterously endeavoured to subvert the fundamental
Laws and Government of the Realin; and, instead thereof,
The Farl of strafford
ºS receive into the
King's favour in the
year 1627.
the House of , om-
mons of High 'I'rea-
- SOI) •
1640.
to introduce arbitrary and tyrannical Government against
Law. Secondly, i hat he had laboured to subvert the
Rights of Palliaments, and the ancient Course of parlia-
mentary Proceedings. - . . . ... •
2 L 4 B. Was.
In November,
$20 - Behemoth.
B. Was this done by him without the Knowledge of
the King 2 -
JA. No. -
B. Why then, if it were Treason, did not the King
himself call him in Question by his Attorney : What had
the House of Commons to do without his Command, to
accuse him in the House of Lords : They might have
complained to the King, if he had not known it before.
I understand not this Law. -
A Nor I. t $ - .
B. Had this been by any former Statutes made Trea-
son f
A. Not that I ever heard-of; nor do I understand how
any Thing can be Treason against the King, that the
King, hearing and knowing of it, does not think Treason.
But it was a Piece of that Parliament’s Artifice to put the
Word Traiterously to any Article exhibited against any
Man, whose Life they meant to take-away. -
A. Was there no particular Instance of an Action, or
of Words, out of which they argued that Endeavour of his
to subvert the fundamental Laws of Parliament, whereof
they accused him : -
JA. Yes; they said he gave the King Counsel to re-
duce the Parliament to their Duty by the Irish Army,
which, not long before, my Lord Strafford himself had
caused to be levied there for the King's Service. But it was
never proved against him, that he advised the King to use
it against the Parliament.
Of fundamental A. What are those Laws that are called fundamental?
Ilaws. for I understand not how one Law can be more funda-
mental than another, except only that Law of Nature
that binds us all to obey him, whosoever he be, whom
lawfully, and for our own Safety, we have promised to
obey; nor any other fundamental Law to a King, but
Salus Populi, the Safety and Well-being of his People.
A. This Parliament in the Use of their Words, when
they accused any Man, never regarded the Signification of
them, but the Weight they had to aggravate their Accu-
sation to the ignorant Multitude, which think all Faults
heinous, that are expressed in heinous Terms, if they hate
the Person accused, as they did this Man; not only for
being
Behemoth.
521
being of the King's Party, but also for deserting the
Parliament's Party as an Apostate. - .
B. I pray you tell me also what they mean by arbi-
trary Government, which they seemed so much to hate:
Is there any Governor of a People in the World that is
forced to govern them, or forced to make this and that
Law, whether be will or no? I think not; or if any be,
he that forces him does certainly make Laws, and govern
arbitrarily, *-
Of arbitrary Govern-
Žnent.
A. That's true; and the true Meaning of the Parlia-
ment was, that not the King, but they themselves should
have the arbitrary Government, not only of England, but
of Ireland, and (as it appeared by the Event) of Scotland
also. . . - *
B. How the King came-by the Government of Scot-
land and Ireland by Descent from his Ancestors, every
Body can tell, But if the King of England and his Heirs
should chance (which God forbid!) to fail, I eannot ima-
gine what Title the Parliament of England can acquire
thereby to the Government of either of those Nations.
A. Yes; they’ll say they had been conquered an-
ciently by the English Subjects Money. *
B. Like enough, and suitable to the rest of their Im-
pudence. -
A. Impudence in Democratical Assemblies does almost
all that’s done; ’tis the Goddess of Rhetoric, and carries
Proof with it. For what ordinary Man will not, from so
great Boldness of Affirmation, conclude, that there is great
Probability in the Thing affirmed. Upon this Accusation he
was brought to his Trial in Westminster-Hall, before the
House of Lords, and was found guilty; and, presently
after, was declared a Traitor by a Bill of Attainder, that
is, by Act of Parliament. & *
B. It is a strange Thing that the Lords should be in-
duced, upon so light Grounds, to give a Sentence, or give .
their Assent to a Bill so prejudicial to themselves and their
Posterity.
A. 'Twas not well done; and yet (as it seems) not ig-
norantly : for there is a Clause in the Bill, “that it should
not be taken hereafter for an Example,” that is, for a Pre-
judice in the like Case hereafter.
B. That's
Behemotă.
B. That's worse than the Bill itself, and is a plain
Confession that their Sentence was unjust: for what Harm
is there in the Examples of just Sentences? Besides, if
hereafter the like Case should happen, the Sentence is not
aſ all made weaker by such a Provision. - -
A. Indeed I believe that the Lords, most of them,
were not of themselves willing to condemn him of Treason,
but were awed to it by the Clamour of the common People
that came to Westminster in great Numbers, crying-out,
“ Justice! Justice! against the Earl of Strafford ;” the
which were caused to flock thither by some Members of
the House of Commons that were well assured, (after the
triumphant Welcome of Prynne Burton, and Bastwick,)
that they could put the People into Tumult, upon any Occa-
sion they desired. They were awed into it partly also by the
House of Commons itself, which, if it desired to undo a
Lord, had no more to do, but to vote him a Delinquent.
A. A Delinquent; what’s that P A Sinner, is't not?
Did they mean to undo all Sinners ? -
A. By a Delinquent they meant only a Man to whom
they would do all the Hurt they could : but the Lords
did not yet, I think, suspect they meant to cashier their
whole House. -
B. It's a strange Thing that the whole House of Lords
should not perceive, that the Ruin of the King's Power,
or the weakening of it, was the Ruin, or weakening of
themselves: for they could not think it likely, that the
People ever meant to take the Sovereignty from the King
to give it to them, who were few in Number, and less in
Power, than so many Commoners, because they were less
beloved by the People. ‘.
A. But it seems not so strange to me; for, as to the
personal Abilities of the Lords, though they were not less
skilful, yet neither were they more skilful, in the Manage-
ment of publick Affairs, than the Knights and Burgesses
of the House of Commons. For there was no Rea-
son to think, that, if one that is to-day a Knight of the
Shire in the Lowe House, be to-morrow made a Lord,
and a Member of the i ligher House, he is therefore wiser
than he was before. They are all, of both Houses, as pru-
dent and able Men as any in the Land, in the B.siness of
their private Estates, which require nothing but Diligence
and natural Wit to govern them; but for the Gwennº
O);
Behemoth. 523
of a Commonwealth, neither Wit, nor Prudence, nor
Diligence, is enough, without infallible Rules, and the
true Science of Fquity and Justice, dºe
/3 If this be true, it is impossible any Commonwealth
in the World, whether Monarchy, Aristocracy, or Demo-
cracy, should continue long without Change, or Sedition
tending to change, either of the Government or of the
Governours.
.A. "Fis true; nor have any the greatest Common- of the danger to
wealths in the World been long free from Sedition. The . fºrms of
e e tº . overnment from
Greeks had for a while their petty Kings; and then, by Se- sedition.
dition, came to be petty Commonwealths ; and then,
growing to be greater Commonwealths, by Sedition again
became Monarchies; and all for want of Rules of Justice
for the common People to take notice-of; which if the
People had known in the Beginning of every one of these
Seditions, the ambitious Persons could never have had the
Hope to disturb their Government, after it had been once
settled. For Ambition can do little without Hands: and
few Hands it would have, if the common People were as
diligently instructed in the true Principles of their Duty,
as they are terrified and amazed by Preachers with fruit-
less and dangerous Doctrines concerning the Nature of
Man’s Will, aad many other philosophical Points, that
tend not at all to the Salvation of their Souls in the World
to come, nor to their Ease in this Life, but only to give
a wrong Direction to their Sentiments of Duty and Obe-
dience, in teaching them to make the Clergy the Object of
them, instead of the King, to whom alone they are due.
B. For aught I see, all the States of Christendom will
be subject to these Fits of Rebellion, as long as the World
lasteth.
A. Like enough, and yet the Fault (as I have said)
may be easily mended, by mending the Universities. .**
B. How long had the Parliament now sitten ?
A. It began November the third 1640. My Lord of
Strafford was impeached of Treason before the Lords
November the 12th ; sent to the Tower November the
23d ; his Trial began March 22d, and ended April 13th.
After his Trial he was voted guilty of High-Treason in
the House of Commons, and after that in the House of
Lords May the 6th, and on the 12th of May was beheaded.
B. Great
524.
Behemoth.
B. Great Expedition; but could not the King for ali
that, have saved him by a Pardon 2 -
A. The King had heard all that passed at his Trial,
and had declared he was unsatisfied concerning the Justice
of their Sentence, and (I think) notwithstanding the Dan-
ger of his own Person from the Fury of the People, and
that he was counselled to give way to his Execution, not
only by such as he most relied-on, but also by the Earl
of Strafford himself, he would have pardoned him, if that
could have preserved him against the Tumult raised and
countenanced by the Parliament itself, for the terrifying
of those who, they thought, might favour him, And yet
the King himself did not stick to confess afterwards, that
he had done amiss in that he did not rescue him.
B. 'Twas an Argument of good Disposition in the
King. But I never read that Augustus Caesar acknow-
ledged that he had done a Fault in abandoning Cicero to
the Fury of his Enemy Antonius. Perhaps because Ci-
cero (havingbeen of the contrary Faction to Julius Caesar,
his Father,) had done Augustus no Service at all out of Fa-
vour to him, but only out of Enmity to Antonius, and
out of Love to the Senate, that is, indeed, out of Love
to himself, who swayed the Senate; as it is very likely
the Earl of Strafford came-over to the King's Party for
his own Ends, having been so much against the King in
former Parliaments.
A. We cannot safely judge of Men’s Intentions. But
I have observed often, that such as seek Preferment by
their Stubbornness, have missed of their Aim ; and on the
other Side, that those Princes, that with Preferment are
forced to buy the Obedience of their Subjects, are al-
ready, or must be soon after, in a very weak Condition :
for in a Market where Honour and Power is to be bought
with Stubbornness, there will be a great many as able to
buy as my Lord of Strafford was. -
B. You have read, that, when Hercules, fighting with
the Hydra, had cut-off any one of his many Heads, there
still arose two other Heads in its Place; and yet at last he
cut them off all. - -
A. The Story is told falsely: for Hercules at first did not
cut-off those Heads, but bought them off; and after-
wards, when he saw it did him no good, then he cut them
off, and got the Victory.
B. What
Behemośń.
525
3. What did they next?
' A. After the first Impeachment of the Earl of Straf.
ford, the House of Commons, upon December the 18th,
accused the Archbishop of Canterbury also of High-Trea-
son, that is, of a Design to introduce arbitrary Govern-
ment, &c. for which he was, February the 18th, sent to
the Tower; but his Trial and Execution were deferred a
long Time, till January the 10th 1643", for the Entertain-
ment of the Scots, that were come into England to aid the
Parliament. -
B. Why did the Scots think there was so much Dan-
ger in the Archbishop of Canterbury He was not a Man
of War, nor a Man able to bring an Army into the Field;
but he was perhaps a very great Politician. .
A. That did not appear by any remarkable Event of
his Counsels. I never heard but that he was a very honest
Man for his Morals, and a very zealous Promoter of the
Church, Government by Bishops, and that desired to have
the Service of God performed, and the House of God
adorned, as suitably as was possible to the Honour we
ought to do to the Divine Majesty. But to bring, as he
did, into the State his former Controversies, I mean his
Squabblings in the University about Free-will, and his
standing upon Punctilios, concerning the Service-Book
and its Rubricks, was not, in my Opinion, an Argument
of his Sufficiency in Affairs of State. About the same
Time they passed an Act (which the King consented to)
for a triennial Parliament, wherein was enacted, That
after the present Parliament there should be a Parliament
called by the King within the Space of three Years, and
so from three Years to three Years, to meet at Westmin-
ster upon a certain Day named in the Act. -
B. But, what if the King did not call it, finding it per-
haps inconvenient, or hurtful to the Safety or Peace of his
People, which God hath put into his Charge : For I do
not well comprehend how any Sovereign can well keep a
People in Order when his Hands are tied, or when he
hath any other Obligation upon him, than the Benefit
of those he governs; and at this Time, for any Thing
you have told me, they acknowledged the Ring for their
Sovereign. . -
A. I know not; but such was the Act. And it was
further
The House of Com-
mons impeaches
Archbishop Laud.
of High-Treason.
* That is, 1643-44.
His Character.
An Act of Parlia-
ment is passed to
have a Parliament at
least once in three
years.
526
£ehemoth.
The Court of the
Star-Chainher and
the High-Commis-
sion-Court are abo-
lished by Act of
Parliament,
An Act of Parlia-
ment is passed to
revent the present
arliament from
being dissolved with-
out their own con-
30mt.
further enacted, That if the King did it not by his own
Command, then the Lord Chancellor, or the Lord
Keeper for the Time being, should send-out the Writs of
Summons; and, if the Lord Chancellor refused, then the
Sheriffs of the several Counties, should, of themselves, in
their next County. Courts, before the Day set-down for
the Parliament's Meeting, proceed to the Election of the
Members for the said Parliament.
JB. But what, if the Sheriffs refused
A. I think they were to be sworn to it: but for that,
and other Particulars, I refer you to the Act. -
B. To whom should they be sworn, when there is no
Parliament 2 & -
A. No doubt but to the King, whether there be a
Parliament sitting or no. -
B. Then the King may release them of their Oath.
A. Besides, they obtained of the King the putting-down
the Star. Chamber, and the High-Commission-Courts.
B. Besides, if the King, upon the Refusal, should fall
upon them in Anger; who shall (the Parliament not sit-
ting) protect either the Chancellor or the Sheriffs in their
Disobedience.
A. I pray you, do not ask me any Reason of such
Things as I understand no better than you. I tell you only
that an Act passed to that Purpose, and was signed by the
King in the middle of February, a little before the Arch-
bishop was sent to the Tower. Besides this Bill, the two
Houses of Parliament agreed upon another, wherein it was
enacted, That the present Parliament should continue till
both the Houses did consent to the Dissolution of it;
which Bill also the King signed the same Day he signed
the Warrant for the Execution of the Earl of Strafford.
B. What a great Progress the Parliament made to-
wards the Ends of the most seditious Members of both
Houses in so little Time? They sat-down in November,
and now it was May; and in this Space of Time (which is
but half a Year) they won from the King the Adherence
which was due to him from his People; they drove his
faithfullest Servants from him ; beheaded the Earl of
Strafford; imprisoned the Archbishop of Canterbury;
obtained a triennial Parliament after their own Dissolu-
tion, and a Continuance of their own Sitting, as long as
they
Behemoth.
627
they listed; which last amounted to a total Extinction of
the King's Right, in case that such a Grant were valid;
which, I think, it is not, unless the Sovereignty. itself be
in plain Terms renounced ; which it was not. But, what
Money, by way of Subsidy, or otherwise, did they
grant the King in Recompence of all these large Con-
cessions : - r
A. None at all ; but often promised that they would
make him the most glorious King that ever was in Eng-
land; which were W ords that passed well enough for
well-meaning with the common People.
B. But, I suppose, the Parliament was now contented:
for I cannot imagine what they should desire more from
the King, than he had now granted them.
A. Yes; they desired the whole and absolute Sove-
reignty, and to change the Monarchical Governinent
into an Oligarchy; that is to say, to make the i’arliament,
consisting of a few Lords, and about four hundred Coin-
moners, absolute in the Sovereignty, for the present, and
shortly after to lay the House of Lords aside. For this was
the Design of the Presbyterian Ministers *, who (taking
themselves to be, by Đivine Right, the only lawful Gover-
nors of the Church) endeavoured to bring the same form
of Government into the Civil State. And, as the Spi-
ritual Laws were to be made by their Synods, so the
Civil Laws should be made by the House of Commons ;
who, as they thought, would no less be ruled by them
afterwards, than they formerly had bech; wherein they
were deceived, and found themselves to be out-gone by
their own Disciples, though not in Malice, yet in Wit.
B. What followed after this 2 ‘. .
4. In August following, the King, supposing he had
now sufficiently obliged the Parliament to proceed no
farther against him, took a Journey into Scotland, to sa-
tisfy his Subjects there, as he had done here, intending
* Whatever may have been the design of the Presbyterian Ministers in
England at this time, the majority of the Members of this House of Com-
Ill Olſh S Seel]] never, and much less at this early period, to have had any in-
tention of changing the form of Government from a Monarchy to a
Common-wealth, or Republick; as appears from the foregoing Memoirs
The King goes to
Scotland in August,
in order to give sa"
tisfaction to his
Scottish subjects.
of Denzil Lord Hollis, who was the gièat leader of what was calied the .
Presbyterian party in the House. The number of members of it who had
adopted republican principles, seems, even at the death of the King, to
have been very small.
perhaps
528
Behemoth.
The Nature of the
English Govern-
ment, under the Sax-
on Kings before the
Conquest, is known
but very imperſectly.
perhaps so to gain their Good-wills, that, in case the Par-
liament here should levy Arms against him, they should
not be aided by the Scots. But in this Hope he was also
deceived; for, though they seemed satisfied with what he
then did for them, (whereof one Thing was his giving
way to the Abolition of Episcopacy) yet afterwards they
made a League with the Parliament, and, for Money,
(when the King began to have the better of the Par-
liament) invaded England in the Parliament’s Quarrel :
but this was a Year or two after.
B. Before you go any farther, I desire to know the
Ground and Original of that Right, which either the
House of Lords, or the House of Commons, or both to-
gether, now pretend-to. -
A. It is a Question of Things so long ago past, that they
are now forgotten. Nor have we any Thing to conjec-
ture by, but the Records of our own Nation, and some
small and obscure Fragments of Roman Histories: And,
for the Records, seeing they are of Things done only,
sometimes justly, sometimes unjustly, you can never, b
them, know what Right they had, but only what Right
they pretended-to. - -
B. However, let me know what Light we have in this
Matter from the Roman Histories, -
A. It would be too long, and an useless Digression, to
cite all the ancient Authors that speak of the Forms of
those Commonwealths, which were amongst our first
Ancestors the Saxons, and other Germans, and of other
Nations, from whom we derive the Titles of Honour now
in use in England; nor will it be possible to deriye from
them any Argument of Right, but only Examples of
Fact, which, by the Ambition of potent Subjects, have been
oftener unjust than otherwise. And for those Saxons or
Angles, that in ancient Times, by several Invasions,
made themselves Masters of this Nation ; they were not
in themselves one Body of a Commonwealth, but only a
League of divers petty German Lords and States, such as
was the Grecian Army in the Trojan War, without other
Obligation, than that which proceeded from their own
Fear and Weakness. Nor were those Lords, for the Inost
part, the Sovereigns at Home in their own Country, but
chosen by the People for the Captains of the Forces they
* brought
Behemoth,
329
N
brought with them. And therefore it was not without
Equity, when they had conquered any part of the Land, and
made some one of themselves King thereof, that the rest
should have greater Privileges than the common People and
Soldiers, And amongst these Privileges a Man may easily
conjecture this to have been one; “That they should be
made acquainted, and be of Council, with him that hath the
Sovereignty, in matters of Government, and should have
the greatest and most honourable Offices, both in Peace and
War.” But, because there can be no Government where
there is more than one Sovereign, it cannot be inferr’d,
that they had a Right to oppose the King's Resolutions
by Force, nor to enjoy those Honours and Places longer
than they should continue good Subjects. And we find
that the Kings of England did, upon every great Occa-
sion, call them together, by the Name of discreet and
wise Men of the Kingdom, and hear their Counsel, and
make them Judges of all Causes that, during their sitting,
were brought before them. But, as he summon'd them
at his own Pleasure, so he had also ever the Power, at his
own Pleasure, to dissolve them. The Normans also, who
descended from the Germans, as we did,) had the same
Customs in this Particular; and by this Means this Pri-
vilege of the Lords “to be of the King's Great Council,
and, when they were assembled, to constitute the highest
of the King's Courts of Justice,” continued still after the
Conquest to this Day. But, though there be amongst the
Lords divers Names or Titles of Honour, yet they have
their Privilege by the only Name of Baron, a Name re-
ceiv'd from the ancient Gauls, amongst whom that Name
signified the King's Man, or, rather, one of his great Men:
By which it seems to me, that, though they gave him
Counsel, when he requir'd it, yet they had no Right to
make War upon him, if he did not follow it.
B. When began first the House of Commons to be
a Part of the King's Great Council :
A. I do not doubt but that, before the Conquest, some
discreet Men, and known to be so by the King, were
called by special Writ to be of the same Council, though
they were not Lords. But that is nothing to the House
of Commons : The Knights of Shires and Burgesses
2 M - were
s30
Behemotb.
were never called to Parliament, for aught that I know,
till the beginning of the Reign of Edward I. * or the lat-
ter end of the Reign of Henry III, immediately after the
misbehaviour of the Barons; and for aught any Man
knows, were called on purpose to weaken that Power of
the Lords, which they had so freshly abused. Before the
Time of Henry Ilſ. the Lords were descended, most of
them, from such persons as, in the invasions and Conquests
of the Germans, were Peers and Fellow Kings, till one was
made King of them all ; and their Tenants were their
Subjects, as it is at this Day with the Lords of France.
But after the time of Henry III the Kings began to make
Lords in the Place of them whose Issue failed, Titulary
only, without the Lands belonging to their Title. And
by that means (their Tenants being no longer bound to
serve them in the Wars.) they grew every Day less and
less able to make a Party against the King, though they
continued still to be his Great Council. And as their
Power decreased, so the Power of the House of Com-
mons increased; but I do not find they were part of
the King's Council at all, nor Judges over other Men;
though it cannot be denied, but a King may ask their Ad-
vice, as well as the Advice of any other persons. But I do
not find that the End of their being summoned was to give
Advice, but only, in Case they had any Petitions for Re-
dress of Grievances, to be ready there with them, whilst
the King had his Great Council about him. -
But neither they, nor the Lords, could present to the
King as a Grievance; “that the King took upon him to make
the Laws ; to chuse his own Privy Counsellors; to raise
Money and Soldiers, to defend the Peace and Honour of
the Kingdom ; to make Captains in his Army ; to make
Governors of his Castles, whom he pleased.” For this had
been to tell the King, that it was one of their Grievances
“ that he was King.”
B. What did the Parliament do whilst the King was in
Scotland 2
* It appears from the most accurate inquiries into the subject, that the
Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses, of the House of Commons were not
constantly and regularly summoned to Parliament till the 23d Year of the
Reign of King Edward the 1st, in the Year of Christ, 1295. -
A. The
Behemoth.
531
A. The King went in August, after which the Parlia-
ment, September the 8th, adjourned till the 20th of Octo:
ber, and the King returned about the End of November
following, in which Time the most seditious of both
Houses, and which had designed the Change of Govern-
ment, and to cast-off Monarchy, (but yet had not Wit
enough to set-up any other Government in its place, and
consequently left it to the Chance of War) made a Cabal
amongst themselves, in which they projected how, by
seconding one another, to govern the House of Com-
mons, and invented how to put the Kingdom, by the
Power of that House, into a Rebellion, which they then
called a Posture of Defence against such Dangers from
abroad as they themselves would feign and publish, Be-
sides, while the King was in Scotland, the Irish Papists
got-together a great Party, with an Intention to massacre
the Protestants there, and had laid a Design for the seiz-
ing of Dublin Castle, October the 23d, where the King’s
Officers of the Government of that Country made their
Residence, and would have effected it, if it had not been
discovered the Night before the Day on which it was to
have been carried into execution. The Manner of the Dis-
covery. and the Murders they committed in the Country
afterwards, I need not tell you, since the whole Story of
it is extant. - e - -
B. I wonder they did not expect and provide for a
Rebellion in Ireland as soon as they began to quarrel
with the King in England. For was there any body so
ignorant, as not to know, that the Irish Papists did long
for a Change of Religion there, as well as the Presbyte-
rians in England ; or that, in general, the Irish Nation
did hate the Name of Subjection to England 2 or would
longer be quiet than they feared an Army out of Eng-
land to chastise them : What better Time then could
The King went to
Scotland in August,
1641.
The Popish Rebellion
and Massacre in Ire-
land breaks-out in
October, 1641.
they take for their Rebellion than this, wherein they were
encouraged, not only by our Weakness, caused by this
Division between the King and his Parliament, but also
by the Example of the Presbyterians, both of the Scotch
and English Nation ? But what did the Parliament do
upon this Occasion in the King’s Absence :
4. Nothing, but consider what Use they might make
2 M 2 . cf
Behemoth.
The King returned
to London in No-
vember, 1641.
Proceedings in the
English Parliament
after his return.
of it to their own Ends, partly by imputing it " to the
King's evil Counsellors, and partly by Qccasion thereof
to demand of the King the Power of pressing and order-
ing of Soldiers; which Power whosoever has, has also,
without Doubt, the whole Sovereignty.
B. When came the King back 2
A. He came back the 25th of November, and was
welcomed with the Acclamations of the common People,
as much as if he had been the most beloved of all the
Kings that were before him, but found not a Reception
by the Parliament answerable to it. They presently
began to pick new Quarrels against him out of every
thing he said to them. December the 2d the King called
together both Houses of Parliament, and then did only
recommend unto them the raising succours for Ireland.
B. What Quarrel could they pick out of that?
A. None : but in order thereto, as they may pretend,
they had a Bill in Agitation to assert the Power of levy-
ing and pressing Soldiers to the two Houses of the Lords
and Commons ; which was as much as to take from the
King the Power of the Militia, which is in Effect the
whole Sovereign Power: for he that hath the Power of
levying and commanding the Soldiers, has all other
Rights of Sovereignty, which he shall please to claim.
The King hearing of it, called the Houses of Parliament
together again, on December the 14th, and then pressed
again the Business of Ireland, (as there was need ; for
all this while the Irish were murdering of the English in
Ireland, and strengthening themselves against the Forces
they expected out of England) and withal told them, he
took Notice of the Bill in agitation for pressing of Sol-
diers, and he was contented it should pass with a Salvo
Jure both for him and them, because the present Time
was unseasonable to dispute it in.
B. What was there unreasonable in this?
4. Nothing. “What’s unreasonable” is one Question;
“what they quarrelled-at” is another. They quarrelled at
this : “That his Majesty took Notice of the Bill, while
* This imputation was countenanced by the Army of Popish Rebels in
Ireland, who called themselves the 2ueen's Army, and declared that they
had taken-up arms, not only to advance the Popish Religion, but likewise
to defend the King against his Puritan Parliament in England.
It
Behemoth.
333
it was under Debate in the House of Lords, before it was
presented to him in the Course of Parliament ; and also
that he shewed himself displeased with those that pro-
pounded the said Bill:” both which they declared to be
against the Privileges of Parliament, and petitioned the
King to give them Reparation against those by whose
evil Counsel he was induced to it, that they might re.
ceive condign Punishment.
B. This was cruel Proceeding. Do not the Kings of
England use to sit in the Lords House when they please?
and was not this Pill in Debate then in the House of
Lords? It is a strange thing that a man should be law-
fully in the Company of Men, where he must needs hear
and see what they say and do ; and yet must not take
notice of it, so much as to the same Company: for,
though the King was not present at the Debate itself, yet
it was lawful for any of the Lords to make him acquaint-
ed with it. Any one of the House of Commons, though
not present at a Proposition or Debate in the House, ne-
vertheless, hearing of it from some of his Fellow-mem-
bers, may certainly not only take notice of it, but also
speak to it in the House of Commons. But to make the
King give-up his Friends and Counsellors to them to be
put to Death, Banishment, or lmprisonment, for their
good-will to him, was such a Tyranny over a King, as no
King ever exercised over any Subject, but in Cases of
Treason and Murder; and seldom then.
A. Presently hereupon began a kind of War between
the Pens of the Parliament and those of the Secretaries,
and other able Men that were with the King. For, upon
the 15th of December, they sent to the King a Paper
called, A Remonstrance" of the State of the Kingdom,
and with it a Petition; both which they caused to be pub-
lished. In the Remonstrance they complained of certain
mischievous Designs of a malignant Party then, before
the Beginning of the Parliament, grown ripe; and did
* This Remonstrance is a faithful Narrative of the principal Acts of
oppression and misgovernment from the beginning of King Charles's Reign,
without any exaggeration, or ündue asperity of expression. It is drawn-
up with great Ability. See, upon this subject, the Reflections of Mr.
The House of Come
mons presents to the
King a Remonstrance
on the State of the
Nation, December
15, 1641.
Thomas May, in his History of this famous Parliament, Book second, .
Chapter second, Pages 88, 89, and 90, of the Edition of the Year, 1811.
2 M 3 Set-
534
Behemoth.
set-forth what Means had been used for the preventing
of it by the Wisdom of the Parliament, what Rubs they
had found therein, what Course was fit to be taken for
restoring and establishing the ancient Honour, Greatness,
and Safety of the Crown and Nation. -
1st. And of these Designs the Promoters and Actors
were, they said, Jesuited Papists. *
2ndly. The Bishops, and that part of the Clergy that
cherish Formality as a Support of their own Ecclesiasti-
cal Tyranny and Usurpation. -
3dly. Counsellors and Courtiers, that for private Ends
(they said) had engaged themselves to farther the Inte-
rests of some Foreign Princes. * * *
B. It may very well be that some of the Bishops, and
some of the Court may have, in Pursuit of their private
Interest, done something indiscreetly, and perhaps wick-
edly. Therefore, I pray you, tell me in particular, what
their Crimes were : for methinks the King should not
have connived at any thing against his own Supreme Au-
thority ? • , &
A. The Parliament were not very keen against them
that were against the King. They made no Doubt but that
all that the persons whom they accused had done, had been
done by the King's Command ; but they accused thereof
the Bishops, Counsellors, and Courtiers, as being a more
mannerly way of accusing the King himself, and de-
faming him to his Subjects: for the Truth is, the Charge
they brought against him was so general as not to be
called an Accusation, but Railing. At first, they said
that the Persons whom they so accused nourished Ques-
tions of Prerogative and Liberty between the King and
his People, to the end that, seeming much addicted to
his Majesty’s Service, they might get themselves into
Places of greatest Trust and Power in the Kingdom.
B How could this be called an Accusation, in which
there is no Fact for any Accusers to apply their Proofs
to, or their Witnesses? for, granting that these Ques-
tions of Prerogative had been moved by them, who can
prove that their End was to gain to themselves and
Friends the Places of Trust and Power in the King-
dom? . /
A. A
Bºhemoth.
535
4. A second Accusation was, That they endeavoured
to suppress the Purity and Power of Religion.
B. That's Canting : it is not in Man's Power to sup-
press the Power of Religion.
.4. They meant that they suppressed the Doctrine of
the Presbyterians, that is to say, the very Foundation of
the then Parliament’s treacherous Pretensions
A Third; That they cherished Arminians, Papists,
and Libertines, (by which they meant the common Pro-
testants, who meddle not with Disputes) to the end they
might compose a Body fit to act according to their Coun-
sels and Resolutions.
A Fourth ; That they endeavoured to put the King
upon other Courses of raising Money, than by the ordi-
nary Way of Parliaments. Judge whether these may be
properly called Accusations, or not, rather, spiteful Re-
proaches of the King's Government.
B. Methinks this last was a very great Fault; for what
good could there be in putting the King upon an odd
Course of getting Money, when the Parliament was wil-
ling to supply him as far as to the Security of the King-
dom, or to the Honour of the King, should be necessary?
A. But I told you before that they would give him
none, but with a Condition he should cut-off the Heads of
whom they pleased, how faithfully soever they had served
him. And, if he would have sacrificed all his Friends to
their Ambition, they would still have found other Excuses
for denying him Subsidies: for they were resolved to
take from him the Sovereign Power to themselves, which
they could never do without taking great Care that he
should have no Money at all. In the next place they
put into the Remonstrance, as Faults of them whose
Counsel the King followed, all those Things which, since
the Beginning of the King’s Reign, were by them mis-
liked, whether Faults or not, and whereof they were not
able to judge for want of Knowledge of the Causes and
Motives that induced the King to do them, and were
known only to the King himslef, and such of his Privy
Council as he revealed them to, -
B. But what were those particular pretended Faults 2
A. 1. The Dissolutiou of his first Parliament at Ox-
- - 2 M 4 ford.
536
Behemoth.
ford. 2. The Dissolution of his second Parliament, be-
ing in the second Year of his Reign. 3. The dissolu-
tion of his Parliament in the fourth Year of his Reign.
4. The fruitless Expedition against Calais. : 5. The
Peace made with Spain, whereby the Palatines Cause
was deserted, and left to chargeable and hopeless Trea-
ties. 6. The sending of Commissions to raise Money by
way of Loan. 7. Raising of Ship-money. 8. Enlarge-
ment of Forests contrary to Magna Charta. 9. The
Design of engrossing all the Gunpowder into Gne Hand,
and keeping it in the Tower of London. 10. A Design
to bring in the Use of Brass Money. 11. The Fines,
Imprisonments, Stigmatizings, Mutilations, Whippings,
Pillories, Gags, Confinements and Banishments by Sen-
tence in the Court of Star-Chamber. 12. The Dis-
placing of Judges. 13. Illegal Acts of the Council-
Table. 14. The Arbitrary and Illegal Power of the
Earl Marshal's Court. 15. The Abuses in Chancery, ,
Exchequer Chamber, and Court of Wards. 16 The
selling of Titles of Honour, of Judges and Serjeants
Places, and other Offices. 17. The Insolence of Bishops
and other Clerks in Suspensions, Excommunications,
Deprivations and Degradations of divers painful and
learned and pious Ministers.
B. Were there any such Ministers degraded, deprived,
or excommunicated: - ſº
A. I cannot tell ; but I remember I have heard threat-
ned divers painful, unlearned, and seditious Ministers.
13. The Excess of Severity of the High-Commission
Court. 19. The preaching before the King against the
Property of the Subject, and for the Prerogative of the
King above the Law; and divers other petty Quarrels
they had to the Government, which though they were
laid upon this Faction, yet they knew they would fall
upon the King himself in the Judgement of the People,
to whom, by Printing, it was communicated.
Again, after the Dissolution of the Parliament, May
the 5th, 1640, they find other Faults; as, the Dissolu-
tion itself; the Imprisoning some Members of both
Houses ; a forced Loan of Money attempted in London;
the Continuance of the Convocation, when the Parlia-
Iſleſlt
Pehemoth.
;37
ment was ended, and the Favour shewed to Papists by
Secretary Windebank and others.
B. All this will go current with common People for
Misgovernment, and for Faults of the King, though some
of them were Misfortunes, and both the Misfortunes and
the Misgovernment (if any were), were the Faults of
the Parliament, who, by denying to give him Money, did
both frustrate his Designs abroad, and put him upon
those extraordinary Ways (which they call illegal) of
raising Money at home. -
A. You see what a Heap of Evils they have raised to
make a Shew of ill Government to the People, which
they second with an Enumeration of the many Services
they have done the King in overcoming a great many
of them, though not all, and in divers other Things;
and say, that though they had contracted a Debt to the
Scots of 22,000l. and granted six Subsidies, and a Bill
of Pole-money worth six Subsidies more, yet that God
had so blessed the Endeavours of this Parliament, that
the Kingdom was a Gainer by it: and then follows the
Catalogue of those good Things they had done for the
King and Kingdom. For the Kingdom they had done
(they said) these Things. They had abolished Ship-
money; they had taken-away Coat and Conduct-money,
and other Military Charges, which they said, amounted
to little less than the Ship-money. That they suppressed
all Monopolies, which they reckoned above a Million
yearly saved by the Subject. That they had quelled
living Grievances, meaning evil Counsellors and Actors,
by the Death of my Lord of Strafford, by the Flight of
the Chancellor Finch, and of Secretary Windebank, by
the Imprisonment of the Archbishop of Canterbury, and
of Judge Bartlet, and the Impeachment of other Bishops
and Judges. That they had passed a Bill for a Triennial
Parliament, and another for the Continuance of the pre-
sent Parliament, till they should think fit to dissolve
themselves. +
B. That is to say, for ever if they be suffered. But
the Sum of all these Things which they had done for
the Kingdom is, that they had left it without Govern-
ment, without Strength, without Money, without Law,
and without good Counsel. *
A. They
538.
Beh”moth,
A. They reckoned also putting-down of the High-
Commission, and the abating of the Power of the Coun-
cil- "able, and of the Bishops and their Courts ; the
taking-away of unnecessary Ceremonies in Religion;
removing of Ministers from their Livings, that were not
of their Faction, and putting-in such as were.
B. All this was but their own, and not the Kingdom's
Business.
4. The Good they had done the King was first (they
said) the giving of 25,000l. a Month for the Relief of
the Northern Counties. -
B. What need of Relief had the Northern more than
the rest of the Counties of England 2
A. Yes; in the Northern Counties were quartered the
Scotch Army, which the Parliament called in to oppose
the King, and consequently their Quarter was to be dis-
charged.
B. True; but by the Parliament that called them in.
A. But they say no ; and that this Money was given
to the King, because he is bound to protect his Sub-
jects. - *
B. He is no farther bound to that, than they to give
him Money wherewithal to do it. 'I his is very great Im-
pudence to raise an Army against the King, and with
that Army to oppress their Fellow-Subjects, and then
require that the King should relieve them ; that is to say,
be at the Charge of paying, the Army that was raised to
fight against him. *
A. Nay farther; They put to the King’s Account the
300 OOOl. given to the Scots, without which they would
not have invaded England; besides many other Things
that I now remember not. •
B I did not think there had been so great Impudence
and Villainy in Mankind. - r
A. You have not observed the World long enough to
see all that’s ill. Such was their Remonstrance, as I
have told you : With it they sent a petition containing
three Points. I. That his Majesty would deprive the
Bishops of their Votes in Parliament, and remove such
Oppressions in Religion, Church-Government and Dis-
cipline, as they had brought-in. 2. That he would re-
move from his Council all such persons as should pro-
- Ill Ote
Behemoth.
$39
mote the People's Grievances, and that he would employ
in his great and publick Affairs such persons as the Parlia-
ment should confide-in. 3. That he would not give-away
the Lands escheated to the Crown by the Rebellion in
Ireland.
B. This last Point, methinks, was not wisely put in at
this Time: it should have been reserved, till they had sub-
dued the Rebels, against whom there were yet no Forces
sent-over. 'Tis like selling the Lion's Skin before they
had killed him. But what Answer was made to the other
two Propositions?
A. What Answer should be made, but a Denial 2
About the same time the King himself exhibited Articles
against six Persons of the Parliament, (five whereof were
of the House of Commons, and one of the House of Lords,)
accusing them of High-Treason; and, upon the 4th of Janu-
ary he went himself to the House of Commons to demand
those five of them to be delivered-up to him. But, pri-
vate Notice of this design havng been given them by
some treacherous Person about the King, they had ab-
sented themselves from the House; and by that Means
frustrated his Majesty’s Intentions. And, after he was
gone, the House, making a heinous Matter of it, and a high
Breach of their Privileges, adjourned themselves into the
City of London, there to sit as a General Committee, pre-
tending they were not safe at Westminster: for the King,
when he went to the House to demand those Persons, had
somewhat more Attendants with him, (but not other-
wise armed than his Servants used to be) than he ordina-
rily had. And, though the King did afterwards wave the
Prosecution of those Persons, they would not be pacified,
unless he would also discover to them those that gave him
Counsel to go in that Manner to the Parliament-House,
to the End that they might receive condign punishment;
which was the Word they used instead of Cruelty.
B. This was a harsh Demand.
that the King should forbear his Enemies, but also that
he must betray his Friends : If they thus Tyrannize over
the King, before they have got the Sovereign Power into
their Hands; how will they tyrannize over their Fellow-
Subjects, when they have gotten it?
4. So as they did.
- - B. How
The King goes, with
a large Body of artn-
ed Men (about 300
in number) to seize
the Persons of five
Members of the
House of Commons,
whom he had accused
of High Treason.
The House of Com-
mons alarmed at this
attempt of the King.
adjourn their place
of Meeting from
Westminster to the
City of London.
Was it not enough
540
Behemoth.
B. How long staid that Committee in London :
A. Not above two or three Days, and then were
brought from Fondon to the Parliament House, by Wa-
ter, in great Triumph, guarded with a tumultuous Num-
ber of armed Men, there to sit in Security in despight of
the King, and make traiterous Acts against him, such,
and as many, as they listed, under Favour of these Tu-
mults to frighten-away from the House of Peers all such
as were not of their own Faction. For at this Time the
An Act of Parlia-
ment is past to de-
prive the Bishops of
their votes in the
House of Lords.
Rabble was so insolent, that scarce any of the Bishops
durst go to the House, for fear of Violence upon their Per-
sons: insomuch that twelve of them excused themselves
from coming thither ; and, by way of Petition to the King,
remonstrated, That they were not permitted to go quietly
to the Performance of that Duty, and protesting against
all Determinations, “as being of none Eliect,” that should
pass in the House of Lords during their forced Absence;
which the House of Commons taking hold-of, sent-up
to the Peers one of their Members to accuse them of
High-Treason; whereupon ten of them were sent to the
Tower, after which Time there were no more Words about
their High-Treason; but there passed a Bill by which
they were deprived of their Votes in Parliament; and to
this Bill they got the King's Assent. And in the Begin-
ning of September after, they voted that the Bishops
should have no more to do in the Government of the
Church: but to this they had not the King's Assent, the
War being now begun. ~
B. What made the Parliament so averse to Episcopacy,
and especially the House of Lords, whereof the Bishops
were Members? for I see no Reason why they should do
it to gratify a Number of poor Parish-Priests, that were
Presbyterians, and that were never likely any Way to
serve the Lords, but, on the contrary, to do their best to
pull-down their Power, and subject them to their Synods
and Classes. -
A. For the Lords, very few of them did perceive the
Intention of the Presbyterians; and besides that, they
durst not (I believe) oppose the Lower House.
B. But why were the Lower House so earnest against
them : - •,• V. . * , ,
4. Because they meant to make use of their Tenants,
* and
Béhemoth.
541
and with pretended Sanctity to make the King and his
Party odious to the People, by whose Help they were to
set-up Democracy, and depose the King, or to let him have
the Title only so long as he should act for their Purposes,
But not only the Parliament, but, in a Manner, all the
People of England were their Enemies upon the Account
of their Behaviour, as being (they said) too imperious.
This was all that was colourably laid to their Charge;
the main Cause of pulling them down, was the Envy of
the Presbyterians that incensed the People against them,
and against Episcopacy itself. - .
B. How would the Presbyterians have the Church to
be governed : - -
A. By National and Provincial Synods.
B. Is not this to make the National Assembly an Arch-
bishop, and the Provincial Assemblies so many Bishops ?
A. Yes; but every Minister shall have the Delight of
sharing the Government, and consequently of being able
to be revenged on them that do not admire their Learn-
ing, and help to fill their Purses, and to win to their Ser-
vice them that do.
B. It is a hard Case, that there should be two Factions
to trouble the Commonwealth, without any Interest in it
of their own, other than every particular Man may have;
and that their Quarrels should be only about Opinions,
that is, about who has the most Learning; as if their
Learning ought to be the Rule of governing all the
World. What is it they are learned in 2 Is it Politics
and Rules of State 2 I know it is called Divinity: but I
hear almost nothing preached but Matter of Philosophy.
For Religion, in itself, admits of no Controversy. 'Tis a
Law of the Kingdom, and ought not to be disputed. I
do not think they pretend to speak with God, and know
his Will, by any other Way than by reading the Scrip-
tures; which we also do. ... -
A. Yes; some of them do, and give themselves out
for Prophets by extraordinary Inspiration but the rest
pretend only (for their Advancement to Benefices and
Charge of Souls) a greater Skill in the Scriptures than
other Men have, by reason of their Breeding in the
A Univer-
Of the Presbyterian.
Mode of Church-
Government.
542
Behemoth.
Of the great Power
of the Druids in
Gaul in anticnt
times.
Universities, and Knowledge, there gotten, of the Latin
Tongue, and some also of the Greek and Hebrew
Tongues, wherein the Scripture was written; besides
their Knowledge of Natural Philosophy, which is there
publickly taught.
B. As for the Latin, Greek, and Hebrew Tongues, it
was once (to the Detection of Roman Fraud, and to the
Ejection of the Romish Power) very profitable, or rather
necessary. But now that is done, and we have the Scrip-
ture in English, and Preaching in English, I see no great
Need of Latin, Greek, and Hebrew. I should think
myself better qualified by understanding well the Lan-
guages of our Neighbours, French, Dutch, and Italian.
I think it was never seen in the World before the Power
of Popes was set-up, that Philosophy was much conduc-
ing to Power in a Commonwealth. ſº
A. But Philosophy, together with Divinity, have very
much conduced to the Advancement of the Professors
thereof to Places of the greatest Authority, next to the
Authority of Kings themselves, in the ancient Kingdoms
of the World, as is manifestly to be seen in the History
of those Times.
B. I pray you, cite me some of the Authors and
Places.
A. First, What where the Druids of old Time in Bri-
tany and France : What Authority these had you may
see in Caesar, Strabo, and others, and especially in Dio-
dorus Siculus, the greatest Antiquary perhaps that ever
was, who speaking of the Druids (whom he calls Saro-
vides) in France, says thus: There be also amongst them
certain Philosophers and Theologians, that are exceed-
ingly honoured, whom they also use as Prophets ; these
Men by their Skill in Augury, and Inspection into the
Bowels of Beasts sacrificed, foretel what is to come, and
have the Multitude obedient to them. And a little after :
It is a Custom amongst them, that no Man may sacrifice
without a Philosopher; because (say they) Men ought
not to present their Thanks to the Gods, but by them
that know the Divine Nature, and are, as it were, of the
same Language with them, and that all good things ought
by such as these to be prayed-for. -
JB. I
Pehemoth.
543
B. I can hardly believe that those Druids were very
skilful, either in Natural Philosophy or Moral. º
A. Nor I; for they held and taught the Transmigra-
tion of Souls from one Body to another, as did Pytha-
goras; which Opinion, whether they took from him, or
he from them, I cannot tell.
What were the Magi in Persia, but Philosophers and
Astrologers ? You know how they came to find our
Saviour by the conduct of a Star, either from Persia itself,
or from some Country more Eastward than Judea, Were
not these in great Authority in their Country : And are
they not in most part of Christendom thought to have
been Kings : w -
Egypt hath been thought by many the most ancient
Kingdom and Nation of the World: and their Priests had
the greatest Power in Civil Affairs, that any Subjects
ever had in any Nation. And what were they but Phi-
losophers and Divines 2 Concerning whom the same
Diodorus Siculus says thus: The whole Country (of
Egypt) being divided into three Parts, the Body of the
Priests have one, as being of most Credit with the Peo-
ple, both for their Devotion towards the Gods, and, also
for their Understanding gotten by Education. And pre-
sently after : For generally these Men, in the greatest
Affairs of all, are the King’s Counsellors, partly execut-
ing, and partly informing and advising; foretelling him
also (by their Skill in Astrology, and Art in Inspection
of Sacrifices) the Things that are to come, and reading
to him out of their Holy Books, such of the Actions
there recorded as are profitable for him to know. 'Tis
not there as in Greece, one Man, or one Woman, that has
the Priesthood; but they are many that attend the Honours
and Sacrifices of the Gods, and transmit the same Employ-
ment to their Posterity; which, next to the King, hath the
greatest Power and Authority.
Concerning the Judicature amongst the Egyptians, he
saith thus: From out of the most eminent Cities, Hiera-
polis, Thebes, and Memphis, they chuse Judges, which
are a Council not inferior to that of Areopagus in Athens,
or that of the Senate in Lacedaemon. When they are
1. * met,
Of the Magi in Per-
sia.
of the Priesta of
Egypt.
Of the Courts of
Judicature amongst
the Egyptians.
544
Behemoth.
Of the Priests in the
Jewish Common-
wealth.
Of the Chaldeans in
Assyria.
Of the Philosophers
of India.
met, being in Number thirty, they chuse one from
amongst themselves to be Chief Justice; and the City,
whereof he is, sendeth another in his Place. This Chief
Justice wore about his Neck, hung in a Gold Chain, a
Jewel of precious Stones, the Name of which Jewel was
Truth, which when the Chief Justice had put on, then
began the Pleading, &c. and when the Judges had agreed
on the Sentence, then did the Chief Justice put his Jewel
of Truth to one of the Pleas. You see now what Power
was acquir’d in Civil Matters by the Conjuncture of Phi-
losophy and Divinity. -
Let us come now to the Commonwealth of the Jews.
Was not the Priesthood in a Family (namely the Levites)
as well as the Priesthood of Egypt : Did not the High
Priest give Judgment by the Breast-plate of Urim and
Thummim Look upon the Kingdom of Assyria, and
the Philosophers and Chaldeans. Had they not Lands
and Cities belonging to their Family, even in Abraham's
Time, who dwelt (you know) in Ur of the Chaldeans;
of these the same Author says thus: The Chaldeans are
a Sect in Politics like to that of the Egyptian Priests; for
being ordained for the Service of the Gods, they spend
the whole Time of their Life in Philosophy, being of great
exceeding Reputation in Astrology, and pretending much
also to Prophecy, foretelling things to come by Purifications
and Sacrifices, and to find out by certain Incantations the
preventing of Harm, and the bringing to pass Good.
They have also Skill in Augury, and in the Interpretation
of Dreams and Wonders, nor are they unskilful in the
Art of foretelling by the Inwards of Beasts sacrificed, and
have their Learning, not as the Greeks; for the Philoso-
phy of the Chaldeans goes to their Family by Tradition,
and the Son receives it from his Father.
From Assyria let us pass into India, and see what
Esteem the Philosophers had there. The whole Multi-
tude (says Diodorus) of the Indians is divided into seven
Parts; whereof the first is the Body of Philosophers, for
Number the least, but for Eminence the first; for they
are free from Taxes, and as they are not Masters of
others, so are no others Masters of them. By private
Men
Behemoth.
545
Men they are called to the Sacrifices, and to the Care of
Burials of the Dead, as being thought most beloved of the
Gods, and skilful in the Doctrine concerning Hell; and,
for this Employment, they receive Gifts and Honours very
considerable. They are also of great Use to the People
of India; for, being taken at the Beginning of the Year into
the Great Assembly, they foretell them of great Droughts,
great Rains, also of Winds and of Sicknesses, and of
whatsoever is profitable for them to know before-hand.
The same Author concerning the Laws of the Ethiopians
saiththus: The Laws of the Ethiopians seem very different
from those of other Nations, and especially about the elec-
tion of their Kings; for the Priests propound some one of
the chief Men amongst them, named in a Catalogue, and
whom the God (which, according to a certain Custom, is
carried-about to Feastings) does accept of, him the Mul-
titude elect for their King, and presently adore and hon-
our him as a God, put into the Government by Divine
Providence. The King being chosen, he has the manner
Of the Ethiºpians.
Their manner of
electing their King".
of his Life limited to him by the Laws, and does all other.
Things according to the Custom of the Country; neither
rewarding, nor punishing any Man, otherwise than from
the Beginning is established amongst them by Law. Nor
use they to put any Man to Death, (though he be condemn-
ed to it), but to send some Officer to him with a Token of
Death; who, seeing the Token, goes presently to his
House, and kills himself presently after.
But the strangest Thing of all is, that which they
do concerning the Death of their Kings: for the
Priests that live in Meroë, and spend their Time
about the Worship and Honour of the Gods, and
are in greatest Authority ; when they have a mind
to it, send a Messenger to the King, to bid him die;
for that the Gods have given such Order, and that the
Commandments of the Immortals are not by any Means
to be neglected by those that are by Nature mortal; using
also other Speeches to him, which Men of simple Judge.
ment, and that have not Reason enough to dispute against
those unnecessary Commands, as being educated in an old
and indelible Custom, are content to admit of. Thereforein
former Times the Kings did obey the Priests, not as being
mastered by Force and Arms, but as having their Reason
- 2 N mastered
The Ki ngs were for-
merly very subservi-
ent to the Priests of
Mero?,
£46 Behemiath. |
lºt, in the reign of mastered by Superstition. But in the Time of Ptolemy
ſº II. Ergamenes, King of the Ethiopians, having had his , .
º, Kºof ºff. Breeding in Philosophy after the Manner of the Greeks,
º: º: ... being the first that durst dispute their Power, took Heart
10 those Pricsts. as befitted a King, came with Soldiers to a Place called
Abaton, where was then the Golden Temple of the Ethi-
opians, killed all the Priests, abolished the Custom, and
rectified the Kingdom according to his Will. *
B. Though they that were killed were most damnable
Impostors, yet the Act was cruel. * z
A. It was so ; but were not the Priests cruel to cause:
their Kings, (whom a little before they adored as Gods,) to
make-away with themselves? The King killed them for the
Safety of his Person ; they him out of Ambition, or Love
of Change. The King's Act may be covered with the
Good of his People: the Priests had no pretence
against their Kings, who were certainly very godly, or else
they would never have obeyed the Command of the Priests,
by a Messenger unarmed, to kill themselves. Our late
King, (the best King, perhaps, that ever was,) you know,
was murdered, having been first persecuted by War, at
the Incitement of Presbyterian Ministers, who are there-
fore guilty of the Death of all the men that fell in that
War; which were, I believe, in England, Scotland, and
Ireland, near 100,000 Persons. Had it not been much
better that those seditious Ministers, (which were not,
perhaps, 1000, ) had been all killed, before they had
preached. It had been, I confess, a great Massacre :
but the killing of 100,000 is a greater. * º
B. I am glad the Bishops were free from any participa-
tion in the guilt of this Business. As ambitious as, some
say, they are, it did not appear in that Business; for they
were Enemies to them that were concerned in it.
JA. But I intend not by those Quotations to commend
either the Divinity or Philosophy of those heathen People ;
but to shew only what the Reputation of those Sciences
can effect among the People. For their Divinity was no-
thing but Idolatry; and their Philosophy (excepting the
Knowledge which the Egyptian Priests, and from them
the Chaldeans, had gotten by long Observation and Stu-
dy in Astronomy, Geometry, and Arithmetic) very little ;
and that in great part abused in Astrology and Fº:
telling
*.
* - Behemoth.
547
telling. Whereas the Divinity of the Clergy in this
Nation, considered apart from the Mixture (that has been
introduced by the Church of Rome, and in part retained
: here) of the babbling Philosophy of Aristotle, and other
Greeks, that has no Affinity with Religion, and serves
only to breed Disaffection, Dissention, and finally Sedition
and Civil War, (as we have lately found by dear Experi-
ence, in the Differences between the Presbyterians and
Episcopals) is the true Religion. But, for these Differ-
ences, both Parties, as they came into Power, not only sup-
pressed the Tenets of one another, but also whatsoever
Doctrine look’d with an ill Aspect upon their Interest, and
consequently all true Philosophy, especially Civil and
Moral, which can never appear propitious to Ambition,
or to an Exemption from their Obedierce due to the So-
vereign Power. -
After the King had accused the Lord Kimbolton, (a
Member of the Lords House,) and Hollis, Haslerigg,
Hampden, Pym, and Stroud, (five Members of the Lower
House,) of High-Treason; and after the Parliament had
voted-out the Bishops from the House of Peers; they pur-
sued especially two things in their petitions to his Majesty.
. The one was, That the King would declare who were
the Persons that advised him to go, as he did, to the .
Parliament-House, to apprehend them, and that he would
leave them to the Parliament to receive condignpunishment:
and this they did in order to stick upon his Majesty the Dis-
honour of deserting his Friends, and betraying them to
his Enemies. The other was, That he would allow them
a Guard out of the City of London, to be commanded by
the Earl of Essex; for which they pretended they could
not else sit in Safety : which Pretence was nothing but an
upbraiding of his Majesty for coming to Parliament better
accompany’d than ordinary, to seize the said five Sediti-
ous Members.
B. I see no Reason, why, in petitioning for a Guard,
they should determine it to be out of the City of London in
particular, and the Command of it to be given, by Name, to
the Earl of Essex; unless they meant that the King
should understand it to be for a Guard against himself.
A. Their meaning was, that the King should understand
it so, and (as I verily believe) they meant he should take it
* 2 & 2 for
The Proceedings of
the Parliament after
the King's attempt to
seize the persons of
the five members of
the House of Com-
II].OInS.
Behemoth.
* That is, 164?--42.
The Parliament pe-
titions the King to
settle the Lords-
Ilieutenants of Coun-
ties, and the other
Officers of the Mili-
tia of the Kingdom,
by an Act of Parlia-
Inent.
dan, 25, 1641-42.
for an Affront; and the King himself understanding it
so, deny’d to grant it ; though he were willing, if they
could not otherwise be satisfy'd, to command such a
Guard to wait upon them, as he would be responsible for to
God Almighty. Besides this, the City of London petiti-
oned the King (put upon it, no doubt, by some members
of the lower House) to put the Tower of London into the
Hands of Persons of Trust, meaning such as the Parliament
should approve-of; and to appoint a Guard for the safety
of his Majesty and the Parliament. This Method of
bringing petitions in a tumultuous Manner by great Multi-
tudes of clamorous People, was ordinary with the House
of Commons, whose Ambition could never have been
served by way of Prayer and Request, without extraordi-
nary Terror. - *
After the King had waved the Prosecution of the five
Members, but denyed to make-known to them the Names
of those who had advised him to come in person to the
House of Commons to demand them, they questioned the
Attorney-General, who, by the King's Command, had ex-
hibited Articles against them, and voted him to have been
thereby a Breaker of the Privilege of Parliament, and, no
doubt, would have made him feel their Cruelty, if he had
not speedily fled the Land,
About the End of January, they made an order of both
Houses of Parliament to prevent the going-over of Popish
Commanders into Ireland; not so much fearing that, as
that by this the King himself chusing his Commanders
for that Service, might aid himself out of Ireland against
the Parliament. But this was no great matter in re-
spect of a petition which they sent his Majesty about
the same. Time, that is to say, about the 27th or
28th of January, 1641 *, wherein they desired, in
Effect, the absolute Sovereignty of England, though
by the Name of Sovereignty they challenged it not,
whilst the King was living : . For to the End that
the Fears and Dangers of this Kingdom might be re-
moved, and the mischievous Designs of those who are
Enemies to the Peace of it, might be prevented, they pray;
That his Majesty would be pleased to put forthwith, 1.
The Tower of London; 2. All other Forts; 3. The
whole Militia of the Kingdom, into the Hands of such per-
Sons
Behemoth. -
549
sons as should be recommended to him by both the Houses
of Parliament. And this they style a necessary Petition.
B. Were there really any such Fears and Dangers gene-
rally conceived here? or did there appear any Enemies
at that time with such Designs as are mentioned in the
petition ? - -
A. Yes: but no other fear of Danger, but such as
any discreet and honest Man might justly have of the De-
signs of the Parliament itself, who were the greatest Ene-
mies to the Peace of the Kingdom that could possibly be.
'Tis also worth observing, that this Petition began with
these Words, Most Gracious Sovereign: So stupid they
were as not to know, that he that is Master of the Militia,
is Master of the Kingdom, and consequently is in Pos-
. &D
session of a most absolute Sovereignty. The King was
now at Windsor, to avoid the Tumults of the Common
People before the Gates of Whitehall, together with their
CIamours and Affronts there. The 9th of February after
the presenting this Petition to him, he came to Hampton.
Court, and thence he went to Dover with the Queen and
the Princess of Orange, his Daughter; where the Queen,
with the Princess of Orange, embarked for Holland; but
the King returned to Greenwich, whence he sent for the
Prince of Wales and the Duke of York, and so went
with them towards York.
B. Did the Lords join with the Commons in this Peti.
tion for the Militia 2 -
A. It appears so by the Title: but I believe they Durst
not but do it. The House of Commons took them for a
Cypher; Men of Title only, without real Power. Per.
haps also the most of them thought, that the taking of the
Militia from the King would be an Addition to their own
Power. But they were very much mistaken; for the House
of Conimons never intended they should be Sharers in it.
B. What Answer did the King make to this Petition ?
A. That, when he shall know the Extent of Power,
which is intended to be established in those Persons, whom
they desire to be the Commanders of the Militia in the
several Counties, and likewise to what Time it shall be
limited, that no Power shall be executed by his Majesty
alone without the Advice of Parliament; then he will de-
clare, that (for the securing them from all Dangers or
2 N 3 Jealousies
The King's Answer
to the said Petition,
550 Behemoth.
Jealousies of any) his Majesty will be content to put into
all the Places, both Forts and Militia in the several Coun-
ties, such Persons as both the Houses of Parliament shall
either approve, or recommend unto him ; so that they de-
clare before unto his Majesty the Names of the Persons -
whom they approve or recommend; unless such Persons
shall be named, against whom he shall have just and un-
questionable Exceptions. -
B. What Power, for what Time, and to whom, did
the Parliament grant, concerning the Militia : -
A. The same Power which the King had before planted
in his Lieutenants and Deputy-Lieutenants in the several
Counties, and without other Limitation of Time but their
own Pleasure.
B. Who were the Men that had this Power -
A. There is a Catalogue of them printed. They are
very many, and most of them Lords. Nor is it necessary
to have them named : for to name them is, in my Opinion,
to brand them with the Mark of Disloyalty, or of Folly.
When they had made a Catalogue of them, they sent it
to the King with a new Petition for the Militia : Also pre-
sently after they sent a Message to his Majesty, praying
him to leave the Prince at Hampton-Court; but the King
granted neither of them. .
B. Howsoever it was well done of them to get Hostages
(if they could) of the King, before he went from them.
The King gives hi 4. In the mean Time, to raise Money for the reducing
he King gives his ſº gº tº tº gº &
A...". A. of of Ireland, the Parliament invited Men to bring-in Money
Parliament, for rais by way of Adventure, according to these Propositions.
#º l. That two millions and five hundred thousand Acres of
lion in Ireland. Land in Ireland should be assigned to the Adventurers in
this Proposition, -
- * l.
200—1OOO Acres in Ulster.
For an Adven- W3OO 1000Acres in Connaught.
ture of 450—l OOOAcres in Munster.
(600—1000 Acres in Leinster.
All according to English Measure, and consisting of Mea-
dow, Arable, and Profitable Pasture; Boggs, Woods,
and barren Mountains being cast-in over and above. 2.,
- - A Revenue
Behemotº. - |
*
A Revenue was reserved to the Crown from 1d to 3d. on
every Acre. 3. That Commissions should be sent by the
Parliament to erect Manors, settle Wastes and Commons,
maintain preaching Ministers, to create Corporations, and
to regulate Plantations: The rest of the Propositions con-
cern only the Times and Manner of Payment of the
Sums subscribed by the Adventurers. And to these Pro-
positions his Majesty assented; but to the Petition of the
Militia his Majesty denied his Assent. -
B. If he had not, I should have thought it a great Won-
der. What Did the Parliament after this -
A. They sent him another Petition, which was pre-
sented to him when he was at Theobalds, in his Way to
York; wherein they tell him plainly, That, unless he be
pleased to assure them by those Messengers then sent,
that he would speedily apply his Royal Assent to the Satis-
faction of their former Desires, they shall be enforced,
for the Safety of his Majesty and his Kingdoms, to dis-
pose of the Militia by the Authority of both Houses, &c.
They petition his Majesty also to let the Prince stay at St.
James’s, or some other of his Majesty’s Houses near Lon-
don. They tell him also, that the Power of raising, or-
dering, and disposing of the Militia cannot be granted to
any Corporation without the Authority and Consent of
Parliament, and those Parts of the Kingdom, which have
put themselves into a Posture of Defence, have done no-
thing therein, but by Direction of both Houses, and what
is justifiable by the Laws of this Kingdom.
B. What Answer made the King to this?
A. It was a putting of themselves into Arms, and un-
der Officers such as the Parliament should approve-of.
4. They voted, that his Majesty should be again desired
that the Prince might continue about London, Lastly,
they voted a Declaration to be sent to his Majesty by both
the Houses; wherein they accuse his Majesty of a Design
of altering Religion, though not directly him, but them
that counselled him ; whom they also accused of being
the Inviters and Fomenters of the Scotch War, and Fram-
ers of the Rebellion in Ireland ; and upbraid the King
again for accusing the Lord Kimbolton, and the five Mem-
bers, and of being privy to the Purpose of bringing-up
2 N 4 - his
But refuses to assent
to the Act for the
Militia.
Begemotº.
"I'he Parliament
makes an Ordinance
to raise the Militia
without the King's
COnSent.
*
his Army, which was raised against the Scots, to be em-
ployed against the Parliament. To which his Majesty
sent his Answer from Newmarket. Whereupon it was
resolved by both Houses, that, in this Case of Extreme
Danger, and of his Majesty's Refusal, the Ordinance
agreed-upon by both Houses for the Militia, doth oblige
the People by the fundamental Laws of this Kingdom ;
and also, that whosoever shall execute any Power over the
- Militia, by colour of any Commission of Lieutenancy,
without Consent of both Houses of Parliament, shall be
accounted a Disturber of the Peace of the Kingdom.
Whereupon his Majesty sent a Message to both Houses
from Huntingdon, requiring Obedience to the Laws es-
tablished, and prohibiting all Subjects, upon Pretence of
their Ordinance, to execute any thing concerning the
Militia, which is not by those Laws warranted. Upon
this the Parliament vote a Standing to their former Votes;
as also, that, when the Lords and Commons in Parliament,
(which is the Supreme Court of Judicature in the King-
dom,) shall declare what the Law of the Land is ; to have
this not only questioned, but contradicted, is a high
|Breach of the Privilege of Parliament.
B. I thought that he that makes the Law, ought to
declare what the Law is ; for what is it else to make a
Law, but to declare what it is : So that they have taken
from the King, not only the Militia, but also the Legis-
lative Power.
A. They have so; but I make account that the Legis-
lative Power (and indeed all Power possible) is contained
in the Power of the Militia. After this they seize such
Money as was due to his Majesty upon the Bill of Ton-
nage and Poundage, and upon the Bill of Subsidies, that.
they might disable him every Way they possibly could.
They sent him also many other contamelious Messages
and Petitions, after his coming to York: amongst which
one was ; That, whereas the Lord-Admiral, by Indispo-
sition of Body, could not command the Fleet in Person,
he would be pleased to give Authority to the Earl of
Warwick to supply his Place; when they knew the King
had put Sir John Pennington in it before. • ‘
B. To what End did the King entertain so many Peti-
- tloIS,
Behemoth:
tions, Messages, Declarations, and Remonstrances, and
vouchsafe his Answers to them, when he could not chuse,
but clearly see, they were resolved to take from him his
Royal Power, and consequently his Life : For it could
not stand with their Safety to let either him, or his Issue,
live, after they had done him so great Injuries.
A. Besides this, the Parliament had at the same Time
a Committee residing at York, to spy what his Majesty
did, and to inform the Parliament thereof, and also to
hinder the King from gaining the People of that Country
to his Party . So that, when his Majesty was courting the
Gentlemen there, the Committee was instigating the
Yeomanry against him. To which also the Ministers did
very much contribute: So that the King lost his Oppor-
tunity at York.
B. Why did not the King seize the Committee into his
Hands, or drive them out of the Town
A. I know not : but I believe he knew the Parliament
had a greater Party than he, not only in Yorkshire, but
also in York. . .
Towards the End of April, the King, upon Petition
of the People of Yorkshire, to have the Magazine of
Hull, to remain still there, for the greater Security of the
Northern Parts, thought fit to take it into his own Hands.
