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94.54
tº 89.
THE LOTHIAN ESSAP M D CCC LXXIX
BY R. L. POOLE B.A. BALLIOL COLLEGE OXFORD.

A HISTORY
* -
* 4 / r w
º *% - > * x
. f : " " . . .
OF THE /*
HUGUENOTS OF THE DISPERSION
AT THE
RECALL OF THE EDICT OF NANTES
\
A
º REGINALD LANE POOLE
* - *
*
s
£ombon
M A C MILL AN AND CO.
i - - - I 88o
[All rights reserved.]

O X F O RID : -
BY E, PICKARD HALL, M.A., AND J. H. STACY,
PRINTERS TO THE UNIVERSITY.

P R E F A C E.
AN author in his preface commonly sets out with a protest
against the disparagement of his predecessors; and, although
we seem to possess an invincible capacity for absorbing any-
thing that comes into print, the putting forth of a book is still
a matter of reasonable diffidence, as if one should dare to add
to the infinite. The existence of a book has to be accounted
for; it even needs an apology. The fortunate origin of the
following chapters, representing a university essay, relieves me
from this demand; and what I shall say about previous histories
may be dressed in the modest obliquity of the third person. It
is open to enquire what was the deficiency in former treatment
that appealed to the trustees of the marquess of Lothian's .
historical prize when they called for a fresh review of 77te
Amigration consequent upon the Revocation of the Edict of Manies.
The history of the banished huguenots has been written in
polemic and anecdote, homiletically, statistically, genealogically.
Cut off from these methods by the conditions of space and
manner incident to the form of an essay, it was left to me to
assume the systematic habit of the bibliographer. To write
otherwise had been a task of greater ease, perhaps of more
popular interest. But the disorder in which the subject has
hitherto been left, while it enhanced the difficulty of ar-
rangement, made a compact index to its literature the more
necessary. i
a 3
. . . . . . . sº
. . . . . -º-, -ºxººk: ----tº.
ví t AA’ ZAZA C/E.
What I have called the polemical method is probably obsolete,
and its value is almost entirely collateral. The tracts and
memoirs of the day, the letters of the huguenot ministers, must
be used not for their emphasis but for their allusion, not for
the text but the margin. In this sense they have the first im-
portance, on their own side, and subject to check from every
less partial source. Beside this literature—and its bulk may be
gathered from the catalogue of the special Walloon Library at
Leyden—we must range the books of anecdote, of which Mr
SMILES's Huguenots in England and Ireland is a meritorious
specimen. The body of such a work looks back to the
authentic memoirs of the refugees, and these it is wiser to
consult immediately. What remains of value lies in its stray
facts and in its reference to books that might otherwise elude
notice. *
These indirect and irregular materials have their coefficient
in the minutely elaborate and complete literature of genealogy
and statistic for the different countries of the exile. The Refuge
in Holland has its historian in KoRNEN and partly in BERG and
DRESSELHUIS, Switzerland in MoERIKOFER, England in BURN,
CoopFR, and AGNEw. The German monographs might form a
library by themselves; hardly a church but has its separate
chronicler. ERMAN and RECLAM, who wrote a century ago, are
the most comprehensive and diffuse : but, while all their succes-
sors amuse themselves more or less in second-hand generalities,
the only manual that takes in the whole of Germany is that
presented in the succinct little Survey of the Migrations and
Settlements of the Refugees, published at Karlsruhe in 1854.
The year before this was doubly notable in huguenot biblio-
graphy. It witnessed the one attempt hitherto made to build up
out of the fragments scattered among individual treatises a
general history of the emigration. It witnessed also the founda-
tion of the Historical Society of French Protestantism. The

AA’/2A721 CA. 4 vii
industry and carefulness of CHARLES WEISS's History of the
I’rench Profesſan! /&efugees deserve the grateful commemora-
tion of after-labourers in his field: but the materials accumulated
in the twenty-eight volumes at present published of the Society's
Journal make a revision and reconstruction of his History at
once necessary and possible. The central institution, moreover,
gave an impulse to historical enquiry, which was carried on into
a close examination of the local reliques of the old huguenot
churches. The special treatises of LIivKE, ARNAUD, RossIER,
WADDINGTON, DELMAs, and many more, are samples of this
quickened interest in all things huguenot.
M. WEISS was among the first promoters of the Historical
Society of French Protestantism : and had he lived to reissue
his History, it would certainly have gained much in statistical
completeness, as well as in vivid colouring. The book as we
have it is deficient in life; it attempts a completeness of detail
often irrelevant to the subject, and through the rigid following
of its scheme of arrangement chapters have to be written in
which there is little or no matter worth writing, and which have
added to the bulk of the book without adding to its value.
Moreover, with every striving after candour, there is a constant
undercurrent of religious antagonism which gives the book the
character rather of controversy than of history.
Many of these objections apply to my essay equally or in a
greater degree: some are perhaps intrinsic in the nature of the
subject. A writer in the Edinburgh Review expressed sur-
prise at M WEISS's failure to seize his opportunity of making
‘ a living gallery of historical portraits’; but those who read
the critic's sample of his own collection may congratulate
M. WEISS on his taste and forbearance. There was all the
difference between a history and a review-article, between the
permanent and the ephemeral treatment. The history of the
huguenots in exile is a history of high interest, but it lacks
- . . . . . . . . . . . . ., , sº, “ . .
• 4 . . . . * . . . . .'; ... . . . . . . . . . .
* ,r. - . . . . ~...~--- - - - - -- ~~~~; ...r-1. . . . . . . . … . . * *********i.
viii A/2/2/74 CAE.
unity. The starting-point is one and regular; the emigration
is at haphazard and diverse; and the heterogeneity of the
circumstances is further embarrassed by the immense and
multiform compass of the literature. My endeavour has been
limited to the indication of the distinguishing lines of the
emigration, noting the points of contact with Society outside,
and supplementing what could not be other than a brief sketch
by a fairly exhaustive apparatus of reference to the special text-
books of each department of the subject. In this work I am
particularly bound to record my thanks to the librarians of two
collections not usually accessible to the public, to Dr W. N. DU
RIEU, curator of the Walloon Library at Leyden, and to the
rev. T. V. BAYNE, librarian of Christ Church.
REGINALD LANE POOLE.
BALLIOL COLLEGE, OXFORD,
December 1879.

C O N T E N T S.
CHAPTER I.
THE POLITICS OF CALVINISM : THE HUGUENOTS AT HOME.
Presbyterianism, I. The Huguenots' Schools, 5. Their Industry, 8.
CHAPTER II.
THE KING.
The Lesser Emigrations, 11. The Policy of Lewis XIV in Church, 15.
And in Foreign Relations, 17. The Opposition to Colbert, 21.
CHAPTER III.
THE TYRANNY.
Stages of Oppression, 23. The Great Emigration, 28.
CHAPTER IV.
THE REFUGE IN THE NETHERLANDS.
The Dutch Protest, 34. Friesland, 37. Groningen and the East, 39.
Zeeland and the Frontier-Country, 4I. The Cape-Colony, 43.
CHAPTER V.
THE FRENCH SOCIETY IN HOLLAND.
The Making Ready at Amsterdam and Haarlem, 45. The College at
Rotterdam, 48. The Immigration, 49. The Ministers, 51. The
Society of Rotterdam and the Hague, 54. The Industry of the
Refugees, 58. Their Influence on Manners, 60.

X :COAVZTEAV7 S.
CHAPTER VI.
THE PASSAGE THROUGH HAMBURG AND THE NORTH.
Emigration to the German Sea-Ports, 63. Denmark, 65. Russia, 67.
Poland and Sweden, 69. Mecklenburg and Brunswick, 70.
CHAPTER VII.
THE REFUGE UNDER THE STUARTS : THE FRENCH QUARTERS
OF LONDON.
England and the Huguenot Oppression, 73. Attitude of Charles II, 75.
James II, 78. The French in London, 81.
CHAPTER VIII.
THE DISPERSION IN ENGLAND AND AMERICA.
The French in Greenwich, 87. By the Coast, 88. At Norwich and
J. Canterbury, 90. Their Industries, 92. The Emigration to America, 95.
The Palatine Influx, 99.
CHAPTER IX.
# | THE FRENCH IN THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION : THE COLONY IN
º - 4 IRELAND. !
The Huguenot Regiments, IoI. Political Agency of the Refugees, IoS.
Their State in England, 106. The Colony in Ireland, 109.
CHAPTER X.
"… . . | THE REFUGE IN SWITZERLAND.
- § '. x- - 2” - - •
The Passage through Vaud and Geneva, 114. The Society of Geneva, 118.
. The Refuge in the Cantons, 121. . . .
t


COAV7/2A77S.
CHAPTER XI.
THE PASSAGE THROUGH SWITZERLAND INTO GERMANY.
The Charities of Frankfurt, 125. Commerce in Saxony, I 28. The
Fortunes of the Palatinate, 129. The Colony of Erlangen, 131.
Wuerttemberg and Baden, I 32.
CHAPTER XII.
THE REFUGE IN AND ABOUT HESSE.
The Colonies of Neu-Isenburg and Hanau, I34. Hesse, I 37.
CHAPTER XIII.
THE PLANTATION IN BRANDENBURG.
The Great Elector, 144. The Edict of Potsdam, 146. The Settlement, 148.
º Agriculture, I56.
CHAPTER XIV.
THE FRENCH COLONY IN BERLIN.
Frederick I, 154. Trade, 155. The Soldiery, 157. The Church, 158.
- Education and Learning, 160.
CHAPTER XV.
FRANCE AFTER THE EXOTDUS.
Loss in Population, 165. Commercial Decadence, 169.
CHAPTER xvi.
*
THE POWER OF THE REFUGEES AND ITS REFLEXION UPON
FRANCE. -
The Refugees a Military Force, 175. Political, 176. Intellectual, I77.
r Social, 179. Religious, 18o. France All Catholic, 181.
|

COAV7 EAV7 S.
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES,
I. Dragonnades, I85.
II. Walloon Churches in the Netherlands, 187.
III. Some Reports of Count d’Avaux, 190.
IV. The Huguenots and the Church of England, 191.
V. The Royal Bounty, 193.
VI. French Churches in London, 194.
VII. Supplement of French Settlements in England, 199,
VIII. Statistics of the Diaconate of Frankfurt, 20I.
IX. French Colonies in Hesse, 20I.
X. The French Colony in Brandenburg, 202.
C O R. R. E. CT I O N S.
P. 24, line 3 and notes, lines I and 5, for réligion read religion.
P. 26, line 3, for Annis read Aunis.
line 18, for were read was.
3 3
, note 4, line 2, for des read de.
P. 36, note 7, line 5, for Gemeenden read Geemeenten.
P. 4o, note 3, line I, for gives read give.
P. 47, note I, line 4, for Scheidam read Schiedam.
P. 162, note 3, line 3, for Bartholomèss read Bartholmess.

CHAPTER I.
THE POLITICS OF CALVINISM : THE HUGUENOTS AT HOME.
THE religious movement of the sixteenth century at first pro-
duced no further political result than the transfer of spiritual
control, in certain countries, from the pope to the temporal
ruler. Wyclif's dream of church government seemed to have
found its fulfilment. But men were no sooner reconciling
themselves to the altered condition, than there arose in an
obscure republic, just freed from its bishop's tyranny, another
system, taking its colour from the polity of its birthplace,
destined in time to transform the national life of Holland,
England, and Scotland, and to Organise in France an anti-
monarchical party only to be quelled by a measure involving
the temporary ruin of the country.
| The presbyterian theory could not flourish in the face of the
absolute views of the sovereigns of the time". Everywhere it
| aroused or encouraged a frank spirit of resistance: the diffusion
of the system is uniformly accompanied by a strenuous tendency
towards public freedom. Its workings in the different countries
# , were necessarily varied in their manner and their success. The
liberties of Holland were won by the fortitude and the sufferings
* Cp. W. E. J. Berg, de Réfugiés in de Nederlanden, 1. 13; Amsterdam
1845. It is unnecessary to comment on more than the paradox of such an
assertion as that of M Guillebert, that the huguenots at Neuchâtel, being
used to monarchy, found themselves more happily situated there than under
the ‘régime républicain’ of the Swiss cantons; Bulletin de la Société de
l’Histoire du Protestantisme français, 3. 623; Paris 1855. This invaluable
collection of materials for huguenot history I shall hereafter cite simply
“it as ‘the Bulletin.” - -


2 AUGUENOTS OF THE DISPERSION.
|
of a generation. In England, after a transient revolution, the
conservative mind of the nation acquiesced in a compromise
which elevated a popular aristocracy analogous to the already-
accepted protestant hierarchy. - -
In Scotland and France, on the other hand, the course of
events was obstructed by the tendencies of the monarchy in a
manner altogether peculiar to these two countries. Here, far
more than elsewhere, the political element of Calvinism was
bound up with the religious; and religion was not seldom the
mere shibboleth of party. Accordingly, we soon find the
nobility attached, in a great majority, to the new opinions.
The huguenots”, or the presbyterians, are openly resolved to
abjure allegiance unless their claims are allowed”. In Scotland
their alternate successes and defeats endure through a longer
struggle: their final victory is almost simultaneous with the
final blow that destroyed the party of their religious kindred in
France. g
a continued existence as a political party, in order to render
Lewis the Fourteenth's attitude towards them in the least intel-
ligible. Certainly this has been persistently denied by them
and their descendants”, and its assertion is stigmatised as an
attempt to vindicate conduct which, judged by its results, is in
a supreme degree indefensible. But the truth is, that, from the
point of view of the national disaster, the recall of the Edict
of Nantes, setting, as it did, the whole world in an attitude
* The derivation of the name “Huguenot' is elaborately discussed by
M E. Albaric, in the Bulletin, 6. 288–309; 1858. Through the form
aignos, which actually occurs, he traces the word to eignots, Eidgenossen,
‘confederates’; an old etymology newly fortified.
* See the Declaration of the Lords of the Congregation, Oct. 23 I559; in
Leopold von Ranke, History of England, 1. 249 n. ; Oxford 1875; and cp.
his französische Geschichte, 3. 497 f.; Stuttgardt 1855.
* Even by impartial writers like M Francis Waddington, who says of
protestantism in France, Son existence, comme parti politique dans l'état, finit
avec la prise de la Rochelle; introd. to Mémoires inédits de jean Rou, vii; ;
Paris 1857: cp. the Bulletin, 2, 202; 1854.
(T It is necessary to recognise the fact that the huguenots had

THE POLITICS OF CAZV/NISM. 3
hostile to Lewis, stands at so indefinite a height among the
follies of statesmen, that no exaggeration of fact can aggravate
it. And, for this very reason, we should grasp at anything
which, while it cannot palliate, may serve to explain this stu-
pendous mistake. There is no man, said Bacon, doſh a zwrong
for the wrong's sake, but thereby to purchase himself profit,
or pleasure, or honour, or the like : therefore, why should / be
angry with a man for loving himself better than me?” It will
be time hereafter to dwell on the failure of all that Lewis hoped
to achieve.
Cardinal de Richelieu, who had more in him of the French-
man than of the priest, and most of all of the statesman, had
from the first seen that the position of the huguenots under
the Edict of Nantes, which practically erected a protestant re-
public in the midst of a catholic kingdom”, was incompatible
with that fulness of scope and energy which it was his aim to
assure to the royal authority". The state of affairs in 1629
enabled him to achieve a considerable success. The political
independence of the huguenots, fortified as it had been with a
number of strong places, was at an end. But the strength of
protestantism as a party in the state was not bound up with
these fortresses and these political assemblies. When the
huguenots ceased to be un elaf dans l'état, they remained none
the less un peuple dans le peuple *. And such an existence was
incompatible with the principles of symmetry and uniformity
which Lewis was sincerely resolute to establish.
For, under the Calvinistic discipline, men felt and thought
and lived in a sphere wholly apart from the catholics. The
Calvinistic reform did not involve merely the destruction of the
hierarchy of caste. The Lutherans also had done this; only,
* Essay of Revenge.
* See a lucid study of the subject in S. Sugenheim's Aufsätze und bio-
graphische Skizzen zur französischen Geschichte; Berlin 1872.
* Frédéric Ancillon, Tableau des Révolutions du Système politique de
l'Europe, 4. 288 f.; Paris 1823. * -
* A. Sayous, Histoire de la Littérat re français & l'Etranger, i. 214; Paris
1853. . . . - . | . . .
. . B 2
1 . . . . .
4 A/UGUEAVOTS OF 7"AIE /D/SAEAZA'.S/OAV.
.
in conformity with their theory, the presbyters being appointed
by the prince, the practical result was not dissimilar, except
in name, to the constitution of the English or of the Gallican
church. Calvin had gone further. The minister became not
only one of the people, but through their self-elected presbytery
he was their own choice. And this was the true essence not
alone of their church polity but also of their religion. The
sacerdotal despotism was exchanged for an immediate divine
rule. No barrier was left standing between man and God. It
was a perfect republic; rather, a perfect theocracy. This is
the secret of the immense influence of Calvinism : this is why,
while the activity of Lutheranism has been confined almost to
the country of its birth, Calvinism was able to rise into a colossal
power throughout the world. -
It is too much the custom to judge this more than human
religion by the code of doctrine on which it is ostensibly based;
and the reader of the Institutes of Calvin is moved to wonder
how a theology, (which degrades the dignity and the ethical
sense of man, which stultifies the justice of God, can ever have
created this heroical race, whose strength lay in the very attri-
butes which their dogma contemned, whose excellence was
founded upon a, high self-respect, and upon a faith in the
eternity of truth.) It is a commonplace that a moral strength
cannot owe its source to a scheme of intellectual formulas: it
is also certain that a mere agreement of opinion cannot bind
together a people as the huguenots were bound together.
Their religion was grounded on something deeper than this.
The admission of the baseness of man's nature was saved from
leading to apathy or to an abject stagnation by the equal con-
sciousness of a divine presence. The dogmatic confession was
little more than an apology for the belief, suited to the
scholastic temper which Luther had revived. Hence the spirit
of Calvinism has outlived the forms to which it was once .
wedded. It is yet strong, though it has abandoned most of .
the fortifications once held essential to its being. º
The instinct of his religion attended the huguenot wherever



7TP//E A/UGO//EAVO 7'S A 7" //OAZAZ. 5
he went. At home he was by training grave, almost austere.
When he appeared in public his manner was marked by an
independence, a defiance, acquired by long years of social
isolation. He knew that his religion bore the stigma, with the
bulk of the people, of being in a minority, and he knew that a
minority was a standing offence to the administrative system.
The sense of the need of self-assertion was quickened and
educated by the free discussion encouraged in presbytery and
synod. More than this, it was brought to mature vigour in
the schools that had grown up in the heart of the huguenot
Society, those Schools to which the English universities, on the
common ground of religion and scholarship, accorded a rank
equal to their own". It will not be amiss to dwell shortly upon
this influence, which has seldom received much recognition
from historians.
The academy which the national synods more than once
singled out as a model to the rest was that established at
Die in Dauphiné, in 1604 *. With no more than 120 or
140 students in the year, it was directed by five professors”,
besides the usual complement of classical masters, a staff about
equal to that of the far more considerable foundation at
Saumur". Its praise stood in the union of liberal tendencies
with a strict discipline. Supported by the greater part of the
townspeople, the academy was able to make fight against the
intruded oversight of the bishop" until all its more popular
rivals had been extinguished. zºº.
* D. C. A. Agnew, protestant Exiles from France in the Reign of Louis XIV,
I. I7;, ed. 2. I871, quarto.
* Michel Nicolas in the Bulletin, 2. 322.
* The chairs were of Divinity, Hebrew, Rhetoric, and two of Philosophy:
E. Arnaud, Histoire de l'Académie protestante de Die, I 12 ff.; Paris 1872.
* Die had two classical régents, while Saumur in 1637 had five: Bulletin,
I. 305; 1853.
* In 1682 a Jesuit had planted a cross in front of the Temple. The con-
sequent appeal to Grenoble elicited the fact that the academy, having no
letters-patent, must come under the bishop's supervision by the Edict of
, March 4 1666. It was suggested to enforce this right in 1684, but the king
superseded its necessity by an Arrêt de Suppression, September 11 1684:
\


6 Aſ UGUEAVO 7'S OF 7"AAA. ZD/SAEEA’.SZOAV.
*-.
The first to fall was the École de Théologie of Nîmes'.
We must not be misled by the name: it was the least theo-
logical in its characteristic of any”. Even theology was taught
on different lines to the common *. The dominant interest
was humanism, whatever was historical, literary, philosophical.
There was a poetical school which sought to raise the dialect
of Languedoc to the dignity of a written language *. Claude
Guiraud lived here, the correspondent of Gassendi and
Descartes; and natural science was cultivated with the same
devotion as natural and moral philosophy. But what is to be
especially noticed is the strong common-sense that prevailed
in the academy, and its constant contention against the refine-
ments and hairsplittings of the day; a fact which must have
had its share, as tending to subordinate the religious to the
intellectual, in producing the disproportionate number of “new
converts’ in the place where pressure was first put to it". The
history of the academy reaches from 1561 to 1664".
Arnaud, Io; fſ. See the Histoire de l'Édit de Nantes, 5.672; Delft I693–1695,
quarto. The authorship of this book is conceded to Élie Benoît, the B. M.
A.D. of the title-page; cp. Bayle, Lettres choisies, 2.427 f.; Rotterdam 1714.
* It is unnecessary more than to mention the foundation at Montpellier,
which was united with Nîmes in 1617; or the very interesting Royal
University of Qrthèz in Béarn, established in 1566 by Jeanne d'Albret.
The latter was conspicuous for the uncompromising vigour of its Cal-
vinism;-one of its professors was Lambert Daneau, the rigid enemy of
catholics and Lutherans alike:–but it expired with the Edict of Reunion in
I62o. Its one distinguished name is that of Paul Charles, who died in 1649 :
Nicolas, as above, 2.321 ; J. Lourde-Rocheblave, in the same, 3. 280–292.
* Jean Claude was here only a short time: Nicolas, 2.323.
* “When there were two professors of divinity, one was charged with
the task of explaining holy scripture in the form of exegesis, and the other
paraphrased in three years, after the scholastic manner, what were called
the commonplaces of the science’: Borrel, in the Bulletin, 2. 546.
* L. von Ranke, französische Geschichte, 3.5oo.
* Nicolas, 2. 324 f. The duke of Noailles reported the conversion of
60,000 in three days, which probably proves more than the vigour of the
dragonnade: L. von Ranke, 3. 521; who draws a different conclusion, 5or.
A contemporary journal telling of the flight from Nîmes may be read in . .
Ménard, Histoire de Nîmes, 5 preuves 18 f.; Paris 1754, quarto.
* Borrel, 2. 543.

i.º
-;
7A/A2 ARO 7"E.S74 AV7" SCA/OO.Z.S. 7
Of wider importance was the university of Saumur", whither
students thronged from England, Scotland, Holland, and
Switzerland; the school long presided over by Louis Cappel”,
the founder of modern biblical criticism, and illustrated by the
names of Caméron and Moïse Amyraut. But, in the view of
this essay, its special interest lies in its theological and political
influence upon the sister-universities of Sedan" and Montauban".
For it was here, when the dispute between Arminius and
Gomarus was raging, that Duplessis-Mornay procured the
acceptance of the remonstrant view of the doctrine of grace.
Sedan yielded to the guidance of Saumur". But Duplessis
went further: in his pamphlet De la Mesure de la Foi, published
in 1609, he sought to reconcile the non-catholic Churches by
overlooking ‘non-essentials’; and his political scheme, sup-
ported by the weight of Josué de la Place, whose will governed
the opinion of Saumur, obtained the adhesion of the academy of
Montauban *. º
In this way, a considerable party in the universities became
attached to a belief which overthrew many of the barriers be-
tween the huguenots and the catholic church ; the Sacramental
issue, once the test of protestantism, was practically discarded ".
* The foundation of Saumur was resolved upon by the national Synod
held there June 15 I596. The scheme was carried out in 1599, not as
commonly stated in 1604: Bulletin, I. 301-316; 2. 306 and n. The
academy was suppressed January 8 1684: Benoît, 5. 782.
* Conspicuously known as the first to overthrow the authority of the
Hebrew vowel-points and of the Masoretic text of the Old Testament. He
was professor of Hebrew, afterwards of divinity, and many times rector:
Bulletin, I. 302. •
* Sedan was suppressed by Edict of July 9 I681. -
* Founded 1597 or 1598; removed to Puylaurens I659; suppressed
March 5, 1684: Benoit, 5. 783; Nicolas, l'Academie protestante de Montauban,
II; Montauban 1872; and in the Bulletin, 2.43–49. The town of Montauban
also was a centre of Protestant life; 2. 46. -
* L. von Ranke, 3. 501. In later times it seems to have returned to
Calvinism, if we may judge by the names of Pierre du Moulin and Jurieu ;
Nicolas, in the Bulletin, 2. 328 f. -
* Nicolas, 2. 325–332. - * L. von Ranke, as above.

8 A/UGOZAVO 7'S OF 77/E O/SPEA’.SZOAV.
The opportunity was quickly seized by statesmen; and, while
Turenne and Richelieu were planning a reunion of the churches,
the Arminian party was growing yearly stronger. But, happily
or unhappily, Lewis the Fourteenth in taking up the policy
chose the wrong moment for carrying it into action. His ill-
will toward the huguenots had already displayed itself, when he
proposed a union at the synod of Charenton in 1673 . The
reaction had begun, and the followers of Gomarus, now in
a majority, refused to be admitted to the church on the same
suspicious footing as the followers of Jansenius”.
The free spirit, fostered in the consistories and synods of the
protestants, in their schools of learning, found an apt expression
in the zest and the success with which they devoted themselves
to the improvement of manufacture and the extension of com-
merce*: their training in the administration of their church was
recognised by the extent to which they were employed in
financial business, in public farming and the negotiation of
loans “. . -
The history of the huguenots might vindicate the saying of
Sir William Petty that Trade is most vigorously carried on in every
state and government by the heterodox part of the same, and such
as profess opinions different from what are publicly established".
Certain it is that in almost every branch of industry they sur-
passed the catholics. Weaving had become one of the principal
industries of the country: in 1669 men counted 44,200 wool-
weavers in France". And it was almost a monopoly of the
|
* The projet may be read, with his criticisms, in Jurieu's Politique du
Clergé de France, 337–343, and f.; the Hague I682.
* Louis was so conscious of the defeat that he had the proceedings of the
synod destroyed : L. von Ranke, 3. 502 f. |
* Such is surely a truer explanation of the fact than that which Mr Smiles
deduces from the comparative exclusion of the huguenots from official and ;
political life, which indeed can barely be asserted. - ..
* L. von Ranke, 3. 499.
* Political Arithmetic, 118, in W. E. H. Lecky's History of England in the
eighteenth Century, I. 187; 1878.
" Voltaire, Siècle de Louis XIV, 391, ed. C. Louandre; Paris 1874.
|
. .
i.
º
º
« , »


A/CO 7"ZS 7"A V7' ZAV/DOJS7R V. *, 9
protestants. Cloth in Champagne and the south-east, as well as
in the north ; serges and light stuffs in the Upper Gévaudan
in Languedoc, yielding a revenue of two to three million livres;
the linens of Normandy and Britany, the silks and velvets of
Tours and Lyons; glass in Normandy, paper in Auvergne and
Angoumois, things of fashion in the Isle of France; the tan-
yards of the Touraine, the furnaces of iron, steel, and tin, in the
Sedanais;—such a catalogue represents far from the complete
tale of protestant activity, gives but a slight indication of the
work which satisfied the wants of France, and carried her wares
into every country of Europe. But no summary, unsupported
by statistics, can ever be certainly cleared of exaggeration *;
and what statistics are to hand will come more fitly when we
have to review the commercial loss to France, resulting from
the measures of Lewis the Fourteenth. All we have here to
insist upon, is the immense vigour with which the huguenots
applied themselves to trade, and the excellence which, thanks
to their tone of mind and the superior length of their working
year *, they attained in it.
Alone of the government, their value was recognised by
Colbert. But Colbert was the only French statesman, who knew
the value of trade, who by an elaborately organised adminis-
tration was able to cope with the demand which the king's
profusion and vain-glory continually made on the exchequer.
‘This great man,’ said a later politician”, “was too able an
administrator to fail of being tolerant: he had learned that civil
and religious liberty was the principle of work, of industry, and
of the wealth of nations.” Thus he employed and trusted the
German protestant, Bartholemaeus Herward, his comptroller-
* I have relied chiefly, for what assertions appear above, upon the data
which L. von Ranke has excerpted from Charles Weiss, Histoire des Réfugiés
protestants de France; Paris 1853: for the huguenot historians cannot fairly
be called as witnesses in a case like this.
* They allowed only the Sundays and the two festivals for holidays, of
which the catholics had double the number. The former, therefore, worked
on 310 days, the latter only on 26o: Weiss, 1. 25.
* F. Ancillon, 4. 290 f.

IO AſOWGC/EAVO 7'S OF 7A/AE D/SAAEA’S/OAV.
general of finance', and thus he kept the huguenots in the
financial departments as long as his influence lived at court “:
it was not until the king had grown tired of his services that
the full vigour of persecution began, not until his death that
the Edict of Nantes was revoked and commerce fled from
France.
The mercantile importance of the huguenots, their efficiency
in the navy and army, need not detain us *: like the inland
commerce, we can best judge the work hereafter by the loss
which the exodus of the workers inflicted upon their country.
It is time to pass from the sufferers to the king who planned
their ruin.
* It was Mazarin who first brought him into the administration, in spite
of the opposition raised by the commissioners of the clergy: Benoît, 3. I 39;
G. de Félice, History of the Protestants of France, 2. I? (English translation,
1853); Berg, I. 15. w *
* ‘M. Colbert fut toujours un appui pour les réformés, toujours un
ardent défenseur de l'édit de Nantes. Les protestants ne furent attagués
que quand il est perdu la principale influence dans les conseils: " Rulhiére,
Eclaireissements historiques sur les Causes de la Révocation de l'Édit de Nantes
et sur l'État des Protestants en France, I. 66; Paris 1788. The place and
author are notorious, but do not appear on the title of the original
edition. * º
* Cp. below, p. 18, n. 4.


CHAPTER II.
THE KING.
THE Recall of the Edict of Nantes has been differently re-
garded , as a measure of centralising policy or a means of
recruiting the exchequer, a sacrifice to the liberties of the
Gallican church or an atonement for the crimes of the royal
revoker. Probably there is truth in all these explanations, but
none of them singly is adequate to account for the course of
action that culminated in the Edict of October 1685. Its springs
lay deeper than the immediate cause of the Recall; and it is
difficult to fix a date at which that policy, speaking strictly,
should begin.
By some the renewal of the emigration which the Edict of
Nantes had arrested is placed at the time of the capture of La
Rochelle". But this was merely occasional and provoked by no
stress or compulsion. Voluntary emigrants, for commercial or
the like reasons, no doubt there were: but under Richelieu or
Mazarin there was absolutely no pressure. Voltaire has well
seized the characteristic of the time when he says:—Les
guerres cessèrent, el úl my eul plus que des disputes. On impri-
mait de part et d'autre de ces gros livres qu'on me lit plus. Le
clergé et surfoul les jesuites cherchaient à convertir les huguenols :
les ministres fächalent d'affirer quelques catholiques à leurs opinions”.
Indeed the confirmation of the Edict in 1652 seemed to open
a new period of prosperity for the society whose privileges it
1 H. J. Koenen, Geschiedenis van de Vestiging en den Invloed der fransche
Vluchtelingen in Nederland, 75; Leyden 1846.
* Siècle, ch. xxxvi. 478.
1652. -
May 21.
I 2 Aſ UGO/AEAVO 7'S OF 7A//E /D/SAE/EA’.S/OAZ.
1659.
1666.
April 2.
1665.
March.
England, 2. I78, n. 5, who remarks with heedless ostentation, ‘I do noti
rumour of the Revocation ‘in Paris twenty years before it occurred.”
assured. The huguenots built more churches, and their political
importance was increased as they became admitted to municipal
functions, and as their provincial synod was restored ". - -
Rulhière, whose Eclaircissements historiyues are our most
temperate guide through the troubled period following, sees the
first decisive step towards the Recall in the Order which placed
“relapsed heretics’ entirely at the mercy of the catholics; and
to the enforcing of this and a mass of other vexatious ordinances
in 1666 he traces the first of the series of emigrations” con- ;
nected with the new policy. Such also was the impression of
the elector of Brandenburg, whose ready protest however was
met by an assurance of the king's determination to uphold the ,
Edict”. On the sincerity of this assurance it is not necessary to
dogmatise. It is at all events significant of the attitude Lewis
wished for the time to preserve towards his protestant subjects,
whom, as he declared in the same year, Being no less faithful
than the rest of my people, it behooves me to treat with no less favour
and consideration *. The huguenots did not indeed accept these
overtures, which they contrasted bitterly with the appearance of
ordinance after ordinance in their despite. Even in 1665 one :
had written from Paris, They say that to overthrow the huguenots,
ſhe king desires to suppress the Chambers of the Edict and to
annul the Edict of Nanſes"; and another, with strained intensity,
The members of the reformed religion are so cruelly persecuted
* L. von Ranke, französische Geschichte, 3. 498. The occasion of the #
confirmation was declared in the preamble to be, ‘whereas our said subjects
of the religion calling itself reformed have given sure proofs of their
affection and loyalty, especially in the present troubles, whereof we con- ;
tinue very content”; Benoît, 3. 158 and rec. 38. r }
* Vol. 2. 342. The Déclaration qui régle les Choses que doivent observer,
ceux de la R. P. R. may be read in Benoît, 5, recueil 16. .
* Adolphe Michel, Louvois et les Protestants, 4; Paris 1870. #
* To the huguenots of Havre, April 1666; CEuvres de Louis XIV, 5. 375;
in L. von Ranke, 3.499. - ;
* Lettres de Patin, 3. 516, cited by H. T. Buckle, History of Civilisation in
|
|
º i
remember that any of the French historians have noticed that there was aft |




STAGES ZAV 7//E AT/AWG’S AOZ/C V. I3
through the whole Kingdom that, if the work go on, it is to be
feared that nothing less than a great massacre must be looked for ".
What these grievances, hardly more yet, precisely were, we
may learn from a contemporary tract attributed to the great
minister of Charenton, Jean Claude. In the first place, their
public worship was being step by step proscribed ”. Of a
hundred churches in Poitou, Provence, and the Pays de Gex,
not twenty were left: half those in Languedoc were closed:
only two remained in the whole of Britany ”. Other restraints
must have been nearly as vexatious. a. The singing of psalms
had been prohibited, first on the highways, b then even in private
1665.
May 29.
* 1659.
b 1661. Mar.
houses * : * next the protestants were forbidden to bury their c 1662. Aug.
dead in the open day". d Their magistracy was abolished;
e they were declared incapable of all but rudimentary teaching.
At the same time, while conversion to the catholic faith liberated
: a man from debt, "a protestant was compelled to maintain
a child whom the advantages offered by conversion had seduced
from his father's religion. These ſhings, is the comment of our
witness, make us justly apprehensive that in end they will break
out in acts of open violence; there being nothing which they are not
in case to underfake for accomplishing of our ruine. And unless
we be wiſfully blind, we cannot but see that they design to drive us
(by despair) into some insurrection. (But that we never shall do,
* Boreel, despatch, in Berg. I. 16 n.
* The climax was reached when the Edict of Revocation allowed in all
France protestant service only in the chapels of protestant ambassadors in
Paris; that is, for a long time, practically those of Sweden, Denmark, and
Switzerland; the rest being at war: Bulletin, 3. 595. A galling intrusion
upon public worship had been ordered by an Arrêt du Conseil of
February 19, 1672, according to which a ‘banc des catholiques’ was to be
placed in every church ‘directement devant le prédicateur, pour pouvoir le.
réfuter’: in the same, pp. 60 f.
* Brief Relation of the Persecution and Sufferings of the reformed Churches
of France, translated out of French, 7; 1668, quarto.
* Benoît, 3 rec. 59 f, 65 f.; brief Relation, 8 ft.
* Thus at Lyons burial could only take place ‘in the fields, and without
the city; the which was done by night, and not without some jeopardy’;
MS, among the Hoop papers, in the Bulletin, 3. 595, n. 2.
and Nov.
d 1663. Oct.
e 1663. Feb.
fró63. Oct.
1665. Jan.


I 4 Aſ UGO/AEAWOZ’S OF 7"HAE ZO/SPEAS/O M.
to be shed, thºn in the least to violate the respect which we owe to
|* prince.) And if they cannot overcome our patience (as assuredly
; they never shall), then their resolution is, By continual importunity
i to prevail with his majesty to drive us out of the Kingdom. But we
; hope that the king is so good and just, that he will never gratifie
• ; them in such a thing, without a parallel. And if we should be
. called to such a trial, we hope God will give us such strength and
; courage that we may serve him wherever his providence shall call
us. And this in effect is the general resolution of all the protestants
; in the kingdom'.
In such a spirit enough left the country to excite alarm in the
iminds of the government”: Count d'Estrades, returning in 1668
łfrom his embassy at the Hague, affirmed that as many as eight
hundred families had already taken refuge in Holland". The
outflow was not allayed until Colbert had procured the with-
F;". drawal of the obnoxious Order *. But this dread and this flight
& were due more to presentiment than to any actual danger. The
huguenots at this time certainly suffered much inconvenience,
much trouble and annoyance, but no real peril".
Thus the earlier outflow bears no proportion and no imme-
diate relation to that which was forced upon the huguenots by
the dragonnades of 1681 and the years following. This date there-
fore seems the fittest to begin our survey. Now at length Lewis
the Fourteenth, freed from external complications, found him-
| preferring rather to suffer the greatest extremity and our very blood
ſa.
1 P. 22.
* Rulhière, I. 64. - .
* So he told the marquess de Ruvigny: Weiss, 2.4. .
$. * Benoit, 5, rec. 33 ff. An Edict of August in this year forbade the
• . settlement of huguenots abroad. The point of view is curiously perverse,
its preamble reciting that “in the license of the late times many of our
subjects, forgetting what they owe to their birth, have passed into foreign,
- lands, work there at all the crafts wherein they are skilled, even to the
building of ships, join themselves to navies, settle abroad without thought
. of return, and confirm themselves there by marriage and by the getting of .
t sundry goods, putting them to serviceable use, against their duty to us *
to their country': in the same, rec. 38 f. s
* L. von Ranke, as before.
gº



7//E AIAWG'S A/M. I5 .
self in a position to take in hand seriously the ruin of his
protestant subjects. To understand how he was brought to
think this work necessary to the achievement of his idea of
kingship, it is well to review for a moment the habit of mind by
\
which he was informed. `...,
Although brought up, especially through his mother's training,
in the strictest forms of catholicism, Lewis had none of that
reverence or devotion, either to the papacy or to the church,
which were conspicuous in his pupil James the Second. Had
he lived a century and a half earlier, it is hardly rash to con-
jecture that he would have followed the example rather of Henry
the Eighth than of Francis the First. For his presiding instinct
was that of a king ; and it was this instinct which led him
aright oftener than any capacity of statesmanship. He was far
more devoted to the dogma of his absolute authority than to the -
divine power of the papacy, and he early discovered that this
power, like that of the clergy, was ever assuming more and more,
and in France particularly, an attitude embarrassing to himself".
Richelieu had wished to sever France from any dependence
upon Rome by the creation of a patriarchate”; and Lewis's
plan differed only in terms. It is at once evident what an ob-
stacle was raised by the existence of a schismatic body within
his dominions. Could he but expel the whole sect, he might
claim the liberties of the national church as the reward of his
Crusade.
Considerations like these * naturally aroused hostility at the
Vatican, and served to point Innocent the Eleventh's con-
demnation of the Recall 4. Mere persecution in the interests
* Sugenheim, 5. -
* Aignan, de l’Etat des Protestants depuis le 16me Siècle, 81; ed. 2, Paris
1818.*.*.
* In more than one instance the same day that proscribed a huguenot
church or abolished one of their privileges was marked by the promul-
gation of an edict depriving the catholics of some old right or institution
(as the Sorbonne). . - *
* I have not been able to read the pope's letter to the emperor Leopold
in the original. It appears in a Dutch version in the Hollandse Mercurius
/
|
s
I6 Aſ UGOAZAVO 7'S OF 7"HAE /D/SAEEAES/O M.
of the universal church could deserve no blame. Lewis's
was condemned because it was a sacrifice to the idea of
the Gallican church, and French unity". But the national
church recognised and supported its benefactor. To the
clergy the huguenots owed not a few of the most irritating
edicts against them. The king's signature needed but the
ratification of public opinion, whether by silence, indifference,
or applause, to accentuate the unison of the Several ranges of
the state *.
In 1660 the clerical assembly had proposed to make the
‘ relapse” of converted huguenots a penal offence, and had called
for the destruction of churches and colleges: in 1665 it added
a demand for the abolition of the Chambres de Mi-Parties of
Bourdeaux, Castres, and Grenoble. Five years later the assembly
wished to have the license of conversion extended to huguenot
children of seven years; and in 1675 it went on to ask, with the
exclusion of protestants from the faculties, for a practical recall of
the Edict of Nantes". Nor was the hostility of the clergy confined
to petition. They took an active share in the direct work of
suppressing the religion. The archbishop of Lyons was more
strenuous than the intendant M de Berci in this regard *; and
1688, 39 f.; Haarlem 1689; and bears date February 5 1688. A letter of
Queen Christina of Sweden, written from Rome May 18, 1686, appears in
the pastoral Letters of the incomparable jurieu, 25; London 1689. “I pray
God,” she says, “with all my heart that this false joy and triumph of the
church, do not one day cause her true tears and sorrows. It must be known f
for the honour of Rome, that all those that are men of merit and under-
standing here, and animated with truè zeal, do no more lick up the Spittle
of the French court in this case than I do.’
* L. von Ranke, 3.532. To this extent, therefore, it is impossible to
accept the duke de Saint Simon's partisan-judgment of the Revocation as
‘without the least pretext or any necessity’: Mémoires 24, 181; Paris
1853. M. Emmanuel Michel indeed is hardly too strong when he says that
Lewis “in declaring war to the death with the religion that called itself
reformed, was combating a German importation, was guarding the national
beliefs’: Histoire du Parlement de Metz, 203; Paris 1845. .
* Auguste Lièvre, du Róle que le Clergé a joué dans la Révocation de Pédit
de Nantes; Strassburg 1853; cited in the Bulletin, 2. 398 f.
* Michel, Louvois, 8 f. * The same, 261. . . . .

i.
!.*:
7A/E CZAZA’G V. - 17
the inroads made by the bishop of Amiens on the peace of the
huguenots of Picardy since 1669 forced so large an exodus
thence to the English coasts that at the synod of Charenton
in 1673 the presbytery of Calais declared itself overpowered
by the call for relief". *3.
One might be tempted to suppose that not the least reason
for the energy of the clergy in opposition to the huguenots was
suggested by jealousy of the contrast between their own scan-
dalous neglect and the careful order and nice discipline of the
schismatics. It is in any case a coincidence that aggression should
have begun in Poitou, signal in its ecclesiastical anarchy, where
no visitation had taken place for forty years ”. But the policy
which culminated in the recall of the Edict of Nantes was ac-
cepted, further, by the clergy because it was strictly a popular
policy. We have already seen the disfavour in which the
huguenots, as forming a minority, and a vigorous minority, were
held. The promulgation of edicts against them was viewed by
the rest of the nation with unmixed delight. The Recall was
hailed as a monument of Sagacity and religion. This might
have been anticipated from the unique sympathy that existed
between the king and nation, in character and aim, in love
and hate, in taste and prejudice. Lewis was prečminently
a Frenchman.
In this harmony the huguenots formed the one jarring ele-
ment: they clashed not only with the temper of the people, but
also with the theory of the king. Lewis was set, as has been
said, to realise an absolute Supremacy. Rather, he took this
supremacy for granted, and then with a hard hand he pruned
away whatever seemed to withstand his idea. The case of
Calvinism was a conspicuous stumbling-block; for to hold
a belief other than the king's implied an incipient revolt. Lewis
knew well the tendencies of the huguenot's religion”; and not
* L. Rossier, Histoire des Protestants de Picardie, 171 ff., 206; Paris 1864.
* Lièvre, Histoire des Protestants de Poitou, 2.63; Poitiers 1858.
* A curious inversion of reasoning in the interest of a hypothesis may be
found in an essay by M. E. Albaric, sur l'Esprit national du Protestantisme
C

I8 Aſ UGUEAVO7'S OF THE Z)/SPERSZOAV.
1668.
I68o.
April 14.
all their adhesion during the Fronde war sufficed to erase from
his mind the memories of the defence of La Rochelle, and the
possibility or probability of their again forming an alliance with
his enemies. We are told that it was not least these considera-
tions that induced him to hasten negotiations for the peace of
Aix-la-Chapelle; and the double fear of an alliance with Holland"
or of an insurrection within the realm * was more potent than
the arms of his outward enemies. Long afterwards, but before
the active work of terror began, these suspicions revived, and it
was ordered that huguenot officers should be gradually and on
covert pretexts dismissed the navy “.
It is indeed curious to remark that in the whole course of
Lewis's oppression, until the isolated rebellion in the Cevennes",
no attempt was made to combat it. The younger and hardier
ministers in a few instances suggested an armed resistance.
français; Strassburg 1853: cited in the Bulletin, 2. 619. ‘If the vital
principle of protestantism is free enquiry, and if this principle effectually
seconds a tendency towards political liberalism, its rule of conduct is none
the less the gospel which enjoins respect to the laws and to established
governments: it has become in Germany aristocratical, in England royalist,
in Holland democratical: everywhere it leagues itself with the government,
in so far as it is the expression of public opinion, the symbol of the political
faith of the age; and when this symbol has lost its power over nations,
when this faith has given place to a new political belief, protestantism,
loyal and unshaken, accepts this belief; it bends in conformity with the
needs of the age and supports, but never creates, its expression.’
* Of such an alliance no actual traces exist: L. von Ranke, französische
Geschichte, 3. 503. In June 1669 we have a case which M G. B. Depping
considers isolated, of a protestant of Nîmes, Claude Roux de Marsilly, being
“broken” on a charge of travelling in England and Holland to excite sedition
against France: Correspondance administrative, 4.311-318; Paris I855. Cp.
L. von Ranke, History of England, 3. 491.
* ‘Gli ugonotti in arme’ was the presentiment of the Venetian envoy:
L. von Ranke, französische Geschichte, 3. 503, n. 3.
* Letter of Mgr de Seignelay, the minister of marine, in L. Delmas,
l'Église réformée de la Rochelle, 388 ff.; Toulouse I87o. Koenen notices the '
impression made on the reluctant government by the loss which resulted to
the navy and to commerce, for the preeminence of the huguenots in seaman-
ship was notorious: 61 f. f
* F. C. Baur, Kirchengeschichte der neueren Zeit, 24I ; Tuebingen 1860.

AVOAV-RES/S 7AAWCAE. I 9
One" went so far as to urge that it was their Passive submission
to all the iniquitous edicts and to all the royal orders, that had
encouraged the king to aggravate their situation day by day. Our
obedience, he exclaimed before the assembled ministers and
elders of Cozes”, our obedience to one of these edicts has only
opened the way to another still more unendurable : our fearfulness
is, in truth, to blame for the more part of the evils we have suffered.
To hold our lives and goods to be the king's property was, he
said, to dishonour our fathers' work. For they, sword in hand,
won for their children the privileges whereof we are now despoiled.
In their example he appealed to the God of battles. But this
warlike tone was met only by the charge of carnal-mindedness:
the ministers were resolved to suffer for righteousness' sake,
how much soever it might be in their power to assert their
liberties by arms. Patient as a huguenot, became a proverb".
On the other hand, the Camisards proved that the old spirit
was not altogether extinct. The huguenots of the dispersion
did not give evidence by their action that they felt themselves
subdued. In speech, indeed, they preserved a dignified mode-
-ration*; but in writing, or on the field of battle, none could
exceed their passionate daring. The irony of Defoe has truly
and skilfully put the case for the policy of the Recall. I
agree, he says, that in sending away three hundred thousand
hugonois he filled his neighbours with much of the wealth of his
country, and I may say with some of the poverly too : I allow that
he found thousands of them with arms in their hands, strengthening
* Jacques Fontaine, candidat at Royan, who had already been imprisoned
for his opinions. His Mémoires were written in French in 1722, published
in English at New York in 1853. The English was not accessible to me
when I came to read the book: my references therefore are to M. E. Castel's
version; Mémoires d'une Famille huguenote; Toulouse 1877.
* The assembly had been convened to take measures in view of the
“cruel circumstances’ of the times; p. I43.
* Castel, note to Fontaine, 145.
* Count d’Avaux tells how duels arose among the huguenots in Holland
from a disrespectful speech about Lewis XIV: despatch of May 24 1686,
in Charles Read's introd. to Mémoires inédits de Dumont de Bostaquet, xxx, ed.
F. Waddington; Paris 1864.
1685.
Spring.
C 2
2O Aſ UGUEAVOTS OF 7'HAE DAS/2ERS/OAV.
the forces of his enemies, and met them in the field upon all occa-
sions. But the king of France could not but know that ºf was
better for him to see 'em in his enemies armies abroad than to be
in apprehensions of them in greater bodies in his own dominions. . .
He also foresaw it would be very often in the power of the hugomols
to embroil him at home , and that, backed by the assistance of those
foreign powers with whom he was to be engaged abroad, they would
ôe enabled at any time to impose conditions upon him, and check
that arbitrary absolute government which he resolved to maintain".
But it was just here that Lewis's political sagacity stopped
short. He forgot the time when, while his protestant subjects at
home had been the heartiest of his allies, the huguenots in Hol-
land, exiles of an earlier date, had maintained close correspond-
ence with the Frondeurs”. He forgot that it was in fact to
crush the republican press of Holland, strengthened by the
talent and experience of the exiles in its resistance to all that
savoured of monarchy, that he had devised the war of 1672 °.
The failure of the invasion might have taught him how justly
that press represented the tenacity and independence of the
little commonwealth. He neglected the lesson, and straightway
set himself to a course of policy which, by the emigration it
must create, should inevitably change what had been but a
harass into a powerful engine of opposition.
If, on the other hand, we are told that the nobility, by means
of whom protestantism had first been able to assert its rights,
had almost entirely passed over to the catholic obedience; that,
since the death of the duke de Rohan, the decay of the house
of Bouillon , protestantism was without a head; it is sufficient
to remember that the lower nobility, the provincial gentry, con-
* Review of the Affairs of France, nr x. 55, April 8 1704. This is not all
a jeu d'esprit as Mr W. Minto seems to imply: Defoe, 57 f.; I879.
* Capefigue, Louis XIV, 3.9; Paris 1837, 1838.
* The same, 1. 200–205. The duke de Saint Simon attributes the war
to Louvois' jealousy of Colbert: Mémoires, 24. 84 f. The explanations
are not irreconcileable. -
4 Voltaire, 478; Weiss, in the Bulletin, I. 46–50.
:
W

CHANCES OF A REVOLT. 2 I
stituted by themselves an adequate rallying-point in the event
of rebellion". Benoit assures us that The country churches were
almost entirely composed of noblesse ; and, though we may reject
this as an over-strained generalisation, we may well credit his
statement that In some, one could count from eighty to a hundred
families of gentlemen”. Indeed we know that upon the dissolu-
tion of a church their houses often formed a centre for the
scattered congregation *. The remoteness of court-influence
ensured the permanence of once-accepted beliefs. The analogy
of catholicism or of toryism among the English country gentle-
men at once occurs to the mind; at the same time, the failure
of the northern rising under Elizabeth, or of the Jacobite
revolts in a later age, may serve to illustrate the fact, that Lewis
the Fourteenth misreckoned the importance of the huguenots
as a political party. The fear he evinced by the first order to
the dragoons in every instance, Saisir les notables “, was perfectly
genuine, but it was stronger than the occasion merited.
It has often been remarked that in France, whenever a In
lision or even a contrast came into existence between dynastic
and commercial interests, the latter were sacrificed. We are
not therefore to be surprised that the policy of the Recall
was a direct opposition to Colbert's principles. It has not,
however, been generally observed how far it concealed a plot
by Louvois, the minister of war, to supersede him as well as

* M F. Waddington insists on this fact in his Protestantisme en Normandie,
3 f.; Paris 1862: as also previously in the Bulletin, 7.417 ff.; 1858.
* Vol. 2. 568, quoted with applause by Erman and Reclam, Mémoires
pour servir à l’Histoire des Réfugiés français dans les Etats du Roi, 2.331;
Berlin 1782.
* Mémoires de Bostaquet, 4o It is admitted that “the very great majority
of the huguenots of Normandy,’ and thus presumably of other provinces,
“conquered by persecution and dragoons, signified a forced adhesion to the
cult imposed on them, which on that very account became the more hateful
to them. Pursued by the remorse of conscience many of them hoped but
to quit the kingdom and to redeem the fault they had committed.’ Wad-
dington, Normandie, I5.
* Michel, Louvois, 36. The other orders were to raze the churche and
expel the ministers. \ -
*
22 Ay UGC/A2AVO 7'S OF 7TP/A2 /)/SAEAEA’S/OM.
his reforms—in a word, that the Recall was really as much a
spoliation as a work of intolerance". Assuming this motive to
have had its share in creating the persecution before his death,
much more was it recommended when the loss of his guiding
hand had left an increasing deficit in the exchequer”. Colbert
had organised a hard system: while he developed the national
strength and prosperity he became day by day less popular. It
was natural that, when his fellow-ministers conspired against
him, they should seize upon a means of suppressing him which
should command the applause of the country. But none the
less was the precise circumstance of the Recall, its immediate
occasion, determined by changes in the king's private life and
} that of his court, changes in which the French world at large
could take but a remote interest.
* Bonhomme, Mme de Maintenon et sa famille, 34o f.; Paris 1863, cited
by Sugenheim, 21.
* Cp. the proverb Rich as a protestant : Moret, quinze Ans du Régne de
Louis XIV, I. 284; Paris 1851, in Sugenheim 20.

CHAPTER III.
THE TYRANNY,
IT has been attempted to trace the heat of the protestant
oppression to the years of leisure between the peace of Aix-la-
Chapelle and the war that led to Nijmegen, between Nijmegen
and the formation of the league of Augsburg. A better general-
isation asserts that most of the oppressive edicts appeared during
the king's fits of illness. But any theory of this sort can only
be true in a very limited sense, can only lead to confusion of
the point at issue. Thus it is not our intention to run through
the shameful annals of Lewis's private life to look for causes:
there are enough outside. All that can be of interest in our
view, is to notice that a revolution came over the life of the
court on the death of the queen-mother in 1666. Every gaiety
was supplanted by a missionary enthusiasm. Every one sought
to convert the Calvinists: they applauded the success of the
divine word". We see here the inauguration of the mercenary,
too soon to be followed by the military, stage of propagandism.
Here is the overt origin of the first emigration. The sums
lavished on this object, how many of the protestants were
bought over, and some how many times, are matters of noto-
riety, and not much to the present purpose. s
But another epoch ensued when Lewis placed himself in the
power of Père La Chaise, that confessor whose sweet, mild,
pliable temper is attested by the Brandenburg resident Spanheim”.
* Ruſhière, 1.97.
* Of the other chief mover in the persecution, Harlay, archbishop of
Paris, he says similarly, “Il avait donné des preuves d'un naturel doux,

24 AIUGUEAVOTS OF 7"HE DISPERS/OAV.
1681.
August 24.
De roi, wrote Madame de Maintenon, commence à penser serieuse-
ment & son salut et a celui de ses suffels. Si Dieu mous conserve
i/ my aura plus qu'une religion dans son royaume". He re-
viewed his past manners, and thought that, rather than amend,
it were easier and more becoming the statesman to hide them in
the background by a grand act of merit. But he did not con-
template a holocaust of heresy. The method grew within his
hands and prevailed with the ascendant of Louvois. In the
beginning Lewis had no thought of violence. His first instruc-
tions to Michel de Marillac, the intendant of Poitou, are marked
by a guarded prudence that well contrasts with the language of
Louvois’ separate despatch on the occasion”. Even to the end
he would do his endeavour with one whom his own edicts had
condemned to the galleys, and seek by conversion to assure at
once his liberty and his spiritual safety".
But this must not tempt us to seek, with Rulhière, to prove
him ignorant throughout of the horrors with which his work
was attended “. Doubtless, says Sismondi, he might have been
traitable, bien faisant, et même assez commode envers les gens de la re-
ligion’: Relation de la Cour de France, in L. von Ranke, 3. 517, n. I.
* “C'est le sentiment, she adds, ‘de M de Louvois; et je le crois plus
volontiers la-dessus que M Colbert, qui ne pense qu’à ses finances et
presque jamais a la réligion’: Rulhière, I. 206 f. This, however, was not
the opinion that caught the notice of strangers to the immediate court-
influence. On July 22 1681, the English ambassador, Henry Savile, had
said, ‘These poor oppressed people are like to suffer all the miseries that
can be devised by the malice of the jesuits and executed by the boundless
power of the king, who in things of this nature hath put himself so wholly
into their hands that their credit with him has given jealousy to all his
other ministers, whereof not one doth approve these methods, but are
willing upon all occasions to declare they are not the authors of them,'—
such declaration being of course to the English representative: Savile
Correspondence, 2Io, ed. W. Durrant Cooper; Camden Society, I858, quarto.
* Rulhière, I. 200–205. g
* See the case of M de Marolles, in L. von Ranke, 3. 531.
*...So too F. Ancillon, Tableau, 4. 295; and Aignan, Etat des Protestants, -
25. The latter pleads, “Louis XIV avait de la bonté, de l'élévation dans
1'âme, et une piété sincere. Jamais ces fureurs ne furent autorisées de
lui. Le clergé lui persuadait.’
f



7TP/E AT/AVC 4 AV/D 7T///E OAFA’A.S.S/OAW. 25
deceived, might not have known everything ; but more waſchful than
any that had sat on the throne of France before him, more jealous of
his omniscience, more quick ſo resent in a minister the preſension of
any concealment, it was impossible that a rude enterprise, pursued by
his troops, in every province of his Kingdom, against more than ſwo
millions of his subjects", should ever have been suppressed from his
knowledge”. At the same time he might gain a colourable justi-
fication from the tone of the official reports of the intendants of
provinces. When, for instance, Foucault sent word in April
1685, of the conversion of a hundred and fifty families in his
district, in June of five thousand people more, in July of sixteen
thousand; when at the end of this month he declared that but
one, out of twenty-one, thousand protestants remained constant”;
with all this authoritative evidence of the religious temper of the
intendant's work, Lewis might speciously allege ignorance of
the other side of the story, might even, in a manner familiar to
modern statesmen, plead its improbability or its groundlessness
in the face of his official information. That the plea was a
subterfuge made it none the less available.
It remains to notice the periods of the oppression, the ebb and
flow, years of extreme rigour mixed with times of comparative
rest. The first essay in Poitou which gave Marillac" the glory
of thirty thousand new converts" was not so isolated as we are
* German pamphlets of the time give 1,800,ooo; but an official report
in Benoît, 3.639, says “deux millions’ in 1682. An Arrêt de Parlement of
December 26 1687, allows even at that date ‘près de deux millions.” Pro-
bably two millions will be an extreme estimate: L. von Ranke, 3. 500, n.
* Histoire des Français, 25. 508; Paris 1841.
* Baur, 24o. L. von Ranke gives further examples: 30,000 converts in
a fortnight reported from Dauphiné; 20,000 reckoned by Boufflers in
September 1685, in the district of Montauban ; 60,000 in the same month
in Guienne: 3. 518, 521. -
* “The great actor in it,' we read in a broadside of June [16] 26 1681,
by a gentleman of great quality, an eyewitness, ‘is one intendant Marillac,
who having from the potent jesuit father Le Chese the promises of the
present life, and not caring for those of the life to come, hath laid upon
the reformed a most heavy cross’: the horrible Persecution of the French
Protestants in the Province of Poitou. - -
* Lièvre, Poitou, 2. 122.
§à
I681.

