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MICHIG
HIGAN.
JERUSALEM: THE TOPOGRAPHY
ECONOMICS AND HISTORY
Τα γαρ βλεπόμενα πρόσκαιρα, τα
δε μη βλεπόμενα αιώνια. Οίδαμεν
γάρ ότι εάν η επίγειος ημών οικία
του σκήνους καταλυθή, οικοδομής εκ
θεού έχομεν, οικίαν αχειροποίητον
αιώνιον εν τοις ουρανοίς.
2.CORINTHIANS IV. 18, V. I.
JERUSALEM
THE TOPOGRAPHY, ECONOMICS AND HISTORY
FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO A.D. 70
BY
:
GEORGE ADAM SMITH
D.D., LL.D.
PROFESSOR OF OLD TESTAMENT LANGUAGE, LITERATURE
AND THEOLOGY, UNITED FREE CHURCH COLLEGE, GLASGOW
AUTHOR OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF THE HOLY LAND," ETC.
IN TWO VOLUMES
VOL. II
WITH MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS
NEW YORK
A. C. ARMSTRONG AND SON
3 AND 5 WEST 18th STREET
1908
DS
504
THE UNIVERSITY PRESS, CAMBRIDGE, U. S. A.
PREFATORY NOTE TO VOLUME II.
PL
.
THIS volume contains Book III. of the present work-
the History of Jerusalem, with such portions of the
topography as are proper to particular periods. The
size to which the volume has grown has rendered
necessary the omission of a detailed history of the City
through the Roman period and of a separate chapter on
the siege by Titus. But in the last two chapters of
Book II. a summary has already been given of the
principal political events under the Romans and during
the War of Independence, thus bringing the history
down to 70 A.D.
I regret that the first proof of Chapter xiv. on the
Rest of the Persian Period was corrected before
Dr. Sachau's publication of the three papyri from
Elephantine, and that in consequence I was unable to
make any but the briefest allusion to these very im-
portant documents. They confirm the chronology
adopted in Chapter xiii., that Nehemiah lived under the
first Artaxerxes. But it has been impossible to dis-
cuss their bearing on the critical questions of the age of
the Pentateuch. With regard to these I need state only
one remarkable result of the discovery of the papyri. It
has convinced Professor Nöldeke, who has so long resisted
the Graf-Wellhausen hypothesis, of the impossibility of
Jerusalem
assigning the close of the Pentateuch to an earlier date
than that of Ezra (Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, January
1908). Professor Nöldeke does not discuss how far the
papyri affect the question of the date of Deuteronomy,
a question which I hope to have other opportunities of
discussing. I also regret that Professor Kittel's Studien
zur Hebräischen Archäologie und Religionsgeschichte, con-
taining treatises on the Rock eş-Şakhra, the Serpent-
stone in the Kidron Valley and the movable lavers in
Solomon's Temple (Leipzig, 1908), did not come into my
hands till after this volume was passed for press. .
In the History I have thought right to give 'a' more
exact transliteration of the Hebrew proper names than
the conventional English spelling adopted in Volume I. ;
but some of the more important names, such as Solomon,
Isaiah, and Jeremiah, I have left in their familiar forms.
I have also altered one or two forms of reference to
ancient works : for instance, the document cited in
Volume I. as the Pseudo-Aristeas appears in this volume
as the Letter of Aristeas.
To the list given in the Preface of those to whom
I have been indebted for assistance in the prepara-
tion of this work, I wish to add the names of my
colleague Professor Denney, whose suggestions on
the New Testament period have been very helpful;
Dr. D. M. Ross of Glasgow, Professor C. A. Scott of
Cambridge, Dr. John Kelman of Edinburgh, and
Mr. W. Menzies of Glasgow. I also thank, for the
care and ability with which they have treated the some-
what intricate materials, the compositors and proof-
readers of Messrs. T. and A. Constable, the printers of
these volumes; and I owe a very special debt of grati-
Prefatory Note
vii
D
tude to Messrs. Hodder and Stoughton and to Mr. J.
Sinclair Armstrong of New York for their great patience
with the many delays in the completion of the work, as
well as for their generosity in the matter of its illus-
trations.
I call the attention of the reader to the list of
Additions and Corrections to Vol. 1. inserted in that
volume; and to the list of those to Vol. II. on page xiv.
I regret that the Appendix referred to on pages 327, 331,
333, and 334 has been crowded out.
GEORGE ADAM SMITH.
GLASGOW,
7th April 1908.
CONTENTS OF VOLUME II.
PAGE
PREFATORY NOTE
PREFATORY NOTE . . . . .
TABLE OF THE PRINCIPAL STAGES IN THE HISTORY
.
.
v
XV
BOOK III
THE HISTORY
СНАР.
1. THE PRELUDE-ABD-KHIBA, C. 1400 B.C.
11. THE CONQUEST BY DAVID, C. 1000 B.C. .
.
III. SOLOMON AND THE TEMPLE, C. 970-933 B.C.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
IV. FROM REHOBOAM TO AHAZ, C. 933-720 B.C.
1. Rehoboam, c. 933-917 . . .
2. Abiyah, c. 916-914. .
3. Asa, c. 913-873 . . . .
4. Jehoshaphat, c. 873-850. .
5, 6. Jehoram and Ahaziah, c. 850-842
7. Athaliah, c. 842-836
8. Joash, c. 836-798 . .
9. Amaziah, c. 797-789 or 779
10. Uzziah or Azariah, c. 789 or 779-740 . .
11. Jotham, Regent from 755 or 750 ; King 740-735
12. Ahaz, C. 735-720 (?)
106
113
117
125
125
ix
Jerusalem
CHAP.
v. ISAIAH'S JERUSALEM, FROM 740 ONWARDS
.
.
PAGE
132
VI. HEZEKIAH AND SENNACHERIB, C. 720-685
.
:
148
VII, JERUSALEM UNDER MANASSEH, C. 685-640
.
.
181
VIII. JOSIAH: JERUSALEM AND DEUTERONOMY, C. 638-608
196
IX. JEREMIAH'S JERUSALEM, C. 625-586
.
.
.
X. THE DESOLATE CITY, 586-537 .
.
.
.
XI, THE IDEAL CITY AND THE REAL
.
.
XII. THE SECOND TEMPLE, FROM ZECHARIAH
MALACHI,' 516-460 . . . .
.
XIII. EZRA AND NEHEMIAH, 458 (?)-431 B.C.
.
.
325
XIV. THE REST OF THE PERSIAN PERIOD, 431-332 B.C..
XV. THE JEW AND THE GREEK, 332-168 B.C.
.
.
367
1. Before Alexander the Great
.
.
.
2. Alexander and the Jews. .
3. Wars of the Ptolemies and Seleucids for Palestine
375
380
4. Jerusalem and Judah under the Greeks .
5. The New Jewish Diaspora . .
6. Spiritual Intercourse of Jews and Greeks
.
.
390
398
7. The Reaction against Hellenism
419
8. The Jewish Factions and Antiochus Epiphanes
424
Contents
CHAP.
PAGE
, XVI. JERUSALEM UNDER THE MACCABEES AND THE
HASMONEANS, 168-38 B.C. . . . .
437
XVII. HEROD, THE ROMANS AND JERUSALEM, 37-4 B.C. .
469
XVIII. HEROD'S CASTLE AND TEMPLE
495
XIX. THE TEMPLE AND THE LORD .
.
.
521
XX. JERUSALEM OF THE GOSPELS .
•
:
556
un
APPENDIX
·
·
580
GENERAL INDEX
.
.
.
.
. .
581
SPECIAL INDEX I.—The Bible and Apocrypha
.
SPECIAL INDEX 11.-Josephus
.
.
.
SPECIAL INDEX III.—Talmudic Literature .
.
LIST OF MAPS AND PLANS IN VOLUME II.
MAP VII. Ancient Trade Routes in connect on with Jeru-
salem . . . . facing page 1
MAP VIII. Jerusalem under David . . facing page 39
MAP IX. Jerusalem under Solomon . . facing page 51
MAP X. Plan of Solomon's Buildings (after Stade) facing page 59
MAP XI. Jerusalem of the Later Monarchy and after the
Exile . . . . facing page 151
MAP XII. Jerusalem in the Time of the Maccabees, 168
onwards . . . . facing page 437
MAP XIII. Jerusalem of the Herodian Period. facing page 487
LIST OF PLATES IN VOLUME II.
PLATE XI. Stele of Sety, i.e. of Egypt, discovered by the
author at Tell esh-Shihab, May 1901 facing page 19
PLATE XII. Kaşr el-'Abd-Palace of the Slave. Remains of
the Ancient Tyrus or Şûr built by Hyrkanus
(Tobiyah) son of Joseph, C. 180 B.C. facing page 425
PLATE XIII. Kașr el-'Abd—Palace of the Slave. Gateway
outside the Moat of the Palace of Tyrus or
Şûr . . . . facing page 425
xiii
xiv
Jerusalem
PLATE XIV. 'Arâķ el-Emîr-Cliffs of the Prince, with the two
tiers of caves, part of the Fortress of Tyrus
or Şûr, c. 180 B.C. . . facing page 427
PLATE XV. 'Arâķ el-Emîr-Cliffs of the Prince. Entrance
to one of the Caves on the Lower Tier with
the Inscription : Țobiyah . facing page 429
ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS TO VOLUME II.
PAGE
68, footnote 2: xi. read xli.
97, line 18: delete second.
175, footnote 1: 1 Kings read 2 Kings.
253, line 21 : read 'Ebed-Melek.
253, footnote 2: read xxxviii. 13.
278, footnote 3: the last sentence belongs to the next footnote.
281, verse 11: for It read It.
309, footnote 6: see, however, 2 Chron. iv. 9.
327, lines 16 ff.
The Appendix referred to in these passages has been
The
331, footnote i.
y crowded out. Instead of it I beg to refer the reader to
333, footnote 1. ſ
my article on the subject, Expositor, July 1906.
334, line 9. J
TABLE OF THE PRINCIPAL STAGES IN THE
HISTORY OF JERUSALEM
B.C.
Settlements of the Stone Age . . . C. 3000
Settlement of a Semitic Tribe . . . after 2500
(With mixture of other elements, e.g. Hittite,
according to some authorities.)
Chief Town of a small principality, under 'Abd
Khiba, a vassal of Egypt
6. 1400
The Capital of All-Israel, under David . . C. 1000
The Building of the Temple under Solomon
C. 970
The Struggling Capital of Judah from Rehoboam
to Uzziah . . . . . C. 930-720
Isaiah interprets the History of the City and vindi-
cates her sacredness . . . . 6. 740-685 (?)
The National Worship concentrated in the
Temple: Deuteronomy and Josiah . .
621
The Destruction of the City and Temple by
Nebuchadrezzar
587-586
Idealisation of the City during the Exile of her
Inhabitants.
586-538
First Return of the Exiles
Rebuilding of the Temple
520-516
Reconstitution of the Community and Rebuilding
of the Walls . . . .
444-431
538
IV
xvi
Jerusalem
-
B.C.
till 332
332-323
320-198
198-168
Government of the Jews by High Priests under
the Persians . . .
Under Alexander the Great
Under the Ptolemies of Egypt
Under the Seleucids . .
Desecration of the Temple and Hellenic Re-
organisation of the City . . .
Restoration of the Temple
The rest of the Maccabean struggles and the
Hasmonean Kingdom . . .
Arrival of Pompey, the Roman Suzerainty
The Reign of Herod
168-165
165
165-64
. 63
37-4
A.D.
6
Judæa a Roman Province
Ministry of Jesus Christ .
War of Independence
26-29
66-70

CTION WITH JERUSALEM
MAP 7
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40
50
Β Ο Ο Κ ΙΙΙ
THE HISTORY
VOL. II.
CHAPTER I
THE PRELUDE-ABD-KHIBA
C. 1400 B.C.
THE histories of most famous cities melt back, through
1 the pride of their peoples or the hatred of their
foes, into legendary tales of their origins,
Bubw, Legends of
which find their exact moulds sometimes in the City's
Origins.
the memory of an actual fact, sometimes in
a religious symbol, but often in more or less fantastic
etymologies of the city's name. Of such legends Jeru-
salem has her share. We have seen the rabbinic fable
associating her name with two of the early Patriarchs.1
Josephus, followed by many Jews and Christians, identi-
fied the Temple Mount with a ‘Mount Moriah,' which
he took to be the scene of Abraham's sacrifice of Isaac;
but the Biblical story of the latter knows no 'mount'
so called. The accounts of Jerusalem's origin, which
are due to the fancy, not untouched by malice, of
Egyptians or Greeks, either connect the late form Hiero-
solyma with the Solymi of Homer, or ascribe the forma-
tion of the City to a band of refugees from Egypt, some
say in the leadership of Moses. We now know that
i Vol. i. 258 n. I.
2 Vol. i. 267.
3 For Manetho's story, see Jos. C. Apion. i. 14 f., 26 f. (Müller, Frag.
Hist. Gr. ii. 511 ff.). Of Greek accounts these are samples : Hecatæus of
Abdera (Müller, Frag. Hist. Gr. ii. 391); Posidonius of Apamæa (Id. 256);
Lysimachus of Alexandria (Jos. C. Ap. i. 34; Müller, iii. 334 f.); cf. Tacitus,
Hist. v. 2. Plutarch (De Iside et Osiride, 31) dismisses a curious legend as
a confusion of Egyptian and Jewish reports. On the Solymi see vol. i. 262.
Jerusalem
V
Jerusalem, under that name, existed before the arrival
of Israel in the land; and the sole fact of importance
which these legends reflect--the most wandering fancy
could not have missed it - is her debatable position
between Egypt and Babylonia. For the compound
name Jerusalem various etymologies are possible. But
there is no doubt of its Semitic origin; and, as we have
seen, it was bestowed more probably by Canaanite
settlers than by Babylonian conquerors of Palestine.1
We have also seen that these Semitic settlers from
Arabia had, about 2500 B.C., succeeded men of another
The Stone race belonging to the Stone-Age. The pre-
Age.
sence of this race in Palestine is beyond doubt.
Something of their personal appearance and manner of
life has been illustrated by discoveries on other parts of
the land ; while their occupation of the site or neighbour-
hood of Jerusalem is proved by the great numbers of fint
weapons and tools which have been picked up within her
surroundings. But the Stone-Men lie beyond the limits
of history proper.
Jerusalem
If we leave aside the ambiguous narrative in Genesis
xiv., the earliest written records of Jerusalem present her
as entering history with a plain and sober
Sober En-
trance of air, singularly in keeping with that absence
into Historyof glamour which we have noted in her clear
6. 1400 B.C.
atmosphere and grey surroundings. Among
the archives of the Egyptian court, about B.C. 1400, there
have been discovered a small number of clay tablets,
seven or eight in all : letters from Jerusalem which
describe her condition in plaintive detail and with no
i Vol. i. 253-58. 3 Vol. i. 283-88.
3 Vol. i. 22.
The Prelude-Abd-Khiba
touch with
and
touch of the ideal. They invoke no deity, they assert
no confidence, material or spiritual. They speak only
of the City's loneliness, her disappointment in her pro-
tectors, her abandonment to an approaching foe. Yet
even so, these tablets are more symbolic of the history
of Jerusalem than any legend or prophecy could have
been. Their tone is in unison with the dominant notes
of the long tragedy to which they form the prelude.
They express that sense of betrayal and of vanishing
hope in the powers of this world which haunts Jerusalem
to the very end.
Nor is it less typical of the course of her history that
the tablets reveal Jerusalem as already under the in-
fluence of the two great civilisations, which, Already in
between them, shaped the fortunes and
coloured the character of her people. The Egypt.
tablets are written in the cuneiform script, and in the
language, of Babylonia: a proof that the influences of
this most ancient seat of human culture already ran
strong across Western Asia. The politics, which the
tablets reveal, have their centre at the other side of
the world, with Babylonia's age-long rival. Jerusalem
is a tributary and outpost of Egypt; and Egypt is
detected in that same attitude of helplessness towards
her Asian vassals which is characteristic of her through-
out history. As in the days of Isaiah, she is Rahab that
sitteth still; promising much, but when the crisis arrives,
inactive and unwilling to fulfil her pledges.1 As in the
days of Jeremiah, the expected King of Egypt cometh
not any more out of his land, and Jerusalem is left alone
to face a foe from the north. Other instances may be
1 Isaiah xxx. 7.
2 2 Kings xxv. 7.
Jerusalem
cited. When Antiochus Epiphanes took Jerusalem in
claimed by the Ptolemy of the time, but he did not stir
to her help. Down to the retreat of Ibrahim Pasha in
1841, Egypt, whether because of the intervening desert
or the fitful prowess of her people, has been unable, for
it to the southern continent.
Soon after 1600 B.C. Egypt, under the Eighteenth
Dynasty, began a series of campaigns in Syria, which
Egyptian carried her arms (on one occasion at least)
Dominion in
Palestine,
2 to the Euphrates, and reduced the states of
1600-1200 B.C. Palestine for four centuries to more or less
regular dependence upon her. No fewer than fourteen
of these campaigns were undertaken by Thutmosis III.
about 1500 B.C. He defeated, at Megiddo, a powerful
Canaanite confederacy, but left to his successors, Amen-
hotep II. and Thutmosis IV., the reduction of some
separate tribes. So far as we know, the next Pharaoh,
Amenhotep (Amenophis) III., enjoyed without interrup-
tion the obedience of his Asian vassals. By his only
possible rivals, the kings of Mesopotamia and Babylonia,
he was recognised as sovereign of Syria, and his influence
extended northwards to Armenia. His vast empire, his
lavish building throughout Egypt and Nubia, his mag-
nificent temples at Thebes, his mines and organisation
of trade, his wealth, along with the art and luxury
which prevailed under all the monarchs of his dynasty,
and their influence on the Greek world-represent the
zenith of Egyptian civilisation. Whether, in his security
and under the zeal with which he gave himself to the
improvement of his own land, Amenhotep III. neglected
The Prelude-Abd-Khiba
the Asian provinces of his empire, is uncertain. In any
case he was succeeded by a son whose interests in
Egypt were still more engrossing, and who for this or
other reasons was unable to preserve the conquests of
his predecessors. Amenhotep IV. was that Amenhotep
singular monarch who effected a temporary IV., C. 1400 B.C.
revolution in the religion and art of Egypt. Turning his
back upon Amon and the other ancient gods, he spent his
reign in the establishment of the exclusive worship of
Aten, the Sun's Disk, and in the construction of a centre
for this and a capital for himself. He introduced styles of
art as novel as his religious opinions; free and natural,
but without other proofs of ability. Absorbed in these
pursuits, Amenhotep IV. was the last kind of ruler to
meet, or even to heed, the new movements in Asia which
threatened his empire. Across the Euphrates lay three
considerable kingdoms: Babylonia, then under a Kassite
dynasty; Assyria, her young vassal, but already strong
enough to strike for independence; and Mitanni, a state
of Hittite origin in Northern Mesopotamia. It was not,
however, from these, divided and jealous of each other,
that danger had to be feared by Egypt. From Asia
Minor, the main branch of the Hittite race, the Kheta
or Khatti were pushing south-east, alike upon their
kinsfolk of Mitanni, and upon the Egyptian tributaries
in Northern Syria.
It is beneath this noontide, and approaching eclipse,
of Egypt's glory that Jerusalem emerges into history.
The correspondence, of which her eight clay
The Tell el-
tablets form a small portion, was discovered Amarna
Letters.
at Tell el-'Amarna, in Middle Egypt, the site
of the capital of Amenhotep IV. It was conducted
Jerusalem
between his father and himself on the one side, and the
Trans-Euphrates kingdoms and the Syrian feudatories
of Egypt on the other. Through it we see, passing over
Palestine, a close and frequent communication between
the Nile and the Euphrates.
The human interest of these Letters is intense: kings
at peace, but in jealous watch of each other, their real
Their human tempers glowing through a surface of hypo-
interest. crisy. They marry and give in marriage;
they complain that they cannot get evidence whether
their daughters or sisters sent abroad for this purpose
are alive or well treated; they appeal to the women of
the courts which they seek to influence. Above all they
are greedy of gold, of which Egypt is the source; one
alleges that a present of gold-ore, when it arrives, yields
less than the promised value, another that wooden
images have been sent instead of golden. One even
grumbles that his royal brother has not inquired for
him when he was ill. There is some humour, much
cunning, and once (if the interpretation be correct) a
i The tablets of Tell el-Amarna are now in Berlin and London. The
following facts, recorded in them, are taken from H. Winckler's translitera-
tion and translation in Die Thontafeln von Tell-el-Amarna: Berlin, 1896.
In the following references B., followed by a figure, signifies the Berlin
collection ; L. the London collection; and W. Winckler's rearrangement
and numbering of the letters. Knudtzon, in the Beiträge zur Assyriologie,
iv. pp. 101 ff., 279 ff., gives some revision of the tablets, with corrections
of earlier readings and translations. An account of the substance of the
tablets is given by C. Niebuhr in Die Amarna-Zeit, the second Heft of
vol. i. of Der Alte Orient, and by Wallis Budge in the last chapter of
vol. iv. of his History of Egypt. See also Winckler, pp. 192-203 of the third
edition of Schrader's Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament, and Sayce
on Canaan in the Century before the Exodus,” Contemporary Review,
lxxxviii. (1905) 264-277.
2 B. 7: W. 10.
The Prelude-Abd-Khiba
frank proposal of villainy.1 Between these very human
courts and their countries there moves a constant com-
merce: Write me what thou desirest from my land,
they will bring it thee, and what I desire from thy land,
I will write thee, that they may bring it.'2 For the
Egyptian gold and oil, the states of the Euphrates send
manufactured gold, precious stones, enamel, chariots,
horses, and slaves. These are not all royal presents. A
Mesopotamian king complains that his merchants have
been robbed in Canaan, Pharaoh's territory. Caravans
cross Palestine or pass from it into Egypt. Phoenician
ships, not without danger from Lycian corsairs, bring to
Egypt copper, bronze, ivory, ships' furniture, and horses
from Alashia, either Cyprus or Northern Syria. They
take back silver, oil and oxen. One letter begs the
king of Egypt not to allow the writer's merchants to be
wronged by his tax-gatherers (?). Such are a few of
the many details: so many, and so intimate, that it
may be truly said, before the Roman Empire there is no
period for which we have records more replete with the
details of social intercourse or with revelations of per-
sonal character and policy. All is vivid, passionate,
frank. Of this busy, human life, thirty-three centuries
ago, Jerusalem was a part, lying not far from one of its
main arteries.
1 B. 9: W. 15: “Why should the ambassadors not remain on the journey,
so that they die in foreign parts? If they remain in foreign parts, the estate
belongs to the king. Therefore when he (thy present ambassador) remains
on his journey and dies, then will the estate belong to the king. There is
therefore no [reason why we should fear] that the ambassadors die in foreign
parts, whom we send ... the ambassadors ... and ... and die in foreign
parts.'
2 B. I: W. 6.
3 L. 5-7 and B. 11-15: W. 25-33.
4 B. 12: W. 29.
10
Jerusalem
from
The letters from the chiefs of Palestine, among whom
the ruler of Jerusalem was one, reveal the duties that
Egypt required of her feudatories, the awe
The Letters
in which they held her power, the dangers
Palestine.
. which threatened them through her inaction,
and all the intrigue and duplicity arising from so am-
biguous a situation. Some of the writers have Semitic
names; that is, they are native Canaanites or Amorites.
Others have non-Semitic names: interpreted by some
scholars as Hittite or Mitannian.1 They profess themselves
slaves of Egypt, and address the Pharaoh with fulsome
flattery. They prostrate themselves before him-- seven
and seven times. He is their lord, their king, their gods
and their sun. They are his slaves, and the grooms of
his horse. They hold their hereditary domains by his
gift.4 They send tribute, and are obliged to certain
services, such as provisioning the royal troops who march
through the land, and maintaining royal garrisons.
They guard the posts entrusted to them by the king,
and the king's chariots; but also the gods of the king:8
In return they expect to be protected by Egypt, and to
receive supplies. One of the chiefs, Iabitiri of Gaza,
says that in his youth he was taken to Egypt.10 In
short, the position of these feudatories of Pharaoh is
analogous to that now occupied by the semi-indepen-
dent rajahs of India under the British Government. And
just as the latter places, at the courts of the rajahs,
political agents with great powers, so Egypt had at that
1 Sayce, Contemporary Review, lxxxviii. 267, 269 ff.
2 A frequent formula. 3 B. 118-22: W. 210-13. 4 Frequent.
52.g. L. 67: W. 198. 6 L. 52, 54: W. 207, 209 ; B. 114: W. 194.
? B. 113, 121: W. 193, 212: L. 52, 53: W. 207, 208.
8 B. 122 : W. 213.
9 Frequent. 10 L. 57: W. 214.
The Prelude-Abd-Khiba
II
date in Palestine her own officials, who went from place
to place as advisers and superintendents of the feuda-
tories.?
Dushratta, king of Mitanni, had written to Amenḥo-
tep III. (Nimmuria) of the pressure of the Hittites on
his kingdom.2 Correspondents of the Egyp-
The Khabiri.
tian court in Northern Syria give warnings
of the same danger. But these and the chiefs in
Palestine intimate other foes. “The power of the
Khabiri 3 is great in the land,' advancing from the
north; and with the Khabiri are sometimes named the
Suti. These enemies are not without allies among the
Canaanite chiefs. A certain Lapaya of Megiddo and
his sons are chiefly accused by such Egyptian vassals as
remain or pretend to remain loyal.5 Biridiya of Makida
writes that since the royal troops were withdrawn the
sons of Lapaya have so closely watched his town, that
his people cannot get vegetables or go outside the gates.6
But indeed no man is sure of his neighbour. The letters
of the vassals are full of accusations of each other, and
Canaan: These enemie Khabiri and
i Pakhamnata, Shâta, Pakhura and Iankhamu are named. A title for these
officials is rabis.
2 L. 9: W. 16.
s B. 68: W. 113; L. 49: W. 204, etc. etc. An unknown people, iden-
tified by some (as is well known) with the Hebrews; cf. Niebuhr, Die
Amarna-Zeit, 23 f. They were Semitic immigrants into the land, and
belonged to the same movement as, or more probably to an earlier move-
ment than, that which brought Israel there: 'Tribes,' says Winckler
(Keilinschr. U. das A. T.18) 198), 'represented as in the process of
immigration and invasion of civilised territory, the same rôle taken up later
by the Israelites.' Sayce takes them to have been marauding Hittite bands,
whose name, phonetically but not historically identifiable with that of the
Hebrews, is found elsewhere in Assyrian texts in the sense of confederates.'
Contemporary Review, lxxxviii. 272.
4 L. 51, 74: W. 206, 216.
6 B. III, 115: W. 192, 195; L. 72: W. 196, etc. Sayce reads the
name Lapaya as Labbawa.
8 B. 115: W. 195.
I 2
Jerusalem
of excuses for the writers. Iapahi of Gezer says that his
younger brother has revolted from him to the Khabiri,
and Tagi writes that he would have sent his brother to
the king, but he is full of wounds.2 Some, perhaps all,
must be telling lies.
Among the chiefs of Southern Palestine who thus
accuse each other is Abd-Khiba, the writer of the seven
or eight Jerusalem letters. In. Letter 1.3 he de-
Abd-Kbiba of
Jerusalem fends himself against some one who has been
Letter i.
accusing him as a rebel (lines 5-8). Yet it was
neither his father nor mother who set him in this place,
but the strong arm of the king 5 which introduced him to
the territory of his father [bît (amilu) abi-ia] (9-13). Why
then should he rebel against the king? (14 f.) By the
life of the king he is slandered; because he had said to
the king's official [rabis sharri], 'Why do you favour the
Khabiri and injure the tributary princes [khazianutu??
and 'The king's territory is being ruined' (16-24). The
king knows that he had placed a garrison 7 in Jerusalem,
but Iankhamu (the king's deputy or general) has removed
it (25-33). Let the king take thought and trouble for
his land, else his whole territory will disappear, the king's
towns under Ili-milku having already revolted (34-38).
Abd-Khiba would come to court, but he dare not unless
the king send a garrison (39-47). He will continue his
warnings, for without royal troops the king's territories
will be wasted by the Khabiri (48-60). The letter con-
i L. 50: W. 205.
2 L. 70: W. 189.
3 B. 102: W. 179.
4 The accuser appears to have been a neighbouring chief Shuwardata.
See below, p. 22 12. 5.
6 Lehnsfürsten : Winckler ; heads of the tribes of the country: Budge.
7 Besatzung: Winckler; outpost : Budge.
The Prelude-Abd-Khiba
13
cludes with a message to the king's secretary to impress
the contents on him.
Letter 11.º describes the dangers to the king's terri-
tories as increased-all the states have conspired against
Abd-Khiba ; Gezer, Ashķelon and Lakish
Letter 11.
have given the enemy provisions (4-24)--and
repeats the assurance that Abd-Khiba holds Jerusalem
solely by the king's gift (25-28). Melk-ili and others have
yielded his land to the Khabiri (29-31). Abd-Khiba is
innocent in the affair of the Kashi, who are themselves
to blame by their violence (32-44). They appear to
have been the Egyptian garrison in Jerusalem, and were
perhaps Kushites or Ethiopians.2 Paura the Egyptian
official came to Jerusalem when Adaya, along with the
garrison, revolted, and said to Abd-Khiba, ‘Adaya has
revolted : hold the town. So the king must send a
garrison (45-53). The king's caravan has been robbed
in the territory 3 of Ayyalôn. Abd-Khiba could not send
the king's caravans on to the king (54-59). The king
has set his name on Jerusalem for ever, he cannot sur-
render its territory (60-63). The postscript to the secre-
tary of the king says that the Kashi remain in Abd-
Khiba's territory
In Letter III.4 Abd-Khiba, after again repudiating the
slander against him (7-8), describes himself as no prince
[khazianu) but an u-2-45 of the king, and an .
Letter 111.
officer who brings tribute, holding his terri-
tory not from father or mother, but by the king's gift
1 B. 103 : W. 180.
2 Winckler, Thontafeln, etc., p. xxx. n. 1. Sayce takes them as Kasians
from the Hittite Kas in Asia Minor (Contemporary Review, lxxxviii. 269).
8 Shati-i; W. compares Heb. 77i.
4 B. 104: W. 181. 5 Niebuhr, stabsofficier'; cf. As. u. Eur. 276.
14
Terusalem
(9-15). He has sent the king slaves, male and female
(16-22). Let the king care for his land, it is all hostile
as far as Ginti-Karmil (23-39). Some chiefs, presumably
loyal, have been slain (40-45). If the king cannot send
troops, let him fetch away Abd-Khiba and his clansmen
that they may die before the king (47-60).
Letter Iv.1 is broken : its fragments report chiefs as
fallen away from the king, and beg for troops. Letter v.2
Letters repeats the loss of the king's land to the
IV.-VIII. Khabiri, with (among other places) Bit-Ninib,
in the territory of Jerusalem (5-17), and asks for troops
(18-28). Letter VI. repeats the assurances of Abd-Khiba's
submission, and complains that the king has not sent to
him. Letter VII.,4 two-thirds of which are wanting, after
telling the same tale of disasters to the Egyptian power,
and the wish of Abd-Khiba to repair them (1-16), adds
that the garrison which the king sent by Khaya has been
taken by Adda Mikhir into his territory of Gaza. Letter
VIII.,5 which, like Letter VII., does not in its present state
yield the name of the writer, and by many is not attri-
buted to Abd-Khiba, deals with the two rebels already
mentioned in Letter VII., Melk-ili and his father-in-law
Tagi. All of these tablets have more or less of the usual
introduction, in which the writer does homage to the
king
The composition of the name Abd- or Ebed- Khiba? is
1 B. 105: W. 182.
2 B. 106: W. 183.
3 B. 174: W. 184.
4 B. 199: W. 185; Sayce, Contemporary Review, lxxxviii. 272 f.
5 B. 149: W. 186.
6 The territories of these chieſs seem to have lain on what was afterwards
Southern Judah or on the Philistine Plain near Gath.
7 Hommel (Grundriss der Geogr. u. Gesch. des Alten Orients, 55) reads
Arad-Chiba.
The Prelude-Abd-Khiba
15
Semitic: slave or worshipper of Khiba. The same forma-
tion with the names of many deities is, it need the
hardly be stated, common in Phænician and Abd-Khiba.
Arabic as well as Hebrew. In the Old Testament we have
'Obed-Edom, 'Obadiyah, ‘Abdeēl, 'Ebed-Melek, and others.
But if Khiba be a divine name, is it Semitic or otherwise ?
Professor Sayce says that it is that of a Mitannian (or
Hittite) deity,1 The Tell el-Amarna letters give the
names compounded with khipa of two Mitannian prin-
cesses. We know so little of the Mitannians and Hittites
that no certain inference can be drawn from these data,
and there is the possible alternative of a Semitic origin
for the name Khiba. The suggestion that it disguises an
original Iahu, a form of Iahweh, which would make
Abd-Khiba equivalent to Obadiyah is purely imagina-
tive. But the Semitic root habah (Hebrew) or khabah
(Assyrian 4 and Arabic), to hide or hide oneself, is not un-
suitable for a divine title, and it is possible to see this root
in the name El-Iaḥba, one of David's heroes, from the
Canaanite town of Sha'albim.5
These alternative derivations for the name Abd-Khiba
i Contemporary Review, lxxxviii. 269.
2 Gilukhipa, wife of Amenhotep III. ; L. 9: W. 16, lines 5 and 41; cf.
W. M. Muller, As. 1. Eur. 286, 288. Tâtum or Tadu-khipa, apparently
wife both of Amenhotep III. (L. 10: W. 20) and A. IV. (B. 24: W. 21).
W. M. Muller adds Pu-u-khipa from Bouriant's copy of the Hittite-Egyptian
treaty, and Khipa from an amulet (K. 3787) in the British Museum.
3 The radical h is not the same in the two cases, and although suggested it
has not been proved that a possible link between the two forms, Iba, which
appears in certain compound names, is a corruption of Iahu. See Johns
(after Jensen), Assyr, Deeds and Documents, iii. p. xvi., and Zimmern,
K.A.T.(3) 467.
4 Delitzsch, Assyr. Handwörterbuch, 265 f.
5 2 Sam. xxiii. 32 ; Josh. xix. 42 ; Judg. i. 35. The proper name Khabi also
occurs in the Tell el-Amarna letters, L. 28: W. 150, line 37 ; and Winckler
gives a place-name I-khibi from a letter (B. 27) not reproduced by him.
10
Jerusalem
Were these
of Jerusalem
open up the question of the racial character of the early
se masters of Jerusalem. Were they Semitic
early Masters or Hittite? And if the latter, were they a
Hittite? Hittite aristocracy ruling a Semitic population,
or did they and their subjects together form part of a
Hittite migration which had settled in several centres in
Southern Palestine? The existence of a Hittite state or
states in Northern Syria, and as far south as the Lebanon,
is indubitable between 1500 and 700 B.C.; it is recorded
by Egyptian and Assyrian inscriptions, and by the earlier
historical books of the Old Testament. But the Priestly
Document also describes a people of the same or a similar
name as living in Southern Palestine along with the
Jebusite and Amorite, and possessing land about Hebron,
for which Abraham treated with them ; 3 two Hittites are
mentioned among David's warriors,4 and Ezekiel em-
phasises the congenital wickedness of Jerusalem by the
words thy father was an Amorite, thy mother a Hittite.5
We have seen that Abd-Khiba's name is asserted to con-
tain that of a Mitannian deity; and that both the Kasian
troops of which he speaks and the Khabiri are held by
some to be Hittite. And finally, it has been pointed out
that several of the prisoners taken by Rameses II. (1275-
11
1 The earliest notice is Egyptian, under Thutmosis III., C. 1500, and the
Kheta or Kh'ta, as the Egyptians call them, reappear under Sethos I.,
Rameses II., and Rameses III. (c. 1200). On Assyrian inscriptions they
appear as the Khatti from 1100 to 700.
2 Judg. i. 26; 2 Sam. xxiv. 26 (read with Lucian 7077 orang yang 5x),
and even i Kings X. 28 f. (see vol. i. 324); cf. Josh. xi. 3, Judg. iii. 3, in
both of which read Hittite for Hivite.
800 y or inn, Gen. xxiii. 3-10; cf. xxv. 10, xlix. 29, 1. 13, xxvi. 34
(Esau takes wives of the H.), xxvii. 46 (daughters of H.); cf. xxxvi. 2.
$ 1 Sam. xxvi. 6; 2 Sam. xi. 3.
5 Ezek. xvi. 3 (LXX.).
6 Above, pp. 13, 15.
The Prelude-Abd-Khiba
17
1
1208 B.C.) from Ashkelon, and represented on a bas-relief
at Karnak, have the features which Egyptian artists con-
sistently give to the Hittites. On all these grounds the
theory of early Hittite conquests in Southern Palestine
has been maintained by several scholars, and in particular
Professor Sayce has inferred that the Jebusites, whom
Israel found in possession of Jerusalem, were 'descendants
of the Hittite Arzawaya.'? If this be proved, we have to
read Ezekiel's statement that the mother of Jerusalem
was Hittite as exactly historical, and to illustrate it by
the observations of Dr. von Luschan that the features of
modern Jews and Syrians indicate an ancient mixture of
their Semitic blood with that of the primitive Hittite
inhabitants of Asia Minor.
There is, however, much to be said on the other side.
Ezekiel's statement and the application of the term Heth
or Hittite to tribes in Southern Palestine by
Cr Semitic?
the Priestly Writer were made at a time when
the names Amorite, Canaanite and Hittite appear to
have been employed in Hebrew not for particular peoples,
but each of them as a general designation for all the
tribes whom Israel found in the land; and it is probable
besides that Ezekiel meant by the use of two of them
merely to emphasise the incurable heathenishness of the
people of Jerusalem. Moreover, the Hittites of Hebron
and David's two Hittite warriors have Semitic names;
the Deuteronomic phrase, all the land of the Hittites, 3
means simply the whole of Syria, which the Assyrians also
meant by the land of the Khatti'; the Hebronites, whom
i See especially Hommel, Grundriss der Geogr. u. Gesch. des Alten
Orients, 55.
2 Contemporary Review, lxxxviii. 274.
8 Josh. i. 4.
VOL. II.
18
Jerusalem
the Priestly Writer calls Hittite, are called Amorites by
the Elohist, and Esau's Hittite wives are in another
Priestly passage called daughters of Canaan.?
As for the Jebusites, everything we know about them,
except, perhaps, the name 'Araunah, points to their Semitic
character. By the Jahwist and Elohist writers
The Jebusites.
..who lived when Jebusites were still found in
Jerusalem, they are associated with other Semitic tribes.4
Their chief Adoni-şedek 5 and their citadel Şion have also
Semitic names, and at least the formation of the name
Abd-Khiba is Semitic. Adoni-şedek, too, is called by the
Elohist a king of the Amorites.?
We may, therefore, come to the following conclusion.
While it is possible that in the second millennium before
More probably l
ably Christ there were Hittite conquests and settle-
ist
Semitic.
ments in Southern Palestine, and that in Jeru-
salem and elsewhere a Hittite aristocracy dominated the
Semitic population;' yet, since we know so little about the
Hittites, and since the earlier Hebrew documents give so
many indications that the Jebusites were Semitic, while
only the later Hebrew documents speak of Heth or
Hittite in Southern Palestine (and do so at a time when
11
i Josh, x. 5.
2 Gen. xxxvi. 2.
3 Josh. xv. 63 (J).
4 JE: Gen. x. 16 (1, perhaps an addition); Num. xiii. 29 (E); Josh. x. 5
(E); xv. 63 (J); Judg. i. 21 ; xix. 11 (J). Ex. iii. 8, 17; xxiii. 23; xxxiii. 2;
xxxiv. II are generally assigned to JE, but may be from the Deuteronomist.
To the latter belong Ex. xiii. 5; Deut. vii. I; XX. 17; Josh. iii. 10; ix. I;
xi. 3 ; xii. 8 ; xxiv. II b; Judg. iii. 5 (?); 1 Kings ix. 20 (=2 Chron. viii. 7);
and to the Priestly Writer Josh. xv. 8; xviii. 16, 28. In 2 Sam. see v. 6;
xxiv. 16, 18; and compare Zech. ix. 7. The notices in Chronicles, Ezra,
and Neh. are taken from the earlier documents.
5 Josh. x. I (E). See below, p. 25.
6 See vol. j. 144 ff.
7 Josh. X. 5.
8 "This is the utmost concession to be made to modern theories,' Robertson
Smith, Religion of the Semites, II f.

Plate X7
STELE OF SETY I OF EGYPT.
Discovered by the Author at Tell esh-Shihâb, May, 1901.
The Prelude-Abd-Khiba
19
Y
YA
V
it is probable that Hittite in Hebrew had no particular
ethnical meaning), it is more reasonable to believe that
the pre-Israelite masters of Jerusalem were, like Israel
themselves, Semitic.1
Before describing the political position of Abd-Khiba,
we may pursue the religious question started by his
name. That the states of Palestine at this Religious
time had native deities is a fact certain in itself, Questions.
and confirmed by the theophorous names which several
of the princes bear. Their silence about these gods is
explained by the fact that the king, to whom their letters
are addressed, not only belonged to a different race, but
conceived himself to be an incarnation of the deity.
Hence the fulsomeness of the terms in which they write
to him : 'their sun, their gods. The only gods whom
the Syrian chiefs mention are the gods of Egypt. One
chief calls himself the guardian of these gods. This
phrase is explained by a stele of Sety I. (about 1350 B.C.),
which I discovered at Tell esh-Shihab, in Hauran, in 1901,
and which is here reproduced. Of this Professor W. Max
Müller writes that it has no graffito character, but is a
carefully and expensively executed monument ... of
the purest Egyptian workmanship, and not an imitation
by an Asiatic sculptor. On the right the king is offering
The reader may be further referred to Driver's art. “Jebus’in Hastings'
D.B., and Genesis, 228 ff. ; G. B. Gray, Numbers, 147 ff. ; Expositor, May
1898, 340 ff. ; Enc. Bibl., 'Jerusalem,' § 13, by the present writer; and
Hittites by M. Jastrow, junior, who thinks that P.'s Hethites or Hittites of
Hebron had beyond the name nothing in common with the Hittites of
Northern Syria and Asia Minor.
2 B. 122: W. 213.
3 See Plate XI. P.E.F.Q., 1901, 344 ff: "Tell esh-Shihab, and the dis-
covery of a Second Egyptian Monument in Hauran,' by G. A. Smith, with a
reading of the monument by Mr. (now Sir) Herbert Thompson ; 1904, 78 ff:
“The Egyptian Monument of Tell esh-Shihab,' by W. Max Müller, Phila-
delphia.
20
Jerusalem
two libation vessels. In the rectangle above his hands
are the two royal cartouches with his names Ra-men-maat,
'Son of the Sun,' and Ptah-meri-en-Sety, 'Sety beloved of
Ptah.' Above the names are the titles 'Lord of the two
lands' and 'Lord of Glories '(?); below are the words
'Giving life like Ra.' On the left the god, to whom the
libations are offered, is Amõn, whose name with some
titles is inscribed before him. Behind stands the goddess
Mut with her name. Similar representations of their
gods were doubtless set up by Egyptian conquerors in
other towns of Palestine. As Sety's stele is of basalt,
the rock of the district in which it was erected, those in
Southern Palestine may have been in limestone-the
reason of our failure to discover any of them. Abd-
Khiba founds one of his appeals to Amenhotep IV. not to
desert Jerusalem on the fact that 'the king has set his
Name on Jerusalem for ever.'1 With some probability
Dr. Winckler argues that he means that Amenhotep IV.
had instituted in the City the worship of Aten, of whom
he conceived himself to be the incarnation. If this be
correct, a monument was erected in Jerusalem analogous
to that of Sety I. at Tell esh-Shihâb. It is worth a passing
notice that the form of Egyptian religion, which most
nearly approached Monotheism, should have been im-
posed, for however brief a period, upon Jerusalem. How
was the worship performed? Were its high hymns 4
chanted by the Egyptian officials and soldiery? Its
Asiatic origin, we are tempted to infer, may have helped
1 B. 103: W. 180, line 60 f.
2 K.A.T.3) 194 f.
3 Sayce, The Religions of Ancient Egypt and Babylonia, 92 ff.
4 See Budge, History of Egypt, iv. 125; Sayce, op. cit. 95 f. ; W. M.
Müller, Enc. Bibl. 'Egypt,' $ 56: “The hymns now composed in praise
of the Sun-god are the best productions of Egyptian religious literature.'
5 Sayce, op. cit. 92.
TT
The Prelude-Abd-Khiba
21
its acceptance by the Canaanites. Yet how were they to
understand its language? Would they comprehend more
than what their letters express-that it was the adoration
of the Egyptian monarch himself? We can hardly think
so; but, however this may have been, no trace of the
worship of Aten survived. Overthrown in Egypt, it
cannot have persisted in Syria. Amon and Mut were
the gods whom, half a century afterwards, Sety I. set up
at Tell esh-Shihâb.
There are traces of the worship of another foreign
deity at Jerusalem at this time. Either in
Bit-Ninib.
the town or its territory stood Bit-Ninib,
that is the sanctuary of the Babylonian deity Ninib.
So much for the religion.
Abd-Khiba held Jerusalem by appointment of the
King of Egypt. Dr. Winckler says that the tablets
distinguish between Amelu, princes ruling Abd-Khiba's
in their own right, and Khazianūti, not the old Powers.
hereditary princes, but others selected for the headship by
Pharaoh out of the princes or families of the towns or
tribes ; 1 and that Abd-Khiba was such a Khazianu. Yet
the latter describes his lands, although he had not re-
ceived them from father or mother, but from Pharaoh, as
his ancestral domains. The phrase expressing this is so
often repeated that it seems to have been a formula of
submission. To Jerusalem there was attached a certain
'territory.' The town itself appears to have been fortified.
At least it contained an Egyptian garrison, and even
without that it might hold out against the king's enemies.2
Taking this bit of evidence along with others, viz. that
Abd-Khiba appears to have been held responsible for the
1 K.A.7.(3) 193 f.
2 Letter II. 45-53.
22
Jerusalem
disaster to a caravan in Ayyalôn,and that he maintained
his post against a universal hostility, we may infer that
Jerusalem was already a place of considerable strength.
Its chief could send caravans of his own to Egypt; but it
is to be noted that no products of the soil are described
among his tribute, only a number of slaves, perhaps
captives of war. Definite data are wanting as to the size
of Abd-Khiba's territory and the number of the troops
needed to defend it. Neither Abd-Khiba's anxiety for
the whole territories of the king,, nor the opposition to
him of all the other chiefs,4 can be taken as evidence that
his responsibility to the king was greater than theirs ;
and there is nothing else in his letters to prove that
'Jerusalem was already the dominant state of Southern
Palestine.' 5
The question of the site of the primitive Jerusalem
has already been sufficiently discussed. We have seen
that the citadel most probably lay on the
The Site of
Abd-Khiba's East Hill, above the one certain spring of
Town.
the district, the Old Testament Gihon, the
modern 'Ain Sitti Mariam, and that this part of the
East Hill, between the southern limit of the Haram
area and Siloam, was a sufficient site for the City down
to the time of David. The area is nearly as large as
1 Letter II. 54-59; above, p. 13.
2 Winckler's translation of B. 103 and 105 does not support W. M. Müller's
(As. u. Eur. 276) inference that only a very small garrison was required to
defend the territory of Jerusalem.
3 W. 179, 180.
4 W. 180, linc 12. ..
Sayce, Early History of the Hebrews, 28 f. This hypothesis was com-
bined with the other that Abd-Khiba was not under Egyptian rule, but was
the friend of the Pharaoh and derived his power from the god directly-
Professor Sayce taking the phrase "mighly king' to mean the god. But this
is denied by other Assyriologists. Certainly the terins in which Abd-Khiba
submits to the latter are as humble as those of any other chief.
The Prelude-Abd-Khiba
23
that of the ancient Gezer, with which, as Gezer also
continued to remain a Canaanite enclave in Israelite terri-
tory, we may most suitably compare Jerusalem. Among
the ancient remains discovered on the area some may
be, none indubitably are, pre-Israelite.2 No cuneiform
tablets similar to those sent by Abd-Khiba to Egypt
or those found in Lakish or Taanach have come to
light in Jerusalem. It is possible that more extended
excavations may unearth them; but the chance of this
will be felt to be slender when we remember how often
the East Hill has been besieged and its buildings
destroyed, and how constant have been the rebuilding
and the quarrying upon it.3
? See vol. i. 140 1.
? See vol. i. 142 ff.
3 See vol. i. 210, 227 f.
CHAPTER II
THE CONQUEST BY DAVID
C. 1000 B.C.
ITE have seen that about 1400 B.C. Jerusalem under
VV that name was a fortress and town with an
uncertain extent of territory. The inhabitants
Summary
of previous were Semitic, under a hereditary chief Abd-
Chapter.
Khiba, who, however, ascribed his position
neither to his fathers nor his people but to the lord-
paramount of the land, the King of Egypt. The fortress
was sometimes occupied by an Egyptian garrison; and
the Pharaoh, Amenhotep IV., had placed his name'
upon it. That is, he had imposed on Jerusalem the
worship of himself as the incarnation of Aten, the Sun's
Disk, in favour of whom he had sought to disestablish
the other gods of Egypt. There must have been a
local deity of Jerusalem, but Abd-Khiba prudently re-
frains from alluding to this in letters addressed to a
sovereign who entitled himself Khu-en-Aten, 'Glory of
Aten,' and who regarded Aten as the sole god. The
worship of the local deity, however, can hardly have
been interrupted by that of the Pharaoh, and probably
continued at least till David brought to the town the
Ark of Jahweh.
23
The Conquest by David
25
Who was this predecessor of the God of Israel on
the high place of Jerusalem? We are left to conjectures
The earlier
and perhaps of herself. Besides Abd-Khiba, gods of
Jerusalem.
one other chief bore such a name, Adoni-
Şedek, who was reigning when Israel entered the land.2
Şedek was a deity of the Western Semites, and appears
in several men's names both Aramean and Phænician.
It is worthy of notice that a priest of Jerusalem in
David's time was called Sadok, and natural also to
compare Melki-Sedek, king of Salem, in the story of
Abraham. Again, if the latter part of the name Jeru-
salem be that of Shalem or Shulman, another deity of
the Western Semites, this may have been the local god
i See above, p. 15.
2 Joshua x. I ff. This passage is from JE, and substantially from E. The
parallel in Judges i., from J, names the king Adoni-Bezek, and the LXX.
have this form in both passages. On which ground some prefer the reading
Adoni Bezek. This is, however, improbable, since in personal names Adon
is always compounded with the name of a deity, and no deity Bezek is
known, while Şedek occurs several times as the name of a Western Semitic
god. Besides, the reading Bezek may easily have arisen in Jud. i. 5,
through confusion with the name of the place where Israel encountered the
king. Moore, Bennett and Nowack read Adoni-Şedek Budde, who
previously preferred Adoni-Bezek, leaves the question open in his recent
commentary on Judges.
3 See Zimmern, K.A.7.13) 473 f.
4 Kemosh-Şedek, Şedek-Rimmon, Ședek-Melek. Also as a Canaanite name
in the Tell el-Amarna letters, No. 125 (W.), line 37: Ben Şidķi (spelt by
the Canaanite scribe Zidķi), for which Knudtzon (Beitr. %. Assyr. iv. 114)
reads Rab-Sidki.
not as an abbreviation for Jerusalem, but as a form of the divine name Shalem,
and Melek-Salem as only another form of Melki-Şedek, whom he assigns lo
the city of Hazazon Tamar= Banias (Gesch, Isr. ii. p. 37). All this is very
precarious : yet Winckler founds upon it the identity of the god Şedek with
the god Sulman or Shalem.
6 Zimmern, K.A.7.(3) 474 f., where the Assyrian Shulman is regarded as
probably a title of the god Ninib, of whom, as we have seen, a sanctuary
26
Jerusalem
of whom we are in search. Other less probable names
have been proposed.1 But whoever he was, it is re-
markable that no direct mention of the Amorite god of
Jerusalem has survived, although his worshippers were
spared when Israel took the City and continued to live
there. Either the later scribes took care to eliminate
from the Hebrew records every trace of this predecessor
of Jahweh; or his influence was so restricted and un-
important that his name and his memory disappeared
of themselves. It is significant that except for the
ambiguous reference to Shalem in Genesis xiv., early
Jerusalem is not regarded in the Old Testament as
having been a famous shrine, such as Beersheba', the
so disturbed during all the following centuries it is
hopeless to search for remains of the Amorite sanctuary
in Jerusalem. It may have been about Gihon, for this
spring, as we have seen, was regarded as sacred; or
it may have stood in the valley of Hinnom, where the
sacrifices of children, a feature of Canaanite worship,
afterwards broke out among the Israelites.3
But if unimportant religiously—at least as compared
ebusite with Bethel, the Gilgals and Beersheba' - Jeru-
Jerusalem. salem must have been in those early days a
fortress of no ordinary strength. We have seen 4 that
existed at or near Jerusalem. Winckler, id. p. 224, sees in Shelomoh, the
Hebrew for Solomon, a form derived from the divine name Shalem.
i Winckler, K.A.T.(3) 225, 230, supposes that in the names of David and
the City of David there lurks a Död, either a divine name or an appellation
for the genius loci. But this would imply that David received his name only
after the capture of Jerusalem, or else that there was a remarkable coincidence
between his name and that of the city he took.
2 Vol. i. 108.
3 See below, p. 40, on Millo.
4 Vol. i. Bk, I. ch. vi.
The Conquest by David
27
her citadel lay upon the East Hill, just above Giḥon,
where on all sides save one the ground falls from
the ridge to a considerable depth. Apart from
what may be an editorial gloss, the Old Testa-
ment traditions are unanimous that before David the
Israelites failed to capture the citadel ;1 the garrison
felt themselves so secure that they laughed at the
challenge of David. In fact, through the earliest cen-
turies of Israel's history Jerusalem was the most easterly
of a line of positions—Gezer, Beth-Shemesh, Sha'albim,
Ayyalôn, Kiriath-ye'arim (Kephira, Gibeſon, Be'eroth),
Jerusalem--from which Israel did not succeed in ousting
Judges, formed a barrier between the children of Judah
to the south, and the rest of Israel. 3 The Elohist
document calls those tribes who thus maintained their
position against Israel Amorites; the Jahwist document,
Canaanites: both of them general terms for the Semitic
populations which preceded Israel in Palestine. More
i The gloss above mentioned is Judges i. 8: and the men of Judah fought
against Jerusalem and took it, and smote it at the edge of the sword and set fire
to it. But this seems contradicted by Jud. i. 21: and the Jebusites who dwelt in
Terusaler the children of Benjamin did not drive out, but the Jebusites have
dwelt with the children of Benjamin in Jerusalem to this day; and by Josh.
xv. 63; and the Tebusites, the inhabitants of Jerusalem, the children of Judah
did not drive them out, but the Jebusites have dwelt (zuith the children of
Judah : omit LXX.) in Jerusalem till this day. The substitution in Jud. i. 21
of Benjamin for Judah of Josh. xv. 63 is usually supposed to be due to an
editor who thereby strove to remove the contradiction with Jud. i. 8. It is
possible to effect a technical conciliation between Jud. i. S on the one hand
and Jud. i. 21 and Josh. XV. 63 on the other (cf. e.g. Sayce, Early Hist. of
the Hebrews, p. 246 f.; Oltley, Hist. of the Heb. 87 f.). But even those who
propose this either interpret Jud. i. 8 only of the town, and agree that the
Hebrew invaders did not capture the citadel of Jerusalem ; or suppose that
the Hebrew occupation was only temporary.
2 2 Sam. v. 6. See below, pp. 31 1.
3 In the Song of Deborah Judah is not mentioned.
28
Jerusalem
particularly the Jahwistic document defines the inhabi-
tants of Jerusalem and some neighbouring states as
Jebusites, a name not found outside the Old Testament,
but sufficiently accredited within that. This compact
little tribe is of interest, not only because of the stand
which it made for centuries against the Israelite inva-
ders, but because, upon David's capture of its stronghold,
it became a constituent of that strange medley, the
Jewish people, and doubtless carried into their life the
tough fibre of its tribal character and some of the temper
of its immemorial religion. There is small doubt that
the tribe was Semitic, and that it subsisted by agriculture
-the Jebusite is called the inhabitant of the land2_and
by the simpler industries of the long-settled Canaanite
civilisation. Beyond these indications there is little to
enable us to define the relation of the Israelites to the
Canaanite enclaves which endured for centuries in their
midst. In the story of Judges xix, the Levite refuses,
though night is near, to turn aside into this city of the
Jebusites and lodge in it, for it is the city of a stranger,
where are none of the children of Israel Israelite and
Jebusite, therefore, kept apart, but they talked what was
practically the same dialect; there must have been traffic
between them, the less settled Israelites purchasing
the necessities and some of the embellishments of life
from the townsfolk, as the Bedouin do at the present
day; and, in addition, there may have been occasional
intermarriage. So affairs lasted till the time of David.
1 The name Jebusite has been handed down all along the main lines of the
tradition. See above, p. 18 12. 4. On Jebus, see vol. i. 266 f.
2 2 Sam. v. 6. Therefore, as formerly under Abd-Khiba, so now Jerusalem
must have commanded some extent of the surrounding territory.
3 Verses II and 12.
The Conquest by David
29
The story of David's capture of Jerusalem, about
1000 B.C., raises a number of chronological and other
questions which lie outside our present aims. Capture by
These are rather to discover David's reasons David.
for the choice of Jerusalem as his capital, and the effect
of this choice on the subsequent history of Israel. We
may, however, give a brief statement of the former.
The account of the capture comes to us as part of the
Second Book of Samuel, chapters V.-viii., which present
a summary of David's reign written from a The Order
religious point of view. The order, in which of Events.
the events now of interest to us are arranged, is as
follows. After Ishba'al's death Northern Israel submits
itself to David, who is king in Hebron. He then takes
Jerusalem, and has to sustain a double attack of the
Philistines, whom he defeats. He brings the ark to
Şion, and proceeds with the rebuilding of the city. If
this is meant by the editor to be the chronological order,
it implies that the Philistines were moved to attack their
former vassal by the extension of his power over the
northern tribes, which also had been subject to them,2
and by his capture of a fortress, which must have
threatened Israel from the rear in all their previous
campaigns against Philistia. But this order seems con-
tradicted by the details from which the summary account
has been composed. One of these, v. 17, states that the
Philistine attack upon David followed the submission to
him of Northern Israel, and that when he heard that the
Philistines were advancing he went down to the hold. But
i See the Commentaries, especially Driver's Notes to the Books of Samuel,
H. P. Smith in the International Critical Commentary, and Budde in the
Kurzer Hand-Commentar.
2 As Kamphausen was the first to point out.
30
Jerusalem
a hold to which he had to go down cannot have been
Jerusalem, but was some fortress at the foot of the hill-
country, perhaps 'Adullam. If he was already in posses-
sion of Jerusalem, such a procedure is hardly intelligible.
We may infer therefore that David's capture of Jerusalem
was subsequent to his defeat of the Philistines. Again,
this victory (according to v. 17) followed the anointing of
David as king of all Israel. And yet the phrase in
verse 6, the king and his men went to Jerusalem against
the Jebusites, seems to imply that David attacked that
fortress before he had all Israel behind him, and when he
was only a southern chief with a band of followers. 2
Accordingly other arrangements of the chronological
order than that followed by the editor of chapters v.-viii.
have been offered by modern scholars. Professors Kittel
and Budde suppose that when David became king of all
Israel the Philistines opened war upon him, and that only
after defeating them he took Jerusalem and brought in
the ark.3 Others 4 place the capture of the city first, and
find in it the provocation of the Philistines to attack
David, who defeats them, and is only then joined by
Northern Israel. Whichever of these arrangements be
the right order of the events—and perhaps it is now
impossible to determine this--the capture of Jerusalem
is closely connected, either as preparation or as conse-
1 As Ottley and others maintain.
2 For this phrase the Chronicler (1 Chron. xi. 4) has substituted David and
all Israel went to Jerusalem, which seems to be an effort to reconcile the
above difficulties.
3 Cf. G. W. Wade, 0. T. Hist. 246; W. F. Burnside, 0. T. Hist. 182.
4 R. L. Ottley, Hist. of the Hebrews, 138. Winckler dates the capture of
Jerusalem before a forcible conquest of Benjamin, which he imputes to
David, and the effects of which he traces in the subsequent life of the king
(K.A.7.(3) 230).
The Conquest by David
31
ure.
quence, with the renewed hostility of the Philistines and
David's assumption of the kingship of all Israel.
The narrative of the actual capture of the stronghold
also raises questions. The text is uncertain, and, as it
stands, hardly intelligible. It reports that Narrative of
when David and his men went up against the Ca
the Jebusites these taunted him. By a slight change in
one of the verbs their taunt most naturally runs thus:
Thou shalt not come in hither : but the blind and the lane
will drive thee off:1 meaning David cannot come in hither.
Nevertheless David took the stronghold of Șion--the first
appearance of this name in the history. The next verse
(8) is both uncertain in its text and impossible to con-
strue as it stands. Our English translation, even in the
Revised Version—' And David said on that day, Whoso-
ever smiteth the Jebusites, let him get up to the water-
course and smite the lame and the blind, that are hated
of David's soul'-is conjectural, as may be seen from the
word introduced in italics and from the marginal alterna-
tive. Besides, we should not expect directions to take
the hold, after the statement of its capture in verse 7.
The original has a Jebusite, and the word translated
watercourse means rather waterfall, of which there was
none in Jerusalem ; while the consonants of the text
read the active form of the verb: they hated. The first
clause can only be rendered Whosoever smiteth a Jebusite,
and the rest, as Dr. Budde and others have inferred,
ought to be emended so as to express some threat
against the slaughter of a Jebusite, in conformity with
the testimony that David spared the defenders of the
2
1 Sam
.
v
.
6
,
reading with Wellhausen
הסירך for יסירך
2 So Ps. xlii. 8. But in Mishnic Hebrew the word does mean 'conduit.
32
Jerusalem
City when he took it.1 Dr. Budde's own emendation,
though not quite satisfactory, for it introduces a negative,
may stand in default of a better. By omitting one letter
and changing the vowel points, he gets rid of the diffi-
cult waterfall (which, besides, is not what the Greek
translators read) and substitutes his neck, rendering the
whole thus: Whoso slayeth a Jebusite, shall bring his neck
into danger, the halt and the blind David's soul doth not
hate. We thus lose a picturesque yet difficult account
of how the citadel was taken, with all occasion for the
topographical conjectures that have sprung from it; but
we gain a sensible statement following naturally on the
preceding verse and in harmony with other facts. The
concluding clause of verse 8: wherefore they say a blind
man or a halt may not enter the House, is obviously an in-
sertion which attempts to account for the later Levitical
exclusion of blemished persons from the Temple. And
David dwelt in the stronghold and called it David's-
Burgh.
From these details we turn to the larger questions of
David's policy in regard to Jerusalem. For clearness'
sake we may distinguish between his capture of the City
and his choice of it as his capital.
The capture of Jerusalem-whatever he might after-
wards make of the City-was necessary for David in
The Military respect equally of his dominion over Northern
Value of
Israel, and of his relations to the Philistines.
Jerusalem
to David. The last of the alien enclaves on the hill-
country of the Hebrews, the Jebusite fortress, stood
1 2 Sam. xxiv. 16.
2
The Greek version has בצורוֹ אֶת־ he reads בְּצפּוֹר וְאֶת־ Instead of
3 TURNS
4 Lev, xxi. 18.
The Conquest by David
33
between the two portions of David's kingdom, and hard
by the trunk-road which ran through them. If, as is
likely, the capture happened before David's accession to
the united sovereignty, it is proof of his political fore-
sight and of the fact that he already cherished the
ambition of being ruler of all Israel ; while its achieve-
ment may have helped the attraction of the northern
tribes to his crown. Most probably the capture did not
happen before his campaign or campaigns with the Philis-
tines, his experience in which must have shown him
the inexpediency of leaving an alien stronghold on his
rear so often as he should have to descend to meet the
Philistines on the border of the Shephelah. Besides,
Jerusalem lies near the head of one of the passes lead-
ing up from the Philistine territory. David had himself
encountered the Philistines on the plain of Rephaim near
the Jebusite fortress, and by that alone must have felt
the indispensableness of the latter. Plainly, therefore,
the capture of Jerusalem was as necessary to Israel's
independence of Philistia as it was to their unification.
The same motives must have worked towards the
selection of the captured City for his capital-but along
with others. As king of all Israel David
" His Choice
could not remain in Hebron. This town lay of it as his
Capital.
too far south and its site possesses little
strength. On the other hand, to have chosen one of
the fortresses of Ephraim, or even to have settled in
Shechem, the natural centre of the country, would have
roused the jealousy of his own southern clans. His
capital had to lie between the two: most fitly between
Bethlehem and Bethel. But upon this stretch of country
i From 2 Sam. v. 6, see p. 30.
2 See above, pp. 29 ff.
VOL. II.
34
Jerusalem
there was no position to compare for strength with Jeru-
salem. Bethel, indeed, was better situated for the com-
mand of roads and the trade on them, but the site has
little military value. Bethlehem, again, might have made
a better fortress than Bethel, and lay in a district of
greater fertility than Jerusalem. But it had not even
the one spring which Jerusalem possessed ; and it was
wholly southern and shut off from the north. To the
prime necessities of great strength and a tolerable water-
supply, to the further advantages of a position on the
trunk-road and not far from the head of an easily de-
fended pass into the western plain, Jerusalem added
the supreme excellence of a neutral site which had
belonged neither to Judah nor to the northern tribes, and
was therefore without bias in the delicate balance of
interests, which it strained David to preserve throughout
the rest of his reign. Nor within the basin in which
Jerusalem lies could there be any question between the
exact site of the Jebusite stronghold and the other forti-
fiable hills around. The capture of many an eastern
city has meant the abandonment of its site and the rise
of a new town at some little distance. But, as we have
seen,1 in that large basin the position most favourable for
sustaining the population of a town is where the waters
of the basin gather and partly come to the surface before
issuing by their one outlet—to the south-east. Here
flowed the only spring or springs. There was thus no
other way for it. David dwelt in the stronghold, in the
ancient Jebusite fortress which lay on the East Hill of
the present Jerusalem, and immediately above Giḥon,3
11
2 2 Sam. v. 6.
i Vol. i. 79.
3 Vol. i. 142 ff. ; vol. ii. 22 f.
The Conquest by David
35
David, then, being, or about to be, monarch of all Israel,
supplied his monarchy with its correlative, a capital;
strong by natural position, and politically the
suitable by neutrality towards the rival in- of all Israel.
analogy, which one remembers, is that of Madrid. Like
Jerusalem, with fewer natural advantages than other
cities of its land, Madrid was nevertheless largely for
the same reasons created the capital by the will of the
sovereign. David's conquest gave him complete power
over Jerusalem. No tribe or family, except his own, had
henceforth predominant rights in the City. It seems
indeed as if at first she was attached to neither of the
neighbouring tribal territories, for later on her tribal
connection was still ambiguous: some writers reckoning
her to Judah, David's own tribe, and some to Benjamin.:
There were no Israelite institutions to supplant, nor
authorities to conciliate. As the citadel became David's-
Burgh, so the town belonged to the king or his house.