He had a little before appointed Governour of that Town,
the Earl of Newcastle; but the Townsmen, having been
already corrupted by the Parliament, refused to receive
him, but refused not to receive Sir John Hotham, ap-
pointed to be Governour by the Parliament. The King
therefore, coming unto the Town, guarded only by his
own Servants, and a few Gentlemen of the Country
there-abouts, was denied Entrance by Sir John Hotham,
who stood upcn the Wall; for which Act he presently
caused Sir John Hotham to be proclaimed a Traitor, and
sent a Message to the Parliament, requiring Justice to be
done upon the said Hotham, and that the Town and
Magazine might be delivered into his Hands. i o which
the Parliament made no Answer, but, instead thereof, pub-
lished another Declaration, in which they omitted nothing
of their former Slanders against his Majesty's Govern-
ment, but inserted certain Propositions declarative of their
The Parliamentap-
points Sir John Ho-
than to be Gover-
mour of the Town of
Hull.
The King demands
it to be delivered-up
to him, but is refus-
ed entrance by Sir
John Hotham.
OWIl
554
Behemoth.
own pretended Right, viz. I. That whatsoever they de-
clare to be Law, ought not to be questioned by the King.
2. That no Precedents can be Limits to bound their Pro-
ceedings. 3. That a Parliament for the publick Good may
dispose of any Thing, wherein the King or Subject hath
a Right; and that they, without the King, are this Par-
liament, and the Judge of this publick Good, and that the
King’s Consent is not necessary. 4. That no Member
of either House ought to be troubled for Treason, Felony,
or any other Crime, unless the Cause be first brought be-
fore the Parliament, that they may judge of the Fact, and
give leave to proceed, if they see Cause. 5. That the
Sovereign Power resides in both Houses, and that the
King ought to have no negative Voice. 6. That the
levying of Forces against the personal Commands of the
King, (though accompanied with his Presence) is not le-
vying War against the King; but the levying of War against
his politic Person, viz. his Laws, &c. 7. That Treason
cannot be committed against his Person, otherwise than
as he is intrusted with the Kingdom, and discharges that
Trust; and that they have a Power to judge whether he
have discharged this Trust or not. 8. That they may
dispose of the King when they will.
B. This is plain dealing, and without Hypocrisy.
Could the City of London swallow this -
A. Yes; and more too, if need be. London, you
know, has a great belly, but no Palate, nor taste of Right
and Wrong. In the Parliament-Roll of Henry IV. a-
mongst the Articles of the Oath the King at his Coronation
took, there is one runs thus: Concedes justas Leges et
Consuetudines esse tenendas; et promittes per te eas esse
protegendas, et ad honorem Dei corroborandas, quas
vulgus elegerit & Which the Parliament urged for the
legislative Authority, and therefore interpret quas vulgus
elegerit, which the People shall chuse; as if the King
should swear to protect and corroborate Laws, before they
were made, whether they be good or bad; whereas the
Words signify no more, but that he shall protect and cor-
roborate such Laws as they have chosen, that is to say,
the Acts of Parliament then in being. And in the Re-
cords
Behemotb.
555
cords of the Exchequer it is thus : Will you grant to hold
and keep the Laws and rightful Customs which the Com-
monality of this your Kingdom have, and will you defend
and uphold them P &c. And this was the Answer his Ma- -
jesty made to that Point.
B. And I think this Answer very full and clear. But,
if the Words were to be interpreted in the other Sense,
yet I see no reason why the King should be bound to
swear to them : for Henry IV. came to the Crown by
the Votes of a Parliament, not much inferiour in Wicked-
ness to this long Parliament, that deposed and murdered
their lawful King ; saving that it was not the Parliament
itself, but the Usurper that murdered King Richard II.
21. About a Week after, in the Beginning of May,
the Parliament sent the King another Paper, which the
styled the humble Petition and Advice of both Houses,
containing nineteen Propositions ; which when you shall
hear, you shall be able to judge what Power they meant
to leave the King, more than to any one of his Subjects.
The first of them is this : -
1. That the Lords, and others of his Majesty's Privy
Council, and all great Officers of State, both at home and
abroad, be put from their Employments, and from his
Council; save only such as should be approved of by both
The Parliament, in
May, 1642, sends
nineteen Propositi-
ens to the King.
Houses of Parliament, and none put into their Places, but
by Approbation of the said Houses. And that all Privy-
Councellors take an Oath for the due Execution of their
Places, in such Form as shall be agreed upon by the said
Houses.
2. That the great Affairs of the Kingdom be debated,
resolved and transacted only in Parliament; and such as
shall presume to do any thing to the contrary, be reserved
to the Censure of the Parliament, and such other matters
of State, as are proper for his Majesty's Privy-Council,
shall be debated, and concluded by such as shall from .
time to time be chosen for that Place by both Houses of
Parliament; and that no public Act concerning the Affairs
of the Kingdom, which are proper for his privy-Council,
be esteemed valid, as proceeding from the Royal Autho-
rity, unless it be acne by the Advice and Consent of the
Major Part of the Council, attested under their Hands:
that
Behemoth.
that the Council be not more than 25, or less than 14 ;
and that when a Councillor's place falls void in the inter-
val of Parliament, it shall not be supplied without the As-
sent of the Major part of the Council; and that such
Choice also shall be void, if the next Parliament after con-
firm it not.
3. That the Lord High-Steward of England, Lord
High-Constable, Lord-Chancellor, or Keeper of the Great
Seal, Lord-Treasurer, Lord Privy-Seal, Earl-Marshal,
Lord-Admiral, Warden of the Cinque Ports, Chief
Governour of Ireland, Chancellor of the Exchequer,
Master of the Wards, Secretaries of State, the two Chief-
Justices and the Chief-Baron, be always chosen with the
Approbation of both Houses of Parliament; and, in the
Intervals of Parliament, by the Major part of the Privy-
Council. -
4. That the Government of the King's Children shall
be committed to such as both Houses shall approve-of, and
in the Intervals of Parliament, such as the Privy-Council
shall approve-of; that the Servants then about them,
against whom the Houses have just Exception, should be
removed. - -
5. That no Marriage be concluded, or treated-of, for any
of the King's Children, without the Consent of Parlia-
Illent.
6. That the Laws in Force against Jesuits, Priests, and
Popish Recusants, be strictly put in Execution.
. 7. That the Votes of Popish Lords in the House of
Peers be taken-away, and that a Bill be passed for the
Education of the Children of Papists in the Protestant
Religion.
8. That the King will be pleased to reform the Church-
Government and the Liturgy, in such Manner as both
Houses of Parliament shall advise. -
9. That he would be pleased to rest satisfied with that
Course that the Lords and Commons have apppointed for
ordering the Militia, and recall his Declarations and Pro-
clamations against it.
10. That such Members as have been put out of any
Place or Office, since this Parliament began, may be re-
stored, or have Satisfaction. -
11.
Behemots.
557
11. That all Privy-Councillors and Judges take an
Oath, (the Form whereof shall be agreed-on, and settled
by Act of Parliament) for the maintaining the Petition of
Right, and of certain Statutes made by the Parliament.
12. That all the Judges and Officers placed by Appro-
bation of both Houses of Parliament, may hold their
Places quam diu bene se gesserint. -
13. That the Justice of Parliament may pass upon all
Delinquents, whether they be within the Kingdom, or fled
out of it; and that all Persons cited by either House of
Parliament may appear and abide the Censure of Parlia-
Iſlent. -
14. That the General Pardon offered by his Majesty be
granted with such Exceptions, as shall be advised by both
Houses of Parliament.
B. What a spiteful Article was this All the rest pro-
ceeded from Ambition, which many Times well-natured
Men are subject to; but this proceeded from an inhuman
and devilish Cruelty. - -
A. 15. That the Forts and Castles be put under the
Command of such Persons, as, with the Approbation of
the Parliament, the King shall appoint.
16. That the extraordinary Guards about the King be
discharged ; and for the future none raised, but according
to the Law in case of actual Rebellion, or Invasion.
B. Methinks these very Propositions sent to the King
are an actual Rebellion. - -
A. 17. That his Majesty enter into a more strict Alli-
ance with the United Provinces, and other neighbouring,
Protestant Princes and States. º
18. That his Majesty be pleased, by Act of Parlias
ment, to clear the Lord Kimbolton, and the five Mem-
bers of the House of Commons, in such Manner as that
future Parliaments may be secured from the Consequence
of that evil Precedent.
19. That his Majesty be pleased to pass a Bill for res-
training Peers made hereafter, from sitting or voting in
Parliament, unless they be admitted with Consent of both
Houses of Parliament. . -
These Propositions being granted: they promise to apply
themselves
353.
Behemoth.
themselves to regulate his Majesty’s Revenue to his best
Advantage, and to settle it to the Support of his Royal
Dignity in Honour and Plenty; and also to put the Town
of Hull into such Hands as his Majesty shall appoint, with
Consent of Parliament: -
The King refuses to
grant these nineteen
Propositions, and
both Parties prepare
for War.
B. Is not that to put it into such Hands as his Ma-
jesty shall appoint by the Consent of the Petitioners,
which is no more than to keep it in their Hands as it is 2
Did they want, or think the King wanted common
Sense, so as not to perceive that their promise herein
was worth nothing
JA. After the sending of these Propositions to the
King, and his Majesty's Refusal to grant them, they
began, on both Sides, to prepare for War. The King
raised a Guard for his person in Yorkshire, and the
Parliament thereupon having voted, that the King in-
tended to make War upon his Parliament, gave Order
for the mustering and exercising the People in Arms,
and published Propositions to invite and encourage them
to bring in either ready Money or Plate, or to promise
under their Hands to furnish and maintain certain Num-
bers of Horse, Horsemen and Arms, for the Defence of
the King and Parliament, (meaning by King, as they
had formerly declined, not his Person, but his Laws)
promising to repay their Money with interest of 8l. in
the 100l. and the Value of their Plate, with 12d. the
Ounce for the Fashion. On the other side the King
came to Nottingham, and there did set-up his Stand-
ard-Royal, and sent-out Commissions of Array, to call
those to him, who, by the ancient Laws of England,
were bound to serve him in the Wars. Upon this
Occasion there passed divers Declarations between the
King and Parliament, concerning the Legality of this
Array, which are too long to tell you at this Time.
B. Nor do I desire to hear any Mooting about this
Question : for I think that general Law of Salus Populi,
and the Right of defending himself, against those that had
taken from him the Sovereign Power, are sufficient to
make legal whatsoever he should do, in order to the Re-
covery of his Kingdom, or to the punishing of the
Rebels.
4. In
Behemoth,
559
A. In the mean time the Parliament raised an Army,
and made the Earl of Essex General thereof; by which
Act they declared what they meant formerly, when they
petitioned the King for a Guard to be commanded by the
said Earl of Essex; and now the King sends-out his Pro-
clamations, forbidding Obedience to the Orders of the
Parliament concerning the Militia; and the Parliament
sends out Orders against the Execution of the Commissions
of Array. Hitherto, though it were a War before, yet
there was no Blood shed; they shot at one another nothing
but Paper. -
B. I understand now how the Parliament destroyed the
Peace of the Kingdom; and how easily, by the Help of
seditious Presbyterian Ministers, and of ambitious, igno-
rant, Orators, they reduced this Government into Anar-
chy : but I believe it will be a harder Task for them to
bring-in Peace again, and settle the Government either in
themselves, or any other Governour or Form of Govern-
ment. For, granting that they obtained the Victory in this
War, they must be beholden for it to the Valour, good
Conduct, or Felicity, of those to whom they give the Com-
mand of their Armies; especially to the General : whose
good Success will, without Doubt, draw with it the Love
and Admiration of the Soldiers; so that it will be in his
Power, either to take the Government upon himself, or
to place it where himself thinks good. In which case, if he
take it not to himself, he will be thought a Fool; and, if
he do, he shall be sure to have the Envy of his subordi-
nate Commanders, who will look for a Share, either in the
present Government, or in the Succession to it: for they
will say, Has he obtained this Power by his own Efforts
without our Danger, Valour, and Counsel ? and must
we be his Slaves, whom we have thus raised ? or is not
there as much Justice on our Side against him, as was on
his Side against the King : . o -
.A. They will, and they did say so; insomuch that the
Reason why Cromwell, after he had gotten into his own
Hands the absolute Power of England, Scotland, and Ire-
land, under the Name of Protector, did never dare to take
upon him the title of King, nor was ever able to settle it
upon
56O.
Behemoth."
upon his Children. His Officers would not suffer it, as pre-
tending after his Death to succeed him; nor would the
Army consent to it, because he had ever declared to
them, against the Government of a single Person.
B. But to return to the King.” What Means had he
to pay ; what provision had he to arm ; nay, to levy an
Army able to resist the Army of the Parliament, main-
tained by the great Purse of the City of London, and .
Contributions of almost all the Towns Corporate in
England, and furnished with Arms as fully as they could
require :
JA.. 'Tis true, the King had great Disadvantages: and
yet, by little and little, he got a considerable Army, with
which he so prospered, as to grow stronger every Day,
and the Parliament weaker, till they had gotten the Scots,
with an Army of 21,000 Men, to come into England to
their Assistance. But to enter into the particular Narra-
tion of what was done in the War, I have not now Time.
B Well then, we will talk of that at next meeting.
BEHEMOTH.
[ 561 1
H E H E M O T H.
•=s*ºne-
PART III.
*~gºes-we
B. V W Eleft-off at the Preparations on both Sidesfor War:
which when I considered by myself, I was mightily puzzled
to find-out what Possibility there was for the King to equal
the Parliament in such a Course; and what Hopes he had
of Money, Men, Arms, fortified Places, Shipping, Coun-
cil, and Military Officers, sufficient for such an Enter-
prize against the Parliament, that had Men and Money
as much at command, as the City of London, and other
Corporation-Towns were able to furnish, which was more
than they needed. And, for the Men they should set-
forth for Soldiers, they were, almost all of them, spight-
fully bent against the King and his whole Party; whom
they took to be either Papists, or Flatterers of the King,
or bold and awaritious adventurers, that had designed to
raise their Fortunes by the Plunder of the City and other
Corporation-Towns. And, though I believe not that they
were more valiant than other Men, nor that they had so
much Experience in the War, as to be accounted good
Soldiers; yet they had that in them, which, in time of
Battle, is more conducing to Victory than Valour and
Experience both together; and that was Spight.
And for Arms, they had in their Hands the chief Ma-
gazines, the Tower of London, and the Town of King-
ston upon Hull, besides most of the Powder and Shot
- 2 O that
5
6,
2
Behemotă.
that lay in several Towns, for the Use of the Trained
Bands. w
Fortified Places there were not many then in England,
and most of them in the Hands of the Parliament.
The King's Fleet was wholly in their Command under
the Earl of Warwick.
The Earl of Essex is
made General of the
Parliament's Army.
Of Counsellors they needed no more than such as were
of their own Body; so that the King was every way
inferiour to them, except it were perhaps in Officers.
A. I cannot compare their Chief Officers. For the
Parliament, the Earl of Essex (after the Parliament had
voted the War) was made General of all their Forces,
both in England and Ireland; from whom all other Com-
manders were to receive their Commissions. w
B. What moved them to make the Earl of Essex their
General 2 And for what cause was the Earl of Essex so
displeased with the King, as to accept that Office?
A. I do not certainly know what to answer to either
of those Questions: But the Earl of Fssex had been in
the Wars Abroad, and wanted neither Experience, Judge-
ment, nor Courage, to perform such an Undertaking.
And besides that, you have heard, I believe, how great a
Darling of the People his Father had been before him,
and what Honour he had gotten by the Success of his
Enterprize upon Cales, and in some other Military Ac-
tions. To which I may add, that this Earl himself was
not held by the People to be so great a favourite at Court,
as that they might not trust him with their Army against
the King. And by this you may perhaps conjecture the
Cause for which the Parliament made Choice of him for
General. .*
B. But why did they think him discontented with the
Court?
A., I know not that ; nor indeed that he was so. He
came to the Court as other Noblemen did, when Occasion
was, to wait upon the King ; but had no Office, till a
little before this Time, to oblige him to be there continu-
ally. But I believe verily, that the Unfortunateness of his
Marriages had so discountenanced his Conversation with
the Ladies, that the Court could not be his proper Ele-
Allent,
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-- Behemoth.
563
ment, unless he had some extraordinary Favour there to
-balance that Calamity : but for particular Discontent from:
the King, or Intention of Revenge for any supposed Dis-
grace, I think he had none, nor that he was any ways
addicted to Presbyterian Doctrines, or other Fanatick Te-
nets in Church or State; saving only, that he was carried-
away with the Stream (in a manner) of the whole Nation,
to think that England was not an absolute, but a mixt,
Monarchy: not considering that the supreme Power must
always be absolute, whether it be in the King, or in the
*
Parliament. . . . . • * * * ~
B. Who was the General of the King's Army
4. None yet, but himself; nor indeed had he yet any
Army ; but there coming to him at that Time his two
Nephews, the Princes Rupert and Maurice, he put the
Command of his Horse into the Hands of Prince Rupert;
a Man, than whom no Man living has a better Courage,
nor was more active and diligent in prosecuting his Com-
missions; and, though but a young Man then, was not
without Experience in the conducting of Soldiers; as
having been an Actor in part of his Father's Wars in
-Germany. *. , #
B. But how could the King find Money to pay such .
an Army as was necessary for him to make head against
the Parliament? . - : -
A. Neither the King nor the Parliament had much Money
at that Time, in their own Hands, but were fain to rely
Prince Rupert, the
King's nephew, is
made General of the
King's Horse. -
upon the Benevolence of those that took their Parts.
Wherein I confess, the Parliament had a mighty great
Advantage. Those that helped the King in that kind
were only Lords and Gentlemen, who, not approving
the proceedings of the Parliament, were willing to un-
dertake the Payment every one of a certain Number of
Horse-Soldiers; which cannot be thought any very great
Assistance, the Persons that payed them being so few. For
other Moneys that the King then had, I have not heard
of any, but what he borrowed upon Jewels in the Low-
Countries. Whereas the Parliament had a very plentiful
Contribution, not only from London, but generally from
their Faction in all other Places of England, upon cer-
tain Propositions (published by the Lords and Commons
O 2 - -- in
The two Houses of
Parliament raised mo
ney for the suppors
of the war by bor,
rowing it of the peos
564
Behemotá.
ple who were wilſing
to lend it, and en-
gaging the Publick
Faith for the repay-
ment of it, in June,
1642, . -
And in November,
1642, they raised mo-
shey by compulsion.
in June 1642, at which Time they had newly voted, that
the King intended to make War upon them) for bringing-
in of Money or Plate to maintain Horse and Horsemen,
and to buy Arms for the Preservation of the publick Peace,
and for the Defence of the King, and both Houses of
Parliament: for the Repayment of which Money and
Plate they were to have the Publick Faith.
B. What Publick Faith is there, when there is no Pub-
lick 2 What is it that can be called Publick in a Civil
War without the King * -
A. The Truth is, the Security was nothing worth ;
but it served well enough to gull those seditious Block-
heads, that were more fond of Change in their Govern-
ment, than either of their Peace or their Profit.
Having by this Means gotten Contributions from those
that were well-affected to their Cause, they made Use of
it afterwards to force the like Contribution from others :
for in November following they made an Ordinance for
assessing also of those, that had not contributed then,
or had contributed, but not proportionably to their
Estates. And yet this was contrary to what the Parlia-
ment promised and declared in the Propositions them-
selves; for they declared in the first Proposition, That
no Man's Affection should be measured by the Propor-
tion of his Offer, so that he expressed his good Will to
And, in March,
1642-43, they im-
posed by an ordi-
nance large weekly
contributions
throughout England.
the Service in any Proportion whatsoever.
Besides this, in the Beginning of March following,
they made an Ordinance to levy weekly a great Sum of
Money upon every County, City, Town, Place and Per-
son of any Estate almost in England; which weekly
Sum (as may appear by the Ordinance itself, printed and
published in March 1642, by order of both Houses)
comes to almost 33,000l. and consequently to above
1,700,000l. for the Year. They had besides all this,
the Profits of the King's Lands and Woods, and whatso-
ever was remaining unpaid of any Subsidy formerly
granted him, and the Tonnage and Poundage usually
received by the King; besides the Profit of the Seques-
trations of great Persons, whom they pleased to vote
£)elinquents, and the Profits of the Bishops' Lands,
- which
Behemoth.
5
.5
which they took to themselves a Year or a little more
after. - -
B. Seeing then the Parliament had such Advantage of
the King in Money, and Arms, and Multitude of Men,
and had in their Hands the King’s Fleet ; I cannot ima-
gine what Hope the King could have, either of Victory,
(unless he resigned into their Hands the Sovereignty) or
of subsisting: For I cannot well believe he had any Ad.
vantage of them, either in Counsellors or Conductors,
or in the Resolutions of his Soldiers. *
A. On the contrary, I think he had also some Disad-
vantage in that: For, though he had as good Officers, at
least, as any who then served the Parliament, yet, I doubt,
he had not so useful Counsel as was necessary; and, for
his Soldiers, though they were Men as stout as those of
the Parliament, yet, because their Valour was not sharp-
ened so with Malice, as theirs was of the other Side,
they fought not so keenly as their Enemies did : Amongst
whom there were a great many London Apprentices, who,
for want of Experience in the War, would have been fear-
ful enough of Death and Wounds approaching visibly in
glistering Swords; but, for want of Judgement, scarce
thought of such Death as comes invisibly in a Bullet, and
therefore were very hardly to be driven out of the Field.
B. But what Fault do you find in the King’s Coun-
sellors, Lords, and other Persons of Quality and Expe-
rience 2 - * .
A. Only that Fault, which was generally in the whole
Nation; which was, that they thought the Government of
- England was not an absolute, but a mixt, Monarchy; and,
that, if the King should clearly subdue this Parliament,
his Power would be whatever he pleased to make it, and
theirs as little as he pleased; which they counted Tyranny.
This Opinion, though it did not lessen their Endeavour
to gain the Victory for the King in a Battle, when a
Battle could not be avoided, yet it weakened their En-
deavour to procure him an absolute Victory in the War.
And for this Cause, notwithstanding that they saw that
the Parliament was firmly resolved to take all Kingly
Power whatsoever out of his Hands; yet their Counsel
to the King was, upon all Occasions, to offer Propositions
2 o 3 - {Q
566
Behemoth.
to them of Treaty and Accommodation, and to make and
publish Declarations, which any Man might easily have
foreseen would be fruitless; and not only so, but also of
great Disadvantage to those Actions by which the King
was to recover his Crown, and preserve his Life: For it.
took-off the Courage of the best and forwardest of his
Soldiers, that looked for great Benefit by their Service
out of the Estates of the Rebels, in case they should sub-
due them ; but none at all, if the business should be
ended by a Treaty. - -
B. And they had Reason: For a Civil War never ends
by Treaty without the Sacrifice of those, who were on
both Sides the sharpest. You know well enough how
things pass'd at the Reconciliation of Augustus and An-
tonius in Rome. But I thought, that, after they once be-
gan to levy Soldiers one against another, they would not
any more have return'd, on either Side, to Declarations,
or other Paper-War; which, if it could have done any
Good, would have done it long before this.
A. But seeing the Parliament continued writing, and
set-forth their Declarations to the People against the Law-
fulness of the King’s Commission of Array, and sent Pe-
titions to the King, as fierce and rebellious as ever they
had done before, demanding of him, That he would dis-
band his Soldiers, and come-up to the Parliament, and
leave those whom the Parliament called Delinquents
(which were none but the King’s best Subjects) to their
Mercy, and pass such 'Bills as they should advise him ;
would you not have the King set-forth Declarations and
Proclamations against the legality of their Ordinances,
by which they levied Soldiers against him, and answer
those insolent Petitions of theirs? -
B. No ; it had done him no good before, and there-
fore was not likely to do him any afterwards. For the
common. People, (whose Hands were to decide the Con-
troversy,) understood not the Reasons of either Party;
and for those, that by Ambition were once set upon the
Enterprize of changing the Government, they cared not
much what was Reason and Justice in the Cause, but
what Strength they might procure by seducing the Mul-
titude with remonstrances from the Parliament-House,
OT
Behemoth.
567
or by Sermons in the Churches. And to their Petitions I
would not have had any Answer made at all, more than
this; “that, if they would disband their Army. and put
themselves upon his Mercy, they should find him more
gracious than they expected.” * -
A. That had been a gallant Answer indeed, if it had
proceeded from him after some extraordinary great
Victory in Battle, or some extraordinary Assurance of a .
Victory at last in the whole War.
B. Why? What could have happened to him worse
than at length he suffered, notwithstanding his gentle An-
swers, and all his reasonable Declarations :
A. Nothing; but who knew that :
B. Any Man might see, that he was never like to be
restored to his Right without Victory; and such his Stout-
ness being known to the People, would have brought to
his Assistance many more Hands than all the Arguments
of Law, or Force of Eloquence couched in Declarations
and other Writings, could have done, by far: and I won-
der what kind of Men they were that hindered the King
from taking this Resolution ?
A. You may know by the Declarations themselves,
which are very long and full of Quotations of Records,
and of Cases formerly reported;) that the Penners of them
were either Lawyers by profession, or such Gentlemen
as had the Ambition to be thought so. Besides, I told
you before, that those which were then likeliest to have
their Counsel asked in this Business, were averse to ab-
solute Monarchy, as also to absolute Democracy, or Aris-
tocracy; all which Governments they esteemed Tyranny,
and were in Love with a sort of Monarchy, which they used
to praise by the Name of mixt Monarchy, though it were
indeed nothing else but pure Anarchy. And those Men,
whose Pens the King most used in these Controversies of
Law and Politics, were such (if I have not been misin-
formed) as having been Members of this Parliament, had
declaimed against Ship-Money, and other extra-parlia-
mentary Taxes, as much as any ; but, when they saw the
parliament grow higher in their Demands, than they
thought they would have done, went-over to the King’s
party.
2 O 4 B.
568
Behemoth.
B. Who were those 2 --
A. It is not necessary to name any Man, seeing I have
undertaken only a short Narration of the Follies and other
Faults of Men, during this Trouble; but not (by naming
the Persons) to give you, or any Man else, Occasion to
esteem them the less, now that the Faults on all Sides
have been forgiven.
B. When the Business was brought to this Height by
levying of Soldiers, and seizing of the Navy and Arms,
and other Provisions on both Sides, that no Man was so
blind as not to see, that they were in an Estate of War one
against another; why did not the King, by Proclamation
or Message, according to his undoubted Right, dissolve
the Parliament, and thereby diminish, in some degree, the
Authority of their Levies, and of other their unjust Or-
dinances? -
A. You have forgotten that I told you, that the King
himself (by a Bill that he passed, at the same time when
he passed the Bill for the Execution of the Earl of Straf-
ford,) had given them Authority to hold the Parliament
till they should, by Consent of both Houses, dissolve
themselves. If therefore he had by any Proclamation,
or Message to the Houses, dissolved them, they would,
to their former i3efamations of his Majesty’s Actions,
have added this, that he was a Breaker of his Word ; and
not only, in Contempt of him, have continued their Ses-
sion, but also have made Advantage of it, to the Increase
and strengthening of their own Party.
B. Would not the King’s raising of an Army against
them be interpreted, as a Purpose to dissolve them by
Force? and was it not as great a breach of Promise to
scatter them by Force, as to dissolve them by Proclama-
tion ? Besides, I cannot conceive, that the passing of
that Act, was otherwise intended than conditionally ; so
long as they should not ordain any thing contrary to the
Sovereign Right of the King ; which Condition they had
already, by many of their Ordinances, broken. And I
think, that even by the Law of equity, (which is the un-
alterable Law of Nature,) a Man that has the Sovereign
Power, cannot, if he would, give-away the Right of any
thing which it is necessary for him to retain for the good
- Government
behemoth.
569
Government of his Subjects, unless he do it in express
Words, saying, that he will have the Sovereign Power no
longer. For the giving-away that, which, by Conse-
quence only, draws the Sovereignty along with it, is not,
I think, a giving-away of the Sovereignty, but an Error;
such as works nothing but an Invalidity in the Grant itself.
And such was the King’s passing of this Bill for the con- .
tinuing of the Parliament as long as the two Houses
pleased. But, now that the War was resolved-on, on
both Sides, what needed any more Dispute in Writing:
A. I know not what need they had: But, on both Sides,
they thought it needful to hinder one another, as much
as they could, from levying of Soldiers, And therefore
the King did set-forth Declarations in Print to make the
People know, that they ought not to obey the Officers of
the new Militia, set-up by the Ordinance of Parliament,
and also to let them see the Legality of his own Com-
missions of Array. And the Parliament, on their part,
did the like to justify to the People the said Ordinance,
and to make the Commission of Array appear unlawful.
B. When the Parliament were levying of Soldiers,
was it not lawful for the King to levy Soldiers to defend
himself and his Right, though there had been no other
Title for it, but his own Preservation, and though the
Name of a Commission of Array had never before been
heard-off -
A. For my Part (I think) there cannot be a better Title
for War, than the Defence of a Man’s own Right. But
the People, at that Time, thought nothing lawful for the
King to do, for which there was not some Statute made
by Parliament. For the Lawyers, I mean the Judges of
the Courts at Westminster, and some few others, though
but Advocates, yet of great Reputation for their Skill in
the Common Laws and Statutes of England, had infected
most of the Gentry of England with their Maxims and
Cases prejudged, which they call Precedents; and made
them think so well of their own Knowledge in the Law,
that they were very glad of this Occasion to shew it against
the King, and thereby to gain a Reputation with the Par-
liament of being good Patriots, and wise Statesmen.
B. What was this Commission of Array :
•4.
57O
Behemoth.
Of the King's Com.
missions of Array.
A. King William the Conqueror had gotten into his
Hands, by Victory, all the Land in England, of which he
disposed some Part, as Forests and Chases, for his Re-
creation ; and some Part to Lords and Gentlemen that
had assisted him, or were to assist him, in the Wars: upon
which he laid a Charge of Service in his Wars, for some
to serve him with more Men, and some with fewer, accord-
ing to the quantity and value of the Lands he had given
them ; whereby, when the King sent Men unto them
with Commissions, to make use of their Service, they
were obliged to appear with Arms and to accompany the
King to the Wars for a certain Time, at their own
Charges. And such were the Commissions by which
this King did then make his Levies. * *
B. Why then was it not legal? - &
A. No doubt but it was legal ; but what did that
amount to with Men that were already resolved to ac-
knowledge for Law nothing that was against their Design
of abolishing Monarchy, and placing a Sovereign and ab-
solute, arbitrary, Power in the House of Commons. -
B. To destroy Monarchy, and set-up the House of
Commons are two Businesses. -
A. They found it so at last; but did not think it so then.
B. Let us now come to the Military part.
A. I intended only the Story of their Injustice, Impu-
dence, and Hypocrisy; therefore for the proceeding of
the War, I refer you to the History thereof written at large
in English. I shall only make use of such a Thread as
The King summons
Sir John Hotham,
the Governour of
Hull, to surrender it
to him ; but is refus-
ed entrance into it.
April, 23, 1642.
is necessary for the filling-up of such Knavery and Folly
also, as I shall observe in their several Actions.
From York the King went to Hull, where was his
Magazine of Arms for the Northern parts of England, to
try if they would admit him. The Parliament had made
Sir John Hotham Governour of the Town, who caused
the Gates to be shut, and presenting himself upon the
Walls, flatly denied him Entrance; for which the King
caused him to be proclaimed a Traitor; and sent a Mes-
sage to the Parliament to know if they owned the Action.
B. Upon what Grounds *
A. Their Pretence was this, that neither this, nor any
other Town in England, was otherwise the King's, than in
trust for the People in England. * g
Behemoth.
57.1
B. Put what was that to the Parliament 2
4. Yes, say they ; for we are the Representatives of the
people of England. .*
B. I cannot see the Force of this Argument. We re.
present the People, ergo all that the People has is ours.
The Mayor of Hull did represent the King ; is therefore
all that the King had in Hull the Mayor's The People of
England may be represented with Limitations, as to deli-
ver a Petition, or the like : Does it follow, that they who
deliver the petition have Right to all the Towns in En-
gland When began this Parliament to be a Representa-
tive of England Was it not Nov. 3, 1640 Who was it
the Day before, that is November 2, that had a Right to
keep the King out of Hull, and possess it for themselves :
for there was then no Parliament. Whose was Hull
then 2 -
A. I think it was the King’s, not only because it was
called the King's Town upon Hull; but because the King
himself did then and ever represent the Person of the peo-
ple of England. If he did not, who then did, the Parlia-
ment having no Being?
B. They might perhaps say, the People had then no
Representative.
A. Then there was no Commonwealth; and conse-
quently all the Towns of England being the People's, you
and I, and any Man else, might have put in for his Share.
You may see by this what weak People they were, that
were carried into the Rebellion by such reasoning as the
Parliament used, and how impudent they were that did
put such Fallacies upon them. -
B. Surely they were such as were esteemed the wisest
Men in England, being upon that Account chosen to be
of the Parliament. - - -
JA. And were they also esteemed the wisest Men of
England that chose them?
B. I cannot tell that: for I know it is usual with the
Freeholders in the Counties, and the Tradesmen in the
Cities and Boroughs, to chuse, as near as they can, such
as are most repugnant to the giving of Subsidies.
4. The King in the Beginning of August, after he had
V. Summoned
572
Behemoth.
The King sets up his
Standard-royal at
Nottingham. August
5, 1642.
The Battle of Edge-
hill, or Kcynton,
October 23, 1642.
summoned Hull, and tried some of the Counties therea-
bout, what they would do for him, sets-up his Standard
at Nottingham ; but there came not thither Men enough
to make an Army sufficient to give Battle to the Earl of
|Fssex. From thence he went to Shrewsbury, where he
was quickly furnished ; and appointing the Earl of Lind-
sey to be General, he resolved to march towards London.
The Earl of Essex was now at Worcester with the Parli-
ament's Army, making no offer to stop him in his pas-
sage; but, as soon as he was gone by, marched close after
him. -
The King therefore, to avoid being inclosed between
the Army of the Earl of Essex and the City of London,
turned upon him, and gave him Battle at Edgehill; where,
though he got not an entire Victory, yet he had the better,
if either had the better, and had certainly the fruit of a
Victory, which was to march-on in his intended Way to-
wards London ; in which march, the next Morning, he
took Banbury-Castle, and from thence went to Oxford, and
thence o Brainford, where he gave a great Defeat to
three Regiments of the Parliament's Forces, and so re-
turned to Oxford. *
B. Why did not the King go-on from Brainford
A. The Parliament, upon the first Notice of the King's
marching from Shrewsbury, caused all the Train-bands,
and the Auxiliaries of the City of London,(which was so
frighted as to shut up all their Shops) to be drawn-forth;
so that there was a most compleat and numerous Army
ready for the Earl of Essex, that was crept into London just
at the Time to head it; and this was it that made the King
retire to Oxford. In the Beginning of February after,
Prince Rupert took Cirencester from the Parliament with
many Prisoners and many Arms: for it was newly made a
Magazine. And thus stood the Business between the
King's and the Parliament's greatest Forces. The Parlia-
ment in the mean time caused a line of Communication to
be made about London and the Suburbs, of twelve miles
in Compass, and constituted a Committee for the Associ-
ation, and the putting into a posture of Defence of the
Counties of Essex, Cambridge, Suffolk, and some others;
and one of these Commissioners was Oliver Cromwell,
from
Behnail.
from which Employment he came to his following Great-
IlêSS. -
B. What was done, during this Time, in other parts
of the Country
A. In the West the Earl of Stamford had the Employ-
ment of putting in Execution the Ordinance of Parliament
for the Militia; and Sir Ralph Hopton for the King exe-
cuted the Commission of Array. Between these two was
fought a Battle at Liskeard in Cornwall, wherein Sir Ralph
Hopton had the Victory, and presently took a Town called
Saltash with many Arms, and much Ordnance, and ma-
ny Prisoners, Sir William Waller in the mean time seiz-
ed Winchester and Chichester for the Parliament.
In the North, for the Commission of Array my Lord
of Newcastle, and for the Militia of the Parliament was
my Lord Fairfax. My Lord of Newcastle took from the
Parliament Tadcaster, in which were a great Part of the
Parliament’s Forces for that Country, and had made him-
self in a manner Master of all the North. About this
time, that is to say, in February, the Queen landed at
Burlington, and was conducted by my Lord of Newcastle,
and the Marquiss of Montrosse, to York, and not long
after to the King. Divers other little Advantages, besides
these, the King's Party had over the Parliament’s in
the North.
There happened also between the Militia of the Parli-
ament, and the Commission of Array in Staffordshire,
under my Lord Brook for the Parliament, and my Lord
of Northampton for the King, great Contention, wherein
both these Commanders were slain ; for my Lord Brook
besieging Litchfield close, was killed with a Shot; not-
withstanding which they gave not over the Siege till they
were Masters of the Close. But, presently after, my Lord
of Northampton besieged it again for the King; which to
relieve, Sir William Brereton and Sir John Gell advanced
towards Litchfield, and were met at Hopton-Heath by the
Earl of Northampton, and routed; the Earl himself was
slain; but his Forces, with Victory, returned to the Siege
again, and shortly after seconded by Prince Rupert, who
was then abroad in that Country, carried the Place.
These
574
Behemoth.
These were the chief Actions of this Year 1642, wherein
the King's Party had not much the worse. - •,
B. But the Parliament had now a better Army; inso-
much, that, if the Earl of Essex had immediately follow-
ed the King to Oxford, (not yet well fortified) he might,
in all Likelihood, have taken it: For he could not want
either Men, or Ammunition, whereof the City of Lon-
don (which was wholly at the Parliament’s Devotion)
had store enough. - -
JA.. I cannot judge of that ; but this is manifest, cone
sidering the Estate the King was in at his first marching
from York, when he had neither Money, nor Men, nor
Arms enough to put them in hope of Victory; that this
Year (take it altogether) was very prosperous. --
B. But what great Folly or Wickedness do you ob.
serve in the Parliament’s Actions for this first Year 2
A. All that can be said against them in that Point, will
be excused with the Pretext of War, and come under
one Name of Rebellion; saving, that when they sum-
moned any Town, it was always in the Name of King and
Parliament, the King being in the contrary Army, and
many Times beating them from the Siege. I do not see .
how the Right of War can justify, such Impudence as
that. But they pretended that the King was always vir-
tually in the two Houses of Parliament, making a distinc-
"tion between his Person Natural and Politic, which made
The Parliament sol-
licits the assistance
of the Scots against
the King.
the Impudence the greater, besides the Folly of it: For
this was but an University-Quibble, such as Boys make
use of in maintaining (in the Schools) such Tenets, as
they cannot otherwise defend. 4
In the End of this Year they sollicited also the Scots to
enter England with an Army, to suppress the Power of
the Earl of Newcastle in the North; which was a plain
Confession, that the Parliament’s Forces were at this
Time inferiour to the King's; and most Men thought,
that, if the Earl of Newcastle had then marched South-
ward, and joined his Forces with the King's, that most
of the Members of Parliament would have fled out of
England.
in the Beginning of 1643, the Parliament seeing the
Earl
Behemoth.
375
Earl of Newcastle's Power in the North grown so formi.
dable, sent to the Scots to hire them to an Invasion of
England, and (to compliment them in the mean Time)
made a Covenant amongst themselves, such as the Scots
had before taken against Episcopacy, and demolished
Crosses and Church-windows (such as had in them any
Images of Saints) throughout all England. Also in the
middle of the Year they made a solemn League with
the Nation, which was called the Solemn League and
Covenant. -
B. Arenot the Scots as properly to be called Foreign-
ers as the Irish : Seeing then they persecuted the Earl of
Strafford even to Death, for advising the King to make
use of Irish Forces against the Parliament, with what
Face could they call-in a Scotch, Army against the
King 2 -
'% The King's Party might easily here have discerned
their Design to make themselves absolute Masters of the
Kingdom, and to dethrone, the King. Another great
Impudence, or, rather, a bestial Incivility, it was of theirs,
that they voted the Queen a Traitor, for helping the
King with some Ammunition and English Forces from
Holland. * :
B. Was it possible that all this could be done, and Men
not see that Papers and Declarations must be useless; and
that nothing could satisfy them but the deposing of the
King, and setting-up of themselves in his place?
A. Yes; very possible. For who was there of them, -
though knowing that the King had the Sovereign Power,
that knew the essential Rights of Sovereignty They
dreamt of a mix’d Power of the King and the two Houses.
“That it was a divided Power, in which there could be no
Peace,” was above their Understanding. Therefore they
were always urging the King to Declarations and Trea.
ties, (for fear of subjecting themselves to the King in an
absolute Obedience) which increased the Hope and Cou-
rage of the Rebels, but did the King little good: for
the People either understand not, or will not trouble
themselves with, Controversies in Writing, but rather, by
his Compliance and Messages, go away with an Opilion,
that the Parliament was likely to have the Victory in the
War.
376
Behemoth. -
The Siege of Glou-
cester begun, Aug.
10, 1643.
It was raised by the
approach of the Earl
of Essex with his
Army, Sept. 8,1643.
War. Besides, seeing the Penners * and Contrivers of
these Papers were formerly Members of the Parliament,
and of another Mind, and now revolted from the Parlia-
ment, because they could not bear that Sway in the
House, which they expected, Men were apt to think they
believed not what they writ.
As for military Actions (to begin at the head Quarters).
Prince Rupert took Birmingham, a Garrison of the Par-
liament's. In July after the King's Forces had a great
Victory over the Parliament's near Devizes on Round-
way-Down, where they took 2000 Prisoners, four Brass
Pieces of Ordnance, º Colours, and all their
Baggage; and shortly after Bristol was surrender'd to
Prince Rupert for the King: and the King himself march-
ed into the West, and took from the Parliament many
considerable Places. *
But this good Fortune was not a little allay’d by his
besieging of Gloucester, which after it was reduced to
the last Gasp, was relieved by the Earl of Essex, whose
Army was before greatly wasted, but now suddenly
recruited with the Train’d-Bands and Apprentices of
London. t -
B. It seems, not only by this, but also by many Ex-
amples in History, that there can hardly arise a long or
dangerous Rebellion, that has not some such overgrown
City, with an Army or two in its Belly, to foment it.
A. Nay more; those great capital Cities, when Rebel-
lion is entered-into upon Pretence of Grievances, must
needs be of the Rebel Party, because the Grievances
are but Taxes, to which Citizens, that is, Merchants,
(whose Profession is their private Gain,) are naturally
mortal Enemies; their only glory being to grow exces-
sively rich by the Wisdom of buying and selling.
B. But they are said to be of all Callings the most be-
neficial to the Commonwealth, by setting the poorer sort
of People on Work. -
A. That is to say, by making poor People sell their
Labour to them, at their own Prices; so that poor Peo-
ple, for the most part, might get a better Living by
2–
* The principal Penner of all these Papers of the King was Sir Ed-
ward Hyde, who was afterwards Earl of Clarendon.
working
Behemoth.
working in Bridewell, than by spinning, weaving, and
other such Labour, as they can do; Saving that, by work-
ing slightly, they may help themselves a little, to the Dis-
grace of our Manufacture. And, as, most commonly, they
are the first Encouragers of Rebellion, presuming on
their Strength; so also are they, for the most part, the
first to repent of having done so, when they find them-
selves to have been deceived and disappointed in their ex-
s?
pectations by the subsequent selfish and disobedient con-
duct of those whom they had entrusted with the command
of their strength. - -
But to return to the War; though the King withdrew
from Gloucester, yet it was not to fly from, but to fight
with, the Earl of Essex; which presently after he did at
Newbury, where the Battle was bloody, and the King
had not the worst, unless Cirencester be put into the
Scale, which the Earl of Essex had, in his Way, a few
Days before, surprized. . . .
But in the North and the West the King had much
the better of the Parliament; for in the North, at the
very Beginning of the Year, March 29th, 1644, the Earls
of Newcastle and Cumberland defeated the Lord Fairfax
(who commanded in those Parts for the Parliament) at
Bramham-Moor, which made the Parliament to hasten
the Assistance of the Scots. .*
In June following, the Earl of Newcastle routed Sir
Thomas Fairfax, Son to the Lord Fairfax, upon Adder-
ton-Heath, and in Pursuit of them to Bradford, took
and kill'd 2000 Men, and the next Day took the Town
and 2000 Prisoners more, (Sir Thomas himself hardly
escaping) with all their Arms and Ammunition ; and
besides this, made the Lord Fairfax quit Halifax and
Beverly. Lastly, Prince Rupert relieved Newark, be-
sieged by Sir John Meldrum, for the Parliament, with
7000 Men, whereof 1000 were slain ; the rest upon
Articles departed, leaving behind them their Arms, Bag
and Baggage. - -
To ballance in part this Success, the Earl of Man-
chester, (whose Lieutenant-General was Oliver Crom.
well,) got a Victory over the Royalists near Horncastle,
of whom he slew 400, took 800 Prisoners, and 1900
Arms, and presently after took and plundered the City
of Lincoln.
In the West, May 16th, Sir Ralph Hopton, at Strat-
2 F . toº
The first battle of
Newbury, September
19, 1643. -
The Royalists defeat
the Parliament's Ar-
my at Bramham-
Moor. March 29,
1644.
And gain another
victory over them
upon Adderton-
Heath; in June, 1644.
And a third advan-
tage over them at
Newark.
But they are defeated
by the Earl of Maa-
chester at Horn"
castle.
578 Behemoth.
ton in Devonshire, had a Victory over the Parliamenta-
rians, wherein he took 1700 Prisoners, 13 Brass Pieces
of Ordnance, and all their Ammunition, which was 70
Barrels of Powder, and the Magazine of their other Pro-
visions in the Town. .
Again at Landsdown, between Sir Ralph Hopton and
the Parliamentarians, under Sir William Waller, was
fought a fierce Battle, wherein the Victory was not very
clear on either side; saving that the Parliamentarians might
seem to have the better, because presently after Sir Wm.
Waller followed Sir Ralph Hopton to Devizes in Wilt-
shire, though to his Cost; for there he was overthrown,
as I have already told you.
After this the King in Person marched into the West,
and took Exeter, Dorchester, Barnstaple, and divers
others Places; and had he not at his Return besieged
Gloucester, and thereby given the Parliament Time for
new Levies, ’twas thought by many he might have routed
the House of Commons. But the End of this Year was
- more favourable to the Parliament; for in January the
A Scottish Army en- Scots entered England, and March the first crossed the
::::::::glandoissist Tyne, and whilst the Earl of Newcastle was marching to
lºº them, Sir Thomas Fairfax gathered together a considera-
1643-44. Y, ble Party in Yorkshire, and the Earl of Manchester from
Lynn advanced towards York; so that the Earl of New-
castle having two Armies of the Rebels behind him, and
another before him, was forced to retreat to York; which
those three Armies, joining, presently besieged; and these
are all the considerable military Actions of the Year 1643.
In the same Year the Parliament caused to be made a
new Great Seal. The Lord-Keeper had carried the for-
mer Seal to Oxford. Hereupon the King sent a Messen-
ger to the Judges at Westminster, to forbid them to make
use of this new Seal. This Messenger was taken, and
condemned at a Council of War, and hang'd for a Spy.
P. Is that the Law of War : e sº
A. I know not : but it seems, when a Soldier comes
into the Enemy’s Quarters without Address, or Notice
given to the chief Commander, that it it is presumed he
comes as a Spy. The same Year, when certain Gentle-
men at London received a Commission of Array * the
- Alng,
Behemoth.
579
•
King, to levy Men for his Service in that City, being dis-
covered, they were condemned, and some of them exe-
cuted. This Case is not much unlike the former.
B. Was not the making of a new Great Seal a suffici-
ent Proof that the War was raised, not to remove evil
Counsellors from the King, but to remove the King him-
self from the Government 2 What hope then could there
be had in Messages and Treaties :
4. The Entrance of the Scots was a Thing unexpect-
ed to the King, who was made to believe, by continual
Letters from his Commissioner in Scotland, Duke Ha-
milton, that the Scots never intended any Invasion. The
Duke being then at Oxford, the King (assured that the
Scots were now entered) sent him Prisoner to Pendennis
Castle in Cornwall. -
In the Beginning of the Year 1644, the Earl of Newcastle
being (as I told you) besieged in York by the joint forces of
the Scots, the Earl of Manchester, and Sir Thomas Fair-
fax, the King sent Prince Rupert to relieve the Town,
and, as soon as he could, to give the Enemy Battle. Prince
Rupert passing through Lancashire, and, by the Way,
having stormed that seditious Town of Bolton, and taken
Stockford and Liverpool, came to York the 1st of July,
and relieved it; the Enemy being risen thence to a Place
called Marston-Moor, about four Miles off; and there
was fought that unfortunate Battle, which lost the King
in a Manner all the North. Prince Rupert returned by,
the Way he came, and the Earl of Newcastle went to
York, and thence, with Some of his Officers, over the
Sea to Hamburgh.
The Honour of this Victory was attributed chiefly to
Oliver Cromwell, the Earl of Manchester’s Lieutenant-
General. The Parliamentarians returned from the Field
to the Siege of York; which, not long after, upon hon-
ourable Articles, was surrendered; not that they were
favoured, but because the Parliament employed not much
Time, nor many Men, in Sieges. -
B. This was a great and sudden Abatement of the
King's Prosperity. -
The King's Army is
defeated in the Battle
of Marston-Moor.
In July, 1644.
A. It was so : but Amends was made him for it within
five or six Weeks after. For Sir William Waller, after
- 2 P 2 - - the
Behemoth.
Sir William Waller
is defeated by the
King at Coupredy-
Bridge.
The second Battle
of Newbury. In
October, 1644.
The Parliament mo-
dels its Army in a
new manner, and
puts it under new
Cominanders.
January 31, 1644-45.
the Loss of his Army in Roundway-down, had another
raised for him by the City of Londón; who, for the Pay-
ment thereof, imposed a weekly Tax of the Value of one
Meal's Meat upon every Citizen. This Army, with that
of the Earl of Essex, intended to besiege Oxford; which
the King understanding, sent the Queen into the West,
and marched himself towards Worcester. This made
them to divide again, and the Earl to go into the West,
and Waller to pursue the King. By this Means, as
it fell out, both their Armies were defeated ; for the
King, turned upon Waller, routed him at Coupredy-
bridge, took his Train of Artillery and many Officers;
and then presently followed the Earl of Essex into Corn-
wall, where he had him at such Advantage, that the Earl
himself was fain to escape in a small Boat to Plymouth ;
His Horse broke through the King's Quarters by Night;
but the Infantry were all forced to lay-down their Arms,
and, upon Condition never more to bear Arms against the
King, were permitted to depart.
In October following was fought a second and sharp
Battle at Newbury. For this Infantry, making no Consci,
ence of the Conditions made with the King, being now
come towards London, as far as Basingstoke, had Arms
put again into their Hands; to whom some of the Train’d
Bands being added, the Earl of Essex had suddenly so
great an Army, that he attempted the King again at New-
bury; and certainly had the better of the Day, but, the
Night parting them, had not a compleat Victory. And
it was observed here, that no part of the Earl's Army
fought so keenly, as they who had laid-down their Arms
in Cornwall. These were the most important Fights in
the Year, 1644, and the King was yet (as both himself
and others thought) in as good a Condition as the Parlia-
ment : which now despaired of Victory under the Com-
manders they then employed. * -
Therefore they voted a new modelling of the Army, sus-
pecting the Earl of Essex, (though, I think, wrongfully,)
to be too much a Royalist; for not having done so much as
they looked-for in this second Battle at Newbury. The
Earls of Essex and Manchester, perceiving what they went-
about, voluntarily laid-down their Commissions; and the
House
Behemoth. - - 581
House of Commons made an Ordinance, that no Member The Parliament
of either House, should enjoy any Office, or Command, . %.
Military or Civil ; with which oblique Blow they shook- ing ordinance.
off those that had hitherto served them too well. And yet
out of this Ordinance they excepted Oliver Cromwell, in
whose Conduct and Valour they had very great Confi-
dence, (which they would not have done, if they had
known him as well then as they did afterwards) and made
him Lieutenant-General to Sir Thomas Fairfax, their new-
made Generai. In the Commission to the Earl of Essex
there had been a Clause for the Preservation of his Ma-
jesty's Person, which in this new Commission was left-
out; though the Parliament (as well as the General)
were as yet Presbyterian.
B. It seems the Presbyterians also (in order to their
Ends) would fain have had the King murdered.
A. For my part, I doubt it not. For, while a rightful
King is living, an usurping Power can never be suffi-
ciently secured. -
In this same Year the Parliament put to Death Sir John Proceedings of the
Hotham and his Son, for tampering with the Earl of New- ..". In the
Castle, about the Rendition of Hull ; and Sir Alexander ſº
Carew, for endeavouring to deliver-up Plymouth, where
he was Governour for the Parliament; and the Archbishop
of Canterbury, for nothing, but to please the Scots; for
the general Article of “going-about to subvert the funda-
mental Laws of the Land,” was no Accusation, but only
foul Words. They then also voted-down the Book of
Common-Prayer, and ordered the Use of a Directory,
which had been newly composed by an Assembly of Pres.
byterian Ministers. They were also then, with much ado,
prevailed-with to enter into a Treaty with the King at Ux- The treaty of Ux-
bridge; in which they remitted nothing of their former De- º In February,
mands. The King had also at this Time a Parliament at Ös
Oxford, consisting of such discontented Members as had
left the Houses at Westminster. But few of them had
changed their old Principles ; and therefore that Parlia-
ment was not of much service to the King : Nay rather,
because they endeavoured nothing but to bring-about more
Messages and Treaties between the King and the Parlia- -
ment, (which tended only to the defeating of the hopes
- 2 P 3 - of
58%.
Behemotb.
Of the Events of the
War in the Year
1645.
The King is defeated
in a great Battle at
Naseby. June 14,
1645.
General Fairfax pre-
pares to lay siege to
Oxford. In April,
1646.
of the King's Soldiers that they should reap Benefit by the
War,) they were thought by most Men to do the King
more Hurt than Good. •
The Year 1645, was to the King very unfortunate. For
by the Loss of one great Battle, he lost all he had formerly
gotten, and at length his Life.
The new-model!"d Army, after Consultation whether
they should lay Siege to Oxford, or march Westward to
the Relief of Taunton, (then besieged by the Lord Goring,
and defended by Blake, who was famous afterwards for his
Actions at Sea) resolved for Taunton, leaving Cromwell to
attend the Motions of the King, though not strong enough
to hinder him. The King, upon this Advantage, drew his
Forces and Artillery out of Oxford. This made the Par-
liament to call-back their General Fairfax, and order him
to besiege Oxford. The King, in the mean time, reliev-
ed Chester, which was besieged by Sir William Brereton,
and coming-back took Leicester by Force; a Place of
great Importance, and well provided of Artillery and Pro-
vision.
Upon this Success it was generally thought, that the
King's Party was the stronger. The King himselfthought
so, and the Parliament in a Manner confess'd the same, by
commanding Fairfax to rise from the Siege, and endeavour
to give the King Battle: for the Successes of the King,
and the Divisions and Treacheries growing now amongst
themselves, had driven them to rely upon the Fortune of
one Day; in which at Naseby the King's Army was ut-
terly overthrown, and no Hope left him to raise another.
Therefore, after the Battle, he went-up and down, doing
the Parliament here and there some shrewd Turns, but
never much increased his Number.
Fairfax, in the mean time, first recovered Leicester,
and then marching into the West subdued it all, except
only a few Places; forcing, with much ado, my Lord
Hopton (upon honourable Conditions) to disband his Ar-
my, and, with the Prince of Wales, to pass-over to Scilly;
whence, not long after, they went to Paris.
In April 1646, General Fairfax began to march-back to
Oxford. In the mean Time, Rainsborough, who besieged
Woodstock, had it surrendered to him. The King there-
fore,
Behemoth. -
(583.
fore, who was now also returned to Oxford, (from which
Woodstock is but six Miles,) not doubting, but that he
should there be besieged by Fairfax, and having no Ar-
my to relieve him, resolved to get-away iſ disguise to the
Scotch Army about Newark; and thither he came the
fourth of May. And the Scotch Army, being upon their
removal homewards, carried him with them to Newcastle,
whither he came May the 13th. . . -
B. Why did the King trust himself with the Scots?
They were the first that rebell’d. They were Presbyte-
rians, i. e. cruel; and besides, they were indigent, and
The King leaves Ox-
ford in disguise, and
repairs to the Scot-
tish Army near
Newark.
1646.
Yonsequently it might be suspected, that they would sell
him to his Enemies for money. And lastly, they were
too weak to defend him, or keep him in their Country.
A. What could he have done better? For he had, in the
Winter before, sent to the Parliament to get a Pass for the
Duke of Richmond and others, to bring them Proposi-
tions of Peace: It was denied. He sent again ; it was de-
nied again. Then he desired he might come to them in
Person: This also was denied. He sent again and again
to the same Purpose ; but, instead of granting it, they
made an Ordinance, That the Commanders of the Militia.
of London; in case the King should attempt to come
within the Line of Communication, should raise what
Force they thought fit to suppress Tumults, to apprehend
such as came with him, and to secure (i. e. to imprison)
his Person from Danger. If the King had adventured to
come, and had been imprisoned ; what could the Parlia-
ment have done with him : They had dethroned him by
their Votes; and therefore they could have no Security,
whilst he lived, though in Prison. It may be they would
not have put him to Death by a High Court of Justice
publickly, but secretly some other Way.
B. He should have attempted to get beyond Sea.
A. That had been from Oxford very difficult. Besides.
it was generally believed, that the Scotch Army had pro-
mised him, that not only his Majesty, but also his Friends,
that should come with him, should be in their Army safe;
not only for their Persons, but also for their Honours and
Consciences. 'Tis a pretty Trick, when the Army and
the particular Soldiers of the Army, are different things,
•º- M ay 4,
584
Behemoth.
The Parliament
sendsCommissioners
to the King in the
Scottish Army with
Propositions for
Peace. July 11, 1646.
The King refuses to
consent to them.
to make the Soldiers promise what the Army means not
to perform. -
July the 11th, the Parliament sent their Propositions to
the King at Newcastle; which Propositions they pretend-
ed to be the only Way to a settled and well-grounded
Peace. They were brought by the Earl of Pembroke,
the Earl of Suffolk, Sir Walter Earle, Sir John Hippesly,
Mr. Goodwin, and Mr. Robinson : whom the King asked
if they had Power to treat? And when they answered,
“ that they had not,” the King observed to them, that,
since that was the case, the Propositions might as well
have been sent to him by a Trumpeter? The Propositions
were the same dethroning ones, which they used to send;
and therefore the King would not assent to them. Nor
did the Scots swallow them at first, but made some Ex-
ceptions against them; only, it seems, to make the Par-
liament perceive they meant not to put the King into their
Hands gratis. And so at last the Bargain was made be-
tween them ; and upon the Payment of 200,000l. the
King was put into the Hands of the Commissioners, which
the English Parliament sent-down to receive him *.
B. What a vile Complexion has this Action ?, which
seems to be a compound of feigned Religion and real
Covetousness, Cowardice, Perjury and Treachery.
A. Now the War, that seemed to justify many un-
seemly Things, is ended; you will see almost nothing else
in these Rebels, but Baseness and Falseness, besides their
Folly. -
By this Time the Parliament had taken-in all the rest.
of the King's Garrisons, whereof the last was Pendennis
Castle, whither Duke Hamilton had been sent Prisoner
by the King.
B. What was done during this Time in leeland and
Scotland?
* But it should have been observed, that this sum of money was not a
gratuity, or gift, to the Scotch Nation, in order to have the King's person
delivered-up to them, but only one half of the sum justly due to them as
the pay stipulated to be paid to them for the service done to the English
Parliament in their present contest with the King. Nor did the Com-
missioners of the Parliament stipulate that the King's person should be
delivered-up to them; but left him at liberty to go with the Scotch army
into his kingdom of Scotland, if he chose it. But he chose rather to
stay in England. See above in “May's Breviary," the account of this
transaction, and particularly the Speech of the Earl of Lowdon to the
King, about the end of August, 1646.
-- A. In
Behemoth.
585
A. In Ireland there had been a Peace made by order
from his Majesty for a Time, which by Divisions amongst
the Irish was ill kept; the Popish Party (the Pope's Nun-
cio being then there) took this to be the Time for deliver-
ing themselves from their Subjection to the English.
Besides, the Time of the Peace was now expir’d.
B. How were they subject to the English more than the
English to the Irish : They were subject to the King of
England; but so also were the English to the King of
Ireland. -
.A. This Distinction is somewhat too subtil for common
TJnderstandings. In Scotland the Marquiss of Montrosse,
for the King, with a very few men, and miraculous Vic-
tories, had over-run all Scotland; where many of his
Forces (out of too much Security) were permitted to be
absent for a while ; of which the Enemy having Intelli-
gence, suddenly came upon them, and forced them to
fly-back into the Highlands to recruit; where he began
to recover Strength, when he was commanded by the
King (then in the Hands of the Scots at Newcastle) to
disband his Army; which he accordingly did ; and him-
self thereupon departed from Scotland by Sea.
In the End of the same Year, 1646, the Parliament
caused the King's Great Seal to be broken; also the King
was brought to Holmeby, and there kept by the Parlia-
ment’s Commissioners : and here was an End of that
War, as to England and Scotland, but not as to Ireland.
About this Time also died the Earl of Essex, whom the
Parliament had discarded. - - --
B. Now that there was Peace in England, and the King
in Prison, in whom was the Sovereign Power
A. The Right was certainly in the King, but the Ex-
ercise was yet in nobody ; but contended for, as in a
Game at Cards, without fighting, all the Years 1647 and
1648, between the Parliament and Oliver Cromwell,
Lieutenant-General to Sir Thomas Fairfax.
You must know, that, when King Henry the VIIIth
abolished the Pope's Authority here, and took upon him
to be the Head of the Church, the Bishops, as they could
not resist him, so neither were they discontented with it.
For, whereas, before that change, the Pope allowed not
the Bishops to claim Jurisdiction in their Dioceses Jure
Divino,
Of the state of Ire-
land at this time.
Of the state of Scot-
land at this time.
The King is brought
to his Palace at
Holmeby in North-
amptonshire, in
February, 1646-47.
After the abolition
of the Pope's Eccle-
siastical Authority
in England, the
Bishops of England
conceived theim-
selves to have a di-
vine right to govern
the Clergy of their
several Dioceses.
586
JBehemoth.
The Origin of the
Independents and
the other Sects of
Protestant Christians
called Fanaticks.
These fanatical Sec-
taries were the prin-
cipal Instruments of
Oliver Cromwell's
Ambition.
Divino, that is, of Right immediately from God, but by
the Gift and Authority of the Pope, the Bishops, now
that the Pope was outed, made no doubt but that the
Right was in themselves. After this great change in
England, the City of Geneva, and divers other Places
beyond Sea, having revolted from the Papacy, set-up Pres-
byteries for the Government of their several Churches;
and divers English Scholars that went beyond Sea, dur-
ing the Time of Queen Mary, were much taken with this
Government, and, at their Return to England, in the Time
of Queen Elizabeth, and ever since, have endeavoured, (to
the great trouble of the Church and Nation,) to set-up
that mode of Church-Government here, wherein they
might, in their Synods, or Ecclesiastical Assemblies, do-
mineer, and display their own Wit and Learning: and these
persons took upon them to have, not only a Divine Right,
but also a Divine Inspiration: and, having been connived-
at and countenanced, they sometimes, in their frequent
Preaching, introduced many strange and many pernicious
Doctrines; out-doing, as they pretended, the Reformations
both of Luther and Calvin, receeding from the former
Divinity, or Church-Philosophy, (for Religion is another
Thing) as much as Luther and Calvin had receeded from
the Pope; and thereby they distracted their Auditors into
a great number of Sects, as Brownists, Anabaptists, lnde-
pendents, Fifth-Monarchy-Men, Quakers, and divers
others, all commonly called by the Name of Famatichs:
insomuch that there was not so dangerous an Enemy to
the Presbyterians as this Brood of their own hatching.
These were Cromwell's best Cards, whereof he had a
very great Number in the Army, and some in the House,
whereof he himself was thought to be one ; though, in
reality, he was not steadily attached to any one particular
sect, but, applying himself always to the Faction that was
strongest, was of a Colour like it. -
There were in the Army a great Number (if not the
greatest part) that aimed only at Rapine, and sharing the
Lands and Goods of their Enemies; and these also, upon
the Opinion they had of Cromwell's Valour and Conduct,
thought they could not any way better arrive at their Ends,
than by adhering to him. Lastly, in the Parliament it-
self, though not the Major part, yet a considerable Num-
- ber
Behemoth.
587
ber were Fanatics; enough to put-in Doubts, and cause
Delay in the Resolutions of the House, and sometimes
also, by Advantage of a thin House, to carry a Vote in
favour of Cromwell, as they did upon the 26th of July, 1647.
For, whereas, on the fourth of May preceding, the Parlia-
ment had voted that the Militia of London should be in
the hands of a Committee of Citizens, whereof the Lord-
Mayor for the Time being should be one ; shortly after,
the Independents, chancing to be the Major Part of the
House, made an Ordinance by which it was put into
Hands more favourable to the Army.
The best Cards the Parliament had, were the City of
Iondon, and the Person of the King. The General Sir
Thomas Fairfax, was right Presbyterian; but in the Hands
of the Army; and the Army was in the hands of Cromwell:
but “which Party should prevail over the other,” depend-
ed on the playing of the Game. Cromwell protested still
Obedience and Fidelity to the Parliament : but, meaning
nothing less, bethought him, and resolved on a Way to
excuse himself of all that he should do to the contrary, by
laying it upon the Army. Therefore he and his Son-in-
law, Commissary-General Ireton, (who was as good at con-
triving as himself, and at speaking and writing better,) con-
trive how to mutiny the Army against the Parliament.
To this End they spread a Whisper through the Army,
that the Parliament, now they had the King in their
hands, intended to disband them, to cheat them of
their Arrears, and to send thern into Ireland to be des-
troyed by the Irish. The Army, being herewith enraged,
were taught by Ireton to erect a Council among them-
selves, of two Soldiers out of every Troop, and every
Company, to consult for the Good of the Army, and to
assist at the Council of War, and to advise for the Peace
and Safety of the Kingdom. These were called "Adjutators,
- . SO
* This name of the members of this council consisting of private
Soldiers, is spelt in this same way ddfutators, by Sir John Berkley in his
Memoirs printed above in this volume of tracts, and therefore secms to
have meant Assistants to the superiour Council of War, (consisting of
Officers of the Army,) in managing and supporting the rights and in-
tel CŞt 8
Oliver Cromwell and
Ireton excite discon-
tents in the Army
against the Parlia-
Illel) t-
The Army choose a
Council of private
Soldiers, whom they
call Adjutators, to
consult for the good
of the Army.
388
+ Behemoth.
A strong party of
Horse under the
command of Cornet
Joyce, by the insti-
gation of Cromwell,
removes the King by
force from Holmeby
Castle into the quar-
ters of the Army.
June 4, 1647.
so that whatsoever Cromwell would have to be done, he
needed nothing to make them do it, but secretly to put it
into the head of these Adjutators. The Effect of the first
Consultation was, to take the King from Holmeby, and
to bring him to the Army. 4.
The General hereupon, by Letter to the Parliament, ex-
cuses himself, and Cromwell, and the Body of the army,
as ignorant of the Fact ; and that the King came-away
willingly with those Soldiers that brought him : assuring
them withall, that the whole army intended nothing but
Peace, and did not oppose Presbytery, nor affect Inde-
pendency, nor hold any licentious Freedom in Religion.
B. 'Tis strange that Sir Thomas Fairfax could be so.
abused by Cromwell, as to believe this which he himself
here writes. .