26 Aſ UGUEAVO 7'S OF 7/7/2 ZD/SAEAEA’S/OAZ.
}
^apt to imagine : the same year saw the religious worship pro-
scribed in great commercial centres. Emigration thus followed,
not only from the sea-board of Poitou, Saintonge, and Annis’,
where the chief stress lay, but also from Bourdeaux and Rennes,
from Rouen and Havre-de-Grace”. Their pursuits, and the
situation of their homes, gave the fugitives a natural direction
towards Holland and England, and in small part to Denmark”.
But difficulties were also arising throughout the country. The
proscription of the learned professions, the difficulties attached to
marriage *, the terrible facility of conversion allowed to children,
the fear that the benefits of catholicism might be too strong for
men's faith, all and each of these had prompted the earlier
emigrations". The father who knew that his child must receive
the catholic rite of baptism" within a day of its birth, that in seven
years it would be beyond his religious control, dared not imperil
the safety of his family by continuing in France. Exile was a
duty, and when the more potent engine of ‘missions bottées”
were employed it became a necessity”. The heroism of conviction,
* Koenen, Nederland, 6.
* The churches at the two former places, and the ministry at the latter
two, were abolished in 1681 by the parliaments respectively of Guienne and
Britany, and of Normandy: L. von Ranke, 3. 509. s
* Lièvre, 2. II6 f.
* This perhaps pressed hardest of all: L. Anquez, de l'État civil des
Réformés des France, 3 and 28; Paris 1868. For the later stages of the
tyranny see the Declaration of June 5 1685, in Benoît, 5. 797, and rec. 173,
3, by which marriage abroad was subjected to a fine of 20,000 livres, or in
default of payment to confiscation of property; in either case the wife was .
banished: cp. also MS. report of an intendant in 1694, cited by A. Michel,
Louvois, 306; and Waddington, Normandie, 32. * ,
* See a summary in a sermon of Dr George Hickes, August 1681, cited
by Agnew, protestant Exiles, I. 27 ff. -
* Hence the disabilities of protestant midwives, though the professed
reason was the singular one we know from the 20th chapter of Tristram
Shandy, I. Io9; ed. I783, duodecimo.
* See below, supplementary note i. -
* This is fairly and earnestly reasoned in the Histoire et Apologie de la |
Retraite des Pasteurs, 147 f.; Frankfurt 1687. The taunt had been: ‘ The
hireling fleeth because he is not the shepherd.’ The volume is by Benoit: ;
See Barbier, 2. 799. t
7//Z 7"VA’AAVAVV. 27
it has been truly said, was now displayed not in resistance, but, if
the paradox may be admitted, in flight'. ...sººn
The outflow was for the moment arrested at the remonstrance
of Colbert, now for the last time listened to in the royal councils,
and by reason of the sympathy aroused by the fugitives in
England *; but not before three thousand families had left the
country “. The retirement and death of the great minister were
the signal for revived action, wherever an assembly of huguenots
larger than usual might warrant or colour a suspicion of rebel-
lion. On such excuses, not yet as an avowed crusade, the
troopers of the duke de Noailles were called in at Grenoble,
Bourdeaux, and Nimes. Full forty churches were demolished
in 1683, more than a hundred in 1684 *. But the system of
military missions was not organised" until in 1685 the defence
of the Spanish frontier offered the opportunity for a final subju-
gation of the huguenots of Béarn. ,
The dragonnade passed through the land like a pestilence.
From Guienne to Dauphiné, from Poitou to Upper Languedoc,
no place was spared. Then it pervaded the south-east country,
about the Cevennes and Provence, and ravaged Lyons and the
Pays de Gex. In the end, the whole of the north was as-
sailed", and the failing edict of Nantes was annulled on
the Ist of October 7. The sombre mind of Madame de Main-
tenon had postulated the Recall as a preliminary to that marriage
which the king had already conceded. On the 21st of the month
the great church at Charenton was doomed; and on the 22nd
* L. von Ranke, 3.529 f.
* A. Michel, 37 f.
* Benoît, 5.5oo.
* Drion, cited by Anquez, 23.
* The scheme is said to have been matured in a letter of Louvois, dated
October 1 1683: Aignan, 18.
* For these stages in the persecution, see les Plaintes des Protestants, 57;
by Jean Claude: see Barbier, I. 905.
" E. Michel, Metz, 201, whose assertion is accepted by Sugenheim, gives
this date as that of the appearance of the Edict of Revocation; the common
date, the 22nd (Baur, 240), being that of its registration. Cp. L. von
Ranke, 3, 525. -

28 AſOWG UEAVO 7'S OF 7A/AE /D/SAE/EAS/OAV.
ed in the Chambre des Vacations.
We are not to linger here on the circumstances of the perse-
cution. Even Jurieu, who usually grasped at such materials
for the overthrow of catholicism, was forced at length to write”,
The uniformiſy of the persecution is the cause that we have less of
history to ſurmish you withal. 'Tis always and everywhere the
same. Persons are imprisoned, others are sent to the gallies,
the “unadvised and precipitate” Edict of Revocation was regis-
women are shut up in cloysters, bodies are drawn on hurdles and
thrown to the dunghil; so that it will always be the same thing ;
there will be nothing but differing names, which may increase the
horror you have for the persecution as you see the rage of your per-
secutors increase ". There is however no trace of blood, no sug-
gestion of suffering, in the calm and gentle despatch in which .
the king informed his ambassador in Holland, Count d'Avaux,
of the achievement of his crusade. I am right glad, he wrote, ſo
advertise you that God having given all the good success I could
desire to the care I have long been taking to bring back all my people
to the ſold of the church, and the tidings / daily receive of a count
less multitude of converts allowing no reasonable question that the
more stiff-necked will follow the ensample of the rest, I have, by
an Edict whereof I send you a copy for your privy instruction, for- : -
bidden any exercise within my kingdom of the religion men call
reformed. It will be forthwith presented in all my Parliaments, i
and it will cost the less pains in the carrying out, in that there will
be few persons so obdurate as still to desire to continue in error”.
The year 1685 is fitly identified with the depopulation of
France. And yet, with a blindness that appears to us incre. .
dible, the government refused to believe in the desire or the
possibility of escape. The penalties attached to capture on the
* Rulhière, I. 330. - * Pastoral Letters, 249.
* ‘’Tis enough,’ writes Rachel, Lady Russell, January 15 1686, ‘to sink
the strongest heart to read the accounts sent over. How the children are
torn from their mothers and sent into monasteries, their mothers to another,
the husband to prison or the galleys': in Agnew, 3. 4.
* Negociations de M le comte d'Avaux, 5. 187; Paris 1752, duodecimo.
7THAE A' A' CA/.../. 29
road, the galleys or the nunnery, the vigilant watch at the
frontier", the frigates cruising by every coast, all these difficulties
seem to have persuaded Louvois that few would persist in
risking flight. What these measures actually effected was
doubtless to diminish the exodus, but in no marked degree *.
At length, it came to be thought that the emigration was due to
its prohibition, as though the huguenots must do a thing from
mere perverseness. The watch was relaxed, and a result un-
looked for issued. It was the signal of the greatest of the
emigrations, that of 1688°.
Hitherto every means had been taken to stay the flight. It
was published by authority that the fugitives were refused shelter
by foreign powers, that they were destitute and without em-
ployment. In England more than ten thousand had perished
through the hardness of the climate, from the toils of their flight,
and above all from misery and starvation. The most part were
eager to return “.
The French ambassadors abroad were enjoined to take every
measure to gain information with reference to the emigration,
and particularly as to the exportation of money". Count
ſ
d'Avaux had a well-organised staff of informers", whom he
* “On fit des battues dans les forêts comme pour tuer les bêtes feroces,’
says Aignan, 23. s *
* Thus from Dauphiné, while only about 50oo emigrated between 1683
and 1686, from January to November 1687, Io,3oo left the country: report
of Bouchu in the Bibliothèque Nationale, cited by Arnaud, Histoire des
Protestants de Dauphiné, 3. I7 f.; Paris 1876. In October 23 1687, Count
d'Avaux wrote, ‘It seems that those who are richest now begin to leave the
country’: in Weiss, 2. 19. -
* A. Michel, 38. - * Rulhière, I. 349.
" The anticipated export did not come up to the actual loss. The Mer:
cure historique et politique of November 1686 notices the arrival in Holland
of ships containing, of the property of emigrants, 3oo,ooo crowns’ worth of
gold or precious stones: in Koenen, 89. .#
* The prince of Orange took the step of having the ambassador's house
witched. Once in a time of excitement the soldiery attacked the house,
and Tillières died in the defence. Other spies, Foran and Danois, were
warned in the Amsterdam Exchange by a generous huguenot from La
Rochelle, in time to secure their escape: Weiss, 2, 20 f.
3O AyöyGUEAVO 7'S OF 777A2 Z)/SAPAEA’.S/OAZ.
kept either in Holland or on the Flemish border. By means
of these hundreds of fugitives were decoyed back into the hands
of the dragoons who awaited them at the frontier or at the sea-
beach. One Tillières employed a more insidious stratagem.
This ‘giver of advices’ was effusively charitable in the recep-
tion of the refugees. He gave them money and set them up in
trade. He placed a number at Voorburg near the Hague, and
built them a church. Having thus wound himself into their
confidence he was able to elicit invaluable tidings of the plans
of their friends in France.
Within the country it was sought to make every man a spy
by laying a price on the capture of fugitives. He who brought
one back might expect to gain the half of his victim's goods”;
whoever secured twelve was for ever free from taxes”. In this
way general support was added to the regular guards who !
patrolled the frontier, to the sloops that hovered round the
; coast. Lyons, we read, in the winter of 1685, and the other
; places of transit towards Switzerland are thronged with captives.
iOn the side of Flanders the jails of Valenciennes, Saint Omer,
jLille, Tournay *, even through all Picardy fill you come to Paris,
are filled full of women, children, and men, seized in their flight ‘.
#Terrible is the tale of the crowding, the disease, of these prison-
houses"; and the reckoning, far below the truth, that ten
* Koenen, 63.
* Aignan, 23. - .
* In a single prison at Tournay lay 7oo such in 1687: P. J. Wenz,
Reformations-jubel-Rede, nebst Geschichte der französischen-reformirten Kirche
in Emden, 203; Emden 1819. º * .
* Historie van de wreede Vervolging en Tyrannien gepleegt aan de Gere-
formeerde in Vrankrijk, 3.28; Amsterdam 1686, duodecimo. ‘God weet,” is the
comment, ‘tot wat straffen sy bewaard werden.” This book, though full of
exaggeration, is of special value as giving details of the exodus which can-
not be found elsewhere. Its precise date of writing is December 1685: cp.
3. 58 with 3.. 67. & ||
* At Grenoble in 1686 the prisons were surfeited; seventy men in one
cell, eighty women and girls in another. And the crowding was the
smallest evil: for, the Isère washing the prison-walls, many lost their hair
and teeth from damp and chill: MS. of Antoine Court at Geneva, in
i
i
}
i
} -
*

others availed themselves: Weiss.
THE APL/GA/T. 3 I
thousand lost their lives through failure in escape *. Numbers :
too were sent to the colonies of America. It was like the
middle passage of the English slave-trade; a fourth part died
on the way, through fever or famine, stifled or otherwise done
to death by the press”. . T
In the face of all these terrors it is not surprising that a great
proportion of the fugitives had recourse to one of two means,
politic but questionable, which to a rigid standard may seem
vicious alike. They made use of false passports which had
perhaps served for a dozen others *; or they reconciled them-
selves to the obedience of the catholic church 4. Most had the
view of securing their goods or carrying them abroad with
them": some were led by the nobler motive of rescuing their
wives and households from the unutterable violences of the
troops forced upon them. The dread, says Dumont de Bostaquet,
of seeing so many women and girls exposed ſo the insults of the
troopers, to whom nothing was forbidden, constrained me to subscribe,
between the hands of /wo men, ugly as devils and as full of spite
and cruelty, my engagement in obedience to the king's will to em-
brace the catholic religion at the ensuing Christmas".
Arnaud, 3. I5 f.; cp. Benoit, 5. 895. On July 2 1686, wrote one from La
Tournelle, ‘We lie here three and fifty of us in a place which is not above
five fathom in length and one and a half in breadth. There lies on
my right hand a countryman sick, with his head at my feet, and his feet
at my head, and so it is with others. There is not one among us which do
not envy the condition of many dogs and horses. There were ninety-five of
us yesterday condemned, but there died two on that day, and we have yet
fifteen or sixteen sick, and there be few escape”: Jurieu, pastoral Letters, 116 f.
* Thus the count de Boulainvilliers, in Aignan, 84.
* Benoît, 5 passim ; and the Bulletin, 6. 382 ff.; 1858:
* One, Mariet, a Paris wine-merchant, made good his escape to Holland,
with a fortune of 6oo, ooo livres, by means of a passport of which fifteen
* Most of the Norman families, received in such “astonishing numbers’
in the church of Threadneedle-street, had abjured before leaving France:
Waddington, Normandie, 17 n. -
* ‘J’ai damné mon âme,’ said one, ‘pour sauver mes biens’: Fontaine,
I64.
* Mémoires, Ioy.
32 ATUGUEAVO 7'S OF 7"HE DASAE/2A’.S/OM.
i
*
But many abandoned their possessions without wavering'; .
} and the crowd, hunted from their church and hearth, hurried to
the frontier, or paid their last livre to the Dutch or English
shipmaster, careless whither they went, now they had nothing
left to lose.
The English seaports were thronged with fugitives” who had
risked the passage, without provisions, in the most miserable
boats”. Many passed the frontier afoot *, in the guise of pil-
grims, shepherds, beggars; many were aided with money by
the catholics of the border: but far more were led just without
the kingdom by the very guards set with the object of stopping
them, who found the work of help more profitable, as it was
kinder, than the work of arresting. It must have been not
least these bribes which reduced the mass of the fugitives to
that state of pitiful destitution which left so great a multitude
at the charity of the churches whither they fled. -
* Of these was the marquess de Bordage, who held an estate worth :
50,000 livres. Unhappily his devotion did not save him from capture, at
Mauberge, just before he reached the frontier: L. von Ranke, 3. 530. The
gain accruing to the exchequer through such reversions may be conceived
from two examples. By 1686, 405 families were officially reported to have
quitted Normandy, leaving effects behind them to the value of 198,780
livres: Waddington, 21. A document of 1687 relating to the emigration
from Picardy gives the number from the elections of Amiens, Doullens,
Abbeville, and Péronne, as only IoI persons, but the sale of their property
as realising 29,512 livres: Rossier, Picardie, 245.
* It is estimated that 200,oool sterling were expended in fees to English ;
shipmasters in the means of emigration: pref. to les Plaintes des Protestants,
9; London I707, duodecimo.
* Sismondi has condensed into an eloquent passage (25, 521 f.) the
materials which extend through many pages in Benoit (5.946–957). -
* I have not found any confirmation of a singular fact mentioned in the
Oorsprong van de Bewoonders van de Sevennes, 42 f.; Amsterdam 1703 :-
namely, that some fugitives went across the Pyrenees into Spain, “so that
many died or ever they reached Holland.’ Its truth, however, may be
argued from the way in which a statement in the same sentence, that
others went by sea to Italy, is supported by a correspondence between
Mgr de Seignelay and the French consul at Genoa, with a view to their
extradition : A. Michel, 188. {


THE DA.S.PERS/OAV. 33
How they came and they settled, we have now to see. We
shall trace them, through Holland, to the northern countries of
Europe; then in England; then the emigration through Switzer-
land, into South Germany; and lastly the great colony in the
electorate of Brandenburg'.
* I find no confirmation of the vague assertion of Napoleon Peyrat, that
Some of the French exiles went to the delta of the Ganges and to the
Indian archipelago: Histoire des Pasteurs du Désert, I. 93; Paris 1842.

# CHAPTER IV.
THE REFUGE IN THE NETHERLANDS AND AT THE CAPE,
THE long siege which Lewis, with his artillery of edicts and
ordinances' and his assaults of dragonnades, carried on against .
the stronghold of protestantism, was counterworked by a move-
ment no less decisive on the part of Holland, prompter than i.
any other state in the defence of freedom, and now fighting
with advantage. For, while Lewis was attacking piecemeal
the outworks, and then mining the walls in detail, a battery :
was ready in every Dutch province, in every city, to reply with
a concentrated fire that might be sustained as long as the per-
severance, and longer than the materials, of the king could ||
last. For it is always to be remembered that the contention ;
of Lewis was not with the protestants but with their faith.
He hoped to storm protestantism, and he believed the tale
of the deserters was approaching the numbers of the garrison.
Their fellows in religion abroad knew the temper of Calvinism
better, and the common feeling empowered them to make full ||
use of the knowledge. Far from bounding themselves to single;
or desultory action, they worked with a calm precision that
illustrates well the close ties of the reformed commonwealths.
When Louvois opened his missionary career by an attack ||
upon the churches of Poitou, it was in Friesland that popular
-* *
2. 398 ff.
* The abbé Caveirac enumerates four to five hundred: see the Bulletin,;

APR/A2S/A AV/O. 35
passion was soonest excited'. The instructions to Marillac
were despatched on the 18th of March 1681 ; they were pub-
lished on the 11th of April 4. Within six weeks the Estates
of Friesland resolved that, inasmuch as the weſ/are of countries
and cities doth herein consist, that ſhe same be populous, it behooved
them to grant to all ſoreign families, whom stress of religious
oppression had forced to leave their homes, every right enjoyed
by natives”. Before commenting on the reasons of this
guarded language, it is well to notice the considerations that
induced so immediate a recognition of Poitou by this par-
ticular province. In each, the countrymen busied themselves
with husbandry and with the breeding of cattle : in other
respects, says the encyclopedist, of Poitou, its traffickings are
small “. Even as to the outward aspect of the country, an
exile from the level lands of Poitou would suffer no great
change in settling on the flats of Friesland; though it is to
be remarked that the immigrants for the most part set them-
selves in the choicest district of the province ", recommended'
by its wooded hills, its rich meadows and goodly cornland,
and abounding in wild fowl and game of all sorts.
Community of taste was here stronger than the dictate of
political interest. The representatives of Friesland had pre-
viously been the staunchest supporters of the French party in
* Benoît is incorrect when he says ‘le roy d'Angleterre commença':
4. 491. The English proclamation was nearly twelve weeks later.
* Rulhière, 1. 201-205.
* G. F., baron toe Schwartzenberg, groot Placaat en Charter-Boek van
Vriesland, 5. I 193; Leeuwarden I793, folio.
* Encyclopédie, under the word; Neuchâtel 1766. See also Lièvre,
Poitou, 2. 152 : ‘The people of Poitou were chiefly agricultural, and the
fruits of the land more than supplied its wants.”
* The eloquence of the geographer Schotanus a Sterringa is exhausted
upon the beauty of Gaasterland: ‘It is in part mountainous and hilly.
You see no mountains or hills in all Friesland save here and at Hemelum.
Wherefore this district is pleasant for all kinds of sport, as of hares,
pheasants, quails, and the like:’ Beschryvinge van Friesland, 225; s. 1.
auta. (? 1680), folio. In the present day Gaasterland maintains its
character as the finest part of Friesland. .
I68I.
May [7] 17.

. D 2
36 A UCO AEAVO 7'S OF 7A/AE DASA’/2/QSZOAV.
I68I.
June 17.
July 24.
Oct. 16.
* Sept. 25.
b 1685.
Nov. I6.
• 168||5|6.
Feb. [5] 15.
the Netherlands. They with their colleagues of Groningen
took the same attitude of opposition to the prince of Orange
in the Estates-General as the deputies of Amsterdam maintained
in the Estates of Holland. The French ambassador, Count
d'Avaux, was constantly intriguing with them. Yet, in the
face of party traditions, Friesland was the Iirst to utter its protest
against the tyranny;-the reference was plain enough though
the Resolution avoided stating it:—and, when the Edict touch-
ing the huguenot children appeared, Count d’Avaux had to
warn his sovereign of the threatening change of feeling in the
very men on whom he most relied". The alteration he had
observed was not transient: on the contrary, it inspired a fresh
encouragement to immigrants in the autumn of the same year *,
and a frank and hearty welcome when they came.
In this place it will save repetition to note the points in
common between the invitations given, and the privileges ac-
corded tº the French by the different authorities in the United
Provinc They were, first, relieved from all “extraordinary
imºnſ, taxes” for a term of years; in Friesland, a Holland",
and butrecht", twelve; in c Groningen fourteen". By some cities,
* Coun d’Avaux, Negociations, I. 152 f., 162, 178, 181.
* Vol. i. 152 f.; compare the similar warning of Barillon, May [6] 16 ||
1686. Or the 7th of September Count d'Avaux again reminded Louis that
‘Mm de Frise at de Groningue avoient change de sentiments à cause de
la religion, 1. 173. The duke de Saint Simon places the revival of the party
of the prince of Orange earlier, as one of the issues of the Dutch war;
Mémoires, 24.84 ff. -
* G. F. toe Schwartzenberg, 5.1197 f. - -
* In Friesland and Utrecht the immunity covered the poll-tax; in Fries- |
land also the hearth-tax. Groningen extended it to a variety of detail, to
the horn-money and horse-ear-money. - -
* Berg, Réfugiés in de Nederlanden, I. 32.
* Koenen, Vluchtelingen in Nederland, 48. • * *
* Berg, I. 39. The city of Amsterdam at first gave a provisional ex-
emption for three years: Resolutien der Vroedschap, September 12 & 23 and #
October 7 1681; in Koenen, 76. Similarly Haarlem, January 30 1683: |
Berg, 1.41. The relief given by the city of Middelburg extended to ten
years: J. ab Utrecht Dresselhuis, de waalsche Gemeenden in Zeeland, 46 f.; . .
Bergen-op-Zoom 1848. - - ºf
*

ARA V/ZAZ CAES OF 7TP/A2 A*/A'UG/2/2.S. 37
as Amsterdam ", Haarlem, Arnemuiden ", the immunity was
extended to the town-excise. Secondly, collections were ordered
to meet the wants of the new-comers *. Thirdly, master-
workers were declared free of guilds, admissible but not com-
pelled to enter; in any case they might practise their crafts
without fee. Advairees of money were commonly promised,
and an engagement added to purchase the produce of their
manufactures until such time as they should be firmly estab-
lished. Lastly, ministers v, re supported by a state-pension,
and allotted to the places where the refugees came in greatest
number.
Their material and religious comfort being thus secured, the
French in the Netherlands had no such anxiety to obtain an
Act of Naturalisation as they had in England. They &wned the
privileges, more than the privileges, of natives: they were in no
haste to take upon themselves also their burthens. Moreover,
until the conference of Gertruidenberg, the peace of "trecht,
they held their hope of a return home. Their condi m how-
ever grew into prosperity and affluence; and the E. lates on
their part saw the benefit and the fairness of such denizens
assuming the responsibilities of natives. Resolutions for this
purpose were passed by the Estates of Gelderland and Holland
in 1709, of Zeeland * in 17 Io; and the Estates-Gentral five
years later harmonised the diversities of ºr ge by a 715.
- º * , ºr Oct. 21.
national Act of Naturalisation ". . -
The reply to the call of the Frieslandºs should seem
to have been promptly given". By the summer of 1683 the

a.*.
º
* Berg, I. 33. 2’ <’
* May 22 1686: H. M. Kesteloo, Geschiedenis van Arnemuiden, 81;
Middelburg 1875. ' -
* Thus at Haarlem, October 1 1682: Berg, 1. 41. By the Estates of
Holland December 3: Count d’Avaux, I. 258. In Friesland, February I .
1686: G. F. toe Schwartzenberg, 5. 1249. -
* Dresselhuis, 84 f. - : -
* A limited right was still reserved to the burgomasters of Amsterdam,
of granting exemptions to new refugees: Weiss, 2. 33. -
* Vol. 2. 9.
38 //UGUEAVoz's of 7//E DASPERS70A:
1683.
Aug. 4.
1686.
Feb. 1.
Sept. II.
number of immigrants, more or less persons of consideration ',
gentlemen who had possessed lands in France, and husband-
men following them ", was large enough to elicit fresh privileges
from the Estates accompanied by extensive grants of land; the
Resolution for the first time, and now necessarily describing the
settlers not in vague terms, but expressly as French *. This is
the date of the colonisation of the district of Gaasterland. The
village of Balk, already, from its order and its look of well-
being, the praise of strangers", became the centre of a cluster
of little farming settlements *. It had its church as early as
1684, and was of sufficient importance to be chosen as the
meeting-place of the national Walloon synod in 1686.
But the activity of the Frieslanders did not end here. In
the winter of the Revocation, not content with repeating their
former welcome, and taking thought for the sore plight of the
great throng and multitude of great and small" daily making
their way into the Netherlands, the Estates at once set about |
organising new churches for the refugees. Thus were formed
the French churches at Sneek and Franeker"; about the same
time rose the community at Harlingen, and two years later i
that at Bolsward. The only French church previously existing
* The case, for instance, of Le Noir de Monfreton, with a few others,
having lent a million to the Estates on common interest is cited by Weiss,
2. 22 f., from a despatch of Count d’Avaux of March 15 1686, which does
not appear in the printed Negociations.
* Koenen, 79. .
* G. F. toe Schwartzenberg, 5. I214 f.
* “Een cierlijcke ende neerighe plaetse':
who commends the fish of the adjacent Balkster Meer.
* Koenen notices for instance the French names
Harich churchyard: 79. n. 2. :
* G. F. toe Schwartzenberg, 5. I248 ff. t * * *
.." Ratified by art. x. of the synod of 1686 at Balk: Articles synodaux
1592–1687; MS. at Zierikzee, now in the Walloon library at Leyden. This ;
express notice should apparently exclude Weiss's statement that the French #
now joined the Walloon communities at these places: 2. 28. Such can only #
have been the case at Leeuwarden; and even there the church was never:
strictly Walloon. ! #
Schotanus a Sterringa, 225; |
found on gravestones in
i


AºA2//2.SZAAVZ) AAV/D GA’O.VMAVGAAW. - 39
was at Leeuwarden ; so that the immigration in Friesland took
the form, to which the rest of Holland affords no parallel, of
creating an entirely new settlement, small no doubt and un-
pretending in its numbers, but not without importance in the
sparsely peopled province.
The city of Groningen was not remiss in accepting the
example of the Frisian Estates. In the autumn of 1681 the
municipal board declared that Germans and French might
freely exercise their religions in the town, and dwelt at great
length on the advantages offered by its situation and climate
for the establishment of a variety of manufactures and crafts".
The Estates of Groningen and the Ommelanden” did not follow
with any invitation or grant to the huguenots until after the
Recall ”. When, at last, in the winter. following, the arrival of
some fugitives pressed them to a decision, they seemed anxious
to surpass every one in the large extent and the minute details
of their bounty “. In fine, to attract in the example of
emigration those who still remained at home, the Resolution
was ordered to be printed and extensively circulated ". The
effect answered reasonable hope: some were drawn to the
country by the encouragement offered to dyers and fullers;
by others a new impulse was given to the linen-trade, so that
before the end of the century Groningen and Overijssel, where
a like immigration took place, could be particularly remarked
* Berg, I. 194 n., where it is printed at length, as only previously
known through an academical dissertation of Feith de Gildis Groninganis,
93; 1838. And Berg is, so far as I am aware, the only writer on the subject
who has noticed it.
* The official name of the province, as distinguished from, and coördinate
with, the city of Groningen.
* Unless indeed we are to understand their calling Jurieu to a chair in
their university in 1681 as an effect of the first dragonnades; Mémoires de
jean Rou, I. 185 f.; see below p. 48.
* Berg, I. 193.
* It was at the time published in French; Recueil de Resolutions, &c.;
Groningen 1686: its principal provisions are given by Berg, I. 39 f., who
lays special stress on this advertisement.
I681.
Sept. 5o


4O AſOGUEAVO 7'S OF 7//E DISPEA’.S/OM.
south of the country.
for their excellence in this industry". But in neither province
were there entirely fresh colonies formed as elsewhere. In
Overijssel decaying Walloon churches were indeed revived at
Deventer and Zwolle, and a new community sprang up at
Dwingelo "; but the temperament of the people of Groningen, |
then as now exclusive and local in their sympathies, jealous,
and vain of their city, was unfavourable to the social pro-
gress of the French *. The Walloon church itself did not
admit them to their community until near a century had
passed “. The Estates could accord the exiles eleven minis-
ters, but they could not ensure their welcome by the very
body whose sympathy might anywhere else have been taken
for granted ".
Besides Groningen and Overijssel, Gelderland received a good |
number of linen-manufactures, and five new churches were
formed in the province. Utrecht saw the beginning of that
most valuable silk-trade, which the policy of her burgomaster
drew to the capital", and which created the prosperity of
Amersfoort. Their velvets and watered silks made so high a
name that the original manufacturers at Amiens were driven to :
call their wares ‘Utrecht’ in order to hope for a sale".
Reserving to a separate chapter the influx into the great and ;
influential province to which the natural tastes and pursuits of
the huguenots led them instinctively to turn their steps, it will
be convenient here to pass in review the places of refuge in the
* Savary, Dictionnaire universel de Commerce, I. 2. 395, in Berg, I. 185.
* Now of course in the province of Drenthe.
* The criminal reports of 1732 gives no pleasant impression of the #
relations of the two societies.
* F. H. Gagnebin, note to the memoir referred to below, supplementary;
note ii.
* One of the points of issue between the Walloon and F rench churches;
was the triple or the simple aspersion in baptism. In the case of Bergen-op-
Zoom the Walloon synod of 1686 enjoined the latter: art. xxxvi.
* Koenen, 84.
* Berg, I. 207 f.
i
;
f-


O'7A’/2C//7' AAV/D ZAZAZZAAV/D. 4 I
The Walloon church in Zeeland was, at the time we are
concerned with, in a failing condition'. Since 1682, when
the land was wasted by a flood, no ministers had been ap-
pointed at Goes or Zierikzee *. The exiles of the Recall
revived the interest, and founded several new churches. The
largest proportion came in 1685 and the following year, and
from 1688 onwards". Middelburg alone from 1685 to 1693
naturalised 562 of the new-comers. Three fresh ministers
were appointed there, and a like number at Flushing; two
each at Veere and Zierikzee ; one at Tholen, at Goes, and
at Bergen-op-Zoom *. At Veere, a grange, La Maison de la
haute Montagne, still preserves a memory of 1694 *. Besides
these places fugitives sought shelter in some number at
Arnemuiden and elsewhere, always to meet with unrepressed
kindness. But what is to be specially noticed is the cluster of
French churches in the tract of land south of the Scheld, now
attached to Zeeland, but under the treaty of Munster the
‘peculiar’ territory of the Estates-General". Staatsvlaanderen
or, as they still distinguish it, Zeeuwsch Vlaanderen, was by its
position the most accessible of the western part of Holland.
Canals from Ghent led to Hulst and Sas-van-Gent, from Bruges
to Sluis. Hence the district was thronged by refugees: most
passed on to Flushing and Goes, and the greater towns of the
north; but enough stayed to form no less than nine French
congregations by the year following the Recall. Nor is this
number a fair index of the size of the immigration. Groede
and Sluis, for instance, we know to have been overcrowded,
Dresselhuis, Zeeland, 35–38.
* Dresselhuis, observing that the Dutch establishment was equally cut
down, justly resents the comparison which Berg, I. pref, vi, from one side
of the case, institutes in disparagement of the Walloons.
* Dresselhuis, 45 and 57.
* Pp. 49 ff. and 87.
* Henri Havard, la Hollande pittoresque, 3. 214; Paris 1878.
" The territory was annexed in 1644: Baron de Pufendorff, Introduction
a PHistoire de l' Univers, 4. II 7; Amsterdam I?32, duodecimo.
\
I682.
Jan. 26.
T686,
Mar. 6.
1648.


42 HUGUEvo 7S OF THE DISPERSION.
though their churches were not multiplied. The large ad-
dition was in fact to the farming classes, scattered throughout
the district, at places like Schoondijke, and particularly in the
barony of Sluis and in the Land of Kadsand"; and the families
were too much isolated to constitute a proportional number of
churches.
Adjacent to Zeeland was the barony of Breda, the patrimony
of the prince of Orange. The intrusion of the armed evan-
gelists of France into the territory beside the Rhône from which
he bore his title”, called forth the stadhouder's first declared
menace to the power of Lewis; whereby, wrote home the
amazed ambassador, the exiles in Holland lost all desire of re-
furning to France”. It was William's aim, as will appear later
on, above all things to keep these valuable supports to his
party: he wished also to create a new Orange in the territory
he could call his own. Accordingly he invited the exiles of
his principality to share his barony, and took careful thought
for the welfare of these husbandmen, his special subjects.
Like the south of Zeeland, the fortresses of Dutch Brabant
were rather places of transit than of permanent residence;
but one new church was formed, at Grave. The instance of
Maastricht may give a picture of the surprises of these frontier-
towns and of the stir of the times.
When the protestant service of Sedan was proscribed in
June 1685, the huguenots in a mass fled here. They hurried,
says a writer a few months later “, to the forest of Ardennes,
ſurnished with nothing ; in the journey whither they endured the
most extreme misery and famine, in such sort that many even of :
* Dresselhuis, 66 and 69.
* Pressure was again brought to bear upon Orange in the first years of
the eighteenth century. But now the chief direction of the 16oo emigrants i
was to Bern and Zuerich, partly to Prussia: K. F. Koehler, die Réfugiés f
und ihre Kolonien in Preussen und Kurhessen, 29; Gotha 1867. See also a
paper by M. Gaitte in the Bulletin, 19. 337-353; 1870.
* Count d'Avaux, 5. 233.
“Historie van de Vervolging, 1.76 f.


77/E Fºo.WTIER-70//ws: 7//E CAPE. 43
the Romish ſaiſh in Maas/richſ were ſain ſo have compassion on
them. There were more than three ſhousand of these unhappy
fugitives hither come, and more come yet. They hoped to go on
to Holland, but some stayed among the kindly Maastrichters",
and being aided by alms from abroad, even from Cassel”, they
permanently raised the congregation of their little church, which
the French occupation of 1672 had once abolished, not to be
reopened till the peace of Nijmegen ", to near six hundred
households*. - 1687.
The settlement in the Dutch dependency by the Cape of º
Good Hope might point a peaceful contrast to the state of
things at home. In 1684 the Council of Seventeen offered a
free passage to any huguenots who were willing to apply them-
selves to husbandry or handicraft in the Cape Colony". About
eighty families", under the guidance of a nephew of the great
Duquesne", availed themselves of the proposal, and were estab-
lished by the governor at Drakensteen, some forty miles north of
the cape.
Shut in by the wild and barren ranges of what they came
to know as the French Mountain, they found a fair valley, well . .
watered by the several streams of the Berg river. It lent itself
readily to the active toil of the settlers, and was observed by
travellers in the last century for the excellence of its husbandry".
This is the Paarl district, once La Perle; the village with
* They collected 16,300 gulden for the exiles: vol. 3. 54. -
* Koehler, 58. * Koenen, 80.
‘Tillières, despatch to Count d'Avaux, February 12 1687; in Weiss, 2. 29.
* Weiss, 2. 154. -
* M G. Goguel says 150 : Bulletin, 15. 159; 1866. -
" Aignan, Etat des Protestants, 21 f. ' ' ' . . . .
* John Barrow's Travels in 1797, in Mavor's general Collection, 21.315;
1813, duodecimo : Anderson's Relation in James Cook's third Voyage, in
the same, 8, IoT : M de Pagès, Travels round the World, 3. 15 f.; English
translation, 1792. Francis Masson, “one of his majesty's gardeners,’ is less
favourable: ‘Though but a poor settlement, being a cold moorish soil, it
produces corn enough for its inhabitants, sour wine and some fruit:" in the
- philosophical Transactions, 66.271; 1776, quarto. - -

44 Aſ UGOEAVO 7'S O/, 7}//2 D/SAE/AS/O M.
thatched church and houses scattered down a street a mile
long, was surrounded with a croft of oaks, their trunks ten or
fifteen feet in girth, and their firm and erect tops witnessing to
the calm and sheltered region in which they stand.
The other settlements were at Great and Little Drakensteen' |
and at Fransche Hoek", hard by. They were formed of detached
farms, sprinkled over the valley, remote one from another.
Everywhere they sowed wheat and set sundry kinds of fruit- |
trees, and the special labour of the people of the Paarl was
devoted to the growing of vines”. -
In this remote seclusion the huguenot planters have preserved
the faith and the virtues of their fathers in a singular degree,
and outwardly, although their language was proscribed by the
government in 1732, they were long distinguished by their dark #
hair, which broadly contrasted with the light shade of that of
the other colonists’. Until a recent date they kept also the
custom of directing their home-affairs through one of their
elders, deputed for the office. The colony has always borne a
primitive complexion, and this patriarchal rule is not its least
curious trait. With the memory of their faith, even in this day
four thousand people tell their French descent".
* Anderson, as above: I know not whether to identify with Little yº
Drakensteen the village called Charron by the French historians of the
- Refuge; as Fransche Hoek seems to have been also called Petite Rochelle:
Masson, 66. 271 n. -
- * Lord Valentia's Travels, in Mavor, 28. 6, commemorate the residence #
here of a branch of the family of Jean Jacques Rousseau. .
. . * C. P. Thunberg's Voyages in Mavor, 11. 281. Voltaire says they ||
-- introduced them, and is of course followed by Lord Macaulay, History of
$ , England, 2. I6; ed. 9, 1853. So too R. Montgomery Martin, History of the
British Colonies, 4.5; 1835. Anyhow we owe them the vintage known from
the slope of Constantia: Weiss, 2. 156. x :
* Le Vaillant, Travels, 1782, in Mavor, 21. 74.
* Goguel, as before.


CHAPTER V.
THE FRENCH SOCIETY IN HOLLAND.
THE province of Holland had always guided the politics of
the United Seven : in national affairs it was commonly ruled by
the opinion of Amsterdam. And Amsterdam was the camp of
the resistance to the house of Orange. The direct issue of the
measures of Lewis the Fourteenth in the overthrow of Calvinism
was gradually but decisively to loosen his foothold in the city,
and to demolish every barrier to the success of the stadhouder',
It is more than a coincidence in this regard that Amsterdam,
like the Estates of Friesland, soon set the example to the rest
of the province of opening its immunities to the oppressed
prolestants of other countries *. This was in the autumn of 1681,
and it was effected by the motion of the chief-burgomaster van
Beuningen “. -
The Estates of Holland followed closely in his path *; and,
within a week of its publication, their decree of privileges was
in every one's mouth to the end of France ". Multitudes were
decided to invoke its benefits. In the winter of the ensuing
year, when the rare hardness of the season gave them a
thoroughfare by the ice, but the more increased the troubles
of the travellers, they found themselves the objects of a large
* See Count d'Avaux, Negociations, 5. 231 f. -
* Cp. above, pp. 35 f. France is not expressly named until after the
Recall: cp, p. 38. -
* Koenen, Vluchtelingen in Nederland, 76. *
“Berg, Réfugiés in de Nederlanden, 1. 32. * Benoît, 4. 493.
I68I.
Sept. 25.

46 AſOCUAEAVO 7'S OF 7'HAE DASA’ERS/OM. '
Eº charity; for the prince of Orange had prompted, and the
Estates had enjoined, a general almsgiving on their behalf".
Meanwhile two men had come to Holland eager to prepare
the way for them. One, Amonet, left Paris with the view of
sustaining the excitement which the persecution had roused on
their account, and of finding them homes and employ on their
arrival. He came to the Hague, and there, in concert with a
resident minister named Scion, he drew up a memorial on the
subject addressed to the Amsterdam corporation, which was
perhaps the immediate cause of their resolutions above noticed”.
The other exile had an aim less wide but, from its special object,
more productive of good results. The marquess de Venours",
after courageously pleading the cause of the Poitevins against
the aggressions of Marillac, - he and his son, says an eye-
witness, have been great sufferers for speaking the fruſh to the
King ‘,-was forced to take refuge in Holland. He had not ||
been long at Haarlem before he thought of a plan for giving
- 1683, shelter to gentlewomen on their escape from France". The
Jan. 30. § e tº , tº ſº -
* - magistrates received the proposition readily". They granted a
. site for the Société hard by the church, allowed a temporary
house, and sundry immunities. Such was the origin of the
Société des Dames Françaises", which formed a pattern to the
-r
* Count d’Avaux, I. 258 f.; Berg, I. 36 n. ; Koenen, 77.
* Koenen states this positively; but on what ground I know not. The
case of Friesland shows that the French troubles were already working in H.
men's minds, and working signal results.--Scion's letter is in the municipal
collection at Amsterdam, prefixed to a list of French settlers and their
industries from 1681 : p. 77 n. . - - -
* He died at last fighting for the Orange dynasty in the Irish campaign
of 1690. . |
* True and perfect Relation of the new invented Way of persecuting the j
Protestants in France, 2 ; 1682, folio.
* A. J. Enschedé, Geschiedenis der walsche Kerk en der fransche Dames. H.
Sociéteit te Haarlem, 30 ff; Haarlem 1878, quarto. .#
* The committee of relief, empowered to lend money to the exiles and to #
supervise their establishment, was appointed November 27 1682: Berg, #
I. 4I. - #
." Bulletin, 27. 563; 1878.


AA’A2A2AA’A 7TWOAWS /AV AZO/L/AAV/O. 47
other houses of refuge that rose afterwards at Schiedam, the
Hague, Utrecht and Rotterdam', and which subsisted until
1770°. It was supported as well by the hearty encouragement
of the princess of Orange as by a subsidy from the Estates
of Holland of two thousand gulden a year and by liberal con-
tributions from Amsterdam, Dordrecht °, and other cities “. Nor
was it designed merely as a pension : it had also an educational
object. Dutch girls might enter, and learn French and the
French needlework". But the main intent of the marquess
was to furnish a home, under the direction of his daughter
Madame du Moulin", for girls or widows who could else hardly
find a protector".
His efforts were not limited to this one object: he proposed
at the same time to introduce the manufacture of druggets from
his native province, and in particular to entice a colony from
the village of Sesmaissan to Haarlem to make stockings and
caps, an industry of no little benefit to the city afterwards.
The burgomasters were as liberal in this as in the other case.
They issued a Declaration inviting workpeople, especially of
manufactures that are not yet made here : they also furnished
* The first two were governed at the beginning by Mme de Danjeau;
the others by the marchioness de Thor and Mme de Soustelle: Berg, 1. 47,
n, 27; Erman et Reclam, Mémoires, I. 251, n. 2, who alone mention the
pension at Utrecht. With Scheidam, however, it lived long enough to
educate the princess of Reuss who was alive in 1782. Another house of
refuge is mentioned at Harderwijk in Gelderland: Koenen, 87.
* Bulletin, 27. 563; 1878. * Koenen, 88, n. I ; Berg, I. 46, n. 3.
* These sums replaced the original scheme that each girl should bring
with her 4000 gulden, which the prohibition to export money rendered im-
practicable. - -
* Especially we are told points de Venise et de France: Enschedé, 32. It
was stipulated that teaching should be given gratuitously to the children
of the orphanage.
| "Charlotte (or Marie as most wrongly give the name) de Venours became
in course of time general superintendent of all the analogous pensions in
Holland. See Berg, I. 47, n. 2. - *
. . . " We know also that the princess of Orange, our Mary the Second, chose
certain of the huguenot girls to be about her person and brought up at her
charges: Koenen, 87 f. * .
\ .
I686.
Jan. 23.
168(2] 3.
[Jan. 30]
Feb. 9.
X


48 HUGUEwoz's OAP 7/7/2 D/S/2/2/8.S/OA/.
money and a house to establish the marquess de Venour's
proposal". .
These efforts in North Holland in favour of the French exiles
were seconded, in a way far beyond its originator's design, by
the foundation of the École Illustre at Rotterdam in 1681. It
arose, as we have it at first hand *, somewhat thus: in a chance
conversation, the well-known Jean Rou was asked by a wealthy
Rotterdam merchant, Paets, whether it were likely that Pierre F
Jurieu would come as a minister to that city. May, replied
Rou, Mr Jurieu is at present in a renowned academy, that of
Sedan, where he holds without controversy the foremost place ; he
is called to Groningen, another illustrious university, where an
eminent position is offered him; he has refused the ministry of
Aouen, . . . with every hope of very great honour: I could not
therefore propose to him the office of plain minister at Rotterdam,
Paets at once offered to found” an École Illustre, for his support,
to-morrow, if you will, added the sanguine Dutchman; but he
must have a second chair, for philosophy. Rou answered by
suggesting Pierre Bayle, One of the ablest men, he said, in all
branches of letters that could be ſound in France or perhaps any
where else; for, as touching philosophy, Mr Bayle has distin.
guished himself with so much renown, . . . and, as concerning the
Aumanities, he speaks and zwrites so purely as well in Greek as i
in Zalin, that I suppose not in both these articles his equal could |
readily be seen *. A happier choice could not have been made,
Almost immediately, before indeed they knew of their invitation,
jš. Bayle and Jurieu found their academy at Sedan suppressed
uly 9. - i
k
* A stipulation appears here also of the apprenticing of the orphanage
children. Their earnings were however to be devoted to the support of the
manufactory for a year or two: Enschedé, 33. . .
* Mémoires de Rou, I. 184 ff. • t .
* The foundation was really made by the corporation; but in this body }
the influence of Paets was omnipotent: see a letter of Bayle's in Sayous, i.
a * : * * Littérature française à l'Etranger, I. 239 f., which suggests that Rou has given
. . . . himself more than his just share in the calling of Bayle to Rotterdam. ;
- “This account must correct the arbitrary notice of Sayous, i. 221, that
... f : he and Jurieu took refuge in Holland ‘chercher leur pain.'
f
}



AREAEA R4 7/OAWS /AW AſOZ/AM/D. 49
The winter of 1681 saw them established at Rotterdam *; Bayle
drawing round him a circle of ambitious followers, Jurieu
devoting himself to controversy and politics, and soon the pro-
tector of a crowd of fugitives *. Other seemingly disconnected
events, such as the coming of the great preacher of Metz, Jean
Polyandre, to Dordrecht", conspired, were it necessary, to
Support the enthusiasm of the country.
Thus in different ways all Holland was making ready for the
great inpouring of the winter of 1685. The persecution had
by this time been brought home to the Dutch in a peculiar
manner; their fellow-citizens in France, though living in a
strange country as aliens, had not been free from the common
tyranny. Terrible tales ran from mouth to mouth of the
cruelties offered them *. It was added, and this appealed
specially to the Dutch instinct, that they were not allowed to
quit the country or to remove their goods ". A speech before
the Estates by Fagel, their raadspensionaris, raised the excite-
ment to a white heat. There were menaces of reprisal", and
the catholics awaited fearfully a panic such as had convulsed
England within recent memory. Happily the good sense of
the people prevailed, and their representatives contented them-
selves with demanding passports from the French king".
The Recall almost immediately afforded the means of a more
effectual revenge, in the giving fresh encouragement to his
* Cp. Bayle's letter of June 16 1682: Lettres choisies, I. I.47. Each had
a stipend of 500 gulden : Berg, i. 37, n. 2.
* G. de Félice, History of the Protestants of France, 2. I25; English transl.,
1853: a fact not well enough known. Sayous alludes to it, I. 291.
* Weiss, 2.5.
* Instances such as the outrages inflicted on the Dutch consul at Nantes,
and on many aliens, English and Dutch, in La Rochelle, may be found in the
Historie van de Vervolging, I. 48 & 56, which tells much of the vehemence
of public feeling in Holland in December 1685: cp. above, 30, n. 4.
* Count d'Avaux, 5. 144. .
* See below, supplementary note iii. -
" Historie van de Vervolging, 2. 55 f.; Count d'Avaux, 5. 166 f., 209 ft.
The remonstrance was sent through the minister at Paris, Starrenberg:
Lewis's explanations should seem to have been readily accorded.
E
I68 I.
Dec. 5.
1685.
Sept. 20.


50 AUGUEMO 7:S OF 7:HE DISPERSION.
exiles. Throughout the province subscriptions were eagerly
-4 collected; anabaptists, Lutherans, even Roman catholics' gave
t their help *, and the Jews of Amsterdam contributed as much
as 40,000 gulden". The sympathetic enthusiasm was without
bound. *
In the south the fugitives were welcomed with a characteristic
warmth. At Dordrecht, we are told, ‘the burghers received
them as kinsfolk into their houses, cared for them as for their
children, and put them in the way of earning honourably their
bread, while the magistrates loaded them with privileges and
pensions". At Rotterdam so great was the inflow of people |
utterly destitute as to tax the resources of the almoners beyond
their power; and the town officials nobly met the need by main-
taining great numbers out of their public salaries". Rotterdam
indeed seems to have been the chief resort of the poorer emi-
grants, and the number it received was exceptionally large. Count
Nºs. Saint Didier told of five thousand coming within a month of
the Recall". These were above all the exiles of Normandy. This
beautiful and great town, wrote Dumont de Bostaquet in 1687,
is become well-nigh French by the flight hither of a mass of the #
people of Rouen and Dieppe", a flight of which the memory was
long preserved in the name of the Hôtel de Rouen". -
The French in Amsterdam are said to have numbered two ||
... thousand in 1684; by the end of the century" they may have *.
approached fifteen thousand. For many years the Walloon
diaconate, which the burgomasters established in 1688, con-
stantly maintained two thousand people, and expended an
* Thus at Haarlem the catholics contributed above 2886 to a total |
collection of 8430 gulden, December 22 1686: Berg, I. 42. -
* Koenen, 85. * Erman and Reclam, Mémoires, I. 251.
* Schotel, Dordrecht, 2.178; in Berg, 1. 40. * Koenen, 89.
* Weiss, 2. 26. The Historie van de Vervolging gives but 4ooo a month
later: 3.67. * Mémoires, 161.
* Waddington, Normandie, 17. - . ‘. . .,
* Thus Weiss, 2. 27. It is surely a mistake in M J. P. Hugues' report of
a MS. in the Amsterdam archives which allows but 5156 in 1695: in the #
Bulletin, 5.479; 1857. - - - #'

7TP/E A*/2A7OGAE /AV AſOZ/AAV/O. 5 I
average revenue of forty thousand gulden. And, although the
statement of Benoit that the magistrates resolved to build the
refugees a thousand houses at a forty-gulden rental", is appar-
ently to be discredited *, there can be no doubt that such a
proposal might well have been debated and more than justified
by the result”.
We have to be content with such bare statistics, and can tell
but little of more than the beginning of the immigration. For in
February 1686 the Estates of Holland, urged by the Estates-
General, forbad all mention in the public prints touching the
refugees, above all as to the manner of their escape; and this
order, kindly intended, to disappoint the activity of the French
Spies and informers, has hidden from us most of the contem-
porary narratives *.
As winter followed the Recall, the increasing necessities of
the immigrants were met by more than proportional liberality
on the part of the provincial Estates. They granted an annual
sum first of 12,000 and then of 25,000 gulden for the French
ministers". Sixteen" were assigned to Amsterdam, eight to
Leyden and to Rotterdam, seven to Haarlem and to Dordrecht,
six to Delft, five to Gouda, three to the Hague, three to
Gorinchem, and two each to Schiedam, the Briel, and Schoon-
hoven ". .
* Histoire de l’Edit, 4. 269.
* See the minute particulars in Berg, I. 33, n. 2.
* By 1725, according to the official list, the number had fallen to 8ool :
Berg, as above. t
* Koenen, 89 f.; Berg, I. 31, n. 2. Cp. above pp. 29 f.
* Berg, I. 45. -
* The original staff of three ministers had been already raised to eight:
Count d'Avaux, 5. 185, October 19 1685. In 1686 it was again increased
to twenty; Koenen, 82. In 1688 there appear to have been actually thirty-
eight: see a contemporary MS. cited by M. J. P. Hugues in the Bulletin,
5. 371 f.
* Hollandse Mercurius 1686, nr xxxvii. 128; Berg, 1. c. These sixty-nine
ministers were pensioned with 4oo gulden if married, 200 if single:
Koenen, 85. In Zeeland they were fairer to the bachelors, and allowed
them # instead of #: Weiss, 2. I4.
1686.
Feb. 14.
1685.
Dec. 18.
I686.
Jan. 23.
Jan. 26.

52 Aſ UGUEAVO 7'S OF 7A/AE DASA/EASS/OAW.
I686.
April 24.
And the ministers were perhaps the poorest class among the
exiles. While the working man, with his fewer wants, could
immediately turn his hand to some craft, the minister had no
livelihood apart from his office. Moreover they came to
Holland in vast numbers compared with the other classes.
They relied,—and their trust was not misplaced,—upon the
kindred feeling of the nation : but besides this, while all were
the exiles of conscience, the minister was also the exile of a
proscription. Others, if they pleased, might stay in France;
nay, they were forbidden to leave : but to the minister delay
meant prison, disease, death. Six weeks then from the Recall"
found one hundred and eighty in Holland”. At the synod
held at Rotterdam in the following spring two hundred and
two were present *.
But it is not the number, but the intellectual and spiritual |
eminence, of the ministers of the Refuge in Holland that above
all attracts our attention. Here was Jean Claude, whose
position in France was felt to be so menacing to Lewis's aims |
that the edict of Recall allowed him, in marked exception to
the rest of his order, but twenty-four hours to quit the country,
and who was watched by the king's servants as far as Brussels".
He was to Bossuet the only huguenot divine who could do
battle on equal terms, who was alone his match in lucid order
and resounding dignity of language". Let him be compared
with his comrade in the campaign Pierre Jurieu, and his excel-
lence will at once appear. Jurieu, the grandson of Pierre du
* Before the Revocation thirteen new comers, including Pierre du Bosc
and Isaac Beausobre, were welcomed at the synod of Delft, Sept. 5–8, 1685. I
Livre synodal, MS. formerly at Naarden, now in the Walloon library at,
Leyden, volume I. - .
* Historie van de Vervolging, 3.69.
* Enschedé, 18. And the attendance does not represent the entire number |
of ministers: thus the junior minister of Middelburg was absent; Dressel.
huis, Zeeland, 54 f. The common estimate indeed asserts that in the year ||
of the Recall 25o had come to Holland: Erman and Reclam, I. I92.
* Historie van de Vervolging, 2. 33. * Sayous, 2.76. |
P.|

7/7/2 MWAV/STERS OF 77/E A*/2A7CVGZ. 53
Moulin, had doubtless an hereditary genius for controversy ";
he was also a better scholar than Claude ; but his temper,
naturally hasty and soured by opposition”, rendered him in-
capable of pursuing an argument with calmness or precision.
The rigour of his theological belief, unsoftened by the charity
of Claude, led him to make enemies of those who, in a time
when union was beyond all things necessary, should have been
his heartiest fellow-workers; and the rebound from the presence
of what he held Scepticism drew him aside into an excess of
Superstition”, and left him a prophet and a visionary.
History has placed Jurieu in the front rank of the French
apologists in Holland, because the voice of the hour so pro-
nounced him. In controversy, as in other warfare, it is the
bitterest reasoner, the hardest hitter, that wins the public
applause. Jurieu the fanatical pamphleteer is, no more than
Wilkes, the just representative of his time. It was of only a
small class that he reflected the sober judgment. But none the
less was his influence fraught with mischief to the religious and
social tranquillity of his companions in exile. When he accused
Bayle of deism *, Saurin of Socinianism, his success, had it
been permanent, would have tended to snap the link that united
the French protestantism of the past with philosophy and
culture, with spiritual religion, and to bring in a reign of bare
dogma and polemic. -
The true exponent of the better thought among the French
in Holland is Jacques Basnage. Filler, as Voltaire said", to be
* Vol. I. 22I f.
* Perhaps to such a cause is due the habitual acrimony of the History of
Élie Benoit, who, having escaped from the terror at Alençon, came to
; suffer under a lifelong tyranny at the hand of his wife. But the tale against
Madame Jurieu is at least doubtful; and the testimony of the great Saurin
may clear Bayle from the common slander. For the facts, see Sayous,
I, 297 and 368. *
3 Cp. his long talk about the “voices in the air, pastoral Letters, I43–165.
* This charge cost Bayle his chair and even the liberty of taking pupils
r . .
in private: Besluit van de Vroedschap, October 3o 1693; Berg, I. 37, n. 2.
* Ecrivains du siècle de Louis XI V, under the name.

54 A/UGOZAVO 7 S OF 7A//E /X/SAEAEA’.S/O M.
minister of state than minister of a parish, he was above the
petty quarrels in which Jurieu lived". In his house at Rotter-
dam he gathered round him all that was best in the ingrafted
society. There he might argue with Bossuet on a large ground
of Christian moderation, sparing of unworthy epithets, willing to
see the good in his opponent's motive, never forgetful of his
high breeding. The intellect of the town, while it delighted
in his converse, acknowledged him as master: the devout side,
if it was not rather the guiding principle, of his nature endeared
to him such men as Pierre du Bosc, the orator of Caen, the
courtly and gentle Daniel du Superville, the appreciative and
hospitable burgher Paets.
In Rotterdam the connexion between the banished ministers
and the men of letters, who felt that the Edict of Recall struck
equally at the root of liberal thought, was of the closest kind.
The two classes were united by the friendship of their leaders
Basnage and Pierre Bayle, an old friendship dating from their
university years at Geneva, and now strengthened by the sym- |
pathy of exile *. For Bayle represents in a peculiar measure
the new huguenot spirit of enquiry, of scepticism in the honour-
able sense, which the suppression of their colleges had forced
to seek another home abroad ". But, besides this, Bayle had
much of his own; and the impress of his teaching turned his
pupils' thought into a fresh channel, running parallel, but
seldom blending, with the accepted current of Calvinist tradi-
tion. His personal history is the best index to his religious
position. The son of a minister “, he was trained and he
acquiesced in the views of the huguenot schools: but as he
grew up, a hard worker, well grounded in the learning and
* That Jurieu became his enemy was in his own despite. His liberal
tone naturally led the bigot to suggest a charge of heresy.
* Sayous, I. 230.
* See J. G. von Herder, Adrastea, i. i. viii; stimmtliche Werke, 9. 83;
*
Karlsruhe, 1820.
* He was born in 1647 at Carlat-le-Comte in the county of Foix: Sayous, *
I. 224.
|
O
AASAVA C/º AAV/D /3A V/L/2. 55
penetrated by the philosophy of his age, he came to distrust the
attempt, which no system favoured more than the Calvinistic,
to harmonise the doctrines of positive religion with the dictates
of human réason. He sought to keep the two asunder, and
fled to the church of Rome'. But the change, he soon felt,
involved the sacrifice of his reason : he became once more a
Calvinist; but he retained to the end the essential separation
between faith and reason *. How it was that he did not go on
from this divorce to the virtual or entire exclusion of religious
opinion, as his successors the French encyclopedists did, is
explained by his doubts of the competency of reason. To the
questions, could we believe sensuous experience, the reality of
external phaenomena, he replied with Descartes in the negative.
He went further, and not only the absolute truth of mathe-
matical demonstration, but also the value of consciousness,
became to his mind matter more or less problematic. Reason,
he declared, is strong in detecting error, but weak to discover
truth without assistance: the belief in truths that are opposed
to reason is what we want as spiritual beings, just because it
implies a victory over ourselves. With Tertullian he would
say sincerely Credo quia absurdum *.
Bayle laid bare the chasm, as he held it, between reason and
faith; but his feet were planted on either side. No blame to
him that his disciples chose to abandon the one in their tenacity
of the other. Rather let him have our praise for the manner in
which he drew from his principles a toleration not yet bound
up with indifferentism. Morality, he taught, being the child of
reason, had no kinship with religious belief; and by conse-
quence the moral worth of a man was a thing apart from his
* W. Windelband, Geschichte der neueren Philosophie, 1.357; Leipzig, 1878.
* Thus, in his Pensées diverses sur la Comète de 1680, he endeavoured to
shew that the doctrines of the creation of the world by a benevolent deity,
of providence, and of original sin, could never be brought into agreement
with the physical and moral evils of this world, and with the sense of
responsibility: Windelband, I. 359. 0.
* Cp. L. Feuerbach, Pierre Bayle, 132; ed. 2 Leipzig, 1844.
§ 1669.

56 A UGO/AEAVO 7 S OF 7A/E /D/SAEAEA’S/O M.
theological allegiance". The state and the church, the temporal
and the spiritual interests of the world, were by their very
essence divided one from the other. Men might quarrel with
the arguments by which he guarded this position *: but its fair-
ness gradually won the favour of most who were unshackled by
the surroundings of office or the traditions of routine.
Bayle's authority over the mind of independent students was
prodigious. We shall hardly find its like unless in that of
Voltaire or of the encyclopedists of the eighteenth century. And
of these Bayle was the lineal ancestor. Beyond his philosophy,
he was the pioneer of that type of culture which we associate
with the term Auſklärung or Illumination”. The Dictionnaire
historique et critique which he issued between 1695 and 1697
is not merely a monument of sterling, marvellous labour and
erudition ; it lets us see as well the secret of his later influence.
Meanwhile he spoke to the educated society at large through
his periodical Nouvelles de la Republique des Lettres *, the fore-
runner of our modern literary and scientific journals; a work
which overlived his activity, and under the hands of Henry
Basnage de Beauval, brother to the great Jacques, maintained,
with a less ambitious scope, a useful and considerable import-
ance for many years.
The tenour of the society of Rotterdam may justify the
length at which I have dwelt upon it. It has an additional
value as an evidence of what Berlin will shew hereafter, that
1 His own experience had shewn him that his ethics had been unchanged
by attachment to the Roman or to the protestant church: Windelband,
1. 361. - --
* Thus he affirmed that Christianity had left the moral aspect of the
world unaltered: nay, that it had led to fanatical atrocities unknown to
the heathen. If it be said that Christianity is not responsible for these,
neither, he replied, can it be credited with any moral good that may have
followed its introduction, for such existed prior to its origin: vol. I. 361 f.
* Vol. I. 357. -
* See in J. G. von Herder, 9. 83 n., a great list, ending with a compre- |
hensive &c., of the journals and Bibliothèques to which Bayle's works gave i
example.
A’O 77/E/C/DAM AM/D 7///E A/A CUAE. 57
the huguenot emigration was not solely a religious factor added
to the countries of the world; that it was also a prize to uni-
versal culture leading even to issues with which the old huguenot
temper had little in common ".
Rotterdam was not the only centre of this ingrafted civilisa-
tion. The Hague, we read in a letter of 1688°, is ſoo beautiful a
place not to be filled with men of leſſers. The ministers hold their
own there—and Élie º and afterwards Jacques Saurin were no
unworthy arbiters of the opinion of the place ;-buff we have also
among our exiles plain private persons eminent for their knowledge
and integrity. Of these is ſhe illustrious Mr Rou “: his Historical
Tables have made so much noise in France that one . . . will scarcely
say he knows not in what part of the world their author lives.
But that you may speak thereof with the more certainly I acquaint
you that he makes his sojourn at the Hague, known, loved, honoured,
by whoever has a mind fair enough to judge of good things after
their merits. This society was closely connected with the
court. Ménard was chaplain to the prince of Orange and
chaplain-general to the French forces in time of war": Claude
was chaplain to the prince, and also historiographer to the
Estates of Holland". William was not without a taste for letters;
far less did he lack the religious sympathies of his country. But
the pressure of the politics of the day made him regard and
employ the work of Lewis the Fourteenth as an instrument
* Cp. Capefigue, Louis XIV, 3. Io & 6. 35 fſ.
*A. R. d. L. [de Ladevèze], Apologie des Réfugiés, Io'ſ, the Hague 1688;
in Waddington, intr. to Mémoires de Rou, xxiii.
* Elie Saurin, like so many of the famous refugees, was a Dauphinois,
having been born at Usseaux in 1639: Arnaud, Dauphiné, 3. 24. J. G. von
Herder traces to this southern origin their prevailing tendency to oratory
and polemic, rather than to exact science; and the rush of sermons and,
books of controversy at this time may support the inference: 9. 83.
* Jean Rou, born in 1638, had graduated at Saumur, taking his legal
licentiateship at Orléans. He became advocate in the parlement de Paris
in 1659, and, after a residence in England, withdrew to Holland, where
from 1689 to 1711 he was secretary-interpreter to the Estates-General.
His Mémoires are of a high and most genuine interest. *
* Berg, 1.45. - * Koenen, 91.