In no other town in Israel was the government so directly
royal.4 All this meant an immediate addition to the
population. In the East, when a monarchy replaces the
ancient tribal constitution, a royal bodyguard is always
formed : mercenary and mostly foreign. David set the
example in Israel, and it was followed by every king up
to the time of Herod. He brought his Gibbôrîin or
1 Philip II. in 1561 ; but the fortunes of the city previous to this were not
the same as those of Jerusalem had been. Madrid had always been the seat
of the Spanish court.
2 Vol. i. 377 ff.
3 The Jahwist, Josh. xv. 63, to Judah; the Priestly Writer, Josh. xv. 7,
xviii. 15 f. 28, to Benjamin; Deut. xxxiii. 12 may not refer to Jerusalem.
4 Vol. i. 377 ff.
36
Jerusalem
Bravos to Jerusalem, and built them barracks beside his
residence. They were partly foreigners and
Mixed Char-
acter of the partly Israelites, who in the disturbed days of
Population.
101. Saul had become detached from their tribal
or family interests. Among them-witness the devotion
of the sons of Zeruiah, and the passionate loyalty of
Ittai the Gittite 2–David found his most steady support
against the rival jealousies of his still incohesive people.
They added sensibly to the numbers of the capital,
and must have introduced mixed and wild strains into
her blood. Besides the Gibbôrîm there were David's
numerous family, his counsellors, numbers of his fellow-
tribesmen, and the other Israelites whom he attracted to
his court, with all their clients and servants, and with the
traders who were certain to follow them.
Historians who have recounted the advantages of
Jerusalem as a capital have sometimes included among
Organisation these a central position for the trade of the
of Trade. land. But, as we have seen, this judgment is
lacking in discrimination. Jerusalem does not lie, as is
sometimes asserted, upon two of the trade-routes of Pales-
tine, that running north and south along the main ridge
of the land and that climbing the ridge from east to west.
She lies only on the former, and it is not a main route.
The other traverses the ridge not at the gates of Jerusalem
O
well as a sanctuary. Jerusalem has no natural command
roads to the coast and her market for the nomads, enjoyed.
If, then, Jerusalem did compel the trade of the land to
2 2 Sam. xv. 21.
i Vol. i. 346 f.
3 So Kittel, Gesch. Febr. ii. 134.
The Conquest by David
37
11
concentrate upon her bazaars, this was by virtue of her
political supremacy and the commercial organisation of
her kings. Such an organisation always attends the
rise of a new monarchy,—we find a modern Oriental
instance in Telal Ibn Rashîd's policy at Ha'îl in the
middle of last century,—and there is evidence that
David began it for Israel. His alliance with Hiram ;
his introduction of foreigners, some of whom must have
been traders like those tempted to Ha'îl by Ibn Rashîd ;
his stamping of shekels,2 a sure sign of other regulations
of commerce; his maintenance of a mercenary army and
his numerous buildings-invariable results of commercial
success—are proofs that he inaugurated the policy which
Solomon developed. But from all this Jerusalem would
chiefly benefit in the increase of her population and
resources.
David reprieved the Jebusite inhabitants from the
massacre or deportation which usually followed the
capture of an Eastern city. He put them out
The Survival
of their citadel, and probably also from its of the Jebusite
Population.
immediate environs, but he spared their lives,
to the necessary extension of the City, and he left them
their property. We are not told that he destroyed their
sanctuary or forbade the continuance of their worship.
But, whatever may have happened to these, it is clear
that a considerable heathen population, with the attrac-
tions which a god in ancient possession of a definite
territory has always had for the invaders of the latter,
persisted in Jerusalem. If we are to understand the
i Palgrave, Central and E. Arabia, 93, 112, 133.
aulant in the morning 2; 2-above on oma
2 2 Sam. xiv. 26.
8 2 Sam. v. 8, according to the reading given above on p. 32: cf. xxiv.
v
18 ff.
38.
Jerusalem
subsequent history of her religion, we must, with Ezekiel,
keep in mind this heathen strain. Thine origin, he tells
her, when exposing her affection for debased rites, thine
origin and nativity is of the land of the Canaanites; an
Amorite was thy father and thy mother was a Hittite.1
To such a capital David brought the symbol of his
people's God. This was a movable chest, the sanctuary
The Bringing and palladium of a nomad people; which,
in of the Ark. • except for intervals, had never settled any-
where; which had been carried into their battles ; which
had even fallen into the hands of their foes. With the
prestige of victory over the latter, and as if its work of
war were over, David brought it for the first time within
walls. He still covered it with the nomad tent; yet, as the
Psalm says, he gave it a resting-place, a resting-place for
ever. We can have little doubt that what moved David
to recover an object which had so long fallen out of his
people's history, and to place it in the new capital, was
not merely that the Ark was the only relic of the past
with which Israel's memories of their national unity were
associated. David was moved by a religious inspiration.
The national unity had never been maintained, or when
lost had never been recovered, except by loyalty to the
nation's One God and Lord. His Ark implied Himself.
It was His Presence which sealed the new-formed union,
and consecrated the capital.
The nation, then, appeared to be made; and in every
respect, military, political and religious, Jeru-
only began salem stood for its centre. Yet such achieve-
Jerusalem.
ments could not be the work of one day nor
of one man. Least of all could this happen in the case of
1 Ezek. xvi. 3. See above, pp. 16 f.
% cxxxii. 8, 14.
David thus

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The Conquest by David
39
a town so lately adopted, and with so many natural
disadvantages, among a people so recently welded
together. Historians are premature who at this point
celebrate all the meaning of Jerusalem in the history of
Israel, as if due to David alone. The work was Divine
and required the ages for its fulfilment. The most we
can say of David, beyond the splendid insight with
which he met the exigencies of his own day, and his
religious devotion, is that in giving Israel Jerusalem he
gave them the possibility of that which was yet to be.
But for centuries the position of the City remained pre-
carious. She was violated by Shishaķ; harassed by the
Northern Kingdom, so far as she was a capital, and
ignored so far as she was a sanctuary. Elijah passed
her by when he went to seek Jahweh at Horeb; and
according to Amos i the Israelite devotees of Jahweh in
the eighth century preferred Beersheba' to Şion. It
required the disappearance of the Northern Kingdom;
the desecration of the rural sanctuaries by the Assyrians,
the proof of her own inviolableness by Isaiah, and the
centralisation of worship in the Temple by the Deuter-
onomists of the seventh century, before Jerusalem became
the heart and soul of the nation, from which all their life
beat forth and with whose fall they died.
It was on the East Hill that David fixed his residence
and built or commenced his buildings. We have seen
that the town occupied at least as much of David's
this Hill as lies to the south of the present Buildings.
Haram area. It was grouped round the stronghold
Șion. This lay above Gihon upon an elevation (now
1 viii. 14.
40
Jerusalem
V
The Millo.
cleared away) which in some books of the Old Testa-
ment is called The 'Ophel or The Swelling:1 But we
shall use the name Ophel (without the article) in the
conventional sense, in which it is employed by modern
writers, for all the East Hill south of the Haram area.
Immediately upon the fact of his taking up his abode
in Şion we read, and David built or fortified round about
from the Millo and inward, or as the Greek version
gives it, and he fortified it, the city, round about from the
Millo, and his house,3 Whichever of these readings we
select, it is evidently the same site on which he dwelt
that David fortified. A new feature appears in the Millo.
It has been argued 4 that the Millo was the Jebusite
sanctuary, which David destroyed and rebuilt for his
.. own God; but the evidence for this is strained,
*. and is opposed by the data of the text. The
Millo, literally The Filling, is usually taken as a dam,
rampart or solid tower. Such a meaning is confirmed
by the use of the root in other North Semitic dialects.6
The Septuagint render it by the Citadel.'? The,
account implies that it was not a line of fortification,
1 For all these points see vol. i. Bk. I. ch. vi. 2 2 Sam. v. 9.
3 Kal wkoðbuno ev aŮtny Tółw (as if my or ny 773339) kúkłW ÅTTÒ Tâs "Akpas
kai töv olkov aŭtoÙ. Cf. I Chron. xi. 8: and he built the city round about
from the Millo, even round about. The Chronicler's text is awkward and
appears to betray his difficulties with the data at his disposal. Note that
Absalom came to Jerusalem = City of David, 2 Sam. xv. 37.
4 Winckler, Gesch. ii. 198, 249 ff. ; K.A.T.(3) 239.
5 David built not round the Millo (Wi.), but from the Millo round about.
6 The Assyrian verb in one form = 'heap up an earthen rampart';
mulû and tamlû=artificial terrace. The Targumic snose = a rampart of
earth filled up between walls. Compare the LXX. Td åvaamuua in 2 Chron.
xxxii. 5.
7 H 'Arpa : LXX. B. X. 23, etc. This, if the Greek "Akpa is intended,
shows that the LXX. translators believed it to be on the East Hill.
LXX. A. in i Kings ix. 15, 24, Melw; 2 Ki. xii. 20 Maarw, Luc. Mallwv.
The Conquest by David
41
-
but occupied a definite spot; it is stated that David
started his building from it. Either, then, it was an
isolated rampart, covering some narrow approach from
the north on the level, towards the stronghold, which
was otherwise surrounded by steep rocks; or it was one
of those solid towers 1 which were often planted on city
walls. The Millo is variously placed by modern topo-
graphers at the north-east corner of Ophel, because of
the words which follow it, and inward; or at the north-
west corner;2 or as a rampart across the Tyropæon to
bar the approach from the north. But it may have lain
off the south end of Ophel, to retain and protect the old
· Pool. To the Chronicler the Millo was in the city
of David.4
David's fortifications, then, were on the East Hill, and
compassed Ophel5; they included an ancient tower or
rampart somewhere on the circumference. The King's
Within this fortification, all of which per- Other Build-
haps bore the name of David's - Burgh, he ings.
built, with the aid of Phænician workmen, a house for
House and
1 Cf. Josephus, v. B.J. iv. 3: square solid towers on the wall of Agrippa :
τετράγωνοί τε και πλήρεις.
2 Stade, Gesch. i. 343.
3 G. St. Clair, P.E.F.Q., 1889, 90, 96; Schick, id. 1893, plan, p. 191 ;
cf. id. 1892, 22, where the Khatuniyeh is suggested as the Millo, separated
from the Temple by a passage 15 ft. 4 in. wide, and connected by a bridge.
St. Clair, id. 1891, 187 f., suggests S. end of Tyropæon. On Benzinger's
plan, p. 217 of his Kings (Kurzer Hand-Commentar series) Millo? is marked
on the east slope of the West Hill above the Tyropæon. But this position is
excluded by the datum of 2 Chron. xxxii. 5. I do not see how Benzinger
(on i Kings ix. 16) concludes from 2 Sam. v. 9 and the parallel passage
in i Chron. xi. 8 that the Millo served for the protection of the western
town. On the contrary, these connect it too closely for such an assump-
tion with David's occupation of the Eastern Hill.!
4 2 Chron. xxxii. 5.
5 No trace of an ancient wall has yet been discovered up the west bank
or slope of Ophel; some scarps occurring there cannot be certainly identified
as part of a city wall. But see vol. i. 230.
42
Jerusalem
himself of stone and cedar,” which subsequent notices
imply was small, and a house for the Gibbôrîm, or body-
guard ; and here also he pitched a tent for the Ark of the
Lord, which he brought up, and in, to David's-Burgh.3
The rest of Ophel below the stronghold, and perhaps the
gorge to the west, were occupied by houses. At least
there is mention of houses below David's own.4
The next question is: did David's Jerusalem extend
beyond Ophel? On the east the town was certainly
Fast Limit of bounded by the bed of the Kidron, for we
the City. read that when the King fled from Jerusalem
before Absalom he tarried till his soldiers passed him at
Beth-ham-merḥak, house of the distance or farthest house,
that is the utmost building on that side of the town, and
then crossed the brook Kidron. Jerusalem never spread
beyond this natural limit to the East, though the present
suburb of Silwân probably existed from very ancient times. 6
The opinion that David's Jerusalem extended to the
West Hill is supported even by some who place Șion on
Possible West the East.? For this we have no direct evi-
Extension. dence. Only it is difficult to see how the
undoubted increase of the City under David could have
been accommodated upon Ophel. New ground must
1 2 Sam. v. II.
2 1 Kings iii. 1; ix. 15. The Chronicler indeed (2 Chron. viii. II) says
that the daughter of Pharaoh could not live in the house of David because
it was rendered holy by the proximity of the Ark. But as the new palace of
Solomon was next the Temple this can hardly have been the reason (Stade,
Gesch. i. 311 ff.).
3 2 Sam. vi. 15, 17. 4 Id. xi. 2, 8, 13. 5 Id. xv. 17, 18, 23.
6 If, as I have suggested (vol. i. p. III), 'En-Rogel was the name of a
village as well as of a fountain, it may have occupied the site of Silwân.
7 Sir Charles Wilson, art. "Jerusalem,' Smith's D.B.(2); Benzinger,
Comm. on Kings, 1 Kings iii. I, and Plan, p. 217; Guthe, Hauck's R.E.
viii. 676, 678.
The Conquest by David
43
have been occupied by the Jebusite population evicted
from the citadel and its environs, and by the settlements
of native and foreign merchants. Besides these, the
large garrison, the great number of royal officials,2
provincials whom David drew to his court,5 and the
households of the members of his large family separate
from his own,6 must have greatly expanded the size of
the town. Some of those various houses seem to have
been close to the king's ;7 others were at a distance,
for Absalom dwelt two years in Jerusalem without seeing
the king's face. But all the extension doubtless con-
sisted of suburbs. The town within the walls was still
small; it appears to have had but one principal gate;
the phrase the way of the gate º contrasts with the
numerous gates of later centuries.
One bit of the orientation of David's Jerusalem has
been preserved by the Greek version of 2 Sam. xiii., the
to a feast at the shearing of his sheep in Baal- Road.
Haşôr which is beside Ephraim, that is the modern 'Aşûr,
near et-Taiyibeh, fourteen miles from Jerusalem, on the
great north road. At this feast Amnon was murdered in
revenge for his humbling of Tamar, Absalom's sister, and
the rest of the king's sons fled. The rumour preceded
them that all were murdered. But, as the king and
his courtiers rent their clothes, Jonadab declared that
1 2 Sam. X. 14; xii. 31; xv. 18; xx. 7.
2 2 Sam. viii. 15-18; XX. 23-26; xxiii. 8 ff.
3 Id. xi. 3, etc.
* Id. viii. 17 f. ; xix. 35.
6 2 Sam. v. 13-15; xiii. ; xiv. 24, 28; 1 Kings i. 5, 53, etc.
72 Sam. xi. 2, 10.
8 Id. xiv. 24, 28 : cf. Adonijah banished from the court to his own house
(1 Kings i. 53).
9 2 Sam. xv. 2.
44
Jerusalem
Amnon alone was slain, and the watchman reported the
coming of much people on the Horonaim road : the road
from the two Beth-ḥorons, which coincides with the road
from Baal-Haşôr, a few miles north of Jerusalem. And
the young man, the watchman, lifted up his eyes and looked,
and, behold, much people coming on the road behind him,
from the side of the mountain on the descent, and the watch-
man came and reported to the king, and said, I have seen
men out of the Horonaim road from the part of the moun-
tain.' Doubtless the watchman stood on some high
tower on the royal residence; that he saw the Horonaim
road behind him does not mean that he looked out of the
back of his head, but that this road was to the west or
north-west of his station, descending as the present road
does from the hills on the north, and probably passing
down the central wâdy, west of the present Haram area,
to the royal residence at the head of Ophel. The phrase
behind him, or to the west of him, is an interesting con-
firmation that David's house lay on the East Hill. Had
it been on the West Hill, the watchman could not have
had the north road to the west of him. And it further
shows that Jerusalem was not as yet so extended to the
north, that in this direction the view was not open.
The only other road made visible by the records is that
pursued by David when he fled before Absalom. It is
e called the Way of the Wilderness. There
The Way of
the Wilder- seems to have been an exit from the David's-
Burgh on the north into the Kidron valley, for
later, when Joab had taken Adonijah to feast by 'En-
Rogel, the modern Job's Well, their company were not
aware of the descent of another company from the king's
1 2 Sam. xiii. 34; LXX.
2 Chap. xv.
ness.
The Conquest by David
45
house to crown Solomon at Gihon till the acclamation
which followed this came down the valley towards them.1
Compare the later mention of a water-gate near Giḥon,
which must always have been there. Once across ķidron
the Way of the Wilderness led up the ascent of Olives, 2
to the top where there was a sanctuary-there he was
wont to worship God. A little beyond the summit Ziba
met him with provisions for the wilderness, and David
proceeded to Bahurim,4 which the Targum identifies with
Almon, perhaps the present 'Almîț near 'Anathoth. - If
this be correct, the Wilderness was that of Benjamin, and
the way led not round nor over the south shoulder of the
Mount of Olives, but north-east up the hill. In that case
Beth-ham-merhak lay not under the north end of Ophel,
but some way up the Kidron, and there were probably
a few houses along the valley on the west of the stream.
Standing, then, on the Mount of Olives, we may discern
the following to have been the aspect of Jerusalem under
David. Where the great Temple platform is Aspect of
now spread upon large substructions there the City.
was a rocky summit with a small plateau, the threshing-
floor of Araunah. The southern flank of this fell steeply to
the northern fortifications of David's-Burgh with (accord-
ing to some) the Millo, a solid bulwark or tower. A
narrow gateway opened on the north, on a steep descent
to Gihon, and the road from this turned northwards for a
little with a few houses straggling up it till the Far-house
was reached and then crossed the Kidron. Within the
11 Kings i. 9, 41 ff.
2 2 Sam. xv. 30.
3 Ibid. 32. Probably the spot to which Ezekiel saw the God of Israel
remove from the Temple (xi. 23 ; xliii. I ff.).
4 Id. xvi. 1-5.
5 For alternatives for the further course of the road, see 2.D.P. 17. iii. 8 ff.,
xiii. 93 ff.
8 More probably S. of Ophel ; see p. 43.
46
Terusalem
walls stood the Stronghold, the small house of David, the
house of the Gibbôrîm, with some other buildings, and
close to the king's house the Tent of the Ark. Some
further open space there must have been for the later
graves of the kings. The wall compassed Ophel, with
one principal gate, at probably the lower end of Ophel,
from which the houses thickly climbed towards the
Citadel. On the West Hill our records leave a mist.
Probably its slopes into the central wâdy, opposite the
north end of Ophel, were also covered with dwellings.
Dr. Benzinger, indeed, thinks that 'under David the
southern part and eastern slopes of the West Hill were
already built upon.' This may have been so. But the more
natural growth outwards from the City of David' would
rather have been from its northern end into the central wâdy
and up the opposite slopes of the West Hill. In any
case we have no proof, nor even probability, that the whole
of the South-West Hill was built upon in David's time.
Whatever its size may have been, the new town does not
seem to have had a wall around it during David's reign.
The first record of such a wall is given under Solomon.?
But in all this scene nothing is so vivid as the King
himself. I have said that it is easy to exaggerate, as
The figure of some historians have done, David's share
the King in the making of Jerusalem. Her full in-
fluence and sacredness were a Divine achievement, which
required the ages for its consummation. The Prophets
and the Deuteronomic legislation were perhaps the
greatest factors in the development of the City; much
of her glory, which the later literature throws back upon
David, is only the reflection of their work. Neverthe-
1 On 1 Kings ini. I.
2 1 Kings iii. I, etc.
.
The Conquest by David
47
less it was his choice of her which started everything;
which brought history to her walls and planted within
them that which made her holy. The Man, whose indi-
vidual will and policy seem essential to the career of
every great city, Jerusalem found in David. He made
her the capital of a kingdom; he brought to her the
shrine of Israel's God; he gave her a new population :
and, if we remember the personal rôle which the sovereigns
of antiquity filled in the development and regulation of
trade, we shall see his hand in the first drawing to her~
little as she was fitted by nature for so central a position
-of those industrial and commercial influences which in
our modern world are less dependent on the control of
kings, however powerful. But besides thus standing
behind the City and providing the first impetus to her
career, the figure of David stands out among the early
features of her life more conspicuous than any of them.
Of all the actors on that stage, from David himself to
Titus, there is none who moves more clearly, whether
under the stress of the great passions or through the details
of conduct and conversation. We see him in temptation,
in penitence, in grief or dancing with that oriental ecstasy
of worship which had not yet died out of the Hebrew
religion ; now bent beneath the scandals of his family;
now rending his garments at the death of Adonijah; now
weeping on the way to the wilderness when he flees from
Absalom ; or listening to the arguments of his subjects
against himself; or besought by his soldiers to remain
within the walls while they go out to war, that the lamp
of Israel be not quenched; or tenderly nourished through
the feebleness of old age. The drama of Jerusalem is
never more vivid than while David is its hero.
1
CHAPTER III
SOLOMON AND THE TEMPLE
6. 970-933 B.C.
W H EN we pass from David to Solomon, from
V Second Samuel to First Kings, we are conscious
of a change in both the quality of the drama
The Change
in the Royal and the character of its hero. Instead of the
Spectacle.
palpable figure, the vivid features of a man,
there rises an apparition more majestic indeed, but, just
by reason of its grandeur, nebulous and vague. Solomon
in all his glory--we see the glory, but are dazzled as to
the man behind it. In part, at least, this haze may be
attributed to the style of the narrators. Of the history
of David, the bulk is the precious bequest of a con-
temporary," who has not lost sight of the man in the
monarch. But of Solomon's history much more is due
to writers at a distance from their subject, and even
where the text is taken from contemporary annals it
seems to be the work of courtiers to whom the King, the
Royal Personage, is everything. Even so, however, the
12
1 Cf. Budde, Gesch, der althebr. Litteratur, 43 : "Die Geschichte Davids
und seines Zeitalters, von zeitgenössischer Hand verfasst oder doch von eines
Zeitgenossen Mund erzählt wird immer der feste und älteste Kern israeli.
tischer Geschichtsschreibung bleiben.'
2 For the critical analysis of 1 Kings i.-xi., see the commentaries, I. Ben-
zinger, Die Bücher der Könige, 1899; C. F. Burney, Notes on the Heb. Text
of the Books of Kings, 1903 ; B. Stade and F. Schwally, The Books of Kings :
crit. ed. of the Heb. Text (Haupt's S.B.0.7.), 1904; J. Skinner, ‘Kings' (in
Solomon and the Temple
49
questions arise, whether some of the haze may not be due
to the want in Solomon himself of the character and
passion that give distinctness to all the movements of
David ; or whether the features of the great Sultan are
hidden from us only by the largeness and splendour of
his policy, and through lack of that atmosphere of adversity
which alone reveals a man to his contemporaries and
posterity.
Solomon had not to fight his way to the throne; his
succession was managed for him by others. Nor do we
find originality in the three swift blows by
Personal
which he followed it up. These are the in- Powers of
Solomon.
evitable consequences of the movement which
bore him so high, sheer flashes from the thundercloud
that had been gathering in Jerusalem since his birth.
Prince by the blood-stained marriage of his father, and
king through his mother's intrigues, Solomon was obliged
to secure this double usurpation by removing all possible
stays of the legitimate succession. So when Adonijah
imprudently gave him occasion by seeking for wife their
father's companion, he slew Adonijah; he slew Joab, the
general of his father's forces, appointing to the post
Benaiah, the captain of the bodyguard ; and had he dared
he would have slain the chief priest Abiathar, but he
banished him and gave the office to Sadok, with whose
family it remained for centuries. None of these actions
The Century Bible) n.d. Winckler's theories, that the histories of David and
Solomon reflect, or were written upon the scheme of, a Babylonian mytho.
logy under Canaanite influence, is unfolded in several works, but fully stated
in his edition of Schrader, K.A.T. (3) 222 ff., 233 ff. For Cheyne's treatment
of Solomon's history in accordance with his Jerahmeel theories, see Enc.
Bibl., art. “Solomon,' and Critica Biblica.
1 i Kings i.
2 1 Kings ii. 12 ff.
VOL. II.
50
Jerusalem
1
evince either character or inventiveness; they were com-
pelled from him by the forces which had made him king.
Nor had Solomon the opportunity of distinguishing him-
self in battle; he did not extend, but on the contrary lost
some of, the conquests of his father. Nor through the rest
of his reign are there any of those personal adventures
which bring David out of his state and present his figure
throbbing before us. Solomon's appearances are all official
--on the judgment-seat, on the throne, consecrating the
Temple. Even such as are religious are after a more
sober style of religion. They have lost the primitive
ecstasy which distinguished the worship of both of his
predecessors. He sleeps, it is true, in a sanctuary in
order to induce a dream; but we cannot conceive of
Solomon either tearing his clothes and lying prostrate
like Saul, or dancing before the Ark as David his father
did. Even the wisdom which exalts his personality sub-
limates it at the same time. Even the one personal
temper imputed to him,-now King Solomon loved women
... he took foreign wives, may have been only the result
of policy and a love of splendour. His establishment of
many strange shrines in Jerusalem was certainly due to
such motives as well as to the exigencies of the foreign
trade upon which he adventured. In short, behind his
wealth, his wisdom, his wives and his idols, it is difficult
to discern the real man. Yet through that long and
prosperous reign the throne must have been filled by a
personality of unusual power. Of the early concentra-
tion of his mind upon the highest duties, we are assured
11 Kings xi. 1, after the LXX.
2 See the author's "Trade and Commerce,' Enc. Bibl., $8 21-24,
50.

JERUSALEM UNDER SOLOMON
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Hill of Evil Counsel
Jebel Deir Abu Tori
Scale of Half a Mile
J.G. Bartholomew
The certain lines of Wall are shown by red lines, and the uncertain by red
dotted lines. There may have been a suburb on the N.W. Hill.
Solomon and the Temple
51
by a narrative from probably an ancient source. Having
been asked by the Lord what gift he desired, Solomon
chose neither wealth, honour nor the life of his enemies,
but the mind to govern wisely; an understanding heart
to judge Thy people. The Lord gave this, and there follows
an instance of its use ; of a kind to win the admiration of
any Eastern people, for whom justice depends so exclu-
sively upon the discrimination and cleverness of their
prince. Even if we consent to the criticism which con- .
signs so much of the splendour of the reign to legend,
this will but prove the memory of his high capacity for
ruling. The tradition of so wide a kingdom, and such
influence abroad, the facts of so great an activity in
building, so elaborate an organisation of the state, so
large an enterprise of trademthese imply that if Solomon
was the fortunate heir of his father's conquests, his mind
rose to the splendid heritage, and easily, as would appear,
maintained its authority to the end. We read of no
intrigues or revolts within the palace; and the spirit of
opposition in Northern Israel was ineffective so long as
Solomon lived.
Such was the new lord of Jerusalem : fateful to her in
more ways than one. He found her little but a fortress,
and he left her a city. For the tent which Their Effect
covered her wandering Ark 3 he built a temple on Jerusa.
of stone on a site which kept its holiness through his
people's history and is still sacred to religion. He devoted
salem.
i i Kings iii. 4-28. Besides the passages usually marked as Deuteronomic,
verses 6b, 14, there are other traces of the editorial hand; e.g. the language
in which Solomon is made to ask his desire is Deuteronomic.
? The story of Solomon and the two mothers is very like some still current
in the Lebanon concerning the wise judgments of the Emir Beshir at the
beginning of the nineteenth century.
3 It had left the City even in David's time.
52
Jerusalem
to his capital the labours of the whole nation and the
wealth of a very distant trade; embellishing her with
buildings which raised her once for all above every other
town in Israel, and gave her rank with at least the minor
capitals of Asia. But, though all this concentration of
the national resources worked towards her future fame,
and enabled her to endure through the next two centuries
of misfortune, it must also be estimated as one of the
causes of the latter. The discontent excited among the
Northern Tribes by the drain upon their men and their
wealth was the strongest of the influences which led to
the disruption of the kingdom and the deposition of
Jerusalem from the rank of capital of all Israel to that of the
chief town in the petty principality of Judah, precariously
situated near the frontier of her most jealous neighbour.
Nor, as we shall see, did even the erection of the Temple
ensure the immediate religious fame of the City.
We may now trace the centralising policy of Solomon,
the directions in which it bore in upon Jerusalem, and
what necessary exceptions there were to it.
In the first place, we notice some increase of the Court
and the Household. David's ministers were a General
Solomon's of the troops, a Captain of the guard, two
Policy.
13 Priests, a Recorder, a Scribe or Secretary of
I. The
State, a Master of the Levies, and one who is
described as the King's Friend.1 Solomon had
all these, along with a second Scribe, a Steward or Officer
of the Household, a Finance-minister or chief of the pro-
vincial governors; and seems to have given the King's
Friend a more definite position in the official list of
Ministers of
State.
12 Sam. viii. 17 ff. ; xx. 23 ff. ; xv. 37; xvi. 16; 1 Chron.
xxvii. 33.
Solomon and the Temple
53
-
-
2. The
ministers than he occupied under David.1 These, and a
large number of lesser officers of court and household,
formed the centre from which the following organisations
were worked.
In the next place, there was the division of the king-
dom into twelve provinces, each of which furnished the
king's court, and perhaps the wider circle of
his workmen, with food for one month a year. Twelve
Provinces.
The list of the provinces may have been drawn
up late in the king's reign, and is therefore out of place
where it stands in the history, but we may conveniently
take it now. The fragmentary state of the text forbids
dogmatic inferences as to the size of the various pro-
vinces, or whether, as some assert, the impost was arranged
to lie more heavily on those with a non-Israelite popula-
tion. But one feature is striking. It has been pointed
out that neither Jerusalem, Bethlehem nor Hebron is
included; as if Solomon relieved from the duty the seats
of his own family. In any case, those national contribu-
tions poured into Jerusalem, not only for the nourishment
of the court, but directly or indirectly for the enrichment
of the whole population. Their reception and consump-
tion must have increased the number and business of the
latter. Many provincials must thus have formed the
habit of visiting the capital, and this would lead to
1 1 Kings iv. 2-6; LXX. has two lists, here and at ii. 46h (Swete's ed.),
which Benzinger suggests belong to different periods of the king's reign. The
King's Friend is an old Egyptian title (Maspero, R.P. sec. ser. ii. 18), and is
also found in the Tell el-Amarna letters, Winckler, i. 19 (?).
2 1 Kings iv. 7 ff. There is no reason to doubt the reliableness of the list.
The late date in the king's reign assigned to it is inferred, not so much from
the mention of two of the king's sons-in-law among the officers, as from the
fact that the court could hardly have reached the size implied till after he
had reigned some years.
54
Jerusalem
3. The
Tational
La
the settlement of some of them within and about its
walls.
Another influence of the same kind was the employ-
ment for thirteen years at least 1 of a number of Phoe-
nician workmen, and of a mass of Israelites,
stated at 30,000 3 (with 3300 overseers), who
Levies.
quarried stones in the mountains of Judah,
and helped the Phænicians in their building. That
Solomon drew his levies of labour only from his non-
Israelite subjects 4 is a statement which does not agree
either with the data in Chronicles v., nor with the
intimation that Jeroboam was over the levy of the house
of Joseph, and must therefore be the insertion of a later
hand. It is probable that some of these labourers were
added to the permanent population of Jerusalem. But
in any case their sight of her, and their sense of
her new importance, were carried across the land, and
made Jerusalem far better known. The cedars cut in
Lebanon and conveyed through the Phænician ports,
the mines in Lebanon, and the foundries in the Jordan
Valley 8--all for a city which a few years before was a
mere Jebusite enclave-must of themselves have created
for her a foreign reputation, and brought an influx of
• trade to her gates.
1 1 Kings vii. 1. If the building of the Temple, which is stated to have
taken seven years (vi. I, 38), was not contemporaneous with the thirteen
years of the building of the palace, then the operations took twenty years
in all (ix. 10). But this is doubtful.
2 1 Kings v. 18. 3 Id. v. 13 ff. 4 ix. 22. 5 xi. 28.
6 Cf. too the words 'unto this day'in ix. 21.
? In the LXX. version, chapter ii. 466, we read : kai Earcuwr opfato
åvolyelv tà duvaoteúmara Toll Alßávov: this is explained by Winckler (A. T.
Untersuchungen, p. 175) as referring to mines in Lebanon, where ancient
workings have been found. Cf. Benzinger on i Kings ix, 19. Cf. Jeremiah
XV. 12.
8 vii. 46.
Solomon and the Temple
55
On the frontiers of his territory Solomon fortified
certain cities : Haşôr, Megiddo, Gezer, Beth-Horôn the
nether, Ba'alath, and Tamar in the wilderness.
4. The Screen
With the exception of Ba'alath the sites of all of Frontier
these are known, and one of them, Gezer, has
been laid bare by excavation in a more thorough fashion
than the ruins of any other town in Palestine. Mr. Mac-
alister is strongly inclined to seek, in the square towers
inserted at irregular intervals along the ſouter] wall, for
the tangible traces of Solomon's fortification of Gezer
after the probable breaching of the wall by the king
of Egypt.2 Haşôr, probably the present Tell-Khurêbe
above the Lake of Huleh, commanded the main entrance
into Palestine from the North ; Megiddo, the passage
from Esdraelon to Sharon ; Bêth-Horôn, the most open
ascent from Sharon, Jafa and the group of towns about
the latter to Jerusalem; Gezer (as in the time of the
Maccabean kingdom) the approach up the Vale of
Ayyalộn from the coast, and a road which probably
entered the hills by the town of Ayyalôn, and thence
travelled by the present Kuriet el-Eynab 3 to Jerusalem
more directly than the Beth-Horôn road. Ba'alath lay
either on this last road nearer to Jerusalem than Gezer,
or on a more southerly approach to the capital. Tamar
in the wilderness is the Roman Thamara, on the road
up the Negeb to Hebron from the Gulf of 'Aķaba. If
we may draw a deduction from the absence of towns in
Moab, Gilead and Bashan, Solomon had nothing to fear
upon those frontiers of his kingdom; and in fact Haşôr
Fortresses
1 ix. 156, 17, 18.
2 P.E.F. Quart. Stateinent, January 1905, pp. 30 f.
3 I followed this natural and ancient track in 1904.
4 Probably the present El-Kurnub.
56
Jerusalem
and their
and Tamar confronted the only two foreign peoples from
whom he is reported to have had trouble--the Arameans
and the Edomites; while the absence of Jericho and ·
Ephraimite cities proves how quietly he held Northern
Israel. Megiddo and Gezer controlled the main trade
route between Damascus and Egypt; but besides pro-
tecting the international traffic, and thus enabling Solomon
to fulfil his engagements with other potentates, 1 these
two fortresses may have been further intended as a signal
to the Phoenicians of the power of Israel.
Each of these cities, then, on the borders of the proper
territory of Israel, covered an important trade route and
secured the tolls upon it;a while three of them,
Protection of Beth-Horôn, Gezer and Ba'alath, protected the
the Capital.
more immediate approaches to the capital.
Tamar was in hardly less close connection with Jerusalem,
as one feels to-day at the occasional sight of a caravan
from Sinai or the Gulf of 'Aķaba at the Hebron gate of
the City. Imagine these secure roads drawing in on
Jerusalem! We can believe that with the completion
of the fortresses upon them, a new sense of being at the
centre of things, and an assurance of security, inspired
her inhabitants, and contributed to her increase.
Besides those six fortified towns Solomon had a number
of store cities, and cities for his chariots, and cities for his
horsemen.3 These were the necessary excep-
5. The Store
and Garrison tions to his centralising policy. That he did
not assemble his cavalry or chariots at the
capital was due to the character of its surroundings,
1 Cf. the Tell el-Amarna letters, in which a king of Mesopotamia com-
plains to the King of Egypt of the lawlessness from which his caravans had
suffered in Palestine, then Egyptian territory. See above, p. 9.
3 See vol. i. 343.
31 Kings ix. 19.
Towns.
Solomon and the Temple
57
STO
destitute of rich pasture, and too steep and broken for
wheels. In contrast with the more open Samaria and
Esdraelon, we seldom read of the use of chariots about
Jerusalem. Solomon kept his where they could mancuvre.
Some horses, no doubt, appeared at the City. Solomon
was the first to introduce horses into Israel, importing
them, not from Egypt as the Hebrew text declares, but
from the northern Musri and Kuë or Cilicia, as the more
correct Greek version enables us to discover. They
would replace at his court the mules on which royal
personages had hitherto ridden.
We may infer, then, a considerable increase of the
population of Jerusalem under Solomon, not only during
the thirteen or twenty years in which his
Consequent
buildings were in progress, but permanently. Increase of
Jerusalem,
The sites on which the new inhabitants settled
can only have been the South-West Hill and the Central
Valley. The extent of the enlarged City we shall consider
when we treat of the wall which he built.
Besides a few scattered notes of the buildings erected
by Solomon, the history of his reign contains a detailed
account, 1 Kings V.-vii., of his preparations for,
The Account
and his construction of, the Temple, the of the Temple,
Palace, and their adjacent Halls. Unfortu- etc.
nately the text has suffered from the wear of tradition,
from attempts at repair, and from insertions by a later
age, to which the Temple was of more importance-the
object at once of greater superstition and of more careful
definition between the degrees of holiness ascribed to its
1 There are three instances : in one case the chariot carried a dead, in
another a dying, man (2 Kings ix. 28; 2 Chron. XXXV. 24). See
H.G.H.L. 330, with Appendix v. See vol. i. 325.
2 1 Kings X. 28; vol. i. 324.
3 Vol. i. 326.
58
Terusalem
various parts—than it was under Solomon himself. For
details the reader must be referred to the commentaries
and various special treatises.1 There is no doubt that the
basis of the description of the Temple and adjacent
buildings is a contemporary document, whether from the
royal annals or the Temple archives.2
That at first Solomon dwelt in the David's-Burgh, the
former Şion, is clear from the statement that he brought
Sites of the there the daughter of Pharaoh, till he should
Temple,
od finish his new buildings. These it was most
Palace and
Royal Halls. natural for him to raise in proximity to the
David's-Burgh and the barracks of the Gibbôrîm ; that
is on the East Hill, on which there appears to have been
open ground to the north. Here, it is generally agreed,
lay the site which he chose for the Temple, the threshing-
floor of Araunah on which David had erected an altar.
For here in the time of the Maccabees we find the Second
Temple, and there can be no doubt that this occupied
the site of Solomon's, nor that the Mosque of Omar
with its immediate platform occupies much the same site
to-day:4 the Mount Șion of several Old Testament
writers, the ‘Mount Moriah' of the Chronicler.5 Round
eş-Şakhra, which is the summit of this part of the East
Hill, the rock has been frequently levelled and scarped,
but the present contours ascertained by the Ordnance
i See the commentaries mentioned on p. 48 n. 2, and especially Burney's
with its valuable suggestions on the text of 1 Kings v.-vii. Of specia.
treatises there are Stade, 2.A.T.W., 1883, 129 ff., 'Der Text des Berichts
über Salomo's Bauten' (cf. Gesch. Isr. i. 311 ff.); I. Benzinger, Hebr. Archäo-
logie, 1894, SS 35, 53, and arts. 'Palace' and 'Temple in the Enc. Bibl. ;
Nowack, Lehrbuch der Hebr. Arch., 1894 ; T. Witton Davies, art. “Temple'
in Hastings' D.B., 1902.
? See below, pp. 109 f.
3 1 Kings iii. I; ix. 24.
4 Vol. i. 230 ff.
5 Vol. i. 267.
PLAN OF SOLOMON'S BUILDINGS
(after Stade)

MAP 10
2310.
2300
2320
2300
2450.-
2310
2330
2340
062
оња
2350
2360
2370
2380
2390
2400
2410
7360
2290.-
2280.-
2270
Scarped Rock
2430
2410
2920
6 Vol.1.)
2390
2400
-2382
2360
2370.-
2350
_2370
- 2360
Ancient Wall (See p. 236
IFA
18:32
?
fig
2410
-2400
------
0663
2380
2370
2360
350
30
2370
2360
2400
2399
2380
2340 -
2320
2330
2300
2310
2310
2300
17270
-3260
2250
The Edinburgh Geographical Institute
J.G.Bartholomew.
Scale of Yards
100
100
200
h House of Pharaoh's Daughter
| The Temple
m Altar of Burnt Offering
n The Upper Court or C. of the House of Yahweh
pp Ascents to Palace and Temple
q Hammam esh-Shefa
r Wall of present Haram-esh-Sherif
a The House of the Forest of Lebanon
b Threshold
C Hall of Pillars
d The Throne Hall
e The "Great” or Outer Court
g The "Other" or "Middle" Court
London: Hodder and Stoughton.
Solomon and the Temple
59
2
Survey are sufficient evidence that there was upon it
ample room for ‘Araunah's threshing-floor. Here, then,
Solomon's Temple was built, surrounded by a Court
of its own. But both Temple and Court were only
the highest part of a complex of buildings and courts
within one greater court, surrounded by a strong
wall. To the south of the Temple Court, below it and
separated by a wall? with an entry, lay a second inner
court containing the King's House and the House of the
Daughter of Pharaoh. And this being so, the rest of
the buildings, the Throne Hall, the Pillared Hall, and the
House of the Forest of Lebanon, must have lain on the
other side of the Palace from the Temple. Such, too, is
the order in which they are described in the account of
their construction. In any case it is clear that the Palace
lay above the David's-Burgh, for Pharaoh's daughter came
up from the latter into the house which Solomon built
for her, and that the Temple lay above the Palace. On
all these data most moderns accept the general plan of.
the buildings drawn upon the ascertained contours of the
hill by Professor Stade. This is here reproduced but
with the contour lines corrected after the data of the
Ordnance Survey. 6
The exact position of the Temple may be reasonably.
1 Rec. of Jer. 298, with plan.
? Separated only by a wall from the Temple-court, Ezek. xliii. 8; below
the Temple-court, 2 Kings xi. 19: they brought down the king from the house
of Jahweh to the king's house. Jer. xxvi. 10: the princes of Judah came
up from the king's house to the house of Jahweh : cf. xxxvi. II ff.
3 1 Kings ix. 24.
4 See last note but one.
.5 Gesch. des Volkes Israel; between pp. 314 and 315, with the contours
supplied by Schick.
6 P.E.F. Excav. at Jerusalem, Portfolio Plan Vi.; Rec. of Jerus,
298.
60
Jerusalem
and Altar of
ing.
estimated from the data of Josephus and the Mishna and
from the character of the Rock eş-Şakhra and
The Exact Site
of the Temple its surrounding contours. Josephus says that
Burnt-Offer- at first the highest level ground on the Hill
was hardly sufficient for the Temple and the
Altar,'1 that is the Altar of burnt-offering in front of the
Temple; and that Solomon and the people of subsequent
periods built walls and banks till the Hill was made
broad. But the summit of the Hill is eş-Şakhra, and the
rock-levels about it suit the levels of the Temple-Courts
as given in the Mishna.2 Moreover, the Rock eş-Şakhra,
now under the dome of the Mosque of Omar, is venerated
by Mohammedans as second only to the shrine of Mecca.
From the tenacity with which such sites in the East pre-
serve their character, we may infer that in ancient times
also the Rock was holy; and Professor Stade points out .
that as angels are represented in the Old Testament
appearing on rocks, it is probable that the appearance of
the angel to David by the threshing-floor, between earth
and heaven, was believed to have taken place on this very
summit. Moreover, the Rock itself bears proofs of having
been used as an altar. A channel penetrates from the
surface to a little cave below, whence a conduit descends
through the body of the Hill; obviously designed to carry
off either the blood or the refuse of sacrifices. Similar
arrangements are seen on other Semitic altars. From all
these data the conclusion is reasonable that the Rock,
eş-Şakhra, represents the Altar of Burnt-offering. But as
2 Conder, Tent-Work (6), 288.
3 Gesch. des Volkes Israel, i. 314; cf. Judges vi. II ff., 20; xiii. 19;
1 Chron. xxi. 16.
11 B.J. v. 1.
4 Rec. of Jerus. 221.
Solomon and the Temple
61
1
this lay to the east of the Temple, we must place the site
of the latter to the west of es-Şakhra. In that case the
western end of the Temple stood upon some of those
substructures which, as Josephus emphasises, were
frequently laid down from the time of Solomon
onwards.1
From the description in First Kings, even when its
omissions and obscurities are supplemented by Ezekiel's
plans, it is not possible to achieve such an Description of
exact reconstruction of Solomon's Temple as the Temple.
several moderns have attempted. The ground-plan may
be drawn with some certainty, and we can realise the
bulk of the whole as seen from the outside, along with
the general aspect of the interior. But we are ignorant
both of some of the exact proportions and of the general
style of the architecture. The following facts must be
i On the improbability of the theory which places the Temple in the south-
west corner of the Haram area, see vol. i. 231. The Temple is placed
on the eş-Şakhra summit of the East Hill by the great majority of modern autho.
rities : e.g: Robinson, Warren (Rec. of Jerus. 313); Thomson (L. and B. 688);
Stade and Conder as cited above; Schick, Henderson (Palestine, 146); Socin and
Benzinger (in Baedeker and elsewhere); Nowack (Hebr. Archä. 27 f.); Sanday
(Sacred Sites, etc., 58); Rix (Tent and Testament, 304). Of these Thomson,
Stade, Socin, Benzinger, Nowack and Rix take eş-Şakhra as the site of the
altar of burnt-offering. Conder, Henderson and Schick take it to have been
the stone of foundation' (797028, Mishna Yôma,'v. 2) on which the Ark
rested within the Holy of Holies. But the dimensions of eş-Şakhra, 1707 m.
by 15.5 and 1.25 to 2 m. above-ground (according to Baedeker : about 58 feet
by 500, and from over 4 feet to 64 high), are too great for it to have stood in
the Holy of Holies, a cube of little over 30 feet; and the 'stone of founda-
tion' was not a rock but a stone. Besides, to place the Holy of Holies at
eş-Şakhra would leave. too little space to the east for the Temple court.
Warren places the altar of burnt-offering to the south of eş-Şakhra, which,
arguing from the Mishna tract'Middoth,' he takes to have been the site of
the Gate Nitzotz (P.E.F. Mem. 'Jerus.' 98 f.).
2 Ezek. xl. ff. Ezekiel's plans are of course ideal, but must be based on
his knowledge as a priest of the First Temple.
62
Jerusalem
kept in mind. A Temple was indeed no novelty in
Israel. There had been one in Shiloh. But Solomon's
Temple appears to have been constructed after foreign
patterns. It was built by Phænician workmen, yet the
description shows more likeness to the Egyptian than to
the Phoenician type of sanctuary. Again, we must not,
in accordance with modern ideas, conceive of the Temple
as a house for worshippers (whose place of assembly was
rather in the court in front of it), but as the dwelling
of the Deity; for by this we shall be prepared for
its comparative smallness. Solomon's Temple lay east
and west, a thick-walled, rectangular building of large
squared stones and cedar beams, about 124 feet long by
55 broad and over 52 high ;3 with a porch of uncertain
height on the east side, and round the others three
1 Cf. 1 Sam. ii. 22; the second half, which speaks of the tent of meeting,
is wanting in the Greek, and is no doubt an addition from a Priestly Writer,
who supposed that the great tabernacle of P. had been set up in Shiloh. It
contradicts the rest of the narrative, in which the Shiloh sanctuary is called
a hekal or temple, with doorposts and a lishkah (i. 9 after the LXX. and
Klostermann, iii. 3); cf. Jer. vii. 12 ff. ; xxvi. 6, 9. (The other passages
quoted in support of this which speak of the house of Jahweh (1 Sam. i. 7,
24; cf. Judg. xviii. 31) are not conclusive, for house might be a tent.)
Opposed to this is another tradition (2 Sam. vii. 6 ff.), the author of which
cannot have been acquainted with 1 Sam. i.-iii. (cf. Kennedy in The Century
Bible). Fergusson's theory that Solomon's Temple was built on the model
but twice the scale of the Tabernacle breaks down on the figures available,
even if we were to allow that the Tabernacle of the Priestly Writer ever
existed.
2 Benzinger, Hebr. Archä. 385; cf. Pietschmann, Gesch. der Phönizier,
200 f. There is a very striking resemblance between the description of
Solomon's Temple and that of the Temple of Hierapolis by Lucian (De Dea
Syra).
3 These figures are reckoned from what are evidently the internal dimen-
sions, but without the breadth of the wall between the two chambers (viz.
60 by 20 by 30 cubits, which at 20°7 inches to the cubit equal 1037 by
347 by 52 feet), plus the thickness of two walls each 6 cubits, and an allowance
for the roof.
Solomon and the Temple
63
stories of side chambers—literally ribs—to a height of
about 17 feet plus their roof. The interior was divided
by a wall into two apartments. The outer, the Hekal or
Palace of the Deity, called in later times The Holy Place,
was nearly '70 feet long by 341 broad and 52 high. The
inner, the Debîr or Back, later the Holy of Holies, was a
cube of 341 feet, with apparently a chamber above it.
Both were panelled with cedar and floored with cypress
wood ;1 there was no stone seen; the cedar appears to
have been richly carved. The debír, the actual dwelling
of the Deity, contained the Ark, overhung by the
Cherubim; it was absolutely dark, save perhaps for a
single lamp. The high lattice windows in the main wall
above the side chambers can have given but scanty light
to the hekal, which contained the cedarn Table of Shew-
Bread, or Bread of the Presence, and perhaps candlesticks
or lampstands. At the entrance, either within or before
the Porch, stood two bronze columns, of which that
on the right was called Yakîn and that on the left
Boaz;4 probably representations of the maşşebộth or
sacred pillars usual in . Semitic sanctuaries, and once
i The overlaying of the walls with gold is a later addition to the descrip-
tion, as Stade has shown from the fact that the various statements of it are
out of order and partly wanting in the LXX.
2 1 Kings vi. 20, LXX.; and he made an altar of cedar ; vii. 48: the table
on which the Bread of the Face or Presence was, of gold. The last word is
doubtful. Ezekiel's was of cedar, xli. 22. . In P. (Nu. iv. 7) the bread is
called the continual bread; in Chron. (I Chron. ix. 32 ; 2 Chron. xiii. 11)
the b. of arrangement or ordering. I Kings vii. 48 is altogether doubtſul;
it mentions a golden altar which is not mentioned in vi., and is obviously the
insertion of a later hand in order to introduce the altar of incense of the
Second Temple. There was no incense in the first ; see below.
3 1 Kings vii. 49, another late passage; the lampstands are not mentioned
in vi., but in themselves are probable.
* 1 Kings vii. 21 : 93 he establishes (?); iva in him is strength (?).
64
Jerusalem
DO A
legal, but afterwards condemned, in the worship of
Israel.1
Round all the Temple, yet so that the greater part of
its space extended upon the eastern front, lay the Court
The Temple of the House of Jahweh, called also the Inner
Forecourt, Court, to distinguish it from The Other Court
round the Palace, and from The Great Court which
compassed all the buildings.2 In later times the first
two were named The Upper and Middle Courts respec-
tively. With the sanctuary proper, The Inner or Upper
Court was included under the name of The House of
Jahweh.4 That is, it was part of the Holy Place, and there
the great bulk of the sacrifices were accomplished; for
there, as we have seen, stood the Altar of the Burnt-
Offering. In the description of Solomon's
with the Altar
of Burnt Temple there is no word of his having con-
Offering.
structed an altar. Though in other parts of
his history a bronze altar before Jahweh is mentioned,
the probability is that this was a subsequent invention,
and that Solomon, at least at first, simply used the bare
Rock es-Sakhra for his sacrifices. In a later reign we
-
"
T
i Gen. xxviii. 18; XXXV. 14, etc. ; Ex. xxiv. 4; Hos. iii. 4 (cf. Is. xix.
19) contrasted with Deut. xvi. 22; Lev. xxvi. I. Robertson Smith (Rel. of
the Sem. 191, 468) takes Yakîn and Boaz to have been altar-pillars, with
hearths on their tops.
2 C. of the House of Jahweh, 777779-na 781, 1 Kings vii. 12. Inner Court,
no917 789717 vi. 36, vii. 12. Other Court, 70087 737 vii. 8. Great Court,
7717817 9897 vii. 9, 12. Burney emends 1 Kings vii. 12 after the LXX. so
as to bring out all three courts.
3 See below, pp. 256 ff..
4 Jer. xxxv. 4, etc.
5 See above, p. 60. The theory that i Kings v. originally contained a
description of the bronze altar, and that this was deleted by a later editor, is
answered by Burney, p. 103. Robertson Smith explains the omission by
his theory that Yakîn and Boaz were altar hearths (above n. 1.), but
this is improbable. The solution adopted above (cf. Skinner on viii. 64),
that Solomon required to construct no altar, because the Rock now
Solomon and the Temple
65
1
1
shall find a bronze altar in the forecourt of the Temple,
but this also may have been constructed on the same
Rock, the surface of which is sufficient for its stated
dimensions, Between the Altar of Burnt-Offering and
the Temple, but to the south-east of the latter, stood the
Bronze Sea,? a huge cast-bronze tank, some The Bronze
seventeen feet in diameter, supported on the Sea.
backs of twelve Bronze Bulls, facing by threes to the
four quarters of heaven. It is difficult to think that
such a construction was meant for use only as a laver ;
and the plausible suggestion has been made that it
embodied certain ideas which prevailed in the Baby-
lonian and Canaanite religions, and, as various parts
of the Old Testament prove, influenced at some time or
other the religion of Israel. According to this theory
The Sea was the symbol of the Great Deep, the primeval
chaos subjugated (according to the Babylonians) by
Marduk, whose symbol was the Bull, at this time
a frequent image of deity also throughout Canaan and
even within Israel. How much of this symbolism the
called eş-Şakhra was already used as such, has this in its favour, that a rock-
altar, but not a bronze one, would conform to the practice in early Israel and
the directions in Ex. xx. 24 f. But this does not amount to much, for
Solomon introduced many innovations. The reference to a bronze altar in
1 Kings viii. 64 may be late ; for the passage has other late elements, and
the material of Solomon's altar in ix. 25 is not stated (yet note, it was built).
2 Chron. iv. I, Huram-abi's construction of a bronze altar, is late; and the
earliest reliable mention of such an altar is therefore that in the story of
· Ahaz, 2 Kings xvi. 14.
1 2 Chron. iv. I ; cf. Ezek. xliii. 13 ff.
2 1 Kings vii. 39.
s pria 7 vii. 23 ; nwnın Dp 2 Kings xxv. 13, or simply DAT
I Kings vii. 39, 44 ; 2 Kings xvi. 17. 1 Kings vii. 23 ff. states 10 cubits as
the diameter, 30 (approximately) as the circumference, and 5 as the depth.
The capacity, either as given here (verse 26, 2000 baths) or as in 2 Chron.
iv, 5 (3000 baths), is too great for these dimensions. The casting may not
have been in one piece ; some have thought of a wooden basin plated with
bronze castings.
VOL. II.
66
Jerusalem
Israelites of Solomon's day recognised in the Bronze
Sea with its twelve Bulls facing the four quarters of
heaven is, of course, quite uncertain; but that the whole
was associated with Babylonian notions is rendered
probable by the fact that under the later and more
exclusive monotheism, the Bronze Sea is either ignored,
or studiously explained as a mere laver, or replaced
by a laver. If the theory be sound, we must add the
Bronze Sea and its twelve Bulls to the other proofs
afforded by the furniture of the Temple that under
Solomon the religion of Israel still included a number of
pagan elements, the elimination of which we shall have
to watch in the course of Jerusalem's religious history,
Besides the Sea there were ten travelling lavers on wheels,
mekonộth,2 five on the south and five on the north of the
Temple. They too were decorated with mythological
figures, lions, bulls and cherubim, and like the Sea are
absent from the Temple arrangements of Ezekiel and
the Priestly Writer. Upon the forecourt, thus furnished,
were performed the daily and the greater sacrifices of
king and nation; and here till the time of the Exile the
mass of the people gathered without restriction for the
i The theory is due to Kosters (Theol. Tijdschrift, 1879, 445 ff.). Ahaz
took away the Bulls and put the Sea on a pavement, rather, it would appear,
because he wanted the bronze than from a reforming motive, 2 Kings xvi. 17.
· Ezekiel has no place for the Sea; his Temple-spring seems its substitute.
2 Chron. iv. 6 explains it as a laver. In the Priestly writing a laver man
stands in the place of the Sea, Exod. xxx. 18 ff.; xl. 7, 30. For Babylonian
analogies see Gunkel, Schöpfung und Chaos, 153; Sayce, Hibbert Lectures,
63; Rec. of the Past, new series, i. 65; inscription of Ur-nina at Telloh,
col. iii.: ‘The temple of the goddess Gatumdug he has erected, the great apzu
he has constructed,' ... 'the apzu or deep was the basin for purification
attached to a Babylonian temple, corresponding to the "sea” of Solomon.'
? 1 Kings vii. 27 ff. On the whole passage see especially Stade, 2.A.T.W.,
1883. Mekonóth may mean bases, but by some is compared with the Greek
mechanē.
Solomon and the Temple
1
worship of God. The Rock eş-Şakhra became the
national altar, the court around it the national audi-
torium. That high platform which Solomon spread
about his Temple was to be identified with both the
rival institutions of Israel's religion; the ritual and the
ethic, sacrifice and prophecy. The king surrounded it, we
are told, by a wall of three courses of hewn stone, and
a course of cedar beams. Through this an entry led to
the palace-court. There was one gate on the north, and
certainly another, though it is not mentioned, on the east.
At what date the lodges or chambers were added, which
Baruch notices over these gates and in other parts of the
court, we do not know.
South of the Temple-Court, separated only by a wall,
but on a lower terrace, lay The Other or Middle Court;3
enclosing the House of the King. This was The Palace
built of hewn stone and cedar like the other and its Court.
royal buildings; which are described in 1 Kings vii. in the
opposite order from that in which we now take them.
Here, too, and most probably behind the Palace, was the
House of the Daughter of Pharaoh ;4 and from the first
there were doubtless many of those other buildings for
the king's household, officials and stores which are men-
tioned in the time of Jeremiah,5
South of the Palace, and immediately adjacent to its
Court, stood the Hall of Justice or The Throne Hallo
panelled in cedar from floor to rafters, and distinguished
by a great ivory throne supported by lions.? South
11 Kings vi. 36. ? Below, p. 257. 3 Above, p. 64 n. 2.
4 1 Kings vii. 8, slightly emended : and his house in which he was to dwell,
in the other court, inwards from the Hall of Justice, was like the construction
of this; also the House for the daughter of Pharaoh was like this Hall.
5 Below, pp. 258 f.
vii 7, SOUDT D. 18 or XD21 DS2x.
7 X. 18-20.
68
Jerusalem
Halls.
of this and probably constructed as its vestibule, was
the Hall of Pillars,some 86 feet by 52,
The Throne,
and Pillars, which had a pillared porch and a fight of
· steps or heavy eaves—the Hebrew term is
uncertain.
And finally, to the south of these, stood the House of
the Forest of Lebanon, deriving its name from its com-
plicated structure in that northern timber
House of the
Forest of which was so strange to the people of
Lebanon.
Judah. It was the largest of all the build-
ings, 172 feet by 86 by 52. There seem to have been
two stories: in the lower forty-five pillars in three
rows supported the floor of the upper. An early docu-
ment says that Solomon deposited in this House the
three hundred shields of beaten gold, probably among
the forest of pillars in the lower story. The upper
story, so firmly supported on the pillars, may have been
designed for popular gatherings. Josephus says that
Solomon 'prepared this House to receive a multitude for
judgments and for the decision of public business, and to
provide room for an assembly of men convened for cases
of justice:'5 that is, not to wait for the decisions of judges,
but in order themselves to decide, as a popular assembly,
upon the affairs of the state and of justice. If Josephus
be not merely reflecting upon the reign of Solomon
the conditions of his own times, we have here a curious
illustration of the existence of that popular power which
we have seen prevailing throughout the history of Israel,
even under the most despotic of her kings.6
1 vii. 6, bygabym b$18. ? Zy; cf. Ezek. xi. 25 f.
8 viii. 2 ff., 422ba 7 na.
4 x. 17; cf. Is. xxii. 8, the armour in the House of the Forest.
, 6 Jos. viii. Ant. v. 2.
0 Vol. i. Bk. II. ch. x.
Solomon and the Temple
69
and Historical
Effects of the
All these buildings, rising upon their successive ter-
races from the Forest House to the Temple-as attested
no less by the ancient description of them Spectacular
than by the modern discovery of the a
contours of their sloping site — must have whole.
presented to the eyes of a people, still mainly in the
agricultural stage of development, a very imposing
spectacle; the effect of which we must not measure
by the fact that the whole complex lay in all pro-
bability within the southern section of the present
Haram' area, or at the most extended but a little way
beyond it. All these, says the historian, were of costly
stones, according to the usual dimensions of ashlar, sawn
with saws, inside and outside, from foundation to coping,
from the Court of the House of Jahweh even to the Great
Court.2 The latter encompassed the whole, and was itself
surrounded by a great wall of three courses of ashlar and
one of cedar beams; round about the court of the House of
Jahweh and the court of the porch of the palace. Not a
fragment of these edifices or lines of wall has remained
recognisable to the present day; but the relative posi-
tions of the edifices, and the directions of the walls, are
tolerably clear from the data of their description and the
natural contours of their rocky site. Above all, we must
grasp in our minds two results of our investigation. The
Temple was built by Solomon, and till the Exile remained,
only as a part of the royal house and the government
offices. And thus, both by the strength of the site
which he chose, and by the wall with which he embraced
it, Solomon created a separate citadel in Jerusalem, whose
2 1 Kings vii. 9; see Burney.
1 Vol. i. 230 ff.
3 vii. 12; Burney after the LXX.
70
Jerusalem
distinctness from the rest of the City remained a factor of
importance in the history, especially of her sieges, to the
very end.
Besides the detailed account of Solomon's buildings on
the East Hill, there are inserted at different points of
1 Kings ii.-xi. fragmentary statements about
Solomon's
further his fortifications of the City :-(a) Solomon
Fortifications.
* brought Pharaoh's daughter into the David's-
Burgh until he had finished building his own house, the
house of Jahweh and the wall of Jerusalem round about ;1
(b)... to build the house of Jahweh, his own house, and
the Millo and the wall of Jerusalem ... but the daughter
of Pharaoh came up from the David's-Burgh to her house
which he had built for her; at that time he built the
Millo2; (c) And Solomon built the Millo and stopped the
breach of the David's-Burgh. These fragments, so vari-
ously placed and rendered in the Hebrew and the Greek
texts, apparently belong to one original statement + from
an ancient source, probably the annals of Solomon's
? Heb. text iii. I, parallel to the Greek (Swete's ed.), ii. 350: until he had
finished the house of Jahweh at first and the wall of Jer. round about ; and
iv. 31: the house of Jahweh, his own h. and the w. of Jer,
? Heb. text ix. 156, 24, parallel to the Greek, x. 23 : house of Jahweh, h. of
the king, w. of Jer., and the citadel (Thy åkpav), to complete the fortification
of the city of David; cf. ii. 35e : and he built the citadel a defence upon it, he
cut through, or off, the city of David; 35f: thus the daughter of Ph. came up
from the city of D. to her house which he built for her ; then he built the
citadel; 35k adds that he built Gezer and other cities after he built the
palace, the Temple, and the wall of Jerusalem.
3 Heb. text, xi. 27, exactly translated at the same point by the Greek;
which in xii. 24b adds that it was Jeroboam who (under Solomon) enclosed
the city of David.
4 Wilson (Smith's D.B.(2), 1598a), following Josephus (viii. Ant. ii. 1,
vi. I), takes i Kings iii. I and ix. 15 as referring to two different buildings
of the wall of Jerusalem by Solomon before and after he built the Temple.
But in all its repetitions the statement is apparently the same.
Solomon and the Temple
71
reign; there is no reason to doubt it. It tells us first
that Solomon built or fortified the Millo. Had
The Millo.
there not been a credible account of the Millo
under David, we might have inferred that this was an
earthwork or dam to connect David's-Burgh, across the
intervening hollow, with the new citadel to the north.
But the account under David leads, as we have seen, tº
the conclusion that the Millo was an earth-bastion or
solid tower on either the north-east, north-west, or at
the south end of the David's-Burgh, or perhaps a dam
across the Central Valley. It is significant that the
Greek translators call it 'the Akra,' the name of the
citadel which in Greek times occupied the site of the
David's-Burgh.2 Further, Solomon stopped the breach of
the David's-Burgh, which we are unable to define except
as a gap left by David in the fortifications of his citadel.
And, lastly, he built the wall of Jerusalem round about.
Did this run round the East Hill only, or include in
whole or part the South-west Hill? Josephus
The Wall
regards it as identical with his First Wall, round about
which from the Temple-cloisters crossed the de
Tyropæon, ran up the northern edge of the South-west
Hill to 'the Tower of David,' and thence round that Hill
to Siloam ;3 and many moderns accept the identification
Dr. Guthe doubts if it was Solomon who carried the
northern stretch of this wall across the Central Valley,
and thinks that the circumvallation ran round the slopes
of the South-west Hill, to which he believes) the name
alem.
Dr. Bliss suggests that the south-west angle of Solomon's
1 Above, p. 40 f. ; but some think it unhistorical. 2 Vol. i. 156 ff,
3 v. B.J. iv. 2.
4 Hauck's R.-E. viii. 678.
72
Jerusalem
fortifications was "Maudslay's Scarp,'traces their line
thence soith-east on another scarp he uncovered to a
rectangular wall above the Central Valley, and infers a
continuation to the present Burj-el-Kibrit, and so across
the valley to the East Hill.1 On these theories Solo-
mon's wall enclosed either the whole or the northern part
of the South-west Hill, a conclusion in itself by no means
improbable ; for in that direction, as we have seen, must
have spread the undoubted increase of the population.
Still, it is possible that this was accommodated in suburbs.
None of the remains recovered on the South-west Hill
are recognisable as Solomon's. It has not been proved
that the name Jerusalem was confined in early times to
that Hill. And we ought to observe that none of the
statements quoted above afford the slightest evidence
for the inclusion of the Hill, or of any part of it, within
Solomon's wall. On the contrary, this wall is associated
by them only with buildings on the East Hill; and all
they appear to prove is that the wall ran round both the
David's-Burgh with the houses which covered the rest of
the ridge falling to Siloam, and the new buildings which
Solomon had erected to the north upon the same East
Hill. In that uncertainty we must leave the question.