A. I cannot believe that Cornet Joyce could go out of
the Army with a thousand Soldiers to fetch the King, and
neither the General", nor the Lieutenant. General, nor the
Body of the Army, take Notice of it. And that the King
went willingly, appears to be false, by a Message sent on
purpose from his Majesty to the Parliament.
*
tercsts of the Army. But in Lord Holles's Memoirs, and Lord Fairfax's
Memorials, herein above printed, and in Lord Clarendon's History of the
Rebellion, it is spelt Agitators, as if it meant men selected from the pri-
vate Soldiers of the Army to agitate, or discuss, matters relating to the
interests of the Army.
* The General, Sir Thomas Fairfax, certainly did not order this vio.
lent removal of the King, nor know any thing of it till after it had taken.
place; and, when he was told of it, he was very much displeased at it,
and immediately ordered Coloncl Whalley to go with two Regiments of
Horse to meet the King on his Journey from Holmeby, and carry him.
back, unless the King should refuse to return; in which case he was not
to use any force with him. Colonel. Whalley obeyed this order immer
diately, and met the King and the Commissioners of Parliament who at-
tended him, at only four miles distance from Holmeby, and in formed him
of the orders he had received from the General. But the King, though
he had been forced by Cornet Joyce to leave Holmeby against his will, yet
then refused to go-back to it, and so went-on with Colonel Whalley and
his party to the quarters of the Army. It is probable that he had been
made to believe, by specious assurances of the favourable disposition of
the Army towards him, that he should be restored to the exercise of his
royal authority by the interference of the Army upon easier terms than
by the free and uncontrolled Resolutions of the Parliament. See above,
A short Memorial of Thomas, Lord Fairfax, pages 446, 447, 448.
B. Here
Behemoth.
589
B. Here is Perfidy upon Perfidy: first the Perfidy of
the Parliament against the King, and then the Perfidy of
the Army against the Parliament.
A This was the first Trick Cromwell played; whereby
he thought himself to have gotten so great an Advantage,
that he said openly, “ that he had the Parliament in his
Pocket;” as indeed he had, and the City too: for, upon
the News of it, they were, both the one and the other, in
very great Disorder; and the more so, because there came
with it a Rumour, that the Army was marching-up to
London. - *
The King in the mean time, till his Residence was set-
tled at Hampton-court, was carried from Place to Place,
not without some Ostentation ; but with much more Li-
berty, and with more Respect shewn him by far, than
when he was in the Hands of the Parliament’s Commissi-
oners; for his own Chaplains were allowed to attend him;
and his Children, and some Friends, were permitted to see
him. Besides that, he was much complimented by Crom-
well, who promised him, in a serious and seeming passionate
manner, to restore him to his Right against the Parliament.
B. How was he sure he could do that
A. He was not sure; but he was resolved to march-up
to the City and Parliament to set-up the King again, (and
be the second Man) unless in the Attempt he found better
Hope, than yet he had, to make himself the first Man by
dispossessing the King. -
B. What Assistance against the Parliament and the
City could Cromwell expect from the King f -
A. By declaring directly for him, he might have had
all the King’s Party; which were many more now, since
his Misfortune, than ever they were before: for in the
Parliament itself there were many that had discovered the
IIypocrisy and private Aims of their Fellows. Many were
converted to their Duty by their own natural Reason; and
their Compassion for the King's Sufferings had begot gene-
rally an Indignation against the Parliament; so that, if they
had been, by the Protection of the present Army, brought
together, and embodied, Cromwell might have done what
hº
33ehemoth.
Violent Proceedings
of the Army against
the Parliament and
i., § of London.
n July and August
º, and Auguº,
he had pleased, in the first place for the King, and in the
second for himself. But, it seems, he meant, first, to try
what he could do without the King ; and, if that proved
enough, to rid his Hands of him. -
B. What did the Parliament and City do to oppose
the Army g
A. First, the Parliament sent to the General to re-de-
liver the King to their Commissioners. Instead of an
Answer to this, the Army sent Articles to the Parliament,
and with them a Charge against eleven of their Members,
all of them active Presbyterians : of which articles these
are some, 1. That the House may be purged of those,
who, by the self-denying Ordinance, ought not to be there.
2. That such as abused and endangered the Kingdom,
might be disabled to do the like hereafter. 3. That a
Day might be appointed to determine this Parliament. 4.
That they would make an Accompt to the Kingdom of
the vast Sums of Money they had received. 5, That the
eleven Members might presently be suspended sitting in
the House. These were the Articles that put them to
their Trumps: and they answered none of them, but that
of the Suspension of the eleven Members ; which they
said they could not do by Law, till the particulars of the
Charge were produced. But this was soon answered by a
reference to their own Proceedings against the Archbishop
of Canterbury, and the Earl of Strafford, -
TheParliament being thus somewhat awed, and the King
made somewhat confident; he undertakes the City, re-
quiring the Parliament to put the Militia of London into
other Hands. - . .
B. What other Hands : I do not well understand you.
A. I told you that the Militia of London was, on the
fourth of May, put into the Hands of the Lord-Mayor
and other Citizens, and soon after put into the Hands of
other Men more favourable to the Army ; and now I am
to tell you, that, on July the 26th, the Violence of certain
Apprentices and disbanded Soldiers forced the Parliament
to resettle it, as it had been a little before, in the Citizens.
And hereupon the two Speakers and divers of the Mem-
bers ran-away to the Army, where they were invited to
take
- Behemóth.
591
take refuge, and where they were contented to sit and vote
in the Council of War in Nature of a Parliament; and out
of these Citizens hands they would have the Militia taken-
away, and put again into those Hands, out of which it was
taken on the 26th of July.
B. What said the City to this 2
A. The Londoners manned their Works, viz. the Line
of Communication, raised an army of valiant Men within
the Line, chose good Officers, all being desirous to go-out
and fight, whensoever the City should give them Order;
and in that Posture stood expecting the Enemy. *
The Soldiers in the mean time enter into an Engage-
ment to live and die with Sir Thomas Fairfax, and the
Parliament, and the army. - -
B. That is very fine. They imitate that which the
Parliament did, when they first took-up arms against the
King, styling themselves the King and Parliament, main-
taining that the King was always virtually in his Parlia-
ment: So the Army now making War against the Par-
liament, called themselves the Parliament and the JArmy.
But they might, with more Reason, say, that the Parlia-
ment (since it was in Cromwell’s Pocket) was virtually
in the Army. . -
A. Withall they send-out a Declaration of the Grounds
of their March towards London; wherein they take upon
them to be Judges of the Parliament, and of “who are fit
to be trusted with the Business of the Kingdom,” giving
them the Name, not of the Parliament, but of the Gentle-
men at Westminster. For after the Violence they were
under on July 26th, the Army denied them to be a lawful
Parliament. At the same Time they sent a Letter to the
Mayor and Aldermen of London, reproaching them with
those late Tumults, and telling them that they were Enemies
to the Peace, treacherous to the Parliament, unable to de-
fend either the Parliament or themselves; and demanded
to have the City delivered into their Hands; for which Pur-
pose they said they were now coming to them. The
General also sent-out Warrants to the Counties adjacent,
summoning their Trained Soldiers to join with them.
B. Were
592 - Behemoti,
B. Were the Trained Soldiers part of the General's
Army: - - ,
A. No;-they were not at all in pay, nor could be so
without an Order of Parliament. But what might not an
Army do, after it had mastered all the Laws of the Land 2
The Army being come to Hounslow-Heath, distant from
London but ten Miles, the Court of Aldermen was called
to consider what to do. The Captains and Soldiers of the
City were willing and well-provided to go-forth and give
them Battle: but a treacherous Officer, that had Charge
of a Work on Southwark-Side, had let-in within the
Line a small Party of the Enemy, who march'd as far as
to the Gate of London Bridge, and then the Court of
Aldermen (their Hearts failing them) submitted on these
Conditions: To relinquish their Militia: To desert the
eleven Members : To deliver-up the Forts and Line of
Communication, together with the Tower of London,
and all Magazines and Arms therein, to the Army : To
disband their Forces, and turn-out all the Reformadoes,
i. e. all Essex's old Soldiers: and to draw-off their Guards
from the Parliament. All which was done, and the Army
The Army marches marched triumphantly through the principal Streets of the
to London, and re- Cit
duces the City to a • - - * .
compliance with B. 'Tis strange that the Mayor and Aldermen, having
.*.*.* such an Army, should so quickly yield, Might they not
2 A Vºf 4 e have resisted the Party of the Enemy, at the Bridge, with
a Party of their own; and the rest of the Enemies with
the rest of their owfi -
A. I cannot judge of that. But to me it would have
been strange, if they had done otherwise than they did.
For I consider the most part of rich Subjects, that have
made themselves so by Craft and Trade, as Men that
never look upon any thing but their present Profit, and
who to every thing not lying in that Way, are in a manner
blind, being amazed at the very Thought of being plun-
dered. If they had understood what Virtue there would
have been in preserving their Wealth in Obedience to their
lawful Sovereign, they would never have sided with the
Parliament against him ; and so we should have had no
need of arming. The Mayor and Aldermen therefore being
assured
Behemotò.
93
assured by this Submission to save their Goods, and not
being sure of the same by resisting, seem to me to have
taken the wisest Course. Nor was the Parliament less tame
than the City; for presently, August the 6th, the Ge-
neral brought the fugitive Speakers and Members to the
House with a strong Guard of Soldiers, and replaced the
Speakers in their Chairs ; and for this they gave the Ge-
neral Thanks, not only there in the House, but appointed
also a Day for a holy Thanksgiving, and not long after
made him Generalissimo of all the Forces of England,
and Constable of the Tower. But, in effect, all this was
the Advancement of Cromwell; for he was the Usufruc-
tuary, though the Property were in Sir Thomas Fairfax.
For the Independents immediately cast-down the whole
Line of Communication, divided the Militia of London,
Westminster, and Southwark, which were before united ;
displaced such Governours of Towns and Forts as were
not for their Turn, though placed there by Ordinance of
Parliament; and, instead of them, they put-in Men of their
own Party. They also made the Parliament to declare
null all that had passed in the Houses from July the 26th,
to August the 6th, and clapt in Prison some of the Lords,
and some of the most eminent Citizens, whereof the
Lord-Mayor was one. A * -
B. Cromwell had Power enough now to restore the
King : Why did he not do so : - -
A. His main End was to set himself in his Place. The
restoring of the King was but a reserve against the Parlia-
ment; which being in his Pocket, he had no more Need
of the King, who was now an Impediment to him. To
keep him in the Army was a Trouble; To let him fall
into the Hands of the Presbyterians had been a Stop to
his Hopes; To murder him privately, (besides the Horror
of the Act) now whilst Cromwell himself was no more
than Lieutenant General, would have made him odious
without furthering his Design. There was nothing better
for his Purpose, than to let him escape from Hampton-
Court, (where he was too near the Parliament) and go
wherever he pleased beyond Sea. For, though Cromwell
had a great Party in the Parliament-House, whilst they saw
not that his Ambition reached to making himself to be
their Master, yet they would have been his Enemies, as
2 9 SOOIA
594,
Behemoth.
The King escapes
from Hampton-
Court, and resorts to
Carishi ook. Castle in
the Isle of Wight, of
which Colºnel Ham-
mond is Governour.
November 10, 1647.
soon as that had appeared. To make the King attempt
an Escape, some of those that had him in Custody, by
Cromwell's Direction, told him that the Adjutators meant
to murder him ; and withal caused a Rumour of the
same to be generally spread, to the end that it might
that Way also come to the King's Ear, as it did.
The King, therefore, in a dark and rainy Night, (his
Guards being retired, (as it was thought, on Purpose) left
Hampton-Court, and went to the Sea-side about South-
ampton, where a Vessel had been bespoken to transport
him, but failed; so that the King was forced to trust
himself with Colonel Hammond, then Governour of the
Isle of Wight: expecting perhaps some Kindness from him
for Dr. Hammond's sake, who was Brother to the Colonel,
and his Majesty's much-favoured Chaplain. But it proved
otherwise; for the Colonel sent to his Masters of the
Parliament to receive their Orders concerning him. This
going into the Isle of Wight was not likely to be any Part
of Cromwell's Design, who neither knew whither, nor
which Way he would go; nor would Hammond have
known any more than other Men, to what place the King
had gone, if the Ship had come to the appointed Place
in due Time. - * t
B. If the King had escaped into France, might not
, the French have assisted him with Forces to recover his
Kingdom, and so have frustrated the Designs, both of
Cromwell, and all the King's other Enemies?
A. Yes, much ; just as they assisted his Son, (our pre-
sent most gracious Sovereign,) who had, two Years before,
fled thither out of Cornwall. - -
B. 'Tis, methinks, no great Policy in neighbouring
Princes to favour, so often as they do, one another's Re-
bels; especially when they rebel against Monarchy itself.
They should rather, first, make a League against Rebellion,
and afterwards (if there be no Remedy) fight one against
another. Nor will that serve the Turn amongst Christian
Sovereigns, till preaching be better looked-to; whereby
the Interpretation of a Verse in the Hebrew, Greek, or
Latin Bible, is oſtentimes the Cause of a Civil War, and
of the deposing and assassinating of God's Anointed.And
yet, converse with those Divinity-Disputers as long as you
will,
Behemoth,
595
will, you will hardly find one in a hundred of them that is
discreet enough to be employed in any great Affair either of
War or Peace. It is not the Right of the Sovereign, though
granted to him by every Man's express Consent, that can
enable him to do his Office; it is the Obedience of the
Subject that must do that. For what Good is it to pro-
mise Allegiance, and then, by and by, to cry-out, (as some
Ministers did in the Pulpit) To your Tents, O Israel !
Common People know nothing of Right or Wrong by
their own Meditation; they must therefore be taught the
Grounds of their Duty, and the Reasons why Calamities
ever follow Disobedience to their lawful Sovereigns. But,
on the contrary, our Rebels were publickly taught Re-
bellion in the Pulpits; and that there was no Sin, but the
doing of what the Preachers forbad, or the Omission of
what they advised. But, now that the King was the Par-
liament’s Prisoner, why did not the Presbyterians ad-
vance their own Interest by restoring him? -
A. The Parliament, (in which there still continued to
be a greater number of Presbyterians than of Independ-
ents,) might have gotten what they would of the King,
during his Life, if they had not, by unconscionable and
sottish Ambition, obstructed the Way to their Ends.
They sent him four Propositions to be signed and passed
by him, as Acts of Parliament, telling him, when these
were granted, they would send Commissioners to treat
with him of any other Articles. --
The Propositions were these. First : That the Parlia-
ment should have the Militia, and the Power of levying
Money to maintain it, for twenty Years; and, after that
Term, the Exercise thereof to return to the King, in case
the Parliament think the Safety of the Kingdom concerned
II]. It. - -
B. This first Article takes from the King the Militia,
and consequently the whole Sovereignty for ever. -- -
A. The second was: That the King should justify the
Proceedings of the Parliament against himself; and de-
clare void all Oaths and Declarations made by him
against the Parliament.
B. This was to make him guilty of the War, and of
... all the Blood spilt therein.
A. The third was: To take away all Titles of Honour
2 Q 2 conferred
The Parliament sent
the King four Acts
of Parliament to be
passed by him, as a
ground for Peace.
About December 24,
1647,
Behemoth.
conferred by the King since the Great Seal was carried to
him in May 1642. - -
The fourth was: That the Parliament should adjourn
themselves, when, and to what Place, and for what Time
they pleased.
The King refuses to
Fº them. Decem-
er 28, 1647.
These Propositions the King refused to grant, as he
had Reason; but sent others of his own, not much less
advantageous to the Parliament, and desired a-personal
Treaty with the Parliament for the settling of the Peace
of the Kingdom: But the Parliament denying them to be
* Sir Thomas Wroth.
See the Parliament-
ary History, vol. xvi.
page 491. January
3, A.D. 1647-48.
*Commissary Gene-
Tal Ireton. Ibid.
sufficient for that Purpose, voted, That there should be
no more Addresses made to him, nor Messages received
from him ; but that they would settle the Kingdom with-
out him. And this they voted partly upon the Speeches
and Menaces of the Army-Faction then present in the
House of Commons : whereof one" advised these three
Points. -
1. To secure the King in some inland Castle with
Guards. 2. To draw-up Articles of Impeachment against
him. 3. To lay him by, and settle the Kingdom without
him.
Another * said, That his denying of the four Bills was
the denying Protection to his Subjects; and that therefore
they might deny him Subjection; and added, that till the
Parliament forsook the Army, the Army would never
forsake the Parliament. ... This was threatening.
Last of all, Cromwell himself told them, It was now
expected that the Parliament should govern and defend
the Kingdom, and not any longer let the People expect
their Safety from a Man, whose Heart God had hardened;
nor let those that had so well defended the Parliament be
left hereafter to the Rage of an irreconcilable Enemy, lest
they should seek their Safety in some other way. This
again was threatening; as also the laying his Hand upon
The Parliament
thereupon votes that
no more addresses
shall be made to the
King. -
his Sword, when he spake it.
And hereupon the Vote of Non-Addresses was made
an Ordinance; which the House would afterwards have
recalled, but was forced by Cromwell to keep their
Word. --- :-
The Scots were displeased with it, partly because their
Brethren the Presbyterians had lost a great deal of their
- Power
Bebemoth.
Power in England, and partly also because they had sold
the King into their Hands.
The King now published a passionate Complaint to his
People of this hard Dealing with him; which made them
pity him, but not yet rise in his Behalf. -
B. Was not this, think you, the true Time for Crom-
well to take Possession ?
A. By no means: There were yet many-Obstacles to
be removed: He was not General of the Army : The
Army was still for a Parliament: The City of London
discontented about their Militia. The Scots expected with
an Army to rescue the King : His Adjutators were Level-
lers, and against Monarchy, who, though they had helped
him to bring-under the Parliament, yet (like Dogs that are
easily taught to fetch, and not easily taight to render,)
would not make him King. So that Cromwell had these
Difficulties following to overcome, before he could for.
mally make himself a Sovereign Prince.
1. To be Generalissimo : 2. To remove the King:
3. To suppress all Insurrections here: 4. To oppose the
Scots: And lastly, To dissolve the present Parliament.
Mighty Businesses, which he could never promise him-
self to overcome. Therefore I cannot believe he then
thought to be King, but only, by well serving the strongest
Party, (which was always his main Polity) to proceed as
far as that and Fortune would carry him.
B. The Parliament were certainly no less foolish than
wicked in deserting thus the King, before they had the
Army under a better Command than they had. -
A. In the Beginning of the Year 1648, the Parliament
gave a Commission to Philip, Earl of Pembroke (then made
Chancellor of Oxford,) together with some of the Doctors
there, (as good Divines as he) to purge the University; by
Virtue whereof they turned-out all such as were not of
their Faction, and all such as had approved the Use of the
Common-Prayer-Book; as also divers Scandalous Ministers
and Scholars, that is, such as, customarily and without
Need, took the Name of God in their Mouths, or used to
speak wantonly, or used the Company of lewd Women :
†. for this last I cannot but commend them.
B. So shall not I; for it is just such another Piece of,
The Parliament ap-
points Visitors to re-
forin the University
of Oxford. In April,
1648, -
2 Q 3 - Piety,
39s
Behemoth.
A tumultuous mising
of the Apprentices
in London. April
9th, 1648.
*
Piety, as to turn Men out of an Hospital because they are
lame. Where can a Man probably learn Godliness, and
how to correct his Vices, better than in the Universities
erected for that Purpose 2 * - •
4. It may be the Parliament thought otherwise: for I
have often heard the Complaints of Parents, that their
Children were debauched there to Drunkenness, Wanton-
mess, Gaming, and other Vices consequent to these: nor
is it a Wonder amongst so many Youths, if they did not
corrupt one another in Despite of their Tutors, who often-
times were little elder than themselves. And therefore I
think the Parliament did not much reverence that Institu-
tion of Universities, as to the bringing-up of young Men
to Virtue, though many of them learned there to preach,
and became thereby capable of Preferment and Main-
tenance; and some others were sent thither by their Pa-
rents, to save themselves the Trouble of governing them
at home, during that Time of Life in which Children are
least governable. Nor do I think the Parliament cared
more for the Clergy than other Men did : but certainly
an University is an excellent Servant to the Clergy; and
the Clergy, if it be not carefully look’d-to, (by their
Dissentions in Doctrines, and by the Advantage of Li-
berty to publish their Dissentions) is an excellent Means
to divide a Kingdom into Factions. -
B. But, seeing there is no Place in this Part of the
World, where Philosophy and other human Sciences are
not highly valued, where can they be learned better than
in the Universities 2 s --
A. What other Sciences? Do not Divines comprehend
all Civil and Moral Philosophy within their Divinity? And,
as for Natural Philosophy, is it not removed from Oxford
and Cambridge to Gresham-College in London, and to
be learned out of their Gazettes? But we are gone from
our Subject.
B. No ; we are indeed gone from the greater Busi-
nesses of the Kingdom; to which, if you please, let us
I’etur II. -
A. The first Insurrection, or rather Tumult, was that
of the Apprentices, on the ninth of April. But this was
not upon the King's Account, but arose from a customary
Assembly
Behemoth.
599
Assembly of them for Recreation in Moorfields, whence
some zealous Officers of the Trained Soldiers would needs
drive them away by Force; but were themselves routed
with Stones; and had their Ensign taken-away by the
Apprentices, which they carried-about in the Streets, and
frighted the Lord-Mayor into his House, where they took
a Gun called a Drake, and then they set Guards at some
of the Gates, and, all the rest of the Day, childishly swag-
gered up and down the Streets. But the next day the
General himself, marching into the City, quickly dis-
persed them. This was but a small Business; but it
was enough to let them see that the Parliament was ill
beloved of the People. *.
Next, the Welch took-up Arms against them. There were
three Colonels in Wales, Langhorne, Poyer, and Powel,
who had formerly done the Parliament good Service, but
now were commanded to disband ; which they refused to
do ; and the better to strengthen themselves, declared for
the King, and were about 8000 men,
About the same time, in Wales also, was another In-
surrection headed by Sir Nicholas Keymish, and another
under Sir John Owen; so that now all Wales was in Re-
bellion against the Parliament. And yet all these were
overcome in a Mionth's Time by Cromwell and his Offi-
cers; but not without Store of Blood shed on both Sides.
B. I do not much pity the Loss of those Men that im-
º to the King that which they do upon their own
Juarrel. *
A. Presently after this, some of the People of Surrey
sent a Petition to the Parliament, for a personal Treaty
between the King and Parliament; but their Messengers
were beaten home again by the Soldiers that quartered
about Westminster and the Mews. And then the Kentish
Men, having a like Petition to deliver, and seeing how ill
it was like to be received, threw it away, and took-up
Arms. They had many gallant Officers, and, for their
General, the Earl of Norwich ; and they increased daily
by Apprentices, and old, disbanded, Soldiers, who joined
them. Insomuch that the Parliament was glad to restore to
the City their Militia, and to keep Guards upon the
Thames Side: and then Fairfax marched towards the
Enemy. - -
B. And then the Londoners, I think, might easily and
2 Q 4 suddenly
Powerful Insurrec-
tions in Wales
against the Parlia- -
ment, -
They are soon sup:
pressed by Oliver
Cromwell. -
A tumultuous As-
sembly of the People
of Surrey to present
a Petition to Parlia-
ment in favour of
the King.
An Insurrection in
Kent in favour of
the King,
6
O
O
Behemoth.
But they are forced
to retreat into Essex,
and take shelter in
Colchester, where
they are besieged by
General Fairfax, and
forced to surrender.
Duke Hamilton
marches into Eng-
land at the head of a
great Army of Scots.
But is totally de-
feated by Cromwell.
suddenly have mastered, first, the Parliament, and, next
Fairfax's 8000, and, lastly, Cromwell’s Army : or, at
least, might have given the Scotch Army an Opportunity
of marching to London without meeting an Army to give
them Battle. -
A. 'Tis true; but the City was never good at venturing;
nor were they, or the Scots, principled to have a King over
them, but under them. Fairfax, marching with his 8000men
against the Royalists, routed a part of them at Maidstone;
another part were taken in other Places in Kent farther off;
and the Earl of Norwich, with the rest, came to Black-
heath, and thence sent to the City to get a passage through
it, in order to join with those which were risen in Essex under
Sir Charles Lucasand Sir George Lisle; which passage being
refused, the greatest part of his Kentish Men deserted him.
With the rest, not above 500, he crossed the Thames
into the Isle of Dogs, and so to Bow, and thence to Col-
chester. Fairfax, having Notice of this, crossed the
Thames at Gravesend ; and, overtaking them, besieged
them in Colchester. The Town had no defence, but a
Breast-work; and yet it held-out (upon hope of the Scotch
Army to relieve them,)for the Space of two Months. Upon
the News of the Defeat of the Scots, they were forced to
yield. The Earl of Norwich was sent Prisoner to Lon-
don. Sir Charles Lucas and Sir George Lisle, two loyal
and gallant Persons, were shot to Death. There was
another little insurrection, headed by the Earl of Holland,
about Kingston; but it was quickly suppressed, and he
himself taken Prisoner. * -
B. How came the Scots to be so soon dispatched
A. Meerly, as it is said, for want of Conduct. Their
Army was led by Duke Hamilton, who was then set at
Liberty, when Pendennis Castle (where he was Prisoner,)
was taken by the Parliamentarians. He entered England
with Horse and Foot to the number of 15,000 men ;
to which came above 3000 English Royalists. Against
these Cromwell marched out of Wales with Horse and
Foot 11,000; and, near to Preston in Lancashire, in
less than two Hours, defeated them ; and the cause of
it is said to be, that the Scotch Army was so ordered,
that they could not all come to the Fight, nor relieve
their Fellows. After the Defeat they had no Way i.
Ily
Behemoth.
SOH
fly, but farther into England; so that in the pursuit
they were almost all taken, and lost all that an Army -
can loose: for the few that got home, did not all bring
home their Swords. Duke Hamilton was taken, and
not long after sent to London; but Cromwell marched-
on to Edinburgh, and there (by the help of the Faction,
which was contrary to Hamilton's,) he made sure not to be
hindered in his Designs; the first whereof was to take-away
the King's Life by the Hand of the Parliament. .
Whilst these Things passed in the North, the Parlia-
ment (Cromwell being away) came to itself, and recall-
ing their Vote of Non-addresses, sent to the King new
Propositions, somewhat, but not much, easier than for-
merly; and upon the King's Answer to them, they sent
Commissioners to treat with him, at Newport in the Isle
of Wight, where they so long dodged with him about
Trifles, that Cromwell was come to London before they
had done, which brought-on the King's Destruction. For
the Army was now wholly at the Devotion of Crom-
well; who set the Adjutators on Work again to make a
Remonstrance to the House of Commons, wherein they
require; 1. That the King be brought to Justice. 2, That
the Prince of Wales and Duke of York besummons’d to ap-
pear at a Day appointed, and be proceeded-with according
as they should give Satisfaction. 3. That the Parliament
settle the Peace and future Government, and set a rea-
The Army makes a
Remonstrance to the
Parliament, requir-
ing them to bring
the King to Justice
for having made
War upon his Peo-
ple.
sonable Period to their own Sitting, and make certain fu-
ture Parliaments annual, or biennial. 4. That a compe-
tent Number of the King's chief Instruments be executed.
And this to be done, both by the House of Commons,
and by a general Agreement of the People, testified by
their Subscriptions. Nor did they stay for an Answer,
but presently set a Guard of Soldiers at the Parliament-
house-door, and other Soldiers in Westminster-hall, suffer-
ing none to go into the House but such as would serve
their Turns. All others were frighted-away, or made
Prisoners, and some, upon divers Quarrels, suspended.
Above ninety of them, because they had refused to vote
against the Scots; and others, because they had voted
against the Vote of Non-addresses: and the rest were an
House for Cromwell. The Fanaticks also in the City,
being countenanced by the Army, pack a new Common
th - Council,
6(32.
Behemotb.
The House of Com-
mons, (after a Ma-
jority of their Mem-
bers have been forci-
bly prevented by the
Army from attending
it) passes an Ordi-
nance for bringing
the King to a Trial.
But the House of
Lords refuses to as-
sent to it.
Council, whereof any forty was to be above the Mayor ;
*id their first Work was to frame a Petition for Justice
against the King,which Tichborne, the Mayor, (involving
the City in the Regicide) delivered to the Parliament.
At the same Time, with the like Violence, they took
the King from Newport in the Isle of Wight, to Hurst
Castle, till Things were ready for his Trial. The Parli-
ament in the mean Time, to avoid Perjury, by an Ordi-
nance declared void the Oaths of Supremacy and 'Allegi-
ance, and presently after made another Ordinance to bring
the King to his Trial. - . .
B. This is a Piece of Law that I understood not before,
that, when many Men swear singly, they may, when they
are assembled, (if they please) absolve themselves from
their former Oaths. -
4. The Ordinance, being drawn-up, was brought into
the House, where, after three several Readings, it was
voted; That the Lords and Commons of England, assem-
bled in Parliament, do declare; That, by the fundamen-
tal Laws of the Realm, it is Treason in the King of Eng-
land to levy War against the Parliament. And this Vote
was sent-up to the Lords; and, on their refusing their Con-
sent, the Commons, in Anger, made another Vote; That
all Members of Committees should proceed and act in
any Ordinance, whether the Lords concurred or no ; and
that the People, under God, are the Original of all just
Power ; and that the House of Commons have the Su-
preme Power of the Nation ; and that whatsoever the
House of Commons enacteth is Law. All this passed
nemine contradicente. .
B. These Propositions fight, not only against a King
of England, but against all the Kings in the World. It
were good they thought on it. But yet, I believe, under
God, the Original of all Laws was in the People.
JA. But the People, for them and their Heirs, by Con-
sent and Oaths, have long ago put the Supreme Power
of the Nation into the Hands of their Kings, for them
and their Heirs; and consequently into the Hands of this
king, their known and lawful Heir.
B. But does not the Parliament represent the People : - .
A. Yes, to some Purposes; as to put-up Petitions to
the King, when they have Leave, and are grieved ; but
In Ot
I}ehemoth.
6O3
not to make a Grievance of the King's Power. Besides,
the Parliament never represents the People, but when the
King calls them ; nor is it to be imagined that he calls a
Parliament to depose himself. Put the Case every County
and Borough had given this Parliament for a Benevolence,
a Sum of Money; and that every County, meeting in
their County-court, or elsewhere, and every Borough in
their Town-hall, should have chosen certain Men to
carry their several Sums respectively to the Parliament,
Had not these Men represented the whole Nation ?
B. Yes, no Doubt. - .
A. Do you think the Parliament would have thought it
reasonable to be called to Account by this Representative:
B. No sure; and yet I must confess the Case is the same.
A. This Ordinance contained, first a Summary of the
Charge against the King, in Substance this; That, not
content with the Encroachments of his Predecessors upon
the Freedom of the People, he had designed to set-up
a tyrannical Government, and to that End had raised and
maintained in the Land a Civil War against the Parlia-
ment, whereby the Country hath been miserably wasted,
the public Treasure exhausted, thousands of people mur-
dered, and infinite other Mischiefs committed. -
Secondly, a Constitution passed of a High Court of
Justice, that is, of a certain number of Commissioners, of
whom any twenty had power to try the King, and to pro-
ceed to Sentence according to the Merit of the Case, and
see it speedily executed, The Commissioners met onSatur-
day, Jan. 20, 1648-49, in Westminster-hall, and the King
was brought before them: where, sitting in aGhair,he heard
the Charge read, but refused to plead to it either guilty or
not guilty, till he should know by what lawful Authority
he was brought thither. The President told him; That
the Parliament affirmed their own Authority, and the
Ring, persevered in his Refusal to plead. Though many
Words passed between him and the President, yet this
was the Substance of it all.
On Monday, Jan. 22, the Court met again, and the
Sollicitor moved, that, if the King persisted in denying the
Authority of the Court, the Charge might be taken pro
confesso : but the King still denied their Authority. Th
hey
Nevertheless the Or-
dinance is executed,
and the King is
brought to a trial,
January 20, 1648-49.
*
604
Behemotb.
And the King is
afterwards condemn-
ed to death, and be-
headed on the 30th
January, 1648-49.
They met again Jan. 23, and then the Solicitor moved
the Court for Judgement; whereupon the King was re-
quired to give his final Answer, which was again a Denial
of their Authority. * . . .
Lastly, They met again Jan. 27, where the King de-
sired to be heard before the Lords and Commons in the
Painted Chamber, and promised after that to; abide the
Judgement of the Court. The Commissioners retired
for half an hour to consider of it, and then returning,
caused the King to be brought again to the Bar, and told
him, that what he proposed was but another Denial of the
Court’s Jurisdiction; and that, if he had no more to say,
they would proceed. Then the King answering, that he
had no more to say ; the President began a long Speech
in Justification of the Parliament’s Proceedings, producing
the Examples of many Kings killed, or deposed, by wicked
Parliaments Ancient and Modern, in England, Scotland,
and other parts of the World; All which he endeavoured
to justify from this only Principle; that the People have
the Supreme Power, and the Parliament is the People.
This Speech ended, the Sentence of Death was read;
and the same upon Tuesday after, Jan. 30, executed at
the Gate of his own Palace of Whitehall. He that can
delight in reading how villainously he was used by the
Soldiers between the Sentence and Execution, may go to
the Chronicle itself; in which he shall see what Courage,
Patience, Wisdom, and Goodness, was in this Prince,
whom, in their Charge, the Members of that wicked Par-
liament styled Tyrant, Traitor, and Murderer.
The King being dead, the same Day they made an Act
of Parliament, That whereas several pretences might be
. made to the Crown, &c. It is enacted by this present
Parliament, and by Authority of the same; that no Person
presume to declare, proclaim, or publish, or any Way pro-
mote,Charles Stuart, Son of Charles late King of England,
commonly called Prince of Wales, or any other Person,
to be King of England, or Ireland, &c.
B, Seeing the King was dead, and his Successor barred;
by what declared Authority was the Peace maintain’d
A. They had, in their Anger against the Lords, former-
ly declared, the Supreme Power of the Nation to be in
the House of Commons; and now, on February the 5th,
\ they
13ehemoth.
£305
they vote the House of Lords to be useless and dangerous.
And thus the Kingdom is turned into a Democracy, or
rather an Oligarchy: For presently they made an Act;
That none of those Members, who were secluded for
opposing the Vote of Non-addresses, should ever be re-
admitted. And these were commonly called the secluded
Members, and the rest were by some styled a Parliament,
and by others the Rump. -
. I think you need not now have a Catalogue, either of
the Vices, or of the Follies, of the greatest Part of them
that composed the long Parliament; than which greater
cannot be in the World. What greater Vices than Irreli-
gion, Hypocrisy, Avarice, and Cruelty; which have ap-
peared so eminently in the Actions of Presbyterian Mem-
bers, and Presbyterian Ministers? What greater Crimes
than blaspheming and killing God's Anointed ; which
was done by the Hands of the Independents; but by the
Folly and first Treason of the Presbyterians, who betray-
cd and sold him to his Murderers. Nor was it a little
Folly in the Lords, not to see, that, by the taking-away of
the King's Power, they lost withal their own Privileges;
or to think themselves, either for Number or Judgement,
any way a considerable assistance to the House of Com-
mons. And, for those Men who had Skill in the Laws, it
was no great Sign of Understanding, not to perceive that
the Laws of the Land were made by the King, to oblige
his Subjects to Peace and Justice, and not to oblige him-
self that made them. And lastly and generally, all Men
are Fools which pull-down any Thing which does them
good, before they set-up something better in its Place.
He that would set-up Democracy with an Army, should
have an Army to maintain it. But these Men did it, when
those Men had the Army, that were resolved to pull it
down. To these Follies I might add the Folly of those
fine Men, who, out of their reading of Tully, Seneca, or
other Antimonarchical writers, think themselves suffi-
cient Politicians, and shew their Discontents, when they
are not called to the Management of the State, and who
turn from one Side to another, upon every Neglect they
fancy themselves to have received from the King, or from
his Enemies. •
BEHEM OTH.
[ 606 1
B E H E M O T H.
PART IV.
*º-
Of the Government of England under the Republican remnant.
of the Long Parliament and a Council of State.
A.You have seen the Rump in Possession (as they
believed) of the Supreme Power over the two Nations of
England and Ireland, and the Army their Servant, though
Cromwell thought otherwise, but yet continued to serve
them diligently for the Advancement of his own Purposes.
I am now therefore to shew you their Proceedings.
B. Tell me first, how this kind of Government, under
the Rump, or Relick, of a House of Commons, is to be
called
A. 'Tis, doubtless, an Oligarchy. For the Supreme Au-
thority must needs be in one Man, or in more. If in one,
it is a Monarchy; if the Authority were in more than one,
it was in all, or in fewer than all. When in all, it is a De-
mocracy; for every Man may then enter into the Assembly,
which makes the Sovereign Court; which they could not
do here. It is therefore manifest, that the Authority was
in a few, and consequently the State was an Oligarchy.
B. Is it not impossible for a people to be well-governed
that are to obey more Masters than one : -
A. Both the Rump, and all other Sovereign Assem-
blies, if they have but ohe Voice, though they be many
Men, yet are they but one Person; for contrary Com-
mands cannot consist in one and the same Voice, which
is
Behemoth. -
is the Voice of the greatest part: and therefore they might
govern well enough, if they had Honesty and Wit
enough. * . -
The first Act of the Rump was the exclusion of those
Members of the House of Commons, which had been
formerly kept-out by Violence, for the procuring of an
Ordinance for the King’s Tryal ; For these Men had
appeared against the Ordinance of Non-addresses, and
therefore to be excluded, because they might else be an
Impediment to their future Designs. -
B. Was it not rather, because in the Authority of few,
they thought “the fewer, the better,” both in respect of
their Shares, and also of a nearer Approach in every one of
them to the Dignity of a King?
A. Yes, certainly ; that was their principal End.
B. When these were put-out; why did not the Coun-
ties and Boroughs chuse others in their Places?
A. They could not do that without an Order from the
House. After this they constituted a Council of forty
Persons, which they termed a Council of State; whose
Office was to execute what the Rump should command.
B. When there was neither King, nor House of Lords,
they could not call themselves a Parliament; for a Parli-
, ament is a Meeting of the King, Lords, and Commons, to
confer together about the Businesses of the Commonwealth.
With whom did the Rump confer? -
A. Men may give to their Assembly what Name they
please, what Signification soever such Name might for-
merly have had. And the Rump took the Name of Par-
liament as most suitable to their Purpose ; and such a
Name as (having been venerable amongst the People for
many hundred Years,) had countenanced and sweetened
Subsidies and other Levies of Money, otherwise very un-
pleasant to the Subject. They took also afterwards an-
other Name, which was Custodes Libertatis Angliae, which
Titles they used only in their Writs issuing out of the
Courts of Justice.
B. I do not see how a Subject, that is tied to the Laws,
can have more Liberty in one form of Government than
in another. -
A. Howsoever, to the People that understand by Li-
*- berty
The Parliament
erects a Council of
State.
60s
Behemoth.
sº berty nothing but leave to do what they list, it was a Title
not ingrateful. -
Their next Work was to set-forth a publick Declaration;
That they were fully resolved to maintain the fundamen-
tal Laws of the Nation, as to the Preservation of the Lives,
Liberties, and Proprieties of the People. *
B. What did they mean by the fundamental Laws of
the Nation ? *
A. Nothing but to abuse the People: for the only fun-
damental Law in every Commonwealth is, To obey the
Laws from Time to Time, which he shall make, to whom
the People have given the Supreme Power. How likely
then are those persons to uphold the fundamental Laws,
who had murdered the Man, who had been by themselves
so often acknowledged for their lawful Sovereign Be-
sides, at the same time that this Declaration came-forth,
they were erecting that High Court of Justice, which
took-away the Lives of Duke Hamilton, the Earl of
Holland, and the Lord Capel. Whatsoever they meant
by a fundamental Law, the erecting of this Court was a
Breach of it, as being warranted by no former Law, or
Example, in England. -
At the same Time also they levied Taxes by Soldiers,
and to Soldiers permitted Free-quarter, and did many other
Actions, which, if the King had done them, they would
have said, had been done against the Liberty and Pro-
priety of the Subject.
B. What silly Things are the common sort of People,
to be cozened, as they were, so grossly -
JA. What sort of People, as to this Matter, are not of
the common Sort? The craftiest Knaves of all the Rump
were no wiser than the rest whom they cozened; for the
most of them did believe, that the same Things which
they imposed upon the Generality, were just and reason-
able; and especially the gree, Haranguers, and such as
pretended to Learning. For who can be a good Subject
in a Monarchy, whose Principles are taken from the Ene-
mies of Monarchy, such as were Cicero, Seneca, Cato,
and other Politicians of Rome, and Aristotle of Athens,
who seldom spake of Kings, but as of Wolves and other
ravenous Beasts? You may, perhaps, think a Man has
need
Behemoth.
{}{}9
need of nothing else to know the Duty he owes to his Go-
vernour, and what Right he has to order him, but a good
natural Wit. But it is otherwise : for it is a Science, and
built upon sure and clear Principles, and to be learned by
deep and careful Study, or from Masters that have deeply
studied it. And who was there in the Parliament, or in the
Nation, that could find-out those evident Principles, and
derive from them the necessary Rules of Justice, and the
necessary Connection of Justice and Peace? The People
have one Day in seven the Leisure to hear Instruction;
and there are Ministers appointed to teach them their Duty.
But how have those Wiinisters performed their Office? A
great part of them, namely, the Presbyterian Ministers,
throughout the whole War, instigated the People against
the King ; so did also Independents, and other fanatick
Ministers. The rest, contented with their Livings, preach-
ed in their Parishes Points of Controversy, to Religion.
impertinent; but to the Breach of Charity among them-
selves very effectual : or else they preached eloquent Ser-
mons, which the People either understood not, or thought
themselves not concerned in. But this Sort of Preachers,
as they did little Good, so they did little Hurt. The Mis-
chief proceeded wholly from the Presbyterian Preachers,
who, by a long-practised Histrionic Faculty, preached-up
the Rebellion powerfully.
B. To what End 2. -
A. To the End that, the State becoming popular, the
Church might be so too, and governed by an Assembly, and
by Consequence, (as they thought, seeing that Politics are
subservient to Religion),that they might govern, and thereby
satisfy, not only their covetous Humour with Riches, but
also their Malice with Power to undo all Men that ad-
mired not their Wisdom. Your calling the People silly
Things, obliged me by this Digression to shew you, that
it is not want of Wit, but want of the Science of Justice,
that brought them into these Troubles. Persuade, if you
can, that Man that has made his Fortune, or made it
greater, or an eloquent Orator, or a ravishing Poet, or a
subtile Lawyer, or but a good Hunter, or a cunning
Gamester, that he has not a good Wit; and yet there
' ' ' ' ' ' . . 2 R - were
616#
Behemoth.
The Parliament pro-
coeds with severity
against some of the
principal Leaders of
the King's Armies in
the late second civil
*A'3 Te
were of all these a great many so silly as to be deceived by
the Rump, and Members of the same Rump. They
wanted not Wit, but the Knowledge of the Causes and
. Grounds upon which one Person has a Right to govern,
and the rest an Obligation to obey; which Grounds are
necessary to be taught the People, who, without them,
cannot live long in Peace amongst themselves.
B. Let us return, if you please, to the Proceedings of
the Rump. - -
A. In the rest of this Year they voted a new Stamp for
the Coin of this Nation. They considered also of Agents
to be sent to foreign States; and having lately received
Applause from the Army for their Work done by the
High Court of Justice, and Encouragement to extend
the same farther, they perfected the said High Court of
Justice, in which were tried Duke Hamilton, the Earl of
Holland, Lord Capel, the Earl of Norwich, and Sir John
Owen, whereof, as I mentioned before, the three first
were beheaded, This affrighted divers of the King’s
Party out of the Land : for not only they, but all that
had borne Arms for the King were at that Time in very
great Danger of their Lives. For it was put to the ques-
tion by the Army at a Council of War, whether they
should be all massacred or no, when the Noes carried it,
but by two Voices. Lastly, March the 24th, they put
the Mayor of London out of his Office, fined him 2000l.
disfranchised him, and condemned him to two Months Im-
prisonment in the Tower, for refusing to proclaim the
Act for abolishing the Kingly Power. And thus ended
the Year 1648, and the monthly Fast; God having
granted that which they fasted for, the Death of the King,
and the Possession of his Inheritance. By these their
Proceedings they had already lost the Hearts of the Gene-
rality of the People, and had nothing to trust to but the
Army, which was not in their Power, but in Cromwell's,
who never failed, when there was Occasion, to put them
upon all exploits that might make them odious to the Peo-
ple, in order to his future dissolving them, whensoever it
should conduce to his Ends.
In the Beginning of 1649, the Scots, discontented
with the Proceedings of the Rump against the late King,
began
Behemoth.
6} }
began to levy Soldiers, in order to a new Invasion of Eng-
land. The Irish Rebels, for want of timely Resistance
from England, were grown terrible : and the English.
Army at home, infected by the Adjutators, were casting
how to share the Land amongst the godly, meaning
themselves ; and such others as they pleased, who were
therefore called Levellers. Also the Rump for the pre-
sent were not very well provided of Money, and there-
fore the first thing they did was, to lay a Tax upon the
People of 90,000l. a Month, for the Maintenance of the
Army. - \ - \
B. Was it not one of their Quarrels with the King,
that he had levied Money without the Consent of the Peo-
pſe in Parliament? . . . . • *
A. You may see by this what Reason the Rump had
to call itself a Parliament; for the Taxes imposed by Par-
liament, were always understood to be by the People's
Consent, and, consequently, legal. -
To appease the Scots, they sent Messengers with flat-
tering Letters to keep them from engaging for the present
King; but in vain : for they would hear nothing from a
House of Commons (as they called it) at Westminster,
without a King and Lords. But they sent Commissioners
to the King, to let him know what they were doing for
The Scots resolve to
Support the claim of
King Charles the Se.
cond to the Crown
of Scotland.
him : for they were resolved to raise an Army of 17,000
Foot, and 6000 Horse, for themselves. -
To relieve Ireland, the Rump had resolved to send
eleven Regiments thither out of the Army in England.
This happened well for Cromwell: for the levelling Sol-
diers, (which were in every Regiment many, and in some
the major Part,) finding that, (instead of dividing the Land
amongst themselves at home,) they were to venture their
Lives in Ireland, flatly refused to go ; and one Regi.
ment, having cashiered their Colonel, about Salisbury,
was marching to join with three Regiments more of the
same Resolution. But both the General and Cromwell,
falling upon them at Burford, utterly defeated them, and,
soon after, reduced the whole Army to their Obedience.
And thus another of the Impediments to Cromwell's Ad-
vancement was soon removed. This done, they came to
Oxford, and thence to London: and at Oxford, both the
- - 2 R 2 General
The Levellers in the
Parliainent's Aruty,
refuse to go to Ire-
land to reduce the
Irish Rebels.
But they are soon
Jefeated by Lord
Fairfax and Crom-
well, and reduced to
Obedience.
61 (2.
Behemoth.
'1'he Parliament
sends-over to lieland
eleven regiments of
their Army, to re-
duce the Rebels to
Obedience.
General and Cromwell were made Doctors of the Civil
Law ; and at London feasted and presented by the City.
B. Were they not first made Masters, and then Doc-
tors? . . -
A. They had made themselves already Masters both of
the Laws and the Parliament. The Army being now obedi-
ent, the Rump sent-over those eleven Regiments into
Ireland, under the Command of Dr. Cromwell, who was
intituled Governour of that Kingdom, the Lord Fairfax
being still General of all the Forces, both here and there.
The Marquiss (now Duke) of Ormond, was the King's
Lieutenant of Ireland; and the Rebels had made a Confe-
deracy amongst themselves; and these Confederates had
made a kind of League with the Lieutenant, wherein they
agreed, upon Liberty given them in the Exercise of their
Religion, to be faithful to, and assist, the King. To these
also were joined some Forces raised by the Earls of Cas-
tlehaven, and Clanrickard, and my Lord Inchiquin ; so
that they were the greatest united Strength in the Island:
but there were amongst them a great many other Papists,
that would by no means subject themselves to Protestants;
and these were called, the Nuncio’s Party, as the others
were called the Confederate Party. These Parties not
agreeing, and the confederate Party having broken their
Articles, the Lord-Lieutenant, (seeing them ready to be-
siege him in Dublin, and that he was not able to defend
it,) did, to preserve the Place for the Protestants, sur-
render it to the Parliament of England, and came-over
to the King, at that Time when he was carried from place
to place by the Army, that is, about July, 1647. From
England he went-over to the Prince of Wales, (now King)
who resided then at Paris.
But the Confederates, affrighted with the News that the
Rump was sending-over an Army thither, desired the
Prince by Letters to send-back my Lord of Ormond,
engaging themselves to submit absolutely to the King's
Authority, and to obey my Lord of Ormond as his Lieu-
tenant. And hereupon he was sent-back: this was about
a Year before the going-over of Cromwell. ,
In which Time, by the Dissensions in Ireland, between
the confederate Party and the Nuncio's Party, and Dis-
contents
Behemotă.
61.3
contents about Command, this, otherwise sufficient Power,
effected nothing, and was at last defeated, August 2, by
a Sally out of Dublin, which they were besieging. Within
a few Days after arrived Cromwell. . who with extraordi-
nary Diligence, and horrid Executions, in less than a
Twelvemonth that he staid there, subdued in a manner
the whole Nation, having killed or exterminated a great
part of them, and leaving his Son-in-law Ireton to subdue
the rest. But Ireton died there (before the Business was
quite done) of the Plague. This was one Step more to-
wards Cromwell’s Exaltation to the Throne.
B. What a miserable Condition was Ireland reduced
to by the Learning of the Roman, as well as England
was by the Learning of the Presbyterian, Clergy o
A. In the latter End of the Fº Year, the King
was come from Paris to the
ague : and shortly after
came thither from the Rump, their Agentſ)orislaus, Doctor
of the civil Law, who had been employed in the Drawing-
up of the Charge against the late King : but the first
Night he came, as he was at Supper, a Company of Ca- :
valiers, near a Dozen, enter'd his Chamber, kill'd him,
and got-away. Not long after also their Agent at Ma-
drid, one Ascham, one that had written in Defence of
his Masters, was kill’d in the same manner. About this
Time came out two Books, one written by Salmasius, a
Presbyterian, against the Murder of the King, another
written by Milton, an English Independent, in Answer
to it.
B. I have seen them both. They are very good Latin
both, and hardly to be judged which is the better; and both
very ill reasoning, hardly to be judged which is the worse;
like two Declamations pro and con, made, for Exercise
only, in a Rhetoric-School, by one and the same Man.
So like is a Presbyterian to an Independent.
A. In this Year the Rump did not much at home;
save that in the Beginning they made England a free
State by an Act which runs thus: Be it enacted and de-
clared by this present Parliament, and by the Authority
thereof, That the People of England, and all the D6.
minions and Territories thereunto belo
: - 2 R 3
nging, are,
and
shall
Dr. Dorislaus, the
gent of the Parlia-
ment to the States of
Holland, is murder-
ed at the Hague by
some English Royal.
ists.
As is likewise Mr.
Ascham, their Agent
at Madrid.
Of the Books of Sa'-
ºnasius and Milton,
on the Trial and Ex-
ecution of King
Charles the 1st.
The Parliament de-
clares England to be
a free State, or Com-
monwealth,
$14,
Behemoth.
The Scots make pre-
parations to raise an
Army to support the
King's Title to the
£rown of Scotland.
shall be, and are hereby constituted, made, and declared
a Commonwealth and Free State, &c.
B. What did they mean by a Free State and Common-
wealth 2 Were the People to be no longer subject to Laws
They could not mean that ; for the Parliament meant to
govern them by their own Laws, and punish such as broke
them. Did they mean that England should not be sub-
ject to any foreign Kingdom or Commonwealth That
needed not be enacted, seeing there was no King nor
People pretended to be their Masters. What did they
mean then : - -
A. They meant that neither this King, nor any King,
nor any single Person, but only that they themselves,
would be the People's Masters, and would have set it
down in those plain Words, if the People could have been
cozened with Words intelligible, as easily as with Words
not intelligible.
After this they gave one another Money and Estates
out of the Lands and Goods of the loyal Party. They
enacted also, an Engagement to be taken by every Man,
in these Words: You shall promise to be true and faith-
ful to the Commonwealth of England, as it is now estab-
lished, without King, or House of Lords.
They banished also from within twenty Miles of Lon-
don all the royal Party, forbidding also every one of them
to depart more than five Miles from his Dwelling. House.
B. They meant perhaps to have them ready, if need
were, for a Massacre. But what did the Scots in this
Time?
A. They were considering of the Officers of the Army,
which they were levying for the King, how they might
exclude from Command all such as had loyally served his
Father, and all Independents, and all such as commanded
in Duke Hamilton's Army; and these were the main
Things that passed this Year.
The Marquiss of Montross, that in the Year ió45
had, with a few Men, and in little Time, done Things
almost incredible against the late King’s Enemies in Scot-
land, landed now again in the Beginning of the Year 1650
in the North of Scotland, with a Commission from the pre-
sent King, hoping to do him as good Service, as he hadfor-
- _ " merly
#Behemoth.
5
*
O
merly done his Father: but the case was altered; for the
Scotch Forces were then in England in the Service of the
Parliament; whereas now they were in Scotland, and many
more (for their intended Invasion) newly raised. Besides
the Soldiers which the Marquiss brought-over were few,
and Foreigners, nor did the Islanders come-in to him as
he expected ; insomuch that he was soon defeated, and
shortly after taken, and (with more spightful Usage than
Revénge required) executed by the Covenanters at Edin-
burgh, May 2, 1650.
B. What Good could the King expect from joining
with these Men, who, during the Treaty, discovered so
much Malice to him in one of his best Servants?
A. No Doubt (their Churchmen being then prevalent)
they would have done as much to this King, as the Eng-
lish Parliament had done to his Father, if they could have
gotten by it that which they foolishly aspired to, the Govera-
ment of the Nation. I do not believe that the Independents
were worse than the Presbyterians; both the one and the
other were resolved to destroy whatsoever should stand in
the Way to their Ambition. But Necessity made the King
pass-over both this and many other Indignities from them,
rather than suffer the Pursuit of his Right in England to
cool, and be little better than extinguished.
B. Indeed I believe a Kingdom, if suffered to become
an old Debt, will hardly ever be recovered. Besides, the
King was sure, wheresoever the Victory lighted, that he
could lose nothing in the War, but Enemies. g
A. About the Time of Montrosse's Death, which
was in May, Cromwell was yet in Ireland, and his work
unfinished: but finding, orbeing by his Friends advertised,
that his Presence in the Expedition now preparing against
the Scots, would be necessary to his Design, he sent to the
Rump to know their Pleasure concerning his Return. But,
for all that, he either knew, or thought, that it was not ne-
cessary to stay for their Answer; for he came-away, and
arrived at London on the sixth of June following, and
was welcomed by the Rump. Now had General Fairfax
(who was truly what he pretended to be, a Presbyterian)
been so catechised by the Presbyterian Ministers here,
that he refused to fight against the Brethren in Scotland;
- -- 2 R 4 nor
The Marquiss of
Montrosse is put to
death at Edinburgh
on the 2nd of May,
1650.
Cromwell returns to
London from Ire-
land. June 6th,
1650
2
616 - Behemoth.
e nor did the Rump, nor Cromwell, go-about to rectify his
}...". ." Conscience in that Point; and thus Fairfax, laying down
mander in chief of his Commission, Cromwell was now made General of all
he Aºi, and, the Forces in England and Ireland; which was another
Cromwell is appoint- Step to the Soverei P -
cd to it in his stead, p e Sovereign Power.
- B. Where was the King -
King Charles the 2nd 4. In Scotland, newly come-over. He landed in the
pºorth * North, and was honourably conducted to Edinburgh,
~~~ though all things were not well agreed-on between the
Scots and him: for though he had yielded to as hard
Conditions, as the late King had yielded to in the Isle of
Wight, yet they had still somewhat to add, till the King
enduring no more, departed from them towards the North
again. But they sent Messengers after him to pray him
to return ; and they furnished these Messengers with
Strength enough to bring him back if he should have re-
fused. In fine, they agreed; but would not suffer either
the King, or any Royalist, to have any Command in the
Army. •
B. The Sum of all is, the King was there a Prisoner.
A. Cromwell from Berwick sends a Declaration to the
Scots, telling them he had no Quarrel against the People
of Scotland; but against the malignant Party, that had
brought-in the King, to the disturbance of the Peace be-
tween the two Nations; and that he was willing, either
by Conference to give and receive Satisfaction, or to de-
cide the Justice of the Cause by Battle. To which the
Scots answering, declare; That they will not prosecute
the King’s Interest before, and without his Acknowledge-
ment of the Sins of his House, and his former Ways, and
Satisfaction given to God’s People in both Kingdoms.
Judge by this, whether the present King were not in as
bad a Condition here, as his Father was in the Hands of
the Presbyterians of England.
B. Presbyterians are every where the same: they would
fain be absolute Governours of all they converse with ;
and have nothing to plead for it, but that “where theyreign,
'tis God that reigns, and no where else.” But I observe
one strange Demand, “that the King should acknow-
ledge the Sins of his House;” for I thought it had been
certainly held by all Divines, “that no Man was bound to
acknowledge any Man's Sins, but his own.”
... • 4.
Behemoth.
617
4. The King, having yielded to all that the Church
required, the Scots proceeded in their intended War.
Cromwell marched-on to Edinburgh, provoking them all
he could to Battle; which they declining, and provisions
growing scarce in the English Army, Cromwell retired to
Dunbar, despairing of Success; and intending by Seá or
Land to get back into England. And such was the Con-
dition, which this General Cromwell (so much magnified
for Conduct) had brought his Army to, that all his Glories
would have ended in Shame and Punishment, if Fortune,
and the Faults of his Enemies, had not relieved him. For,
as he retired, the Scots followed him close all the Way, till
within a Mile of Dunbar. There is a Ridge of Hills, that,
from beyond Edinburgh, crosses the Highway between
Dunbar and Berwick, at a Village called Copperspeith,
where the Passage is so difficult, that had the Scots sent
timely thither a very few Men to guard it, the English
could never have gotten home. For the Scots kept the
Hills and needed not have fought but upon great Advan-
tage, and were almost two to one. Cromwell’s Army
was at the Foot of those Hills on the North Side; and
there was a great Ditch or Channel of a Torrent between
the Hills and it ; so that he could never have got home
by Land, nor without utter Ruin of the Army attempted
to ship it; nor have stayed where he was for want of Pro-
visions, Now Cromwell, knowing the Pass was free, and
commanding a good Party of Horse and Foot to possess it ;
it was necessary for the Scots to let them go, whom they
bragged they had impounded, or else to fight; and there-
fore with the best of their Horse they charged the English
and made them at first to shrink a little: but the English
Foot ‘coming-on, the Scots were put to flight; and the
flight of the Horse hindered the Foot from engaging, who
therefore fled, as did also the rest of their Horse. Thus
the Folly of the Scottish Commanders brought all their
Odds to an even Lay, between two small and equal Par-
ties; wherein Fortune gave the Victory to the English,
who were not many more in Number than those that
were killed and taken Prisoners of the Scots, who lost
their Cannon, Bag and Baggage, with 10,000 Arms, and
almost
Cromwell defeats
the Scotch army at
Junbar, September
3, 1650.
618
Behemoth.
And after his Victo-
ry, marches to Edin-
burgh.
Charles the 2nd is
crowned King of
Scotland at Schone.
The Proceedings of
In
the Parliament i
England.
Lesly to Sterling.
almost their whole Army. The rest were got together by
B. This Victory happened well for the King. For, if
the Scots had been Victors, the Presbyterians, both here and
there, would have domineered again, and the King been
in the same Condition his Father was in at Newcastle, in
the Hands of the Scottish Army. For, in the Pursuit of
this Victory, the English at last brought the Scots to a
pretty good Habit of Obedience for the King, whensoever
he should recover his Right.
A. In Pursuit of this Victory the English marched to
Edinburgh, (quitted by the Scots) fortified Leith, and took .
in all the Strength and Castles they thought fit, on this
Side the Frith, which now was become the bound betwixt
the two Nations; and the Scotch Ecclesiastics began to
know themselves better, and resolved in their new Army,
which they meant to raise, to admit some of the Royalists
into Command. Cromwell from Edinburgh marched
towards Sterling, to provoke the Enemy to fight: but
finding Danger in it, returned to Edinburgh, and besieged
the Castle. In the mean time he sent a Party into the
West of Scotland to suppress Straugham and Kerr, two
great Presbyterians, that were there levying of Forces for
their new Army, And in the same Time the Scots
crowned the King at Schone.
The rest of this Year was spent in Scotland, on Crom-
well’s part, in taking of Edinburgh Castle, and in Attempts
to pass the Frith, or any other Ways to get-over to the
Scottish Forces; and, on the Scots part, in hastening
their Levies for the North. -
JB. What did the Rump at home during this Time !
A. They voted Liberty of Conscience to the Sectaries;
they pluckt out the Sting of the Presbytery, which con-
sisted in a severe imposing of odd Opinions upon the Peo-
ple, impertinent to Religion, but conducing to the Ad-
vancement of the Power of the Presbyterian Ministers.
Also they levied more Soldiers, and gave the Command
of them to Harrison, now made Major-General, a Fifth-
monarchy-man ; and of these Soldiers two Regiments of
Horse and one of Foot were raised by the Fifth-monarchy-
- men,
Behemoth. - - 619
men, and other Sectaries, in Thankfulness for this
their Liberty from the Presbyterian Tyranny. Also they
pulled-down the late King's Statue in the Exchange;
and in the Nich where it stood, caused to be written
these Words, Exit Tyrannus Regum ultimus, &c.
B. What Good did that do them, and why did they
not pull down the Statues of all the rest of the Kings?
A. What Account can be given of Actions that pro-
ceeded not from Reason, but from Spight, and such like
Passions: Besides this, they received Ambassadors from
Portugal and from Spain, acknowledging their Power.
And, in the very End of the Year, they prepared Ambas-
sadors to the Netherlands, to offer them Friendship. All
they did besides, was persecuting and executing of Roy-
alists. - - -
In the Beginning of the Year 1651, General Dean The King of Soot-
arrived in Scotland; and on the 11th of April the Scot- !. º:
tish Parliament assembled, and made certain Acts, in with his Army in
order to a better uniting of themselves, and better Obe- *P* 1991.
dience to the King, who was now at Sterling with the
Scottish Forces he had, expecting more now in levying.
Cromwell from Edinburgh went divers times towards
Sterling, to provoke the Scots to fight. There was no
Ford there to pass over his men; at last Boats being
come from London and Newcastle, Colonel Overton
(though it were long first, for it was now July) trans-
ported 1400 Foot of his own, besides another Regiment
of Foot, and four Troops of Horse, and entrenched him-
self at North-ferry on the other side; and before any
Help could come from Sterling, Major-General Lambert
also was got-over with as many more. By this Time Sir A body of4500 Scot.
John Browne was come to oppose them with 4500 Men, tº troºps redefeat-
whom the English there defeated, killing about 2000 º
- 2 Army at North Fer-
and taking Prisoners 1600. This done, and as much ry.
more of the Army transported as was thought fit, Crom-
well comes before St. Johnston’s (from whence the
Scottish Parliament, upon the News of his passing the
Frith, was removed to Dundee) and summons it ; and
the same Day had News brought him that the King was 3. King with his
º º º cottish Army mar-
marching from Sterling towards England, which was hºwai'in.
- true; land. -
62O ** Behemoth.
Cromwell, with his true; but notwithstanding the King was three Days
;...s.” March before him, he resolved to have the Town before
johnston, and then he followed him; and accordingly had it the next Day by
marches into . Surrender. -
*..." sº A: B. What Hopes had the King in coming into Eng-
my, land, having before and behind him none, at least none
armed, but his Enemies?
A. Yes; there was before him the City of London,
which generally hated the Rump : and might easily be
reckoned for 20,000 well-armed Soldiers; and most men
believed they would take his Part, had he come near the
City. - * -
B. What Probability was there of that? Do you think
the Rump was not sure of the Service of the Mayor, and
those that had Command of the City Militia And, if
they had been really the King's Friends, what Need had
they to stay for his coming-up to London : They might
have seized the Rump, if they had pleased ; who had no
Possibility of defending themselves: or, at least, they
might have turned them out of the House. -->
A. This they did not ; but, on the contrary, permitted
the Recruiting of Cromwell’s Army, and the raising of
Men to keep the Country from coming-in to the King.
The King began his March from Sterling the last of
July, and August the 22d came to Worcester by the
Way of Carlisle, with a weary Army of about 13,000 men,
And gains a compleat whom Cromwell followed, and being joined with the new
Kiºwa. Levies, environed Worcester with 40,000 men, and on
º: ºf the 3d of September utterly defeated the King's Army.
September, 1651. Here Duke Hamilton, (the Brother of him that was be-
headed,) was slain.
B. What became of the King? .
A. Night coming-on, before the City was quite
taken, he left it, it being dark, and none of the Enemies
Horse within the Town to follow him; the plundering Foot
having kept the Gates shut, lest the Horse should enter
The King escapes, and have a Share of the Booty. The King, before
. sº diff Morning, got into Warwickshire, twenty-five Miles from
#." Worcester, and there lay disguised a while, and after-
wards went up and down in great Danger of being dis-
covered,
Behemoth.
-
covered, till at last he got over into France from Bright-
helmstone in Sussex.
B. When Cromwell was gone, what was farther done
in Scotland?
A. Lieutenant-General Monk, whom Cromwell left
there with 7000 men, took Sterling, August 14th, by Sur-
render, and Dundee the third of September, by Storm,
because it resisted ; this the Soldiers plundered, and had
good Booty, because the Scots for Safety had sent thither
their most precious Goods from Edinburgh and St.
Johnston. He took likewise by Surrender Aberdeen, and
(the Place where the Scottish Ministers first learned to
play the Fools) St. Andrew's. Also in the Highlands
Colonel Alured took a Knot of Lords and Gentlemen,
viz. four Earls, and four Lords, and above twenty
Knights and Gentlemen, whom he sent Prisoners into
England. So that there was nothing more to be feared
from Scotland; all the Trouble of the Rump, being to
resolve what they should do with it. At last they re-
solved to unite and incorporate it into one Common-
wealth with England and Ireland. And to that End sent
thither St. Johns, Vane, and other Commissioners, to
offer them this Union by publick Declaration, and to warn
them to choose their Deputies of Shires, and Burgesses of
Towns, and send them to Westminster.
B. This was a very great Favour. -
A. I think so : and yet it was by many of the Scots,
especially by the Ministers and other Presbyterians, re-
fused. The Ministers had given Way to the levying of
Money for the Payment of the English Soldiers; but to
comply with the Declaration of the English Commis-
sioners they absolutely forbad. - -
B. Methinks this contributing to the Pay of their
Conquerors was some Mark of Servitude; whereas en-
tering into the Union made them free, and gave them
equal Privilege with the English.
v
Lieutenant-General
Monk commands a
body of Troops in
Scotland, and redu-
ces the whole coun-
try to a Subjection to
the Parliament of
England.
The Parliament of
England offers the
Scottish Nation an
Union and Incorpo-
ration with their own
Commonwealth.
But, by the Advice
of their Presbyterian
Ministers, the Scots
refuse the Offer,
JA: The Cause why they refused the Union, render'd
by the Presbyterians themselves, was this, That it drew
with it a Subordination of the Church to the Civil State
“in the Things of Christ.