58 Aſ UGC/AEAVO 7'S OF 7A/AE ZO/S/2/E/CS/OAV.
mainly to the achievement of his own schemes. It will appear
hereafter how he used the refugees in this other character, as a
moral and a material force to aid him against the arrogance of
France, and in his designs upon the English crown.
2- But if Holland was at this time busy with political enterprise
it had not abandoned its pursuit of industry and commerce.
We have seen how men made ready at Haarlem for the arrival
of the huguenot fugitives. Even earlier the town had no small
sprinkling of Walloons from Valenciennes and Saint Quentin',
So that anyway it came about that ‘ those who fled at the
Recall found here, not only their countrymen, sometimes even
their kinsfolk, but also their manufactures in full bloom”
They came, it is true, as we read their tale in the municipal |
records, in a sorely desolate state, lacking . . . the means of lift
and in no zwise able to sustain their families. But it was not for
long that they needed town support*. Their woollen manu
facture increased till the town became too small for them, and
they built the Nieuwe Stad “. Besides cloth, druggets, and such
woollen stuffs, the French introduced into Haarlem a variety of
silk fabrics, velvet, plush, and the like, which, though coarser
than the original manufactures at Lyons, Tours, and Paris, were ||
long in great demand abroad because cheaper by fifteen or
twenty per cent.” Their bleaching-grounds were also of the
best repute in Holland. i --
In the matter of the woollen trade Haarlem was soon out-
stripped by Leyden, where the French made the finest cloth, the
- best serges, that could be got in the country". The number of
* Enschedé, 17 f. * Berg, 1. 41 f.
* The magistrates promised aid for two years from December 1 1685;
Enschedé, 19. -
* The Nieuwe Stad had indeed been founded in 1672; but hardly more
than founded. In 1687 the French had seven ministers; in 1688, nine; in
1690 the number was reduced to six. The baptisms from 1671–168o had
numbered Io2; from 1681-1690 they were 257; from 1691–17oo, 380; †
Enschedé, 23 & 27.
* Savary, in Berg, I. 186.
* The same, I. 185.


T//E AWR/2AVC// /AV/O US 7R V. 59
workmen pushed out a suburb of the town, the present Nieuwe
Hoogewoerd ; and we are told that the comfort of the immi-
grants was so enviable that even catholic soldiers would leave
the regiments of Lewis the Fourteenth to settle here ".
But, as might be expected, Amsterdam was most of all
sought for *. Here, as early as 1683, a whole quarter of the
city was peopled by the workmen of Pierre Baille, the richest
manufacturer of Clermont-Lodève *. Before this time Amster-
dam had been almost exclusively busied with her maritime
commerce. Now, industries were rising everywhere in silk and
wool and linen : a new part of the city was built for the comfort
of the workers, and almost entirely occupied by manufactories
of hats. Paper mills abounded, especially in the neighbouring
town of Zaandam. The book trade also, through which so
much of French literature was soon given to the world, was
greatly increased “.
Even before the Recall Amsterdam could spare from her
new population a colony of some hundreds for the settle-
ment at Surinam. Chiefly craftsmen, with a few farmers, they
established themselves, under the auspices of the proprietor
Aersens van Sommelsdijk", at Paramaribo; and increased by a
new shipload in 1686 they formed the clearing of La Providence
and planted sugar".
The instances of Haarlem, Leyden, and Amsterdam are
* Letter of Louvois, January 20 1686, in Count d’Avaux, 5. 231. The story
is still current in the town.
* Four or five hundred came from La Rochelle alone: L. Delmas, l'Église
réformée de la Rochelle, 277. :
* Berg, I. 33, says they filled the Nordsche Bosch, including the
Reguliersgracht, the Vijzelgracht, Noorderstraat, Noorderdwarsstraat, and
Looijersstraat : names which recur with a strange diversity in Weiss and
his translators, English and American. -
“One Gaylen, a bookseller of Lyons, made good his escape hither with
a fortune of a million livres: Weiss, 2. 19.
* Whose character, the praise of preceding historians, has not gained by
the publication of the appendix to Rou's Mémoires.
* Weiss, 2. 16o. *
|

6o Aft/GUEAVOTS OF THE DISPERSION.
!
: typical of the impulse given by the refugees to trade. It is
Dordrecht in pursuing the Greenland fisheries”, their varied
to comment on the social influence of the Refuge, the estimate

pf which has been embarrassed by several confusions.
The visitor to Holland, struck by the great prevalence of
French names, words, and all that speaks of a conquest or an
overrunning, is apt to refer to the immigration of the Recall
that which, in by far its largest extent and most pervasive action,
belongs to a date three centuries earlier. It was then that the
Welsh, “Walloons’ we call them,-made the indelible mark
upon Dutch society”. The inroad was too strong to be resisted,
and the natives could only see with a murmur their genuine
life transformed or at least transfused by the strong current of
French vitality “. Al, waſ walsch is, valsch is, became then
the saying: but the reproach was rather to the Outward com- |
plexion than to the more real virtues of the new population.
On the other hand, many Dutch writers" have confounded the
entry of the huguenots, a high and strenuous race, with the
later influx of adventurers, of “every one that was in distress,
every one that was in debt, and every one that was discontented,
* The subject has been elaborately and minutely investigated by Jonkheer
Berg in the volume I have constantly cited, with a regret that its fellow has
never appeared.
* See also the list of industries at Dordrecht in Berg, I. 209.
* The cause was a fearful plague in Flanders, the famous Dood van |
Yperen. It is said by scholars that it was this inflow which gallicised the
sound of the Dutch vowel u, adding so to say an Umlaut to the German
vowel.
* The domination of French manners was lamented long before the
Recall by Antonides: Koenen 2.
* Among them even Luzac, the well-known author of Hollands Rijkdom:
Roenen, 4.
industries in these and other places, as Gouda, Schoonhoven,
and den Bosch. But before quitting the subject it will be well
perhaps needless to trace this activity in the other cities of
Holland'. We may Only notice, in passing, the great hat-
\manufacture the French made in Rotterdam, their vigour at
t
7T///E FREAVC// /AVP/U/EAVC/E. - 6 I
whom the easy freedom of the country attracted to it. By
this confusion a writer of too large influence, in the Weder-
landsche Spectator of 1750 was led to do wrong to truth and
history by applying to the emigration of the Recall the words
of Horace: Hoc ſonſe derivaſa clades in pairiam populumque
fluxil. The survey he makes, with much of just criticism, is
vitiated, as criticism written with a view to public applause
commonly is vitiated, by a strain of overcharged invective; it
paints in broad colours the collected results of centuries, as
though they were the single product of a generation. -
‘This people,’ says the Spectator”, “oppressed and hardly
handled, came over to us in so great swarms, that it seemed
about to equal the number of the inhabitants, and scarcely to
be provided with places to live in. Not alone were they re-
ceived cheerfully as brothers and fellows in faith; but people
of every diverse sect lavished abounding gifts upon them: and
everywhere, as guests, free from the charge of scot or lot, they
were furnished and favoured with rare immunities.
‘The engaging joyousness, which no tyranny could quench,
the courteous grace which could gain an entrance by its modest
tact everywhere, soon made so much impression here on the
more and better part of the people, and so used its mind to
their manners, that it came to be reckoned an honour the most
to resemble the foreigners, and to exchange the old laudable
customs of the nation, the true and just mark of the constant
Batavians, for the mobility, the lax bearing of the French. The
language even not only grows debased, . . . but he who will pass
as courtly must ill speak his mother-tongue and win praise for
the French he speaks with the excellence of a native ". . .
‘Uprightness, simplicity, faith, thrift, modesty, is turned to
craft, flattery, assurance, excess, luxury “, distinction of persons;
* : * Nr 45. I45 ff. - * P. 150.
* At this day, to say the king speaks French to such a one is a synonym
for marked and familiar favour. -
“‘Our state, by hospitality large-hearted and open-handed, had grown

62 AIUCUAEAVO 7'S OF 7"HA2 ZD/SAEERS/OM.
y
and civic converse has lost its bond with people of rank',
Children can talk of fashion, can dance, fence, as soon as
may be ; a good carriage, a French idiom, an etiquette to ladies,
this is the staple of French school-training : knowledge, learn.
ing, industry to fit one for affairs, such things are left to pedants
or to those who must make their living by them.’
And so the essayist passes in review the havoc brought in by
the entry of 1685. The judgement became a fixed position with |
patriotic writers: it even grew in violence when the discontent
of the ‘Batavian Republic’ reverted to the huguenots as the
prime cause of the evils under which the nation laboured. Its
very untruth may serve to shew how strong was the influence
which could support a fabric of such dimensions without caring
to deny or to remonstrate.
and waxed mighty: but so have many vices stolen in and quickly spread,
and harmed exceedingly these ancient virtues: ’ p. 152
* Koenen however probably goes too far when he speaks of king-worship
among the results of the French immigration: 94.

CHAPTER VI.
THE PASSAGE THROUGH HAMBURG AND THE NORTH.
THE fugitives of a persecution are not apt to be nice about
their destination. It is enough for them to have escaped. More-
over, in a general flight like that of 1685, there were multitudes
who could not afford to choose their future. If, where they
found themselves, they were provided by charity or their handi-
work with the means of subsistence, they were content there to
stay, in spite of small annoyances from the religious or local
mistrust of the inhabitants. Such places were, for the most part,
the cities of transit on the German border to the north. It will
be convenient to treat, together with these, all the places in this
direction whither the huguenots came as it were occasionally
and by chance, together with the organised settlements in
Denmark, Mecklenburg, and Brunswick.
The little East-Frisian port of Emden, now as in the early
days of the reformation the Lord's hospice", was especially
flocked to by fugitives from Metz and other places”. Most of
them, however, passed on into Brunswick or Brandenburg.
Indeed, willing as the town was, it was incapable of receiving
very many. The first minister that arrived was at once attached
by the magistrates to the French church, where he stayed until
* An inscription on the church door used to run, Heer bewaere de Herbarg
diner Gemeene. Another still exists, – Godts kerk vervolgt verdreven Heeft
Godt hyr trost gegeven: Schepken Christi : Wenz, Emden, 46, 48.
* Koenen, 66.
rô86.

64 AIUGUEAWOTS OF THE DASA’ERSZON.
twenty-two years later he was appointed ordinary minister'.
Little more is heard about the refuge in Emden: the like
may be said of Bremen and Luebeck. We should hardly know
of the existence of a French colony at Luebeck but for an in-
cidental notice of the “difficulties’ it encountered from the
Lutheran burghers and of King Frederick the First's good
offices on their behalf”. To Bremen, indeed, Charles Icard,
the translator of Calvin's Institutes, is said to have led a band
of exiles, who were well received by the townspeople and
whose church lasted for a century “: but it is unlikely that their
position was pleasant or less free from embarrassment than
that at Luebeck . For, while the Lutheran states did not close
their gates to the banished Calvinists, they still refused an entry
to guilds and all civil functions: in many cases, as indeed
everywhere in England, the settlers were disqualified from hold-
ing land ". -
Under similar conditions, but far different in respect of
number, was the immigration to Hamburg, overwhelming to the #
resources even of that great city". Most of these refugees,
again, went on into Brandenburg; but the residents were not
few. Many of them were persons of quality", but the more |
part manufacturers of coarse linens, an industry which, by its
export to England alone, had brought France an annual revenue
of 200,oool. Sterling, but which was for ever lost to France
from its establishment in Hamburg in 1692 °. The people of .
the city were at first cordial to the fugitives, and ample col.
* About this Samuel Allart, see Wenz, 132; who notices the additional
benches set in the church on account of the immigration, I 33.
* Erman and Reclam, Mémoires, I. 262.
* Vol. I. 257. * So I infer from Weiss, I. 229.
. . " Erman and Reclam, I. 257 ff.
* Uebersicht der Wanderungen und Niederlassungen Religionsflüchtling: |
nach und in Deutschland, 77 f.; Karlsruhe 1854.
* Historie van de Vervolging, 3. II.4.
* These ‘lockrams' and ‘dowlas’ had been one of the chief industries off
Normandy and Britany: Macpherson, Annals of Commerce, 2. 650; Cp. I
Burn, Refugees in England, 19.
§


7A/AE AWOA’ 7TP/AEA’AV SAEA-A2OA” 7 S. 65
lections were made in the different churches " : but the exclusive
spirit of Lutheranism forbad them, with the Walloon community
to which they attached themselves, the free exercise of their
religion, until a century had elapsed from their first arrival”.
All this time they were forced to attend the French service at
Altona", where, as at Glueckstadt, every liberty was allowed
to the reformed congregation. In these towns the French
found prosperity and engaged themselves with profit in com-
merce and in the whale-fisheries, then greatly the vogue in the
duchy. Holstein also furnished a road into Denmark: but the
readier passage was by Sea. -
The invitation from Copenhagen was among the first answers
to the crusade of 1681. In September", King Christian the
Fifth, moved by his queen, who united the blood and the
charity of the princes of Brandenburg and of Hessen-Cassel",
offered to receive a hundred or a hundred and fifty banished
families Willing to reside in his dominions, and promised Zo
grant them lands and build them churches with full religious
freedom. The added pressure of the queen and her known
goodness induced a small number, in all amounting to a few
hundreds", to direct their flight towards Copenhagen. Two of
* These churches alone contributed IIoo rixdollars; Historie van de
Vervolging, as above.
* Erman and Reclam, 1.261, 265 f. The chapel auf der hohen Bleichen
was built in 1785; Uebersicht der Wanderungen, as above.
* The Walloon community here dates from 1582; the church that served
as well for Hamburg was built shortly after 1686: Erman and Reclam,
I. 264; Uebersicht der Wanderungen, 78.
* This seems to be the date of the Public Letter: Benoît, 4. 492; Koenen,
57; D. L. Clément, Notice sur l'Eglise réformée française de Copenhague;
Copenhagen 1870.
" Queen Charlotte Amalia was the daughter of Wilhelm VI, landgrave
of Hessen-Cassel, and of Hedwig Sophia, sister to the Great Elector. She
died in 1714. . *
* The abbé Jean Novi de Caveirac, who divides by six all figures of the
emigration, allows 50 families or 200 souls: Apologie de Louis XIV, 84
and 87; Paris 1758: for the authorship see Lelong, Bibliothèque historique
de la France, 1.403 b, ed. 1768, Paris, folio. From the lists of Clément we
F
1686.

66 A/UGO/EAVO 7'S OF THAZ /)/SAEAEAESZOAV.
1689. .
Nov. Io.
I73I.
March 4.
1685.
Jan. 3.
instructive comment: p. 13.
the ministers first called hither were among the most illustrious
in France. Philippe Ménard had served the metropolitan
church of Charenton' and was afterwards French chaplain to
William the Third *; Jean de la Placette, ‘one of the pro-
foundest moral philosophers of his day ", had been for five-and-
twenty years minister at Orthèz in Béarn, and he chose his new
post above the more ambitious field opened to him by the
Great Elector *. The French community met for some years
in a private house": the church for them and their German ||
friends", near the Rosenborg Palace, was opened in 1689, and |
a new one on the burning of the first, in 1731 ". The succession |
of its ministers inaugurated by Ménard and La Placette was
maintained unbroken until 1812; since when the church has
been content with one minister.
The Lutheran clergy had resented the tolerance of Christian ||
the Fifth *, the more when it was extended to residents of the
Dutch and German reformed societies, and even to the Jews
Their opposition checked the inflow, and rendered the king's
support half-hearted. His death in 1699 changed the face off
things. Frederick the Fourth, the willing fellow-worker with
get a minimum of 274; pp. 8–13, 36 n. In 1731 the congregation numbered
8oo: p. 15. •
* He came to Copenhagen, November [8] 18 1685: Bulletin, 7. 30.
* He succeeded his brother Jean on the latter's death in 1699: see a #
memorial of M Ménard ‘le cadet' (son of Jean), dated May 31 1716,
among Archbishop Wake's papers in the library of Christ Church Oxford,
vol. 28. . - , tº
* Spittler, Kirchengeschichte. ;'
* He was offered at first to be the minister at Koenigsberg. He ultimately
retired to Utrecht, where he died in 1718: Clément, 37. -
* Where since 1688 they had their presbytery. v
* For the reformed Germans shared the privilege; they had previously
availed themselves of the service in the queen's private chapel.
* Leave for building a church was granted in 1685. A new, the present:
site was given by letters-patent of July 27 1687; and the church was
founded April 20 1688: pp. 4 f.
* When the French jubilee-service was offered in 1789, the presence d
the bishop of Seeland and of many other Lutheran parsons might point an



Jo ZAV/l/AA'A'. 67
his mother, not only saw to the comfort of many new immi--->
grants, but also let the influence of his envoy at Versailles be
happily exerted in the rescue of huguenots from galleys and
jails, and of their women from nunneries. Of these last the
French at Copenhagen long commemorated the Douze Con-
fesseuses by this means saved and brought to their city".
In 1720 a church was established for reformed French and
Germans at Fredericia in Jutland. They seem to have come
chiefly from Brandenburg. Others are said to have introduced
flax and hemp into Iceland”.
The Refuge in Denmark included a few military officers; of
whom was the ancestor of the Irish earls of Lifford, Frédéric
Charles de la Rochefoucault, count de Roye and Ronci, who
was worthily welcomed as grand marshal and commander-in-
chief of the Danish forces *. But the bulk of the settlers were
occupied in husbandry, and here most of all in the cultivation
of potatoes, of the tobacco-plant, which they introduced *, and
of wheat, which they improved.
The settlement in Russia ", such as it was, was effected by
the interest of Friedrich the Third of Brandenburg, who in
1688 directed his special envoy at Moscow, J. Reyer Czapliez,
to persuade their imperial majesties to receive the huguenots
s. * Clément, 6. * Peyrat, Histoire des Pasteurs du Désert, I. 93.
i • The marshal died at Bath 1690. He had been a lieutenant-general
| in the French army: Bulletin, 2. 662; Samuel Smiles, the Huguenots in
England and Ireland, 515; ed. 2, 1868.
* They also introduced turnips and cabbages; Weiss, 2. 298.
" Weiss, 2. 316, has taken from the travels of a suspicious writer, Count
Lagarde, an account of a French colony vaguely described as ‘ on the
banks of the Volga,’ a specification which admits a considerable range
to conjecture. It is said to be commercial and agricultural. The in-
habitants preserve the complete dress of Lewis XIV, with large-skirted
coat and voluminous peruke: “they still express themselves in the classic
idiom of the contemporaries of Corneille and Racine.’ This remarkable
people go yearly to the fair at Makarieff to traffic with the Hindoos. In
the absence of authority and in view of the absurdity of the tale, gross as
i a mountain, open, palpable,_I shall content myself with giving a denial
of such an existence from the mouth of a native of Makarieſ.

F 2
68 AſúſGUEAVOTS OF THE DISPERSION.
into their territory. In consequence of this action a letter of
Grace was issued in the following year', giving free entry to
the empire, and, characteristically enough, free exit as well,—
to any emigrants of the evangelical faith who might choose to
come : their religious liberties were secured, and the govern-
ment-service was opened to them. This leave seems to have
attracted a few refugees: but it is curious that none apparently
availed themselves of the general privilege, preferring the more
immediate protection of individual licenses”. Those who
settled at Moscow had the advantage of the Dutch church, SO
called, which, as the Dutch language was no longer needed,
was devoted to the common worship of the French and German
reformed communities *.
Their position was firmer at Saint Petersburg. When Tsar
Peter built this city he seems to have taken a certain pleasure
in outraging the prejudice of the Orthodox church by giving
all encouragement to Lutherans and Calvinists. The imported
population gave a new tone to the rising capital, different in
manners and civilisation to the rest of Russia. Among the rest ||
a French society grew up; whose church, built in 1723*, and
closely dependent upon the mother-church at Geneva", was
frequented as well by the Swiss, English, and Dutch residents,
Much has been said of an imagined military effect of the
Recall in Russia. A Dutch writer of repute" affirms that, had
* See the Copia des Passes, welchen beyde tzaarischen Majestäten in der
Moskau auf sr churfürstl. Durchl. zu Brandenberg beschehene Recommendation,
in Moritz Posselt, Franz Lefort, 1. 466 f.; Frankfurt-am-Main 1866; and
cp. J. M. Kemble, State-Papers and Correspondence, 388 f.; 1857. !
* Posselt, I. 469. . . .
* In 1699 it employed the services of three ministers: Edward von |
Muralt, Chronik der vereinigten französischen und teutschen reformirten
Gemeinde in Sankt Petersburg, 7; Dorpat 1842. ºf
* Since 1746 it has had a ministry united with that of the reformed!
German community: p. Io. .#
. * The church was in part perhaps built at the charges of the Genevese:
. . . . Weiss, 2. 315.
° N. C. Lambrechtsen van Ritthem, korte Beschrijving van Nieuw Neder;
:- land, 49 f.; Middelburg 1818. ,
... ', ...r " . . . . . -
.* t º * : * > . • ?:, !
*::::::… º.º.º. . . . . . .


A2 U.S.S/A : /2O/AAV/O. 69
it not been for this measure of Lewis the Fourteenth, ‘the
military training of Europe, brought in by French emigrants
and eagerly taken advantage of, would never, or at all events
not at so important a juncture, have been introduced among the
troops of Peter the Great.” Such a statement needs a double
limitation. François Lefort, to whom the real credit of the
| reform is due, was no doubt of French descent, but his family
had lived for two centuries at Geneva. Voltaire, who observes
this ', adds on the other side, ‘What is to be noted, and should
| well refute the hasty blunder of those who pretend that the
recall of the Edict of Nantes and its issues cost France but few
men, is the fact that a third part of this army, this regiment so
called,’—it numbered twelve thousand,-‘ was composed of
French exiles *.’ But here also the case is uncertain. Voltaire
gives the authority of Lefort's manuscripts: but we are hardly
to suppose that the general took pains to ascertain such matter
of detail. How many of these four thousand were actually
French, whether more than three hundred”, must still allow
reasonable question “: and on either hand the source of the
impulse given to Russian discipline remains uncertain.
Sweden and Poland can scarcely be said to have formed
asylums for the scattered French. In Poland, since Sigismund
the Third the ascendant of catholicism had even restored to
the older faith many of the protestants who saw themselves else
excluded from honourable positions in the state". The only
place where the huguenots gained a foothold was Dantzig, and
* Histoire de l'Empire de Russie, ch. vi.; I. I.21; Paris I 759. -
* Vol. I. 125. The assertion is adopted bodily in Baumgarten (Semmler),
Uebersetzung der algemeinen Wellhistorie, 29 (div. 2. vol. 11), ch. iii. sect. iii.
§§ 344, 345; 1765. w
* This number is given by W. Tooke, History of Russia, 2.59; 1800.
* The suspicion is shared by the author of the Uebersicht der Wander-
ungen, 67, and by the not usually overcritical Professor Weiss, 2.314 f.
* See a notice by B. D. Cassius in N. C. Kist and W. Moll's kerkhistorisch
4rchiev, 2.429–441; Amsterdam 1859. :
". . . . . . º , , , - - - ,
Millian il in In l - * ~ *
7o Aſ UGOAZAVO 7'S OF T///E /O/SP/EA’.S/OM.
1686.
here but few '. Some Parisians managed to reach Sweden
with part of their property, by entrusting it to the Swedish
ambassador, Count Lilieroot, or to his secretary Palmeguiste,
who restored the value on their arrival in Holland. King
Charles the Eleventh permitted a subscription to be raised for
them in Stockholm, and gave the exiles certain privileges and
encouragement. But the order to have their children baptised
by the Lutheran ministers prevented any number from availing
themselves of the king's bounty ".
In 1698, however, the Estates-General begged his successor
Charles the Twelfth To take charge of any new emigrants that might
come, and ſo give them lands in his German provinces; for our
ſand, they wrote, shut in by such narrow boundaries, is so crowded :
by the French exiles for theſaith, that it can now support no more”.
And some hundreds were admitted to Royal Pomerania “.
Of the same date was the settlement in Mecklenburg, in
tardy response to an invitation which Duke Christian Ludwig
had put forth so early as 1683. In a Declaration of October 24,
1698, his successor Friedrich Wilhelm provided for the establish- |
ment of some families in the town of Buetzow", where they |
settled in May 17oo. The colony was not longlived: a fire in
the following year spread the French community among their
neighbours of the German reformed discipline; and it needed a
fresh effort on the Duke's part and an offer of increased privi
leges to recall them ". Meantime others had been more happily
entertained at Schwerin and in the village of Tarnow.
In Brunswick, likewise, and from the first, the French met I
with cordial welcome. The dukes of Braunschweig-Wolfen-
buettel and Braunschweig-Bevern aided those who came to the
town of Brunswick, at the same time, perhaps in company, with
* Their church however is noticed as still existent by Erman and Re: ;
clam, I. 281.
* Weiss, 2. 312. * Koenen, 96 n. * Weiss, as above.
* Extended immunities were given by a Declaration of August 1 I699;
Uebersicht der Wanderungen, 77.
* Declaration of September 14 I703: as above. . i

SWAE/DEAV. MECAT, AEAV/3 UA’G : A' A' UAVS IV/CAT. 71
their fellows who went on to inhabit Magdeburg and Halle".
By the first years of the eighteenth century they had a church,
and the community was known for its trade and industry.
The elder house of Braunschweig-Lueneburg had for some
time been strongly influenced by French, and protestant, man-
ners. For Duke Georg Wilhelm of Celle had married a noble
lady fled from the desolation of Poitou. Eléonore d'Esmiers
brought with her many of her country-men and women, and,
as the tyranny at home increased, she attracted to her court
an entire society of exiles of rank . The brother, Ernst
August of Hanover, eagerly followed this example and that of
the elector of Brandenburg. Like the latter, in the month
after the Recall, he issued a Proclamation closely modelled
on those which the hospitality of Holland had suggested. In this
he elaborately set forth the advantages offered to such huguenots
as should enter his dominion *. At the frontier they should
be charged with no duties (art. i.); they should pay no taxes,
except excise, for twenty years upon their settlement (vi).
The duke secured them protection for their persons and
freedom for-their faith: he engaged, when necessary, to pro-
vide a minister “ and a school (ii-v): the houses they lived in
were to be tax-free for ten years; if built by themselves for
twenty-five (vii, viii). A simple oath of fidelity should involve
the rights of citizenship without its burthens" (ix, x). They
might take apprentices, and look for all support from the duke
in establishing their business. Even should any quit the
country during the twenty years of immunity, they should at
their return be received on the old footing (xv).
* Erman and Reclam, I. 276; Uebersicht der Wanderungen, 80.
* Erman and Reclam, I. 274 f.; Uebersicht der Wanderungen, 79 f.
* It may be read in the Historie van de Vervolging, 2.58 f.
* He postulated a congregation of but one hundred. • .
* Immigrants were to be admitted to guilds at reduced charges (x).
While they became natives in the eye of the law (xii), they were at liberty
to name an arbiter for their own suits (xiii), and to dispose of property as
, they pleased; only the property of intestates was necessarily to follow the
law of the land (xiv). - w
1685.
[Nov. 21
Dec. I.
72 AſOGUEAVO 7'S OF 7A/E DASA’EAES/OAV.
: ‘2 º' . - -
... ." . . ." . . . . . . . . . .
* **, * | - : ! *, *, *, * * -
ſ k ſ *** - u-141 – in-u ill-ii, 4 m. --
. . . . .”
ità, in
The Declaration immediately drew fugitives to Hameln and
Hanover. In the former town, unlike any other in Germany,
the Lutheran community opened its church to them *: the
influence of the duke was for once stronger than the traditions
of sect”. In Hanover the duchess built a church in the
Neustadt“, and the duke, by a liberal admission to the civil and
military services “, secured a greater importance to the colony
than its numbers alone might warrant. It shortly gained also |
a certain political significance in the dynastic arrangements of
England, by the intercourse it held with the exiles in this
country and in Holland ".
It was at these courts that the French first proved that
gracious and civilising power afterwards conspicuous in the
society of Berlin. At Celle and Hanover French was spoken
as purely as in Paris; and a refinement altogether new began |
to inform the relations of the German principalities". The
court in general, wrote Toland in 1705, is extremely polite, and
even in Germany it is accounted the best both for civility and
decorum ". - -
We have now reviewed the leading circumstances of the
dispersion to the north. Its course lay roughly by sea or
through the Netherlands; so that its character is doubly northern,
and of a different feature altogether to that, mixed up with
vaudois, which poured in upon Germany from Switzerland
and down the Rhine. The colony in Brandenburg shares the
characteristics of both, and calls on every ground for a separate
treatment. Before passing to these, the history of the Refuge i
in England must have its place; and it will not unfitly follow
that in Brunswick. .
* Afterwards there was a separate French church: Uebersicht der Wander: i.
wngen, 79.
* The only parallel I can recall is that at Carlshafen in Hesse, where the º
same building was used by both sects: Koehler, Réfugiés in Preussen und
Kurhessen, 70. .
* J. Toland, Account of the Courts of Prussia and Hanover, 56; 1705, quarto,
ºh
}
* Erman and Reclam, I. 273.
|
- * Weiss, I. 23o. #.
* Kemble, 386. " Prussia and Hanover, 53. i !

-:
CHAPTER VII.
THE REFUGE UNDER THE STUARTS : THE FRENCH QUARTERS OF
LONDON.
THE huguenot migration to England was complicated in a
signal degree by political considerations. Not only was this
government deeply compromised in regard to France, but there
was also a constant tendency to see in the persecution itself a
reflexion of their own measures affecting the catholics; and
from this sense of being in a sort responsible, and not liking to
admit it, there grew a desire to wash their hands of the un-
welcome consequences. A few extracts of the time will make
this clear.
Even in the spring of 1668 Thomas Thynne had written to
Lord Clarendon from Stockholm, The French, whose cause wants
many more colours than it will bear, endeavour to make his majesty
the author of the horrid persecutions the reformed religion under-
goes in France ; and that that king does it only in retaliation of
the late proclamation against papists *. With this remark at the
beginning, we may compare that of Bishop Burnet at the end,
of the tyranny; he was in Paris until the August before the
Recall. As far as I could judge, he says, the affairs of England
gave the last touch to that matter”. -
Meantime, in 1679, Henry Savile, the English ambassador at
the capital, wrote in a like tenour: The archbishop of Paris
and the père de la Chaise do all that they can to prevail with this
* T. H. Lister, Life of Clarendon, 3. 446 f.; 1837.
* History of his own Times, I. 655; I 724, folio.
166(718.
[Feb. 27] .
Mar. 8.
1685.
1679. -
June 5.
- 74 Aſ UGOAZAVO 7'S OF 7//E /D/SA/EAS/O M.
1679.
June [2] 12.
I68I.
July 5.
king to make him revenge the quarrel of the English catholics upon ;
the French protestants, who tremble for year of some violent persecu.
tion, and are ready to go into England in such vast numbers as |
would be a great advantage to the nation, if you would by easy
naturalization make it in the least easy to them. I find those who
are rich are a/raid our king should meddle with their concerns, H
but ſhe crowd and the number falk of moſhing but the necessity of
his declaring himself proſector of the whole protestant religion,
and live upon the hope of seeing that glorious day".
The reply of his brother, Lord Halifax, was a cordial expres-
sion of approval. I am sure, said he *, we must renounce all good
sense if we do not encourage them by all possible invitalions. Il
haſh ever been so much my principle that I have wondered at our
neglecſing a thing we ought to seek ; and those that have not zeal |
enough to endeavour if for the preserving of our religion, mighl
have wit enough to do it for the increasing our trade. No step
was however taken. Probably Charles the Second felt that
the heat of the Exclusion Bill was scarcely a prudent juncture i
to select for risking an estrangement from Lewis”; and the
matter lapsed until the edict of July the Fifth, 1681, empower.
ing children of seven years' age to change their faith, was
issued. On the day of its appearance Savile reported ‘; Theº
poor people are in such fear that they hurry their children out of
France in shoals ... I will confidently aver, he added, that had ||
a Bill of Maturalization been passed in England last winter, ther
had been at least fifty thousand passed over by this time. A little
-----sº
* The despatch goes on to say, “All protestants are turned out of all
places except just the gens de robe, but all in the finances, and all the
common soldiers in the guards are cashiered, which would be no disad Î
vantage to you in a dispute with this crown, for you would have them all
if you pleased' : Savile Correspondence, 93. -
* Pp. 97 f.
* Similar considerations seem to have prevented the measure of natu- .
ralisation being brought forward next year: Halifax, as before, 176. Its
defeat, when introduced in 1681 and 1694, was due purely to the protective
spirit of boroughs and corporations: Agnew, protestant Exiles, I. 36.
* Savile Correspondence, 20I n.
k


SC///E///ZS OF AZA'AAAA’A 77OAV. 75
later he again insists' on the number of seamen and persons of ſº.
wealth anxious to emigrate. -
At length the spirit of the government was roused. Sir
Leoline Jenkyns, in his despatch, said “, What you write of the º
poor profestam/s of that side is great sense and a noble compassion. § 7.
On this day se’emmight there was a memorial, drawn by some of
them already come over, read before his majesty in council. His
majesty ordered leſſers to be immediately prepared for his royal
signature to my lord of London and my lord mayor” for the
making a speedy collecſion to answer in some measure their present
necessilies . . Besides this collection, there is a brief directed to be
issued out all the Kingdom over; and his majesty haſh this day
agreed to everything in the report and advice of!he committee. *
The Proclamation * referred to offered to the immigrants º
Lellers of denization under the great seal without any charge
whatsoever, and likewise such ſurfher privileges and immunities
as are consistent with the laws for the liberty and free exercise of
their trades and handicrafts. The king further promised to
submit to parliament a general Bill of Naturalisation", while he
placed the exiles for a time on a level with home-born subjects
in regard to taxes and admissibility to schools and colleges.
Lastly, with the view of securing their immediate relief, so far
as might be, he named the archbishop of Canterbury and the
bishop of London" To receive their requests and petitions.
* Savile Correspondence, 2Io; L. von Ranke, französische Geschichte, 3.523,
gives the date as the I Ith. * Savile Correspondence, 213 f.
* Printed at once as a broadside in folio: his Majesties Letters to the Bishop
of London and the Lord Mayor. They bear date July 22, and commence,
‘Whereas we are given to understand that a great number of persons and
whole families of protestants in the kingdom of France have lately with-
drawn themselves from thence,’ &c.
* Benoit, 4. 491 f.: Bishop Kennett, complete History of England, 3.
403; 1706, folio, where the date is once misprinted August 28. L. von
Ranke is a month more inexact, giving September 28. The proclamation
is printed at length in Cooper's preface to his Lists of foreign Protestants
and Aliens, xviii. f.; Camden Society 1862, quarto.
* Cp. above, p. 74, n. 3.
"At a later date, January 15 1696, these dignitaries were placed at the
- & - 3. - i
* . . - w . y
. . . . . . . . . . . -
+... - .. . - *
| | | - - - : —
76 AſOGUEAVO TS OF 7A/A2 /)/S/2Z.A.S/O M.
I681.
Aug. 20.
and ships and houses were searched at Dieppe, Havre, and Honfleur:
|
This concession, hard won as it was, is of the first import.
ance in the huguenot history of the time. Pou cannot imagine,
wrote Savile, from Paris, the joy here upon the news of the care the
King is pleased to have of the profesſan/s who seek refuge in
England. Wo question but he will soon be sensible of the good
effects of it. One effect of the Declaration is full of moment'.
When, says Rulhière”, the noise of it reached Lewis, Marillac {
was at once recalled from Poitou ; and the terror was for the
time suspended.
It was not too soon. The English pamphlets of the day'
are full of notices of the number and the need of the fugitives,
and of their especial influx into England. They come hither,
we read in one *, in troops almost every day, and the greatest parl
of them with no other goods but their children. Another" tells |
head of the French Committee to add weight to its endeavours against the
proselytising activity of the French ambassador; but, on the remonstrance ||
of the French church in London, the king refused his consent to the
arrangement: Mémoires envoyés de Londres, 68 f. & 83 ff.; Cologne 1699,
duodecimo. This curious little volume throws an unpleasant light on the
internal affairs of the French society in London. In the form of a history
of the French Committee, it clothes a bitter attack on the honesty and
public spirit of some of its members, the ministers Satur, Brocas, and dº
la Mothe, mere placemen, in the view of the tract, and employing ever,
artifice to maintain their position of influence: Io-I4, 86. -
* Savile Correspondence, 21.4 n.
* Vol. I. 221 ; A. Michel, Louvois, 37 f.
* To those cited in subsequent notes may be added such tracts as thi
great Pressures and Grievances of the Protestants of France, by E. E. [Edmond||
Everard] 1681, folio: which translates the Edict of Nantes and the Dº
claration of April 2 1666, with a running, and no friendly, commentary. |
* The present State of the Protestants in France, in three Letters, 4; 1681, i.
quarto. Compare the notice of Narcissus Luttrell, July 20 1681, brid
historical Relation of State-Affairs, I. II2; Oxford 1857: and an Harangulº
to the King by a Minister of the French Church in the Savoy, October 1,
1681; a broadside. : ... ."
* True and perfect Account of the new invented Way of persecuting tº
Protestants in France, 3 f.; 1682 folio: where we learn further that sing -
September 1681 fugitives had been forbidden to take with them any good;
at all. According to Johann Beck this prohibition was at work earlieſ;
g
*
t
t





THE RECEPTION UWDZR CHARZZS THE SECOWD. 77
how The people, being thus perplexed, begun in July to draw
towards Rochelle, and seek a retreal into the profesſant princes'
countries, in England chiefly, under the right defender of the faith.
Their joy at the issue of the Declaration ,—A masterpiece of
providence they called it, knew no bounds: We love you,
exclaimed a huguenot pastor, addressing Charles, we love you as
a God on earſh, for such you are *.
The political storm of the time unfortunately did not leave
them long in this ecstasy. The rumour went abroad that the
king intended to devote the money collected for them to the
support of those hated foreigners his catholic agents. Men
came to look askance at the refugees; suspicious of their true
character, they refused to subscribe for their necessities *.
Though Charles went so far as to publish an Advertisement
with the express view of shutting out the calumny, the standing
of the French was for some time anything but pleasant; they
had constantly to procure letters testimonial to their sober,
harmless, innocent “ way of life, and were seldom received on the
equal footing of religion by the working men into whose com-
pany they were for the most part thrown.
Relation, June 28 and July 5 1680 and April II 1681; in L. von Ranke,
3. 517.
* “The refugees ought to be most sensible of the extraordinary favours
they daily receive here in England:” P.L. true and faithful Narrative of
the late barbarous Cruelties and hard Usages exercised by the French against
Protestants in Rochel, 4; 1681, folio.
* Harangue, as above. ‘The French ministers,’ says the historian Paul de
Rapin de Thoyras, ‘ thought themselves under such obligations to the king,
that they were amongst the most forward to display his virtues in their
sermons... I myself remember to have heard a preacher in the church of
the Savoy launch out into the profanest flattery:’ History of England, 2.
760 f., English translation, ed. 3, 1743, 1744, folio. Was he present at
this Harangue?
* State of the Protestants in France, 4; Agnew, I. 26. -
* Letter signed by the vicar and principal people of Rye, April 18 1682:
“we believe them to be falsely aspersed for papists and disaffected persons,
no such thing appearing unto us by the conversation of any of them:’
cited by W. D. Cooper, in the Sussex archaeological Collections, 13. 201;
Lewes 1861. . .
#
I68I.
Oct. 29
78 AFUCUAEAVO 7'S OF 7//E D/SAEERS/OAW.
1685.
. Autumn.
Hague, September Io 1688; London 1689, quarto.
The king's regard for his new subjects was, however, plain,
His double manifesto served as a warning to Lewis ; and the
Edict of Nantes continued in name to subsist. It is upon the
death of Charles, partly no doubt as an incitement to his suc-
cessor's aims, that we see the more sustained defiance, the final
recall, of the huguenots' charter. Domestic reasons, indeed,
produced the last measure at a moment inopportune for James
the Second : his own concerns were for once left unconsidered,
and he was now placed in a situation of peculiar embarrassment.
Just as he was about to ask of his Parliament concessions to
Roman catholics, his hopes were arrested by the firm sense
of the people that the Recall, to them the most unsufferable
tyranny, was the legitimate outcome of the very system by
which they were themselves menaced. James saw the ground
cut from beneath his feet: he was driven to take up a new
position'. So, when the huguenots poured into England, The
king was the more bountiful to them, that he might seem to con-
demn their persecution for conscience; the liberty zºhereof he
professed to be his principle and practice”. He promised a
collection in all churches for their support *; And the people
of England were more especially liberal on this occasion ; becaust
they began to think it might be their own case, and must be every-
where the effect of popery and arbitrary power". -
But public feeling was soon divided, in suspicion of the
king or of the exiles he made a show of welcoming. It was
whispered that the royal Briefs Were designed by the court for |
* Lingard ascribes the change to the wise and conciliatory endeavours of
Cardinal Adda: History of England, Io. Io2 ; ed. 6, Dublin 1874. -
* Kennett, 3. 472. . . . Agnew, I. 59.
* Kennett, as above. How this argument was insisted upon afterwards
to prevent the refugees from taking advantage of the Declaration for
Liberty of Conscience, may be seen from such tracts as a Letter from several #.
French Ministers, fled into Germany upon Account of the Persecution in France, : }
to such of their Brethren in England as approved the King's Declaration, 6 f, i.
S. l. aut a., quarto, [translated by W. Wake, according to Anthony a Wood], i.
Cp. also Bishop Burnet's Letter to Mr. Thevenot, &c., 56, dated from the ºf
** *
j, |





7A7/2 CAE/AA/GAE OF RUZAE. 79
the maintenance of French papis/s, thał were invited over to serve
the king's designs'; or else That it was but a piece of policy in
order to curry favour with his protestant subjects *. The first
rumour was soon disappointed: the collection was not ordered
until several months had elapsed from the date of James's
Ostentatious promise. The popular mind was excited *; but
the king's policy remained obstinate. When the count de
Bonrepaux came at the close of 1685 charged, among other
commissions, to entice back the huguenots to France ", he was
received at the court with effusive display"; and it was chiefly
through his influence that the Brief on which the collection
hung was not issued until the following spring". It could
indeed be deferred no longer; but the king did his best to
reduce it to a perfunctory ceremony. He told the archbishop
of Canterbury to forbid any reference to the occasion of the
national almsgiving, in the sermons before it was made"; the
Order was to be read without comment *. -
James had by this time sufficiently shewn his reluctance to
shelter the exiles. He had withdrawn the proclamation in their
* It will hardly be believed that men recurred to this charge even in
1699; yet we have the word of Isaac de Larrey for it: Histoire de l’Angle-
terre, 4.342; Rotterdam I 713, folio.
* Quoted by Kennett, as above: see also P. de Rapin, 2.760.
* The silence of the Gazette with reference to the French troubles was the
theme of angry comment: see Evelyn's Diary as early as November 3 1685:
cited by Mr Agnew, as above.
* Macaulay, 2.51 f.
* Agnew, I. 30.
" ‘By the interest of the French ambassador,’ says Evelyn, April 25
1686, ambiguously. Mr Agnew adds that of Lord Chancellor Jeffreys, by
whom the Brief had to be signed: I. 59 f.
" Mr Agnew, as above, cites from the Brief the destination of the fund now
collected, to ‘persons of quality and all such as through age and infirmity
are unable to support themselves and their families’; and compares the
notice of Evelyn, April 15 1688: ‘The persecution still raging in France,
1686.
March 20.
April 23.
and many very considerable and great persons flying hither produced a .
second great collection.’
Af * Barillon, [February 22] March 4, in Macaulay, 2, 78 n. Cp. sup-
plementary note iv, • .


8O AſOGOEAVO 7'S OF 7A/AE DASA/EA’SZOAV.
May 5.
1686.
July 24.
were seduced into trusting themselves once more to the mercy
of Lewis the Fourteenth. The king, we hear in July 1686, is
favour *; and now, at the call of Barillon, he condemned a
tract of Jean Claude's, which in telling of their overthrow sinned
rather in the completeness of its facts and the conviction of its
reasoning than in any false bias, to be publicly burnt”. But
even Barillon saw he had gone too far: Lewis, he hinted in
his despatch, must regard such demands for the future as in-
expedient, the feeling of the people never having been so greatly
roused since James's accession *. The very means, in fact,
that had been taken to discourage public sympathy on behalf
of the refugees, worked together with the steps of home-policy
to produce an entirely contrary effect. The nation raised a
splendid fund of relief, and left no opportunity unused of
shewing the exiles the kindness they sorely needed.
These had come over certainly in great numbers: Some few,
only, brought or had privately sent over sufficient effects with them;
but far greater numbers came in a true state of persecution, emply
and naked, to depend on the hospitality and charity of this good.
matured kingdom *. It is true that the mission of Bonrepaux
was not entirely without fruit, and that several hundred refugees'
said to be inviting back his subjects from all parts, especially the
handicraft part of them, whose departure is said to have much
prejudiced his revenue, and promiseth them his toleration ; though
it doth not appear that they are forward to believe that an Order
of Council can preserve what the Edict of Wantes could not". On
the contrary London became fuller every day; and free Letters
* Macaulay, 2.77.
* The order to burn les Plaintes des Protestants appeared in the Gazell,
of May 8: Cooper, Savile Correspondence, 28 n. 2. ' .
* Mr Agnew states, on the authority of the memoirs of Sir John Bramston,
that the book was burnt in the French, as well as in the English trans,
lation: 3. 22 ; cp. I. 3o, and Macaulay, 2.77 f. -
* Kennett, 3.472.
* Weiss reckons 507 in the spring of 1686; 1. 292 : Mr Agnew gives
253 on May 5; I. 3o. t
* Letter in the Ellis Collection, cited by Mr Agnew, as above.

7HZ INFLUX OF 1685. 8 I
of denization were granted with growing frequency and to in-
creasing numbers'. The religious wants of the French
population in the City had hitherto been satisfied by the
London Walloon Church in Threadneedle-street”: now a new
one was established in Aldersgate" by Letters under the great
Seal, and made subject to the direction of the English primate.
The following year saw two churches spring up in the Spital
Fields “beyond Shoreditch, and one in Hungerford-market by
the Strand *. The Official account of the relief-committee *
reported in December that 13,500 refugees had been helped
in London during the year, as well as 2000 at the sea-ports".
They were all artificers, labourers, and the like *, excepting 143
ministers, who received a fixed support, and whose children were
apprenticed or placed in household service, at the expense of
the committee, and some 283 families of persons of quality",
* See the lists in Cooper, foreign Protestants, 39–59, or more completely
in Mr Agnew's first volume.
* As early as 1549 the French had shared the Dutch church in Austin-
friars: in the following year they obtained this one of their own. Having
been destroyed in the fire of 1666 it was quickly rebuilt, and opened for
Service April 2 1667: Burn, foreign protestant Refugees, 24.
* The migrations of this church are many. From its first site in Jewin-
street it was removed, November 8 1691, to Brewers' Hall: then from
February 26 1693 it had only a room in Buckingham-house, College Hill;
and it did not settle down to its final place in S Martin's Lane, S Martin-
Ongar, until April 20 1701, its new lease having been confirmed by act of
Parliament, February 3 I699 : pp. I53–155.
* The Église de l'Hôpital received the king's license August 11, while
that of S. Jean, Swan Fields, seems to date from October 2: pp. 165 ff,
178 f. Cp. Waddington, Protestantisme en Normandie, 17 n.
* Smiles, Huguenots, 342.
* For the history of the Royal Bounty see supplementary note v.
" Extract out of the Books of Account, &c., a folio of one sheet among the
Ashmolean tracts, numbered F. I. xxxv. in the Bodleian catalogue. This
copy is without date of year: the report however was published March 19
I688 according to Weiss, who consulted the original in the State Paper
office: I. 286.
* Such were set up in their occupation, furnished with tools, and taken
Care of. & w
° Of these alone the number was 140 families, ‘constantly supplied by
. G
I686.
July 16.
1687.

82 Aſ UGO EAWOTS OF 7"HE /D/SAAEA'S/OAV.
I688.
Sept. 4.
weekly allowances.’ Their children were sent ‘to the best trades,” or ‘into
the suburbs: about the same time Stepney also lost S Ann's, Limehouse:
lawyers, physicians, merchants, and tradesmen. Besides the
three in London twelve churches had been established at the
committee's charges in the several counties. Such was the
charity of one year. In the next, the French ministers in and
about the city of London were incorporated, with power to
purchase lands and build houses ; the same Letters-patent
providing for the erection of three new churches, in the Spital
Fields", Soho ", and Leicester Fields*.
These names bring to mind three of the most palpable
monuments of the immigration. The peopling of the waste
Spital Fields “was entirely due to the French : in a generation
nine churches had arisen there *, and the workmen were SO
his majesty's troops,'—the latter to the number of about 150,—others into
Germany or the northern parts.
* This church, distinguished from that in Soho as La Nouvelle Patente,
first met in Glovers' Hall, January 30 1689: moving into Paternoster.
row, Spitalfields in 1707 and into Crispin-street ten years later, it was
ultimately fixed in Brown's Lane: Burn, 168–173.
* On September 4, says Kennett, M Daillon ‘solicited a patent for the
erecting a nonconformist and independent French church in Sohoe-Fields;
which was readily, granted: and from hence it is that the French call that
meeting-house La Patente to this very day:’ 3. 472. This was of course |
after the Declaration of Indulgence: cp. Macaulay, 2. 211 f.—The church |
was opened in 1689 in Berwick-street, nearly opposite Fryingpan-alley, but ||
permanently settled in 1694 in Little Chapel-street, Wardour-street. It had
a consistory of its own, but ten ministers served in common also for its
fellow in Spitalfields: Burn, 149 ff., 168 n. |
* The suspicion is forced upon me that this church, which is known to
have existed first in Glasshouse-street, was that same wooden chapel which
James II had first set up on Hounslow Heath. Strype records its removal|
thence in his edition of Stow's Survey, 2. 1337; 1720, folio. A new I
building for the French church, was opened in Leicester Fields in 1699:
Burn, I 34–I37, I 38 f. |
* We may see the Fields in their open, but partly wooded, stretch in
such prints as Cornelius Dancker's Londini Epitome et Ocellus, Amsterdam
1647,-a panoramic view.
* See below, supplementary note vi. Spitalfields did not become a parish
until 1727, when Christ-church was completed: England illustrated, 2.47;
1764, quarto. The date represents a considerable activity in this part of



SP/7AzFZEZDS AND SAINT GILES’.S. 83
many and so busy that the silk-manufacture of London was
multiplied twenty-fold'. It is hard to realise in the dense alleys
of to-day the lanes bordered by hedgerows and shaded with
elms” in the latter years of the seventeenth century. Yet the
population of Bethnal Green, part of the same colony, which,
from its centre, we name after Spitalfields, but which extended
from Aldgate and Bishopsgate far into east and north, bears
even now evident marks of its foreign descent *.
The settlement westward of Temple Bar had assumed con-
siderable proportions by the first year of James the Second,
when two Acts of Parliament (cc. 20 & 22) carved the new
parishes of Saint Ann, Soho, and Saint James, Piccadilly, out
of Saint Martin’s-in-the-fields*. It is not of course pretended
that this growth was wholly or even mainly due to the French
immigration. But judging from the churches and from the
notices of the foreign complexion of much of these parishes,
it is impossible to disguise the prominence of the new comers
in their formation. Before this, indeed, the services in the
chapels of Somerset-house" and of the Savoy-palace" had
been found inadequate, and new congregations had been
b
S George's-in-the-East; and S Matthew's, Bethnal Green: and S Luke's
| was carved out of S Giles's, Cripplegate: S. Lewis, topographical Dictionary
of England and Wales, 2. 121; 1831, quarto.
“It is usual to regard as a creation of the immigration of 1685 the
district of Petty France, which occupies nearly the site of New Broad
Street: see W. Maitland, History of London, 2. 795; ed. J. Entick, 1775,
folio. It occurs however as ‘a large place and generally well-built.”
in the 1603 edition of Stow's Survey, 62; reprinted by W. J. Thoms,
| 1876. h - -
| “As in Petticoat-lane, where once the ambassador Gondomar is said to
| have lived: Burn, 179 f.
* Isaac Taylor, in Agnew, I. 64 f.
‘Macpherson, Annals of Commerce, 2.62o.
-ſ
: had been moved here when the former was burnt down in 1653: it was not
i exchanged for the Anglican office until 1711: Burn, 108 f.
"An Order in council of March Io 1661 had established a French
i | Congregation in the refectory of the Savoy with an episcopal service and
tº subject to the jurisdiction of the bishop of London. It was carried into
} \, . G 2
* The presbyterian service in the chapel of Durham-house in the Strand
1685.




84 Aſ UGUEAVO 7'S OF 7"HAE /)/SAEEA’S/OAV.
1672.
1675.
1689 the Cock-and-pye Fields in Saint Giles's began to be
formed in Castle-street, near Leicester-square", and in Spring
Garden, Whitehall”. But in the generation following the Recall
no less than ten churches sprang up in these parts. From
covered with clusters of houses, their names as yet untainted
with the squalid associations of the Seven Dials”, scattered
down the fresh slope than ran to the Strand from Saint Giles's
church and the fields above High Holborn. Westward the
hamlet that had gathered round the duke of Monmouth's palace
grew into a town, as it encroached upon its site, the now
deserted Soho Fields, and in time engrossed it. To the south
the French had their market at Hungerford * and then in
what is now Little Newport-street, still conspicuous for its un.
English look. Separate from Covent Garden, it was better
suited as well to their means as to their tastes, and the F
inventive genius of the race taught them to make use of, and
effect July 14. In June 1675 the king granted to the dean and chapter of
Westminster 60l. for ‘the preaching ministers of the French church of the
Savoy... in addition to what is already allowed them from the same church
according to his majesty's Order in Council.” In 1731 the building became
ruinous, and the people dispersed to the chapel of Spring Garden or to Les
Grecs; in 1737 it was finally abandoned. This episcopal congregation,
oddly enough, traces its origin to the inconvenient distance of the strongly
Calvinistic church in Threadneedle-street. Hence from 1641 the duke of .
Soubize maintained a service in his own house, which he opened to his
countrymen of the neighbourhood: Burn, Io9–113. When situated in the
Savoy, it came to be the fashion for the English nobility to attend, just
as the English church is affected by the upper classes at the Hague: ;
Smiles, 341.
* The chapel was built on the east side of Castle-street, a little above
Hemming's-row, at the expense of the government: it afterwards was
moved to Moor-street, Soho : Burn, 151 f.; Smiles, 342.
#!
* It should seem to have been a chapel of ease to the Savoy; whence it
was also known as the Little Savoy. Its rebuilding, after a fire in 1716.
opened a new epoch of prosperity for the church, and it replaced and surf
vived the Great Savoy: Burn, 137 f.; cp. J. Armand Dubourdieu, Appealſ);
the English Nation, 81 ; 1718. -
* Lewis, as above; Macpherson, 2.644. º
* The topography of this part of the then suburbs may be recovere
from some papers in the Gentleman's Magazine of 1829 and 1831.



SEVEV D/AZS AND SOHO. 85.
even bring into vogue, food which the habit of the time dis-
carded . The church hard by was fondly named La Charen-
ton, simula/aque magni's Pergama, -a humble image of the
Superb mother-church. Very soon, indeed, the annoyances of
the catholics near drove the community to seek a different
abode, where this memory was forgotten : but another was
stored up in La Tremblade, this new church of theirs in
West Street”, which kept in mind the seaport on the coast
of Aunis, the little town well peopled of Jacques Fontaine's
narrative *, whence so many of the fugitives from La Rochelle
embarked. .
Of the churches in Soho the Greek church in Hog-lane * in
time swallowed up all the others, and remains alone in the west
of London", still flourishing in its new place in Bloomsbury-
street. “Les Grecs’ should claim a notice, were it but that it
lives for us in Hogarth's picture of Moon; as Lamb reminds us
when he tells of ‘those heroic confessors, who, flying to this
* The case of the ox-tails, which the French rescued from the fell-
mongers, is notorious: Burn, 258.
* The register of La Charenton extends from 1701 to 1704 or 1705;
that of La Tremblade, otherwise known as La Pyramide, carries it on from
1706 to 1741 or 1743. But the congregation was older. ‘The church in
West Street,’ we read in a letter addressed to the bishop of London, in
Burn, 144, ‘is not new, although it meets in a new place. It was first
established in Weld-house more than ten years ago, with the express per-
mission of my lord bishop.’ So that 1696 is its latest date; while the
reference to the “insults of papists’ might place it even earlier than the
Revolution. Cp. Smiles, 467.
* Mémoires, I61–173.
* The register, according to Mr Smiles, extends only from 1703 to 1731 ;
but an earlier beginning may be inferred from the archbishop of Samos's
Account of his building the Grecian Church in So-hoe Feilds, a broadside of
1682, which relates that Charles II had made a grant for this church in
1674, that the archbishop had carried out the work in 1676, but that its
services, through their distance from the city, were unavailable to his
countrymen, and by the date of the account had been disused. The
permanence of the name should argue an immediate or at least a speedy
transfer of the church to the French.
fºx. —, " : i__. Tº - *- ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
* For that in Westbourne Grove is a new-fangled church, unconnected
with the early immigration, and unlike them partly propagandist.
86 ATUGUEAVO 7'S OF 7///2 DZS/2/EA’.SZOAV.
country from the wrath of Louis the Fourteenth and his
dragoons, kept alive the flame of pure religion in the sheltering
obscurities of Hog-lane and the Seven Dials '.' We are now
to trace them at the sea-ports and spreading their work and
example of work throughout the country.
* Essays of Elia, ‘The South-sea House.’