An exact appreciation of Israel's religion under Solo-
mon is one of the hardest tasks that await their
Religious historian; requiring as it does the difficult
Problems of it;
Solomon's
f justice which is due alike to the high spiritual
Reign. rank the religion had already attained, and
to those facts, which conflict or seem to conflict with
this, in the text of Solomon's annals: the little ethical
1 Vol. i. 213 ff., 218. See especially 1 Kings iii. 1.
Solomon and the Temple
73
emphasis found in the oldest parts of that text, the
evidence of elements in the national worship alien to
its higher spirit; and the tradition of some doubt or
even controversy among the prophets as to the Divine
will regarding the Temple itself. We want to know
what features of high and permanent value the religion
already displayed; what Solomon and his Temple con-
tributed to its subsequent development; and what ruder
elements, either surviving in the ritual from its racial
origins or perhaps introduced by Solomon from neigh-
bouring nations, had to be thrown out of it, as in later
centuries the prophets became more conscious of the real
character of the religion. But for reasons already stated
—the mixed style of the narrative and the obscurity
which rests on Solomon's own character-all these are
difficult to estimate.
Some points indeed are sufficiently clear. The Temple
was built in the Name and at the Word of Jahweh
alone. No other god was worshipped there. Israel's
Nor was He represented by any image. The Creed,
Ark, which from the days of Sinai He was believed to
inhabit, was reverently laid in the darkness of the
inner chamber, and towards this empty shrine wrapt
in gloom the people, gathering on the sunlit court out-
side, worshipped as towards His Presence and the seat
of His Power. On the day of Dedication (we are told),
when the priests had deposited the Ark, and while a
cloud immediately filled the empty House, Solomon pro-
nounced certain words expressive of the nature of the
God who had chosen it for His dwelling. Of this solemn
utterance the Hebrew text has preserved only a part,
but the Greek version yields us the whole-two couplets
74
Jerusalem
marked by the elliptic diction, the rhythm and the
parallelism which are characteristic of Hebrew poetry :-
The Sun hath Jahweh set in the Heavens
But Himself hath decreed to dwell in the Darkness.
Build Me a House, a Homestead for Me,
To inhabit for ever.
The second of these couplets is rendered by the Hebrew
as if it were Solomon's answer to the first:-
I have built thee a House, an Abode,
Seat of Thy Habitation for ever.
The great antiquity of this verse is assured by a note
in the Greek version which says that it is taken from
the Book of Jashar,- the same to which we owe David's
incomparable elegy on Saul and Jonathan. The four
lines are therefore very precious : Israel's Creed, when
they had built their Temple and assembling before it
under the open heaven, lifted their hearts not thither
but towards the dark and empty cell in front of them.
The sources of this Creed are simple and significant,
Nature and the Word: man's constant resorts for the
knowledge of God, reacting upon, explaining and supple-
menting each other. Upon the one is manifest His
creative power, the Sun hath Jahweh set in the Heavens.
The other affirms His distinctness from all that is seen,
His invisibleness and His inscrutable nature. He hath
1 The Hebrew, which omits the first of the four lines, is found in 1 Kings
viii. 12, 13. The Greek, giving all four lines, is inserted after verse 53.
See Wellhausen, Comp. des Hexateuchs, etc., 271; Cheyne, Origin of the
Psalter, 193, 212; Benzinger, Burney and Skinner in loco.
2 Greek : v BiBalw tîs woñs=7903 ; but as Wellhausen suggests,
transposing two letters, we ought probably to read 70177 7500. This,
of course, does not prove that Solomon himself uttered the words, but it
ensures at least that they cannot be later than the age immediately after him.
TT-
.
Solomon and the Temple
75
said—this term is the simplest in the language-He hath
said He will dwell in the Darkness. Without form He
has formed all things. Maker of the light, His home
is the cloud. His Power is high as heaven, but His
Presence and local habitation are with men. These are
the abiding antitheses of religion for which we still seek
an adequate expression. Obedient to the Word, Israel,
in contrast with all the peoples about them, have made
no image of their God, but within and around His
imageless shrine they have planted certain and
symbols or mythical types, of which we Symbols.
cannot say whether they had all descended from an
earlier stage of the national religion or whether some
of them were now borrowed by Solomon from his
Canaanite neighbours. These are the two Cherûbîm
towering above the empty Ark, the other Cherûbîm
carved on the walls of the sanctuary, the Bronze Serpent,
the position of which is unknown, the two Pillars in the
Temple-Porch, and the Bronze Sea upon its twelve Bulls.
As with the origin of these so with their meaning, we
cannot tell what exactly they typified. Nor, perhaps,
could the worshippers themselves, beyond some vivid
suggestion of the various forms and forces of life which
were at the command of the unseen Deity. The Cherubs
are evidently intended as guardians or supporters of His
Presence. The Bronze Serpent is said to have been a
i No satisfactory etymology has been found for the name Kěrůb (cherub)
either in Hebrew or any other language. The Hebrew idea of them greatly
altered in the course of the history. As here, so in the Paradise story they
are conceived as guards, and further associated with fire (Gen. iii. 24). So
in Ezek. xxviii. 13 f. 16. In Ezek. i., X. the conception seems influenced
by the Babylonian winged, human-headed bulls, which also stand as guards
or sentinels. In Ps. xviii. 9, 1o the Kerûbîm are parallel to the storm-
clouds or winds; the Deity rides on them. In the Apocalyptic literature
76
Jerusalem
relic of the days and acts of Moses; but in accordance
with Canaanite ideas Israel came to 'impute to it a
special divinity and to offer it the smoke of their
sacrifices.'1 Pillars, like the two in the Temple-Porch,
had been a part of Israel's ritual, as of that of every
Semitic people, from the earliest times; and we have
already seen the probability that the Bronze Sea on the
twelve Bulls represented the subjection of the forces of
nature to the Deity. All these symbols, along with the
Ark itself, disappeared gradually from the worship of
Israel. The Bronze Serpent was removed by Hezekiah's
reformation, the Bulls by the sordid necessity of another
king for their bronze; the Sea was replaced by a
Laver; the Pillars were forbidden by the Deuteronomic
Law. All were evidently found incompatible with the
spiritual growth of the religion. In Solomon's time they
represented those 'beggarly rudiments' from which the
progressive faith of Israel had not yet shaken itself free.
We cannot fail to notice that the Creed attributed to
Solomon gives expression to neither of the two elements
Ethical Ques- which, from other sources, we know to have
tions.
been already powerful in the religion of the
people—the historical and the ethical. Nothing is said
of the great events by which Jahweh had made Him-
self known to Israel as their God; and nothing of the
conduct which He required of them. This silence is
curiously abetted by the rest of the older texts. Though
the prophet Nathan, who had rebuked the sin of David,
they are, with the Seraphim and the Ophannim, the angels of power (Enoch
lxi. 10 ff.; cf. xx. 7), guardians of the Divine Throne (lxxi. 7). Some have
associated the early Hebrew form with that of the Hittite griffin (Cheyne,
art. “Cherub,' Enc. Bibl.).
1 2 Kings xviii. 4. 2 Above, pp. 65 f. 3 Above, pp. 64, 66.
Solomon and the Temple
77
was among the forces which made Solomon king, there
is no mention of prophetic influence throughout the rest
of the latter's reign; and the only historical or ethical
references which occur are those found in the great
addresses attributed to Solomon at the Dedication of
the Temple. That these, as they stand, are the work
of some centuries later cannot be doubted; they are
written throughout from the Deuteronomist's standpoint
wrong to suppose that he had no authentic material from
which to elaborate them. As remarked above, both the
historical and ethical elements were already developed
in the religion of Israel, and we cannot believe that the
consciousness of either was absent from the men who
built the Temple or that it failed to find some ex-
pression on so great a festival as that of the Dedication.
But it would be precisely such an expression on which
the Deuteronomist would sympathetically fasten, and
on which he would naturally bestow a more elaborate
form.
Even while imputing to the aged king a serious de-
linquency from the virtue of his youth, the Deuteronomist
nowhere asserts that Solomon himself sacri-
The Presence
ficed to another god than Jahweh. Nor are of other Cults
in Jerusalem.
there ascribed to Solomon any of the horrors
which more than one of his successors imported from
Canaanite faiths into the national worship: neither the
sacrifice of children nor the orgies of the kedeshim. But
we have no reason to doubt the substance of the tradi-
tion1 that Solomon provided shrines in Jerusalem for
many foreign deities. This was the inevitable conse-
1 Elaborated by the Deuteronomist in 1 Kings xi. 1-13.
i
1
78
Jerusalem
S
quence, according to the ideas of the time, of the king's
treaties with monarchs of other faiths, his marriages with
their daughters, and his trade with their merchants. It
implies, of course, not only a conception of religion still
below a perfect monotheism, but an evil effect upon
the man whom his policy forced to it. The king, how-
ever exclusively he had dedicated the Temple to the
God of Israel, could not live with so many wives nor
provide for so many alien forms of worship without
himself deteriorating in character and without tempting
his people to that confusion of their own higher worship
with the other cults of Canaan, which was of constant
peril to Israel, but especially dangerous at a time when
the ancient Canaanite communities were being absorbed
into the nation.
As to the Temple itself, we are left in some doubt by
the conflicting reports of the motives which led to its
erection. One narrative recounts how pro-
Probable
Motives for phecy had at first conveyed to David the
the Erection
Divine permission to build it; and had then,
Temple.
in the same Lord's name, withdrawn this
permission on the ground that He had never inhabited
a House but had gone about in a Tent and a Taber-
nacle.1 Another asserts that Solomon explained to
Hiram how David could not build a House for the
name of his God, because wars were about him on every
side ;2 and similar is the reason given by the Chronicler,
that David's hands were stained with blood. These
three statements occur in texts which criticism has
good grounds for judging to be late. But in the second
of tbe
1 2 Sam. vii. : see Kennedy in the Century Bible.
2 1 Kings v. 2 f.
3 i Chron. xxii. 8 ff. ; xxviii. 2 f.
Solomon and the Temple
79
the description of so sudden a change in the Divine
purpose can hardly be a pure invention. It probably
preserves the memory that David's proposal had raised
a controversy among the prophets. There were two
opinions as to whether a Temple was right. Those who
objected to it may have done so with the instinct, which
afterwards developed into articulate expression, that to
conceive of the dwelling of so great a God as confined
to a house made with hands, was to contradict His true
nature. But their opposition more probably arose from
the feelings expressed by the narrator, that all the pro-
posed splendour was an innovation upon that plainer
investment of the Divine Presence with which the nation
had been content from the days of their nomadic sim-
plicity. And, indeed, it is clear that the converse was
at least one of the motives of Solomon in designing this
new departure. The erection of a Temple was part of
the imperial policy in which he imitated the greater
monarchs of his time. The Temple (as we have seen)
was upon a foreign model. It arose as one of a complex
· of royal buildings, and within the same walls by
which the king fortified his palace, his court and his
halls of justice. He himself sacrificed upon its altar,
assuming the dignity which afterwards belonged to the
priests alone. Not only did his foreign guards act as
its police, but there are reasons for supposing that they
also discharged the duty of slaughtering the animals for
its sacrifices. All this is so contrary to the later Jewish
systems, which carefully exclude foreigners from the
1 See Robertson Smith, 0.7.J.C. p. 262 n. 1. The phrase captain of the
guard literally means chief of the slaughterers, as altar is literally slaughter-
place.
80
Jerusalem
Temple and reserve to one priestly tribe both the
sacrificial offices and the duty of watching the sacred
courts, as to confirm us in the belief that in institut-
ing the Temple Solomon was also in no way moved
by the later policy of centralising the national worship.
In fact, the Deuteronomic editor admits that this cen-
tralisation did not take place for a very long time
afterwards. For at least a couple of centuries no
king proposed or attempted the removal of the rural
high-places at which Jahweh was worshipped. It will
be our duty to observe the first faint beginnings
of the idea, with their evident motives in the circum
stances of Judah's history. For long Solomon's Temple
did not even become the most important sanctuary of
Israel's God. About 750 the pilgrims of Northern Israel
not only preferred the more ancient shrines of Bethel and
Gilgal, but still passed by Jerusalem for Beersheba', 1 as
Elijah had done for Sinai.
But these facts must not be permitted to weaken our
sense of the influence of Solomon and his Temple upon
The Religious the subsequent religious development of
Influence of Israel. The Temple, not only because it was
the Temple. more imposing than any other in the land, and
was identified with the one enduring dynasty of the nation,
but because it preserved the shrine of ancient Israel and
a purer form of the worship of God than elsewhere pre-
vailed, could wait for that future which lay beyond the
calamities that were immediately to assail it. So far
Solomon was the pioneer of the prophets and the
Deuteronomists in the creation of the unique sacredness
of Şion and of the religious service which Jerusalem
1 Amos viii. 14.
Solomon and the Temple
81
has achieved for humanity. Nor was his share in this
history merely of a formal or material character. By
his peaceful reign and his organisation of the national
life Solomon provided opportunity 1 for the beginning of
those habits of reflection, the growth of that wisdom, which
tradition so generously imputes to him. To a reign which
has left such memories, the most sceptical historian cannot
grudge the rudiments at least of the reflective litera-
ture of Israel. And what food for reflection was furnished
by Solomon's Temple and his Creed! Both were pregnant
with those religious antitheses through controversy on
which the truth appears to be providentially developed
towards its fullest expression. On the one side the fact
that a local habitation was built for God the Creator,
and that this was believed to be His habitation for ever;
on the other side the fact that He chose to dwell in the
cloud, and that the inmost shrine of His Temple was
dark and imageless—these represent the two poles be-
tween which religious controversy in Israel oscillated
through Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, the Evangelists of
the Exile, the Priestly legislators and the Psalmists of
Judaism down to the conversation of Jesus with the
woman of Samaria and the speech of Stephen before
the Sanhedrin of Jerusalem. In his Temple Solomon,
like every other founder of a religious institution, be-
queathed to future generations the material for dogmas
that were superstitious and enslaving. But the history
will show us that at the same time he gave to their
purer worship and more spiritual conceptions the only
home and fortress in which these could come to maturity.
After all, salvation was of the Jews; and the sum of
On this see Ewald, History of Israel, Eng. Trans. iii. .
VOL. II.
82
Jerusalem
our judgment must be that if the religion of Israel
under Solomon had not yet escaped bondage to the
things which are seen, nor for many centuries to come
could do so, it had already the instinct at its heart
that the things which are unseen are the things which
are eternal.
CHAPTER IV
FROM REHOBOAM TO AHAZ
6. 933–720
THE period of Jerusalem's history upon which we
I now enter is bounded by two dominant events
which across it confront each other with
The General
opposite effects upon the fortunes of the Importance
of the Period.
City: the Disruption of the Kingdom about ""
933 B.C., and the Fall of Northern Israel in 721-720.
The Disruption of the Kingdom deposed Jerusalem
from her brief glory as the capital of all Israel, and left
to her only the small province of Judah and a Temple
whose reputation, in spite of its greater splendour and
purer worship, was still below those of more ancient
sanctuaries in the land. The Fall of Samaria restored
Jerusalem to the rank of the single metropolis of her
people, commanding indeed a smaller territory, but one
that was more compact and secluded, and about to be
endowed with the greater fame of the one inviolable
shrine of the true God. Between these distant and
opposite crises there came a long ebb and a gradual flow
of the City's fortunes. At first Jerusalem suffered addi-
tional despoiling and disgrace, but under the later of the
twelve monarchs of the period she more than recovered her
former strength. It would be wrong, however, to assume
83
84
Jerusalem
that the time of her sufferings was one only of loss.
Jerusalem preserved the Ark with its more spiritual cult
of the national God, and remained true to the dynasty
of David, the guardian of its bright and pregnant tradi-
tions. Thus both her misfortunes and her recoveries
during the period made for the glory of her future: the
misfortunes by the memories and the hopes in which
they disciplined her people; the recoveries by preparing
the material basis on which her unique holiness was to
be vindicated by the hand of God Himself. Some recent
historians have minimised the importance of Jerusalem
during the period of the Double Kingdom. They have
been moved to do so by a natural reaction from the
tradition that the incomparable sacredness of the City
was already realised under Solomon and by a just desire
to emphasise the influence of the prophets in the creation
of her greatness. But the duty of showing how slowly
this greatness came, and how essential to it were the
contributions of prophecy, cannot be properly discharged
without some appreciation of the political and religious
importance which Jerusalem achieved before the time of
the prophets, and of which their tributes to the City are
the strongest certificates. Whatever Solomon may have
done for Jerusalem, it is during the long and broken
period on which we now enter that we shall find the
first slow developments of that material and spiritual
grandeur with which the Prophets and the Law finally
endowed her.
I. REŅOBOAM : 6. 933-917
The Biblical history of the Disruption of the Kingdom
From Rehoboam to Ahaz
85,
crat
consists of two narratives. According to one which is
generally, but too hastily, assigned to a writer The Revolt
ammon the daoth of Northern
of Northern Israel, Rehoboam upon the death
of his father went to Shechem, where all c. 933-
Israel gathered to make him king.1 Did this narrative
stand alone, it would be evidence that in spite of
David's choice and Solomon's embellishment of Jeru-
salem the City was not yet regarded as the focus of the
national life, but that the latter still found a more natural
centre at Shechem.2 Such an impression, however, is
dispelled by another account preserved in the Septua-
gint. According to this Rehoboam had begun to reign
in Jerusalem before Jeroboam returned from Egypt on
hearing of Solomon's death, and went to Shechem only
after Jeroboam's appearance there at the head of the
revolt. Whether the negotiations between Rehoboam
and the northern Israelites took place before or after the
i
1 1 Kings xii. I ff. The addition, that at this time Jeroboam also came
to Shechem, which the Hebrew text contains, is not original, as we see
both from its omission by the LXX. and from the statement, in verse 20,
that Jeroboam was sent for and came to Shechem only after the revolt had
begun. This narrative has been assigned to a northern writer, both because
the blame of the Disruption is imputed by it to Rehoboam (hardly a suffi.
cient reason, considering that Judæan historians did not hesitate otherwise
to condemn the early kings of Judah) and because a Judæan writer would
hardly have allowed that the succession to the throne was decided upon
Solomon's death by the popular election implied in this account (nor is
this conclusive, for a Judæan scribe might be glad to record the popular
confirmation of a son of Solomon).
% See Hist. Geog. of the Holy Land, 119 ff., 332.
3 Swete's ed. 1 Kings xii. 24 A-%. This account is generally assigned to
a Judæan writer, as it opens with the usual formula for the beginning of
a reign of a king of Judah, assumes Rehoboam's succession as a matter of
course, and imputes the blame of the Disruption to Jeroboam. On the
whole question of the relation of the two accounts and their comparative
value see Skinner's Appendix, note ii., to Kings in the Century Bible.
4 Verse 24n (Swete). The arguments against this account by Kuenen
and Kittel are not conclusive. It appears the more natural.
86
Jerusalem
.
arrival of the former at Shechem is uncertain. The
result was that Rehoboam, discarding the advice of his
father's counsellors for that of his younger contem-
poraries, refused to lighten the burdens laid on the
people by Solomon. He answered the suppliants with
an insult, and wantonly aggravated this by sending
them Adoniram, who was over the levy. They killed
Adoniram, and Rehoboam saved himself only by flight
to Jerusalem. The Disruption was complete
The effect upon Jerusalem is clear. The City remained
loyal to the dynasty to which she owed her rank, and re-
Effects on tained her supremacy over Judah;1 but she
Jerusalem.
lem. was deprived of the resources, both religious
and commercial, which she had enjoyed under Solomon.
She still held the ancient shrine of Jahweh ; but Jero-
boam, whom a prophet of Jahweh had acclaimed as king
of Northern Israel, established His worship in two sanc-
tuaries at either end of the kingdom, a striking contrast
to the centralising policy of Solomon. The Temple 2 was
cut off from the vast majority of Israel, for the trans-
Jordanic tribes joined the Northern Kingdom. The loss
to Jerusalem was not only religious. The sanctuaries of
the time were its principal markets as well, and the trade,
which a monarch so vigilant for the commercial interests
of his realm must have included among his designs in
building the Temple, would be largely diverted from its
courts. At Bethel, which, besides possessing more
1 1 Kings xii. 20: the tribe of Judah only. This is confirmed by the list
of cities fortified by Jeroboam ; they are all in Judah (2 Chron. xi. 5 ff.).
Thus the words and the tribe of Benjamin in i Kings xii. 21 must be a later
addition.
2 It is uncertain how much adhesion the Temple had secured among
Northern Israelites in Solomon's time.
3 Vol. i. 354.
From Rehoboam to Ahaz
87
1
ancient religious associations than Jerusalem, stood near
the junction of two trade routes, Jeroboam instituted at
harvest-time a great festival which would also be a great
fair. This was only twelve miles from Jerusalem, and
in times of peace would attract, by its double tempta-
tion, numbers of traders from Judah.2 Jerusalem, too,
had lost the sumptuousness of her court. The low
morale of the City under these losses may be judged
from the spirit of the counsellors whom Rehoboam had
chosen, as well as from the abandonment of the campaign
against the Northern Kingdom which they proposed.
Prophecy had too emphatically blessed the secession for
any immediate hope of victory against it. The impres-
sion of this fact upon the people of Judah may even have
led to the formation of a party favourable to the North,
unless the sympathies of those likely to join it were
alienated by the establishment of the images at Dan and
Bethel. In any case it was a shaken and dispirited
people in Judah who now faced inevitable war with the
larger and richer tribes that had broken away from them.
The state of war lasted sixty years. Soon after it
began Judah suffered in addition from an Egyptian in-
vasion. This was the first of many warnings Invasion of
to Israel of the necessity of her union, for su
Egypt, though in possession of the Philistine Egypt.
coast, had not dared to attack the united kingdom under
David and Solomon. But in the fifth year of Rehoboam
T
1 1 Kings xii. 32.
2 Cf. the appearance of Amos at Bethel; he may have gained his experi.
ence of life in North Israel and of the ritual at Bethel by his journeys as a
woolseller. Cf. The Book of the Twelve Prophets, i. pp. 79 ff. ; and Driver,
'Joel and Amos’in the Cambridge Bible for Schools, p. 105.
3 See above, pp. 52 f.
4 1 Kings xiv. 30 ; xv. 6, 16; xxii. 44.
ludab
88
Jerusalem
Shishak (or Shoshaķ), king of Egypt, that is Shoshenk I.,
of the twenty-second dynasty, came up against Jerusalem,
and took away the treasures of the house of Jahweh, and
the treasures of the king's house, and all the golden shields
which Solomon had made, and which the king's guards
used when escorting him to the Temple.1 It is not said
that Jerusalem was forcibly taken by Shoshenk, nor is
this necessarily implied by the Chronicler's account,
which adds that Shoshenk took the fenced cities of Judah.2
Shoshenķ's own list of the cities affected by his campaign
covers Israel as well as Judah, but his enumeration may
include cities which sent him tribute besides those which
he took by force of arms. Among them the name of
Jerusalem has not been deciphered.4 Rehoboam replaced
the golden shields by shields of bronze, and is said by
the Chronicler to have fortified a number of cities in
Judah. These were Bethlehem, 'Eițam (Artās, just south
of Bethlehem), Tekoa' and Beth-şūr (Bêt-şūr), all be-
tween Jerusalem and Hebron ; Hebron itself; Zīph (Tell
Zīf, south-east of Hebron), Mareshah, Adoraim (Dora)
1 1 Kings xiv. 25 ff. For Shishak LXX. B reads Eovoqkell, and says that
the shields were those which David took from the Arameans: 2 Sam. viii. 7.
The consonants of the Hebrew text of verse 25 read Shoshaķ.
2 2 Chron. xii. 4.
3 See W. Max Müller, Enc. Bibl., arts. ' Egypt,' $ 63 (with a reproduc-
tion of part of Shoshenk's list), and 'Shishak,' according to which the
enumeration of the northern cities 'merely means that the northern kingdom
was tributary; it is only the second half of the list which contains details
pointing to the actual conquest, and these seem to belong to Judah.' This
seems a more natural explanation than that given by C. Niebuhr and
Winckler (Gesch. Israels, i. 160 n. I) that the northern cities in the list
were conquered by Shoshenk for Rehoboam. Had the Misraim to which
Jeroboam fled been the Arabian Musri, as Cheyne argues (cf. the art.
‘Shiskak'; cf. Winckler, Gesch. ii. 273), it is difficult to see why Shoshenk
should have interfered so partially with the two kingdoms.
4 But see vol. i. 268.
52 Chron, xi. 5 ff.
From Rehoboam to Ahaz
89
and Lakīsh, all guarding the approaches to Hebron from
the south ; Soko, 'Adullam, Gath and 'Azeķah, all on or
near the border between the Shephelah and the hill-
country of Judah ;1 Şor'a and Ayyalôn commanding two
passes to Jerusalem from the coast. This list, in con-
trast with that of the cities fortified by Solomon, exhibits
how shrunken was the territory of which Jerusalem was
now the capital. On the east her connection with Jericho
was severed; and Jericho, if we may judge from the
care which so many invaders of Judæa took to possess it
before advancing on Jerusalem, was always a convenient
source of supplies for the latter. No cities to the north
of Jerusalem are mentioned on the list. In Rehoboam's
time that border must have been drawn immediately
above Jerusalem. Her own walls confronted it without
any intervening fortress.
TV
1
mic editor passa three years,& me daughter of
2. ABIYAH: 6.916-914
After a reign of seventeen years, Rehoboam was suc-
ceeded by Abiyah, his son by Maakah, the daughter of
Absalom. Abiyah reigned three years. The War with
Deuteronomic editor passes on this king an N. Israel.
adverse judgment, which is explained by the first acts of
his successor. War continued between him and Jero-
boam. The Chronicler gives a detailed account (which,
to say the least, is much coloured by the circumstances of
a later age) 5 of a battle between Abiyah and Jeroboam
1 Hist. Geog. of the Holy Land, 205 ff.
2 The position of Hebron on the list--last, both in the Hebrew and in the
LXX.--is curious.
3 Above, pp. 55 f.
4 i Kings xv. 1-8. The Hebrew text spells the name Abiyam; but Abiyah
is confirmed by the LXX., 'Allov, and by 2 Chron. xiii. 1. On Maakah see
the commentaries.
52 Chron. xiii. 2 ff.
90
Jerusalem
at Şemaraim, near Bethel, in consequence of which
Abiyah was able to push his frontier north to Bethel,
to Jeshana, probably the present 'Ain Sīnīyeh, and to
Ephron or Ephraim, the present et-Taiyibeh. Abiyah
was not able to keep these cities, for under his successor
the frontier appears south of Ramah.
Reforms.
3. ASA : 6913-873
Abiyah was succeeded by his son 2 Asa, who is said to
have reigned over forty years, the round number for a
generation. The first record of his reign is
First
Religious one of religious reform. He removed the idols
which his fathers had made, along with an
image erected by the Queen-mother, Maakąh. He did
not remove the high places, or local sanctuaries of Jahweh,
but he gathered into the Temple the holy things which he
and his father had dedicated. The text calls the image
erected by Maakah a horrible or grisly 4 thing belonging
to an Asherah; but grisly thing may be a substitute for a
word which either moral or religious delicacy forbade the
later scribes to write. Asa cut down the thing and burned
it at the Kidron. This record is from the Deuteronomic
editor, but as the reforms described in it fall short of the
Deuteronomic standard, it must be founded on an earlier
source, and we have no reason to doubt the details.
They illustrate the congenital and obdurate heathenism
1 Cf. Josephus, xiv. Ant. xv. 12.
2 As Asa's mother is given the same name as Abiyah's, Maakah the daughter
of Absalom (1 Kings xv, 2, 10), some would read brother for son in verse 8.
Alternatively Maakah, the mother of Abiyah, continued to enjoy the rank of
Queen-mother in the beginning of Asa's reign. Or there is a confusion of
the two names.
3 1 Kings xv. 9-15.
4 LXX. cúvodos ; Jerome, a phallic object.
From Rehoboam to Ahaz
91
with which Ezekiel charges Jerusalem. The original
Jebusite population remained among their Hebrew con-
querors; and their ritual, as of gods of ancient association
with the place, must have been a constant temptation to
the latter. That it was native gods whose idols Asa
removed is confirmed by the survival to a later age of the
foreign cults established by Solomon in connection with
his trade and treaties with the Phænicians and other
nations. The most interesting detail, however, is Asa's
gathering of holy things to the Temple. These must
have been brought from other sanctuaries. Was this
done for their greater security? Or may we see in the
fact the first step towards that gradual centralisation of
the worship which the Deuteronomic reform was to con-
summate? In this connection we notice that, according
to the Chronicler, Asa attracted to the purer worship of
the Temple a number of the Northern Israelites. This
is very probable.
The political events of Asa's reign are mainly taken
from the early annals both of Judah and Israel.2 In
Northern Israel Jeroboam was succeeded for Successful
two years by his son Nadab, who while laying Campaigns.
siege to Gibbethon, a Philistine town, was slain by
Ba‘sha, of the house of Issachar, and Ba'sha carried on
the war both against Judah and the Philistines. Against
the former he fortified Ramah of Benjamin, five miles north
of Jerusalem, that he might not suffer any to go out or
1
VU
1 2 Chron. xv. 9 ff.
2 Judah, 1 Kings xv. 16-22; Israel, id. 27-29a ; xvi. 9-11, 156-18, 21-24
(except 23). The other verses are from the Deuteronomic editor.
3 1 Kings xv. 27 : a frontier town of Dan, Josh. xix. 44 ; xxi. 23.
* According to i Kings xvi. 15, Gibbethon was still besieged by Israel
when 'Omri rose to take the crown,
92
Jerusalem
come in to Asa king of Judah. To relieve the pressure,
Asa stripped the Temple and his own house of their
silver and gold, and sent this to Ben-hadad of Damascus
to bribe him to break his league with Israel. Ben-hadad
invaded the northern provinces of Israel; and when
Ba'sha in consequence suspended the fortification of
Ramah, Asa carried off the material and fortified there-
with Geba' of Benjamin--either Geba' on the natural
frontier formed by the valley of Michmash, or Gibe'ah,
three miles from Jerusalem :_and Mizpah, either the
present Neby Samwīl 4 or Scopus on the north road.
Jerusalem had now these screens between her and the
frontier of Israel, yet Asa did not dare to carry his arms
across the latter, not even during the civil war which
followed the overthrow of Ba'sha's dynasty. According
to the Chronicler, Asa won a decisive victory over Zerah
the Kushite, near Mareshah, and pursuing him to Gerar
took much spoil. These invaders, who are usually under-
stood to have been the Ethiopian Kushites, were more
probably from Arabia, where there were tribes of the
name. The booty taken from them points to their being
Arabs. If this was so, then we see the first of many
Arab failures to invade Judah from the south. Fortified
towns which yielded to more civilised invaders proved a
sufficient screen to Jerusalem against the Nomads; and,
near as she lay to the Desert, no Arab invasion reached
1
2 The present Geba' on the Wâdy Suweinit.
3 Tell el-Ful.
1 xv. 16 f.
4 In whose neighbourhood we find a fortification, Bethome (Beitung?), in
the days of Alexander Jannæus.
5 xvi. 9-22.
6 2 Chron. xiv. 8-14. The Hebrew text says that the battle took place in
the glen of Șephathah, i.e. nnay for which the LXX. read 7Jby katà Boppây,
to the North of.
From Rehoboam to Ahaz
93
her walls 1 till the time of the Hasmoneans, when the
Nabateans, aided by a force of Jews, besieged the Holy
City.
Asa lived through the reign of 'Omri and saw the genius
of the latter create from its foundations the one city
which was to prove, in history as in prophecy, The Rise of
the counterpart and rival of Jerusalem. It is Samaria.
remarkable how from the beginning Shechem disappeared
out of the politics of Northern Israel. The geographical
centre of the whole land, on the main trade route across
the Western Range, and endowed with abundant fertility,
Shechem appears to have lost her supremacy through the
military weakness of her site. When Jeroboam formed
his kingdom, he removed his residence from Shechem to
Tirzah, commanding one of the eastern avenues to his
land; and Tirzah was retained as their capital by the
following dynasty. But 'Omri, partly because of his
alliance with Phænicia, crossed to the western face of
Mount Ephraim, and selected a new site on an isolated
hill at the head of the chief pass to the coast. He called
this, according to the Hebrew text of the Old Testament,
Shõmeron, which might be taken to mean the same as
the German Wartburg; but the Greek and Aramaic
forms preserve what is probably an older vocalisation,
Shamrain, from which the form Samaria is derived.3
The new capital rapidly gathered the Northern King-
dom under her lead the head of Ephraim is Samaria 4
n
1 Unless we take as historical, and as referring not to the Philistines, but
to the Arabs alone, 2 Chron, xxi. 16.
2 Hist. Geog, of the Holy Land, 346 ff.
8 LXX. B of 1 Kings xvi. 24, Zeuepwv, Eanuepwv; Aramaic, Ezra iv. 10,
17, Shamrain ; cf. the Samarina of the Assyrian inscriptions.
4 Isaiah vii. 9.
94
Jerusalem
lem,
---and gave her name to the whole of it. To the earlier
prophets of Judah Samaria was already the double of
their own Jerusalem, both in character and
Comparison
with Jerusa- in the consequent doom which their God sent
upon His people. That later prophecy should
remember her as Jerusalem's elder sister 1 is explained by
her position. Young and upstart as she was, Samaria
derived from the greater fertility and openness of her
surroundings a precocity of growth which lifted her above
Jerusalem in wealth and energy.
Grey, shrunken and withdrawn, Jerusalem must some-
times have envied the brilliance of her younger rival.
to the latter's Yet envy cannot have been the only nor the
advantage. prevailing temper of her people in this period.
Jerusalem held the Ark, was constant to her one dynasty,
and lay more aloof from the probability of invasion.
Samaria did not contain the principal sanctuary of her
kingdom,2 was the creature of a usurping dynasty that at
any time might pass away like its brief predecessors, and
besides had to endure, on her open and forward position,
one siege after another from powerful invaders. On
these facts wise minds in Jerusalem knew that their City
could wait, and nursed for her the promises of David.
They were inspired by the possession of a poetry, popular
and national, which not only, as in the Oracles of Balaam,
sang the glories of Israel undivided ; but signalised,
as in the Blessing of Jacob, the political pre-eminence of
Judah. It is certain that Judæan writers of the period
U
i Ezekiel xxiii. 4.
2 Which was in Bethel, Deut. xxxiii. 12 (see below, p. 96), Amos vii. 13.
3 It is hard to believe that the longer oracles of Balaam are later than the
days of Saul and David. "The Blessing of Jacob,' Gen. xlix. 1-27, is assigned
by Driver (Genesis, p. 380) to 'the age of the Judges or a little later,' by
From Rehoboam to Ahaz
95
were busy with new works. Among these we may place
the strong and spirited narratives of the reigns of David
and Solomon (obviously based on earlier documents), which
emphasise Jerusalem as the centre of the national life they
celebrate. Many also assign to this period the Judæan
constituent of the Pentateuch, the Jahwist Document,
and this breathes a more confident spirit, a firmer sense
of possessing the future, than the parallel northern
narrative of the Elohist. There is not, however, either in
the poetry or in the histories just cited, any expression or
even foreboding of that unique sacredness which future
events and legislation were to confer upon Jerusalem.
Whether or not the Book of the Covenant? was known
and obeyed in Judah at this time, the practice which it
sanctions of worshipping Jahweh at many altars was
recognised as freely there as in Northern Israel. His
high places were not yet removed. But though none of
the literature of Judæa predicts the Single Sanctuary,
it reveals the moral and political elements which were
unconsciously working towards the ultimate centralisa-
tion of the worship of Jahweh.
By the Northern Kingdom, Jerusalem at this time
seems to have been wholly disregarded. To begin with,
that Kingdom called itself Israel, flying high
Jerusalem
its title to be regarded as the actual people ignored in
the North.
of Jahweh. Permeated by a strong, self-
reliant temper, its annals and narratives do not even
Duhm (Enc. Bibl. col. 3797) to the early reign of David, and by Kautzsch
(Abriss d. Gesch. d. A.-7. Schrifttums, p. 142) to at least as early as
Solomon's reign, though he admits the possibility of a later date. See also
G. B. Gray, Numbers, pp. 313 f. Wellhausen and others, because of verse
23, date the blessing after the Aramean invasions. The collections of poems
known as The Book of Jashar and The Book of the Wars of Jahweh, used by
the Jahwist, were also in existence.
? Exod. xx. 22 to xxiii. 19.
96
Jerusalem
have afflicted Judah as well as Israel and Phænicia, yet
in his splendid story the name of Judah occurs but once,
and then casually as defining the position of Beersheba.1
When Elijah himself sought Jahweh, it was not the
Temple which was the goal of his pilgrimage but Horeb.
This is not to be explained by the probability that Judah
was already the vassal of Israel, and that the fugitive
prophet sought a shrine of his God beyond the influence
of Ahab. The truth is that for the prophecy of the
Northern Kingdom, Jerusalem at this time had no re-
ligious significance. If the Blessing of the Tribes (in
Deuteronomy xxxiii.), as its contents and spirit seem
to prove, is an Ephraimitic work from the beginning of
the double kingdom, its eulogy of Benjamin, as contain-
ing the dwelling of Jahweh, must refer to Bethel, for,
1
include the tribe of Benjamin in the Southern Kingdom.2
4. JEHOSHAPHAT: C. 873-850
It is not easy to estimate the effects upon Jerusalem
of the reign of Jehoshaphat. Owing to the char-
acter of the traditions we must deal largely
The High
Character of with inferences. Yet the general facts from
Jehoshaphat,
" which these have to be drawn are well
attested. The war between Israel and Judah had at
1 1 Kings xix. 3 ; but 2 Chron. xxi. 12 ff. records a writing from Elijah to
Jehoram (below, pp. 99 f.).
2 On the date of Deut. xxxiii. see the commentaries. Driver and others
incline to the reign of Jeroboam I.; Moore (Enc. Bibl. col. 1090) and others
to that of Jeroboam 11. The northern origin of the poem is universally
admitted, and indeed is very obvious.
From Rehoboam to Ahaz
97
last come to an end. Asa's efforts must have so far
strengthened the latter as to render the house of 'Omri
willing to enter an alliance. Had it been otherwise, so
ambitious a dynasty, increasing in wealth and political
influence, would hardly have consented to a relation in
which there was probably more equality between the
contracting parties than modern historians have per-
ceived. Athaliah, the daughter of Ahab, was married
to Jehoram, the son of Jehoshaphat;1 and Jehoshaphat
assisted both Ahab at Ramoth-Gilead and Ahab's son,
Jehoram, against Moab. It is true that on each of
these occasions the king of Israel made the proposal,
and that Jehoshaphat unreservedly complied. The terms
in which he did so are, however, no stronger than the
forms of Oriental politeness demand from an ally. As
leader of the smaller force Jehoshaphat took, of course,
the second place in the expeditions. But when Ahab's
second successor, Aḥaziah, offered to share in the voyage
down the Red Sea, Jehoshaphat was able to refuse him ;
and even on the campaigns against Aram and Moab he
is said-by, be it observed, records which are not Judæan,
but Israelite—to have shown a firm and independent
temper. Before the battle of Ramoth-Gilead it was he
who proposed to consult a prophet of Jahweh, and it was
by his repeated urgency that the true prophet was at last
found. On the Moabite campaign he showed a similar
insistence, and this time the prophet, who was Elisha,
consented to give an answer only for his sake. These
things testify to religious insight and force of character.
A Judæan record adds that Jehoshaphat completed the
removal of the immoral elements in Judah's worship
1 2 Kings viii. 18.
2 1 Kings xxii. ; 2 Kings iii. 4 ff.
VOL. II.
98
Jerusalem
which Asa had begun. He also maintained the supre-
macy of Judah over Edom, and used it not only for the
land-trade which Edom commanded, but in order to
launch a ship on the Red Sea.?
We may take the high qualities of Jehoshaphat as
indicative of the morale of Judah and Jerusalem at this
is time. Whatever lower elements remained, the
Government. City possessed an amount of piety and energy
which were preparing for her future. The Chronicler 3
indeed supplies an account of Jehoshaphat's reign accord-
ing to which Jerusalem must already have become a
place of great magnificence. His story has sometimes
and of his
the number of soldiers described as waiting on the
king 4 in Jerusalem--one million one hundred and sixty
thousand in all and because the organisation attributed
to Jehoshaphat has some features characteristic of the
Jewish constitution after the Exile. Yet there is evi-
dence that the Chronicler has employed older sources; 6
it is hardly possible that the personal names he cites
are inventions; and there is no sufficient motive to
adduce for his assigning to Jehoshaphat so thorough an
organisation of religion and justice if that monarch had
not achieved some results of the kind. Written law was
certainly in existence, and those who attribute to this or
1 1 Kings xxii. 46.
2 Ibid. 47 ff. The text reconstructed after the LXX. and the Hebrew
consonants reads thus : And there was no king in Edom; the deputy of king
Jehoshaphat made a ship of Tarshish to go to Ophir for gold, but it went not,
for the ship was broken in Ezion-Geber. So Stade and others.
3 2 Chron. xvii.-XX.
4 Besides those whom the king put in the fenced cities (Id. xvii, 13-19).
6 Wellhausen, Proleg. 2nd ed. 198 f. See above, vol. i. 379 n. 6; 387 f.
8 xvii. 7-9 and xix. 4-10 are parallel and independent accounts of the
establishment of the Law.
From Rehoboam to Ahaz
99
a previous period the Book of the Covenanti naturally
see in it the code which Jehoshaphat is said to have
promulgated and organised. Whether this was so or
not, we cannot be wrong in believing that under Jehosh-
aphat life and religion in Judah were inspired and
regulated as they had not been since the days of Solo-
mon. But every such achievement, however small, and
even if followed as this was by a time of reaction, must
have heightened the position of the City in the eyes of
all Israel, and trained the more serious classes of her
population in those ideals and habits which fitted her
for her future career.
5 and 6. JEHORAM AND AHAZIAH: C. 850–842
But the course of the purer faith was not yet clear.
Jehoram,, the son of Jehoshaphat, was married to
‘Athaliah, a daughter of Ahab, and intro-
A Reaction.
duced to Judah the idolatry favoured by his “
wife's family. The strange gods did not help him. First
Edom revolted, then Judah was invaded by Philistines
and Arabs.3 Libnah fell away,4 the king lost to the
invaders his treasure, his wives and his sons save one, 5
and finally himself succumbed to an incurable disease. 6
These fatalities must have strengthened the party of the
purer religion, and the impression would be confirmed
when, after reigning a year, Aḥaziah, the next king,
i See above, p. 95.
? It may have been in consequence of opposition to this that he found it
necessary to slay all his brothers and other princes of Judah. 2 Chron.
xxi. 1-7. In verse 4 for Israel read Judah.
3 2 Kings viii. 20 ff.; 2 Chron, xxi., 8 ff., 16 f. 4 2 Kings viii. 22.
5 2 Chron. xxi. 17. 2 Kings X. 13 ff. describes the brethren of Ahaziah
as slain by Jehu.
6 2 Chron. xxi. 18 f.
100
Jerusalem
was slain along with Jehoram of Israel by Jehu, the
fanatic destroyer of the worship of Baal.1
7. 'ATHALIAH: C. 842-836
In the Book of Kings we now encounter a series of
more detailed narratives of the history of Judah, and as
The fuller their stage is Jerusalem we recover that close
Records. and vivid view of the City which we have lost
since the days of Solomon, but which henceforth is visible
at intervals for some centuries. These records, which
are fragmentary,' may be supplemented from the narrative
of the Chronicler, who drew from the same sources. The
Chronicler has greatly altered the story in harmony with
the conditions of his own time, but he has preserved some
original data omitted by the compiler of Kings.
Our increased materials commence by presenting us
with the most perplexing event in the history of the
Perplexing dynasty of David. We encounter an apparent
of paradox. At the very time that the revolu-
Usurpation, tion in favour of the religion of Jahweh suc-
ceeds in Northern Israel, and the house of Ahab is
extinguished by it, in Judah, on the contrary, we see a
daughter of Ahab seize the throne, slaughter (as she
supposes) all the seed of David, and reign securely for
a period of six years. How was this possible? How
could Judah tolerate so long the one interregnum from
1 2 Kings ix. 27.
? Observe, for instance, in the narrative of the revolt against 'Athaliah,
2 Kings xi., how abruptly Jehoiada' is introduced, as if he had been already
mentioned. Plainly the compiler is here employing only part of the docu-
ments at his disposal ; see next note.
3 E.g. the Chronicler in 2 Chron. xxiii. has substituted for the foreign
guard, by whom, according to Kings, Jehoiada' effected the revolution
against 'Athaliah, the priests and Levites; but he adds in its proper place
what the editor of Kings has omitted of the original data, viz. who
Jehoiada' was: Id. xxii. 11.
Character of
Athaliah's
From Rehoboam to Ahaz
IOI
which her dynasty suffered ? Recent historians have
called the fact a mystery, but we find at least partial
explanations of it in three features of the revolt which
overthrew 'Athaliah, and which is described in detail by
the sources.
In that revolt a decisive part was played by a body of
foreign troops, called the Carians, whose presence was
natural at the court of virtually a Phænician
and its Ex-
princess, and by whose aid doubtless she had planation-
achieved her usurpation. Secondly, it is clear Elements in
the City,
that during her reign ‘Athaliah, whose name,
be it remembered, implies a certain recognition of
Jahweh, had left untouched His worship in the Temple.
This may explain the temporary acquiescence of His
adherents in the new régime. But, thirdly, the queen
had probably on her side a strong native party. The
policy of her house made for increased culture among
their peoples. It not only favoured commerce, but in
opposition to the conservative elements of Hebrew
society, as represented by the Rechabites, emphasised
(in accordance with the characteristic Phænician polity)
the City as the chief factor in the national life. There
were sufficient temptations to form a strong Athalian
party in Jerusalem. One of the most remarkable fea-
tures of the subsequent history is the ease with which
Jerusalem produced factions in favour of foreign influ-
ences. These not only meant a wider and a freer life,
V
1 Kari, 2 Kings xi. 4. In the consonantal text of 2 Samuel xx. 23 the same
name is used for David's bodyguard, but is corrected by the Massoretes to
Kerethi. It has been proposed by some modern scholars to make the same
correction in 2 Kings xi. 4, but it is more probable that here it is really
Carians who are meant: 'a famous mercenary people in antiquity' whom
‘it would not surprise us to find at Jerusalem in the days of 'Athaliah
(G. F. Moore, Enc. Bibl.).
3 'Athalyahu, 2 Kings viii. 26, etc.
102
Terusalem
and the
but were especially favourable to the enhancement of the
City at the expense of the country. Just as a strong
Greek faction existed in Jerusalem in Maccabæan times,
and was enthusiastic for Greek fashions which led to the
embellishment of the City and the exhilaration of her
life; so it is natural that among the Jews of 'Athaliah's
time there should be a Canaanite or Phænician faction
inspired by similar motives. The story of the revolu-
tion indicates that Jehoiada' feared opposition from the
City, and relied upon the people of the land.
But above all there was the personality of the queen
herself. 'Athaliah was the only woman who ever reigned
in Jerusalem till the accession of the widow
strong per of Alexander Jannæus in the first century
sonality of
the Queen before Christ. It is noteworthy that the
Phoenician race produced about this time several strong
women: Jezebel, 'Athaliah, Dido. The attractions of
the culture and the worship, which she represented, the
support she derived from foreign troops, and the security
which she temporarily enjoyed from rebellion through
her tolerance of the native religion, could not have
existed in so effective a combination without her own
strong capacity for organising. In themselves, therefore,
her usurpation and reign are perfectly explicable. The
one mystery is why Jehu, in alliance as he was with
movements like that of the Rechabites, which had a
strong hold on Judah, did not interfere with her. Pro-
bably he was too much engrossed by the attacks of the
Arameans.
In the revolution against 'Athaliah, we have the first
of those many outbreaks, mixed of priests, soldiers and
people, which have the Temple courts for their stage,
From Rehoboam to Ahaz
103
and so often recur in the history of Jerusalem. The revolt
was carefully arranged, but the disorder of the text
which describes it1 disables us from following
The Revolt
the exact details. The main features, how- against her:
its Plan.
ever, are clear. The author of the movement
was Jehoiada' the priest, who held hid in the Temple
the six-year-old Joash, saved by the wife of Jehoiada'
from the massacre of the rest of Ahaziah's children.
The priest's plan was to bring forward in the Temple this
sole survivor of David's house, to have him crowned
King, and then to put 'Athaliah to death. The time
he chose for this was the Sabbath, and the instruments
the soldiery: the Carians and other guards, who kept
both the Palace and the Temple. He secured their
Centurions, and arranged with these the details of action.
Here it is that obscurity falls on the story, the text
hovering between a statement of the usual routine of
the guard and directions for their procedure at the crisis.
Dr. Wellhausen elides verse 6 as a gloss, and explains
the rest as follows. He infers that on week-days two
divisions of the guard were at the Palace and one in
the Temple; but that on the Sabbath two were in the
Temple and one at the Palace. Jehoiada' planned to
bring out Joash on the Sabbath at that hour, at which
the two divisions who had come out from their quarters
in the Palace were relieving at the Temple the one about
to go in, and indeed verse 9 says that the Centurions
brought to Jehoiada' for the crisis each his men, those
coming in on the Sabbath with those going out on the
Sabbath. This implies that the Palace, where ‘Athaliah
lived, was for the time divested of the whole guard. The
1 2 Kings xi. 4 ff.
104
Jerusalem
explanation is at first sight plausible and has been
accepted by recent writers. But it is hardly credible
that in the ordinary routine of the guard all the force
should thus be periodically withdrawn from the Palace,
which, it must be remembered, was in those days still
the principal object of their duty. And although the
text is difficult, it seems to imply, in verse 7, that
Jehoiada' directed only two of the bands-defined as all
who come out on Sabbath and keep the watch of the house
of Jahweh for the king—to surround the young king
(verse 8). The remaining third has already been assigned
by verse 5 to guard the Palace. It is true that verse 9
states that the Centurions brought to Jehoiada' both the
men who turned into quarters on the Sabbath and the
men who turned out. But, as we see from the Septuagint,
the text of this verse is uncertain. In our ignorance of
the custom of the guard as well as of the stations assigned
to them ? we must leave the matter undecided.
In the story of how the conspirators achieved their end
Dr. Stade has seen the fusion of two differing accounts,3
ve one of which, 4-12, 186-20, reads the event
ment. as wholly political, achieved by Jehoiada' and
the royal guards; while the second, 13-18a, gives it a
religious character, brings into it the people of the land,
and adds ‘Athaliah's dramatic appearance in the Temple,
which the first ignores. This analysis has been accepted
by most recent writers, but it seems to me very doubtful.
To us it is easy to separate the political from the religious,
but what writer of those times would think of doing so ?
Surely not one who, on Dr. Stade's own showing, has
and Achieve-
3 2.A.T.W. v. 279 ff.
i So the LXX.
2 See below.
A E.g. Kittel, Benzinger and Skinner.
From Rehoboam to Ahaz
105
described the chief priest as the prime conspirator.
Why, again, was the Sabbath chosen for the revolt,
if not with regard to religion and the people? 1 Be-
sides, the supposed second narrative testifies in verse 15
to the soldiers' share in the transaction, and the first, in
verse 19, to the association of the people of the land
with the priests and the military. There remain the
two statements of 'Athaliah's death, in 16 and 20; but
these agree as to where and how this took place; and it
would be very arbitrary to suppose that the annalist, not
distinguished for his style, could not have thus repeated
himself. The story may therefore be regarded as a
unity, and the conspiracy as one which was—what such
a conspiracy in favour of the house of David against
Athaliah could not but beat once political and religious.
The movement started with the priest, and naturally he
took care to arrange for the support of the soldiers; but
he was evidently sure of the people of the land, and
probably he chose the Sabbath for his action in order to
secure their presence in large numbers. In verse 20 it
is said that the people of the land rejoiced, and the City~
observe how it is distinguished from them-was quiet.
We see, therefore, that it was against the mixed popula-
tion of Jerusalem, favourable (for reasons given above) to
'Athaliah and her worship, that Jehoiada' took his pre-
cautions. These were successful; the City did not rise.
The opposition between the City and the Country at so
early a stage of the history is exceedingly interesting.
As to the topographical details of the narrative, we
1 Except on what we have shown above to be the unlikely assumption that
all the guard was on that day assembled at one time in the Temple.
? The hypothesis of a double account takes these clauses to be harmonising
insertions.
1
106
Jerusalem
only learn that the passage of the king between the
Tope Temple and the Palace was made by a gate
graphical. called the Gate of the Foot-Guards.1 There
was probably also a horse-gate, whose name may be
disguised in the Gate of Sûr;2 but it was not neces-
sarily the same as the entry of the horses through which
‘Athaliah sought to escape. This is the earliest proof we
have found of horses being established in Jerusalem.3
1
8. JOASH: C. 836-798
The story of the Temple revolt is succeeded by one of
its administration and repair. The succession of records,
which have the Temple for their scene or subject, raises
a question which will be more conveniently answered after
we have examined this new addition to them.
Joash was brought up by Jehoiada' the priest, and, at
least so long as the latter survived, the king remained
Repair and loyal to the purer religion. The sanctuary of
Administra-
tion of the
- Baal was destroyed, and the only qualifica-
Temple. tion which the Deuteronomic editor makes
in his praise of the new régime is the one usual with
him at this date: the high places were not removed, or, in
other words, the worship of Jahweh was not yet con-
fined to the Temple. But the growing importance of
the latter, its increasing command of the popular regard
1 0877 hyv: verse 19.
2 Verse 6 : 770 yyw, for which the LXX. gives túan Tûr óðwv, and 2
Chron. xxiii. 5 Ti017 w gate of the foundation. For 730, DID has been
suggested. But verse 6 appears to be an intrusion.
3 See vol. i. 324 ff. and vol. ii. 56 f.
4 2 Kings xii. 2; the Hebrew text is ambiguous; the LXX., all the days
in which Jehoiada' the priest instructed him, is more explicit in its limitation.
5 2 Kings xi, 18.
6 2 Kings xii. 1-4.
•
T
T
· From Rehoboain to Ahaz
107
and consequently of the people's contributions, is well
illustrated by the story just alluded to. By this time
Solomon's buildings were at least a century old, and
dilapidated.1 'Orders were given by the young king to
the priests to make the necessary repairs from their
revenues. Besides offerings in kind, these revenues in-
cluded three classes of payment in the money of the
period, which was, of course, not coined money but
weights of metal attested by the king's stamp. There
were, first, assessments of individuals for religious pur-
poses; second, freewill offerings; and third, sin and guilt
moneys-quit-moneys, which probably covered omissions
in ritual as well as moral faults.3 Joash ordered that
the first two of these classes of revenue should be
devoted to the repairs ; 4 and directed the priests to see
to this individually — each from his own transactions,
takings or possessions (? the word occurs only here and
is uncertain 5). Such a direction implies at least the
1
1 2 Chron. xxiv. 7 imputes the dilapidations to 'Athaliah the malefactor and
her sons (LXX. ? priests).
2 2 Sam. xiv. 26. On the whole subject see above, Bk. II. ch. vii.
3 The atonement for these in the Levitical legislation was by sacrifices.
In the above list nothing is said of payments to the priests for their delivery
of the Torộth; cf. Micah iii. II.
4 2 Kings xii. 5 (Engl. 4) must be amended to read thus : And Joash said
to the priests, All the money of the hallowed things that is brought into the
house of Jahweh : the money that every man is rated at (read with LXX. 902
as a gloss referring כּסף נפשות ערבּוֹ ,and omit the next clause אַרף איש
to Lev. xxvii. 2 ff.) and all the money which comes into any man's heart to
bring into the house of Jahweh.
sinan 789 (verse 6 = Eng. 5). Following the Targum, the Eng.
versions render this from his acquaintance, taking the word 729 from the
root 72. But the word may be as naturally derived from , to ex-
change, give over or sell, and is so taken by the LXX., ÅTTÒ Tîs páoews
aútoû. Cf. the Assyrian makkeru (the same form as the Hebrew, with the
108
Jerusalem
TI
Joash.
beginnings of those individual and hereditary rights in
the Temple revenues which we know to have existed in
other sanctuaries of the time.1
But the arrangement failed. By the twenty-third year
of the king the priests had not repaired the dilapidations.
• Joash therefore arranged, with their consent,
Re-arrange-
ment by that they should resign their income from the
two sources above-mentioned and give it to
others to do the work. Jehoiada' set a box with a hole
in the lid on the right of the entrance to the Temple,2
and in it the priests of the threshold put all the money
that came into the Temple. At intervals, when the box
was full, the king's scribe came up from the Palace,
weighed the money, and gave it to those in charge of
the Temple business, who paid it out to the workmen in
wages and for the purchase of materials. The money
was confined to repairing the dilapidations; none of it
was used to provide vessels or ornaments for the House.3
The priests were allowed to retain the sin and guilt
moneys.
doubled middle radical) rendered by Delitzsch (Assyr. Handwörterbuch)
property,' possessions.' It is not improbable that the Hebrew had the
same general sense ; yet it may rather mean transactions. Enc. Bibl. col.
3843 suggests customers.'
i For Babylonia compare Johns, Babyl, and Assyr. Laws, Contracts and
Letters (1904), p. 215; and see above, Bk. II. chap. vii.
2 The Hebrew of 2 Kings xii. 10 (Eng. 9) states that the box was set beside
the altar on the right as a man comes into the house of Jahweh. But the altar
lay in the middle of the court; and 2 Chron. xxiv. 8, omitting mention of
it, says only that they set the box outside the Temple gate. . . . Stade,
following LXX. A, reads for paren, magan, the mașsebah; Klostermann
197pin anten Syx, beside the right doorpost. If Robertson Smith's argu-
ment be admitted, that the pillars, Yakin and Boaz, were originally altars
(Rel. of the Semites, Add. Note Z), this might be the solution. See above,
p. 64 N. I.
3 Verses 13 f. The Chronicler reports differently.
From Rehoboam to Ahaz
109
The story is instructive. The Temple is still a royal
sanctuary, and the king has the disposal of its revenues,
with the consent of the priests, whose interests
Royal Powers
are forming but not yet fully vested. The over the
Temple.
annalist does not conceal the negligence of
the priests, as the Chronicler does, who confines to the
Levites the blame of not carrying out the repairs. The
superior honesty of the lay administrators is emphasised.
With the king's hold upon the revenues we may take
the fact mentioned further on, that when Hazael of Aram
threatened Jerusalem with the forces which had swept
across Northern Israel and taken Gath, Joash bought
him off with the gifts which he and his predecessors had
consecrated to the Temple, as well as with the treasures
of the Temple and the Palace. These last included, of
course, the king's own accumulations of precious metals,
partly deposited in the sanctuary for security. But if
we may judge from the analogy of other ancient temples,
they also comprised the Temple funds, and deposits by
private persons. The sanctuaries of those days were
banks, and as other monarchs, when they drew upon such
stores, either afterwards replaced them or gave an equiva-
lent in land, Joash would doubtless do the same. This is
the third instance of the spoliation of the Temple to buy
off an invader or to bribe an ally.2
We can now discuss the question raised by these de-
tailed narratives which have the Temple for their subject
or for their scene. Are we to consider them
The Source
as borrowed from a work which was exclu- of these
sively a history of the Temple? Or do they
Records.
belong to the general annals of Judah? The former
1 2 Kings xii. 17, 18.
2 1 Kings xiv. 26 ; XV. 18.
IIO
Jerusalem
hypothesis, first advanced by Dr. Wellhausen, is much
favoured at present. Struck by the features which the
story of Joash's repair of the Temple and that of Josiah's
(chs. xxii., xxiii.) possess in common, Dr. Wellhausen 1
proposed to assign them to a pre-Deuteronomic history
of the Temple, and to trace to the same source the narra-
tives of the Temple revolt against 'Athaliah and of the
rearrangement of the altars by Aḥaz;2 as well as the
account of the building of the Temple and the various
records of its spoliation. Yet in a work written in the
interests of the Temple we should hardly have expected
to find the subordination of the priests to the king and
their gross negligence so explicitly set forth, as we have
seen them to be, in a section of the supposed book which
deals with the Temple only; while in others of the
alleged extracts the events treated—the Temple build-
ing, the crowning of Joash, and the murder of 'Athaliah,
the finding of the law-book, and the successive borrow-
ings from the Temple treasures—have not to do with
the Temple alone, but are of general political interest.4
We may therefore consider as insufficient the argument
for the existence of a special history of the Temple, and
as more probable the hypothesis that these detailed narra-
tives were drawn by the editor of the Book of Kings
from the national annals of Judah.
But if that be so, we have to infer the rapid growth
of the importance of Solomon's Temple. Of this growth
the records provide us with the most natural explanations.
i 4th ed. of Bleek's Einleitung.
2 2 Kings xi., xvi.
3 So also Kittel, Cornill, Benzinger.
4 Since the above was first written in the Expositor, April 1905, I find
that Professor Skinner also raises the second of these objections to Well-
hausen's theory, Century Bible, Kings, p. 343.
Century Bilraises the second Expositor, April
From Rehoboam to Ahaz
III
Influer
ce of
We see from them that the prominence of the Temple
is not the exaggeration of a priestly narrator, but the
solid result of causes which may be illus- Growing
trated from the history of other sanctuaries I
Temple and
in the Semitic world. For, first, the Temple Priests.
in Jerusalem was the king's; strongly situated in the
closest proximity to the palace and the garrison, which
rendered it a natural centre for political movements. The
stability of the Davidic dynasty ensured for the priesthood
a sense of security and an opportunity to form traditions
and rights which cannot have been enjoyed to the same
degree by the priests of the sanctuaries in Northern
Israel. But, secondly, the Temple, besides being the
royal sanctuary, had won considerable command of the
national life outside Jerusalem. The people of the land
came up to it, and the priests could count on their
adherence. Thirdly, the Temple was growing in material
wealth. Its treasures were accumulating, and when these
were taken from it to meet some national emergency,
they seem to have been quickly restored. To other
Temples, kings repaid their forced loans by gifts of
lands or new treasure, and that this happened also in
the case of the Judæan Temple appears from the fact
that there were always funds in it when they were required.
But, above even these royal and popular opportunities,
with all the training and influence in affairs which they
provided, the Temple priesthood enjoyed the inspiration
and the credit of the purer religion of which they were
the guardians. Everything points to the fact that in
politics, as in religion, they played a part similar to that
of the prophets of Northern Israel. It is certainly to
1 See above on the revolt against ‘Athaliah, pp. 104 f.
I I2
Jerusalem
for the
Deuteronomic
them that we owe the legal code and most of the other
literature of the period.1
We see then that the Deuteronomic exaltation of
Jerusalem was no sudden or artificial achievement, but the
Preparations result of a slow growth which took centuries
nomic for its consummation, and was due to a
Centralisation. multitude of processes, political and religious,
of which indeed we have only seen the beginnings.
The Chronicler states that after Jehoiada' died Joash,
enticed by the princes of Judah, forsook the house of
Jahweh and worshipped Asherim and idols.?
The rest of
the Reign of Prophets were raised up to testify against
Joash.
him, and one of these he ordered to be stoned
in the Temple. With this crime the Chronicler connects
the invasion of Hazael, emphasising the divine justice
of the penalty by recording that Hazael's army was a
small one compared with the great host of Judah,
and that it destroyed the princes of the people. The
Chronicler adds that the same crime caused a conspiracy
against Joash, who, overcome by disease, was slain on
his bed. The Hebrew text of Kings says that the
conspirators smote Joash in the house of Millo that goes
down to Silla. As it stands this gives little sense, and
the versions testify to so early a corruption of the text
that it is perhaps vain to attempt to restore it."
I See above, pp. 95, 98 f.
2 2 Chron. xxiv. 15 ff.
3 Cf. Deuteronomy xxxii. 30.
4 The Chronicler cannot have invented the story (so also Benzinger).
5 The readiest emendation is suggested by Lucian's version : at the house
of Millo which is on the descent (of Silla). Silla may be taken as a street or
way (Thenius = 77509); Assyr. sul(l)u. This would suit the southern loca-
tion for Millo (above, pp. 41, 71). Other Greek versions found no word for
the descent, and read Silla with an initial 'Ayin for Samekh, or even as Galaad;
cf. Winckler, Gesch, i, 178, who places the assassination in Gilead ; this is
improbable.
From Rehoboam to Ahaz
113
9. AMAZIAH: C. 797-789 or 779
The murdered king was succeeded by his son,
Amaziah: proof that the assassins had been provoked
not by hatred to the dynasty, but by what
Stability of
they regarded as their victim's personal fault, the Davidic
Dynasty.
whether in the surrender to Hazael or in the
murder of Zechariah. Amaziah, indeed, appears to have
owed his elevation to the assassins, for we read that as
soon as (which means not until) the kingdom was firmly
in his grasp he slew his servants which had slain the king
his father. It is noteworthy not only that a usurping
faction should thus find the house of David indispensable
to the kingdom, but that the dynasty should so bravely
show its independence of every faction and its ability to
punish even more or less justifiable assaults upon its
representatives.
This endurance of the dynasty is not the only relief
to the depressing tales of intrigue, tumult and blood-
shed, of which the history of Jerusalem at
An instance
this period so largely consists. The execu- of Ethical
tion of the murderers of Joash was signalised
by an innovation, which betrays the existence of im-
pulses-to whatever source they may be assigned
surely making for a higher morality. The editor records
that Amaziah did not also slay the children of the
murderers, and recognises in this his obedience to the
Deuteronomic law: the fathers shall not be put to death
for the children nor the children for the fathers, every man
shall be put to death for his own sin? The institution
Progress.
* Id. 5.
3 2 Kings xiv. 6 f.; Deut. xxiv. 16.
1 2 Kings xiv. I ff.
VOL. II.
H
I14
Jerusalem
of such a law is of itself proof that once Israel had
shared the opposite feeling of the time, that in the
guilt of an individual all the members of his family
were involved. Early society regarded the family as a
moral unit. In the absence of a law and of a public
opinion to the contrary, the passion of private revenge,
to which ancient jurisprudence largely left the punish-
ment for murder, did not hesitate to work itself out
upon the family of the criminal, as it still does among
the Bedouin. And it is easy to see how even public
justice could go to that extreme under the prevailing
idea of the moral solidarity of the family. In Israel
there were current during our period traditions of
how the children of criminals had, at certain crises,
been put to death for their fathers' crimes by the
supreme authority ; 2 and in the Book of the Covenant,
the only code of the period, there was no law to the
contrary. Deuteronomy is the earliest code which con-
tains such a law. We may be sure, too, that the editor
of the Book of Kings did not invent the story of
Amaziah's sparing of the murderers' children. He must
have found it in the sources from which he drew his
materials; and he hails it, as he does every other
approximation to the Deuteronomic standards. But if
the annals of Judah mentioned the fact, this can only
have been because it was recognised as something un-
usual; and that it was unusual is proved by Joshua's
execution of the family of Achan, by David's con-
U
1 It is not certain whether this feeling was universal in antiquity. In the
Code of Hammurabi there is no trace of the extension of the capital penalty
from a criminal to his children; but these could be sold into slavery for their
father's debts : $ 117.
a Josh. vii. 24. ff. ; 2 Sam, xxi, 1 ff.; 2 Kings ix, 26.