B. This is a downright Declaration to all Kings and
Common-
Behemoth.
But, notwithstanding
their refusal, the
Engiish Parliament
passes an Act for uni-
ting the two Nations
in one Common-
wealth.
They then offer to ,
the united Provinces
of the Netherlands to
for in a League with
them for the Benefit
of Trade and Nayil
gation.
But the Dutch peo-
ple are averse to it.
Commonwealths in general, that a Presbyterian Minister
will be a true Subject to none of them in the Things of
Christ, which Things what they are, they will be Judges
themselves. What have we then gotten by our Deliver-
ance from the Pope's Tyranny, if these petty Men suc-
ceed in the Place of it, that have nothing in them that
can be beneficial to the Publick, except their Silence? For
their Learning, it amounts to no more than an imperfect
Knowledge of Greek and Latin, and an acquired Readi-
ness in the Scripture-Language, with a Gesture and Tone
suitable thereunto ; but of Justice and Charity (the
Manners of Religion) they have neither Knowledge nor
Practice, as is manifest by the Stories I have already told
you: Nor do they distinguish between the Godly and
the Ungodly, but by Conformity of Design in Men of
Judgement, or by Repetition of their Sermons in the
common Sort of People. .
A. But this Sullenness of the Scots was to no Pur-
pose: for they at Westminster enacted the Union of the
two Nations, and the Abolition of Monarchy in Scot-
land, and ordained Punishment for those that would
transgress that Act. -
B. What other Business did the Rump this Year?
JA. They sent St. Johns and Strickland Ambassadors
to the Hague, to offer League to the United Provinces,
who had Audience March the third. St. Johns in a
Speech shewed those States, what Advantages they might
have by this League in their Trade and Navigations, by
the Use of the English Ports and Harbours. The Dutch,
though they shewed no great Forwardness in the Busi-
ness, yet appointed Commissioners to treat with them
about it. But the People were generally against it, call-
ing the Ambassadors and their Followers (as they were)
Traitors and Murderers, and made such Tumults about
their House, that their Followers durst not go abroad till
the States had quieted them. The Rump, advertised
hereof, presently recall'd them. The Compliment which
St. Johns gave to the Commissioners, at their taking
Leave, is worth your hearing. You have, said he, an
Eye upon the Event of the Affairs in Scotland, and
therefore do refuse the Friendship we have offered. Now
I can
Behemoth.
6
2
$3
I can assure you, many in the Parliament were of Opi-
nion, that we should not have sent any Ambassadors to
you, till we had superated those Matters between them
and that King, and then expected your Ambassadors to
us. I now perceive our Error, and that those Gentle-
men were in the right. In a short Time you shall see
that Business ended; and then you will come and seek
what we have freely offered, when it shall perplex you
that you have refused our Proffer.
B. St. Johns was not sure that the Scottish Business
would end as it did. For though the Scots were beaten
at Dunbar, he could not be sure of the Event of their
entering England, which happened afterward.
A. But he guess'd well: for within a Month after the
Battle at Worcester, an Act passed, forbidding the im-
porting of Merchandise in other than English ships. The
English also molested their Fishing upon our Coast.
They also many times searched their Ships, (upon Occa-
sion of our War with France) and made some of them
Prize. And then the Dutch sent their Ambassador hither,
to desire what they before refused; but partly also to in-
form themselves what Naval Forces the English had
ready, and how the People here were contented with the
Government. - -
B. How sped they
A. The Rump shewed now as little Desire of Agree.
ment as the Dutch did then; standing upon Terms never
likely to be granted. First ; for the Fishing on the
English Coast, that they should not have it without
paying for it. Secondly, that the English should have
free Trade from Middleburgh to Antwerp, as they had
before their Rebellion against the King of Spain. Third-
ly, they demanded Amends for the old (but never to be
forgotten) Business of Amboyna: So that the War was
already certain, though the Season kept them from
Action till the Spring following. The true Quarrel on
the English part was, that their proffer'd Friendship was
scorned, and their Ambassadors affronted : On the
Dutch part was, their Greediness to engross all Traffick,
and a false Estimate of our and their own Strength.
Whilst these Things were doing, the Relicks of the
- War,
The English Parlia-
ment passes the Act
of Navigation. In
October, 165!.
The Dutch then
seek to form an Alli- -
ance with England.
But the Parliament
insists upon high
terms, which they
will not comply-
with.
624-
behemoth.
War, both in Ireland and Scotland, were not neglected,
though those Nations were not fully pacified till two
Years after. The persecution also of Royalists still con-
tinued, amongst whom was beheaded one Mr. Love, for
holding Correspondence with the King. -
B. I had thought a Presbyterian Minister, whilst he
was such, could not be a Royalist, because they think
their Assembly have the supreme Power in the Things of
Christ; and by consequence they are in England (by a
Statute) Traitors. - - -
A. You may think so still: for, though I called Mr. Love
a Royalist, I meant it only on account of the one Act, for
The beginning of the
Dutch War, May
14, 1652.
which he was condemned. It was he, who (during the
Treaty at Uxbridge, preaching before the Commissioners
there), said, it was as possible for Heaven and Hell, as for
the King and Parliament, to agree. Both he and the rest
of the Presbyterians are and were Enemies to the King's
Enemies, that is, to Cromwell and his Fanaticks, for their
own, not for the King's, Sake. Their Loyalty was like that
of Sir John Hotham, that kept the King out of Hull, and
afterwards would have betray'd the same to the Marquiss
of Newcastle. These Presbyterians, therefore, cannot be
rightly called Loyal, but rather doubly perfidious, unless
you think, that as two Negatives make an Affirmative,
so two Treasons make Loyalty. - 4:
This Year also were reduced to the Obedience of the
Rump, the Islands of Scilly and Man, and the Barbadoes,
and St. Christophers. One Thing fell-out that they
liked not, which was, that Cromwell gave them Warn-
ing to determine their Sitting, according to the Bill for
Triennial Parliaments. * *
B. That, I think, indeed was harsh. * -
A. In the Year 1652, May the 14th, began the
Dutch War in this manner: Three Dutch Men of War,
with divers Merchants from the Streights, being disco-
wered by one Captain Young, who commanded some
English Frigates, the said Young sent to their Admiral
to bid him strike his Flag, (a Thing usually done in
Acknowledgment of the English Dominion in the narrow
Seas) which accordingly he did. Then came-up the
Vice-Admiral, and being called-to as the other was, to
take
Behemoth.
62.5
take-down his Flag ; he answered plainly, “he would
not :” but after the Exchange of four or five Broadsides,
and Mischief done, on either Part, he took it down :
but Captain Young demanded also, either the Vice-
Admiral himself, or his Ship, to make good the Damage
already sustained: To which the Vice-Admiral answer’d,
that he had taken-in his Flag, but would defend himself
and his Ship. Whereupon Captain Young consulted
with the Captains of his other Ships, lest the Beginning
of the War, in this Time of Treaty, should be charged
upon himself, and, Night also coming-on, thought fit to
proceed no farther. -
B. The War certainly began at this Time; but who
began it
lish, there can be no question but the Dutch began it :
and “that the said Dominion belonged to the English,” it
was confessed at first by the Admiral himself peaceably,
and at last by the Vice-Admiral, after some fighting,
taking-in their Flags. -
About a Fortnight after, there happened another Fight
upon the like Occasion. Van-Tromp, with forty-two
A. The Dominion of the Seas belonging to the Eng-
A dispute and fight
between a Dutch and
an English ship con-
cerning the Right of
//e Flag, claimed by
the English ships of
war in the English
Channel.
Another sea-fight on
the same account.
Men of War, came to the Back of the Goodwin-Sands, .
(Major Bourne being then with a few of the Parlia-
ment’s Ships in the Downs, and Blake with the rest far-
ther Westward) and sent two Captains of his to Bourne,
to excuse his coming thither. To whom Bourne re-
turned this Answer; That the Message was civil, but,
that it might appear real, he ought to depart. So Tromp.
departed, meaning, (now Bourne was satisfied,) to sail
towards Blake; and he did so; but so did also Bourne,
~
for fear of the worst. When Tromp and Blake were
near one another, Blake made a Shot over Tromp's
Ship, as a Warning to him to take-in his Flag. This he
did thrice, and then Tromp gave him a Broadside, and
so began the Fight; at the Beginning whereof Bourne
came-in; and it lasted from two o’Clock till Night, the
English having the better, and the Flag, as before, mak-
ing the Quarrel. - +
B. What needs there, when both Nations were hear-
tily resolved to fight, to stand so much upon this Com-
pliment of who should begin? for, as to the gaining of
2 5 Friends
626
J3ehemoth.
Friends and Confederates thereby, I think it was in vain;
seeing that Princes and States in such Occasions look not
much upon the Justice of their Neighbours, but upon
their own Concernment in the Event.
A. It is commonly so; but in this Case the Dutch
(knowing the Dominion of the narrow Seas to be a gal-
lant Title, and envied by all Nations that reach the
Shore, and consequently that they were likely to oppose
it, ) did wisely enough in making this Point the Ground of
the Quarrel. After this fight, the Dutch Ambassadors
residing in England, sent a Paper to the Council of State,
wherein they styled this last Encounter a rash Action,
and affirmed that it was done without the Knowledge,
and against the Will, of their Lords the States-General,
and desired them that nothing might be done upon it in
Heat, which might become irreparable. The Parlia-
ment thereupon voted; 1. That the States-General
should pay the Charges they were at, and for the Da-
mages they sustained upon this Occasion. 2. That this
being paid, there should be a Cessation of all Acts of Hos-
tility, and a mutual Restitution of all Ships and Goods
taken. 3. And, both these being agreed-to, that there
should be made a League between the two Common-
wealths. These Votes were sent to the Dutch Ambas-
sadors in answer to the said Paper ; but with a Pream-
ble, setting-forth the former Kindnesses of England to
the Netherlands, and taking Notice of their new Fleet of
150 Men of War, without any other apparent Design
than the Destruction of the English Fleet.
A war is declared
between the butch
and the English Com-
monwealths.
JB. What Answer made the Dutch to this ;
A. None. Tromp sailed presently into Zealand, and
Blake with seventy Men of War, to the Orkney Islands,
to seize their Busses, and to wait for five Dutch Ships
from the East.Indies. And Sir George Ascue, newly
returned from Barbadoes, came into the Downs with
fifteen Men of War, where he was commanded to stay
for a Recruit out of the Thames. -
Tromp being recruited now to 120 Sail, made ac-
count to get-in between Sir George Ascue and the
Mouth of the River, but was hindered so long by con-
trary Winds, that the Merchants calling for his Convoy,
iº he
---------- **------------------ ------------------------
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Behemoth.
627
he could stay no longer, and so he went-back into Hol;
land, and thence to Orkney, where he met with the said
five East India Ships, and sent them Home, . And then
he endeavoured to engage with Blake: but a sudden Storm
forced him to Sea, and so dissipated his Fleet, that only
forty-two came home in a Body, the rest singly, as well as
they could, Blake also came home, but went first to
the Coast of Holland with nine hundred Prisoners, and
six Men of War taken, which were Part of twelve which
he found and took guarding their Busses. This was the
first Bout after the War declared. -
In August following there happened a Fight between
De Ruitter, the Admiral of Zealand, with fifty Men of
War, and Sir George Ascue near Plymouth, with forty,
wherein Sir George had the better, and might have got
an entire Victory, had the whole Fleet engaged. What-
soever was the Matter, the Rump (though they rewarded
him) never employed him after his Return, in their Ser-
vice at Sea ; But voted, for the Year to come, three Ge-
nerals, Blake that was one already, and Dean and Monk.
About this Time the Arch-Duke Leopold besieging
Dunkirk, and the French sending a Fleet to relieve it,
General Blake lighting on the French at Calais, and taking
seven of their Ships, was Cause of the Town's Surrender.
In September they fought again, De Wit and Ruitter
commanding the Dutch, and Blake the English, and the
Dutch were again worsted. -
Again in the End of November Van Tromp, with eighty
Men of War, shewed himself at the back of the Goodwin
Sands; where Blake, though he had with him but forty,
adventured to fight with him, and had much the worst,
and (Night parting the Fray) retir'd into the River of
Thames; whilst Van Tromp, keeping the Sea, took some
inconsiderable Vessels from the English, and thereupon
(as it was said) with a Childish Vanity, hung-out a Broom.
from the Main-top mast, signifying that he meant to
sweep the Seas of all English Shipping.
After this, in February, the Dutch with Van Tromp
were encountered by the English under Blake and Dean,
near Portsmouth, and had the Worst. And these were
all the Encounters between them in this Year, in the
2 S 2 Ilarrow
A sea-fight near Ply.
mouth between thc
Dutch and English
fleets. In August,
1652.
Another sea fight in
September, 1652.
A third in Novem-
ber, 1652.
A fourth in Febru-
ary, 1652-1653.
628
Behemoth.
Cromwell encou-
rages the Army to
complain of the Par-
liament; about De-
cember, 1652.
Cromwell dissolves
the Commonwealth-
Parliament by a sud-
den irruption of a
Party of Soldiers.
April 23, 1653.
narrow Seas. They fought also once at Leghorn, where
the Dutch had the better. • * .
B. I see no great Odds yet on either Side; if there
were any, the English had it. X- .
J4. Nor did either of them e'er the more incline to Peace.
For the Hollanders, after they had sent Ambassadors into
Denmark, Sweden, Poland, and the Hans towns, (whence
Tar and Cordage are usually had) to signify the Declara-
tion of the War, and to get them to their Party, recalled
their Ambassadors from England; and the Rump, with-
out Delay gave them their parting Audience; without
abating a Syllable of their former severe Propositions.
And presently, to maintain the War for the next Year,
laid a Tax upon the People of 120,000l. per mensem.
B. What was done in the mean Time at home 2
A. Cromwell was now quarrelling with (the last and
greatest Obstacle to his Design) the Rump. And to that
End there came-out daily from the Army, Petitions, Ad-
dresses, Remonstrances, and other such Papers: Some of
them urging the Rump to dissolve themselves, and make
Way for another Parliament. To which the Rump, un-
willing to yield, and not daring to refuse, determined for
the End of their sitting the Fifth of November 1654.
But Cromwell meant not to stay so long. In the mean
Time, the Army in Ireland was taking Submissions, and
granting Transportations of the Irish, and condemning
whom they pleas'd, in a High Court of Justice erected
there for that Purpose. Amongst those that were exe-
cuted, was hang’d Sir Phelin Oneale, who first began the
Rebellion. -
In Scotland, the English built some Citadels for the
bridling of that stubborn Nation : And thus ended the
Year 1652. - g - -
B. Come we then to the Year 1653. .
A. Cromwell wanted now but one Step to the End of
his Ambition, and that was to set his Foot upon the Neck
of this long Parliament, which he did the 23d of April,
this present Year 1653, a Time very seasonable. For,
though the Dutch were not mastered, they were much
weakened ; and what with Prizes from the linemy, and
Squeezing
Behemoth.
629
squeezing the Royal Party, the Treasury was pretty full,
and the Tax of 120,000l. a Month began to come-in; all
which was his own in right of the Army.
Therefore without more ado, attended by the Major.
Generals Lambert and Harrison, and some other Officers,
and as many Soldiers as he thought fit, he went to the
Parliament. House, and dissolved them, turned them out,
and locked-up the doors. And for this Action he was
more applauded by the People, than for any of his Victo-
ries in the War, and the Parliament-Men as much scorned
and derided. -
B. Now that there was no Parliament, who had the
supreme Power P
A. If by Power you mean the Right to govern, nobody
had it : if you mean the supreme strength, it was clearly
in Cromwell, who was obeyed as General of all the Forces
in England, Scotland, and Ireland. -
B. Did he pretend that for Title : ºf
A. No : But presently after he invented a Title, which
was this ; That he was necessitated for the Defence of the
Cause, for which at first the Parliament had taken-up
Arms, (that is to say, rebelled) to have Recourse to extra-
ordinary Actions. You know the Pretence of the long
Parliament’s Rebellion was Salus Populi, The Safety of
the Nation against a dangerous Conspiracy of Papists, and
a malignant Party at home, and that every Man is bound
as far as his Power extends, to procure the Safety of the
whole Nation; (which none but the Army were able to
do; and the Parliament had hitherto neglected) was it
not then the General's Duty to do it? Had he not there-
fore Right? For that Law of Salus Populi is directed only
to those that have Power enough to defend the People ;
that is, to them that have the supreme Power. r
B. Yes certainly, he had as good a Title as the long
Parliament. But the long Parliament did represent the
People; and it seems to me, that the Sovereign Power
is essentially annexed to the Representative of the People.
A. Yes; if he that makes a Representative, that is, (in
the present Case) the King, do call them together to re-
ceive the Sovereign Power, and he divest himself thereof;
Qtherwise not. Nor was ever the lower House of Parlia-
2 S 3 - IIleilº
f
63G
Behemoth.
Cromwell summons
a new Parliament of
only 142 members,
not chosen by the
People, but nomi-
nated by himself and
his Officers; who
meet on the 4th of
July, 1653.
ment the Representative of the whole Nation, but of the
Commons only ; nor had that House the Power to oblige,
by their Acts, or Ordinances, any Lord, or any Priest.
B. Did Cromwell come-in upon the only Title of Salus
Populi º - -
4. This is a Title that very few Men understand.
His way was to get the Supreme Power conferred upon
him by Parliament. Therefore he called a Parliament,
and gave it the Supreme Power, to the end that they
should give it to him again. Was not this witty First
therefore, he published a Declaration of the Causes why
he dissolved the Parliament. The Sum whereof was, that,
instead of endeavouring to promote the Good of God’s
People, they endeavoured (by a Bill then ready to pass)
to recruit the House, and perpetuate their own Power.
Next he constituted a Council of State of his own Crea-
tures to be the Supreme Authority of England; but no
longer than till the next Parliament should be called, and
met. Thirdly, he summoned 142 Persons, such as he
himself, or his trusty Officers, made Choice of : the great-
est part of whom were instructed what to do, obscure
Persons, and most of them Fanaticks, though styled by
Cromwell, Men of approved Fidelity and Honesty. To
these the Council of State surrendered the supreme Au-
thority ; and, not long after, these Men surrendered it to
Cromwell. July the 4th this Parliament met, and chose
for their Speaker one Mr. Rous, and called themselves,
from that Time forward, the Parliament of England: but
Cromwell, for the more Surety, constituted also a Coun-
cil of State, not of such petty Fellows as most of these
were, but of himself, and his principal Officers. These
did all the Business both publick and private, making Or-
dinances, and giving Audience to Foreign Ambassadors.
But he had now more Enemies than before. Harrison,
who was the Head of the Fifth-Monarchy-Men, laying-
down his Commission, did nothing but animate his Party
against him ; for which afterwards he was imprisoned.
This little Parliament, in the mean time, were making of
Acts so ridiculous, and so displeasing to the People, that
it was thought he chose them on Purpose to bring all
ruling Parliaments into Contempt, and Monarchy again
into Credit, -
B.
Behemoth.
I
B. What Acts were these ?
A. One of them was, That all Marriages should be
made by a Justice of Peace, and the Banns asked three
several Days in the next Market; None were forbidden
to be married by a Minister, but without a Justice of Peace
the Marriage was to be void : So that divers wary Couples
(to be sure of one another, howsoever they might repent
of it afterwards) were married both ways. Also they abro-
gated the Engagement, whereby no Man was admitted
to sue in any Court of Law, that had not taken it, that is,
that had not acknowledged the late Rump.
B. Neither of these did any Hurt to Cromwell.
A. They were also in hand with an Act to cancel all
the present Laws and Law-Books, and to make a new Code
more suitable to the Humour of the Fifth-monarchy-men;
of whom there were many in this Parliament. Their Te.
net being, that there ought none to be Sovereign, but
King Jesus, nor any to govern under him, but the Saints.
But their Authority ended before this Act passed.
B. What was this to Cromwell ?
A. Nothing yet. But they were likewise upon an Act,
now almost ready for the Question : That Parliaments
henceforward, one upon the End of another, should be
perpetual.
B. I understand not this, unless Parliaments can beget-
one another like Animals, or like the Phoenix.
A. Why not like the Phoenix º Cannot a Parliament
at the Day of their Expiration send-out Writs for a new
P r
Ol) (2 :
B. Do you think they would not rather summon.
themselves anew, and to save the Labour of coming-again
at Westminster, sit still where they were : Or, if they
summon the Country to make new Elections, and then
dissolve themselves, by what Authority shall the People
meet in their County-Courts, there being no supreme
Authority standing /
4. All they did was absurd, though they knew not that.
Nor did they know this, “whose Design was upon the So-
vereignty;” the Contriver of this Act, it seems, perceived it
not; but Cromwell's Party in the House saw it well enough.
2 S 4 And
…”
Some of the most
remarkable Acts
passed by them.
The leading Tenet
of the Fifth-Monar-
c/y men.
632 - *** ... Behemoth.
And therefore, as soon as it was laid, there stood-up one
of the Members, and made a Motion, that, since the
Commonwealth was like to receive little Benefit by their
sitting, they should dissolve themselves. Harrison, and
they of his Sect, were troubled hereat, and made Speeches
the Little parlia- against it; but Cromwell's Party, of whom the Speaker
ment surrender their was one, left the House, and, with the Mace before them,
!’” (9°º went to Whitehall, and surrender'd their Power to Crom-
December 12, 1653. * “. . dº
. well, who had given it them. And so he got the Sovereignty
- by an Act of Parliament; and, within four days after, viz.
º ..., December the 16th, was installed Protector of the three
of the Natiºn by the Nations, and took his Oath to observe certain Rules of
title of ºrotector governing, engrossed in Parchment, and read before him :
º, *: Common- The Writing was called the Instrument of Government.
Dºer 16, 1653. B. What were the Rules he swore toº -
4. One was to call a Parliament every third Year, of
which the first was to begin September the 3d following.
B. I believe he was a little superstitious in the Choice
of September the 3d, because it was lucky to him in 1630,
and 1651, at Dunbar, and Worcester ; but he knew not
how lucky the same would be to the whole Nation in 1658
at Whitehall. -
A. Another was, That no Parliament should be dis-
solved, till it had sitten five Months; and those Bills that
they presented to him, should be passed by him within
twenty Days, or else they should pass without him.
A third, That he should have a Council of State of not
above twenty-one, nor under thirteen ; and that upon the
Protector’s Death, this Council should meet, and before
they parted chuse a new Protector. There were many
more besides, but not necessary to be inserted.
B. How went-on the War against the Dutch
The English Fleet A. The Generals for the English were Blake, and Dean,
...'... and Monk; and Van Tromp for the Dutch; between
the 2nd cf June, whom was a Battle fought the Second of June (which was
1952. a Month before the Beginning of this little Parliament)
wherein the English had the Victory, and drove the Ene-
mies into their Harbours, but with the Loss of General
Dean, slain by a Cannon-shot. This Victory was great
enough to make the Dutch send-over Ambassadors into
England
-
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-
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***** **, *, **wº ºz



Behemoth.
§33
England in order to a Treaty ; but in the mean time they
prepared, and put to Sea another Fleet, which likewise,
in the End of July, was defeated by General Monk, who
got now a greater Victory than before : and this made
the Dutch descend so far as to buy their Peace with the
Payment of the Charge of the War, and with the Acknow-
ledgement, amongst other Articles, that the English had
the Right of the Flag. This Peace was concluded in
March, being the End of this Year : but not proclaimed
till April ; the Money, it seems, being not paid till then.
The Dutch War being now ended, the Protector sent
his youngest Son Henry into Ireland, whom also some
time after he made Lieutenant there ; and sent Monk
Lieutenant-General into Scotland; to keep those Nations
in Obedience. Nothing else worth remembering was
And another victory
over them about the
end of July, 1653.
The Dutch sue for
Peace, and obtain it
in April, 1654. -
Henry Cromwell is
sent-over to Ireland,
to keep it in Obe-
dience; and Gene-
ral Monk is sent into
Scotland for the
this Year at Home: saving the Discovery of a Plot of same purpose.
Royalists (as was said) upon the Life of the Protector, who
all this while had Intelligence of the King's Designs from
a Traitor in his Courts, who afterwards was taken in the
. Manner” and killed. - ſ .
B. How came he into so much Trust with the King :
A. He was the Son of a Colonel that was slain in the
Wars on the late King's Side. Besides, he pretended
Employment from the King's loyal and loving Subjects
here, to convey to his Majesty such Money as they, from
time to time, should send him for his Majesty’s use; and
to make this credible, Cromwell himself caused Money to
be sent to him. -
The following Year, 654, had nothing of War, but
was spent in Civil Ordinances, in appointing of Judges,
preventing of Plots, (for Usurpers are jealous) and in ex-
ecuting the King's Friends, and selling their Lands. The
third of September, according to the Instrument, the Par-
liament met, in which there was no House of Lords; and
the House of Commons was made, as formerly, of Knights
and Burgesses : but not as formerly, of two Burgesses
for a Borough, and two Kuights for a County: for Bo-
roughs for the most part had but one Burgess, and some
Counties six or seven Knights; besides there were twenty
* That is, (as I believe), in the Fact, from the words la main
d'oeuvre, corrupted into mainovre, main over, and manner.
. S Mem
A new Parliament
meets on the 3d of
September, 1654,
634 Behemoth.
Members for Scotland, and as many for Ireland. So
that now Cromwell had nothing else to do, but to shew his
Art of Government upon six Coach-Horses newly pre-
sented him; which, being as rebellious as himself, threw
him out of the Coach-box, and almost killed him.
B. This Parliament, which had seen how Cromwell had
handled the two former, the Long one and the Short one,
had surely learned the Wit to behave themselves better to
him, than those had done. -
4. Yes, especially now that Cromwell, in his Speech
at their first Meeting, had expressly forbidden them to
meddle, either with the Government by a single Person
and Parliament, or with the Militia, or with perpetuating
of Parliaments, or taking-away Liberty of Conscience; and
told them also, that every Member of the House, before
they sat, must take a Recognition of his Power in divers
Points. Whereupon, of above 400, there appeared not
above 200 at first ; though afterwards, some relenting,
there sat about 300. Again, just at their sitting-down,
he published some Ordinances of his own, bearing Date
before their Meeting; that they might see he took his
The Parliament does own Acts to be as valid as theirs. But all this could not
i." make them know themselves. They proceeded to the
Debate of every Article of the Recognition. -
B. They should have debated that before they had
taken it. º - - -
A. But then they would never have been suffered to sit.
The Protector dis- Cromwell being informed of their stubborn Proceed-
solves them. Janu- ings, and out of Hope of any Supply from them, dissolved
ary 22, 1654-55. them. -
All that passed beside in this Year was the Exercise of
the High Court of Justice upon some Royalists for
Plots, -
He makes war against In the Year 1655, the English, to the Number of near
i. º: 10,000, landed in Hispaniola in hope of the Plunder of
attack Hispaniºla; the Gold and Silver, whereof they thought there was
}. Milhº great abundance in the Town of Santo Domingo; but
tit they afterwards - * & $
take Jamaica. were well beaten by a few Spaniards; and with the loss
of near 1000 Men, went of to Jamaica and possessed it,
This Year also the Royal Party made another Attempt
in the West; and proclaimed their King, Charles the
- Second ;
à.
Behemoth. - - *~, 635
Second; but, few Men joining with them, and some of
their Party falling-off, they were soon suppressed, and
many of the principal Persons executed.
B. In these many Insurrections the Royalists, though
they meant well, yet they did but Disservice to the King
by their Impatience. What Hope had they to prevail
against so great an Army as the Protector had ready ;
What Cause was there to despair of seeing the King's
Business done better by the Dissension and Ambition of
the great Commanders in that Army ; whereof many had
the Favour to be as well esteemed amongst the Soldiers as
Cromwell himself? ſº -
A. That was somewhat uncertain. The Protector
being frustrated of his Hope of Money at Santo Domingo,
resolved to take from the Royalists the tenth part yearly
of their Estates. And to this End chiefly he divided Eng- The protector ap-
land into eleven Major-Generalships, with Commission points a Number of
to every Major-General to make a Roll of the Names of ..º.º.
all suspected Persons of the King’s Party, and to receive F. º his Go-
the tenth part of their Estates within his Precinct; as also vernment. In Octo:
to take Caution from them not to act against the State; ber, 1755.
and to reveal all Plots that should come to their Know-
ledge, and to make them engage the like for their Ser-
wants. They had Commission also to forbid Horse-races
and numerous Meetings of People, and to receive and
account for this Decimation. - - -
B. By this the Usurper might easily inform himself of
the Value of all the Estates in England, and of the Be-
haviour and Affection of every Person of Quality; which
has heretofore been taken for very great Tyranny."
A. The Year 1656, was a Parliament-Year by the In-
strument of Government. Between the Beginning of
this Year, and the day of the Parliament’s sitting,
which was September the 17th, these Major-Generals
resided in several Provinces, behaving themselves most These Major-Gene.
tyrannically. Amongst other of their Tyrannies was ài behave tyranni-
the over-awing of Elections, and making themselves, and Y.
whom they pleased, to be returned Members for the Par-
Miament, which was also thought to have been a part of
Cromwell’s Design in their Constitution: for he had need
of a giving Parliament, having lately, upon a Peace made
with the French, drawn upon himself a War with Spain.
|
- This
636.
Behemoth,
Captain Stainer takes
two very rich Spa-
nish ships near Ca-
diz.
This Year it was that Captain Stainer set upon the Span-
ish Plate-fleet, being eight in Number, near Cadiz, whereof
he sunk two and took two, there being in one of them
Two Millions of Pieces of Eight, which amounts to
The Parliament pu-
mishes James Naylor,
a religious madman,
who pretended to be
Jesus Christ.
400,000l. Sterling,
This Year also it was that James Naylor appeared at
Bristol, and would be taken for Jesus Christ. He wore
his Beard forked, and his Hair composed to the likeness
of that in the Volto Santo; and being questioned, would
sometime answer, —Thou sayest it. He had also his
Disciples, that would go by his Horse-side, to the Mid-
leg in Dirt. Being sent for by the Parliament, he was
sentenced to stand on the Piilory, to have his Tongue
bored-through, and to be marked in the Fore-head with
the Letter B. for Blasphemy, and to remain in Bridewell.
Lambert, a great favourite of the Army, endeavoured to
save him, partly because he had been his Soldier, and partly
to curry Favour with the Sectaries of the Army; for he
was now no more in the Protector's Favour, but meditat-
ing how he might succeed him in his Power.
About two years before this, there appeared in Corn-
wall a Prophetess, much famed for her Dreams and Visions,
and hearkened-to by many, whereof some were eminent
Officers. . But, she and some of her Accomplices being
imprisoned, we heard no more of her.
B. I have heard of another, one Lilly, that prophesied
all the Time of the long Parliament. What did they
do to him * . *~
A. His Prophecies were of another kind ; he was a
Writer of Almanacks, and a Pretender to a pretended Art
of Judicial Astrology; a mere Cozener to get maintenance
from a Multitude of ignorant People. And, no doubt,
he would have been called in question, if his Prophecies
had been any way disadvantageous to that Parliament.
B. I understand not how the Dreams and Prognosti.
cations of Madmen (for such I take to be all those that
foretell future Contingencies) can be of any great Disad-
vantage to the Commonwealth. g -
4. Yes, yes: Know, there is nothing that renders
t human
Behemoths -
637
human Counsels difficult, but the Uncertainty of future
Time, nor that so well directs Men in their Deliberations,
as the Foresight of the Sequels of their Actions; Prophecy
being many times the principal cause of the arrival of the
event foretold. If upon some Prediction the People should
have been made confident, that Oliver Cromwell and his
Army should be, upon a Bay to come, utterly defeated,
would not every one have endeavoured to assist, and to
deserve well of the Party that should give him that de-
feat Upon this Accourt it was, that Fortune-tellers and
Astrologers were so often banished out of Rome.
The last memorable thing of this year was a Motion
rºade by a Member of the House, an Alderman of Lon-
don, that the Protector might be petitioned and advised
by the House to leave the Title of Protector, and take
upºn him that of King.
B. That was indeed a bold motion, and which would,
if prosperous, have put an End to many Mens Ambition,
and to the Licentiousness of the whole Army. I think
the Motion was made on purpose to ruin both the Protector
himself, and his ambitious Officers.
A. It may be so. In the Year 1657, the first Thing
the Parliament did was the drawing-up of this Petition to
the Protector, to take upon him the Government of the
three Nations, with the Title of King. As of other Par-
The Parliament pe-
titions the Protector
to take upon him the
title of King. April 9,
I657.
liaments, so of this, the greatest Part had been either kept
out of the House by Force, or else themselves had for-
born to sit, and became guilty of setting-up this King
Oliver. But those few that sat presented their Petition to
the Protector, April the ninth, in the Banqueting-House
at Whitehall, where Sir Thomas Widdrington, the Speaker,
used the first arguments, and the Protector desired some
Time to seek God, the Business being weighty. The
next Day they sent a Committee to him to receive his
Answer; which Answer being not very clear, they pressed
him again for a Resolution: to which he made answer in
a long Speech, that ended in a peremptory Refusal; and
so, retaining still the Title of Protector, he took upon him
the Government according to certain articles contain’d in
the said Petition. * >
B.
But the Protector
refusés to comply
with their request.
May 8, 1657.
638
Behemoth,
B. What made him refuse the Title of King?
J4. Because he durst not take it at that Time; the
Army, (being addicted to their great Officers, and amongst
their great Officers many hoping to succeed him, and the
$uccession having been promised to Major-General Lam-
bert,) would have mutiny’d against him. He was there-
fore forced to stay for a more propitious Conjuncture.
B. What were those Articles 2
A. The most important of them were, first, That he
would exercise the Office of Chief Magistrate of England,
Scotland, and Ireland, under the Title of Protector, and
govern the same according to the said Petition and Advice;
and that he would, in his Life-time, name his Successor.
B. I believe the Scots, when they first rebell’d, never
thought of being governed absolutely, as they were by
Oliver Cromwell.
A. Secondly, That he should call a Parliament every
three Years at farthest. Thirdly, That those Persons
which were legally chosen Members, should not be secluded
without Consent of the House. (In allowing this Clause
the Protector observed not, that the secluded Members of
the same Parliament are thereby re-admitted.) Fourthly,
The Members were qualify’d. Fifthly, The Power of
the other House was defin'd. Sixthly, That no Law
should be made but by Act of Parliament. Seventhly,
That a constant yearly Revenue of a Million of Pounds
should be settled for the Maintenance of the Army and
Navy; and 300,000l., for the Support of the Government,
besides other temporary Supplies, as the House of Com-
mons should think fit. Eighthly, That all the Officers
of State should be chosen by the Parliament. Ninthly,
That the Protector should encourage the Ministry.
Lastly, That he should cause a Profession of Religion
to be agreed-on, and published. There are divers others.
of less Importance. -
Having signed the Articles, he was presently, with:
great Ceremony, installed anew. *-
B. What needed that, seeing that he was still but
Protector 2 -
J1. But the Articles of this Petition were not all the same
The principal arti-
cles of the new In-
strument of Govern-
ment for the Protec-
tor's direction, pre-
pared by this Parlia-
Iment, which was
ealled The Humble
Petition and Advice.
with those of his former Instrument. For now there was
tº)
Behemoth.
to be another House; and, whereas, before, his Council
was to name his Successor, he had Power now to do it
himself; so that he was an absolute Monarch, and might
leave the Succession to his Son, if he would, and succes-
sively, or transfer it to whom he pleased.
The Ceremony being ended, the Parliament adjourned
to the 20th of January following: and then the other
House also sat with their Fellows. -
The House of Commons being now full, took little
notice of the other House, (wherein there were not, of
sixty Persons, above nine Lords,), but fell to questioning
all that their Fellows had done, during the Time of their
Seclusion; whence would have followed the Avoidance of
the Power newly placed in the Protector. Therefore going
to the House he made a Speech to them, ending in these
Words; By the living God I must, and do, dissolve you.
In this year the English gave the Spaniard another great
Blow at Santa Cruz, not much less than that they had
given him the year before at Cadiz.
About the time of the Dissolution of this Parliament,
the Royalists had another Design against the Protector,
which was, to make an Insurrection in England, the
King being in Flanders, ready to second them with an
Army thence. But this was also discovered by Treachery,
and came to nothing, but the Ruin of those that were
engaged in it; whereof many, in the Beginning of the
next Year, were by a High Court of Justice imprison'd,
and some executed. - -
This Year also was Major General Lambert put out of
all Employments; a Man second to none but Oliver in
the Favour of the Army. But, because he expected, by
that Favour, or by Promise from the Protector, to be
his Successor in the Supreme Power, it would have been
dangerous to let him have Command in the Army; the
Protector having designed for his Successor his eldest Son
Richard. -
In the Year 1658, September the third, the Protector
died at Whitehall; having, ever since his last Establish-
ment, been perplexed with Fear of being kill’d by some
desperate Attempt of the Royalists. *
Being importuned in his Sickness by his Privy-Council
to name his Successor, he nam'd his Son Richard; who,
(encouraged
Disputes arise be-
tween the Protector
and the Parliament;
and the Protector
dissolves it in dis-
pleasure. February
4, 1657-58.
The Death of the
Protector. Septem-
ber 3, 1658,
He appointed his
eldest son, Richard
Cromwell, to succeet!
640
Behemoth. "
him as Protector,
who was generally
acknowledged as his
$ (RCCCŞSOY.
(encouraged thereunto, not by his own Ambition, but by
Fleetwood, Desborough, Thurloe, and others of his Coun-
cil,) was content to take it upon him. And presently
Addresses were made to him from the Armies in England,
Scotland, and Ireland. His first Business was the charge-
able and splendid Funeral of his Father
Thus was Richard Cromwell seated in the Imperial
Throne of England, Scotland, and Ireland, Successor to
his Father, lifted-up to it by the Officers of the Army
then in Town, and congratulated by all the Parts of the .
Army throughout the three Nations : scarce any Garrison
omitting their particular Addresses to him, ". . -
B. Seeing the Army approved of him, how came he
so soon cast off?
A. The Army was inconstant, he himself irresolute,
and without any military Glory. And, although the
two principal Officers * had a near Relation to him, yet
neither of them, but Lambert, was the great Favourite of
the Army; and, by courting Fleetwood to take upon him.’
the Protectorship, and by tampering with the Soldiers,
he had gotten again to be a Colonel. He and the rest
of the Officers had a Council at Wallingford-house,
(where Fleetwood dwelt) for the dispossesing of Richard,
though they had not yet considered how the Nations
should be governed afterwards : for from the Beginning
of the Rebellion, the Method of Ambition was constantly
this, first to destroy, and then to consider what they should
Set-up, T = * , -
; Could not the Protector, who kept his Court at
Whitehall, discover what the Business of the Officers,
was at Wallingford-house so near him : .
JA. Yes; he was by divers of his Friends inform'd of
it, and counsell’d by some of them, (who would have done
it,) to kill the chief of them : but he had not Courage
enough to give them such a Commission. He took there-
fore the Counsel of Some milder Persons, which was to
call a Parliament. Whereupon Writs were presently
A
* Lieutenant-General Fleetwood, who had married his sister, Mrs.
Bridget Ireton, the widow of Commissary-General Ireton, and Major-
General Desborough, who had married a sister of his father Oliver Crom-
well, the late Protector, gº
- Seſ) L
—
º
%
º - - º: --~~~~ - -- tºº-º-º-º: --
RICHARD Lord Protecto of England Scotland &
Ireland and the Dominions & Territoryes
there vnto belonging











Behemoth.
641 -
sent to those that were in the last Parliament of the other
House, and other Writs to the Sheriffs for the Election of
Knights and Burgesses, to assemble on the 27th of Janu-
ary following. Elections were made according to the an-
cient Manner; and a House of Commons now of the
right English Temper, and about 400 in Number, includ-
ing twenty for Scotland, and as many for Ireland, being
met, they take themselves, without the Protector and
other House, to be a Parliament, and to have the Supreme
Power of the three Nations. -
For the first Business, they intended the Power of that
other House: but because the Protector had recommended
to them, for their first Business, an Act (already drawn-
up) for the Recognition of his Protectoral Power, they
began with that; and voted, (after a Fortnight's Deli.
beration) that an Act should be made, whereof this Act
of Recognition should be part, and that another part should
be for the bounding of the Protector's Power, and for
the securing the Privileges of Parliament, and the Liberties
of the Subject; and that all should pass together.
B. Why did these Men obey the Protector at first, in
meeting upon his only Summons? Was not that as full a
Recognition of his Power as was needful ? Why, by this
Example, did they teach the People that he was to be
obeyed, and then, by putting, Laws upon him, teach them
the contrary 2 Was it not the Protector that made the
Parliament —Why did they not acknowledge their
Maker :
A. I believe it is the Desire of most Men to bear Rule:
but few of them know what Title one has to it more than
another, besides the Right of the Sword. •
B. If they acknowledged the Right of the Sword, they
were neither just, nor wise to oppose the present Govern-
ment, set-up and approved by all the Forces of the three
Kingdoms. The Principles of this House of Commons
were, no doubt, the very same with theirs that began the
The new Protector,
Richard Cromwell,
calls a Parliament,
which meets at
Wesminster on the
27th of January,
1658-59. **
The Parliament re-
solves to pass an Act
for recognizing the
right of Richard
Cromwell to the Of-
fic; of Protector.
Rebellion; and would, if they could have raised a suffici-
ent Army, have done the same against the Protector; and
the General of their Army would, in like Manner, have
reduced them to a Rump : for they that keep an army,
-- 2 T and
6
4.
2
Behemoth. -.
and cannot master it, must be subject to it as much as he
that keeps a Lion in his House. The Temper of all the
Parliaments since the Time of Queen Elizabeth, has been
the same with the Temper of this Parliament; and will
always be such, as long as Presbyterians and Men of de-
mocratical Principles have the like Influence upon the
Elections,
A. After they resolved concerning the other House;
that during this Parliament they would transact with it,
but without intrenching upon the Right of the Peers, to
Dissensions arise be-
tween three powerful
parties, that of the
Army, that of the
Protector, and that
of the Parliament.
have Writs sent to them in alſ future Parliaments. These
Votes being passed, they proceed to another, wherein
they assume to themselves the Power of the Militia. Also
to shew their supreme Power, they delivered out of Prison
some of those that had been (they said) illegally committed
by the former Protector. Other Points concerning Civil
Rights, and concerning Religion, very pleasing to the
People, were now also under their Consideration. So
that in the End of this Year, the Protector was no less
jealous of the Parliament than of the Council of Officers
at Wallingford-house.
B. Thus it is, when ignorant Men will undertake Re-
formation. Here are three Parties, the Protector, the
Parliament, and the Army. The Protector against the
Parliament and Army, the Parliament against the Army
and Protector, and the Army against the Protector and
Parliament. -
A. In the Beginning of 1659, the Parliament passed
divers other Acts; one was to forbid the Meetings in
Council of the Army-Officers without Order from the
Protector, and both Houses. Another, That no Man
shall have any Command or Trust in the Army, who did
not first under his Hand engage himself never to interrupt
- any of the Members, but that they might freely meet and
debate in he House. And, to please the Soldiers, they
voted to take presently into their Consideration the Means
of paying them their Arrears. But whilst they were con-
sidering this, the Protector (according to the first of those
Acts) forbad the Meeting of Officers at Wallingford-house.
This made the Government, (which, by the Disagreement
- - of
Behemoth.
643
of the Protector and the Army, was already loose,) to fall
to Pieces. For the Officers from Wallingford-house, with
Soldiers enough, came-over to Whitehall, and brought
with them a Commission ready-drawn (giving Power to
Desborough to dissolve the Parliament) for the Protector
to sign; which also, his Heart and his Party failing him,
he signed. The Parliament nevertheless continued sitting,
but at the end of the Week, the House adjourned till the
Monday after, being April the 25th. At their coming on
Monday Morning, they found the Door of the House
The Protector, at the
Command of the Ar-
my, dissolves the
Parliament. In April,
1659. -
shut up, and the Passages to it filled with Soldiers, who
plainly told them they must sit no longer. Richard’s
Authority, and Business in Town, being thus at an End,
he retired into the Country, where, within a few Days
(upon Promise of the Payment of his Debts, which his
Father’s Funeral had made great) he signed a Resignation
of his Protectorship. -
B. To whom
A. To Nobody. But after ten Days Cessation of the
Sovereign Power, some of the Rumpers that were in
Town, together with the old Speaker Mr. William Lenthal,
resolved amongst themselves, and with Lambert, Haslerig,
and other Officers, (who were also Rumpers), in all forty-
two, to go into the House, which they did, and were, by
the Army, declared to be the Parliament.
There were also in Westminster-hall at that time, about
their private Business, some few of those whom the Army
had secluded in 1648, and who were called the secluded
Members. These, knowing themselves to have been elected
by the same Authority, and to have the same Right to
it, attempted to get into the House, but were kept-out
by the Soldiers. The first Vote of the Rump re-seated
was ; That such Persons as, having been heretofore Mem-
bers of this Parliament, have not sitten in this Parliament
since the Year 1648, shall not sit in this House, till farther
Order of the Parliament; and thus the Rump recovered
their Authority, May the 7th, 1659, which they lost in
April, 1653.
B. Seeing there have been so many Shiftings of the
supreme Authority, I pray you, for Memory’s sake,
repeat them briefly in Times and Order.
* 2 T 2 * 4.
And, soon after, re-
signs the Office of
Protector.
The Army restores
the Run)p-Parlia-
ment to their former
Authority. May 7,
1659. ^*.
Behemoth.
4. First; From 1640 to 1648, when the King was
murdered, the Sovereignty was disputed between King
Charles the first and the Presbyterian Parliament. Se-
condly, from 1648, to 1653, the Power was in that Part
of the Parliament which voted the Trial of the King, and
declared themselves, without King or House of Lords, to
have the supreme Authority of England and Ireland. For
there were in the Long Parliament two Factions, the Pres-
byterian and the Independent; the former whereof sought
only the Subjection of the King, not his Destruction di-
rectly ; the latter sought directly his Destruction, and
this part is that which was called the Rump. Thirdly,
from April the 20th to July the 4th, the supreme Power
was in the Hands of a Council of State constituted by
Cromwell Fourthly, from July the 4th to December
the 12th, of the same Year, it was in the Hands of Men
called unto it by Cromwell, whom he termed Men of Fi-
delity and Integrity, and made them a Parliament, which
was called, in contempt of one of the Members, Bare-
bone's Parliament. Fifthly, from December the 12th,
1653, to September the 3d, 1658, it was in the Hands
of Oliver Cromwell, with the Title of Protector. Sixthly,
from September the 3d, 1658, to April the 25th, 1659,
Richard Cromwell had it as Successor to his Father.
Seventhly, from April the 25th, 1659, to May 7th, of
Precautions taken by
the Rump-Parlia-
ment for the preser-
vation of their new-
ly-restored autho-
rity.
the same Year, it was no where. Eighthly, from May
the 7th, 1659, the Rump which was turned out of Doors
in 1653, recovered it again, and shall lose it again to a
Committee of Safety, and again recover it, and again lose
it to the right Owner. - -
B. By whom, and by what Art, came the Rump to be
turned-out the second time : -
J4. One would think them safe enough ; the Army in
Scotland, which, when it was in London, had helped Oli-
ver to put-down the Rump, submitted now, begg’d Pardon,
and promised Obedience. The Soldiers in Town had
their Pay mended, and the Commanders every where
took the old Engagement, whereby they had acknowledged
their Authority heretofore. They also received their
Commissions in the House itself from the Speaker, who
- WaS
Bºhemoth,
64.5
was Generalissimo. Fleetwood was made Lieutenant-
General with such, and so many, Limitations, as were
thought necessary by the Rump, that remembered how
they had been served by the General, Oliver Croinwell.
Also Henry Cromwell, Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, hav-
ing resigned his Commission by Command, returned into
England. - -
But Lambert, to whom (as was said) Oliver had pro-
mised the Succession, and who (as well as the Rump) knew
the Way to the Protectorship, by Oliver’s own Foot-steps,
was resolved to proceed in it, upon the first Opportunity :
and this Opportunity presented itself very soon after.
Besides some Plots of Royalists, (whom, after the old
Fashion, they again persecuted,) there was an Insurrection
made against them by Presbyterians in Cheshire, headed
by Sir George Booth, one of the secluded Members; they
were in Number about 3000, and their Pretence was to
obtain a free Parliament. There was a great Talk of an-
other Rising, or Endeavour to rise, in Devonshire and
Cornwall, at the same time. To suppress Sir George Booth,
the Rump sent-down more than a sufficient Army under
Lambert, which quickly defeated the Cheshire Party,
and recovered Chester, Liverpool, and all the other Places
they had seized. Divers also of their Commanders, in
and after the Battle, were taken Prisoners, whereof Sir
George Booth himself was one. -
This Exploit done, Lambert, before his Return, caressed
his Soldiers with an Entertainment at his own House in
Yorkshire, and got their Consent to a Petition to be
made to the House, that a General might be set-up in the
Army, it being unfit, as they alledged, that the Army.
should be judged by any Power extrinsic to itself,
B. I do not see that Unfitness. .
A. Nor 1. But it was (as I have heard) an Axiom
of Sir Henry Vane's. But it so much displeased the
Rump, that they voted, That the having of more Generals
in the Army than were already settled, was unnecessary,
burthensome, and dangerous to the Commonwealth.
B. This was not Oliver's Method. For, though this
Cheshire Victory had been as glorious as that of Oliver
at Dunbar, yet it was not that Victory that made Oliver
2 T 3 General,
An Insurrection in
Cheshire in favour
of the secluded
Members, headed
by Sir George Booth
It is soon defeated
by a detachment of
the Army command-
ed by General Lam-
bert.
General Lambert
excites the Army to
oppose the authority
of the Parliament,
646
Behemoth.
General, but the Resignation of that great Office by Lord
Fairfax, and the Proffer of it to Cromwell by the Parlia-
In lent. . -
4. But Lambert thought so well of himself, as to ex-
pect it: therefore, at his Return to London, he and other
Officers, assembling at Wallingford-house, drew their Pe-
tition into Form, and called it a Representation, wherein
the chief Point was to have a General ; but many others
of less Importance were added; and this they represented
to the House October the 4th, by Major General Desbo-
rough : and this so far forth awed them, as to teach them
so much good Manners as to promise to take it presently
into Debate. Which they did; and October the 12th,
General Lambert
and other turbulent
Officers of the Army
again interrupt the
sitting of the Parlia-
ment, October 13,
1659.
They set-up a new
temporary Govern-
ment called a Com-
‘miltee of Safety.
having recovered their Spirits, voted; That the Commis-
sions of Lambert, Desborough, and others of the Coun-
cil at Wallingford-house, should be void. Item, That
the Army should be governed by a Commission to Fleet-
X wood, Monk, Haslerig, Walton, Morley, and Overton,
till February the 12th following. And to make this good
against the Force they expected from Lambert, they or-
dered Haslerig and Morley to issue Warrants to such
Officers as they could trust, to bring their Soldiers next
Morning into Westminster, which was done somewhat
too late; for Lambert had first brought his Soldiers thi-
ther, and beset the House, and turned back the Speaker,
who was then coming to it: but Haslerig’s Forces
marching about St. James's Park-wall, came into St.
Margaret's Church-yard; and so both Parties looked all
Day one upon another like Enemies, but offered not to
fight, whereby the Rump was put out of possession of
the House; and the Officers continued their Meeting, as
before, at Wallingford-house.
There they chose from among themselves, with some
few of the City, a Committee, which they called a Com-
mittee of Safety; whereof the Chief were Lambert and
Vane, who, with the Advice of a General Council of
Officers, had Power to call Delinquents to Trial; to
suppress Rebellions; to treat with foreign States, &c.
You see now the Rump cut-off, and the supreme Power,
which is charged with Salus Populi, transferred to a
Council of Officers. And yet Lambert hopes for it in
the
Behemotſ.
647
the End. But one of their Limitations was ; That they
should within six Weeks present to the Army a new
Model of the Government ; if they had done so, do you
think they would have preferred Lambert, or any other, to
the supreme Authority therein, rather than themselves?
B. I think not. When the Rump had put into Com-
mission (amongst a few others) for the Government of
the Army, that is to say, for the Government of the three
Nations, General Monk, already Commander in Chief
of the Army in Scotland, and who had done much greater
Things in this War, than Lambert; how durst they leave
him out of this Committee of Safety : or how could Lam-
bert think that General Monk would forgive it, and not
endeavour to fasten the Rump again : -
A. They thought not of him: his Gallantry had been
shewn on remoteStages, Ireland and Scotland. His Am-
bition had not appeared here in their Contentions for the
Government; but he had complied both with Richard and
the Rump, After General Monk had signified by Letter
his Dislike of the Proceedings of Lambert and his Fellows,
they were much surprised, and began to think him more
considerable than they had done; but it was too late.
B. Why? His Army was too small for so great an
Enterprize.
4. The General knew very well his own, and their
Forces; both what they were then, and how they might be
augmented, and what generally both the City and the Coun-
try wished-for, which was the Restitution of the King :
which to bring-about there needed no more, but to come
with his Army, (though not very great,) to London: to
the doing whereof there was no Obstacle but the Army
with Lambert. What could he do in this Case ? If he
had declared presently for the King, or for a Free-Parli-
ament, all the Armies in England would have joined
against him, and, assuming the Title of a Parliament,
would have furnished themselves with Money.
General Monk, after he had thus quarrelled, by his Letter,
with the Council of Officers, secured, first, those Officers
of his own Army, who were Anabaptists, and therefore
not to be trusted, and put others into their Places; and then,
3 T 4 drawing
General Monk dis-
approves the violent
proceedings of the
Army, and is faithful
to the Pariiament.
648
Behemoth.
General Monk
marches with his
Army to Berwick.
Lambert and his par-
tizans offer to treat
with Monk.
drawing his. Forces together, marched to Berwick.
Being there, he indicted a Convention of the Scots, of
whom he desired that they would take Order for the Se-
curity of that Nation in his Absence, and raise some Main-
tenance for his Army in their March. The Convention
promised for the Security of the Nation their best Endea-
vours, and raised him a Sum of Money, not great, but
enough for his Purpose, excusing themselves upon their
present Wants. On the other Side, the Committee of
Safety, with the greatest and best part of their Army, sent
Lambert to oppose him; but at the same time, by divers
Messages and Mediators, urged him to a Treaty ; which
he consented-to, and sent three Officers to London, to
A part of the Army
at Portsmouth re-
solves to support the
l'ailjament.
treat with as many of theirs. These six suddenly conclud-
ed, without Power from the General, upon these Articles;
That the King be excluded; a free State settled ; the
Ministry and Universities encouraged, with divers others.
Which the General liked not, and imprisoned one of his
Commissioners for exceeding his Commission. Where-
upon another Treaty was agreed-on to be managed by
five Commissioners on each side. But, whilst these
Treaties were in hand, Haslerig, a Member of the
Rump, seized on Portsmouth; and the Soldiers sent by
the Committee of Safety to reduce it, instead of doing
so, enter'd into the Town, and joined with Haslerig.
Secondly, The City renewed their Tumults for a free Par-
liament. Thirdly, the Lord Fairfax, a Member also of
the Rump, and greatly favour’d in Yorkshire, was raising
Forces there behind Lambert, who (being now between two
Armies, both of which were his Enemies,) would gladly
have fought with the General. Fourthly, there came
News that Devonshire and Cornwall were listing of
Soldiers. Lastly, Lambert's Army (wanting Money, and
sure they should not be furnished from the Council of
Officers, which had neither Authority, nor Strength, to
levy Money) grew discontented, and (for their free
Quarter) were odious to the Northern Countries.
J3. I wonder why the Scots were so ready to furnish
General Monk with Money; for they were no Friends to
the Rump? -
A. I know not; but I believe the Scots would have
- parted
ºakle
UKE, of ALB
GEORGE MONIKD
ºw ºw//-/a//
//ar
ºzº,
*
/* zºº.”

parted with a greater Sum, rather than the English should
not have gone together by the Ears amongst themselves.
The Council of Officers being now beset with so many
Enemies, produced speedily their Model of Government,
which was to have a free-Parliament, which should meet
December the 15th ; but with such Qualifications of no
King, no House of Ilords, as made the City more angry
than before. To send Soldiers into the West, to suppress
those that were rising there, they durst not, for fear of
the City; nor could they raise any other Army for want of
Money. There remained nothing but to break-up their
Meetings, and, quitting. Wallingford-house, to shift for
themselves. - -
Lambert's Army de-
serts him, and the
Parliament is restor-
ed to its authority.
December 26, 1659.
This coming to the Knowledge of their Army in the
North, they deserted Lambert; and the Rump, on the
26th of December, again took possession of the House of
Commons. - - - -
B. Seeing the Rump was now re-seated, the Business
pretended by General Monk for his marching to London
was at an end. r * .
4. The Rump, though seated, was not well-settled,
but (in the midst of so many Tumults for a free Parlia-
ment) had as much need of the General’s coming-up now,
as before. He therefore sent them Word, that, because
he thought them not yet secure enough, he would come-
up to London with his Army ; which they not only
accepted, but also intreated him to do so, and voted him
for his Services 1000l. a-Year.
The General marching towards London, the Country
every where petitioned him for a free-Parliament. The
Rump, to make Room in London for his Army, dislodged
their own. The General, for all that, had not let fall a
Word in all this Time, that could be taken for a Declara-
tion of his final Design. - .
B. How did the Rump revenge themselves on Lambert?
.A. They never troubled him: nor do I know any Cause
General Monk
marches to London
With his Army.
of so gentle Dealing with him. But certainly Lambert
was the ablest of any Officer they had, to do them Service,
when they should have means, and need, to employ him.
After the General was come to London, the Rump sent
to the City for their Part of a Tax of 100,000l. a Month,
for
65O
Behemoth,
The City of London
wishes to hºve a full
and free Parliament.
for six Months, according to an Act which the Rump had
made formerly, before their Disseizin by a Committee
of Safety. But the City, who were adverse to the Rump,
and keen upon a Free Parliament, could not be brought
to give their Money to their Enemies, and to Purposes
repugnant to their own. Hereupon the Rump sent ()rder
to the General to break-down the City-Gates and their
Port-cullices, and, and to imprison certain obstinate Ci-
tizens. This he performed, and it was the last Service he
did them. - -
About this Time the Commission, by which General
Monk, with others, had the Government of the Army
put into their hands by the Rump, (before the Usurpation
sent Rump renewed it. - -
B. He was thereby the sixth Part of the General of the
whole Forces of the Commonwealth. If I had been as
the Rump, he should have been sole General. In such
Cases as this, there cannot be a greater Vice than pinching.
Ambition should be liberal. & -
A. After the pulling-down of the City-Gates, the Ge-
neral sent a Letter to the Rump, to let them know that
that Service was much against his Nature, and to put
them in mind how well the City had served the Parliament
throughout the whole War. -
B. That was very true. For without the aid of the City
the Parliament could never have made the War, nor the
Rump ever have murdered the King.
A. The Rump considered not the Merit of the City,
nor the good Nature of the General. They were busy.
They were giving-out Commissions; making of Acts for
Abjuration of the King and his Line, and for the old En-
gagement, and conferring with the City to get Money.
The General also desired to hear Conference between
of the Council of Officers) came to expire; and the pre-
some of the Rump, and some of the secluded Members,
concerning the Justice of their Seclusion, and of the Hurt
that could follow from their Re-admission. And it was
granted. And, after long Conference, the General, finding
the Rump's Pretences unreasonable and ambitious, declared
himself, with the City, for a Free-Parliament, and came to
- Westminster
Behemoth.
651
Westminster with the secluded Members, (whom he had
appointed to meet and stay for him at Whitehall) and re-
placed them in the House amongst the Rumpers; so that
now the same Cattle that were in the House of Commons
in 1640, (except those that were dead, and those that went
from them to the late King at Oxford) are all there again.
B. But this (methinks) was no good Service to the
King, unless they had learnt better Principles.
A. They had learnt nothing. The major Part was now
again Presbyterian. 'Tis true they were so grateful to
General Monk, as to make him General of all the Forces
in the three Nations. They did well also to make void
the Engagement; but it was because those Acts were
made to the Prejudice of their Party. But they recalled
none of their own rebellious Ordinances, nor did anything
in order to the Good of the present King : but on the con-
trary they declared by a Vote, that the late King began
the War against his two Houses.
B. The two Houses considered as two Persons, were
they not two of the King's Subjects : If a King raise an
Army against his Subject, is it lawful for that Subject to
resist with Force, when (as in this case) he might have
had Peace upon his Submission ?
A. They knew they had acted vilely and sottishly ; but,
because they had always pretended to greater than ordi-
nary Wisdom and Godliness, they were loth to confess it.
The Presbyterians now saw their Time to make a Confes-
sion of their Faith, and presented it to the House of Com-
mons, to shew they had not changed their Principles,
which (after six Readings in the House) was voted to be
printed, and once a Year to be read publickly in every
Church. 1. -
B. I say again, this re-establishing of the long Parlia-
ment was no good Service to the King.
A. Have a little Patience. They were re-established
with two Conditions. One to determine their sitting
before the End of March ; another to send-out Writs be-
fore their rising for new Elections. - . .
B. That qualifies.
- 4. That
General Monk re-
stores the secluded
Members to their
seats in the Parlia-
ment. In February,
1659-60.
The Parliament, af.
ter the re-admission
of the secluded
Members, orders a
new Parliament to be
elected, to meet on
the 25th of April,
1660.
652
Behemoth. ar
The new Parliament
votes the immediate
return of the eldest
son of the late King,
to take possession of
his father's Crown.
May, 1660. .
4. That brought-in the King; for few of this Long
Parliament (the Country having felt the Smart of their
former Service) could get themselves chosen again. This
New Parliament began to sit April 25th, 1660. How
soon these called-in the King; with what Joy and Tri-
umph he was received; how earnestly his Majesty pressed
the Parliament for the Act of Oblivion, and how few
were excepted out of it, you know as well as I.
B. But I have not yet observed in the Presbyterians
any Oblivion of their former Principles. We are but re-
turned to the State we were in at the Beginning of the
Sedition. -
A. Not so : for before that Time, though the Kings
of England had the Right of the Militia in virtue of the
Sovereignty, and without Dispute, and without any par-
ticular Act of Parliament directly to that Purpose; yet
now, after this bloody Dispute, the next (which is the
present) Parliament, in proper and express Terms, hath
declared the same to be the Right of the King only, with-
out either of his Houses of Parliament; which Act is
more instructive to the People, than any Arguments
drawn from the Title of Sovereign, and consequently
fitter to disarm the Ambition of all seditious Haranguers
* for the Time to come.
B. I pray God it prove so. Howsoever, I must con-
fess, that this Parliament has done all that a Parliament
can do for the security of our Peace: which I think also
would be enough, if Preachers would take Heed of instill-
ing evil Principles into their Auditory. I have seen in this
Revolution a circular Motion of the Sovereign Power,
through two Usurpers, from the late King to this his Son:
for (leaving-out the Power of the Council of Officers,
which was but temporary, and no otherwise owned by
them, but in Trust) it moved from King Charles the First
to the Long Parliament, from thence to the Rump, from
the Rump to Oliver Cromwell, and then back again from
Richard Cromwell to the Rump, thence to the Long Par-
liament, and thence to King Charles the Second; where
long may it remain -
- .4. Amen!
Behemoth.
653
A. Amen And may he have, as often as there.shall be
need, such a General - *
B. You have told me little of the General till now in
the End ; but truly, I think, the bringing of his little
Army intirely out of Scotland, up to London, was the
est Stratagem that is extant in History.
THE END,
REMARKS
REMARKS
ON -
SOME PARTICULAR PASSAGES
IN THE
PRECEDING TRACT
OF
M R. H O B B E S,
W HICH APPEAR TO THE PRESENT EDITOR TO CONTAIN,
ERRONEOUS OPINIONS. *
REMARKS
Oft
Some Passages in the foregoing Tract
OF
MR THOMAS HOBBES, of Malmesbury,
EN ?! T R. ED
BEHEMOTH,
OR
The History of the causes of The civil wans of
ENGLAND ;
\
Which seem to be grounded on erroneous Opinions concerning
Civil Government, and the Constitution of the Monarchy
of England.
~-ºn-
As Mr. Hobbes was a man of great abili-
ties and learning, and well acquainted with
the History and Forms of Government of
many different Nations, both ancient and
modern ; and was also, as I believe, a very
honest man, and a great Lover of truth ;—
and, as he lived through the two reigns of
King James the first, and King Charles the
first, and through the Interregnum after
King Charles's death, to the Restoration of
King Charles the second, and through the
next following eighteen years ;-and, as he
was, for the most part, resident in England
during the ten years immediately preceeding
1J • the
( 668 )
the Civil War, and had conversed with seve-
ral of the most eminent persons who after-
wards were engaged in it, both on the King's
side and that of the Parliament;-I thought
he was a writer singularly fit to be consulted
and cited as a witness of the several events
and transactions in those preceeding years of
King Charles's reign, which might justly be
considered as the causes of that unhappy
Contest; and I therefore resolved to re-print
this work of his, after the several foregoing
tracts relating to the same Subject; which
were written by other respectable persons
who lived at the time of the events which
they describe, and of whom some had been
themselves concerned in producing them.
Nevertheless, as I differ very widely from
Mr. Hobbes, in my opinion of the Merits of
the two contending Parties, and consider
the King as having been the unjust Aggressor
in it, and the Parliament as having been the
chosen Leaders and Directors of a great
part of the People in defending their just
and antient rights and privileges against the
King's repeated and long-continued At-
tempts, even from the beginning of his
reign, to make himself an Absolute Monarch
over them, I think it will be proper, in order
to account for this wide difference of opi-
* , In 1 OI!
( 659 )
nion on the subject, to set-forth fully and
distinctly some of the principal opinions
adopted by Mr. Hobbes, on the subject of
Civil Government; which, if they were all
true, would afford just grounds for several,
sharp and plausible censures, which, in the
course of the foregoing tract, he passes on the
conduct of this celebrated Parliament; but
which, if they are not all true, would make
those censures appear weak and unjust. Three
of those opinions of Mr. Hobbes on the sub-
ject of Civil Government, are as follows.
His first Opinion is, That all Civil Govern-
ments are founded on the consent of the
People; who enter into them for their com-
mon benefit, in the protection of their per-
sons and property against Violence and
Fraud, and Injuries of all kinds. And for
this purpose they may make Laws, and cre-
ate Magistrates to execute them, who are
authorised to employ the whole power of
the State in preventing the People from
committing injuries against each other, and
in punishing, according to the Laws estab-
lished for that purpose, the persons who
commit them. And in these civil Societies,
so created by common consent, the whole
Power of the State may (if they so deter-
mine) be vested in one man, without any
* * * U 2 Council,
( 660 )
Council, or Assembly, of Old men, or of Rich
men, or of Deputies, or Representatives
chosen by the Inhabitants of different dis-
tricts of the Country, to controul him ; in
which case, the man, so chosen for their
Governour, would be an Absolute King, or
Monarch : or it may be vested in a select
Council of Old men, or of Rich men, or in a
Council elected from time to time by the
People, or in two such Councils; in which
case the Society would be a Republick, or
Commonwealth; or, it may be vested in one,
or in two, such Councils, together with a
higher Magistrate, whose consent should be
necessary to every new Law, or important
act of State, in order to it’s being valid, and
carried into execution; in which case the
Government would be a Miat, or Limited,
Monarchy. - -
To this first opinion of Mr. Hobbes, I
readily agree.— -
The second Opinion of Mr. Hobbes eon-
cerning Civil Government, is this ; to wit,
“That an Absolute Monarchy, or one in
which, by the general consent of the Peo-
ple, the whole Power of the State, both ex-
ecutive and Legislative, is placed in the
hands of one Man, without any controul
from any Senate, or Council, or Popular
Assembly,
( 661 )
Assembly, whatsoever, is the best form of
Government for the happiness of the whole
People, that can be adopted.”