CHAPTER VIII.
THE DISPERSION IN ENGLAND AND AMERICA.
OF the French who came to the English coast, like those
who reached the German sea-ports, many left their destiny
to the sea that furnished them a road, and where it landed
them they stayed; but others, of a higher rank in social
estimation, gathered about some known, protector, whose in-
fluence might gain them the means of exercising their re-
ligious offices, and whose house, if need were, might furnish
them a shelter. Conspicuous among these was the marquess
de Ruvigny, the aged chief of the huguenots, once their
guardian at the French court, now at the English, whose sons
were also to appear prominent in the history of the Refuge
in Ireland; the younger, La Caillemotte, by his command at
the Boyne, where he fell, opening the way for the colonies
which his brother Henry, earl of Galway, planted at Port-
arlington, and encouraged everywhere in the island. The
father gained for his friends at Greenwich the goodwill of the
people and the privilege of worship in the parish church"; and
he assembled round him his old comrades in war, with states-
men and men of letters; so that the village was sought after as
a first and natural resort by fugitives of rank or position, until
the removal of his son into Hampshire carried the more part
with him, or scattered them about Westminster, Soho, and
Marylebone. What remained were chiefly the sea-folk, ship-
Wrights and provisioners.
* Evelyn records a service here in 1687, which about a hundred attended.
It was the English service done into French, succeeded by a sermon: the
French church in London-street is mentioned in 1709: Burn, 116 f.
88 A/UCOEAVO 7'S OF 7//E Z)/SAEAEA’.S/O M.
Southampton thus received a circle of persons of considera-
tion, of which the centre lay hard by, at Rookly, Lord Galway's
house. The colony he attracted long preserved the high-bred
characteristic which he imparted to it, and which was worthily
maintained by Philibert d'Hervart, baron of Huningen, once
William the Third's Envoy at Geneva". But these were not
the only French society here. Southampton, since the days of
Edward the Sixth”, had received an unbroken influx of refugees
from the channel islands*, from Valenciennes, Lille, and the
sea-ports of northern France. Now their numbers were swollen
by the emigrants of Normandy, Upper Languedoc, and, above
all, Poitou. The church of God's House near the harbour had
of old been their property, and it still preserves the record of
former exile and its refuge here *.
Colonies of a like origin are found lining the south coast,
and reach from Severn to Thames. To the west, churches
grew up at Bristol", Barnstaple", Bideford, Plymouth", Stone-
* He died here in 1721 : Smiles, 348 & 476. His father's name I have
before, p. 9, spelt Herward, the original form, but doubtfully; for I cannot
ascertain when the word became French. * Burn, 80.
* These in their turn served as a refuge to the exiles of the Recall:
Mémoires et Observations faits par un Voyageur en Angleterre, 363; the
Hague 1698, duodecimo. The author is Misson de Valbourg; Barbier,
3. 222 : and his christian name, Maximilian (not Henry); Agnew, 2. II.
* This chapel of S Julian, as it was otherwise called, was a foundation |
of Henry III, which Edward III had given to the Queen's College at .
Oxford: Burn, 82. Its French register begins in 1567 and runs to 1797;
an interesting choice of its entries may be read collected in Smiles. With {
the adoption of the Anglican liturgy in 1712 the style of the church was
changed to the Protestant Episcopal French Church : Smiles, 134–140 ||
and 471–481. ...” " . i
* Service was held in the mayor's chapel of S Mark the Gaunt, its i
register beginning May 29 1687; until a new church was built for the
French in 1726: Burn, 123 ff. .
* The service in the high school-room is not certainly traceable before i
1705 or perhaps I 703: pp. 131 f. * :
" The Église Française Conformiste standing in How-street is mentioned
in I70I. Its congregation melted into that of Stonehouse about 1778;
pp. I25 ff. w
7///E SOU 7// CO_1,S7. 89
house', Dartmouth *, and Exeter". From the outset of the
dispersion — from those few who resided outside /čochelle, and
who came in the autumn of 1681 * downwards—we have re-
peated notices of ships arriving at Plymouth filled with fugitives.
Some of these brought industries with them : there were workers
in silk and cotton at Bideford", tapestry-makers at Exeter.
But coming as most did from Poitou, Saintonge, and Guienne,
from Nantes and La Rochelle", their main interest lay naturally
in shipping and commerce.
At Bristol in 1682 it was proposed to give the French just
settled there the fines levied on the dissenters of the city ", and
in other grotesque ways we may learn the distressed state of
the new comers, and the kindly feeling with which they were
received. The good folk of Barnstaple, said Jacques Fontaine”,
who had made his escape in an English ship, and reached the
Devon coast at Appledore, shewed themselves /ull of compassion
in our regard: they made us welcome in their houses, and entrealed
us with affectionale care. Thus has God given us fathers, mothers,
brothers, sisters, in this strange land.
An old building at the end of Shute-street was granted by the lord of
the manor to a French congregation about 1692, and their worship there
lasted for a century: pp. 127 ff. -
* The church at Dartmouth is at least coeval with that at Stonehouse,
but it is not heard of after 1748; p. 131. Its nonconformist character is
shewn by a letter of July 5 1723 among the Wake papers, 27. nr II9. .
° S Olave's church, for which the parishioners had no use, was appro-
priated to the French shortly after the Recall: Burn, 129 ff. l
* Gazette cited in the Ulster journal of Archaeology, 3. 214; Belfast 1855,
quarto. The Historie van de Vervolging reckons 300 refugees in the town
by the winter of 1685 : 3.62. Their poverty and number appealed above
most to the national charity.
* The French silk-manufacture had existed here since 1650. The congre-
gation was broken up about 1760 : Burn, 132 f. .
" This suggestion of the corporation,-verily &AAov tarpès airós Area,
8püov,-is quoted from a periodical publication in Smiles, 349 n.
' Letter of Mme de Soyres, widow of the last French minister at Bristol,
March 7 1838; in Burn, I24 f.
* Mémoires, 173.
1681.
Sept. 6.
1685.
Nov. 30.
90 A UGOZAVO 7'S OF 77/E ZO/S/2EA’.S/OAZ.
Cordiality however soon turned to jealousy as the denizens
clashed with or excelled in the crafts of the people. Fontaine,
for instance, removing to Bridgewater and Taunton, caused the
townsmen no small displeasure at his interference with their
business. He was once brought before the mayor of Taunton
to prove his right to carry on his trades: for this ready worker
applied himself indifferently to the occupations of preacher,
grocer, and wool-carder. He remained but on sufferance until
an opportunity offered of going to Ireland. This instance is
typical of the difficulties that troubled the French immigrants,
quick in finding out means of livelihood in the midst of the
slower, more conventional English people.
Isolated settlements were therefore more or less temporary;
and the history of those at Winchelsea, Rye', Dover”, Sand.
wich *, Faversham *, and Yarmouth *, would be only a recital
of what has been said of the western sea-ports. They were
thoroughfares by which the refugees for the most part went on
their way to some known colony, and especially to the old
establishments of their kindred at Norwich and Canterbury,
To Norwich" their arrival was peculiarly welcome; for earlier
* The Walloon community at Winchelsea was formed as early as 1569 or
even 1560; that at Rye is probably contemporary. The latter had the use
of the parish church for two services of a Sunday, from April 18 1682;
Sussex archaeological Collections, I 3. 202. Winchelsea had at one time a
cambric manufacture: Burn, 96 f.
* Founded in 1646, this church is described by its minister, L'Escot,
in a letter of January 12 17(19]20, as ‘une église petite à la vérité, mais .
paisible, et composée de fort honnétes gens, parmi lesquels je jouis d'une
grande satisfaction.” Dover was even then a great place of passage for the
French, and their church was much in need of help: Wake papers, 27. nr II5,
* The congregation dates from 1568: its services were held in S Peter's
church. It is not heard of after 1737.
* This congregation appears in 1696 and 1706: it was a cure ‘worth
little’: Burn 98. -
* A Walloon settlement of 1568: Smiles, I23.
* The Flemish colony seems to date from 1336, the Dutch and Walloon
from 1564: Burn, 59 ff. It was in this year that the Walloons were given
the bishop's chapel, afterwards the church of S Mary Tombland: Smiles,
I33 f.

AVORIV/C// AAV/D CAAV7'EA’/3 UAE V. 9 I
in the century the rigour of Bishop Wren had induced numbers
to leave the country, ſo the lessening the wealthy manufacture
there of Kerseys and narrow cloths, and, which was worse, trans-
porting that mystery into foreign parts *. The damage was un-
done by the new influx, which restored the trade to its former
prosperity, and brought in many branches of industry previously
unused there *.
Different was its effect upon Canterbury. The Walloon
weavers who had settled in this city in the time of Henry the
Eighth, increased by various later emigrants from France, num-
bered about thirteen hundred in 1665; in 1676 they were
incorporated as a company of the city”, with a hall at the Black-
friars". The first result of the exodus of 1685 was a great
accession to their numbers: in 1694 they had a thousand
looms, and thrice as many workers. But the great manufac-
ture that had grown up by this time in Spitalfields, gradually
withdrew the industry from Canterbury, which soon came to
suffer as well from the importation of silks and calicoes from
the East Indies ". In 1719 two-thirds of the looms had stopped;
at the end of the century only ten master-workers remained.
But the French population did not diminish with equal
rapidity". In 1709 it had sufficient vitality to form a secession"
* Clarendon, History of the Rebellion, I. clxxxiv.
* Such were lustrings, paduasoys, brocades, and tabinets; also cutlery
and clockmaking: Smiles, 336. In 1703 the export wool-trade was said to
excel that under Charles II by a million a year: Conference of the House of
Lords with the Commons concerning the Bill to prohibit occasional Conformity,
24; in the pref. to les Plaintes des Protestants, 23. But a boon above the
reckoning of financiers was the settlement at Norwich in 1685 of a Dieppe
surgeon, Gaston Martineau, the ancestor of a family known in every side
of our literature. -
* The number was then reckoned at 25oo; but this must include English
apprentices.
* Noticed in 1687: Burn, 39. * P. 41.
" It had other occupations besides weaving. Burn enumerates, from
Hasted's Kent, 421, such handicrafts as clockmaking, cutlery, and hard-
ware, and the manufacture of surgical instruments: p. 17.
"Some fifty or sixty families, says their minister, Jean Charpentier, in a

92 A/UGUEAVO 7'S OF 7/7/2 D/S/2/2/2.S/O M.
from the presbyterian congregation that had worshipped since
1561, the days of Elizabeth in the undercroft of the cathedral, and to
set up a ‘uniform ' or episcopal service in a malt-house nearby'.
The two communities lived on side by side for some thirty-six
years: the Anglicans returned to the Calvinistic body", and |
ended by converting their brethren to the formularies of the
English church at the beginning of the present century. The
members now did not exceed the number of eighty communi. I
cants, but tradition has continued the service to this day.
The French have left their impress on most parts of southern H
ſº Some joined the Walloon lace-makers at Bucking-
ham, Newport Pagnell, and Stony Stratford, whence the manu-
facture spread into several of the neighbouring counties”. The
old settlement at Wandsworth”, then slowly disappearing, was
called into fresh life by a large number of furriers and manu-
facturers of beaver hats, chiefly from the town of Caudebec,
which gave a name to its most famous industry. For forty
years, until a theft restored the art, France was reduced to
import all the best goods of this kind from England; even
the cardinals of the Holy College fetched their hats from Wands.
| . worth". And at the end of last century the works in the village,
letter of May 7 1716, among the Wake papers, vol. 28. The congregation
originated, according to a letter of one of its members, of about the same
date, ‘par la haine et les fausses accusations de ceux du milieu desquels
nous sommes sortis.” Yet the rev. Pierre le Sueur, who succeeded Charpentier
in the following October, speaks of the ‘bonne correspondance’ existing
between the two communities: in the same collection. :
* Burn, 51. A second independent body seems to have existed about
1716, according to a letter in the volume of the Wake correspondence above
cited. e . . . -
* About 1745: Burn, 54. 4. . - ...
* The counties of Oxford, Northampton, Cambridge, Bedford, and the i
borders of Bucks and Herts are mentioned: Smiles, 337.
* Its chapel, nearly opposite the parish church, was opened in 1573, and
enlarged in 1685. Its restoration between 1809 and 1831 proved only the
prelude to its extinction: Burn, 117 ff.
* Weiss, I. 334: cp. Macpherson, 2.650; Waddington, Protestantisme en
Normandie, 36 n. - .





ARAEAVC// MAAVC//7A C7'UA’/2.S. 93
though much reduced, were still existent". Less successful was
the attempt of one Passavant to revive the decayed Walloon
tapestry manufacture * at Fulham : he soon moved to Exeter,
but the remnant of the colony he had brought seems to re-
appear afterwards in the three congregations at Chelsea and
in that at Hammersmith *.
Other trades were created by the exiles of the Recall. The
fine linens and sailcloth of Ipswich, as of Hamburg, are among
these. The English ambassador at Paris, in view of a war,
coveted the addition of sailcloth to the national industries, and
his wish was fulfilled in 1681 *. The growth of Spitalfields
pushed many of its weavers into the country to north and east ;
to Hoxton, Stepney, and Bow". Some went to Bromley in Essex
to print calicoes". The glass-makers left their shops in the
Savoy to find cheaper fuel in Sussex". Paper-mills were set
up at Laverstoke on the Itchin in Hampshire, by Henry de
Portal, still the chief of paper-works”: others were established
in various parts of Kent, at Maidstone, and along the Darent;
one at Glasgow, the first in Scotland.
* Lyson, Environs, I. 503; 1792 : in Burn I 18, who remarks the per-
manence of name of The French Burial-Ground.
* It had received encouragement from Charles II, who carried an Act
to promote the immigration of tapestry and linen-cloth manufacturers
(15 Car. II. c. 15): Burn, 26o.
* The chapel in Cook's Grounds, Chelsea, is noticed in 1714: another
was in Little Chelsea. Dubourdieu, writing in 1718, mentions a third:
Appeal, 53 f. Of these one, certainly, survived until 1729. That at Hammer-
Smith emerges in 1701 and 1706.
* It was at first maintained at the charges of the London Walloon
diaconate: Smiles, 337.
* The increase on this side of London may be indicated by the growth of
Wapping into a parish, that of S John, in 1694; Macpherson, 2.655.
* There was in 1690 an establishment of this sort at Richmond in Surrey:
Burn, 259.
" Smiles, 331. The glass was introduced by Abraham Thevenart in
1688: Burn, 253. -
* The Portals retain to this day the monopoly of Bank-of-England note-
* paper: Smiles, 332 ff., from Baron Frederick de Portal's Descendants des
Albigeois; Paris 1860. .
|
º

94 ATUGUEAVO 7'S OF THE Z)/SPEA’.S/OA/.
1689.
April II.
1683.
| Edinburgh received a number of cambric-workers. The
burghers built them a large house on the common north of
the Green Side, long known as Little Picardy"; and in 1693
the city was charged to the amount of two thousand marks
for the support of the manufactory. Others worked in silk,
and planted mulberry-gardens on the slope of Moultrie's Hill’.
Helped by a public alms", these Picard exiles fared pros-
perously, and maintained their native speech and manners, in
a house itself of French fashion, until the middle of the
heighteenth century “.
| Manufacturers formed the bulk of the French immigrants to
| . . º
| this country". The agricultural classes preferred Germany or
| the less peopled districts of Holland, as Friesland and Zeeland.
Ł Few only came to England. Poitevin exiles settled in Essex,
at Thorpe-le-Soken"; others, perhaps, at Thorney Abbey and
Whittlesey in Cambridgeshire, but of these the traces are faint
and uncertain". The reasons for this small ingress are to be
* W. Maitland, History of Edinburgh, 215; Edinburgh 1753, folio: who
mentions the existence of a French chapel in the city. Cp. Agnew, 2. 313,
* Smiles disposes of the fancied Bourdeaux colony at Burdy House in
Edinburgh : 338; as against the Ulster journal, I. 2 II n. º
* In the Proclamation of the Scottish Convention-Parliament, collection
was to be made for Irish as well as French refugees: Agnew, I. 6o. º
* They came from Cambray, Tournay, and Amiens: Rossier, Protestants
de Picardie, 250 f. l
* “To the immigration,’ says Macpherson, 3. 618, ‘England owes the
improvement of sundry manufactures of light woollen stuffs, of silk, linen,
paper, glass, hats; the two last since brought to the utmost perfection by |
us. The silks called alamodes and lustrings were entirely owing to them; º
also brocades, Satins, black and coloured mantuas, black padua-Soys, #
ducapes, watered tabbies, black velvets; also watches, cutlery-ware, jacks,
locks, surgeons' instruments, hardware, toys, &c.’ -
* On June 4 1683 the bishop of London licensed a French service in the 3
neighbouring church of Beaumont. It was begun July 1, but the French, ;
of Thorpe-le-Soken preferred to worship in their own village, and were
allowed to do so July 29. In 1685 they had leave to build a church,
and this was opened March 4 1688. In 1726 it was closed ‘for want of
members: ' Burn, 121 ff. Cp. Lièvre, Protestants du Poitou, 3. 359 n. * {4.
" See supplementary note yii.








APRAEAVC// A GAC/CO/Z7'URAE. 95
found more in the intricacy and, as foreigners thought it, the
insecurity of the English system of renting land", than in the
special hazard of James the Second’s reign. Hence it was not
the farmer, but the craftsman, carrying his means of support in
his hands or in his brain, that came to settle here; and rather
than the country he chose the towns or large villages, where he
could at once occupy himself in his handiwork, or whence, if
need be, he could at once remove.
If the agricultural classes came in small number to England,
they more than made up the deficiency by the great proportion
they formed among those who crossed over to the continent of
America. The history of this settlement has yet to be written,
and it is not likely that its materials will be found on this side
the Atlantic. I cannot therefore pretend more than to indicate
a bare outline with little colour”.
From the French coast there came but few directly, for their
craft could rarely risk so long a voyage. Most on starting went
to London, where they got their letters of denization *, or they
travelled through Germany into Holland", before they set sail
for the new world. On their arrival they commonly met with
cordial welcome, for the exiles of Lewis the Fourteenth were
not the first huguenots who had taken refuge in America; and
in several ways they found their social position arranged for
them without any of that jealousy which troubled them in other
countries. - -
One company, which left France in 1684 or 1685, was well
received at Boston. The General Court of Massachusetts gave
* Georges le Sage, Remarques sur l'Angleterre, 1710 & 1711, 303 f.;
Amsterdam 1715, duodecimo : whose explanation is accepted by Sayous,
le dix-huitième Siècle à l'Etranger, I. 23 n. ; Paris, 1861.
* I have taken a few data from a supplementary chapter to the American
translation of Weiss, 2.283-333; New York 1854. But it would be hard
to find a worse literary specimen or a more confused and contradictory set
of statements than this appendix. .
* See a letter written in the winter of 1687 by an exile at Boston in
Massachusetts, in the Bulletin, 16. 69 ff.; 1867.
*Bancroft, History of the United States, 2. 180; ed. 3, Boston 1846.

96 Aſ UGO EAVO 7'S OF 7"HAE ZD/SAEEA?.S/OAV.
I686.
1696.
1664.
Jan. 24.
into the city of New York dates from the Recall; and this is
sº sº † te tº #
plantation, in the Huguenots in France and America, 2.62; ed. 2, Cambridge, ;
them eleven thousand acres where the village of Oxford now
stands". There they all went, leaving but twenty households
behind *; and they quickly changed the wilderness assigned
them into an orchard of pear-trees, and a garden of roses and
currant-bushes. They built a fort against the attacks of the
Indians, who at one time almost destroyed their labour and
drove many back to Boston"; but in spite of danger and diffi.
culty, the little colony grew and became strong. It was not
now isolated, for a French church had by this time arisen at
Boston 4. . -
New York was earlier peopled by the French. In 1664 a i
Dutch merchant there had informed the government of letters ||
from La Rochelle telling of the wish of some to emigrate; and
a Resolution was passed promising to help them and to grant ||
them lands without charge ". So the already existing French
settlement in Staten Island received its second foundation, and
had its clergyman as early as 1675". But the greatest influx i
also the origin of the new colony in Long Island. Some six
thousand acres obtained by purchase not by free grant, were
the lot of the refugees; and the planters of New Rochelle
* Abiel Holmes, Annals of America, I, 324; ed. 2, Cambridge, U.S. A.
#829: R. Baird, Religion in the United States of America, 165; Glasgow 1844;
Weiss, [app.] 2. 318 f. -
* Bulletin, 16. 79. Holmes, indeed, says only thirty families colonised
Oxford: they were aided by contributions from Boston, Salem, and other
places; I. 417 and n. 5. -
* This date is given as that of the foundation, not the revival, of the
U. S. A. I843. - -
* Vol. 2. 68; where the date is given as 1704: the brick church in
|
|
º
School-street is however mentioned in 1696; Holmes I. 417,-There was 4.
certain strictness in the admission of the French since an Order of the
governor and council in 1692. It had been observed that “many of #
contrary religion and interest” had intruded themselves among the hugue:
nots into the privileges of the state: vol. I. 441 & n. º
* Weiss, [app.] 2. 303.
" In Richmond county: [app.] 2. 315. º










AVAE W ZEAVGZAAVZ). 97
bestowed anxious pains on the reclaiming of the wild country.
For many years they could not support a church, and these
zealous people, after labouring hard the week through, spent much
of the nights of Saturday and Sunday in walking the sixteen miles
to and from the nearest church, at New York". Their clearing
and their industry repaid them in time, and in 1704 they had
reached a measure of prosperity which allowed them to build
their wooden church of Le Saint Esprit”. In a country of
so mixed a race as New England, and of a bent so identified
with Calvinistic traditions, the huguenots became readily ab-
Sorbed into the older population : the Act of Naturalisation of
1703 * seemed rather to formulate a fact than to involve any
alteration in their standing.
The southern states called for a more organised settlement.
In 1679 Charles the Second had embarked a number of
refugees in two ships, to plant vines and olives in South
Carolina; and in 1690 William the Third sent out new
colonies into Maryland and Virginia *. In Virginia they were
placed on James River, about twenty miles from Richmond".
Here they planted the Monacan settlement, increased in 1699
and the following years by perhaps six hundred new huguenot
families". Monacan was made into a parish in 17oo, and
* Weiss, Histoire, I. 377.
, ” It was afterwards rebuilt in stone and adopted the episcopal order. To
the first Queen Anne gave the church plate: Weiss, [app.] 2. 304 and 309.
* Baird, 165.
* In these states naturalisation had been allowed since 1666 and 1671
respectively: as above.
* Pp. 166 f. Account of the Settlements in America, 2. 216, ed. 3. 1760; by
Edmund Burke. It is in Virginia that we get the last glimpse of the family
of Jacques Fontaine, often before referred to : his four sons, the eldest,
Pierre, having been ordained in the English church, went across in 1715
and 1717. They were accompanied by their sister, who married a M. Maury
and became the ancestress of a distinguished Virginian family: Mémoires,
349 and 343.
* Holmes mentions the arrival in 1699 of some three hundred huguenots,
‘soon after followed by others,' who settled twenty miles above the falls of
James River: 1. 472.
H
As

98 - AſOGO/EAVO 7'S OAP 7 AME ZO/SAEAEAES/OAV.
2.
y
I709.
1699.
Mar. Io.
exempted from the usual assessments for seven, then for an-
other seven, years. Its ‘model' farms were the admiration of
the state, and everything was tending to prosperity, when an
unhappy dispute caused a secession to Trent River in North
Carolina. These last were ultimately forced by the Indians
into South Carolina, which already was the most flourishing
of the French settlements. From the ports of Holland alone
there came almost a thousand fugitives". The climate and the
soil naturally attracted them ; and we may be sure that, of the
six hundred whom the English committee sent to America” in H
1687, by far the majority came to Carolina. -
Here they settled first at Charleston, where they had a
church, the rallying post of their several plantations near’.
Exiles from Picardy established themselves at Strawberry Ferry";
others, in “French Santee’ increased their clearings from
Wambaw Creek, on the bank of the Santee, till they joined
their fellow-refugees at Orange Quarter, and built Jamestown,
The swamps that extended far on each side of the river had Î
been drained by the beginning of the eighteenth century, and
the country was “rapidly acquiring the look of the best culti-
vated parts of France or England".’ Throughout the state the |
French planted vines and olive-trees; in Charleston itself they
not only built several streets, soon filled with stores and work.
shops, but they even set up manufactures of silk and wool
Admitted to the privileges of natives" they did not forget their
corporate spirit; and the influence of these good, affable, and
affectionale people, as Lawson described them in 1701 ", was not
lost upon the austere puritans who had previously reigned in
grave isolation in the colony.
i
* Weiss, Histoire, I. 381.
* For this we are surely to understand by the ‘West Indies’ of the
Extract out of the Books of Account for the year.
8 Bancroft, 2. 182 ; Holmes, I. 433. * Rossier, 232.
* Weiss, I. 395. º
• Bancroft, 3.17; or 1696, Holmes, I. 460; Baird, 165.
Historical Account of South Carolina and Georgia, I. Io9, in Weiss, 1.39%


| , * * e., ex æ- *
2” above. } ~ - ~ *
‘. . *
CAA’OL/WA : 7'HE PA LA 7TWAVE JAVA'Z U Y. 99
.*
It was not, however, at once that the huguenots became
reconciled to their new homes and new circumstances. After
the peace of Rijswijk, some four hundred families declared
themselves anxious to join the French colony in Louisiana.
The refusal with which they were met did much to fix them
in their settlements and to turn their eyes from the now
extinguished hope of return.
The last immigration with which we are concerned is that
mixed multitude of German and French Calvinists, thrust from
the Rhenish Pale, whose need called out for English pity in
1709. A broadside of the day” tells how These poor refugees
are the survivers of them who during a short inſervall of peace
had built up a few cottages, and began to cultivate their country,
in hopes of some means of subsistance, but . . . seeing themselves in
a manner starving, and destitute of all conveniencies of humane
life, have thrown themselves into the arms of Britain's charity.
They were A very industrious people, used to hard labour, and
the country would not be the loser by a present exercise of help.
But the arrival of four thousand people, and More daily ex-
pected, was a problem not without embarrassment. Nearly seven
thousand were, in fact, encamped for a time on Blackheath”,
and the archbishop of Canterbury lodged above three hundred
in the barns of Lambeth House. But a permanent relief was
not long preparing. In July the queen issued a Brief com-
manding a subscription *. She took two hundred into her
* Sir Charles Lyell, second Visit to the United States, 159; 1849.
* Brief Representation of the distressed State of above four thousand poor
German Protestants fled out of the fruitful Palatinat by the Rhine and Neckar:
among the Wake papers, vol. 17. .
* Macpherson, 3.5 f.
* Letter of Archbishop Tenison, July 7. The only obstacle was the
presence of some catholics in the crowd. “I am sorry,’ wrote the archbishop
to Bishop Wake, July 28, ‘to understand by yours of the 25th instant that
any of our order should be frighted with the noise of a lyon in the way. The
Palatines are Io,000; among them are some papists, but their number
is inconsiderable. When we had here at Lambeth 329 Palatines in our
barns, there were but eleven papists among them’: Wake papers, as
I709.
May.
July 6,

IOO AIUGUEAVO 7'S OF 7"HE DASA’ERS/OAV.
employ", and shipped three thousand to New York. Some
stayed in the city; others went on to the banks of the Hudson,
and finally established themselves in Pennsylvania”. If we add
this number to the sum of the earlier immigrations, remember-
ing that, at the beginning of the eighteenth century the entire
European population of New England did not exceed two
hundred thousand”, we shall readily conclude the added weight
of the French factor and the extent of its influence.
* Letter of the same, July 16; among the Wake papers, as above.
* Macpherson, 3.6. In June 1710, says Holmes, Colonel Robert Hunter
arrived as governor of New York, ‘bringing with him 2700 Palatines; many
of whom settled in the city of New York; others on a tract of several thou-
sand acres in the manor of Livingston ; while others went on to Pennsyl-
vania’: I. 502 f.
* Baird, 167 f. In 1681 the number of working hands in Virginia was
reckoned at fourteen thousand: Holmes, 1. 401.


CHAPTER IX.
THE FRENCH IN THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION : THE COLONY IN
IRELAND.
IN the different counties of England the history of the French
settlement suffered no break by the dynastic arrangement which
made William of Orange king: the revolution mainly affected
it by a great increase to the dispersed population. London
however, so bound up was the town-life with that of the court,
saw the position of the refugees completely changed. It was
now fashionable to support these aliens, who had been received
hitherto under protest and with suspicion: and it now befitted
the courtier to frequent their churches.
For the share of the French soldiery in the success of the
stadhouder was no light one: and his anxiety to secure their
services was met by a steady adhesion which justified his confi-
dence in them when enlisted under his command. At the time
that they crowded into Holland his first desire was to form them
into two regiments". But when such an addition to the forces
was proposed to the Estates of Holland, the burgesses demurred
before reversing their favourable scheme of retrenchment. By
a perfunctory form they promised to send up the matter to the
Estates-General ; and no action would probably have been
taken” but for the prince's resolve not to let the opportunity
slip. He at once took the officers into his own pay, and the
* Count d’Avaux, Negociations, 5. 203.
* What the Estates did was practically to shelve the question: Koenen,
Vluchtelingen in Nederland, 86. To speak, with Count d’Avaux, of their
having ‘refused’ is to say too much. -

I O2 Aſ UGCVAZAVO 7 S OF 7A/Z Z)/SAEAEA’.S/O M.
1686.
Jan. 16.
&^,
.
s
k}
Estates were driven to a compliance. They voted a sum of
40,000 gulden', ultimately perhaps 180,000 *, to maintain them
until vacancies should occur in the regular regiments: but, with
the guarded prudence of the nation, they procured the amount
from the fund appropriated to the secret charges of the diplo-
matic establishment. The recollection of 1672 made them
stay before courting a new breach with France, and they
gladly accepted Fagel's device which saved them from giving
a public welcome to those traitors who, in the language of
Count d'Avaux, had “deserted' from the fleur-de-lys”. William's
point was however gained, and the army was increased, if in
number, much more in efficiency “. A college of French
cadets was established at Utrecht"; and the older officers
were dispersed among nine fortified towns", to give example
and excite ambition of their fine and proved discipline.
Indeed, when the stadhouder enrolled afterwards some en-
tirely French regiments in the view of his English enterprise,
it is not so much their number as their advanced training that
calls for note. At their head stood Schomberg, who had
once left France lest he should be found fighting against his
faith to support a despotism he abhorred, and who now left a
like position of Supreme command in Brandenburg" to come
* Count d'Avaux, 5. 228.
* Vol. 6. 52; but the precise fact is uncertain; Berg, I. 26 f. The
distribution was to colonels 18oo livres, majors IIoo, captains 900,
lieutenants 500, ensigns and cadets 4oo; Count d'Avaux, 5. 219 f.: the
last figure nearly as much as that of a married minister; cp. above, p. 51, n. 7.
* The oat that bound them to the Estates of Holland was of a peculiar
stringency. It may be read in the Mémoires of Bostaquet, 340.
* Berg describes the pitiful state of the Dutch cavalry before this time:
I. 24 n. o . -
* It was at the expense of the Estates-General: vol. I. 26.
* Weiss names Breda, Maastricht, Bergen-op-Zoom, den Bosch, Zutphen,
Arnhem, Grave, Utrecht, and the Hague : 2.45.
* Charles Ancillon, Histoire de l’Etablissement des François réfugiéz dans
les Etats de s. a. e. Brandebourg, 172 f.; Berlin 1690, duodecimo. It may
be noticed that the story of Schomberg's presence at the meeting at Clevel
of the Great Elector and the prince of Orange in 1686 has its refutation in

THE FREAVCH Zw Z'HE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. Io;
to the more present succour of the protestant cause in another
country. His regiment of horse in the new armament was
officered by 144 of his companions in exile. The two dragoon
regiments of the prince of Orange contained fifty-four more *;
there were besides sixty volunteers attached to other regiments.
Of foot there were as many as 556 officers * commanding 2.25o
men”. In an army of 15,000 it is hard to overstate the im-
portance of the French contingent, schooled as it had been in
the finest discipline of Europe, and experienced in all the cam-
paigns which the vanity of their king had created. Disbanded
on William's acceptance of the English crown, it was recon-
stituted in much greater force for the Irish campaign, and
made up four regiments, Lord Galway's horse and the three
foot regiments of La Caillemotte, La Melloniere, and Cambon “.
It was further swelled by numerous recruits, whom sympathy
with the protestant revolution and the fame of its success,
the fact that the marshal did not leave his first place of exile, Portugal,
until the following year: L. von Ranke, History of England, 4, 408 n.
* Mémoires de Bostaquet, 195 & 341 f.
* Count d’Avaux, 5. 305; in Berg, I. 28.
* J. Michelet, Louis XIV et la Révocation, 309 f.; Paris 1874. Weiss
has here fallen into a curious mistake. By adding the 180 officers men-
tioned by Count d’Avaux to the 556 officers of foot, he gets the total 736;
which he recites again as dispersed among the Dutch regiments, thus
doubling the real number: I. 295, cp. 2.46 f. He seems to have read the
account in Berg, 1. 28 carelessly. I do not know where he found the
thirty-four officers of William's body-guard, I. 296; and Count d'Avaux's
number 180 must be corrected by the exact list in Bostaquet.
* The cavalry numbered 689, and the infantry each 967: T. Trenchard,
short History of standing Armies, 53; 1698 (reprint, I 731). The death of
the younger Ruvigny at the Boyne gave his regiment to Belcastel; and in
1698 Cambon's became Lord Lifford's. Another regiment, that of Mire-
mont, with a roll-call of 898, was at first partly, in the end wholly, French:
Agnew, 3. 175–186. The statement of Misson, 362, that in 1698 there
were eleven regiments in English pay has been repeated by G. de Félice:
it is justly suspected by Mr Smiles, 266 n. Perhaps it arose from adding
to the English establishment the seven regiments of foot formed by refugee
French in Savoy when Lewis attacked the duchy. But so, the reckoning is
too small, and forgets the cavalry regiment there: Bibliothèque des Sciences
i et des beaux Arts, 14, 165; the Hague 1760, duodecimo.

IO4 AyOGO/AEAVO 7'S OF 7//E ZO/S/2EA’.S/OAV.
upheld by sedulous solicitation, had drawn from Brandenburg,
from the Lower Rhine, and from the cities of Leman.
How nobly this army fought in the ensuing war is a com-
monplace of history: its ‘decisive part '' in the defence of
protestantism in the island has of late been given its just
prominence. The picture of the death of Schomberg, and
his appeal to the instinct of revenge”, when he saw the dragoons
of Lauzun come up, at last to be combatted on equal terms,
addresses itself so strongly to the imagination, that one is apt to
lose sight of the point of view in which the refugee soldiers,
unless in the excitement of battle, themselves regarded their
duty ". But we may know from Baron d'Avyan *, who com-
manded a battalion at the Boyne, that their strenuousness in
pushing on the re-conquest was owing to a fixed belief not only .
that it was the cause of God but also that it was Zhe preamble
of their return to France".
It was nothing less than this reason that led them in England,
as everywhere, to promote that party which expressed the most
vigorous defiance to Lewis the Fourteenth. They looked for
ward thus to a restoration to their country, purified, they fondly
hoped, by opposition and defeat. The chances of rousing the
mass of their fellows in France and extorting a revival of the
Edict of Nantes were eagerly canvassed: it was rumoured that
Lewis's council itself was for the design ". In the negotiations
for the peace of Rijswijk their interests were prominently
* Charles Read, intr. to Bostaquet, xxv.
* “Allons, mes amis, rappelez votre courage et vos ressentiments: voilà vos
persécuteurs’; cited from Paul de Rapin, who was present, in Read, xxx n,
* It is stated in the pref. to les Plaintes des Protestants, 22 and 30, that
7ooo French perished by the sword or by sickness in the Irish campaign,
The figure may be only four times too great.
* So, with M Read, I spell the name, comparing the form d'Avene or
d'Avesne, in which it occurs in Mr Agnew's lists, 2. 181. Weiss and Mr
Smiles give d'Avejan. -
* Antoine Court, Histoire des Eglises réformées, MS in Read, xxvi. m.
* Gilbert, letter to the earl of Galway, in the Mémoires envoyés à Londres, º
3o f.
|

.
\
-Ar
7HAE FREAVC// /MPUZSZ 70 ZAVGZISH POZ/7/CS. Io;
brought forward". The scheme was to erect a protestant
church in France on the model of the Anglican, the nomi-
nation of bishops being dictated by the king *. But in the
web of political considerations the huguenots were lost sight
of, just as, in a later opportunity, they were disappointed at
Gertruidenberg and Utrecht.
Meanwhile their enthusiasm reacted upon the English. “In
the church of England,’ says Leopold von Ranke *, ‘a con-
* Sciousness of its protestant character was awakened most
vividly’ by the French troubles. ‘The exiles stood far nearer
to the nonconformists in creed and ritual than to the high-
church party, but no regard was paid to this. Henry Compton,
bishop of London, devoted to the unhappy strangers an atten-
tion which they could ordinarily have expected only from one
who was in complete agreement with them.” In fact they
helped not a little to formulate the public opinion that offered
the kingdom to William of Orange “. It is not within the
scope of this essay to trace the course of events which pro-
duced a revulsion from this warlike protestant spirit". The
* The movement was a general one. The Swiss refugees applied to
Jurieu, those in Brandenburg to the elector: as above.
* The Mémoires just named speak of an analogous proposal to form a
‘despotic government” for the French church in England, subject to the
authority of the archbishop of Canterbury, which fell through in con-
sequence of Tillotson's death; 35 fſ. With these schemes we may compare
that which was discussed between Archbishop Wake and Dupin in 1717 to
1720 relative to a union of the English and the Gallican church: Projet
d'Union; Oxford 1864. * History of England, 4. 267 f.
* The fact has been commonly ignored or depreciated by the English
historians: it has been given its fit place by foreigners, Capefigue and
Michelet; cp. F. Ancillon, Tableau, 4. 305 ff.; Life of Rachael, Lady
Russell, xlix, 1819, quarto.
* “We blame the king for he relies too much on strangers, Germans,
hugonots, and Dutch,' says the True-born Englishman; see Agnew, I. 36.
A sketch of the refugees— these hot-headed and flippant-tongued gentle-
men,'—after contemporary writings, may be found in a clever but desultory
article in the Edinburgh Review, 99.479 ff.; April 1854. The internal quarrels
of the refuge clergy may be found in miserable detail in such books as Lions,
l'Ex-jésuite démasqué, London, 1717; Dubourdieu's Appeal to the English
# Nation; Michael Malard, Address and Representation of Grievances, 1720.



Ioé AyOGUEAVO 7'S OF 7://E /D/SAEEAS/OAV.
1689.
April 14.
April 24.
April 25.
huguenots, by the time this new reaction came on, were too
firmly established to suffer much by it. We are only concerned
to notice how, by the impulse they gave to trade, they served
to develop those whiggish principles, unconnected with favour
or disfavour to foreigners, that effected or at least consolidated
the Hanoverian succession *.
Among William's first acts as king of England was to appoint
a committee to enquire into the necessities of the French
immigrants. Their Report stated That the French ministers
and divers other protestants of France, ſled hither for refuge, being
summoned, appeared, and expressed a high sense of their gratitude
for the generosity and charity of this House in taking their dis-
fressed case into consideration ; and to shew how ready they were
to manifest their fidelity to the Government of this nation, they
represented how the youngest and strongest of their body were
ſately formed into three regiments, who were ready to lay down
their lives in defence of the protestant religion and liberties ºf-
England; that there are nearly twenty thousand more of them
who exercise their trades in divers parts of this kingdom . . . . .
but that there still remain above two thousand persons, some ºf
them old, others infants, others sick and impotent, but all unabl
to provide for themselves ; divines, physicians, merchants, genile.
men, common people, many of them heretofore rich and flourishing
port themselves to this Kingdom , in which their majesties
promised to do their Endeavour in all reasonable ways and means:
so to support, aid, and assist them in their several and respective,
trades and ways of livelihood, as that their living and being in:
in their own country, but are now reduced to the utmost misery, and
must infallibly perish and starve, unless assisted by this House’.
The immediate result of this Report was an annual grant of
17,200l.; and on the following day there appeared a royal
Proclamation for the encouraging French Protestants to trans
this country may be comfortable and easy to them. The invitation;
* See, above all, Lecky, eighteenth century, I. I87–202.
* Ulster journal of Archaeology, 1. 218. .
* Agnew, i. 355 N. Tindal, continuation of P. de Rapin, 3.89.


was successful, and it should seem that fully twice as many
immigrants came after the Revolution as had come before.
In 1698 one counted twenty-two French churches in London
and a hundred ministers enjoying a state salary, besides those
that lived at their own charges. Of this multitude of poor exiles,
We are told, barely three thousand are at alms or, as they say,
on the Committee *. It is therefore remarkable that every attempt
made to naturalise them was unsuccessful until 1709 °, and
that this statute was actually repealed within three years “.
The truth is that the English have never taken kindly to
foreigners; our corporations, ever jealous of their immunities,
- would seldom waive their immunities even in favour of exiles
suffering for religion. In other countries the good-will of the
people or the pervasive authority of the king accorded them a
larger measure of comfort. We are not therefore to wonder
that not above fifty thousand of them did in fact come to live
in England".
* Misson, II9. Malard in 1720 reckoned ‘about twenty '; Address, II 3.
* P. 363.
* The immediate cause of this Act (7 Anne c. 9), which allowed natural-
; isation on oath and reception of the Lord's supper in some reformed con-
# gregation in the kingdom, was the arrival of the crowd from the Palatinate;
See above, pp. 99 f. .
#, “The tory government had already in 171 I moved its repeal: they
carried it on the second attempt. It seems that at the first bringing for-
§ ward the refugees were so frightened that more than two thousand took
advantage of the act. When it was sought to reinstate it in 1748 and I75I
#.§
# possible on the condition of seven years' residence (14 George III. c. 84):
# Macpherson, 3. 5 f., 22, 26o f, 557; Agnew, I. 57 f.
| " Macpherson, 3.617. Bishop Burnet says, “In all there came over first
; and last between forty and fifty thousand of that nation’; History of his own
i. Times, I. 664; followed by Hume, History of England, 8. I65; ed. I825.
# The Bibliothèque des Sciences, &c., 14. 163, allows more than seventy thousand.
“readmitted to the church in Threadneedle Street at one meeting in May:
when they assert that owing to the hatred of French manners the Refuge in
England was disproportionately small, though it may be admitted that
during the troubles that preceded the Revolution many left England for
7 HAE APRAEAVCA) UAV/DAEA’ WZZZZAM ZZZ. Io.7
# the motion was twice defeated. At length in 1774 naturalisation was made
* Even in 1687, an unfavourable year, as many as 497 ‘new converts’ were
Smiles, 341. Erman and Reclam therefore go beyond their authorities .
I709.
ar. 23.
1712.
Feb. 9.


















Io9 I/vowſºvoz's of 7HE DISPERSIow.
The distinguishing characteristic of the settlement in England
since the Revolution was the gradual concentration of the dis
persed manufactories into the outskirts of London. The colony
in the Spitalfields grew with amazing rapidity, now fed mOS,
of all from the coasts of Normandy. As late as 1863 they had Î
a Société Normande, the first provident club in England
besides several similar institutions”. But, except in these soci. I
or convivial associations, the French by degrees lost their CO:
porate unity. Even in 1725 one of their ministers could speak ||
of the difficulty of filling up a vacancy in his church By reaſ
of the small and daily diminishing number of French ministerºi
London *: and in time the colony had to seek its ministers in
Holland, Switzerland, and Geneva “. The decrease was, CO.
Brandenburg or elsewhere: Mémoires, I. 249. In illustration of this la
fact we may cite the case of Suzanne de Robillard who afterwards became
the mother of General de la Motte-Fouqué. Her Récit in the Bulletin, iſ .
493 f., 1868, tells how she escaped from La Rochelle in the spring di
1687, and was thrown on the coast of South Devon. She would have stayt
at Exeter, “le pays y Étant beau et bon, had it not been from a fear |
persecution, accentuated by the Declaration of Indulgence. So she settledal.
Voorburg, near the Hague. The preface to les Plaintes des Protestants med,
does not estimate the refuge in England as greater than those in oth:
countries : 2O. .
* It was founded in 1703. M Waddington enumerates, besides tº
Société des Réfugiés Normands, the Société de Lintot, and the Club.
Normand; the last never admitting any but persons of proved Nomu
extraction: Protestantisme en Normandie, 17 f. There was also in Spitalfiel;
a quarter claiming a Picard origin: Rossier, Picardie. 251. |
* Maitland mentions the French Almshouse in Black Eagle-street, all
a house of charity called The Soup, the latter as existing about III; !'
and both in Spitalfields: 2. 1303. Above all, there was the Fred
Hospital, which a bequest of James Gastigny in 1708, sustained by a gº
from the royal bounty eight years later, founded in the parish of S Lukč.
It was incorporated by royal charter, July 24 1718. Its motto, Domis
providebit, gave it the current name of La Providence: Burn, 181-18||
Agnew, I. 73 f.
* Letter of Le Moine, minister of Brown's Lane Chapel, Spitalfields,
Archbishop Wake, September 3 1725, among the Wake papers, vol. iſ
nr 116. The inducement, it is true, was not great; Le Moine's incom:
was only 4ol., and that of the other ministers in London only 60l., f
Sayous, le dix-huitième Siècle à l'Etranger, I. 26.









ABSORP77ON OF 7//E FREAVCH ZN LONDON. Io9
nected with the general acceptance of the Anglican ritual ',
which was but a step to the entire abandonment of huguenot
traditions”.
The French communities in the counties of England grew
smaller, and the society in London became assimilated to the
rest of the population: but meanwhile Ireland was made the
Object of extensive schemes of colonisation *. There was no
trouble here about the status of the immigrants, for the rights of
natives were obtained by a simple oath before the lord chan-
cellor *. The government was in fact only too glad to receive
them "; and the emigration of the catholics made such an
access of industrious people the more to be desired. Had
William the Third and Lord Galway been able to carry their
point with parliament, Ireland would have received several
thousand huguenots whom the Swiss cantons were unable to
house". As it was, the settlement assumed sufficient dimensions
to call for a detailed notice.
* This was the case at Brown's Lane, where the change had increased
the attendance. Yet Le Moine observes “Les François de ce quartier ont
eu jusques ici tant d'esloignement pour les communes prières,’ that the
embarrassment had almost neutralised the benefit: as above.
* There is this much truth in the comment of Erman and Reclam, “So
they ceased to be French churches’: as above.
* Besides those mentioned below, there is one of which I have been unable
to trace more than the origin, but which I am assured was actually formed
On the duke of Ormond's estates. The beginning was a letter to the duke
by one Raselle, in which the writer, with profession of strong loyalty on his
own part and on that of his fellow-exiles, says, “Il plaira donc à mgr de voir
silestat souhaitteroit de peupler l'Irlande de bons protestans et de tres fideles
Suiets, apres quoy on prendroit des mesures iustes pour faire retissir un si
charitabl; proiet': among the Carte papers in the Bodleian Library, vol. 216,
nr 47. * Agnew, I. 58.
* As early indeed as September 19 1662 the Irish Parliament had passed
an Act for encouraging protestant strangers and others to inhabit Ireland.
It expired in seven years, and was renewed for a like term in 1692; Ulster
journal of Archaeology, 4. 200 f.
" The request was made to the Estates-General in 1689, that 4ooo
... should be sent to Ireland; Address in the State-Papers chamber at Amster-
º dam, in Koenen, 53 f. In February 1692 Galway wrote that the king

I IO //UGUEWOZS OF THE DISPERSION.
1696.
June 26.
the project was now reduced to 6oo households: Bulletin, Io. 68 f. This
de Bostaquet, as captain, was entitled to II41. Is. 3d. a year, but seldom
Borrowes in the Ulster journal of Archaeology, 3. 63 f., 216 f., 1855; 6.
The French officers whom the close of the war of 1689-1691
left unemployed retired for the most part to Portarlington in
Queen's County. The estates which included this village had
been granted on a custodian lease to the Earl of Galway in
1692; complete ownership was given in 1696 °. He formed
the project of creating a ‘model’ French town by the co-opera.
tion of the disbanded officers. For this purpose he built about
a hundred houses”, which were inhabited by the end of the
century by some hundred and fifty families. Most seem tº
have come in 1699 “, but Galway had founded the French
church as early as 1694". He also built an English church
and two schools. It was here that Isaac Dumont de Bostaqut,
whose memoirs give the huguenot character in its truest and mOS
genial phase, spent the last years of his life". But it was no
only officers, but also private gentlemen, that colonised Portar
lington. One reason existed in the excellent schools", to which
some of the great names of Ireland owed their education.
And the aristocratical temper of the place made it a refug
of the noblesse in the days even of the French Revolution |
approved the plan; Bulletin, 9. 269 f.; and another letter of his, date
January [20] 30 169|2]3, shows that William had not forgotten it; but
modified colonisation took effect in the following spring: Agnew, I, 244,
* In 1692 there were 12I such officers on pension in Ireland. Dumont
received the full amount: Mémoires, 348, n. 2. ...:
* On the outlawry of Sir Patrick Trant and other circumstances relatiº
to the settlement, see a prolix and pretentious paper by Sir Erasmus D.
339 f., 1858. |
* About 17oo there actually were 130 houses, more or less; but Galway
did not build them all. For the fact, see the Ulster journal, 3. 216 f.
* Vol. 3. 66. - - i
* Service began June 3: it remained French until Sept. 20, 1816; Read
intr. to Bostaquet, xli. n. The minister was paid by government; Burn, 150;
* The names among the officers living here of Lieutenant de Hautevil;
and of Captain Charles de Ponthieu (Read, as above), might suggest that
we were reading the history of Normandy in the eleventh, not of Ireland;
in the seventeenth, century. " Burn, as above; Smiles, 272 fº










|
AA’ EZAAV/D : AOR 7'AA' Z/AVG 7 OAV. I I I
The little town soon became a centre of refined learning;
and the quiet and industrious life of the people offered a
pattern of patient labour, thrift, and orderliness, that could
not fail of good influence on their neighbours of the country'.
A smaller settlement of the same kind was formed at
Youghal”, county Cork, in 1697. The corporation enfran-
chised them on payment of six-pence; but did not allow them
to vote or to serve as churchwardens until they should have
resided seven years. They seem to have had no public service.
Other officers and persons of consideration resorted to
Dublin, where they had three churches. Those who adopted
the Anglican office had been allowed by the archbishop the
use of Saint Mary's chapel, in the cathedral, as early as 1664 °:
nonconformists had churches in Peter-street and Lucas-lane *.
No French service now exists; but two consistories and a
French charitable fund give witness to the colony. Among
the immigrants of the lower class were silk-workers and florists;
those of the higher ranks have founded some of the best-known
families in Ireland, as Trench, La Touche, and Saurin; and one
•t
ºi-º,*
º-:
set up the first literary journal in the country ". .
Of an entirely different character was the French settle-
ment at Lisburn. The English government, wishing to protect
the woollen manufacture at home, resolved by way of com-
pensation to promote the linen-trade in Ireland. With this
view an act was passed in 1687 For encouraging the linen manu-
faciure of Ireland, and bringing flax and hemp into, and the
making of sailcloth in, this kingdom". ‘This law,’ says the
*Smiles, as above; cp. the Ulster journal, 6. 339 f. t
* See the rev. Samuel Hayman in the Ulster journal, 2. 223 f.; 1854.
* The French service ceased in 1816 or 1818; Burn, 247.
* These have long ceased. See Burn, and the Bulletin, 2. 135 f.; Burn
says that the hostility of the government, especially in Ireland, to any
form of dissent allowed but small favour to these congregations, and
accounts thus for their early disappearance: 250 f.
* Lecky, 2. 300. - d
* 7 & 8 William III, c. 39 (Statutes-at-large); cp, an Address of the House
# ºf Lords in 1698, in Macpherson, 2. 704.

I I 2 A/UGO//5AVO 7'S OF 7TP/AE /D/S/2/2/Q.S/OAV.
1693.
Mar. 27.
historian of commerce, “laid the foundation of the great and
flourishing manufacture of linen and cambrics in Ireland'.'
William invited from Holland * a French exile, Louis Crom.
melin, to begin the work. He brought with him in the follow-
ing year a thousand looms and wheels, and a whole colony
of weavers and spinners”. They established themselves in
Antrim, at Lisburn, or, as it was then called, Lisnagarvey; and
Crommelin was appointed overseer of the Royal Linen Manu
factory of Ireland. In 1705 the Irish House of Commons
made the workers here freemen in whatever city or corporate
town they chose to reside and exempted them from Sundry
burthens ". The original settlement included many trades.
people and not a few of good birth and breeding. It was a
gain to the neighbourhood not only from its example of peace.
ful industry, but also as adding an energetic element to a
population of a temper already intensely protestant". -
A similar industrial colony was made at Waterford". As
early as 1693 the municipality ordered that houses should be
prepared for fifty families of French protestants, To drive a
trade of linen-manufacture, they bringing with them a stock ºf
money and malerials for their subsistence until flax can be sown
and produced on the lands adjacent, and ſhat the freedom of the
city be given them grafis “. It was not likely that these condi.
tions should attract many; but enough came to obtain and to |
use the abbey-chancel for their public service until 1819'.
* Macpherson, 2.685.
* He had emigrated from S Quentin to Amsterdam: Bulletin, 8.462 f
* C. N. de la Cherois Purdon, in the Ulster journal, I. 212 ; 1853.
* He seems to have been a man of substance, for he sank 10,000l. ii?
the concern, the government allowing him eight per cent. upon it: vol. I
286.
* It is interesting to remark what were considered the burthens of fitti
manship; the functions of petty constable, sidesman, and churchwardellº
and the liability to jury-service: vol. I. 219. º
* The French church was closed in 1798; vol. 2.179: or 1818; Burn, 1};
* See the rev. T. Gimlette, in the Ulster journal, 4, 198 f. :
* Vol. 4, 201.
* Vol. 4, 202 & 219; or 1813; Burn, 244 f.




ASAE URAW. W.4 7E/8A'O/8/D : CORA. II 3
Others settled at Kilkenny, Carlow', and Cork: in this last place
there seems to have been formed at one time a considerable
community. Jacques Fontaine, whom we have already met in the
west of England *, became their minister in 1695, and he set up
a manufactory of flannels. If, he says, ſhe French in Cork
have shewn me much goodness it is due to the people of the town at
| large to remember that they have almost all offered me the same
; regard”. His energy attracted other refugees from several
parts of Ireland *; but the blow struck at the wool-trade by the
prohibition of its export ruined his manufacture, and he with-
drew to the retirement of Bantry Bay, to Bearhaven, and took
to fishing". The troubles he suffered from the ‘tories’ of the
neighbourhood made him anxious to fortify himself by a colony
of his countrymen. He persuaded thirteen old soldiers to
come, and gave them land and money : but nothing could keep
them in that wild corner of the earth ; in three years' time
hardly any remained". The settlement at Cork also languished,
until a new colony arrived in 1715, which added to the signifi-
cance of the imported population, as well as to the trade of the
town: but its date and origin deprive it of more than a col-
lateral reference to our subject".
* Lecky, 2. 344.
# * See above, pp. 89 f.; and cp. pp. 19 & 97, n. 5.
* Mémoires, 242. * Pp. 239 f.
# * Pp. 254 ff. * P. 267.
# "The sail-cloth industry was brought in by Jean la Trobe in 1715; but
in time decayed. The third restoration was the work of Bishop Chenevix
and Lord Chesterfield in 1746; but the people now introduced were only in
§ part of French extraction: Ulster journal, 4, 206 f. The church lasted
from April 29 1712 until about 1813; and its record remains in French
; Church-street: Burn, 249 f. On the high characteristic of the refugees in
Ireland generally, see a sermon by Philip Skelton; Works, 3. 38o ff. ; ed.
- R. Lynam, 1824. -
§ 3.
º, W . .

CHAPTER X.
THE REFUGE IN SWITZERLAND.
IN the huguenot dispersion Switzerland is of chief interest as
giving a thoroughfare to those who sought shelter in Germany"; |
the actual settlement was of minor consequence. For the
immediate influx was greatly swollen on account of the laxity
with which the Swiss frontier, as compared with the Flemish of
the seacoast, was guarded ". Moreover, across the border, the
fugitives were met by a people, friendly with the friendship of
an intense religious sympathy, who did all in their power to
counterwork the vigilance of the patrols. Thus, says the
historian of the Genevese church”, “among the forests of the
French Jura, on the hill of Saint Cergues, by the lake of Joux, |
the towns of Nyon, Rolle, Morges, Yverdun, set woodmen and
shepherds Under cover of the labours of their estale, to watch i
the byways and guide the travellers through.' And other towns |
on the border, as Rhône, Chancy, Avully, Cartigny, acted with º
a like forethought and independence.
From this neighbourhood to France, the Pays de Vaud'.
received a great crowd of fugitives. There was a mountain
here charged with a fund for the refugees from Gex, which
originated in a Dutch subscription of 1670. Its object was
diverted from the churches in Gex to their exiles, in 1685; andº º
Switzerland: Erman and Reclam, Mémoires, I. 192.
* M de Solomiac, in the Bulletin, 9. I43; 1860.
* J. Gaberel, Histoire de l'Eglise de Genève, 3. 367; Geneva 1862.
* Territorially it was annexed to Bern; but, at least at the beginning ofthe
immigration, its refuge has a different character from that of the canton prope:










r
7"A/AE AEAV7'R V ZAV7'O SW/7ZZA'AAAWD. II 5
the Bourse des Réfugiés du Pays de Gex thus established sub-
sisted until 1843 *. Between four and five thousand settled
there *, and a vastly greater number were for a time entertained
in the country. Lausanne was, above all, a city of refuge.
Within a few months of the Recall it counted eighty ministers”;
in a single day two thousand people are recorded to have come
within its walls".
But Geneva was the great place of transit, and we have here
the advantage, which we do not possess in any other refuge, of
knowing the precise number that arrived in the town, from the
charity registers. More than half the fugitives were provided
with the means of continuing their journey without recourse to
# the Bourse Française; but with the remainder this institution,
| which had existed since 1545 °, was sorely taxed to furnish the
sums necessary for their maintenance, some coming So bare of
; , raiment that they were ſain ſo wait the darkness or ever they
} would knock at the city-gaſes". *
: The influx began in 1682, and lasted for near forty years.
| During this time the towns of Leman gave shelter to 22,000
| persons" who needed relief, to 12,000 travelling northward in
haste, and to 27,ooo travelling at their own charges. The
population of Geneva alone was permanently increased by
# between 3ooo and 3600 inhabitants. The hospitality of the
# people was boundless. It should seem, wrote a fugitive”, that
the walls of their chambers dilated at will, so ready are they to
# entertain new-comers, come ſhough they may in dense throngs, and
Théodore Claparède, Histoire des Eglises réformées du Pays de Gex,
§ 236 f.; Geneva 1856. -
* The number actually was 4412, in the following distribution: Lausanne
; : 1505, Nyon 775, Morges 716, Vevey 696, Moudon 275, Aigle 231, Yverdun
! ,214: Bulletin, 9. 144.
# , ” Erman and Reclam, as above. - t
i., “M de Solomiac contrasts this with the four thousand who came to
§ Zuerich in a month: in the Bulletin, 9. 143. -
# * Gaberel, 3. 359 and 362. ° Vol. 3. 368.
# , "Gaberel says, “families or individuals,’ 3. 369; but the difference of the
# supposed equivalents is so great that, in the uncertainty of his meaning, .
# I have adopted the lesser specification. *. In Gaberel, 3.369 f.
§. ' I 2 - *
#. -
. . . . . ! .
#'. -


II 6 AIUGUEMO 7'S OF 7//E DISPEA’S/OM.
1685.
Nov. 20.
1686.
Jan.
the hospital will not contain all our comrades, few of whom dart
hope for recovery.
1685 The larger and more respectable part of the huguenots of
strated against their giving shelter to the fugitives of the Pays
in der Schweiz, 189; Leipzig 1876.
though they must be put up twenty in a room. Sickness and the
sufferings of the road make sad havoc among us, and the wards ºf
The activity of the Bourse Française was unceasing. In the
earlier part of the century its expenditure had fluctuated between
seven and fifteen thousand florins: in 1685 the amount was H
88,161 ; thenceforward to 1720 it ranged from ninety to a
hundred and fifty thousand". In forty years it spent 5,143,266
florins, this single city; while Bern with its comparatively
immense resources spent at most four million. These figures,
also, it must be understood, express only the public charity of
Geneva: and the bounty of individuals may have nearly rivalled
that of the city. i.
Nor was it unhampered by external difficulties. When in
Lyons had betaken themselves to Geneva, carrying with them ; !
all the money they had been able to collect for six months back,
Lewis twice ordered his resident to demand their surrender’ ſ
The magistrates parried the demand by asserting that the
fugitives had gone to Avignon. On another instance they
actually expelled two thousand, and when night came sent
out and took them back. When Lewis was informed he
menaced the Genevese with invasion: but, Bern, Zuerich,
Basel, and Schaffhausen holding together, he suffered some
negotiation and yielded ". It was the same reason, the pressure --
of foreign complications, that prevented his paying regard to :
the ironical answer of the Genevese council, when he remon
de Gex. That baillage of Gex, they said, Had always giai §
* In 1709 it reached the enormous figure of 234,672 florins: Gaberel, 3,37 * †
* Histoire van de Vervolging, 2. 34, 43, 52, 6o ; cp. Claparède, 213;
and A. Michel, Louvois, 266. . - .
3 Gaberel, 3. 376 ft. The evangelical cantons offered a support of thiſ
thousand men: J. C. Moerikofer, Geschichte der evangelischen Flüchtling";






















7”//E 7/7OA’OO/C/WA'AA' Z, OA’ CAEAVE VA. 117
Geneva is menservants and maids, and it would be hard to ſelch
them from any other place'. The domestic plea was not to be
gainsayed.
In spite of all obstacles, the fugitives arrived in constantly
increasing numbers. In Jacques Flournoy's diary we read
how the rush from the Pays de Gex filled the city, and wellnigh
exhausted the French Bourse. Daily, he wrote, in 1687, there
comes an amazing multitude. ... Scarce a zweek, it has been remarked,
but we have as many as three hundred ; and so zł has been since
the end of the winter. Some days there come as many as 120 in
sundry throngs : the more part craftsmen, but persons of quality
not a few. . . . They come principally from Dauphine”. Later in
the year he says, Days have been known when seven or eight
hundred fugitives have come in. It is affirmed that in the five
weeks ending with the 1st of September, nearly eight ſhousand
arrived; so that although they daily take their departure by the
lake, there are commonly more ſhan three thousand fogether present
in the city ". The opportunity was seized by the landgrave of
Hessen-Cassel to send deputies inviting a part to his dominion ;
and he gathered a good number *. *
When the fugitives left, on the road to Germany, they were
taken charge of by the protestant cantons, who had made an
arrangement by which Bern, Zuerich, Basel, Schaffhausen, and
Sankt Gallen, should meet a certain proportion of the charges
of relief". From Schaffhausen they were supported down the
* Claparède, 219. The emigrants from Gex were at least not hindered
by their venal governor, Passy, who suffered for it by a life spent in the
galleys: p. 218. r
* MS. at Geneva, in Weiss, 2.187; also in Arnaud, Protest. de Dauphiné, 3.15.
* As above. Bishop Burnet observed two hundred in one day, twelve or
thirteen hundred a week; History of his own Times, 2. II69 f.
* Koehler, Réfugiés in Preussen und Kurhessen, 59.
* Weiss gives, 2. 212 f, from a despatch of Tambonneau, January 4
1687, the following percentage: Bern 44, Zuerich 30, Basel 12, Schaffhausen
9, and S Gallen 5: which varies from that of Erman and Reclam, I. 241 f.
... But there were several readjustments of the figures: see Moerikofer, 179-
# 186. When Weiss adds that the arrangement was limited to the vaudois
1687.
Nov. 1.
1686. . .