From Rehoboam to Ahaz
115
viction that he must surrender Saul's sons to the
vengeance of the Gibeonites, and by the slaughter of
Naboth's sons along with their father. We may, there.
fore, add this leniency on the part of Amaziah to the
symptoms which the troubled period reveals of the
presence of influences gradually elevating the social
ethics of Judah. The particular innovation was not, as
we have seen, inspired by the Book of the Covenant.
Whence, then, did it spring? From the king's own
resolution, or from his religious advisers, or from such
public discontent with the cruelty of the ancient custom
as would probably arise in the generally improved
ethics of the community? We cannot tell. But we
may be reasonably sure that thus gradually, and even
sporadically, many ameliorations of ancient custom
began in Israel, which were finally articulated and
enforced in such definite codes as form our Book of
Deuteronomy. The Spirit of the God of Israel, working
on individuals or on the general conscience of the com-
and baser elements of that consuetudinary law, which
Israel had inherited as a member of the Semitic race.
A code like the Book of Deuteronomy was not brought
forth at a stroke, but was the expression of the gradual
results of the age-long working of the Spirit of the Living
The vigour and the originality which this episode
evinces were next illustrated by Amaziah in defeating
the Edomites. The scene was the Ravine of Salt, pro-
bably the present Wâdy el-Milh, in the south of Judah.2
i See previous note.
2 2 Kings xiv. 7:) or does not suit the valley of the 'Arabah, which
Benzinger takes as the battlefield. He takes the Sela' as Petra,
--
cor
116
Terusalem
The Sela'. or Rock, which Amaziah took and called Yokthèēl.
can hardly have been the later Nabatean capital, Petra ;
which is probably not mentioned in the Old
Opening of
the Road to Testament. It was surely no chief town
the Red Sea.
de of Edom that fell to Amaziah, or else the
subjection of the Edomites to Judah would have been
mentioned, but rather some citadel guarding the road
from Judah to the Red Sea. Amaziah had sought to
open this road, and his success is proved by the fact that
its goal, Elath, was held and fortified by his successor.2
Elated by this victory, Amaziah sent a wanton chal-
lenge to Joash of Israel. Their armies met at Beth-
Shemesh. If this was the Beth-Shemesh at
Israel's vic-
tory at Beth- the mouth of one of the passes from the
Shemesh and
capture of Philistine country towards Jerusalem, Israel's
Jerusalem.
choice of such a point of attack on Judah
may be explained either by an alliance between them and
the Philistines or by the same tactics which led many
of the Seleucid generals to approach Jerusalem from the
Shephelah rather than upon a more direct road from
the north. But there may have been another place of
the same name on the northern frontier of Judah. In
any case, after defeating Amaziah, Joash did deliver his
attack on Jerusalem from the north-the first of many
recorded assaults on that side of the City where alone
the fortifications are not surrounded by deep ravines
and brake down four hundred cubits of the wall from the
gate of Ephraim to the corner-gate, probably at the north-
western corner of the City, and despoiled the Temple
and the Palace.3
1 As Buhl has shown, Gesch. der Edomiter, 35 ff. ? 2 Kings xiv. 22.
3 2 Kings xiv. 8-14, perhaps from an Israelite document.
From Rehoboam to Ahaz
117
It was perhaps in consequence of this defeat that the
people of Jerusalem conspired against Amaziah." He
fled to Lakîsh, but they sent after him and Conspiracy
slew him. Once again the dynasty of David a
survived the fall of its chief. Whatever the His death.
plans of the Jerusalem conspirators had been, all the people
Amaziah.
father Amaziah. In these events it is, perhaps, unneces-
sary to see another instance of the opposition we per-
ceived in 'Athaliah's time between the citizens of the
capital and the country population. But we may take
the opportunity to recall the different in-
Different
terests and parties which we have found Parties in
Judah.
moving in the history of Judah at this time.
These are the dynasty, the priesthood, the princes or
nobles of Judah, the populace of Jerusalem, the people of
the land, and, for a time, the foreign, heathen elements.
10. 'UZZIAH OR ‘AZARIAH : 789 or 779-740
With the moral and political factors in her life which
long and prosperous reign of 'Uzziah.
The editor of the Books of Kings records from his
sources but two events in this reign, the restoration of
the Red Sea port of Elath to Judah, to which
The King's
we have already referred, and the king's Leprosy and
Retirement.
leprosy. When this stroke befell 'Uzziah he
lived in his own house relieved of the duties of govern-
ing, and Jotham the king's son judged the people of the
1 2 Kings xiv. 19 ff., probably from the Judæan annals; but another writer
(id. 17) says Amaziah lived fifteen years after the death of Joash of Israel.
118
Jerusalem
land. At what date this happened we are not told. It
has been supposed that the variant numbers assigned
to Jotham's reign in 2 Kings xv. 30 and 33 refer-the
sixteen years to Jotham's regency during his father's life,
and the twenty to that plus the years of his reign after his
father's death. In this case ‘Uzziah resigned the govern-
ment about 755, for Jotham died in 735. But it is
equally probable that 'Uzziah did not resign till 750.
On the other hand, the Chronicler's account of the
reign is very full. Apart from his explanation of
“Uzziah's leprosy, which is obviously due to
The Chron-
icler's Account the influence of the Levitical system in his
of his Reign.
own time, and such details as the size of the
Judæan army (and perhaps the engines ascribed to
*Uzziah), the account is evidently drawn from earlier
sources, and is confirmed by what the prophets tell us
of the state of Judah at the end of 'Uzziah's reign.
According to the Chronicler, then, 'Uzziah made expedi-
tions against the Philistines, the Arabs in Gûr or Gerar,4
1 2 Kings xv. 5. The Hebrew text has nvann hida, which some of
the Versions (ancient and modern) render a separate house, others a house
of freedom (i.e. instead of being shut up with other lepers). Klostermann
emends n'van ihaa, in his own house, free or unmolested. But if we
accept this reading, it is most natural, both because of the clause which
follows (and Jotham the king's son was over the palace, judging the people of
the land) and because of other uses of vam to take it as meaning free from
the duties of government; cf. the use of won in Mishnic Hebrew, free as a
corpse is from the obligations of the law, or as Saul was by his death from
the kingly office.
2 2 Chron. xxvi.
3 Verse 6. As the building of cities by ‘Uzziah in Philistine territory is
questionable, it has been proposed to read 77083 7'y 7722'), 120w Jabneh
is a city in Ashdod; and to take Dimulaan as a superfluous gloss.
4 Verse 7. For Dyana Sya read D'Ann-Syr. Winckler (Gesch. i. 46)
From Rehoboam to Ahaz
I 19
and the Meřūnîm-all of them tribes upon the avenues
of Judah's commerce with the south. In the southern
desert the king built towers, the best means (as also
the Romans and the Turks have known) of keeping
the nomads in subjection and the desert roads open.1
And he hewed many cisterns, for he had much cattle in
the Shephelah and the Mishor or Plain, most probably
the level land at the foot of the Shephelah hills, and
vinedressers in the mountains and the garden-land, for he
was a lover of husbandry.2
In Jerusalem, according to the Chronicler, 'Uzziah
made some simple additions to the walls..
· "Uzziab's
He built towers in Jerusalem over the Gate of Fortification
of Jerusalem.
the Corner, that is on the extreme north-east,
and over the Gate of the Gains on the south of the City,
then proposes to read ga as the same name as Gari in the Tell el-Amarna
Letters (Lond. 64, 1. 23), which he takes as equivalent to Edom. 782,
however, may be a corruption of 77, Gerar, which is read by the Targum :
cf. 2 Chronicles xiv. 13. For Sya-7912 Kittel proposes Sya-, which
is found in Cod. Amiatinus of the Vulgate : in Turbaal.
I Cf. Doughty, Arabia Deserta, I. passim.
2 2 Chron. xxvi. 10. This sentence seems compounded from more than one
source, or at least to have had additions made to it, and is therefore as it stands
ambiguous. If the Hebrew text be retained, its accents must be discarded,
and O ax, without a conjunction, taken with the preceding and in the
Shephelah and on the Plain. But if with the LXX. we omit 0,2% as
well as the conjunction before navn, then the verse will run as given
above. The verse is interesting as giving the different kinds of land of
which Judah was composed. The Mīshör cannot be, as Ewald and Buhl
assert (Geog. des Alten Palästinas, p. 104), the Moabite Mīshor or Plateau,
for that lay outside Uzziah's domains, but either part of the 'Arabah south
of the Dead Sea or the level land at the foot of the Shephelah hills. The
latter is most probable because of the conjunction of the Mīshor with the
Shephelah. But if this be so, we have another reason (besides those given
in my H. G. H. L. p. 202) for confining the name Shephelah to the range of
low hills west of the Judæan range, and holding it to have been distinct from
the maritime Plain; this against Buhl, loc. cit.
3 Vol. i. 176 ff., 215.
I 20
Jerusalem
and upon the angles or turnings of the walls, and made
them strong. This is a notice credible both in itself and
from the great increase in building which distinguished
the king's reign. It represents a development of the
fortifications of Jerusalem which is well within the ascer-
tained achievements of the age in military engineering,
and which was probably forced upon the defenders of
Jerúsalem by their experience of the ease with which the
Israelite army had made a long breach in the northern
wall. From as early as the fourth millennium 3 Baby-
lonian engineers built the walls of fortresses with a
regular sequence of right angles, out and in, with heavy
towers over the gates and at the corners, so that the
besieged could command with their bows the foot of the
walls and prevent these from being breached by the
besiegers. The Syrian and other fortresses attacked
by the Assyrians in the ninth and eighth centuries are
represented, almost without exception, as polygonal."
Very frequently the walls are double or even treble, and
in general they are furnished with battlements, case-
mates and loopholes. But the main feature is the tower
projecting from the wall and manned by archers, who
shoot over its breast-work at the advancing foe. Of the
results of this long-developed science ‘Uzziah's engineers
are said to have employed the gate towers and the flank-
ing towers at angles where the walls turned round the
1 2 Chron. xxvi. 9. The Hebrew has the singular, but the LXX. gives
the more probable plural, angles.
2 See below, pp. 122 f.
8 See the plan of a fortress engraved on the lap of the statue of Gudea.
4 Die Festungsbau in Alten Orient, by A. Billerbeck in Der Alte Orient
series, 1900, Heft 4, pp. II, etc., with plans.
5 Idem, p. 14.
6 So in nearly all Assyrian and Egyptian pictures of sieges.
From Rehoboam to Ahaz
I 21
City or bent with the natural line of rock. Probably this
was all that was required on the walls of Jerusalem,
which for the most part were planted on the edge of
deep ravines high above the reach of breaching engines.
But it is well to keep in mind also the series of but
tresses, or forward towers, which Dr. Bliss uncovered
upon the most ancient of the lines of wall traced by
him across the mouth of the Tyropæon. “Uzziah's
flanking towers fully served their purpose. Where be-
fore his reign the comparatively small forces of Northern
Israel had made a long breach on the northern wall, the
only breachable part of the defences, after his reign the
engines of Assyria herself failed to effect an entrance. On
all these grounds we may accept the Chronicler's report
of 'Uzziah's fortification of his capital. We shall find
this developed by the king's immediate successors.
It is different, however, with the armament which the
Chronicler declares ‘Uzziah to have placed upon the walls.
And he made in Jerusalem engines, the inven- Engit
tion of an engineer, or ingenious man, to be on War (?).
the towers and the angles to shoot arrows and great stones.2
Benzinger thinks that the redundant expressions 'speak
for the age of this notice; at the time of the Chronicler
there were no more such marvels. It is true that nowhere
else in the Old Testament are such engines mentioned.
But since the Assyrians had them, they cannot have
remained unknown to the Israelites.' This reasoning is
doubtful both in its premises and conclusion. Billerbeck
states that the ancient artillery,' with its engines for
of
i See above, vol. i. 220 ff., and the frontispiece to Bliss, Excav, at Jerus.,
showing the restoration of the wall.
2 2 Chron. xxvi. 15.
I 22
Jerusalem
shooting arrows and throwing stones, first appears in
the fifth century before Christ.1 Nor can I find any such
engines pictured on the Assyrian or Egyptian pictures
of battles or sieges in the eighth or previous centuries,
and it is strange that if 'Uzziah had used engines the
prophets who describe other novel constructions of the
time should fail to speak of them. The next earliest
notice of shooting instruments in Jewish writings is
1 Maccabees vi. 51.2
The Chronicler also ascribes to 'Uzziah the organisa-
tion and equipment of a huge army. We may question
me of the the total number given, 307,500; but the
number of heads of families who had to
furnish the fighting men, 2600, is not improbable, and
the Chronicler cannot have invented the names of the
officials charged with the levy. "Uzziah re-armed his
host.
Those records of 'Uzziah's activity, in which we have
seen no inherent improbability, are confirmed by the
Great In evidence of the Prophets at the close of
crease of
Building
that monarch's reign. As we should expect,
under ‘Uzziah, there is a background of agriculture and pas-
ture to the pictures of the national life presented by
Amos and Isaiah. But against that background rises,
in a way novel in Israel's history, an extraordinary
enterprise in building 5_ the instruments and material
i Op. cit. p. 5.
2 The po of 2 Kings xxv. I and Ezek. iv. 2, etc., are towers manned by
archers and pushed forward on wheels or rollers.
3 2 Chron. xxvi. II-14.
4 Amos ii. 13, iii. 12, iv. 9, v. II, 16 f., vi. 12, vii. 1 ff., viii. 6. Cf.
Isaiah i. 3, 8, iii. 14, v. 1-10, 17, vii. 23, ix. 3, etc.
5 Amos iii. 15, v. II, etc. ; Hos. viii. 14; Isaiah ii. 15, ix. 10 (9).
From Rehoboam to Ahaz
123
of which are used familiarly as religious figures, while
one of the names, 'armôn, hitherto limited to royal
castles, is applied to private dwellings--with an increase
of all manner of wealth and luxury. But and
these imply a great development of trade; Trade.
and of this and of the tempers it breeds the Prophets
give us direct evidence. Amos describes an excessive
zeal in buying and selling. Hosea calls Northern Israel
a very Canaan, or trader. Isaiah says Judah is filled
from the East, she strikes hands with the sons of strangers,4
and mentions ships of Tarshish and caravans. The sins
of trade: the covetousness which oppresses the poor
and threatens the old religious festivals, false weights
and lying are exposed and condemned. Whether
‘Uzziah throughout his long reign remained under that
subjection to Northern Israel which was confirmed by
Amaziah's defeat at Beth-shemesh, or gradually advanced
to more equal relations with Jeroboam II., it is difficult
to say. In either case the two kingdoms were at peace,
and between them commanded the trade from Elath to
the borders of Phænicia and Damascus. So great a
commerce was in the hands mainly of foreigners--Arabs
according to Isaiah, and doubtless also Arameans.8
They must have brought into Judah many foreign
products and inventions; also a familiarity with life and
institutions in Assyria and Egypt. The armies of
Asshur had been as far south as Damascus and were
1 Amos vii. 7 ff. ; cf. Isaiah xxviii. 16, xxx. 13.
2 Amos iii. 15, iv. 4 f., v. 11, vi. 4-8; Hos. xii. 8; Isaiah ii. 7, etc.
3 xii. 7; cf. vii. 8, viii. 10. See vol. i. 369 f.
4 ii. 6.
5 ii. 16, xxx. 6.
6 Amos ii. 6, iv. 1, viii. 4 ff. ; Hos. xii. 7; Isaiah iii. 15, v. 8, 23, etc.
7 ii. 6.
8 Enc. Bibl., 'Trade and Commerce,' $ 51.
124
Jerusalem
still moving in Northern Syria. Isaiah describes the
aspect of their ranks; and through the other prophets
there beats the sense of their irresistibleness.
The effects of all this on Jerusalem may be easily
conceived. The City must have regained much of the
The Effects prosperity which she enjoyed under Solomon,
op Jerusalem. and despite her political separation from
Northern Israel may even have risen beyond that. As
through the rest of her history before the Exile, we are
without any data for estimating the number of her
population, and with very few for determining the space
covered by her buildings. But we have seen grounds
for the assurance that by this time, or at the latest by
Hezekiah's, the South-west Hill was within the City
walls. The passages quoted above from Isaiah imply a
large increase of the foreign elements in her population.
Many at least of these alien traders would be accommo-
dated outside the walls: most probably in a suburb along
the outer or second northern wall, which there is no reason
to doubt ran from the Corner Gate near the present
Jaffa Gate eastwards to the north end of the Temple
enclosure. Within the walls the inhabitants would be
more crowded than before, the buildings more numerous,
compact and lofty. Isaiah, as we shall see in the next
chapter, prophesies in presence of the characteristic
tempers of a large city life. In the national wealth the
Temple must have shared; its revenues would be rapidly
increasing. Thus, in every direction, the material, politi-
cal and moral forces, with which Jerusalem entered the
long reign of 'Uzziah, were greatly developed before its
close.
i Vol. i. 38, 177, 207, 218.
From Rehoboam to Ahaz
125
II. JOTHAM, REGENT FROM 755 or 750; KING 740-735
The only addition to the buildings of Jerusalem
ascribed to Jotham by the Books of Kings is the upper
gate of the Temple, probably the same as Further
Jeremiah's upper gate of Benjamin, and Eze- Building.
kiel's gate of the inner court towards the north. The
Chronicler adds that Jotham built much on the wall of
The 'Ophel. The position of The 'Ophel is clearly
determined by the data of Nehemiah and Josephus. It
lay on the East Hill south of the Temple and above
Gihon; and, as we have seen, was to the Chronicler and
other writers the name which they prefer for Șion.4
From an early time a wall ran up the eastern edge of
the hill, and this wall Jotham now strengthened, pro-
bably in the same style as that of his father's additional
fortifications.
1
12. AĦAZ: 735-720 (?)
The fortifications of Jerusalem strengthened by ‘Uzziah
and Jotham were speedily to be tested. The political
calm in which Israel and Judah had lived for
The uncertain
a number of years began to be disturbed soon advance of
Assyria.
after 745 by forces both from without and
from within. In that year the Assyrian throne was
ascended by a strong soldier who, under the title of
Tiglath-Pileser III., revived a vigorous policy of con-
quest, which, however, owing to the numerous directions
on which it had to be prosecuted, could not be steadily
1 2 Kings xv. 35.
3 2 Chron. xxvii. 3.
2 Jer. xx. 2; Ezek. viii. 3, ix. 2.
* See above, vol. i. 152 ff.
526
Jerusalem
Y
maintained along any one of them. For the next fifteen
years politics in Palestine swung upon the ebb and flow
of Assyrian invasion. In Northern Israel this oscillation
was aggravated after the close of Jeroboam's long reign by
the overthrow of his dynasty and the succession of various
short-lived usurpers. In 738 the second of these, Menahem,
became, along with some of his neighbours, tributary to
Tiglath-Pileser, then moving south on one of his Syrian
campaigns. But for the next three years Tiglath-Pileser
was occupied to the north of Assyria, and taking advan-
tage of his absence, short-sighted factions in all the Syrian
states dared to form a new league against him.
When Menahem died in 735, those in Israel who
sympathised with this movement slew his son, and, rais-
League of ing their leader, Pekaḥ, a Gileadite, to the
Aram and
inst throne, made alliance against Assyria with
Judah, Rěsîn, or Raşon, of Damascus. It seems to
have been Jotham's refusal to join them which stirred the
allies against him. But Jotham died in 735, and left
his son Aḥaz, or Jehoahaz, to face their invasion of
Judah, with its aim of displacing the king by a creature
of their own. Isaiah has himself described the panic
which ensued in Jerusalem under this danger to the City
and the dynasty of David. Now it was told to the house
of David that Aram was pitched in Ephraim, and his heart
and the heart of his people quivered as the trees of the jungle
quiver before the wind. Probably it was under this alarm
that the superstitious king made his son to pass through
the fire ;5 which can only mean a sacrifice by burning in
1 2 Kings xv. 37.
2 Id. xvi. 5.
3 Isaiah vii. 6.
4 Isaiah vii. 2.
5 2 Kings xvi. 3 ; LXX. reads sons, so 2 Chron. xxviii. 3.
From Rehoboam to Ahaz
127
order to propitiate the divine powers in some extreme
danger. Isaiah nowhere alludes by word to this horror.
But we may perhaps find the prophet's rebuke of so
awful a sacrifice to despair in his taking with him to
meet the king his own son, whom he also had dedicated,
but to hope, by the symbolic name She’ar-yashûb, a
remnant shall return. They met at the end of the conduit
of the Upper Pool on the highway by the Fuller's field. It
is the same spot from which in 701 the Assyrian Rab-
shakeh addressed his challenge to the defenders of
Jerusalem. It lay, therefore, outside the walls; note
also the command to Isaiah to go forth to it. Beyond
this we cannot tell certainly where it lay, but more
probably off the mouth of the Tyropæon than to the
north of the City. 1
Ahaz, when Isaiah found him, was probably inspecting
For the opposing arguments see vol. i. 105, 114 ff. On the one
hand, it is reasonable to seek for the Fuller's field in the Kidron valley,
where the only springs are found. Here the Upper Pool might be identified
with the inner of the two pools of Siloam, and the conduit with the rock-cut
channel leading directly to the Kidron gardens. We should then have the
explanation of the existence of the end of a conduit outside the City walls, for
in this case the conduit was for the purpose of irrigating the gardens. Or we
may take the Upper Pool to have been the basin into which Giḥon (the
Virgin Fountain) issues, and the conduit that which Dr. Masterman dis-
covered along the foot of Ophel. But, on the other hand, if the Upper
Pool and its conduit were any part of the system of Shiloah, it is singular
that this name is not given to them. Sir Charles Wilson thinks that the
conduit of the Upper Pool must have been on the north of the City, because
no general commanding an army would go down to the mouth of the
Tyropoon valley to parley with the men on the wall, but would speak to
them from some plateau on the north': this is not conclusive. He suggests
that the Upper Pool was one which in the eleventh century existed under the
name of the Lake of Legerius,' at the head of the Tyropæon valley, and
that the conduit was one on the east hill by which water was led from the
same locality to the Temple enclosure. In any case the Upper Pool can
hardly have been, as many have thought, the Birket Mamilla.
128
Terusalem
S
and the
the water supplies in order to prevent their use by the
and its
approaching invaders. Against these the forti-
Results.
fications of 'Uzziah and Jotham were found
sufficient. Syria and Israel came up against Jerusalem,
but were not able to breach or to storm it.' The in-
vasion, however, meant losses to Judah in other direc-
tions. The Edomites recovered Elath from the Jews,
and the Philistines took several towns in the Shephelah.3
The waters of the Shiloah are mentioned by Isaiah in
another address during the reign of Aḥaz: forasmuch as
this people despises the waters of the Shiloaḥ
The Shiloah
* which flow gently and ... therefore the Lord
Euphrates.
will bring against them the waters of the
River. As we saw in the study of the Waters of
Jerusalem, the Shiloah, which means sent or conducted,
must refer to some part of the system of aqueducts by
which the waters of Gihon were led to the mouth of the
Tyropæon. If the famous tunnel which still carries them
under Ophel to the Pool Of Siloam was the work of the
engineers of Hezekiah,5 Isaiah must intend some other
part of the system: perhaps the ancient channel traced by
Dr. Masterman along the eastern foot of Ophel. In any
case Isaiah takes the gentle and fertilising streams of the
Shiloaḥ as symbolic of the spiritual influences of Judah's
God, from which the people were turning impatiently to
seek their salvation through submission and tribute to
1 Isaiah vii. 1.
2 2 Kings xvi. 6, where with the LXX. read Edom for Aram.
3 2 Chron. xxviii. 18. The greater part of this chapter on Aḥaz is
obviously a very late Midrash on the history of Judah; but the section,
vs. 17-19, which is in a different style from, and disturbs the connection of,
the rest, is, as Benzinger says, ' at least not improbable.'
Isa. viii. 6; vol. i. 103 f.
5 Vol. i. 93 ff., 102.
From Rehoboam to Ahaz
129
m
hun imorodince the the Assyrian
Assyria. For such was the fateful step on which Ahaz
was resolved, and it brings us into that new period of the
City's history which is identified with Isaiah's name.
To raise his first tribute to Assyria, Aḥaz imitated
certain of his predecessors and despoiled the Palace
and Temple treasuries. Tiglath-Pileser im- Evil fruits of
mediately rewarded him by invading the ti
policy of
territories of his principal foes: the Philistines Aḥaz.
of Gaza, Northern Israel and Aram (734-732), who
alone of the Palestine states formed a league against
Assyria, all the others joining Aḥaz in his submission.
They doubtless relied upon help from Egypt, but in
vain. Tiglath-Pileser swept south as far as Gaza, which
he captured and sacked. Either on his way there, or
more probably on his return, he overran the northern
frontier of Israel, Galilee and Gilead, and carried the
inhabitants into captivity.2 Only Samaria remained to
Israel, and even there the discredited Peļaḥ was slain by
a conspiracy of his own people, whose leader, Hoshea',
ascended the throne as a vassal of Assyria. In 732
Tiglath-Pileser took Damascus,3 and thither Aḥaz re-
1 2 Kings xvi. 8.
2 Isa. ix. 1.
3 The evidence of the Assyrian inscriptions is as follows :-(1) The Eponym
Canon (see C.O.T. ii. 194 f.) records campaigns of Tiglath-Pileser III. to
* Pilista' in 734, and to Damascus in 733 and 732. Pilista' is either
Philistia, or (to judge from the following) Philistia and the neighbouring
countries (in this case a remarkable anticipation of the name Palestine).
(2) According to his Nimrud Inscr. (British Museum, K. 3751 ; published by
Rawlinson, W.A.1, ii. 67; transl. in R.P. sec. series, v. 120 ff. ; see also
C.O.T. 249) Tiglath-Pileser received tribute from (among others) the kings
of 'Ammon, Moab, Edom, 'Jehoahaz of Judah,' Ashkelon and Gaza. (3) His
Annals (227 f., see K.A.T.(3) 264 f.) record that Tiglath-Pileser overran a
land, supposed to be Bit Khumria (2.e. Kingdom of 'Omri, by which name
N. Israel was known to the Assyrians), and left to its ruler only Samaria.
(4) A mutilated fragment (Rawlinson, iii. 10, No. 2; C.O.T. i. 246 f.) records
that Tiglath-Pileser took two towns, ‘Ga-al . . . and . . bel . .' (Gilead
VOL. IT.
130
Jerusalem
-
paired to do him homage., Anxious as a vassal to imi-
tate his lord, and impressed by an altar which he saw in
Damascus, he sent the pattern to Uriyah, the priest at
Jerusalem, had one like it constructed for the Temple,
and himself sacrificed upon this when he returned. Some
further changes which he ordered in the Temple and the
ritual are not intelligible to us, but the account of them
brings out clearly the undiminished supremacy of the
crown over the Temple and its methods of worship.1
Previous tributes to foreign monarchs, taken from the
Temple treasures, had been occasional, and once paid
were done with. But in the Assyrian Ahaz met a more
persistent master to whom tribute had to be sent annually.
There was no time to replenish the emptied treasuries,
and Aḥaz had to strip the metal from some of the most
ancient of the Temple furnishings. Among these were
the machines on which the Lavers ran, and the twelve
Bronze Bulls that bore the Bronze Sea.?
The chronology of the Books of Kings offers alternative
dates for the death of Aḥaz, 727 or 720. The latter
alone leaves room for the sixteen years over
Samaria, which his reign is said to have extended,3 suits
721 B.C.
other symptoms of the text, and is conform-
able to data in the following reign of Hezekiah. If it
and Beth Maacah ?) 'above Bit Khumria,' which, 'in its entire extent,' was
made Assyrian; that he took Gaza, whose king, Hanno, fled ; that all the
inhabitants of Bit Khumria were deported to Assyria ; that Pekah, their king,
was slain and Hoshea' appointed in his stead. In what order these events
happened is uncertain : see Schrader, c.0.7. i. 246 ff. ; Winckler, K.A.7.18
56 f., 264 f. ; Whitehouse, Isaiah (Century Bible) 13 f.
1 On the whole passage, 2 Kings xv. 10-16, see the commentaries.
% 2 Kings xvi. 17 f. (text uncertain); see above, pp. 65 f. 8 2 Kings xvi. 2.
4 See the commentaries, especially Benzinger's and Skinner's; also
Winckler's argument that Samaria fell in the end of the reign of Ahaz. The
date 720 for Ahaz's death is accepted by a growing number of scholars.
The Fall of
From Rehoboam to Ahaz
131
be correct, Aḥaz lived to see the end of the Northern
Kingdom. After resisting for three years a siege by
Shalmaneser IV., Samaria fell, in 721, to his successor,
Sargon, who carried away 27,000 of the inhabitants and
destroyed the state. Judah alone was left to represent
the people of Jahweh, and Jerusalem had no longer any
rival either as the capital of Israel or as the chief
sanctuary of the national God.
933-720 B.C.
We have now finished our survey of the history of
Jerusalem from Rehoboam to Ahaz. We have seen her
lose the high rank and great prosperity which
Summary of
she had enjoyed under Solomon; but gradu- the Period,
ally regain much of both, while preserving the **
dynasty of David and the Ark of the God of Israel. We
have seen her grow stronger than she ever was before both
in material and spiritual resources. But a novel danger
and one more pregnant than she has yet encountered
begins to loom upon her in that subjection to Assyria
into which Ahaz has just drawn her. With all this
Jerusalem is now to pass into the hands of the greatest
statesman who ever swayed her life. What he inherited
from her and what in return he gave her; how he in-
terpreted her history, developed her spiritual forces,
rallied her dynasty and her military strength, and by
his almost solitary faith arrested the destruction which
threatened her, will form the subject of the next two
chapters.
CHAPTER V
ISAIAH’S JERUSALEM
FROM 740 ONWARDS
ACCORDING to his own reading of her history,
11 Isaiah inherited so much through Jerusalem, that
(at the risk of repetition) we must attempt to
Isaiah's
Inheritance in register the endowments, spiritual and material,
Jerusalem.
which he owed to her before we can estimate
the supreme service which in return he rendered to his
City. The Disruption had deposed Jerusalem from
her brief reign as the capital of all Israel. Of her terri-
tory only the small province of Judah was left, while
the reputation of her Temple was still below that of
many other sanctuaries in the land. Yet in the dynasty
of David and the Ark of Jahweh with its comparatively
pure worship, Jerusalem held stronger pledges for the
future than Israel at the time anywhere else possessed.
It is true that neither of these securities had escaped
challenge and serious danger. From the congenital
heathenism of a part of her population, and the foreign
alliances of some of her kings, the City was liable to
outbreaks of idolatry; while the House of David suffered
at least one overthrow and was almost extirpated. But
from such disasters both the dynasty and the religion
emerged with a brighter lustre and a more articulate
1 Ezek. xvi. 3.
* By 'Athaliah.
132
Isaiah's Jerusalem
133
confidence in their destiny. Behind them a considerable
force of piety and virtue is visible in all classes of the
population. With few exceptions the kings were loyal to
Jahweh, and many evinced both character and wisdom.
They were aided and corrected by the priesthood. The
bulk of the country people were on the same side. In
some royal measures we can trace the growth and refine-
ment of the moral sense. Rude customs were abolished
and reforms effected. Religion was organised and the
Law codified. We perceive the increase, if not the first
appearance, of a literature of patriotism and religious
faith, breathing a strong confidence of the future. The
Temple, though avoided by the great majority of the
Tribes and ignored by the main currents of prophecy
which ran in the Northern Kingdom, steadily grew in
its command of the Judæan people and in the influence
of its priesthood. It is true that down to Aḥaz the
supremacy of the King was maintained over both the
administration and the ritual of the Temple; but the
inference is unjust, that therefore the Temple was little
more than the Chapel Royal. Its very proximity to the
Palace meant the training of its priests in public affairs;
part analogous to that of the more famous prophets of the
North. Several episodes in the history prove the increas-
ing popularity of the Temple and the consequent growth
both of its revenues and of its spiritual influence. The
people of the land gathered to it; its treasures, though
often exhausted, were always again sufficient for national
emergencies. The Temple was regarded, if not as the
only, yet as the chief, sanctuary of Jahweh in Judah: it
was not merely a royal but a national and a popular
134
Jerusalem
shrine. To all this we have to add, at least from 'Uzziah
onwards, the development of the trade of the City and
the increase of her military strength. The walls which
fell before Joash of Israel were so fortified by 'Uzziah and
Jotham that they resisted not only the confederate
troops of Israel and Aram, but, after Hezekiah's addi-
tions to them, the arms of Assyria.
Such was the Jerusalem in which Isaiah grew up: the
City of David and of the Temple; soon to be the sole
His Double capital and unrivalled sanctuary of Israel ;
Vision of her. strongly walled and fairly wealthy; with a
trained priesthood, a comparatively pure worship and a
large body of religious law and literature; but with a
very mixed and fickle population under rulers who were
entangling her fortunes with the perilous policy of
Assyria. The vision which Isaiah gives of Jerusalem is
twofold, actual and ideal. On both sides it confirms that
story of her growth from Rehoboam to Aḥaz, which we
have read from the annals of Judah.
First, then, we find portrayed, as by one who, for forty
1. The years at least, walked the pavements of Jeru-
Actual City: salem and watched her from his housetop, line
after line of her material features, and phase after phase
of her crowded life.
We get not a few glimpses of her position and shape-
Mount Șion and the hill of Jerusalem, 1 so described for
the Material the first time ; of fragments of her architec-
Features, ture and engineering the conduit of the Upper
Pool on the highway of the Fuller's Field, the Shiloah, and
1 x. 12 (?) 32 ; xxxi. 4.
? vii. 3 ; vol. i. 103 ff., vol. ii. 128.
Isaiah's Jerusalem
135
its softly flowing waters, the armour in the Forest-house,2
the waters of the Lower Pool, and the tank between the
two walls for the water of the Old Pool; 3 of the lines of
wall,4 the Temple with its Courts, and the house-tops,
at all times in this City of covered lanes the only stages
on which crowds are visible; of the lifted look of the
new buildings;' and of the carven sepulchres on high, the
like of which are still so conspicuous from Jerusalem.
The environing hills stand clear ; Nob is named upon
them, and behind Nob the train of villages up the great
North Road. There are also the wadies between preci-
pices and the clefts of the rocks,10 characteristic of the
immediate surroundings of the City; the standing wheat
in the Vale of Rephaim ; 11 and the whole background of
pasture and agriculture, vineyards and olive groves, with
large single trees scattered across it, terebinths and oaks.12
We see, too, by Isaiah's eyes, the habits and fashions
of the citizens. The various religions are visible : on the
one side the Temple-courts, thronged with
worshippers, and above them the smoke of Fashions of
her life.
the lavish sacrifices, the new moons and the
Sabbaths ; 13 on the other heathen rites and magic, the
many idols and soothsayers,14 the necromancy and spirit-
raising, 15 the Adonis gardens and the worship of trees. 16
and the
1 viii. 6.
2 xxii. 8; see above, p. 68.
3 xxii. 9, II; but it is uncertain whether these verses are of Isaiah's date.
4 ii. 15; xxxvi. II, etc.
5 vi. 1; i. II ff. 6 xxii. I.
7 ii. 12, 15.
8 xxii. 16.
9 x. 28 ff.
10 vii. 19.
11 xvii. 5.
12 v. 1-6, 8-10; vi. 13 ; vii. 21 ff. ; xvii. 6; i. 29-30; xxviii. 23 ff. (though
Cheyne and others deny this passage to Isaiah); xviii. 4 ff. ; i. 8.
13 i. 11-15.
14 ii. 6, 8, 18, etc.
15 viii. 19: the objections to the authenticity of these verses are not cogent.
16 xvii. to f. ; i. 29 f.
136
Jerusalem
We see a great deal of luxury and vice; the 'parade and
foppery of the women, and, in verses which Juvenal
might have written of the Romans of his day, the
drunkenness in the streets and at the banquets: priest
and prophet reel with new wine, and totter while giving
judgment; all tables are covered with vomit, filth every-
where. The rulers are childish and effeminate; the
judges are corrupt; the poor are oppressed; tyranny in
high places and insolence among the young and the
mean. Through all this moves the prophet himself,
austere, clamant, persistent: confronting the king at the
end of the conduit;4 displaying a large tablet with plain
characters ; 5 leading about his children with the ominous
names;6 walking for three years through the streets
stripped of his upper robe and barefoot. In short, we
have seen nothing of Jerusalem so near or so vivid since
the days of David.
Most significant for the history of the City are the
movement and noise everywhere audible round the
The Crowds prophet. The land has become full of silver
and Tumult. and gold, full of horses and chariots. There
are strong foreign elements ;9 and other prophets of the
time emphasise the increase of trade and building. All
this must have found its focus in Jerusalem, her pomp,
her throng, her tumult, and the boisterous in her ; 10 while
the rural districts, under the new economic conditions,
were being stripped of their people and their wealth.11
Isaiah prophesies in presence of the characteristic
1 iii. 16 ff. ? xxviii. 7 f. ; cf. v. II f. & Chs. i., iii. and v.
4 vii. 3 ff.
5 viii. I ff.
8 vii. 3; viii. 3 ff. ; 18.
? xx. I ff.
8 ii. 7 f.
9 ii. 6; cf. Shebna, the secretary with the Aramaic name, 10 v. 14.
Il v. 8 ff. ; cf. Micah ii. 2; and see vol. i. 281, 295 f,
Isaiah's Jerusalem
137
tempers of a large city-life: the religion of crowds, their
fickleness and desperate levity-
What has come to thee, then, that the whole of thee
Is up on the house-tops ?
O full of uproar, city tumultuous,
Boisterous town!
The Lord Jahweh Şebaộth, was calling on that day
To tears, lamentation, baldness, girding with sackcloth ;
And lo, there was joyaunce, merriment, slaying of oxen, killing of sheep,
Eating of flesh and drinking of wine ; eating and drinking form
'To-morrow we die.'?
In this connection we must notice how Isaiah mentions
Jerusalem as parallel to the rest of Judah-the Lord
removes from Jerusalem and from Judah every
Preponder-
stay and support; Jerusalem comes to ruin and ance of the
Capital.
Judah falls; 3 ye dwellers in Jerusalem and
men of Judah4 and as parallel even to both houses of
Israel. The capital is already approaching that pre-
ponderance of influence which in coming centuries is to
render the rest of the country but the fringe upon her
walls. Nothing could more confirm the fact of her
growth during the previous period: the change which
the development of trade, the new economic conditions
alluded to above, and the increasing importance of her
Temple had made in her relation to the rest of the land.
But all these visions of the material size, strength and
noise of the City, vivid and near as they be, are dim
beside the burning words in which Isaiah re- 2. The Ideal
veals her moral and her religious significance. Dit
From such words we receive ample confirma-
tion of the evidence we have gathered of Jerusalem's
1 i. 11 ff.
2 xxii. 1, 12 f. (probably in 701); 779 5y, boisterous (cf. v. 14), is also used
of Jerusalem by Zephaniah, ii. 15.
3 iii. 1, 8.
er
and
viii. 14.
4 v. 3.
138
Jerusalem
ethical development in the age of the Double King-
dom. Her present vice and corruption of justice do
not prevent Isaiah from affirming that she had been the
faithful city, full of justice, where righteousness abode.1
The Lord had made a vineyard on a fruitful and sunny
hill. He had dug it and cleared it of stones, planted choice
vines, built a tower in the midst, hewed a wine-vat and
looked to find grapes-such is the prophet's account of the
City's discipline in the centuries leading up to his own.2
The outcome ought to have been justice and righteous-
ness, but behold it was bloodshed and screaming. Never-
theless God has still His purposes for her: He has not
Himself forsaken her. The Lord hath founded Şion.
and a furnace in Jerusalem. He dwells in Șion. There-
fore, even before Samaria fell, and Jerusalem was left
without a rival, and even before her vindication in 701
as Jahweh's inviolate shrine, the City was identified by
Isaiah with the One True God and with His religion.8
It is not wonderful, therefore, that from the beginning
of his career the prophet should have beheld Jerusalem
The Break of in a supernatural glory. This breaks even
Apocalypse. upon his inaugural vision. The actual Temple
is indeed the stage: the walls raised by Solomon and
repaired by Joash. But before the eyes of the young
this bra
al vision
: the
1 i. 21.
2 v. I ff.
3 v. 7.
* xiv. 32 (721 ?).
5 xxix. I (probably about 704).
6 xxxi. 9: unless, as some think, this is a later addition to Isaiah's
prophecies.
7 viii. 18. Cheyne dates this oracle as late as 701, but with a mark of
interrogation. It is probably earlier.
8 Not to speak of the opening words of the Book of Amos (i. 2): Jahweh
roareth from Șion and uttereth His voice fron Jerusalem-words which
some, but I think on insufficient grounds, deny to be original.
Isaiah's Jerusalem
139
seer these give way, and open upon the Divine Court
itself and the immediate Presence of the Lord. The
foundations of the thresholds rock at the thunderous
song of the seraphim, and through the smoke a seraph
Alies with a glowing stone to the prophet's lips. Nor
does Isaiah fail to see the whole City and Land in the
same or a similar apocalypse. In one of the very
earliest of his discourses he describes the terror of Jahweh,
and the glory of His majesty, when He rises to strike
through the land. In that day shall Jahweh-He whom
he had seen on a throne high and lifted up-be alone
exalted.1 The Lord shall cleanse the filth of the daughters
of Șion, and sweep from her midst the blood of Jerusalem
by a blast of judgment and a blast of burning. There is a
vision of Sheol enlarging her appetite and opening her
mouth without measure, and of Șion's pomp and throng and
tumult and boisterousness plunging into it. The day of
Jahweh is the overthrow of all that is high. Behold there
will be distress and darkness, the gloon of anguish and
pitch darkness.5 Suddenly shall she be visited by Jahweh of
Hosts with thunder and with earthquake and a great noise,
with whirlwind and storm and flame of devouring fire.
Now these visions are not apocalypse technically so-
called, the beginnings of which in prophecy we are wont
to trace to Zephaniah. But they travel in that direction,
with a desire for the manifestation of God, and a convic-
tion of the fulness of His judgment, which the material
* ii. 10, II, 17, 19 (under Ahaz).
2 iv. 4 (under Ahaz: but denied by some to Isaiah and his time).
3 v. 14 (under Ahaz).
4 ii. II f.
5 viii. 22 under Ahaz).
6 xxix. 6 (circa 703 B.C.): for the material of such visions see above,
Book 1. ch. iv. on the Earthquakes.
140
Jerusalem
of this dispensation cannot satisfy, and which look to the
hidden world for their fulfilment. Occurring as some of
the visions do in discourses, unanimously attributed to
Isaiah's earlier years, they arrest us from following the
recent tendency of criticism to deny to the prophet a
number of other passages on the ground that these
must be the product of a later age more at home in
apocalyptic vision. The verses just quoted prove that
the young Isaiah knew how to paint pictures of the
Divine presence and judgment with colours from another
world and atmosphere than the present. But however
we may settle this point of literary criticism, what is
now of interest to us is, that to Isaiah on the threshold
of his career Jerusalem had already that supreme ethical
and religious significance, out of his conviction of which
alone he could see her singularly bare and unromantic
site enveloped in the glories and terrors of the Divine
presence.
To this, her religious significance, is due the cardinal
place, which Isaiah claimed for a city so aloof and so
.. unendowed by nature, in the politics and his-
The Cardinal
Position of tory of the world. Isaiah was the first to set
Jerusalem.
de Jerusalem on high among the nations; nor
had the conditions for such an exaltation been present
before his day. What gave the mind of Israel the
earliest opportunity of realising the world as a whole was
the advance of the Assyrian Empire and its reduction of
the peoples under its sway. The religion of Israel rose
to the opportunity. The God whom its prophets saw
1 E.g. iv. 5 f. ; v. 30; xXx. 27 f. etc.: see Whitehouse, Isaiah (Century Bible).
2 Cf. the present writer's Book of the Twelve Prophets, I. ch. iv., 'The
Influence of Assyria upon Prophecy.'
Isaiah's Jerusalem
141
exalted in righteousness could not but be supreme over
the novel, world-wide forces which had risen upon history.
His old national name, Jahweh Şebaoth, meant no more
Jahweh of the armies of Israel, but Lord of the great
powers. Assyria was but the tempest in His hand,
the rod of His anger and the staff of His indignation.2
When He had done with it, He should break it on His
own land, and tread it under foot upon His mountains.3
Of these movements of history what could be the centre
but the city where God had set His hearth and His
dwelling, and where He had provided a refuge for the
afflicted of His people?4 Jerusalem was inviolable whether
against the confederacy of Aram and Israel, or against
the Assyrian invasion itself. God was with her, and
would save her by His own arm and in His own way.
This was the conviction which sustained Isaiah in his
predictions that Jerusalem could not be taken. It was
independent of her material strength. But the latter,
along with the City's withdrawn and exalted site, afforded
that earthly basis which every such spiritual conviction
needs for its realisation in history. Without her hills
and her walls Jerusalem could not have existed at all,
nor Isaiah himself have had ground whereon to stand
and answer her enemies. So that even 'Uzziah's and
Hezekiah's fortifications were part of the preparation
for the prophet and for his vindication of his City as
inviolable.
2 x. 5. See Cheyne's reading in S.B.0.7.
3 xiv. 25.
4 xiv. 32.
1 Isa. xxviii. 2.
6 vii. 4 ff.
6 x. 28 ff. (there is no valid objection against the authenticity of verses
33, 34); xiv. 29-32.
7 vii. 14; viii. 8, 10. The occurrence of the phrase in these last two
verses is denied to Isaiah by Cheyne and others.
142
Jerusalem
In modern criticism there has been a tendency to deny
that Isaiah insisted upon the inviolableness of Jerusalem,
Did Isaish or predicted her deliverance. He was 'pro-
t the of bably content,' it has been maintained, 'to
Deliverance of
Jerusalem? express the general idea of the purgation and
renewal of the people.'1 The reasons for this denial are
two: on the one hand, a general theory that Hebrew
prophecy before the Exile was wholly judicial and mina-
tory; on the other, that Isaiah himself was purely an
ethical teacher, the prophet of faith in the moral might
of Jahweh, and not a practical statesman who concerned
himself with military issues or the precise political forms
in which Israel's future was to be realised; it is later
legend which has transformed him into the predictor of
exact events, such as the siege and deliverance of Jeru-
salem. The first of these presuppositions is in itself
improbable, and can be sustained only by an arbitrary
elimination from the text of the prophets of all passages
which contradict it. The second, the attempt to subli-
mate a great intellect like Isaiah's till it is confined to
one consistent line of thought and activity, can be
achieved only by grave injustice at once to the genius
of the prophet, to the text of his undoubted oracles, and
to such evidence as we have of the religious exigencies
of his time. That practical statesmanship is not incom-
patible with a purely spiritual faith, that political sagacity
aiming at apparently material ends may exist in the same
mind with a lofty idealism which seems to soar above all
earthly expediencies, are possibilities which have been
frequently realised in history. It is not difficult, there-
i Guthe, Jesaia in the Religionsgeschichtliche Volksbücher, 1907; a different
opinion from that expressed in his Das Zukunftsbild des Jesaias, 1885.
Isaiah's Terusalem
143
fore, to reconcile Isaiah's doctrine of sheer faith in God
with his insistence on the material security of the City,
or even with a prediction, when at last the Assyrians
closely threatened her, of her deliverance by God Him-
self. Şion was the dwelling-place of God. He had
designed Jerusalem as a City of Righteousness, and
although she had morally forfeited her destiny, she
remained the only possible site for that reconstruction of
her people which, it is admitted, Isaiah foresaw. He
emphatically predicted the survival of a Remnant, but
the Remnant required a home, and there was no home
left for it outside the walls of Jerusalem. Hence his
insistence that in Șion the Lord would lay a foundation-
stone; and hence the probability that the predictions of
her deliverance imputed to him are genuine. Such an
emphasis does not detract from the spiritual character of
the faith which the prophet proclaimed. Common-sense
in face of the practical necessities of the time is not
incompatible with the loftiest idealism. Indeed, there is,
next to faith, no quality on which Isaiah more insists
than on practical wisdom, sagacity in the conduct of
affairs. He reminds the politicians that God also is
wise; wonderful in counsel and excellent in the quality
which carries things through. But the things dearest to
the prophet's heart could not be carried through if Jeru-
salem were taken. It is true that Isaiah appears some-
times to have abandoned his hope for the City, but this
was on ethical grounds. There seem to have been out-
bursts of folly among the people, even in the hour of
their greatest danger, and at such moments Jerusalem
U
1 xxxi. 1-3 ; xxviii. 29.
144
Jerusalem
must have appeared to Isaiah as not worth saving.
These are not impossible inconsistencies. The tendency
of the criticism, to which we have alluded, to confine
each prophet to one line of temper or ideal, is also on
this point astray and misleading. The prophets were
men of like passions with ourselves--as the story of Elijah
might save us from forgetting-capable, that is, of real as
well as apparent inconsistencies. If we keep in mind
that they were also confronted with swift changes in the
temper of their people, and had therefore to apply their
principles to emergencies of very opposite kinds, we
must judge the criticism, which denies to them more
than a single rôle of thought, as both psychologically
and historically inaccurate. That freedom which Jere-
miah attributed to his God of changing His purpose for
a nation when He found the latter change its disposition
for good or evil, may also be attributed to the God in
whom Isaiah believed through those great variations of
political experience and popular temper that charac-
terised the history of Judah in his day?
Of the characteristics of Jerusalem, developed from
David's time onward and used or enhanced by Isaiah, we
1 The above paragraph is condensed from a review by the author of Pro-
fessor Guthe's Jesaia and other works, in Dr. Menzies's Review of Theology
and Philosophy for July 1907. Cf. Budde, Gesch. der alt-Hebr. Litteratur,
85. "Frequently as our prophet's view of the future vacillated during his
long career, this [the survival of a Remnant] remained constantly certain to
him, and condensed itself particularly towards the end of his activity, into
the firm promise of the deliverance of Jerusalem from the Assyrian blockade.
It is not only attributed to him in the popular legend about the prophet,
chaps. xxxvi. f., but occurs also in the original constituents of xxviii. ff., is
clearly expressed in x. 5-15, 24-34 (cf. also xiv. 24-27), and is presupposed
in xxii. 14; i. 9, 21-26; iv. 1-4, as self-evident. It is, therefore, impossible
to stamp Isaiah as the prophet of unconditional destruction, strongly as a
powerful school of to-day inclines to do so.'
Isaiah's Jerusalem
145
.
have now only to deal with her relation to David's dynasty.
How did Isaiah treat this? Or did he touch
Isaiah and
upon it at all? The latter question is ren- the Dynasty
of David.
dered necessary by the criticism of Drs. Hack-
mann, Cheyne, Volz and Marti. Partly on grounds of
language, but largely on the theory that all prophecies of
and Ruler of Israel, a scion of the house of David. I have
already argued against both their premises and their
conclusions, and here need only add that the objections
to the authenticity of the passages offered by Dr. Marti in
his recent Commentary3 do not seem to me more cogent
than those of the others. It is not conclusive to say
that Isaiah laboured for the preservation of only a
spiritual community, while the functions ascribed to the
promised Prince are purely political; or that Isaiah's
expectation of the appearance of God Himself leaves
no room for the rise of so imposing a figure. Isaiah
laboured for the continuance of the Jewish state as strenu-
ously as for the security of Jerusalem. He lamented
the corruption of justice and the imbecility into which
the government had fallen under Ahaz. At the time no
need was more urgent than that of a wise and righteous
prince; if, as Isaiah predicted, invasion and devasta-
tion were imminent, it would not be unnatural to paint
him a victorious captain as well. But how was such
an one to be found outside the House of David, which in
Judah knew no rival, and had already, when almost
I Ch. ix. 2-7, and xi. 1-8.
2 Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible, Isaiah, ii. 487-89.
3 In the Kurzer Hand-Commentar.
VOL. II.
146
Jerusalem
U
extirpated, proved its powers of recuperation? Thus
all the moral and political conditions were present for
such prophecies as we are now discussing. He who,
following Amos, took the popular idea of a coming day
of the Lord and transformed it into a purely ethical
conception, was equally capable of choosing some com-
mon hope of the advent of a powerful prince, and of
giving it those moral elements with which the popular
religion was incapable of endowing it. To say that Isaiah
set his hope on Jahweh and upon a religious com-
munity, but not upon the Davidic dynasty and a political
dominion,'1 is to detach the prophetwho was a states-
man as well--from those political conditions of his
age along which we elsewhere find him working for
the future. That Isaiah should invest his hope in the
recovery and continuance of the Dynasty need give us
therefore no more difficulty than the fact of his insisting
upon the survival of the City. We may feel even less
objection to the military features in the description of
the Prince of the Four Names. The title Father of Spoil
-if that be indeed the correct rendering is overborne
by the others; whilst the defeat of Israel's enemies,
associated with the Prince's advent,2 is as directly imputed
to God as it is in the unquestioned oracles of Isaiah.3
We need not doubt, therefore, Isaiah's authorship of the
Messianic passages.
1
Marti, p. 94 f.
2 ix. 4.
3 E.g. xiv. 24 f.
4 To those who argue for the late origin of these passages it may be pointed
out that neither of them attributes to the Ideal Prince any of the measures
for achieving the establishment of Israel which were required either by the
immediately pre-exilic or the post-exilic generations of Israel, e.g. the
recovery of the people from Exile or the (post-exilic) dream of a world-
empire. Guthe (Jesaia) admits the compatibility of the programmes of the
two passages with Isaiah's other prospects for Judah ; Isaiah's ability as a
Isaiah's Jerusalem
147
OV
Thus, then, the fires which David and Solomon kindled
in Jerusalem, and which have been smouldering--some-
times, one might say, without betraying any-
Isaiah the
thing but smoke-leap into high, bright flame real Maker of
Jerusalem.
at the powerful breath of Isaiah. The City
has found her Prophet: the mind to read her history
and proclaim her destiny. Her long labours and obscure
growth from Rehoboam to Hezekiah have received their
vision and interpretation. Without that history behind
him, Isaiah could not have spoken as he did of the char-
acter and destiny of Jerusalem. But he was the first
to read and proclaim their full meaning; and therefore
Jerusalem may be said to be Isaiah's Jerusalem even more
than she was David's or Solomon's.
poet to paint so ideal a figure; and that an ancient parallel for his teaching
about the Spirit's endowment of the Prince and the consequent peace of
nature exists in Genesis ii., 'which probably goes back upon very ancient
models.' But he denies that we have any proof that the passages are from
Isaiah himself, and points to their want of connection with the context. On
the other hand, Cornill (Introduction (5) Eng. Trans.) considers the prophecies
conceivable'as marking the zenith of Isaianic ideas,' but'an unmixed marvel
if they are the production of a post-exilic teacher of the law,' while the origin
and development of the Messianic hope is an inexplicable enigma if in
Isaiah it is confined to chap. i. 26.' See also Whitehouse's Isaiah in the
Century Bible, 151 ff., a ſull and convincing argument.
CHAPTER VI
HEZEKIAH AND SENNACHERIB
6. 720-685 B.C.
7
W e have now to follow Isaiah, as with these convic-
V tions about the City he carried her-it would
appear almost unaided-through the great crises which
fell upon her during the reign of Hezekiah.
When Hezekiah came to the throne remains uncertain,
729, 720 (most probably), or 715; as also when he died,
soon after 701 or about 692, or even as late as
Chronology.
* 685. But the discussion of the exact year is
not necessary to our present purpose. What is clear is
that Hezekiah had already reigned some years before
the campaign of Sennacherib in 701; and if a second
attempt of Sennacherib on Jerusalem be found described
in Isaiah xxxvii., and dated as late as 690 or thereabouts,
Hezekiah was then still on the throne.
In 721 Samaria fell, the Northern Kingdom came to
its end, and its people were carried into exile. Judah
Fall of
remained the sole trustee of the hope of
Espearia, Israel, and the Temple was left without a
Jerusalem.
possible rival. What emphasis this gave to
Isaiah's earlier words about the City and Mount Şion
need not be detailed. But it may be noted that in
addition (as some have rightly conjectured) the fall of
148
Hezekiah and Sennacherib
149
the Northern State would lead to the immigration of a
number of fugitives to Jerusalem, as well as to the occa-
sional pilgrimages of any of the Israelite population who
were left in the land of Samaria.
In the same year, 721, Merodak Baladan, chief of a
small Chaldean state at the head of the Persian Gulf, be-
came King of Babylon, in revolt from Assyria, Merodak
and maintained his position till 710. Some- Balad
where between these years, therefore, we must place his
embassy to Hezekiah :1 many date it immediately after
Merodak Baladan's accession, and suppose it to have
been connected with revolts against Assyria by the North-
Syrian states, Gaza and the Arabian Musri. These were
subdued by Sargon in 720. Hezekiah does not appear
to have taken part with them. For nearly a decade no
further rising was attempted in Palestine. But the power,
or at least the pretensions, of Egypt were growing, and
like other Syrian states Judah developed a party sympa-
thetic to her. With the Philistine cities Edom
and Moab Hezekiah seems to have formed a isa
ing against
coalition. It was at least as a warning against
such a policy that Isaiah received the Divine
command to walk disrobed and barefoot for three years :
for Jahweh said, As my servant Isaiah hath walked
disrobed and barefoot three years for a sign and a portent
against Egypt and Ethiopia, so shall the kingdom of Assyria
lead away the captives of Egypt and the exiles of Ethiopia
stripped, barefoot and with buttocks uncovered, to the
Isaiah's warn-
1 Isaiah xxxix. 1-8.
2 E.g. Winckler, A. T. Untersuchungen, 146 ff.
3 Winckler and others take these to have been the Arabian Mușri and
Kush. On this see below, pp. 155 f.
150
Jerusalem
Revolt from
shame of Egypt. . . . And the inhabitants of this coastland
shall say in that day : Lo, such is our expectation, whither
we had fled for help to deliver ourselves from the king of
Assyria, and we, how shall we escape ?i The warning was
effectual. Ashdod alone revolted, in 711, and was easily
subdued by the Assyrian Tartan.
No further attempt against Assyria was made till the
death of Sargon and the accession of Sennacherib in 705.
com Then, or soon after, a wider .coalition of the
nnacherib's Palestine states was formed, not wholly on
Reliance on
Egypt. their own strength, but with hope of support
from Egypt. It is significant of the growing reputation
of Jerusalem that in this coalition Hezekiah seems to
have played a leading rôle. The Egyptian party in his
Court ruled its politics, and Isaiah's oracles at the time
describe their temper. He has now no word of idols, he
implies that the people worship Jahweh; yet their religion
is purely formal, a precept of men learned by rote. They
have rejected the spiritual teaching of the prophet; and
are trusting in embassies to Egypt, in her promises, in
her gifts of horses and chariots, expected or actually
received. They appear also to have sought assistance
in other quarters. In the narrative of his advance on
Jerusalem Sennacherib says that Hezekiah had rein-
forced his garrison with Arab mercenaries; and it is
the account of an embassy to Arabia which some critics
find under the present form of the Oracle on the Beasts
of the South.4
i Isaiah xx. 1-6: in the year that Tartan—the title of the Assyrian con-
mander in chief-came to Ashdod when Sargon the King of Assyria sent him
and he fought against Ashdod and took it.
2 xxix. 13 (about 703 B.C.).
3 xxx, I ff., 12, 16; xxxi. 1.
4 xxx. 6 11.
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Hezekiah and Sennacherib
151
To the same crisis we may assign Hezeķiah's work on
the fortifications of Jerusalem, though some of this was
so extensive that it may have been carried
Hezekiah's
out in the earlier and less strained years of preparations
for Siege : I.
his reign. According to the Deuteronomic the Tunnel
editor of the Books of Kings, the annals off
the Kings of Judah held an account of a new pool and
a conduit by which Hezekiah brought the waters within
the City.) The Chronicler says that Hezekiah sealed the
issue of the waters of Gîhon, the upper, and directed them
down, westwards, to the City of David.2 In another
passage he explains the King's purpose: much people
were gathered, and they sealed all the springs and the
Nahal, or Brook, flowing through the midst of the land,
saying, why should the Kings of Assyria come and find
much water ?3 The Chronicler evidently describes the
same work as that referred to by the editor of Kings;
and there can be no doubt that he understood by it the
tunnel which runs under Ophel from the Virgin's Well,
or Gihon,4 and carries the waters of the latter to the Pool
of Siloam. Whether he only inferred this to have been
the conduit which Hezekiah made, or found a statement
of the fact in the official annals of Judah, does not matter
much. The characters of the inscription in the Tunnel
cannot be later than the time of Hezekiah ; 5 and the
inscription speaks of the issue, called by the Chronicler
Giḥon the upper, and of the pool mentioned in 2 Kings
xx. 20. We may therefore reasonably assume that
the Tunnel is the conduit by which Hezekiah brought
1 2 Kings xx. 20.
3 Ibid. 4 (vol. i. 102).
5 Vol. i. 95 f.
2 2 Chron. xxxii. 30 (see vol. i. 102).
4 Vol. i. 93 ff.
152
Terusalem
the waters into the City of David.1 His purpose was very
practical. The main difficulty with which besiegers of
Jerusalem have had to contend—and it has sometimes
proved insuperable-is, as we have seen, the waterless-
ness of the City's surroundings. Gihon, if not the only
fountain of the neighbourhood, was the principal one, and
sprang just beneath the City walls. By covering the
aperture of the cave in which it issued, and by leading
the water under the City of David' to a reservoir in the
mouth of the central valley between Ophel and the
South-west Hill, Hezekiah deprived the invader of its
use and secured this for himself. But the formation of
a pool where the Tunnel issues in the central valley
furnishes us with unambiguous evidence of the extension
of Jerusalem over the South-west Hill. We have seen
that part of this was probably covered with buildings
under David and Solomon, and possibly enclosed with
walls. But what is only possible under these monarchs
is now seen to be certain under Hezekiah. His purpose
of securing the waters of Giḥon for the besieged by
bringing them to a pool in the central valley could not
have been effected unless he held at the same time the
South-west Hill.4 This rises immediately from the Pool
at the end of the Tunnel, and if it had been outside the
City and unfortified, a blockading force could easily with
their darts and stones have prevented the besieged from
using the Pool. We may confidently assert, then, that
Hezekiah's Jerusalem included the South-west Hill, that
1 In that case the Shiloaḥ mentioned by Isaiah in the reign of Ahaz was
another conduit by which they were still led outside the walls of Ophel;
perhaps, as we have seen (i. 104), the channel partly cut in the rock and
partly built, which Messrs. Hornstein and Masterman have traced from
Gihon southwards.
2 Vol. i. 15, 79 ff., 102 f.
3 Above, pp. 42 f., 57, 72.
4 Vol. i. 38, 103, etc.
Hezekiah and Sennacherib
153
Walls.
this was surrounded by walls, and contained some of the
lofty buildings which Isaiah describes.
The Chronicler adds that Hezekiah built again all the
wall which had been breached, and raised upon it towers,
and outside another wall. If the wall which the new
had been breached refers to some definite part "
of the walls of the City, it can only be the northern wall
breached by Joash and repaired by ‘Uzziah. In that
case Hezekiah further strengthened this most vulnerable
part of the fortifications, and the other wall without was
also on the north, enclosing some new suburb sprung
up in the prosperous times of ‘Uzziah and Jotham.
But the phrase the wall which had been breached may
bear a more general signification, as of all the fortifica-
tions wherever they were in disrepair. Of the two walls
with a ditch between them, mentioned in Isaiah xxii. II,
we have already sufficiently treated.3
The Chronicler also tells us that Hezekiah strengthened
the Millo,-perhaps, as we have seen, the dam across the
mouth of the Tyropæon, below the Birket el-
3. The Millo.
Hamra, where Dr. Bliss uncovered not merely *
a wall, but a very broad and well-buttressed stone rampart.
A later hand has added the words, City of David.
When in 705 the transfer of the Assyrian throne
became the occasion for a general revolt among its
vassals, the most formidable of these, Mero- Progres
dak Baladan of Bīt Jakīn on the northern Sennacherib.
coast of the Persian Gulf, who in 709 had been driven
from Babylon, now regained that great capital with all
2
1
; ויעל עַל־המגדָּלוֹת for וַיַּעַל עָלִיהָ מִגְדָּלוֹת Chronicles xxxii
.
5
,
reading
.יעל על-ה the LXX
.
omits the letters
T: • TT
2 2 Kings xiv. 13; 2 Chronicles xxvi. 9.
3 Vol. i. 225 f.
4 2 Chron. xxxii. 5; the LXX. renders The Millo by to åválmuda.
154
Jerusalem
the commercial and religious influence which its posses-
sion conferred. He enjoyed besides the support of
Elam. In 703 Sennacherib, on his first campaign, drove
Merodak Baladan out of Babylon, and set up there, as
'king of Sumer and Akkad,' a vassal of his own, named
Bel-Ibni. Sennacherib's second campaign in 702 was
northwards, towards Media. In 701 he began his third-
against Phoenicia and Palestine.1
His swift overthrow of the Phænicians terrified a
number of the southern states into submission but Judah,
Ashkelon, 'Ekron--where the Assyrian vassal,
His Palestine
Campaign, Padi, had been deposed—and others continued
701.
to resist. The head of this coalition was
Hezekiah, by virtue alike of the size of his territory, the
strength of his capital, and the repute of his arms, which
had recently overrun Philistia as far as Gaza.2 Padi,
1 There are six Assyrian accounts of, or references to, this campaign:-
(I) The Rassam Cylinder' of 700 B.C., recording Sennacherib's first three
campaigns. (2) “The Taylor Cylinder' of 691 (in the British Museum,
reproduced at p. 188 of Light from the East, by Rev. C. S. Ball, London,
1899), recording eight campaigns, the account of the first three based on
"The Rassam Cylinder.' (3) 'The Bull Inscription' (on slab 1. of the
Kuyunjik Bulls in the British Museum, translated in Records of the Past, vii.
57 ff., by Rodwell). (4) Cylinder C. (5) The Neby Yunus Inscription of
Sennacherib (now at Constantinople; translated in Records of the Past, xi.
45 ff., by Budge), with a very brief notice of the campaign of 701, lines 13-15.
(6) The Bas-Relief from Sennacherib's Palace at Nineveh (now in the British
Museum ; reproduced in Light from the East, 190 ff.), with the inscription,
'Sennacherib, king of the world, king of Assyria, sate on a throne and
caused the spoil of Lakîsh to pass before him.' Of all these the most useful
to the historian of Hezeķiah's reign is 'The Taylor Cylinder,' along with the
additional information of the Bas-Relief of the Siege of Lakish. For the
following pages I have used the various translations, or summaries, of 'The
Taylor Cylinder,' by Talbot, Schrader, Sayce, Ball, Winckler, Weber, Price,
and Rogers.
2 2 Kings xviii. 8. Cheyne (Enc. Bib. column 2059) seems to me rightly
to date this campaign of Hezekiah before Sennacherib's arrival, as against
Slade and Kitlel, who date it later.