Now to this opinion I can by no meansassent.
For it seems to me a very strange opinion
for any Englishman, (or, indeed, for any in-
habitant of any other Country, that has not
been for many centuries subjected to such a
form of Government.) and especially for a
man of so excellent and cultivated an Un-
derstanding as Mr. Hobbes was, to haveenter-
tained for a single moment. For, if it was a
true, or well-grounded, Opinion, it would fol-
low, that the Government of the Einperor of
Morocco, or that of the Roman Emperor
Nero, (who could send an order to any of
his Subjects against whom he had taken a dis-
like, to put himself to death within a certain
number of days, unless he chose to be put
to a more painful death by some Soldiers of
his Praetorian Guards, if he failed to do so;
and who did send two such orders, the one
to the famous Philosopher Seneca, who had,
some years before, been his Praeceptor; and
the other to Thrasea Paetus, one of the most vir-
tuous and esteemed citizens of Rome; both
which Orders were obeyed;) was the best and
happiest form of Government under which
men could live. If therefore Mr. Hobbes did
U 3. really
( 662 )
really think this form of Government to be
the best possible form for the happiness of
the People living under it, that can be
adopted (which he frequently declares
in the course of the foregoing tract that he
did ;) I can only say that I differ greatly
from him in my taste for Civil Governments;
and so, I believe, do most of the Inhabit-
ants of Fngland at the present day; and
so likewise did the Englishmen of his time,
in the reign of King Charles the first, as he
frequently declares and laments.
The third Opinion of Mr. Hobbes upon
this subject of civil Government is this, to
wit “That the Government of England, ever
since the Norman conquest, and even since
the Union of the seven separate Saxon
Kingdoms of England into one Monarchy,
in the reign of King Egbert, or of his grand-
son, King Alfred, has always been an Abso-
lute Monarchy; in which the Kings (though
they did, indeed, frequently assemble their
great Councils, or Parliaments, and con-
sulted them about the great measures of
State; such as making new Laws, or amend-
ing old ones, raising military Forces by
Land or Sea, and imposing new taxes on
their subjects;) yet were not bound to fol-
low their advice, but had a right to perform
. all
( 663 )
all those high acts of Government by their
dwn single authority, without the consent,
and in opposition to the advice, of the said
Assemblies.” . . .
Now this third Opinion of Mr. Hobbes
appears to me to be still more strange and
void of foundation, than his foregoing, or
second opinion “concerning the Excellence
of an Absolute Monarchy above every othel
form of Government, from its greater ten-
dency to promote the happiness of the peo-
ple who live under it.” For, in support of
that second opinion, it might be alledged
by Mr. Hobbes, and the few other persons
who might agree with him in adopting it,
“That in all sorts of Governments (whether
Absolute Monarchies, or limited Monar-
chies, or Republicks of any form,) it must
be expected, from the frailty of human ma-
ture, that some abuses of Power would
sometimes take place, by which some
persons in the Society would be unjustly
oppressed: but that the number of sufferers
from such abuses of Power would, probably,
be much smaller in an Absolute Monarchy,
than in a Limited Monarchy or a Repub-
lick; in which latter Governments those
abuses would often produce Civil Wars, at-
tended with a great slaughter of the Citizens
- U 4 OF
( 664 )
or Subjects, on both sides; as Mr. Hobbes
had seen to have been the case in the Civil
War of England.” But with respect to this
third opinion of Mr. Hobbes, which related
only to the nature of the Government ander.
which the people of England had lived du-
ring the six or seven centuries preceeding the
Civil War, that was a mere question of fact,
to which this plausible argument in favour
of Absolute Monarchy has no relation, and
which can only be determined, like other
historical facts, by the testimony of histori-
ans who lived in England, or in the neigh-
bouring countries, during those centuries,
and by the records of Parliaments, and the
Statutes, or Acts of Parliament, passed by
the Kings of England conjointly with their
Parliaments, and in consequence of the re-
quests made to them by their Parliaments,
to give their royal assent to their proposals,
for establishing new laws or Statutes, or for
the repeal, or amendment, of old ones, or for
the imposing of new Taxes on the People,
for the use of the King, and the benefit of
the Publick. And of these Statutes, or Acts
of Parliament, we have regular Records ever
since the first part of the reign of King Henry
the 3d, about the year of Christ 1240. And
many of these Statutes, to which the Kings
* f of
( & )
of England have repeatedly given their as:
sent, and, more particularly, the famous Sta-
tute called Magna Charta, or the Great Char-
ter of England, (which is said to have been
confirmed by different Kings of England
more than thirty times) are made in express
restraint of certain powers, which some of
them had, then lately, taken upon them.
selves to exercise. And yet, notwithstand-
ing all this weight of Historical and Legal.
Evidence against him, Mr. Hobbes ventures
to assert boldly “ That the Government of
England is an Absolute Monarchy.” But,how-
ever, he declares at the same time'“that almost
all the people of England, even those of the
Nobility and Gentry who took arms on the
King's side in the Civil War, as well as those
who sided with the Parliament, thought that
the Government of England was not an Abso-
lute, but a mir'd, or limited, monarchy.”
In proof of his having made this declara-
ration, I will here cite two or three passages
from his foregoing work.
In page 563, speaking of the Earl of Es.
sex (whom the Parliament made the Gene-
ral of their Army,) he has these words, “He
was not any ways addicted to Presbyterian
doctrines, or to other Famatick Tenets in
Church or State; saving only that he was
... • carried
( 666 )
carried--a way by the stream, in a manner, of
the whole nation, to think that England was
not an Absolute, but a mirt, Monarchy; not
considering that the supreme Power must
always be absolute, whether it be in the
King or in the Parliament.” . . -
So here we see, that Mr. Hobbes sets-up
his own opinion “That the Government of
England was an Absolute Monarchy,” in oppo-
sition to what he calls the Stream of the
opinion of the whole English Nation, who
held it to be “a mixt, or limited, Monarchy.”
I hope the readers of the foregoing work of
Mr. Hobbes will join with me on this occa-
sion in chusing to swim with the stream.
As to the last assertion of Mr. Hobbes,
that the supreme power must always be
absolute, whether it be in the King or in the
Parliament,” it seems to me to be a mere
identical proposition, that has no distinct
meaning; except that the two words supreme
and absolute are synonymous expressions, or
mean the same thing. The Earl of Essex
and, with him, almost the whole English
nation, thought “ that neither the King
without the Parliament, nor the Parliament
without the King, had the supreme power
over the whole nation; but that it belonged
to the King and Parliament conjointly, or
• , , , $ -
when
2-
( 667 )
when they both agreed in adopting any
proposed measure.” And that continues still
to be the general opinion of the nation.
Another passage in which Mr. Hobbes
expresses his own disapprobation of the
opinion “ that the government of England
is a miat and limited Monarchy;” but at the
same time declares that the said opinion is
very generally received in England, occurs
in page 567 in the following words:
“Those persons who gave the King coun-
sel, as to his Declarations in answer to the
Claims and Demands of the Parliament, were
averse to absolute monarchy, as also to abso-
lute democracy, or aristocracy; (all which
governments they esteemed tyranny :) and
were in love with a sort of monarchy,
which they used to praise by the name of
a mixt monarchy, though it were, indeed, no-
thing but pure anarchy.”
The persons alluded-to in this passage
were Sir Edward Hyde, (who was, after the
Restoration, made Lord Chancellor of Eng-
land and Earl of Clarendon) and the royal-
ists who adopted his political principles,
and acted under his direction. It is now
well known that Sir Edward Hyde was the
person who drew-up almost all those Decla-
rations of the king, in answer to the Claims
and Demands of the Parliament; and they
are
( 668 )
are composed with great art and ability;
though they are not satisfactory to those who
think (as I do) that the Parliament was
perfectly justifiable in the eye of truth and
reason, and upon the principles of self-de-
fence, in taking-up arms as they did, not
with a design to dethrone the King, and
change the government from a Monarchy
into a Commonwealth—but to prevent
the King from revoking and annulling
all those excellent laws for the protection of
publick liberty, which he had lately been
prevailed-upon to assent-to; which there is
great reason to believe he would have done
as soon as possible. For, if he had not
entertained such a design, he would not
have refused to reside near his parliament
at Westminster, but would have continued
to transact publick business in conjunction
with them; and, more especially, would have
been eager to take speedy and vigorous
measures for the suppression of the bloody
Popish rebellion then raging in Ireland; and
would have consented to a Bill in Par-
liament that had been proposed to him in
the preceeding month of February, 1641-42, *
for vesting the Militia of England in the
hands of diverse Noblemen and Gentlemen
of sound and good affections to publick Li-
• ' * berty
( 669 )
berty and the Protestant religion, who were
named in the Bill itself with his approbation
and suggestion, to be the Lords-Lieutenants
and Deputy-lieutenants of the Militia of the
several counties ;---which good things if
he had done, instead of retiring from his
Parliament to the North of England, and
raising a little army there, under the name
and pretence of a Guard for his person, there
would, probably, have been no civil war.
Almost all the censures passed on the
conduct of the Parliament, in the course of
the foregoing work of Mr. Hobbes, are
derived from the second and third Opinions
above mentioned as having been entertained
by him,namely, “that an Absolute Monarchy
is the best of all possible governments;” and
“that the English government in the reign
of King Charles the First, was an Absolute
Monarchy ;” which opinions are, at the pre-
sent day,almost universally throughout Eng-
land,considered as very erroneous: and there.
fore the censures derived from them must be
groundless and undeserved. But there are
many observations in this work that are
unconnected with those two opinions, and
are full of truth and useful Information.
The sentiments of the Presbyterian ministers,
the Papists, the Independents, the Anabap-
. . . . . tists
( 670 )
tists, and other Sectaries; the pretensions.
made by them to spiritual power; the nature
of heresies, and the history of them, ; are
clearly and justly described in page 458,
459,460,&c. to 466; and the Pope's claims to
power over temporal princes; the Prohibition
of marriage in priests; the Institution of
Auricular confession of sins to a priest; the
doctrine of Transubstantiation; the Institu-
tion of Orders of Preaching Friars; and the
Institution of Universities and Schools of
Disputation; (all which Institutions had a
tendency to encrease the power of the Pope,
and were made for that purpose) are set-
forth in pages 467, 468, &c. to 472: The
Suppression of the Pope's Authority in Eng-
land, in the reign of King Henry the Eighth ;
the Reformation of the church of England,
in the reign of King Edward the Sixth ;
the State of the Papists in the reigns of
Queen Elizabeth and King James the First;
are set-forth in pages 473,474, 475: And
the effects of publishing the Bible in an
English translation, so that it might be read
by all the people; which had given rise to
a number of new Sects in religion; and the
growth of the power of the Presbyterians in
England ; and the manner of preaching of
the Presbyterian ministers; are set-forth in
pages
( 671 )
pages 476, 477, &c. to 480. And, in like
manner, in all the following part of the work
after page 480, much useful and entertaining
historical matter will be found, together
with many lively and judicious remarks
upon it, except when they receive a tinge
of error from the author's unhappy predi-
lection for the government of an Absolute
Monarch. I therefore hope that this work
of Mr. Hobbes, (which, I believe, has not
been often printed, and is not very generally
known) will be thought by my readers to be
not unworthy of a place in this Collection
of Tracts, written by contemporary authors,
relating to the history of the Civil War, not-
withstanding his unfortunate attachment to
a form of government so little suited to the
general taste of Englishmen.
Francis Maseres.
Inner Temple,
- --~~ ; ,
/* - .
£, ºr : | c !, … --
~~~~ , . . . . . . .
… **f
---
THE INTEREST OF ENGLAND
st ATE D.
A FAITHFUL AND JUST ACCOUNT OF THE AIMS OF
ALL PARTIES NOW PRETENDING.
- DISTINCTLY TREATING OF THE DESIGNMENTS
OF
THE ROMAN CATHOLICK.
THE ROYALIST. -
THE PRESBYTERIAN.
THE AN ABAPTIST.
THE ARMY.
THE LATE PROTECTOR.
THE PAR LIAMENT.
With their Effects in respect of themselves, of one.
another, and of the Publick. t
cI.EARLY EVIDENCING
The unavoydable Ruine upon all from longer contest:
AND .
Offering an Expedient for the composure of the respective Differ-
ences; to the security and advantage, not only of every single
Interest, but to the bringing solid, lasting, Peace unto the Nation.
PRINTED IN THE YEAR 1659, PROBABLY ABouT THE 20th of
z * JULYo - - - . -
N. B. This Tract is thought to have been written by the Rev. Mr.
John Fell, who was afterwards the celebrated Dean of Christ.
church College, in Oxford, and likewise Bishop of Oxford, See the
Biographia Britannica, in the article John Fell.
2 x
THE
INTEREST OF ENGLAND STATED,
TO have a thorough sense of our present Sufferings,
and a certain knowledge of the inevitable ruine, which
our divisions (if not composed) will bring upon the
Publick; as it is a matter of little difficulty in its self,
so (is it) of very inconsiderable use. That which would
be more behoveful, were to find-out an Expedient, for
the alleviating the ills we now feel, and the prevention
of those we fear; both of which, having been by se-
veral means, during a long tract of time, in vain at.
tempted, the case is now by many given-over, as incu-
rable. But, upon serious Consideration, it appears, that
not the Malignity of our Disease has occasioned those
miscarriages, but the ill application of remedies has
done it. In particular, that men have not either de-
sired to know, or to remove, the distempers of the Pub-
lick, but laboured to throw-off their single and imme-
diate pressures, and, to that end, endeavoured to ad-
vance the party they adhered-to, and to beat-down all
others; whereby it came-about, that Divisions, instead
of Composure, have still grown wider; and passionate
Hates, instead of being allayed, have risen higher,
and been more exasperated. But, it being certain, that
the real good of the Nation, consists not in the private
benefit of single Men, but the advantage of the Pub-
lick; and that is made-up, not by the Welfare of any
one Party, but of all ; ’tis evident, that the only means
to procure the general good, must be commensurate
unto the whole Community; iodking upon all persons,
not as Heads, or Partisans, of any private Faction or
Interest, but as Members of the Nation; and the pre-
- 2 x 2 | tentions
676.
The Interest of
A view of the de-
signs of the different
Parties in the Na- .
tion.
tentions of single Men, or Parties, however numerous,
are only so far forth to be pursued, as they advance the
other general Interest. Which being laid-down as evi-
dent and certain truth, the next consideration will be,
what are the Interests of all the several Parties of the
Nation now on foot, and what the Publick Interest is;
that so discovery may be made how consistent the
private aims are, both among themselves, and with the
general: and also how possible it is to find-out an Expe-
dient, for the atchievement of the common good.
If we take a view of the several pretensions, carried-
on in the Nation apart, we shall find the most consi-
derable to be, the Roman-Catholick, the Royalist, the
Presbyterian, the Anabaptist, the Army, the Protecto-
rian, and that of the Parliament. * -
1. *Tis the Roman-Catholick's aim not only to ab-
rogate the Penal Laws, and become capable of all em-
ployments in the Common-wealth ; but to introduce
his Religion, to restore the Rights of the Church, and
utterly eradicate all that he esteems Heresie.
2. 'Tis the Royalist’s desire to bring-in the King as a
Conquerour, to recover their losses in the late War, be
rendered capable of civil employments, and have the for-
mer Government of the Church. * ,
3. 'Tis the Presbyterian’s desire to set-up his disci-
pline, to have the Covenant re-inforced, and only such
as take it, to be employed in Church or State; to be
indemnified in reference to what they have done, and
secured of what they possess. & * *
4. 'Tis the wish of the Baptized Churches, that there
might be no Ecclesiastical Government of any kind,
nor Ministerial function, or provision for it; and that
onely persons so minded, should be capable of employ-
ment; likewise to be indempnified for what they had
done. - . - ,
5. 'Tis the aim of the Army, to govern the Nation,
to keep themselves from being disbanded, or engaged
in war, to secure their pay, and to be indempnified for
all past action. -
6. 'Tis the desire of the Family of the late Protec-
for to establish the Heir of his House, that they may
rule
England Stated.
377
rule him, and he the Nation, and so both preserve and
advance themselves. -
7. "Tis the wish of the present Parliament, (as far
as they have one common design) to continue them-
selves in absolute power, by the specious name of a
popular Government; to new-model and divide, and,
at last, take-down, the Army ; and, finally, under the
pretence of a Committee of Parliament, or Council of
State, set-up an Oligarchy, resembling that of the thir-
ty Tyrants in Athens. *
Lastly, 'Tis the general Interest of the Nation to es-
tablish the ancient fundamental Laws, upon which
every one's propriety and liberty are built, to settle Re-
ligion, to procure a general indemnity for all actions
past, to revive their languishing and almost dead trade,
gain an alliance with our neighbour States; to put the
Government in such hands, as, besides present force,
can plead a legal title to it; into the hands of such
with whose private interest that of the publick not only
consists, but in which 'tis necessarily involved; which
likewise does least contradict the aims of particular
parties. Lastly, the hands of such, whose counsel is
fit to direct in matters of deliberation, and courage fit
to windicate the injuries of the Nation. -
Having impartially proposed the several Interests
that each Party designs to itself, we come now to con-
sider how far they are attainable; or, if attained, how
consistent with the publick benefit; next, how consis-
tent with that of all other parties respectively; and, in
fine, how productive of the real benefit of themselves.
First, as to the Roman-Catholick pretensions of re-
storing to the Pope his ancient revenue and jurisdic-
tion, and to the Church all that was alienated in Henry
the Eighth's time, ’tis no way feizable; the Perquisites
of the See of Rome, and the payments to the Pope,
being greater than our Contributions so much com-
plained-of; and the impossibility of restitution of
Church-Lands is plain from what was done in Queen
The Roman-Catho-
lick Party.
Marie's days, when the greatest zealots for that profes.
sion chose rather to throw their Beads into the fire,
than resign their conveyances of Abby-land. Then
. . . X 3 • - 3S
. 678
The Interest of
N.
B,
The Royalist Party.
as to his religion, 'tis visibly the ruine of all other par-
ties; Queen Marie’s reformation by fire and faggot,
with all the terrors of the Inquisition, being insenara-
ble attendants on it. Now, the bulk of the Nation
being possest of the usage they should have from the
Roman Catholicks if they prevailed, besides all other
Antipathies deeply radicated in the minds of far the
greatest part of the Nation: it is morally impossible
it should ever be introduced without a foreign force
of such strength as to make an absolute conquest;
which would involve the whole Nation, and the Pa-
pists themselves, in one common ruine: The sword not
distinguishing the Catholick from the Heretick; and
having onely this kindness for its friends, to send them.
speedily to Heaven, when the others were designed for
Hell “; and this the Catholicks were sensible of in the
invasion of 88, assuring the Queen of as great fidelity
as she could expect from any of her Protestant Sub-
jects. .
Secondly, the Royalist pretension of having the King
an absolute Conqueror, as it would destroy the Inte-
rests of all parties that have appeared against him or
his Father, would infringe the liberties of the English
Subjects in general, and in fine, oppress the Cavalier
himself. Besides, it is no way attainable by that party,
being inconsiderable both in number and warlike pre-
parations to the rest : yet farther, should he so prevail,
the looking-back for restitution of all damages past in
so many years, were utterly against his Interest, and
would forfeit the most absolute victory: no power
being retained by violence, however acquired thereby.
And in those terms of difficulty, the setting-up the pri-
mitive Government of the Church, at least in its full
height, against so great a multitude of eager Dissen-
ters, according to probability will not stand.
Thirdly, the Presbyterian aim of setting-up his
Discipline, has the former inconveniences, with the
addition of some others; for, besides that its rise must
be the overthrow of all other parties, which are more
The Presbyterian
Party,
* The very words of a Spanish Frier, when demanded what they would
do with the English Catholicks in 1588.
considerable
England Stated.
6.79
considerable in the Nation then themselves; that rigid
Government no ways complies with the genius of the
Nation, nor the frame of our Municipal Laws: which
the late King was well aware of, when he conceded to
the setting of it up for three years, being fully satisfied
how effectual an argument the experience of that short
time would be to perswade the Nation to endure so
galling and heavy a yoak no longer. As to the point
of Indempnity, that is secured sufficiently in the pre-
ceeding paragraph; for, if the Cavaliers, who are the
great sufferers, must have no reparations (as I am con-
fident they expect none) there is no other party else to
fear the making any ; and, as the Case now stands in
the Church, the late discouragements for learning have
left so small a store of persons fit for Ecclesiastical em-
ployments, that Livings will want Scholars of what
party soever, and be scarce supplied; and not Scholars
be destitute of Livings. - -
Fourthly, the pretensions of the Baptised Churches
have no less inconvenience attending them: as first,
importing the ruin of all other professions of religion;
the adherents to which are evidently not only the most
numerous, but infinitely the most substantial part of the
nation; then, if attained, they cannot possibly subsist,
it being a maxim in policy, that Religion is the cement
of Government, without a publick profession of which,
and the maintenance of Learning and Ministry, Athe-
ism and disorder must needs break-in. Withal, they
having no temporal Government, either in a single
person, or community, to which even themselves would
unanimously submit, they cannot incorporate into a
civil society of any kind. Lastly, the practices in
Germany by the Anabaptists there; their cruelty, and
all manner of disorder; their taking-away all property
The Baptized
Churches.
of Estates; founding it in Grace and Saintship, with the
hard treatment which the Papists in Ireland have
found, and the Presbyterian Scots in the North part of
the same kingdom, have lately received from that party,
make all other parties infinitely dissatisfied in their
acquiring any power over them. -
Fifthly, as to the Army's governing the Nation, I
shall not insist on the inconsiderableness of their num-
2 x 4 ber,
The Arnly.
The Interest of
On the 7th May,
1659. “
#. Protectorian .
arty.
* Richard Cromwell.
ber, or the intolerableness of being ruled by the sword,
&c. There needs no more be said, but that a few weeks
Since, they so plainly saw the impossibility of it, that
they were content to put the power * into the hands of
, those persons whom they had most highly disobliged
of all men, and whose interest visibly it was, (and
always will be) to pull them down; not knowing other-
wise how to dispose either of themselves, or the power
they had taken from the Protector, and the former Par-
liament; nay, they are now content to have their officers
thrown-out after an arbitrary manner, and those that
remain, forced to take commissions from their new
Masters, and old Enemies, which are to last but for a few
months, and may, possibly, be taken-away before many
days pass over. In the mean time awed with the ex-
clusion from idempnity, as also with the raising county-
troops, and new militias, which, whatever is pretended,
are designed only to check and curb them ; likewise,
their Arrears so pitifully satisfied, that they seem rather
a jeer than a payment. Ard yet they choose to submit
to all this rather than venture the confusion of assuming
the power into their own hands. -
6. The pretensions of the Protectorian Interest, are
now so low, so odious ; and, what is worse than that,
ridiculous to the nation, the several Members of the
Family having been false to one another, and their
best friends, and the late Heir * having in his person
betrayed so much folly and cowardice, (two ingredients
which would destroy any Government,) it would be
impertinent to shew that it cannot be acquired, or, if
possibly returned, could not be settled; and of the
unattainableness of their design, the old Protector
himself would be further evidence, whose successes
and repute in the world gave him advantages far before
those any of his Line can hope to have ; and yet we
see, he could never get that title he so much thirsted-
for ; and, if he had gained it, (which it is credibl
reported, he designed upon that very day he died) it is
visible to prudent men, how fatal it would have been,
even to him. But lastly, how far it would be from the
Interest of the Nation, to espouse such a quarrel, as
- - - the
England Stated.
681.
the maintenance of such a Family, with their lives and
fortunes; let them be judges, who in their addressés
solemnly promised to do so, and, within a few weeks
after, utterly deserted it. - w
7. The remnant Parliamentary Interest, is of the
nature, that rises merely by the Army’s favour, and can
stand only on its ruin, and the Nation's. Its place of
right is so thin, that a sober person would be ashamed
to own it; they being (to pass by other failances) long
ago, legally dissolved in the death of the King; after,
apparently at least, (having been) made unfree by the
seclusion of their Members; and lastly, actually dis-
solved by the late Protector; which was acknowledged
by as many Members against themselves as sat in the
The Party of the
Commonwealth-Par-
liament.
intermediate Parliaments; especially in the last, which
was called upon the old national account, and had the
authority of the Act for a triennal Parliament to ground
their convention. And now, to compleat the Tyranny
and Usurpation, this carcase * of a Parliament, dead
many years ago, being conjured-up from its ashes and
rottennesss, by the omnipotence of the Army, continues
the old seclusion still, and fills not up the vacant places;
may, so far from filling-up, that its primary aim is to
overthrow the constitution of Parliaments; and, though
* It appears by this passage that this Common-wealth-Parliament, con-
sisting of a remnant of the famous long Parliament that met at West-
minster on the 3d of November, 1640, and conducted the Civil War with
King Charles the First, was at this time, July 20, or 21, 1659, spoken-of
with great slight and contempt on account of the small number of persons
of which it was composed, after the forcible seclusion of a great majority of
its members in December, 1648, by the army, to make way for the trial
and execution of King Charles the First. And on the 11th of the month
of February, in the following year, 1659-60, upon the reconciliation of
General Monk and his army with the Mayor, Aldermen, and Common-
Council of the City of London, after having executed some severe or-
ders given him by the Parliament against their rights and privileges,
which had highly incensed them, they received the name of the Rºmg
Parliament, by which they are often called by Historians Dr. Skinner,
in his Life of General Monk, (which contains a very exact account of the
several steps taken by him to bring-about the Restoration of King Charles
the Second,) informs us of this circumstance in these words, “But, be-
fore this, the apprentices and common people, in detestation of the
Juncto, to whom they had given this night the lasting name of the Rump
Parliament, had set all the bells in the city on ringing, and kindled bon.
fires in every street, which continued till morning, and this Saturday
might, February 11, was called The Roasting of the Rump.” Chapter
xviii, Section ix. - . . . . . . . . . . . ;
it
That of the Protece
tor, Richard rom-
well. -
682
The Interest of
it pretends to popularity, dares not refer itself to the
free votes of the people. Nor may they hope to fool
the Nation with promises of not out-fitting a prefixt.
time, or with their Rotations and Fantastical Elections,
which are no way grounded on the people's choice, and,
besides, lay no foundation of Settlement, as being un-
practicable; and, what is more, when settled, may be
varied, both by their present contrivers, and by those
future persons that shall be chosen ; and lastly, by the
Army, without whose licence nothing is valid, or of
force. In short, its pretensions are far more destructive
to the Nation, than even the Protectorian are, it being.
better to submit to the last, and serve the ends, of one
Family than of twelve, or thirty, or whatever number
the Oligarchy fixes, Its subsistence depending meerly
upon this Army, whose visible Interest it is to dissolve
... them, they cannot possibly bring-about their ends; for
should they take-down this, and modell a new Army,
the Interest of that Army would be the same, though
the men were changed; and the mutual ruine of each
other must still continue necessary for the support of
either. - .*
From which premises we may conclude; that the
pretensions of no party now on foot in the Nation are
attainable : or, if attain'd, are consistent with the good
of other parties, or of the Nation; or, in fine, with their
own; and from hence likewise, one would be apt to
conclude, that the ruin of the Publick is inevitable ;
there being no door of hope left open to receive, no
method visible to unite, such distant and incompatible
ends. • * , - *
But, notwithstanding all this, ’tis not impossible,
no nor hard, to find an Expedient that shall evacuate all
these difficulties: not only establish the general con-
cernment, but (exorbitant passion only retrencht) satis-
fy the reall Interest of every party, may, single person,
in the Nation. - -
Now to the cheerful reception of such an overture,
I suppose there is no need to perswade, nor even to
admonish, that words and names, however rendered
odious, ought not to fright us from our certain Benefit
and dearest Interest. All that is demanded herº,º º
- that,
England Stated.
683
that, if, upon serious consideration, the proposal be
found reasonable, men would be so kind to themselves
as to receive it. The Assertion I doubt not to make
most plain and evident ; and therefore shall as plainſ v
pronounce it, 'Tis this, the calling-in the King, is the
certain and only means for the preservation of the King-
dome, and also of the rights and Interests of all single
persons in it. - -
To make this evident in every part, I will retain the
former Method, and take a just account of all the be-
fore-mentioned particulars, that there may be no pos-
sibility left for Fallacy or Errour. -
I begin with common national Interest. And that
this accords with it, becomes manifest; for that the
first requisite, “ the Establishing the fundamental
Laws,” necessarily brings-in the King. This likewise
affords a legal way for redressing of grievances, of
what kind soever, and a sure and full Indempnity to all
persons ; will settle Religion upon such a Basis, as shall
give satisfaction to all that are for Government in the
church; as also those that dissent therein. It being
visible, that all Englishmen are equally neer to him,
to whom they are related, not by the private names of
Faction or Opinion, but by that one common bond of
Allegiance; there being no more reason why he should
be partial in his affections to them, while they all agree
in Loyalty, (though they differ in other matters ;) than
why a Father should be fond to one Son, and discourage
another (both being equally obedient) upon pretence
of their divers hairs or complexions; though Tyrants
and Usurpers have found it necessary still to cajole and
fool some one faction, that they might make au interest
which they had not, and by any means gain a colour
and support to their usurpation. This, and this onely,
will advance Trade, which the Spanish and Danish
quarrels have almost destroyed 5–will give an alliance
with neighbour States, his Family being already en-
graffed into the principal Stems of Europe, and his fu-
ture marriage giving opportunity to make an advan-
tageous affinity to strengthen those present Interests;--
this will take-off the vast charge of Intelligence and
bribes, which have been hitherto employed meerly
- agalust
That the calling in
the absent King
would contribute
most to the peace
and settlement of the
Nation.
684
The Interest of
A favourable de-
Scription of the ab-
sent King.
against the restitution of his Family: will supersede
the necessity of those * unreasonable wars, that were
begun upon that single account, (1 need not instance in
particulars to make myself understood.) 'Twill cut-
off the charge of the Appendages of this crown, the
Scottish arid Irish Nations; which are now from hence
become a burthen; besides a ground of Everlasting
Jealousie and danger. Yet further; the Government
being put into the King’s hands, 'twill be established
not onely by that power which is committed to him;
but by the more sure exactors of obedience; affection
and duty. He being an hereditary Prince, his private
interest must be the same with that of the Nation;
which too will not be limited by the present age, but
reach posterity. This likewise very well consists with
the Interest of all private parties, as anon shall be par-
ticularly made manifest. Moreover, the Government
will be put into the hands of a person so fit for employ-
ment as no one living the like: his education through
all hardships of fortune, his conyerse abroad in the
Courts of the most considerable of his neighbour
Princes; his managery of business in his own person;
his engagements in warlike hazards; with others like-
wise of all kinds; his age perfectly mature ; his under-
standing sharp to apprehend ; and resolution steady to
pursue; joined with an infinite sweetness of temper ;
concurring to make up so perfect a sufficiency for Em-
pire, that the most wanton wishes of men cannot fancy
anything, that he will not either make good, or out-do.
But farther, to manifest the restoring of his family to
be the onely means of settling the Nation, I add this
evident proof; “That we have made trial of all other
forms of Government, and of his in another Line, all in
vain:” First, of an Aristocracy, while the House of
* This seems to allude to the bloody naval war with the Commonwealth
of Holland, in the year 1652, which took its rise from the murder of Dr.
Dorislaus, the Envoy of the Commonwealth of England, to the Common-
wealth of Holland, by some English Cavaliers, or Royalists, in revenge for
the publick exccution of King Charles I. by the Authority of a part of the
English Parliament. The marriage of the Prince of Orange (who was
Stadtholder of Holland) with the Princess Mary, eldest daughter of King.
Charles I., had given rise to a Party in Holland, who adopted the senti-
ments of the English Cavaliers, or Royalists, * *
•, . . . . . . . . Peers
England Stated. -
685
Peers survived ; then of a Democracy, in the House of
Commons by itself; After, of a Monarchy, in the old
Protector and his Son; and now of an Oligarchy, in
the present Usurpers at Westminster; so that there is
nothing now left us, but either Anarchy or his Restitu-
tion. Besides this, “that the ancient regal Govern-
ment is the desire of the whole body of the Nation,”
becomes plain from hence, that all late Parliaments,
however unequally chosen, have (or were suspected
to have) designed the restoration of it; and that this
is the present sense of almost every man, is so notorious,
that the late Petition” of July 6, address'd by the men
of Westminster to themselves, and for which they give
themselves solemn thanks, knows not how to dissemble
it, but confesses in plain terms, That the Interest of the
late King's Son, is cryed-up and promoted daily, upon
pretence that there will be nothing but confusion and
tyranny until he come to govern : and that such as declare
for a Common-wealth are for. JAnarchy and Confusion,
and can never agree among themselves what they would
have. ” - -
I shall not farther inlarge upon this head, but pro-
ceed to what remains before me; to justifie the Neces-
sity of bringing-in the King, in reference to the private
concerns of every party in the Nation; and
1. *Tis the Interest of the Roman-Catholicks ; for
by that means the heavy payments now on their Estates,
with other burthens, will be taken-off; and, as to the
pressures of Penal Laws, they cannot but remember
how far from grievous they were in the late King's
time, the Catholicks living here, notwithstanding them,
in a more flourishing condition than those of France,
Italy, or Spain did, under their respective Princes ;
and would do infinitely more under their natural King,
than if any foreigner should acquire the power by
conquest. Besides, they, generally having adhered
It is the general de-
aire of the Nation
that the King should
be restored. |
Of the Benefits that
would arise to the
several Parties in the
Nation from the Re-
storation of the
King, -
to the late King in his Wars, have no reason to distrust
the finding favourable treatment from his Son, and a
due share of that indulgence which he is ready to
afford to even his greatest Enemies.
2. The Royalist and English Protestant, besides that
his principies oblige him “ cheerfully to pay his obedi-
* That themselves penned that Petition, was at first easily conjectured,
but is now certainly known.
{2i}C62
686
The fnterest of
A recommendation
of Mr. Prynne's late
Political writings.
ence where it is due, and to look no further,” is likewise
by his Interest concerned to be content with such a
restitution of the King as allows no private reparations
for past sufferings: they thereby acquiring full pose
session of what remains; and the settlement of the Na-
tion would make the smallest estate more advantageous
than the greatest would be, if acquired by violence :
which unavoidably would defeat all terms of union,
and involve the Nation in new Wars: So likewise, if
the necessary parts of their way of Worship be secured,
(which no party would envy them, being in a manner
gratified as much themselves) circumstantials, or other
things, would be easily settled by a fair and amicable
treaty. t
3. It is the Presbyterian’s interest this: as being his
only way to preserve himself from ruine at the hands
of those ſesser parties that have grown-up under him ;
who, utterly oppose all Government in the church, the
being and the supports of the Ministerial function, and
the encouragement of the Party in the State. The spe-
culative differences and contests with the Episcopal Di-
vines, are, in the opinion of moderate men of either
judgement, easily atoned : And this complyance, as
the most necessary, so will it be the most honourable
act to them imaginable; silencing all those vehement
suspicions, and hard censures, that now pass uncon-
troll’d ; and justifying those pretensions of Loyalty to
the King, which were written in their Banners, and so-
lemnly covenanted-for in the beginning of the War;
Besides, it is, upon the matter, what was desired at
Uxbridge, and agreed-upon at the Isle of Wight. But,
if any of the party be unsatisfied herein, let him con-
sult the late very memorable Writings of Mr. Prynne,
which many have thought fit to deride, but no body
seriously to confute; and he shall find what will
abundantly convince him. . .
4. As to the Interest of the Baptized Churches;
their pretensions of throwing-down all other parties,
being not feizable ; ’tis their concern to acquiesce in the
most moderate Church-government ; which is certainly
the Episcopal, confest to be such, (even as exercised
heretofore,) by all parties in their disputes and differ-
€D CGS
England Stated.
687
«.
ences with each other ; and yet is fairly capable of
such farther allays, as shall appear to be for the peace
of the Church and Nation. Besides, it being a funda-
mental principle with them of the Independent way, to
admit liberty of Conscience; they have no reason to be
angry if persons of different Judgements proceed ac-
cording to their principles: And, this being indulged to
them, with the assurance of enjoying their temporal pos-
sessions, there is nothing imaginable, which with reason
they can desire more. Their very Satisfaction of ta-
king-down Tythes, being so far from yielding them any
real advantage, that 'tis most visible, that all it will do
must be this, “to translate these payments from the cler-
gy to State-farmers.” And by that time they have tasted
the difference between the precarious collections, and .
allmost begging, of a Minister, and the cruel exactions
and gripes of a Publican’s iron hands; I dare promise
for them, that they will heartily unwish all their unrea-
sonable and ill-grounded desires in that behalf.
5. It is the Interest oi the Army to call-in the King.
For, first, to be under a single person, is so palpably
their concern, that there is scarce a common Soldier
among them, who is not sensible of it; and, if so, then evi-
dently, it is better to be under him than any other ; for
thereby they cut-off the necessity of perpetual Wars,
and so the hazarding of all their acquisitions; thereby
they assure themselves, from those dangers of being
taken-down, stopt in pay, and defeated of Arrears; He
being the only person that can (with a free Parliament)
raise contributions and Taxes in a legal manner, and
io the satisfaction of the Nation. And [he is also]
the only one that can trust them as a standing body ;
which usurpers never must do, as is manifest by the
treatment the Army has hitherto had under their seve-
ral Masters. For, to pass-by their present usage, be-
fore decypher’d by me; the old Protector made them
Stales and properties, not only (to assist his Tyranny,)
employing them against the Enemies of his particular,
and not the Nation’s, Interest: But he did it also to
ease himself of such of them as had more honesty, wit,
or courage, than he thought fit for his purposes.
Hence they were cast upon the Irish, Scottish, Flanders,
– French,
Hardships imposed
upon the Army by
Oliver Cromwell,
arising from his jea-
lousy and fear of
them,
688,
The Interest of *
French, and Jamaica, Services, turned on Ship-board in
the Fleets, garbled, discarded, or removed from place to
place, seldom trusted long under the same Officers, nor
suffered to communicate counsels, or meet at a general
Rendezvous When, on the other side, a Prince that
has a just title to support him, has no ground of such
suspicions, but, reposing himself on the loyalty of his
people, will honourably, and with affection, treat all
that in any employment serve him. And, as to the per-
son of the King, he has a natural and particular respect
for this Army: however they have deserved of him :
admiring their valour and discipline, even when em-
ployed against him. I will give but one instance, which,
though it may seem slight, is not so as to the point in
hand. 'Tis this ; In the late Flanders service, upon
the occasional mention of the Armie's behaviour, in the
engagements with the Spanish forces near Dunkirk, the
taking of the towns, and some other services of lesser.
moment, he was observed still to give such an affecti-
onate testimony to the English Gallantry, as was no
way pleasing to the lessel noble hearers, who liked
to have nothing besides themselves commended.
Thus did he frequently contend for their honour, that
fought against his honour and life to boot ; and was
their champion who were his enemies. And, indeed,
it would be infinitely strange, that they, who so pro-
digally spent their blood by Sea and Land, to establish
an ungrateful Monster, whose recompence for the
greatest merits, was only the exposing them to new and
greater dangers;—whose certainest pay was suspicion,
affront, and injury ; and who, afterwards, submitted
to his Son, a person of no worth or credit, (of whom this
comparative commendation can only be given, that he
is not so very a brute as his brother,) and, (to close all)
who restored to Power the long-forgotten dregs of a cast-
off Parliament,should envy to themselves,the honour and .
advantage of being commanded by aPrince, of known in-
tegrity and virtue; a Prince that loves them, even in des-
pight of all their injuries; and, (which is the highest en-
dearment among Soldiers) a Prince of eminent personal
valour, which several of themselves are wituesses of,
- especially
England Stated.
689
especially at Worcester and Mardike, and, if they
pleased, might be in more and fairer instances. Lastly,
a Prince, who is the only visible Expedient upon earth,
to render at once, both them and their posterity, and the
whole Nation, happy. Were this directed to the French
or Spanish infantry, (those venal souls that understand
nothing besides pay and plunder;) these arguments
from reason, national interest and honour, would possi-
bly be lost; but to the English Army, (that still has
owned a publick spirit, where every common man
knows how to direct as well as to obey, and to judge
no less than to execute,) to have proposed the truth,
must be enough: nor will they fail to fix their thoughts
upon it, or steer themselves as prudence shall instruct.
Lastly, as to the Interest of the Protector's party, and
the Parliament, they are concerned to call-in the King.
For, it being impossible for them to make good their
aims, it must be wisdome to secure themselves and their
estates, and take part in that Oblivion and Amnesty,
which he is ready to give, as also in those rewards,
which, whoever serve him in any kind, (especially in
being instrumental to his restitution) will be sure to
have. **
Now to all this I can foresee but one material objec-
tion; which is, that the several forementioned parties
cannot be secured, that the admission of the King will
not be insidious and ensnaring to them ; and that,
whatever engagements he now makes, when he shall
come to power, he will, in likelihood, rescind and cancel.
To which I briefly answer, that this is no real objec-
tion at all : for somebody or other must be trusted still,
there being no living in the world without mutual
confidence; and whoever is invested with power, may
act injuriously, in despight of any foresight. Besides,
amongst all these parties, where each is exasperated
against the other, there will be the same, or greater,
cause of jealousy, if any of them were suffered to pre-
vail. And it would be worth the thinking-of, whether
it were not a manifest judgement of God upon us, that
broke the treaty with the late King, upon suggestions,
that it was not safe to trust him, and chose to rely upon
2 Y * the
Of the doubts enter-
tained by some per-
Sons concerning the
faithful performance
of any conditions to
which the absent
King should give his
Consent, in order to
his restoration.
690
The Interest of
N. B.
Of the Perfidy and
Hypocrisy of the late
Protector, Oliver
Cromwell.
the faith of one of our fellow-subjects; that he should
prove the most perfidious person in the world, to ali
that trusted him; to the Parliament, the Army, the
Nation, and even his private friends and allies; inso-
much, that no history of any age or people, can yield
a parallel to him for falseness, perjury, hypocrisy, and
breach of faith; and,if this look like a judgement, it will
There are just *
grounds for thinking
that the King will
faithfully observe
such conditions.
then be worth the weighing, whether it becomes us to
go-on in our unfortunate, infidel, practice still In
cases of this kind, there are but two ways of assurance ;
I mean so perfectly uncontroulable as to be valid, if
either of them both be present. The one is the honesty.
of the person that engages; the other is his Interest; and
here, not one of these alone is present, but both concur :
which certainly must make-up a scourity [that will be]
beyond all doubt or question. As to the Honesty of the
King, no malice has the impudence to blast it; his
Moderation, Sobriety, and Justice, being as well known
as his misfortunes are. Next, as to Interest, it visibly
concerns him to be punctual in his engagements; First,
Of the wise and up-
right conduct of
king Henry the 4th
of France towards
the Party that had
opposed his acces-
ion to the crown.
to offer pardon to all that stand in need of it, and then
most faithfully to make it good in each particular; loss
of credit infallibly breaking the merchant and private
dealer, but ruining more irreparably, the publick, na-
tional, one ; when, on the other side, precise, exact,
performance strangely supports both one and the other.
Of the benefit hereof, I shall give an eminent instance
of late memory in his own family, and therefore of
which we cannot suppose him to be ignorant. It is his
Grandfather, King Henry the Fourth, of France, who,
after long wars, coming to his right, besides his relief
from Queen Elizabeth, by no other human aid, but the
relenting and late wisdom of his own people ; and being
forced to make a peace, by many particular treaties,
still was exact in keeping them ; and received into his
entire favour and solid friendship, all those who had
fought against him; and governed his most important
affairs, both civil and military, by the counsel and
conduct of his sometimes enemies; such as were, not
only the Duke of Nevers, Villeroy, and President
Jeannin, but even the Head of tile League, the Duke
- - - - - - of
England Stated.
[691.
of Maine himself, to whom he committed the conduct
of all the force of France, (though then personally
present) when the Prince of Parma came to relieve
Amiens; and after, to make good his own promise of
Indemnity, protected him, when he was questioned for the
murther of Henry the Third, by interposing his own
supreme power, when the chambers of Parliament
were ready to condemn him; though thereby he was
sure to undergo the imputation of rescuing so great a
malefactor, against the clamours of the people, the
regular process of the law, the passionate demands of a
disconsolate Widow. Queen, and his own particular
nearnesses of the highest mark, his relation to him
both in Blood and in Succession. Yet, by doing this,
he not only settled himself upon the throne, but attained
that greatness which no other Method of proceeding
upon that occasion could have contrived for him. And,
“why we should think that the King would not be
resolved to consult as well for himself, as his Grand.
father did for himself,” I suppose it will puzzle the
wisest patrons of Distrust, to give the least pretence, or
shew of reason; as also it would do to shew, why we
should not take pattern by that part of the Story which
as nearly concerns us. For, they being then exactly in
the same case that we are in now, crumbled into as many
divisions and subdivisions, as so great variety of Inte-
rest and Religion in that long Civil war could make;
bearing an inveterate, mortal, hatred to each other, and
almost all of them to the King ;---yet, seeing the ruin
approaching both from themselves and from strangers,
the whole French Nation did submit to its Prince again,
at whose throat their swords had so often pointed, and
whom they had for so many years devoted to Hell
as well as to death, under the title of Heretick and
Apostate. And, by acting with this ...oderation and
prudence, they became suddenly the most flourishing
and the most potent people of Europe. But, besides
this, the King has yet a farther motive to offer
Grace to all that will accept it, and reiigiously to
make it good, that is peculiar to himself, and of propor-
tionate value with him; namely, the command and strict
injunction of his dying Father, whose memory he too
much esteems, not to fulfill that legacy and last bequest of
his, were there no other notive to persuade him to it. His
K3 vy Q º . . .
fº/ Y fº S C ; l, s,
692
The Interest of
scrupulousness in this particular is known to be such,
as to become a charge against him, and that with more
than ordinary vehemence, from the Hot-spurs of the
two extreme parties which he has had occasion to deal-
with, the Catholick and the Presbyterian. Theinjunction.
I mean is notorious to every person, making-up a great
part of the Missive directed to the now present King,
under the style of Prince of Wales; I cannot forbear to
insert a few lines, as they fell from the pen. of the in-
comparable Author. They run thus . . . . .
I have offered Acts of Indempnity and Oblivion in so
great a latitude as may include all that can but suspect
themselves to be any way obnoxious to the Laws, and
which might serve to exclude all future jealousies and in-
securities. •. - - - -
I would have you always propense to the same way:
whenever it shall be desired and accepted, let it be granted, .
not onely as an act of State-policy and necessity, but of
Christian charity and choice. * > -
It is all I have now left me, a power to forgive those
that have deprived me of all ; and I thank God I have a
heart to do it, and joy as much in this grace which God
has given me, as in all my former enjoymemts ; for this
is a greater argument of God’s love to ºne, than any
prosperity can be. - - -
Be confident, as I am, that the most (of all sides) who
have done amiss, have done 30, not eut of malice, but mis-
information, or misapprehension of things. -
None will be more loyal and faithful to me and you,
than those Subjects, sensible of their errors and our inju.
ries, will feel in their own Souls most vehement motives to
repentance, and earnest desires to make some reparations
for their former defects *. *
But if all this be not enough to supersede suspicion
and doubt, let me yet add a farther testimony. The
King admits at this day to his bosome and nearest trust,
several persons, that have been engaged against his
father, and some of them in actions most fatal to his
affairs; an infallible assurance, that it is only the fault
of the rest, that they are not there too. More than
this, concerning a future performance, to assure it, can
* The King's Book, Sect. 27.
nof
England Stated. 693
, not be said or done, except it should please God to
work Miracles.; which, I hope, nobody does now
expect. . . . .
The short of all is : Without trusting some one or
other, the Nation is certainly destroyed : and no person
in the world, besides the King, is in a capacity to avert
the impending ruin, or can give the like security of .
himself, as he can do. I will not now prescribe unto
the reader’s understanding, in dictating an inference ;
but, from the Premises, desire him at his leisure to draw.
out the conclusion. ,
Having thus without Passion, partiality, or preju-
dice, end eavoured clearly to lay-down the exact case of
the Nation, both in respect of its disease and its cure;
'twill be superfluous to add perswasives: for men do
not use to be importuned to leave their forment or
disease,or want rhetorical inducements to do so, after the
pleadings of Interest and Pi oft. I forbear therefore
to address myself unto Affection, and to beg that
thing, which it visibly concerns them that are courted,
to make the subject of their importunate request and suit :
Nor will I enlarge upon the motives yet untoucht, drawn
from Religion, and the respects of Protestations, Cove-
nants, and Oaths; as also native. Allegiance; or (what
is infinitely considerable,) motives taken from the state
of publick affairs abroad; our neighbour Nations being
now at peace among themselves, and looking-out for
foreign war, thereby to employ their useless forces;
pretence, and colour, and desire too, for the undertak-
ing of which, we have given to every one about us, in
our late attempts” on them; and [our present unsettled
state] likewise yields [them] assurance, that they shall
succeed by our disagreement here among ourselves.
Let all this be seriously weigh’d : I am factor for no
Interest or Party, nor seek the thanks, or favour, of
any person, but rather expect the fate of Reconcilers,
“ to displease every body.” But let that succeed as it
shall happen; the injury that I have done cannot cer-
* The naval war against the Dutch in the year 1652, and Oliver Crom-
well's war with Spain in the year 1657. - º
2 Y 3 - tainly
694
The Interest of England Stated.
tainly be esteemed great; all that is said, amounting
but to this very reasonable desire, “that my fellow-
subjects will remember these two plain truths, first,
“ that they are Englishmen,” and so consider the good
of the Nation; and then, “ that they are men,” and so
pursue their own.
T H E
THE
MYSTERY AND MET H OD
OF HIS
MAJESTY's HAPPY RESTAURATION,
LAID OPEN TO
PUBLICK VIEW.
BY JOHN PRICE, D.D.
One of the late Duke of Albemarle's Chaplains, who was Privy to all the Secret
Passages and Particularities of that Glorious Revolution.
*
LONDON :
Printed for James Valle, at the Cock and Sugar-Loaf, near Sł.
Dunstan’s Church, in Flaet Street, 1680.
[ 697 |
To the Right Honourable John Earl of Bath; Viscount Green-
vile of Lansdown; Baron Greenvile of Biddiford and Kelk-
hampton, Knight; Groom of the Stole; First Gentleman of
the Bedchamber; Lord Lieutenant of the Counties of Devon
and Cornwall, and one of the Lords of his Majesty's Most
Honourable Privy Council, &c.,
MY Loran,
WHAT I have here presented to your Lordship’s view, I
did once design to have transmitted to posterity, in a large
draught, and in a freer style, and to have reserved it as my last
testament, to the care of my executor, in confidence that it would
then have entertainment with such as should not be tempted, by
impulses of Prejudice, Interest, or Malevolence, to asperse the ge-
nerous and successful attempts of General Monk, towards the
restoring of our present Sovereign, whom God preserve long
among us! But, finding that, of late, his Loyalty to his Prince
hath been daily more and more questioned and traduced, and
his Conduct abated; nay, and that myself have been charged to
my face with the rude imputation of forgery, upon my under-
taking, occasionally, in private discourses, to vindicate and
assert his Integrity and Sincerity; (knowing, so well as I did,
upon what grounds he first engaged): And this too by such per-
sons generally, as, of all men in the world, had the least reason
to do its; I am forced to alter my first resolution, as not being
able to answer it to the sacred ashes of my deceased Lord and
Patron, the with-holding of these papers (how rude and imper-
fect soever) any longer from the publick. It might possibly be
one grain in the scale also ; the consideration that there are none
(that I know of) now living (but your Lordship and your ser-
want of this Memorial) that were privy to the motives of the
General's
[ 698. I
General's first engagement, when Sir George Booth was at the
head of some confederates in Cheshire. . . . . . .
. Now, though true it be that that Combination took not effect,
(and indeed it was well for the General, nay and possibly for
the Kingdom too, that it did not); yet from the time of Lam-
bert’s turning out of doors his Masters at Westminster, I do
avouch that my Lord did, all along, with a direct eye, aim at
the King's Restauration. Neither is it improbable but that this
second attempt would have miscarried likewise, had not the
conduct of it been in the hand of a superior Providence: For,
upon the General’s open protesting in Scotland against the Eng-
lish Army for disturbing the IRump; the Cavalier and Pres-
byterian (the then two royal) Parties became Rampant in their
hopes; though neither of them altogether forgetting their old
animosities. Wherefore the more discerning Independents,
fearing an approaching ruin (adjudging it prudent to make ad-
vantage of these heart-burnings), began to make fresh court to
the Presbyterian ; he being of a nearer alliance, as having fought
under the same colours and pay with themselves, against the late
King. These two great Parties comprehended, in a manner, the
body of the English and Scottish subjects; though both of them
were overawed and kept-under by the then domineering faction
of the Sectaries. The former of these had been in the field for
Charles the First against his two Houses of Parliament: whom
he (by a law of his own making) having permitted to continue
there as such, whether for him or against him : it was soon
found by woful experience that he had lost his Crown before a
stroke was struck. -
The Cavaliers (who were of the Nobility and Gentry of Eng-
land, and of whom your Lordship was one) came-in freely, and
generously adhered to the King, as their Sovereign. And yet
(which is dolorous to remember) he lost his life by a mockery
of justice. This was a piece of villainy not to he paralleled in any
history: and Bishop Andrews has delivered as much in his notes
upon the sixth commandment, cap. 2, in these words. “Yet
... < never any people in the world,” says he, “pretended by
** any colour of legal proceedings, or shew of mock-justice, to
& 6% touch
.*
[ . 699 |
“touch the life of a Prince,” &c. Neither possibly could this
have entered his fancy, had not the fresh death of Mary, Queen
of Scots, and the monumental lines of a prophetical poet (to be
found in Archbishop Spotwood’s history) suggested the conse-
quences to his thoughts thus: that since one Sovereign Prince
had executed another, equal to herselfin regalities; the case might
be, when a People would do the like to their Prince. Now the
Cavaliers had not only lost their estates, by the fortune of war;
but even their hopes also of ever being in a condition to appear
again, by themselves, for the recovery of their own losses, or the
Crown of England, which fell with their master’s head.
My charity induces me to believe that the soberer part of the
Presbyterians had been decoyed into a war, with the inscription
of Loyalty upon their arms, and under the plausible pretence
of fighting for King and Parliament. But however, they lived
to repent of the felicities of them; for, having acted their parts
too far, they were forced to yield to more subtle Engineers of
State, who had a further game to play 3 bishops lands not being
booty enough for so many sharers. Thus themselves suffered
as well as acted a Reformation, and so went off the stage.
Now, though their name was not so offensive to the then Par-
liament and Army, as was that of the Cavalier; yet they still
kept an eye equaily wakeful over them both ; especially now,
upon their finding that they were, neither of them, capable of
concealing their inward satisfaction at General Monk’s remon-
strating against the Army in England. And, indeed, their
hopes upon this occasion were so luxuriant, that some of them
durst pray for his success, and others not only drink his health but
the King’s too; and that publickly. Nay, he had not marched
many days from his cold quarters on the north of Tweed (his
march being without orders too), before the sound of bells that
welcomed us into England, had filled the ears even of his very
officers with the noise of jealousies and apprehensions, touching
the end of his making this longjourney. And, though they had
learned the duty of soldiers not to mutiny, no nor so much as
to expostulate with him; yet it was evident that several of them
seemed that there was more in the action, than did openly
appear. -
But,
[ 700
But, though the General was able to deal well enough with
these, yet he could not overcome those of his masters at West-
minster, who did not well relish this hasty march even of their
Restorer. Yet they could not in gratitude refuse him and his
army the liberty of a visit: and besides, should they by express
orders remand him back to his Scottish quarters, they could
not be assured of security at home for the future, because the
English army, being but newly returned to their duty, did not
appear to be fast and well-confirmed; they fearing that Amhi-
tion, in their officers, was rather laid-asleep than extinguished.
And indeed they did not so much as suspect General Monk
to be guilty; of this ; his deportment in their service being
so modest, that none of them ever thought he aimed at the
Government, whatsoever other jealousies might be buzzed
in their ears touching Charles Stuart. And this, truly, was the
greatest advantage he had of them. Besides, his natural Taci-
turnity was such, that most of his friends (who thought they
knew him thoroughly) looked upon George Monk to have no
other craft in him, than that of a plain soldier, who would obey
the Parliament’s orders, as well as see that his own were obeyed.
So that, had not the more subtle smell-plots of the Council of
State (Scot, their Secretary, among the rest) divined something
of Mr. Nicholas Monk’s journey into Scotland the summer be-
fore ; the General’s march into England without, or, rather,
against, orders, had been little suspected. But their distrusts
of him more and more encreased, the nearer he approached
towards them.
And this he soon discovered, and was fully satisfied-in upon
his coming to Whitehall. For then his authority was lessened
by the presence of a Co-general, the impatient Hazelrig , who
had much the advantage of him, as being a member of the same
Parliament, and able to vie with him in point of merit; he
having been their Restorer in the South at Portsmouth, as the
other was in the North at Coldstream. Nor was Monk himself
without his suspicions that he should not only lose his limb of
the Generalship, but be questioned for a delinquent, rather than
honoured as a Restorer. So that, having no counsel left him
but sudden action; what he was to do, he did quickly, and
made the change as swift as Comedians do their's. For, in one
Week’s
C 701
week's time, he courted the Parliament and Council of State
not with words only, but with deeds, and such too as must
render him wholly their own; he unhinged all the gates of the
city of London, brake some of them, pulled-up their posts and
chains, and defeated all popular expectations of him to such a
degree, that I have heard him reviled in the streets, (himself but
hard-by too) to this effect. Is this that Monk that would bring-
in the King * This is the Scottish Devil. What more mischief
thence P But Sir Arthur Hazelrig (on the other side) sang his
Paeans: Now, George, (said he] we have thee for ever, body
and soul. N ay, our little Scottish army itself was astonished,
and the officers, in doing this drudgery, spake merry discontents
when they took-up the posts and chains. These are the chains
and medals (said they) that the Parliament promised us at Cold-
stream. Many of them would not act in this tragi-comedy,
but offered to lay-down their commissions, which the General
would not suffer them to do; but reprehended them in this
style. What * will you not obey the Parliament’s orders *
Insinuating, as if this odious action had been unavoidably
forced upon him ; and indeed, by the frowns and clouds in his
face they easily perceived whereabout he was, and readily took
the hint to cabal into new counsels against such task-mas-
ters. This now he accepted; for upon his return out of the
city, a letter was framed in the night, and sent the next morning
from Whitehall to the Parliament; and then he immediately
marched his army into the city, where he continued till he had
let-in the secluded members of 1648. Thus did he free himself
from the danger that threatened him for his former loyalty in
August before; compleat his own safety, and the first step to
the King's restauration, all at a blow.
Although by premising these things, (my Lord) I have (de-
signedly too) violated the laws of method, yet I have not forgot
that I am in a dedicatory preface; and that my business is to
implore your Lordship's patronage. ** -
Now so conscious am I of your Lordship’s candour and good-
ness, that this humble request will (I persuade myself) without
much difficulty, be granted. For your Lordship may possibly
still remember, that, upon the first introducing of Mr.
Nicholas Monk and myself into the King’s presence, you
Were
[ 702 | f
were pleased to assert his zeal and readiness to serve his
Majesty, and in what instances he had done it : particularly
mentioning his journey to Scotland (and his negociation with
his brother there) as being undertaken upon your express
commands : for he was then the parson of your own parish of
Kelkampton in Cornwall, which is a living of about 300l. per
annum; and this you had freely bestowed on him without any
other simony than an obligation from him to serve the Publick
whenever you had occasion to make use of him; you having,
even then, an eye upon his brother in Scotland, whom your
family had obliged likewise. Now, Mr. Monk (who had not
learned the artifice to dissemble the merits of mean men, (it
being the first hour too of his coming to court) was so just to
me, as to inform the King in your Lordship’s presence, that he
imparted his message, and communicated the concerns of so
important an affair to me, (his brother’s domestick Chaplain)at
Dalkeith; and that he found that I entertained it willingly,
and was careful and faithful in it; with sundry other eulogies,
which the honest, plain-hearted, man, thought fit to give of me
to his Majesty. To this relation the King gave such credit,
that, after he had vouchsafed me the honour to kiss his band,
he was so pleased to tell me, that by this he well understood
the service I had done him ; and commanded me to make my
application to him, as often as I desired his favour, or any pre-
fermeut. And I soon after acquainted the General with these
gracious expressions of the King's. -
But, though your Lordship may have forgotten this, yet (I
am sure) you can never forget how far, and to what end, you
were engaged, when you sent Mr. Nicholas Monk into Scotland
to his brother. And yet what has been already published as to
this particular, has not met-with an universal credence; for
many politick, and some spightful, infidels there are, who will
needs look upon General Monk’s design to restore the King as
a Postnate-Juggle, framed on purpose to salve his honour, and
not to serve the ends of truth; reflecting upon it as not fit to be
received into the annals of history ; as a prosperous chance, as
a deodand, not designed to enrich this or that particular coast,
but only, by the winds and waves, driven thither,
Let
| 703 |
Let God have the glory ; for the gift was only his. But, it
the wrath of man shall praise him, the loyalty of man shall both
praise and please him. And loyal he was, even above the
temptation of Sovereignty itself, as did afterwards fully ap-
pear. Nay, and so glorious was the atchievement also, that
there was more in it than the single restoration of Charles the
Second, even the recovery of lost monarchy to the Royal Family
itself, to whom the diadem of right belonged, though at that
time it was left a prey to usurpers, as they could play their game.
He loved his Prince, and he loved his Country ; and, as a true
Englishman, judged them to have one and the same Interest.
And thus his actions justified his declarations, which were, “to
reduce the military power in obedience to the civil;” the soldiers
of England having, then, erected a distinct Interest from the
people of it. Nor was it an easy matter to have reduced them,
had not the army, by his inost excellent conduct, (I will rather
say, by a Divine) been divided, and set at odds.
It now only remains (my Lord) that I deliver this Memorial
to posterity under your patronage ; in which I purpose not to
touch upon things known and allowed, any otherwise than
barely for method’s sake; the stress of the controversy not de-
pending upon them, but upon General Monk’s designed loyalty
to restore our Sovereign, and our Laws, to us. Now, because he
was short-sighted, and could not discern objects at a distance,
it has been suggested to me (more sarcastically than wittily) as
if that imperfection had reached his Understanding also, and
that he could not see so far, as to the restoring of the King.
Let others (who are as tender of the honour of the late Duke
of Albemarle as I am, (and ought to be) contribute to the vin-
dicating of his memory from this calumny, in what proportion,
and with what solemnity of attestation they please, to gain
credit. As for myself, being of an inferior rank, I do foresee
that what I shall deliver will not, by a great many, easily be be-
lieved ; yea, I am, before-hand, threatened that it shall not.
Whether it be upon the score of my fidelity and secrecy in that
great affair, or of the prosperous close and issue of it in my de-
ceased Lord, I shall not trouble myself to determine, against
Spite and Prejudice; but, contenting myself with the answer of
y
Cy
a good
[ 704 I
a good conscience, that I have not forged things. either to
greaten his honour and loyalty, or to lessen it, by relating SOIſle
few passages to which I was pirvy, or in which I acted; (envy.
having pursued even a Fly upon this fortunate wheel of Revo-
lution, though not making the noise of a qualem or quantum
pulverem), I shall presume to pray your Lordship's protection
of the ensuing Narrative, and of the unworthy author of it,
\ f
My Lord,
Your Lordship's obliged
And devoted Servant,
JOHN PRICE.
who is,
"r HE
MystERY AND METHOD
of HIS
MAJESTY'S HAPPY RESTAURATION,
- &c.
August 1, 1659, Sir George Booth, (now Lord de
la Mere) by Compact, at his Day appeared in Arms; (be
it recorded to his eternal Honour) and sent-forth a brisk
Declaration manifesting the Justice and Necessity of them.
For at that Time the whole Nation groaned under the in-
supportable Servitude of the tyrannical Oligarchy, sitting at
Westminster, under the notion of a Parliament; against
Of the Insurrection
of Sir George Booth,
in Cheshire, to ob-
tain a Free Parlia-
ImCInt.
whom a very powerful Combination was then made.
Many of those who had formerly fought under them,
complained that they were deceived; nay, and diverse,
even then actually in their Service, were so ingenuous as
to confess, that that could not be their Country's Free-
dom, where the worst of Tyrannies, (under the Name of
a Commonwealth, and the Good Old Cºuse,) were like
to be perpetuated. And, however the great Officers might
thrive whilst they were in Power; yet they saw full well,
that their Posterity would be forced to pay-back to those
licentious Usurper's whatever their Ancestors had got,
should the Government still rest at an Oligarchy, which is,
the Corruption of the worst of Governments, (a Demo-
cracy) and consequently the worst of Tyrannies. Thus
we see that the State of Three Kingdoms was then most
deplorable. -
The King compassionated their Condition: For himself
had the greatest Share in the Calamity. And, though his
2 Z Royal
The History of
The Commanders of
the intended Insur-
rections in other
parts of England.
Royal person was safe from the Fury of his enemies, yet
was he so near, that by his Authority he was still ready to
contribute to the vindicating the just Rights of his Subjects
and his own. To this end, there were constantly residing
in London, some noble Persons of great Honour, and un-
wearied Loyalty, (in spight of Axes and Gibbets) after they
had lost the Field, who were commissioned by his Majesty,
both to hold Correspondence with him, and to issue-forth
such Commands, from Time to Time, as Occasion should
offer for his Majesty’s service. -
And the Occasion was eminent, now, upon the return
of that Thing called a Parliament, who had been respited
from their Power by the monarchical Interposition of their
General, Oliver Cromwell, and his son ; and that too
by the Space of about five Years. This Restitution was
mostly procured by the Army, who feared that a National
Interest, like a Deluge, would have broken-in upon them,
had they suffered Cromwell’s Son, and his Moch-Parlia-
ment, to sit longer in Authority. And the Army’s
Pretences being for a Commonwealth, they had no nearer a
Sanctuary to fly-unto, than this Long Parliament, as they
called it, whose Guilt they knew to be at least equal with
theirs, and their power to be distasted and abhorred by
all that were not members of their own body, and
even by some of them too; wherefore the Pres-
byterian Party began now at last to awaken into
Loyalty, and chose rather to join with the Cavaliers, as
they pretended, than to see their Country so enslaved.
And, indeed, the Cavaliers’ Condescensions quieted their
Jealousies; for his. Majesty’s Commissioners consented
that the Presbyterians should have the chief Command in
all Places, and that their Declaration should only be for a
Free Parliament, and against publick Grievances.
And now Sir George Booth, (since created Lord de la
Mere) undertook for Cheshire, and the Counties adjacent;
Sir Thomas Middleton, for North-Wales; Major-General
Massey, for Gloucester and South-Wales; the Lord Fair-
fax for the North; the Lord Roberts (now Earl of Rad-
nor, and President of the Council) for the West; Colonel
Alexander Popham, and Colonel Robert Rolls, for Wilt-
shire, Somersetshire, and Devonshire; Col. Norton, for
Portsmouth and Hampshire; and Sir Horatio, (now Lord
Townsend) for the Associated Counties; and in like
Manner
the King's Restauration.