II 8 I/O GUEAVOTS OF 7//E O/SPERSZOA.
Rhine until they reached Mainz. But here began the great
confusion. Who was to pay for the six hours' sail to Frankfurt, i.
which had the effect of thoroughly disorganising all the good
arrangements of the previous voyage 2 The immigrants more- p
over came in such numbers and in such rapid succession, that
it was really impossible to feed them, much less to give them º
N conveyance into Hessen-Cassel, or to Halberstadt, where the
elector of Brandenburg began his portion of help. Many are :
the complaints of Frankfurt, both to the elector and to the
Swiss association”. - . . . ;
Before the end of 1685 the elector had written to all the
princes of the Augsburg Confession and to the United Pro-
vinces *, asking their coöperation in support of the exiles in
Mºs Switzerland; and in 1688 a memorial of thanks was proffered
by the grateful people, who notwithstanding found themselves
still in need of help and wished to enlarge the settlement in the
cantons *. Thus, with foreign aid, Switzerland became not only
a place of transit, but also a permanent refuge ".
Geneva benefited by the coming of workers in silk and wool
exiles, we must remember that, whatever the intention, its advantages were
accepted by emigrants of all sorts, as we may see from a letter of Claude Rey,
minister at Erlangen, November 15 1687, recommending such huguenots
as were bound thither to go by way of Schaffhausen for this very object:
Bulletin, 16. I29. i
* See a complaint of the French consistory at Frankfurt to the burgo-
masters of Basel, July 4 1699, in F. C. Schroeder, troisième jubilé séculaire
de la Fondation de l'Eglise réformée française de Francfort-sur-le-Mein, 86 f.;
Frankfurt 1854: a monograph justly praised by M. Francis Waddington, in
the Bulletin, 8.79 m. They asked to have the detachments limited to seventy
or eighty persons, the departure of each divided by six or eight days, and ''
the voyage of their ships extended from Mainz to the end. º
* See also a letter asking help of the archbishop of Canterbury, August º
3o 1699; in Schroeder, 89 : and cp. below, p. 127.
* Resolutien van Holland, October 7 1688; in Koenen, Vluchtelingen it
Nederland, 53 f.
* Bulletin, 9. I49–153. .
* It is said that in 1699 there were eight thousand huguenot exiles in
Switzerland, besides three thousand vaudois ; Koenen, 83 n. This is well ºf
below the mark. #

GEME IVA. - II 9
from Nîmes, print-manufacturers from Dauphiné', goldsmiths
from Paris, Dijon, and Macon”, watchmakers from Blois”. A far
greater advantage was brought here and to Lausanne" by the
many families of rank, the artists ", and the men of science, who
raised the social culture and amended the idiom of these cities.
The presence of Abauzit, one of the child-refugees, he was
but five years old at the Recall,—soon connected Geneva with
the entire intellectual life of the time *.
For here we are to notice, what has already come into pro-
minence in the society of Rotterdam, the bent, far from solely
religious, which the French impressed upon the culture of the
cities where they gained free scope for influence. Even in
theology, Geneva now seemed to be reverting to the liberal tra-
ditions of Saumur", where Cappel had extended to the Bible the
* Arnaud, 3. 23. * Weiss, 2. 218.
* Depping, Correspondance administrative, 4. intr, lix; 1852. It is said
that in the very year of the Recall there were two hundred goldsmiths in
Geneva, refugees of the north of France: Moerikofer, 234. — A brief
reference may be allowed here to the French community at Constantinople.
Perhaps the most grotesque act of faith Lewis can be accused of, was
a request he made by his ambassador that the Grand Seignior would
procure the conversion of his Calvinistic subjects or else hand them over
to him : report of Coljers, resident of the Estates at Paris, in the Resolutien
van Holland, May 31 1686; cited by Koenen, 45 n. Whether this was
enforced seems doubtful: we only know that one M. de Girardin was
sent over in 1686 to see to it: Hollandse Mercurius, 1686, 128. In any
case, the Genevese who had settled in the city at the beginning of the
century were joined at this time by a number of huguenot fugitives. They
were simple workpeople, and, not being able to support a minister of their
own, they had recourse in the matter of baptisms, marriages, and burials,
to the chaplains attached to the Dutch, Swiss, and English embassies.
. See some notes found among archbishop Secker's papers and printed by . .
M Waddington, in the Bulletin, 4.384 ft, 1856. *. -
* It was from a Dauphinois family planted at Lausanne that Jean Louis
Reynier, general in the French Republic and under the First Empire, was
descended : Arnaud, 3. 24.
5 Among these are reckoned the famous Jean Petitot and the brothers
Étienne and Michel Liotard, painter and engraver: Moerikofer, 190 f.
' ' " See a good chapter in Sayous, le dix-huitième Siècle à l'Etranger, I. 81 ff.
‘CP, the same, Littérature française, I. 180 fſ. *
|



I 2 O A/OCUAEAVO 7 S OF 7//E DASA/EA’.SZOAV.
très-profond’: nouvelles Lettres, I. 17 f.; in Sayous, I. 186 f.: cp. 229, and
laws of historical and exact criticism, where Josué de la Place . .
had held original sin to be but the morbid growth of ages, and
where Amyraut had sought between the mysteries of grace and
predestination a middle way that should satisfy at once faith
and reason". This direction of the intellectual current of Geneva
must connect itself with the spread of the philosophy of Des- |
cartes, upheld in Geneva since 1669 by one of its most weighty
pioneers, Chouet, the master of Bayle and Basnage. Chouet,
though not himself a refugee, was the chief of a school that de
rived its main strength from the huguenot emigration”. Gradually
pervading the educated among the Genevese, the temper of the
community lent itself to the influence; and we are not to wonder
that many of the chosen friends and correspondents of Bayle
were numbered among the citizens of the Calvinistic capital
The impulse ran from metaphysic to natural science. Scientific
experiments became the vogue, as they had been a little earlier
in England *; and Geneva became renowned for its physicians. *
Firmin Abauzit might seem to gather within one body all the º
attributes of the society which he illustrated and which his º
personality transfused. Save in the one department from which º
all this special type of culture had flowed, that of metaphysics,
he was the confessed master of every branch of knowledge.
Newton declared him fit to arbitrate between himself and 3
Leibnitz”. Yet the wishes of the learned world, the invitations
of the English court, could not surprise Abauzit out of his simple
manners; could not draw him into a public career, or turn the
modest scholar to the ambitious writing of books. We know
him therefore not from the works which a sedulous after-age has
* Weiss, 2. 240 f. 3.
* Among whom was eminent the professor Burlamachi, an exile from
France, though of Italian birth. ‘C'est une bibliothèque vivante et le vérit i
able Photius de notre siècle,’ says Bayle, who commemorates in him “la
plus prodigieuse mémoire du monde, jointe à un jugement très-délicat et à
le dix-huitième Siècle, I. 77 ff. \ \ .#
* Bayle, 1.30; in Sayous, Littérature française, i. 185. “Weiss, 2.245.














AºA'A//AV AAEA UZ/7. I 2 I
wrested from his unwilling desk, so much as from his letters and
his life, from the stamp he left on the society of Geneva and
from the homage of Jean Jacques Rousseau'. He has been
described as ‘the true and self-contained exemplar of philo-
sophical Christianity”:' but his Christianity was that of the
| philosophical habit not that which finds its roots in philo-
sophical enquiry. It was the religion of the philosopher,
not of philosophy. What it lost in precision, it gained in
| breadth and charity. Voltaire could see in Abauzit but The
; thief of the Arians of Geneva”; but Voltaire's vision was bounded
by the intellectual horizon, and the human lay beyond. Yet it
is this human value which in history is above price, from its
| Tareness and its force of life and life-giving. The intellectual
is common enough ; we might pursue its trace in the little
World of Geneva, through the books and letters of huguenot
thinkers such as Le Sage or Marie Huber. But, with all their
; printings, their power over the rest comes not into comparison
with his who wrote nothing, who made none of his stores public,
the plain humble townsman Abauzit.
The refining influence of the exiles told throughout the Pays
de Vaud “: not less was the material influence. The people
knew no other work than husbandry and vinegrowing; both
were in rude state. The refugees improved them, and added
# the culture of orchards and kitchen-gardens". At Yverdun,
some Dauphinois set up a cloth-manufactory": everywhere
they opened shops, hitherto unknown in the district, and soon
#, rendered the trade of the pedlar, which had been indispensable,
| useless". A singular project was once started. Vaud was to
# have a great City of Refuge, to contain a population of thirty
: f
*~~~
#' 'Sayous, le dix-huitième Siècle, 1.81 f.; cp. Weiss, 2.247 f.
# * Willemain, Littérature du dix-huitième Siècle, 2. Loy; in Weiss, 2.246.
# * Weiss, 2.245. }
# * D. de Bray, in the Bulletin, 3. 17: ‘a certain intellectual life.’ -
#" * Moerikofer, 2.34; who cites in the next page a statement that “tout ce
# qui a fleuri dans le pays de Vaud, dans l’industrie et le commerce, est
§. d'origine française.' " Arnaud, Dauphiné, 3. 23. " Weiss, 2. 216.



I 2.2 Aſ UG U/EAVO 7'S OF 7///E /O/S/2/E/CS/O M.
1698.
thousand'. Unhappily, the interference of the authorities of
Bern prevented the scheme from being carried out. It was
their policy of pressing every one to a rigid uniformity”—On
which indeed their land-system was based,—that here and in
other instances hindered the easy settlement in the territory of
the canton. They feared that the colonists might justle the
rights of the natives *.
Thus even at Lausanne there was a talk of expelling the
huguenots", and once they were even recommended to prepare |
for departure; while at Bern, the order in 1689 that all
who lived on charity, save the old and sickly, should be im-
mediately expelled, was only stayed from execution by the urgent .
representations of the English and Dutch ministers. '
The citizens of Bern had never taken kindly to the French
immigrants". In 1698 the latter were forced to have recourse
to their fellow-exiles at Berlin, who made a large collection for :
them. A building thus appointed for the receiving of new
comers bore its name of the Hôtel de Refuge as late as 1781. "
We are told that the city-porters had to attend them to the doors
of the people they were billeted on, in order to enſorce their ad
mission by the inmates. In fact the canton was already suffici.
ently well peopled". Yet the town profited considerably by
those who fixed in it their manufactories of silk and wool, and
* Bulletin, 3. 17. - º
* Which prevented, on the other hand, the immigrants from getting:
citizenship or being “incorporés' at Bern: Claparède, 236. º
* Bulletin, 9. 360.
* Vol. 9. 268 f. The activity of M de Mirmand on behalf of the
refugees is commemorated in the same volume, I42 ft. ; and in Moerikoſe,
283 ff.—A similar decree of expulsion was once passed by the authoritieſ
of Zuerich : Bulletin, 3. 62 I. * º
* In 1696 they numbered 6454, of whom 1824 required support: Bul:
letin, 9. I43 f. - i
* Koehler, 28 f. Comparing the Bulletin, 9. 270, it should appear that:
this resort was called for by a minute of the magistrates that those whº
lived at alms should set their houses in order before they were driven out,
* Koehler, 28; Historie van de Vervolging, 3. II.3. ...}





















v
\
who plied embroidery-work'. In time, the government and the
people came to look well on the strangers who brought them such
gain; they helped with a large sum of money the clothworkers
who came from Valence in Dauphiné" and gave the French leave
to purchase citizenship or perpetual denizenship. Of the first one
in three availed himself, of the second not one in eighteen *.
Manufactures were also established, and also flourished, at
Zuerich *; in other cantons, Basel and Schaffhausen ", the
i. French dispersed themselves over the country and did not
| form any distinct colonies; in Appenzell the small agricultural
settlements do not call for separate notice". In Neuchâtel,
# the burghers were, at the outset, as generous as any of their
| brothers: the city was almost exhausted. Collections for the
| French were made frequently from 1683 onwards"; and a con-
f siderable settlement was formed in the town “, while the vine-
* Weiss, 2. 216. They had been invited by a Resolution of the council
dated October 22 1685: Moerikofer, 199. And these early immigrants
# were commercially the most valuable. Enough had come by the previous
# March to rouse the hue and cry of Lewis's officers, threatening sundry
º penalties unless they returned : Claparède, 209 f.
* Arnaud, 3. 22; Moerikofer, 199 f. * Bulletin, 9.361 f.
“It is said that one manufacturer had attracted I 500 huguenots by the
i end of 1685: Historie van de Verwolging, 3. 55. It was to Zuerich that the
} son of the renowned Jean Daillé, who presided at the synod of Charenton in
# 1659, retired. He died in 1690. The records of Zuerich give a transit through
# the city of 4592 persons between November 1683 and March 15 1684; and
§ from the same date to 1691 a total of 27,081. The expenditure down to
i. 1688 had been nearly 133,000 florins: Moerikofer, 42 I & 426 f.; cp. 230.
# * It is surely an understatement which counts only 15,591 refugees to Schaff.
# hausen from November 1683 to February 1688; Bulletin, 9. I43 : or
s 20,095 to a year later; Moerikofer, 427. Even in December 1685 the
# writer of the Historie van de Vervolging declared Schaffhausen to have
§" .
* † ,
of contributions to their maintenance in the other cantons. Sankt Gallen
º
#, "Bulletin, 9.487. The refuge numbered three hundred families in 1685:
# hardly more room remaining: 3. 113.
* Appenzell and Glarus helped the refugees chiefly by the indirect means
was too much out of the way to be otherwise of use. See Moerikoſer, 226 f.
#Moerikofer, 228. w
;Painted stuffs’ of India; Bulletin, 4, 154 f.
7//E A*/2/70/G/E /AV 7A/E CAAV7'OAVS. 123
# * Immigrants from Saintonge imitated in their manufactures here the
1686.
I7oo.


I 24 AſOCUEAVO 7'S OF 7///E ZO/S/2/2/CS/O M. º
i
.
1707.
growing in the country round was improved by the new
cultivators. The chief importance of the colony at Neuchâtel,
however, begins at a date beyond my limits', when Frederick the
First assumed its sovereignty and distinguished himself by his
protection of the French and by his giving them the highest
offices in the state. It may be remarked that his successor,
Frederick William the First, chose for the canton three gover.
nors running, from the refugee nobility”. The settlement had
indeed been effected soberly and without contention. The
immigrants blended readily with the people, and formed no
‘colonies. They enjoyed no ‘peculiar' jurisdiction as in
Brandenburg; and Neuchâtel neither had nor needed a Bourse
or a Corporation Française such as had been founded at Geneva
or Lausanne *. º
I have noticed the enterprise of building a great City of
Refuge in Switzerland. Another plan to find homes for the
huguenots, now in a remote island, though like the first result i
less, calls for reference from the dignity of its proposer and
from its peculiar character, recalling the great huguenot state in
America projected but never carried into effect by Coligny'
One of the family of the renowned Duquesne had led a colony
to the wilderness of the Cape of Good Hope"; another, Henry i
son of the admiral, thought to unite the exiles in Switzerland by:
making them into a firm commonwealth in the isle of Bourboni
Their fellows were summoned from Germany and, the Nether
lands; a fleet was made ready. But the French governmentwº
beforehand, and despatched some war-ships. Duquesne, bound:
by honour and the conditions of his banishment, withdrew fromi
the risk of conflict; and the commonwealth lived only in the
disappointed memory of its colonists".
* See two interesting notices by M. Guillebert in the Bulletin, 3. 620–62;
and 4. I53-16o. A protest is made against Weiss's statement that 'small:
numbers’ of the emigrants went to Neuchâtel than to other parts :
Switzerland: vol. 3. 623; cp. 9. 465. * Bulletin, 3. 622n:
* Vol. 3. 623. * Weiss, 2.317. " Above,pp. 435:
"Sayous, I. 206 f.; Moerikoſer, 195; cp. Weiss, 1.97. - º















|
.{ -
i
CHAPTER XI.
THE PASSAGE THROUGH SWITZERLAND INTO GERMANY.
THE preceding chapter has shewn how carefully the Swiss
provided for the fugitives among the huguenots whose resort
was beyond Switzerland. We have now to track them in the
Various states of middle Germany; and first in the great
, thoroughfare of Frankfurt on the Main, which is besides a good
example of the immense power of charity possessed and used,
in face of the intolerance of the mass of the people, by the
foreign and reformed residents of the German city. If a
generalisation may be allowed here, where each man took the
road which led him safest from the terror that invaded his
village, we may describe the refugees of Frankfurt as in the
main natives of Dauphiné and Languedoc, whose journey had
passed through Switzerland': and, happily for them, the energy
of the Walloon diaconate was stronger than the grudge of
Lutheran authorities. -
Frankfurt had once been the principal refuge in the empire
for Walloon, Dutch, and English exiles. From the end of the
sixteenth century, however, the reformed worship was pro-
scribed; and with this act, closely connected with the general
reaction against protestantism in Germany, the congregation in
part withdrew to Hanau, partly contented itself with a service in
the neighbouring village of Bockenheim. The church here was
S00n burnt down, and the people had to go as far as Offenbach”:
it was rebuilt and was their only place of worship until at last
* Schroeder, jubilé de Francfort, 82. * Pp. 19 ft.
1608.
1638.



I 26 A. UGOZAVO 7'S OF 7///E |
->
DASAEAEA'SZOAV.
seſſ”. in 1792 one was permitted to exist within the city'. It was a §
happy chance that led the princess of Tarentum to seek here
the place of her exile *; for, through her rank, her house was
allowed during the critical years from 1688 to 1693, when she
died, to maintain a ministry for the benefit of a small part of :
the multitude, which from the spring of 1685 was constantly ;
pouring into the city. For, though the restriction put upon
religious liberty prevented as many from settling here as we
might otherwise expect, the position of Frankfurt made it the
landing-place of considerably more than a hundred thousand
fugitives in the twenty years following the Recall", besides some
thirty thousand more in another twenty years “.
Like Hamburg in the north, it was one of the chief places
where those who sought a refuge in Brandenburg betook them.
selves. For here they came at once under the charge of the
electoral agent Merian, who had orders to furnish everything for
their comfort and maintenance in travel. The landgrave of
Hessen-Cassel had a similar agency ". Most of them came
either from the eastern provinces of France immediately, or from
the south by way of Geneva and Schaffhausen. Of these later
a great number were persons of consideration and substance"; j
ii
...
* The French had been naturalised in 1787: pp. 32 f. ‘s
* Amalia, princess of Tarentum, was daughter to Wilhelm V, landgrave º
of Hessen-Cassel: Erman and Reclam, I. 204 ff. On her charity see
Ferdinand Bender, Geschichte der Waldenser, 277; Ulm 1850. º
* See supplementary note viii. It is hard to say how large a proportion
of these refugees were vaudois, or again how many huguenots were mixed:
up with the vaudois. g
* As late as 1713 and thereabouts the deacons' books contain many:
notices of men who had been in galleys twenty-six or twenty-seven years, at:
last freed : Schroeder, 4of.
* Historie van de Vervolging, 3. 55. .*
* It should seem that the number of wealthy refugees was very con:
siderable; and this fact may account for the repeated occurrence of catholic;
abjurations here, as though commerce had dictated also a catholic emigº
tion, which association with the protestants of the Refuge had converted:
For the fact, see Schroeder, 30 and 94 ; and cp. Wenz, Emden, T33. anº
Weyell, Neu-Isenburg, 8, 31. 3















:
i
º
º
A'RAAVATEUR 7. * 127
| the rest were supported by the Switzers as far as Mainz. Thence
as their multitude far exceeded the expectation of the elector of
Brandenburg, a preponderant share in the call for relief fell to
the French diaconate of Frankfurt. The mere contributions of
the Calvinistic societies sufficed for the purpose until 1699; but
it was only with much thrift, nor could the dole exceed half-a-
florin to each person relieved".
In this year however they had to go to their Lutheran fellow-
citizens and to the elector of Brandenburg for help : The
French refugees, they pleaded, coming from Switzerland in the
desire to settle within your highness's ferritories approach hither
daily in crowds, the more part of them in hard case, óeggared
of all help and lacking the means to perfect their journey : that
they had of the Switzers barely sufficing to carry them to Mainz.
Finding therefore here no officer nor no money, whereof they had
had hope, they know not whither ſo furn them , whereby many
be discouraged and are brought to take their way offer-Uhere,
and the remnant in the diffidence into the which it is like they
fall, he moved to desire peradoenſure to return back to France; how-
hit they that have goods go seek a dwelling place in other lands, as
Holland or England”. The Lutheran townsfolk for the first
time listened to the appeal”; and the elector, encouraged by the
i promising growth of the colony already planted in his country,
set himself at once to arrange for their enlargement. The
causes of the new influx are involved in the fortunes of the
Palatine refugees. But in this place it is necessary to remark
...that its character was far from exclusively huguenot. On the
Other hand, here and elsewhere, it is equally rash to distinguish
any particular band of exiles as vaudois“. For very many of the
banished huguénots took refuge at first among the valleys of
* From 1685 to 1695 63,698 persons were granted 34,248 fl. 124 alb.;
from 1695 to 1705 34,118 by 17,642 fl. 7 alb.: an albus counting for two
... kreutzers: Schroeder, 27 and 84. .
* P. 86. * P. 30.
# * This is done far too sweepingly by the author of the Uebersicht der
#, Wanderungen. -
1699.
June 17.




I 28 A/UGUEAVO 7'S OF THE ZO/S/2/E/CS/OAV.
. 1689.
Savoy, and, when the vaudois population was forced to flee,
threw in their lot with them. More than this, just as in an
earlier proscription the French had at times given themselves
out for Walloons', so now policy dictated an analogous pretence,
We find records of vaudois colonies in Germany coinciding
with periods when they are known to have lived undisturbed at
home; and these we may accept unhesitatingly as huguenot
The fugitives were aware that in some parts of Germany
especially near the French border the prince might colourably
entertain vaudois, where he could not risk encountering the
hostility of Lewis the Fourteenth by receiving his rebels’,
Lastly, the confusion might readily arise in the German mind
from the identity of language or from the change of the
French boundaries; as we constantly find the people of the
valley of Pragelas treated as Savoyard, whereas part of it,
notably the village of Queyras, had always been French', and
most of the remainder was incorporated by the treaty of
Rijswijk, when the chief emigration began.
But before passing on into the Palatinate it will be well to
notice the immigration to the cities of Saxony, connected
with Frankfurt alike through commercial interests and the
prejudice of sect. Many traders and men of wealth took
refuge in Leipzig and Dresden; but their inducement was
business, not religious freedom. Of this they had little at the
hands of the Lutheran burghers. At Dresden they shared with:
the reformed Germans a furtive worship, guarded by an oath of
secresy, in a private house': at Leipzig the holy communion:
was only possible by a journey to Halle in the neighbouring
electorate of Brandenburg". In the duchy of Sachsen-Hildbugº.
* For instance at Mannheim; see a sermon preached there in 1821 by .
Charles Killian, 21 ; cited by Schroeder, 83 n. ;
* F. Waddington in the Bulletin, 8. 79 n. It is to be remarked that º
it was as a Frenchman and under the influence of Lewis XIV that the
strenuous priest-colonel Arnaud was expelled from Piedmont. He sought;
in vain to prove himself vaudois: Schroeder, 83 n.
* Bender, 26o. - * Weiss, 1.227.3%
* They were allowed a room in the Rentey-Gebäude for common worship:










7T//E AEAZA 7TWAVA 7TE. I 29
hausen they fared better, and the little community joined the
Dutch residents in a church of their own ".
The year of the Recall was marked by a dynastic change in
the Palatinate fraught with significance in its immediate results
upon the country. The extinction of the Simmern branch of the
house of Wittelsbach gave the succession to Philipp Wilhelm
of the younger line of Neuburg, while it admitted of a possible
claimant in the person of the late elector's brother-in-law, the
duke of Orleans. The new elector, though a catholic *, re-
ceived the fugitive with a hospitality doubly commendable,
because of his own religion and because of the nearness of his
estates to the French border. The exiles came in very large
numbers, and were settling everywhere in the electorate, when
Lewis the Fourteenth surprised them by taking steps to enforce
his brother's claim. It does not fall within my scope to detail
this inroad, the most terrible ravage even of this pitiless king “:
but its effect in scattering once more the unhappy fugitives that
lingered there, forms perhaps the hardest feature in the history
I have to trace. We know of it not at all from themselves;
at a date variously put at 17oo, Erman and Reclam, I. 261, and Wad-
dington, in the Bulletin, 8. 313 f.; 17o I, Weiss, as above; and 1707,
Uebersicht der Wanderungen, 80. They did not unite with the German
reformed body until 1758.
* Or, as it has been since 1826, Sachsen-Altenburg.
*The church at Hildburghausen was built in 1721, Uebersicht der Wander-
ungen, as above; by means of a collection made in England and elsewhere,
about 1717. The canvass may be found among the Wake papers, vol. 28;
where the ‘colonie naissante’ is described as owing its formation to the sur-
charge of Wismar (= Weimar 7) and Switzerland. ' The former name
apparently relates to a settlement otherwise unrecorded. Similarly of the
settlements in Nassau and in Lippe-Detmold we know little beyond their
existence: Erman and Reclam, I. 281. A vaudois settlement in Schaum-
burg, in 1688, which included a few Dauphinois, is noticed by Bender,
291; who also mentions the immigration, principally huguenot, into the
county of Solms-Braunfels-Daubhausen, p. 292 : cp. below, p. 142, n. 3.
It would be hardly necessary to support this statement by a reference
# to Spittler, or to a well-known letter in Macaulay, 2. Ioo, had not Weiss
# fallen into the strange blunder of calling him a Calvinist, I. 234.
*See Jobez, Histoire de Louis XV, I. 167 f.
- t K



I 30 Aſ UGOEAVO 7'S OF TH/AE ZO/SAPERS/OAV.
1698.
July 20.
only from the compassionate churches that received and
sheltered them. Their notices are little more than suggestions
of the bitter suffering and misery that fled to them for succour;
little more than the bare recital of how many were taken in
at Frankfurt or Hanau, in Hesse, Brandenburg, Holland, Or
England'.
When the troops of Duras were withdrawn, some of the
French thought to return : their friends in other parts of
Germany gave them help *. But the warning of 1689 was fresh
in the elector's mind. He published a Declaration only allow-
ing Switzers, Piedmontese, Lorrainers, and such, to reside within
his territories. In spite of his displeasure, the French continued
to come; and he had to renew the order, adding that these had
wronged his bounty by using a false pretence”, and that for the
future all the French were to be banished “. Hence the second
dispersion of the palatine settlers, largely increased by new-
comers from France and Savoy"; and hence the numerous new
colonies in middle Germany about this date.
* Schroeder, 82; J. B. Leclercq, Histoire de l'Église wallonne de Hanau,
Io8 f, Hanau 1868; Koehler, 27 f. Frederick the Third published an
edict in their favour, May II, 1689. -
* Leclercq, Io9.
* It seems that the pretext of being Walloon was still used by the
huguenots; see Schroeder, 91 f. . . .
* Letter of Struve, May 1699, cited in Schroeder, 82 f. “We are now in
vited,” said Dr Wake, the future primate, “to preserve the remains of the same,’ º
the huguenot, ‘church and of some of those of the vallies of Piemont with
them. A flock little in number, but of great worth: and such as we cannot
suffer to perish without fixing an eternal infamy upon our names for our un-
charitableness’: the Case of the exiled Vaudois and French Protestants stated,
28; a fast-day sermon April 5 1699, published in quarto. º
* The French preachers at Mannheim, Heidelberg, Frankenthal, &c., iſ
were thrust out; obliterating an old monument of the duke of Alba's per
secution: Schroeder, 83; Koehler, 27; Ancillon, Etablissement des François sº
réfugiez, 346 f.; who describes their reception in Brandenburg. Besides
Heidelberg and Frankenthal, Otterberg, Schoenau, S Lambert, and An-
weiler dated from the sixteenth century: Mannheim was founded early
in the seventeenth, and Oggersheim and Billigheim before the Recall: ;
Schroeder, 9.I. - * %














THE PALA 7/MATE O/SPERSION: ERLANGEAV 131
The younger branches of the Hohenzollern had from the
first followed their head, the Great Elector, in zealous care for
the exiled huguenots. The marquess of Brandenburg-Ansbach
encouraged the rise of a French church at Schwabach : where
an industrial colony held its distinct vitality until this century".
His cousin of Brandenburg-Baireuth early published a Declara-
tion inviting settlers, through which some came to Baireuth
and very many to Erlangen. Here they founded the beautiful
New Town called after the then-reigning marquess Christian-
Erlangen”. Their prosperity indeed was in despite of the
citizens, whose ill-will would have scattered them over Baiersdorf
and the surrounding villages; and in the town they met with
little hospitality. Once, in 1687, there was a sad plight. The
marquess was away, at Vienna, when three hundred exiles
appeared, soon a thousand; the countrymen closed their
doors". But the marquess was as good as his word. He
arranged for the building of the Neustadt, and commanded the
coöperation of the citizens. He was more than repaid for his
pains. ‘Erlangen owes its industry, its prosperity, the building
of its handsomest quarters, to the incoming of the French pro-
testants *. They wove and dyed and set up tanyards. Coming
at first from Vivarais, Dauphiné, and Languedoc in particular",
their numbers were immensely increased by the Palatine cam-
paign of 1689. Save in the trade they planted, the only record
of their extraction is to be found in their church and in the per-
manence of French surnames.
In turning to Wuerttemberg we have to bear in mind what
* F. Waddington in the Bulletin, 8. 226 f. The French service ended in
1813. On Inguenheim of Metz who presided over the establishment of this
colony, see Othon Cuvier, pref. to Jean Olry, la Persécution de l'Eglise de
Metz, 47; ed. 2, Paris 1859. .." :
* Uebersicht der Wanderungen, 81 ; Bulletin, 8. 220.
* See a letter of the minister Claude Rey, November 15, in the Bulletin,
16, 129. *
“Bulletin,8. 219. The French church, also intended for reformed Germans,
# was founded July 141686 and opened 1693. The French serviceceased in 1818.
# * Bulletin, 8, 220.
A: . K 2
1685.
Nov. 23.


I 32 Aſ UGO AEAVO 7'S OF 7///E /)/S/2/EA’.S/O AV.
\y
* {{tº:
. .º
was said above with regard to the doubtful mixture of the
immigration. Claude Brousson went into the duchy in the
winter of 1685 to entreat the reception of huguenot fugitives,
The regent replied to his solicitations that he dared not admit
them to an open country so close to Strassburg, the governor of
this fortress having already signified the displeasure of the
French king that any should harbour his ‘rebels and deserters'.'
Accordingly the first settlers in the duchy are described as
vaudois. Doubtless, coming chiefly from Languedoc, and
passing through Savoy, they impressed the religious panic
upon the villagers and carried many with them. They had
hardly established themselves in Wuerttemberg when the French
invasion made all again uncertain; and most of the vaudois,
with five hundred huguenots, responded to the invitation which
the duke of Savoy had been induced by the pressure of the
Estates-General to offer, and returned once more to their
native valleys”.
The first colony was practically wiped out. The second was
an effect of the peace of Rijswijk, which, by transferring some
parts of Savoy to France, drove three thousand protestants into
the districts laid waste by recent war, to the east of the Black
Forest. There they camped, until they saw return to be im-
possible, and became reconciled to the formation of a little
Society by themselves, where name and conversation and faith
should keep alive the memory of their former homes”. Until
1822 they had their own synods “ and own church-organisa-
* Léopold Nègre, Vie et ministère de C. Brousson, 147 ff.; Paris 1878; from
the Court MSS. at Geneva. Cp. Moerikofer, Flüchtlinge in der Schweiz, 197,
* The date is given as July 1689, by Baur, Kirchengeschichte der neueren
Zeit, 243. It is placed a year later by Koehler, Preussen und Kurhessen, 29.
The nomad body gathered strength as it passed through Switzerland, so
that when it reached Savoy it numbered several thousand; Baur, as above.
* Weiss considers these settlers as vaudois; 1.232 : the accurate Schroeder.
however remarks that they were partly huguenots who had tarried while
they could in Piedmont, p. 93. . . . .
* Between 1701 and 1822, they held fourteen synods. They were more i
dependent than most of the communities in this part of Germany, and
§mall relations with Frankfurt: Schroeder, 93.




WUAEA 7'7"/2///5A2A’G AAVZ) BA/OAZAZ. I 33
tion': only in 1828 did they finally abandon the French language
in their public worship. Even now, we are told, they retain in
their social life the manners and characteristic of their fathers”. .
A portion of the same immigration was diverted northwards
into the margraviate of Baden-Durlach. They received kind-
ness at the hands of the marquess Friedrich Magnus, who
assigned them lands near Carlsruhe. Here they built the
‘French’. Neureuth", which was a separate French parish until
1821 *. Six other villages long preserved the impress of this
settlement. The rest journeyed on into Hesse, and into the
county of Isenburg-Buedingen, where some established them-
'selves at Waldensberg " and Neu-Isenburg ; the latter, a crea-
tion of the immigrants, may be treated in some detail; for it is
a type of their colonisation under favourable conditions, and
has besides some features of peculiar interest in the fortunes of
the exiles.
* The old organisation was abolished by the synod of Stuttgardt, 1822;
as above. -
* A picturesque description of these villages, some twenty in number,
may be found in M Victor Tissot's Voyage au Pays des Milliards, 32 f.
ed. 20. Paris 1875. “La physiognomie ouverte, le regard wif et franc, l’oeil
généralement noir, ainsi que les cheveux, le teint coloré, révélans une popu-
lation qui boit du vin et a peu de goût pour la bière; enfin, notre langue
encore parlée par les viellards octogénaires, avec un gentil accent méridional
et des expressions du temps: tels sont les traits qui caractérisent encore
aujourd’hui ces bons gens’: p. 33. Schroeder enumerates Gros Villar, Petit
Villar, Perouse, Pinache-et-Serres, La Balme, Lucerna, Sinac-et-Koerres, Le
; Queyras (or Duermenz), Les Māriers (or Schoenenberg), Le Bourset (or
Neu-Hengstett), Gochsheim, Diefenbach, Lomersheim, Muetschelbach-und-
Gruenwettersbach, and Nordhausen: pp. 42 f. and 90 m. I cannot deter-
mine whether Mentoule specified by Weiss is identical with any of these.
The vaudois origin of several of the names is evident. Schroeder dis-
tinguishes as purely French the remaining colonies in Wuerttemberg, at
Kanstadt, Ludwigsburg, and Stuttgardt.
* Welsch-Neureuth. The others were Pforzheim, Friedrichsthal, Reihen,
Hilsbach, Friedrichsfeld, and Reilingen: pp. 44 & 93 n. These are all that
Schroeder enumerates, though in the text he speaks of eight or nine.
* Weiss, I. 232. *
* . . * The date 1699 is fortified by the casual mention of Koehler, IoA, who
calls it (wrongly) vaudois.


1699.
Sept. 20.
W
Ił-1} acre).
t
3.
4
'i
*
, ſº
{
CHAPTER XII.
THE REFUGE IN AND ABOUT HESSE.
THE founders of New-Isenburg were greeted on their first
arrival by a Privilegium, or charter, from count Johann Philipp',
which provided for the erection of a town with a mayor and
four aldermen”, a minister, schoolmaster, and organist (artt. v., ii)
The municipal court was to do justice in civil suits and matters
of police, to a ten-florin fine; above this the count's court alone
had jurisdiction”. Each settler was to have land allotted him for
house and garden, seed-ground and pasture “; he was allowed
the common rights of fuel, water, and the waste, and given
wood to build homestead and barn (vi). Save in the newly
annexed meadows of Sprendlingen, no taxes were to be paid for
ten years; and after this term they were only to come due on a i
reduced scale * (viii.). The people were declared free of con-
scription : the tithes they should pay were to be devoted to i
the support of their own minister and schoolmaster; and their d
* A monograph of Philipp Weyell illustrates the memory of the good º
count of Isenburg and Buedingen, who died in 1718; die französische º
Kolonie Neu-Isenburg bei Frankfurt; Neu Isenburg 1861. ºf
* The schultheiss and schöpfen were to be annually elected.
* Weyell, 5 f. & 30 f. ºf
* In a proportion of 5 to I ; the unit being four morgen or 2% to 3 acres; †
art. viii. 3
* House-tax 5 florins; and for the croft, Io albus the morgen of arable
(say a florin for 2–24 acres); 15 albus the morgen of pasture (a florin for














MEU-ASEAAURG. I 35
comfort and convenience met by the establishment of two inns
and a half-yearly fair.
Under such provisions was Neu-Isenburg founded by a mixed
multitude of French and vaudois. The former came from
Dauphiné, Burgundy, Champagne, the Sédanais, and the Pays
Messin, from Guienne, even from the duchy of Foix"; and,
while their prosperity attracted many who had first sought
refuge elsewhere in Germany", a protective clause in the
Privilegium long saved the colony from being overrun by the
Lutherans of the neighbourhood".
Service was first held, in 17oo, on a plot of ground where, we
are told, ‘a year earlier there was nothing but a horrible, dense,
Wood.' The roots of a great oak gave the clergyman * a pulpit,
from which he spoke to a throng formed by his future flock
and by many strangers from Frankfurt and Offenbach as well.
And the commonplace, It is good for us to be here, seemed to
gain a new import from the hope of the time and the fitness of
the scene". The exiles, however, though the count supplied
materials, could not afford to finish the church for some years".
At length they were enabled by their fellows in Holland to
complete it. The count built them a hall, a twelve-sided tower,
which as their fortunes throve they purchased from him, and
which is the Rathhaus to this day". But their prosperity was
very fluctuating *. At one time an epidemic sickness thinned
the growing population, and drove many on to Copenhagen and
other settlements, or even back to France. At another, thanks
* See the lists in Weyell, 7–9. - * P. 9.
* Art. xiii. forbad the sale of land in the municipality to any except per-
Sons of the count's, that is of the reformed, religion : p. 31.
* Isaac Bermond of S Fortunat in Vivarais: p. 13.
* “What lacked in outer pomp,' is the comment of the local historian,
‘was redeemed in inward strength '': p. 16.
* It was founded May 25 1702 : even in January 1706 it was still incom-
plete. The wooden structure was ruinous in fifty years, and a new one of
stone had to be opened in 1775; pp. 16–19.
"Bought for 6oo fl. in 1710; p. 3.
* Even in 1740 the United Provinces helped to pay their minister; p. 15.
17oo.
May 20.
1702.


I 36 AIUGUEAVOTS OF 77/E DISP/EAS/OA.
descent”.
! 1596.
16oo.
April 9.
a 1687. Feb.
b April 26.
• 690.
Oct. 15.
d 1698.
to rich presents from their friends in Holland, they are seen
flourishing in their workshops, weaving stockings and serges,
making wigs and hats, cobbling and brewing, or minding
gardens and husbandry'. They had their surveyors and sur-
geons : every one was employed. The women were busy in
dairy or laundry, the children in netting or leather-sewing,
Thus they succeeded in tiding over the troublesome beginning;
and, though gradually reduced to a minority by the influx of
German residents, so tenacious are they of national life that
even now some hundred families claim for themselves a French
Some of the same emigration that founded Neu-Isenburg
went on into the county of Hanau. The colony in the town
dates from the suppression of the protestant worship at Frank-
furt; when the count invited the reformed population to build
a new town beside his old one. They came in crowds, and built
a great church”. But the date of their chief increase was at the
Recall, when many wealthy people settled at Hanau, and very
many more made it their thoroughfare. Between 1685 and
1714, we are told, there was scarcely a week, or a day even, in
which the diaconate had not to succour some new waifs". And
the means at the disposal of the Walloon church were not large;
it was put to great straits in harbouring the throngs of ministers
and people". Yet the friendly diaconate gave help, not only
to those who came to Hanau, but also to the churches of
a Mannheim, b Friedrichsdorf, cDornholzhausen, and dwuert.
temberg". Of those who remained inmates of the town the
* But the soil was sandy, and little fertile; Weyell, 15.
* Weyell gives the entire population as 2682, the citizens as 430; 9 &
31. The author of the Uebersicht der Wanderungen speaks of there being
a doubt as to the French or vaudois origin of the colony. The names
in Weyell shew the considerable French element, which the anonymous
compiler, pp. 40–42, 88 f., describes as only ‘afterwards’ decidedly pre-
ponderant.
* Schroeder, 19 f. * Leclercq, 256.
* Among the former was David Ancillon, the father of the historian of º
the Refuge in Brandenburg: pp. I Io f., 232. " pp. Io9 f. :
























94
I/AAAU AV/) HESSE. 137
only lasting record was preserved in the craft of jewellery
which they brought in with them and which long retained its
ſame in Germany ".
The establishment of most of the colonies in this part of the
COuntry was in a great measure due to the activity of Pieter
Walkenier”, Dutch envoy to the empire first at Augsburg and
afterwards at Ratisbon '. It was he also who promoted the
settlement of some half-dozen villages in Hessen-Darmstadt “.
The refuge in Hessen-Homburg was of older standing. In
the winter of 1685 the landgrave Friedrich the Second welcomed
a number of exiles from Picardy and the isle of France", who
almost immediately set about building the new part of Homburg
called Louisenstrasse. Next year, a league apart, huguenots
from Champagne, Dauphiné, and Languedoc" founded the village
of Friedrichsdorf. The settlers were allowed the privileges of
natives and immunity from taxation for ten years; and they
prospered and set up a thriving manufacture of flannels". It
has been observed that to this day Friedrichsdorf preserves
better than any other colony the language of its fathers and
* Erman and Reclam, 5. 273; 1788. Goethe mentions it in 1815:
Koehler, Io9.
*Often known, by a widespread mistake, as Walckenaer: see Koenen,
Vluchtelingen in Nederland, 20I n. On his activity cp. Weyell, 5; Schroeder,
* Ultimately he was minister to the Helvetic confederation. He acted also,
On one occasion, as almoner to the Elector of Brandenburg: Schroeder, 89.
f “Schroeder, 93 f. These are commonly believed to be vaudois. Yet in
one of them certainly the inhabitants recall their Languedoc origin, 83 n.
The vaudois entry in the autumn of 1688 (partly from the Palatinate) may
be read in Bender. -
* F. Waddington adds ‘vaudois' and places their arrival a little later:
Bulletin, 8.8o. A few came from Languedoc and Dauphiné and perhaps
from the French part of Savoy: Schroeder, 92.
* Also from Pragelas. The author of the Uebersicht der Wanderungen is
clearly rash when he states the settlers here and at Dornholzhausen to be
mainly vaudois. A misstatement of his about the minister at Friedrichsdorf
(see the Bulletin, 1.83) may warrant a suspicion of his accuracy with regard
* to the congregation. Cp. a note of Schroeder's, 83.
' ' See an account in the Bulletin, I. 81 ſ.
I686.
I688.
1699.
April.
1687.
Mar. 13.



138 Aſ UGUEAVO 7'S OF 7///2 D/SAE/ERS/OM.
Nov. 29.
‘the old refugee-traditions of faith, order, despatch, integrity'.'
Contemporary perhaps with this settlement was that at Dorn-
holzhausen, the interest of which was purely agricultural. Here,
as at Friedrichsdorf, the people have succeeded in maintaining
their French service to the present time”.
The landgrave of Hessen-Cassel, Karl the First, issued as early
as April 18, 1685, a Freiheits-Concession allowing French immi. i
grants to build churches and appoint their own ministers and
teachers". Various privileges were detailed, and certain places
recommended by reason of the fruitfulness of their soil or their
advantages for commerce. Of these only Cassel, Gudensberg,
and Hofgeismar were actually chosen “. The landgrave's wish
was to attract the manufacturing and trading classes; and
enough had come by the month after the Revocation to form
a congregation at Cassel", enough by the end of November
to need and to gain the use of the Carmelite church, to the
indignation of the Lutheran ministers". *
The immigration divides itself into three epochs". The first
includes the three years following the Recall. During this
period, the number of the French in Cassel”, and in the
* Schroeder,92: cp. the vigorous language of M Waddington, Bulletin,8.79.
* It has been observed that the churches of Hessen-Homburg and
Hessen-Darmstadt stood in a peculiarly close relation to Frankfurt; which
fact may explain their vitality. In several the French service was main
tained as late as 1829 : Schroeder, 94.
* Chr. von Rommel, zur Geschichte der französischen Colonien in Hessen. :
Cassel, 9; Cassel, I857. :
* The others were Homberg, Felsberg, Grebenstein, and Melsungen:
Koehler, 58.
* They met, we are told, at seven in the morning of the 28th of October
[November 7] in the house of one Grandidier a tradesman: Bulletin, 1.347ſ.
cp. C. von Rommel, 89. t º
* The Brüderkirche; see C. von Rommel, 19. A collection was ordered , ;
December 1: one of the administrators being Tenfant, the historian of the d
Council of Constance. Help was thus given to Frankfurt, Heidelberg,
Mannheim, and Maastricht: Koehler, 58. . #
* See a catalogue of the settlements in supplementary note ix. *:
* To speak however of three thousand in the spring of 1686 is to say too:
much : Bulletin, I. 348.
i.









AZAZSS/EA’. CASSEZ. I 39
Is
villages of Immenhausen and Hofgeismar, so increased that
ahuguenot architect Paul du Ry" was summoned from Holland
to build two new villages, Karlsdorf and Mariendorf, and ulti- 1687.
mately the fine suburb of the capital long known as the Fran- 1688.
10esische Oberneustadt". The influx was vaudois, but of the
Vaudois chiefly within French dominion. Immenhausen was .
filled from Embrunois and Pragelas, and its overflow went to
Mariendorf”. The population of Hofgeismar had a similar
Origin, from Pragelas and Queyras “: and as it became sur-
charged, it gave many colonists to Brandenburg and formed
the main foundation of Karlsdorf".
Cassel was now busy with workpeople. They made carpets
and cloths, hats and gloves, jewellery and all sorts of ornamental
Wares: the townsmen complained that they were undersold ",
There were two French congregations, with three ministers;
each had its reader and six elders". For their civil concerns
there had been since 1686 a French Commission *, whose juris-
diction held even over the German burghers of the Oberneustadt,
His son and grandson followed him as court-architects in Hesse :
Koehler, 65 n.
* It was enlarged and improved by Landgrave Friedrich II. The church
was founded Augnst 3 1698, and opened in 171o: a French service is still
Occasionally held. The overflow of the Oberneustadt went in 1694 to
Hertingshausen and elsewhere: pp. 60 & 64. Germans were admitted by
an ordinance of February II 1697: p. 62.
* The landgrave gave the new colony its support for a year; and dis-
tributed lands. Its church was built between 1701 & 1705: p. 78.
“A hundred and fifty households came in 1685: p. 72.
* P. 74. -
... " The French set up manufactories of tobacco and looking-glasses, but
these did not succeed: C. von Rommel, 19; cp. the Bulletin, I. 348.
"The entire number of elders had been raised to eight in June 1686:
Bulletin, as above. The consistory at Cassel had supreme jurisdiction over
, all the churches in the landgraviate, and from 1724 the senior member was
inspector-general. But ordinary business was transacted, according to the
situation of the churches, by the consistories of Cassel and Marburg re-
spectively: Koehler, 67 f.
* The Commissaires de la régence pour les affaires des français : C. von
Rommel, 14; who as kurfürstlicher hessische Staats-Rath is careful about
these things. -
#
s
sº
H. : .
3.
s
:.

I 4O A/ UCOAEAVO 7.S ()/ TN//5 /O/SA/E/CS/OAW.
1687.
1687–8.
1691.
as well as in suits where both parties were French in the Altstadt.
They had also a separate Court of Appeal, with its Ober.
Appellationsgerichts-Rath, a Kanzleirath, assessor, clerk, and
remembrancer'. The distinct French society was completed
by a hospital given by the landgrave”, and by the benevolent
fund which he set on foot wherever the French came to
settle *.
Karlsdorf and Mariendorf soon filled "; and new colonies
were planted in the province of Upper Hesse. To the univer.
sity of Marburg came Denis Papin, whose digester had been .
astonishing the Royal Society of London, and who nearly gave
the world the appliance of steam to locomotion". He was
professor of mathematics; Gautier of theology. The latter
bequeathed to his fellow-exiles some land at Frauenberg hard
by; and the colonisation of Frauenberg and Louisendorf went
together. Louisendorf represents Hammonshausen, a village
ruined and without inhabitants; when now revived, it was named
afresh after a princess of Hesse. But it did not flourish at once.
The French * could not be happy in the rough huts which were
all they had for dwelling; they resolved to seek a new home in
some other country. The landgrave however forestalled them,
and built them houses".
The colonies grew quietly for some years, and the villages,
as they became too crowded, sent out offshoots to waste-lands
near. The only hindrance they had to contend with was the
countrymen's tenacity of their mark-rights; and this in many
* Koehler, 66 f. * Bulletin, 4. R4 I f. * Koehler, 69.
* The overflow went to Frankenberg (336 families), to Schwabendorf (30 .
families), and to other places, as Geismar and Ellershausen: p. 59.
* Schroeder, 92; Smiles, Huguenots, 289 ff.
* They came principally from Die in Dauphiné: Uebersicht der Wan.
derungen, 85. - º
* A similar case occurred at Schwabendorf near by. The stocking weaves;
were discontented; and some in fact dispersed in 1690. But the rest:
reasonably concluded that the cost of travelling might equal the expense ºf
building good houses; which they carried into effect. The colony had been:
founded, June 3o 1687: its church was opened in 1711 : Koehler, 96 f :

Aſ/2.SS/ZAV-CASS/E/C. I4 I
| instances drove them to found new villages in the open country".
| The settlers reclaimed moors; they improved the meadows and
1 the art of gardening”. They bred cattle and opened mines of
iſ COal”.
A second period of immigration followed the peace of Rijs-
| throng of huguenots and vaudois, were thrown upon Germany.
The landgrave of Hessen-Cassel was at his wits' end at the
approach of perhaps half this multitude". He hurriedly sent
messengers to the duke of Brunswick, to the duke of Sachsen-
Gotha, to the diaconate of Frankfurt, already exhausted by its
I work of charity. England, Holland, and Switzerland sent their
help"; and the rush of immigrants was met by the making
# Itady of a number of villages for their reception". Before the
| autumn of 1699 a thousand had invaded the landgraviate. Some
were given Treysa’ and Wolfhagen, a place which had been
ruined in the tumult of the Thirty Years' War, to rouse into
a new prosperity. Eight villages were founded for them; the
thief, Syburg, or as it came to be called Carlshafen", a beautiful
town hidden in a rocky circle of steep cliffs".
* C. von Rommel, 18 f. Of such an origin was Kelse: Koehler, 73. At
| Schwabendorf they had to fell a thousand oaks before they could begin
building: pp. 96 f.
; ” On the agriculture, see Arnaud, Protestants de Dauphiné, 3. 22; who
shews how much of this progress was due to Dauphinois immigrants.
i Beſore this time, asparagus, cauliflower, and artichokes, were known only
# to the landgrave; the refugees made them common everywhere: C. von
| Rommel, 20, n. 2. They are said also to have introduced turkeys, and
| possibly potatoes: Bulletin, 1.349. * Bulletin, as above.
# “It is stated that six thousand of them actually settled in the landgraviate:
# Bulletin, as above. * Koehler, 6o f.
; "A thousand came from Dauphiné alone: p. 79. The Dauphinois
# lement is distinguished at Kelse and Wiesenfeld.
#. "It was peopled by a hundred households of an industrial interest,
#ffom Dauphiné. They were allowed their worship in the hospital-church,
huntil a French church was built near by at Frankenhain. The colony was
#soon dispersed among the other settlements: pp. 84 f. -
É. * It received the name in 1717: p. 61. -
# 'P. 71. Schoeneberg belongs to the same colonisation. It had its
| wik, by which some thirteen thousand protestants, a mixed
1699.
Aug. 14.

























I 42 A/O'GO/2AVO 7'S OF 7///E /D/SAE/2/2S/O M.
Isolated in the province of Fulda was the French village of
Gethsemane or Goettsemanns. The Dauphinois farmers who
peopled it had long been straying about in search of a settled
dwelling. From their first stopping-stage, at Vach and Hersfeld,
they had posted themselves on the top of a hill by Friedewald
But still they had to depend for their religious service on the
willing help of the minister at Vach. This failing, they came
to attend the German church of the neighbourhood, until at last
in 1742 they were able to engage a minister of their own".
The friendly union with the German community all this time
had not however blunted their national instinct. To this day
their striving to continue French in speech and habit is remarked
as more intense and vivid than that of any other of the Hessian
colonies *. w -
The last period in the immigration was in the year 1720,
when the exiles, some vaudois*,-who had long been wan.
dering in Wuerttemberg and Baden, some forlornly hoping for
the means of getting to Brunswick, came and found rest in four
villages of Hesse. The names of the two latest,-Gottestrell
and Gewissensruhe, are a fit commentary on the history of
these longsuffering people *.
The accounts of the refuge in Hessen-Cassel give the impres.
sion of an industrial and agricultural settlement": but all were
church in 1706; but at the end of the century it numbered no more than
twenty-two families, equally distributed in French and German nationali
ties: p. 73. t
* The case of S Ottilie was similar. The German minister at Helsa Sup-
plied the need of weekly services. Printed sermons were preached by a
reader who came for the purpose from Cassel, and the inspector-general
at intervals administered the Lord's supper: p. 81. y
* Koehler, 86 f.
* A mixture existed at Todenhausen and Wiesenfeld. The former made ,
up two several villages, parted by the little river Wettschaft, Deutsch- and
Franzoesisch-Todenhäusen. The church subsisted from 1744 to 1755; .
p. 9off, Wiesenfeld was colonised by some who had at first settled in the
district of Solms-Braunfels: pp. 94 f. - º
* C. von Rommel, Io f.; Koehler, 62, 82. - .#
* At Treysa and Frankenhain lands were assigned to the immigrants, andº
-






I/ESSEA-CASSEZ. - I 43
not such. The second immigration brought in, it is said, some
! hundred and fifty noble, or at the least gentle, families". With-
Out an element of this kind it would be hard to understand how
the French were able so long to hold their ground, especially
in Cassel, against the national prejudices. We have noticed
a few cases in which their interests clashed ”; but the French'
were unpopular for other reasons. Their lively, lighthearted,
behaviour in common life seemed frivolous to the staid German:
their talkativeness in church, where they would hand round their
snuff-boxes, and where the minister would mount the pulpit with
his hat on ; their strange dress with short cloaks, like apoſhe-
taries;–all these things could but separate them from the
people of the place “. The one point of contact was in the
German reformed community, whose good offices were often
useful to the poorer of the huguenots. As the latter lost the
language they had brought with them, they in almost all cases
united themselves to the kindred body. “The French com-
munities,’ says Koehler, ‘have now become part of the
people. Only here and there we meet a few of elder age who
Use the French tongue by preference, while a certain French
type or a French name gives new witness to their origin *.’
much hemp was cultivated. In Frankenhain, where the church dates from
1754, the huguenot factor hardly survives; but their legacy in sundry
industries of wool-combing, stocking-weaving, and hat-making, remains a
permanent benefit to the place: pp. 84 f.
* Bulletin, I. 348.
* The Germans cannot have been well pleased at the regulation which
placed their own parochial business in the hands of the French presbytery,
in places where no other existed: Koehler, 68.
°C. von Rommel, 18.
P. 68.


CHAPTER XIII.
1 1 1 l， PLANTATION IN BRANDENBURG. #
denburg is a subject which from its immense extent it is hard
more than to touch in the two short chapters now following
The literature runs from the small volume, yet much longer than
its contents should allow ", of Charles Ancillon, published in
169o *, to the profuse collections of a Société de Savants known
THE establishment of the huguenots in the electorate ofBran-
after their editors by the names of Erman and Reclamº, and
* " Ce styl diffus des réfugiés ' said Capefigue, Louis XIV, 6. 36, of Basnage
unfairly. Ancillon might better illustrate what is doubtless a true cha-
racterisation of common refugee writing. "e
* Histoire de l'Etablissement des François réfugiez dans les États de s. A. .
electorale de Brandebourg. Caveirac's sneer that * il écrivoit pour la gloire
du dieu des réfugiés et pour celle du prince qui leur servoit de refuge
Apologie de Louis XIV, 87, s. l. 1758, may find its vindication in such noisy .
fulsomeness as this from the dedication : * Il est impossible de faire voir que :
les siècles passez ayent jamais vû d'actions aussi gènèreuses que celles que
votre altesse electorale a faites en faveur des réfugiez, et par consèquent les
siècles à venir n'en auront point de plus glorieuses à admirer dans l'histoire
qui leur sera laissée'; or again, " votre a. e. a mesme parû ce qu'on disoit .
autrefois qu'étoit l'empereur Trajan, un dieu mortel'; pp. 8 f. Friedrich
Wilhelm has not only * done infinitely more ' than Fabius Maximus or Busa !
or Hiero of Syracuse ; he is not only a greater lawgiver than Philip ，
Augustus (p. 277), a greater benefactor than S William of Nevers or Cosm0 #
dei Medici (p. 287), but even, in the language of the apostle, " nous disons ，
que son a. e. est enfant de Dieu, et que ce qu'il sera n'est point encore appar#
(p. 291); and Brandenburg is the Valley of Blessings of the Book oſé
Chronicles (p. 23). . #
* Mémoires pour servir à l'Histoire des Réfugiés dans les États du Roi#
Berlin 1782-1792. The names of the editors first appear in the secondi
volume ; and M Reclam died before the series was completed. ' #







r
7 HE GREA 7" EZZCTOR. : I 45
filling eleven years and nine volumes in their issue'. The
importance of the settlement may warrant this exhaustive hand-
ling : but happily for me most of the literary apparatus belongs
to a date beyond the scope of this history. My object can only
be to describe the immigration and the way the immigrants
Settled down : it would be foreign to the purpose to enquire
into their state beyond the limit of the seventeenth century, or
to diverge into the engaging study of their influence on life,
thought, and manners, when the electorate became a kingdom.
All states that are liberal of naturalisation towards strangers
are fit for empire”; and it is no curious nor inconsiderate judge-
ment which will find in the establishment of the French in Bran-
denburg a presage of the dignity of the kingdom of Prussia. If
a man be gracious and courteous to strangers if shews that he is
a citizen of the world and that his heart is no island cut off from
Oſher lands, but a continent that joins to them *. Friedrich Wilhelm,
the Great Elector of Brandenburg, may shew also a signal
picture of this other saying. Himself a Calvinist, he had been
from the treaty of Nijmegen the friend and ally of Lewis the
Fourteenth *. But the French joint action with the catholic aims
of the English king, and the growing oppression of the hugue-
nots in church and home, urged a recoil from former friend-
ship the more violent since its appeal lay equally to the elector's
instincts of faith and of public policy. The final proscription of
his own religion in France attached him loyally to the league of
Augsburg. In little more than a fortnight from the issue of the
Edict of Recall, his counterblast in the Edict of Potsdam
declared that he had not only definitely ranged himself on the
* Handbooks have also appeared more recently by C. Reyer, Geschichte
der französischen Kolonie in Preussen, Berlin 1852; and K. F. Koehler, die
Réfigiús und ihre Kolonien in Preussen und Kurhessen, Gotha 1867. The
# latter work has been of special service in the history of Hessen-Cassel.
#. Poorly written as it is, it is crowded with a mass of facts elsewhere for the
º, most part inaccessible. ~
Bacon, Essay of the true Greatness of Kingdoms.
Essay of Goodness. t -
§ “Burnet, History of his own Times, 1.747.
L.
1685.
[Oct. 29.]
Nov. 8.