Hezekiah and Sennacherib
155
upon his deposition-which, perhaps, occurred on this
campaign-was delivered into the keeping of Hezekiah,
As we have seen the league against Assyria did not
rely solely upon its own forces. Sennacherib tells us
that the garrison of Jerusalem had been increased by a
number of Arab mercenaries,” and among the forces he
encountered at Eltekeh, near 'Ekron, were 'bowmen,
chariots and horses of the king of Melukhkha,' which
used to be considered as Ethiopia, but is now by Assyrio-
logists held to be a state or territory of Northern Arabia.3
It may be to negotiations before 701 between the South
Palestine States and such Arab princes that Isaiah's
Oracle of the Beasts of the South refers with its description
of the passage of an embassy bearing treasure through
the terrible desert.
Till recently Old Testament scholars and Assyriolo-
gists alike held that Hezekiah and his allies relied also
upon help from Egypt, and that in response What was
an Egyptian force appeared at the Battle of Muşri?
Eltekeh. Sennacherib includes among his foes there,
along with the king of Melukhkha, 'the king' or 'kings
of Mușuri';5 and Muşuri was understood to be the
1 Above, p. 150.
2 Taylor Cylinder, col. iii. line 31. The Assyrian word is urbi.
Schrader, Sayce, Ball (with a query), Price, Nagel, etc., render it
* Arabians.' Others leave it untranslated.
3 Taylor Cylinder, col. ii. line 74. Schrader in the second edition of the
K.A.T., English translation, 289 f., still took Melukhkha as Ethiopia. In
his map to the third edition, Winckler places it south of the Gulf of 'Akaba
on the Red Sea coast. Budge (preface to vol. vi., History of Egypt, p. xv.)
thinks that Winckler's previous hypothesis of Melukhkha=Sinai and Midian
has much probability. If Melukhkha be an Arabian state, it is surprising to
find chariots mentioned among its forces.
* Isaiah xxx. 6 f. See above, p. 150.
5 Taylor Cyl. ii. 23, 'Kings'; but other readings give 'King'; cf. the Bull
Inscr. I. 23.
156
Jerusalem
i
Hebrew Misraim or Egypt, divided at this time under
several rulers. But since Dr. Winckler elaborated his
arguments for the existence of an Arabian Muşri, Sen-
nacherib's foes of that name at Eltekeh are considered
by a number of authorities to have been as certainly
Arabs as their allies of Melukhkha were. This opinion
has been further supported by an appeal to the political
condition of Egypt. In the second half of the eighth
century, and indeed till the appearance of Taharķā in
691,1 Egypt, it is argued, owing to her division, was
not capable of interfering in the politics of Palestine.
Dr. Winckler indeed holds that wherever the Assyrian
inscriptions of that period mention Musri they mean
an Arabian Musri—that, for example, it was not Egypt,
as we have always supposed, but an independent Arab
state of the same (or a very similar) name which
Sargon had met at Raphia in 720, and which con-
spired with Ashdod and other South Palestine states in
the rising against him of 713-711. The present is not
the connection in which to discuss exhaustively the
question between Dr. Winckler and those who deny
that he has proved the existence of an Arabian Musri,2
but the problem and its most probable solution may at
least be stated. Dr. Winckler has produced evidence for
an Arabian Musri which has convinced a number of
leading scholars both in Germany and this country,
1 According to W. Max Müller, Enc. Bib. col. 1245, this is the proper date
for Taharko's achievement of the sovereignty of all Egypt. The formerly
accepted date, 704, is certainly improbable' (n. 2). See also the detailed
argument for 691 in Prášek, Sanheribs Feldzüge gegen Juda, i. 34 ff., 1903.
2 E.g Dr. Budge, in the preface to vol. vi. of his History of Egypt.
3 The English reader will of course consult Cheyne's ' Mizraim,' $ 20 and
other articles in the Enc. Bib. ; cf. Hommel, ‘Assyria,' in Hastings' D.B.
i. 187 f. ; in German, Guthe, Gesch. 219 f.
Hezekiah and Sennacherib
157
including some who do not think him justified in all
the assertions which he makes of the appearance of this
state in the Assyrian and Jewish records. At the same
time there are great difficulties, one of which is the
existence of two independent states, bordering on each
other and bearing names which are practically the same :
MSR. We must keep in mind that (as in modern times)
Egypt, that is Mușr or Mișr (Misraim), was not confined
to Africa, but included the fringe of Asia as far as the
Gulf of 'Akaba on the east, and Raphia near Gaza on the
north-or just the territory which Dr. Winckler claims
for his Arabian Mușri. It may have been thus that the
name Mușr came to cover the latter and the Arab tribes
which inhabited it;? and, if the real Egypt between 745
and 691 was too weak to interfere with Assyrian opera-
tions in Palestine, it is quite possible that it is Arab
tribes only whom the Assyrian inscriptions mean by
Mușur or Mușuri. But though this is possible, to say
that it is certain would be somewhat rash in our present
fragmentary knowledge of Egypt at the time. Boken-
renf, the Bocchoris of the Greeks, who reigned at Sais
in the last quarter of the century, evinced some power
and left a great reputation. Either he or the vigorous
Shabako who overcame him about 7063 may have
been strong enough to attract the hopes of the South
1 E.g. Nagel, Der Zug des Sanheribs gegen Jerusalem, 1902, p. 98, who
admits the existence of an Arabian Mușri and its appearance at Elteķeh in
701, but argues that the Mușri of Sargon's inscriptions is Egypt.
2 Since I made this suggestion, which still seems to me the most probable
solution of the Mușr problem, in The Expositor for September 1905, Pro-
fessor Flinders Petrie has independently made it also.
3.706 (?),' W. Max Müller, Enc. Bib. col. 1245. Shabako certainly
corresponded with Assyria; two of his seals have been discovered in the
royal library at Nineveh.
158
Jerusalem
2
Palestine cities in their fear before Sennacherib's
advance.
In such uncertainty we must leave the question. But
it does not much affect our present purpose. What is
ah's clear is that on the approach of Sennacherib,
Arabian and Hezekiah and his allies sought and found
Egyptian (?)
allies. support from Arab tribes and kingdoms; this
is proved from the presence of Arab mercenaries in
Jerusalem, and of the forces of the king of Melukhkha at
the Battle of Eltekeh. What is not certain is whether
Egyptian soldiers were also present at Elteķeh. The
name Mușuri applied by Sennacherib to some of his
foes there may mean Egyptians (as all scholars used to
think) or Arab tribes from Asiatic Egypt (as the present
writer thinks most probable), or, on Dr. Winckler's argu-
ment, the forces of an Arabian land, Muşur, which at the
time was independent of Egypt.1
Sennacherib, having settled affairs in Phænicia, ad-
vanced upon Hezekiah and his allies. We need not
Sennacherib's suppose that his inscriptions give the exact
account of his chronological order of his operations. For
Jerusalem. instance, they report the restoration of Padi
immediately after the capture of 'Ekron, while it is more
probable that Hezekiah did not deliver up Padi till after
his own submission and payment of tribute. But in the
main the inscriptions follow the natural course of such a
campaign. Coming down the sea-coast Sennacherib
1 If Dr. Winckler be right, that Egypt was too weak to interfere in South
Palestine before Taharķõ's accession in 691, or to attract the hopes of
Hezekiah and his allies, whose only reliance, when Sennacherib approached
to attack them, was on an Arabian Musri, then we may have to remove the
oracles of Isaiah on Egypt in chaps. XXX. ff. from 705-701 (to which they are
generally assigned) to the next decade.
2 See Hist. Geog. of the Holy Land, pp. 235 f.
Advance on
Hezekiah and Sennacherib
159
took first Ashkelon and its subject cities: Beth-dagon,
Joppa, Bene-berak and Azur. Next he turned to meet
the southern forces, whom the allies had summoned to
their help: the kings of Muşur and the warriors of the
king of Melukhkha; and defeated them at Elteķeh (un-
known but probably on the Philistine plain). Then he
took 'Ekron and was free to turn against the most
secure and formidable of the allies, Hezekiah. Sen-
nacherib appears not to have immediately advanced on
Jerusalem. Whether because his victory at Elteķeh had
not finally dispersed the danger of an attack by an army
from the south, and he could not therefore afford to lead
his main force against Jerusalem; or because, like the
Seleucid generals and Vespasian, he appreciated the
strength of Jerusalem and the waterlessness of her sur-
roundings, so dangerous to all her besiegers, and knew
that he must not hope to take her before making sure of
the rest of the land, he began with the latter. 'But
Hezekiah of Jerusalem, who had not submitted to me,
forty-six of his walled towns, numberless forts and small
places in their neighbourhood I invested and took by
means of battering - rams and the assault of scaling-
ladders (? siege towers), the attack of foot-soldiers, mines,
breaches and ...1 Two hundred thousand one hundred
and fifty, great and small, men and women, horses, mules,
asses, camels, oxen and sheep without number I carried
off from them and counted as spoil.'? While these opera-
tions proceeded, part of the Assyrian army blockaded
1 So after Ball and Nagel, the former of whom renders the last three
terms, ‘mines, bills and axes?: Taylor Cyl. iii. 11-17. 2 Id. 17-20.
3 Because later, when Hezekiah submitted, we find Sennacherib still
investing Lakîsh, doubtless one of the Judæan towns, since Hezekiah had
already overrun Philistia up to Gaza,
160
Terusalem
.
Jerusalem. "Himself I shut up like a bird in a cage in
Jerusalem his royal city. I raised forts about him and
the exits of (or whatever came forth from the chief gate
of his city I barred. His towns which I spoiled I severed
from his territory and gave them to Mitinti, king of Ash-
dod, Padi, king of 'Ekron, and Șilbil, king of Gaza; so I
diminished his territory.'1 The blockade of Jerusalem
brought Hezekiah to terms. 'Himself the fear of my
august Lordship overpowered. The Arabians and his
faithful ones, whom he had brought in for the defence of
Jerusalem his royal city, fell away.2 Along with 30
talents of gold and 800 of silver, precious stones, car-
buncles, kasst stones, great pieces of lapis lazuli, ivory
thrones, elephant hides [and] tusks, ushu wood, box-
wood, all sorts of things, a huge treasure, and his own
daughters, the women-folk of his palace, men and women
singers he brought after me to Nineveh the city of my
Lordship; and for the payment of the tribute and to do
homage, he despatched his envoy.' 3
This account asserts or implies the following: the
conquest of Judah, with the overthrow of all the prin-
cipal cities except Jerusalem, and the captivity
Judah
overrun, of a large portion of the country population;
Jerusalem
blockaded, the blockade of Jerusalem, but neither its
siege 4 nor its capture; the payment by Heze-
kiah of a costly tribute; and the departure of Senna-
but not taken.
1 Taylor Cyl. 20-26, after Schrader and Ball.
2 So Ball and Nagel ; cf. Delitzsch, Assyr. Handwörterbuch, 1719. Others
translate differently.
3 Taylor Cyl. iii. 29-41 : after Ball and Schrader.
4 The inscription does not use the usual word for siege, but a word that
probably means blockade': cf. Prášek, Sanheribs Feldziige gegen Juda,
21; in the Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft, 1903, 4. Cf.
Winckler, A. 7. Untersuchungen, 31 (1892).
Hezekiah and Sennacherib
161
cherib to Nineveh, before even the tribute could be paid.
The Bas-Relief in the British Museum proves in addition
that among the cities taken and spoiled by Sennacherib
was Lakîsh. For the reason of Sennacherib's swift return
to Nineveh we cannot be at a loss. It must have been
news of the revolt of his vassal Bel-Ibni in Babylon, for
Sennacherib's next campaign in 700 was directed against
this rebel.
There is no doubt that the Biblical parallel to Sen-
nacherib's record of his suddenly ended campaign in
Southern Palestine is found in 2 Kings xviii.
The Biblical
13-16: In the fourteenth year of king Hizkiyah Parallels :
, I. Narrative.
Sanherîb, king of Ashshúr, came up against all
the fortified cities of Judah and took them; and Hizkiyah,
king of Judah, sent to the king of Ashshûr to Lakish
saying: I have sinned; turn from against me, what thou
layest upon me I will bear; and the king of Ashshůr laid
upon Hizkiyah, king of Judah, 300 talents of silver and
30 talents of gold. And Hizkiyah gave up all the silver,
found in the House of Jahweh and in the treasuries of the
Palace. At that time Hizkiyah stripped the doors of the
Temple of Jahweh and the pillars which Ħizkiyah (?), king
of Judah had overlaid and gave it to the king of Ashshür.
The first verse of this passage is found in Isaiah xxxvi. I,
the rest are omitted. The independence of the passage
from what follows it will be shown below.
To the same campaign of Sennacherib in 701 we may
reasonably refer the long discourse by Isaiah, now placed
as a preface to his prophecies, ch. i. 2-26;
2. Prophecy.
but it is right to mention that some refer this
to the previous invasion of Judah by Aram and Israel
in 734. Verses 7-9 run as follows:-
VOL. II.
162
Jerusalem
Your land is a waste, your cities are burned with fire,
Your soil before you strangers devour it
(It is waste as the overthrow of Sodom).1
The daughter of Șion is left like a hut in a vineyard,
Like a lodge in a garden of cucumbers,
Like a city beleaguered.2
Had Jahweh of hosts not left us a remnant,
Almost as Sodom had we been,
To Gomorrah had been levelled.
To the same year of 701 is usually assigned chap. xxii.
1-14. It seems hardly possible to take this passage as a
unity. Owing to the corruption of the text it is difficult,
if not impossible, to detect the seam between the two
pieces : hence the diverse modern divisions of the pas-
sage. But not only are the opening verses (1-5 at least)
in one rhythm, and the closing (116-14) in another; they
do not appear to describe the same phase of the fickle
i So Ewald, Lagarde, Cheyne, and others, reading 270 for the unmeaning
ding. The clause, however, is taken by some as a later insertion, on the
ground that it breaks into the couplets of the verse-form.
2 This clause is strange after the previous comparisons, unless Isaiah spoke
it before the actual blockade of Jerusalem.
8 Formerly the universal opinion (shared by the present writer, Expositor's
cf. Robertson Smith, Prophets, ist ed., 346 f. Duhm divides the passages into
two oracles of Isaiah: (a) 1-7, on an unknown occasion which moved the
City to mirth, which the prophet answers by a vision of destruction ; (6) 8-14,
the prophet's rebuke of the City's trust in its preparations against a siege and
its subsequent desperate levity. Marti distinguishes three pieces: (a) 1-5, in
the Kinah measure: to the City, in an exultant mood, Isaiah announces his
vision of the overthrow of its leaders without resistance; (6) 6-11, the work
of a later writer, because of the mention of Elam, which cannot have been
among the Assyrian forces in 701; (C) 12-14, Isaiah's, from the same occasion
as 1-5, the thoughtless joy of the citizens at the withdrawal of the Assyrians
in 701. Cheyne (S.B.0.7. p. 163: see further Crit. Bibl.) distinguishes 1-5
and 6-14, both on the Assyrian withdrawal, the latter describing the rebound
of the citizens from despair to hope. He thinks something has fallen out
from the beginning of the second piece. All three take vs. 9b-11a as a
gloss.
Hezekiah and Sennacherib
163
.
the housetops in a joyous celebration, to which the
prophet opposes, in 26-5, his vision of an imminent flight
of the garrison merging into a picture of a day of the
Lord. On the other hand, verses 8-141 rebuke the people
for trusting in their preparations for a siege instead of
in God; and then, as if even that material confidence
had given way, depicts them, while God calls them to
repentance, plunging into a desperate self-indulgence-
for to-morrow we die. This is a very different mood
from that pictured in the opening verses. Let us take
verses 11-14 first. Professors Cheyne, Skinner and Marti -
refer this oracle to the people's relief upon the sudden
withdrawal of the Assyrians: 'in the rebound from
despair to hope the citizens of Jerusalem give expression
to the wildest joy.'? But this does not suit the cry,
for to-morrow we die. These words compel us to refer
the passage to a panic, when the people imagined
that their end was near, and instead of penitence gave
way to wild excesses. Now the occasion of this panic
may have been that alluded to in Sennacherib's state-
ment: during the blockade of the City, Hezekiah’s ‘Arab
mercenaries and his faithful ones' deserted. At an
earlier moment, when no fear of their end possessed the
citizens, but they had gone up to the housetops in great
joy, Isaiah appears to have anticipated some such deser-
tion of their cause, even by the rulers themselves :
verses 1-3:-
What aileth thee now, thou art up
All to the housetops ?
O full of uproar, city of tumult,
Boisterous town.
i Perhaps this passage begins earlier ; for verses 12 f. see p. 137.
a Cheyne, S.B.O.T., 'Isaiah,' p. 163.
164
Jerusalem
Thy slain are not slain with the sword,
Nor fallen in battle.
Thy rulers are fled altogether.
Thy strong ones have yielded” together,
Afar have they hurried.
An alternative is to take the exultation of the people
on the housetops as happening on the departure of the
Assyrians, while the prophet predicts the certain return
of the latter. But this is less likely, for verses 8-9a
go on to describe hasty preparations before a siege,
when He had removed the screen of Judah: that is, when
the frontier fortresses strengthened by Hezekiah and
previous kings as screens to the capital had already
been captured by Sennacherib. It is therefore more
reasonable to take the exultation upon the housetops as
happening upon the arrival of some addition to the
strength of Jerusalem-possibly the entry of the Arabian
mercenaries; while, as we have seen, the different mood
of the people, described in verses 11-14, emerged before
rather than after the blockade was lifted, and possibly
on the desertion of these same hirelings along with a
number of the native Jews.
So much, then, at least happened in 701, and is covered
by Sennacherib's inscription and the passages of narrative
Summary of and prophecy we have quoted. Hezekiah
Events in
strengthened his garrison with a number of
sages. Arab mercenaries. Sennacherib, having de-
vastated Judah, blockaded Jerusalem. The blockade
was lifted, and Hezekiah sent tribute to Sennacherib
i The text of this line is uncertain : as it stands it reads, Without the bow
these pas-
.מקשר we should read מקשת they are boa7ad
.
Perhaps for
,אסרו For
2
סרן wrongly repeated from the previous line
,
read
Hezekiah and Sennacherib
165
either at Lakîsh or at Nineveh, whither the Assyrian
king implies that he suddenly returned.
The short Biblical summary of these proceedings 1 is,
by the style of it, evidently drawn from the annals of
Judah. But there immediately follow two Two further
further accounts of Assyrian expeditions ;
against Jerusalem,” which, besides differently cal value,
spelling the name Hezekiah, are couched not in the
annalist's but in a narrative style, and are usually taken
to be from that class of prophets' biographies upon
which the compiler of the Books of Kings has so largely
drawn. These two narratives contain obvious editorial
additions. The compiler certainly did not finish his
work before the Exile, or more exactly before the middle
of the sixth century, and to him may be assigned the
possibly late features which the language of the two
accounts exhibits. The foreshortening of the period
their histori-
1 2 Kings xviii. 13-16 (verse 13 is parallel to Isaiah xxxvi. I).
2 (a) 2 Kings xviii. 17-xix. 8 parallel with Isa. xxxvi. 2-xxxvii. 8; (6)
2 Kings xix. 9-37 parallel with Isa. xxxvii. 9-38.
3 As e.g, in the cases of Elijah and Elisha.-
4 E.g. xviii. 17: the Tartan and the Rabsaris, in addition to the Rab.
shaķeh ; for verses 17-19 imply the presence only of the Rabshakeh, cf. xix. 8;
xix. 2, 20, son of Amos, cf. Kautzsch in loco; xix. 10: Thus shall ye speak to
H. King of Judah, saying (Kautzsch).
5 For example, the name Jewish (instead of Hebrew) for the language of
the people of Jerusalem (2 Kings xviii, 26, 28), not elsewhere used in the
O.T. except in the post-exilic Neh. xiii. 24, and objected to on the ground
that it could not have come into use so soon after the fall of Samaria and
the sole survival of Judah as the end of the eighth or beginning of the
seventh century. Nagel argues that its use was possible after 681, subsequent
to which year he places the two accounts because of Sennacherib's death.
Other expressions alleged to be late are the Deuteronomic phrases in Heze-
ķiah's prayer, xix. 15 ff. ; the words 779780 and 70sa, xix. 31, which Cheyne
calls post-Isaian, but this is doubtful (see Nagel's answer); and the expres-
sions for My sake, and for the sake of My servant David (so Kuenen and
others).
166
Jerusalem
between Sennacherib's return from Palestine and his
murder in 681 may also be due to the distance of the
compiler from these events. More precarious evidence
of the compiler's alteration of his materials is found by
some in the religious temper of the two accounts. The
monotheism especially of Hezekiah's prayer is said to be
too pure for a date before Deuteronomy and the Second
Isaiah';2 while the representation of Isaiah as a mediator
between God and man is held to be a conception of the
prophetic office not formed till later. This line of argu-
ment is very uncertain. Isaiah, during his long career
and by the vindication of several of his predictions,
may well have achieved an authority sufficient to create
among his contemporaries the conception of him pre-
vailing in these narratives. Again, Hezekiah's expecta-
tion of help from Egypt, and the Assyrian assertion
that he will be disappointed, are not impossible (as
some have alleged) before Tirhaķah's conquest of Egypt
in 691; but are consistent with Isaiah's own oracles so
generally assigned to 705-701. On the other hand,
many of the details in the two accounts can hardly be
the invention of a late compiler. The case for the
credibility of the narratives may have been overstated,3
but their graphic description is most adequately ex-
plained as the work of a contemporary, if not of an
eye-witness. The two accounts, then, owe their present
form, including some overlapping and probably some
errors not always possible to distinguish, to their late
1 2 Kings xix. 36, 37: so Kuenen.
? So Meinhold and others.
3 As by Nagel in his sections on "The Credibility of the Hebrew Accounts'
in Der Zug des Sanheribs gegen Jerusalem.
Hezekiah and Sennacherib
167
Narratives.
compilation ; but the attempt to prove them substan-
tially unsound cannot be maintained.
The contents of these two accounts are as follows.
The First (2 Kings xviii. 17-xix. 8)2 relates that the
Assyrian Rabshakeh, or Chief Minister, was
The Contents
sent by Sennacherib from Lakîsh with an of the two
army to Jerusalem, to demand her surrender;
but Isaiah emboldened Hezekiah to defiance by predict-
ing that the king of Assyria would hear a rumour, return
to his own land, and there perish by the sword. So the
Rabshakeh rejoined his master at Libnah. The Second
(2 Kings xix. 9-37) 3 relates that Sennacherib, hearing
that Tirhaķah 4 of Egypt was advancing, sent a letter to
Hezekiah once more demanding the surrender of Jeru-
salem ; Hezeķiah spread the letter with prayer before
God; Isaiah told him that the Assyrian was overruled
by God and would return without coming near Jeru-
salem; an angel smote of the Assyrians 185,000 in a
single night; Sennacherib returned to Nineveh and was
murdered by his sons in the temple of Nisroch.5
Two serious questions are raised by these similar yet
1 Prašek (op. cit. 25 ff.) divides the first into a short summary from the
annals of Judah, 2 Kings xviii. 17, 18, xix. 8, of historical value, and a pro-
phetic narrative of the time of the Exile; but so definite a division cannot be
pronounced successful. The oracles attributed to Isaiah in xix. 21-34 have
been doubted. They vary in rhythm, and some of the verses contain the
later features noted above. But even if parts, or all, of them be omitted, a
substantial narrative remains.
2 Parallel with Isaiah xxxvi. 2-xxxvii. 8.
3 Parallel with Isaiah xxxvii. 9-38. The Hebrew form of Taharķā.
5 The line between the two accounts is very sharp. 2 Kings xix. 8 tells
of the return of the Rabshaķeh from Jerusalem to Sennacherib at Libnah.
But the subject of the verb, and he heard, in verse 9, is not the Rabshakeh
but the king. With this verse, then, a new narrative obviously begins. The
verses xix. 35-37 describing the visitation on the Assyrian army, the return of
Sennacherib and his murder, are assigned by some to the first account.
168
Jerusalem
differing narratives of expeditions to Jerusalem from
The Questions Sennacherib. Are they parallel versions of
they raise. one and the same expedition, or the accounts
of two separate expeditions? And do they refer to the
events of 701, as given by Sennacherib's inscription and
the extract from the annals of Judah, or to some later
campaign of Sennacherib in Palestine? To both these
questions diametrically opposite answers have been given
with equal confidence. The evidence is incomplete, and
as it stands somewhat conflicting. We can reach only
probable answers-and even when most probable not
entirely harmonious.
The recent tendency of criticism 1 has been to take
the narratives as parallel versions of the same course of
Are they events in 701. Stress is laid upon their
common elements: the despatch of a mission
nin by Sennacherib to demand the surrender of
Expedition in
2017 Jerusalem; the similarity of the speech of
the Rabshakeh in the First to the letter given in the
Second ; Hezekiah's submission of both speech and letter
to God; the intervention in both cases of Isaiah and his
encouragement of Hezekiah to defy Sennacherib; while
'the discrepancies between the two narratives are held to
be 'perhaps not greater than between parallel accounts
in the four gospels.'2 This is by no means conclusive.
Other explanations of the similarities are, to say the least,
equally probable. For in part these may be due to the
borrowing by one account of the exact terms of the other;3
parallel
Versions of
the same
1 Since Stade's analysis of the narratives in 2. A.T.W. vi. 1886. See
Skinner, Kings, 388, where the argument is maintained against the new
hypothesis of Winckler; Whitehouse, Isaiah, 353.
2 Skinner, Isaiah, i.-xxxix. 262.
3 For example, the list of towns conquered by Assyria.
Hezekiah and Sennacherib
169
and still more they may have arisen from the analogies
between two similar situations in which the principal
actors were the same. If Sennacherib sent two dif-
ferent missions to demand the surrender of Jerusalem,
it is probable that he would repeat himself, nor is it less
likely that Hezekiah and Isaiah would return him similar
replies. On the other hand, the discrepancies between
the two narratives are greater than the advo- or the
cates of their parallelism allow; and more Accounts.com
two successive
consistent with the explanation which refers Expeditions?
the narratives to two successive missions. In the Second
there is no allusion to the fall of Samaria, which is
explicable if this narrative deals with events later than
the First. In the Second, Sennacherib nb longer taunts
Hezeķiah with the futility of reliance on Egypt; again a
natural omission if, as the Second narrative states,
Taharķō was at last able to march into Palestine.
There is also a difference in the positions assigned to
Sennacherib by the two narratives. In the First he is in
Judah, not far from Jerusalem, to which he is able to
send a corps detached from his great host; in the Second
he is not near, and Isaiah asserts he will not come near.1
There is also a great difference between the panic
ascribed to Hezekiah in the First narrative, and his calm
demeanour in the Second ; the change is naturally ex-
plained, both if we assume that Hezekiah had already
passed through the discipline described in the first narra-
tive, and if we suppose (as we have just seen reason to
do) that on the second occasion the Assyrians were at a
much greater distance from the capital. In the First
1 Prašek's contention (op. cit. 32, 37) that the letter of Sennacherib in the
Second narrative implies that Jerusalem was besieged by the Assyrians and
hard pressed, is unfounded; on the contrary, Winckler, A. T. Unters., 42.
170
Jerusalem
narrative Hezekiah sends a formal embassy to Isaiah ;
in the Second Isaiah sends of his own accord to Hezekiah.
And finally, while, in the First, Isaiah announces that
Sennacherib's departure from Palestine will be due to a
rumour, in the Second this is not implied, but the cause
of his departure is a pestilence.1
While, then, the similarities in the two narratives are
explicable on other grounds than that they are parallel
They are the versions of the same expedition, their differ-
accounts of
two Assyrian ences are less consistent with such a theory
Expeditions than they are with the interpretation of the
two narratives as the accounts of successive missions
from Sennacherib to Jerusalem. We take it, that Sen-
nacherib sent twice to Jerusalem to demand her surrender,
and twice was defied by Hezekiah under the influence of
her great prophet.2
This leads to our other question : Did both of these
separate missions sent by Sennacherib to Jerusalem take
place in 701; or is the first alone to be assigned
two Cam- to that year, and the second to another cam-
paigns of
Sennacherib paign of Sennacherib some years later ? The
in Palestine?
hypothesis that Isaiah xxxvi.-xxxvii. records
the results of two Assyrian invasions of Palestine
was advanced by British scholars from a comparatively
early date, but met with opposition, and was generally
1 There is no sufficient reason for assigning the story of the pestilence to
the first narrative.
3 Even some of the adherents of the theory of parallelism between the two
narratives admit that the latter allow themselves' to be read as a continuous
whole.
8 Hincks, followed for a time by Cheyne and Schrader, dated the first
in Sargon's campaign of 711, the second in Sennacherib's of 701. Sir Henry
Rawlinson distinguished between a first successful campaign of Sennacherib,
and a later unsuccessſul one by the same monarch (G. Rawlinson's Herodotus,
1862).
4 From Schrader.
Were there
Hezekiah and Sennacherib
171
supposed to be disproved on the grounds that there is no
room in the Biblical records for a second campaign, and
no word about it in the Assyrian annals.1
Recently, however, additional evidence has appeared
which, though not conclusive, points towards the fact of
a second Palestine campaign by Sennacherib Assyrian
that of
dal l
a
Tint evidence for a
la second Pales-
de
of all we have an allusion in the annals of tine Cam.se
paign by Sen-
Asarhaddon to a campaign by Sennacherib nacherib.
in Northern Arabia. As Asarhaddon repeated this
expedition of his predecessor and continued its probable
purpose in the invasion of Egypt, it was argued that
Sennacherib himself had advanced from his Arabian
conquests at least as far as the frontier of Egypt; and
appeal was made to the Egyptian tradition of an Assyrian
overthrow and retreat, reported by Herodotus,3 which
calls Sennacherib 'King of the Arabians and Assyrians,
a title that implies his Arabian conquests.' On this
ground alone Dr. Winckler has argued for a second
appearance of Sennacherib in Palestine, after 690, of
which the Biblical account is found in the Second of the
narratives which we have been discussing ;4 and his
argument has received considerable support. But,
1 Cheyne, Intro. to the Book of Isaiah, 234 f. ; Rogers, Hist. of Babyl. and
Assyria, ii. 203 n. 4. Cf. Meinhold, Jesaia u. seine Zeit, ii. ff.
2 In which he took the fortress of Adumu, variously identified with Petra
of Edom, and with Dumât in the Jôf (the Dumata of Pliny): cf. Duma,
Isaiah xxi. II.
3 ii. 141.
4 2 Kings xix. 8-37; Winckler, Alt. Or. Untersuchungen, 1889, especially
p. 259; A. T. Untersuchungen (1895), 41 ff. ; K.A.T.3), 1902, 272 f.
0 Hommel, Hastings' D.B. i. 188; Benzinger, Die Bücher der Könige ;
Guthe, Gesch., 221; Budge (Hist. of Egypt, vi. 141 f.). Budge (Hist. of
Egypt, vi. 149) says that the compiler of the Books of Kings seems to have
confused' two sieges of Jerusalem, one when Shabataka was king of Egypt,
and one when Taharķō was king.
172
Jerusalem
with the
Biblical
secondly, Father Scheil has discovered a fragment of
Sennacherib's own annals, which implies that between
691 and 689, in consequence of a revolt of his
western vassals encouraged by the activity of Taharķē,
Sennacherib undertook a campaign westwards ; unfortu-
nately the fragment does not carry his progress farther
than Northern Arabia.
• In this inconclusive state of the Assyrian evidence it
may be pointed out how far the hypothesis of a second
Its Harmony campaign by Sennacherib to the South suits
the Biblical record. Before Father Scheil's
Narratives. discovery this was supposed to have taken
place in the eighties of the seventh century. But we
now know that the campaign, whether or not it ex-
tended to Palestine, took place between 691 and 689,
which would bring it within the possible extent of
Hezekiah's reign and Isaiah's career. By that time,
too, Taharķō had certainly become lord of all Egypt,
the most probable date being 691.3 With all this are
consistent the introduction of his name at the beginning
of our Second narrative,4 and the omission from Sen-
nacherib's letter of the emphasis which the Rabshaķeh's
speech had laid upon the futility of Judah's reliance on
Egypt. Such reliance was not futile now that Taharķē
was advancing. And finally, if the Second narrative
refers to a campaign of Sennacherib in 690 or 689, we
can more easily understand why there was included in it
a notice of Sennacherib's murder in 681, than if it refers
to the campaign of 701, which was distant twenty years
from that murder.
1 Announced in the Orient. Litteraturzeitung for 1904, p. 2. Cf. Weber,
Sanherib, Heft 3 of Der Alte Orient, 1905. 2 Winckler, A. T. Unters., 36f.
3 See above, p. 156 n. I.
4 2 Kings xix. 9.
Hezekiah and Sennacherib
173
Course of
1
On the present evidence, then, imperfect though it is,
the theory seems most probable that the First narrative
describes what happened in 701, either after, Summary of
or (alternatively) along with, Hezekiah's sub- to
mission and the raising of the Assyrian Events.
blockade. Having received Hezekiah's tribute, Sen-
nacherib sent by his Rabshakeh a fresh and insolent
summons for the surrender of Jerusalem; the despairing
king was inspired by Isaiah to defy it, and, in accordance
with the prophet's foresight, Sennacherib was hastily
summoned from Palestine by news of Bel-Ibni's revolt
in Babylon. Alternatively, and some will feel more
probably, the mission of the Rabshaķeh was simul-
taneous with the blockade of the City, which was raised
in consequence of the news from Babylon. The Second
narrative, on the other hand, describes what happened
some years later, in 690 or 689, when Taharķō had
gained command of all Egypt, and Sennacherib was
marching to meet him, after some conquests in Northern
Arabia. In this campaign the Assyrian did not come
near Jerusalem, but sent a letter-demanding her sur-
render. Hezekiah received it with calmness, and Isaiah
defied its pretensions in the name of his God. The
Assyrian army, before it met the Egyptians, was visited
by a pestilence, and Sennacherib again hastily retreated to
his own land. Eight or nine years later, in 681, he was
murdered in Nineveh. The compiler of Kings, working
more than a century afterwards, has compressed the two
narratives into one of the first campaign in 701. It is
his preservation of the name of Tirhakah, who did not
come to power over Egypt till 691, that enables us to
separate the Second narrative and assign its different
174
Jerusalem
of the Unique
Holiness of
story to that second southern campaign of Sennacherib,
which the Assyrian evidence gives us some ground to
suppose took place between 691 and 689.
Therefore, certainly once, and probably twice, Jerusalem
was delivered from capture by the Assyrians, and her
Vindication people were saved from the deportation and
ue destruction which had overtaken the northern
Șion, tribes of Israel in 721. A remnant remained
in their own uncaptured City, and the altar and dwelling-
place of Jahweh were inviolate. As the Assyrians had
overrun the rest of Judah, more or less discrediting
the influence, if not actually destroying the fabric, of
every other shrine at which Jahweh was worshipped,
we can appreciate the increased sacredness which the
deliverance conferred upon Jerusalem. Mount Sion and
the Temple stood at last alone: the one inviolable
sanctuary of the One True God. Isaiah's predictions
were vindicated by a glorious Fact in which not the
and of arms nor the powers of men were manifest,
to but only the Hand of God for the salvation
her History. of His people. We must not, however, forget
the previous history of the City and its religious and
moral meaning, upon which Isaiah had ventured his
predictions of her security. To all that history and its
prophetic interpretation the Deliverance of Jerusalem
came as God's own signature. We are prone to
consider the great event by itself, and to trace to it
alone the subsequent prestige of the City. But apart
from the previous history and prophecy, the Deliver-
ance would have been as a seal without any document
accompanying it.
In estimating the effect of all this upon the destiny
Isaiah's Inter-
pretation of
wul vity chodballd O
Ya
1
Hezekiah and Sennacherib
175
all this:
of Jerusalem, we must distinguish the various powers of
imagination and conscience which it roused
The Threefold
among her mixed and fickle people. Of Effects of
such powers there were at least three: the **
conscience of the executive statesmen, the popular
imagination, and the more spiritual convictions of the
prophets themselves.
As to the first, we find explicit statements in the
Second Book of Kings. The Deuteronomic editor of
that book attributes to King Hezeķiah a 1. Upon the
number of religious reforms, some of which
. some of which Statesmen;
are sympathetic with, while others were Reforms.
actually required by, the earlier teaching of the great
prophet.1 Hezekiah (we are told) brake in pieces the
bronze serpent, which Moses had made, for unto those days
were Israel offering to it the smoke of sacrifice, and it was
called Neħushtan. There can be no doubt about the
fact of this particular reform, and we may safely assume
that it implies the removal, or at least the attempt to
remove, all the idolatries against which Isaiah had in-
veighed. Isaiah's indictment of the idols and the sacred
trees had been so absolute, that it is hard to believe that
Hezekiah postponed their abolition to so late a date in
his reign as after 701. But the acceptance which has
been granted to the record of this reform has been
denied to the clause which precedes it-he removed the
high places and brake the pillars and cut down the
Ashērôth 3-on the grounds that the grammatical form
of the clause is late, that there is no evidence of Isaiah's
hostility to the three objects which it mentions, and that
yn
1 1 Kings xviii. 4.
3 Plural, after the LXX.
2 E. V. incense.
176
Jerusalem
1
these were still in use at the beginning of Josiah's reign.
The question is difficult, and an answer perhaps not now
attainable. But, because the Book of Deuteronomy,
which contains explicit laws against the high places,
the pillars and the Asherôth, is certainly compiled from
earlier sources, and because such written laws were (as
we have seen in other cases) connected with specific
acts of reform, it is quite possible that Hezekiah took
measures for the abolition of all those three institu-
tions of the earlier religion of Israel. That his reforms
were of a drastic character1 is proved by the violence of
the reaction against them under Manasseh. Nor is it a
conclusive objection to the introduction of those partic-
ulars in the list of Hezekiah's reforms, that Isaiah does
not enforce them by name. In such a movement there
are always some details achieved, which its spiritual
leaders have not actually defined in their statement of
its principles. We have seen the faint beginnings of a
tendency towards the centralisation of the worship of
Judah nearly a century before Isaiah.? And, indeed, so
pure a faith as he urged upon his people involved such
Possible a centralisation as one of its most practical
centralise the consequences. To us it may seem paradoxi-
Worship. cal that the doctrine of the One God should
carry as its corollary the doctrine of the One Sanctuary:
neither in this mountain nor in Jerusalem shall ye worship
the Father: the hour now is, when the true worshippers
shall worship the Father in spirit and in truth. But in
-
1 Die erste Durchführung der Forderungen des Jahvismus'; 'eine völlige
Durchfiihrung des Jahvismus in seiner streng monotheistischen Bedeutung
mit teilweiser Beseitigung anderer Kulte.' Winckler, K.A.7.(3) 271; cf.
Guthe, Gesch. 223.
2 Above, pp. 90 f., III f., 130, 133 f., 137 f., 140 f., 174.
Hezekiah and Sennacherib
177
the religious circumstances of that time there was indeed
no greater safeguard of monotheism than the concentra-
tion of the national worship on the Temple. Most of the
rural shrines of Jahweh had been shrines of local gods,
and in their ritual, as in their worshippers' conceptions
of the godhead, must have perpetuated the influences of
the ancient polytheism. In name belonging to Jahweh,
in reality they were devoted to the Baalim-according to
the number of thy cities are thy gods, O Judah !1 The
worship of one Jahweh, spiritual and not idolatrous,
was practicable only in the Temple. Again, the rural
sanctuaries had all been violated by the Assyrian inva-
sion of 701; and further, the smallness of the Israelite
territory since the collapse of the Northern Kingdom in
721 and the exile of its people, rendered possible the
periodical assembly at Jerusalem of all the worshippers
of Jahweh. Even, therefore, if Hezekiah did not actually
succeed in centralising the national cult in the capital,
there is no reason to doubt that he attempted such a
policy. The political and religious motives for it were
all present before the end of his reign. It need not have
been started at the same time as the measures for remov-
ing the idols. Centralisation may have first suggested
itself when the suppression of idolatry was found to be
impossible so long as the rural sanctuaries remained; and
it was, no doubt, greatly facilitated by the violation of
these sanctuaries in 701, and by the vindication of the
unique inviolableness of Jerusalem. The removal of the
high places by Hezekiah is therefore more probable after
than before that date.
Jer. xi. 13.
? Nevertheless we find it asserted in the speech of the Rabshakeh in the first
narrative which, as we have seen, refers to 701: Isa. xxxvi. 7; 2 Kings xviii. 22.
VOL. II.
M
178
Jerusalem
1
Of the effect of the Deliverance of Jerusalem on the
popular imagination we can have no doubt. For a
century Assyria had been the terror of the
2. Upon the
Popular peoples of Palestine. The citizens of Jeru-
Imagination.
salem heard Isaiah himself describe, in periods
which marched like their subject, the progress of the
monstrous hosts of the North: their unbroken ranks,
their pitiless and irresistible advance. Further and
further south had this pressed, overwhelming Northern
Israel, spreading around Judah, and rising upon the land
to the very walls of Jerusalem. From these the citizens
at last saw with their own eyes the predicted and long-
imagined forms of their terror, knowing that behind lay.
exile and destruction for the people of God. Then
suddenly the Assyrian army vanished and Jerusalem was
left the one unviolated fortress on the long, ruin-strewn
path of the conqueror. We need not wait for answers
to the difficult questions of the date and value of the
Scriptures which celebrate the Deliverance. The bare
facts, about which there is no doubt, convince us of their
effects in the temper of the Jewish people. Upon minds
too coarse to appreciate Isaiah's reading of the moral
vocation and destiny of their City, her signal relief (or
reliefs) from so invincible a foe, must have made a pro-
found impression. The Jews had seen the rest of the
sacred territory violated, and a great proportion of its
population carried into exile. Here alone the foe had
been kept back. Alone the Temple remained secure.
Dogma of the From this time; therefore, rose the belief,
e which seventy years later we find hardened
Jerusalem. into a dogma, that Jerusalem was inviolable.
No article of religion could have been more popular.
L
Inviolable-
ness of
Hezekiah and Sennacherib
179
Among the mass of the citizens, undoubtedly increased
by the devastation of the rest of the country, it must have
spread with rapidity; and the measures for centralising
the national worship in the Temple, in so far as they
were successful, can only have assisted its propagation.
But we must not suppose that such a belief was
accepted by the more spiritual of the prophets. Micah
had predicted that Șion should be ploughed
3. The Ethical
as a field, Jerusalem become heaps, and the Attitude of
the Prophets.
mountain of the House as the high places“
of a jungle. And although Isaiah had foretold the
Deliverance, and almost alone had sustained the
courage of Jerusalem till it came, he did not, we may
be sure, believe in any survival of the City apart from
those moral conditions which the popular faith in her
inviolableness was certain to ignore, but upon which it
had been the constant energy of his long career to
insist. We may not even assert that Isaiah was devoted
to the centralisation of the national worship. No share in
this is imputed to him by the records. His practical
genius may have felt that centralisation was necessary
for the purity of the religion, but in his old age he may
also have foreseen its tendency towards formality and
superstition, which seventy years later became obvious to
Jeremiah.
Whatever may have been the extent of the reforms
under Hezekiah and Isaiah, their stability
became endangered by the disappearance of Hezekiah
and Isaiah :
the two personalities, on whom they had Manasseh's
accession.
depended, soon after the (probable) second
Deliverance of the City about 6go. Hezekiah died not
1 iii. 12.
Deaths of
180
Terusalem
later than 685, perhaps even a few years earlier,1 and
with him or soon after him Isaiah, whose ministry had
lasted more than fifty years. The new king Manasseh
was a boy. Ahaz, who had favoured the religious
fashions of the Canaanites and Assyrians, was his grand-
father. All the conditions, therefore, made a reaction
against the reforms an easy possibility. But to under-
stand the extent as well as the character of the reaction,
we must look at the political history of the period.
1 2 Kings xxi. I assigns 55 years to the reign of Manasseh. If we take
641 as the year of his death, this would fix the death of Hezekiah in 696 or
695; if we take 638, then Hezekiah on the Biblical datum lived till 692
(Rost) or 691 (cf. Guthe, Gesch, 253). The accession of Taharķā was in
691, and the probable second Deliverance of Jerusalem, as we have seen,
between 691 and 689. Winckler (K.A. 7.(3) 274) suggests that Manasseh
and not Hezekiah was king of Judah at this time, but there are not sufficient
grounds for such a hypothesis. Accepting the Biblical statement that the
king of Judah was still Hezekiah after Taharko's accession in 691, two
hypotheses become possible: that the second Deliverance took place in 690,
that Hezeķiah died immediately after it, and that Manasseh reigned till at
least 637, which is not probable; or that there is a mistake of ten years in
the datum of 2 Kings xxi. I, and that we should read 45 instead of 55 as the
years of Manasseh's reign. This would give us 683 as the year of Hezekiah's
death, reckoning back from 638 or 639, or 685 reckoning back from 641.
According to the Biblical data Hezekiah reigned 29 years (2 Kings xviii. 2),
his sixth year was 722-1, that of the fall of Samaria (Ibid. 10), and his
fourteenth 701, that of Sennacherib's invasion of Judah (Ibid. 13)! To
which of these latter contradictory statements are we to adhere? Each has
its supporters. Or are we to say both are wrong, and with Winckler and
others place Hezekiah's accession in 720 as we have done above (pp. 130,
148), and his death in 692? The latter, of course, is only possible on the
hypothesis that not Hezekiah but Manasseh was king when Taharķo advanced
on Sennacherib's army in Palestine-a hypothesis for which, as we have said,
there are no grounds.
CHAPTER VII
JERUSALEM UNDER MANASSEH
6. 685-640
Manasseh's
THERE is no period of Jewish history more full
1 of darkness and vague sound. The record of
Manasseh's long reign in the Books of Kings Ominous
ith the Character of
is brief and late ; but it is resonant with the
echoes both of great movements external to Reign.
the Jewish state, for the exact course of which the
Assyrian anpals supply considerable, evidence; and of
convulsions within Jerusalem, the precipitates from which
lie heavy on the memory of the Jewish nation and deeply
imbue the substance of their religion.
The record of Manasseh's reign 1 is not even in part
an extract from the annals of the kings of Judah, but
merely a summary of the king's evil deeds, The Biblical
judged from the Deuteronomic standpoint. Record.
Though thus subordinate to a distinct ethical intention,
the passage is not a unity. It contains repetitions, and
apparently gradual accretions from more than one hand.2
It presupposes the Exile. On the other hand, many of
1 2 Kings xxi. 1-18.
2 The passage has been variously divided between the two Deuteronomic
redactions of the Books of Kings. To the earlier of these Skinner assigns
verses 1-6, 16-18, to the other 7-15. To the former Benzinger assigns only
1, 2a and 16. For another analysis see Bks. of Kings in S.B.0.7., by
Stade and Schwally.
3 Verse 8. Verse 5, because it speaks of two courts to the Temple, is
1
181
182
Jerusalem
Manasseh
the deeds which it attributes to Manasseh are accredited
from other sources: from Deuteronomy and the prophets
the revival of Canaanite forms of worship, Baal-altars
and Asherộth, with the introduction of the worship of
the host of heaven;1 from Jeremiah, the drenching of
Jerusalem with innocent blood.2
The lateness of this record is in nothing more manifest
than in its silence with regard to the Palestine campaigns
of Asarḥaddon and Ashurbanipal, and the
the Vassal close traffic of Judah with Assyria which
of Assyria.
- took place during Manasseh's reign. Of all
this the record transmits only one clear echo, the intro-
duction of the worship of the host of heaven. That cult
was Babylonian, and its adoption at this time by
Jerusalem was due to the political and social subjection
of Judah to Assyria. In spite of the great Deliverance
from Sennacherib the Jewish state remained, or early
in Manasseh's reign again became, Assyria's vassal.
'Manasseh of Judah' appears twice as an Assyrian
tributary: once in 677-6, when among twenty-two kings
he paid homage to Asarḥaddon as 'king of the city
of Judah,'3 and again as one of the same group who
furnished 'men and ships in addition to the customary
1
of Solomon's Temple there was an outer court within the boundary wall of
the whole complex of his buildings; cf. 1 Kings vi. 36 with vii. 12. This
against Benzinger on 2 Kings xxi. 5.
1 Deut. iv. 19, xvi. 21 f., xvii. 3 ; Zeph. i. 5; Jer. viii. 2, xix. 5, 13, xliv.
17 ff.
? Jer. xix. 4.
3 C. H. W. Johns in Enc. Bibl. col. 1332; cf. H. F. Talbot, Records of
the Past, ist series, iii. 107 (Kouyunjik Inscr. of Asarhaddon, now in British
Museum); and Winckler, K.A.T.13) 87. Col. v. of the 2nd, Nebi Yunus,
Inscription of Asarhaddon (lines II to 26) records a review of the twenty-
two kings apparently at Nineveh, to which they brought materials for the
adornment of the palace (Talbot, op. cit. 120). On'city of Judah,' cf. vol.
i. 268.
Jerusalem under Manasseh
183
in Pales
tribute' on Ashurbanipal's first campaign against Egypt
in 668.1
In 678 the king of Șidon, in alliance with a Cilician
prince, revolted from Assyria. Asarhaddon's vengeance
was immediate and complete. He destroyed Campaigns
the ancient city and apparently on another
and Egypt of
site built a new town, named after himself, Asarhaddon
and Asbur-
in which he established an Assyrian adminis- banipal.
tration and the worship of the Assyrian pantheon. In
676 the arms of Assyria for the first time crossed the
border of Egypt, only, however, to suffer defeat. But
in 671-670 a second Egyptian campaign was success-
ful, and Egypt became an Assyrian province. When
Taharķā, from the south, recovered it in the following
year, Asarḥaddon prepared a third expedition, continued,
upon his death (668 or 667) by Ashurbanipal, who within
two years had twice to drive back the restless Taharko
into Ethiopia, suppress an Egyptian revolt, and then
capture Thebes from Taharķo's successor. The fall of
Thebes resounded through Western Asia,4 but failed
to place a permanent stamp on the Assyrian power in
Egypt, for about 660 or perhaps a few years later 5
Psameţik I. asserted his independence. Tyre had sub-
mitted to Ashurbanipal in 668, and in spite of the Egyptian
revolt all Palestine remained quiet for the next decade.
Then the revolt of Babylon (652-648) roused the tribes
* L. W. King, Enc. Bibl. coll. 372 f.; cf. Winckler, K.A.T.(8) 87.
G. Smith, Rec. of the Past, ist series, i. 62, does not give Manasseh's name.
2 Hexagonal Prism, Nebi Yunus Inscr. col. 1.
3 Babyl. Chron. iv. 10, 16; see Winckler, K.A.T.(3) 88.
4 Cf. Nahum iii. 8.
5 About 660 (but this is uncertain),' W. Max Müller in the Enc. Bibla
col. 1245. Guthe, Gesch. 233, puts the date as late as 'about 645.
184
Jerusalem
Baby
of Northern Arabia, Edom, Moab and Hauran, and even
the Phænicians in Usu and Akko; and must have excited
Judah and her immediate neighbours, who, however, did
not actively rebel. It has been supposed that the his-
torical fact underlying the Jewish Chronicler's account
Manasseh at of Manasseh's captivity in Babylon is that,
ylon in order to clear himself of the suspicion of
complicity in the revolt of 652 onwards, Manasseh paid
homage in person to Ashurbanipal, when the latter
had at last conquered, and was residing in, Babylon.1
But it is equally possible to suppose that, as the
Chronicler says, Manasseh's temporary residence in
Babylon was an enforced one, and this may have
taken place earlier. Asarhaddon's annals seem to imply
that the twenty-two kings of Syria and the Levant,
of whom Manasseh was one, appeared before him at
Nineveh.2 :
Such, so far as Palestine is concerned, is the history of
the Assyrian Empire during the long reign. of Manasseh.
Under Asarhaddon and Ashurbanipal that
Spread of
Babylonian Empire reached its widest bounds, and
though the final collapse was near—the summit
of its culture and of its ability to impress this upon its sub-
ject peoples. Intellectually and religiously the Assyrian
culture was Babylonian. Never, since the time of the
Tell el-Amarna correspondence, had the civilisation of
Mesopotamia so permeated the life of Palestine. We
have seen how Asarhaddon established his officials and
'? So Winckler in A. T. Untersuchungen, 122, followed by Benzinger on
2 Chron. xxxiii. 10-13, and Guthe, Gesch. 227. Winckler has altered his
opinion and placed Manasseh's visit to Babylon under Asarḥaddon: K.A.7.(3)
274 f.
2 See p. 182 n. 3.
TY
Influence.
UT
his gods at Şidon, how he, and Ashurbanipal organised
an Assyrian administration in Egypt, and how Jewish
soldiers were brought in to the Assyrian armies. Both
monarchs appear to have added to the number of
Mesopotamian colonists in Samaria, who introduced the
worship of their own gods, and whose influence upon the
native customs of the province may be easily imagined
by those who have seen the changes effected in social
life East of the Jordan through the Circassian colonies
introduced by the Turkish Government. Nor are we
without contemporary records of Assyrian administra-
Macalister has recently discovered at Gezer two cunei-
form tablets, deeds of the sale of lands, which there
is no reason to suppose are not 'genuine products of
the ancient dwellers at Gezer.'3 The dates of these
documents are 651 and 649, and they prove that under
Ashurbanipal fields at Gezer, one of which belonged
to a man with a Jewish name, Nathaniah, were sold,
and the sales were registered, according to Assyrian
formulas, in the Assyrian language, and in the one case
by a notary with so unmistakable an Assyrian name as
Nêrgal-sharuşur.4
It will be observed that while most of these instances
1 As early as 711 Sargon had introduced some measure of Assyrian
administration into Ashdod.
? 2 Kings xvii. 24 ff.--which appears to assign this settlement wholly to
Sargon after 721, but evidently contains later elements—compared with the
Book of Ezra in which the Samaritans assert their descent from colonists
settled by Asarhaddon (iv. 2), and this is also traced to those settled by
Osnappar, or Ashurbanipal (iv, 10).
3 Rev. C. H. W. Johns, P.E.F.Q., 1905, 206.
4 Cf. Nergal-sareșer, one of the princes of the king of Babylon mentioned
by Baruch, Jer. xxxix. 3, 13.
186
Jerusalem
.
of the enforcement of the Assyrian discipline are from
Its appear the neighbourhood of Judah-Gezer and the
ance in Judah. Samarian territory were not twenty miles
from Jerusalem-two of them are from Judah itself: the
visit of Manasseh to Babylon and the employment of
Jewish auxiliaries in the Assyrian army. Moreover,
the inclusion of all Western Asia and Egypt in one
great Empire, which, besides, contained the still active
centre of ancient civilisation, must have effected an
extraordinary increase of commerce and mental inter-
course all the way between the Tigris and the upper Nile,
from the influences of which it was impossible that Judah,
a tributary of the Empire, could stand aloof. Hence the
establishment at Jerusalem of the Babylonish worship of
the host of heaven-a worship so elaborate and offered to
so many deities that its altars may well have spread, as
the Biblical historian affirms, over both of the open courts
before the Temple.1
The host of heaven were the sun, moon and stars,2
and at this time probably added to the significance of
one of the most sacred names of the God of
Worship of
the Host of Israel: Jahweh of Hosts. But because belief
in them as real deities had not died out of
Israel-compare the language of even those genuine
monotheists the authors of Deuteronomy 4.it was the
more easy to introduce their worship into Jerusalem. The
first reasons for this were doubtless political. Their
altars and rites were the official acknowledgment of the
subjection of the Jewish state to the Empire, among
whose most popular deities was Ishtar, the planet Venus,
Heaven.
1 See above, p. 181 f. n. 3.
2 Deut. iv. 19; xvii. 3.
3 Originally this had meant God of the armies of Israel.
4 iv, 19.
Jerusalem under Manasseh
187
• queen of heaven. That the mass of the population
of Jerusalem readily yielded to the attractions of a
worship which was performed on arenas they were
accustomed to throng, and with which so many of their
native instincts and conceptions of the universe were
in sympathy, is proved by the evidence alike of the
prophets, the legislators and the annalists of Judah.
The Book of Deuteronomy twice specially distinguishes
the host of heaven as objects which Israel must not let
themselves be drawn away to adore. The site of the
City, high and open to heaven-within view, too, of
the long edge of the Moabite plateau over which the
moon and the planets rise with impressive majesty
was particularly suitable for a worship conducted with-
out idols, by direct adoration of its heavenly objects,
and by offerings so simple as to be within reach
of the poorest worshippers. Accordingly Jeremiah and
Zephaniah both record that the cult of the host of
heaven spread from the courts of the Temple to the
house-tops in Jerusalem ;? while the former describes
the domestic preparation, in which children, fathers
and mothers alike engaged, of cakes to the Queen of
Heaven ;3 and the cakes are called by a name borrowed
i iv. 19; xvii. 3.
; Jer. xix. 13; Zeph. i. 5.
3 Jer. vii. 18; cf. xliv. 15 ff. Stade's contentions (2.A.T.W., 1886,
123 ff., 289 ff.), following the hint of the Massoretic vocalisation of nato
Diour, that naby is an abstract noun signifying dominion or governing
powers of heaven; or an abbreviation for nurse work, and in either case
an equivalent of the name host of heaven, have been generally rejected by
Assyrian and Hebrew scholars (e.g. Schrader, Zeitschr. f. Assyriologie, iii.
353 ff. ; iv. 74 ff. ; Kuenen, Gesammelte Abhandlungen, Budde's tr. 186 ff. ;
G. F. Moore, Enc. Bibl. 3992 f. ; Zimmern, K.A.T.(3) 441). Read therefore
with LXX. of xliv. 17, 72522, queen of. Ishtar is 'queen of heaven,' sharrat
shamê; the Hebrew name for the cakes offered to her in Jerusalem, 13. is the
same as for those offered to Ishtar in Babylonia, kamânu (Zimmern, loc. cit.).
188
Jerusalem
,
from the Assyrian. In recounting Josiah's reforms the
annalist says, he put down ... them that offered unto
the sun, the moon, the mazzālōth and all the host of
heaven ... and he took away the horses that the kings
of Judah had set up for the sun at the entrance of the
House of Jahweh, by the chamber of Nathan-melek the
chamberlain, which was in the precincts, and he burned
the chariots of the sun with fire, and the altars which
were on the roofs, and the altars which Manasseh had
made in the two courts of the House of Jahweh. Mazzālóth
is the same word as the Babylonian manzaltu. They
were either the twelve signs of the zodiac or the divine
stations' in the heavens. The horses and chariot of
the sun were also borrowed from Babylonia. In this
case, too, there had been an ancient worship near Jeru-
salem, the instincts of which had probably not died out
of her mixed population and would now spring to
welcome its Babylonian analogy. In the fourteenth
century Abd-Khiba's letters from Jerusalem mention,
within the territory of the City, a place called Bit-Ninib,
or house of Ninib, a Babylonian deity regarded as solar.5
1 2 Kings xxiii. 5, 11, 12.
2 The following phrase, the upper chamber of Ahaz, is from its ungram-
matical connection with what precedes obviously a gloss. The roof is
usually taken to be that of the Temple, but it may well be a collective for
the roofs from which the domestic worship of the host of heaven took place.
In that case the next clause which the Kings of Judah had made would be
part of the gloss. In itself the plural kings raises doubts.
3 Zimmern, K.A.7.(3) 628.
* Id. 368 ff.
5 Id. 411. Cf. Budde on Judg. i. 34 f., Mount Heres (070-77 or
077-my, Cheyne, Enc. Bibl. 2019), where he proposes to identify Bit-Ninib
with Beth-Shemesh; while Cheyne suggests that Heres is a 'Hebraised form
of Uraš, a synonym of the Ass. god Ninib, who is primarily the fierce
morning sun (see Jensen, Kosmol. 458)'; and connects Heres with the gate
Harsith,' Jer. xix. 2. On Bit-Ninib see above, pp. 21, 25 n. 6; on Beth-
Shemesh, 116.
Jerusalem under Manasseh
189
Jerusalem, then, was permeated during Manasseh's
reign by the astral worship of Babylonia, which did not
merely obtain, for political reasons, a station in the royal
sanctuary, but found an eager welcome from many
ancient and popular instincts, still unsubdued by the
progress of monotheism. Its rites were domesticated
in shapes which long. outlived the drastic reforms of
Josiah.
To the same Assyrian influences we may assign the
change which appears soon after this in the Jewish
system of dating the year. In earlier times Adoptio
the Israelite year had been the agricultural; ponit
it began, as appears from the oldest stratum dar.
of the legislation, with the end of autumn and the fall
of the early rains. But in the latest legislation and
other post-exilic literature we find a system of reckon-
ing the year, as in the Babylonian calendar, from the
spring month. The date of this change is usually
assigned to the Exile: 'in the Exile,' says Professor
Marti, 'comes in the custom of placing the first month
in spring.'2 Yet the custom was already followed by
the scribe Baruch. In the narrative of Jeremiah's dicta-
tion of the roll of his prophecies, Baruch says he read
this in the Temple in the ninth month of the fourth
year of Jehoiaķim, which was a winter month. There
is no reason for supposing that these data of the narra-
tive are due to an exilic editor. Taking them as
Baruch's own, we see that the influence of the Assyrian
lonian Calen-
1 The autumn feast, the last of the annual series of festivals, is dated
at the outgoing of the year (Ex. xxiii. 16) or at the year's circuit or revolution
(Ex. xxxiv. 22).
2 Enc. Bibl. col. 5366.
8 Jer. xxxvi. 9 and 22; cf. xli. 1.
4 So Marti would dispose of them : loc. cit.
190
Jerusalem
administration during Manasseh's reign extended so far
as to impose upon Jewish scribes the Babylonian system
of dating the year.1
But Manasseh also encouraged the revival of the
Canaanite idolatries, which Hezekiah had removed: the
worship of the Baalim and the graven image
Revival of
Canaanite of the Asherah, with the use of the pillars
Idolatries.
and the Asherộth, soothsaying, necromancy,
and the practice of sacrificing children by fire. When
we wonder that such a recrudescence of baser cults could
happen so speedily after Hezekiah's reforms, we must
recall the congenital heathenism of Jerusalem on which
Ezekiel insists; the prevalence of such forms of worship
all round Judah, but especially in Samaria ; and also the
probable additions to the population from the Judæan
towns devastated by Sennacherib in which Canaanite cults
still survived, from the Philistine and Phoenician cities
that had suffered by the campaigns of Asarhaddon and
Ashurbanipal, and from the great increase of trade under
the Assyrian lordship of Western Asia.
From all sides, then, the monotheism proclaimed by
Isaiah and established by Hezekiah was, within a few
Extreme peril years from their deaths, assailed by forms of
- polytheism which enjoyed the support both
polyliicisi
of the supreme political power and of the
most ancient popular instincts. We see clearly that
the historians and prophets 3 have not exaggerated
the extreme peril of Manasseh's reign to the higher
religion of Israel, upon the only stage where it was
to the
theism of
Israel.
1 Another effect of the Assyrian administration may perhaps be found in
the registry of the sale of land recorded in Jer. xxxii.
3 2 Kings xxi. 6 ff., xxiii. 5 ff. ; cf. Jer. xv. 4. 8 Cf. Jer. XV. 4, etc.
Jerusalem under Manasseh
191
now possible for that religion to persist. Both the
Assyrian devastation of Judah and the reforms of
Hezekiah had tended to confine the worship of Jahweh
to Şion. And now, when it has no longer behind
it that rural population, which we have seen rally to its
support in previous crises of its betrayal by its royal
patrons, we find the higher faith of Israel exposed within
the courts of its own sanctuary to the invasion of rival
forms of worship, enforced by the policy of a great
Empire and welcomed by the memories of many of
the population about it.
Its adherents did not yield without a struggle; but
Manasseh met them with the sword. He shed, says the
historian, innocent blood very much, till he had
filled Jerusalem from mouth to mouth 1 of her of its Ad-
savage appetite, and Jeremiah testifies that
her population was with him ; because they have forsaken
me . . . and filled this place with the blood of innocents.2
It is strange that there is no echo of this in the Book
of Deuteronomy, the authors of which are nowhere
troubled by the problem of the sufferings of the right-
eous. But the problem had come to stay. By its state-
ment in lines of blood upon her streets Jerusalem
matriculated in a profounder school of religion than
that through which Isaiah had brought her; and by her
sufferings at the hands of her own sons was learning a
lesson more useful for her mission to humanity than even
the truth which her great deliverance from the foreign
oppressor had stamped upon her mind. For through
Persecution
herents.
1 2 Kings xxi. 16: part of the Deuteronomic text, but the Deuteronomists
are not unreliable witnesses of a reign so near their own time as that of
Manasseh.
2 Jer, xix. 4.
192
Jerusalem
all these savage cruelties the nucleus of the true people
of God remained loyal, and was purified. Isaiah's
The Suffering Remnant became a Suffering Remnant. The
Remnant. , times forbade the appearance of public pro-
phets. Persecution drove their faith to anonymous
methods of expression, to the secret treasuring of
earlier prophecies, perhaps also to the codifying of the
social and religious teaching of these (which codes were
hidden away in the Temple against the recurrence of
happier times ?), and certainly to more spiritual and per-
sonal communion with their God. While the majority
of her people gave way to the heathen customs and rites
which Manasseh had introduced, and delivered to the
next generation a number of men and women with
totem names, there were still in Jerusalem families who
feared the Lord, and, as we see from the genealogies
of the prophets in Josiah's reign, dedicated their children
to His Name.
Nor did they fail to learn from their oppressors and
from the systems of belief which threatened to destroy
; their own. The Babylonian religion had
Gain from nothing ethical to teach to the disciples of
Babylon.
Amos, Hosea and Isaiah. But, if we may
judge from the subsequent use of Babylonian literature
in the cosmogonies and psalms of Israel, there entered
her religion at this time from that foreign source new
impressions of the order and processes of the universe
with fresh explanations of the beginnings of history and
culture, all of which the Spirit of her God enabled
her to use for His glory and to interpret in the light
1 Eng. "Micah,' vi. 6-8.
% 2 Kings xxii, 8 ff.
* E.g. Huldah, Weasel; Shaphan, Badger ; 'Achbor, Mouse.
Intellectual
Jerusalem under Manasseh
193
1
of those purposes of grace and righteousness which He
had long revealed to her. The Assyrian dominance
of Jerusalem during Manasseh's reign was thus not
altogether for loss to the higher religion, against which
it provoked so cruel a reaction. While the faith of the
righteous was purified by the sufferings it imposed,
the intellect of the people was fertilised by the ideas
it introduced. Their observation of the universe was
stimulated, and their habits of writing and recording
were developed.
We have already touched a number of reasons for
a considerable increase in the population of the City
since 701: the devastation of the rest of
the land in that year, Hezekiah's attempt Increase of
the Popula-
to centralise the national worship, the peace tion of
of Judah during the long reign of Manasseh, let
while neighbouring lands were harried by Assyrian
armies, the introduction of the Babylonian cults, and
the increase of trade across Western Asia.
For the large share which Jerusalem took in the trade
of Palestine during the seventh century, we have three
independent testimonies. First, there is the Evidence for
presence of commercial regulations in the the Growth
of the City's
Book of Deuteronomy, as contrasted with Trade.
their absence from the earlier legislation. Second, there
is the epithet, gate of the peoples, applied to Jerusalem by
Probable
salem.
third, there is the reason, which the king of Persia gave
i Compare the parallel case during Nebuchadrezzar's invasion, Jer.