707
Manner diverse others in all Places throughout England;
solemn Protestations and Assurances being given, that
they would not fail each other.
Not long before this, Sir John Greenvile, (the now
Earl of Bath) who was one of those honourable Commis-
sioners residing at Fondon, for his Majesty's Service, had
received a particular Commission to treat secretly and pri-
vately with General Monk, in Scotland. The King, it
seems, having these Thoughts about him, “that, if a dex-
terous Application could be made to him, he might be
gained to his Service, as having been in his Father's;” in
which he was taken Prisoner, and his Releasement neg-
lected. But the Parliament, having experienced his Use-
fulness and Conduct in Ireland against the Rebels there,
set him at Liberty, and sent him back again thither into
their Service; and afterwards Cromwell, who knew how
to value a good Soldier, took him with him into Scot-
land.
Sir John Greenvile, by an express Messenger, with a
Letter in Cipher, directed to Chancellor Hide, at Brus-
sels, (with whom only, by his Majesty’s order, he was to
correspond, ) proposed the sending of Mr. Nicholas
Monk to his Brother in Scotland ; which was allowed.
The King leaving the whole management of the Business
to the Secrecy and Prudence of Sir John, who could not
be , said to have declined a Journey to the General in
Scotland for the Danger of it ; for he daily conversed with
as great, as being one of his Majesty’s Commissioners in
town, Besides that, he and the Monks were Cousin-Ger-
mans, and both of them had been obliged either by himself
or his family. However, sure I am. that he did the King
and the General more Service in not coming to us; for
Sir John Greenvile
sends the Rev. Mr.
Nicholas Monk to
his Brother General
Monk, in Scotland,
to sollicit his Assist-
ance to the King.
his very Person, then, would have been suspected, though
he had come without any Commission or Message. So
he sent for Mr. Nicholas Włonk out of Cornwall, to whom
he imparted the King's Commission to treat with his Bro.
ther. &
Mr. Monk, fraught with Hopes and Instructions, (the
design of revolting from the Parliament being now uni-
versal too, and Sir George Booth actually in arms against
their Authority, and Insurrections from all Counties in
: 2 Z 2 England,
708
The History of
Colonel Atkins solli-
cits General Monk
to assist Sir George
Booth's Insurrec-
tlOI),
$ England, daily expected) embarked for Scotland, with a
prosperous Gale, and, within few Days after, arrived at
Leith, and so went from thence five Miles to Dalkeith,
where the General resided. He gave-out, that the Intent of
the Voyage was only to fetch his Daughter Mary, in
order to the bestowing her in Marriage to her Advantage;
hoping that his Brother would add some Weight and En-
couragement to it. This Pretence for his Journey was
real too, and so signified by Letters.
Col. Jonathan Atkins, (who was afterwards knighted,
and made Governor of Barbadoes) was now at Dalkeith,
where he had been about two Days before Mr. Monk
came to his Brother, and was preparing for his Journey
further, to visit some Relations of his in Fife, having
received his Answer from the General. For the Gentle-
man, either upon Confidence of the General’s Loyalty,
or of his Friendship and Interest in him, (they having
been formerly Soldiers under the same Command in
Ireland, and, I think, in Holland also) imparted to him the
Designs of the Gentlemen of the North of England; who
being ready, he said, to appear in the Quarrel, and to the
Assistance of Sir George Booth, Sollicited the Help of his
Arms, or, at least, that he would not disturb them in their
But the General re. Levies; to whom the General smartly returned, “that, if
'fuses to do so.
they did appear, he would send a force to suppress them,
and that, by the Duty of his Place, he could do no less.”
The Colonel afterwards came to my Chamber, and
propounded the Business in wary Terms, yet so as to be
understood. But I unconcernedly replied, that to me it
appeared, as if the Malcontents in England laboured only
how to ruin themselves and their Cause; for, so long as
London was the Magazine of Arms and Men, the Coun-
try-Plots, without it, could never prove very effectual for
what, I supposed, he aimed at ; but, if that City could be
engaged, (as it was discontented upon this Return of the
Parliament, ) and would shut-up their Gates, and rise as
one Man; and had done so now, whilst Lambert was
marching against Booth, the Design would carry a much
better Prospect of Success than it did.
This Intrigue of Colonel Atkins (as being first in order
of time) I relate before the Success of Mr. Monk’s Mes-
Sage
The King’s Restauration.
709
sage to his Brother; that so it may appear what Weight
the King's Authority had with General Monk, though
but verbally delivered by his Brother, he depending upon
the Faith and Integrity of Sir John Greenvile, and the
Truth of his Brother’s Relation ; for he might well sup-
pose, (wary as he was) that they did not deceive, nor
would betray him. And I believe he relied upon the
Word of a King as much as if he had actually received
a Commission from his Majesty; for he told me after-
wards, that he was resolved to commission the whole
Scotch Nation against Parliament and Army and all,
before he would be taken tamely by them ; but he had
no other Authority to do it, than this airy Word of
Mouth, conveyed to him from Sir John Greenvile, who
had it in Writing from the King.
Mr. Yonk found his Brother engaged in Business,
and in several Iispatches too, though it was in the
declining Part of the Day : And indeed it was rare to find
him otherwise. So the General sent him to my Chamber,
under the Conduct of a Highland Footboy in the House,
who proclaimed his Arrival at my Study-Door. I cour-
teously received him, and asked how Affairs stood in
England; for Booth's being in Arms, and Lambert's
march towards him, were low the common Entertain-
ment of News. I soon perceived that he had a mind to
say something to me ; which he as soon disclosed : the
Tenor whereof was, that he was sent to his Brother by
Sir John Greenvile, to invite him, in this Juncture of
Time, to appear for his country, telling how the Design
was laid, and universal in all Counties; and he did not
doubt, he said, but that his Countrymen in the West
had already made an Insurrection: adding further, that
this was not barely a Combination, without Authority; for,
though the King was not named in the Declaration that
was sent-out for a Free Parliament, and against Taxes and
Grievances complained oi, isome of which Declarations
he ventured to bring with him) yet all this was done by
his viajesty's Privity and Countenance; and therefore was
he sent by his Cousin Greenviſe, to try if he could bring-
over his Brother into the King's Service, and at this Time
to espouse his Cause; and that Sir John Greenvile hoped
2 Z 3 , that
The Message of Mr.
Nicholas Monk to
the General.
71O
The History of
that his Brother might be as successful in it as was the
famous Stanly, who determined the Day in Bosworth-
Field, to Henry the Seventh, though he came thither to
the Succour of Richard the Third. These were high
hopes: but that which puzzled Mr. Monk was, that he
knew not how to break this Message to his Brother; but,
if he would undertake so glorious a Work as the restoring
of the King, no Encouragement, he was sure, would be
awanting; he might set-down his own Conditions, and the
King would, upon his Royal Word, perform them. For
he had seen his Majesty’s Commission to Sir John Green-
vile to treat with his Brother : and indeed, in that Com-
mission Sir John was left at large to promise, or assent-to,
any Conditions of Reward; but by his secret Instructions
he was bound-up to the definitive Gratuity of 100,000l.
per Annum, for ever, to be disposed-of at the General’s
Discretion. So Mr. Monk produced to me a brożen piece,
or two, of Money, as Tokens, if need were, to be sent
with Letters of Correspondence to Sir John Greenvile,
but under the disguised Name of Mr. Legg. -
The good Man spake in great Secrecy and Earnest;
and seemed to press upon me, upon my Allegiance, to
hearken to his Proposals, and to accept of his broken
Tokens; he promising me, that, whatsoever Letters should
be sent to Sir John Greenvile, the Messenger who brought
them, and either of those Tokens, should be more than
paid for his Journey. - . .
So I perceived his Embassy was real. But it strangely
surprised me; and I went often to the Door of my Cham-
ber, as being apprehensive lest any body should over-hear
him. I paused awhile, and then asked him why he
imparted a Message of so great concern, (and which was
to his Brother too) first to me; for I had never seen him
before, and then not half an hour. He returned, that
though he did not know me, yet he had understood who
I was, and what thoughts were conceived of me; as if I
could not but have an inward and true Affection for the
King and his Service; it being very notorious that Mine
had been a greater Sufferer for his Majesty's Father: And
so indeed he was, even to the Loss of All ; for otherwise,
I had not then been found in that Employment. And it
seems
*
the King's Restauration.
711
seems I was so well known in Scotland, as soon as I came
there, that some of the Remonstrating Clergy, and of .
our own Officers too, told the General, that he had enter-
tained a Cavalier for his Chaplain. And he was so kind
as to tell me of this, and give me good Counsel upon it :
But I am not, to this day, conscious that ever I disco-
ºvered myself, or gave them any distaste by word ; tho’
my Actions were not a little Offensive, I believe, in re-
gard that several of the Montrossian Party would apply
themselves to me, as an Intercessor for Ordinary Favours
from the General.
Mr. Monk pressed for instructions how to open this
message to his brother: I told him, that his brother must
be satisfied of his secrecy, as well as of his love and fide-
lity to him ; for that an affair of this importance must
sleep in as few breasts as might be ; and that he would
find, that he would put himself, his brother, and his Ne-
gotiation for the King, into a very great hazard, should
he (relying upon characters given of the secret Loyalty
of any persons among us) attempt to make any more
such rude communications of his Embassy. But that he
had revealed this great secret to me, I was content (I said)
that he should tell his Brother ; which I knew he did.
Now, to encourage him, I told him, that I did believe
his brother would be willing to close with any fair over-
ture to redeem his Country from the Slavery of the
Army, under which it groaned ; that he had been many
ways disobliged since the return of this Old Parliament;
and that Officers of the more extravagant sort of Princi-
ples had been encouraged by commands given them, in
open contempt of his Recommendatory Letters in favour
of others ; so that he talked often of living a private Life
in Ireland: And further, that there were many jealous
eyes upon him, which the Cavaliers, who had been for-
merly of his acquaintance, had given much the occasion
of: for that sometimes he received letters from Holland,
by a Dutch-Skipper, minding him of his Allegiance;
which he was forced openly to protest against, as pru-
dently supposing, that there might be a Snare in them.
Nay, Oliver Cromwell himself, not long before his
- 2 Z 4 . death,
, 712
The History of
death, writ once to him with his own hand ; and in the
Letter there was this Drolling FXpression: “”Tis said,
there is a cunning fellow in Scotland, called George
Monk, who lyes in wait there to serve Charles Stuart ;
pray use your diligence to take him, and send him up to
me, &c.” And this, I suppose, gave the rise to a trifling
Report that Cromwell could not get him out of Scotland.
Withal, I told Mr. Monk, that his brother was but a new
man, brought-in by Cromwell, into the English Army,
and so was disrelished by most of the great Officers of it :
and that those that were heads of distinct Factions, did
rather hate than affect him, and would contribute to give
Of Mrs. Monk, the
eneral's Wife.
him a Lift out of his Command. could they have an op-
portunity to do it : and this did afterwards appear to be
true, when Col. Cobbet was sent-down to Scotland, upon
the very disturbance of the Parliament by Lambert, before
any notice could be returned that the General was dissa-
tisfied with it; which was no more yet than what himself
foresaw : But the Soldiers, who troubled not their heads
with Religion, by abetting Parties, but fought for their
Pay, did generally love him; for they looked upon him
as a good Soldier, and a discreet Commander, under
whom they might safely Engage; and of these he could
at any time make a good Party, when it might be judged
fit and safe to appear. s * -
Besides, I thought it not amiss to insinuate, that his
Wife had, in some degree, prepared him to appear, when
the first opportunity should be offered. For her custom
was (when the General’s, and her own, work, and the day
were ended) to come into the Dining-room to him, in
her Treason-Gown, (as I called it) I telling him, that,
when she had that Gown on, he should allow her to say
any thing. And, indeed, her tongue was her own then,
and she would not spare it ; insomuch that I, who still
chose to give my attendance at those hours, (the General
being alone) have often shut the Dining-room Doors, and
charged the Servants to stand without, till they were
called-in. 'Tis easy to conceive what her discourses
were, when a Woman that had Wit enough, and always
Influence, and sometimes (as it was thought) too much,
- upon
the King’s Restauration,
\ - $,
upon her Husband, (the Theme being so copious too)
might safely talk extravagancies, in confidence that they
would go no further, .
Sometime the General would make bad faces, and
seem to be uneasy in hearing her, and oft address himself
to me; as if I were to moderate at the act: To whom I
have as oft returned. “Sir, what shall I say : she speaks
such unhappy truths, that neither you, nor I, can gainsay.
them.” I cannot forget his usual answer. “True, Mr.
Price (would he say); but I have learned a Proverb, that
he who follows Truth too close upon the Heels, will, one
Time or other, have his Brains kicked-out.” His Lady
usually withdrew before the family was called to Prayers,
and then I had an opportunity to talk-over the same things,
in soſter language, (as became me); by which I very well
understood his meaning, when he would express a con-
cern for the unhappiness of the late King, and name
some instances in which he miscarried : He would say,
“ that he had Armies indeed of brave Men; but they were
too great to be commanded: and fewer Men, under bet-
ter discipline would have done his business. But that
he would never forget, nor forgive, his not fighting the
Scots, when they first invaded England, in 1638. That he
imputedall the shedding of blood sincethat time, to the fool-
ish (as he called it) sparing of it then; and that the Scots
did deservedly suffer what they did.” I have purposely
noted these things, that it might appear that there were
previous dispositions in the General to serve the King
and his Country, whenever he should conceive it proper
to declare : and indeed his zeal to serve botn was sc
very forward, that he had like to have lost himself by it,
and those who were engaged with him, and to have blasted
that miraculous Restoration of his Sovereign; which was af.
terwards effected by his renowned Conduct. An Atchieve-
ment which former Ages (all circumstances being put
General Monk used
to speak of the mis-
fortunes of King
Charles the First,
with an affectionate
COil Céſil.
into the ballance) have not equalled, and I do despair of
the future
Thus Mr. Monk and I, after an hour's acquaintance
or more, (having discoursed of serious and dangerous
things) grew to be familiar ; and we refreshed ourselves
with a glass of Wine, and with Hopes. Mr. Monk had
also his Prophecies of comiort ; and told me, that his
Grand-
714. - The History of
Grand-Father was a Spend-thrift, and had wasted much
of their Paternal Estate (I think his name was Sir An-
thony Monk) but that it was prophesied to him (by some
cunning Man, I must suppose) that a Grand-Child of his
should make the Estate far greater than ever his Ances-
tors left it him. And another, that the King should
come-in by a Monk: which he might understand of the
Name, as he did of the Profession. I desired him to
mingle his Prophecies with his Instructions to his brother.
Nor was I without my Prophecies too, viz. that, if this
Great Confederacy did prosper, we could not expect
much more than a circumscribed and limited King.
The sentiments of And yet I am apt to believe too, that the army could
º º he have made His Majesty as Arbitrary even as the Grand
the ºtjihe Seignior himself, upon the assurance of a reward propor-
Nation. tionable to the merit of the service; nay, and they might
(probably) have been well enough disposed that way,
upon a right judgement of things; it being evident that
the great Officers of the Army could never be safe under
any Government, but a Monarchical ; to which their own
thwarting Ambition had so far reconciled them (at least
some whom I knew) that they would usually say, that, if
they must have a single person to govern the nation, they
would rather give their vote, that Charles Stuart should be
the Man, than any other; whereas they knew that a Demo-
cracy (however boundless in its own power) would
always be jealous of them, and shift them out of their
l commands. In this particular Lambert had much the
advantage of Monk: This had been his true and proper
Interest, and of those under him at Newcastle, could
- they have trusted the King, and one another; and Lam-
* bert had warning given him, after he had disturbed the
Parliament, that, if he did fiot design to bring-in the King,
his own Projects would evaporate into Smoak. But the
greatest obstruction on the King's side was, that, though
in Law he was our Only and Rightful King, yet it was
not then known how far he would Pardon; not could I,
for all Mr. Monk’s Errand to his Brother, foresee how far
the Church would be Restored, if the King was. But
I saw that the good man had adventured himself upon a
dangerous Message; and so did deserve well, could he
- induce
the King's Restauration.
"7:15.
induce his Brother to close with this Overture for the
King; which if he should be able to effect, I told him
that I did not then doubt but that I could procure. that
ºshould be Provost of Eton College; and I was as
gºas my word to him; the General afterwards, at my
And that for myself, I would endeavour to succeed in Mr.
Hale's Fellowship there; which the Noble Earl of North-
- ampton (who had been an Eton Scholar) obtained for me.
This I mention in gratitude to his Honour, as being done
without Application to him: But I mark it yet more so-
lemnly, to attribute it to a superior disposal of us: and
of me more especially; for the General, upon the King's
Return, bound me up to wait his leisure for preferment,
with premises of after-provision for me. So much for . .
dividing the Bear's skin; now we are to kill the Bear.
It was by this time Evening, when the General used
to be alone: But when Mr. Monk and I came into the
Dining-room, we found that several Cºfficers from Leith
and Edinburgh had not yet received their Dispatches;
one of whom took me aside, and asked me, how it was
that the General’s Brother came to see him now 2 What
Intelligence came from London I cannot tell ; but this I
can, that designs of this nature were iſot so carefully con-
cealed as they ought to have been : however, I did seem-
ingly satisfy the busy Enquirer, with a pretence of his
Daughter's Marriage; whose fate it was to be unfortu-
nate in the Overture of Matches. So we left the Gene-
ral, as yet, to the work of his place. This Jealousie did
Somewhat startle Mr. Monk; and indeed Colonel Atkins,
and he, being both in the House at a time, were too many.
Mr. Monk would have had me be with him at the opening
of his Embassy to his Brother ; which I refused, as fear-
ing the mischief of it, and knowing the Reservedness of
the General. But I gave him Instructions, (such as I
thought fit) how to insinuate this E. rand, ańd told him,
that I would watch the time to do my part in it. The
General went late to Bed that Night; where I believe I
left him to take hittle Rest; but i took no Notice of
what his Brother either had said, or was to say, to him, And
for
request, using the interest of Sir John Greenvile to do it:


The History of
for what I was to say, having asked his Leave to speak
and obtained it, I told him, that the things I was to speak
of were of great moment, and I could not say any thing,
unless he would promise to give me no Answer; telling
him, that so, if he judged me either imprudent, or that I
should be treacherous, I could have no Advantage upon
him, though he might of me; and I perceived this did
not dislike him. The substance of what I said was, that
I knew he had the Heart of an Englishman to pity his
Country, and the Courage to redeem it from Slavery;
and I knew that he had Wisdom enough to judge of
Things, whether he had an Opportunity to do it or no.
General Monk ap-
proves of the Enter-
prise of Sir George
Booth.
The next day before noon, Mr. Monk came to my
Chamber, with the glad News that his Brother liked the
Plot; and much the better, because the Presbyterians were
concerned in it, naming several of them to me, and not
forgetting his Cousin Morrice also. But he was most
satisfied that the Lord Fairfax was engaged ; with whom,
afterwards, he kept correspondence. Colonel Atkins
was now gone to make a Visit farther in the Country, but
returned to us the week after. Thus I found that the
General stood engaged; and from this Time I do date,
that his Resolutions were fixed for the King's Restoration.
So happy it was for his Majesty to employ Sir John
Greenvile, and so lucky for him to send his Clerk, Mr.
Nicholas Monk, hither; where he omitted nothing of his
Instructions, and prudently managed them, as may rea-
sonably be inferred from the good effect they had. Thus
did the sense of Allegiance, and the Love of his Country
prevail with his Brother against all hazards; and, if I
knew him right, the Revenge for Slights was some part
of a Grain in the Scales. And further, it is not improbable
that he had been, in the night, quickened with a Curtain-
Lecture of Damnation; a Text that his Lady often preached
upon to him ; and sometimes he would complain of it,
where he safely might,
Saturday came, and brought Mr. Gumble to Dalkeith;
where, now and then, he used to give the General a
Sermon or two, and so eased me, for which I gave him
Thanks. He was then one of the Chaplains of the Junto
* he Rev. Mr. Gum-
i.e. comes to General
Miomk's quarters at
}}a}keith.
which
the King's Restauration. - 7 I
g
which Cromwell had erected; and which did act till the
Deposition of Richard, his Son; nay, the Officers were
still continued upon that Establishment, in Expectation
of what the Parliament would do in it. Such a Cabal
they found necessary for the Support of their Usurpation,
and hereof the General, from the Time of its first
Erection, was nominated a Member. So Mr. Gumble’s
Employment was such as made him well known ; beside
that he was an acceptable Preacher, and his Company
much more so, to very many Officers of Edinburgh,
where he resided ; and this the rather, both to them and
the General, because he had not engaged into a Congre-
gational Church, as his Brother Chaplains had done. He
was a strenuous Asserter of Freedom, and disrelished the
single Persons of Oliver and Richard Cromwell, when
they sat successively on the Throne of Usurpation. He
was somewhat better pleased at the Return of the old
Parliament: but, being of quick Apprehension, he soon,
discerned that those few Members of it intended to keep
themselves within those Walls of Empire at Westmin-
Ster, and not suffer the Wheel to turn-round; and, as a
generous Person, he did not dissemble his discontents,
but would speak them frankly and boldly enough to the
General. And this too, was the ground of Sir George
Booth’s Quarrel. - - -
So the General, (who knew how to make use of Men) º:
after some Conference with him, made him his Minister i. º:
of State; and, having received instructions how to pro- sures.
ceed, he came-up to my Study, where he found me then
busy and alone. So he bid me lay-aside all Thoughts of
Preaching, for to-morrow; for he would undertake it for
me. Now at that Time there happened to be other
Work upon my Hands which required a quick Dispatch : -
for I was transformed into a Secretary of State; my Gen. Monk cause,
province being to frame a Letter to the Parliament, ac- º:
cording to Directions given, which was to be signed by Öſſ...}.
the General, and such of the Officers as he could bring to be drawn-up, in
into this new Design. But Mr. Gumble said, he was not i. º
fully satisfied of the Grounds of the General’s Engage- commºn.".
ment, now, after his Brother was come; for he might Parliament the esta.
• W . * © blishment of a ful:
have done that sooner; and, if he had, I am confident ºralia.
that
718,
The History of
that Mr. Gumble would not have been wanting, on his
Part, to serve the Publick. But I told him, that Mr. Ni-
cholas Monk’s Journey was for his Daughter, and it was
necessary to try what his Brother would contribute
towards her Marriage, the Match being to be with a
Kinsman of theirs, which the General had desired and
approved. So the Motives of this Engagement being
General Monk, with
four other trusty per-
$9ns, take an oath of
Secrecy towards each
other,
waved, (for Mr. Gumble did not insist upon them as a
Hindrance to the good Cause in which he was resolved
to embark himself) we proceeded to the finishing of the
Letter to the Parliament; which was that Day done.
The next was the Lord’s-day : and the work of it was
carried-on by Mr. Gumble, who, in his last Prayer, put-up
a Petition for the good Intentions of the General; which
soon after were communicated in my Chamber ; whither
came the General and his Brother, Adjutant Smith, and
Mr. Gumble. But, before any discourse was enter’d-.
upon, I swore the General (his hands being laid upon the
Bible open) in these words. You shall truly swear, that
Ayou shall not reveal any thing that shall be discoursed-of
by us, or read unto you, without the consent of all here
present. So he kissed the Book. The other persons I swore
in order, one by one, after this manner. You shall truly
swear that you shall not reveal any thing that shall be
discoursed-of, or read into you, without the consent of the
General, and all here present. And, lastly ; I swore my-
self; and I will be my own Casuist for publishing of this;
and keep the Bible for a Relique, without fear of Super-
The substance of the
said Declaration.
stition. - ,'
Our Declaration in deed, but, in form, our Letter, or
Supplication, to the Parliament; was read; ’tis supposed
to have been prefaced with good words, clawing them
for their glorious actions, which we could not avoid doing.
But yet we took the liberty to mind them that we found
the body of the English Nation dissatisfied with their pro-
ceedings, as apprehending that their intention was to ap-
propriate the Government to their Individual persons;
and that, though there might possibly be something of
danger in gratifying them, for fear of the old Enemy;
yet, however, it did not appear to the good People, who
- t - had
, the King's Testauration.
had fought for their Liberty, that they had entertain’d
any thought of the filling-up of their Number ; much less
had they done any thing toward the prescribing of Rules
for the future Elections of such Parliaments as were Sup-
posed to be contained under the name of a Common-
wealth, which themselves owned to be the Supream Go-
vernment; and that otherwise their Armies could not pro-
tect them in their authority; this not being the good old
Cause for which they fought. And they could not answer
to their consciences the effusion of so much blood to uphold
only a few men in their Sovereignty. Wherefore, to pre-
vent the shedding of more, we became Petitioners to them
(we said) that they would speedily pass such votes, and
do such things, as might satisfie all the honest and Godly
People in the Nation, that they did not design their own
greatness, but the good and safety of the Commonwealth.
In the mean time, the General declared that he would
associate what force he could, till he saw that their Votes
and actions were satisfactory. Here I confess that I have
not related words, but things; for the Paper was the next
day burnt, because our design proved abortive. This was
the Substance of our intended Letter to the Parliament,
which having been réad by me, (the General, with his
Confederates, correcting or adding such expressions as
were thought fit) the presenting of it to the Officers of
our Army to sign, as their humble Petition and Advice
to the Parliament, was resolved-upon. But they were to
be Petitioners with Swords in their hands; for the General
gave immediate order to Adjutant Smith to go that night
to Edenburgh and Leith, and to secure the Castle of the
one, and the Citadel of the other; (he relying upon the
discretion and fidelity of this Adjutant in the manage-
ment of so important an Affair) for we did not doubt but
that Captain Clifton (the Governor of the Castle) would
be ours; and we were assure that Hughes and Miller in
Leith were devoted to the General’s Service. And he was
most confident of his Adjutant, that he would not fail in
the Execution of his trust, as having, for some years, been
received into his special Favour and Friendship: And this
was the hour of his probation. So the General, having
a while discoursed with us, left his orders to the Adjutant
- tC)
7
The History of - t
O
to hasten to Horse; for it was not above an hour to night:
but himself descended my Stairs, having other, and more
secret, designs to fetch-in assistance to this new Enterprize.
But long he had not left us, before he came-up again,
where he found us still discoursing of the affair in hand,
and our engagement in it. His Adjutant was now ready
to leave us to Execute his ( ºrders; but the General
stopped him and bespake us, Thus : —Gentlemen, it will
be no great prejudice to our business, if we wait for the
Information of the next Post : for Lambert is marched
towards Booth, and by this time is ready to Face him ;
and then we shall know whether Booth hath that force
with him that 'tis said he hath, and what likelyhood
there is of the Action, by any farther JAssistance.
*Twas our duty, and it was fit for us, to yield to the
General’s Prudence, who understood things of this na-
ture better than we did or could. . But it was a rashness
in me, (which to this day I do not forgive myself, ) to sol-
licite the General afresh : for he had not long left us the
second time, but I took the opportunity to steal-down
after him, whom I found close in discourse with Gradenker,
an honest Montrosian, and a good Grey-Hound-Master; .
the latter of which qualities had before recommended him
to the General's Friendship. I stood at a distance, per-
ceiving the conference was serious, till he would be at
leisure to speak with me; and, seeing me, he soon was:
To whom, I (being impatient of all delays, and thinking
every minute lost in which we were not visible upon the
Stage of so Noble an attempt) addressed myself with
some sort of forwardness, and told him of the danger (as
I foolishly thought) of the delay, and that his Brother had
come to us already with the latest. The General (I can
never forget his posture of answering me) laid his hands
on my Shoulders, frowned, and paused; and then in
some anger, spake thus (Grandenker being at a good dis-
tance) “ſ/hat ' Mr. Price, (said he) will You then bring
my Neck to the Block for the King, and ruin our whole
design, by engaging too rashly 3* To whom I returned
with submission, “Sir, I never named the King to you,
either now or at any other time. But he dismissed me thus
- - “ Hell,
the K ing’ S Restauration.
72}
“Well, I know you have not ; but I know you, and have
understood your meaning.” Now the manner of my Ad-
dresses to him used to be “for our known Laws and Li-
berties, propounding the attempt as a thing which would
render him renowned to all Posterity and make the Three
Nations happy:” For in those days, I durst not name
Kingdoms, for the danger of the Relation. So that night
he slept (or did not) in expectation of the Post; which
came the next Morning Six Hours, at least, sooner than
ordinary, and brought us the glad tydings that Sir George
Booth was beaten, and routed. Good news fly apace,
and by Noon several Officers (and those the most consi-
derable of the Sectarian Sort) came to rejoyce, and dine
with the General ; but his Ordinary Table served for
a Thanks-giving-Dinner for them. Mr. Monk, Mr.
Gumble, and Adjutant Smith, had the good Fortune to
dine abroad; but my duty was to be at the General’s
Table, where I heard the expressions of joy that passed
from Officer to Officer, for the total defeating of Sir
George Booth: and that the mercy was not ordinary;
for the greatest part of the Gentry of England (they
said) were engaged in it; and that their old Friends
(naming the Presbyterians) were more forward in the ac-
tion, than their old Enemies, the Cavaliers. And that it
was apparent that Booth, and his Confederates, would
have brought-in Charles Stuart. Upon this the General
gave them the Complement of a Thanksgiving-day, that
he could wish that the Parliament would make a Law
that, whoever should but mention the Restoring of him,
should presently be hanged. I had reason to think that
he was but in jest; otherwise, I could guess where the
Hanging lay. But to let posterity see how far the Par-
News is received of
the defeat of Sir
George Booth's In-
surgents by General
Lambert. •
Many of the Officers
of General Monk's
army are greatly re-
joiced at it.
liament's Reformation had prevailed against the Liturgy,
and Bishops; a very intricate Case of Conscience was
put, before Dinner, whether he could be a Godly Man,
that prayed the same Prayer twice. Some were for the
Negative; but others said they durst not be so peremptory.
At Dinner the madness continued, and the Joy increased;
insomuch that, in their Jollity, they fell to Scoffing at the
Name of Priest: Nay, and even the Presbyterian himself
3 A. - would
*33;
The History of
would no longer down with him for a Gospel Minister,
but he had also his Leaven of Popery. At last one Cap-
tain Poole, of Colonel Fairfax's Regiment, spake (his
Mouth being open) that there could never be a quiet and
lasting settlement in these Nations, so long as there was
a Parish-Priest, or a Steeple-House left. Upon which
extravagancy of Thanksgiving-Recreations, the General
(who would keep his reserves with men) did not, or, rather,
would not, do it here; but, in an unexpected indignati-
on, rose from his Chair and spoke to the amazement of
all. Fair and softly (says he) Captain Poole; if you and
your Party once come to pluck there, I will pluck with
you.” Whereupon there was a sudden damp; they were
but Soldiers before their General, and were silent ; and
thus concluded the Mirth and the Thanksgiving-Dinner.
But the General, and those who were engaged with him,
either kept, or, I am sure, ought to have done, a more Fes-
tival Evening ; for a sober and sincere Thanksgiving be-
came us, such as was exclusive of the Hypocrite ; for we
durst not act the Pharisee. And, reflecting upon this de-
liverance (as I oft have done) I once asked the General
what he thought should have become of us, had the tidings
of Lambert’s beating of Booth surprised us in the very
first appearance of our design; when it had been im-
possible for us (our counsels being put into Action) to
have made any safe retreat He seemed gently to re-
mind me of my importunity with him ; but I must not
forget his Caesarean Return, which, was, I doubt not, but
I could have secured to myself the Castle of Edenburgh
and Citadel of Leith ; some Officers, and many Soldiers
would have followed me; and then I would have com-
missioned the whole Scottish Nation to rise. This I be-,
lieve, they would have done at his Whistle: for after the
beating of Sir George Booth, they began to be desperate,
and saw that the whole frame of a National Church was
like to be lost. Several of their own Country-men
would not be kept within the bounds of Discipline: Swin-
ton Osborne, and others, tacked-about timely for
Quakers, as that which was most likely to be the thriving
Sect: the Principles of it being such, that they put no
- . # Rules
f the King’s Restauration,
3.
72
rules to the conscience, but only breathed the Air, and
lived in the region, of Enthusiasm. It was a Trojan
Horse of all Heresies; every man might be of this com-
prehensive Religion with a Salvo to his own; a Jew and
a Jesuit might stand with his Hat on his Head, for the
Light within him; and all Practical Villanies might have
come-in under this Shelter. * . . .
I told the General, that, if things did continue in this
State much longer, it would be found that the Quaker
would be as great a Goad in the sides of our new Sects,
as ever the Old Puritan was to the Church of England.
For about this time came several Quakers from England;
who were cunning Seminaries of this new Faith; and some
of them came to our Head Quarters, and taught Doctrines
not to be believed by Soldiers, of the unlawfulness of
such a bloody calling. They were all Sheep and Doves,
to receive, and not do, injuries. Once it was my ill luck
to meet with two of them in the General's and his Lady’s
presence, when they were upon the Theme of parting
with their Coat and Cloak also. His Lady very plea.
Santly forced me to stand the Brunt of their Folly, to
whom I had no other Answer to return, but that they
might have another Light within them, one day; which
was, that he that hath no Sword, let him sell his Garment,
and buy one. Afterwards there was a number of them
in Lambert's Army in Newcastle, as it was related to
us; where they bargained for, and sold Horses, to be
paid when such or such a Steeple-House (in our Lan-
guage a Church) was pulled-down. -
It was now high time for the General to look-out for a
Religion for himself, though it was a Principle that the
Marquis of Argile had taught, that it was the Character
of a wise man, not to let the World know of what Reli-
gion he was. - -
But the General’s Lady found him out one ; for now
she declares “Mr. Monk is a Presbyterian, and my Son
Kit is for the Long Parliament and the Good Old Cause.
This soon found it’s Operation; for the Clergy of Scot-
land made their Addresses to the General as their Patron.
They were of two sorts, the Public Resolutionists, and
the Remonstrators. The division tookits rise in this manner.
. 3 A 2 After
General Monk de-
clares himself to be -
a Presbyterian.
•
724,
The History of
Of the two sects of
Presbyterians, the
Resolutionists and
the Revioxstrants.
After the Battle of Dunbar was fought, and lost by
the Scotch Subjects, An. 1650, (which consisted only of
those who had taken the solemn League and Covenant) it
came to a Debate whether they might not, without breach
to their Covenant, strengthen their Allegiance to the King
by taking-in a convenient number of their Fellow-Sub-
jects, who had fought for his Royal Father under the
Marquis of Montross against the Covenanters; it was
voted that (since they were reduced to unexpected
streights), their assistance might be accepted, and they
might be admitted into the King's Service, without damage
to the cause of God and the Kirk; this was the Judgement
of the Major Part of the Clergy, and prevailed, But there
were some, who (their Consciences being more nice) re-
monstrated against this Resolution, as ungodly; which,
by the Artifice of the Marquis of Argyle, was fomented;
and so the Party withdrew. This became a feud so irre-
concileable,even when the whole Kingdom of Scotland
was under the English Obedience, that they would not
converse, or receive the Sacrament, each with other. It
was once told the General; that at Leith, there being a
Boat ready to go-off for Fife, a remonstrating Minister
stept-in; but, seeing a Resolutioner of his Coat there, he
went-out, and would rather lose his Passage than sail in
the same Boat with him. This Division lhave the rather
mentioned, because it may be a Word in season to those
whom it may concern, to beware of the heats and pe-
dantry of such Ecclesiastick Enthusiasts, who do so
much contribute to the ruin of Kingdoms; and some.
times are destructive to their own Societies. These
men, apart (keeping Intelligence each upon another, that
they might not meet) did make their frequent visits to the
General, being now a declar'd Presbyterian ; laid-cpen
the lamentable condition of the Kirk of Christ, and im-
plored his care and Patronage of it; who gave them such
comfortable words as his Station would permit him then
{O USe. - -
The end of Mr. Nicholas Monk's Embassy to his Bro-
ther, was now frustrated; and it being so, it created some
diffidence of his prudence and secresie. In Negatives I
can avouch for no man, but myself; and, under the awe.
of the Searcher of hearts, I do write and declare, that the
- Secret
the King's Restauration.
725
secret slept within my breast till after the King was re-
stored, and actually returned; and next, I do think so
well of Mr. Monk’s care and prudence, that he did not in
Scotland communicate it to any but his Brother and me;
for so, upon his return, he told Sir John Greenvile.
But so it was, that there were suggestions of Information,
or rather of Temptation to the General, that the good man
was like to be sacrificed. But this went no further; either.
that the suggesters would not stand the Test, or that the
probation would be injurious to more than one: However
I do conjecture, there could have been found no other
guilt in Mr. Monk, than the curiosity of the Suggester.
This was a time of Hearsays and Discoveries of Plots:
for all Action ceased upon Booth’s Defeat. Mr. Gumble
makes his frequent visits to Dalkeith, to hear and report
news; keeps his correspondence with Scot, Secretary of
State, (to whom he was known when he was Vicar of
Wickham in Buckinghamshire) and by him understood
how affairs went at London, and what jealousies began to
arise between the Parliament and Army, and some of the
more eminent Members and Officers of both ; makes his
advantage of them, and adds fuel to the fire.
I was taken into his Counsel sometimes, and employed
to write; so we sent Letters by the Post, either with no
name at all, or what name we thought fit ; and this was a
divertisement, thus to play in the blind with the Grandees,
and to tell them those Things, which themselves knew
could not be revealed but by their treacherous Confi-
dents. -
The General now saw the Usefulness and Interest of
Mr. Gumble, and the danger of disobliging him; where-
fore he was retained as his Confident; insomuch that, when
the General appeared against the Army for disturbing
the Parliament, the Action was looked-upon as proceeding
merely upon Mr. Gumble's Advice. This was rather the
General’s Protection than otherwise; for had it been insi-
nuated, that his Engagement proceeded from any sinister
hand, he would have found at home, among his own-
Officers, that Suspicions would have more increased upon
him. But Gumble was looked-upon as the only Man,
3A 3 n and
726
| The History of
and so represented by Mr. Welsh from Leith to Wal-
lingford-House, who suggested, that, had it not been for
him, George Monk had never stirred. " . . . . .
Mr. Nicholas Monk was preparing to return with his
Daughter by Sea, as he came; but, before he went, we
heard of the triumphant Return of Lambert to his Masters
at Westminster, who employed him to command in chief
in the expedition against Booth; which proved a Conquest
easier than it was once thought it would have been. The
Spoil was not yet divided; nor was their Soldiery content
with what only appeared to be a Prey; that is, the Forfei-
ture of those Gentlemen’s Estates, who, in defence of their
ancientLaws and Liberties, were found in the Field. Where-
fore a lamour was raised, and a Supplication framed, to
bring those to condign Punishment, who had, in any
measure, or to any degree, assisted in Booth's Conspiracy,
or could be detected as conscious of it. And, had this In-
quisition been made, and a Sequestration passed upon it,
this After-harvest would have been worth more pounds,
than the former publick Sales of the King's and Church
Land; (as the gleaning of the Grapes of Ephraim were
better than the Vintage of Abiezer), and how far this
change of the face of things would have conduced to
fix a new Interest, I leave to be judged.
Though it became the Army to leave this Inquisition
after Delinquency to the Parliament, yet the frame of this
Petition seemed just ; that they might not be always exer-
cised with the fears of the Common Enemy But there
was a hidden intrigue in it, to pick a Quarrel with their
Masters; for even some of them had not utterly lost the
Consciences of Englishmen, and were loath to have the
Government of the Commonwealth monopolized into so
few hands; nay, and those of them which yet favoured
of Presbytery, were themselves suspected for a sort of
Delinquents. - - -
The General foresaw whither this application of the
Soldiery tended ; and very pleasantly told me, I see now
that I shall have a better game to play than 1 had before.
His expression was, I know Lambert so well, that I am
Sº?"®
- --- - - ---
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ARCII BIS HOP of CAN TER BURY º
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-

















The King's Restauration. 727
sure he will not let those People at Westminster, sit till
Christmas-day. - e
October was begun, when Mr. Monk left Dalkeith, *::::::::::::
and he went from us too with the character of an Envoy;
for he was to assure the Parliament of his Brother’s fide-
lity to them. and that he would stand firm to their Inte-
rest and Authority, against all opposition whatsoever. I
parted with him upon the Sands of Leith, not without
Some grief and reflection upon our distracted country;
charging him to solicit for the prayers of good men. I
named unto him Dr. Hammond and Dr. Sheldon, who
were, upon the information given me, actually Bishops;
but it seems I was deceived: So we comforted ourselves,
that God had in reserve his appointed seasons of Mercy.
But the General, about this time, found encouragement
from the Host of Heaven: And a Scotch, Nobleman The Earl of Niſhis.
came to him, and told him plainly (after much Discourse date prophecies to
with him) that the King would be restored, and that ºat
within some few months; that he looked upon him as a Hº :* 31 Of:
principal instrument toward the effecting of it: and that
not a drop of Blood should be spilt in the action. This
was the Earl of Nithisdale, whom I do not remember to
have seen ever before with the General; for his Religion
rather required his retirement, than converse; and this
the General informed me of ; and of the Earl’s prophe-
tic apprehensions, that there should not be the blood of
a cut Finger in the action; he spoke it merrily, and there-
fore was assured of his share in it.
But at the Cockpit I have heard him tell it at large:
Consonant hereunto I have a Paper (among others), by A Prophecy of the
me, of one Mrs. Katherine Johnson's, (a Copy of which iºn
was by her delivered to Cromwell.) I am very well sa- Cromwell by Mrs.
tisfied of the truth of the delivery; I knew the Gentle- º in the year
woman, she being of a good Family: and I can witness, 53
that, when she was in my House (for she was related to
me) she spent mucl. time in Fasting and Prayer. The
words of the paper are these ;-‘‘ Great General 1 All the
power of the World is ill your hands : therefore let humi-
lity be your guide ; for Tione shall correct you but God:
The Lord gives, and the Lord takes-away; blessed be his
name: have peace with all men; 'efuse none. In the 16th Year
of King Charles his Reign, I delivered him a Manuscript,
3. A 4 wherein
728
The History of
Another Prophecy
concerning General
Monk by Dr. Lay-
born.
wherein I told him of his destruction; but he took none of
my Counsel, though I was sent from God. As for the
Scotch King (as he is called) his right, here, must be in
peace, not by the Sword. I can say more, if I be called
to an account; but what I say is by Faith, and I shall jus-
tify it with my life. June the 18th.” I conceive the Year
was I G53. -
I shall not undertake the vindication of the Nobleman,
or the Prophetess, but only, in transitu, relate matter of
fact, till the English make us work. That which Mrs.
Johnson forewarned the late King of was, not to sign the
Bill for the death of the Earl of Strafford; which the good
King afterward repented of. And though she had the
fate of Cassandra, not to be believed ; yet Mr. Lenthal
(the Speaker) who was satisfied of the truth of this, gave
such credit to her warning of him to beware of the Oath
of Abjuration against the Royal i'amily, that he absented
himself from the House for about ten days, under the
pretence of the Gout: And she assured him he should
be forgiven for what else he had done against the King.
The prognostick of Doctor Layborn is very well known,
who told the General “ that he should command in the
North, and afterwards in all England,” which the Doctor
owned to me, and for which the General owed him a re-
spect; for he would ponder on the fancy, and not alto-
gether neglect the belief of them: But possibly the Man
had more credit with him than the Prophecy. I know,
when he was in Scotland, speaking of the infelicities that
did attend the King's Family, he was told that the King,
after the Twenty-Ninth Year of his Age, had very benign
Aspects, pointing at his Restauration: And he who told
him this, added somewhat more: So much of I know not
what to I know not whom ; desiring in the first place, that
the Reporter may be believed; and next, that the virtuo-
sos of Infidelity would not look upon this as a Paralogism;
for when a Man foretells me three things, two whereof
are already come to pass, he may, without a tincture of
levity, be believed for a third: Nay, and I know a fourth
and a fifth. s - -
Mr. Monk was now safely arrived at London, to give an
account of his Old Embassy, and to impart his New.—
- The
the King's Restauration.
729
The Old appertained to Sir John Greenvile, who sent him
.into Scotland. To him he said “he could give no other
account, than that he could give none at all; for that he
was under an Oath of Secrecy: but that he had delivered
his Message to the General, his Brother, and that he had
imparted it to none besides but to me.” Sir John thought
this was enough, and immediately acquainted the King with
it; his Majesty being then at Brussels. This gave encou-
ragement to Sir John Greenvile, afterwards to treat per-
Mr. Nicholas Monk
arrives at London,
and gives Sir John
Greenvile an ac-
count of his Message
to General Monk.
sonally with the General, which he was resolved to do;
waiting the occasion for it; which in the process of a few
Months, was happily offered; and his negociation ac-
cepted, and effected. - -
Mr. Nicholas Monk’s new Credentials from his Bro-
ther were to be imparted to Dr. Clargis; which were, that jo.;
the General would resolutely adhere to the Parliament,
and declare for their cause, if he found any disturbance
given against them. This was so well managed by the
Dr. (who was now become Agent for the Scotch and Irish
Armies) though Mr. Monk came but just time enough,that
the Men at Westminster in sense of the General’s Fidelity,
and in requital of his offered kindness, (when they saw
they must yield to Lambert's Ambition) in an expiring
And he communi-
cates to Dr. Clargis
General Monk, to
support the authori-
ty of the Parliament.
Vote of Revenge, before their Authority suffered a se-
cond Rape, constituted him about the Seventh part of a
Generalissimo : which was the Power by which he seemed
afterward to act, and give Commissions. -
On the 11th of October Lambert brake-up the House-
Keeping of his Masters atWestminster; for it was now high
time to allow their Servants the Previledge of Persian
Slaves, viz. To feast upon Sovereignty. So he began
his Christmas sooner than the General thought he would;
but not sooner than he was provided for him; for his
provident frugality in Scotland, had laid up some Thou-
sands for the Pay of his Army, if, upon any sudden dis-
turbance in England, he could not be relieved from thence,
that so he might keep his Soldiers in obedience to him.
And without a spirit of Prophecy, he did easily foresee
this change.
Three Kingdoms for about 17 years (by our Civil war) -
had
General Lambert
dissolves the Parliae
ment by military
force.
730
The History of - i
The Army sets up a
Committee of Safety.
a
A remarkableDream
of Mrs. Monk.
The news of the Dis-
solution of the Parlia-
yment arrives at Ual-
keith. October 17,
1659.
had been deprived of a just Government; or the plenary
exercise of it: But now they groaned under a fatal Anar-
chy; which to supply, a Tumuluary Junto was set-up,
cailed a Committee of Sa/ety.
Here I shall not forget to contribute to the Memory
of Mr. Hales (once a Fellow of Eaton) who told me,
after the Battle of Naseby, that he saw now that Fairfax's
Army would master both King and Parliament too; and
: cle as the Roman Emperors, or Generals, in despight of
the Senate: Adding, that I might live to see it, but he,
as he hoped, was going to his grave.
At this time the General's Lady was herself a Com-
mittee of Safety; for she had found in her Dream, where
to place the Empire of Three Crowns, which she told
me thus. .
She saw a great Crown of Gold on the top of a Dung-
hill, which a numerous company of brave Men encompas-
sed; but for a great while none would break the Ring.
At last, there came a tall Black Man up to the Dunghill,
took-up the Crown, and put it upon his Head.
Upon the relating of this, she asked what manner of
Man the King was. I told-her that, when I was an Ea-
ton Scholar, I saw at Windsor, sometimes, the Prince of
Wales at the head of a Company of Boys; that himself
was a very lovely Black Boy, and that I heard that, since,
he was grown very tall. . *
On the 17th of October, by the Post, came the certain
news to lºalkeith, that the Army had dislodged the Par-
liament: Of which sad tidings the General’s Lady was
to me the first Evangelist, and came-up to my Chamber
to tell it, seeming much to bewail her Husband's Infelici-
ty, that he had not left his Command; for he had request-
ed it a little before, by a Letter to the Speaker, (whether
in reality, or out of design, I do not allow myself to judge)
she adding further, that she had bought very many trunks,
to carry her Goods over into Ireland, (and indeed, many
were but newly bought) and that they could live comfor-
tably there, upon their Estate; and that the General
would delight to be a Planter in his old days.
I told her, well Madam; you come to carry your Trunks
IRQW .
The King's Restauration.
- 731 *.
now into England; and that may be as well. I confess
I did not promise her to go forth, and be a Dutchess, (no
disgrace to her memory; for at, and before, this time,
had she deserved it;) but I merrily thought of Ben John-
son’s Alchymist, “here is Gold; go-forth, and bela Knight”.
She was almost angry with me that I would not look upon
it as ill News: and then asked me what the General
should do now. I told her, Madam, he is so wise, that
he knows what he is to do: no body need be his Coun-
sellor: And your Ladyship and I, shall find he will not
let slip this opportunity to redeem änd rescue his Country
from the Slavery and Tyranny it has lain under. But I
had good reason to think that she did but dissemble with
me, unless it were that she was afraid that her husband
should engage: though afterward she did her share to in-
duce him to it. & -
I perceived she had told the General how merry she
found me upon this disaster; for soon after, taking me
aside, (he said) “I shall not employ you in any part of my
Business; and be not discontented at it; for you know
not these People so well as I do, and cannot dissemble
with them.” I thanked him for this; but, seeing he was so
plain, and so kind, I made this request to him, that he
would take-up one resolution, viz. “not to be squeamish
about the change of Officers, that would not be wholly
dependant upon him, but reform from a Corporal to a
Colonel,” 4
Before it was Noon, the General stood engaged against
the Sword of England; his Protestation being, “that he
would reduce the Military power in obedience to the Ci-
vil :” and he was as good as his word. Now he is visible
upon the Stage, where I leave him to God's good Provi-
dence, and his own great prudence, to place and displace
Officers; to secure Citadels and Castles; to enter into
Treaties and dissolve them; to march a forlorn of his
Forces into England, and recall thern ; to encourage the
Arms of the Presbyterians, and not to use them; and to
employ the Counsellors of his Camp in a Paper-War,
leaving them to be the Dictators of it, and when they had
done, to leave them. * > .
For I have not undertaken to give an exact Journal
-- i. of
General Monk de
clares that he wiłł
support the Autho.
rity of Parliament.
732
#he History of
**
He marches to Eden-
burgh, -
and makes changes
of some Othcers of
- his Army.
of things publickly known and allowed, (there being no
controversy of them) but of General Monk's designed
Lovalty to restore the King and Liberties of the Subject,
and the Laws of the Realm, to the state they were in before
our civil Wars commenced, Anno 1642. And, though
I persuade myself that what I have already delivered as
to that particular will be amply satisfactory to the inge-
nuous and unprejudiced; yet I shall briefly prosecute the
method of this miraculous Restauration, and the difficul-
ties that it met with ; declining, as much as possible, re-
marks upon such particular persons as would have ob-
structed this glorious Enterprise, and most successful At-
chievement of the late Duke of Albemarle, whose me-
mory must be revered by all the Subjects of these Three
Kingdoms; who delight not in Blood and Faction.
To proceed therefore ; that afternoon the General sent
his trusty Adjutant (now Sir Jeremiah Smith) to Eden-
burgh and Leith, which by his diligence, and the influence
and integrity of Hobelthorn, Hughes, Miller, and Clifton,
were secured to the General’s interest. The General like-
wise ordered the March of such Troops of Horse, on
whose Captains he could most rely; as Johnson, Sym-
nel, and others.
At night he stopped the Packet for England, and the
next day left Dalkeith and his Lady there, to pack-up
their Trunks, not knowing whither the fate of the day
would carry him. - -
He came, about two or three hours before night, to
Edenburgh, where were usually quartered two Regi-
ments of Foot, (excepting some few Companies, which
were sent-out upon particular service) ready to be remand-
ed and exchanged. - -
The regiments were his own, and Colonel Talbot's. By
the assistance of the latter regiment he began the Reforma-
tion of his own; out of which he dismissed several Officers,
and would have imprisoned his Major for ill Offices done,
had he not narrowly escaped his hands; and, although
the Lieutenant-Colonel was absent from his Command,
(as he usually was) yet, upon presumption that he was
no friend to his design, the General gave-away his
- Commission
The King's Restauration.
733
Commission to Captain Morgan, and his Major’s to Cape
tain Nichols. • &
At Night, when he came to his Quarters, he bethought
himself of securing Berwick, as a place of great im-
portance to his new affairs. He knew the Governour
(Colonel Meers) was steady to him, but doubted whether
Meers could answer for his Officers; who, should they
mutiny at the noise of the General's Declaration, the
Town might run the hazard of being lost. Wherefore,
a party of Horse (commanded by Captain Johnson) was
sent thither to strengthen the hands of the Governour;
and indeed the Captain came but just time enough to do
it; for the Governour had scarce clapt-up his dissenting
Officers, but Colonel Cobbet entered there with Instruc-
tions and Authority from the Army in England, to as-
sert and promote their Interest. But Captain Johnson
brought him Prisoner to the General, and he committed
him to the Castle of Edenburgh.
But, had not General Monk been quick in remon-
strating against Lambert's proceedings, it was thought
Cobbet would and could have sent him thither. -
The General was wholly intent upon satisfying his Ar-
my of the justice of his Proceedings, and of the neces-
sity of using the method of force, to restore the Parlia-
ment. To this end now he had his Confidents and Ad-
jutators up and down; of whom Mr. Gumble did him
singular service; for he had an excellent dexterity at
spiriting a cause. The General now resolving to make
a thorough Reformation of his Troops, dismissed all Offi-
cers from their trust, who would not be satisfyed with his
engagment against the Army in England, and having
secured his Home Quarters, he forthwith extended his
care to the Citadels and Castles remote: Captain Witter
undertook for the Citadel of St. Johnston, and Captain
Robinson for that of Air. - -
Finding now that he had a good Cause, and some
ground to stand-upon, he dispatched Letters to Lieute:
nant-General Fleetwood, to Major-General Lambert, and
to Mr. Lenthal, (the late Speaker.). In one or more wheres
of was signified, his Resolution to restore our Laws and
Liberties;
He secures the town
of Berwick upon
Tweed. ~ *
He takes Colonel
Cobbet prisoner, and
scnds him to Eden-
burgh castle.
'734
The History of *
Liberties; which expression was afterwards construed in
a larger sense, than possibly might at first be intended;
and I know not how it was expounded to the Lord Fairfax.
The arrival of these Three Letters at London gave
some faint hopes to the Rumpers of a second Restoration;
and infinitely surprised the Army-Grandees, who neither
expected such an opposition, nor would believe they had
any reason to fear it; It being so directly against the
Interest of any one part of the Army, to divide against
the rest. Besides, that it could not enter into the thoughts
of the Men of Wallingford-House, that Soldiers should
love their Country better than their Pay. Nay, and
though they might have rational Jealousies, that Monk
would not approve of their actions, yet they were assured
by some of his Officers, who were in Town, that he had
General Lambert's
object was to be Pro-
tector of the Com-
mon-Wealth, as Oli
ver Cromwell had
been.
not interest enough to make the Army in Scotland act
against them. * . * *
But, this being in some degree already effected, Monk
was too much a Soldier to be despised ; the place he was in
was such, as would enable him to stand a War; and the
Cause in which he engaged was so just and plausible, that
Lambert’s ambition would have found it difficult to attempt
to go over the Tweed into Blood against him: For the true
state of the quarrel was “whether a second Protector, or the
old Parliament again, should govern the nation.” And thus
much Fleetwood seemed to understandsoon after Lambert’s
march towards the North; and it tended not alittle to Monk’s
advantage, that Fleetwood, by express Messengers, pre-
tended to court him. True it is, indeed, that Lambert
put himself into action under Fleetwood’s command ; but,
if his success had answered his ambition, the Soldiery
would, without much difficulty, have allowed him the
superiority. - .
This Rupture between Monk and the Army, was the talk
and joy of London ; whose Lord. Mayor and Common
Council soon after received a large ſletter from him inviting
them to assist in the Cause he had espoused. The Presby- .
terians (the far greater part among thern) liked the Man
better than his undertaking, and they liked the latter,
it may be, somewhat the worse, because he had, but just
before, Sollicited the Independent Churches to the same
effect, and assured them of their Spiritual Liberties, i
We
The King's Restauration.
735
well as their Civil. He likewise sent Letters to the Fleet
(then in the Downs, under the Command of Lawson)
and to some Garrisons and particular Persons in England,
and, viz. to Colonel Overton (Governour of Hull) and to
the Officers and Army in Ireland; desiring them to declare
with him, for the Restoring of the Parliament. But no
Encouragement did he receive from any of these : They
returning, that to them the Offences of their Brethren
of the English Army did not appear so heinous, as to re-
quire a recourse unto Arms; and that amicable and calm
Treaties were more likely to secure their common safety
against the Common Enemy, who, by this breach. would
watch an advantage against them. Nay, from the then
Governing Officers in Ireland, he was answered with a
Resolution to declare against him, in case he advanced
any further. -
Yet did not these discouragements in the least stagger
his firm purpose to go through with his Work: No, no,
though Dr. Clargis, and Colonel Talbot were also express-
ly sent from Fleetwood and Lambert to supersede it; by.
whom they were entreated and conjured to use their ut-
most endeavours to allay the sudden heats of Monk, which
had been kindled (they said) by ill Artifices, or mistakes
--~"
Dr. Clargis and Col.
Talbot are sent by
the Army-party to
tº eat with General
Monk, November 2,
1659.
of their proceedings; of which they assured him that he
and his Army should receive a satisfactory account. Clar-
gis was Brother-in-Law to the General; Colonel Tal-
bot a Gentleman whose Conversation was acceptable to
him ; both these came Post-haste to us November the Se-
cond, with Instructions to cajole Monk out of his Arms
and Reason. But the man would not yield. Talbot could
not make him believe the sincerity of Lambert’s Friendship,
nor the reality of his proffers of advantage ; and Clar-
gis did but prevaricate with them that sent him, and in-
formed the General of the Instability and Poverty of the
Army in England; they having but little Money, and no
means left them of raising any, when that was spent, but
their Swords. Besides, that the Free-Quarter guests
could not long be welcome; for as much as the men
at Westminster (foreseeing their doom) before their turn-
ing-out, had voted it High Treason to raise Money
out of Parliament. Now, though themselves were but
- the
The History of
Lambert with his
Army marches
northwards to New-
castle.
Fleetwood sends
Captain Deane to
treat with Monk.
the shadow of the name of Parliament, and had for many
Years usurped a Power that did not belong to them, yet
did they cover their Spite and Revenge with a pretended
tenderness for their Country's Freedom. * -
Lambert waits not for the return of his Messengers
from Monk, but advances Northward, with what Forces
could be spared at home: and his Troops increase in his
March; for they lay conveniently in the Country, after the
defeating of Booth, to be at the Summons of his Orders.
He arrived at Newcastle in November, with a Force of
about 12,000 men, wherein were (as it was reported
among us,) 7,000 of the chiefest Cavalry of the Army.
Fleetwood sent Captain Deane, Treasurer of the Ar-
my, (a Messenger of his own) to Monk with a very kind
Letter, and an offer of what Preferment in the Army
he would himself desire. He was kindly received, and en-
tertained by the General at Supper; but he had done ill
Offices in his passage to us by dispersing Papers to seduce
our Soldiers; and his deportment to the General at his
very Table was somewhat unseemly; for he told him
plainly that he had taken the direct course to bring Charles
Stuart in upon them by dividing the Army, and by his
influence, so continuing it, charging him point-blank, as
if Charles Stuart was at the bottom of his Design, con-
sonant to his dispersed Tickets. Here I had forgot my-
self, and told Mr. Treasurer thus. No, it is you that will
bring him in. For ye in England have more than justifted
the late King : for he did but demand Five Members
of the House of Commons, and ye have dissolved a Par-
liament. - º
The words were scarce out of my Mouth, before the
General withdrew into a private Room, and ordered a Ser-
vant to whisper me to come to him. When I came, he
told me (with a sort of Anger and Love together), Mr.
Price, you hnow that I desired that you would not med-
dle, or make, with these People; pray, let them alone: I
can be undone by none but you and my Wife. But, with
veneration to his Blessed Memory, I humbly conceive
that he had as much reason to be angry with this Mes-
senger, as with me; for he exceeded the decorum of an
- - Envoy.
the King's Restauration.
737
Envoy. I was one Morning at the Head of a Company of
Foot when he passed-by, and told them, My Lard Lambert
is coming upon you, and all JMonk's Army will not be
enough for a Breakfast for him. But he met with a .
scurvy Answer; that Lambert had a very good Stomach,
this Cold Weather, if he could eat Pikes, and swallow
Bullets. - •
The General (to show that he was in earnest, and with
a prospect of gaining Assistance from the Northern parts
of Eugland,) sent Major Knight, with Four Troops of
Horse, and Captain Miller with Six Companies of Foot,
to enter New-Castle. But Colonel Lilborne had prevent-
ed them, and put-in a Force too great for them to at-
tack: So they retreated to Berwick, and stayed there till
they were remanded. Yet did it make for the General's
advantage, to be thus disappointed of enlarging our Quar-
ters: for Lambert was hastening his March, and Monk’s
Army was not yet fixed; and these Troops and Compa-
nies, with their Officers, were the choicest of his Men,
and most devoted to his Design. So that the loss of them
might have proved injurious to it. But this Project of en-
larging his Quarters (as I remember) was none of his
own ; but suggested to him as a probable expedient to
gain him considerable supplies of Horse, which he
wanted. - g
The effect of the Army's Message from England to us,
was, that it produced a 'Treaty ; which had like to have
been our Ruin, though it ended in theirs; because it
was necessary for Monk to accept of it, he having not
yet modelled his Army. For, though his procedure to
dismiss his dissenting, or suspected, Officers, was quick and
resolute; yet were they gently treated at first ; some few of
them having their Arrears stated, if not paid, by Special
Warrant, and themselves being suffered to stay among us.
But they made but ill use of the General's dealing thus gently
with them. The loss of their Commands opened their
Mouths against him, and their tongues were exercised to
debauch his Soldiers from their iduly ; which, being re-
presented to the General, caused their entire dismission,
without any hopes of Arrears to the cashiered.
So in the beginning of November, a Treaty was set on
3 B Foot
The two Armies of
Lambert and Monk
enter into a Treaty.
*38
The History of
The Treaty begins
at London in the be-
ginning of Novem-
ber, 1659.
Foot by the General, and his Officers; Colonel Wilks,
Colonel Clobery, and Major Knight, were nominated,
and delegated with Instructions, and sent-up to Walling-
ford-House, to treat with Fleetwood and his Officers.
Now Lambert, being upon his March from London, met-
with our peaceable Commissioners at York, and would
have spared them a further journey; for he assured them
that he had Powers, from the Committee of Safety, and
the General Council of Officers, to treat, and conclude
with them. But they, insisting upon the return of the
Parliament to their former Power, were dismissed, and .
suffered to pass-on to London, being publick Messengers.
However, Lambert was not altogether without hopes, if
not from our Commissioners (when they should further
open their Credentials at Wallingford-House, whither
they were sent) yet from Major-General Morgan, then at
York, who artificially disliked Monk’s proceedings; and
it was well known that he had a great Interest in his
Friendship, and in the Soldiers of Scotland, his Command
there being next to the General’s. Colonel Lilburne
(who commanded at York) taking notice of this, repre-
sented it to Lambert; and it was concluded by them that
Morgan was a fit Instrument to send into Scotland; be-
cause, that, either by his Friendship with Monk, he might
create a better understanding between them, or, by his in-
fluence, might draw-off a Party of the Scotch Army for him-
self:which was,indeed, not impossible to have been effected,
had his distaste of Monk’s declaring against the Army been
real, instead of being only feigned. And here I note, that
it was pleasantly observed how Lambert and Fleetwood,
a-part, would cajole Monk for themselves.
So Morgan was sent to us, and his Message neglected;
but his Person was most kindly received by the General,
who much wanted him, and soon employed him in the most
difficult service that yet remained unattempted, which
was, the reforming of our Horse; for very many even of
our private Troopers were great Malecontents. Of all
evils I believe it was none of the greatest, that our Num-
ber of Horse was so small, and that the last Summer
Fleetwood had remanded two Regiments of them out of
Scotland;
£he King's Restauration.
Scotland; though, it was conjectured, not without some
distrust of the Commander in Chief there. Morgan and
Adjutant Smith, were itinerant Reformers from quarter
to quarter, to dismount the dissenting Troopers, and to
set Foot-Soldiers on Horse-back, that could buy Boots.
But many prevented their being unhorsed, and ran from
their Colours; others again carried them over to the Ene-
my, not without threats to return upon us. In this, Lam-
bert had much the advantage of us; for we knew of no
Revolters from his army, till their Money and hopes were
spent; his nearness to us (he being at Newcastle) and the
noise of the greatness of his Army, discouraged and fright-
ed-away all that would not cordially join with us: And
yet this at the long run proved no inconvenience to the
General; for now he thought his Men would stand by
him, should he have occasion to use them.
The Messengers from the Independent Party,as well Ec-
clesiastical as Civil, pressed the General with set Speeches
to desist from his Enterprise. But he took them up
roundly, and with the Eloquence and Resolution of a
Soldier; silencing their fears of the common Enemy
with suggestions of a pretended necessity of doing his duty,
in order to the restoring of the Parliament. It took
him up a compleat Month, the purging and forming his
Army to his mind, and marching the Troops (from their
several quarters) towards the South of Scotland: But, be-
fore he left Edenburgh, he called a Convention of the
Nobility and Burghers, laid before them the Ground of
his Quarrel, required their peaceable deportment during
his absence, and the payment of what they were in Ar-
rear to him, for his Army; he having, in consideration
of the poverty of the Country, forborne them long.
They frankly yielded to his demand ; and some of the
Members of that Assembly, by appointment, waited upon
him afterwards, at Berwick; moving him to furnish them
with Arms, that they might be capacitated to assist in the
opposing of Lambert's Invasion, which seemed equally to
threaten (they said) both us and them. But the General
looked-upon the request as too early and too dangerous
for him to grant; because his own men were not to be
- 3 B 2 disobliged ;
General Monk
marches with his
Army from Eden-
burgh, to the South
of Scotland, about
the middle of No.
vember, 1659.
740
The History of
disobliged; beside that thetwo.Armies were not as yet become
so far exasperated against each other, as to force us, in de-
spair, to take-in the assistance of those who were enemies to
both. In somethings, however, they were gratified,and much
was promised; so that they went not away discontented,
Nay, some of them better understood the General, I be-
lieve, than his Officers did ; many of whom took it in
great dudgeon, that orders were given-out to the Captains
of Foot to fill-up their Vacancies with Scots. But, in-
deed, the General was necessitated to take this course:
and the Jealousy (be it where it would) was, by most of
our own party, deemed groundless, and ridiculous; in re-
gard that the General had not yet given any advantage
to that Nation against the then English Interest.
In which Particular he was so very cautious, that af.
terwards, when he saw he had no need of them, he marched-
back a part of his own Force (under the Command of
Major-General Morgan) to secure the peace of Scotland.
Now this Action was particularly canvassed, and adjudged
an Argument not only of his prudence, but of his fidelit
to that which they called a Parliament, at Westminster.
So that he stopt the Mouths of his Invidious Adversaries,
who were wont to be continually prating, as if that Na-
tion would soon be in Arms against them, if it were once
left to it-self. -
Though the Armies attended the issue of the Treaty
at Wallingford-House; yet Lambert being now come to
Newcastle, the Commanders on both sides continued to
make preparations for War: Monk, both for the small.
ness of his Army, and his great want of Horse, (many of
his private Troopers being not well resolved neither) was
obliged to Act on the Defensive.