I46 Aſ UGC/EAVO 7'S OF 77A/AE /D/SAEAEA’S/OM.
may be read in all the special histories, as Erman and Reclam, 1. 129-14:
Reyer, 85–89. - ' ...”
side adverse to Lewis, but also that it was his purpose to do all
he could to befriend as many huguenots as he could gather
in his dominions. The ground had already been prepared by
his envoy at Versailles, Ezechiel Spanheim, whose father
Frédéric had left the Palatinate to settle as minister and pro-
fessor at Geneva and finally at Leyden. The son was as much
a scholar and divine by training as he was by profession a -
diplomatist"; and he made use of the means which his position
afforded him to spread among the huguenots of the French
capital a knowledge of the advantages they might hope for in
Brandenburg, and of the kindness and warmth with which they
would be received”. Spanheim's successor, Count d'Espence,
followed in the same lines, and it was through his choice that
the renowned preacher Jacques Abbadie came to the elector's
chapel in 1680. The Edict of Potsdam appeared the fulfil
ment of these silent anticipations”.
It began by stating that the elector had appointed a com-
missioner at Amsterdam to take charge of the fugitives and
supply them with provisions and a passage as far as Hamburg,
where they would come into the care of the Brandenburg
resident (art. i.). Those who came from the south of France or
!
were otherwise prevented from travelling by way of Holland,
might go to Cologne or to Frankfurt, where the electoral agents
would furnish them with passports, money, and boats, whereby
they might betake themselves into the duchy of Cleve (ii). The
Edict went on to suggest certain places for settlement. They
might stay in Cleve or Mark, or they might proceed to place
* In 1702 he became ambassador at the court of S James's. He died.
I7Io. - º
* Sayous, la Littérature française à l'Etranger, 2. I 32 f. Erman and Reclam:
mention a short-lived colony at Landsberg, a league from Berlin, founded:
before 1661 by some huguenots won over by the address of the Brandenburg.
envoy von Schwerin: I. 57 f.; cp. Weiss, I. I26. * :
* I have used the original copy as circulated at the time in Dutch: Edidi
van sijne ceurvoorstelijcke Doorluchtigheyt, &c., printed at the Hague. It
*
3: ... º.º.
* gº







ºr .
• tº.
* * * * ,
& 1
‘. . . . ;
f
7A/A2 A3/D/CZ" OA’ AO 7'S/OAM. I 47
| like Stendal, Brandenburg, and Frankfurt in the electoral March',
| to Halle, Magdeburg, and Calbe in Magdeburg, or to Koenigs-
berg in Prussia. Wherever they went they should meet with
every commercial encouragement (ii, iii). Goods, furniture,
merchandise, or wares, that they should bring with them, were
declared free of all charges and impositions” (iv).
* Some of the provisions of the edict shew how advantageous
it was to repair the desolation which war had inflicted on the
Country by the bringing in of these huguenots. Thus, In case
ihal in the flowns, boroughs, or villages, where ſhe said persons of
H religion shall go to inhabit, there be ſound houses dilapidated, void,
ºr quitted by their tenants, the which the owners are not able to
| rºlore to good condition, these we hereby assign and grant in full
| Minership ſo the said immigrants , who were also given building
| materials, and a variety of privileges (v). Another clause tells
how all the magistrates were ordered to make lists of houses to
i ki and how wherever an immigrant found the space for build-
| ing a house, he might have also the garden and meadow free,
and no taxes for ten years” (vi). -
* Werben and Rathenow were also designated, but I do not hear that
they received any colonies.
* This liberality towards the huguenots was seconded, according to the
ideas of the time, by two protective enactments, one prohibiting the export
of horses to France, the other all import of French commodities: Historie
d | van de Vervolging, 3. 37. The same spirit is expressed by the note of
Ancillon as to the freedom of the immigrants' goods: ‘Ilsles ont affranchies
th disant qu'ils les avoient sauvées de France'; pp. 262 f. It should seem
that the prohibition of French imports was only temporary. But it was
soon found desirable to fix a duty of ten per cent. upon such commodi-
ºf its; Declaration of February 22 1689. The manufacturers in France had
# been forced to meet the constant diminution of their trade by a correspond-
ingabatement of price. German merchants in Brandenburg were therefore
thabled to undersell the refugees. To encourage the latter it was provided
that when they were capable of supplying all the country needed, the
duty on French imports should be enhanced to 25 per cent.: pp. 236-246;
Koehler, 25. - -
º ; *At the expiration of this term it was found necessary to extend the
rivilege for another five years, after which the usual taxes were to be
#ºmmuted for a fixed charge: pp. 26 f. -
t
!
£
* f
§ L 2















148 A/UCO/AEAVO 7'S OF 7///? /)/S/2/E/C SYOAV.
In towns, they were to have immunities and privileges and
maintenance of the kind we have already seen accorded by
the goodwill of the Dutch nation or by the authority of the duke
of Brunswick’. Every town where the refugees made their
settlement was to have a church and minister supported by the
state” (xi); and their private contentions were to be arranged by
a judicature of their own (x). The working of these two
articles illustrates well the special character of the French settle.
ment in the electorate. The latter provision created the ela.
borate ‘peculiar’ of French jurisdiction which subsisted from
1686 to 1812 °; the other indeed promised the continuance
of that church-discipline which had been the centre of huguenot
life in France “, but the republican synod was very soon replaced
by a High Consistory which was nothing less than a committee .
of council, as we should call it, for the affairs of the French i
church". This is the instinct of the system of the Hohenzollern,
Everything must be directly under the hand of the minister: no
space can be given for free development". -
* See above, pp. 36 f., 71. -
* Such ministers as could find no place in the colonies, or were disabled
by age, the elector supported from his privy purse: Ancillon, 6of. tº
* Bulletin, 19. I78 f.; Ancillon, 76–III. In 1699 the provisional Proześ
Ordnung was replaced by the Ordonnance Française, closely modelled on the
Code Louis: Koehler, 23. i
* One clause provided ‘that the French do have the exercise of their re.
ligion, according to the customs, and with the same ceremonies, that were
used among them in France’: Ancillon, 63 f.; cp. 353 f. In concession
however to the custom of German worship, the French ministers uncovered
their heads when officiating, and abandoned the use of gowns: pp. 71 f :
* An Ordinance of December 7 1689 created a Kirchen-Commission, which
came into existence May 4 1694. A Patent of July 26 following gave it
all the powers of the German Ober-Consistorium; but its action was limited
by an Ordinance, regarding the internal constitution of the church, diº
March 8 1698: Koehler, 24. .
* Cp. the notice of Ancillon that a despotism was required for those whº
received support from the state. They did not know the ways of the countº
and therefore were obliged ‘à avoir une grande sofimission et à se laisº
conduire.’ It was impossible to allow them to live ‘une vie cyclopique';
pp. 215 fſ.







7//E ESTA/B/ZSA/MAZAVT. I 49
The appeal of the elector, upheld by the open-handed
| bounty of his people", did not fail to attract a multitude of
fugitives to the country: the poorest but the most industrious
of the emigration, is their character given by Frederick the
| Great”. From Metz came the minister David Ancillon, founder
of a distinguished Prussian family *; and with him two or three
thousand people of the Pays Messin “, who are said to have
brought into Berlin the culture of gardens and orchards ".
| Ancillon shared with four French gentlemen, who had settled
Some years earlier in the electorate, the work of organising the
new colony. He undertook the establishment of his own friends
and neighbours from Metz. The Count de Beauveau, the father
for the emigrants from the isle of France, his native district;
Henry de Briquemault, governor of Lippstadt", for those from
Champagne; Gaultier de Saint Blancard, Languedoc; Claude
du Bellay, Poitou: while Abbadie saw to the comfort of the
exiles of Béarn". Everything was done on the most orderly
The Historie. van de Vervolging names ‘Ioo,ooo rijkxdaalders,” or
thalers, as having been collected by December 1685; 3. Io9 : cp. Koenen,
Vluchtelingen in Nederland, 53.
* * Mémoires pour servir à l’Histoire de la Maison de Brandebourg, 2. 298;
Berlin, I 751. -
* His son Charles is the historian of the Refuge; he was judge of the
French court: Haag, la France protestante, under the name. His descendant
Frédéric was honourably known as a statesman, and the author of the
: Tableau des Révolutions, to which I have occasionally referred.
º “Weiss, I. 136. Peyrat says decidedly 3600: Histoire des Pasteurs du
Désert, I. 83; and so Wenz, Emden, 178.
"The colony at Berlin seems to date from 1661; the church from 1672 :
Erman and Reclam, I. 58 f.; cp. Kochler, 57.
" Cuvier, pref, to Olry, la Persécution de l'Eglise de Metz, 52.
#' "Ancillon says that the large number of persons of rank pensioned by
the elector resorted to Lippstadt in preference to any other place, on
# account of the generous society of the governor and his wife: pp. 53 f.
# * Weiss, I. 133–137. Abbadie's services were also valuable in maintain-
ing a close connexion with the stronghold of Calvinism. His visits to
Holland in 1684, 1686, and 1688 acquainted the refugees there with their
#Prospects in Brandenburg, and increased the colony. -->
§
|.f'.
of the French Church in Berlin", and its first almoner, took care






















I 50 Aſ UGC/ZAVO 7'S OF 7///? /)/S/2/2/2.S/OM.
system; and thus it is with small exaggeration that Charles
Ancillon says, The refugees of each province at home are almos!
all established in one place together'. The general supervision
of the settlement was entrusted to the minister of state Grum-
kow, whose exercise of his function, while it may not merit
the overcharged flattery of Ancillon *, will support equally little
the “vulpine’ character, shewing ‘the depths of his own greed,
of his own astucities and stealthy audacities,' which Mr Carlyle
attributes to him ". And the elector, by his personal watch
over all details of the arrangement, was able to complete the
task of distributing the French among his provinces, without
giving any of that disturbance in the domestic balance of the
people, which so great an influx might seem almost inevitably
to involve. His deep interest in the prosperity of the Refuge
made him supply from his privy purse the unaccustomed charges
which else had drained his Exchequer; without ostentation, he
saved the need of imposing a single new tax *.
Bearing in mind what has been said as to the essentially
despotic character of the Brandenburg colony" it falls now to
review the colony in detail : and such a review will allow a free
division between the towns and the country, or between the
trade and the husbandry of the refugees. The higher ranks
may be treated apart, as their interests were several, in con.
nexion with the society of Berlin. Westphalia, as the first part
* P. 84. ‘The colonies,’ he adds, “are all naturally placed, so that it
may be hoped that they will last as long as if they that compose them had
been born in the country, or as if they yet lived in the land of their birth';
P. 85. . •
* Ancillon, 25 fſ. .* * -º
Deutsch, does he show us much, except the depth of his own greed, of his
own astucities and stealthy audacities.’ #
* Koenen, 55; Reyer, IoA. f. * Cp. above, p. 148 &n, 6,
\






















7THE ZO/S7RZAPUT/OAV. I5 I
of the electorate to which the French came, received a mixed
Company, which from its number and from the rapidity of its
inflow barely admitted a regular distribution. Its towns, Cleve,
Wesel, Emmerich, and at a later stage in the settlement Duis-
burg, were well fitted for the purpose of serving as a refuge to
the exiles. Their neighbourhood to France made the journey
the less difficult, and their close relations with the United
| Provinces prevented those who stayed in them from that isola-
ion which might be feared from a deeper penetration into the
Country".
Magdeburg and the electoral March had a more permanent
advantage from the ingress, repeated in the vaudois exodus of
1687°, and in the arrival of fugitives from France, Piedmont,
and the Palatinate in the following years”. The rage of the Thirty
Years' War had spent itself in the ruin of this country. Magde-
burg since its sack in 1631 had lain a wreck: but its position on
the Elbe gave assurance of its prosperity, could only the moving
! power be found. The French,-in number, says Ancillon,
beyond count, supplied the needed energy, and Magdeburg
became one of the strongest and most flourishing colonies in the
slale". Its trade with Hamburg was restored, and industries of
many sorts, and of wool particularly, were established. Halle
was the scene of a like transformation. It was now filled with
so many manufacturers of stuffs and lace, and resorted to by so
many merchants of experience and means, that it soon became a
fival to the commercial eminence of Leipzig".
The refugees scattered over the Uckermark found the tract
; a vast desolation; but knowing the rare richness of the soil
they were not discouraged from the attempt to give effect to the
-:
;
* Ancillon, 55. -
...” “This settlement mainly affected Stendal, Spandau, and Burg-an-der-Ihle,
; : Uebersicht der Wanderungen, 18. It was in fact in this year that the elector
! gained possession of the last-named place, by exchange from the duke of
... Sachsen-Weissenfels; Bender, Geschichte der Waldenser, 2.78.
* They came to Magdeburg in 1689: Koehler, 28.
Ancillon, 5.I. *
:
3.2.
* Pp. 48 f.

, tº
* : *
f º
º
-
! »
$
I 52 AſOCUEAVO 7'S OF 7"HE DISPERS/OAV.
systematised scheme of settlement laid down by the elector.
They made their own separate colonies in groups, Battin,
Bergholz, and Gramzow, each comprising six or more villages;
and they built anew the deserted town of Prenzlau'. Hemp
and flax were grown; and the tobacco-plant, until now scarcely
heard of in the country”, was cultivated with such success
that it not only met the demand at home but added to the
revenue of the state by its export to Bohemia and Silesia,
and to the markets of Poland, Sweden, and Denmark”. The
French, by their natural taste for making gardens about their
cottages, gave to the entire March a fresh look of comfort; and
their kitchen-gardening yielded them a profit the greater as the
art was almost their sole property. The common society of the
colonists, united in religion and speech, was finally and firmly
welded together in the closing years of the century by the new
exiles of Savoy, the same horde we have already seen in
Hessen-Cassel,-and a few years later by the remnant from the
town of Orange “... It is said that many of the present land.
owners occupy the same holdings that were given them at this
time.
If the agricultural classes made the most rapid change in the
face of the country they settled in, in the duchy of Magdeburg,
in the Marches, and in electoral Pomerania, the progress effected
in all the crafts and manufactures in which France had been º
supreme, and for which Brandenburg had been almost entirely !
i.
* See on the whole, supplementary notex. Gramzow-in-Uckermark must
not be confounded, as it often has been confounded through a fluctuation in
spelling, with Gransee-in-Mittelmark.
* See Reyer, 191 f, who illustrates the fact by an anecdote. The cultiva.
tion of tobacco extended to Burg in the Mittelmark and Stendal in the 4
Altmark. r - -
* Weiss, I. 173. f j
* To the places referred to above, p. 42, n. 2, may be added the short ;
History of the Revolution in Orange, 1703, quarto. At the first warning of:
this new emigration, Geneva sent messengers to help her in making ready?
for the refugees, not only to the protestant cantons, but also to Holland:
England, and Brandenburg: p. 29. Their memorial in the last county:
remains in the town Oranienburg. #
t
sy
: .











AºA2A2AVCH. Aſ USAPA AV/OAº V. 153
dependent upon her, was no less decisive". The French more-
Over nearly succeeded in creating for the elector a maritime |
trade, of which Koenigsberg was the only centre in his European
dominions, but which existed in a considerable prosperity in
his trading stations in the West Indies, at Saint Eustace and
Saint Thomas, on the Guinea Coast and at the mouth of the
Senegal”.
The manufacture will be most conveniently studied in con-
nexion with its centre, Berlin; and the following chapter may
well embrace, besides, the settlement and condition of the .
educated and idle classes, the ministers, soldiers, and nobility, ;
whose life elsewhere appears but as a reflexion of their state in
the capital. In conformity with the Prussian system, Berlin
is the type of everything in the smaller towns: there is no
art or culture outside which is unrepresented there.
* Ancillon, 221.
* Weiss, 145 f. These depôts were ceded to Holland in 1720; their t
original intention had been naval.







CHAPTER XIV.
THE FRENCH COLONY IN BERLIN.
FRIEDRICH WILHELM, the Great Elector, died in 1688: but
his death implied no change in the administration of the French
state he had embodied in his people. Friedrich the Third,
Ring Frederick the First of Prussia as he became in the first
year of the eighteenth century, followed the lines his father had
drawn for him in an identical spirit". He had not his father's
genius of creation, but he had the same earnest perseverance of
aim and the same thorough business-like activity. His failing
was that, in his ambitious seeking after the royal title, he
- imported a luxury into his court, which became a vogue of
º extravagance, and caused his subjects more than it was worth
* in an enhanced taxation”. It was a vice however that hardly
touched the huguenots, and they grew up in their new busy
world as though the Great Elector was still among them. A
class of their number even were the gainers. For his death
gave a wider field to the intellectual power of the electress
Sophia Charlotte, sister of our George the First, and wife to .
• . . King Frederick”; and among the lettered men she gathered
, , about her at Berlin and Charlottenburg, her influence con-3
. . . solidated the severed fragments, which might else have run into º
antagonism, and built up from them the intellectual society of
Berlin, which increased in force with the rise of the Academy
* . . .
‘. . . * “Ce n'est qu'un même esprit,” says Ancillon: Etablissement, 32. :
* Koehler, Réfügiés, 20. l * Cp, the Bulletin, 2, 670, i.


*
A'RA2/)/E/C/CA 7TP/AE AWARS 7. 155
and attained a real and just prominence under Frederick the
Great.
For the present it is the trade and craft of the colony that
strikes the eye. To the old towns of Berlin and Coeln, Friedrich
Wilhelm had joined Neu-Coeln and Friedrichswerder: his son
finished Friedrichstadt and Dorotheenstadt. Excepting the last,
the aristocratical part, all these quarters were swollen by the
working men of the immigration", who introduced a multitude
of arts as yet unknown in the rougher civilisation of the north,
and who throve by the end of the century to the tale of ten
thousand Souls, weavers of stockings, serges, and all sorts of
woollen stuff; silk-workers; makers of hats and gloves; busy
in tanyards and oilworks”: locksmiths, ironmongers, cutlers,
goldsmiths; not an industry but claimed its place among the
labours of the French", very few but were their special or
their exclusive possession *. As in England, paper and glass
were before this time only made in the commonest and coarsest
kinds. Paper was now manufactured in its finer qualities at
Berlin, and also in several of the remoter settlements". The
looking-glasses of Neustadt-an-der-Dosse were said to excel
the ware of Venice". These are types in the domain of material
* Weiss, 1. 170.
* Rossier notices the preparation of colza-oil as introduced into Branden-
burg from Amiens and Abbeville; Protestants de Picardie, 252.
* The Dauphinois element in this creation of trade has been discriminated
by Arnaud, Protestants de Dauphiné, 3.22 f. Dyeing and watchmaking were
among their importations; and they formed a major part of the hatters and
glovers of Berlin, Frankfurt, and Magdeburg, and of the glovers of Halle
and Halberstadt: cp. the Uebersicht der Wanderungen, 73. Cuvier, on his
side, traces the work of the exiles of Metz in cutlery and jewellery, in
chandlers' ware, wig-making, distilling, and sundry other things, besides
# , the common industries of silk, gloves, and hats: pref. to Olry, Metz, 51 f.
# See, on the whole subject, the Mémoires de la Maison de Brandebourg, 2.
º, , 299 f. -
* The engravers, jewellers, goldsmiths, and clockmakers of Berlin were
º long solely French: Koehler, 32. r i -
§ "There was for instance a paper-mill set up by one from Grenoble at
i. Burg-an-der-Ihle : Arnaud, as above. r
"Mémoires de Brandebourg, 2. 305.



















I 56 A/UGO/AEAVO 7'S OF 7"HE ZOASPERS/O.V.
progress: and they might find a thousand parallels ranging
from great manufactures to the smallest, but not therefore the
least important, gains to thrift and daily comfort ".
Besides the manufactures and the shops of the French, the
colony included a large mercantile element. Berlin, Frankfurt-
am-Oder”, and Magdeburg held a correspondence not only with
the inner parts of the country, but also through their rivers,
with the maritime towns and abroad. The river Spree extended
further the prosperity and industry of Berlin. At Koepenik
trade grew up round the elector's country-house. Brandenburg
for awhile seemed to see its old fame revive, when at the
moment of the first immigration the elector threw open the old
monastery near the cathedral to the penniless crowd", fed them
e time, and helped them for several years".
The French achieved a commercial supremacy; and the
native population, first jealous as of competitors and strangers,
were lessoned by their excellence to put themselves and their
children under their guidance". The trade of Brandenburg
* Ancillon commemorates the introduction of sedan-chairs and of cook-
shops. “The establishment of cookshops has cost the elector infinitely
more pains than that of the hand-chairs: at the same time we must admit
that it is of greater value to the public’: pp. 266 f.
* The favourable position of Frankfurt, and the existence soon of a j
university there, attracted, we are told, “not only workpeople and trades-
folk, but even manufacturers of sundry sorts, and persons of all ranks, º
making a goodly company’: Ancillon, 47 f. Its first industry was specially
of wigs and wool-carding: in the following century it was occupied with
tobacco-planting until 1770, when silk became the prevailing interest:
Bulletin, IQ. I 32. -
* Historie van de Vervolging, 3.41. Ancillon gives an additional induce ºf
ment in the cheapness of living; pp. 52 f.
* They made a large cloth-manufacture, and also drove a trade in carpets
and stockings: Uebersicht der Wanderungen, 72.
Ancillon tells how this example benefited the Germans. ‘Many who '.
erewhile sought for bread now find it in their houses. Their work is taken
home; they do it in the midst of their families; and they are paid to the #
time and to the price: in such wise that they who formerly knew not #.
where to look for food for themselves or for their children, have now sure
wages to sustain their household withal’: pp. 224 f.











APRAEAVCA AM/DUSTRAAE.S. - I 57
numbers also were far from contemptible". Two splendid,
only, under Marshal Schomberg and his son"; another was
of horse-grenadiers". Their sons were distributed into corps'
became for a time French, and it was governed in the minute
protective spirit of the system of Colbert'. In the larger enter-
prises of mines and metal-founding the refugees opened a field
almost unworked. A rude tin-trade Germany had always
known but hardly developed. This, with the imported arts:
of iron and steel smelting, furnished the houses with iron-
'mongery of home-workmanship. The refugees diverted to their
workshops the copper which Sweden had hitherto sent to the
markets of France, and they were able in their turn to supply
an export of the metal to Holland and Poland”. The iron-
trade had another importance, in connexion with the step
of Brandenburg into the rank of kingdoms, since the new
!
furnaces gave it the arms for which she had previously de-
pended on foreign countries.
As in England and Holland, a large part of the immigrant
gentry, whose profession had been in the army of Lewis the
Fourteenth, freely transferred their services to that of their
new country; and the historians of the French colony exhaust
themselves in telling of the achievements of their heroes at
Neuss, and Kaiserswerth, and Bonn ". But here as elsewhere the
significance of the French soldiery was in their moral sway,
which multiplied many times their real efficiency *. Their
companies of Grands Mousquetaires were formed of officers
* Weiss, 1. 158. There was a Factory Board, of which the president had
a seat in the electoral council. Every quarter an inspection was made, not
only of the manufactures of the French, but also of the manufacturers
themselves: Ancillon, 225–231.
* Weiss, I. 164 f. . - -
* Ancillon, 198 f.; Weiss, I. I83; Smiles, Huguenots in England, 275 f.
“Cp. above, pp. IoI ff. - .
* The officers alone must have numbered six hundred: Weiss, 1. 139.
* They were conspicuous in the bravery of their equipment: Ancillon, 181.
* There were also corps of engineers and miners: pp. 184 f.; cp. Erman
and Reclam, 1, 255 n.


158 AyūGUAEAVO 7'S OF 7A/AE DASAEEA?.S/O M.
of gentlemen-cadets: and the liberal justice of the elector gave
pensions to those who from any cause did not choose to resume
the military office; or they were attached to the service of the
civil administration. Every officer who entered Brandenburg
received a promotion of rank". The private soldiers were
enrolled in new companies to the German regiments; and
the regiments of the marquess de Varennes and of Henry de
Briquemault were mainly formed or recruited from the body
of the refugees”. General de Briquemault was also governor
* of the important garrison-town of Lippstadt, which, like Prenz-
! lau, was the resort of an unusual number of officers and noble
families.
*TThese noble families, whether in the Friedrichstadt of the
capital or dispersed about the electorate, were welcomed with a
marked courtesy. They took at once the place in the social
\ , order which they had occupied in France”, and, whether by
places or pensions, a fitting maintenance was furnished them.
In common with others of the German princes, it was the aim
of Friedrich Wilhelm to impress upon the unpolished surface
of the manner of his court something of the refinement and the
grace of France. The desire was perhaps premature; but the
influence of the strange noblesse, so far as it went, was solid :
and civilising. To be brought through the French language
into communication with the rest of Europe was by itself no
small gain: but this larger and more enduring intercourse
| , g was founded less by the magnates of the court than by the
1, preachers of the French churches and the masters of the
• . French schools. -
The church was as precisely organised as the rest of the
arrangements of the colony; and it was fortunate that the
ability, for the most part, of its officers extended their scope
of action and kept that close alliance with the humanities and
|
* See, on the whole, Ancillon, 163-209.
* Weiss, 1. 140 f.
* According to art. xii. of the Edict of Potsdam.

7 'AAAE APRAEAVCAF SOC/AE 7"V. I59
their exponents which must always be essential to the healthy
progress of a religious establishment". When Ancillon wrote,
in 1690, Berlin had its two churches and a service of nine
ministers”: a tenth was attached to the hospital which the
# electors had built, and which he maintained at his own charges,
| for the behoof of the French". To Halle, Magdeburg, and
Frankfurt-am-Oder, were each assigned three ministers: other
towns had two or one as the case might require; no colony
| was without the means of public worship. Ancillon is con-
stantly appreciative of the social or mental excellences of these
clergymen"; their spiritual qualifications being taken for granted.
And his applause, or the homage of his silence, was worthily
bestowed. Jacques Abbadie stands out for us as the repre-
Sentative of this union of culture and religion, the author of the
Treatise of the Verily of the Christian Faith, which Madame de
| Sévigny judged The divinest of all books, who, coming to Eng-
| land in the friendship of Schomberg, was dignified, though he
A knew no English, with the deanery of Killaloe. The ten-
i dencies which he promoted were carried into a wider field by
i the band of scholar-divines and philosophers who gave their
stamp to the schools founded for the French at the outset
of the immigration: and these schools in their turn preserved
Erman and Reclam assert that there were thirty ministers in Branden-
burg at the end of 1686: vol. I. 192.
f because, of the insolent commentary of Mirabeau. “Quant aux connoissances
# proprement dites, elles negagnèrent point au refuge. Mm Reclam et Erman
parlent avec emphase des gens de lettres qu'il amena; mais ceux qui por-
# toient ce nom parmi les réfugiés, n'étoient que des théologiens, et tout au
; plus des demi-savants. On ne citera pas un seul ouvrage d'un très-grand
mérite, écrit par un réfugié d'Allemagne’: de la Monarchie prussienne, 1.38;
* London 1788. And this, pace Gibboni; see below, 162 n. 2.
# and stringent regulations: pp. 325–336. -
# “See his notice of ‘the ministers of quality’ of Berlin; p. 42 : or of
those of Halle, ‘trés-habiles et fort gens de bien,’ p. 49. The ministers of
# Magdeburg are an honour to their flock, even as the flock is an honour
# and a gain to the town'; p. 51.
* Ancillon, 41 ff. This fact must be repeated with stress; in spite, or
f * Pp. 341 ff. There was also a French almshouse governed under minute





















16o Aſ UGO EAWOTS OF 7//E DASA’/ERS/OM.
the tradition in the colony and spread it at large among the
German people. -
In the original scheme of plantation the French college
of Berlin and the university of Frankfurt-am-Oder held an
important place". The former, the Königliche Französische
Gymnasium, as it came to be called, was open to all French-
men free”. It supplied them, by means of five masters, with
the elements of education in the branches of theology, letters,
and philosophy “. The students were intended, as the com-
pletion of the course at the school, to proceed to the university
of Frankfurt”, the foundation of which, for their especial benefit,
was completed in 1694". Here they were not only admitted
free, but allowed an exhibition of fifty crowns each towards their
support".
Learning and professional acquirements everywhere took
their own rank. Physicians, surgeons", apothecaries, could
exercise their calling without the need of a new diploma; and
places were found for them in the court and hospitals. The
apothecaries were given lodgings and supplied with drugs;
* At the same time, the gymnasium of Frankfurt, which had been founded
for the benefit of needy subjects of the electorate, was made accessible to
the French: pp. 45 f.
* Ancillon, 146 ff.
* There, was a régent for the rudiments, a second for religion, and three
besides for the humanities: pp. I5I f.
* See a monograph of M Tollin, noticed in the Bulletin, 19. 177. ,
* The foundation was assisted by a gift of a hundred florins from
Hanau; Leclercq, Hanau, Io8; as well as by contributions from other .
quarters.
* This allowance was “to provide for their fare and to buy such books as .
are constantly necessary to them.” For the rest, they had ‘the entry of the
public library, which is very fine, and whence they might at pleasure carry
the books they wanted to their chambers, there to keep as long as they
would’: Ancillon, 46 f.
* Ancillon notices the success of the kindred mystery of the barbers,
Heedless of the implied suspicion, he adds that, as Dionysius of synas
had his daughters taught to shave for fear of the malice of any subject, so .
* ...
also the electors employed a French barber, but as a mark of confidence: #
pp. 136 f. ‘. . .';


ZZ) &JCA 7TWOAV AAV/O ZAFAA’AV/AWG. I6 I
money was advanced; and no colony was without its doctor *.
At Berlin the more eminent of the faculty became the fashion-
able practitioners of the Dorotheenstadt. But men like Jacques
i de Gautier and Samuel Duclos were more than this. They
# and their fellows helped to reform the old-fashioned practice
of the country and to establish the higher medical college”.
Their work in the furtherance of science, on a smaller scale,
ran parallel with the general impulse which was given towards
| exact research by the scholars of the immigration, and of which
| Etienne Chauvain" was the most prominent exemplar.
Chauvain's chosen study was physical science, but he is
| known to us almost entirely as the apostle of Cartesianism
1 in Berlin. A native of Nîmes, he had lived and worked with
| Bayle at Rotterdam before he came to preside over the French
College”. Holland had before now acquainted Germany with
i the teachings of Descartes : but the school of thought was first
| Organised by the activity of the huguenots". Some of them
doubtless misliked it from its possible affinity to catholicism":
but no feature of the emigration is more remarkable than the
spirit with which the refugees, generally, pursued and propa-
gated a creed with the ultimate issues of which they could have
d | little sympathy, and which perhaps they hardly suspected".
| Ancillon, 125 ff. - . * Weiss, I. 154.
* His name is commonly spelt Chauvin; I follow Windelband, Geschichte
der neueren Philosophie, I. 432. Chauvain was born in 1640, and died
; April 6 1725. --
* See his title in the nouvelle Biographie universelle. Chauvain's chief
work was the Lexicon rationale, sive Thesaurus philosophicus Ordine alpha-
belico digestus, published at Rotterdam in folio, 1692, and reissued in its
º best form at Leeuwarden, 1713. * Windelband, as above.
# tesianism and Gassendism the touchstone of the ‘real presence’ in the
eucharistal offering: Politique du Clergé de France, 79. But the charge of
# hostility must not be pressed so as to include the huguenot thinkers as
# a class. This is done however by Capefigue, Louis XIV, 3, 13 f.
M
* This we may see from the temper in which Jurieu applies to Car-
# , " The French academies had been leaning towards Cartesianism: see
1695.
















162 A/UWCUAEAVO 7'S OF 7/7/E O/S/2ZA'.S/OAV.
At the French college Chauvain was followed by Isaac de
Beausobre, worthily distinguished as Le Grand Beausobre, who
like his predecessor had spent the first year of his exile at
Rotterdam', and who added to the minute scholarly enquiry
inaugurated at Berlin by Chauvain, that historical genius which
gave birth to the Critical History of Mamichaeism—‘a treasure,
Gibbon calls it, ‘of ancient philosophy and theology”. He was
the one Frenchman who could soothe the unreasoning pre-
judice against all things French, of the modern Vandal of the
Baltic *, Frederick William the First. In teaching and in
society Beausobre ruled the opinion of Berlin, and his long life
carried on his influence to a date when the rest of his com.
rades of the dispersion had quite died out. As a historian his
authority has survived, while that of his friend Isaac de Larrey
has vanished: as a theologian he was not only prominent in
the defence of his own faith against the disputations of Toland, |
but he became also the arbiter of biblical exegesis in the
colony, through the translation of the New Testament which,
* He was born at Niort in 1659 and became minister at Châtillon-sur-
Indre two years before the Recall. His death took place June 6 1738:
nouvelle Biographie universelle, under the name.
* Decline and Fall, ch. xlvii. n. I : * the learned historian spins with
incomparable art the systematic thread of opinion, and transforms himself
by turns into the person of a saint, a sage, or an heretic. Yet,' he adds,
‘ his refinement is sometimes excessive: he betrays an amiable partiality in
favour of the weaker side, and, while he guards himself against calumny,
he does not allow sufficient scope for superstition and fanaticism.” The
book was published in two volumes, quarto, at Amsterdam, 1734 and
I739.
* The title, with that of ‘the sergeant of Brandenburg,” he owed to ‘his
huge scorn for social culture, as much as his grotesque passion for soldiers
of gigantic size’; Christian Bartholomèss in the Bulletin, 2. 671 f. The ,
king's dislike of the French had caused a gradual secession from his colo.
nies to Denmark and elsewhere, when at last in 1719 an enquiry was made
into their grievances, and the Declaration of February 29 1720 was issued. .
This Order continued all preceding edicts and added to the privileges of the .
refugees: it may be read in a Lettre à un Ami de Genève, sur la Constitution :
et la Prospérité des Colonies françaises dans les Etats du Roi, 32 ft.; Berlin
1778: cp. Koehler, 35. .
t-.
. . .';º

7A7A2 SCATO/AA’.S OF 7A/AE A*/APOWGAE. 163
with its commentary, he made in company with Jacques Len-
fant, still honourably known as the historian of the Council of
Constance".
Such are a few of the great names among the scholars of the
Refuge. The list might be enlarged by Alphonse des Vignoles
|| the biblical chronologist, by Jacquelot the champion of orthodox :
| Christianity, by Formey the disciple of Beausobre and a man
of broad erudition beyond the rest: I have only named the
| leaders of the new fellowship”. It remains to say in brief how
they obtained the means of literary preparation, what were the
appliances by which they pursued their laborious research,
and by which so much of their completed toil was given to the
World.
From the beginning of the immigration, the elector had
thrown open his private library to the refugees. Under the
direction of its keeper, Ezechiel Spanheim, better known as a
Statesman than as a man of letters, though to either quality he
had, as I have said, a warrantable title, the library became a
| place of meeting, a centre of intercourse, for the dispersed
scholars. But, besides this, that they might not lose sight of the
| progressive literature of the day, a bookseller was maintained,
! in ordinary to the elector, to keep and vend new books, and to
i | publish the special French literature which the colony must
produce. This bookseller, Roger, it was, who put forth the
i work of Ancillon, in a form worthy of the presses of his native
! | country. Independently of the peculiar convenience, a peri-
# | Odical literature grew up in French, beginning with the Nouveau
: f Journal des Savants in 1696. -
In these various ways and degrees the imported colony
: f exerted the influence, which France always brings with it, upon
i # the society into the midst of which they were thrown. The
society of Berlin was in fact the creation of the exile; and it
$ .
*m-
# * Two years the junior of Beausobre, he was his fellow-student at Saumur,
$ whence he proceeded to Geneva. The French invasion drove him from his
# ministry at Heidelberg to Berlin in 1688.
# * Cp, the Mémoires de Brandebourg, 2. 307 f.
º.
# ,








M 2
I64 ATUGUEAVO 7'S OF 7A/E ZO/SAPAEAS/OM.
was the refugees who gave it that mobile course of thought,
that finer culture, that tact in matters of art, that instinct of
conversation, which had before been the unique possession of
France. They diffused their own spirit, quick, fine, lucid;
the spirit of French vivacity and precision'.
* Bulletin, 2.667–682. Cp. generally Koehler, 32; Sugenheim, Aufsätze,
42–52. “As policy and religion,” said a statesman of later times, ‘alike
recommended the elector's action, his generosity may readily bear the show
of self-interested calculation; but his mind, by nature large, was not made
to hide egoism with the mask of religion, and he needed not to have re-
course to so petty artifices: he saw at once honour and profit in this great
measure; he was as sensible of the one as of the other. What is certain, is
that in the administration of empires we find few instances of progress in
civilisation that have borne such good fruit as that which the elector
reaped from the French immigrants’: Frédéric Ancillon, Tableau, 4. 303.
f



CHAPTER XV.
FRANCE AFTER THE EXODUS.
To return from the wide survey we have been called upon to
make in accompanying the huguenots in their exile, and to
gather up briefly its mixed result so as to illustrate its reflexion
upon the country which banished them, is a task embarrassed
by several considerations as well of history as of partisanship.
The classical base for such a review is a memoir drawn up by
| Marshal de Vauban with the object of gaining a reversal of the
Edict of Recall". At the outset it is well to note that Vauban
was himself a partisan, a declared foe of Lewis the Fourteenth's
centralising policy. Voltaire's comment that His conduct proved
that a citizen could exist under an absolute government”, points
the limitation that one must set to his criticism of such a
government. And this particular memoir is also a piece of
special pleading. He was bound to make out a case for the
restoration of the huguenot church. But I quote these con-
siderations with no aim of withdrawing from the trustworthiness
of what he affirms; on the contrary to prepare the paradox
that, in spite of his presumed defects as an equal judge, he has
understated his position. g
His first fact, the emigration of eighty or a hundred thousand
souls, is indefinitely below the truth. Caveirac indeed places
# It may be read in Rulhière, Eclaircissements historiques, I. 38o f.; its
: conclusion in A. Michel, Louvois, 314. . -
* Ecrivains du Siècle de Louis XIV, under the name.

I 66 AſOGUEAVO 7'S OF 7A/AE DASA/E/C SYO AW.
-.&--}
fifty-five thousand against the two millions of his opponent'.
But he was writing in controversy, and in controversy he was
notoriously dishonest. In the Apologie de Louis Quaforze, with
a forced symmetry, he reduced to one-tenth all the figures of
his previous Mémoire politique-critique”: and his latter estimate
is probably six times too small, just as his antagonist's is six
times too great. But in the statistical question it is impossible
to arrive at a certain result; and the range which calculation or
conjecture has allowed to successive historians may make one
pause before attempting a dogmatic solution. Basnage, a year
after the Recall, reckoned the emigrants above 150,000 °: next
year Jurieu raised the total above 200,ooo". Writing later Basnage
found between three and four hundred thousand"; and the
estimate has been accepted by Sismondi". Lastly Voltaire,
followed in our own day by Hase, counted 5oo,ooo". These
are a few of the sober calculations, and their mean will perhaps
supply the ultimate figure. I need only mention, among im-
possible guesses, that of Limiers”, which raises the account to
8oo,ooo, because it has been taken up by the Prussian states-
man von Dohm *.
* Apologie de Louis XIV, 78; Paris, 1758: as against the Lettre d'un
Protestant, I 2.
* Cp. the Apologie, 87, with the Mémoire, 88.
* Pref. to les Plaintes des Protestants, 7.
* Lettres pastorales, I. 450; 1687: cited in the Uebersicht der Wanderungen,
93. The number occurs also in Benoît, 5. IoI4, and in Isaac de Larrey,
Histoire de l’Angleterre, 4.655. In the present century it has been repeated
by F. Ancillon, Tableau, 4.30I.
* L’Unité de l'Eglise, 120, Amsterdam 1716; according to Caveirac, 78;
but the place is not to be verified.
* Histoire des Français, 25. 522. So also La Martinière, Histoire de Louis
XIV, 4.339; the Hague, 1742. Similarly Lacretelle gives 80,000 families:
Histoire de France, 59; ed. 4, Paris, 1819.
" Kirchengeschichte, 503, ed. 8, Leipzig, 1858; in the Uebersicht der
Wanderungen, as before. Similarly Hume says “above half-a-million,'
History of England, 8. I65. - |
* Histoire de Louis XIV, 4. 289; cited by Caveirac, as above.
* Noticed by Koenen, Vluchtelingen in Nederland, 70. Menzel gives

| interest of the intendants who drew up the returns, to put all the
| facts which revealed the folly of the king's action at the lowest
AVUMBERS OF THE EM/GRATION. 167
Some of these estimates are almost certainly the rough
inference from the total of refugees computed in one country:
the difference in number or relative proportion of the single
Refuge has been taken as a fair basis for generalisation. In
others it is hard to discriminate the influence of mere con-
jecture. The only historian who professes to have pursued º
enquiry in exact detail is Capefigue; and from his minute
scrutiny of the cartons des généralités as prepared in the closing
years of the seventeenth century he obtains a computation of
two hundred and twenty-five or thirty thousand". Such a result
must be accepted as the absolute minimum; for it was the plain
cipher. And, allowing the accuracy of Capefigue's work, there
are other reasons for increasing his total. A few examples will
explain this. ~
If we take the reports of Bouchu, Le Bret, and Báville, for
Dauphiné, Provence, and Languedoc, drawn up in the closing
years of the seventeenth century, we shall find the protestant
population before the proscription to have been respectively
60,000, 72,000, and 240,000; and the loss through the exodus
I5,3oo, I4,400, and 42,000 °. The percentage is thus 25'5,
20, and 17.5, of the whole; and we may allow an indefinite
iſ depreciation in the latter numbers, probably an indefinite ex-
aggeration in the former". Hence we are prepared to meet
on the other hand a considerably higher proportion in places
where more adequate details are furnished. Bégon's returns
| 700,000; Staatsgeschichte, 197; ed. 5: cited in the Uebersicht der Wan-
derungen, as above.
* Louis XIV, I. 26o ; ed. I844. -
* Rulhière, I. 318 & 327. The report for Languedoc goes on to say that
6000 returned: Michel, Louvois, I45 f.
* Michel would greatly diminish the sum of the previous protestant
i. population of Languedoc, which is that given by the duke of Noailles in
October 1685: p. 185. Arnaud, on the other hand, from his special study,
amends the numbers for Dauphiné to 65,000 and 15,000: Protestants de
\
| Dauphiné, 3. 17 f. -










I68 Aſ UGC/EAVO 7'S OF 7"HE /)/SAEEA’.S/OAV.
for Picardy are instructive in this connexion. In the gouverne-
ment of Calais and Ardres there had been 3ooo huguenots;
the emigration was 2700. The élections of Doullens, Abbeville,
and Amiens, out of a protestant population of 2260, had lost
1740: out of forty families the Boulonnais lost twenty-eight'.
The proportion in these places is thus 9o, 77, and 70 per cent,
Other singularly high figures may be quoted. The town of
Châtaigneraie in Poitou suffered a loss of 730 out of an in-
dustrial population of 8oo”. From La Rochelle the emigrants
numbered between 33 oo and 4ooo *: an intendant at the close
of the century said one-third of the people of the généralité,
and observed with anxiety the depopulation of Saintonge and
Aunis even then going on “. Legendre computed that two-
thirds of his congregation at Rouen followed him into exile".
The three élections of Montdidier, Péronne, and Saint Quentin,
in Picardy, had a remnant of only 3ro"; and the Pays Messin
of but 3 197", while we hear of 3600 of its people in the single
Refuge of Berlin *.
In the face of these statistics, even if they bear, as some
obviously bear, an exceptional character, we cannot set the
emigration at a lower fraction than one-fifth of the total hugue-
not society. If the body numbered two millions, the outflow
will be 4oo,ooo. If this appear an extreme estimate, it must be
remembered that one-fifth is also extreme on the other side.
within the bounds of moderation to leave the total exodus a
range between 3oo,ooo and 35o,ooo.
How are we to distribute this immense aggregation? Holland
* Rossier, Picardie, 246. A suggestive record concerns the gouveme.
ment of Montreuil. There had been three protestant households; of which
one had died out, one had emigrated, and one remained.
* Lièvre, Poitou, 2. 224 f. The population of Thouars, numbering 7000,
was reduced by one-third : vol. 3. 361.
* Delmas, la Rochelle, 287. * P. 28o.
* Waddington, Normandie, 16. * Rossier, as above.
" Cuvier, pref. to Olry, Metz, 44 f. * See above, p. 149, n. 3.
Reducing the former aggregate to 1,500,ooo, it will be clearly









AVOMAEAA'S OF 7"HAE AEM/GAA 7TWO.M. 169
certainly claims near Ioo,ooo '; England, with Ireland and
America, probably 80,000 *. Switzerland must have received
Y 25,ooo; and Germany, including Brandenburg", thrice that
number *. The remainder will be made up from the north of
Europe, and from the exiles whom commerce or other causes
| carried in isolated households elsewhere, and of whom no re-
| cord is preserved to us. Even should the number allowed for
| these smaller settlements be thought excessive, it is to be borne
in mind that the appropriation of the fragments is far more
Conjectural than the assessment of the grand total, and that,
| excepting in a few single instances, no attempt was ever made
towards a census of the refugee communities". *---
The tale then of the emigrants was above 3oo,ooo. It
| follows to ask what was the material loss involved in their
exodus. Caveirac is again the lowest in his estimate: he will
not grant the export of more than 250,000 livres". He might
have learnt from Count d’Avaux himself, that those least likely
to magnify the sum confessed that by the very year of the Recall
According to a despatch of Tillières, the agent of Count d'Avaux,
| dated May 24 1686, the Refuge in Holland was already reckoned at 75,000:
Weiss, 2. 25. We may fairly add a quarter to the sum from the early
: date of the estimate and from its suspicious source.
# * Dubourdieu speaks in 1718 of near Ioo,ooo in England and Ireland:
i. Appeal to the English Nation, 219.
i f * Frederick II's estimate of 20,000 in Brandenburg is far short of the
# truth; Mémoires, 2. 298; and Mirabeau's allowance of Ioo,ooo to all
; : Germany may not be excessive; de la Monarchie prussienne, I. 33.
“We might increase the figure by an inference from the local divisions
of the emigrants. Erman and Reclam notice the almost exclusive direction
of the huguenots of Languedoc, Provence, and Dauphiné, to Switzerland
and Germany: Mémoires, I. 239. And on any showing the religion was
, more powerful in the south and east than in the other quarters of France.
# * Thus the register of the French colony in Brandenburg, which counted
: 12,297 in 1697, did not extend beyond towns where there were churches,
nor did it include the soldiers of the refuge: Erman and Reclam, 2.36;
i 1783. The return of December 31 1700 was alike imperfect; it amounted
# to 14,844. The registers were not established until about I703: F. de
Schickler, in the Bulletin, 28. 39. -
# "Apologie, 81.











17o Aſ UGUEAVO 7'S OF 7//E DASAEE/RS/OAW.
I688.
\June.
twenty million livres had gone out of the country"; and it is
certain that the wealthier merchants deferred their departure in
order to carry as much as they could with them. Two hundred
and fifty traders are said to have quitted Rouen in 1687 and
1688”. Probably the actual amount was very far in excess of
these twenty millions: and a calculation is cited by Macpherson
which even affirms that every individual refugee in England
brought with him on the average money or effects to the value
of sixty pounds sterling”. A more telling exhibition of the
financial damage to France is shown by the history of the
Amsterdam Exchange, where the rate of interest was reduced
in 1684 from 3% to 3 per cent., and where in 1687 it was
difficult to obtain more than 2 per cent *. There was a glut of
specie abroad; while the French exchequer had to make up
for the prevailing depression by the universal use of a paper-
currency". -
Jurieu said truly The profesſants have carried commerce with
them into exile". But they did not merely carry away the
material wealth of the country, but also the credit on which it
subsisted. The emigrants of La Rochelle are allowed by the
intendant Tessereau to have been Of the principal inhabitanis
as touching birth, substance, and reputation". The catholic
* Weiss, 2. 19.
* Emile Lesens, pref. to Philippe Legendre, Histoire de la Persécution faile
& l'Eglise de Rouen, xx; Rouen, 1874. The intendant of Alençon notices
the emigration of most of the 4ooo huguenots in the élection (the 3000
in the town, he says, “drove a great trade' in linen); they had gone to
Holland or England taking with them their effects, their savings, and the . .
sums resultant on sale of their merchandize: Waddington, 36 n.
* History of Commerce, 3.. 617. * Weiss, 2. 22.
* Mémoires de Fontaine, 149; and Castel's note.
* Lettres pastorales, xix; in Lièvre, 2. 224.
7 Delmas, 287. Ménard instances the fugitives of Nîmes, “who carried
away great riches: whence commerce has had extreme detriment, and like. . .
wise the arts and trades’: Histoire de Nismes, 6. 291. Turgot reported of
Metz in 1699, ‘the number of protestants which was infinite is now reduced .
to 17oo souls, very zealous but self-restrained, who make not a tenth of the .
population. Nevertheless it is they who hold the commerce en depôt and º

and with the lessening of production.
century “. Tours with the same interest had had 8oo mills,
only 70 mills, 12oo looms, and perhaps 4ooo workpeople".
:
;
i
AXAE CZAWAE OF 7'A' A ZO/2. - 171
merchants of Metz complained that it was impossible to re-f
Cover the connexion with foreign markets which the flight of
the most considerable traders of the town had broken". Trade
stood still or went backward. It was well if it could meet the
home-demand; export was out of the question. The same
tale is repeated at Rouen, Caen", La Rochelle”, Nimes. |
&
Everywhere commerce was crippled with the loss of its masters i
After what has been said, in the different scenes of the
emigration, of the strong impulse given by the refugees to;
manufacture, it will be needless to add many statistics of the
injury caused by their withdrawal from France. Two great;
instances are typical of the rest. Lyons which had employed
18,000 silk-looms had but 4ooo remaining by the end of the 1698.
80,000 looms, and 40,000 workpeople": in 1727 there were:
Of its 3ooo ribbon-factories only sixty remained.
Equally significant was the ruin of the woollen trade of
Poitou. Little was left of the drugget-manufacture of Coulonges
are the richest of the people’: MS. in the Metz library, nr 248, pp. Ioo f.;
in Cuvier, 44 f. t
* MS. in the town-library, nr 249, p. 278; cited by Cuvier, 45 f.
* The merchants who remained at Caen found it hopeless to repair the
injury caused by the secession of a great part of their body; Waddington,
36 n. .
* The shipping-trade fell with the ruin of the outward commerce:
Delmas, 287.
* Burn, foreign protestant Refugees, 255.
* The industry was worth ten million livres to the town: Count de
Boulainvilliers, Etat de la France, 2. 155; London 1727, folio. -
* The exportation of this industry assisted a tendency of English taste.
‘For a long time,’ we are told, ‘foreign silk-goods continued to be preferred
in this country, and in the year 1668 the tide of fashion set entirely in
favour of French fabrics; so that it became a complaint that The women's
hats were turned into hoods made of French silk, whereby every maid-
... servant became a standing rebuke to the French king of one half of her wages”;
cited from the Danger of the Church and Kingdom from Foreigners, a
pamphlet of 1722, in Burn, 13 n.
.-.
.--
s.'ss..* *
**!*--
g

172 A/UGUEAVO 7'S OF 7A/AE ZO/SAEAEA’SZOAV.
and Châtaigneraie", or of the industry in serges and bom-
bazines at Thouars”; and the export traffic between Chá-
taigneraie and Canada, by way of La Rochelle, was in the last
year of the century absolutely extinct”. At Metz in 1688 not
a fourth part of the accustomed supply of cloth was manu-
factured: this is certain from the lament of the revenue-officer.
The price of cloth had fallen and, as a result, little wool was on
1698. sale". M de Vaubourg, intendant of the généralité of Rouen,
stated that whereas ten or twelve years since there had been
a great export of the hat-manufacture of the town to Holland,
: England, and the north, so many of the manufacturers had
lately emigrated that the productive power of Rouen, Caudebec,
and the neighbourhood, was now only equal to the wants of
the country itself". Nimes, says the local historian in the
1754. middle of the eighteenth century, “was now deprived of much
of its prosperity: nor has it even yet recovered from all its
losses".’
Such are a few of the material results of the emigration,
selected from different parts of the country, and taken mainly
from the official returns". They are facts which the intendants
could disparage but could not ignore: and they are almost
always recited with a mark of regret”. Only one intendant
seeks to hide the dishonour of the cause of decay. Bouchu
declares, in delight at the economic discovery, If the manu-
facturers and craftsmen of Dauphiné have quilled the province and
gone out of the Kingdom, they are only the ‘new converts’; so that
this emigration is purely accidental, and religion not commerce is j
responsible for it". To Bouchu, probably, all statistics appeared
|
;
|
* Lièvre, 2. 224. * Vol. 3. 361. . * Vol. 2. 225.
* The tanners and cap-makers were equally badly off: Cuvier, 47.
* MS. in the Rouen library in Waddington, 36 n. : cp. Macpherson, 2, .
650. •
* Ménard, 6. 291. But decadence was sometimes succeeded by vigorous
revival; as, after a time, the velvets of Utrecht were imitated with better i
profit at Amiens the original seat of the industry: Rossier, 251. ... f ****
" A mass of statistic is collected in Weiss, I. Ioff–II.7, l. 2. * ...º.
* Lièvre, 2. 223 f. * Michel, Louvois, 165, #


† to reply that the war touched other countries as nearly, without
; involving the same collapse. Only of France could it be said,
of a cumulative inference.
3,582,000 pounds sterling, by the decrease of her exports to
A.R.-1 WCAE ZAV / COAVO///C DAZCA/DAEAVCAE. 173
in ‘accidental' isolation, and incapable of forming the elements
To obtain this combined view of the general issues to the
material prosperity of France, we have the added complication
of the effects of the war about the Spanish succession. The
results to the outside world may be stated at once in the words
of the learned editor of the Correspondance administrative of the
reign. ‘Lewis the Fourteenth did not render France all catholic.
Unwittingly he made foreign countries better workmen, to the
great detriment of French industry".’ ‘The habits of order
and work,” says Blanqui, ‘with which the huguenots “were
informed spread themselves through all Europe: and so the
powerful reform effected by Colbert ceased to bear the narrow
stamp of nationality which it would perhaps have otherwise |
preserved”.' :
In the twenty years following 1683 France lost a revenue of
Holland and England alone”: in fifty years the revenue fell
from 215,566,633 to 140,278,473 livres. When it is urged
that this ruin was due solely to the pressure of war *, it is open
‘The war had drained her resources; credit was exhausted;
the public debt had risen to 3,000,ooo,0oo livres. . . –
‘The cruel winter of 1709 set the climax to the general
misery. . . The people in many parts died of famine. Revolts
broke out: taxes were resisted. Smuggling was carried on
! by force of arms and by the soldiery themselves. Bands of
* G. B. Depping, Correspondance administrative, 3. intr. lviii. f.
* Histoire de l’Economie politique, 2.9 f.; ed. 4, Paris 1860. :
* Macpherson's figures, 2. 609 f, give this gross total. The only item
; which must certainly be struck out, as unconnected with the emigration, is
# the 280,000l. of wines and brandies. Of the remainder near two millions
| are made up of the loss in manufactured silks and linen, which left France
only about 200,oool. in the export of cambric to England.
* Thus Mirabeau, I. 32; cp. Macpherson, 2.650.




I 74 AVUCUAEAVOTS OF TN//E DASADAEA’S/O M.
countrymen took by assault the town of Cahors: and a great
company of the people of Quercy and Périgord, breaking all
bond with the government, which taxed even the acts of mar-
riage and baptism, fell into a condition of nature, marrying
themselves without rite, and themselves giving baptism to their
children '.' Touchés de famţ de merveilles, to echo with perverse
emphasis Bossuet's paean for the Recall, épanchons mos caurs
sur la pieté de Louis.
* E. Boisnormand de Bonnechose, Histoire de France, 2. 130 f.; ed. 13,
Paris 1864 : cp. Lacretelle, I. 6o.

CHAPTER XVI.
THE POWER OF THE REFUGEES AND ITS REFLEXION UPON FRANCE,
THERE isº story in Plutarch which tells of the banishment of
Themistocles, how he came a suppliant to the court of Persia,
and in what fashion Xerxes welcomed him ; how the king
made prayer to Ahriman, That it might please him to put such
a counsel in the hearts of his enemies, as that they might thrust
forth all their worthiest citizens. Thrice in the night he was
heard to mutter in his broken sleep, Themistocles is mine, "Exo
9epuatok)\éa röv 'Aónvalov. Such, notes Ancillon, was the spirit
in which the huguenots were received in Brandenburg". The
truth applies generally. Every protestant government was con-
fident that in giving shelter to the exiles of Lewis the Fourteenth,
they were going the surest way to undermine the fortress of
his arrogance and power”. Ancillon here looks chiefly at the
: military aspect of the dispersion, and Marshal de Vauban insists
on the eight or nine thousand men of the best of the realm", the
: 600 officers, the 12,000 soldiers better seasoned than the catholics,
; whom the Edict of Recall scattered among Lewis's foes. The
emphasis is just, and the numbers err only on the side of I
Etablissement des François réfugiez, 168 f. -
# * This was given prominence by Innocent XI in his letter to the emperor;
I quote from the Dutch version: ‘Daer zijn 200,000 ketters, die uyt zijn
rijck sullen gaen, om haer te voegen by de vyantlijcke party, en die gewa-
... pender-hant in haer vaderland weder sullen komen, indien 'er eergens
eenigen oorlog opstaet'; in the Hollandse Mercurius, 1688, 39 f. Cp, above,
Pp. 15 f., 19 f.
: * CP. above, p. 18 and n. 3.


176 A/UGO/EAVO 7'S OF 7///E ZO/S/2/EA’.S/OAV.
&
|
{
g
f
f
incompleteness. The ſury of Almanza is a sufficient proof,
even in defeat, of the force added to the ranks of the enemies
of France ".
But the moral force was greater than these numbers express;
| and the military influence of the refugees is insignificant by
comparison with their power over political opinion, over know-
ledge and literature”. Their influence, save in creating or re-
storing Calvinistic churches, was seldom distinctively religious:
it was protestant, but in a sense truly political. On the other
hand, their departure from France reacted with violence upon
the spiritual condition of the country; and this ereaction, as
will appear in its place, was, to look at it from the wide standing-
ground of the historian; the most permanently disastrous feature
of the emigration.
The first conspicuous energy of the refugees was directed to
the writing of pamphlets *. They furthered tendencies which
were growing in men's minds, but had not yet ripened into
action. Every impulse which opposed Catholicism or the policy
of Bourbon, everything that hinted suspicion of absolutism in
church or state, was pushed by their ardour to its avowal'.
They formulated the articulate phrasing of liberal opinion.
The revival of the Dutch allegiance to William of Orange, the ;
resistance to James the Second, the European union against
Lewis the Fourteenth, all these political motions are traceable in
their public expression, to the strenuous labour of the French
exiles against their mother-country". The Recall of the Edict. |
of Nantes is the prelude to the league of Augsburg. .#
* See Smilés, Huguenots in England, 275.
* “More,’ says J. G. von Herder, “than Lewis's political enterprises and º
his wars, more than the letters of flattery he sent now and then, seasoned tº
with presents, to scholars abroad, did that oppression of the huguenots,
conspire to build up a French polity in Europe, but a polity far different ºf
to that the king dreamt of": Adrastea, i. i. viii.; sūmmtliche Werke, 9.82.
* Among the journalists of Holland, François Michel Janiçon gained a #
deserved eminence. - . . º
* Cp. Capefigue, Louis XIV, 3. II.
* F. Ancillon, Tableau des Révolutions, 4.307.














A. ZZTEAEA 7'07A2 E. 177
Pamphleteering was the application to an immediant want of
a general literary enthusiasm. If political newspapers grew up
under refugee auspices, so also did journals devoted to science
and letters. We have seen how the example of Bayle created a
class of this literature, alone in its multifarious interest and
wide popularity. Berlin, London, and afterwards even Dublin,
followed with publications on the same lines. The huguenots
founded not only a school of literature, but also a language of
their own, a strange congeriès of all the dialects and pro-
vincialisms of their homes. Their effect upon France depended
upon a preliminary translation. And it was by this channel
that the intellectual work of the exiles became reflected in the
temper of the eighteenth century in France. “La science de
Voltaire,’ says Capefigue, ‘n’est qu'un spirituel développement
des doctrines de Bayle. C'est la même école, plus française,
plus appropriée à nos goûts et à l'esprit du peuple '.' The
philosophy which the huguenots spread, Cartesianism in Bran-
denburg", and still more the free thought of Bayle, gave the
praeparatio evangelica, the real origin of the intellectual current
which passed into full tide in the middle of the succeeding
century. *
This philosophy is the note of the dispersion; but it is only
a symptom of a diversely varied genius. In Geneva, as we
;
i
2.
have seen, it went hand in hand with a careful study of natural
* Vol. 6. 36 f.; cp. 3. Io f. The contrast he points between this petty
“dissertatory spirit’ and the dynasty of Christian, or catholic, orators, may
appeal more vividly to the subjects of the historian's church than to those
whose view is not abridged by the skreen of an ecclesiastical system.
* See above, pp. 159 f. Instances among the refugees in Holland are
Jacques Gousset, professor at Groningen, 1691–1704, and Michel Rossal,
student at the same university from 1688, and professor I706–1744. Gousset
appears in Rou's correspondence: for Rossal, see W. B. S. Boeles app. to
W. J. A. Jonckbloet's Gedenkboek der Hoogeschool te Groningen, 60 ; Gronin-
gen, 1864. Cp. J. P. N. Land, Philosophy in the Dutch Universities, in Mind,
1877, England was peculiar in refusing for the most part the infection.
‘Ils ne sont ni Cartósiens, ni Calvinistes,’ said Georges le Sage of the
English, Remarques sur l’Angleterre, 75; ‘à peine trouve-t-on un Anglois
qui parle bien de Calvin et de Descartes.’
N


178 H UGU/EAVOTS OF 7TP/E DASA’ERS/OA’.
- • , +
& - - - . -
------ºu-------—————––––––––––––-----------—-------- - - - - - - . - - - - " -----—
science': and Papin”, Desaguliers, and Abraham de Moivre are
the forerunners of an illustrious company of scientific workers
claiming descent from the exiles of the Recall". But history
was even more their special field of labour *. Histories of
England were made by Isaac de Larrey and Paul de Rapin;
histories of Lewis the Fourteenth by Larrey and Limiers.
Benoît wrote the monumental History of the Edict of Wantes;
Basnage, the History of the Reformed Churches and the Annals
of the United Provinces. Beausobre and Lenfant have already
come before us in their laborious masterpieces of religious
history ". No subject was too recondite or barren for the in-
defatigable research of the refugees". The industry of the
scholars of the exile is another side to the industry of its crafts-
* See above, p. 120.
* See above, p. 140. In 1698, says Burn, one Captain Thomas Savery,
a refugee, obtained a patent for a steam-engine: p. 261.
° Of these was John Dollond, brought up as a silk-weaver in Spital-
fields; p. 253 : and the series is continued in a multiform variety of in-
genious research, through Lewis Paul, the anticipator of Arkwright, to
Roget, Daubeny, Rigaud, Delarue, Bosanquet, in the present century.—A
curious example of the anticatholic temper with which at first science
was clouded by the refugees may be found in the autobiography of Samuel
de Chauſepié, of which a copy exists in MS. in the Walloon Library at
Leyden. Recording the correction of the kalendar, under the year 1701,
he adds, “Il faut rémarquer que cette réformation . . n'a nullement pré-
tendu Suivre le calendrier Grégorien, mais faire une réformation là-dessus
plus exacte que celle du pape Gregoire 13°’; p. 24. The note recalls
Voltaire's story of how the Calvinists reproached Bayle with saying a good º
word for certain popes, ‘gens de bien,'—because ‘Ils ne sont pas de notre . .
eglise'; Ecrivains du Siècle de Louis XIV, under Bayle.
* See Sayous, le dix-huitième Siècle, & l'Etranger, 1.46.
* See above, pp. 162 f. l
* M. V. de la Croze, the Coptic lexicographer, was a peculiar product of
the Calvinistic refuge, for which he exchanged the Benedictine rule. He #
became librarian to the king of Prussia, and died May 21 1739. Cp.,
Mémoires de la Maison de Brandebourg, 2. 307. The librarians of the Refuge
might form a class by themselves; and seem to have had a long succession.
* * -
:::
“\;
..º.
Hans de Veille, H. C. du Carel; and cp. H. justel and M. Mathy.
f
..º.
*
.
§
,í
} t.