XXXV. II.
2 For details see $ 54 of Trade and Commerce' by the present writer in
the Enc. Bibl., column 5175.
3 xxxvi. 2; LXX.
VOL. II.
N
194
Jerusalem
for his veto upon the rebuilding of the City's walls in
the time of Zerubbabel: there have been mighty kings
over Jerusalem ... and tribute, custom and toll was paid
unto them. Whether the terms imposed by Assyria
reserved to Manasseh those rights of levying customs
at his frontiers which the kings of Judah, both before
and after him, thus appear to have enjoyed, we do not
know; but at least he and his subjects would benefit in
other ways from the immense increase of traffic caused
by the inclusion of Egypt and Western Asia under
one Empire. The political rank of Jerusalem secured
to her the chief markets of the internal commerce of
Judah, as well as the gifts which it was customary for
foreign traders to leave with the lords of the territories
they visited; 2 and thus in spite of the commercial
disadvantages of its site the City must have become
a considerable emporium.
From all these causes the increase of the population
is certain, the incomers being largely accommodated in
New the new quarters of which we first hear from
e Zephaniah. But the circuit of the walls was
of the City. not widened. No achievement of this kind
is attributed to Manasseh. The Chronicler, drawing
upon a source which there is no reason to doubt, tells us
that Manasseh built an outer wall to the City of David'
on the steep slope to the west of Gihon in the valley of
the Kidron, and that it extended to the entrance of the
Fish-Gate which lay on the north. He compassed about
the 'Ophel and raised it up a very great height. The only
other topographical notice is that of the king's burial.
Quarters
and Walls
1 Ezra iv. 20.
2 See vol. i. 343 n. 3.
8 2 Chron. xxxii. 14; see vol. i. 208.
Jerusalem under Manasseh
195
Hezekiah is the last king said to have been buried in
the royal sepulchres. They laid Manasseh in the garden
of his own house, the garden of 'Uzza or ‘Uzziah. Here
also his son Amon was buried after a reign of little
over one year. These, and perhaps Josiah's, are the
graves of the kings which Ezekiel condemns as too near
the sacred precincts of the Temple. Was the new site
for the royal burials due to some of the novel religious
ideas introduced under Manasseh?
From 701 Jerusalem began to assume that excessive
predominance which gradually rendered the rest of the
country but the fringe of her walls. We shall see this
in several of Jeremiah's allusions. Meantime it is
perhaps worth repeating that Manasseh is described by
Asarḥaddon as king not of the land, but 'of the City,
of Judah.'?
1 Ezekiel xliii. 7-9.
2 Above, vol. i. 268; vol. ii. 182.
CHAPTER VIII
JOSIAH: JERUSALEM AND DEUTERONOMY
C. 638-608 B.C.
Manasseh.
N URING the long reign of Manasseh, c. 685-640, the
U land of Judah had time to recover from the de-
vastation of 701. What became of the 200,000
Recovery of
Judah under captives whom Sennacherib claims to have
taken," how many he carried to Assyria and
how many his sudden departure forced him to release,
we do not know. But the numbers of the slain must
have been large, and it is certain that of his captives
and of those who fled before him to Jerusalem, not all
were able to return to their lands. In any case the rural
economy was radically disturbed. An invasion such as
Sennacherib wrought upon Judah-and its drastic char-
acter is emphasised both by himself and by Isaiah 2-had
effects far more terrible than the modern conditions of
warfare allow us to conceive. In those times wars were
waged not between armies alone, but between peoples
and between their gods. The inexhaustible jealousy of
the latter infected their worshippers and sanctioned
the uttermost ruthlessness. Women and children were
savagely treated. Whole families, sometimes whole com-
munities, were destroyed or carried into exile. The fields
i See above, p. 160.
2 Ch. i.
198
Josiah: Jerusalem and Deuteronomy
197
U
were wasted, the very seed was burned. The local cults
were broken up, and with them the pieties, the rights,
the entire framework of society, which they controlled
and defended. On the disappearance of the invader,
these disasters to a nation became the opportunity of the
more energetic and unscrupulous survivors. It happened
almost always that lands formerly possessed by many
individuals passed into the hands of a few, and only
seldom that the domains of a slain or an exiled land-
holder were divided among his serfs or adherents.
Additional consequences may be attributed to Senna-
cherib's war. Some of the Jewish domains which he
wasted must, as so often in the history of Palestine, have
been seized by the nomad tribes which have always hovered
on the borders of the cultivated territory; and some fell
to the Philistines. Even in those which remained to
the Jews, the fact that it was the God of Israel whom
Sennacherib had seemed to defeat may have shaken His
authority with many of the Jewish rustics, and led to
a recrudescence of Canaanite forms of worship. The
religion of the rural districts thus tended to become more
confused and impure than before. Upon this state of affairs
descended the long peace and prosperity of Manasseh's
reign, repairing the material ravages of Sennacherib's
invasion but not the religious confusion. By 625 the
rural population of Judah was again large. From ‘Ana-
thộth Jeremiah heard across the land the noise of much
people 3 and saw idolatrous shrines everywhere-as many
as thy cities so be thy gods, O Judah, where hast thou not
1 Witness the similar feelings among Jews after the devastations by
Nebuchadrezzar.
? See above, pp. 193 f.
8 iii. 21 (?), 23 ff., etc.
198
Jerusalem
been defiled ?i Yet this part of the nation was not with-
out considerable moral force. Of the second group of
Judæan prophets, Jeremiah himself, and perhaps Nahum,
came from the villages, and, as we shall see, the Deuter-
onomic legislation is strongly influenced by provincial
interests. The capital, of course, retained its lead, but
when a party of officials slew Amon, son of Manasseh,
it was the people of the land? who executed the murderers,
and, as in the case of 'Uzziah, raised the murdered man's
son to the throne.
The motives of the intrigue against Amon are not
clear. Manasseh's persecutions, apparently confined to
Political Jerusalem, must have created a bitterness
Motives for against his house, which would naturally be-
of Amon. come effective under his weaker successor.
But the conspiracy is said to have been formed among
the servants of Amon, and was therefore more probably
due to political opinions, restrained so long as Manasseh
lived and no alternative was possible to the Assyrian
supremacy. By the time Manasseh died Psameţik of
Egypt had thrown off the Assyrian yoke, 4 and according
to a credible tradition was already interfering in south-
eastern Palestine. The Egyptian party at the court of
Jerusalem, which had controlled affairs towards the close
of the previous century and was again active about 625,6
the Murder against the mously W
1 ii. 28, iii. 2; cf. iii. 9, xi. 13, etc.
2 2 Kings xxi. 24: it does not seem to be exclusive of the population of
Jerusalem ; though Kittel renders it by 'the party of the country people.'
3 This seems to me more probable than Kittel's explanation that it was
adherents of the purer religion who killed Amon.
4 “Before 660,' Rogers' Hist. of Bab. and Assyria, ii. 254. 'It may
have been about 660, but this is uncertain,' W. Max Müller, Enc. Bibl.
art. 'Egypt.' 'Certainly by 645,' M'Curdy, Hist. Proph. and the Monu.
ments, ii. 355.
5 Herodotus, ii. 151.
Jer. ii. 18, 36.
but lay powerless during the reign of Manasseh, may
have sought by the death of Amon to remove the chief
obstacle to their policy. Or his courtiers may have had
some private grudge against him. In any case the
motives of the conspirators were not economic; their
punishment by the people of the land proves how contented
the latter had been under the government of Manasseh.
There is no evidence that the elevation of Amon's
eight-year old son, Josiah, was due to the party of the
purer religion, formed by Isaiah. But from
Accession
the first that party had included many of the of Josiah,
leading men in Jerusalem, and, in spite of “.
its decimation by Manasseh, probably retained some
adherents of high rank. After the murder of Amon,
the slaughter of the king's servants, nominees of
Manasseh, may have opened to such influential fol-
lowers of the prophets several offices at court. It
was certainly to the advantage of their principles that,
the new king was too young to have been trained in
the policy of Manasseh. At the age of eight he was
chiefly under the care of the women of the household ;3
and through them, or some of his ministers or some of
the priests, his character, on which so much depended,
was moulded by the principles of his great-grandfather,
Hezeķiah. There must also have been sober and con-
1 2 Kings xxi. 24, xxii. 1.
2 Smend, A. T. Religionsgeschichte.
3 His mother was Yedidah, daughter of 'Adayah of Bozkath (mentioned
with Lakîsh and Eglon, Josh. xv. 39). His own name, like that of the
latter (?), was compounded with the name of Jahwe' Yoshiyahu= Jahweh
supports : in contrast, be it noted, with those of his father Amon and his
grandfather Manasseh, both of which may be derived from other gods.
That Manasseh and Amon alone break a long list of Judæan kings named
after Jahweh is significant.
200
Jerusalem
servative Jews who, though their minds did not appreciate
the spiritual doctrine of the prophets, revolted against
the foreign cults and cruelties of Manasseh, and who
were ready to welcome the restored supremacy of the
national God. And there was always the party favour-
able to Egypt. But so long as the Assyrian domina-
tion remained effective-Ashurbanipal had apparently
accepted Josiah as his vassal--no one of these parties
nor all of them together could carry their desires into
action. The Assyrian sovereignty both awed and divided
them. While it remained there would be many who
feared it, and some, among the prophetic party, who,
following Isaiah, would judge rebellion or the appeal to
Egypt, which others proposed, as an impious course for
the Lord's people to pursue. The various parties could,
therefore, only wait and prepare, each in its own way
and perhaps by some compromise with the others, for a
change in the political situation. Of this there were many
omens. The Assyrian Empire, apparently as strong
as ever at its centre, was suffering in its extremities.
Egypt was independent, and her forces, increased by
Greek and Carian mercenaries, threatened the southern
provinces ; while swift and terrible hordes, races new to
history, stirred upon the northern frontier. During the
youth of Josiah all Jews must have gathered hope and
courage, but the eyes of their various factions rested
upon different riſts in the horizon. At last in 625, by
the death of Ashurbanipal, a gap was suddenly opened
wide enough for all to move forward together, and a
religious influence descended under which they became
for the first time since Hezekiah's death a united
nation.
i
A
Josiah : Jerusalem and Deuteronomy
201
201
The editor of the Books of Kings dates the beginning
of Josiah's reforms in the eighteenth year of his reign,
621 or 620 B.C.1 The previous repair of the Reforms
Temple which he records was a periodical yn
function instituted by Joash. The Chronicler Record.
asserts that the reforms began earlier. He dates the
king's adhesion to the purer religion in the eighth year
of his reign, and the commencements of the destruction
of the high-places and the idols in the twelfth year, and
says that the work was complete by the eighteenth when
the Temple was repaired and the Book of the Law dis-
covered. But if the king had already achieved such
drastic reforms, there was no cause for the consternation
ascribed to him when the Book was read. We must
therefore prefer the statement in Kings, that the high
places and idols began to be removed after the discovery
of the Book. Still the definite dates of the Chronicler,
read in the light of the history of the time, suggest that
he worked upon reliable material. The eighth year of
Josiah's reign was the sixteenth of his life, when we may
suppose that his character was formed and he began to
assert himself. And the twelfth year of his reign was 626
inder
Cosiah: their
1 2 Kings xxii. 3. The narrative of the reforms lasts till xxiii. 25. It
contains some editorial and other intrusions. Stade and Schwally (S.B.0.7.)
excise the following: xxii, 6 f. (from xii. 9 ff.), 15-20, Huldah's prophecy
(but see below, p. 203 n. 1), part of 3 from the Deuteronomic editor; 106, last
clause, 5, 86, 10, 12, last clause, 13-20, 24 f.
2 Erbt, Die Sicherstellung des Monotheismus durch die Gesetzgebung in
Vorexil. Juda (1903), assumes that Josiah ordered a reconstruction (Umbau)
of the Temple, and illustrates, what he believes must have followed from
this on the discovery of its foundation-stone and the documents of its con-
stitution (Urkunde), from Babylonian parallels. But there is no evidence of
so thorough a rebuilding. On Joash, see above, pp. 107 ff.
3 Josiah began to purge Judah and Jerusalem from the high places, the
Asherim, the graven images, etc., 2 Chron. xxxiv, 2 ff.
202
Jerusalem
or 625, the year of Ashurbanipal's death, which, as we
have seen, left Judah more free to govern herself.
We may therefore infer that with the gradual growth
of opportunity, as depicted above, the stages of the move-
ment under Josiah were three. First, there was
Their three
Stages and the king's adolescence and his adhesion to the
Motives.
purer religion. Whatever influences brought
this about, the personal fact is too well credited to
remain doubtful. Between the kings who preceded and
those who followed him, Josiah stands by
1. The
Character of himself, and we need not hesitate to ascribe
Josiah.
to him, as both his historians do, that power of
personality which it is so easy but so fallacious to ignore
in religious movements. Second, there were some tenta-
tive efforts at reform after 625, when Ashurbanipal's
death gave Josiah and his counsellors political
2. The Death
of Asbur freedom; but the king and all the parties
banipal.
may have been too dazzled by the sudden
opportunity and too much at variance among themselves
to effect at once a decisive change. Third, in 621 or 620,
a sacred Law-Book was discovered in the
3. The Dis-
covery of the Temple which not only did justice in its
details to the various national interests, but
by its general spirit impressed all their representatives
with the awe of a supreme religious obligation. It is
Law
Book
1 Since the above was published in the Expositor for November 1905,
Cornill in Das Buch Jeremia has done full justice to the character and
influence of Josiah: the best study of the king, see pp. xiii, etc.
2 Erbt (op. cit.) and Dr. John Cullen (The Book of the Covenant in Moab:
a Critical Enquiry into the Original Form of Deuteronomy, Glasgow,
Maclehose, 1903) both do justice, upon the Chronicler's data, to the gradual
character of the movement. Cullen (p. 17): The author of Kings has
telescoped into one account a series of reforms.' Erbt (p. 8) places the
first stage at the accession of Josiah, yet, as we have seen, there is no
Josiah : Jerusalem and Deuteronomy
203
this religious influence, gathered from the prophets of the
eighth century, fostered by loyal hearts under Manasseh,
and giving itself forth as divine, to which the great
Reform, the establishment of Monotheism in Israel, was
essentially due. It acted on the priests of the Temple, on
a king whose character was predisposed to receive it, and
through them on the whole people of Judah, at a time
when the political situation was favourable to its national
enforcement. Without the Divine call and the faith of
the men who received it, the political situation, the com-
promises of parties, and the wonderful adaptation of the
Law itself to the rival ecclesiastical and social interests,
would have availed little. The effect upon the nation
was immediate and complete. The king was overcome
by the denunciations against the neglect of its laws
which the Book contained. Further moved by a message
from the prophetess Huldah, he gathered the men of
Judah and all the inhabitants of Jerusalem to the
Temple and had the Book read in their hearing.
Then with due sacrificial forms, and as the representa-
tive of the people, he made a covenant before God to
keep the words of the Book, and all the people stood to
the covenant.3
There can be little doubt that the discovered Book
which formed the basis of this national covenant was
evidence that this was due to the spiritual party in Judah ; and does not
accept as reliable the Chronicler's first datum in Josiah's conversion, but
takes it as a mere easy assumption that the king's adolescence was marked
by his adhesion to the prophetic principles: yet here, as elsewhere, Erbt
seems to me to ignore too much the personality of Josiah.
2 Kings xxii. 15-20. Huldah's oracle as here given is probably not
in its original form, but the fact that it predicts a peaceful death for Josiah,
who fell in battle at Megiddo, is proof that some at least of the original
contents have been preserved. 3 2 Kings xxiii. 1-3.
204
Jerusalem
covered
Law-book
of Deuter-
part at least of our Book of Deuteronomy. Such a
conclusion is independent of the question of its origin
and inevitable upon the evidence of the Biblical narra-
The dis-
tive. For the discovered Book is called by
the names which Deuteronomy uses for itself:
part at least the Book of the Law, the Book of the Covenant.
onomy. The consternation of Josiah when he heard it
read and the urgency of his measures to fulfil its com-
mands are adequately explained by the stern temper of
Deuteronomy and its denunciations not only of foreign
cults but of practices hitherto followed by the worship of
Israel, whether in the Temple or throughout the land.
The reforms which Josiah introduced correspond to the
requirements of Deuteronomy as they do not to those of
the other codes of Israel ; in particular, the removal of
the high-places of Jahweh and the concentration of His
worship in the Temple, which Josiah was the first to
carry out, are the central and most distinctive principles
of the Deuteronomic system. We have seen, too, how so
radical a measure as this centralising of the worship was
facilitated and prepared for by the events of the history
between the building of the Temple and the time of
Josiah;and how by the latter date they had also
become necessary for the purity of Israel's religion and
the assurance of monotheism.2 And, finally, it is precisely
from this time onward that the style and phraseology
1 The building of the Temple; the possession of the Ark and the purest
form of Israel's worship; their identification with the house of David, the
one permanent dynasty in Israel; the growth of the Temple in resources and
influence; the fall of the Northern Kingdom ; Isaiah's views on the Temple;
the Assyrian devastation of all the other sanctuaries of Judah; the vindica-
tion of the Temple in 701 as the one inviolable sanctuary of Jahweh.
? See above, pp. 176 f., and below, pp. 212 f., 219 f.
Josiah: Jerusalem and Deuteronomy
205
which are characteristic of Deuteronomy begin to affect
the literature of Israel.1
But how much of our Book of Deuteronomy the dis-
covered Law-Book contained it is difficult and perhaps
impossible to determine. The whole of Deu-
The Struc-
teronomy in the form in which we now have ture of Deu-
teronomy.
it can hardly have been extant by 621. Parts
of the canonical text are held by some to presuppose the
Exile and echo exilic writers, while parts have been
taken from sources of the Pentateuch other than the
Deuteronomist. But not even is the rest of the Book
an obvious unity. It consists of a Code of Laws with
denunciations of those who transgress them (chapters
xii.-xxvi., xxviii.) and two separate introductions of a
hortatory and historical character (chapters i.-iii., iv. 1-40,
and chapters iv. 45-xi.). The existence of these divisions,
1 For the fuller exhibition of these proofs the English reader is referred to
the translation of Wellhausen's Prolegoniena to the Hist. of Isr.; Robert-
son Smith's 0. T.J.C.(2(with his Additional Answer to the Libel, 1878,
and Answers to the Amended Libel, 1879); Driver's 'Deuteronomy' and the
articles by Ryle in Hastings' D.B., and Moore in the Enc. Bibl. Recent
attempts to question these proofs cannot be pronounced successful: Are the
Critics Right? by Möller (tr. by Irwin, 1903); “The Date of Deuteronomy,'
by Kennett, Jour. of Theol. Studies, 1904. The latter would date the Book
in the sixth cent. by seeking to show the dependence of the Deuteronomic
language on Jeremiah ; by pointing out features in our Book of Deu-
teronomy suitable to the Exile (this has never been doubted); and (p. 492)
explaining Josiah's consternation by some denunciation of sacrifice by one of
2 iv. I-40 is held by many to be not connected with i.-iii., varying from
these chapters both in its substance and in its diction, which recalls that of
Jeremiah, Ezekiel and the Priestly Document; but this is questionable;
xxix. 2-xxx. Eng.=xxix. 1.-xxx. Heb. is separated from what precedes it
by the formal close of the latter, xxix. I Eng. =xxviii. 69 Heb., and its
diction recalls that of Jeremiah. The long poem in xxxii. has also traces of
the Exile. In xxvii., xxxi., xxxiv. are pieces from E. and J., earlier than the
Deuteronomist and from P. later.
206
Jerusalem
each with its own title and with some distinctions of sub-
stance and diction, has made possible several theories of
their relation to each other and to the primitive Deuter-
onomy. On the one hand emphasis has been laid on the
fact that the Book discovered in the Temple was a
Law-Book, and the conclusion has been drawn that this
consisted of the Code alone, which furnished the pro-
gramme for Josiah's reforms, the hortatory and historical
introductions being added by a later writer or writers of
the same school. On the other hand, it has been argued
that the hortatory sections by themselves were the more
likely to have inspired the reforms, and that the Code is
the precipitate or codification of these 3 Between such
extremes there is a more reasonable mean. The Book of
the Law found in the Temple and inspiring the Reforms
of Josiah, must have contained some laws-the abolition
of images, the abolition of the high-places of Jahweh, and
the centralisation of His worship-such as we find in the
Code; but a Code so obviously due to prophetic influence
may well have had a prophetic introduction and explana-
tion attached to it. These are supplied by the section
iv. 45-xi., which besides in standpoint and style very
closely agrees with the Code. On such grounds many
take the primitive Deuteronomy to have been chapters
iv. 45-xxvi. of our Book along with the substance at least
of xxviii., the denunciations in which would account for
Josiah's terror when the Book was read to him. Some
i The unity of the Book is arguable, but that the evidence for it is 'over-
whelming' (Orr, Problem of the Old Testament, p. 253) cannot be maintained
upon a full consideration of the above facts.
2 Wellhausen, Stade and others.
3 Cullen, The Book of the Covenant in Moab. He takes v. 29-xi. 28 and
some other passages to have been the original discovered in the Temple.
4 Kuenen, Dillmann, Driver, Moore, Budde (virtually), and others.
Josiah : Jerusalem 207
WS
and Deuteronomy
would add the other introduction i.-iii., with its separate
title but somewhat varying diction and standpoint;
others would take i.-iii. as originally the introduction to a
variant edition of the Code. That there was more than
one such edition of the Deuteronomic laws is rendered
probable by an analysis of the Code, which discovers
doublets or different forms of the same laws. The
double fashion in which the people are addressed, now
as thou and now as you, which runs through both the
hortatory and legal sections, would not of course by itself
prove different styles ; but these two forms of address
so often coincide with different phraseologies for the
same events, and with different conceptions of the
previous history of Israel, that the coincidence can
hardly be accidental, and the probability is that they
are frequently the work of different authors. These
materials, however, have been so interwoven with each
other, and the text has undergone so much revision, that
an exact analysis of its constituents is no longer possible.
But enough is clear to let us see that the original Deu-
teronomy was composed from more than one source, or
alternatively that there were several variant editions of
it;2 and this complicates the already difficult question of
the origin and date of the Book.
The full discussion of the question is beyond the scope
of our present task. It is only necessary to recall the
1 E.g. xii., the law of the central sanctuary (here there are traces of four
laws); the laws of the cities of refuge and others.
2 The analysis of Deuteronomy according to the Thou and You forms of
address was first made by Steuernagel and by Staerk about 1894. Another
was given by Mitchell in the Journal of Biblical Literature, 1899, 61 ff.; and
another by the present writer in a paper before the Oxford Society of
Historical Theology in 1902.
208
Jerusalem
Deuteronom
main proofs upon which the late date of Deuteronomy is
now so widely accepted, and to express the
Proofs of the
Late Date of conviction that to fix that date exactly is a
conomy. task for which we have no sufficient material.
The evidence for the late date of Deuteronomy consists
of the perspective in which it views the time of Moses; 1
its implication that the monarchy has long been in
existence; its reflection of a more elaborate economy
than is shown in the earlier legislation; its polemic
against forms of idolatry prevalent in Israel during the
Assyrian period; and (most of all) the testimony of
the historical books that up to the end of the eighth
century the religious practice of Israel neither conformed,
nor sought to conform, to the Deuteronomic prohibition
of pillars in the worship of Jahweh and insistence on a
single sanctuary ;2 while the appearance of such provi-
sions just about this date is naturally explained by the
events and processes in the previous history of Jerusalem
which we have seen leading up to them and by the
practical necessities of the monotheism. Besides, Deuter-
onomy is clearly inspired by the eighth-century prophets.
1 In the title to the second introduction, iv. 46, Israel's defeat of Sihon
is described as happening after their coming forth out of Egypt, and in the
Code, xxiii. 4, it is said that Israel was not given bread and water by 'Ammon
and Moab in their coming out of Egypt. These expressions could not have
been used by one speaking to Israel a few weeks or months after 'Ammon's
and Moab's refusal and the war with Sihon; but they are natural to a writer to
whom the whole forty years of wandering were foreshortened by the distance
at which he lived from them.
2 The earlier legislation permits sacrifice to Jahweh at many places
(Ex. xx. 24), and does not forbid the maşşeboth or pillars. In harmony with
this is the testimony of the historical books. Elijah and other religious
leaders either build or permit altars to Jahweh in a way that renders the
existence of the Deuteronomic Code in their days inconceivable. Hezekiah
is the first king who is said to have attempted the removal of the high-places,
Jeremiah the first prophet to declaim against the pillars.
Josiah: Jerusalem and Deuteronomy
209
On these grounds the conclusion is reasonable that the
code or codes from which Deuteronomy is compiled were
constructed towards the end of the eighth or during the
seventh century. A more exact date is not within our
reach. Some regard as the most probable time the reign
of Manasseh, when the adherents of the purer religion,
prevented from carrying out their principles in the
worship of the Temple, betook themselves to the codi-
fication of these against the arrival of happier times.
For this there is much to be said ; yet the fact that
Deuteronomy nowhere reflects the division of the people
into a persecuting majority and a suffering remnant, but
consistently treats Israel as a moral whole, seems to the
present writer a strong argument against a date in
Manasseh's reign. The alternatives to this are the years
after and the years before Manasseh. In the early reign of
Josiah the rapprochement of the rival parties in Jerusalem
may explain Deuteronomy's silence upon national divi-
sions. But if, as we have seen, Hezekiah's reforms were in
the direction of the Deuteronomic requirements, we may
trace the beginnings at least of the Deuteronomic legis-
lation to the end of his reign, by which time both its
political and its religious premises were already in
existence.? Possibly different essays were made at
different points between the middle of Hezekiah's and
the middle of Josiah's reign.
We must emphasise, however, that what these reformers
did was not to create a body of fresh and novel laws.
The dependence of Deuteronomy upon the earlier legisla-
1 As the present writer suggested in reviewing Driver's Deuteronomy in
the Critical Review for 1895, vol. v. 339 ff. Erbt, following Steuernagel,
distinguishes two Deuteronomic codes, one under Hezekiah and one under
Josiah.
VOL. II.
210
Terusalem
tion of Israel is very apparent. But both codes reveal
their development from far older sources. The similarity
of their provisions to the customs and rites of
Deutero.
nomy's Service the surrounding peoples indicates that early
to Religion.
Israel in common with these, and by virtue of
her Semitic descent, had inherited a body of consuetudi-
nary law. Upon this had become operative the higher
ethical influences of the revelation which through Moses
God had made of Himself as the national God of
Israel. How real and how great the service of Moses
had been is proved not only by all the lines of the
people's historical tradition, but by the later fame which
has attributed to him the sole authorship of the legisla-
tion. But Moses did not complete the elevating and
purifying process. By Israel's living faith in a living
God this continued through the subsequent centuries.
We have seen it at work under the kings and priests
of Judah ;2 it was no less active through the early
prophets of the north. Then came the further revelation
of God by the prophets of the eighth century, and the
light which this reflected alike on the religious practices
of the nation and the new temptations which came to
them from abroad. Simultaneously the possibilities
of conserving and developing these religious gains from
so long a divine guidance were being manifestly limited
by the events of history to Jerusalem and the Temple.
For so great a crisis, for so divine a call, a gifted school
of writers in Judah were found sufficient. Equally alive
to the real origins of their religion under Moses and to
the workings of God's Spirit in their own day, they recast
. For details see the introduction to Driver's Deuteronomy, & ii., especially
pp. viii. ff.
2 Above, pp. 74, 90, 94 ff., 113 ff., etc.
Josiah: Jerusalem and Deuteronomy
211
S
the ancient laws of Israel in the temper of the prophets
and with regard to the changed historical conditions of
the nation. In particular they were concerned with some
religious practices which their fathers had pursued without
questioning, but which recent experience had shown to
be dangerous to a spiritual faith ; as well as with certain
foreign forms of idolatry, Canaanite and Babylonian,
which were beginning to fascinate the people or to be
imposed upon them by their subjection to Assyria.
Hence the sincerity, the vitality, the power of the work
they produced. Deuteronomy is a living and a divine
Book, because, like every other religious reformation in
which God's spirit may be felt, it is at once loyal to the
essential truth revealed in the past, while daring to cast
off all tradition however ancient and sacred that in
to the new perils and exigencies of faith and receptive
of the fresh directions of the living God for their removal
or conquest.
The Book of Deuteronomy, then, applies the revelation
of the eighth-century prophets to the life and consuetudi-
nary law of Israel: interpreting the people's history,
modifying their institutions, regulating their
The Principle
daily habits, inspiring their individual hearts of Deut
and minds, and dealing in addition with the Dome othe
latest features of their political and economic
development. The governing principle of the Book is
Monotheism, slightly qualified, it is true, by current
popular conceptions, and limited in its applications by
the practical necessities of the time; yet so earnestly
moral and warmly spiritual in its exposition of the
relation between God and the people, that our Lord has
212
Jerusalem
1
accepted one of its central expressions as the supreme
law of religion: Hear, O Israel, Jahweh thy God is one
Jahweh, and thou shalt love Jahweh thy God with all thine
heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy might. He is
to be loved because He is Love. His grace in the choice
of Israel, His tenderness in their guidance and training,
with the high moral destiny He has conceived for them,
are urged upon the people in language of extraordinary
power and beauty. Therefore He alone is God: the one
and only Deity by His character and deeds of love and
power. The worship of every other god is absolutely
forbidden, and, in the spirit of the times, on the penalty
of death. Equally excluded is the representation of the
Deity in any material form; and His ritual is purged
of all immoral elements, abominations as they are called:
images, maşşeboth, Asherim, all tainted and foolish rites,
all mutilations of the body and unclean practices, all
witchcraft and necromancy. The whole of the practice
of religion is winnowed and ordered by a spirit as certain
of its own reasonableness as it is passionately pure and,
in most directions, humane.
The distinctive feature of Deuteronomy, however, is the
centralisation of the national worship. We have already
seen how inevitable a corollary this was to
Law: the the ethical monotheism of the prophets. The
One Altar.
ritual of Israel's religion had always been a
menace to its intellectual and moral elements, partly be-
cause men are ever disposed to assign to the performance
of rites a higher place in the Divine will than they do to
morality, and partly because the rites used by Israel were
akin to those of the religions around them, and thus con-
stantly tempted the worshippers to confuse the character
The Central
Josiah : Jerusalem and Deuteronomy
213
of their God with the characters of others. That is why
the prophets of the eighth century did not refrain from
demanding the abolition of all sacrifice and ritual. In-
stead of this the practical reformers of the seventh
century proposed their limitation to one place, not only
in order to secure the purity of the ritual but to avert
that dissolution of the Divine Unity which was almost
inseparable in the popular mind from the identification
of God with many sanctuaries. Therefore, besides en-
forcing the extirpation of the cult of every other god
from the land, Deuteronomy decrees the destruction
of all the bamoth or high-places at which Jahweh Himself
was worshipped, and confines His sacrifices and the
celebration of His feasts to a single sanctuary. Such a
measure was not, as some recent writers labour to prove,
the invention of any interested locality or corporation of
priests, and it could never have been carried out by mere
party motives, however powerful or skilfully organised.
The removal of the high-places was nothing less than a
religious and ethical necessity, demanded in the name
of the One God, and proved by the bitter experience
understand how so great a revolution in the national
worship was so successfully effected in Judah, without
serious opposition from the interests which it disturbed.
The ideal of the Book is political as well as religious. The
establishment of many idolatries in Jerusalem had been
One
Its Political
to a foreign power. But the Deuteronomic Outlook : the
Israel is a free people, owning no overlord
save their God, and governing themselves in obedience
to His revealed will. This will is applied, we shall
214
Jerusalem
.
immediately see, to every department of the national life
in as comprehensive a system of national religion as the
world has ever known. Yet the system is limited to
Israel. Beyond directions for the admission to the
covenant of individual Edomites and Egyptians, there is
no attempt to deal with the world outside. There is no
missionary programme, no provision for mankind. This
may not have been practical in the conditions of the time
but in any case its omission is one of the limitations of
the monotheism of the Book that have been already
referred to. Next to devotion to the national Deity
comes pride in the nation itself: a pride, of course, subject
to the austere moral conditions imposed on its life. As
there is one Jahweh so there is one Israel, the only
righteous people and wise above all others. For no other
possesses a religion or laws so high and so pure. The
intellectual tempers of monotheism--the sense of a loftier
mental position, the scorn of idolatry--appear if not in
the original Deuteronomy, yet in its immediate additions.
Keep therefore and do them, for this is your wisdom and
your understanding in the sight of the peoples, which shall
hear all these statutes and say, Surely this great nation is a
wise and understanding people. For what great nation is
there that hath God so nigh to them as Jahweh our God is
whensoever we call upon Him? And what great nation is
there that hath statutes and judgments so righteous as all
this law which I set before you this day ? Jahweh hath
avouched thee to be a peculiar people to Himself ... and to
make thee high above all nations, which He hath made, in
praise, renown and honour.2
L
1 xxiii. 3-8: against which note the frequent command to extirpate other
peoples, e.g. xxv. 17 ff.
2 iv, 6 ff. ; xxvi. 18.
Josiah: Jerusalem and Deuteronomy
215
Its Sufficiency
Further, there is the frequent insistence by Deutero-
nomy upon its absolute sufficiency for Israel. The Word
of God is no more hidden, nor has its meaning
or interpretation to be brought from afar, and Ethical
Absolutism:
The Word has come very nigh to the people, the One
Book (?)
in their mouth and heart. All that remains is
to practise it: that thou mayest do it. Some maintain
that its authors even conceive of Deuteronomy as the
exhaustive and final revelation of God to His people, and
quote the verses : ye shall not add to the word which I
command you, neither shall ye diminish it; whatsoever thing
I an commanding you, observe to do it: thou shalt not add
thereto nor diminish it. Now it would indeed be a
paradox if Deuteronomy, the fruit of a long development
of religion, the manifest proof in all its parts of the pro-
gressive character of revelation, had thus foreclosed the
question of further progress and shut the mouth of
prophecy for ever. But this is not so, as its own words
explicitly prove: I will raise them up a prophet from
among their brethren like unto thee, and will put my words
in his mouth and he shall speak unto them all that I
command him. Yet while we must acquit the Book itself
of regarding revelation as finally complete, this was
exactly what its words almost immediately led their
readers to do. The legal mind forgot the promise of a
new prophet, and interpreted the other sayings we have
quoted as if the Book were the final and exhaustive Word
of God. Men fastened upon and worshipped the very
letter of it, opposing and preferring the written revelation
to the new and living word which Jeremiah brought to
them. As Dr. Davidson remarks: 'Pharisaism and
1 xxx, II-14.
2 iv. 2; xii. 32.
3 xviii. 15-19.
216
Jerusalem
Deuteronomy came into the world the same day.'1
The rise of this narrow temper was also assisted by
the Deuteronomists' constant and vigorous conjunction
of righteousness with good fortune. They were not
without the perception that God sometimes afflicted His
people for the purpose of testing and humbling them. So
far as it refers to the nation's past, they have expressed
this truth in language of exquisite beauty. But for
the future they insist unwearyingly and without quali-
fication on the certainty that righteousness will bring
prosperity, but wickedness ill-fortune; and that it is the
doing of the Law, the observance of its manifold laws
both ethical and ceremonial, which comprises the duty,
and will ensure the political and economic stability, of
the people. Such sayings the predecessors of Phari-
saism hardened into a dogma, the contradiction of which
by the facts of experience led to the rise of scepticism
in Israel-a scepticism that we find first expressed by
Jeremiah and Habakkuk.
But while confined to Israel, and exhibiting the
other limitations we have defined, Deuteronomy covers
The Great every department of the national life—not the
est worship alone, nor merely the duties and rights
and Care of the Priesthood, but the monarchy, the dis-
charge of justice, the character and judgment of prophecy,
the conduct of war, agriculture and commerce, the in-
terests of the family and education, the relief of the poor
and the treatment of the lower animals, in as complete
a system of public religion as the world has ever seen.
The obligation, which the authors feel, of limiting the
national worship to one locality, has neither shortened
1 Art. “Jeremiah,' Hastings' D.B. 2 viii. 2-5. 3 xii. I f.
Width of the
Book's Interest
Josiah : Jerusalem and Deuteronomy
217
their vision of the land nor restrained their hearts from
the whole compass of the people's life. There is no
stage of Israel's legislation from which we enjoy so wide
and sympathetic a prospect of land and people. One of
the most frequently enforced obligations to love and
serve God is His gift of this land, whose singular pre-
ciousness and beauty is as lavishly described 1 as its
sacredness is solemnly proclaimed: Thou shalt not cause
the land to sin which Jahweh thy God giveth thee for an
heritage. Thy cities and thy gates are among the most
often recurring formulas by which the laws (except
those relating to the central sanctuary) are Its regard for
affirmed to be applicable throughout the the Provinces.
whole country; and the laws are designed for a widely
scattered people still mainly employed in agricul-
ture. To this stage of life the blessings and the
curses are, with one exception, confined, and the
happiness of the people is described as in rural
wealth and pleasures. It is remarkable how the very
fringes of country life are considered-dropped sheaves,
strayed animals, and the like; and also how much care
is taken for remote persons and places—for fugitives
from blood at a distance from the central sanctuary,4 for
escaped slaves, and for the victims of murder and outrage
in lonely fields far from houses. If the writers belonged
to Jerusalem, they did not write from behind her walls.
The whole country was upon their conscience and their
heart; its townships and villages, farms and homesteads,
vineyards, fields and mines, long roads and desert places.
One would think that not the law of the central sanc-
1 xi. 10 ff.
4 iv. 41 ff.
2 This even in xiv. 22-29.
5 xxiii. 15.
3 xxviii. 126, 43 f.
6 xxi, I; xxii, 25 ff.
218
Jerusalem
tuary, but the interests of the rest of the land, were the
main anxiety of the Book; so careful, for instance, are its
provisions for the priests of the disestablished shrines,
and for the domestic convenience of the people in whose
gates sacrifice, hitherto the invariable form of the slaughter
of animals for food, is no longer to be allowed. Down to
small details and to the remotest distances, interests,
whether vested or not, are safeguarded, and compensation
is made for the disturbance caused to the rural economy
by the centralisation of the cultus. But such provisions
form only part of the wide and mindful humanity of the
Book. Its ethics are the social justice and pure charity
of the great prophets. Its care is vigilant for the poor,
the widow, the fatherless, the slave, the debtor, and the
stranger that is within thy gates. Nor are the animals
forgotten.
The Secrets
Influence.
It is only when we thus realise all the tempers which
inspire Deuteronomy-some of them, it may be, not yet
articulate by the date of the Reform, of which
of the Book's parts of the Book were the cause and parts
the precipitate that we can explain the rapid
and unanimous adoption of the system by the nation : in
spite of the fact that it involved the alteration of so
many sacred customs and the disturbance of so many
interests throughout the land. The religious instincts
and natural conscience of the people, headed by their
pious king, were stirred. Truly God Himself came near
to the heart of the people in such a story of grace,
such repeated and urgent calls to righteousness: we
cannot but believe that the chief influence of the Book
lay in its religion proper--the revelation of Him which it
Tosiah: Jerusalem and Deuteronomy
219
conveyed. Then Israel's patriotism was inflamed, their
intelligence aroused, and their affections drawn forth by
the humane ideals presented to them. Every home,
every heart was appealed to. Every interest found
itself respected. Upon the poor and the oppressed a
great hope dawned. But to all this volume of move-
ment, the edge and point was the conviction of the
zealous leaders of reform-sharpened as it had been by
the cruel experiences of Manasseh's reign--that only
such radical and rigorous measures as Deuteronomy
enjoins could save their religion from submergence by
heathenism, and their nation from destruction. And
now for the full operation of all these motives the
political situation gave the opportunity which had been
denied to the efforts of Hezekiah. Israel was free for the
moment from foreign servitude-free to obey its God
and to govern itself in His fear.
The Book of Deuteronomy is singularly reticent as to
the name of the place which Jahweh would choose for
His one altar and sanctuary. Jerusalem is
It does not
not mentioned ; neither in the laws nor in the name Jeru-
introductions and supplements. We can
hardly doubt the reason of this. The authors of the
policy were more concerned to state the religious prin-
ciple involved in it than to advocate the claims of a
particular locality. Nor did the latter need to be
asserted. Jerusalem was the only possible candidate for
the unique position designated by Deuteronomy. We
have seen the gradual growth of Temple and City at a
time when they had still many ancient and more powerful
salem,
And that although the cities of refuge are given by name, and sacred
functions are appointed at Ebal and Gerizim, the natural centre of the land.
220
Jerusalem
11
rivals in the land. We have seen how Isaiah interpreted
the Divine purpose in their history and unveiled their
glory as the habitation and the hearth of God, and how
this sacredness had been vindicated in 701 when every
other sanctuary in the land was despoiled. Nowhere
else could the centralised ritual be kept so pure as on a
site which, never having been used by another deity
before Jahweh chose it for Himself, had passed through
such a history of divine deed and word. David's, Solo-
mon's, Isaiah's, Hezekiah's work was completed by
Josiah, and the Temple became the single sanctuary of
the One God.
The record of how Josiah carried out the Deuter-
onomic reforms? is composite, and beset with later
intrusions. But it is certain that the Temple,
The Reforms
which it the City and their surroundings were largely
effected.
purged of heathen altars, rites and ministries;
and that from Geba' to Beersheba'--the limits of Judah--
the high-places of Jahweh were abolished, His rural
priests brought to Jerusalem, and His sacrifices and fes-
tivals established there alone. The former side of the
Reform does not appear to have been so successful as
the latter. The heathen cults may have ceased for the
rest of Josiah's reign, but upon his death they imme-
diately revived. But the centralisation of the national
worship of Jahweh, the establishment of the one sanc-
tuary for the One God, was settled once for all. And
this was the main thing. Whether cleansed or not from
heathen cults, Jerusalem became, not merely the principal
school and shrine of the one great system of ethical and
intellectual monotheism in the ancient world; but its
1 2 Kings xxiii. : see above, p. 201 n. I.
1
Josiah: Jerusalem 221
IS
and Deuteronomy
221
MO
Demands.
material sign and sacrament, its only altar, and for cen-
turies almost an equal object with its God of confidence
and longing
While it was thus possible to execute the formal
decrecs of Deuteronomy with regard to the worship, it
was by no means so easy to realise the ethical
Observance of
ideals, and one after another these faded even its formal,
neglect of its
in Josiah's time. Removed from close contact ethical,
with the agricultural and pastoral habits of
the people, which moulded the uses of the rural shrines,
the ritual was relieved from the debasing infections of
nature-worship. But at the same time there was danger
that the healthy influence of association with the simple
life of the common people and their domestic interests
would be lost. As a matter of fact the sensuous but
naïve credulities of the country were replaced by another
materialism. Jeremiah reports that a more sophisticated
and tyrannous superstition grew up about the one altar
and the letter of the Law on which its ritual was
founded. The vivid sympathy which we have seen in
Deuteronomy for the whole land and its life was replaced
by a fanaticism for the Temple and the City. Even so
definite an ordinance as that for the admission of the
rural priests to equal office and privilege with those of
Jerusalem was ignored. And in general the social
legislation of Deuteronomy was neglected. As the
prophets complain, the people of Jerusalem learned
neither justice nor mercy toward the poor and the
slave.
The great influx of rural priests undoubtedly intro-
duced to the capital a measure of moral vigour and
? See above, pp. 215 ff.
222
Jerusalem
the Increase
independence of thought: witness Jeremiah himself.
But it also meant the increase of the number of religious
idlers, especially when those priests were
Double
Character of refused admission to the full work and honour
of the Temple of the altar. Divorced more or less, from
Priesthood.
local and domestic interests, deprived of the
highest ambitions of their profession, and reduced in
many cases to a degrading beggary and subsistence on
chance, the Levites were left to develop a narrow and
a hollow patriotism without responsibility or healthy
discipline. Thus there was constituted a body of zealots
and fanatics, who are already apparent in the days of
Jeremiah, and who never ceased in the sacred courts
till the days of Titus: men who turned the Temple into
a fortress and neglected the rest of their land and its
interests.
Thrice every year the manhood of the people gathered
to Jerusalem, and what that meant for the national unity,
discipline and instruction in great causes
The Temple
the National cannot be exaggerated. We see it already
Auditorium.
in Jeremiah's choice of such seasons for the
delivery of his prophecies. He could then address the
whole of Judah in the courts of the Temple. But at the
same time these mobs were prone to be as fuel to the false
fire of the zealots. Instead of bringing to the capital the
health and sanity of the country, they too often took
back to the provinces the fever of the City.
In short, from the very morrow of the Deuteronomic
centralisation of the cultus in Jerusalem, we see at work
all the forces, good and bad, which form the mingled
glory and horror of her future history.
CHAPTER IX
JEREMIAH'S JERUSALEM
6. 625-586 B.C.
hand
Ministries.
THE ministry of Jeremiah to Jerusalem covered as
1 long and as critical a period of the City's history
as did that of Isaiah, and was exercised upon
the same wide complex of affairs : the ethics, Jeremiah: the
Resemblances
the worship and the politics of her people. of their
Isaiah and Jeremiah scourged the same vices,
and enforced the same principles of righteousness. Both
inveighed against prevalent idolatries; both wrought with
reforming kings, who not only sought to extirpate the
idols, but, for the further security of a pure faith, took
measures to concentrate the national worship upon the
Temple. As for politics, Jeremiah, as well as Isaiah, had
to fight a party which intrigued for alliance with Egypt,
to confront the armies of a northern empire, and to live
with his city through the terrors of a siege.
In spite, however, of so much outward resemblance,
the respective attitudes of the two prophets towards
Jerusalem were distinguished by inherent
The Differ-
differences, which are perceptible even in the ences : I.
ethical tempers of their ministries, while in
the political issues they become so wide as almost to
appear irreconcilable. Ethically, Jeremiah was more
Ethical
223
224
Jerusalem
rigorous and hopeless than Isaiah. The evil reign of
Manasseh had come between and revealed the incorrigible
bias of the people to idolatry and immorality. The
efforts of Hezekiah to purify and concentrate the national
worship did not succeed, and Isaiah was therefore spared
the duty of criticising the popular effects of such measures.
But Jeremiah lived through a reform and a centralisation
of the worship only to be confronted by their moral
failure and their many abuses. In other words, while
the one prophet led up to Deuteronomy, the ministry of
the other was compelled to lead away from Deuteronomy.
Isaiah had interpreted to Jerusalem God's purpose in her
selection by David and throughout her history since. It
had been God's will to make Jerusalem, the City of
Righteousness; and even though she had failed of that
ideal, she was still His dwelling, whose eternal throne
the prophet saw behind the altar of her Temple. She was
still, in a shaken and distracted world, the only refuge of
His Remnant. Upon the faith roused by such visions,
Isaiah, almost alone, carried the City inviolate through
the Assyrian invasion; and her deliverance in 701 set
God's signature to the interpretation which he had given
of her history. But Jeremiah saw no visions of the
unique sacredness of Jerusalem. His inaugural sacra-
ments were provided not in the Temple, but in the open
air of the country, to which he belonged: in a blossom-
ing almond twig, and a boiling caldron with its face to
the fateful north, out of whose smoke came actual, vivid
heathen to set their thrones in the gates of Jerusalem.
Hezekiah's efforts to translate Isaiah's ideals for the City
into fact had failed, in spite of the miraculous attestation of
her inviolableness, and had been succeeded by the relapse
L
1
Jeremiah's Jerusalem
225
into the idolatries of Manasseh. Josiah's measures,
though thorough and apparently successful, effected only
a formal and unethical fulfilment of the prophetic ideals.
Therefore where Isaiah had travailed with the hearts of
his generation in order to prove that the City was sacred
and impregnable to the forces of the world, Jeremiah
was compelled to contend with that superstition of her
security, to which the faith of his great predecessor had
been perverted by her people, and to doom to destruction
what Isaiah had triumphantly saved. Isaiah inspired
her timid king to defy the northern foes and tell them
that God would turn them back before they touched her
walls. Jeremiah had to scorn the immoral confidence of
the citizens in her invincibility, and to call the prophets
false who predicted that she would not be taken.
It was not, however, only ethical reasons or disappoint-
ment with the effects of reform which thus drove Jeremiah
into an attitude towards Jerusalem anti-
thetic to that of Isaiah. The political situa- Political
Situation.
tion had also changed. By Jeremiah's time
Jerusalem was no longer the indispensable fortress of
God's Remnant which the statesmanship of Isaiah had
seen her to be in the Assyrian world of his day. The
empire, which now threatened Judah, bore a different
policy to the victims of its sword. Conquest by Assyria
had meant national annihilation. Northern Israel did
not survive it, and we may be sure that if Jerusalem
had fallen to Sennacherib in 701 Judah must have
perished with her sister. But, with political insight equal
to Isaiah's, Jeremiah perceived the wide difference of the
Babylonian policy. This also meant exile for the peoples
whom its armies had conquered, but it did not involve
VOL. II.
2. In the
226
Jerusalem
their utter destruction. A people uprooted from their
own land might live and even flourish when replanted in
the soil of Babylonia and surrounded by a political
climate which we do not exactly know why-was more
favourable to their survival than the Assyrian had
been. So Jeremiah not only refrained from predict-
ing the inviolableness of Jerusalem, but actively coun-
selled her surrender to the Chaldeans, advised her
banished people to adapt themselves to their servitude,
and foresaw with hopefulness their long residence in a
foreign land.
These, then, are the two reasons why the watchword of
Isaiah's ministry was the Remnant, secure upon their
immovable City, while that of Jeremiah's may be
said to have been the Return, after the City had been
wiped as a dish and her people scattered among the
nations.
I have hinted that one difference between the two
prophets was that of their local origins; and the
2. Isaiah of emphasis of this also must be put into our
Jerusalem; contrast. Isaiah was Isaiah of Jerusalem.
the Country. The City was his platform and the scenery
of all his visions. He moved about her a free and
commanding figure, sure of his influence upon her rulers,
and with an imagination never more burning than when
exercised upon her Temple and her walls. But Jeremiah
was a countryman, whose earliest landscapes were the
desert hills and stony fields of Benjamin, with their
agricultural shrines; who found his first sacraments, as
has been said, in the simple phenomena of rural life; and
whose youthful ears were filled, not like Isaiah's with the
merrymaking of the crowds of the boisterous City, but
with the cry of the defenceless villages. When at last
Jeremiah's Jerusalem
227
Jeremiah came to the capital it was to see the Temple of
Isaiah's vision turned into a fetish by the people; it was
to be treated as a traitor by her rulers; it was to find in
her his repeated prison. And even when the siege was
close about the City, and the prophet himself was shut up
in the court of the guard, his hope still anchored in the
country. His pledge for the future of the nation he gave
neither in the Temple nor in anything else of which
Jerusalem boasted, but in the purchase from his uncle of
one of the family fields in ‘Anāthôth: for his heart was
set not upon the survival of civic or priestly glory, but
on the restoration of agriculture throughout the land
which was now desolate and in the hands of the foe.1
We must count it one not only of the most pathetic but
of the most significant episodes in this rural prophet's
career that he should stake his hope upon those derelict
acres. It was there, forty winters before, he had seen
the almond-tree blossom, and knew that God was awake.2
Jeremiah was born of a family of priests at 'Anāthôth 3
between the years 650 and 645, or about the same time
as Josiah himself. It was to his own fields
Jeremiah
at this same 'Anāthôth that the chief priest and
Abiathar had been banished when Solomon
gave his office to Sadok.4 The chief priesthood had
since remained in Sadok's family; and if, as is probable,
Jeremiah belonged to the stock of Abiathar, he was born
in opposition and with no hereditary interest in the reli-
gious authorities of his time. But'Anāthóth lies only four
miles from Jerusalem, and its inhabitants have constantly
been in the closest economic relations with their capital.
“Anathoth.
1 Ch. xxxii., especially verses 15, 41, 43 ff. (probably a later commentary
on the episode), contrasted with 29 and 31.
2 Ch. i. 11, 12.
3 Jer. i. 1.
* See above, p. 49.
228
We may therefore infer Jeremiah's familiarity from his
earliest years with the Temple and other buildings in
Jerusalem, with her commercial and religious life, and
later with the store of literature that she possessed.
Jerusalem is hidden from ‘Anāthôth by that branch of
the watershed which runs south-east from the main line
to the Mount of Olives. The outlook of the village is
upon those rural landscapes which Jeremiah has chiefly
reflected in his oracles: the rocks, stony fields, villages
and high places of Benjamin, Ramah being especially
conspicuous, the hills of Ephraim out of which the great
north road comes down upon the capital, the bare heights
1
of Gilead.3 But though hidden from the City, ‘Anāthôth
is within earshot of her life and of all the foreign rumour
of which in those times she was full. Nor should we
omit the effect of a boy's accession to the throne and
of the growth of his character upon the imagination
of this other boy scarcely four miles away. When both
the king and the young provincial priest were about
twenty-one, there came the crisis in the history of
Ashurbanipal. It was just then, about 625 B.C., in the
emiah's thirteenth year of Josiah's reign, that Jeremiah
Call.
received God's call to prophesy. The nation
was unreformed and impenitent; full of idolatry and
immoral ways of life. The ominous North was once
more boiling like a caldron. Kingdoms and Nations-
i See vol. i. 31.
2 xxxi. 15.
3 Few visitors to Jerusalem go out to 'Anāthôth, now 'Anâtâ, and yet in
all the surroundings of the City there is no more instructive site. Its equal
neighbourhood to Jerusalem and the Desert, and its wild outlook, illustrate
many passages in the Book of Jeremiah.
4 See above, p. 200.
5 i. 13, 14.
Jeremiah's Jerusalem
229
the troubled masses to which Jeremiah constantly refers 1.
-were astir; among them races new to Israel: the
Medes, the Chaldeans, the Scythians. But above this
confusion, so Jeremiah was assured by the sacrament of
the almond-blossom, God was watching, watching over
His Word to perform it,2. His Word of Judgment on
Israel and His promise of their sanctification. The
judgment was certain even if the politics of Western
Asia were still too confused for the discrimination of its
direction and its exact instruments. For a time indeed
one long and terrible movement appeared to embody it.
About 625 a force of Scythians 3 swept through the
Assyrian Empire as far as the frontier of Egypt; 4
and a number of oracles by Jeremiah 5 are the
generally interpreted as reflecting the char. Scythians.
acteristic warfare of these hordes of horsemen, incapable
of setting a regular siege but rushing the open country
and unfenced towns. The Scythians, however, appear
to have retired from Palestine without invading Judah.
Among such events Jeremiah had been four or five years
a prophet before the discovery of Deuteronomy and the
beginning of Josiah's reforms, 621.6 The history assigns
to him no part in the transactions connected with the
former. These were all carried through in Jerusalem;
i Duhm's denial to Jeremiah of such references as well as of all conscious-
ness of a mission to peoples beyond Israel, is contradicted by the circum-
stances of the prophet's time, his geographical position, and the traditions of
Hebrew prophecy, on which he at first so strongly leant. See also ch. xxvii.
2 i. II, 12.
3 This is the Greek form of their name, Ekúðar, supposed to be derived
from an original Sku or Saka which (with the prosthetic aleph) appears in the
Assyrian Ashkuza and the Hebrew Ashkenaz, Gen. x. 3; i Chron. i. 6;
Jer. li. 27. See Winckler, K.A.T. 13) 76 n. 1, 101 ff. ; Ramsay, Galatians, 28 f.
4 Herodotus, i. 103 ff.
5 As well as Zephaniah ii.
6 See above, pp. 202 f.
230
Jerusalem
and
Deuteronor
he was still at 'Anāthôth." But that he was in sympathy
with the religion of the Book we cannot doubt. Its
creed, its conceptions of the early relations of
Jeremiah
Jahweh and Israel, its tenderness and rigour,
m. its dependence on the eighth-century prophets
and especially on Hosea, were all also his own. There is
even evidence that he accepted the centralisation of the
worship, for he includes this in one of his pictures of the
ideal future of Israel ;? and his assistance in effecting it
would explain his ill-treatment by the people of 'Anā.
thôth jealous for their local shrine. On these grounds
we may accept the substance at least of the narrative
which describes his share in the promulgation of
Deuteronomy among the townships of Judah, and his use,
on that mission and at other times, of the Deuteronomic
phraseology. If in his verse this young prophet echoed
Hosea, it is not hard to believe that in his appeals on
behalf of the Reforms he adopted the prose style, so
infectious and so adapted for hortatory purposes, of
the Law-Book which inspired them. But his mind
was just of the kind to perceive very soon the in-
evitable failure of the movement: the superstitious
acceptance by the people of the formal side of Deuter-
onomy, with their neglect of its ethics and spiritual
religion. We have no evidence of his further activity
1 His father Hilkiah being of the stock of Abiathar, cannot have been
the same as the chief priest Hilķiaḥ who discovered the Law-Book, for the
latter was of the family of Şadoķ
2 xxxi. 6 ff; see below, pp. 253 f.
3 xi. 18 ff.
4. Between the extremes of Winckler on the one hand, who reckons
Jeremiah as a "legalist,' and therefore far below Isaiah, and of Duhm on
the other hand, who denies to him any sympathy with law or legal re-
forms, there is the more reasonable mean of allowing to the prophet the
Jeremiah's Jerusalem
231
The Battles
during the rest of the reign of Josiah. He may have
been in doubt for a time, as he was on other sub-
jects during his long career, and have chosen to be
silent; but it is not unlikely that those thoughts were
already at work in his mind which led him to abandon
the national conception of religion that his early
ministry had shared with Deuteronomy, and to develop
the individual aspects of faith and duty of which he
was the first great prophet in Israel. With the defeat
and death of the righteous king at Megiddo y
in 608, the Deuteronomic movement re- of Megiddo
ceived a serious if not a fatal check. The centralisa- :
tion of the worship remained, and the people of Judah
continued to gather to the Temple; but idolatries of
various kinds appear to have revived, and the spirit of
the new king Jehoiaķim was very different from that of
his father Josiah. To quote an expression of Habakkuk,
the Torah was paralysed, and the Mishpat did not march
on. Judah had passed under a new foreign lordship.
By right of her victory at Megiddo Egypt appointed the
new king and exacted a heavy tribute. The teaching of
Deuteronomy, that the due fulfilment of the Law would
be certainly followed by Israel's victory over other
nations and her great prosperity, was contradicted by
these facts; and the result was the growth of scepticism.
liberty of changing his mind with regard to the Deuteronomic movement as
experience showed him its true character. This interpretation of Jeremiah
is at once the more natural and the more true to the evidence of the Biblical
text. On recent tendencies of modern criticism to confine the interest and
activity of each of the great prophets to one consistent temper and line of
action, see a review by the present writer in the Review of Theology and
Philosophy (edited by Menzies) for July and August 1907.
1 2 Kings xxiii. 33-35. On the possibility that the tyranny of which
Habakkuk complains was that of Egypt, see the present writer's Book of
the Twelve Prophets, ii. 123 f.
232
Jerusalem
and
dictates his
In the fourth year of Jehoiaķim, 604, Egypt was defeated
by the Babylonians at Carchemish, and a
Carchemish. Babylonian supremacy of Western Asia
became certain. It was then that Jeremiah received the
command to write out all the oracles he had uttered
from the day I spake unto thee, from the days of Josiah
Teremiah even unto this day, and sent Baruch to read
them to the people in the Court of the
earlier Oracles
to Baruch. Temple, that Judah might have one more
opportunity to repent. Jeremiah dictated the oracles to
Baruch, and we can understand how with this immediate
ethical purpose in view he altered them in the light of
the new political conditions. When the roll was destroyed
by Jehoiaķim, Jeremiah and Baruch made another, and
added many like oracles. This roll is generally under-
stood to have been the source from which our Book of
Jeremiah has derived all its oracles of the prophet up to
Difficulty of the year 604. The absence of dates from so
dating them, many, the circumstances of their dictation,
their probable revision in the light of the now certain
Babylonian supremacy, and the intrusion of so many
titles, glosses and passages of prophecy by later writers,
render the task of arranging them in chronological
order extremely difficult, and in many cases impossible.
Still we can often mark whether an oracle was uttered
before or after the prophet left 'Anāthóth for Jerusalem;
whether an oracle implies the existence of the rural
high-places or the effects of the Deuteronomic legisla-
tion; whether the battle of Megiddo was past; and
whether that of Carchemish had been fought. As
already said, some of the oracles referring to invasion
? xxxvi. 32.
T
Jeremiah's Jerusalem
233
Jeremiah's
Treatment of
reflect the distinctive warfare of the Scythians, but in
one or two cases the prophet seems to have altered his
description to suit the methods of the new enemies from
the north, who, as he was now certain, were to be the
instruments of God's judgment upon His impenitent
people. After 604, thanks to Baruch, the dates of
different events and oracles are either definitely stated,
not, however, always correctly, or are clearly betrayed.
We have now before us, first, the distinctive features of
Jeremiah's attitude to Jerusalem, explained in the light
of his people's conduct and the politics of the The Details of
time; second, the main facts of his life and
experience up to 604; and third, the character Jerusalem.
of his oracles before that date. In the light of these
we may proceed to trace the details of his treatment of
Jerusalem, his judgment of her people, and his predic-
tions of their future, along with the materials which he and
Baruch incidentally provide for the topography of the City.
In what are apparently some of the earliest oracles of
Jeremiah, now found in chapters ii.-iv. of the Book,
the prophet is engaged with the nation as a The Far
whole; her first loyalty to God, her subsequent Oracles, ii.-iv.
apostasy increasing from her entrance to the Promised
Land, and her present incredible misunderstanding of His
ways with her. In these chapters the name of Jerusalem,
when used either by itself or in precedence to the land,
appears almost exclusively in passages which for other
reasons may be assigned to a later date. It is all-Israel
1 Erbt's arguments for a later date for ii. (Jeremia und seine Zeit, 129,
235 ff.) are hardly sufficient.
2 E.g. in the title ii. 2a, which is not found in the LXX., while the original
oracle begins with 2b (I remember the true love of thy youth, etc.); and it is
clearly not Jerusalem (which the inserted title names) but the nation as a whole
234
Jerusalem
or Judah with which these early oracles deal. If
Jerusalem is mentioned it is as second to Judah, or as
the strongest of the fenced cities of the land, or as the
public centre at which it was most natural to proclaim
the coming disaster. Throughout these oracles the young
Jeremiah has on his heart the unprotected villages and
the interests of all the townships of Judah. The first
outbreak of his anxiety for Jerusalem alone occurs at the
end of this collection of oracles in a taunt-song,6 which
is one of the pieces that have been reasonably assigned
to the Scythian invasion.' Two of these so-called
'Scythian Songs' may be given as specimens of his style.
The first sounds the alarm of the invasion, and summons
the country people to the walled cities :
U
In Judah make known and Jerusalem,
Proclaim and announce;
Blow ye the trump through the land,
Call with full voice,
And say, 'Sweep together, come in
To the towns that are fenced.
Lift up the signal towards Șion,
Rouse ye and stay not!'
For evil I bring from the North,
Ruin immense.
that is addressed (this against Erbt, Jer. u. seine Zeit, 128 f.); iii. 14-18,
which implies the Exile; iv. 14, which Duhm is right in regarding as an
interpolation, for it breaks the connection and weakens the emphasis of the
context.
1 Addressed by name ii. 14, 28, 31; iii. 6-13 (this passage may not all be
from Jeremiah), 20, 23; iv. I; and implied elsewhere.
3 Men of Judah and Jerusalem, iv. 3; men of Judah and inhabitants of
Jerusalem, iv. 4; declare in Judah and publish in Jerusalem, iv. 5; this
people and Jerusalem, iv. IIa (the genuineness of this clause is doubtful).
8 iv. 5, 6.
4 iv. 16: even here Duhm elides the words, publish against Jerusalem.
5 E.g. iv. 16.
6 iv. 29-31.
Jeremiah's Jerusalem
235
The Lion is up from his thicket,
Mauler of nations,
He hath broke, he hath marched from his place
-Thy cities are burning-
To turn to a desert thy land,
Swept of its people.
Gird ye with sackloth for this,
Lament and bewail,
For His anger türneth not from us,
The wrath of the Lord.'
The other piece is held by many to be from the same
period, and in that case the prophet predicts, as in the
last, the effects of the feared Scythian raids. But if we
read the opening verses as the description of an actual
invasion, we must refer the verses to another period, either
when the Egyptians or when the Babylonians came on
the land. The prophet taunts Jerusalem with the same
levity which we have seen Isaiah impute to her people.
The City hopes to flatter off her enemies; but these are
no wooers. It is her life that they seek.
From the noise of the horse and the bowmen
All the land2 is in flight.
They are into the caves, they hide in the thickets, 3
Are up on the crags.
Every town of its folk is forsaken,
No habitant in it !
All is up! Thou destined to ruin,
What doest thou now ? 4
1 iv. 5-8. In the Kinah measure, alternately three and two accents. In
verse 7 two of the clauses have been transposed so as to make this regular.
2 The correct Greek reading: Heb. every city.
8 So the fuller text of the LXX.
4 The text of these three lines is uncertain. The reading I conjecture is
Ma 01: 'X?
נוֹאָשׁ וְאַתִּי שְׁרוּדָה
מַה־תַּעֲשִׂי לָךְ
236
Jerusalem
Other Earl
That thou deck'st thee with deckings of gold-
That thou clothest in scarlet,1
That thou widenest thine eyes with the stibium,
In vain dost thou prink!
Though lechers they be, they do loathe thee,
Thy life are they seeking!
I hear cries of woman in travail,
Shrieks of her that beareth.3
The voice of the daughter of Șion, she gaspeth,
. She spreadeth her hands,
Woe unto me now! For it faileth,
My life to the slayers !!
There are oracles farther on in the Book which
apparently are as early as those in chapters ii.-iv.; in
Barly them also the interest of the prophet is for
Oracles. all the townships of Judah, and the whole
country, on which Jerusalem is conspicuous as the
capital, but by no means has a unique sacredness, for he
continues to name her second to the country, equally
involved in the horrors of the impending invasion, and
certain of siege and destruction if her inhabitants do not
repent.
To sum up—what Jeremiah has before him in these
earlier oracles is the whole land of Judah, with its many
hese shrines rank with idolatry, its rural land-
Jerusalem
secondary to sa
e scapes and figures, its villages defenceless to
the Land. the foe, and Jerusalem merely as the strongest
and most wicked of its cities, to which the country folk
1 These two lines have been transposed, with Duhm and others, to suit
the rhythm.
Ceruse nor stibium can prevail,
Nor art repair when age makes fail.'
Collop: Poesie Reviv'd, 1656.
3 Heb. as of one that beareth for the first time.
* E.g. v. 15-17; X. 19-22: apparently from the Scythian period.
5 xiv. 17, 18; xvii. 1-4 (date uncertain).
8 vi. 1-8 (but this may be later : see below, p. 246), 23.
In all these
Jeremiah's Jerusalem
237
1
flee before the invader, and which, as the climax of all,
must fall before him. Many of the passages of which
Jerusalem forms the sole or the predominant subject are
of later date.