Now, if Lambert had not lingered so long at New-
castle, but, with his Horse only, advanced directly into
Scotland; beside that he could then have met-with little
or no resistance, he would also have confined us to very
narrow Quarters; and all the Villages and Oats and Straw
(of which, at that time, there was plenty) would have been
his own: And in truth, as he was destitute both of Money
and Authority, sudden Action was his true Interest.
The General, on the other hand, had both these advan-
tages;
the King’s Restauration.
74. I
tages; and only wanted Power; so that his Interest was
Delay. But it was the Almighty's good Time to disappoint
the Strong, to infatuate their Counsels, and to sow Seeds of
Strife and Divisions amongst them. For a great many of
those that had followed Lambert into the North, were not
thorough-paced to serve his Ambition: someof them looked-
back upon Fleetwood, he being acknowledged to have the
Superiority in Command; and others again began to abate
of their Jealousies towards Monk, who had been repre-
sented to them as a secret Friend to Charles Stuart.
Besides that Lambert could not, in Justice or Honour,
break-in upon our Quarters, before he understood the
Event of the Treaty ; which he soon after did, to his
Content.
By the Eighteenth of November the General had
reached as far as Haddington, intending for Berwick,
and to visit the Passes upon the Tweed, that so he might
be able to post his Men to the best Advantage. Now,
upon the same Night, and to the same Place, after Grace
had been said at Supper, for Peace, came Information
that our Commissioners had concluded with the Officers
at London; which news, I knew, was very unwelcome
to him ; whereupon very early next Morning he returns
to Edenburgh, consults his Counsellors, convenes his
Officers, and requires their Sense upon the matter. It
was easy for him, without the help of a Familiar, to
foretell what it would be: for now his Army was not the
same thing that it was five Weeks ago ; and the Officers
knew very well that, should they tamely submit to this
Peace, the Consequence must be, that his Honour the
Colonel must sink-down into a Captain, and the Cap-
tain shrink into an Ensign, and the Ensign return to
his Halbert; one Article of the Agreement being this,
that all Officers who had been suspended, or had laid-down
their Commissions, since the 11th of October last, by
reason of any differences between the Armies, should be
heard, and their Causes adjusted and determined by Four-
teen Commissioners; the one half of them to be chosen
by the Council of Officers, in England, and the other
News arrives to Ge-
neral Monk and his
Army, at Hadding-
ton, on the 13th of
November, that his
Commissioners have
Concluded a treaty
with Lambert's Ar-
my.
half by the Council of Officers, in Scotland. Had they
3 B 3 - submitted
742 2. The History of
submitted to this Umpire, to foretell which way the Scale
would have inclined (now) was obvious. -
This, Convention of Officers, on both sides, was by
compact to meet at Newcastle, the first of December
then ensuing. Now, since Monk’s declaring against the
Army, he had displaced about 140 Officers, who had
lately been shuffled upon him by the then Parliament, in
lieu of a very considerable Number of his stoutest and
bravest Men, upon whose courage and Fidelity he prin-
cipally relied, whom they had removed before the llth
of October then last past. And, though the General sent
frequent Letters of Intercession for them, yet so great
an Influence had the Factions of the Anabaptists and
Independents at that Time, that they prevailed against his
Mediation; neither, probably, would they have stopped
here, had not the Westminsterians been interrupted in
their Session. All those who were thus displaced by the
Rump, and had not yet left Scotland, he had already
restored to their Commands, in confidence of his being
able to make his Peace with his Masters for so doing,
when they should return again to the Exercise of their.
Authority ; he having taken-up a Resolution to signify to
them, that their best Servants were ill represented to
them, by these Factions, who had before them a List of
all the Officers in Scotland, to whose Names they set
these Marks, B. for Bad, I. for Indifferent, and G. for
Godly. Monk's Men knew how to fight, and they loved
their old General; some of them, better than the old Par-
Jiament; they knew too, that their Cause was good, and
their Hopes of restoring the Rump, begat new ones also,
of living at home in ease. So that they stood so far off
from any Terms of Peace with Wallingford-house, that
Some Indignations were expressed against the Commis-
sioners, as if they had betrayed them.
Monk and his Army But our Counsellors were more moderate, and came to
#ſº this Resolution, “that a new Treaty should be desired,
some further expla upon pretence that there were some Articles in that
nation. Agreement that required a further explication, refusin
tº to ratify any part of it, till that were done.” And this
dallying it was, that proved the Break-neck of Lambert,
who
the King's Restauration.
%3
who accepted of this Excuse at first, but afterwards found
our Delays.
So soon as it was known in London, that Monk and his
Officers had refused to ratify the Agreement which their
Commissioners had made for them; several Members
began to take heart upon it, to cabal in Corners, and to
contrive towards their own Restitution; whereas before,
they were tame and irresolute, as scarce knowing how to
distinguish between Friend and Foe; the Officers of the
English Army thirsting for the Government. But then,
on the other Side, the popular Expectations which were
observed in all places to be raised of Monk, touched them
to the Quick, and made them apprehensive lest Inten-
tions might be to let-in the King and his Party (which
they called the Common Enemy) upon them. Neither
indeed were some prying Men, amongst us, less jealous of
him ; For, one of them coming very late to my Chamber,
we entertained each other with mutual Friendship and
Discourse; but he would still be, ever and anon, interpo-
sing for my thoughts, “whether the General was for the
King, or not.” But I told him, that he would do the
General, and us all, a great deal of wrong, if he did
not abhor the very suspicion. He was not satisfied, how-
ever, with this Answer; and we talked-on till it was too
late for him to pass by the Centinels to his Quarters. So
he was forced to lodge that Night with me; but he was
still awaking, and telling me ; the General is for the
King: and I, as often, desired him to forget that idle
Fancy, and let us both sleep.
The General now, with mighty Protestations, pretends to
adhere to the Parliament, as it sat on the 11th of October;
(the day Lambert disturbed them) though to call ano-
ther Parliament, was the great, and secret Instruction that
he had given his Commissioners, and not to be discovered
to the English Officers, without an unavoidable neces-
sity; which necessity Coll. Wilks conceived himself to
ly-under; but upon his return he found us of another
Opinion. -
The Scotch Army being now disengaged from the in-
tanglements of peace, marched to the North side of the
3 B 4 Tweede;
744
The History of
General Monk and
his army come to
Coldstream.
Tweede; The General lodged two Nights. (Sunday
being one) at Dunbar ; we there observing the place of
that memorable Battle fought September the third,
J650, where the Solemn League and Covenant was more
effectually executed than when it was afterwards burnt by
the hands of the Common Hangman in Westminster Pwl-
lace-yard. But this latter was done legally.
The next day the General came to Berwick, where we
found the Air to be somewhat colder. But, before we
entered it, Capt. Ogle (an honest old man, zealous for the
good old Cause) met us, and brought into our Service a
Troop of Cumberlands; not Jades; for in those days our
Muster-Masters called all Horses. Hither also came the
General’s Lady, with her Son; who, some few weeks
after, received orders to go from hence by Sea, to London.
Here we likewise met our fore-named Commissioners,
who returned from England without Peace; and yet
their concluding of it at first, was very seasonable ser-
vice. Hither also came Zanchy, (Envoy from Newcastle)
who made several Overtures for an accommodation ; but
was answered, both in jest and earnest, by our Wits and
Counsellors. In this place we might have staid longer
in a good Winter-Quarter, had not the boldness of the
Newcastle Dragoons allarmed us: whereupon Mr. Zan-
chy was secured, and the General, in a most tempestuous
dark Night, marched towards Coldstream, but took-in at
the Pass at Noram, the Night being so very dark.
At Coldstream our first Entertainment was suitable to
the Name; no Sutlers being as yet come to us, and no
Shambles to be found. All the Time we staid there
we drank warm drink; it was brewed in the Morning ;
we had enough of it at Noon; and, if any was left till
Night, is was accounted stale, and only fit for Officers.
What Mault it had within Doors, I know not ; but the
Ingredients without were Horse-dung, Ice and Snow; for
it was troublesome to come to the water; yet some we
had ; for our Brewsters were not careful, or skilful in the
compositions of Ana. Here were our settled Quarters;
though the General, with a small retinue, made a slip
back to Berwick, December the 13th, to entertain the
Scotch
The King's Restauration.
745
**.
Scotch Convention. At our return, we found Butchers and
Sutlers; but the Sutlers (useful men) had got a whole
Barn to themselves; another there was, (but not all-out
so good) that served indifferently for a Cow-sfall and a
Ghapel; our Quarter-Master having a Warrant for it,
from the Nativity of Christ. - * { * * ,
Here we were fixed in expectation of events; what
Lambert, what the Men of the Parliament, and what the
concealed Lord Fairfax would do. We sent, and re-
céived Messages, and fought in Paper; laying aside, and
reserving Powder and Shot, as dangerous things, and not
fit to be employed against Brethren. But, if Lambert
would have breathed his Horse with three or four...days
March almost Belly-deep in Snow, made of that his Pro-
vender too, and lodged them in it, for scarcity of Villages,
on the South-side of Tweede; he might have attacked us
on the North ; where, after he had ascended on even
Banks, he would have found a Battalia ready to receive
him, filed into Horse and Foot, (which the Countryman
may understandºy a Lare of Fat, and a Lare of Lean in
his Bacon) for Wings of Horse we had none, as not.in-
tending to fly. This was the Posture in which Morgan,
by the General's Order, drew-up his Men at Kelsey.
And now comfortable News thronged-in upon us; as,
that the then growing Party in Ireland had declared for
us, and were ready to send us assistance;—-that. Ports-
mouth had opened her Gates to Hazlerig, Morley and
Walton ; (three of the seven Commissioners for govern-
ing the Army) and this Col. Wetham (the Governour
of it) did, in respect to the General, as well as in duty to
the Parliament:—that the Fleet under Lawson had owned
our Quarrel against the Army;—and that Fairfax was
ready to march to fall-in upon Lambert’s Rear ; should
he advance forward upon us; assuring us that, whatever
came of it, he would not fail of being in Arms by the
first of January; and he was better than his word. The
Soldiers began now to be revived in these cold Quar-
ters, as hoping for better. Hither came some of our Of.
ficers to us, who were absent from their Commands, when
the General first declared ; alledging, in excuse of their
staying so long away, that they were stopp'd by Lambert
- * - at
*-
Aº
Several bodies of
troops return to
their obedience to
the Parliament.
46
The History of
at Newcastle ; but all was to no purpose; for they found
their places filled. :
This Stream of good News notwithstanding, the Gene-
ral continu’d his wonted care of his Guards : It being now
evident, that Lambert, within a few days, must either fight
or fall. And, as for my self, I must confess that I was
inwardly displeased at thus many favourable expresses;
as apprehending that this name of a Parliament would,
by nominating and shifting Commissioners for it, engage
the Army so much to their Devotion, and get such other
advantages of fixing their Oligarchy, that it would be no
easie matter to dispossess them. With these foolish whim-
sies in my head, I was resolved to steal privately to the
General; who had cautioned me before-hand, not to be seen
to appear in these publick Transactions. And to do this,
I knew the interval between Midnight and the Morning to
be the only time. So, between two and three of the Clock,
by the help of a Corporal, I came to his Chamber-door,
found it only latched, the General in his Cloaths, his
head laid on the side of the Bed, and his Body resting
upon two Stools or a Form, Fire and Candles being in the
Room. He awaked at my first entrance : I desired his
pardon, and he kindly gave liberty of Speech. Upon
my representing to him what I judg’d to be his Interest
and Duty: that is to say, the restoring of our known
Laws: (for I never used to speak in any other terms) I
cannot forget his Passion and his Posture : “Mr. Price,
(said he) I know your meaning, and I have known it.
By the grace of God, I will do it, if ever I can find it in
my power; and I do not much doubt but that I shall.”
So closing my hands in both his, he lifted them up, and
devoutly uttered, “by God’s help I will do it.”
I then took the further liberty to mind him of the Pa-
pers he had signed, “to stand to this Parliament as it sat the
11th of October, and no other,” and of several other Res-
trictions which he had needlessly (as I conceived) put
upon himself. He answered me with some regret;
you see, who are about me, and write these things; I must
not shew any dislike of them : I perceive they are jealous
enough of me already, bidding me not to look-upon it as
any act of his. Having thus discoursed to him of diverse
things
The King's Restauration.
747
things which, I thought, might be for his service, (he cour-
teously allowing me the freedom) I left him to his short
Rest; for he was to be early at business. And thus I be-
came further satisfyed at what Port he aimed ; however
then and afterwards, with the winds, he steered his course.
December was very far spent ; but so were not the
hopes of accommodating this breach between both Ar-
mies by a "reaty. Wherefore Monk is pressed to de-
pute, and send his Officers to treat with Lambert's, as it
was promised; yet the doing of this was suspended; we
having understood that there would be powerful diver-
sions in the South ; But so soon as we were certainly
informed that Portsmouth had declared for the Parlia–
ment, and that the Southern Generals (who acted by the
same authority with our Northern) began to give-out
their orders, and were obeyed, Monk immediately dis-
patcht-away an Express to Lambert; signifying, that
He and his Officers were ready for a Treaty; but that he
could not proceed that way, till he had by Letters con-
sulted his Brethren at Portsmouth, and obtained their
consent for the same, and the choice of the place where
they would have it : wherefore he desired that his Mes-
senger (Major Bannister) might without any interruption
pass on his way to them; subjoyning Complement.
Lambert perceiving the drift of this, detained Bannister,
and vented his Resentment against Monk and his Offi-
cers, as if they had deluded him.
And now the mighty Men of Newcastle, (who found
not their hands, or their hearts, in condition to fight
against their Scottish Brethren) fell a raging into despair;
for the next News that they and we hear of, was, that
the Regiments in and about London had revolted from
Fleetwood, and mutinied into obedience to the Parliament.
The penitent Soldiers were content to take shame upon
themselves for their second Apostacy from the good old
Cause, (Lieutenant General Fleetwood, expressing it,
that God had spit in their faces : ) and (seeing there was
no other remedy,) to trust their Masters, a third time, with
the Commonwealth.
So December the 25th, by some called Christmas-day,
in the afternoon, the Fag-end of a Parliament Sat-down.
again
The Soldiers at Lon-
don return to their
obedience to Parlia-
In ent,
The Parliament
ineets again on the
25th of Dec. 1659.
The History of
again within those Walls, which by their good wills they
would never have parted-with. Sovereignty, it seems,
was so very sweet, that the bare Privilege of coming
thither to give Counsel, was, in those times, canvassed-
for, as if the contest had been for a Roman Tribune-
Ship. But this doth not concern Coldstream, whose General
was not altogether a Prophet: for, tho’ he told me, after the
defeating of Sir George Booth, that he knew Lambert so
well, that he was confident that he would not let the Men at
Westminster sit till Christmas-day; yet he said not, that
on that day they should return to sit again. The news of
this came not to us till the very end of December ; But,
- though it had not come at all, the General would still have
Ylord Fairfax rises
in arms with a body
of his friends near
York, in support of
the Parliament.
marcht forward; because the Lord Fairfax was, by agree-
ment, to appear on the first of January with what force he
could make, and what Confederates he could gain, by his
Interest, out of the old Army. But he found it necessary
to be in Arms some few days sooner, because he suspected
that his intents were discovered by Lambert's Party;
and he was too politick to be taken mapping. Thus In-
telligence came to us, “that the Lord Fairfax was up, in
and about York; and that to him had joyned almost all
Col. Lilburn's Regiment of Horse, who, neglecting their
Colonel, followed the commands of their Major, Smithson,
a very worthy Soldier.”
Upon the Neck of this came several Advices, as
that the Irish Brigade, (who were looked-upon as the
choicest men in Lambert’s Army,) were resolved to revolt
from him, he having no other Authority than what his
own Interest could make, and no Money left to pay his
Soldiers; and that Levies were preparing in England, by
such of Fairfax's old Officers, who bore a sway in their
respective Countries; as Colonel Rossiter, and others.
So that it was now manifest, that Lambert must of neces-
sity break-up his Quarters at Newcastle, and march
either against Monk or against Fairfax, who were, both of
them, Gnerals of a fortunate name in war, and acting for
that Authority from which this Rebel Army had their
Commissions; their Committee of Safety,having nevergiven-
out any Commissions that ever I could hear-of.
Mionk concluded, that Lambert would rather look-
back
The King's Restauration.
back towards Yorkshire, than attempt upon Him: He
had constant and diligent Spies at Newcastle, to inform
him, from time to time, of the Condition of the Army
there: and, as soon as ever Lambert should have offered to
move, the General would have had intelligence of it; and .
then we should have marched from Coldstream directly to
the Relief of Fairfax. - -
But God was pleased to decide the Quarrel without
Blood. For, upon the return of the Men at Westminster,
they immediately voted that all their Armies should betake
themselves to the several Quarters in which they were in
the month of October before Lambert’s disturbance of the
Parliament. The News of this was brought to us by Let-
ters only; but an express Order was sent to Newcastle, to
break-up; which Lambert obeyed, and absconded; for it
was too late to resist. * & -
These good Tidings created much joy in our little
Habitations; though the Vote for returning into Quarters
somewhat perplexed our General. But our Officers
would not understand a bare Letter of News to concern
them ; being more comforted this cold Winter with the
hopes of living near their own Homes, now the Parlia-
ment was returned, than of the Golden Chains and
Medals that had been promised them, by those who
would have promised Mountains rather than not have
sitten again. For, could the People of England ever
have once gotten any tolerable freedom of choice, and
reduced the Armies to Terms of obedience, every Body
might see, with half an Eye that these good Old Cause-
'men would soon have been new-named; and, whoever
has heard of Richard’s Parliament, cannot but look-upon
this as more than a probability. 'Twas now the first of
January, 1659-60; it was the Lord’s day too, and it was his
doing; when our General ordered his Infantry from Cold-
stream over the Tweede; and the next Day marched his
Horse likewise, having sent Col. Knight before, with some
Troops towards Newcastle. -
It was troublesome to descend the River on Horse-
back; and a superstitious Care was taken that the General
should not trip. The Frost was great, and the snow
reater: and I do not remember that ever we trod upon
plain Earth from Edenburgh to London. The Air i.
- tºlls
Lambert's armv at
Newcastle, obeys the
order of the restored
Parliament, and re.
turns to its old Quaſ-
ters.
General Motik with
his Army begins his
march to London.
January 1, 1659-63,
750
The History of
He comes to Mor-
peth on the 4th of
January, 1659-60,
this day so very clear too, that we could distinguish the
colours of the Pebbles in the Tweede, though several
Horse had passed before us. I, being behind the General,
entertained myself with this waggish thought; that, did
but the Men of Westminster, (for thus he commonly
styled the Parliament to me) know what a loyal Servant
they were likely to have of him, they would never have
suffered him to pass thus quietly And of this I had after-
ward occasion to tell him. -
The 2d of January we came to Wooler; where the
General received a kind Letter from the Speaker, signi-
fying, indeed, that they were returned to the exercise of
their Authority, but not one word about his marching
towards them. This increased his Jealousy. -
The 3d of January we came to a Village, not worth my
naming, because here I met with worse quarters than at
Coldstream. I and some few more, after we had con-
sumed our Landlord's Fuel, bargained for his empty
Vessels for our Chimney; drank-out his full ones, and,
without any disturbance to our Brains; and lodged that
Night in the best Room of his House, which was within
the Chimney-Mantle. The next Morning our Landlord
had no reason to complain, though I had, he being
informed that the General himself had no so good Quar-
ters the other Night, as his Chaplain had at the Parson’s
House; and therefore had a mind to change with us
here. But I fairly left him, for I saw neither Meat, Drink,
nor Fire, when I came-in with him; however, I did my
duty, or a piece of it, at least, to attend him to his
Chamber ; though he was fain to climb some steps of a
Ladder to come to it, and glad that it was no worse. But
my Brother-Chaplain straggled out of his Quarters, and
found Christmas-Pie and Strong Beer, at a Gentleman's
House, who bade him and his Company the Welcome of
a Night, but in the Morning professed more Kindness to
Lambert than to Monk; and he was not mistaken in the
Interest of his Religion. -
The 4th. We reached to Morpeth; whither came
Mr. William Man (Sword-Bearer of London) with Ad-
dresses from the City, who had been early Rebels to the
- Parliament.
The King's Restauration.
7
5
I
Parliament. The General gave him Letters back,
and for Reasons of Camp, sent along with him Mr.
Gumble to the Parliament. The Magistrates of this place
(whether out of civility, or to atone for Lambert’s long
abode with them is no great matter) presented us with
Wine and Sugar. Our next Stage was Durham, whi-
ther came the High Sheriff to us. From hence the Ge-
neral sent Sir Joseph Douglas, (whom he had formerly
obliged) with Letters of moment to Sir Charles Coot in
Ireland. Douglas had long before contracted an intima-
cy with the General in Scotland, was frequent in his Visits
to him at Dalkeith, where he used (for several days toge-
ther) to be courteously entertained and lodged. The trust
that the General reposed in him, was (it seems) of a great
and dangerous Quality; for Douglas was to negociate
General Monk and
his army come to
Durham,
And sends a message
to Sir Charles Coot
in Ireland, to exhort
with Coot in Ireland, that the various Interests there him to deelare for a
might be so managed, aS to engage them to confe. free parliament.
derate quickly into a Declaration for a Free Parliament,
as the most proper and effectual means to redress their
Grievances. Douglas was credited, and the Design took
effect, even a little with the earliest; for just upon the
Pinch of their declaring for a Free Parliament, they were
alarmed with the astonishing News of Monk's having
broken-down the Gates of London. (The manner and
reason of it I shall not here anticipate) whereupon the
Conspirators in Ireland against the then Parliament’s
authority, expostulated with Douglas, as if he had be-
trayed them. But the next Packet from England assured
them, that Monk had likewise declared for a Free Par-
liament; and so all was right again. Sir Joseph Doug-
las is well known at Court, being at this time, (as I take
it) a Gentleman of the Privy-Chamber.
In our March afterwards, we made no halt till we came
to York. Here we stayed five days, one of them being
Sunday, and Mr. Bowles gave us a good Sermon in the
Cathedral. This Gentleman was the Lord Fairfax's
Chaplain, Counsellor, and Agitator; and dealt with the
General about weighty and dangerous Affairs; one night,
above the rest, keeping him up Sovery late, that, upon my
entering the Chamber to go to Prayers, I found him and
- Bowles
He next comes to
York, and confers
with the Lord Fair-
fax.
The IIistory of
Bowles in very private Discourse; and the General or-
dered me to go-out for a while, but not to Bed. Some-
time after Midnight Bowles went-away; so that then our
Servants hoped to sleep; but the General sent for me in
to him, and commanded them to stay without, as be-
fore. He took me close to him, and said “what do you
think? Mr. Bowles has pressed me very hard to stay
here, and declare for the King; assuring me that I shall
have great assistance.” I started at the boldness of the
Proposition, and asked him whether he had made Bowles
any such Promise. He answered me, “No truly, I have
not, or I have not yet;” For I found him a little perplexed
in his thoughts; and I myself was as much ; but, after a
little pause, I spake to this effect; “that, after the famous
Gustavus (King of Sweedland) was slain in Germany, his
Effigies in Wax (with those of his Queen and his Children)
was carried up and down to be shown for two-pence; the
Spectators being entertained with the Story of his Life, of
which Iremember this Passage, That, when this King enter-
ed Germany, he said, That, if his shirt knew what he in-
tended to do, he would lear it from his back, and burn it.
My Application of this saying to the General was designed
to entreat him to sleep between this and the Walls of Lon-
don; and, when he came within them, (which I doubted not
but he would do very shortly,) then to open his Eyes and
consider what he had to do. This Advice I also backed
with such Reasons as I conceived to be most prevalent.
But it was not the General only, that was here solli-
cited upon the King's behalf; some of his Officers being
also set-upon, and promised great Rewards; one of whom
was represented to have demanded no less than to be Lord
Chancellor. This Sir Edward Hide (who afterwards held
that great Office, when the King came-in) told the Gene-
ral, and the General told it to me. •
The noon before this mighty Intrigue, the Lord Fair-
fax dined with the General privately in his Chamber;
and I was then deputed to be his Host, at his publick
Table; where he allowed a Half-Crown Ordinary (large
Commons!) for Twenty Men. And the General, to re-
turn the Lord Fairfax's kindness, went one day and dined
with him at his Country-House, where he and his Reti.
Il Ule
The King's Restauration.
753.
Retinue hospitably entertained, and returned the same
night, - - .
Hither now were brought Orders from the Parliament,
to march towards them. The General expected them
Sooner; and, in requital of their confidence in him, pub-
lickly cudgeled an Officer who had traduced him by say-
ing, “ This Monk will at last bring in Charles Stewart;”
charging his Officers to do the like to those under their
Command that should so offend. -
The Parliament were jealous of Fairfax's late rising for
them ; and therefore probably thought this no fit place for
Monk to lodge his Army in; from whence I suppose he
would not have removed Southward, without Orders; and,
it might be, would have disputed it, had he been remanded
Northwards. But, if he had so far yielded to the Parlia-
ment, as (over-ruled by the apprehensions of the Army
of England, and by the advantages that might have been
taken of him in Yorkshire, out-weighing all those that he
could then reasonably propound to himself) to return
from whence he came; yet his Army could not but have
stomached the disgrace of the jealousy, to be sent-back
into Scotland. And this resentment he might have made
good use of; for there the kingdoms of Scotland and Ire-
land would have been entirely at his devotion; and the
assistance from thence, together with some farther model-
ling of his Army (the discontents in England dayly in-
creasing too) might have produced some formidable dis-
turbances to the Government, especially now that the Par.
liament could not well trust their own Army at home. But
the coming of Orders to march, forward, took-away the
Umbrage of all distrusts. So Auditor Thompson, from
London, found us at York; and, in the remainder of the
General’s March, was entertained by him as one of his
Counseliors. -
Here we left behind us Col. Fairfax's Regiment of
Foot ; and Major-General Morgan was sent-back to
Scotland with his two Regiments of Horse and Foot, to
secure the peace of that Kingdom. From York we made
no stay, till we came to Nottingham.
Hither came Dr. Clargis; Mr. Gumble being returned
to us, from London, the Stage before, at Mansfield.
* . 3 C - Now
At York he receives
Orders from the Par-
liament to march
with his army to
London.
From York he
marches to Notting-
ham,
754
The History of
Then to Leicester.
And there he is met
by Mr. Scot and Mr.
Robinson, two Com-
missioners from the
Parliament.
Then to Harborow.
Now the General made a halt to bring-up the rear of
his Army; and here our Counsellors had leisure to fall
into debates. Among divers other Projects, a Subscrip-
tion was propounded “that we should be obedient to the
Parliament in all things, except the bringing-in of Charles
Stuart.” But this was subtilly opposed, by Arguments to
the effect following; “That this was the way to fall into
the same Error with the English Army; to make our-
selves Judges, and consequently Masters of the Parlia-
ment’s actions: for-whensoever they did any thing that
disliked us, it was but suggesting that they were doing
such things as tended to the bringing of him in ; and so
make ourselves our own Carvers.” So this was waved;
and the rather, because the Parliament’s Commissioners
were to meet us the next Stage, which was Leicester.
However, the General (to remove all distrust of him-
self) yielded that a Letter should be sent in his Name, to
his Country-men in the West; wherein were State-Rea-
sons alledged, asserting the impossibility of the King's
return, and his protestation against it; for now, it seems,
he was informed what hopes these Western Gentlemen had
conceived of him.
As we entered the Town of Leicester, we saw the
Irish Brigade drawn-up by Colonel Redman, and Colonel
Bret ; whom the General received with great courtesie,
they being his cordial Friends. His Counterfeits, Mr. Scot
and Mr. Robinson, the Parliament’s Commissioners, were
now at hand. From hence, the next night, we came to
Harborow, where divers citizens from London waited the
General’s entrance. They complained of grievances,which
he durst not promise to redress; for now Scot and Ro-
binson (Councillors of State, and Abjurers of the King’s
Family) were his Ears and his Mouth. This was a hard
task for him to bear; and yet not so hard as it would
have been to most other men; for he never loved to speak
much, and cared for none that did. So he answered
them in a few and wary words, with submission to his Su-
periors; yet, what his words did not promise, his Counte-
nance seemed to do. But these Citizens came full of
hopes to find a more kind reception: For he had sent
their City a Letter out of Scotland, desiring their assist-
3D CC;
the K ing's Restauration.
755
ance; however care was taken by others, that they should
not despair of him; and so they returned to London.
From this place ’till we came to Barnet, Scot and Ro-
binson would still quarter in the same Inn with the Ge-
neral; that they might be present to answer the Addresses
of the Country; of which the most famous were at
Northampton and St. Albans.
The sum of the Desires both of the City and Coun-
try, were either a full and free Parliament, or the Resto-
ration of the Secluded Members of this. And it was ob-
served, that the Gentlemen who made these requests had
not been Cajaliers (the name by which the Royal Party
was distinguished) so that they were the less suspected by
our Officers, who saw what the Sense of the Country was.
Those who were present at the making of these Addresses,
might have said that Monk was the Jupiter, and that Scot
and Robinson made one Mercury; for they only were the
Speakers, and answered all : The General’s return con-
sisting in a Nod, a Frown, or the Rubbing of his Fore-
head, if the Speech were long. But at St. Albans, after
Sir Richard Temple had spoke long and well, Scot was
turned into Mars, and told him “that he would first take-
up the Sword, as Old as he was, before the things they
petitioned-for, should be granted.”
January the 28th. We came to St. Albans, which
was our last Stage: And from hence Col. Lidcot (Scot
and Robinson not being consulted) was sent to the
Speaker, to desire that the Regiments which attended as
Guards to the Parliament, might be distributed into
Country-Quarters; which was, with some sort of difficulty,
obtained ; Though the Parliament had no reason to be
diffident of the General; for his whole Army, with which
he was to enter the Town, was somewhat less than that
part which was to move-out; and he had left Four Regi
ments of his Marching-Army behind him; which were
now a great way off. Besides that the Parliament had
fresh experience of the restless Spirits of their English
Soldiers; and they could not but look-upon their Scotch
as men of a different Temper. Neither, indeed, could they
do less for these, their Restorers, (who had taken this long
3 c 2 March,
Then t Saint Al-
bans, January 28,
1659-60.
756
The History of
March, togratifie them) than to take them for their Guards,
the smallness of their Number not being capable of work-
ing any notable change. And, further, when they were at
London, they were not to be under the sole Command of
Monk, because the Army was Governed by seven Com-
missioners; and Hazlerig stomached, that our General
should be called by any other name than Commissioner
JMonk. - f s
At St. Albans, besides Addresses made by the Gentry
upon the publick account, the General was busied in
receiving numerous Visits; both which were distasted by
our Honourable Spies (Scot and Robinson) whosome-
Hugh Peters preach-
es a remarkable ser-
mon before General
Monk at St. Alban's
on a fast-day, Feb.
1, 1659 60.
times in Civility, or for dispatch of their own business,
would withdraw. But their Apartment was only dis-
tinguished from the General's by a Wainscot-Door, in
which either they found, or made, a hole to hear and see.
This the General took notice of, and complained of it to
me; with a sort of scornful Indignation. -
But here we spent one day extraordinary at the Church;
the Famous Hugh Peters, Mr. Lee of Hatfield; and ano-
ther, carrying-on the Work of the Day, which was a Fast-
Day. Peters super-erogated, and prayed a long Prayer in
the General’s Quarters too at Night. As for his Sermon,
he managed it with some Dexterity at the first, allowing
for the Cantings of his Expressions. His Text was Psalm
107. v. 7. He led them forth by the right way, that they
might go to the City where they dwelt. With his Fingers
on the cushion he measured the right way from the Red
Sea through the Wilderness to Canaan; told us it was
not Forty days March, but God led Israel Forty years
through the Wilderness, before they came thither; yet
this was still the Lord’s right way, who had led his People
crinkledom cum crankledom. And he particularly des
cended into the lives of the Patriarchs; how they jour.
ney'd up al. d down, though there were promises of blessing
and rest to them. Then he reviewed our civil Wars,
our intervals of peace, and fresh distractions, and hopes
of rest; but, though the Lord’s people (he said) were
not yet come to the City of Habitation, he was still lead-
ing them on in the right way, how dark soever his dis-
pensations might appear to us, Before he concluded, he

The King's Restauration.
757
seemed to me to preach his own Funeral Sermon, I look-
ing-upon my self to be on the left side of the Cloud.
Thus my little remarks of him, and his Fast, were at an
end. #
But it was, in those days, observed of an Army-Fast,
“that it commonly proved the fore-runner of some so-
lemn mischief, and rendered their Governours, (whose
Supremacy in Causes Ecclesiastical was not owned by
these kind of Subjects,) jealous of them. For they would
not scruple religiously to meet to seek the Lord, without
the Mandate and Đirection of their Masters; And in
Truth they knew so well at what Turning to find him,
that their Seeking was never in vain.” * .
February was now began; upon the second of which, the
General moved with an easy March to Barnet. Here he
parted with his long guests, Scot and Robinson, and took-
up Quarters only for himself and his domestick retinue;
so we were better accommodated. Much business was
here dispatcht; Orders were distributed for our next day's
March into Town, and that our Soldiers should demean
themselves civilly in their Quarters, and pay for them ;
for our Money held-out still. But about midnight, Scot,
(being frighted with a Letter from Westminster, intimating
that the Soldiers who were to leave their old quarters,
were fallen into a high Mutiny, and that there was danger
that they would joyn with the Prentices, who cryed-up in
the streets for a Free-Parliament,) passionately desired, or,
rather, by his Authority required, the General immediately
to beat his drums and march. The very posture of Scot’s
coming-in to us with his Night-Gown, Cap, and Slippers,
might have made us believe tilat the danger was eminent.
But the General calmly answer'd him. I will undertake
for this Night's Disturbance, (says hey and be early enough
in the Morming to prevent any mtschief. However, he
yielded that a Messenger should be sent to see and report
what the matter was. There had been an Uproar indeed:
but it was soon quasht, and the Soldiers were ieaving the
Town as the Messenger enter'd it. But the motion for
such a hasty March, was looked-upon as an Artifice of
Scot's, so to mingle the Soldiers of both Armies, that they
might be the less at the General's Devotion.
3 C 3 The
The General and his
arily march to Bar-
net, Feb. 2, 1659-60.
They are alarmed
by a report of a mu-
tiny amongst the sol-
diers in London,
7.58
The History of
The General and his
army march to Lom-
don, Feb. 8, 1659-60.
The next day, before we came to Highgate, the Ge-
neral drew up his Forces, which consisted of Four Regi-
ments of Foot, and Three of Horse; their Number being
58OO, allowing 1000 to each Regiment of Foot; and
600 to each Regiment of Horse, besides Officers. We
entered the Town at Gray’s Inn-lane ; and, the Bells'
ringing as we passed along, stopped at the Rolls, before
the Speaker's door; who was not yet returned from the
House; but we met him in the Strand, at the opening of
the Street. The General alighted, and complemented
(after his Soldier's fashion) this our Representative of
Sovereignty, for the Mace was in the Coach ; and so we
And is lodged in the
Prince of Wales's
apartments at
Whitehall,
He receives a pri-
vate intimation of a
design formed
against him in the
Parliament.
came to Whitehall. The General's apartment there was
the Prince’s lodgings, and his servants were all such.
Here our Butler, Sir Ralph Mort, (who at Holyrood-house
in Scotland, had promised to give a bottle of wine at
Whitehall on Candlemas-day) was now mindful of his
promise, and his Prophesie, and presented me with one;
and this was but the day after it. This was a merry fellow,
who, with a Table-knife, had been mock-Knighted into the
name by the late King at Oxford, (being at Supper)
upon his relating the dangers he had escaped, in bringing
intelligence from Newarke. We had more of this Stamp
in our Family, who had served in the Wars for Charles
the First. Here we rested on Saturday and Sunday,
which are the Jewish and Christian Sabbaths: for we were
come into a new World, and would fain please All.
But on Sunday the General was disturbed by a secret
Information, which was this. A Son of Secretary Scot's,
who lodged in One Mr. Sturdy’s house in Russel-street,
had, it seems, so great a confidence in his Landlord,
(though a Romanist,) that, upon discourse, he revealed a
great secret to him ; viz. “ that not only Monk’s power
for commanding the Army should be taken from him, in
a few days, but that he should be sent to the Tower, and
questioned for his Life; and that it was not doubted but
that such things would be proved against him as would
take-off his Head from his broad shoulders.” Sturdy, very
early in the Morning, came to Captain Morrice, (an
honest Cavalier of his acquaintance in the City,) and re-
vealed to him the Discourse of Scot's Son. Whereupon
- Morrice
the King's Restauration.
Morrice forth with carries this Sturdy to Mr. Kendall and
Mr. James Muddiford, who were related to the General,
and they bring him with them to Whitehall. The Ge-
neral gave so much credit to this Relation, that Sturdy,
for some time afterward, rode in the Life-guard. Thus
much Captain Morrice, well known in the City, can
avouch. - -
On Monday, the General saw the face of his Masters
in the House, received solemn Thanks from them by
their Speaker, and returned his to them; but, because he
took upon him to mind them of some things which he
judged were for the publick good, it was not well relish-
ed by some; and, particularly, not by Scot and Robinson;
whore flected upon him, as if he sought to impose his own
sense of things upon the House. Yet this was past-over,
FIe attends the Par-
liament and receives
their thanks for his
services.
they being content to impute it to his affection for their ser-
vice, rather than to any distaste he had for their proceed-
ings. Thus (having been first nominated one of their
new-modelled Council of State) he was invited to take
his place among them. ... But then every Counsellor of
State was, by order of Parliament, to renounce the title and
pretences of Charles Stuart, and all the Descendants of the
lineage of King James; nay, and of all other single per-
sons who should pretend to the Government of these Na-
tions: All this was to be done too by the solemnity of
an Oath. -
This had been propounded to him before, by those who
had argued to this effect, for the necessity of it. That
it was high time for them to discriminate their own party,
that at last they might come to know whom they could
trust; it being now found that there had been a great de-
fection, even among themselves. The General was not
unprovided of an answer, and so craves leave to demur;
adding that he had not seen any good come of their pro-
missory Oathes, those who took them making no scruple to
break them. He instanced in the Covenant and Engage.
ment; and suggested that seven, besides himself, who
, And is invited to be.
Cotne a member of
the Council of
State.
He refuses to take an
oath to renounce the
title of the late king's
family to the crown.
were nominated to be of the Council of State, had not yet
abjured; besides that he did not know how it would re-
lish with his Army, who were very tender in that point.
3 C 4 - And
760
The IIistory of
And indeed, I knew some of them who (though no friends
to Monarchy, yet) had takeri-up a notion that it was not
lawful to swear against the Providence of God. But, that
they might see that they had no reason to suspect him,
or his army, he desired that they would make trial of his
and their fidelity and obedience to them; and, if they found
that he either disobeyed, or disputed, their Orders, he was
then in their power; for he brought not an Army with
him that was great enough to make them jealous of him ;
having sent-back a great part of his forces into Scotland, af-
ter he understood that they were established in their power.
Hitherto his Actions had not been such as, in the least
degree, to make the Parliament or Council of State, dis-
trustful of him; nay, they were rather such as ought to
have produced a good opinion of his constancy to them,
not only by his sending a great part of his Army back,
after they were restored; but also by contending so eagerly
for them : For, when a Treaty between both Armies was
first propounded, and the Articles of it were debated in
Scotland; it was with great difficulty that he yielded to
the calling of another Parliament : , and, when he did, he
recommended this his condescension to his Commissio-
ners, as the great secret of their Trust, charging them to
try all ways for an accommodation, before that should be
discovered; nay, and broke the Agreement too, as much
for this reason as any other; and removed Colonel Wilks
from his Command, because he had disclosed this Instructi-
on unnecessarily; he resolutely adhering to the Parliament
of the Eleventh of October, and no other. And, indeed,
no other could so well have done his business: for this was
become odious to his People. But fears and jealousies
are protestations contrá factum ; to which, besides po-
pular expectations at home, the King’s Court abroad
administered fuel : for adversity will lay hold on a bull-
rush.
At this time a Gentleman (whose sufferings were better
known to me than I to him) came to me and told me,
with great secresie, what hopes there were beyond Sea
of Monk’s march; expressing a desire to gain some from
me; but I sent him away discontented. The General’s
march
the King's Restauration.
761
march without orders, might (at first) reasonably create
some diffidence; but it was soon authorized, and counte-
nanced by the coming of Orders, and Commissioners,
from what we were obliged to call a Parliament. s
It was now the General's business to overcome Scot’s
suspicions of him, as knowing him to be his Enemy, and
to have plotted his ruin. Scot, in our march, had very
often complained of the great malignancy of the City of
London; (for which, the coming of it’s Commissioners
gave occasion enough) but the General would confort.
him by hinting that the Parliament needed not to fear any
danger thence, so long as they had an Army by them :
And, it seems, he had promised him to take-down the
Stomach of the City, if need required. The necessity at
this time was eminent; for now the Lord Mayor, Alder-
men, and Common-Council-men of London by a pub.
lick vote, declared “ that they would pay no more Taxes
and Contributions, till the Parliament was filled-up with
equal Representatives of the People.” Before this, only a
few popular tumults gave the Government a disturbance;
but now the Authority of the whole City rebelled against
the Men of Westminster. And I may safely say, that the
Citizens the rather made choice of this time, because the
General (only with his Scotch Army) was in their Suburbs,
and at Westminster; of whom they had entertained good
f
hopes, from the time that divers Citizens of good note had
given the General visits at St. Albans and Barnet. They
knew too, that many of the Officers had relations and
Friends among them; nor did any Citizens return from
us with the ill news of despair ; nay, some of them used
to carry more hopes back than they had reason for ; their
affection for their Country supplying the deficiency of
promises from us. Thus most of them hoped well, and
none would despair of Monk and his Army.
On Tuesday night the General was detained at the
Council of State till past two in the Morning; which (he
being no Member as yet, because -no Abjurer) created
some suspicions in his Friends and Servants, as if the Coun-
cil meant not well towards him; and by some it was whis-
pered as if it was designed that he should be sent to the
Tower. Now, to speak the Truth, the Council might
(without
The Cotporation 5f
the City of London
declares against the
authority of the Par-
liament to levy taxes
on the people,
N. B.
672
The History of
N. B.
By the order of the
Council of State,
General M ( mk and
his ºrmy pull down
the gates of London,
-Feb. 9, 1659-60,
His army is disgust-
ed at being so em-
ployed,
(without reproach of jealousie upon their wisdom) have
suspected that the City would not have thus boldly remon-
strated, had not Monk given them some secret encourage-
In eIlt. -
But his Superlative foresight of things defeated the
City, the Council of State, and his Friends, and all. For
he accepted of orders, and the next day executed them:
He went into the City, and, after he had placed his main
Guards for his own Security, he distributed the remainder
of his small Army to their several posts, charged them
to pull-down the City-gates; break their Port-cullices,
and pluck-up their Posts and Chains; himself, in the
mean time sending-for and imprisoning the most daring
and disaffected Members of the Common-Council, pur-
suant to his Orders.
It is God’s prerogative to change times and seasons, and
to set-up and pull-down Kings and Governments. And
this was the real fatal crisis that so soon changed the face
of things, and made the Revolution so swift. For never
did Soldiers with so much regret obey their General;
obeyed indeed he was, but with scorn to them who com-
manded their Commander. It was a pretty medley of
passion, when I saw them both merry and angry at this
odious drudgery: and a lively pen, that had observed and
could express their humours, might have made a play of
it. . This was the carriage of the ordinary Soldiery; but
our Officers of note ran wholly into discontent, and of.
fered-up their Commissions to the General. But he was
dark, and chewed his Tobacco; and I took notice that
he was more angry at the spies that were about him (as
Colonel Alured and others) than at the work he was
doing. Hither came his amazed friends, and durst not
say a word to him. But I was not only amazed, but in-
wardly repented of what I had said to him at York: (ima-
gining that my words, then, were not only for his safety,
but for his honour) not to have the game taken out of
his hands. N
But no accident of War, (no, not if we had engaged
into blood against Lambert) could have more fully assured
his Army unto him; for now the Parliament was detesta-
ble even to us, their Restorers. That this was his own
- contrivance
the King’s Restauration,
763
contrivance (and, if so, a Master Piece of cunning) I have
these Inducements to believe. Scot solemnly told Col.
Wetham, that Monk offered himself to him to do this
odious action, and that the Council of State would not
have put him upon it, had it not been for him, Scot, who
had assured them that Monk would undertake it. Thus
much Scot alledged for himself to Wetham, who charged
the Change of the Government upon this Miscarriage;
Scot had little reason to dissemble (you may be sure) when
he saw his day was lost, and his life too; for he sat upon
his Sovereign's. That Scot thus excused himself to We-
tham, I will name my Voucher; viz. Dr. Barrow (the
Judge-Advocate of his Majesty's Army and Guards) a
Gentleman who well deserved of the General for his pru-
dence and integrity; for he was highly serviceable to him
from his first declaring against the Army, and so continued.
Nay, I soon after modestly asked the General how he was
engaged to undertake this detestable piece of service; he
merrily answered me, This was a Trick you knew not of:
>
and I do assure you that I could not have done my Busi-
mess so soon without it, and possibly not at all.
So I confessed that his Wisdom out-witted my expec-
tations; for I thought he would at first have lodged his
Colours within the Walls of London: yet true it is that
it was easy for him to foresee that the City, upon his
coming to Town, would run into discontents; for they
looked upon him as a Lover of his Country's Freedom,
and therefore judged that he would not endeavour to up-
hold a power that was not only usurped, but contemptible
and ridiculous; they taking it in a great disdain, that a
bare Remnant of a House of Commons legally dissolved,
should give Laws to their Fellow-Subjects; supporting
themselves by an Army, the great Officers of which put
them in and out, and out and in, at their pleasure. I
knew too, that he would lay hold of the first advantages
against the Men of Westminster; and advantages, besides ,
this, could not but be offered. For they longed to fall
upon the sequestration of all those Gentlemen who had
been in Booth's Conspiracy. Now the General could
not in honour see them perish, because himself was con-
cerned
The History of
'I'he General and his
a my return from
the City of London,
to their formerquar-
tºi S.
The conduct of the
Ánabaptists and
other republican
Sectaries.
'cerned in it: neither was he without his suspicions that
some could prove it against him; besides, that his power
was not long-lived, and he must have soon found it so,
were it but from his Fellow-Commissioners for governing
the Army, whose Interests were bound-up with that of
the Parliament.
On Friday, February 1Cth, the General returned from
the City to Whitehall, and his Scottish Army to their
quarters in the Suburbs, and Westminster. This some
Members of the Council of State signified they were dis-
pleased-at; saying, that his return was without their or-
ders. And in truth it was against them : for he was to
stay there till further Order, and they had more work for
him there. - Thus would the Parliament have rewarded
this City, for their assistance against the late King!
At this time the Anabaptists and such-like Sectaries in
and about the City (who were afraid of Peace and a Na-
tional Interest) took heart at the pulling-down of the City
Gates, and fell to remonstrating to the Parliament, that
none were fit to bear any Office, civil or military, that
would not abjure Charles Stewart, and his Title and Fa-
mily. This was understood to have been the artifice of
some Abjurers in the Council of State, to win-over assist-
ance to their narrow and almost-despised Party. And
could they have gained the point of encouraging Petiti-
oners of this nature; I doubt not to say but that the
Council of State would have given a lift to the Parliament
itself, as Traitors to their Trust, because they were such
squearnish rebels, as not to abjure the heirs of the Crown.
By this means to have engrossed the Sovereignty to them-
selves, would have been no hard matter, had but Monk
been their friend in reality, as in appearance he was their
Servant, and the Executioner of their odious Orders.
These Sectaries most grossly flattered the Parliament
in their Petition, and renowned them for their glorious
actions; tho’ these were the very men, who, but a few
weeks before, had been of another temper, being {Lam-
bert’s confidents, and the Parliament's enemi, s. It was
further observed by us, in this little time we had been
in Town, that the Parliament began to encourage those
who
The King's Restauration.
who had appeared in the English army against them.
Ludlow sat in the house, though he had been accused
of Treason by the Irish Officers: and it was said that
some of the house kept Correspondence with Lambert
himself. This our Officers looked-upon as done in dif-
fidence of them and their General, who had been their
restorers, and had approved themselves their faithful
Servants in the day of Trial. Soldiers are not ordinarily
that crafty kind of men that can dissemble injuries: and
some of them were so just to their Country, as not to
think it worth their pay to uphold only a few men in an
arbitrary Tyranny, contrary to the Sense of the whole
Nation. Of this sort the boldest came to the General,
dutifully and freely to represent to him the State of
things, and that some speedy remedy was of necessity to
be thought-upon and applyed. The General was too
wise to lose this advantage : but, however, seemed to
require time to deliberate on it. But they earnestly re-
plyed, that, if something was not forthwith done, to bear
their witness against such proceedings, he would soon be
lost, and they with him ; but he in the first place, because
he had now more enemies in the Council of State, and
Parliament too, than , he dreamt-of; for, tho’ he had
executed his Orders against the City, and thereby ren-
dered himself odious to the free-born people : yet the
manner of doing it was such, as made him suspected to
his Task-masters. -- /
The General yielded at length to their fears and,
Counsels, and the rather, for that he was assured of the
Tower of London, the Lieutenant of it (Col. Morley)
having before offered it to him. This the noble Colonel
had done in the City, (pitying the consternation of its
Citizens) when he saw what work was doing, what in-
fluence it would have upon the Country. In all secresy
therefore it was debated and soon agreed-upon, that a
Letter should be sent to the Parliament the day follow-
ing ; and, late at night Orders were issued that our Offi-
cers (the more principal of them) should meet early at the
General’s lodgings the next morning : to whom the occa-
sion of the convening them was expounded by our Secreta-
ries o' the night, who had set-up, and penned the Letter
* - ... ºf £9
Gerſeral Monk and
his Officers seld a
bold Letter of *º-
V Ice to the Parlia.
Inett, Feb. 1 1,
1659-60,
766
The History of
to the Parliament. Their assent to it was desired, the
General being present : he subscribed it first, and they
in their Order set their hands to it. The tenor of this
Letter was very peremptory, viz. That by the Friday
following they should send-forth writs to fill-up all the
vacant places in the House : and, when that was done,
jix a determinate time to their own sitting, and give place
to another Parliament.
This now was a state of War between the Scottish
Army and the Parliament. Heretofore when Cromwell
and Lambert turned these few Members of the House
of Commons out of their place at Westminster, they
did but respite the exercise of their power; and it was
their good chance to return again to it : for their Ser-
vants, who so usurped upon them, drove on the same
interest still with themselves, and ruled by the force
of an Army, which protected the Lives and Fortunes of
these Parliament-men. Now, all of them being equally
guilty, they were never questioned for what they had
done, but enjoyed the Peace and Liberty of Subjects, even
when, by their own Indiscretion, and the restless Am-
bition of the great Officers of the Army, they lost the
Sovereignty. Whereas this Letter now forced them to
be their own Executioners within their walls of Empire:
for to fill-up the house with new-elected Members out of
the Country, at a time when every village was so exaspe-
rated against them, in plain English amounted to no less.
For they were sure to be out-voted, and consequently
liable to be questioned. -
The General sent this Letter to the House by two
Colonels (Clobery and Lydcot) and not staying for an
Answer to it, puts himself at the head of his Army,
marcheth into Finsbury Fields, and from thence sends
to the Lord-Mayor of London, desiring that quarters
might presently be set-out for his men within the City.
Our Quarter-Masters had no Orders to intimate the
breach that was made between our Army and the Parlia-
ment: and so they found the Lord-Mayor of London
somewhat astonished at this Message: but he soon after
understood the end of his coming ; for some of the Ci-
tizens were earlier informed of it. As soon as the Ge-
General Monk, with
his Army, marches
again into the City
of London, and is
reconciled to the
Citizens. Feb. 11,
1659-60.
neral
the King's Restauration.
767
neral left Whitehall, I went into the City; and, not
knowing where he would quarter that night, I came to the
Three Tuns Tavern before Guildhall, where the General
had quartered two nights before. I entered the Tavern
with a servant and a portmanteau, and asked for a room;
which I had scarce got into, but wine followed me as a
present from some Citizens, desiring leave to drink their
morning's draught with me. I accepted of the civility.
but, in requital of their wine and company, was asked
what news and what might be the meaning of my so
returning hither. I freely told them that we were not
now the same men that we were two days ago; and
that this they should find, ere night, to the full satisfac-
tion of the injuries done them. The good men were
transported with joy; and most of them left me and their
wine and all, to run and communicate this hopeful news.
A Citizen of good quality (Mr. William Stanly) stayed
longer; and invited me to his house to dinner, and most
courteously lodged me there, during the General's stay
in the City; for it happened not to be far from his quar-
ters. This I mention out of a grateful remembrance of his
hospitality.
The General came late into the City, and his army later,
staying for the Lord Mayor’s return to his messengers for
quartering his men. When they entered, they were wel-
comed as the Restorers of their Country’s freedom, Bells,
bonfires, wine, and several largesses of money among our
Soldiers, being the attestations of the Citizens joy. This
was Saturday, February 11th, renowned for the night of
burning the Rump (for thus the young men, who were
haters of this long-usurped power, called the Parliament):
Butchers had quick trading for their Rumps, and many
Cooks lost their Fees. - w
The Parliament closely debated upon the Letter sent
them, and, wisely dissembling the insolency of Monk and
his Officers, in prescribing rules to them, gave them thanks
for their joynt care, with then, of the Commonwealth,
assuring thern over and above, that they were considering
of Qualifications for the next Parliament. With this
message came Scot and Robinson, with some others, that
evening into the City to the General; adding that his
return
The Citizens of Lons
don are overjoyed at
the change in
Monk's conduct.
Saturday Feb, I I,
1659-60.
'68
The History of
return to Whitehall was required by the Council of State,
(it being for their safety) and that, if he and his Army
kept their old quarters, they would be better satisfied with
their proceeding (being near them); but, if his Army
continued in the City, they were afraid (they said) that it
would be debauched from its obedience to the Parliament;
they looking upon the Citizens as enemies to the Govern-
ment. The General gave them no other reply, but that,
If the Parliament will do as they are desired in my Letter,
they need not fear but al; things will go well.
The noise of Scot and Robinson's coming to the Gene-
rai So alarmed the Prentices in the streets, that they were
searched-for as strictly as were the Spies that came to
Jericho. The General was now at the Bull's-head Tavern
in Cheapside. The streets were thronged; Mr. Gumble
and I were in a coach, that was becalmed in a crowd,
coming from Guildhall, where the General had been to
expound the chd of his coming. Now the Prentices went,
it seems, from coach to coach in quest of Scot and Robin-
son; and when they looked into ours, they cried out, Here
they are. Plenty of dirt was brought against us in shovels
from the kennel, we defending ourselves with the cur-
tains of the coach as well as we could, till the mistake was
over; which it soon was, by the means of our Officers. But
the young mens’ fury was much longer-liv'd; for, in roast-
ing the Rump, it was scarce cool till Sunday morning.
There was now a report that the Parliament had taken-
away the General's Commission; and there was some-
thing of truth in it too; for, upon the Letter sent them,
which so much threatened their very being, they called
for he names of their Commissioners for governing their
army, retrenched two of them, and constituted only
ive (of which Monk was one), and of which number
three were to be a Quorum. But, it being unhappily
moved whether Monk should be of it, it was carried in
the negative: So, though his Commission was not for-
mally voted from him, (for that they durst not do), yet
virtually it was, and Monk and Morley were left to stem
the tide against Hazelrigg, Alured, and Walton.
The General that night removed from Cheapside, after
he had disposed his men into quarters, and takes-up his
OWºl
the King's Restauration.
769
own at the Glasshouse, where there was one large room
set apart for him to receive the grateful visits of the
Citizens, who had already forgot their yesterday's inju-
ries; and having, long before this, repented that their
Treasure and their Arms had been successfully employed
against their Prince and their Country, they now promised
them to Monk, hoping for a better issue of both; and in
this he did not deceive them. w
The Council of State still dissembled the affronts put
upon them by their late Vassal, and invited him afresh to
take his place among them, urging that the necessity of
the Commonwealth required his presence there, and em-
ployed such men as were thought to have influence upon
him. -
This startled his friends about him, and the City too, as
if he intended to hearken to these Counsels, and to desert
them. This was only the effect of his native cunning, that
so the men of Whitehall might not wholly despair of him;
for he gained time by it, he being to fix his Army for his
new designs, which in one day could not be brought to part
with its principles and prejudices. Nay, he was so provi-
dent amidst the throng of Business and visits, that he took
care that the Saturday’s-Post should carry no other news
of that day to the several parts of the army distributed in
the country, than what was dictated by his own order.
So Monk intimated-back to the Council of State, that
they were the cause of his (and of divers others who were
chosen to be of that number) not sitting among them; for
he was resolved not to take the Oath of Aljuration.
Neither was this all the advantage that he had against
them. For they had now distributed several thousands of
Arms out of their stores to those who, by their factious
Principles, were known to be enemies to their, or any, Go-
vernment. Those arms, he desired, might be recall’d, in
regard that they gave cffence to his Army, and to all.
Sºber men.
The Parliament and Council of State, upon the first
revolt of Monk, and his retiring to the City with his Army,
easily saw what they were to trust to ; however, they still
courted his return. But, not trusting to the charms of
words to allure him, they distributed those arms to Ana-
3 D baptists
770
The History of
Debates between the
sitting Members of
Parliament and the
secluded Members,
concerning the Re-
admission of the
latter.
baptists and Fifth-Monarchy-men, and employed Agita-
tors in their Army (now, by Monk’s successful artifice,
dispersed in Country-Quarters) to whisper his Teason
against the Parliament, and to give-out openly, that
Charles Stuart was likely to come-in.
Sir Arthur Hazelrigg was taxed, by the General, as
the Promoter of this ill Office. But he had not the cou.
rage to own it, or (though as good a General as himself.)
to rendezvous his Country-Army against Monk’s in the
City. But it was God's time.
For now the Secluded Members of 1648 (who in the
House of Commons had refused to serve the Army’s de-
sign of the total subversion of Monarchy in the Royal
Line) began to appear; and that not without some secret
encouragement neither. The General had before moved
it, by some of his confidents; and he looked-upon it as
the easiest and safest change he could make on the Sud-
den, and the most consistent with his Declaration from
Scotland. . .
These Gentlemen, (the General now being at Draper's-
Hall) insist upon their Re-admission, but with a degree of
modesty and prudence becoming their condition; for they
were then much opposed by the Zealots of Oligarchy, who
loved their Room better than their Company. These
urged Monk's Declaration, when he first appeared for
them against the Army, that he was for the Parliament as
it sat on the 11th of October. The Secluded replyed,
that their Re-admission was no infringement of it; for
the same Parliament would sit still ; adding further,
that the Purport of that Declaration was to reduce the
Military Power in Obedience to the Civil ; and that they
had been secluded from the House only by force of the
Sword; they having no more forfeited their right of sit-
ting there, than had the other. It was said that, in Law,
neither had any. .
These were the Occurrences of the more publick re-
mark, for about a week; at the end of which, the Gene-
ral thought it not safe to hold his design any longer in
suspense; for the Army, in several parts in the Country,
began to grow mutinous, and some of our Officers to
express their fears: wherefore he convened a select num-
ber of both Parties to debate upon the affair, several of
^-, his
the King's Restauration.
771
his own Officers being present. The sitting Members had
nothing to alledge (beside their love of power) but their
own Safety, and the Army's, the conscience of the godly,
and the Sale of publick Lands; all which, they feared,
would be disturbed by the Introduction of the secluded Mem-
bers : But the latter gave satisfactory answers to all these
objections, and engaged upon their Paroll (over and above)
that they would not look upon what had been done since
their Seclusion, nor disturb the propriety, or pretences, of
any; but would amicably sit and act for the good of their
Country, till, by their dissolution, they made way for
another Parliament. This, now, was so fair a proposition,
that no Englishman who had any sense of the distractions
of these Nations, and love to the Commonwealth, could
any way except against it. Besides that, all their returns
were managed with such modesty of words and behaviour,
that our Officers soon entertaned a very good opinion of
the Secluded. Nay, and many even of the sitting Mem-
bers themselves, that were there present, exprest a dis-
position to give way to their Re-admission; only they
could not give their Votes for it, but in the House. Thus
ended the Conference; and in the close of it, one or two
pf our Officers (more discerning, or more busie, than the
rest) moved that the Government might be declared to be
but a Commonwealth, and a further security devised for
the Sale of the Publick Lands. This pinched; , but it was
artificially shuffled-off by suggesting, that the Writs to be
issued-out for the next Parliament, must necessarily run in
the Name and Style of the Keepers of the Liberties of the
Commonwealth of England; and that the State of Publick
Lands was already as secure as the Government could
make it. * -
The Men at Westminster understanding that the se-
cluded Members were like to keep House with them
again, began to be very froward upon it, as if they should
not have Elbow-room enough; yet they durst not remon-
strate against it, because they could not get the crafty
General (who was now judged capable, with a little help,
of giving check to the Army) out of his Hole in the City:
Beside that, the popular cry ran for a full and free Par-
Jiament. This Rump in the last week’s debate, touching
3 D 2 Qualifications
General Monk and
his Officers resolve
to re-admit the se-
cluded Members.
The History of
'The Conditions of
their Re-admission,
Qualifications for Members to serve in the ensuing Par.
liament, having also exasperated and incensed the People,
by voting as if none were fit to serve in that capacity for
the future, who had not contracted equal guilt with them-
selves. Now, to obviate Monk’s design to restore the
secluded Members, some of them fell to offering at a
speedy resignation of their own power; giving-out that,
within a few days, they would dispatch the qualifications
before them, for the next Parliament; for they thought it
not fit to resign-up their authority to those who would
cut their Throats: But they found it to be too late for
this Pin to be driven-forward. -
For the General having gained, in appearance at least,
the consent of his Officers for the re-sitting of the secluded
Members upon certain conditions, they, all of them that
were in and about the town, were sent-for; and the Arti-
cles of their Re-admission (which were these following)
were read to them.
1. To settle the Command of the Armies in the Three
Nations, as might best secure the common Peace and
Safety of them. -
2. To raise a Tax for the payment of the Arrears of
the Army and Navy ; and what further Supplies should
be found necessary for the support of the Forces, and
government of the Commonwealth. -
3. To issue-forth Writs for a Parliament, to sit at West-
minster, the 20th of April then next ensuing; and to
constitute a Council of State to see this done. -
4. To consent to their own Dissolution, by a time that
should be limited unto them.
The secluded Mem-
bers are restored to
their Seats in Parlia-
ment. Teb. 21,
1659-60.
To which, with cheerfulness, they agreed and sub-
scribed; and before they left the place (in confidence
that Monk was a true Patriot) promised to make him
Commander in Chief, both by Sea and Land. Thus they
went-away rejoycing, that they should be accounted
worthy to be the Restorers of their Country's freedom.
So on Tuesday, February the 21st, these Gentlemen
met the General at Whitehall; (for to that end only he
returned thither) he spoke some few words to them, re-
minding them chiefly of their promises to him, and
assuring them that he would not impose any new thing
& - - upon
the King's Restauration.
upon them; and he was as good as his word. That
morning they were conducted by Adjutant Miller, to
take their former places in the House of Commons; which,
as soon as they entered, some of the sitting Members arose
in a heat, and left the House: Hazelrig and others, openly
cried-out (but too late) that Monk was a traytor. But
Hazelrig met with no other punishment afterwards, for
his treason., than his own native rage and fury.
Some of the Noble Peers, who had formerly agreed
with the House of Commons to draw the Sword against
their King, watched the Re-admittance of these secluded
Members, and would have entered their own House; but
the General, having, before, intimation of their intents,
commanded Miller to withstand them, in case any such
attempt should be made. So the surly Soldier obeyed his
General’s orders, though he was threatened that he did
he knew not what. Now, because the General owned
this, one of their Lordships was, afterwards, even with
him, by labouring to have discovered a Gun-Powder-
Treason at the Cock-Pit.
The General had now quitted the City, and come to
Whitehall, where, in the evening, he was informed of that
day's Transactions of the Parliament. He was now his
Excellency, Captain-General of all the Fol ces of the Com-
monwealth, both by Land and Sea; Save only that at Sea,
General Montague had equal authority with him. In this
there was a failure of promise: but he had work enough
to do at Land ; and Ambition was not his aim.
General Monk re-
turns from the City
to Whitehalf.
This day was spent by the General, and his Officers, in
signing Copies of Letters to be sent to the Commanders
of the Armies in Scotland and Ireland, and to several
Colonels and Commanders of Garrisons in Fngland; in
which it was signified that they had let-in the secluded
Members to the House; and they alledged the necessity of
doing it, to preserve and enlarge the Interest of the Com-
monwealth; declaring that they were still upon the same
bottom of a free State ; and that they would take care
that what they had purchased at the expence of their
blood, should not be lost; and that they would effectu-
ally mediate with the next Parliament, (which was to sit in
April next) that the Publick Sale of Lands should be con-
firmed; and representing that without another Parliament,
3 D 3 the
774
The History of
the Commonwealth could not be established against pretend-
ers;–and desiring their dear Brethren and Fellow-Soldiers
to have a vigilant eye upon all such as should presume to
abet the pretences of Charles Stuart, or any other single
person, or authority, whatsoever. Then they were Solli-
cited to send-up some Officer to signifie their concurrence
with the Lord-General Monk and his Officers; adding
further (to cry Clink in the Close) that no Money could
have been had to pay the Arrears of the Army and Navy,
without the effusion of Blood, unless they had let-in the
secluded Members. So be it. As for our own Soldiers,
they soon learned that this was the good old Cause still:
this being the same Parliament that began the War against
the late King. *
The General went to bed that night, not late, but in
a very good humour. And indeed he had good reason
for it: for now he had perfected his own safety, and stood
no longer in fear of being questioned for interesting him-
self in Booth's Conspiracy. I came into his Chamber,
and understood he was in bed; so I was about to retire,
but, his Lady entertaining me with discourse, he per-
ceived that I was in the Chamber, and so commanded
me to his bed-side, where I found him satisfied with what
he had done, and pleasant with me. I told him I came
(over and above the Duty of my Attendance) to give
him thanks for his day’s work. He answered me (with
great courtesy of words), JNo, no ; This is none of your
Business; you but disſemble with me; You come now for
somewhat else, and I believe I know for what. I hum-
bly asked him what he could think I came for Sit-down,
then (says he), and I’ll tell you. You come for Bishops.
He spake it not so softly, but that his Lady over-heard it,
and mistook it as my proposal; at which she was angry.
But the curtains and the General’s Favour skreen’d me;
he assuring her, that I had not spoken to him of Bishops.
So she went-off; but he detained me with this serious
Discourse upon the Thing, “that he thought this could
never be done; for not only their Lands are sold, (says
he), but the Temper of the Nation is against them.” I told
him, that as yet he could not see the Temper of the
Nation, the Royal Party having judged it prudence not
- iO
the King's Restauration.