.
7 'A' E A/UGUEAVO 7" CA/ARACTER/ST/C. I'79
men. The dispersion carried with it the habit and the tradition
of patient work".
It is the laborious vigour of the huguenot personality which
colours most strongly the literature of the refugees, and the
insistence of the religious historians may serve to obscure another
aspect of it no less real than the first. From the furnace of
distress and peril the bright generous characteristic of the race
came out with quickened exhilaration. . They had no longer
suspicion to encounter; they were held in honour, if not always
in love. The light heart of the Celt was in them purified from
its vices, frivolity and love of change; but Calvin himself could
not destroy its verve. When we read the memoirs of Bostaquet,
and see him, with his household left in the terror of prison or
dragoons, travelling across the frontier, wounded and sick, we
cannot choose but marvel at the elasticity of mind which can
spend the moments of change and rest at the stages of the
journey, not in aimless regret, but in a ready and cheerful notice
of whatever the place might offer of interest or renown. This
is no puritan spirit. Some, indeed, that have resented the social
influence of the refugees, have charged them with unworthy
tastes and profligate manners”; and though the reproach be a
calumny, it could not have been imagined had the huguenot's
air and bearing revealed the acrid rigour of the covenanter.
Secure in his own uprightness, he did not disdain the pleasant-
ness of life and sense.
* If, says M Read, we except the pamphleteers and writers in gazettes,
the historians of the exile are “remarkable for their sagacity, their pene-
tration, their accuracy, almost always supported in the present day by the
exact perusal of original documents’: pref. to Rou's Mémoires, xxxiii. f.
* The extract given above, pp. 61 f., contains perhaps the least serious
of these aspersions. The Mémoires de la Maison de Brandebourg are fuller
and more questionable: vol. 2. 303. Koenen deprecates the influence of
the huguenot officers upon Holland, and insists on the diverse character of
the immigration at large, since mainly formed of townsmen, as injuring the
simplicity of Dutch life, 94; cp. the Nederlandsche Spectator, 150, 1750.
F. Ancillon is fair and appreciative, Tableau, 4.303; cp, above, pp. 72, 98,
III f.; also pp. 68, II3 n. 7. -
N 2

I8o Aſ UGOEAVO 7 S OF 7A/AE /)/SAPAEA’.S/OAZ.
* David Martin merits commemoration for his translation and com-
This prodigality of living impulse diffused itself into the
religious societies into which the exiles were thrown. Abroad,
Calvinism had come to mark a communion that took a per-
verse pride in its contempt of the world, that held itself aloof
in a narrow and insolent insularity. The human was shut out
from the range of spiritual toleration. To such a sect the new
accession proved, after many rebuffs, a sure help to restoration:
for a sect that is cut off from the world without is fast by
its death. Calvinism awoke into fresh activity, but outside
Calvinism the religious influence of the refugees was, as I have
said, slight or transient.
Some of the commentaries and books of devotion they pro-
duced are respectable, and have been useful. But the esteem
accorded to them was the tribute of a sect”, and their value
rested on other bases than the religious. Scholarship and
historical learning are their credentials to the applause of later
generations. The controversial accumulation is of a different and
fugitive merit; and the category of theology or literature will
equally disdain to own this mass of polemic as its possession.
In any case its interest was limited to the community that gave
it birth; and even so it was not their peculiar vogue, but the
vice of their age. Should we seek in the Refuge for a spiritual
master, we must travel to our own day to find in the honoured
name of Edward Bouverie Pusey the union of the solid judge-
ment of the Englishmen, the quick and genial temper of the
French, and that profound scholarship and that spiritual force
which we connect and connect rightly with the confessors of the
huguenot church *. t -
It has been said, I believe by Coleridge, that the long war
against the protestant faith in France succeeded in eliminating
mentary of the Bible. He died at Utrecht, 1721.
* The first of his name in England, Laurence des Bouveries, came over
in 1568; but the affection of a pupil may excuse the momentary ana-
chronism. \ -








ſ
:
..º
*#
77/2 RAFZEY/oy UPow FRANCE. I81
the entire Teutonic factor from the nation ; which means, I sup-
pose, that all that strenuous and much-enduring element of
religion, proper to the German genius', in this way ceased to
have any existence there. And so it is to be accepted, and
with more fulness to be conceded. Not alone did serious
Christianity in the form of Calvinism disappear, but through the
means taken for its overthrow, and in the ensuing revulsion the
catholic church itself suffered a damage not to be repaired.
The forced conversions, says Vauban, have kindled an universal
horror of the part therein enacted by the churchmen, a conclusion
that they hold no belief in the sacraments they take pleasure in pro-
ſaning. Wherefore if this policy is to be perfected, we must needs
put forth them that call themselves “new converts, as rebels, we
must banish them with the relapsed or imprison them with the
insane. One course only remains, a course full of charity, prudent,
proper, politic: we are to conciliate them. -
But Vauban's reasoning fell on deaf ears. The huguenots
gained no indulgence: and the fanaticism which tracked their
departure, slowly changed into a dull heedlessness in matters
spiritual, an indifference which hardly required the genius of
Voltaire to crystallise into a speculative indifferentism. This is
the saddest picture of France after the emigration. ‘Thought
without reverence is barren, perhaps poisonous; at best dies
like cookery with the day that called it forth; does not live, like
Sowing, in successive tilths and harvests, bringing food and
plenteous increase to all time”.’ And France was now living
without belief in the creed it professed, without reverence for
whatever is high or holy in man or in society”.
* Cp. E. Michel, as cited above, p. 16 n. I.
* Sartor resartus, I. ch. x.
* In this connexion the verses of La Fontaine might be read as the
expression of a cruel satire: -
“Il veut vaincre l'erreur; cette ouvrage s'avance,
Il est fait, et le fruit de ces succès divers
Est que la vérité régne en toute la France
Et la France en tout l'univers.” \
Similarly one might understand of Lewis's whole religious policy, in its
--
4,-s'-.
f--
I82 A/UGUEAVO 7'S OF TAZA, Z)/SAPAEA’S/OAV.
Every worthy impulse was numbed. The victorious church
saw Bossuet, Bourdaloue, Fénélon, die without leaving a single
v successor; and it seemed as though the exile of the most genuine
religious society of the country drew the life-blood of all that
| remained. The Gallican church, now secure in its liberties and
its Supremacy, came to realise the worst attributes of a state-
church. The age of Lewis the Fourteenth may have created
the national school of poetry and literary criticism: more
certainly it witnessed its dissolution. To whatever side we look,
we see the tombs which called forth the pregnant sentence of
Michelet, “Louis enterre un monde.’ -
TThe first energy of the huguenots abroad was directed to
political action, hardened and aculeate by hatred; the one class
trained to a talent for affairs was removed from the nation whose
king stood in fear of such distributed capacity. Centralisation
was complete ; but the stream of national life was dried up.
When any of the four pillars of government are mainly shaken, or
weakened (which are religion, justice, counsel, and treasure), men
had need pray for fair weather". But when the storm burst
Tupon the French monarchy a century later, all these props were
taken from it. The educated middle society which should have
tempered the shock had long ceased to exist; and it is no per-
verse judgement which will find in this effacement an augury and
an apology for the unreasoning excess with which the national
liberation was accompanied. Ignorant that a people cannot
rise from serfage to best sovereignty in a day, that the training d
of generations cannot be cast fire-new at will, men set about
creating a perfect commonwealth, when they had not the
materials for its foundation. The centralising policy of Lewis
the Fourteenth had worked its end, and broken the sinews of the
people. Europe may have to thank him for good which she
unreason and its heedlessness of the future, that saying which has been 3
spoken in his praise, that he would have been a crusader in the days of º
Lewis IX. ‘. . . .
* Bacon, Essay of Seditions.


7A/AE A*/2 FIA WTAOAV UPOAW FRAM/CAE. 183
cannot count; France owed him but the debt repaid in the
massacres of September and in the emigration of La Vendée.
When the Great King assailed the Dutch confederation and
pushed his arms within view of Amsterdam, the peril was met
by the flooding of the country. The jubilation of the people
was earnest but not extravagant. It was told however to
Lewis, that the Dutch in their arrogant rejoicing had devised
a medal displaying Holland in the guise of Joshua bidding the
sun stand still. The legend Sol STETIT * may more truly
typify the decadence which followed the protestant exile. The
Age of Lewis the Fourteenth is arrested at the moment of his
supreme achievement.
* This, I may be allowed to mention, was the motto which concealed
the authorship of this essay in its original form, when submitted to the
election of Lord Lothian's trustees.
1792.
1672.
s
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES.
I. DRAGONNADES (p. 26, n. 7).
WHEN the news of the Recall was published at Rouen in the 1685.
Chambre des Vacations, the courageous Rapporteur prefaced the Oct. 20.
announcement with the following criticism. This Declaration which
annuls the privileges of them of the religion calling itself reformed would
yet not have prevailed to restore them to the fold of the church, except the
king had used the self-same mean, wherewith in time past the emperour
Honorius overcame the Domatists, committing their reduction into the hands
of his troops *.
Setting aside this ancient precedent it will not be impertinent
to examine the common story which traces James the Second's
employment of the soldiery to force the obedience of the Scottish
covenanters to the instance of Lewis the Fourteenth. The particular
application was doubtless invented by the ready genius of Louvois;
but James might find in the traditions of his own house examples
enough to warrant the expedient without need to look abroad. For
the service of soldiers as an engine of extortion was so customary
under Charles the First as to inspire one of the four capital provisions
of the Petition of Right”. On the return from the abortive expe-
dition to Cadiz, ‘the soldiers were billeted upon private houses,
contrary to custom, which required that, in all ordinary cases, they
should be quartered in inns and public houses. Those who had
refused or delayed the loan, were sure to be loaded with a great
* Waddington, Protestantisme en Normandie, 98 n. %
* In precisely the same way the argument Compelle eos intrare, notable
from the satire of Bayle, was urged by the royalist doctor Daniel Featley
against the anabaptists: see his book, the Dippers dipt or the Anabaptists
duck'd and plung'd over Head and Ears at a Disputation in Southwark, 4 f.;
ed. 4, 1646, quarto. .
I86 Aſ UGOEAVO 7'S OF 7TP/E ZO/SAEEA’S/OM.
1627.
Mar. 22.
1681.
Mar. 18.
1685.
Nov. 19.
number of these dangerous and disorderly guests’.” The soldiers,
says Rushworth, brake out into great disorders. They mastered the
people, disturbed the peace of families, and the civil government of the
land; there were frequent robberies, burglaries, rapes, rapines, murthers,
and barbarous cruelties: Unto some places they were sent for a punish-
ment; and where ever they came, there was a general outcry. The
Aighways were dangerous and the markets unoccupied; they were a terror
to all and an undoing to many”. Sir Robert Philips declared before
the Commons, We are almost grown like the Turks, who send their
janizaries, who place the halberd at the door, and then he is master of
the house. We have soldiers billetted, and warrants to collect money,
which if they do not, the soldiers must come and rifle *.
This procedure displays the identical spirit of Louvois’ instructions
to Marillac ; If by a fair allotment ten should be billeted upon the re-
ligionists you may enjoin them to receive twenty": or later, to M de
Beaupré, in the exasperation of failure; Le roi a appris par votre lettre
du 17 de ce moi la continuation de l'opiniãtreté des habitants de la R.P.R.
de Dieppe ; comme ces gens-la sous les seuls dans tout le royaulme qui se
sont distingués à ne se vouloir pas soumettre à ce que le roi désire d'eux,
vous ne devez garder a leur égard aucune des mésures qui vous ont été
préscrites, et vous ne sauriez, rendre trop rude et trop onéreuse la subsis-
tence des troupes chez eux".
* Hume, 6. 170.
* Historical Collections, I. 420; 1659, folio.
* In the same, I. 503 f.; cp. the petition concerning billeting of soldiers,
I. 542. -
* Rulhière, Eclaircissements historiques, 1. 200 fſ. - -
* MS. cited in Waddington, Normandie, 2 n. I. The character of a
dragonnade should not seem to allow much scope for social courtesies, far
less for humorous incident. The story of Samuel Bernard may therefore owe.
to its uniqueness a record which its importance might not otherwise merit.
Seemingly with a view to save his orchard at Chénevière-sur-Marne from
destruction, this prudent banker made his peace with the catholic church.
His surprise was natural and excusable when, after thus sacrificing his
conscience for the good of his fruit-trees, he received a letter from M d'Ar-
taignan, who is commemorated as ‘the politest of dragoons,” giving him
information of the speedy occupation of his country-house by the major's
troop. The civil message was not received in the spirit of good-nature that
prompted it, and M. Bernard appears to have proclaimed his grievance with
no idle insistence. We have a letter soon from Master Robin, the king's
gardener, pleading to the king for the injured convert: if this may not be, at .
all events he desires ‘vous prier en mesme temps de donner ordre que son: ''.

SUPPLEMEAZAA Y No7 FS Z, ZZ. 187
II. WALLOON CHURCHES IN THE NETHERLANDS (p. 4o n. 4).
The subjoined list is taken from a memorandum of the rev. F. H.
Gagnebin of Amsterdam, drawn up for the guidance of the Walloon
Commission, of which he is president, and kindly communicated
to me by Dr W. N. du Rieu. For the sake of uniformity I have
adopted his numbers throughout; where they differ from the in-
complete list in Dr J. T. Bergman's Catalogue de la Bibliothèque
! wallonne déposée à Leide', the variant has been added within brackets.
| Often, as notably in the instance of Haarlem, the latter is right; on
the other hand he is in error with regard to the date of the church
at Groningen. If we would follow Jonkheer Berg the series must be
Supplemented by the names of Dalem, Olne, Blaigny, Zeist, and
others”. But his note about Zeist suggests a like explanation in the
other cases, namely, the residence there of a nobleman's chaplain,
whose services might doubtless be available to the French of the
neighbourhood, but who was often in the first instance engaged
| merely as secretary or tutor, and always probably on a temporary
footing.
The dates prefixed to some names of churches below represent
the time when, according to M. Gagnebin, On a commencé de s'occuper
de leur érection; the churches printed in spaced type are still existent.
Friesland—
- I657 Leeuw a r den 1659 Date of Extinction.
1683 Balk 1684 I72 I-1732
Sneek I686 I693
Harlingen 25 1719 (1699)
Franeker 95 1796–1808
Bolsward I688 I7 I5
#, Groningen—
Groning en 1619 (1608)
M. jardin soit ménagé. Il y a de beaux arbres fruitiers, et moy qui suisjardinier,
# je suis plus sensible qu'un autre à la perte d'un bel arbre dont on espère
# beaucoup de fruit.’ The appeal of the orchard was more powerful than
# that of humanity, and M Bernard hurried home with a reprieve, to find the
# object of his care utterly desolated by the eager ‘courtesy' of M d'Artaignan
# and his dragoons. See the Bulletin, 5.49 ft.
Pp. 46–57; Leyden 1875.
# * Réfugiés in de Nederlanden, 1.43.


I 88 A/UGUEAVOTS OF THE DIS PERS VOAV.
Overijssel- Date of Extinction.
Campen 1596 (1598) I 818
1636 Deventer I686 I822
1683 Zwolle 39
[Drenthe] Dwingelo 33 17 I I
Gelderland-
Dalem 1633 18o3
Nijmegen 1644'
Arnhem 1684
Hattem I686 1693-17 14
Zalt-Bommel 39 I7o5
Tiel 39 » (1714)
Zutphen 93 I82 I
Harderwijk 1687 1813-1816
Doesburg I688 I 7 I 4
Utrecht-
U t recht I 583
Amersfoort 1687 17 Io
Montfoort I 688 . 1744 (1734)
Zeeland-
Middelburg 1574
1572 Vlissingen I 584 1823
Zierikzee 1587 (1588) 1827
1587 Arnemuiden 16.15 1617 *
Goes I66 I 1814-1818
1586 Bergen op Zoom 1686 I 828
1685 Veere I 686 18 Io-I818
Tholen 1688 8 1814 (1818)
Dutch Flanders-
Sluis 1584 I 8o6
1618 Groede 1622 18o1-1818 (18o8)
Axel 1638 ? *
* * * * *
Berg gives the date as 1621: 1. 5. W
* According to pp. 46 and 52 above, the church must apparently have
overlived the Recall. - - -
* Berg says 1658 : I. 5 n. 2.
• ,''

SUAE/2ZAZA/EAV7'AA' V AZO 7TE //. 189
Date of Extinction.
Ijsendijke 1638 1641
Philippine 55 1782
Hulst I649 P
Sas van Gent 1654 (1655) 1793 (1794)
1612 Aardenburg . 1686 (1687) 1807 (1809)
1685 Kadsand 35 § 1797–1818
Oostburg 35 1796–1818
|Dutch Brabant, &c.—
B re d a I 590
's Her to gen-
bos ch 1631
Ma as tric ht 1633
Heusden . 1638 (1637) 1807–1808
Vaals 1663 I797
Grave 25 173 I
Eysden 1790 1805
Holland—
A m ster dam 1578
Ha a r le m 1583 * *-
1581 Ley de n 1584
Delft I585 -
1577 D or drecht 1586
's Gravenhage 1589
1585 Rotter dam I 590
Gouda 1624 I 818
1651 Naarden 1652 55
,, den Brielle 1654 | 1827 -
Hoorn 1685 1718
Gorinchem I686 1825 (1824)
Schiedam 99 1827 (1828) . *
Enkhuisen 1687 (1686) 1722 (1721) s º
Voorburg.” I688
Dresselhuis gives also the names of Vaals and Meenen; waalsche e
;Gemeenten in Zeeland, 70: I am ignorant whether the former is the same as
that I have included under Dutch Brabant. - -
* In this single example I have deserted M. Gagnebin's date, 1686, as a • &
plain clerical error. - - - i
.* Voorburg has had no minister since 1813; but a French service is - V : " . .
supplied seven or eight times in the summer: Gagnebin. -
. . . "




I 9o A/UGUAEAVO 7'S OF THAE DASA’EA’S/OM.
Date of Extinction.
Weesp 1689 1699
Noordwijk 1690 I692
Leerdam 17oo I7 I4
Vianen I 725 1814–1818
A list like this might form a commentary on a remark which
Schroeder makes in reference to the French communities on the
Rhine: ‘The churches which are older than the Recall have almost
always overlived those which were created by it, as though the
religious and ecclesiastical bases of the sixteenth were more solid
than those of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries'.”
III. SOME REPORTs of Count D'AvAUx (p. 49 n. 6).
The French ambassador, in his constant policy of exciting the
home-government against whatever was the pleasure or the interest
of the prince of Orange, did not hesitate to fabricate stories which
might tell for this purpose. Among these figments I am inclined to
place the despatch which relates the reprisals taken by the Dutch
against Roman catholics resident in the Netherlands. A counter-
persecution, according to him *, actually began. The priests were
thrust out from Zeeland, not without violence. Rotterdam, he
allows, opened her gates to them; and Amsterdam offered to take
them in. But so ill had been their treatment that, when the estates
of Zeeland made overtures to recall them, they refused to go back.
The story has no support from other sources; and our rejection
of it may be confirmed if we set it beside some other statements
of a like character and of equal suspicion *. On Fagel's speech of
September 20 1685 Count d’Avaux reported *, On prit dans ce tems-lä
une résolution dans les États de Hollande, de chasser tous les.jésuites de
cette province: on tient jusqu'à present cette résolution fort secret, Mm .
d’Amsterdam n'ayant pas encore donné les mains, &c. On the 15th of
January following, he transferred his tale of Zeeland to another
quarter, may we not suppose, in pique at the Orange reaction in
* jubilé de Francfort, 91. -
* Negociations, 5. 202 f. -
* Dresselhuis also, and on the same grounds, discards the whole account;
P. 44. . -
* Negociations, 5, 147.

:
:
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e
>
5.
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E.
s
|
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–3
R
*
SUPPLEMENTARY No.7ES 17–71". I9 I
these provinces 2–Les provinces de Gueldref, de Frise, et de Gromingue,
he related ', trait?rent fort mal les catholiques, les mettant en prison,
| dont ils me ſe rachetoient que par des grosſes sommes d'argent.
IV. THE HUGUENOTS AND THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND
(p. 79 n. 8).
With the title of ‘the Huguenots ill-treated by James,' Lord
Macaulay lays peculiar stress upon the restrictions that limited the
distribution of the Royal Bounty. “James,” he says, “gave orders
that none should receive a crust of bread or a basket of coals who
| did not first take the sacrament according to the Anglican ritual”.'
The fact is true but the inference is misleading.
According to our latest authority", ‘The only proviso expressed in
| 1681 was in these terms, Provided that they live and continue with their
families (such as have any) in this our kingdom of England or elsewhere
| within our dominions. Yet a certificate That they have received the
holy communion crept into the warrants of denization *, and at a later
date a command To take the oaths of allegiance and supremacy at some
quarter-sessions within a year from the date hereof. James the Second
not only specified The holy communion but used a more stringent de-
finition The sacrament of the Lord’s supper according to the usage of the
church of England. But after his Declaration for Liberty of Con-
Science, he withdrew the clauses both as to oaths and as to the
Sacrament.” We may notice by the way that Lord Macaulay here,
after describing the one fact with a positive and detailed insistence,
leaves its later contradiction to be gathered from the vague phrasing
of a general statement".
But history cannot be built up out of acts of parliament or royal
orders, and to the view here suggested of the hardships of the
refugees we have to place three limitations. First, the service of the
* Vol. 5. 227.
* History of England, 2.79.
* Agnew, protestant Exiles, I. 36–58 and 3. 27. -
* In Mr Cooper's lists the condition appears as early as July 28 1681;
foreign Residents in England, 30 : but the contrary statement of Mr Agnew
suggests the explanation that the italics by which the words are dis-
; tinguished indicate a gloss for the purpose of symmetry.
* Vol. 2. 209 f.

I 92 Aſ UCUAEAVO 7'S OF 7//E DASAPAEA’S/OAV.
state-church had been used under the previous formula, necessarily
where no French congregation existed, and commonly, as in pursu-
ance of a state-injunction". Secondly, the huguenots had no
antipathy against such a ritual : they only resented its prostitution to
the purposes of routine *. And thirdly, they were far from grateful
at the privilege which the Declaration assured them in company with
Roman catholics; if some availed themselves of it, their leaders were
prompt in dissuading them from the dishonourable compromise".
The relations in fact of the huguenots towards the established
church had always been of the friendliest character; and the regard
paid them by successive sovereigns gave no scope for action to any
of those tendencies subversive of monarchy, which presbyterianism
implies. Their loyalty to church and king remained steady and
sincere, until their ministry was outraged by Laud; it was the
attitude of Laud and Wren to the sectaries of Canterbury and
Norwich which forced them to the parliamentary allegiance *. Even
...then some held their attachment to the royalist party"; and most
• **united with these conservative few in welcoming the restored
monarchy. From 1660 there is nowhere a hint of disaffection until
at the close of the century the popular mind confounded the
huguenots in its undiscriminating recoil against all things foreign 6. |
A letter of Amyraut's to Charles the Second may fairly mark
their attitude towards the English ceremonial : Veterem illam uestram
liturgiam legi attentissime: est autem illa sane talis, meo iudicio, ut in
multis zelum uere christianum incendere et ſidem efficacissime fouere apta
nata est. In aliis, omni ueneno caret; uniuerse, illibata religione, et non
* Cp. the characteristically-coloured language of Richard Baxter, under
date of December 1684: ‘Many French ministers, sentenced to death and
banishment fly hither for refuge. And the churchmen relieve them not
because they are not for English diocesans and conformity. And others
have many of their own distressed ministers and acquaintances to relieve,
that few are able: ' Reliquiae Baxterianae, in Agnew, 3.72.
* See especially Fontaine, Mémoires, 192.
* Cp. above, p. 78 n. 4; and on the other hand, p. 82 n. 2. -
* Agnew, I. 12 f. They then became ‘declared enemies to the king’:
Clarendon, History of the Rebellion, I. 447 ff.; Oxford 1849. .N. '
* Burn quotes the instance of Louis Herault, minister in Threadneedle. ,
street, whose exile for safety's sake was recompensed in 1660 by a stall at
Canterbury: foreign protestant Refugees, 24.
* Cp. above, p. IoS. -

SUPPLEMENTARY AWOTES IV, V. I93
modo fine conscientiae ullo utilnere, fed etiam cum admodum memorabili
pietatis fructu, celebrari et usurpari possit *.
V. THE ROYAL Bounty (p. 81, n. 6).
The history of the Royal Bounty, as the fund raised by the collec-
tions which the king's letters-patent enjoined in 1681 *, is obscure
and partly discreditable to the national financiers. I shall give a
summary from the minute research of Mr Agnew *, adding a few
particulars from other sources. It appears that when the collection
of 1685 was ordered, 17,95ol. 133. Oid, remained over from that of
168||1]2. This sum was lent to the city of London, in whose keeping
it lay at interest; its very existence being concealed, lest the amount
should deter future subscribers. The surplus of the second collec-
tion, from April 22 1686 to December 16 1688, increased the fund
by 42,8891. 8s. Iošd.; and the donations of seven years more added * <>, <) * ,
63,713.l. 23. 3d. The total, I 24,5531. 43. 2d., nearly doubled"; * "...
parliamentary grants and other benefactions, was borrowed again.”
from the chamber of London by the government, who obtained, as .
H interest thereon at six per cent., an annual vote of 12 oool. for the
refugee laity and 3oool. for the clergy*; but the value of these figures
was reduced by perhaps one-half since payment was in the form of
| exchequer-bills. In the year of King William's death the estimates
are said to have been mislaid, and no grant was made until in 1711
a letter addressed by the church of the Savoy to the heir-pre-
Sumptive procured, through gratitude, its renewal on his accession
l in 1714. -
So far the facts are Mr Agnew's. I must notice however that,
# according to the papers relative to the trust, preserved among Arch-
bishop Wake's MSS. at Christ Church, the gap between 1703 and
* Cited by Dubourdieu, Appeal to the English Nation, Io; n. Dubourdieu's
| purpose in the text of his book, when out of polemic, is conciliatory, and
his judgement is representative. -
# * Thus the warrant under the royal sign manual, June 24 1718, speaks of
| Our Bounty : Wake papers, 27. nr 129.
# * Vol. I. 58–64 and 244. t -
* The relief given by the fund extended to all ministers excepting that
of the episcopal church at Canterbury, possibly because this was an un-
authorised secession from the Walloon church of the undercroſt. See a
letter of Le Sueur, July 1717, in the Wake papers, vol. 28. -
O -




I 94 A/CWG UEAVO 7'S OF 7//Z /D/S/2/2/2S/OAV.
- -, -º-º-º-º-º-º-º:
17 i I was filled up certainly in 1709 and 17 Io; one report mentioning
the relief of 4843 persons in the former year', and the other
stating that in 17 Io but half the accustomed grant was paid at the
time and the rest deferred for four years, so that 35,000l. was due
July 31 1714 °. The precedent of putting off payment being thus
established, it seems that on November 19 of this year the allowance
was only the ordinary sum for the laity and even half the quota for
the clergy (150ol.) *. Arrears were not forgotten but equally not
considered; and the abridged subsidy is magnanimously described as
the king's gift. Coincident with this decrease was the growth of the
number relieved. There had been 24 12 in 1696 “, 51.94 in 1716, and
above 7ooo in 1721 °. From Michaelmas 1718 ° to Christmas 1821 ',
and from Michaelmas 1722 to Christmas 1725 °, there were again
lapses of payment; nor does it appear that this new debt was ever
actually redeemed. -
These additional data, while they correct one statement of Mr
Agnew’s, remarkably support his general deduction. Ministers, in
fact, were pleased to confound the administration of a trust with the
appropriation of a voluntary grant; and in course of time the subsidy
was still further cut down. Meanwhile, of course, the French were
defrauded of their capital of a quarter of a million pounds sterling.
gy
VI. FRENCH CHURCHES IN LONDON (p. 82, n. 5).
The migrations of the French churches in London, and the im-
perfect range of their registers, are by themselves enough to baffle
* See the report for 1725 in vol. 27. nr I31.
* Memoir of September 17 1716, in vol. 28.
* As above. -
* So also Dubourdieu, II8.
* Vol. 27. nr 131.
* The favourable statement of the work of the French committee, given
by Dubourdieu, II 3–I2O, is just anterior to this lapse.
* The Preface prefixed to the Account of the Distribution of the royal Bounty,
bearing this date, mentions that ‘ the number of the poor refugees is also
considerably increased by many of their brethren who daily come from
France, especially since the last Edict concerning religion’; p. iii: in .
vol. 27. nr 128. This must be ‘the horrible law of 1715, noticed by .
Rulhière, 2. 343.
* Vol. 27. nr 131. Cp, the complaint of Le Moine, minister of Brown's , ,
Lane Chapel, September 3 1725; in nr II6. *

*
SUPPLE:/ZAV7ARY NO 7ES V, VI. I 95.
the most industrious antiquary. But there is another difficulty
caused by the laxness by which the word church is often used to
designate a mere temporary service in a private house. I am con-
vinced moreover that in several instances a lacuna in the register
implies more than the carelessness of its clerk, and that two distinct
congregations meeting in the same or a neighbouring street have
been merged together with the simple object of saving the expense
of a new book. The old one was passed on to the new congrega-
tion". It is probably impossible now to discriminate such amalgams.
It is almost as hard to unravel the complications involved by the
common service of ministers, the union of presbyteries, and similar
arrangements. Perhaps results so indefinite as those contained in
the following scheme will scarcely be thought to repay the labour it
has cost.
The basis of this scheme is a list drawn up for Mr Smiles's
Huguenots in England by Mr Frederick Martin *. Being a catalogue
of the contents of the registers, the table is necessarily incomplete.
Burn's statistics add something in this way *; and the notices in
Dubourdieu's Appeal to the English Nation, 1718, and in Jacob
Bourdillon's Jubilee Sermon, 1782; furnish three dates 1718, 1732, and
1782, by which to extend the life of some of the congregations.
These are added within brackets. What little other evidence I
have been able to collect is chiefly of a negative character. The
‘into (1)' ‘into (5) ' &c. indicates the church, according to the
numbers of this series, into which that to which it is appended was
merged. '
A. In the City of London and in the East.
1. The London Walloon. Church in Threadneedle-street Since 1550.
2. Martin's Lane Chapel, Saint Martin-Ongar" -
- 1686 to 1762 [1782]; into (1).
* This is known to have been the case when Le Tabernacle (nr 22) was
united with Leicester Fields Chapel (nr 19): see Burn, foreign protestant
Refugees, I47 ff. -
* P. 467. It is to be regretted that this memoir has disappeared from the
} book since the second edition.
* Pp. 24ff., Io&–II5, 134–181. -
* For this and the three following see above, notes to p. 81. The church
was removed in 1840 into Aldersgate-street. -
* From 1720 its ministers were consolidated with those of the Savoy:
# Burn, I55.

196 Aſ UGUEAVO 7S OF THE DISP/EAS/OM.
3. L’Église de l'Hôpital, Church-street, Spitalfields'
1687; Register 1753 to 1809 or later; into (1).
4. L’Église de SaintJean, Swanfields Register 1687 to 1823; into (1).
5. La Patente en Spitalfields, in Brown's Lane”
Register 1689 to 1785; into (1) 1786.
6. L’Église de l'Artillerie” 1691 closed 1786; into (1).
7. L'Aiglise de Crispin-street *
1693; Register 1694 to 1716; into (5) 1717 [yet 1732].
8. Perle-street Chapel 1697; Register 17oo to 1701; into (7) 17 Io.
* It was afterwards known as L’Église Neuve; Burn, 178 f.
* It had been removed to Brown's-lane certainly by 1725; above, p. 108,
n. 3: not, as Burn gives the date, in 1740, p. 169.
* The congregation was formed about May 30, 1691 ; but where it met is
doubtful. A possible solution may be obtained by combining with it two
churches which appear in the lists separately. There are, (a) one in Boar's
Head-yard, Petticoat-lane, Spitalfields, which emerges first in 1691 and
which is noticed three years later as having a consistory in common with
the churches of S Jean (nr 4) and of Leicester Fields (nr 19), the ministers
officiating for the three ; and (b) one in Wapping, placed by Mr Burn con-
jecturally in Long Hedge-lane, of which the register runs from 17oo (or 17II ?)
to 1747 and of which the distinct existence is warranted by the mention of
Dubourdieu in 1718, p. 56. The separate and local identification of the
Artillerie is in 1763, when a new church was built in Parliament-court,
Artillery-street, Bishopsgate. This church was opened in 1766; but the
note that it was partially united with Leicester Fields (nr 19) and Ryder's
Court (nr 25) must place its formation in the last stage prior to the year
1750 when Ryder's Court was dissolved. The statistics of the three regis-
ters are collected in Burn, 159 and 18o: but two additional facts he relates
incidentally, may still further embarrass the problem. For it seems that
some time before 1697 one Jacques Laborier had a meeting-place in Artillery-
ground, p. 173; and that the Hospital-church (nr 3) held its first services -
‘ on a piece of ground in Long Hedge Field leased by the French church of
the district, p. I79. g
* The affinity of Crispin-street was with the churches in Perle-street
(nr 8) and West-street (nr 27). In 1716 it might be said to have swallowed
up La Patente, for the building of the former still served; above, p.82, n. I : , ;
but the name and the staff of La Patente supplanted it. When Dubourdieu, ...
p. 53, refers to Crispin-street in 1718 he may mean La Patente; but in view
of the notice of Bourdillon in 1732, and comparing note 2, above, I am in- . . .”
clined to think that La Patente removed to Brown's-lane shortly after
I716, and that the old Crispin-street congregation was reconstituted.


:
SO/PAE//5A/EAV7'A R Y AWO TAE 177. 197
9. Wheeler-street episcopal Chapel
Register May 16 1703 to 1742 March 14; into (5).
Io. Pesthouse Chapel, in the East Notice 17 off.
I 1. Blackfriars Chapel 1710 to 1716 [1718 "l.
12. Bell-lane Chapel, Spitalfields” Register 1711 to 1716 [17181.
13. L’Aiglise de Swanfields, in Slaughter-street, Spitalfields
172 I to 1735.
B. In Westminster and the West.
14. Somerset-house Chapel” 1653 closed 1777.
15. La Grand Savoie “ 1661 to 1737; into (26).
16. Castle-street Chapel, Leicester-square
1672; Register 1725 to 1754.
17. La Petite Savoie, in Spring Garden 1675 to 1755; into (26).
18. L'Eglise de Hungerford", in Hungerford Market
1687; Register 1688 to 1727; into (16).
* Dubourdieu, 54 f.
* Bell-lane and Swanfields chapels are severally distinguished as small and
poor congregations: Burn, I 75 f.
* For this church and the three next in order see above, notes to
pp. 83 f.
* It should appear from a curious extract in Kennett (whose name by the
way I spell with a double t against the common manner, relying on his auto-
graph in the Wake collection), complete History of England, 2.472 f, that
the ministers were nearly persuaded to hand over their privilege at the
Savoy to the jesuit priests, for a handsome douceur and the promise of a
new building somewhere between Whitehall and Temple Bar. Dubourdieu
however took the preliminary step of consulting Lords Halifax, Danby,
Nottingham, and some few others, and their advice was unanimous and
decisive: ‘Never hearken to any terms with the jesuits; let them pursue
their violent measures: suffer not yourselves to be thrust out of your church;
for by that means you'll do your own business and the nation’s.’
* In 1717 Hungerford Chapel is said to have been absorbed by that in
Castle-street: the register shows that some sort of independence subsisted for
ten years more, but in what way I am unable to guess. In 1718 Dubourdieu
speaks of ‘the church which used to meet in Hungerford Market’ as 'still
existent, p. 55; and a possible prolongation may be conjectured if we under-
stand it to be indicated by the obscure Église de Marche (q. d. Marché) of
Mr Martin's list under the date of 1719.
198 A/UGOZAVO 7'S OF 7A/AE /D/SAEAEA’S/OM.
19. Leicester Fields Chapel.”
Register 1688 to 1783; into (7) about 1776.
20. La Patente or Le Temple de Soho"
Register 1689 to 1782 ; into (26).
21. Swallow-street episcopal Chapel “
Register 1690 to 1709; closed 17 Io.
22. Le Tabernacle 1690; Register 1696 to 17 Io; into (19).
23. Le Carré, in Little Dean-street, Soho “ (episcopal)
s Register 169|o] I to 1763; [1782].
24. Friary Chapel, Pall Mall" Register 17oo to 1754; [1782].
25. Ryder's Court Chapel, Soho Register 17oo to 1750.
26. Les Grecs, in Dudley-court, Hog-lane" Since 17oo.
27. La Pyramide, in West Street, Saint Giles's"
Register 17 or to 1704, 1706 to 1743.
28. Berwick-street Chapel Register 1720 to 1788.
To this list may be added from the colonies in the neighbourhood .
of London, churches at
Wandsworth 1575 to 1831 and later.
Marylebone, in or near Marylebone-lane
Noticed about 1656 and 1720° [1732] closed before 1782.
* Above, p. 82, n. 3. Its building is now Orange-street Chapel: Burn,
I34ff. -
* Above, p. 82, n. 2; Smiles, 342. It stood in Little Chapel-street.
* The lease was sold in 1710 and the congregation dissolved : Burn, 139ff.
* Perhaps otherwise known as L'Ancienne Patente. The register is double
and overlapping. The first part, 169ſo] I to 1718, is entitled Sohon-square;
the second, I'714 to 1763, Berwick-street: Burn, 145 ff. As the church is
said to have held intimate relations with Berwick-street Chapel (nr 28) an
additional confusion may be suspected. .
* This was the French service in the chapel royal, S James's; and I am
inclined to seek its instauration in the appointment of a new French chap-
lain-in-ordinary, Philippe Ménard, in 1699 : see above, p. 66, n. 2.
* See above, p. 85, n. 4, where reasons are given for an earlier beginning.
After a removal to Edward-street, a new church was founded in Bloomsbury-
street by the bishop of London, January 2 1845. -
* For its connexion with La Charenton, and its origin not later than 1696,
See above, p. 85, n. 2. Of its various names La Pyramide became the usual
one: see a letter of October 15 1717 among the Wake papers, vol. 28.
* Malard, Address and Representation of Grievances, 9.

SUPPLEMENTAR Y AWO 7ES VI, V/Z. I99
Greenwich 1686 [1718 ||.
Hammersmith Noticed in 17 or and 1706.
Chelsea (two congregations; register of one) 1714 to 1718 [1729°].
Little Chelsea Noticed in 1718.
Islington * Noticed in 17 18.
Hoxton Register 1748 to 1783.
When Jacob Bourdillon began his ministry in 1732, London had
twenty French churches ‘all vigorous ': at his jubilee nine of these
were closed, and of the rest some were ‘drawing near their end *.’
This list includes the chapel at Marylebone, but excludes that in
Somerset-house, apparently as a private chapel. His omission of the
late congregation at Berwick-street may suggest that it has been
wrongly separated from some other of the Soho churches, as Le
Carré or Les Grecs”. I do not know whether the French of South-
ł wark and Fulham had independent churches, or whether they were
| content with the services at Blackfriars and Chelsea and Hammer-
Smith.
VII. SUPPLEMENT OF FRENCH SETTLEMENTS IN ENGLAND
(p. 94, n. 7).
I have postponed certain settlements to this place because of the
doubt that hangs over their relation to the emigrants of the Recall.
Those at Thorney Abbey and Whittlesey I have mentioned in the text;
but the foreign population is of an earlier origin, and at first Dutch.
# They were brought over to drain Whittlesey Mere in the isle of
Ely, and a French church was formed at Thorney Abbey in 1652,
which subsisted at least till 1727 °. The colony at Whittlesey itself,
four miles distant, dates from 1662, but there is no record of a
separate French congregation ". *
* Dubourdieu, 55 & 66; Smiles, 346 f.
* See above, p. 93, n. 3. -
* Dubourdieu, 54. - -
4 Burn, 162 f. Mr Lecky speaks of thirty-five churches at the beginning
º of the eighteenth century. But this is without warrant: cp. above, p. Ioſ,
n. I.
* I have alluded to the possible confusion, above p. 198, n. 4: La Patente
; also met at first in Berwick-street, above p. 82, n. 2. -
* Burn, 99 ff. - - * Pp. 98 f.
f
º; -
&
* -r
i.
. . . .
... ' ' ' )
*— »
2 OO A (WCUAEAVO 7'S OF 7//E /D/SAE/E/C SYO AV.
Sandtoft Chapel, in the isle of Axholme, was settled under like con-
ditions. A Dutchman, engaged in 1626 to drain Hatfield Chase,
fetched with him a number of workmen, who from 1634 supported
a service alternately French and Dutch ". Their labour finished,
they resolved themselves into an industrial community. The district,
which had known no occupation apart from agriculture, now became
busy with linen-spinning and weaving, dyeing and tanning; and it is
to these immigrants that Lincolnshire owes the woad-growing for
which it is now famous”. But quiet and continued progress was ren-
dered impossible by the wild raids of the isle-men, whose lawless
violence drove part of the community back to Holland. Long
razed, their church was at length repaired and opened in 1681; but
it soon fell into decay, its materials were disposed of, ‘and cattle
grazed upon its site *.’ This date of restoration has suggested a .
connexion with the first dragonnades; but the subsidiary data given
convinces that it is nothing more than a coincidence. -
First among settlements of older foundation is Glastonbury, where
Valerandus Pollanus gathered a congregation of French and
Walloons about 1550. Its existence is attested for above a century;
but it gradually ceased to form a separate society in the town “.
A few huguenots appear in the lists as living there after the Recall,
but their number cannot merit the distinction of a colony. -
Other Walloon churches existed at Maidstone, Thetford, and
Stamford : but there is no evidence to connect them with the emi-
grants of the Recall. Whether it shall be by the help of these or of
the colonies mentioned above (page 92), that we must fill up the list
of twelve churches organised by the French committee in 1687 ",
refers its decision to the local antiquary; for I have met with no
published materials to warrant any opinion.
* Burn, IoI–Io8. º - - -
* See a pretentious account by M Collisson, in the Bulletin, 8.344–352.
* Burn, as above, adds that ample reliques survive in names and such wit-
nesses of French extraction. g
* Pp. 90–94.
* Above, p. 82.
SUPPZAMEAV7'AA' Y AWOTES, VIZ /X. 2 O I
VIII. STATISTICS OF THE DIACONATE OF FRANKFURT
(p. 126, n. 3).
Schroeder gives the following numbers of the refugees to whom
relief was furnished by the diaconate of Frankfurt'. In 1689 the
list divides, and shows a great increase from the Palatinate; the two
columns unite again in 17oo.
For the year ending May 16, 1686 2822.
55 25 1687. 2656
55 55 I 688 5330°
25 55 1689 3660
55 35 I690 1661 Palatines 2946
55 39. I-69 I Io89 55 6449
99 55 1692. 1917 95 6693
95 35 I-693 2046. 25 864.o
95 99 I694 I 318 33 8326
- 39 39 I-695 444 39 775 I
For the ten years ending May 16, 1705 14,213 * 2, I’9,905
2, 93. 1715 15,306
» 5 • 1725 12,576
IX. FRENCH Colon[ES IN HESSE (p. 138, n. 7).
| From the data supplied by Schroeder *, C. von Rommel, F.
| Waddington *, Koehler, and the author of the Uebersicht der Wan-
derungen und Niederlassungen der Religionſ?iichtlinge, I have drawn
| up the following chronology of the Hessian Refuge".
Hessen-Homburg–
| 1685 Homburg.
1687 Dornholzhausen, Friedrichsdorf.
Hessen-Darmstadt (arranged alphabetically)—
Arheilingen, Darmstadt, Hahn, Kelsterbach, Moer-
felden, Rohrbach, Waldorf, Wembach.
* jubilé de Françfort, 84. - t
# * With the figures for 1687–8, as contrasted with the years before and
i after, compare above p. 29, and n. 2. -
# * In 1698–9 the huguenot total reaches 2946.
# * Appendix, and also p. 45. . * Bulletin, 8.79ff.
* I know not where to find Holzappel and Haselborn, huguenot colonies.
*
:
a's
*
* *


202 AſO'CUEAVO 7'S OF 7//Z D/SAEEA?.S/OAV.
:
*
*
as
:
Hessen-Cassel—
Lower Hesse.
1685 Cassel.
1685–6 Hofgeismar.
I 686 Karlsdorf.
1686–7 Immenhausen and Mariendorf.
I 688 The Oberneustadt of Cassel.
1691 or earlier Geismar and Ellershausen.
I 698–9 Schoeneberg and Carlshafen.
I 699 Wolfhagen and Ippinghausen, Treysa, Leckerings-
hausen.
I 7oo Kelse and S Ottilie.
I7o I Frankenhain.
I722–3 Gottestreu and Gewissensruhe".
Fulda.
I699 Goettsemanns.
Upper Hesse.
1687 Frankenberg and Schwabendorf.
1687–8 Marburg and Frauenberg.
I688 Louisendorf.
I694 Hertingshausen”.
I699 Wolfskaute.
1720 - Todenhausen and Wiesenfeld.
S. FRENCH COLONIES IN BRANDENBURG (p. 152, n. 1).
In the following list, the names in space d type are those men-
tioned by Ancillon in 1690 °. Names in ordinary type comprise the
official visitation-list of December 31, 17oo *. Neither purports to
be complete : on the other hand, where a later date is given to any
of these it is to be assumed that the colony was practically refounded
by the vaudois exiles of the peace of Rijswijk. Other places, in
* To these must be added without the chronological series Hombressen,
Huemme-an-der-Lempe, and Sielen. -
* I suspect the date is 1699; in 1694 there was no pressure of influx to
push out new colonies. -
* Etablissement der François réfugiez, 44–59.
* Edited by M. F. de Schickler in the Bulletin, 28. 39; cp. above, p. 169,
Il. 5. - - --
* ~, e. ea
* *
*.
Yº * *
*.
* *
:
:
* * * *

SUPPLZMAEAV7'A R Y AWOTES, ZX, X. 2O3
italics, are from Erman * and other sources”. The number added
to some names indicates the staff of preachers, and an obelus that
the French service was disused in the time that Erman wrote.
| 1672 Berlin (5).
1685 Mag deburg (3).
1685–1693 Battin *.
| 1686 Emmerich, Wesel (2), Halle (2), B ran de n-
. burg, Koep en ic k”, Frank furt-am-O der
(2), Reinsberg", Schwedt and Wiradin, Gramzow-
in-Uckermark", Ziethen (Gross and Klein), Ruppin,
: Koenigsberg (2).
1686–7 Bergholz ".
1687 Prenz low * (2), Stargard, Buchholz.
# 1688 Braunsberg".
| 1689 Burg-an-der-Ihle, Spandau.
1690 or earlier Lipp stadt.
| 1690 C lev e.
I690–1 Angermuende.
I691 Soest, Strassburg-in-Uckermark.
1693 Stendal.
1696 Duisburg i.
1697 Muencheberg, Neulindow.
1698 Colberg, Minden.
1699 Halberstadt, Bernau, Neustadt-an-der-Dosse f, Neu-
- haldensleben, Parstein.
17oo or earlier Mannheim-bei-Magdeburg, Chorin.
* *—
Mémoires, 9.321–331.
* Lettre à un Ami de Genève, 32 f.; Uebersicht der Wanderungen, 72 f.;
Reyer, Geschichte der französischen Kolonie, 188; Koehler, 18, 28, &c.
* Including the French villages of Bagemuehl, Woddow, Schmoellen,
ºf Wallmow, Graenz, and Eichstadt, and the small town of Brussow.
# * Erman gives the date as 1693 : but the French colony at Koepenick is
traced to 1686, only it had service through the chaplain of the French
guards, in conjunction with the reformed Germans, until 1690: Bulletin,
# 28, 4of, Ancillon 56 f.
| " Afterwards incorporated with Braunsberg.
| * Including Briest, Fredersdorf, Grunow, Meckow, and Metzow.
# * This was the bailiwick of Loeckenitz and comprised the French villages
f of Rossow, Zerreuthen, Grimm, and Fahrenwalde.
; : * The ministry was afterwards reduced to one: Erman.
# * Then called Cagar. Its union with Reinsberg must account for its
ºmission from the official list. - -




2O4 HUGUEMOZ’s OF THE DISPERSIow.
17o I Potzlow, Hamm t, Lammspring *f, Cottbus *.
17 of Oranienburg f, Calbe.
I 72 I Stettin.
1723 Potsdam.
To this list must be added Zechlin and Muelenbeck from Koehler, 18.
* Or Hammelspring.
* Cottbus was not exclusively French. A similar but preponderant Ger-
man element disguises the colonies at Crossen, Peitz, Soldin, and Zuellichen:
Reyer, 188 f.

i Abauzit, F., II9, 12of.
Abbadie, J., 146, 149, 159.
j Agriculture of the refugees—in
America. 95, Appenzell I 23, Bran-
denburg I 51 f., Breda 42, Cape
Colony 43, Denmark 67, Eng-
land 94 f., Friesland 38, Hesse
I41, Vaud I2 I. Cp. Tobacco, Vines.
Amyraut, M., 7, 120, 192 f.
Ancillon, C., 149 n. 3, 144 n. 2 ; D.,
I49 : F., I49 n. 3.
Anglican Church and the refugees
IoS, 191 ff. e
Arnaud I 28 n. 2.
| Avaux, Count d', 28, 29 f., 190 f.
Avyan, Baron d’, IOA.
# Banc des Catholiques I 3 n. 2.
| Basnage de Beauval, H., 56.
Basnage, J., 53 f., 178.
Baxter, R., on the exodus 192 n. I.
Bayle, P., 48 f., 54 ff., 120, 170.
Beausobre, I. de, I62, 52 n. I.
Beauveau, Count de, 149.
Bellay, C. du, I49.
Benoît, E., author of the Retraite des
Pasteurs, 26 n.8; Histoire de l'Édit
| de Nantes, 5 n. 3, 178; Cp. 35m. I, 51.
| Berlin, enlarged 155; the French
church I49. .
, Bernard, S., 186 n. 5. *
Blancard, S., G. de, I49.
Bonrepaux, Count de, 79, 80.
* Book-trade of the refugees at Am-
sterdam 59.
Bordage, Marq. de, his flight 32 n. I.
tº Bosc, P. du, at Rotterdam, 52 n. 1,54.
Bostaquet, I.D. de, his flight 179; in
# Ireland IIo.
: Brandenburg, character of French
}. colony I48, 153.
§ Briquemault, H. de, at Lippstadt,
# i49, 158. -
| Brousson, C., 132.
: Burlamachi, at Geneva 120 n. 2.
* Caen; injury from the emigration
º, I 7 I n. 2. - -
d.-
*
I N D E X.
Calvinism, tendencies of, I f., 17 n.
3, 54 f., I 76.
Cambric, see Linen.
Caméron at Saumur 7.
Cappel, L., 7, I 19.
Caveirac, Abbé de, 65 n., 165 f.
Chaise, Père La, 23, 25 n. 4, 73.
Charles II 74–78.
Charles, P., at Orthèz 6 n. I.
Chaufepié, S. de, 176 n. 3.
Chauvain, E., at Berlin, 161 f.
Chouet at Geneva I 20.
Christina, Queen, on the Recall 15
Il. 4.
Churches, protestant, destroyed 13,
2 I n. 4, 27.
Claude, J., at Nîmes 6 n. 2, at the
Hague 52, 57 ; his Plaintes des
Protestants 27 n. 6, 8o; his judge-
ment of the persecution 13 f.
Clockmaking, at Canterbury 91 n.
6, Geneva II9, Norwich 91 n. 2.
Colbert, 9 f., 22, 27; diffusion of his
system 156 f, I 73.
Commerce of the refugees at Berlin
147 & n. 2, Frankfurt-am-Main
126 n. 6, in Prussian dependencies
I52 :—Decline in France 170 ff.
See also Shipping.
Compton, H., bp. of London, IoS, 75.
Cotton-trade promoted by the refu-
gees at Bideford 89, Bromley 93,
Geneva II9.
Croze, M. V. de la, 178 n. 6.
Daillé, J., I23 n. 4.
Daillon 82 n. 2.
Daneau, L., at Orthèz 6 n. I. tº
Dauphiné; its element in the Dis-
persion 57 n. 3; at Berlin I55 n.
3; Bern I23; Geneva 117, II9 ;
Hesse I37, I40 n. 3, 141 notes,
I42; Yverdun 12 I.
Desaguliers 178. -
Die, protestant college 5.
Dollond, J., 178 n. 3. '
Dragonnades 26f., 186 f.




2O6 AV/D EX.
Duplessis-Mornay, his scheme of
church-union 7.
Duquesne, family of, 43, I 24.
Emigration of the huguenots II, I2,
I4, 26, 28 ft. ; forbidden 14 n. 4,
76 n. 5;-to America. 95–Ioo,
Baden 133, Brandenburg I31,
I48 ff., Brunswick 7off., Cape
Colony 43 f., Carolina 97 f., Den-
mark 65, England 76 f., 80, 87 f,
99, IoG f., Frankfurt I26 f. (cp.
II 7 f., I 25), Friesland 34 ft., 37 ff.,
Gaasterland 38 (cp. 35 n. 5),
S Gallen 123 n. 6, Geneva I 15 ff.,
the German seaports 63 ff., Glarus
I 23 n. 6, Hesse I 37-143, Lippe-
Detmold 129 n. 3, Maryland 93,
Mecklenburg 70, Nassau I29 n. 3,
the Netherlands 37 f., 39, 4I, 42,
43, 45, 50 f., Overijssel 39, Penn-
sylvania Ioo, Russia 67 f., Sachsen-
Hildburghausen 128 f., Solms-
Braunfels 129 n. 3, Sweden 70,
Switzerland 114, the Uckermark
151 f, Vaud II4 f., Virginia 97 f.
(cp. Ioo n. 3), Westphalia I5off,
Wuerttemberg I 29 ff., Zeeland 41;
—total numbers I65–169.
Erman and Reclam, their history of the
colony in Brandenburg I44f., cp. vi.
Exportation of capital 31 f., 169 f.,
59 n. 4. -
Fisheries, engaged in by refugees, at
Bearhaven I I5, Dordrecht 60,
Holstein 65.
Fontaine, J., in England 89 ſ., in
Ireland II 3 ; his memoirs 19 n. I.
Frederick I, king of Prussia 154 f.;
relations with Neuchâtel 124.
Frederick William I, I60.
French language diffused by the
refugees at Berlin 158, Geneva
II9, Hanover 72, Lausanne II9.
Cp. Huguenots.
Friedrich Wilhelm, the Great Elec-
tor, 145 f. 150, 154, 163.
*
Gallican Church ; its support of
Lewis XIV 16 f.; condition after
the emigration 181 f.
. Galway, Lord, 87 f., Io9 f.
Gaylen at Amsterdam 59 n. 4.
. Geneva, French society of II.9ff.;
relations with S.Petersburg 68.
Gex, Pays de, emigration to Geneva
II 7, to the Pays de Vaud I 14 f.
Glass, manufactured at Berlin I55,
London 93, Neustadt-an-der-Dosse
155; in Sussex 93.
Grumkow 150.
Guiraud, C., at Nîmes 6.
Halifax, Marquess of, 74, 197 n. 4.
Harlay, abp of Paris, 23 n. 3, 73.
Hats manufactured at Berlin I55,
Frankfurt-am-Oder and Magde-
burg 155 n. 3, Rotterdam 60,
Wandsworth 92.
Hérault, L., 192 n. 5. *
Holland, relations with Branden-
burg 149 n. 8, Hanover 72, Neu-
Isenburg I 35, Sweden 70, Swit-
zerland I 18, 122. See Orange
and William III.
Huber, Marie, at Geneva I 21.
Huguenots : the name 2 n. I ;
number 25 n. I, 168; religion 3 f.;
education 5–8; politics 2 f.; con-
dition under Mazarin II; pre-
sumed disaffection 17 f.; yet non-
resistance 18 f.; provincial strength
20 f.; oppressed 26 f.; see Emigra-
tion : their social influence 179 f.;
in Berlin I63 f., 154 f.; Carolina
98; England IoAf.; Holland 6off.;
Ireland III f. Cp. Calvinism.
Icard, C., at Bremen 64.
Industries of the huguenots 8.f.;
promoted by their emigrants in
Amsterdam 59, Berlin I55, Bran-
denburg I56 f., Cassel I39, Er-
langen 131, Frankenhain I42 n. 5,
Neu-Isenburg 136; lost to France
171 f. See also Clockmaking, Cot-
ton, Glass, Hats, jewellery, Linen,
Paper, Silk, Tapestry, Wool. -
Inguenheim at Schwabach 131 n. I.
James II 78ff.
Jenkyns, Sir L., 75. -
Jesuits, the, and the Recall 24 n. I,
25 n. 4; Cp. I97 n. 4.
Jewellery at Berlin 155 n. 3, Geneva
II9, Hanau 137. *
Jurieu in Holland 39 n. 2, 48 f., 52 f.;
judgement of the persecution 28.
Larrey, I. de, 162, 178. -
Lenfant 178; at Cassel 138, at Ber º
lin 163.
Lewis XIV; his aims 15; their results

: AV/D/E_Y.
2O7
181 ff. ; suspicion of the huguenots
I7 f., 19 f.; relations with England
| 78, Geneva II6 f.; Western Ger-
many I 28, Turkey II 9 n. 3; his
| conversion and crusade 24 f.
Linen-trade promoted in Gelderland
4o ; Groningen 39 ; Hamburg 64;
Ipswich 93; Lisburn I I I f.;
Overijssel 39 ; Waterford II 2.
Liotard, E. and M., at Geneva, IIon. 5.
Literature of the refugees 177 f, 57
n. 3; at Berlin I58–164; the Hague
57; Rotterdam 56.
London, growth of, 82 f.
Louvois and the huguenots 2I f.
Lutherans, their jealousy of the refu-
gees 64, 66, I 25 f.; cp. 5o, I 27, 72.
Lyons; emigration to Geneva II6;
decay of trade I 71.
Maintenon, Mme de, 24, 27.
Mariet, his escape 31 n. 3.
Marillac in Poitou 24, 25 n. 4, 76.
Marsilly, C. R. de, 18 n. I.
Martin, D., 180 n. I.
Ménard, J., 57, 66 n. 2; P., 66.
Metz, emigration from, I49, 155 n.
3; the loss 17I.
| Military emigration 175 f.; in Bran-
denburg IF7 f., Denmark 67, Eng-
land Io2 ff., Holland IoI f., Ire-
4 land IIo f., Russia 68 f.
Ministers in Brandenburg 158 f.;
Denmark 66; England 81 ff.; Hol-
land 51 f. º
Mirmand, M de, I22 n. 4.
Moine, Le, in Spitalfields Io8 n. 3,
Io9 n. I.
Moivre, A. de, 178.
Monfreton, Le N. de, 38 n. I.
Montauban, protestant college 7.
Montpellier, protestant college 6.
Mousquetaires, Grands, 157.
Nantes, Edict of, confirmed II f.;
steps to its recall 12 ff.; recalled
27 and n. 7.
Naturalisation accorded to the re-
fugees in Bern I23, Carolina 98,
Ireland Io9, the Netherlands 37,
New York and Virginia 97, Zee-
land 41; proposed in England 74f.,
cp. IoT & n. 4.
... Navy, huguenots in the, 18.
, Netherlands, French churches in,
187–190: see Holland.
\&
Nîmes, protestant college 6; perse-
cution at 6 n. 5; emigration to
Geneva II9; loss thereby 172.
Normandy, under dragoons 2 I n. 3,
185, 186; emigration to London
IoS, Rotterdam 50, Southampton
88.
Orange, persecution in, 42 and n. 2,
I52 and n. 4. ; Prince of Orange,
his party in the Netherlands 35 f.,
36 n. 2, 190; see William III.
Orthèz, royal university 6 n. I.
Paets and the Rotterdam Athenaeum
48 & 54.
Palatinate, the, refuge in, 129 ; its
churches, I3o n. 5; desolation by
Lewis XIV I 29, second immigra-
tion I 30, and dispersion into Eng-
land 99, and America Ioo.
Papacy, the, and Lewis XIV I5 and
Il. 4. $
Paper made by refugees at Amster-
dam 59, Berlin I55, Glasgow,
Kent, Laverstoke 93, Zaandam 59.
Papin, D., I40, 178.
Petitot, J., at Geneva II 9.
Philosophy diffused by refugees 177,
at Berlin 161, Geneva II9 f., Rot-
terdam 54 ff.
Picardy, emigration to Carolina 98,
and Edinburgh 94.
Place, J. de la, 7, 120.
Placette, J. de la, at Copenhagen 66.
Poitou, initial persecution in, I 3, 17,
24, 25,34f.,76, 88,89, 94, I49; con-
dition after the emigration 17 I f.
Polyandre, J., at Dordrecht 49.
Potsdam, Edict of, I45 f.
Pusey, E. B., 18o. \
Puylaurens, protestant college 7 n. 4.
Rapin, P. de, 178, IO4 n. 2.
Raselle and the Irish refuge Io9 n. 3.
Refugees, in Altona 65, Amsterdam
45, 36 n. 7, 37, 5of, 59, Arne-
muiden 37, Balk 38, Barnstaple
89, Basel I23, Berlin I49, 155 f., d
Bern II6, 122 f., Boston U.S.A.
95 f., Brandenburg 156, Bremen
64, Bristol 89, Canterbury 91 f.,
Carlshafen I4I (cp. 72 n. 2), Cassel
I38 ft., I43, Celle 72, Charleston
98, Constantinople 119 n. 3,
Copenhagen 65 f. (cp. 135), Dan-
tzig 69, Dordrecht 49 f., Dresden

208
AV/D/EX.
&
I 28, Dublin I I I, Edinburgh 94,
Emden 63, Erlangen I 31, Frank-
furt-am-Main 125 ff., Frankfurt-
am-Oder 156, Friedrichsdorf 137f.,
Geneva 1 18 f., Glueckstadt 65,
Greenwich 87, Groningen 36, 39,
Haarlem 36 n. 7, 37, 46 ff., 58,
the Hague 47, 57, Hamburg 64 f.,
Hameln 72, Hanau 137 f.; Hanover
72, Koepenick I 56, Lausanne II 5,
II9, Leeuwarden 38 f., Leipzig
I 28, Leyden 58 f., Lisburn III f.,
London 80–86, Io 7 f, Luebeck
64, Maastricht 42 f., Magdeburg
I51, 156, Middelburg 41, 36 n. 7,
Moscow 68, Neuchâtel 123 f. (cp.
I n. I), Neu-Isenburg 134 ff., New
York 96, Ioo, Norwich 90 f., S
Petersburg 68, Portarlington IIo,
Rotterdam 47, 50, 54 ff., Rye 9o,
77 n. 4, Schaffhausen II 7, 123,
Schwabach 131, Southamptom 88,
Surinam 59, Utrecht 47, 36, 4o,
Wandsworth 92, Waterford II 2,
Youghal III, Zuerich I 23, II5 n.
4, Zwolle 4o :—suspected in Bern
I 22, in England 77, 79, 9o, Lau-
Sanne I22 :—see Emigration.
Revolution in England supported by
the refugees 8o, Ioo-IoE, I76.
Reynier, J. L., II 9 n. 4.
Richelieu 3, II.
Robillard, S. de, Io'ſ n. 5.
Rochefoucault, F. C. de la, 67.
Rochelle, La, persecution at, 49 n. 4;
emigration from 77, 89; condition
afterwards I 7o, I7I n. 3.
Roger at Berlin 163.
Rou, J., 57, 48, 16I n. 7.
Rulhière, his Eclaircissements Histo-
riques Ion. I, 12, 24.
Russell, Lady, on the exodus 28 n. 3.
Ruvigny, Marquess de, 87.
Sage, Le, at Geneva I.21.
Saintonge, emigrants from, in Eng-
land 89, at Neuchâtel I23 n. 8.
Saint-Simon, Duke de, I6 n. I.
Saumur, protestant college 7; cp.
Beausobre and Lenfant 162 f., Rou
II9.
Saurin, E., 57.
Savile, H., 73 f.
Schomberg, Marshal, Io2, IoA, 157.
Science of the refugees 177 f., at
Berlin I6o f, Geneva 120, Mar-
burg I4o.
Sedan, protestant college 7 ; cp.
Bayle, jurieu ; persecution at 42.
Seignelay, minister of marine, 18, 32.
Seven Dials 84, 86.
Shipping, in England 87, 89 ; see
Commerce, Fisheries.
Silk-trade promoted by the refugees,
in Amersfoort 40, Amsterdam 59,
Berlin 155, Bern 122, Bideford 89,
Canterbury 91, England 91 n. 2,
Geneva I 18, London 93, Spital-
fields 83, Utrecht 4o ; in France
after the emigration 171.
Soho 84 ff.
Spanheim, E., at Versailles I46, 23;
at Berlin 163.
Spitalfields 81 ff.
Superville, D. de, at Rotterdam 54.
Switzerland, refugees sent on from,
to Ireland Io9, to Saxony I 29 n. 3.
Tapestry-workers at Bern I23, Exe-
ter 89, Fulham 93.
Thynne, T., 73.
Tobacco planted by the refugees in
Brandenburg I52, Denmark 67.
Valkenier 137.
Varennes, Marquess de, 158.
Vauban, Marshal, 165.
Vaudois, confused with huguenots,
I27 f, I 32, J33 n. 5, 136 n. 2, 137
notes, I42 n. 5;-in Brandenburg
15I ; Hesse 139, 141, I42; the Pa
latinate 130; Wuerttemberg I32. '
Venours, Marq. de, at Haarlem, 46ff.
Vines grown by the refugees at the
Cape 43 n.8, 44 &n. 3; in Caro- .
lina 97. t
Weiss C., vii, 9 n. I, 67 n. 5, 69 n. 4. . .
William III, interest in the American
97 and Irish refugees Io'7; in the
exiled soldiery IoI f.; relations
with Lewis XIV 42.
Wool-manufacture promoted by the
refugees at Amsterdam 59, Berlin
I55, Bern I22, Brandenburg I56
n. 4, Friedrichsdorf 137, Geneva
I 18, Haarlem 47, 58, Leyden 58 f.,
Neuchâtel 123 n.8, Norwich 91,
Yverdun I2 I.
Yperen, Dood van, 60 n. 3. .
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Appleton.—Works by T. G. APPLETON:—
A NILE JOURNAL, Illustrated by EUGENE BENSON. Crown
8vo. 6s.
SYRIAN SUNSHINE. Crown 8vo. 65.
Arnold (M.)—ESSAYS IN CRITICISM. By Matthew
ARNOLD. New Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Crown 8vo. 9s.
Arnold (W. T.)—THE ROMAN SYSTEM OF PROVIN-
CIAL ADMINISTRATION TO THE ACCESSION OF
CONSTANTINE THE GREAT. Being the Arnold Prize
Essay for 1879. By W. T. Arnold, B.A. Crown 8vo. 6s.
- A
T5,OOO. I2.79.