Chapter v. Jeremiah brings a searching indictment
against all classes of the City's population. Professor
Duhm has argued that the oracle marks Oracles after
Jeremiah's removal from 'Anāthôth to Jeru- the Deutero-
nomic Re-
salem, and that this therefore took place before forms.
the centralisation of the national worship in the Temple
in 620. But he forgets how close 'Anāthôth lay to the
capital, and how familiar Jeremiah must have been with
the citizens even before he became one of them. More
probably the prophet's final migration to Jerusalem took
place when the rural shrines, of which 'Anāthôth was one,
were abolished, and he and other of their priests were
brought by Josiah to the Temple. However that may be,
the effects of the centralisation of the worship become
very evident in the records of Jeremiah's activity as a
prophet. After 620 he is able to address the manhood
of the nation in the Temple Courts, where, obedient to
Deuteronomy, they gather to the national festivals or
fasts. For such addresses we have no dates during the
reign of Josiah. Hitzig, Keil and others have assigned
to the reign of Josiah chapter vii. 1-15, a passage
which contains a speech by Jeremiah to all Judah1
assembled in the Temple; distinguishing it from an
address to all the cities of Judah which are come to worship
in Jahweh's house, chapter xxvi. I ff., dated in the begin-
ning of the reign of Jehoiaķim. These two accounts,
however, seem to refer to the same event. In any case
1 vii. 2. The shorter LXX. text is here to be preferred : see next note.
238
Jerusalem
the periodical gatherings in the Temple of all the
men of Judah, which are enjoined by Deuteronomy, had
become by the end of Josiah's reign so firmly
The Temple
the National established that they survived through the
Auditorium,
e reign of his very differently minded successor;
and Jeremiah used these gatherings in order to reach the
national conscience. Stand in the court of the House of
Jahweh and speak to all the cities of Judah which are come
to worship in the house of Jahweh. And again, in the
fourth year of Jehoiaķim, when the prophet dictated his
oracles to Baruch, he ordered him to read the roll of
them in the ears of the people in the house of Jahweh on a
Fast-day, and also in the ears of all Judah who are come in
from their cities,2 The City in fact has become the
auditorium of the nation. Yet even so, it is only because
the nation is massed upon the courts of her Temple
that the prophet's activity is confined to her.
But Jerusalem
still secondary In other words, he concentrates his teaching
to the Land.
*** upon Jerusalem for practical and not for
doctrinal reasons; and neither he himself nor his bio-
grapher, Baruch, gives her any precedence (with perhaps
one exception 3) before the rest of the land.' In the
passages just quoted from xxv.and xxxvi., in chapter xiii.,
U
1 xxvi. 2. The parallel passage in vii. 2 runs thus in the Hebrew text:
Stand in the gate of the house of Jahweh and proclaim there this word, and say,
Hearken to the word of Jahweh, all Judah-ye that are entering by these gates
to worship Jahweh; for which the LXX. has only Hear the word of Jahweh,
all Judah.
2 xxxvi. 6. Compare xxv. I f., where it is said that in the fourth year of
Jehoiakim Jeremiah spake with all the people of Judah and to all ihe inhabitants
of Jerusalem.
3 ix, 11 [Heb. 10). I will make Jerusalem heaps . . . and the cities of
Judah a desolation. The date of this verse and even its origin from Jeremiah
himself are uncertain.
Jeremiah's Jerusalem
239
if this be genuine,1 in chapter xiv., the Great Drought,
and in the Parable of the Potter (chapter xviii.) and the
Symbol of the Potter's Vessel (chapter xix.) the pre-
cedence of the Land to the City is constant, in spite of
the fact that the national worship has already been con-
centrated in the City.2
Jeremiah's sermon, recorded in chapter vii. 1-15,3 re-
flects another result of the centralisation of the worship:
the popular perversion of the Deuteronomic
Jeremiah
insistence on the unique sacredness of Jeru- rebukes super-
stitious con-
salem. By the beginning of the reign of fidence in the
Temple,
Jehoiaķim,4 and in all probability before this
and during the reign of Josiah, the people had come
to regard the Temple as a fetish. Put not, he says to
the crowds assembled from all Judah in the Temple
courts, put not your faith in false words: 'The Temple
of Jahweh, the Temple of Jahweh, the Temple of Jahweh,
there they are.'5 He turns his fellow-countrymen to the
amendment of their ways. If they do justice between
man and man, cease to oppress the orphan and widow
and to shed innocent blood in this place and to go after
1 A difficult question, but on the whole Erbt's defence of it against Duhm
seems to me strong. Cornill takes xiii. as a unity and the bulk of it from
Jeremiah.
% xiii. 9, 13; xiv. 2, 19; xviii. II; xix. 7, II; cf. xxv. I, 18.
3 Duhm regards this passage as the work of a later expander of some
genuine ideas of Jeremiah, obtained through Baruch's biography: 'great
thoughts, weakly elaborated.' Duhm's view is governed by his quite unsub-
stantial theory that we have no genuine prose discourses from Jeremiah.
Disallow this theory and there remains no objection to the substantial
autaenticity of ch. vii. The ideas are certainly Jeremiah's, and there is
no improbability in his having expressed them in the then current and very
infectious style of Deuteronomy.
4 Cf. with vii. 1-15 the date in xxvi. 1.
5 Literally those. Cf. our Lord's words, Matt. xxiv. I and 2.
240
Terusalem
tion.
other gods; then God will dwell with them in the place
which He gave to their fathers. Lo, ye are trusting to
false words that profit nothing! Is it possible? Ve steal,
murder, commit adultery, perjure yourselves, sacrifice to
Baal and go after other gods whom ye have not known,
and then ye come in and stand before Me in this House,
which is called by My Name, and say, 'We have saved
ourselves !'-In order to do all these abominations ! Has
this House become a den of thieves ?1
The ecclesiastical ideals of Deuteronomy have been
fulfilled, only to become a superstitious substitute for
its ethical demands. The people have made
and threatens
its destruc- obedience to its programme of ritual an
atonement for their evil lives; and impiously
congratulate their blood-stained and lustful hearts that
they are as safe behind the sacred walls as the pure
faith of Isaiah had known itself to be. To all that
kind of sham there is but one end—the destruction
of the abused sanctuary. For this there is a precedent.
Go now to my sacred place2 which was in Shilo, where at
the first I caused My Name to dwell, and see what I
have done to it for the wickedness of My people Israel.
So now, because ye have done all these deeds (although I
spoke to you in time, but ye hearkened not, and although
I called you, but ye did not answer), I will do to the
House which is called by My Name, in which ye put your
trust, and to the sacred place which I gave to you and
to your fathers, just as I have done to Shilo, and I will
cast you out from My Presence just as I cast out all your
brethren, the whole of the seed of Ephraim.
1 Cf. Mark xi. 15 ff.
2 Dipp here in the same sense as the Arabic Makâm.
Jeremiah's Jerusalem
241
:
11.
J
a
.
Individualism
of the Pro-
the Tamni noonhoto Priests there-
fore seek his
We must observe that on this occasion Jeremiah ad-
dressed himself not to the nation as a unit (as he had
done in his earlier discourses and as the Book Increasing
of Deuteronomy generally does) but to the
separate individuals who compose the nation. phet's Ethics.
This is clear from the parallel account in chapter xxvi. 3:
peradventure they will hear and turn, every man from
his evil way; and is in accordance with the increasing
individualism of Jeremiah's ethics, when the failure of
the national system of Deuteronomy became apparent
and the collapse of the state grew more certain.
Jeremiah's prediction of the ruin of the Temple in
which the people trusted was addressed to practically
the whole nation gathered to a Temple Prophets and
festival. At its close the Temple prophets forre
and priests 2 laid hold on him with the words, Death.
Thou shalt verily die. To them it was the sheerest
sacrilege to say a word against either Temple or City.
But the matter, being public, for all the people were
gathered to Jeremiah in the Temple, the news of it
speedily reached the nobles of Judah, and they came
up at once from the palace to the Temple and took
their seats in the opening of the new gate of Jahweh.
The prophets and priests then formally accused Jere-
miah to the nobles and all the people 4 of a capital crime
in threatening this City. Jeremiah made a calm and
dignified reply: the Lord had sent him to prophesy
1 xxvi. 2, 7.
2 Verse 8. Omit the words and all the people, which have been wrongly
repeated from verse 7.
3 Verse 9. But this clause really belongs to the following verse, and
explains how the report quickly reached the nobles in the palace.
4 Verse II. The people were therefore not among his accusers : see the
note before the last.
VOL II.
242
Jerusalem
against the Temple and the City ; but there was still
time by amending their ways to move God to relent.
As for himself, he was in their hands, let them do what
seemed good to them, only they must know that if they
killed him they would bring the guilt of innocent blood
upon themselves and the City, for in truth it was Jahweh
Acquitted by who had sent him. The nobles and all the
people then said he was not guilty of a
and the
capital crime, for he had spoken to them in
the name of Jahweh ; and some of the oldest of the men
present testified to the assemblage that when Micah
the Morasthite proclaimed a destruction of the City
and Temple, Hezekiah and the men of Judah instead.
of putting him to death feared God and He averted the
disaster. This precedent prevailed and Jeremiah escaped.
The king, who was absent on the occasion-it is remark-
able that neither now nor in the events related in chapter
xxxvi. is Jehoiaķim present in the Temple-pursued
even to Egypt another prophet who spoke as Jeremiah
had done, and put him to death.
The people's relapse into idolatry after the collapse
of the Deuteronomic ideals in the disaster at Megiddo
(608 or 607 B.C.) confirmed Jeremiah in his
Other Oracles
under Jehoia- belief of the inevitableness of the destruc-
" tion of Jerusalem. In the fact of the Potter
at his wheel, changing his first plans for a lump of.
clay, as he finds it under his hand unsuitable to them,
chapter xviii. 1 ff.,1 Jeremiah sees an illustration of how
God may change His purpose for Israel. Chapter xix.,
1 Undated, but most probably from Jehoiaķim's reign. Cornill dates
xviii. 1-4 between 620 and 610, denies the genuineness of 5-12, and puts
13-17 and 18-20 under Jehoiakim.
Jeremiah's Jerusalem
243
the story of how Jeremiah broke a potter's jar at the
Gate Harșith, concentrates this lesson upon Jerusalem
and the Temple. The prophets of Jerusalem, now the
religious centre of the land, are themselves immoral
and the source of all the national sin. We must note
that Jeremiah considers their immorality as more horrible
than the Baal-worship of the prophets of Samaria.2
Therefore Jeremiah is certain of her fall. For this foe
is not one who will be turned as the Scythians were.
The prophet varies a line he had used in the Scythian
songs about fleeing into the fenced cities, and adds to
it a note of despair. For walls are no refuge from the
Babylonians. The measure of the piece is broken and
uncertain.
Why sit we still! Sweep together,
Let us enter the fortified cities,
That there we may perish!
For our God, He hath dooined us to perish,
He hath given us the poisonous water:
Against Him we have sinned.
Hope of peace there was once,
Now there is panic.4
? Also undated; some place it in Jehoiaķim's (so Cornill), some in Şede-
ķiah's reign. Duhm's objections to the authenticity of the narrative are
arbitrary.
2 xxiii. 3-15: certainly to be dated after the centralisation of the worship
and probably in the reign of Jehoiaķim, though some assign it to Sedeķiah's.
Even Duhm admits this oracle as genuine.
3 viii. 14-ix. i. [Eng. =viii. 14-23, Heb.]. The various opinions as to
the date of this oracle are proof of the impossibility of assigning it with
certainty to any definite point in the prophet's career. Cornill (pp. 112, 123)
takes the whole section viii. 4-23 as an original unity connected by Jeremiah
himself with the Temple discourse which precedes it, and therefore one with
the latter in subject if not in date. But it may be one of those pieces which
the prophet added in 604 to his earlier oracles, when he came to dictate the
second roll (xxxvi. 32).
4 Verse 15 has been expanded from xiv. 19. For nya read with LXX.
2003. See Giesebrecht, Duhm, and Cornill.
Jerusalem
From Dan a sound has been heard, ..
The hinnying of his horses,
With the noise of the neigh of his stallions
The earth is aquake.
'Lo, I am sending upon you
Serpents and basilisks,
Against whom availeth no charm,
But they will bite you.'
For that this grief hath no comfort,1
Sick is my heart.
Hark to the cry of my people
Wide o'er the land !
'Is Jahweh no longer in Sion?
Is there no King in her ?!
"Why have they vexed Me with idols,
Vanities alien?'
Harvest is over, the summer is ended;
We are not saved!
For the breaking of the daughter of my people
I break, I darken.
Horror hath seized upon me,
Pangs of a woman.1
Is there no balm still in Gilead?
Is there no healer?
Why will the wounds not be staunched 2
Of the daughter of my people?
Oh that my head were but waters,
Mine eyes springs of tears,
Night and day would I weep
For the slain of my people !
· Is there no Jahweh in Șion, is there no king there?--
it is an echo on the lips of the people of that same
Once more superstitious belief in the inviolableness of the
aanse super. Temple which we have heard before: the
stition. perversion of Isaiah's faith in her sacredness.
Immediately the voice of God replies that He is wearied
with their idolatry. This quotation from the lips of
the people of what might have been the very words of
After the LXX.
? Heb., Why mounts not the healing skin.
st the
Jeremiah's Jerusalem
245
Isaiah is an instructive proof of how the pure ethical
faith of one generation may become the desperate fetish
of the next.
Another piece definitely anticipates the fall and de-
struction of the City. The order of some of the lines
has been altered in translation.1
Jerusalem, who shall console thee,
Who shall bemoan thee?
Who shall but turn him to ask
After thy welfare?
'Tis Me whom thou hast rejected,
Turned thy back to,
And I stretch My hand to destroy,
Sick of relenting.
I will winnow you out with the fan
In the gates of the land,
Bereave and extirpate My people
Because of their ways.
More are their widows become
Than sand of the sea.
I will bring upon mother and son
Destroyers at noon,
In a moment let fall on them
Terror and panic.
The mother of seven hath fainted,
Breathed out her life;
Set is her sun in the daytime,
Baffled and shamed.
Their remnant I give to the sword
In face of their foes.
And again the beautiful lines-
Call ye the keening women to come,
Send for the wise ones,
That they hasten and sing us a dirge
Till with tears our eyes run down,
Our eyelids with water.
1 xv. 5-9.
246
Jerusalem
For death is come up to our windows
And into our palaces;
The children are cut from the streets,
The youths from the places;
And the corpses of men are fallen
Like dung on the field,
Like wisps that the reaper has dropped,
And nobody gathers.
From this time, then, about 604 or 603 B.C., Jeremiah
was certain of the fall of the City, which less than a
m century before Isaiah had so triumphantly
Delenda. saved. Nor had he any doubt of the quarter
from which her executioner was to come. The battle of
Carchemish left Nebuchadrezzar, the Chaldean, master of
Western Asia.
For want of a date it is impossible to say whether
an oracle with so early a position in the Book as
Arrival of the chapter vi. I ff. arose from this time: it
Babylonians. describes enemies besieging the City, who
are certainly not the Scythians, for these appear not to
have cast mounts or ramps against fortified places, but
when they attacked them did so by rushing' the walls.
But the kind of siege described suits the Egyptians as
well as the Babylonians; and the oracle is as dateable
from the years immediately after Megiddo when Necho
had Palestine in his power, as from those after Car-
chemish when he had yielded this sovereignty to
Nebuchadrezzar. But if, as is reasonable, we allow
any genuine elements in chapter xxv. 1-14, we have
among them a distinct statement that Jerusalem shall
fall to the king of Babylon. Jehoiakim seemed to have
turned the edge of this sentence upon his capital by
lix. 16 (partly), 17, 20, 21, 2 See Giesebrecht and Cornill on this passage.
Jeremiah's Jerusalem
247
submission to Nebuchadrezzar, and remained his vassal
for three years, 604-601. Then he rebelled, and Judah
was invaded by a Babylonian army aided by bands of
Aram, ‘Ammon and Moab. The country people and
even such nomads from the desert as the Rechabites,
flocked for refuge to Jerusalem: an illustration of how
the population of the City was always increased upon
the threats of invasion. What happened to Jehoiaķim
is uncertain. From the Book of Kings 2 we may infer
that he died a natural death, while the statement in
Chronicles 3 that he was taken by the Babylonians and
carried into exile, is difficult to reconcile with the fact
that three months later Jerusalem, under
Siege of
Jehoiakin, was besieged by Nebuchadrezzar Jerusalem
and First
himself, and almost immediately surrendered. Captivity, 601
B.C.
The king, the royal family, and the court, Belo
with the flower of the population,4 were carried into Baby-
lonia; but a further respite was granted to Jerusalem
under Mattaniah or Şedeķiah, whom Nebuchadrezzar
placed on the throne as his vassal.
To these events we have no reference by Jeremiah
himself beyond a short elegy upon the exiled Jehoahaz.5
Perhaps, till they were over, the prophet re- Silence of
mained hidden outside Jerusalem 6 in the Jeremiah,
refuge to which he had fled from Jehoiaķim. This
suggestion is strengthened by the fact that he escaped
the deportation of the notables of the City to Babylonia.
1 xxxv.: this chapter is dated in Jehoiaķim's reign (verse 1). Many
transfer it to Sedekiah's reign, 588-87. It is possible that the text gives a
wrong date, like ch. xxvii. I. But 2 Kings xxiv. I ff. describes a Chaldean
invasion of Judah in Jehoiakim's days.
2 2 Kings xxiv. 6.
3 2 Chron. xxxvi. 6; cf. Daniel i. 2; Josephus x. Ant. vi. 3.
4 Jeremiah xxiv. I. 5 xxii. 10 ff. 6 As Erbt suggests, p. 19.
248
Terusalem
Şedeķiah, whom Nebuchadrezzar installed in place of
Jehoiakin, was master neither of his throne nor of him-
Sedekiah: self. A vassal, in the hand of his powerful
is Character. lord, yet constantly goaded to revolt by his
neighbours and a restless faction of his own subjects;
deprived of the strongest of his people and dependent
upon a council of inexperienced upstarts, yet tempted to
rebel by the strength of his walls and the popular belief
in their inviolableness; sensitive, if only from supersti-
tion, to the one high influence left him, yet urged in a
contrary direction by prophets who appealed to the same
God as Jeremiah did the last king of Judah is one of
the most pathetic figures even in her history and forms
a dramatic centre for its closing tragedy.
During the first years of his reign there was nothing
for Sedekiah and his people but to remain submissive to
His first their Babylonian lord. This was in agree-
* ment with the convictions of Jeremiah, and
Idolatry. therefore these years bring us no record of
action by him, unless we are to assign to them any of
those denunciations of idolatry which he is usually sup-
posed to have published under Jehoiaķim. As in the
time of Manasseh, the servitude to a heathen empire
involved the admission to the national sanctuary of the
gods of that empire. Ezekiel 1 gives us a picture of the
Babylonian idolatry which invaded the Temple under
Sedekiah, and to which it is possible that some of
Jeremiah's descriptions of the worship of the host of
heaven may refer. Ezekiel also describes Jerusalem as
full of moral wrong and the stupid pride of the baser
people left to her. They, forsooth, were Jahweh's true
years : estab-
lishment of
i Ch. viii.
Jeremiah's Jerusalem
249
remnant, because they alone were spared to the City!1
They had usurped the offices and estates of their
exiled countrymen. They were full of the Foolishness of
arrogance of the upstart and of those who, the Rulers.
having been saved only because of their inferiority, im-
pute their salvation with equal folly either to their own
merits or to the special favour of Heaven. Their self-
confidence grew, till it inevitably turned upon its patron,
and, fortified by proposals from others of his vassals, they
began to intrigue against Nebuchadrezzar.
It is at this point that the record of Jeremiah's public
ministry is resumed. Ambassadors having arrived from
Moab and 'Amnon, Tyre and Şidon-perhaps Resumption
in the fourth year of Şedeķiah, that is 593,2- Publie
Jeremiah was directed to meet their proposals Ministry.
for common revolt against Babylon by making yokes
for himself and for them, as symbols that the Babylonian
yoke would not be broken. But the party of revolt had
also its prophets who spake in the name of Jahweh, and
we can easily understand how sincerely these men felt
the truth of their message. Jahweh was Judah's God,
who had already delivered her from an invader as
i Ch. xi. 15; cf. Jeremiah xxiv.
2 Jeremiah xxvii., xxviii. xxvii. I, which fixes these events in the begin-
ning of the reign of Jehoiakim, is both a late addition (which the LXX. Version
is still without) and a false one: as even our English Revisers allow them.
selves to affirm, substituting on the margin the name of Şedeķiah for that
of Jehoiaķim, and appealing to verses 3, 12, 20, and xxviii. 1. Chaps.
xxvii.-xxix. form a group by themselves, being distinguished by certain
literary characteristics from the rest of the Book of Jeremiah. But xxvii.
also differs much from xxviii. ; it is more diffuse, and its Hebrew text con-
tains many additions, whose style no less than their absence from the Greek
version proves them to be late. In xxvii., too, Jeremiah is introduced in the
first person, while in xxvii. he appears in the third. In the text above use
is mainly made of xxviii. The date suggested for the events of which both
chapters treat, the fourth year of Şedeķiah, is by no means certain.
250
Jerusalem
powerful as the Babylonian. In affirming that He
would do so once more those prophets were not solely
inflamed by a fanatic patriotism and a mere military
confidence in the nation's Divine leader. No doubt they
desired as much as Jeremiah himself did to banish from
Jahweh's Temple the foreign gods and their
His Doubt
impure rites. It was a plausible opposition
with which Jeremiah was confronted, and the way in
IP
might not be genuinely inspired of Jahweh, forms one
of the most interesting episodes in the history of pro-
phecy. Only observe how, unlike his contemporary
Ezekiel, Jeremiah is indifferent to the part which
and Debate
with
This is to be solved, he feels, by no dogmas connected
with the Temple or the Law, but upon principles which
are purely ethical and political.
When Jeremiah was going about with the bar upon
his neck he was met by a prophet, Hananiah ben-'Azzur,
who in the name of Jahweh told him that the
Babylonian yoke would be broken, Jehoiakin
Hananiah.
be restored, and the sacred vessels brought
back which Nebuchadrezzar had carried away. Jeremiah
did not contradict this, but prayed that it might be as
Hananiah said, and solemnly left the question to the
issue of events; evidently in doubt for the moment as to
whether the word of Jahweh was with himself or with the
other. The confident Hananiah broke the bar on Jere-
miah's neck, the symbol of the Babylonian yoke, and the
prophet Jeremiah went his way. Later, Jeremiah's con-
fidence was restored. He denounced Hananiah as false,
and-in the spirit of Deuteronomy itself-predicted his
Jeremiah's Jerusalem
251
death.1 Thenceforth he remained constant in his con-
viction that the only hope for Judah was in submission
to the Babylonians. If Sedekiah revolted, Jerusalem
must fall. :
If the date we have assumed for this episode be correct,
Sedekiah did not venture to break his homage to Nebu-
chadrezzar for four or five years. But in 588
Activity of
a new monarch ascended the throne of Egypt, Egypt? Nebu-
cbadrezzar
Hophra 2 by name, and began to interfere in besieges
Jerusalem.
the politics of Palestine. The Egyptian party Jeru
in Jerusalem found its opportunity, and Sedekiah appears
to have come to an understanding with the Pharaoh.3
Against this coalition Nebuchadrezzar moved south in
person, and established his headquarters at Riblah on the
Orontes. On the tenth day of the tenth month of the
ninth year of Şedeķiah; January 588-587 B.C., a Baby-
lonian army began the siege of Jerusalem.
In this swift act of arms Şedeķiah and his people
might have seen the contradiction of Hananiah's pro-
phecy; and at first sight it is surprising that
Spirited
they did not surrender the City. Their reso- Defence of
the City.
lution to defend it proves the sincerity of “e
the party whom Jeremiah himself at first treated with
respect. And in truth, besides their religious beliefs,
this party of resistance had much that was substantial
on which to rely. The walls of Jerusalem were strong
and well garrisoned. The Babylonian general did not
attempt to storm them, but, like Titus centuries after, he
1 The verses stating this, xxviii. 16 f., are doubted by some critics.
? The Hebrew transcription is rather exact.'-W. M. Müller, Enc. Bibl.
col. 2107. Herodotus : 'Atplms. He is the Pharaoh of Jer. xxxvii. 5, 7, 11.
3 Ezek. xvii. 15.
252
Jerusalem
built a rampart round the City. Egypt, too, was really
ready to move to her relief; and in order to show the
sincerity of their faith in the help of Jahweh, the king
and his council took the first real step towards fulfilling
the spirit of the Deuteronomic laws by engaging in the
Temple to enfranchise all their Jewish slaves.1 The
atonement appeared to be successful. An Egyptian
army advanced towards Jerusalem, and the Babylonians
raised the siege. The confidence of Jeremiah's
Temporary
Raising of opponents revived. To the sincerely religious
the Siege.
among them it may have appeared as if
Jahweh was repeating the wonderful relief of 701. But
king and people forgot their oath to release the slaves;
and on this ethical ground, if also from his saner estimate
of the political situation, Jeremiah proclaimed that the
Egyptians would withdraw and the Babylonians come
back to besiege and to take the City. Either then,
or previously, he replied to a deputation from the king,
who inquired whether Jahweh had not been propitiated,
that Jahweh's purpose was clear. They must not flatter
themselves that the Chaldeans would depart. Even if
the expedition of Pharaoh were not futile, even if he had
uns smitten the whole Chaldean army and only
and Imprison- the wounded were left to it, these would rise up
ment of
Jeremiah. every man in his tent and burn the City. That
is to say, Jeremiah, now indifferent as to the military
issue of the imminent conflict between Egypt and Baby-
lon, was ethically convinced of the doom of Jerusalem.
But the opposition to him remained. When, taking
advantage of the withdrawal of the Chaldeans, he tried
to go out to ‘Anāthôth to secure his patrimony, a captain
of the guard arrested him on the charge of deserting to
Jer. xxxiv. 8 ff.
2 xxxvii. 1-10.
Predictions
Jeremiah's Jerusalem
: 253
the enemy. In spite of his denial, the princes—how
changed from those of Jehoiakim's reign!--smote him and
put him in a pit in the house of Jonathan the scribe. Here
he received a secret message from the distracted king
inquiring if there was any word from the Lord. He
replied firmly that Sedekiah would be delivered into the
hands of the king of Babylon, and then claimed that he
ought to be set free. He was innocent, and if left in this
dungeon, would die. Sedeķiah answered with a sordid
compromise. He took Jeremiah out of the pit, but con-
fined him in the court of the guard, and gave him daily a
loaf from the bakers' bazaar, till all the bread in the City
was done.1
The Babylonians returned, and the siege was held
closer than before. Jeremiah appears to have got his
release, but was a second time imprisoned,2
Resumption
without doubt on the charge of weakening the of Siege:
Jeremiah's
men of war by persisting in his call to sur- second Im-
render. They cast him into a cistern in the priso
house of Malkiah, from the mire of which he was drawn
by Ebed-Melek, the Ethiopian, and placed in the court
of the guard, where the king again consulted him. It is
uncertain whether it was during his first or this second
imprisonment that, confident as ever of the fall of the
City, he pledged his hope for the future of
His Confid-
the nation by purchasing from his uncle the ence in the
Future.
fields in 'Anāthôth. But though Jerusalem
should be burnt, he predicted its rebuilding 5 and its
restoration as a centre of worship. The form in which
the latter prediction is put is very significant.
1 xxxvii. 11-21.
2 xxxiii. 1-13.
3 xxxviii. 4.
4 xxxii. Stade assigns this to the first incarceration. See above, p. 227.
o xxxiii. 1-13.
xxxi. 2-6, which even Duhm admits to be an authentic oracle.
prisonment.
254
Jerusalem
1
For a day shall be when the watchers call
Upon Mount Ephraim-
'Rise, let us go up to Șion,
To Jahweh our God.'
That is to say, Jeremiah not only was confident of the
resumption of worship in the Temple, but he conceived
of the national worship as centralised there, in obedience
to the Deuteronomic Law. This means, that in common
with all his countrymen, he had accepted the great
change in the ritual prescribed by that law and carried
out by Josiah. But that is evidence that Dr. Duhm's
theory of Jeremiah's indifference, or even hostility, to the
Deuteronomic reforms is impossible.
The end was not far off. The timid, those who in
their despair felt that Jahweh had forsaken the City, and
Fall of the those who had before deserted Him for the
City, 586 B.C. Babylonian gods, went over to the enemy.1
Famine ensued, and pestilence. The enemy pressed,
as every besieger before and after them did, upon the
northern wall, where the ground was level, and their
engines were not confronted as on other sides by
high rocks. At last, on the ninth day of the fourth
month of the eleventh year of Şedeķiah, July 586, a
breach was made. As the Chaldeans were thus about to
enter on the north, the king and his guards fied by the
gate in the south-east corner of the City, through the royal
gardens, towards the Jordan. They had better have
sought the deserts of Judah. They were pursued, cap-
tured, and taken to Riblah, where, after his sons were
slain before him, the last king of Judah had his eyes put
out and was carried to Babylon. The Chaldeans burned
the Temple, the Palace, and many of the other houses.
1 xxxviii. 19.
2 Id. 2.
Jeremiah's Jerusalem
255
The walls were ruined. And the most of the population
were carried away to Babylonia.
and Baruch,
To complete this account of Jeremiah's Jerusalem, we
have now to gather the topographical details, a few of
which occur in the prophet's own oracles; ,
"Topography
but by far the most are given incidentally of the City
given by
and in the plainest prose by Baruch, his jeremiah
biographer. The result is a picture of the
City of a different character from that which we received
from Isaiah. In his case the details come to us through
a prophet's imagination of her ideal, or through the
warmth of a heart that, while indignant with her care-
less crowds, still loved and pitied them. The like of
this we cannot expect either from Jeremiah, who had
no such love nor vision of Jerusalem, nor from Baruch,
who was not a prophet but a scribe. But Baruch had
the invaluable pedestrian sense of the ups and downs of
his City's site, and the plain man's memory of the exact
scenes of his hero's adventures. The result is a picture,
grey indeed, but more accurate than any we have yet
had, of the outlines and disposition of Jerusalem, as well
as of her common buildings and more obscure recep-
tacles. We may begin with the Temple, the centre and
crown of the whole, cross its courts and come down
through their gates to the. Palace and its outhouses;
thence pass through the City to the walls and City-gates,
and so out upon the immediate surroundings.
Nothing is said of the architecture of the Temple; but
it is referred to in the plural, the Temple of Jahweh, the
Temple of Jahweh are those, probably as including its
1 vii. 4; cf. Matthew xxiv. 1, 2.
256
Jerusalem
The
and its
Courts.
courts and the separate buildings on them, for elsewhere
these are implied as part of the Beth-Jahweh. The
be usual term for visiting the Temple was to
go in to it. The contents of the sanctuary
are not mentioned, beyond a notice that
Nebuchadrezzar carried away its furniture and vessels,3
Whether the Ark was still there or had disappeared we
do not know. Round the Temple lay its court: the
court of the house of Jahweh, where the prophet spoke
because all the people gathered there ; 5 the upper court, as
Baruch calls it in distinction from the lower, other or
middle court of the Palace, and the great-court which sur-
rounded both. There were thus from Solomon's time to
Jeremiah's three courts, of which only one, the upper or
inner, was the Temple-court proper ; and to it, as we see
from the Books of Kings and from Baruch's narratives,
the people were freely admitted both before and after
the Deuteronomic reforms. (The courts about the Second
Temple were different. That next the sanctuary, cor-
responding to Solomon's inner court but apparently
smaller, was called the court of the priests, and either
1 XXXV. 4, etc.
2 xxxvi. 5; cf. xxvi. 2.
3 xxviii. 3; lii. 18 (from the Book of Kings), etc.
4 The words in iii. 16, which imply that it had disappeared, occur in an
obviously exilic passage : verses 14-18. Whether verse 16 be a quotation
from Jeremiah himself (so Erbt) it is impossible to say. There was a
tradition after the Exile that Jeremiah hid the Ark : 2 Esdras x. 22; 2
Macc. ii. 5. This was the most unlikely thing for him to do.
5 xix. 14 ; xxvi. 2: the inner court of i Kings vi. 36.
8 Upper court, xxxvi. 10; other court, i Kings vii. 8; middle court, 2
Kings xx. 4; great court, 1 Kings vii. 9, 12 : Burney's emendation of this
verse after the LXX. brings out all three courts. See above, pp. 59, 64, 67 ff.
7 The Chronicler (2 Chron. iv. 9) antedates this court, existing in his own
time, to the time of Solomon, and calls an outer Temple-court' the New
court (xx. 5). Schlatter (Zur Topogr. u. Gesch. Paläst. 173) assigns this to
Asa, and quotes 2 Kings xxi, 5 for the existence of two courts of the Temple
Jeremiah's Jerusalem
257
at the beginning in accordance with Ezekiel's direc-
tions or at some later stage in its history the laity were
excluded from it.) Within the upper court were chambers,
or lodges, for priests and Temple-officers. Some of these
are named: the sons, or guild, of Hanan ben-Gedaliah, the
man of God, whose chamber was beside the chamber of the
officers, and this above that of Maaseyahu ben-Shallum, a
keeper of the threshold ;1 and Gemariahu ben-Shaphan, the
scribe, from the door or window of whose chamber Baruch
read Jeremiah's roll in the ears of all the people. That
Jeremiah himself sometimes held one of those chambers
seems probable from two occasions on which the com-
mand came to him to go down-to the king's house, to
the house of the potter. The upper court had several
gates known as the gates of the House of Jahweh.4 One
or two are named. First there was the new gate of
Jahweh or of the House of Jahweh, probably that which
Jotham built or rebuilt. Where this stood is uncertain.
The princes took their seats at it? on coming up from
the Palace, and so some place it on the south. But so
public a gate could hardly have been next the Palace.
It may have stood on the east. More probably it was the
same as the next one, on the north of the upper court-
the gate of Benjamin, called also the upper,' perhaps to
in Manasseh's time. But if pre-exilic (which is doubtful), this verse regards
the great court as a Temple-court proper. And Schlatter's whole argument
(from p. 167 onwards) for the pre-exilic Temple-courts is founded on the
evidence of the Chronicler and the Rabbis, who speak only of post-exilic
conditions.
i Jer. XXXV. 4.
2 xxxvi. 10.
3 xxii. I; xviii. 1.
4 vii. 2.
6xxvi. 10; xxxvi. 10.
6 2 Kings xv. 35; see above, p. 125.
7 Heb. nno LXX. év tpotúpois. '
8 Jer. xx. 2. £v Túy očkov åmotetayuévov Toll nepớov, the north gate of
Ezek. viii. 3, ix. 2, and gate of altar, viii. 5.
VOL. II.
258
Jerusalem
distinguish it from the corresponding gate of Benjamin on
the City Wall. There stood the stocks-or rather the low
vault in which a prisoner had to sit bent—where Pashhur,
the royal overseer of the Temple, confined Jeremiah.
Another entry into this court is called the third entry that
is in the House of Jahweh, but perhaps we should read
the entry of the Shalishim, either a certain grade of
officers, or the three divisions of the Temple and Palace
guards.1 The Septuagint, however, takes it as one of the
houses in the court.
That the Palace, which was to the south of the Temple,
lay upon a lower level than the latter, is proved by the
verbs which Baruch uses for passing between
The Palace,
them. The princes of Judah, when they
Courts.
heard in the Palace the noise in the Temple
court, came up from the king's house to the house of
Jahweh.2 Micaiah ben-Gemariah went down from the
upper court to tell the princes of Baruch's reading of the
roll. Like the upper court, the court of the Palace had
its chambers or lodges for officials, of which one at least
is mentioned, the chamber of the king's scribe or chan-
cellor. Part of the Palace court was railed off as the
court of the ward,5 in which prisoners were kept. As still
in Oriental prisons, they were allowed to transact busi-
ness with their friends through the rail, and receive food
and its
13
1 Jer. xxxviii. 14. Shalish is the title of a certain officer in N. Israel
(2 Kings vii. 2). On the divisions of the guard, see 2 Kings xi. 5-7. The
LXX. of Jeremiah xxxviii. 14 gives, instead of this entry, the house of
'Aseleisel or Shealtiel : els oiklav do elelona (B), aoadın (x), oalaoin (A).
2 xxvi. 10.
8 xxxvi. 12; cf. xxii. I: go down to the house of the king of Judah.
4 xxxvi, 12.
$ xxxii. 2: 7700777877, which was in the king's house (thus, as in the
case of the Temple, the name the king's house covered the court round it).
Jeremiah's Jerusalem
259
U
from the outside. When it was felt that Jeremiah was
not securely confined by such conditions, he was cast into
a cistern in the court, described as that of Malkiyahu, son
of the king, or of Hammelek ; 2 and when more room was
needed for political prisoners it was found in the house of
the cistern, a vault with a cistern, under the house of the
scribe or chancellor. From this house the princes went
in to the king, to the presence-chamber. This was in the
winter-house, where the king sat before a brasier ; 5 the
summer-house would be on an upper story, to which
lattices admitted the breeze. Within the Palace was
also the house of the royal women ;' and a treasury or
storehouse is mentioned, with vaults or pits beneath for
cast clothes.8
The other buildings of Solomon on the East or Temple
Hill are not mentioned in the Book of Jeremiah.
Outside the Temple and Palace lay the streets or
bazaars of Jerusalem and her broad places :~the narrow
lanes for which the compact City 10 has always The Streets
been notorious, and the comparatively small and Bazaars.
open spaces within the gates. The various crafts
gathered in their own bazaars. Of these only the bakers'
street 11 and the house of the potter are named ; 12 but the
gold- and silversmiths, the weavers,13 the image-makers, 14
* Jer. xxxii. 8, 12; xxxvii. 21 ; xxxviii. 28; cf. xxxiii. I; xxxix. 14 f.
2 xxxviii. 6.
3 xxxvii. 15 f.
4 xxxvi. 20 ; for 77897 (els Thy aúlny) into the court, where the king
could hardly have sat in the winter, read' 77777 (after 1 Kings i. 15),
generally the interior of a house (Deut. xxxii. 25), but especially the private
room of the master (Jud. iii. 24, etc.).
5 Id. 22.
0,77pon noby, upper chamber of cooling, Judges iii. 20, 24. The upper
story is called 'aliyah in Arabic. 7 xxxviii. 22, etc.
8 Id. 11.
9 v. 1, etc. etc. 10 Ps. cxxii. 3.
11 Jer. xxxvii. 21. 12 xviii. 2.
18 x, 9; vi. 29.
14 x. 14.
260
Jerusalem
the workers in wood, stone and metal, the locksmiths (?) 2
and the wine-sellers 3 had each their own bazaar. The
fish-sellers were by the Fish-gate. No other public
buildings are mentioned. Beyond the Palace and the
Temple and the lodges in their courts, we hear only of
the houses of the people ;5 but among these were, as in
the time of Amos, some palaces, and wide houses cieled
with cedar and painted with vermilion. The roofs were
flat, and the bazaars probably covered as in later days.
Before the reforms of Josiah there was an altar in every
street, and on the housetops family services were per-
formed to Baal and the host of heaven. Neither the
size of the town nor its divisions are given; the name
City of David does not occur. But from Zephaniahº
we learn that Jerusalem comprised the Mishneh or
Second-town and the Maktesh or Mortar, perhaps the
hollow between the West and the East Hills where the
Phænician merchants and money - dealers had their
VI
quarters. 10
The Gates
We hear, of course, of the City's walls and gates. 11 Of
the latter four at least are named: the gate Harsith
es (Potsherds?) on the valley of Hinnom ; 12 the
of the City. gate between the two walls to the king's garden,13
in the extreme south-east by Siloam; the middle gate, 14
1 All included under the common name way, Jer. xxiv. 1.
2 Ibid. habe ; alternatively yoke-makers, or gold-refiners (vol. i. 328 n. 2).
3 xiii. 12.
4 Zephaniah i. 10: see below.
5 Jer. xxxix. 8; lii. 13 (=2 Kings xxv. 9). · 6 ix. 20 (Heb.).
? xxii. 14.
8 xxxii. 29, etc. 9 Zeph. i. 10, II.
10 Mishneh : 2 Kings xxii. 14; 2 Chron. xxxiv. 22, which state that the
prophetess Huldah lived there; cf. Nehemiah iii. 9, 12; xi. 9. Maktesh:
Zeph. i. 11.
11 Jer. i. 15; xvii. 19 ff. 12 xix. 2: see vol. i. 173 ; vol. ii. 188 n. 5.
13 xxxix. 4; vol. i. 226. 14 xxxix. 3. .
Jeremiah's Jerusalem
261
probably on the north wall, and the city gate of Benjamin,
on the north-east; and, from Zephaniah, the Fish-gate.
In exilic additions to the Book we find also the Corner-
gate and Horse-gate,2 and the Gate of the Children of the
People (?).3 The two former occur in a passage which
defines the boundaries of the City, beginning with the
north-east corner: from the tower Hananeel to the Gate of
the Corner, on the north-west, the measuring line shall go
out to the hill Gareb (which is a place-name or designa-
tion of a field in other Semitic languages),4 presumably
at the south-west corner, and it shall turn round towards
Goah (or, as the Syriac gives it, Gabatha or Gibeah),
and ... 6 and all the fields to the torrent of Kidron to the
angle of the Horse-gate eastward.
In the topography of the Book of Jeremiah nothing is
more distinctive than its treatment of the surroundings
of Jerusalem. We hear, by name or feature, The
of places further afield: of ‘Anāthôth, Ramah, Environs.
Bethhak-Kerem, Teķoa', Mizpah, the trench which King
Asa made against Baasha of Israel, the great waters that
are in Gibeon, and Geruth (or Gidroth) Chimham, near
Bethlehem. But of the immediate suburbs of the City,
their names or features, almost none are given. We
1 Jer. xxxvii. 13. xxxi. 38, 40: see vol. i. 199, 201 ff., 206, 325.
3 xvii. 19: by which the kings of Judah go in and out.
4 Sabean 22, a place-name. In Arabic different forms of the root mean
rough, scaly, rusty, a measure of corn or size of field on which it can be
sown, and cold north wind. Aram., an earthen vessel, measure of corn and
size of field which can be sown with it, leprosy, and northward. Assyr.,
leprous. On Gareb in the Talmud, three miles from Shiloh, see Talmud
Bab., 'Sanhedrin,' 103a; Neubauer, Géog. du Talmud, 150 ff., where a Wâdy
Gourab west of Jerusalem is mentioned.
5 LXX. : FÉKREKTWv Nowy.
6 All the valley of the corpses and the ashes of the fat omitted by LXX.,
and perhaps a gloss.
262
Jerusalem
hear nothing of Nob, the Mount of Olives, or the Plain
of Rephaim; nothing of Giḥon, 'En-Rogel, the conduits
or the highways; nothing of the near sky-lines nor the
woods, nor (till the very end) of the King's Garden.
Jeremiah and his biographers behold his Jerusalem only
as the City of Doom-doomed by the sins which burst
into their wildest orgies beneath her walls, doomed to
the assaults which must presently fill her environs. And,
therefore, these environs, so striking in their features and
so brilliant in their memories, are described only as the
haunts of idolatry, the scenes of siege, the site of graves.
It is as if to the prophet's eye Jerusalem had no longer
any suburbs save guilt and war and death.
Thus the oracles upon the Scythian and Babylonian
invasions predict in their vivid way the defenceless
un by country-folk streaming for refuge to Şion,
besiegers. the approach of the foe always from the
north, the setting of his first posts, his felling of the
trees and casting of ramps against the walls, the corpses
scattered over the fields, and the final acres of graves.5
But for all we are told of the shape or disposition of the
stage on which such scenes are to be enacted, it might
be a level plain, without feature, name or memory. And
the only waft of its natural atmosphere which we feel is
the sirocco blowing in from the bare heights of the
desert, a hot wind neither to fan nor to cleanse, towards the
daughter of my people.
The single variation to these prospects of suburban
war is introduced in connection with the national sin.
The prophet's eye, to which the whole land was defiled,
Over
i Jer. iv. 6.
4 ix. 22; vii. 33.
2 iv. 16; vi. 3.
5 vii. 32.
3 vi. 6 ff.
6 iv. II.
Jeremiah's Jerusalem
263
The idolatries
25L
saw the pollution concentrated upon the valleys and
slopes about the Holy City. The curse of Manasseh was
upon them. The worst rites of the idolatries The
which that king had introduced or revived of Hinnom.
could not be performed within the walls of the capital.
The adoration of the host of heaven might be offered
from every housetop and upon the Temple-courts them-
selves. But the sacrifice of children, prompted by a
more malignant superstition, had to be performed, in
accordance with the conscience of the ancient world,
outside the walls, and in one of the ravines which
entrench them. Except the Kidron this is the only
suburb which the oracles or narratives of Jeremiah
mention: the Hollow of the Son of Hinnom.
In this lay the Topheth. If one may judge from
Phænician analogies--and the rites were borrowed from
Phæniciaa great fire pit, a development of The
the primitive hearth, was dug on the floor of Topheth.
the gorge; and upon a pile of fuel or more elaborate
structure, called the Topheth, or more correctly Tephath,2
the victim after being slain was laid, a whole burnt
offering. The deity who was supposed to demand so
cruel an oblation is named by the Hebrew text Molek,3
but there are grounds for believing that this was a divine
title, Melek 4 or King, rather than a name; and that the
awful Despot who demanded such a propitiation was
i See vol. i. Bk. 1. ch. vii.
2 The Hebrew vocalisation Topheth is apparently modelled upon Bosheth=
shame, and the vowels also give it the same sound as the word for a thing
spat at or abhorred. The Greek gives Taged. The word is probably
borrowed from the Aramaic, in which an means fireplace. See Robertson
Smith, Rel. of the Sem. (2nd ed.) 377.
3 Jer. vii. 31, xxxii. 35; 2 Kings xxiii. 10.
4 Changed to Molek by the vowels of Bosheth as in the case of Topheth.
264
Jerusalem
regarded by the Jews as none other than their own God.
The terms in which the prophets of the seventh century
remonstrate against the practice show that the people
imagined they had Jahweh's command for it. They
could quote the letter of an ancient law to that
effect,” and they had strong motives to so extreme a
propitiation in that sense of Jahweh's wrath which one
national disaster after another stirred up within them.3
The practice of sacrificing children is said to have been
begun by Ahaz in the despair to which he was reduced
by Aram and Israel,4 and it was revived by Manasseh
and spread among his subjects. The horror which it
excited is vividly expressed in the remonstrances of
Jeremiah. The place was accursed. God would slay
His people upon it till it should no more be called the
Hollow of the Son of Hinnom, but the Hollow of Slaughter,5
and be covered with graves: a Polyandrion, as the Greek
Version calls it, a place populous with the dead. This
prediction has been fulfilled not there alone, but in all the
encircling valleys of Jerusalem, which are choked with
her débris and the dust of her slain. The name itself,
obliterated from the spot, was translated to a still more
1 'Micah' vi. 6 f. ; Jer. vii. 31; Ezekiel xx. 18-26.
2 Exod. xiii. 12, quoted by Ezekiel, loc. cit.
3 The best discussion of this subject is the rich and careful argument by
G. F. Moore, Enc. Bibl., art. “Molech.'
4 Moore indeed argues that the reference to Ahaz (2 Kings xvi. 4) cannot
be correct, for the prophets of the eighth century do not condemn the sacrifice
of children as those of the seventh century do. But it is difficult to perceive
why the historian's attribution of the practice to Aḥaz should have been
invented any more than that to Manasseh, which Moore accepts. And, as
we have seen (vol. i. 127), the fact that Isaiah, when confronting Aḥaz, took
with him his own son dedicated by the symbolic name to hope, appears to
have been the prophet's rebuke to the king for dedicating his son to despair.
Jer. vii. 32.
6 See vol. i. 172 ff.
Teremiah's Jerusalem
265
awful use, and became, as Gehinnom, Geenna, Gehenna
and Jahannum, the Hell alike of the Jewish, the Christian
and the Moslem theologies. In the case of the Jews this
Hell, as we have seen, was located in the ķidron valley
below the Temple.1
So Jeremiah saw Jerusalem awaiting her doom-an
apostate City, beleaguered by her sins, her relentless foes,
and the graves of her perpetually slaughtered people.
i Vol. i. 174.
CHAPTER X
THE DESOLATE CITY
586-537 B.C.
Difi
THAT the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchad-
T rezzar was thorough, and that he drained her
population to the dregs, cannot be doubted.
estimating the But when we attempt to estimate how much
Numbers:
of the City remained habitable, or how
many Jews were left in the land after the successive
removals to Babylonia and the migration to Egypt, we
encounter difficulties which prevent any near view of a
result.
To begin with the people. There are no reliable data
for the population of Judah or of Jerusalem before the
Babylonian invasion. In 701 Sennacherib
I. Of the
Population claims to have carried off and counted as
of Judah;
spoil' 200,150 Jewish men, women and chil-
dren. If this means that he deported them, it must be
an exaggeration. The number, which Sargon took into
exile when he captured Samaria, is stated as only 27,290;
who, if we count them as the fighting-men, even then
represent little more than a third of Sennacherib's vast
figure. The alternative is to interpret the 200,150 as the
whole population of the 'forty-six walled cities and forts
without number' which Sennacherib took captive : that
is, practically all Judah outside the walls of Jerusalem.
266
The Desolate City
267
If we add to them a few tens of thousands for the
capital, the result is a very reasonable figure for the
population of a land of the size and fertility of Judah.
An estimate has been made, from official lists of the
inhabitants of practically the same extent of territory,
in the year 1892. Without Jerusalem or Hebron and
its many villages, this amounts to over 170,000 souls.
Adding 40,000 for Jerusalem and the very moderate
conjecture of 15,000 for the Hebron district, we get
225,000, which is very near Sennacherib's figure, increased
by an allowance for the population of Jerusalem. As we
have seen,3 Judah must have fully recovered from the
disasters of 701 during the long and prosperous reign of
Manasseh. We cannot therefore be far from the truth in
estimating the Jewish nation in the end of the seventh
century as comprising at least 250,000 souls. That would
make it somewhat greater than the present population
on the same territory. But such is not unlikely to have
been the case.
The Biblical statements of the numbers deported by
Nebuchadrezzar are conflicting. The Book of Kings
says that in 598-7 Nebuchadrezzar carried to 2. of the Jews
Babylon 8000 men. Another passage, want de
ce monte deported by
ing in the Septuagint and therefore probably rezzar.
a later insertion in the Hebrew text of Jeremiah,5 gives
the number for 598-7 B.C. as 3023 Jews; and adds for
Nebuchad-
? By Baurath Schick in the 2.D.P.V. xix.
2 Not 120,000, as Guthe states in his Geschichte, p. 256.
8 Above, pp. 196 ff.
4 2 Kings xxiv. 15, 16. The preceding verses, which give 10,000 (or all
Jerusalem), are apparently a later insertion, borrowed (Stade thinks, but
without much reason) from an account of the later deportation in 586.
5 Jer. lii. 28-30.
268
Jerusalem
-
that of 586 B.C. 832 souls from Jerusalem, and for a third
deportation in 581 B.C. 745 souls, Jews: in all, 4600.
Although thus described as souls and Jews it is probable
that according to the Oriental fashion fighting men only
are intended. But from the Assyrian bas-reliefs it
appears that upon those deportations families were not
separated but marched away together; and the accounts
of the Babylonian captivity imply that this included the
women and children. The 4600 fighting men will, there-
fore, on the usual calculation, have to be increased by
half that number in order to represent all the males
carried captive; and this sum must be at least doubled
so as to include the women and girls. On that basis
the Jews deported to Babylonia amounted to at least
14,000, but may have been as many as 19,000 or 20,000.
But if we prefer to take the datum of the Book of Kings
for 598-7, 8000 fighting men, and add to it another
8000 for 586 (a generous estimate, for we may reason-
ably infer that a second gleaning of the manhood and
the prosperous classes of Judah was less than the first)
we raise (on the method of reckoning adopted above)
the total number deported by Nebuchadrezzar to 48,000
or 50,000. While if we put these two estimates together,
on the ground that the three deportations, given in the
Hebrew text of Jeremiah as 4600, refer to other occa-
sions than 597 and 586,1 we get as the very highest
figures possible on our data 62,000 or 70,000. There
fall to be added the unknown but probably large number
of the organised migration into Egypt,2 as well as the
scattered groups which would drift in the same direction.
1 Ewald would read in Jer. lii. 28-30, 17th for 7th, year of Nebuchadrezzar.
2 Numerous enough to form several settlements, Jer. xliv.
AV
The Desolate City
269
population, that a large majority of the Jewish people
remained on their land. This conclusion
Large number
may startle us, with our generally received of Jews left in
notions of the whole nation as exiled. But ju
there are facts which support it. Before the migration
to Egypt, the people were themselves confident of a
prosperous agriculture; and even after Johanan and his
bands had left the country the Babylonians did not find
it necessary to introduce colonists from other parts of
the empire. It is true that the necessity may have been
obviated, without Nebuchadrezzar's interference, by the
encroachment of neighbouring tribes upon the territories
of the depleted and disorganised people. The Samari-
tans pushed south into Ayyalôn and the neighbourhood.
The Edomites drew in upon the Negeb. ‘Ammonites
and Moabites doubtless took their shares; and the desert
and even in times of peace encamped across its pastures,
would take advantage of this crisis as they have done of
every similar one to settle down in deserted fields and
buildings. Yet the fact persists, that upon a much
diminished territory some scores of thousands of Jews
remained in Judah through all the period of the Exile.
They were, as the Biblical narratives testify, the poorest
of the land, from whom every man of sub- The Poorest
stance and of energy had been sifted ; mere the Land.
groups of peasants, without a leader and without a
centre; disorganised and depressed; bitten by hunger
and compassed by enemies; uneducated and an easy
prey to the heathenism by which they were surrounded.
We can appreciate the silence which reigns in the Bible
270
Jerusalem
Ruin of
regarding them, and which has misled us as to their
numbers. They were a negligible quantity in the re-
ligious future of Israel: without initiative or any influence
except that of a dead weight upon the efforts of the
rebuilders of the nation when these at last returned
from Babylonia.
We may now consider the position of Jerusalem in
this desperate condition of the land. Penetrating the
City by a breach in her northern walls, the
Jerusalem. Babylonians had sacked, burned and ruined
her. Any treasure that remained and the whole of the
costly furniture of the Temple were carried to Babylon.1
The Temple itself, the Palace, and probably every other
conspicuous building, with many of the common houses,
were burned. What could not be burned was dis-
mantled: the walls of Jerusalem he brake down round
about. 3
The whole fighting force of the City, the men of
substance, and the skilled workmen, with their families,
were deported to Babylon. Some of the
e baser sort of the people doubtless continued
left to her. to herd in the ruins; and among them may
have been priests, for an interesting story (preserved
probably by Baruch 4) tells of a band of pilgrims from
Shechem, Shilo and Samaria, intent upon still obeying
the Deuteronomic behests and passing with every sign
of mourning to sacrifice in the ruined house of the Lord.
With this exception Jerusalem seems to have been
Only the
Dregs of the
Population
wait upuotu
honon wout of the new
1 2 Kings xxv. 13-17, and the fuller text in Jer. lii. 17-23.
% 2 Kings xxv. 9. The last clause of this verse, and every great house
burned he with fire, is probably from the awkward repetition a later addition.
Still that is no reason why we should doubt so probable an assertion.
3 Ibid. verse Io.
4 Jer. xli. 4 ff.
The Desolate City
271
avoided by the remnants of the conquered people.
They set their political centre at Mizpah, and in all their
proceedings which follow up to the migration to Egypt
their ancient capital and its temple are ignored. This
silence is significant. It is as if the shock of the fall of
the City had been felt as a curse from heaven. There-
fore there is practically no exaggeration in the statement
which is so much doubted in that narrative of very
mixed value, Jeremiah xliv.: Ye have seen all the evil I
leave brought on Jerusalem and all the cities of Judah :
they are a desolation, and no man dwelleth therein. Even
the last clause may be accepted for Jerusalem at least,
with only the slight qualification mentioned above. God's
curse had fallen upon His ancient abode, and even the
hopes of the people were hunted away from it.
But if the Jews who remained in the land thus avoided
Jerusalem, the hearts of her exiles continued to haunt
her, and in the languor of their banishment How the
still brooded over the scenes of her carnage
and ruin. One of these visitants to that haunted her.
awful past has described it with a wealth and a vivid-
ness of detail which justify the conclusions we have
reached from the meagre data of the records. The
second and fourth chapters of the Book of Lamentations
or Dirges are generally, and on the whole Lamen
rightly, attributed to an eyewitness of the ii., iv.
siege, the famine and the fall of Jerusalem. He com-
poses, it is true, with deliberate art, ranging his verses
by their initial letters so as to form two acrostic poems
under the twenty-two letters of the alphabet. But this
is the only symptom of his work which tempts us to
i Verse 2: note, however, the precedence given to Terusalem.
hearts of
the Exiles
272
Jerusalem
think of him at a distance from the events he bewails;
and it is overborne not merely by the vivid glimpses
which we may reasonably suppose only a contemporary
or eyewitness would have selected, but by the fervid
passion of one who himself has suffered the horrors he
paints, by the indignation he feels towards those who,
still alive, were responsible for them, and by the un-
relieved darkness and grief of both poems.
Their Date
All this implies a date before 561. The
tradition that Jeremiah himself was the poet is due to
the Greek version alone, and finds no support in the
Hebrew, where the work is anonymous. The poetry,
grand as it is, is inferior to Jeremiah's own; the 'rhetoric'
with which it has not unjustly been charged could never
be imputed to him. Nor had he the passion for the
City or the Temple which these poems reveal. The fall
of Jerusalem could not have come upon Jeremiah (as we
have seen) with such a shock, unrelieved by hope. The
poet writes as if he had been among the dupes
and Author.
e of the prophets, whom he bitterly blames. He
stands outside both their circle and that of the priests.
He is a layman, probably a member of one of the
upper and ruling classes of the city, of whom the Book
of Jeremiah gives us so much evidence. He is in sym-
pathy with the delicately nurtured. The fall of the
monarch and the princes, to whom he imputes no blame,
he feels as a desecration. He is pious, but not after
the temper of Jeremiah. The fact that, as he puts it,
Jahweh could take post as the foe of His own people,
that the Lord could become the Enemy, had startled and
shocked him. He comes back to it with amazement
1 Above, pp. 224 ff., 235 f., 240 ff., 245 f., 251 ff.
and
The Desolate City
273
even now, when he appreciates the ethical reasons. To
a citizen of Jerusalem, then, we owe these poems, a
member or client of one of the governing families; and
he sings of what he has seen, and has been stunned by,
but now he is roused to the blame and the bitterness
of it all. Some who acknowledge the original experience
of the writer have thought of him as the victim with his
City of one of her subsequent disasters. But it is plainly
of Nebuchadrezzar's overthrow that he writes; of a
destruction of City and Temple which was never re-
peated except by Titus; and of the flight and capture
of Şedeķiah.
A few words are necessary on the rhythm. This is
the elegiac measure, of which Professor Budde first made
us aware. It has gradually become probable Their
that the dominant factor in Hebrew metre Rhythm:
was accent or stress, and not the quality or Measure.
the number of the syllables. The basis of the Kinah is a
couplet, of which the first line with a rising cadence has
generally three accented syllables; the second, with a
falling cadence, generally two. These numbers may
sometimes have varied; but the proportion seems to
have been constant. In chapter ii. three couplets
go to one acrostic verse: in chapter iv., two. The
Hebrew text has passed through a succession of scribes
who were aware of the verses but not of the structure
of the lines. Therefore the text of the lines invites
amendment; some as they stand are too short, some
too long. But we must beware of applying the prin-
ciple of the metre too rigorously to the text. Oriental
artists have always avoided an absolute symmetry: and
* Jer. iv. 20.
VOL. II.
I
274
Jerusalem
it may be that some of the irregularities, which we are
inclined to get rid of as editorial additions, belong to
the original forms of the poems. The following trans-
lation aims at reproducing the cardinal features of the
rhythm - alternate lines usually of three and two
accents or stresses. I have had to admit three accents
to some of the shorter lines, in which the epithet
daughter of Șion occurs. For while the Hebrew for that
has only one accent, the English has two. But, as I am
convinced, for the reasons given above, that Hebrew
poets were not averse to admitting irregularities to their
rhythms, I have no bad conscience about such inevitable
exceptions in the translation. In order to avoid similar
ones in other lines, I have sometimes rendered daughter
of my people simply by my people. And occasionally Í
have reversed the position of two lines for the sake of
the English rhythm or for the sake of a better climax.
Otherwise the translation follows the original line by
line. Where it is not literal, this has been indicated in
the notes. Words that have been supplied are in italics.
LAMENTATIONS II.
Circa 570 B.C.
1. X
How the Lord beclouds with his wrath
The daughter of Sion.1
From heaven to earth hath he hurled
The pomp of Israel.
He did not remember his Footstool
In the day of his wrath.
2. 2
The Lord hath engulfed without pity
The homesteads of Jacob.
i Or, How the cloud of the wrath of the Lord
Enshrouds the daughter of Şion.
The Desolate City
275
He ruined (and trod]ı in his wrath
The strongholds of Judah.
He smote to the earth, he profaned
The realm and its princes.
3.
In the glow of his wrath he hath hewn
Each horn of Isräel.
He drew back his right hand
In face of the foe.
On Jacob he burned like a fire,
Devouring all round.
4. 7
He hath bent his bow like a foe,
Taken post to besiege.2
He hath slain each delight of the eye,
In the tent of the daughter of Şion,
He hath poured out his fury like fire.
* * * * *3
5.0
The Lord hath Himself turned foe
To envelope Israel,
Engulfing her palaces all,
Razing her strongholds.
On the daughter of Judah he lavished
Lamentation and woe.
6. 7
He hath torn from his Garden his Booth,
Demolished his Temple,
Jah hath forgotten in Sion
Tryst-day and Sabbath,
And spurned with the curse of his wrath
Monarch and priest.
1 Word wanting in the original.
2 Delete his right hand as too long for the rhythm and unnecessary.
3 Line wanting in the original.
• Read an. The Garden, of course, is the Land, the Booth the Temple.
15 The parallel line and the verb used in this line show that wyin tryst
means here the place of tryst. In the fourth line (as in verse 7) it means the
day or time of tryst.
276
Jerusalem
7.9
The Lord hath discarded his Altar,
Scornèd his Sanctuary,
Hath locked in the grasp of the foe
Its fortifications.
How they shout through the house of the Lord
Like one of the tryst-days !
8.
Of purpose did Jahweh destroy
The wall of the daughter of Șion.
He stretched out the line nor withdrew
His hand from the ruin.
Fortress and rampart he wrung,
Together they tottered.2
9.00
Sunk to the earth are her gates,
Her bars he hath shattered.
Her king and her princes are exiles, s
The Torah is spent !
Even her prophets obtain not
Vision from Jahweh !
10.
They sit on the ground and are dumb,
The elders of Şion;
They lift up the dust on their heads,
They gird them with sackcloth.
And brought to the ground are the heads
Of Jerusalem's maidens.
II. 3
Mine eyes are wasted with tears,
My bowels are troubled,
My heart 4 is poured out on the ground
For the wreck of my people,
For the infants and sucklings that perish
On the streets of the city.
The sense is plain, the text uncertain.
8 Literally: are among the Gentiles.
2 Heb. : shrivelled, withered.
4 Literally : my liver.
The Desolate City
277
12. §
They are saying to their mothers, Ah, where
Are the corn and the wine?
As like one that is wounded they swoon
On the streets of the City,
As they pour out their lives [to the death?]
On the laps of their mothers.
13.
How shall I rank,how compare thee,
Daughter of Jerusalem ?
How shall I liken, how comfort thee,
Virgin of Şion ?
Vast as the sea is thy ruin;
Who will restore thee?
14. 3
Thy prophets? They dreamt 3 for thee
Falsehood and flattery.
They did not uncover thy guilt
To turn thy captivity,
But they dreamt 3 for thee runes
That lied and misled.4
15. D
They were clapping their hands at thee
All who passed by.
They were hissing and wagging their heads
At the daughter of Jerusalem :-
• Is this what they called the Perfection of Beauty,
Joy of the earth!'
16. Đ
Against thee they opened their mouths,
Thine enemies all,
1 Another accented word is needed for this line.
2 Read with Meinhold (quoted by Budde) gjinyx (Isa. xl. 18): or at least
with the Qerî 748 : I take thee as a parable or warning.
3 Literally : saw in vision; used of prophetic vision, but here in a bad
sense.
4 Budde: expulsion.
278
Jerusalem
Hissing and gnashing their teeth :1 .
"We have swallowed her up!
Just this is the day we have looked for,
We meet it, we see it!'
17. Y
Jahweh hath done what he planned,
Discharging his word.
As in days long ago he decreed,
Ruthless he ruins.
He hath given thee up to their joy,
Exalted 2 thy foes.
18. 8
Let thy heart cry aloud to the Lord,
Clamour,4 0 Șion,
By day and by night.
Give to thyself no respite,
No rest to thine eye.
19. P
Get thee up, sing out in the night
At the start of the watches !
Pour out like water thy heart
In the face of the Lord!
Lift up before him thy hands
For the life of thy children.5
* Omit 5798, they said, which is unnecessary to the meaning (having
probably been inserted to mark what follows as a quotation), and makes an
accent too many for the rhythm. With LXX. read 79345a. I
2 Omit 72, horn, for the reasons given in the previous note.
3 This line as it stands in the Hebrew gives no sense. Șion is addressed,
and an imperative is necessary for the verb. Read 2725 pyy with Ewald
and others ; Löhr, ip pyy. The Heb. has daughter of Șion.
4 Read with Budde 27 for the meaningless opin: Löhr, nana, virgin.
5 To this verse a fourth couplet is added in the Hebrew :
They that have fainted for hunger
At the top of all the streets.
The Desolate City
279
20. 9
'Behold, O our God, and consider
Whom thou maltreatest.
Shall women devour their offspring,
The infants they fondle?
Or men in thy sanctuary slay
The priest with the prophet?
21.
"They are strewn on the face of the streets,
Young men and old,
My youths and my virgins are fallen
At the edge of the sword.
In the day of thy wrath thou hast slaughtered,
Ruthlessly butchered.
22. n.
'Thou summonest as to a tryst
Terrors around.
Not one did escape or was left
In the day of his wrath.
Those whom I nursed and brought up
My foes have destroyed.'
LAMENTATIONS IV.
1.
How bedimmed is the gold, how changed
The best of the gold !
The hallowed jewels are poured
Down every street.
2. 2
The children of Şion, the priceless,
Weighed against gold,
Are reckoned as earthenware pitchers,
The work of the potter.
I The reference is not, as in the English versions, to the stones of the
Temple, but to the living stones of the holy people.
2 As we say: 'worth their weight in gold.'
280
Jerusalem
- 3.2
Even the jackals? give breast
And suckle their whelps,
But the daughters 2 of my people are cruel
As ostriches wild.