775
to appear openly, or make any Addresses. But, since
he had mentioned it. I entreated him to grant me one
Request; which was, that he would not be drawn to
engage against them; and this I thought he might safely
grant me, now, who would not be ensnared to abjure the
King and the Royal Family. He paused a while (as his
Manner was), and, taking me by the Hand, Well, them;
(Said he), so much ‘I will promise you, that I will not be
engaged against Bishops. I thank'd him, and kissed
his Hand ; adding, that it was best to leave it to God’s
Providence and the next Parliament, when we should be
able to discern the Temper of the Nation, in reference
both to Church and State. -- - -
The Secluded Members, from all Parts of the King-
dom, returned to the House of Commons, which was
now open for them, of which number Mr. Morrice of
Devon was one. This Gentleman was somewhat allied
to the General, but more to his Favour, than to his Blood;
for he had a great opinion of his Prudence and Inte-
grity. He was one that much conversed with Books,
and had lately written one against the Practice of Inde-
pendent Teachers; who would admit none, in Paro-
chial Cures, to the Lord's Supper, but such only as,
being distinguished by their Separation, were most pecu-
liarly their own Flock. This had rendered him very
grateful to the Presbyterians, whose Cause he seemed
most to serve: for the Ministers of the Church of England
were generally contented with the Exercise of their
Religion in private Houses; though even these, also,
were often disturbed by Soldiers, or Constables, who used
to hale them from their very Communion-Tables, upon
the more solemn Festivals of their despised Church,
rending their Surplices, (where any were used,) and rearing
their Mass-Books (for that was the Name by which the
crafty Statesman, and the more juggling Gospeller,
taught the undiscerning Multitude to call the English
Liturgy) intoPieces. - .
The General, from, and before, the beginning of this
Enterprize, had pretended to be a Presbyterian, (and
indeed I knew his Godmother, who did her share too)
and had not yet renounced his Faith. But now it most
3 D 4 . behoved
Mr. Morrice takes
his Seat in Parlia-
ment as one of the
Secluded Members.
776
The IIistory of
behoved him to appear one, and to act his part well in it;
for it was his last : Wherefore Mr. Morrice was received
into his House. This pleased his new Masters at West-
minster, who were most of them of this Religion; some
few only excepted, who, by beholding the Calamities of
the Church, and their own Errors, had been converted
to a better Esteem of Episcopacy, which the learning
of Mr. Morrice could not but favour; so that I looked
upon him to have the good Repute only of a Presby-
terian. Him the General retained as his Elbow-Coun-
sellor, and a State-Blind; concealing his own Sense of
Things, and very often speaking contrary to his own
Thoughts, that so he might better understand the Sense
of others, and take his Measures accordingly. This is a
sort of cunning which will fail no man, who meets with
the plain and open-hearted. But, whether this was inhe-
rent in the General's Temper, (and consequently a
natural Wisdom) or acquir’d by living so many years,
both in and under Command, among such whose Cause
and Principles he hated, I will not be positive in the
Determination; but I incline to believe it was the latter.
This I the rather mention, because it hath been said that
Mr. Morrice found him obstinate against the King's
Restauration. Something to this purpose was once told
the General, in my hearing, (possibly with a design to do
the good man an injury); but I know how he resented it.
And, if Mr. Morrice did entertain any such Opinion, I
can assure him and others, that he was not the only man
that did so; for after we came to town, where the General
received the visits of many worthy men, who loved their
country, and of whom some were then in authority.
These Gentlemen took the freedom of speaking and
propounding to him what they thought expedient for the
publick Good. Nor in truth have they been wanting
to themselves to represent their Doings to advantage,
which 'tis fit to suppose were great and real, because
the rewards of them were such ; nor ought any to
envy them, because their assistance was seasonable, they
concurring with the General for the Redemption of their
Country’s Freedom. But yet I do not believe that they
added any great weight to his honourable designs ; for I
- will
the King’s Restauration.
777
will ask no leave to assume to myself this honour, that I
knew his Loyalty to his Prince to be the most firm, when
the time to shew it was most hazardous : and I am well
acquainted with the scornful Smiles and Words he used
to give of such Bravado-pretenders, as sought to lessen
his merit. t
And now the Ministers of the Presbyterian Persua-
sion daily frequented St. James's ; they were in a
hopeful expectation that all those Sects who had sup-
planted -them, would, with little difficulty, be put under
their feet ; that themselves alone should inherit the Bless-
ing; the Church of England at that time being below
their fear ( for Monk was the Defender of their Faith, and
had wrested the Sword out of the Army’s (their Enemies)
hands. And indeed, he was their zealous Votary; for
one Lord’s-day, he and his Lady went and communicated
at Mr. Calamy’s Church, who afterward so far prevailed
with him, that none were to preach before him, but such
only as he recommended. I, not knowing that he had so
far yielded to Calamy, consented that Dr. Pierson (the
now Right Reverend and learned Bishop of Chester)
should preach for me on a Sunday morning. He came
early to my chamber; but, as we were ready to go to
Church, we found two Ministers (sent from Mr. Calamy)
come to do the Work of the Day among us; but their
Faces and Habits were strangely disguised with mud and
dirt; for their Coach had overthrown them, by the Park-.
wall, behind the Pell-mell. I took what care I could to
render them fit to appear, and desired that but one of
them would preach that day, and the other should the
mewt ; Mr. Pierson being present, whom they knew. This
would not satisfy them; nor could I prevail with the Ge-
neral to have him preach, though I got Mr. Morrice to be
my Advocate, who kindly represented the Learning and
peaceable temper of Mr. Pierson. To this I might add a
Fast kept at St. Paul's, where Dr. Gauden preached; his
very Text pointing at more than the Return of the Secluded
Members. It was Jer. 6, 14. They have healed also the
hurt of the Daughter of my People slightly; saying, Peace,
The views and hopes
of the Presbyterians
at this time. March,
1659-60.
Peace, when there is no Peace. This Doctor had, before,
bewailed the lamentable state of the Church of England,
1I]
A
*3
The History of
The Parliament ap-
points a new Coun-
eil of State.
in a printed Folio; being an elegant Preacher, and dying
afterwards Bishop of Exon. So much for the Affairs of
the Church. -
But the Civil and Military Affairs were upon the wheel
of motion; for the Parliament constituted a new Council
of State, took off the Engagement that was upon the file
against the King and House of Lords, and had been im-
posed on the Subject, Anno 1648, when the Army (af-
ter the Murder of Charles the First) had set-up the re-
mainder of the House of Commons for a Free State; but
the solemn League and Covenant, (which was for Mo-
narchy, in some sense, but, in all, against Prelacy) hung
still on the Walls of the House of Commons, with the
Names of the Renowned Subscribers; being left to the
censure of the next Parliament. -
The General kept a vigilant eye upon his Enemy the
Army; set new Colonels at the head of most Regiments,
and removed their inferior Officers, as they were repre-
sented to be either troublesome, or disaffected. But the
Parliament eased him of much trouble, by settling the
Militia, in which neither Independent, Anabaptist, Fifth-
Monarchy-man, or Quaker, were allowed any sort of
Command; a Cavalier being now become a less odious
name. Thus were things carried all over the Kingdom,
and a fair prospect given of the King’s return, all the
ambitious Officers of the Marching Army being laid-
aside.
Colonel Overton, the Governor of Hull, whose ambi-
tion was equal with theirs, thought this a fit time to ap-
pear, and draw-over the Malcontents of the Army (which
every day increased in number) to his party. His Gar-
rison was such, and so placed, as to render his design
practicable; and his hatred to the General was known to
be most implacable. For about two years before, when
Monk commanded in Chief in Scotland, and Overton as
Major-General of the Foot, next under him, (Cromwel,
then being Protector) he had drawn several Officers (Zea-
lots for a Commonwealth) into a Conspiracy against him.
New-year's Day in the Morning, was the time agreed upon
to surprize Monk at Dalkeith; and the attempt was not
thought easy only, but certain. So the Question was
- moved,
*
the King's Restauration.
779
moved, what they should do with him, when they had
him? The most desperate (Syndercomb was in the
Conspiracy) were for killing him upon the place. But
one of the Godly (judging that it would be a scandal to
them to kill a man in cold blood, when he was in their
power); openly protested that he would discover the Plot,
if they proceeded upon that Resolution. Whereupon
the Conspirators broke-up the Meeting for that time.
Now, because this interposition of Conscience saved the
General's Life, and probably some of his Servants also ;
I will gratefully mention the man: It was Mr. Oates, then
a Chaplain of note among those Conspirators, and after-
wards beneficed in a small Living in the iXiocese of Chi-
chester. May those who have it in their power, and who
are grateful to the Memory of the Duke of Albemarle,
be disposed to give him a better , * *
Overton from Hull, (a place fatal to the old King)
sent-forth his Emissaries to insinuate the appearance of
Monarchical Government (for some men only hate Kings
because they are not Kings themselves) and to tell the
Soldiery that the formerly-abandoned Interest of Charles
Stuart did now seem to shine again in the face of the pub-
lickTransactions, conjuring the Brethreninthe Army, (who
remained faithful to the True Cause) to signify their con-
currence with him. Several Copies of his Letters were
dispersed in the North, and one of them was sent to the
General by Colonel Fairfax, (Governour of York) where
the General had many True Friends (beside him) that
were active to suppress all such practices; as Colonel Be-
thel, Smith, and others.
The General did not only use his own Authority, to
command Overton out of Hull, but recommended the
matter to the Council of State also ; who sent thither
Colonel Alured, and Major Smith. The first prevari-
cated in his Trust, and went privately to the Governor,
staying late with him at night. But Smith getting Intel-
ligence of this, with Sums of Money borrowed in the
Town, (being he was well known there) forthwith bought-
off the Soldiers, at the Parade, to their obedience to the
Parliament. So that Overton was forced to obey the
General's Orders, and came-up to Tówn ; though he
An anecdote con-
Cerning the cele-
brated Titus Oates,
that does honour to
his memory.
Colonel Overton,
governor of Hull,
exhorts the Officers
of the army to insist
on the continuance
of a republican go-
Veſnlinent.
But is removed from
tº ºvernment of
ll il.
SOOIl
The History of
soon became so far reconciled to Monarchical Interests,
(his own expression) that he declared for King Jesus.
But his Soldiers rather followed Smith's Money. And
the Parliament knowing what Money would do with such
people, voted no less a Tax upon England and Wales,
for six Months together, than an hundred thousand
pount's per mensem. Now though they did not follow
the Examples given of extending their Assessments upon
Scotland and Ireland, yet the General’s care reached even
these aſso. In Scotland he had not forgot his Trusty
Friend Major-General Morgan; by a more authoritative
Commission constituting him to command there, and
sending him more strength. . . . .
In Ireland so many persons of eminent quality appeared
for him, that he apprehended no danger thence, either
of a present disturbance, or of playing an after-game
distinct from themselves. Though this in Scotland
they might have done, had not Morgan been true to
Monk. But at home, though he had made a very large
reformation in the Army; yet he thought not his time
ripe enough, as yet, for the displacing of some, who now
gave him trouble. - -
All the Officers of the Army, who kept their Commis-
sions, had under their hands signed their concurrence for
introducing the secluded Members, and owned the fie-
cessity of it; but still they would understand their obe-
dience to the Parliament, to extend no further, than as
they were bottomed upon a Free State. For this was the
Phrase of the Letter which Monk and his Officers had
sent to them; which intimated their readiness to take care
that this great object should not be lost. But now they
were not satisfied of the good intentions of the Parliament
touching this mode of Government; nor much better of
the General's intentions concerning it, who had refused
the offer(that had been made him by the Parliament) of the
Honour and Manor of Hampton-Court ; which was the
only portion of Crown-Lands that was yet unsold, and
which had been possessed by Cromwell, when he assumed
the Title of Protector. For the old, sitting, Members of the
Parliament had craftily proposed the giving this noble
mansion to the General, as a reward for his great servicesà
\ - * aſ] Cl,
£he |King's Restauration.
78 H
and the secluded Members had agreed to the proposal,
thnking that they could not fairly withstand the motion
of rewarding him. But the General, upon his refusing
the Donation of these Lands, as being a House too great
for him, was recompensed with a gift of twenty thousand
Pounds. Yet this Non-acceptance rendered him still
more suspected. Now these Officers, when they saw
the General had refused these Crown-Lands, and even
the dignity of the Crown itself, when offered by some who
best understood their own safety; combined into dange-
rous resolutions, and contrived a Paper to be universally
subscribed (presenting it to the General for his subscrip-
tion in the first place) the purport of which was,
To declare that the Government of these Three Na-
tions should be a Commonwealth, without Kingship, or
any other single person, by what Name, or Title, soever
dignified or distinguished : And that this present Parlia-
Many of the Officers.
of General Monk's
army sollicit him to
subscribe a Declara-
tion in favour of a
Commonwealth go-
Wernment,
ment should be required to pass this into an Act, as a
Fundamental Constitution, not to be shaken or questioned
by future Parliaments; and that the Army ought, upon no
other Terms, to maintain their Authority. These Offi-
cers did assemble very daringly before the General, Col.
Okey being their Prolocutor. This Gentleman was a
better Soldier than an Orator; beside that his Life lay at
stake, having sat as judge upon the King’s. He was also
a known Stickler for the Commonwealth-Party, and, but
lately, was as much a General as Monk himself; neither
did he want either a courage to act, or possibly a Party of
the Army to follow him. Wherefore the General did not
esteem it prudent to ruffle in words, though he was re-
solved not to comply with their request, by subscribing to
the Paper. So that Commissary Clargis (for so, now, he
was of the Musters) was put upon undertaking the debate.
For he had the General’s good opinion, as favouring his
design; and indeed it concerned him to deserve it; both
their Interests being bound-up in the same bottom. I
happened to be present at the debate; which Clargis ma-
naged with much resolution, and dexterity of words; lay-
ing before them their own danger, in making such an
Address at that time to the Parliament, in regard this
was the very Parliament that would not be frighted with
their
*
A debate on this
subject; which is
managed with great
ability by Commis-
sary Clargis, in op-
position to the said
Declaration. -
782
The History of
But General Monk
refuses to subscribe
the Declaration, and
refers all to the next
Parliament.
Some Members of
the Parliament are
unwilling to dissolve
it, and call a new
Parliament.
their Arms, or Impeachments of Treason, before ; much
less now, when all sober men saw the inconveniency of
being governed by an Army: further insinuating, that
the General and his Officers were to prescribe unto them;
that the Parliament had an Authority, in which themselves
by their subscription did acquiesce; that they could vote
the General, and whom else they thought fit, out of their
Commands; and, when that was done, pass a vote for their
own Dissolution, without appointing the issuing-out of
Writs for the succeeding Parliament: for, if the General
(he said) would break his promise of not disturbing them,
they might very well break theirs for calling another Par-
liament: and that there would be no fear of a Civil Go-
vernment, because none to assume it, (unless they would
trust Richard Cromwell) the General having refused it,
as some of themselves well knew, who had made him an
offer of it. These reasons the General approved-oſ; and
added, that he would rather be torn in pieces by wild
horses, than be so treacherous to his Country’s freedom.
The Debate was long, and not without some heat of
words; but, after our Officers had spent their Fears and
Jealousies of losing the good old Cause, the General,
with Gravity and Calmness, admonished them, that it
was contrary to the Discipline of an Army to meddle
with Civil Government;—that they and he were under ſhe
Command of the Parliament, their Superiors;—that he did
not doubt but the next Parliament would quiet all their Ap-
prehensions;–and that this Parliament could not hurt
them; for that they were upon the point of dissolving them-
selves. Then he severely commanded his Officers to have
no more of these Meetings, without his privity; and soon
after removed some of them from their Commands.
But the next trouble that the General found, was from the
Parliament itself; several of whose Members were offering
to break the Articles of their Admission, and not to yield to
the calling of another Parliament. Mr. Prynnespake it open-
ly, “That, if the King must come-in, it was safest for them
that he should come-in by their Votes who had made the
War against his Father.” Whereupon Prynne was sent-
for, aſid admonished to be quiet; and it was the business
of Mr. Morrice to keep this expiring Session of Parliament
- - steady,
the King's Restauration:
‘’33
steady, and clear from intermeddling with the change of
the Government; in which case he did excellent Service,
punctually observing the Directions of the General, who
so passionately longed for their Dissolution, that at last
he took the liberty to remind them of it; they having done
his work. So they authorized the issuing-out of Writs
for another Parliament, which was to meet the 25th of
April next, at Westminster (their Promise being, that it
should be the 20th.) But, before they broke-up, they
Vote (to justifie themselves) that the General should give
no Commission to any Officer to serve in the Army, who
should not declare in these Words. .
M, N, Do Acknowledge and Declare, that the War
undertaken by both Houses of Parliament in their De-
fensive part, against the Forces raised in the Name of the
late King, was just and Lawful. - . .
And Ordered, That the Commission-Officers should
further Declare, That they believed Magistracy and Mi-
nistry to be.Ordinances of God. By this may Posterity
understand to what a fine pass their prosperous Arms had
brought Three Kingdoms. & -
And there was a Second like to the First, viz. That
all and every Person and Persons, who have advised,
aided, abetted or assisted in any War against the Par-
liament, since the first of January 1641, he, they, or their
Sons, shall be uncapable to be Elected to serve as JMem-
bers of the next Parliament, unless he, or they, have since
manifested their good Affections to this Parliament: The
longest Day will have an end ; and this long Parliament
dissolved themselves March the 17th. But as for their
Votes, they were no more regarded than dead men's Shoes;
the Country hastening to their Elections, as the Writs
came-down. * . x *
The General being at St. James's, was now besieged
with Business and Visits. His Business he very well knew
how to dispatch ; and I do affirm, that in all my several
Years of Attendance on him, it was rare that ever he left
any thing of the Day to be done on the Morrow : Nay,
at Night, when he found his Secretaries offered him
nothing, he used to ask if any thing more was to be
done chiding them, that they should be sooner weary
of Writing, than he of Dictating. But Visits (though fit
£9
But at length the
Parliament dissolves
itself, and issues
Writs for the choos-
ing of another Pau-
liament.
The long Parliamen’.
is dissolved, March
17, 1659-60.
784
The History of
to be paid to his Honour and Authority) were a new
Employment; of which the most weighty at that time,
was the Address of Sir John Greenvile. He had before
made his Applications, as others had done; and that
without Suspicion too: they being publick. And, though
Greenvile had the Misfortune to be a known Cavalier,
yet he was Monk's near Kinsman. But, as near as he was,
he could not gain an Opportunity of having any Confer-
ence with him : for, though he would often spin-out his
Visits to an extraordinary length, in Expectation of the
Room's being cleared, by the breaking-up of the Com-
pany; yet, so soon as ever it was, and a Convenience
offered of unfolding part of his Errand, the General (well
knowing the Reason of Greenvile’s long Attendance,)
would immediately rise from his Chair, and say, Good-
Night, Cousin ; It is late; or otherwise excuse himself,
by pretending Business. But Sir John, having been so
often frustrated, and, being impatient till he could give
the King, his Master, some further Assurance of the Ge-
neral's good Intentions, than what Mr. Monk (who said
no more to him than that he was under an Oath of Se-
cresie with his Brother) could afford him : At last be-
thought himself of making his Application to Mr. Mor-
rice, hoping,by his Mediation,to obtain the favour of a little
private Discourse with the General, to whom he was to
communicate a Negotiation of great importance. Mor-
rice gave particular heed to what he said, and acquainted
the General with it; but he refused to have any secret
Converse with him, in regard that (he being a known Ca-
valier,) notice would be taken of it, should he be admitted
to any such Privacy as desired. Yet he ordered Morrice
to wait upon his Cousin, to try if he could learn of what
quality his Business was, and to make his Report accord-
ingly ; giving him leave to assure him in his Name, that
he was authorized to receive his Message (of what secresie
soever it might be) and he promised to return the Ge-
neral’s answer to it. This Morrice earnestly pressed
Greenvile to do ; but he refused the Proposal, and would
not give him the least intimation of his business, only tel-
ling him that it concerned none but the General himself;
and yet him so very much, that without all further delay
.* he
the King's Restauration.
he must necessarily impart it to him; and, in case he ob-
stinately persisted to deny him a private hearing, he was
resolved to speak to him where-ever he should meet him
next. Upon Morrice's reporting of this to the General,
he was inwardly pleased at it; so the next night was ap-
pointed for disclosing this Secret.
Greenvile came to Morrice's Chamber at St. James’s ;
whither the General, upon Morrice’s intimation, soon
after came likewise. Sir John Greenville and the Ge-
neral being now alone (and Morrice, Door-keeper to
the Conference) he addressed himself to the General in
this purport of Words; (they are his own) “That he
was infinitely obliged to his Excellency, for giving
him this Opportunity of discharging himself of a Trust
of great Importance both to himself, and the whole King-
dom, that had been long deposited in his hands; and
that, whatsoever became of him, he thought himself
Sir John Greenvile
delivers to, General
Monk, a Letter from
King Charles the
2nd.
very happy to have this good Occasion of performing
his Duty, in obeying the Commands of the King, his
Master.” At the same instant, he presented the General
with a Letter from his Majesty, and produced another
directed to himself, as also the Commission which he
had from his Majesty, to treat with him. -
The General stept-back; and (holding the Paper in
his Hand) with a frowning Countenance demanded of
him “how he durst to speak to him in such a Matter,
without considering the Danger he was to run-into ?”
But Sir John's Answer was, “That he had long since
duly considered this Matter, with all the Danger that
might attend it; which was not sufficient yet to deter
him from the Performance of his Duty in this par-
ticular, any more than in all others, which he had
cheerfully undergone at his Majesty's Command ; but
that he was the more encouraged to undertake this,
in regard that his Excellency could not but remember the
Message he had received in Scotland, by his Brother.”
Whereupon, the General, without any other Reply,
approached him with a pleasing Aspect; and embracing
him in his Arms, said, Dear Cousin, I thank you with
all my heart for the Prudence, Fidelity, Care and
Constancy you have shewed in this great Affair; and
3 E I am
786
The History of
f am much pleased also at your resolute secresie ºn it;
for, could I have understood that you had revealed it
to any one living, since you first trusted my Brother
with it, I would never have treated with you; which
now I shall most willingly ; and with you the rather,
because you are one of my nearest Kinsmen, and of a
Family to which I owe many Obligations. So the Ge-
neral read the King's Letters, and the Commission;
for which he said, I hope the King will forgive what is
past, both in my Words and Actions, according to the
Contents of his Gracious Letter: for my heart was
ever faithful to him; but I was never in a condition to do
him Service till this present time. And you shall assure
his Majesty, that I am now not only ready to obey
his Commands, but to sacrifice my Life and Fortune
in his Service. To witness this, I call this honest Man
jrom the Door. So he called Mr. Morrice to him;
who, by this time, could not but understand the
Design of Greenvile's coming to the General. Mor-
rice likewise chearfully embraced the Proposal, and
was assistant in it. Sir John now intreated the General
to send some Confident of his own to the King ; which
the General willingly yielded-to; but told him the
Confident must be himself. For he would send no
Letters as yet, for fear of the worst : and without
them, the King had no reason to give credit to a
Messenger from him: though his Majesty might well
believe his own Messenger, whom he had employed to him;
Wherefore at the next Conference Instructions were
prepared, which Greenvile wrote-out; and, after Green-
vile had diligently perused them, and fixed them in his
Memory, (as he was desired to do,) the General threw the
Paper into the fire, with charge not to commit his In-
structions again to Paper till he came to Brussels,
(where the King then was) and there to communicate
them to none but his Majesty. º
This is that Noble Sir John Greenvile, (the now
Earl of Bath,) to whom the Author hath dedicated
this Memorial, proclaiming him a Witness of the de-
signed Loyalty of General Monk; (the late Duke of
Albemarle), whose successful Negotiation with him,
- - - began
the King's Restauration.
787
began and compleated the Restauration of our present
Sovereign, and, with him, of our Laws and Liberties,
which we now see and enjoy. But there was yet more
Work to be done. -
The Officers of the Army, who, from their several
Quarters in the Country, came to Town, to hear and
make new Disturbance, were remanded to their dis-
tinct Charges by the Council of State :-But Men of
greater Quality than these Officers (and by some
thought to be of greater Guilt too) were very earnest
with the General, that the King, if he must be
brought-in by the next Parliament, should be admitted
to his Throne upon no other terms than the Concessions of
the Isle of Wight. These were Articles too streight
for Monarchy, and wholly destructive of the Constitu-
tion of the Church, as formerly (and now) governed ;
Charles the First having yielded to them when he was
a Prisoner in Carisbrook-Castle, in 1648. And, because
the Parliament then Voted them to be sufficient Grounds
for a Treaty with the King, the Army turned-out the Mem-
bers who had so voted, and kept them out of the House;
and they, in consequence of this violent removal, were af-
terwards called by the Name of the Secluded Members.
But in truth, even these Members and the Sitting Members,
added together, were not the whole Body of the House of
Commons; for a great Portion of it, and a greater of the
House of Lords, had deserted those that sat at Westmin-
sfer, and had acted as a Parliament, with the King, at
Oxford; and, if his late Majesty’s Arms had been pros-
perous, might have been esteemed as such: And “why they
were not so esteemed, even in the contrary event which
did take place,” let others tell the reason. But, to make
Mirth with that Treaty, of which one of the Preli-
minary Articles for a Peace (as propounded by the
Parliament) was, “that neither they nor their Armies
were Rebels in making War against the King ;” to this
his late Majesty answered, “that then He and his Army
were.” To this a late Noble Lord replied, Nay, Sir,
if you are thereabout, there is no Peace for us with
your Majesty, but the Peace of God, which passeth all
Understanding; from which God of his Mercy deliver
as But it behoved the charitable to pray that his Lord-
Some Persons of
great quality and im-
portance sollicit Ge-
neral Monk to take
care that, if the King
is to be restored to
the Throne, it should
be only upon the
conditions of the
Treaty of the Isle of
Wight.
ship's Prayer might not be heard, on account of the blood
3 E 2 that
788
The History of
of the State of Par-
ties in the Nation at
that time.
that had been spilt; for in one and the same Commonwealth
there cannot be understood to be two Sovereigns, who
can equally write Dei Gratiâ; and no less Power than
what is delegated from God, and so bears the Sword,
can warrant the shedding of Blood.
The love of Private Interests had for a long time obstruct-
ed the Interest of the Publick, which, though something
more enlarged, was not as yet fully at Liberty; the secluded
Members, before their Dissolution, having taken all the
care they could to have preserved their own share in the
Government. That which was called the Commonwealth-
Party, had, at that time, little other Interest than what was
bound-up in the Army ; which had been modelled by
the General with new Officers, and such old ones as had
served in the Parliament's War till the year 1648. And
the Soldiers and inferior Officers were not able to make
any great or dangerous mutinies, as being left destitute of
authority to countenance them : Besides that the Country
and City Militia, were of a temper quite different from the
Army, and became no contemptible Balance against them.
The Royal Party, who had served the King, as yet bore
very little sway ; though their hopes were pregnant ;
depending upon the Issue of the next Parliament. This
being the face of things ; to Sollicit the General, that the
King's Restauration might be hampered with his Father's
Concessions in the Isle of Wight, was no Idle or unsea-
sonable Proposition, for such as found themselves con-
cerned to look about them. But the General, at first
moving, expressed a resolution of his professed obstinacy
to adhere to a Commonwealth ; though at last (in regard
that the Proposers were, some of them, Men of Honour, and
all of Eminency) he seemed to be conquered into a concur-
rence with them; but so as to hint this to be the utmost Line
that he could, or would, advance-to, in favour of the King.
This stiffness endeared him the more to the Proposers, as
encreasing their hopes that he would not deceive them.
But soon after; the General’s danger was freely repre-
sented unto him, should he, by yielding to such Proposals,
anticipate the next Parliament ; because, in all probability,
it would bring a fresh War upon the Nation. For, if, upon
the opening of the next Parliament, they should vote for
the King's Return, and he should assent to it no other-
wise than upon the Isle of Wight's Articles, and they,
• under
The King's Restauration.
º
8
9
under the terror of his Arms, should not be able otherwise
to bring him in : It would take-up much time for Messen-
gers to pass and repass the Seas; and for Articles (as in
all other Treaties) to be explained; so that, whilst these
things were transacting, the Army might get Breath, and
find an opportunity to revolt from him. -
. The Proposers rejoiced that they had so far prevailed
with the General; and sent an express of their own to the
King at Brussels, representing to him the great service
they had done his Majesty in prevailing with Monk (not-
withstanding his being so obstinate a Commonwealths-
man) not to oppose his Majesty’s return upon his Father’s
concessions in the lsle of Wight, and no otherwise: and
that, though these were hard Terms, and assented-unto
The adherents to the
conditions of the
Treaty of the Isle of
Wight send a Y!es-
säge to the Ring at
Brussels, to invite
him upon these
conditions.
by his Father in the time of his necessity, yet they besought
his Majesty that he would not now think them too hard,
lest his refusal might exclude him from the Crown.
But it so fell-out that their service and message were
declined : for Sir John Greenvile was got before him to
the King, to whom he had related Monk's acceptance of
his service. This ought to be supposed most welcome
news to his Majesty; and the more, because the General
had required no conditions of Restraint to the Royal Power,
as also none of reward to himself; insomuch that the King,
upon the receipt of the Letter from these Proposers (which
he shewed to Sir John Greenvile) merrily said to him, Little
do they in England think, that General Monk and 1 are
wpon so good terms : for / myself could hardly have be-
lieved it till your arrival ; which hath brought me such
happy news, and with so great secresy too, from the Gene-
ral, of my Restauration, without conditions, even beyond
our expectation here, or the belief of all our friends in Eng-
land, excepting yourself, who was alone employed in it."
- 3 E 3 Afterwards,
* By this account of the King's declaration on this occasion, it seems
probable that the King would have readily consented to the conditions of
the Treaty of the Isle of Wight, if that had been required of him. And,
if he had done so, the advantages which the Nation would have derived
form the restoration of their antient and favourite form of Government
“ by an hereditary Monarchy, limited by known laws which could not be
repealed, or changed, without the joint consent of a :ouse of Lords and a
House of Commons, or representatives chosen by the people," would have
been more compleat and satisfactory than they were afterwards found to
- be
But Sir John Gren-
vile, with a message
from General Monk,
had been with the
King before them.
790
The IHistory of
Sir John Greenvile
arrives at Brussels,
and delivers General
Monk’s message to
the King.
The King removes
from Brussels to
Breda.
2.
Afterwards, when the King was recognised by both
Houses of Parliament (it was on the very first day of its meet-
ing that the Regal Authority had been so owned) several
persons of honour (some who had abetted the King's, and
othcrs who had abetted the Parliament’s, cause) dined with
the General at St James's. And there arose a hot contest
between them about the Lawfulness of the late War, and
whether the King should be admitted to return with or
without conditions. I observed the General to be silent,
though some hard words had passed at his Table : So he
required me to say Grace, rather than he would stay-out
his Dinner and the Controversy.
But, to return to the matter;-Greenvile's negociation
was managed with such secrecy, and his Jóurney to Brus-
sels was so speedy and fortunate, that few knew of it be-
fore his arrival there; and those who did, and went in his
Company, did not so much as suspect the errand he was
sent on. The King, upon intimation of his being come,
went privately to his Lodgings, and was alone with him,
and Greenvile discovered his Instructions from the Gene-
ral to his Majesty; by whom he was believed, though he
brought no Letter. For the King (to debate what was to be
done) consulted with his Lord Chancellor Sir Edward
Hide, the Marquiss of Ormond, and Secretary Nicholas, in
the presence of Greenvile. And in this Privy-Council
Monk’s Commission was signed, to be Captain-General of
all his Majestie's Land-Forces in the three Kingdoms; and
publick dispatches (according to Instructions given) were
framed, and signed here. Likewise then the King re-
moved from the Spanish to the United Netherlands,
according to the advice given by the General to Green-
vile: and this was done both in haste and in privacy. His
Majesty, being come to Breda, dated his publick dis-
patches from thence ; and there Sir John Greenvile
received them from his Majesty, in order to his returning
wr- - wº ——ºn
be in the subsequeut part of the 1 eign of King Charles the Second. The
advantages that would have resulted to the Nation from the Conditions
of the '1' eaty in the Isle of Wight, are admirably well described in Mr.
Prynne's speech in l'arliament upon them, on the 5th of December, 1648;
which may be seen in the Parliamentary History, vol. xviii. pages 308,304,
&c. to page 445. It is one of the best speeches I ever read, and had a
wouderful effect upon tie House. ---.
for
*
the King's Restauration,
791
for England; but the King would not send him back
empty, and without a mark of his favour.
Sir John Greenvile, when he came first to Brussels, and
had related Monk’s resolution to espouse the King's Cause
and Interest, humbly desired his Majestie's Pardon, if, in
his negociation, he had exceeded his Instructions of re-
ward. To which the King graciously answered, that
whatever he had promised in his name, should be punctu-
ally performed upon his Restauration. But Greenvile
then informed his Majesty, that he had propounded to
the General 100,000l. per annum for ever, as his Ma-
jestie's donative to him and his Officers, with the Office
of Lord High Chancellor, and Constable of England,
for Himself, and the Nomination of any other the great
Offices of the Crown. All which Monk had generously
refused, saying that he would not tye the King to any terms
of reward, and that he took more comfort and consent in
that now he hoped he was able to do his JMajesty and his
Country service, than in expectations of greatness. Besides
that the General had given him this as a special charge
that he should not propound any thing to his Majesty as
a gratification for service, either for Himself or for any
Friend, or Officer, of his, upon his accompt. The King
then pressed Greenvile to know what he should do for
Him; but he, after the General’s example, nobly refused
all Proposals of reward for the service in which he had
been so eminently successful, till he should happily see
his Majesty at Whitehall. However, the King had then
put-up into Greenvile’s pocket (though unknown to him)
a Warrant under his Hand and Seal for an English Earl-
dom, and the assurance of 3000l. per annum for ever, to
support his Honour, together with a promise to pay his
and his Father’s Debts, which had been contracted in the
War-Time in the service of his Majesty and his Royal
Father. - - - - -
So Greenvile was sent-back by his Majesty to the
General, and brought with him (besides the above-men-
tioned Commission) his Majestie's Seals and Signet by
which the General was empowered to make a Secretary
of State; which Office he conferred upon Mr. Morrice, by
the advice of Sir John Greenvile, Morrice, upon the King's
3 E 4 - return,
Sir John Greenvile.
returns to England.
792
The History of
General Łambert
escapes from the
Tower, April 9, 1660.
return, was soon after, toward the latter end of May,
(Greenvile’s return to the General being about the begin-
ning of April) Knighted and confirmed in his place of
Secretary of State. Now, besides, his publick Letters,
(which were reserved to be communicated ;) he brought
with him a private one to the General from his Ma-
jesty, written with his Majesty’s own hand. To this Letter
the General returned an answer by Mr. Bernard Green-
vile, Brother to Sir John; because Sir John himself could
not, at this time, be spared to go-over again to his Majesty, as
the meeting of the Parliament was approaching, and he was
to present to both Houses his Majestie's Letters and Decla-
rations : Wherefore Bernard Greenvile (that this secret
negociation might be continued in the Family) was
thought to be the most fit and the safest Express that could
be sent. And, indeed, he could not but be as welcome
to his Majesty; for he brought now the assurances, under
his hand, of the General’s resolution, to adhere to the King's
cause againstall opposition whatever. I therefore notify this,
because it was the first Letter that the General durst ad-
venture to send to his Majesty: Nay, even this Letter was
sent almost too soon ; for Lambert, by the secret conni-
vance of the Inferior Trustees of the Tower, had escaped
out of Prison. This was the joy and triumph of such as
designed an after-game by the Sword: for he had the good
luck to be beloved by the Soldiery; and, upon that account,
Oliver Cromwell, when he was Protector, though he re-
spected his military talents, had removed him from his
command in the Army, as suspecting that he would not
only tread in his Steps, but upon-his Heels.
The News of Lambert's escape soon came to us at St.
James's; and almost at the same time a private information
where he was hid. Thither the General sent, and found it
to be true; but he had got-away before, to set-up the Trade
of War in the Country. Wherefore, as soon as ever it
was advertised where Lambert was, the General prepared
(or seemed to do it at least) for a March ; from which he
was easily prevailed-upon to desist by those who repre-
sented unto him the necessity of his keeping the Town, in
regard that the Common Soldiers of the Army were not yet
fixed to him, however he had modelled the Officers of it;
and indeed many of these had already subscribed, that they
would
The King's Restauration.
would rest satisfied with what the Parliament should deter-
mine about Government, as did all of them afterwards,
who continued in their commands; and these Subscrip-
tions, not long after, were required even of private Soldiers.
Lambert having gained some accomplices to his Designs,
they shifted Quarters into Northamptonshire and Warwick-
shire, to pick-up more; all whom the Council of State de-
clared to be Traitors. But Colonel (afterwards Sir Richard)
Ingoldbsy made them such: for he took Lambert Prisoner,
and sent him up, in Easter-week, to the Council of State.
Here it was that I first and last saw this renowned Captain,
but now a Captive; (to our comfort be it spoken) of
whose skill in the Art of War the General had no great
opinion, and of which I can make no judgement. But, if
Lambert intended to make a Rape upon the Government,
But is soon retaken
by Colonel Ingolds-
by, and recommitted
to prison.
(as it was thought he did;) he had not unqualified him-
self for it: For I never heard that he had listed himself
into any Religious Faction; but, being a Latitudinarian
to all, he might with less opposition have ruled the rost:
Nay, and even a party then most odious,” did not despair
of fair quarter from him. *~
This unhappy Captain fell sooner than the General
once thought he would ; because now the King's Interest
was become visible upon the Stage, and the Soldiers and
under-Officers would soon have resorted to him as the De-
liverer of their Country, had he not been thus timely
suppressed. This piece of Service none could so luckily
have performed as Colonel Ingoldsby; for he was both
known and beloved in the Army, and had Inclination, as
well as courage, to do it, as having been (though co-
vertly) engaged in Booth’s Conspiracy.
But, whilst Lambert was thus in the Field, and threaten-
ed a War, the General sent for Sir John Greenvile, and
told him that, if Colonel Ingoldsby should be beaten, and
the Army should, in consequence, go over to follow Lam-
bert, in such numbers that he could not be suppressed but
by a War; then he was resolved to put-off his Disguise,
declare the King's Commission, own it for the Authority
by which he acted, and commission the Royal Party into
* Probably the Popish Party.
- Arms,
'794,
The History of
The Royalists pub-
lish a Declaration of
their Submission to
the present Power.
Arms, in all places through England, Scotland, and Ire-
land: Wherefore he required Sir John to attend him, and
receive Orders from him for his Majesty's Service.
But Providence had appointed the King’s Restauration
to be without Blood ; nay, and some few of our Officers
(for it was no publick Combination) expressed their wil-
lingness to do it, making this overture to the General, that,
if he would undertake by his sole Authority (as Generalis-
simo at Land, and half a one by Sea) to restore the King,
they promised their own assistance, and undertook to pro-
mote this design farther in the Army, if he would give
them leave to appear in it; they prudently alledging, that
such a course would be more for his honour, than to
give way to a Parliament to do it; and then they might
expect better terms afterwards for themselves. He knew
the men and their designs, and returned this answer:
That the Parliament which was to be, was called upon a
Commonwealth-account ; and it did not, now at least,
become Soldiers to meddle with the change of Government,
for he would be true to his Declaration to keep the Mili-
tary Power in obedience to the Civil; reminding them that
themselves had promised to rest contented with what the
Parliament should do touching Government. To this
the Royal Party in and about the Town had also sub-
scribed, and testified their submission to the present Power,
as it then resided in the Council of State, in expectation of
the future Parliament, and promised to bury all rancours
and animosities in oblivion. This Declaration was by them
published, with the subscriptions of several Noblemen and
Gentlemen of eminent Quality.
However Affairs now were in a fair procedure towards
a National Settlement, yet there wanted not Agitators to
disturb it, who went up and down in the City and Coun-
try to spirit the Army into Discontent. Wherefore the
Reward of 101, was published, and promised for the
Discovery of any one of them. But Agitators enough of
this sort, (as well Lay as Clergy) came to St. James's:
Hugh Peters was of both Coats; for he had a portion of
the Lord Craven's Lands, and feared a secular Restitution
too. This noble Lord (nobler now, being advanced to
the Earldom of Craven, ) had never fought against the
Parliament,
the King's Restauration.
95
(*
Parliament, but from his youth generously hazarded his
Person, and spent his Estate in Foreign Wars, to the Ho-
nour of his Country; whom the General always honoured,
and who succeeded him, after his Death, in the Command
of the Regiment of the King's Guards, (my most Honour-
able and Noble Colonel.) And by what contrivance, or
for what delinquency, his Estate was forfeited, is not an
Enquiry proper for this place. But the General’s Lady
was so bold as to ask Hugh Peters if he was not for Res-
titution 2 The Ministers of Independency likewise were
very sollicitous to know what they must trust-to, and dis-
turbed the hopes of the Presbyterians, by telling them
that Episcopacy and Arminianism were coming upon
them. - *
It was my portion to hear these things, being sometimes
deputed to attend them. But I was an Infidel to all these
Fears; for the General still adhered to a Commonwealth,
and neither Jest nor Earnest could make any other discovery
of him: For once he was set-upon, in jest, by a late Long-
Parliament-Commonwealth’s-man, who was good at it:
He told the General, that he had always had a great es-
teem of him (I think he had once, at a pinch, happily
served him) and asked him what he aimed-at, a King or
a Commonwealth : The General answered, “You have
known me a long time, and you know that I have been
these many years for a Commonwealth; and I am still of
that opinion.” He returned, “I ought to believe your
Excellency; but will you give me leave to tell you a
story. It was this: A City-Taylor was met one evening
in the Country, with a pick-axe and spade: A neighbour
of his asked him whither he was going with those Instru-
ments? He answered, “to take measure for a new Suit of
cloaths at such a House, and for such a person.” His
neighbour demanded, “What, with a pick-axe and spade?”
“Yes,’ quoth the Tailor, these are the measures now
in fashion.” So he left the application to his Excellency,
whether his new Models in the Army were fit Tools to
make a Commonwealth with. *
Nor could Monsieur Bourdeaux (then Resident Am-
bassador for France) gain any certainty of his designs,
though he made an attempt to dive into them. He sent
for Commodore Clargis, and propounded the assistance
of Cardinal Mazarine, either to help the General to the
* Sovereignty,
796
' ' ' The History of e
Sovereignty, or to restore our King ; adding his Advice,
that the King might be desired to retire into France, and
... that speedy Notice should be given him to leave Flanders,
§
*
if the General aimed at his Restitution. But the General
would not allow the Ambassador the Liberty of this Dis-
course to him, though he refused him not a Visit, upon
the Request of Clargis. The Story is at large related in
Baker's Chronicle, page 717. Printed Anno 1674; whi-
ther I refer the Reader, because I knew nothing of it till
I found it there. * , , ,
The Parliament was now ready to sit-down, and the
King's return was visible to the wise and discerning, pro-
vided that the General had not his Reserves to give a stop
to it; for he still kept himself in a Cloud. Wherefore the
prying and suspicious (of which sort were Women) found-
out little Devices to sound what were his Intentions, by
giving small gifts to his son (a child, then between six and,
seven years of age, now the Duke of Albemarle) who
innocently told these busy Enquirers, that his Father and
Mother, in bed, had talked of the King's coming home. I
-dare promise that he shall not be so easily outwitted or
surprized now ; and I doubt not, but that he will be heir
of his Father’s Prudence, as well as of his Estate. And
may he live to out-do him in both !. However, I wish so;
for I love and honour him, whose Education was some-
times committed to my charge. . . . -
Though the Parliament were not met, yet all appre-
hensions of danger were already-over. Only a few Libels
were throwns in the night at our Guards, against the King ,
and his Party. Wherefore, now we were entertained with
Feasting, to which the worthy Citizens of London did
invite the General and his Officers; and it would be un-
The new Parliament
meets April 29, 1960.
*
grateful not to mention their great and sumptuous Enter-
tainments; thanks being the proper reward of good Cheer.
These Feasts were performed in the publick Halls of the
more ancient Companies;where (besides Meat and Musick)
we had sometimes the Sin-Songs of more than Ballade-
Poets, who hope yet for better things than what they saw.
At which some of the Officers would say, that they were
Beasts set up a ſatting for the Slaughter. . . .
But now came the 25th of April, when both Houses
of Parliament (the great Restorers of their Country's free-
dom)
the King's Testauration.
7
7
dom) sat-down. It was not disputed who called them, and
gave them this Authority : but the most Rebellious sub-
mitted to it. Now it appeared that God’s mercy (which
must be first revered, and eternized) then the King's Cle-
mency. the General’s Conduct, and this Parliament sitting,
had prevented our Officers’ fears, and the effusion of Blood,
either by the Sword of War or of Justice: for none suf-
fered upon the old score, those only excepted, who were
after adjudged to Death, for the Murder of Charles the
First; (and some of these too had their Lives given them)
unless I should add the further exemption of some few
others; as Mr. Henry Vane (the very Son of his Father),
and Hugh Peters, whose Guilt was thought greater than
some of the greatest of the Criminals, who sat in a
Court of Mock-Justice upon the Life of their Sovereign.
The Parliament adjourned for some few days, and Sir
John Greenvile consulted with the General about the
delivery of his Mesage from his Majesty.
That which was superscribed to the General, to be by
him communicated to the Army and Council of State,
was by his Appointment delivered to him at the Door of
the Council-Chamber, where Greenvile attended, and
into which as Colonel Birch (one of the Members of it).
was entering,Greenvile requested him (but unknown) that
he might speak with my Lord-General; who, upon Birch's
intimation, came to the door, and there, in the sight of his
Guards, attending, received Greenvile's Letters; but not
with much regard, either to his Person or his Business,
of which the General seemed to understand somewhat by
the Seal, and asked him if he would stay there, till he had
his answer; otherwise his Guards should secure him. So
his Excellency produceth his Letters to the Council of
State; Greenvile is sent-for in, and Birch protested that
he neither knew the Gentleman, nor his Business. The
Ilord President of the Council examined Greenvile, from
whence those Letters came, whose they were, and how he
came by them; (for as yet they were not opened) he told
the President, “that the King, his Master, gave him them
with his own hands at Breda.” So the opening of them was
deferred till the Parliament sat. Greenvile was to have
been sent into custody; but the General was his Bail, who
said he knew the Gentleman, (being his near Kinsman) and
would take his parol to appear before the Parliament.
But
793 * The History of
Sir John Greenvile But the Monk’s hood was now to be taken-off: The
i...º.º. Parliament sat, and Greenvile delivered his Letters, with
ment; who acknow inclosed Declarations to both Houses; upon whose owning
º, ºh!, ind his Majesty’s Right, the General, being a Member of the
intreat him to return º & --
i., ii. K.” House of Commons, (into which he had been chosen both
April 27, 1660. for a Knight of the Shire of Devon, in which he was born,
and for a Burgess for the University of Cambridge) desired
that the King's Letters to him, (which were directed to be
communicated to the Council of State, and the Army) might
be read. The Lord-Mayor of the City of London, and
the Common-Council received their’s with inclosed De-
clarations from the King ; and the Fleet, under the Com-
mand of Montague, had their's delivered to them also from
Greenvile. All these Letters and Declarations are extant,
and well known ; so that there is no need of a Rehearsal
of them on this occasion. But one of them, which was
the private concern of Sir John Greenvile, (of which I
have before given the Substance) I have asked leave here
to insert : that it might be better understood what sense
the King had of his Service in his Negociation with
our General, and how grateful his Majesty's intentions to-
wards his Restorers were. The Letter (or rather War.
rant) under the Royal Signet, runs thus:
CHARLES R.
IN consideration of the many Services done us by our
Right-trusty and well-beloved Servant, Sir John Green-
vile (one of the Gentlemen of our Bed-Chamber) and
his Father, the most Valiant and Loyal Sir Bevile Green-
vile, who most Honourably lost his Life at the Battel of
Landsdown, in the Defence and Service of the Crown
against the Rebels, after he had performed many other
great and signal Services ;— - -
But, more especially, in consideration of the late most
extraordinary Services (never to be forgotten by us or
our Posterity) which the said Sir John Greenvile hath
lately rendered us in his Person (in his secret, prudent,
and most faithful Transactions and Negociations, in con-
cluding that most happy Treaty which he had lately, by
our special Command and Commission, with our Famous
and Renowned General Monk; and wherein he alone
(and no other) was instructed by us, concerning the said
- e Treaty
The King's Restauration.
799
Treaty, about those most important Affairs for our Res-
tauration, which he has most faithfully performed with
great prudence, care, secresie, and advantage for our Ser-
vice, without any conditions imposed upon us beyond our
expectation, and the Commission we gave him ; whereof
we doubt not but, by God's blessing, we shall speedily see
the effects of our said happy Restauration:—We are gra-
ciously pleased to promise, upon the Word of a King,
that, as soon as we are arrived in England, and it shall
please God to restore us to our Crown of that Kingdom,
We will confer upon our said right-Trusty and well-be-
loved Servant Sir John Greenvile, the place and office of
Groom of our Stole, and First Gentleman of our Bed-
chamber (with all Fees, Pensions, and Perquisites there-
unto belonging) together with the Title and Dignity of an
Earl of our Kingdom of England: And, the better to
support the said Title of Honour, and to Reward, as we
ought, those many great services, and to recompence the
losses and sufferings of him and his Family; we are fur-
ther graciously pleased to promise, upon our said Royal
Word, to pay all the Debts that he, the said Sir John
Greenvile, or his Father, have contracted in the late Wars,
in our service, or in our Royal Father's, of Blessed Me-
mory; and also to bestow and settle, in good Land in
England, an Estate of Inheritance to the value of at least
3000l. per annum, upon him the said Sir John Greenvile,
and his Heirs for ever; to remain as a perpetual acknow-
ledgement for his said services; and as a Testimony of
our Grace and Favour towards him, and that Ancient and
Loyal Family of the Greenviles, unto all Posterity. Gi-
ven at our Court at Brussels, the 2d of April, in the 12th
year of our Reign, 1660. -
By his Majestie's Command,
Edward Nicholas.
To conclude, on the 8th of May, the King was joyfully
proclaimed in the Cities of London and Westminster, and
Greenvile having received the thanks of both Houses of
Parliament, was sent-back to his Majesty at the Hague,
with 50,000l. Sterling, from the Parliament: to supply
his Majestie's present occasions, till the arrival of the Com-
IlllSSIOIlérS
The king is pro-
claimed at London
and Westminster,
May 8, 1660.
3OO
The History of
And returns to Lon-
don on the 29th of
May, 1660.
missioners of both Houses, who were hastening after to
invite his Majestie's return to his native Kingdom, and to
the exercise of his Royal Authority: So that on the 29th
his Majesty with great Solemnity entered the City. This
day has, since 1660, been solemnized by our Church, for
his Birth and Return: and may the Prayers of his Loyal
Subjects, for him, ascend, and be heard by the God of
Heaven; who bowed the Hearts of the most rebellious
among us to submit to his Scepter! Of this the Gene-
ral was truly sensible; for, when I came to him at the
Cock-Pit to give him my share of thanks, for this renown-
ed Restauration, I kneeled to him and kissed his hands;
but he took me up, and was pleased to speak some kind
words to me; but, in speaking, broke into Tears, saying
these words. No, Mr. Price, It was not I that did this;
3you know the Jealousies that were had of me, and the
oppositions against me; It was God alone who did it. To
him be the Glory, whose is the Kingdom and the Power,
over this and all Governments / But, to disturb all this,
there was an After contrivance framed, and propounded
to the General, viz. that he would most vigorously de-
clare for the Solemn League and Covenant: to do this,
there were invitations of Advantages offered him. But
he was Resolute, and saw that he had deceived all those
with whom he had had to do, and had gratified none of
them; and that it was now too late to play an After-game, by
attempting to impose conditions upon his Prince: He hav-
ing before, when it was in his power, scorned to do it. And
now he was to sink or swim with the King; for his lnte-
rest was no wider. These bold words were said, not for
his sake, but others; for this his Loyalty was most truly
fixed, and he was glad that he was delivered from the Im-
pertinencies of the Sollicitations of such People. May
God of his infinite Mercy deliver us from all narrow In-
terests which, in our Age, have been the ruin of a most
famous Commonwealth, left us by the wisdom of our An-
cestors. . And may the Men of private conceits unite, and
bring their hands and hearts to the support of the publick:
for Extra Rempublicam non est salus.
THE END,
R. E. F L E CT I O N S
CIVIL WAR IN ENGLAND,
&c, &c. *
REFLECTIONS
ON THE
CIVIL WAR IN ENGLAND,
BETWEEN
KllNG CHARLES THE FIRST
AND THE
LONG PARLIAMENT,
AND ON TIIE
CHANGES OF GOVERNMENT PRODUCED BY IT
AFTER THE
DEATH OF THE KING,
UNTIL THE
RESTORATION OF THE MONARCHY
IN THIE PERSON OF
KING CHARLES THE SECOND,
IN THE YEAR 1660.
BY
JOHN MILTON,
THE AUTHOR OF PARADISE Lost,
REFLECTIONS,
&c. &c.
THESE reflections occur in the beginning of the
Third Book of Milton’s History of England, from the
earliest Ages to the Conquest of it by William, Duke of
Normandy, and his coronation at London, in the month
of December, of the year 1066. They serve to confirm
the account given above, in the foregoing collection of
s Tracts (in Lord Hollis's Memoirs, and in pages 333, 334,
335, &c. 358, of Mr. Clement Walker's Tract, entitled,
The Mystery of the Two Juntoes, Presbyterian and
Independant,) of the corrupt practices of several members
of the House of Commons in the exercise of the powers
given them in Committees and other employments, in the
course of the contest with the Crown ; and to shew that,
though the English nation, in that contest, had exerted
great courage and vigour in resisting and defeating all
the King’s endeavours to enslave them, and make him-
self an absolute monarch over them ; yet they had
not possessed a sufficient degree of Knowledge of the
nature of Civil Government, and of Moderation, unaccom-
panied with selfish views of Ambition or Avarice, to close
their successful military operations by establishing such
regulations as should secure the liberties of the Nation
from being again brought into danger from the Crown.
*. 2 F 3 For
806 Reflections on the
Reflections
For this, he thought, had not been done by the mea-
sures that were adopted at the Restoration of King
Charles the Second, in the year 1660.
The beginning of this third book of Milton's History
of England, together with the aforesaid reflections on
the civil war between King Charles the First and the
Long Parliament, is in these following words:—
This third book, having to tell of accidents as various
and exemplary as the intermission, or change, of a Go-
vernment hath any where brought-forth, may deserve
attention more than common, and repay it with like
benefit to them who can judiciously read: considering
on the
late Civil wars in En-
gland, from the year
1640 to t
1660. -
he year
especially that the late civil broils had cast us into a con-
dition not much unlike to what the Britains then were in,
when the Imperialjurisdiction [of Rome] departing hence,
left them to the sway of their own councils; which times if
we compare seriously with theselatter times, and that con-
fused anarchy with this late interreign,wemaybe able (from
two such remarkable turns of State, producing like events
among us) to raise a knowledge of ourselves both great
and weighty, by judging hence “what kind of men the
Britains generally are in matters of so high enterprize;
how by nature, industry, or custom, fitted to attempt, or
undergo, matters of so main consequence:” for, if it be
a high point of wisdom in every private man, much
more is it so in a Nation to know itself; rather than, puff-
ed-up with vulgar flatteries and encomiums, for want of
r self-
Civil Wars in England. - 807
self-knowledge, to enterprize rashly, and come-off
miserably in great undertakings. -
* “Of those who swayed most in the late troubles,
“few words as to this point may suffice. They had arms,
“leaders, and successes to their wish; but “to make
“use of so great an advantage” was not their skill.
“To other CallSeS therefore, and not to the want of
“ force, orwarlike manhood , in the Britains, both of those
“ antient times and these lately, we must impute the
“ill husbanding of those fair opportunities, which might
“seem to have put Liberty (so long desired,) hike a bride,
“into their hands. Of which other causes, equally
“belonging to ruler, priest,and people, above hath been
“related: which, as they brought those ancient natives
“[of Britain] to misery and ruin, by Liberty; (which,
“rightly used, might have made them happy;) so brought
“ they these of late, after many labours, much bloodshed,
“ and vast expence, to ridiculous frustration: in whom
“ the like defects, the like miscarriages, notoriously
“appeared, with vices not less hateful or inexcusable.
“ For, a Parliament f having been called, to redress
'. 6 € many things, (as 'twas thought) the people, with great
“courage, and expectation to be eased of what discon-
* Note, The following paragraphs, marked with inverted commas,
have been omitted in all the former editions of our author's. History of
Britain, before that which was published in the collection of his works,
in two volumes, folio, in the year 1788. The first Edition of this History
of England by Milton, was published in the year 1670. -
t This Parliament has been since called The Long Parliament, and
met on the 3d day of Sovember, in the year 1640. ,
º
3 F + * tented
808 Reflections on the
**
“tented them, chose to their behoof in Parliament, such
“persons asthey thoughtbest-affected to the publickgood,
“ and some, indeed, men of wisdom and integrity; the
“rest, (to be sure, the greater part,) whom wealth, or
“ample possessions, or bold and active ambition, (rather
“ than merit) had commended to the same place.
“But, when once the superficial zeal and popular fumes
“that acted [or actuated] their new magistracy,were cool.
“ed and spent in them, straight every one betook himself
“ (setting the commonwealth behind, and his private
“ends before), to do as his own Profit, or Ambition, led
“ him. Then was Justice delayed, and soon after de-
“nied: spight and favour determined all: hence Faction,
“ thence Treachery, both at home and in the field: every
“where Wrong, and Oppression : foul and horrid deeds
“ committed daily, or maintained, in secret, or in open.
“Some, who had been called from shops and ware-
“ houses, without other merit, to sit in supreme Coun-
“cils and Committees, (as their breeding was) fell to
“huckster the commonwealth. Others did thereafter
** as men could sooth and humour them best; so he
“who would give most, or, under covert of hypocritical
“ zeal, insinuate basest, enjoyed unworthily the rewards
“ of Learning and Fidelity; or escaped the punishment of
“his crimes and misdeeds. Their votes and ordinances,
“ (which, men looked, should have contained the re-
“pealing of bad laws, and the immediate constitution
“ of better,) resounded with nothing else, but new im-
“ positions, taxes, excises; yearly, monthly, weekly.
** Not
Civil Wars in England. - 809
“ Not to reckon the offices, gifts, and preferments be-
“stowed and shared among themselves: they in the
“meanwhile, who were ever faithfullest to this cause,
“ and freely aided them in person, or with their sub-
“stance, when they durst not compel either, slighted
“ and bereaved, after, of their just debts by greedy se-
“ questrations, were tossed up and down, aftermiserable
“ attendance, from one Committee to another with peti-
“tions in their hands; yet either missed the obtaining of
“ their suit, or, though it were at length granted, (mere
“shame and reason oft-times extorting from them at
“least a show of justice) yet by their sequestrators and
“sub-committees abroad, (men for the most part of in-
“ satiable hands, and noted disloyalty,) those orders
“ were commonly disobeyed: which for certain durst
“not have been, without secret compliance, if not com-
“ pact, with some superiors able to bear them out.
“Thus were their friends confiscate in their enemies,
“while they forfeited their debtors to the State, as they
“called it, but indeed to the ravening seizure of innu-
“merable thieves in office: yet were withall no less
“burthened in all extraordinary assessments and op.
“pressions, than those whom they took to be disaffect.
“ed: nor were we happier creditors to what we called
“the State, than to them who were sequestered as the
“ State's enemies.
“For that faith which ought to have been kept as
“sacred and inviolable as any thing holy, “the Publick
“Faith,” (after infinite sums received, and all the
- “ wealth
810 Hºeflections on the
“wealth of the church not better employed, but swal.
“lowed-up into a private Gulph,) was not ere long
“ashamed to confess bankrupt. And now, besides the
“sweetness of bribery, and other gain, with the love of
“ rule, their own guiltiness, and the dreaded name of
“Just Account, which the people had long called-for,
“discovered plainly that there were of their own number
** who secretly contrived and fomented those troubles
“and combustions in the land, which openly they sat to
“remedy; and would continually find such work, as
“should keep them from being ever brought to that
“Terrible Stand, of laying-down their authority for lack
“ of new business, or not drawing it out to any length
Of the bad state of
Religion during the
late Civil Wars and
the following Inter-
regnum, down to
the Restoration.
“ of time, though upon the ruin of a whole nation.
“And, if the State were in this plight, Religion was
“ not in much better; to reform which, a certain num-
“ber of Divines were called, ſieither chosen by any rule
“ or custom ecclesiastical, nor eminent for either piety
“ or knowledge above others left-out; only as each mem-
“ber of parliament in his private fancy thought fit, so
“ elected one by one. The most partof them were such, as
“had preached and cried-down, with great shew of zealthe
“avarice and pluralities of bishops and prelates,[and had
“declared] that one Cure of souls was a full employment
“for one spiritual pastor, how ablesoever, if not a charge
“ rather above human strength. Yet these conscientious -
“ men, (ere any part of the work was done for which they
“ came-together, and that on the publick salary) wanted
“not boldness, (to the ignominy and Scandal of their
. . “pastor-like
Civil Wars in England. - 811
“pastor-like profession, and especially of their boasted
“reformation,) to seize into their hands, or not unwil-
“lingly to accept (besides one, sometimes two, or more,
“, of the best livings)collegiate masterships in the Univer.
“sities, rich lectures in the city, setting sail to all winds
“ that might blow gain into their covetous bosoms: by
“which means these great rebukers of non-residence,
“ among so many distant cures, were not ashamed to be
“ seen so quickly pluralists and non-residents them-
“selves, to a fearful condemnation, doubtless, by their
“ own mouths. And yet the main doctrine for which
“they took such pay, and insisted-upon with more vehe.
“mence than gospel, was but to tell us in effect, that
“ their doctrine was worth nothing, and the spiritual
“power of their ministry less available than bodily com-
“pulsion ; persuading the magistrate to use it, as a
& 6 stronger means to subdue and bring-in conscience,
“ than evangelical persuasion; distrusting the virtue of
“ their own spiritual weapons, which were given them
“if they be rightly called, with full warrant of suffici-
“ency to pull-down all thoughts and imaginations
“ that exalt themselves against God. But while they
« taught compulsion without convincement, (which, not
“long before, they complained-of, as executed unchris-
“tianly, against themselves;) these intents are clear to
“ have been no better than antichristian: setting-up d
“spiritual tyranny by a secular power, to the advancing
“ of their own authority above the magistrate, whom
“ they would have made their executioner, to punish
* - , º - church-
81? Reflections on the \
“church-delinquencies, whereof civil laws have no
“.cognizance. a -
“And well did their disciples manifest themselves
“to be no better principled than their teachers, trusted
“ with committeeships and other gainful offices, upon
“their commendations for zealous, (and as they sticked
“not to term them) godly men; but executing their
“places like children of the devil, unfaithfully, unjustly,
“unmercifully, and, where not corruptly, stupidly.
“So that between them the teachers, and these the dis-
“ciples, there hath not been a more ignominious and
“mortal wound [given ito faith, to piety, to the work of
“reformation, nor more cause of blaspheming given to
“ the enemies of God and truth, since the first preach-
“ing of reformation.
“The people therefore, looking one while on the
“Statists, (whom they beheld [tobe]without constancy or
“ firmness, labouring doubtfully beneath the weight of
“ their own too high undertakings, busiest in petty
“things, triflingin themain,)[being]deluded andquite ali-
“enated, from them] expressed divers ways their disaffec-
“tion; some despising those persons whom before they
“honoured; some deserting, some inveighing, some con-
“spiring, against them. Then looking on the church-
“men, whom they saw, under subtle hypocrisy, to have
“preached their own follies, most of them, not the gos-
“pel; time-Servers, covetous, illiterate; persecutors, not
“lovers, of the truth; like in most things whereof they
“accused thir predecessors : looking on all this, the
“ people (which had been kept warm awhile with the
“ Counterfeit
Civil Wars in England. 813
“ counterfeit zeal of their pulpits,) after a false heat,
“ became more cold and obdurate than before; some
& C turning to lewdness, some to flat atheism; put beside
“ their old religion, and foully scandalized in what they
“expected should be the new.
“Thus they who of late were extolled as our great-
** eSt deliverers, and had the people wholly at their de-
<
Ç
votion, by so discharging their trust as we see, did not
{
&
only weaken and unfit themselves to be dispensers of
&
Ç
what liberty they pretended, but unfitted also the peo-
“ ple, (now grown worse and more disordinate,) to re-
“ ceive, or to digest, any liberty at all. For stories teach
“us, that Liberty, sought out of season, in a corrupt and
“degenerate age, brought Rome itself to a farther sla-
“very : for Liberty hath a sharp and double edge, fit
“only to be handled by just and virtuous men ; to bad
“ and dissolute, it becomes a mischief, unwieldly in
“their own hands: neither is it compleatly given, but
“by them who have the happy skill to know what is
“grievance, and unjust to a people, and how to remove
G
{
it wisely; what good laws are wanting, and how to
“frame them substantially, that good men may enjoy
“ the freedom which they merit, and the bad feel the
“curb which they need. But to do this, and to know
C
“ these exquisite proportions, the heroic wisdom which
G
G
is required, surmounted far the principles of these
“narrow politicians: what wonder then was it, if they
“sunk, as those unfortunate Britains had done before
“ them, entangled and oppressed with things too hard
“ and generous, above their strain and temper ? For
“ Britain,
814 º Reflections on the
“Britain, (to speak a truth not often spoken,) as it is a
“ land fruitful enough of men stout and courageous in
“war, so it is naturally not over-fertile of men able to
“govern justly and prudently in peace, trusting only in
“ their mother-wit ; who consider not justly, that civility,
“ prudence, love of the publick good, more than of
“ money or vain honour, are to this soil in a manner
&
6.
outlandish ; grow not here, but in minds well implant-
“ed with solid and elaborate breeding, too impolitick
&
{
else and rude, if not headstrong and intractable to
“ the industry and virtue either of executing or under-
“standing true Civil Government. Valiant indeed, and
“ prosp ous to win a field; but to know the end and
“reason of winning, unjudicious, and unwise : in good
“ or bad success alike unteachable. For the Sun which
&
&
we Britains want) ripens wits as well as fruits; and,as
“wine and oil are imported to us from abroad, so must
“ ripe understanding, and many civil virtues, be imported
Ç
G
into our minds from foreign writings, and examples of
.6
{
best ages ; we shall else miscarry still, and come short
&
g
in the attempts of any greatenterprize. Hence did their
4
C
victories prove as fruitless, as their losses dangerous;
&
g
and left them still, when conquering [or,when they were
Ç
Ç
conquerors, under the same grievances, that men
* suffer when conquered : which was indeed unlikely to
“go otherwise, unless men more than vulgar, bred-up,
Ç
&
(as few of them were,) in the knowledge of ancient
er
-
º
and illustrious deeds, invincible against many and vain
º
&
titles, impartial to friendships and relations, had con-
“ducted their affairs : but then from the chapman to
- ‘‘ the
Civil Wars in England. 815
“ the retailer, many whose ignorance was more auda-
.* cious than the rest, were admitted, with all their sordid
“ rudiments, to bear no mean 'sway among them, both
** in Church and State.
“From the confluence of all their errors, mischiefs,
“ and misdemeanours, what in the eyes of man could be
“expected, but what befel those ancient inhabitants [of
* Britain] whom they so much resembled—confusion
“‘ºn the end ?
“But on these things, and this parallel, having
“ enough insisted, I return to the story which gave us
“ the matter of this digression.”]
R, w ILHS, Printer, 89, Chancery-Lane.
-- *:: *. c.
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