4. MACMIZZAN'S CATALOGUE OF WORKS IN
Bryce.—continued.
TRANSCAUCASIA AND ARARAT: being Notes of a Vacation
Tour in the Autumn of 1876. With an Illustration and Map.
Third Edition. Crown 8vo. 9s.
“Mr. Bryce has written a lively and at the same time an instructive
description of the tour he made last year in and about the Caucasus. Where
so well-informed a yurist trazels into regions seldom visited, and event
walks up a moure/ain so rarely scaled as Ararat, he is 7ustified in think-
ing that the impressions Že Özings /lowe are zword/, / of being communicated
to the world at large, especially when a terrible war is casting a Metrid glow
over the countries he has lately surveyed.”—ATHENAEUM.
Burgoyne. — POLITICAL AND MILITARY EPISODES
DURING THE FIRST HALF OF THE REIGN OF
GEORGE III. Derived from the Life and Correspondence of
the Right Hon. J. Burgoyne, Lieut.-General in his Majesty's
Army, and M.P. for Preston. By E. B. DE FONBLANQUE. With
Portrait, Heliotype Plate, and Maps. 8vo. 16s.
Burke.—EDMUND BURKE, a Historical Study. By JoHN
MoRLEY, B.A., Oxon. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d. r
Burrows.-WORTHIES OF ALL SOULS : Four Centuries of
English History. Illustrated from the College Archives. By
MonTAGU BURROWs, Chichele Professor of Modern History at
Oxford, Fellow of All Souls. 8vo. I4s. -
“A most amusing as well as a most instructive book.-GUARDIAN.
Cameron.—OUR FUTURE HIGHWAY. By v. Lovett
CAMERON, C.B., Commander R.N. With Illustrations. 2 vols.
Crown 8vo. - [Shortly.
Campbell.—LOG-LETTERS FROM THE “CHALLENGER.”
by LoRD GEORGE CAMPBELL. With Map. Fifth and cheaper
Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s. .
“A delightful book, which we heartily commend to the general reader.”
—SATURDAY REVIEW. - . - :
“We do not hesitate to say that anything so fresh, so picturesque, so
generally delightful, as these log-letters has not afteared among books o
travel for a long time.”—EXAMINER. .
Campbell.—MY CIRCULAR NOTES: Extracts from Journals;
Letters sent Home ; Geological and other Notes, written while
Travelling Westwards round the World, from July 6th, 1874, to
July 6th, 1875. By J. F. CAMPBELL, Author of “Frost and
Fire.” Cheaper Issue. Crown 8vo. 6s.
HISTORY, BIOGRAPHP, TRA VELS, ETC. 5
Campbell.--TURKS AND GREEKS. Notes of a recent Ex-
cursion. By the Hon. DUDLEY CAMPBELL, M.A. With Coloured
Map. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d.
Carpenter.—LIFE AND WORK OF MARY CARPENTER
By the Rev. J. E. CARPENTER. With Portrait engraved by
JEENs. Crown 8vo. [Shortly.
Carstares.—WILLIAM CARSTARES : a Character and Career
of the Revolutionary Epoch (1649—1715). By ROBERT STORY,
Minister of Rosneath. 8vo. 12s.
Chatterton : A BIOGRAPHICAL STUDY. By DANIEL
WILSON, LL.D., Professor of History and English Literature in
University College, Toronto. Crown 8vo. 6s. 6d.
Chatterton : A STORY OF THE YEAR 1770. By Professor
MASSON, LL.D. Crown 8vo. 5s.
- #
Clark.-MEMORIALS FROM JOURNALS AND LETTERS
OF SAMUEL CLARK, M.A., formerly Principal of the
National Society's Training College, Battersea. Edited with
Introduction by his WIFE. With Portrait. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.
Clifford (W. K.)—LECTURES AND ESSAYS. Edited by
LESLIE STEPHEN and FREDERICK POLLOCK, with Introduction
by F. PolloCK. Two Portraits. 2 vols. 8vo. 25s.
The TIMEs of October 22, 1879, says :—“Many a friend of the
author on first taking up these zolumes and remembering his zersatile
genius and his keen enjoyment of all realms of intellectual activity must
/have trembled lest they should be found to consist of fragmentary pieces of
work, too disconnected to do justice to his powers of consecutive reasoning
and too varied to have any effect as a whole. Fortunately those fears are
groundless . . . . It is not only in subject that the zarious papers are
closely related. There is also a singular consistency of view and of method
throughout . . . . It is in the social and metaphysical subjects that the
richness of his intellect shows itself most forcibly in the variety and
originality of the ideas which he presents to us. To appreciate this variety,
it is necessary to read the book itself, for it treats, in some form or other, of
nearly all the subjects of deepest ºnterest in this age of questioning.”
Combe.—THE LIFE OF GEORGE COMBE, Author of “The
Constitution of Man.” By CHARLEs GIBBON. With Three
Portraits engraved by JEENs. Two Vols. 8vo. 32s.
“A graphic and interesting account of the long life and indefatigable
Jabours of a zery remarkable man.”—SCOTSMAN. -
6 AMA CMM/CAEAAW’.S. CA. TAZOG UE OF WOA’A.S. AAV
Cooper. — ATHENAE CANTABIRIGIENSES. By CHARLEs
HENRY CoopFR, F.S.A., and THOMPson COOPER, F.S.A.
Vol. I. 8vo., 1500–85, 18s. ; Vol. II., 1586–1609, 18s.
Correggio.—ANTONIO ALLEGRIDA CORREGGIO. From
the German of Dr. JULIUS MEYER, Director of the Royal Gallery,
Berlin. Edited, with an Introduction, by Mrs. HEATON. Con-
taining Twenty Woodbury-type Illustrations. Royal 8vo. Cloth
elegant. 31.s. 6d. - -
Cox (G. V.)—RECOELECTIONS OF OXFORD. By G.
V. Cox, M.A., New College, late Esquire Bedel and Coroner
in the University of Oxford. Cheaper Falition. Crown 8vo. 6s.
Cunynghame (Sir A. T.)—MY COMMAND IN SOUTH
AFRICA, 1874–78. Comprising Experiences of Travel in the
Colonies of South Africa and the Independent States. By Sir
ARTHUR THURLow CUNYNGHAME, G.C.B., then Lieutenant-
Governor and Commander of the Forces in South Africa. Third
Edition, 8vo. I2s. 6d. - . .
The TIMES says :—“It is a volume of great interest, . . . . full of
incidents which vividly illustrate the condition of the Colonies and the
character and habits of the natives. . . . . It contains valuable illus-
frations of Cape warfare, and at the present moment it cannot fail to
command wide-spread atteration.” -
“Daily News.”—THE DAILY NEWS’ CORRESPOND.
ENCE of the War between Germany and France, 1870–1. Edited
with Notes and Comments. New Edition. Complete in One
Volume. With Maps and Plans. Crown 8vo. 6s. -
THE DAILY NEWS’ CORRESPONDENCE of the War between
Russia and Turkey, to the fall of Kars. Including the letters of
Mr. Archibald Forbes, Mr. J. E. McGahan, and other Special
Correspondents in Europe and Asia. Second Edition, enlarged.
Cheaper Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s.
FROM THE FAIL OF KARS TO THE CONCLUSION OF
PEACE. Cheaper Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s.
Davidson.—THE LIFE OF A SCOTTISH PROBATIONER;
being a Memoir of Thomas Davidson, with his Poems and
Letters. By JAMES BROWN, Minister of St. James's Street
Church, Paisley. Second Edition, revised and enlarged, with
Portrait. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d. - -
Deas.--THE RIVER CLYDE. An Historica. Description of the
Rise and Progress of the Harbour of Glasgow, and of the Im-
provement of the River from Glasgow to Port Glasgow. By J.
DEAS, M. Inst. C.E. 8vo. Ios. 6d. - - &
A/STOR P. B/OG/&A PA. P., T/CA V/º L.S., A. TC. 7
Denison.--A HISTORY OF CAVALRY FROM THE EAR-
LIEST TIMES. With Lessons for the Future. By Lieut.-Col.
GEORGE DENISON, Commanding the Governor-General's Iłody
Guard, Canada, Author of “Modern Cavalry.” With Maps and
Plans. 8vo. 183.
Dilke.—GREATER BRITAIN. A Record of Travel in English-
speaking Countries during 1866-7. (America, Australia, India.
By Sir CHARLES WENTwo RTH DILKE, M.P. Sixth Edition:
Crown 8vo. 6s. .
“Many of the subjects discussed in these pages,” says the DAILY NEWS,
“are of the widest interest, and such as no man who cares for the future
of his race and of the world came afford to treat with indifference.”
Doyle.—HISTORY OF AMERICA. By J. A. Doyle. With
Maps. 18mo. 4s. 6d. •T -
“A/r. Ooyle's style is clear and simple, his facts are accurately stated,
and his book is meritoriously free from £rejudice one guestions where
Żartisanship runs high amongst zºs.”—SATURDAY REyrEw.
Drummond of Hawthornden : THE STORY OF HIS
LIFE AND WRITINGS. By PROFEssoR MAssoN. With Por-
trait and Vignette engraved by C. H. JEENs. Crown 8vo. Io.s. 6d.
Duff.-Works by M. E. GRANT-DUFF, M.P., late Under Secretary
of State for India:—
NOTES OF AN INDIAN JOURNEY. with Map. 8vo. Ios. 6d.
MISCELLANIES POLITICAL AND LITERARY., 8vo. Ios. 6d,
Eadie.—LIFE OF JOHN EADIE, D.D., LL.D. By JAMEs
BRowN, D.D., Author of “The Life of a Scottish Probationer.”
With Portrait. Second Edition. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.
“An ably written and characteristic biography.”—TIMES.
Elliott.—LIFE OF HENRY VENN ELLIOTT, of Brighton.
By Josia.H BATEMAN, M.A. With Portrait, engraved by JEENs.
Extra feap. 8vo. Third and Cheaper Edition. 6s.
Elze.—ESSAYS ON SHAKESPEARE. By Dr. KARL ELZE.
Translated with the Author's Sanction by L. DORA SCHMITZ.
8vo. I2s. -
English Men of Letters. Edited by JoHN MoRLEy. A
Series of Short Books to tell people what is best worth knowing
as to the Life, Character, and Works of some of the great
English Writers. In crown 8vo. Price 2s. 6d, each.
MACMILIA W’S CA. TALOGUE OF WORKS IAW
English Men of Letters.-continued.
I. DR. JOHNSON. By LESLIE STEPHEN.
“The new series opens well with Mr. Zeslie Stephen's sketch of Dr.
johnson. It could hardly have been done better; and it will convey to
the readers for whom it is intended a juster estimate of Johnson than
either of the two essays of Lord Macaulay.”—PALL MALL GAZETTE.
II. SIR WALTER SCOTT. By R. H. HUTTON.
“The tone of the zolume is excellent throughout.”—ATHENAEUM.
“We could not wish for a more suggestive introduction to Scott and
his poems and novels.”—EXAMINER.
III. GIBBON. By J. C. MoRISON.
“As a clear, thoughtful, and attractive record of the life and works of
the greatest among the world’s historians, it deserves the highest praise.”—
EXAMINER.
IV. SHELLEY. By J. A. SYMONDs.
“The lovers of this great poet are to be congradulated on having at
their command so fresh, cleaz, and intelligent a presentment of the subject,
written by a man of adequate and wide culture.”—ATHENAEUM.
V. HUME. By Professor HUxLEY.
“At may fairly be said that no one 7zow living could haze expounded
Aſume with more sympathy or with equal perspicuity.”—ATHENAEUM.
VI. GOLDSMITH. By WILLIAM BLACK. *
, “Mr. Black brings a fine sympathy and faste to bear in his criticism
of Goldsmith's writings as well as in his sketch of the incidents of his life.”
ATHENAEUM. .
VII. DEFOE. By W. MINTo. -
“Mr. Minto's book is careful and accurate in all that is stated, and
faithful in all that it suggests. It will repay reading more than once.”
ATHENAEUM. ser - - - -
VIII. BURNS. By Principal SHAIRP, Professor of Poetry in the
University of Oxford. -
“It is impossible to desire fairer criticism than Principal Shairp’s
on Burns's poetry . . . . Mone of the series has given a truer estimate
either of character or of genius than this little zolume . . . . and all who
read it will be thoroughly grateful to the author for this monument to the
genius of Scotland’s greatest poet.”—SPECTATOR.
IX. SPENSER. By the Very Rev. the DEAN OF ST. TAUL’s.
“A)r. Church is master of his subject, and writes always with good
taste.”—ACADEMY. f
X. THACKERAY. By ANTHONY TRollope. &
“Mr. Trollofte's sketch is excellently adapted to ſufil the purpose of
the series in which it appears.”—ATHENAEUM.
XI. BURKE. . By John MoRLEY.
“A”7%aps the best criti, ism yet published on the life and character of
$.

AISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, TRAVELS, ETC. 9
English Men of Letters.—continued.
Burke is contained in A/r. Morley's compendious biography. His style is
zigorous and polished, and both his political and personal judgment, and
/his literary criticisms are just, generous, subtle, and in a high degree
interesting.”—SATURDAY REVIEw.
MILTON. By MARK PATTIson. [just ready.]
HAWTHORNE. By HENRY JAMEs. .
SOUTHEY. By Professor Dowden.
CHAUCER. By Professor WARD. •,• A va-2, 7.
COWPER. By GoLDw1N SMITH. [In preparation.]
BUNYAN. By J. A. FROUDE. |
WORDSWORTH. By F. W. H. My ERs.
Others in preparation.
Eton College, History of. By H. C. MAxwell Lyte,
M.A. With numerous Illustrations by Professor DELAMOTTE,
Coloured Plates, and a Steel Portrait of the Founder, engraved
by C. H. JEENs. New and cheaper Issue, with Corrections.
Medium 8vo. Cloth elegant. 21s.
“We are at length presented with a work on England’s greatest public
school, worthy of the suffect of which it treats. . . . A really valuable and
authentic history of Æton College.”—GUARDIAN.
European History, Narrated in a Series of Historical
Selections from the best Authorities. Edited and arranged by
E. M. SEwBLL and C. M. Yong E. First Series, crown 8vo. 6s. ;
Second Series, IoS8–1228, crown 8vo. 6s. Third Edition.
“We know of scarcely anything,” says the GUARDIAN, of this zolume,
“which is so likely to raise to a higher level the average standard of
Jºnglish education.”
Faraday.—MICHAEL FARADAY. By J. H. GLADSTONE,
Ph.D., F.R.S. Second Edition, with Portrait engraved by JEENS
from a photograph by J. WATKINS. Crown 8vo. 4s. 6d. '
PORTRAIT. Artist’s Proof. 5s. -
Forbes.—LIFE AND LETTERS OF JAMES DAVID
FORBES, F.R.S., late Principal of the United College in the
University of St. Andrews. By J. C. SHAIRP, LL.D., Principal
of the United College in the University of St. Andrews; P. G.
TAIT, M.A., Professor of Natural Philosophy in the University.
of Edinburgh ; and A. ADAMS-REILLY, F.R.G.S. 8vo. with
Portraits, Map, and Illustrations, 16s. . . . .
Freeman.-Works by EDWARD A. FREEMAN, D.C.L., LL.D. :-
HISTORICAL ESSAYS. Third Edition. 8vo. Ios. 6d.
CoNTENTs :—Z. “The Mythical and Romantic Elements in Early
Fnglish History;” ZZ. “The Continuity of English History;”. III.

“The Relations between the Crowns of England and Scotland; ” ZV.
Io AZA CMZZZA/V’.S. C.4 TAZOGUE OF WORKS ZIV
Freeman—continued.
“St. Thomas of Canterbury and his Biographers;” W. “The Reign of
Edward the 7%ird : ” VZ. “The Aoly Æoman Empire;” WAZ. “The
Aºranks and the Gauls,” VIII. “The AEarly Sieges of Paris;” IX.
“Frederick the Airst, King of Italy;” X. “The AEmperor Frederick the
Second : ” XZ. “Charles the Bold;’ X/Z. “A”, asidential Government.
HISTORICAL ESSAYS. SECOND SERIES. 8vo. los. 6d.
The principal Essays are:—“Anciené Greece and Mediæval Italy:”
“Mr. Gladstone's Aomer and the Zomeric Ages: ” “Zhe Aſistorians
of Athens :” “The Athenian AJemocracy: ” “Alexander the Great : ”
“Greece during the Macedonian Period.”, “Mommsen's History of Rome:”
“Zucius Cornelius Sulla : ” “The Flavian Casars.” -
HISTORICAL ESSAYS. Third Series. 8vo. I2s.
CoNTENTs :– “Airst Impressions of Aome.” “ The Illyriane
Amperors and their Zand.” “Augusta Trézéroriºn.” “The Goths
at Åazemzºna.” “A’ace and Language.” “The Byzazzêne Empire.”
“Jºrs: Zmpressions of Athens.”. “Media:val and Modern Greece.”
“ 7%e Southern Slaves.” “Sicilian Cycles.” “The AVormans at
Aalerſ/lo.” - -
COMPARATIVE POLITICS.—Lectures at the Royal Institution.
To which is added the “Unity of History,” the Rede Lecture at
Cambridge, 1872. 8vo. I4s.
THE HISTORY AND CONQUESTS OF THE SARACENS.
Six Lectures. Third Edition, with New Preface. Crown 8vo.
3s. 6d.
HISTORICAL AND ARCHIT ECTURAL SKETCHES :
chiefly Italian. With Illustrations by the Author. Crown 8vo.
Ios. 6d. -
HISTORY OF FEDERAL GOVERNMENT, from the Foun-
dation of the Achaian League to the Disruption of the United
States. Vol. I. General Introduction, History of the Greek
Federations. 8vo. 21s. -
OLD ENGLISH HISTORY. With Five Coloured Maps. Fourth
... Edition. Extra feap. 8vo., half-bound. 6s. • ‘
...”. The book indeed is full of instruction and interest to students of all
ages, and he must be a well-informed man indeed who will not rise
from its perusal with clearer and more accurate ideas of a too much
neglected portion of English history.”—SPECTATOR.
HISTORY OF THE CATHEDRAL CHURCH OF WELLS,
as illustrating the History of the Cathedral Churches of the Old
Foundation. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d. . f -
“The history assumes in Mr. Freeman's hands a significance, and, we
may add, a practical zalue as suggestive of what a cathedral ought to be,
which make it well worthy of mention.”—SPECTATOR. -
A/STORY, BIOGRAPHY, TA'A VEZ.S., ETC. 11
Freeman—continued.
THE GROWTH OF THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION
FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES. Crown 8vo. 5s. Third
Edition, revised. - -
GENERAL SKETCH OF EUROPEAN HISTORY. Being
Vol. I. of a Historical Course for Schools edited by E. A.
FREEMAN. New Edition, enlarged with Maps, Chronological
Table, Index, &c. 18mo. 3s. 6d. - -
“At supplies the greaf want of a good foundation for historical teach-
ing. Zhe scheme is an excellent one, and this instalment has been:
accepted in a way that promises much for the volumes that are yet
to appear.”—EDUCATIONAL TIMES.
THE OTTOMAN POWER IN EUROPE: its Nature, its Growth,
and its Decline. With Three Coloured Maps. Crown 8vo. 7s.6d.
Galileo.—THE PRIVATE LIFE OF GALILEO. Compiled
principally from his Correspondence and that of his eldest
daughter, Sister Maria Celeste, Nun in the Franciscan Convent of
S. Matthew in Arcetri. With Portrait. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.
Geddes.—THE PROBLEM OF THE HOMERIC POEMS.
By W. D. GEDDES, LL.D., Professor of Greek in the University
of Aberdeen. 8vo. I4s.
Gladstone—Works by the Right Hon. W. E. GLADSTONE, M.P.:-
JUVENTUS MUNDI. The Gods and Men of the Heroic Age.
Crown 8vo. cloth. With Map. Io.s. 6d. Second Edition.
“Seldom,” says the ATHENAEUM, “out of the great žoems themselves,
Åave these Oivinities looked so majestic and respectable. To read these
brilliant details is like standing on the Olympiazz threshold and gazing at
the ineffable brightness within.” .
HOMERIC SYNCHRONISM. An inquiry into the Time and
Place of Homer. Crown 8vo. 6s. * ,
“It is impossible not to admire the immense range of thought and
inquiry which the author has displayed.”—BRITISH QUARTERLY
REVIEw. -
Goethe and Mendelssohn (1821–1831). Translated from the
German of Dr. KARL MENDELSSOHN, Son of the Cómposer, by
M. E. Von GLEHN. From the Private Diaries and Home
Letters of Mendelssohn, with Poems and Letters of Goethe never
before printed. Also with two New and Original Portraits, Fac-
similes, and Appendix of Twenty Letters hitherto unpublished.
... Crown 8vo. 53. Second Edition, enlarged. ..

12 MACMILLAN'S CATALOGUE OF WORKS IN
“. . . . Avery page is full of interest, not merely to the musi-
ciam, but to the general reader. The book is a very charming one, on
a topic of deep and lasting interest.”—STANDARD.
Goldsmid.—TELEGRAPH AND TRAVEL. A Narrative of
the Formation and Development of Telegraphic Communication
between England and India, under the orders of Her Majesty's
Government, with incidental Notices of the Countries traversed by
the Lines. By Colonel Sir FREDERIC GOLDSMID, C.B., K.C.S.I.,
late Director of the Government Indo-European Telegraph. With
numerous Illustrations and Maps. 8vo. 2 Is.
“The merit of the work is a total absence of exaggeration, which does
not, however, preclude a vividness and vigour of style not always character-
istic of similar narratives.”—STANDARD.
Gordon.—LAST LETTERS FROM EGYPT, to which are added
Letters from the Cape. By LADY DUFF GoRDON. With a
Memoir by her Daughter, Mrs. Ross, and Portrait engraved by
JEENS. Second Edition. Crown 8vo. 9s.
“The intending tourist who wishes to acquaint himself with the country
he is about to z/isit, stands embarrassed amidst the riches presented for his
choice, and in the end probably rests contented with the sober usefulness of
Murray. He will not, however, if he is well advised, grudge a place in
his ſortmanteau to this book.”—TIMES.
Gray.—CHINA. A History of the Laws, Manners, and Customs
of the People. By the VENERABLE JOHN HENRY GRAY. LL.D.,
Archdeacon of Hong Kong, formerly H. B.M. Consular Chaplain
at Canton. Edited by W. Gow Gregor. With 150 Full-page Illustra-
tions, being Facsimiles of Drawings by a Chinese Artist. 2 Vols.
Demy 8vo. 32s.
“Its pages contain the most truthful and vivid Zicture of Chinese life
which has ever been published.”—ATHENAEUM.
“The only elaborate and zaluable book we have had fºr many years
treating generally of the people of the Celestial Ampire.”—ACADEMY.
Green.—works by JoHN RICHARD GREEN :—
HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH PEOPLE. Vol. I.-Early
England—Foreign Kings—The Charter—The Parliament. With
8 Coloured Maps. 8vo. 16s. Vol. II.-The Monarchy,
I461–1540 ; the Restoration, I540–1603. 8vo. 16s. Vol. III.
—Puritan England, 1603–1660; the Revolution, 1660–1688.
With 4 Maps. 8vo. 16s. [Vol. IV. in the press.
“Mr. Green has done a work which probably no one but himself could
have done. He has read and assimilated the results of all the labours of
students during the last half century in the field of Ænglish history, and
Aas given them a fresh meaning by his own independent study. He has
fused together by the force of sympathetic imagination all that he has so

HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, TRA VELS, ETC. I3
Green.—continued.
collected, and has given us a vivid and forcible sketch of the march of
Ænglish history. His book, both in its aims and its accomplishments,
7°ises far beyond any of a similar Āind, and it will give the colozering to the
Žopalar view to Ænglish history for some time to come.”—BXAMINER.
A SHORT HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH PEOPLE. With
Coloured Maps, Genealogical Tables, and Chronological Annals.
Crown 8vo. 8s. 6d. Sixty-third Thousand.
“To say that Mr. Green's book is better than those which have pre-
ceded it, would be to convey a very inadequate impression of its merits. It
stands alone as the one general history of the country, for the sake of
which all others, if young and old are wise, will be speedily and surely set
aside. - .
STRAY STUDIES FROM ENGLAND AND ITALY. Crown
8vo. 8s. 6d. Containing : Lambeth and the Archbishops—The
Florence of Dante—Venice and Rome–Early History of Oxford
—The District Visitor—Capri—Hotels in the Clouds—Sketches
in Sunshine, &c.
“One and all of the papers are eminently readable.”—ATHENAEUM.
Guest.—LECTURES ON THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
By M. J. GUEST. With Maps. Crown 8vo. 6s.
“The book is pleasant reading, it is full of information, much of it is
zaluable, most of it is correct, told in a gossify and intelligible way.”—
ATHENAEUM. - -
Hamerton.—Works by P. G. HAMERTON.—
THE INTELLECTUAL LIFE. With a Portrait of Leonardo da
Vinci, etched by LEOPOLD, FLAMENG. Second Edition. Crown
Io.s. 6d. 8vo. . . . . . . . .
“We have read the whole book with great žleasure, and we can re-
commend it strongly to all who came appreciate graze reflections on a very
important subject, excellently illustrated from the resources of a mind
stored with much reading and much keen observation of real life.”—
SATURDAY REVIEW. -
THOUGHTS ABOUT ART. New Edition, revised, with an
Introduction. Crown 8vo. 8s. 6d. t - -
“A manual of sound and thorough criticism on art.”—STANDARD.
Hill.—THE RECORDER OF BIRMINGHAM. A Memoir of
Matthew Davenport Hill, with Selections from his Correspondence.
By his Daughters Rosa Mond, and FLORENCE DAVENPORT-HILL.
With Portrait engraved by C. H. JEENS. 8vo., 16s.

14 MACMALLAAV'S CATAZOGUE OF WO/CATS IN
Hill.—WHAT WE SAW IN AUSTRALIA. By Rosa Mond
and FLORENCE HILL. Crown 8vo. Io.s. 6d.
“Aſſay be recommended as an interesting and truthſid £icture of the
condition of those layed; which are so disſant and 1.et so match /i/e home.”
—SATURDAY REVIEw.
Hodgson.—MEMOIR OF REV. FRANCIS HODGSON,
B. D., Scholar, Poet, and Divine. By his Son, the Rev. JAMES
T. Hopcson, M.A. Containing numerous Letters from Lord
Byron and others. With Portrait engraved by JEENS. Two
Vols. Crown 8vo. I8s.
“A book that has added so match of a healthy meature to our Ánowledge
of Byron, and that contains so ricſ, a store of deſig/tſu/ correspondence.”
—ATHEN.EUM. - & . -
Hole.—A GENEALOGICAL STEMMA OF THE KINGS
OF ENGLAND AND FRANCE. By the Rev. C. Hole,
M.A., Trinity College, Cambridge. On Sheet, Is.
A BRIEF BIOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARY. Compiled and
Arranged by the Rev. CHARLES HOLE, M.A. Second Edition.
18mo. 4s. 6d. . *
Hooker and Ball.—MAROCCO AND THE GREAT
ATLAS: Journal of a Tour in. By Sir Joseph D. HookER,
K.C.S.I., C.B., F.R.S., &c., and JoHN BALL, F.R.S. With an
Appendix, including a Sketch of the Geology of Marocco, by
G. MAw, F.L.S., F.G.S. With Illustrations and Map. 8vo. 21s.
“At is long since any more interesting book of travels has issued from
our press.”—SATURDAY REVIEw. “ Zhis is, without doubt, one of the
most interesting and valuable books of travel published for many years.”
—SPECTATOR.
Hozier (H. M.)—Works by CAPTAIN HENRy M. Hozier,
- late Assistant Military Secretary to Lord Napier of Magdala –
THE SEVEN WEEKS' WAR ; Its Antecedents and Incidents.
Mew and Cheaper Ædition. With New Preface, Maps, and Plans.
Crown 8vo. 6s. . . . ; ,
THE INVASIONS OF ENGLAND: a History of the Past, with
Lessons for the Future. Two Vols. 8vo. 28s. -
Hübner.—A RAMBLE ROUND THE WORLD IN 1871. By
M. LE BARON HüBNER, formerly Ambassador and Minister.
Translated by LADY HERBERT. New and Cheaper Edition.
With numerous Illustrations. Crown 8vo. 6s. .
“It is difficult to do ample justice to this pleasant narrative of travel
. . . . it does not contain a single dull paragraph.”—MoRNING POST.
A/STORY, BYOGRAPHY, TRAVEZ.S., ETC. I 5
Hughes.—Works by THOMAS HUGHES, Q.C., Author of “Tom
Brown’s School Days.” -
ALFRED THE GREAT. New Edition. Crown 8vo. 63.
MEMOIR OF A BROTHER. With Portrait of GEORGE HUGHES,
after WATTS. Engraved by JEENs. Crown 8vo. 5s. Sixth
Edition.
“The boy who can read this book without deriving from iſ some addi-
tional impulse Zoward's homozt rable, manly, and independent conduct, has
zzo good stuff in him.”—DAILY NEws.
Hunt.—HISTORY OF ITALY. By the Rev. W. HUNT, M.A.
Being the Fourth Volume of the Historical Course for Schools.
Edited by EDWARD A. FREEMAN, D.C.L. 18mo. 3s.
“Mr. Hunt gives us a most compact but zery readable little book, con-
Zaining in small compass a very complete outline of a complicated and
Aeºlexiºs subject. It is a book w/iich may be safely recommended to
offiers besides schoolboys.”—Jon N BULL.
Irving.—THE ANNALS OF OUR TIME. A. Diurnal of Events,
Social and Political, Home and Foreign, from the Accession of
Queen Victoria to the Peace of Versailles. By Joseph IRVING.
Aozerth AEdition. 8vo. half-bound. I6s. ". .
ANNALS OF OUR TIME. Supplement. From Feb. 28, 1871,
to March 19, 1874. 8vo. 4s. 6d. - -
ANNALS OF OUR TIME. Second Supplement. From March,
1874, to the Occupation of Cyprus. 8vo. 4s. 6d.
“We have before us a trusty and ready guide to the events of the
£aſt thirty yearſ, azailable equally for the statesman, the politician, the
Zublic writer, and the general reader.”—TIMEs. .
James.—Works by HENRY JAMEs, Jun, FRENCH POETS AND
NOVELISTS. Crown 8vo. 8s. 6d. . . .
CoNTENTS:—Alfred de Musset ; Théophile Gautier ; Baudelaire ;
Aortoró de Balzac ; George Sand; Zhe Two Ampères; Zhangenieſ, &c.
Johnson's Lives of the Poets.-The Six Chief
Lives—Milton, Dryden, Swift, Addison, Pope, Gray. With
Macaulay’s “Life of Johnson.” Edited, with Preface, by
MATTHEw ARNOLD. Crown 8vo. 6s.
Killen.—ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF IRELAND, from
the Earliest Date to the Present Time. By W. D. KILLEN, D.D.,
President of Assembly’s College, Belfast, and Professor of Eccle-
siastical History. Two Vols. 8vo. 25s. . -
“Those who haze the leisure will do well to read these two zolumes.
They are full of interest, and are the result of great research. . . . We

16 MACMIZZAN'S CATALOGUE OF WORKS Iy
/ave no hesitation in recommending the work to all who wish to improve
their acquaintance with Irish history.”—SPECTATOR.
Kingsley (Charles).-Works by the Rev. CHARLEs KINGSLEy,
M.A., Rector of Eversley and Canon of Westminster. (For
other Works by the same Author, see THEOLOGICAL and BELLES
LETTRES Catalogues.)
ON THE ANCIEN REGIME as it existed on the Continent before
the FRENCH REVOLUTION. Three Lectures delivered at the
Royal Institution. Crown 8vo. 6s.
AT LAST: A CHRISTMAS in the WEST INDIES. With nearly
Fifty Illustrations. Sixth Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s.
Mr. Kingsley’s dream of forty years was at last fulfilled, when he
started on a Christmas expedition to the West Indies, for the purpose of
becoming personally acquainted with the scenes which he has so vividly
described in “Westward Ho!” These two volumes are the yournal of his
zoyage. A'ecords of natural history, sketches of tropical landscape, chapters
on education, wiews of society, all find their place. “We can only say
that Mr. Kingsley's account of a ‘Christmas in the West Indies' is in
every way worthy to be classed among his happiest froductions.”—
STANDARD. -
THE ROMAN AND THE TEUTON. A. Series of Lectures
delivered before the University of Cambridge. New and Cheaper
Edition, with Preface by Professor MAx MüLLER. Crown 8vo. 65.
PLAYS AND PURITANS, and other Historical Essays. With
Portrait of Sir WALTER RALEIGH. New Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s.
In addition to the Essay mentioned in the title, this zolume contains
other two—one on “Sir Walter Æaleigh and his Time,” and one one
Aºroude's “Aistory of England.”
Kingsley (Henry).--TALES OF OLD TRAVEL. Re-
narrated by HENRY KINGSLEY, F.R.G.S. With Eight Illus-
trations by HUARD. Fifth Edition. Crown 8vo. 5s.
“We know no batter book for those who want Ánowledge or seek to
refresh it. As for the ‘sensational,’ most novels are tame compared with
these narratives.”—ATHENAEUM. . . .
Lang.—CYPRUS: Its History, its Present Resources and Future
Prospects. By R. HAMILTON LANG, late H.M. Consul for the
Island of Cyprus. With Two Illustrations and Four Maps. 8vo. 14s.
“ The fair and impartial account of her past and present to be ſound in
these pages has an undoubted claim on the attention of all intelligent
readers.”—MORNING POST.
2'
y -
$ *
it
f
H/STORY, BIOGRAPHY, TRA UEZS, E7 c. 17
Laocoon.—Translated from the Text of Lessing, with Preface and
Notes by the Right Hon. SIR ROBERT J. PHILLIMORE, D.C. L.
With Photographs. 8vo. I2s.
Leonardo da Vinci and his Works.-Consisting of a
Life of Leonardo Da Vinci, by MRs. CHARLEs W. HEATON,
Author of “Albrecht Dürer of Nürnberg,” &c., an Essay on his
Scientific and Literary Works by CHARLES CHRISTOPHER
BLACK, M.A., and an account of his more important Paintings
and Drawings. Illustrated with Permanent Photographs. Royal
8vo, cloth, extra gilt. 31.s. 6d.
Liechtenstein.—HOLLAND HOUSE. By Princess MARIE
LIECHTENSTEIN. With Five Steel Engravings by C. H. JEENs,
after Paintings by WATTs and other celebrated Artists, and
numerous Illustrations drawn by Professor P. H. DELAMOTTE, and
engraved on Wood by J. D. Cooper, W. PALMER, and JEwiTT &
Co. Third and Cheaper Edition. Medium 8vo. cloth elegant,
I6s.
Also, an Edition containing, in addition to the above, about 40
Illustrations by the Woodbury-type process, and India Proofs of
the Steel Engravings. Two vols. medium 4to. half morocco
elegant. 41. 45.
Lloyd.—THE AGE OF PERICLES. A History of the Arts and
Politics of Greece from the Persian to the Peloponnesian War.
By W. WAT KISS LLOYD. Two Vols. 8vo. 21s.
“Mo such account of Greek art of the best period has yet been brought
• together in an English work. . . . . Mr. Lloyd has produced a book of
unusual excellence and interest.”—PALL MALL GAZETTE.
Loch Etive and the Sons of Uisnach.-With Illus-
trations. 8vo. I4s.
“Mot only have we Zoch Etive of the present time brought before us in
colours as true as they are zivid, but stirring scenes which happened on
the borders of the beautiful lake in semi-mythical times are conjured up
with singular skill. A/owhere else do we remember to have met with such
a well-written account of the invasion of Scotland by the Irish.”—GLOBE.
Loftie.—A RIDE IN EGYPT FROM SIOOT TO LUXOR, IN
1879; with Notes on the Present State and Ancient History of the
Nile Valley, and some account of the various ways of making the
voyage out and home. By the Rev. W. J. LOPTIE. With
Illustrations. Crown.8vo. Ios. 6d. . . .
“We prophesy that Mr. Zoftie's little book will accompany many
travelless on the Nile in the coming winters.”—TIMEs. ; :
- B
2O MACMILLA W’S CATA LOGUE OF WO/CATS //W
Masson (David). —continued.
CHATTERTON : A Story of the Year 1770. By DAVID MASSON,
LL.D., Professor of Rhetoric and English Literature in the Uni-
versity of Edinburgh. Crown 8vo. 5s.
THE THREE DEVILS : Luther's, Goethe's, and Milton's ; and
other Essays. Crown 8vo. 5s.
WORDSWORTH, SHELLEY, AND KEATS ; and other
Essays. Crown 8vo. 5s.
Mathews.—LIFE OF CHARLES J. MATHEWS, Chiefly
Autobiographical. With Selections from his Correspondence and
Speeches. Edited by CHARLES DICKENs.
“One of the pleasantest and most readable books of the season. From
first to last these two zolumes are alive with the inimitable artist and
comedian. . . . 7%e whoſe book is full of life, vigour, and wit, and event
through some of the gloomy episodes of volume two, will repay most carefuſ
study. So complete, so zaried a picture of a man's life is rarely to be met
with.”—STANDARD. - -
Maurice.—THE FRIENDSHIP OF BOOKS ; AND OTHER
LECTURES. By the Rev. F. D. MAURICE. Edited with Pre-
face, by THOMAS HUGHES, Q.C. Crown 8vo. Ios. 6d.
Mayor (J. E. B.)—WORKS edited by John E. B. MAyoR,
M.A., Kennedy Professor of Latin at Cambridge :-
CAMBRIDGE IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. Part II.
Autobiography of Matthew Robinson. FCap. 8vo. 5s. 6d.
LIFE OF BISHOP BEDELL. By his SoN. Fcap. 8vo. 3s. 6d.
Melbourne.—MEMOIRS OF THE RT. HON. WILLIAM,
SECOND VISCOUNT MELBOURNE. By W. M. Torrens,
M. P. With Portrait after Sir. T. Lawrence. Second Edition.
2 Vols. 8vo. 32s. -
“As might be expected, he has produced a book which will command
and reward attention. It contains a great deal of zaluable matter and
a great deal of animated, elegant writing.”—QUARTERLY REVIEW.
Mendelssohn.-LETTERS AND RECOLLECTIONS. By
FERDINAND HILLER. Translated by M. E. Von GLEHN. With
Portrait from a Drawing by KARL Mt.LLER, never before pub-
lished. Second Edition. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.
“This is a very interesting addition to our knowledge of the great
German composer. It reveals him to us under a new light, as the warm-
hearted comrade, the musician whose soul was in his work, and the home-
Ioving, domestic man.”—STANDARD. -
AISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, TRAVELS, ETC. 2 I
Merewether.—BY SEA AND BY LAND. Being a Trip
through Egypt, India, Ceylon, Australia, New Zealand, and
America-—all Round the World. By HENRY ALworTH MERE-
weTHER, one of Her Majesty's Counsel. Crown 8vo. 8s. 6d.
Michael Angelo Buonarotti ; Sculptor, Painter, Architect.
The Story of his Life and Labours. By C. C. BLACK, M.A.
Illustrated by 20 Permanent Photographs. Royal 8vo. cloth
elegant, 31.s. 6d. -
“The story of Michael Angelo's life remains interesting whatever be the
manner of telling it, and supported as it is by this beautiful series of photo-
graphs, the zolume must take rank among the most splendid of Christmas
books, fitted to serve and to outlive the season.”—PALL MALL GAZETTE.
Michelet.—A SUMMARY OF MODERN HISTORY. Trans-
lated from the French of M. MICHELET, and continued to the
present time by M. C. M. SIMPSON. Globe 8vo. 4s. 6a.
Milton.—LIFE OF JOHN MILTON. Narrated in connection
with the Political, Ecclesiastical, and Literary History of his Time.
By DAVID MASSON, M.A., LL.D., Professor of Rhetoric and
English Literature in the University of Edinburgh. With Portraits.
Vol. I. 18s. Vol. II., 1638–1643. 8vo. 16s. Vol. III.
I643—1649, 8vo. 18s. Vols. IV. and V. I649–1660. 32s.
Vol. VI. concluding the work in the press.
This work is not only a Biography, but also a continuous Political, AEccle-
siastical, and Literary Aſistory of England through Milton's whole time.
Mitford (A. B.)—TALES OF OLD JAPAN. By A. B.
MITFORD, Second Secretary to the British Legation in Japan.
With upwards of 30 Illustrations, drawn and cut on Wood by
Japanese Artists. New and Cheaper Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s.
“Zhese zery original zolumes will always be interesting as memorials
of a most exceptional society, zwhile regarded simply as tales, they are
sparkling, sensational, and dramatic.”—PALL MALL GAZETTE.
Monteiro.—ANGOLA AND THE RIVER CONGO. By
JoACHIM MONTEIRO. With numerous Illustrations from Sketches
taken on the spot, and a Map. Two Vols. crown 8vo, 21s.
Morison.—THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAINT BERNARD,
Abbot of Clairvaux. By JAMES COTTER MoRIson, M.A. New
Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s. -
Moseley.—NOTES BY A NATURALIST ON THE CHAZ-
AAAWGAER - being an Account of various Observations made
during the Voyage of H.M.S. Challenger, Round the World,
22 MA CMIZZA/V’.S. CA 7.4 LOGUE OF WORKS IAW
in 1872–76. By H. N. MoseLEY, F.R.S., Member of the
Scientific Staff of the Challenger. 8vo. with Maps, Coloured Plates,
and Woodcuts. 2 Is.
“ Zhis is certainly the most interesting and suggestize book, descriptive
of a naturalist’s travels, which has been published since Mr. Darwin's
‘journal of Æesearches' appeared, more than forty years ago.”—NATURE.
“We cannot point to any book of trave/s in our day more zizid in its
flowers of description, more varied in its subject matter, or more attractive
to every educated reader.”—SATURDAY REVIEW.
Murray.—ROUND ABOUT FRANCE. By E. C. GRENVILLE
MURRAY. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.
“These short essays are a perfect mine of information as to the present
condition and future prospects of political parties in France. . . . It is
at once extremely interesting and exceptionally instructive on a subject on
which few English people are well informed.”—SCOTSMAN.
Napier.—MACVEY NAPIER'S SELECTED CORRE.
SPONDENCE. Edited by his Son, MACVEY NAPIER. 8vo. 14s,
The TIMES says :-‘‘It is replete with useful material for the bio-
graphers of many distinguished writers of the generation which is passing
away. Since reading it we understayed several noteworthy men, and
Arougham in particular, far better than we did before.” “It would be
1/seless to attempt within our present limits to give any adequate idea of the
abundance of interesting passages which meet us in the letters of Macaulay,
Arougham, Carlyle, Jeffrey, Senior, and many other well-known writers.
Jºspecially piquant are Jeffrey's periodical criticisms on the contents of
//ie Review w/ich he had formerly edited.”—PALL MALL GAZETTE.
Napoleon.—THE HISTORY OF NAPOLEON I. By P.
|LANFREY. A Translation with the sanction of the Author.
4 vols. 8vo. Vols. I. II. and III. price 12s. each. Vol. IV.
6s.
The PALL MALL GAZETTE says it is “one of the most striking
£ieces of historical composition of which France has to boast,” and the
SATURDAY REVIEw calls it “an excellent translation of a work on every
ground dese, zing to be translated. It is unquestionably and immeasurably
the best that has been produced. It is in fact the only work to which we
can turn for an accurate and trustworthy narrative of that extraordinary
career. . . . The book is the best and indeed the only trustworthy history
of Napoleon which has been written.”
Nichol.--TABLES OF EUROPEAN LITERATURE AND
HISTORY, A.D. 200—1876. By J. NICHOL, LL.D., Professor
of English Language and Literature, Glasgow. 4to. 6s. 6d.
TABLES OF ANCIENT LITERATURE AND HISTORY,
B.C. I5OO—A. D. 200. By the same Author. 4to. 4s. 6d.
HIS 7 ORY, BIOGRAPH V, TRA UEZS, ETC. 23
Nordenskiöld's Arctic Voyages, 1858-79. — with
Maps and numerous Illustrations. 8vo. 16s.
“A volume of great interest and much scientific value.”—NATURE.
Oliphant (Mrs.).-TIIE MAKERS OF FLORENCE : Dante
Giotto, Savonarola, and their City. By Mrs. OLIPHANT. With
numerous Illustrations from drawings by Professor DELAMOTTE,
and portrait of Savonarola, engraved by JEENS. Second Edition.
Medium 8vo. Cloth extra. 2 Is.
“We are grateful to Mrs. Oliphant for her eloquent and beautiful
sketches of Dante, Fra Angelico, and Sazonarola. They are picturesque,
full of life, and rich in detail, and they are charmingly illustrated by the
art of the engraver.”—SPECTATOR.
| Oliphant.—THE DUKE AND THE SCHOLAR ; and other
. Essays. By T. L. KINGTON OLIPHANT. 8vo. 7s. 6d.
| “This volume contains one of the most beautiful biographical essays we
Jave seen since Macaulay’s days.”—STANDARD.
Otte.—SCANDINAVIAN HISTORY. By E. C. OTTE. With
Maps. Extra feap. 8vo. 6s. ©
Owens College Essays and Addresses.—By Pro-
FESSORS AND LECTURERS OF OWENS COLLEGE, MANCHESTER.
Published in Commemoration of the Opening of the New College
Buildings, October 7th, 1873. 8vo. 14s.
Palgrave (R. F. D.)—THE HOUSE OF COMMONS:
Illustrations of its History and Practice. By REGINALD F. D.
PALGRAVE, Clerk Assistant of the House of Commons. New
and Revised Edition. Crown 8vo. 2s. 6d.
Palgrave (Sir F.)—HISTORY OF NORMANDY AND
OF ENGLAND. By Sir FRANCIS PALGRAVE, Deputy Keeper
of Her Majesty's Public Records. Completing the History to the
Death of William Rufus. 4 Vols. 8vo. 41.4s.
Palgrave (W. G.)—A NARRATIVE OF A YEAR’s
JOURNEY THROUGH CENTRAL AND EASTERN
ARABIA, 1862–3. By WILLIAM GIFFORD PALGRAVE, late of
the Eighth Regiment Bombay N. I. Sixth Edition. With Maps,
.* and Portrait of Author, engraved on steel by Jeens. Crown
vo. 6s.
“Ae has not only written one of the best books on the Arabs and one
of the best books &m Arabia, but he has done so in a manner that must
command the respect no less than the admiration of his fellow-country-
*ten.”—FORTNIGHTLY REVIEW.
24 MIACMIZZA N'S CATALOGUE OF WORKS IN
Palgrave.—continued.
ESSAYS ON EASTERN QUESTIONS. By W. GIFFoRD
PALGRAVE. 8vo. Ios. 6d.
“These essays are full of anecdote and interest. The book is decidedly
a zaluable addition to the stock of literature on which men must
base their opinion of the difficult social and political problems sug-
gested by the designs of Russia, the capacity of Mahometans for
sovereignty, and the good government and retention of India.”—
SATURI AY REVIEW.
DUTCH GUIANA. With Maps and Plans. 8vo. 9s.
“Afts pages are nearly exhaustize as far as facts and statistics go,
while they are lightened by graphic social sketches as well as sparkling
descriptions of scenery.”—SATURDAY REVIEW.
Patteson.—LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN COLERIDGE
PATTESON, D.D., Missionary Bishop of the Melanesian Islands.
By CHARLOTTE M. Yonge, Author of “The Heir of Redclyffe.”
With Portraits after RICHMOND and from Photograph, engraved by
JEENS. With Map. Fifth Edition. Two Vols. Crown 8vo. 12s.
“Miss Yonge's work is-in one respect a model biography. At is made
up almost entirely of Patteson's own letters. Aware that he had left has
Aome once and for all, his correspondence took the form of a diary, ama'
as we read on we come to Azzow the mazz, and to loze him almost as if we
had seen him.”—ATHENAEUM. “Such a life, with its grand lessons of
unselfishness, is a blessing and an honour to the age in which it is lived ;
the biography cannot be studied without pleasure and profit, and indeed
we should think little of the man who did not rise from the study of it
better and wiser. Meither the Church nor the nation which producer
such sons need ever despair of its future.”—SATURDAY REVIEW.
Pauli.-PICTURES OF OLD ENGLAND. By Dr. REINHold
PAULI. Translated, with the approval of the Author, by E. C.
OTTE. Cheaper Edition, Crown 8vo. 6s.
Payne.—A HISTORY OF EUROPEAN COLONIES. By
E. J. PAYNE, M.A. With Maps. 18mo. 4 s. 6d.
The TIMEs says:—‘‘We have seldom met with a historian capable of
forming a more comprehensive, far-seeing, and unprejudiced estimate of
events and peoples, and we can commend this little work as one certain to
prove of the highest interest to all thoughtful readers.”
Persia.-EASTERN PERSIA. An Account of the Journeys of
the Persian Boundary Commission, 1870–1–2.—Vol. I. The Geo-
graphy, with Narratives by Majors ST. JoHN, LOVETT, and EUAN
SMITH, and an Introduction by Major-General Sir FREDERIC
GOLDSMID, C.B., K.C.S.I., British Commissioner and Arbitrator.
HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, TRAVELS, ETC. 25
With Maps and Illustrations.—Vol. II. The Zoology and Geology.
By W. T. BLANFORD, A.R.S.M., F.R.S. With Coloured Illus-
trations. Two Vols. 8vo. 423.
“The volumes largely increase our store of information about
countries with which Ænglishmen ought to be familiar. e tº
They throw into the shade all that hitherto has appeared in our tongue
respecting the local features of Persia, its scenery, its resources, ezen its
social condition. They contain also abundant evidence of Ænglish
endurance, daring, and spirit.”--TIMES.
Prichard.—THE ADMINISTRATION OF INDIA. From
1859 to 1868. The First Ten Years of Administration under the
Crown. By T. T. PRICHARD, Barrister-at-Law. Two Vols.
Demy 8vo. With Map. 21s.
Raphael.—RAPHAEL OF URBINO AND HIS FATHER
GIOVANNI SANTI. By J. D. PASSAVANT, formerly Director
of the Museum at Frankfort. With Twenty Permanent Photo-
graphs. Royal 8vo. Handsomely bound. 31.s. 6d.
The SATURDAY REVIEw says of them, “We have seen not a few
elegant specimens of Mr. Woodbury's new process, but we haze seem
none that equal these.” •
Reynolds.-SIR JOSHUA REYNOLDS AS A PORTRAIT
PAINTER. AN ESSAY. By J. CHURTON Collins, B.A.
Balliol College, Oxford. Illustrated by a Series of Portraits of
distinguished Beauties of the Court of George III. ; reproduced
in Autotype from Proof Impressions of the celebrated Engravings,
by VALENTINE GREEN, THOMAS WATson, F. R. SMITH, E.
FISHER, and others. Folio half-morocco. 45 5s.
Rogers (James E. Thorold).-HISTORICAL GLEAN.
INGS: A Series of Sketches. Montague, Walpole, Adam Smith,
Cobbett. By Prof. Rogers. Crown 8vo. 4.s. 6d. Second Series.
Wikliſ, Laud, Wilkes, and Horne Tooke. Crown 8vo. 6s.
Routledge.—CHAPTERS IN THE HISTORY OF POPULAR
PROGRESS IN ENGLAND, chiefly in Relation to the Freedom
of the Press and Trial by Jury, 1660–1820. With application to
later years. By J. ROUTLEDGE. 8vo. 16s.
“The zolume abounds in facts and information, almost always useful
and often curious.”—TIMES.
Rumford.—COUNT RUMFORD'S COMPLETE WORKS,
with Memoir, and Notices of his Daughter. By GEORGE ELLIS,
Five Vols. 8vo. 41. 14s. 6d.
28 MAC///ZZA W’.S. CA 7TA ZOG UE OF WOA’A. S. ZZV
Trench (Maria).--THE LIFE OF ST. TERESA. By MARIA
TRENCH. With Portrait engraved by JEENs. Crown 8vo, cloth
extra. 8s. 6d.
“A book of rare interest.”—John BULL.
Trench (Mrs. R.)—REMAINS OF THE LATE MRS.
RICHARD TRENCH. Being Selections from her Journals,
Letters, and other Papers. Edited by ARCHBISHOP TRENCH.
New and Cheaper Issue, with Portrait. 8vo. 6s.
Trollope.—A HISTORY OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF
FLORENCE FROM THE EARLIEST INDEPENDENCE
OF THE COMMUNE TO THE FALL OF THE REPUBLIC
IN 1831. By T. ADOLPH.Us TROLLOPE. 4 Vols. 8vo. Half
In OTOCCO. 2 IJ. -
Uppingham by the Sea.—A NARRATIVE OF THE
YEAR AT BORTH. By J. H. S. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d.
Victor Emmanuel II., First King of Italy.—HIS
LIFE. By G. S. GoDKIN. 2 vols., crown 8vo. 16s.
“An extremely clear and interesting history of one of the most
important changes of later times.”—EXAMINER. -
Wallace.—THE MALAY ARCHIPELAGO : the Land of the
Orang Utan and the Bird of Paradise. By ALFRED RUSSEL
WALLACE. A. Narrative of Travel with Studies of Man and
Nature. With Maps and numerous Illustrations. Sixth Edition.
Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.
“The result is a vivid picture of tropical life, which may be read with
unflagging interest, and a sufficient account of his scientific conclusions to
stimulate our appetite zwithout zwearying us by detail. In short, we may
safely say that we haze mezer read a more agreeable book of its kind.”—
SATURDAY REVIEW.
Ward.—A HISTORY OF ENGLISH DRAMATIC LITERA.
TURE TO THE DEATH OF QUEEN ANNE. By A. W.
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WORKS IN POLITICS, ETC. 37
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ENGLISH MEN OF LETTERS-continued
ENGLISH MEN OF LETTERS.—BURNS. By Principal
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either of character or of genius than this little volume. . . . and all who
read it will be thoroughly grateful to the author for this monument to
the genius of Scotland's greatest poet.”—Spectator.
ENGLISH MEN OF LETTERS.—SPENSER. By the Very
Rev. the DEAN OF ST. PAUL’s.
“Dr. Church is master of his subject, and writes always with good
taste.”—Academy.
ENGLISH MEN OF LETTERS.—THACKERAY. By
ANTHONY TROLLOPE.
“Mr. Trollope's sketch is exceedingly adapted to fulfil the purpose
of the series in which it appears.”—Athenaeum.
ENGLISH MEN OF LETTERS. —BURKE. By JOHN
MORLEY.
“Perhaps the best criticism yet published on the life and character
of Burke is contained in Mr. Morley's compendious biography. His
style is vigorous and polished, and both his political and personal
judgment and his literary criticisms are just, generous, subtle, and in
a high degree interesting.”—Saturday Review.
just ready.
MILTON. By MARK PATTISON.
- An preparation.
HAWTHORNE. By HENRY JAMES,
SOUTHEY. By Professor DowdEN.
CHAUCER. By Professor WARD.
COWPER. By GOLDWIN SMITH.
BUNYAN. By J. A. FROUDE.
WORDSWORTH. By F. W. H. My ERs.
Others in preparation.
MACMILLAN AND CO., LONDON.

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