4. 7
Cleaves to the palate for thirst
Tongue of the nursling.
The children are asking for bread,
None to dispense it.
5.07
They that were fed upon dainties
Rot on the streets ;
They who were nourished in scarlet
Huddle on ash heaps.
6.7
The guilt of my people 3 exceeded
The sins of Sědom,
Whose overthrow came in a flash
Ere a hand could be wrung: 5
7. 7
Her princes were whiter than milk,
More radiant than snow.
Ruddier in body than coral,
Veined with the sapphire.?
8.
Now darker than blackness their visage,
Unknown as they pass,8
Their skin drawn tight on their bones,
Dry as a stick.
1 Others : monsters.
? So Bickell, reading nia for na.
8 Of the daughter of my people.
4 The Hebrew for Sodom.
8 In the original these two comparisons are reversed.
7 Literally: sapphire their threading or filaments.
8 Literally: they are not recognised in the streets.
6 Omit Ma.
The Desolate City
281
9.
For the wounds of the sword are more kind
Than the wounds of starvation,
They, too, drain their blood who are stabbed
By the dearth of the harvest.
IO.
The hands of the delicate women
Have sodden their children,
These are become their food,
In the wreck of my people.
II.)
God hath accomplished his fury,
Exhausted his wrath,
He kindled in Sion a fire,
It sapped her foundations.
12.
No kings of the earth had believed,
No man in the world,
That foe or besieger could enter
Jerusalem's gates.
13. O
For the sins of her prophets it was,
For the crimes of her priests,
They who had shed in her midst
Blood of the just.
14. 3
They straggle like the blind in the streets,
Polluted with blood.
What they could not endure, they must now
Sweep with their robes.
1 Literally: happier they who are stabbed with the sword than they who
are stabbed by famine !
2 Budde omits ion as too much for the line, but in the construct before
iex it may have no stress, and therefore suit the Hebrew cadence. In the
English rhythm, however, we must omit it.
3 To be regular, the Hebrew needs a third accented word.
282
Jerusalem
15. D
Bear off, 0 unclean,' men adjure them,
'Bear off1 and avoid !'
So they stagger and straggle about
Homeless for ever !2 ·
16. D
Jahweh himself hath dispersed them
Out of his heeding;
None to pay homage to the priests
Nor court to the elders !
17. Y
We were straining, were straining 3 our eyes,
Our help was a dream.
While we looked for, we looked for a people
That never brought help.4
18. Y
They hunted our steps till we could not 5
Walk our own streets.
Our days were cut short and completed, 6
Our end was come.
19. D.
Swifter were they that pursued us
Than eagles of heaven.
They hunted us over the mountains,
They ambushed the desert.
1 Delete the second 1770 and 0422 1798, which are too many for the
lines. The latter, as Budde remarks, is senseless.
2 Literally. They will no more become guests.
8 There is a repetition here of the musical syllable ênu. Odhênu
tikhlenah 'enênu.'
4 The allusion is plainly to the failure of Egypt to bring relief.
5 Perhaps we should supply ng or any in the Hebrew of this line.
6 Omit 270 as both obscure and superfluous for the rhythm.
The Desolate City
283
1
20.7
The breath of our life, 1 God's anointed
Was trapped in their toils,
Of whom we had said, we shall live
On in his shadow.?
21. V
Be glad and rejoice, o daughter of Edom,
With a land to inhabit.3
To thee, too, the cup must pass round till
Thou 'rt drunk and dishevelled.
22.
Thy guilt is exhausted, Daughter of Şion.
No more shall he banish!
Daughter of Edom, He hath summed up thy guilt,
Thy sins are laid bare.
The Fall of
In these poems a note is struck which echoes through-
out the literature of the Exile: God hath accomplished
His fury, exhausted His wrath ... Daughter the
of Sion, thy guilt is exhausted. As the Evangel- the Real, the
Rise of the
ist of the Exile said of the City: her iniquity Ideal Jerusa-
lem.
is pardoned: she hath received of the Lord's
hand double for all her sins.4 Even the resources of the
Divine wrath could do no more to Israel. The sufferings
of the people had expiated their guilt. This is the
stripped bed-rock, the dead foundation, from which
Israel's hope was to revive. But there is another conse-
quence. The actual Jerusalem has perished—and has had
to perish—in order that the ideal Jerusalem, liberated
from all the evil associations of the past, may be con-
1 Literally: the breath of our nostrils.
2 The Hebrew adds, among the Gentiles. The allusion in this verse is of
course to the capture of Sedekiah.
8 Omit yay.
4 Isaiah'xl. I.
284
Terusalem
structed in the faith of her people. In this chapter we
have seen what the overthrow of Jerusalem meant, how
thorough, how terrible it was. In the next we are to
trace the resurrection of the Ideal City in the hearts of
her exiles. For the work of David, of Solomon, of
Isaiah and of the Deuteronomists upon Jerusalem, re-
quired the Exile to make it perfect.
CHAPTER XI
THE IDEAL CITY AND THE REAL
alen
IN previous chapters we have seen how very gradual
I was the rise of Jerusalem to pre-eminence among
the shrines of Israel. Of her long and dis- The Gradual
Exaltation of
turbed promotion, the two most rapid factors jer
had been Isaiah's argument of the Divine I. Religious ;
purpose in her history and her vindication in 701 as the
only inviolable city of the One God. But it was Josiah
who rendered this rank indefeasible by realising the ideal
of Deuteronomy and concentrating the national worship
in the Temple. Jeremiah, it is true, scorned the popular
superstitions which assumed the unique holiness of the
Temple, and never set the City of his own day in any
precedence to the rest of the land, save a precedence of
sin. Yet the Deuteronomic conceptions prevailed; and
in looking to the future, even Jeremiah saw the worship
of the northern tribes returning to the Temple.
For such centralisation of the worship, the religious
motives, as we have seen, were high and strong. But
they would hardly have achieved so full a
2. Political
victory without the aid of others, which were and Econ-
omic.
partly political, having begun with David, and
partly economic, having been at work since at least the
1 Above, pp. 176 f.
285
286
Jerusalem
eighth century. The Monarchy implied the Capital,
which replaced the tribal centres and attracted to itself
the forces of the national life. To the same focus gathered
the trade which 'Uzziah had fostered, and which must
have largely increased through the reign of Manasseh,
and by virtue of his position as a vassal in the wide
empire of Assyria. Thus the urban forms of society
replaced the agricultural, and the capital absorbed the
political talent, the military strength and the industrial
efficiency of the people. But the classes which repre-
sented these were the classes whom Nebuchadrezzar
carried into captivity. It was the wisdom of this con-
queror to leave to his new province her peasantry, with a,
few of their leaders; but he brought away with him the
royal family, the statesmen, the soldiers, the priesthood,
the men of substance and the artisans, all of whom he
The Bulk of found concentrated in the capital. Thus it
the Exiles
were from
came about that the bulk of the Jewish exiles
Jerusalem. in Babylonia were the men of Jerusalem, to
whom their City was everything, and the rest of the land
but a fringe about her walls; while such of their fellow-
captives as came from the country had lived for a genera-
tion under the spell of the religious rank conferred on her
by the Deuteronomic reforms. Thus at the moment of the
Exile, Jerusalem represented not only the actual and effi- '
cient nation, but the Divine idea for which the nation lived.
These facts explain what would otherwise appear as a
paradox. Jerusalem has hardly fallen, and been drained
of her population, when we find her regarded
Jerusalem
represents the in Jewish literature, not only as still alive, but
Nation.
as if she comprised in herself all the signifi-
cance of Israel. This is the case even with Ezekiel, who
The Ideal City and the Real 1
287
was so careful to keep in sight the rest of the land up to
its ideal boundaries. Not only does he call Jerusalem
the gate of the peoples, thus emphasising the commercial
power which the Jewish capital had gained through the
long reign of Manasseh ; not only does he see
In Ezekiel.
her restored, as the head and heart of the
influences by his disposition of the country about her;
but to him Jerusalem is Israel. The nation's guilt in the
past has been her guilt.2 Their king is the King of
Jerusalem. It is Jerusalem that from beginning to end
of the long history has conducted those foreign intrigues
in which the national apostasy consists, and has been
unfaithful with Egypt, Assyria and Babylonia. Not
Judah but Jerusalem is Aholibah, the adulterous wife of
Jahweh. To Ezekiel, then, the City not only is, but
always has been, the People.
As with Ezekiel, so with his contemporary, the author
of the two great dirges, Lamentations ii. and iv. These
pour their grief chiefly on the City, and In Lamenta-
similarly use her name for the whole Nation. tions.
Daughter of Șion is as national a designation as daughter
of Edom. The body of Jerusalem is broken, but her
spirit still lives, and is called by the poet to bewail her
ruin and the death of her children; to pray for her
restoration and revenge upon her enemies. We find the
same in the somewhat later dirge, Lamentations i. This
1 Ezek. xxvi. 2, after the LXX. .
2 Especially xvi., xxii., xxiii.
8 xvii. 12.
5 xxiii.
6 See previous chapter.
? Lam. iv. 22 ; cf. ii. 13. Israel, Judah, daughter of Judah are also used,
but not so often.
288
Jerusalem
breaks full upon Jerusalem, and contrasts her not with
other towns, but with provinces and nations.
How alone sits the City
That swarmed with people!
Become as a widow is she,
Chief among nations.
Once princess of provinces,
Thrall is she now. 1
Judah is mentioned but twice, the City much oftener.
Jacob comes in but as a third between Șion and
Jerusalem.
Șion spreadeth her hands,
None to relieve her.
Of Jacob hath Jahweh commanded:
'Round him his foes !!!
Jerusalem hath come to be
Noisome among thein.2
In all these dirges Jerusalem or Şion stands for the
whole people of God; not merely mother or mistress
of the nation, but the ideal figure in whom Israel is
concentrated.
Such, too, is the sense in which she is regarded by the
great prophet of the Exile, the author of Isaiah' xl.-lv.
In · Isaiah' In one passage he describes the exiles as
d naming themselves by the Holy City. He
phets ; accepts the identification. He opens by
addressing Jerusalem and my people as one. He is
commanded to say unto Șion, My people art thou. God,
he says, hath comforted His people, hath redeemed Jeru-
salem. Behold, I have graven thee on the palms of my
xl.-lv., and
later Pro-
1 Verse I.
s Isaiah' xl. 1, 2.
2 Verse 17.
5 li, 16.
3 "Isaiah'xlviii. 2.
6 lii. 9; cf. xlvi. 13.
The Ideal City and the Real
289
Exile.
hands, thy walls are continually before me. When he
addresses a promise to Jacob-Israel, it is Șion-Jerusalem
who answers. This identification, we must note, does
not occur in the passages on the Servant of the Lord,
who is always Israel or Jacob;3 but everywhere else
Șion the daughter of Șion, or Jerusalem, is the name of the
banished Israel,4 the spiritual figure of God's people.
This use is continued by later prophets.5
The same note is struck in the Psalms of the Exile
and of the Return. The Babylonian captivity is the
captivity of Șion; the songs of Jahweh are
and in the
the songs of Șion. It is Jerusalem which the Psalms of
exiles cannot forget, and upon which they
pour out their hearts. Psalm cxxxvii. is the work of a
poet who had lived through the fall of the City and was
carried to Babylon. The metre, as it now stands, is an
irregular form of the Kinah.
By the rivers of Babel we sat down and wept
Remembering Sion,
On the willows in the midst of her
We hung up our harps.
For there had our banishers asked us for songs,
Our torturers mirth, 'Șion's-songs sing us !"7
'How can we sing the songs of Jahweh
On the land of the stranger !"8
1 'Isaiah'xlix. 16.
2 xlix. 14, compared with 5, 7, 13; see, too, xli. 27 compared with 8;
li. 3 compared with 1, 2.
3 xli. 8; xliv. 1, 21; xlv. 4; xlix. 3 (if, indeed, Israel be genuine in this
passage).
4 In addition to passages quoted above, lii. 2.
5. Zeph.' iii. 14; cf. `Isaiah' lix. 20, lxvi. 8.
6 Ps. cxxvi, 1, cxxxvii. 3 f.
? By elision some reduce these lines to regularity.
8 Michaelis aptly quotes Quintus Curtius, vi. 2: Captivæ feminarum
jubebantur suo ritu canere in ludis, inconditum et abhorrens peregrinis
auribus carmen.'
VOL. II.
290
Jerusalem
s of
the S
Jerusalem's
Vice
Cipic Dy
Rise.
Jerusalem, if I forget thee,
My right hand be withered! I
My tongue to my mouth cleave
If thou do not haunt me,
If I set not Jerusalem
Above my chief joy.
If the Fifty-first Psalm be wholly from the time of the
Exile, then we see how the most spiritual of all the
exilic writers was able to set the hope of the rebuilding
of Şion and of the resumption of the legal sacrifices side
by side with his expression of the faith that the sacrifices
of God are a broken spirit and a contrite heart.
Such, then, are the stages which we have been able
to trace in the gradual exaltation of Jerusalem: her
Summary: choice by David as the Capital; the building
of of her Temple by Solomon; the revelation
by Isaiah of God's purpose in her history,
with the seal put upon this by her deliverance in 701;
the concentration of the national worship upon the
Temple by Josiah ; and now her captivity, effecting the
release of her life from the guilt and the habits of a
history which, however divinely guided, had been full
of apostasy, and affording to her children the vision of
her, seen through the distance and the tears of exile, as
the image and the name of the spiritual people of God.
Hereafter, whatever may happen to her earthly frame,
there will still be, free of its fuctuating fortunes, a Șion
and Jerusalem-ideal and immortal. It is
Apotheosis. from such premises that future generations
will construct their doctrines of the new Jerusalem and
the heavenly Jerusalem, the first sketches of which are
indeed already traced by Ezekiel.
1 So Grätz, transposing the letters nown forget, to wnan be withered.
Her
The Ideal City and the Real
291
Restoration
City.
Our present duty, however, is to follow the hopes of
the restoration of the earthly Şion, till after many
disappointments and delays these resulted in
the' return of some of her people, the re- of the earthly
building of the Temple, and then many years
later the rebuilding of the City's walls and the organisa-
tion of the community under their full Law.
When the Babylonian exiles began to form such hopes
with any distinctness is uncertain. A number of predic-
tions, probably from the period of the Exile,
First Hopes
are found in the Book of Jeremiah, but it is of it and their
Foundation.
impossible to give them an exact date. We
must confine ourselves to those whose years we can fix
with some approximation. The writers of Lamentations
ii. and iv., about 570, and of Lamentations i. and Psalm
cxxxvii., probably somewhat later, are stunned by the
completeness of the City's ruin and the utterness of her
fall. None of them speculate upon any recovery which
may come to her either through the clemency of her
destroyers,1 or by their overthrow ; for though this is
described with sufficient vividness, it is felt that the
matter is one between God and His people. He has
been the Foe, He has ruthlessly ruined and slaughtered.
Hence the finality of the disaster : divinely planned and
foretold and divinely performed. Yet just because the
worst possible has happened, the air is at last clear.
Even God can have nothing left to wreak upon His
people. Their guilt is exhausted, and His wrath must
now turn on their enemies.? To so full an end did the
1 It was about 560 that Jehoiakin or Jekoniah was kindly treated by the
Babylonian king: 2 Kings xxv. 27 ff.
2 Lam. i. 21, 22; iv. 22; Ps. cxxxvii. 7-9.
292
Terusalem
Jews believe their sacred history to have run; from so
low and bare a level must it start again.1
It is to this mood of the exiles that their great
Evangelist addresses his gospel, weaving his verse to the
same measure as that of their dirges.2
Comfort ye, comfort my people,
Sayeth your God.
Speak home to the heart of Jerusalem
And call to her,
Her guilt is discharged;
From the hand of the Lord she hath gotten
Double her sins.: 3
But not immediately does the prophet pass to the
return and the restoration. It is his greatness (we see
from the arguments which follow) to conceive
Their Re-
ligious of his task as first and mainly religious; the
Strength,
Isaiah "'xl. creation of faith in God, the rousing of the
nation's conscience to their calling, the purg-
ing of their mind from all prejudice as to the ways the
Divine action shall take. , Therefore, to begin with, he
speaks to his people of God; in aspects of His majesty
so sovereign and omnipotent that not only must the
night of despair vanish before them, but Israel's trust
in Him shall include a willingness to believe in two
new and very wonderful things: their world-wide destiny,
and the selection, not of one of their own princes, but
of a Gentile conqueror, to be their deliverer. Thus out
of all that glory of God in nature, and in history, which
the opening chapters so greatly unfold-His sway of the
? Compare above, p. 283.
The Ķinah or Elegiac: alternate lines of usually three and two beats or
accents.
8 Isaiah'xl. 1, 2.
The Ideal City and the Real
293
.
stars and of the nations, His tenderness to His people
and His passion to redeem them—there issue gradually
the two figures of the Servant and the Anointed; the
blind and, plundered captive of Babylon, whom God yet
destines to be the herald of His religion to the ends of
the earth; and the visible and accredited conqueror,
whom God has raised from the north, from the east,
anywhere out of the far and the unknown, and now-
somewhere between 545 and 538-is leading against
Babylon to effect His judgment on the tyrant and to
set His people free. Only when this great prologue has
been achieved do there break the particular promises of
the return and the rebuilding :-
Who saith to the City, Be peopled,
To the Temple, Be founded!
To the towns of Judah, Be built,
Her yuins I raise.
Who saith to the flood, Be dry,
The streams will I parch.
Who saith to Cyrus, My friend,
My purpose he perfects.
Thus saith Jahweh, the God,
Of Cyrus, his christ;
Whose right hand I grasped
To bring down the nations,
To open before him the doors,
No gate shall be closed.1
I, I have raised him in troth; 2
His ways will I level.
'Tis he who shall build up My City,
My captives send forth.
1 'Isaiah' xliv, 26-xlv. I: reconstructed by bringing the last clause of xliv.
28 to 26, and adding from the LXX. the God to xlv. I; so Duhm, Cheyne,
Marti. It is, of course, conjectural, but the result renders the measure regular.
On this ground I have omitted a clause in xlv. I.
? xlv. 13. The English phrase, in troth, but imperfectly renders 27%), in
righteousness, which does not refer to the character of Cyrus, but to that of
the action of God, who means to see Cyrus through.
294
Jerusalem
The same exalted comforter, or (as some think) another,
puts no limit to the numbers who shall return, or to the
glory of the restoration. Then thou wilt be too narrow
for thine inhabitants ... thou wilt say in thine heart,
Who hath borne me these? ... Lo, I was left solitary;
these, where were they? 1
Arouse thee, arouse thee, put on
Thy power, o Şion!
Thy glorious apparel put on,
e City of Holiness!
Rise, shake the dust from thee,
Captive Jerusalem !
Loosen thy shackles, o captive
Daughter of Sion ! ?
How beautiful on the mountains
The feet of the herald !
Who publisheth peace and good news,
Proclaiming salvation,
Who saith to (the daughter of] Șion:
Reigneth thy God!
Hark, 'tis thy sentinels calling!
Together they shout,
As the Lord, eye to eye, they behold
Returning to Șion.
Break ye out, sing together,
Jerusalem's ruins,
For Jahweh hath pitied His people,
Delivered Jerusalem.'3
Cyrus the Great became master of Babylon and the
Babylonian Empire in 538. He entered the city with-
out fighting; welcomed and escorted (he
Master of claims) by her deity Marduk, who recognised
him as his vicegerent. He speaks of restor-
ing to their own shrines the other Assyrian and Baby-
lonian gods whom Nabonidus had removed to Babylon,
Cyrus,
1 'Isaiah'xlix. 21. LXX. reads : These of mine, where were they?
2 lii. I, 2.
3 lii. 7-9.
4 The Cyrus Cylinder.
295
return.
and of giving them back their lands. But he says
nothing of the Jews or of any other of the tribes cap-
tive on Babylonian soil.
At this point the compiler of the Book of 'Ezra takes
up the story. According to him, Cyrus, soon after his
capture of Babylon, gave permission to the
Permits the
Jews to return; and immediately, it would Jews to
seem, over forty thousand left Babylonia foru
Jerusalem, under Sheshbaşşar, prince of Judah, who is
described in an Aramaic document incorporated by the
compiler, as Pehah, or governor of a province, and as lay-
ing the foundation of the Temple. There is also men-
tioned in command of the people a Tirshatha (Persian
Tarsāta), similarly governor of a province. On their
arrival at Jerusalem, in the seventh month,4 the people are
said to be under Jeshua' ben-Joşadak and Zerubbabel
ben-She’alti’el, who is called by his contemporary
Haggai, Pehah, or governor, of Judah. The returned
exiles at once rebuild the altar of the burnt- Resur
offering, resume the morning and evening of it
sacrifices, keep the feast of Tabernacles and Jerusalem.
thereafter all the feasts of Jahweh; and engage masons
and carpenters to erect the Temple, and Phænicians to
bring cedar from Lebanon. Another section from the
compiler's hand 8 states that they set to work in the
Resumption
the Wor-
by whom the compiler means Samaritans, demanded a
3 Ibid. ii. 63.
1 Ezra i. compared with ii. 1.
2 Ezra v. 14, 16.
4 We are not told the year: 538 or 537.
6 Ezra iii. 2, like Ezra i. 1-8, from the compiler.
8 Haggai i. 14; ii. 2, 21.
7 Ezra iii. 3-7.
8 Ibid. 8-13.
296
Jerusalem
share in the work, and when Jeshua' and Zerubbabel
refused this, the people of the land frustrated the building,
and it was postponed till the reign of Darius ; to the
second year of which, 520, Haggai and Zechariah assign
the beginning of new measures to build the Temple.
The present form of the Book of 'Ezra is so late, and
the different sections so confused, we cannot be surprised
that all its data have been questioned. Following
Kosters,1 a number of scholars have recently
asserted (1) that there was no attempt to
build the Temple before 520; (2) that there
was no return of exiles under Cyrus; and (3) that when
the Temple was built the work was that of Jews who
had never left the country. I have elsewhere discussed
these negative theories, and here need give only a
summary of my argument against them.
Doubts
of the
Narrative.
Return, nor call the builders of the Temple Golah or B'ne
hag-Golah, Captivity or Sons of the Captivity,
Argument
for the but simply this people, or remnant of the people,
Reality of
the Return or Judah. But we must remember that
under Cyrus
* prophets bent, as these two were, upon en-
couraging the people to use their own resources and
trust in God, had little reason for appealing either to the
Return, or to the royal power which had decreed the
rebuilding of the Temple. All the less reason had
they that the first effects of the Return were, in contrast
with the promises of the Second Isaiah,' so bitterly
disappointing. Besides, if Haggai ignores any Return
in the past, he equally ignores a Return to come, and in
1 Het Herstel van Israel, 1894; German translation by Basedow, 1896.
2 Book of the Twelve Prophets, vol. ii. chap. xvi.
The Ideal City and the Real
297
fact says nothing at all about the Exile itself. The
argument from his silence, therefore, proves nothing.
On the other hand, the testimony that a Return did
take place under Cyrus cannot be wholly denied. Even
if we set aside the list of the returned families as belong-
ing to a later date, we still have the Aramaic document,
which agrees with Haggai and Zechariah in assigning the
real beginnings of the new Temple to the second year of
Darius, under the leadership of Jeshua' and Zerubbabel; 1
and therefore need not be disbelieved in its statement of
the facts under Cyrus. 'Ezra, too, talks of the Golah in a
way 2 which shows that he means by it not the Jews who
came up from Babylon with himself, but an older com-
munity whom he found in Judah. That such had returned
under Cyrus, and at once attempted the rebuilding of the
Temple, is in itself extremely probable. The real effective :
Jerusalem, as we have seen, was the Jerusalem in Exile.
It was among the Exiles that upon the advance of Cyrus
the hopes of restoration had so confidently appeared, that
they expressed them as if already realised. We cannot
believe that none of these enthusiasts took advantage of
the opportunity which there can be no doubt it was con-
sonant to the whole policy of Cyrus to give them, but
waited for nearly a century before seeking to return, and
meantime left the rebuilding of the Temple to the people
of the land, who were not only unlikely to have energy
for the work, but would have done it in a very different
spirit to that which inspires the prophecies of Haggai
and Zechariah. “Without the leaven of the Golah, the
Judaism of Palestine is in its origin incomprehensible.'8
And finally, if the people of the land had effected by
? Ezra iv. 24, etc. ? ix. 4; X. 6,7. Wellhausen, Geschichte, p. 160.
N
298
Jerusalem
themselves the restoration of the Temple, it would not
have been possible to treat them with the contempt
which was shown by those exiles who returned under 'Ezra
and Nehemiah. These considerations appear to render
a Return under Cyrus and an immediate attempt to
rebuild the Temple very probable. Indeed, some of
the scholars who have called Kosters' conclusions inevit-
able, recognise that the history of Jerusalem before the
arrival of 'Ezra cannot be explained except by the pre-
had been fostered in Babylonia. They admit a return of
some of the exiles before the days of Haggai.
Accordingly the probable course of events was as
follows. Cyrus gave orders for the reconstruction or
le the Temple, and despatched to Jerusalem
Course.
Sheshbaşsar, an imperial officer, with an
escort of soldiers. Some Jews must have accompanied
bable
high purpose before them. The Book of 'Ezra includes
Jeshua' and Zerubbabel. That a more general per-
mission was given to the Exiles to return seems certain
from the urgency of the appeals to take advantage of it,
shall see, few appear to have responded. Those who did
return first rebuilt the altar of the burnt-offering. There
is no record, and but little probability, of this having
been regularly used since the fall of the City. We saw
how Jerusalem was avoided by the Jews left in the land,
i Professor Sellin, on the ground of Zech. iii. 86, vi. 12, 13, 15, argues
that Zerubbabel did not reach Jerusalem till after Zechariah had begun to
prophesy, but the verses quoted are inconclusive.
2 Isa. xlviii. 20; lii. II; lv.
& See above, p. 270, for proof of an occasional worship.
The Ideal City and the Real.
299
and Ezekiel charges them with idolatry1 Had sacrifice
been continued, the fact must have been memorable
enough to be handed down. But now the morning and
evening oblations were resumed, the Feast of Taber-
nacles observed and afterwards the other feasts. Next
Sheshbaşşar laid the foundation-stone of the Temple
and began the building. Obstruction arose Foundation
from two directions. The people left in the of Second
land had from the very beginning claimed a C. 536.
right to it;3 and now, we are told, they weakened the
hands of the people of Judah-these the Exiles claimed
to be, in harmony with the passages quoted above-
intimidated them from building, and hired counsellors
against them all the days of Cyrus, even until the reign of
Darius.4 Thus from the very foundation of the new
Temple began those intrigues with their
Obstruction
foreign lords which faction wages against to the
Building
faction down to the end of the City's history.
The other source of hostility was also to prove perennial.
The Samaritans, claiming to have worshipped Jahweh
since the days of Asarhaddon,5 asserted now or later
their right to a share in the building of the Temple. If all
the host of exiles, registered in 'Ezra ii., had been present
at this time in Jerusalem, they could, with the aid of the
Imperial authority, easily have overcome the opposition.
That this prevailed shows how small a number had really
returned. They now found themselves far from their
patron and with no hold as yet upon the land they had
come to. The very material they required was in the
hands of their adversaries. Stone lay about them in
& Exek, xxxiii
5? Sargon, iv. 2 ; cf. 2 Kings xvii. 27.
? Ezek. xxxiii. 24 f.
4 Ezra iv. 4, 5.
2 Ezra v. 16.
300
Jerusalem
plenty, but even common timber grew at a distance, and if
the story be correct that they made a contract for cedar
with the Phænicians, this had to be carried from Joppa
by roads which were either in the possession of, or open
to, the Samaritans. Apparently the authors of the
imperial mandate had not foreseen such obstacles, and
its officers felt that their powers were exhausted. Shesh-
bassar seems to have gone back to Babylon. Cyrus died
in 529 and was succeeded by Cambyses (529-522), who
can have had little sympathy with Jewish
till 522 B.C.
ambitions. Bad seasons ensued. The new
colonists had to provide for their own shelter and
sustenance, and their hearts, like those of many other
emigrants to a promised land, grew callous to higher
interests. We cannot be surprised that the Temple was
neglected, or that the builders began to explain the
disillusions of the Return by arguing that God's time for
the restoration of His house had not yet come.2
To such a state of mind the prophet Haggai addressed
himself upon one of those political occasions, which
The work of prophecy had always been ready to use. In
Haggai, 520. 521 a new king had ascended the Persian
throne, Darius, son of Hystaspes, and political agitations
were impending. Like their Syrian neighbours, the Jews
remained loyal to the throne, and appear as a reward to
have had a scion of their own royal house, Zerubbabel,
confirmed, or now for the first time appointed, as their
Pehah or governor. To him and to Jeshua' the high
priest, on the first day of the sixth month of the second
year of Darius--that is on the festival of a new moon,
1 See the Book of the Twelve Prophets, ii. 219 f., for a modern analogy.
2 Haggai i. 2.
The Ideal City and the Real
301
520 B.C.--Haggai brought the word of the Lord: a
command to build the Temple. It is significant that
to men whose experience had fallen so far short of the
former promises, the message did not repeat the glories
of these. Like every living word of God, it struck the
immediate situation, and summoned the people to the
duty lying within reach of them. Go up into the moun-
tain—the hill country of Judah-and bring in timber
and build the House, that I may take plea- His First
sure in it and show My glory, saith Jahweh.1 Oracle
There is no talk here of Phænician cedar, nor as yet
of the desirable things of the nations miraculously poured
into the City's lap. Let the people do what they could
for themselves; this was the indispensable condition of
the Lord showing His glory. The appeal to their con-
science reached it. God stirred the spirit of Zerubbabel,
and the spirit of Jehoshua', and the spirit of all the rest
of the people; and they went and did work in the House
of their God on the twenty-fourth day of the sixth month.
The unflattering words of the prophet had effected a
purely spiritual result. Not in vain had the people
suffered disillusion under Cyrus, if now their history was
to start again from sources so pure.
On the twenty-first day of the next month, when the
people had worked long enough to realise the scarcity
of their materials and began to murmur that His other
the new Temple would never be like the old, Oracles.
Haggai came with another word, this time of encourage-
ment and of hope. Courage, all ye people. Get to work,
for I am with youấoracle of Jahweh of Hosts-and My
Spirit stands in your midst ! It is but a little while
Hag. i. 8.
8 Jehoshua' is the full form of Jeshua'.
302
Jerusalem
Zechariah's
and I will shake heaven and earth, ... and the costly
things of all nations shall come in, and I will fill this
house with glory. Mine is the silver and mine the gold.
Greater shall the later glory of this house be than the
former, saith Jahweh of Hosts, and in this place will I
give peace. In two other oracles Haggai explained to
the impatient people the tardiness of the moral and
material results of their vigour, and promised to Zerub-
babel, in an impending overturn of the nations, the mani-
fest recognition of his God.?
There is need only to summarise the oracles of
Zechariah. (1) Between the second and third oracles
of Haggai, he published a word that affirmed
Oracles, 520- their place in the succession of the prophets
516.
of Israel ; 8 (2) two months later, in January
or February 519, came his Eight Visions, of which the
third showed Jerusalem rebuilt no longer as a narrow
fortress but spread abroad for the multitude of her popu-
lation, and the fourth Jeshua' vindicated from Satan his
Accuser, cleansed from his foul garments and invested
with the apparel of his office; (3) the Visions are followed
by an undated oracle, on the use of gifts which have
arrived from Babylonia; from the silver and the gold
a crown is to be made, and, according to the present
form of the text, to be placed on the head of Jeshua'.
But there is evidence that it was originally meant for
Zerubbabel, at whose right hand the priest is to stand,
and there shall be peace between them.5 (4) In the
ninth month of the fourth year of Darius, when the
Temple was approaching completion, Zechariah gave a
1 Hag. ii. 6-9.
4 Zech. i. 7-vi. 8.
2 ii. 10-19, 20-23. 3 Zech. i. 1-6.
o vi. 9-15. See vol. i. 381 f.
The Ideal City and the Real
303
historical explanation of how the Fasts of the Exile
arose.1 (5) And finally there are ten undated oracles 2
summarising all Zechariah's teaching up to the question
of the cessation of the Fasts upon the completion of
the Temple in 516, with promises for the future. Jeru-
salem shall be restored with fulness of old folk and
children in her streets. Her people shall return from
east and west. God's wrath towards her has changed
to grace; but her people themselves must do truth and
justice, ceasing from perjury and thoughts of evil against
each other. The Fasts instituted to commemorate her
siege and overthrow shall be replaced by festivals; and
the Gentiles shall come to worship in her the God of
Israel.
These prophecies of Zechariah reveal, during the years
that the Temple was building, certain processes which
were characteristic of, and results which were Supremacy of
decisive for, the whole of the subsequent his-th
tory of Jerusalem. There was apparently a contest
between the civil and religious heads of the community
for the control of the Temple and its environs. Here
before the Exile the king was paramount, and it was
natural for Zerubbabel to claim to continue his authority,
But the vision of the prophet decided in favour of the
high priest,3 and to him the crown was ultimately given
that at first had been designed for the Prince.4 Zerub-
babel, indeed, from what cause we know not, disappears.
In the last stages of the building of the Temple we
do not hear of a Persian governor, but of the elders of
the Jews.5 In fact, the exiles, with or without struggles
1 Zech. vii. 2 viii.
iii. vi. 9-15.
6 Ezra v. 3-vi. 15; cf. Guthe, Geschichte, p. 268.
304
Jerusalem
2
for their national independence, settled down to that
state of life which lasted in Jerusalem till the times of
the Maccabees."The exiles returned from Babylon to
found not a kingdom but a church.'? 'Israel is no
longer a kingdom but a colony':8 a colony in their
own land indeed, but the heart and efficiency of the
nation are still in Babylonia, where the system is being
constructed under which their life for centuries shall be
subject to priestly government and ideals.
Yet the civic hopes which the older prophecy had
revealed for Jerusalem are not abandoned. Starting
from the glowing love of Jahweh for His
Civic hopes.
represe people, the last prophecies of Zechariah not
only promise a full glory to her restoration and a world
about her converted to faith in her God, but the con-
version of her citizens from the jealousy and fierce
rivalry which beset them to justice, kindness and hearty
labour bringing forth a great prosperity. Judge true
judgment and practise loyalty and love every man with
his brother. Oppress not the widow nor the orphan, the
stranger nor the poor, and plan not evil in your hearts
every man against his brother. ... For Jerusalem shall
be called the City of Troth. . . . There shall yet be old
men and old women sitting in the streets of Jerusalem,
and the streets of the City shall be full of boys and of
girls, at play in her streets.
i See vol. i. 380 ff.
2 Kirkpatrick.
8 Book of the Twelve Prophets, ii. 189.
CHAPTER XII
THE SECOND TEMPLE, FROM ZECHARIAH
TO 'MALACHI’
516-460 B.C.
THE builders of the Second Temple completed their
I work in March 516 B.C., the last month of the
sixth year of Darius.1. The data of its size, appearance
and furniture are meagre and ambiguous. No inference
can be drawn from the words of Haggai,that
Completion of
in the eyes of them who had seen Solomon's the Second
Temple: 516.
Temple, the new House was as nothing; for
when the prophet spoke the builders had been but a
few weeks at work. Their disappointment was not with
the scale of their building, which was probably that of
the old one, but with the lack of materials to enrich
it, for the prophet answers them that God will provide
these later.3 Nor does Haggai's expression, Who among
you is left that saw this House in its former glory, imply,
as has been supposed,4 that the fabric of the old House,
though dilapidated, was still standing. This is con-
tradicted by the thoroughness with which an'nalists
and poets alike describe the destruction by Nebuchad-
1 Adar, the last of the Babylonian year; on the 3rd day, according to the
Aramaic document in the Book of Ezra, vi. 15; on the 23rd, according to .
1 Esdras.
2 Hag. ii. 3.
8 ii. 7, 8. * Guthe, Gesch. 264; cf. 270.
VOL. II.
306
Jerusalem
of the First.
rezzar, and by the accounts of the rebuilding under
Darius. The latter was started from the foundation,
before a stone was laid on a stone, and it took four and
a half years to accomplish-ample time for an entire
reconstruction, for which little or no quarrying would
be required. It is most probable that the outlines of
On the lines the First Temple could still be traced, and
rst. that these were followed in the reconstruc-
tion, particularly of the Sanctuary itself. This con-
sisted, as before, of two parts: the Holy Place, and
the Holy of Holies, the hêkal and the děbîr.3 In front
of the hêkal was the 'ulam, the Porch or Vestibule.
There were also, as formerly, chambers or cells, built
against the Sanctuary and round its court.
It is impossible to determine exactly what the furni-
ture of the Sanctuary was before the institution by 'Ezra
Its furnish- and Nehemiah of the Priestly Code. The his-
ings.
torical references to the subject are all later
than this. Only this is certain : that the Holy of Holies,
which in Solomon's Temple had held the Ark, was in
1 Hag. ii. 15.
2 Ezra vi. 3 states that Cyrus had decreed that the new Temple should
be 60 cubits high and 60 broad (Solomon's having been 60 long, 20 broad,
and 30 high). But the text of this verse is not reliable. Ewald (Hist.,
Eng. tr., V. 113) accepts the height of 60 cubits, but confines the enlarge-
ment to the external three-storied building. Josephus (C. Apion. i. 22)
quotes from the IIepi 'Ioudalwy—a work ascribed to Hecatæus of Abdera,
6. 300 B.C., perhaps wrongly, but quoted as early as the Letter of Aristeas,
C. 200 B.C. (?)—a statement that the whole area of the Second Temple, within
the enceinte of its court, was 5 plethra long by 100 (Greek) cubits broad,
either 505 ft. by 1727 or 4857 ft. by 145 ; see below, Ch. XVI.
3 See above, pp. 62 f.
4 Ezra viii. 29; Neh. x. 37 f..; xiii. 4, 7-9. Cf. the storehouse for tithes,
Mal. iii. 10. On these chambers in the First Temple see above, pp. 62 f.
i Macc. iv. 38, 57 describes maotopopcid, or priests' cells, as by the gates in
the walls of the court.
From Zechariah to 'Malachi'
307
Zerubbabel's empty;1 and that in the Holy Place, which
was probably already separated from the inner sanctuary
by a curtain,? stood the Table of Shewbread, and, instead
of the former ten several candlesticks, one seven-branched
Lamp.:
What provision was made for the offering of incense?
It is uncertain whether incense had been used in the
worship of Israel before the reign of Manasseh. Provision for
There is no 'clear mention of it, in either Incense.
the earlier historical books, or the first two codes,
or the descriptions of ritual by the eighth-century
prophets. Jeremiah is the earliest to speak of frank-
incense, and as though it were an innovation in the
worship of Jahweh.5 Ezekiel is the first to use the
term ketoreth, which in the earlier literature means the
1 Cf. Talm. Bab. “Yoma,' 226. Josephus, in a well-known passage,
v. B.J. v. 5, says of the Holy of Holies, ŠKELTO dè oudèv Ölws tv atrợ: cf. the
‘inania arcana' of Tac. Hist. v. 9. According to the Mishna, Yoma,'
v. 2, the foundation stone manw , three finger-breadths high, lay in the
dêbir, and on it the high priest laid his censer ; and (later) on the day of Atone-
ment set the blood. On the disappearance of the Ark see above, p. 256.
2 Later on veils or curtains hung in the doorways both of the sanctuary
and the Holy of Holies (1 Macc. i. 22; iv. 51), as in the description of the
Tabernacle (Exod. xxvi. 31, 36).
8 On the Table of Shewbread see above, p. 63. On the seven-
branched Lamp, Zech. iv. Cf. 1 Macc. i. 21; iv. 49, 50; Jos. xiv., Ant. iv.
4. Ezekiel xli. 22 and xliv. 16 f. prescribes an altar-like table of wood,
the table before Jahweh, and he speaks of the priests as serving the table.
4 In Deut. xxxiii. 10 and Isa. i. 13, nrop or nip, rendered incense in
the English versions, is the smoke of the burnt-offering, and so with the use of
the verb 797 (1 Sam. ii. 16; Amos iv. 5). All these refer to Israel's ritual.
In the same sense the verb is used of heathen ritual: Hos. iv. 13, xi. 2; Jer.
xix. 13(?). Before the 7th century there is no proof that incense was employed
in Israel, though in use in Babylonian and Egyptian temples from a very early
date, and at Taanach by the 8th century (next page, n. 4). See vol. i. 333;
vol. ii. 63 n. 2.
omaks. Jer. vi. 20.
308
Jerusalem
smoke or savour of the burnt offering, for a cloud of
incense smoke, and he does so in connection with
idolatrous worship. The earliest prophet to imply that
incense may have a place in the legal worship of Israel
is the great Evangelist of the Exile ;2 and after the
Return, some time (as we shall see) before 450 B.C., an-
other prophet predicts that in the approaching glory of
Jerusalem frankincense shall be brought to her from
Sheba. We may therefore assume that even before
the worship was arranged in conformity with the Priestly
Code, which makes ample provision for incense, the
latter was used in the Second Temple. But we cannot
tell whether as yet it was burned only in censers in the
hands of the priests, or whether the altar of incense
which afterwards stood in the Holy Place of the Second
Temple was there from the beginning. 4
The only altar mentioned during this period 5 is that
of the burnt-offering raised by the returned exiles in 536
on the site of Solomon's in the court before the
Altar of
Sanctuary. Josephus quotes Hecatæus, who
Offering.
describes it as a square of twenty cubits and
ten in height, built of undressed stones. Probably this was
the same which stood there from the days of the Return;
Burnt-
1 In Ezek. xvi. 18 and xxiii. 41, where Jahweh charges His people with
offering my9P (Eng, versions, mine incense) to idols, it is doubtful whether
incense or the smoke of the burnt offering is intended.
2 Isa.' xliii. 23.
3 'Isa.' lx. 6. In the contemporary ‘Malachi,' i. 11, pp (if genuine ?)
means only is burnt or sacrificed ; cf. the Deuteronomic passage, 1 Sam. ii. 28.
4 Hecatæus (above, 306 n. 2) describes in the Sanctuary an altar as well as a
lamp, both of gold. Ezekiel (see note 3 on previous page) prescribes no altar
in the Sanctuary, but an altar-like table, i.e. of the shewbread. Two incense
altars have been unearthed at Taanach, M.u.N.D.P.V. 1902, 35; 1903, 2.
5.Mal.'i. 10 f.
6 C. Apion. i. 22; cf. 1 Macc. iv. 44, 47.
From Zechariah to Malachi'
309
it occupied, of course, the site of Solomon's altar,1 The
Pillars Yakîn and Boaz would not be repeated in con-
sequence of the Deuteronomic Law against the Masse-
both; nor was the Bronze Sea with its twelve bronze
bulls.2
The Court before the Sanctuary had walls with doors.3
But there were more courts than one: they that have
gathered the wine, says a prophet already The Temple
cited,4 shall drink it in the courts of my Sanc- Courts.
tuary. Probably the Courts were two, as in the pro-
gramme of Ezekiel. But, contrary to his reservation of
the Inner Court to the priests, the laity (as we see from
the verse just quoted) were admitted to both; and this
right seems to have lasted till the time of Alexander
Jannæus, who as he stood by the Altar was pelted with
citrons by a crowd of worshippers, and retaliated by
building a wooden fence round the Altar, within which
only priests were admitted. To the gates of these
Courts we will return with Nehemiah.
Thus, then, stood the Second Temple on the lines of,
and as large as, the First, but doubtless barer and more
rough: the work of a smaller and poorer
No Palace or
people, without commerce, threatened by Judgment
Halls.
many adversaries, and with the walls of their
City still in ruin. One great difference between the new
and the old House must have impressed itself upon the
people, and was certainly significant of their future
history. The First Temple had risen as but a part of a
See above, p. 60.
2 See above, pp. 65 f., 76; the first reference to a laver in the Second
Temple is in the Mishna, 'Middoth,' iii. 6.
3 • Mal.'i. 10.
4. • Isa.' lxii. 9. o See above, pp. 256 f.
8 Josephus, xiii. Ant. xiii. 5.
310
Jerusalem
great complex of royal buildings—a palace, a judgment
hall, barracks and an arsenal-round the whole of which
there ran one enclosure. Of these none was now rebuilt.
The Second Temple rose alone, without civic or political
rival, a religious Capitol within its own courts and sur-
rounding wall. This wall is probably referred to in the
ambiguous statement of the Book of 'Ezra : three courses
of great stones and a course of new timber.1
For Israel as a whole the completion of the Temple
meant the full return of their God to Jerusalem. We
have already seen in what various and even
Various
Views of the conflicting forms this faith might be held.
Relation of
God to the At Solomon's time the Presence of God had
Temple :-
been conceived as entering with the Ark into
the inner shrine of the Temple and finding there a habi-
tation for ever ;? yet this conception was not held in so
I. under
exclusive a fashion as to forbid His worship
Solomon. at other sanctuaries throughout the land.
But when these were abolished by Josiah, and the
national worship, in conformity with the Deuteronomic
principles, was confined to the Temple, new problems
were set to Israel's thoughts about the Divine Presence.
Of the practical necessity for this centralisation there
can be no doubt. It was required in the interests not
only of a pure ritual, but of those spiritual conceptions of
the Godhead which to our mind are difficult to har-
monise with it;3 and that was why even so spiritual a
prophet as Jeremiah acquiesced in the centralisation of
1 Ezra vi. 4; LXX., one course of timber. Cf. 1 Kings vi. 36, where the
wall of the single court of the First Temple is said to have three courses of
2 See above, pp. 73 f., 80 f.
3 See above, pp. 176 f., 212 f.
From Zechariah to 'Malachi'
311
Deutero-
the worship. But these very conceptions of God, in the
interests of which the practice of His Presence was con-
fined to the Temple, were themselves the contradiction
of the idea that He dwelt only there. No part of heaven
or earth could contain the omnipresent Deity who had
made all. If it was irrational to embody Him in an
image carven by men's hands, it was equally so to sup-
pose Him confined to a house built by the same. And
as the Deuteronomists condemned the former of these
errors, so from their phraseology they appear to have
guarded against the latter. The prayer of Solomon
at the Dedication of the Temple which they 2. Practical
- ULUCU
have given us, contains the question, Will God
Truth of the
indeed dwell on the earth ? Lo, heaven and nomists.
the heaven of heavens cannot contain Thee, how much less
this House that I have builded ?i And they repeatedly
assert that it is His Name which God has set or caused
to dwell there, which means that in the Temple men
may call upon Him, and may know what He is as they
cannot do anywhere else on earth ;2 or, as one pass-
age explains, the Temple is the place where His Eyes and
Heart may be constantly, where Israel may be sure of
His regard and of His answer to their prayers. So prac-
tical was the Deuteronomists' conception of God's par-
ticular connection with the Temple! But we have seen
how it was abused by the unspiritual among 7. Superstitions
the priests, the prophets and the common of the People.
people. From this particular sacredness of the Temple
i i Kings viii. 27.
2 Ibid. 43. This, rather than the explanation of the phrase given by
Stade, Gesch. ii. 247, seems to be the most natural. Stade's further asser-
tion that these phrases occur only in the secondary strata of Deuteronomy is
very doubtful.
3 1 Kings ix. 3.
312
Jerusalem
.
they developed the dogma of its inviolableness, and,
absorbed by a superstitious confidence in God's habitation
of it, neglected the ethical conditions of His covenant with
them. The true prophets condemned this abuse of a real
truth, insisting that God would not dwell in
4. Ethical
Views of the Jerusalem if the people cherished their idols
Prophets.
and their immorality, but at the same time
they recognised that only in Sion was the real knowledge
of Him to be found, and that after her purgation Jeru-
salem would be the religious centre and resort of the
whole earth. Meantime her wickedness nullified the
Divine purpose. Jeremiah doomed the City to destruc-
tion, Ezekiel had a vision of the removal of the Divine
Presence from the Temple. The destruction of both in
586 made manifest to the whole nation that Jahweh
s Effects of had abandoned His Building, His Altar, His
586 B.C. Footstool. His Name was removed from
Jerusalem, and His oracles were silenced ; no more was
His ear open there to the prayers of His people. To us
it might seem as if, the Deuteronomic principles having
been tested and found wanting, the hour had already
come for the birth of that new dispensation when neither
in this mountain nor at Jerusalem men should worship the
6. Promise Father. There are, indeed, traces of the dawn
is of such a faith in the minds of many in Israel:
pensation. Jeremiah's increasing insistence upon the in-
dividual aspects of religion, and his advice to the exiles
to settle to life in Babylonia, and to pray to the Lord for
the peace of their new home; as well as the more ex-
plicit utterances, which we find in some prophets of the
Return, that God needs no Temple to dwell in, and rests
1 Ezek. xi. 23 ; cf. xliii. 2 ff.
of a more
From Zechariah to Malachi'
313
in no one locality, but the High and Lofty One who
inhabiteth eternity and dwells in the high and holy place,
dwells also with him that is of a contrite and a humble
spirit.1 But in the Providence of God the time had not
yet come for the realisation of these principles. Jeremiah
himself looked for a Return of the people to Jerusalem,
and the restoration of the Temple; 2 he announced a new
covenant, but again it was with Israel alone. The
Evangelist of the Exile proclaims a wider gospel of
God's sovereignty than his predecessors, and 7. Prevalence
unfolds to Israel their mission to the whole of
world; yet even to him the indispensable Local Ideals.
start of this great future is the Return of the People
to Jerusalem, and the rebuilding of God's House.
Under God these things happened, and the God returns
earliest prophets of the Return accepted their to the com-
leading. Haggai and Zechariah looked for- Temple.
ward to the completion of the Temple as to the full
return of God to His City and His people.
of the Na-
tional and
this.
These convictions inspired the two prophets with the
immediate expectation of a period of material and
spiritual glory. The droughts and barren
The Hopes
years had been due to the people's negli- roused by
gence in building the House of the Lord ; 4 "
but now He would bless their labours. There had been
no hire for man or beast, and with so many adversaries
trade was impossible; but God was already sowing the
seed of peace; the vine should yield her fruit, the land her
1 "Isa.' lxvi. i f. ; lvii. 15.
? See above, p. 254.
8 For the genuineness of the prophecy of the New Covenant, xxxi. 31 ff.,
see the unanswerable argument of Cornill.
4 Hag. i. 10 f. ; ii. 16-19.
314
Jerusalem
increase, the heavens their dew, and all was to be a heritage
to the remnant of this people. The Fasts instituted in the
Exile to commemorate the destruction of the City must
be changed to Feasts. The sorry populations of Jeru-
salem and the other towns should grow and overflow the
land: Jerusalem shall be inhabited as villages without
walls, spreading by suburbs far into the country, by
reason of the multitude of men and cattle therein: 3 her
streets full of men and women living to a comfortable old
age, and of boys and girls at play;4 her festivals crowded
with pilgrims, yea even with many peoples and strong
nations coming to seek Jahweh of Hosts in Jerusalem and
to entreat His favour. For the Lord has returned to Șion,
and Jerusalem shall be called The City of Troth, and the
mountain of Jahweh of Hosts the Holy Mountain. The
iniquity of the land shall be removed in one day.”
This prediction from the standpoint of the new com-
munity repeats the three essential notes of the older
prophecy. First, the conditions of its fulfil-
Repeat three
notes of the ment are ethical. Zechariah summons the
people to put away their civic wickedness and
rise to a purer and more unselfish life. Again,
the promised restoration is connected with the prophet's
expectancy of an immediate shaking of the whole world.9
As with the older prophets so with Haggai and Zechariah,
the reasons of such an assurance are the political signs
of their own times. Darius has not yet made his throne
secure. In some of the provinces there are revolts, in
Older Pro-
phecy.
1 Hag. i. 6; Zech. viii. 9-12.
3 Zech. ii. 4.
o viii. 20 ff. ; cf. ii. II.
7 v. 5 ff.
9 Hag. ii. 6 ff., 21 ff.; Zech. i. 15, ii. 8 ff.
2 Zech. viii. 18 f.
4 viii. 4 ff.
6 viii. 3 ; cf. ii. 10 ff.
8 i. 4, vi. 15, viii. 16 f.
315
others restlessness. And finally, Haggai and Zechariah
concentrate their political hopes for Israel on the person
of a descendant of David: yet he is no future and
unnamed prince, as with their predecessors, but their
own contemporary and governor, Zerubbabel, who, in the 1
day that the world is shaken, shall be as a signet ring;l so
mountain of obstacles, says Zechariah, shall become as a
plain before him. He shall bear the glory and rule from
his throne with the priest at his right hand. 3
These great hopes for the immediate future were not
fulfilled. Darius crushed his adversaries and organised
his Empire in peace. The world was not Dion
shaken. Zerubbabel vanished. What became by Events.
of him we are not told. It has been variously con-
jectured that he succumbed to the intrigues of the party
among his own countrymen who favoured the supremacy
of the high priest; that his governorship was abolished
when Darius divided the Empire into twenty Satrapies;
that he fell in an unsuccessful revolt against his Persian
lord. The hypothesis has even been ventured that his
fall involved the destruction of the new Temple by the
enraged Persians. For none of these suppositions have
ated
i Hag. ii. 21, 23.
2 Zech. iv. 7.
3 Zech. vi. 13, LXX.; see vol. i. 382 n. 1.
4 So Sellin, dating it between 515 and 500, on the grounds (I) of the
present text of Isa. Ixiii. 18 (thy holy people were in possession but a little
while ; our adversaries have trodder down thy sanctuary), and lxiv. 10 ff.
(thy holy cities . . . and Jerusalem a desolation; our holy house . . . is
the sudden collapse of the Messianic hopes centred on Zerubbabel. But the
text of the above passages is uncertain ; their reference to the destruction by
Nebuchadrezzar very possible (see below, p. 317); and equally great Messianic
hopes had been abandoned in earlier times without requiring so great a
catastrophe as the cause. Sellin (Serubbabel, 31 f. 197) holds that Zerubbabel
316
Jerusalem
we any evidence; the last of them is not only ex-
tremely improbable, but if the new Temple had fallen
some allusion must have been preserved in the Book
of 'Ezra. All we are sure of is the disappearance of the
last prince of the House of David, who ruled or bore a
semblance of rule in Jerusalem. Not in vain had the
returned exiles refrained from restoring the Palace beside
the Temple. Zerubbabel's end meant the end of the
dynasty with whose founder the City had risen, and to
whose kings alone she had given her allegiance. No
other scion of the family was henceforth to be acknow-
ledged by her; they sank into obscurity. Even prophecy,
which had flourished round their throne, and pledged its
faith in their permanence, gave up its hope of them
before it too expired, as if unable to exist apart from the
independent national life with which they had been
identified. The Temple, the Temple alone, remained ;
and the Priest, as we have seen from the significant
· alterations in the text of Zechariah's oracles, bare rule
over a kingless and a prophetless people..
For the next fifty or sixty years, till the arrival of
'Ezra and Nehemiah, we owe our information to some
of the last efforts of prophecy, in forms no
The next
Sixty Years: longer original but resting either upon the
Malachi,'
Isaiah," ivi.- Law or upon the prophetic literature of earlier
lxvi.
times. One anonymous prophet, to whom our
Canon gives the name of Malachi,'1 uttered his oracles
either just before or just after the arrival of 'Ezra; and
another series of prophecies, 'Isaiah' lvi. lxvi., are most
restored the walls under Darius I., but later (Studien zur Entstehungsgesch.
121 f. 182) places the rebuilding under Cambyses or Cyrus, and ascribes its
frustration and their ruin to the Samaritans.
1 See the Book of the Twelve Prophets (Expositor's Bible), ii. ch. xxiv.
From Zechariah to Malachi'
317
probably assigned to the same period, because, though
containing apparently earlier elements from the period
of the Exile, they not only reflect what we know were
the main features of life in Jerusalem between Zechariah
and 'Ezra, but exhibit some parallels to 'Malachi,' and
contain echoes of Ezekiel, of the great Evangelist of the
Exile and of Zechariah.1
1 In Isaiah xl.-Ixvi. (Expositor's Bible, '1890), I suggested that 'Isaiah'
lvi.-lxvi. was from a number of hands (cf. Cheyne, Enc. Brit.(9); of late
their unity has been asserted by Duhm, and their origin in the time of
Malachi.' See also Cramer, Der geschichtliche Hintergrund d. Kap. lv.-
Ixvi. Buch. Jesaia, 1905, and Budde, Gesch. d. alt. Hebr. Litt., 1906,
176 ff. The existence of the Temple is implied throughout the greater part
of Isa. lvi.-lxvi., especially lvi. 7, 8, lxii. 9 (the courts of the Temple),
lxvi. 6. Some exiles have returned ; others have still to be gathered (lvi. 8,
lvii. 14, 19, lx. 4 ff.). The walls of Jerusalem are still unbuilt, and there are
many old waste places (lviii. 12, 1x. 10). There are very many idolaters
practising, amidst scenery that is Palestinian (lvi. 9-lvii.), cults that are
recognisable as those of the Western Semites (lvii. 9, lxv. II ; cf. lxv. 1-5).
Some of these are undoubtedly Jews, apostates (lxvi. 24); others may be (not
certainly are, as some commentators assert about lvii. 3 ff.) Samaritans.
There is a great deal of trouble and strife with adversaries : this is implied in
the many promises of peace. The faithful community is also abused by its
governors, and its poor by the rich (lviii.-lix.). Altogether Jerusalem is like
a pregnant mother who cannot bring her children to the birth (lxvi. 7-9).
Among other parallels with ‘Malachi' are lvi. 1-8 with 'Mal.'üi. 5 (turiz
aside the stranger), lvi. 10 ff. with Mal.'i. 10, ü. I ff. ; the temper of lxiii.
7-1xiv. (on this see 'Isaiah' in Hastings' B.D.); and the prediction of the
separation of the good from the apostates and the judgment of the latter
(Mal.' iii. 13-21, Heb.- Eng. iii. 13-iv, 2—with 'Isa.' lxv.-lxvi.) The treat-
ment of the Fasts (lviii.) may be compared with Zech. viii. 14-19, and the
phrase my holy mountain (lvi. 7, lvii. 13, lxv. il, 25, Ixvi. 20) recalls the
prediction of Zechariah (viii. 3); lxv. 20 recalls Zech. viii. 4; and lxv. 16,
God of troth, recalls Zech. viii. 3, City of troth, 8, their God in troth. There
is not space to enumerate other parallels with Zechariah, or the one or two
echoes of Ezekiel, or the adoption of many texts from 'Isaiah' xl.-lv,
The only difficulties in the way of assigning these chapters to this period
are the references to the destruction of the Temple, but these belong to a dis-
tinct section of the prophecies, lxiii. 7-lxiv. II, which is probably from the
period of the Exile; and the assertion in lxvi. that God does not dwell in
temples made with hands, which, however, does not preclude the existence
of the Temple (on this see Skinner, Cambr. Bible for Schools).
318
Jerusalem
The picture which these writings present to us is one
of anarchy and depression, both in religion and in civic
Condition of affairs. The tone of the prophets is, therefore,
he Jews.. for the most part, sombre, critical and mina-
tory; but it is relieved by passages of truth so spiritual,
of charity so broad, and of hope so strong and dazzling,
that they have ever been esteemed by the Church of
not the City alone which is under review, but the land;
yet not, as with some older prophets, extended to its
ideal boundaries, but shrunken almost to the limits of
the people's actual possession : Judah and Jerusalem as
'Malachi' calls it ;? while the other prophet dares not,
even in promise, to define it as wider than from Sharon
to‘Akôr, mere pasture and a place for herds to lie down
in. The religious symbols and promises of these pro-
phets are largely pastoral and agricultural, as if the
returned exiles had already spread beyond Jerusalem to
such forms of life, and particularly, we may note, to the
cultivation of the vine. Three classes of the population
are discernible: the faithful Jews returned from Babylon;
the apostate Jews, consisting both of those who had never
left the land and those of the Return who had fallen away
to them; and the Samaritans, who had spread into the
Vale of Ayyalộn and held many of the approaches to the
City. In addition the Edomites had come up the Negeb
as far as Hebron; there were some 'Ammonite settle-
ments occupying fields from which Nebuchadrezzar took
away their Jewish owners and introducing the cult of
1 iii. 4.
3 "Mal,' iii. 11, iv. 2 (Eng.); ‘Isa.' lxi., lxii., lxiii. 2 f., 13 f., Ixv. 8,
22 ff., etc.
From Zechariah to 'Malachi'
319
Molok or Melek ;1 while the Phænician coast towns, as of
yore, sent their traders through the land and with them
their own forms of worship.2
To all these temptations the Jewish community was
exposed, and the worship of the Temple had to compete
with them. A Persian had succeeded Zerub-
Moral and
babel. We cannot suppose that he was Religious
Abuses,
sympathetic with the ideals or careful of the
religious discipline of the City.4 Priests and laity were
left to themselves and grew lax in their worship. The
former neglected the more spiritual of their duties; 5
the latter cheapened their sacrifices and withheld their
tithes. The Sabbath was abused ;; the pilgrimages to
Şion fell off.8 Jews divorced their wives in order to
marry the heathen. And the minds of the people
reaped the natural fruit of such laxity, in the persuasion
that right conduct mattered nothing. There was a pre-
valent scepticism.10 Sorcery, perjury, oppression of the
poor, shedding of innocent blood, with a general covet-
ousness and envy of the rich, are the sins charged against
the community.11
From all this we can see how the work of ‘Ezra and
Nehemiah upon their arrival in Jerusalem was at once
difficult and easy-difficult because the com-
awaiting
munity was corrupted by nearly two genera- 'Ezra and
Nehemiah.
tions of so much temptation and so much
carelessness; but easy because in the resultant anarchy
1 Isa.’lvii. 9.
2 lxv. II.
3 "Mal. i. 8.
• Ryle, Ezra-Nehemiah (Camb. Bible for Schools), p. xxxvii.
6.Mal.' ii. 1-9; cf. 'Isa.' lvi. 10 ff.
8 Mal’i. 6 ff., iii. 7 ff.
7 Isa.' lvi. 1-8, lviii. 13 f.
8 lxv. II.
9. Mal.' ii. 10-16.
10 ii. 17, iii. 13 ff.
11 iii. 5, 15; 'Isa.' lvii. 17, lviii., lix. 3-8, 13-15.
320
Jerusalem
there was no force, either moral or physical, sufficient to
compete with the movement for reform. In estimating
the work of 'Ezra and Nehemiah, the rapidity with which
they imposed a new and elaborate constitution upon the
life of their people, we must appreciate the fact that these
reformers had to reckon, not with an established political
system nor long traditions nor a disciplined hierarchy, but
with a popular life broken into fragments and dispirited
-corrupt, indeed, but flexible and at the disposal of any
definite and straightforward purpose of repair.
'
This is not the place to follow or appraise the loftier
flights upon which ‘Malachi' and his fellow prophets
rose above their sombre tasks of tracking and
Loftier
Visions in dragging to light the vices and superstitions
this Period.
of their people. But we must not fail to
notice how, at a time when prophecy indulged in no great
hopes for the political future of the community and was
engrossed with practical proposals for the improvement
of the details of their life, it also possessed the power to
rise to far visions of the world and to the widest charity
and hope for other peoples. There are no passages
of Scripture which breathe a more tender or a more
liberal spirit than some of these utterances from so
narrow and dispirited an age. “Malachi' turns from his
disgust with the blemished sacrifices of the Temple to
the thought of how God is honoured everywhere among
the heathen: for from the rising of the sun to his setting
My Name is great among the nations, and in every
sacred place smoke of sacrifice ascends to My Name and a
pure offering, for great is My Name' among the nations,
saith Jahweh of Hosts.1 A wonderful thought to rise
1 Mal.' i. II.
2
From Zechariah to Malachi'
321
from that starved and corrupt City, a wonderful claim to
make for her God at such a time! How it anticipates
the words of Christ in the same place centuries later,
that God has rejected Israel and called the Gentiles to
Himself! The other prophet or prophets are in their
own way equally catholic, equally spiritual. They make
provision within Israel for the eunuch and the stranger ;1
declare that God who inhabits the high and holy place
dwells also with him that is of a contrite and humble
spirit; 2 proclaim that the service which He seeks is
to loosen the bonds of wickedness, to undo the knots of the
yoke, to let the crushed go free, to rend every yoke ; 3 and
publish that programme of service which Christ took as
His own: to tell good tidings to the suffering, to bind up
the broken-hearted, to proclaim liberty unto the captives,
and open ways to the prisoners, to proclaim an accept-
able year for the Lord and a day of vengeance for our
God; to comfort all that mourn; to provide for the mourners
of Șion, to give them a garland for ashes, the oil of joy
for mourning, the mantle of praise for the spirit of
dulness. 4
With regard to the City herself, the pictures are
double and contradictory. Not in Malachi,' for he says
as little of Jerusalem and as much implies her, men
as does the Deuteronomic law, upon which Aspect of
Jerusalem.
he prophesies. But in ‘Isaiah' lvi. lxvi. the
City is represented now as the glorified centre of the
whole world, embellished by its tribute and attracting
its nations, and now as the floor of judgment on
which her own people have to be separated and
Ir Isa.' lvi. 1-8.
3 lviü. 6 ff.
2 lvii. 15.
4 lxi. I ff.
VOL. II.
322
Jerusalem
punished. Let this chapter conclude with an instance
of each of these: either from the same author in different
moods or from different authors but of the same
period.
rise to her glory, which is described as the spiritual
Hope of the sudden splendour of its dawn, the ful-
and West. ness and apparent permanence of its noon,
the spaciousness it reveals on land and sea, and the
barbaric profusion of life, which its strong light is suffi-
cient to flood with glory. The prophet has caught that
high central position of the City on the ridge which runs
between sea and desert, east and west, the ends of her
world. We have seen that her exposure is eastward,2
and with this he begios.3 Arabia, whose border is
Jerusalem's horizon, is pouring into her: Profusion of
camels shall cover thee, young camels of Midian and 'Ephah,
all of them from Sheba shall come: gold and frankincense
shall they bring and publish the praises of Jahweh. All
the flocks of Kedar shall be gathered unto thee; the rams of
Nebaioth shall minister to thee: they shall come up with
acceptance on Mine altar and the house of My glory will
I glorify. Then turning from this, the natural prospect
of every housetop in the City, the prophet overlooks the
ridge which hides Jerusalem from the sea, and starts her
hope in what till the days of her exile was a direction
unknown. Nay, as if she had left her secluded mountain
and taken her stand by the sea, he describes her with
all its light thrown up in her face and all its wealth
? From Isaiah xl.-Ixvi. (Expositor's Bible), p. 429.
2 Vol. i. 10 ff.
3 Verses 6-9.
From Zechariah to Malachi'
323
drifting to her feet. Then shalt thou see and be radiant,
thy heart shall throb and grow large ; for there shall be
turned upon thee the tide of the sea, and the wealth of the
nations shall come to thee. ... Who are these like a cloud
that fly, like doves to their windows ? Surely the Isles are
stretching towards me, ships of Tarshish in the van to
bring thy sons from afar, with their silver and their gold
to the name of Jahweh thy God and to the Holy of Israel,
for He hath glorified thee. It is a picture, wonderful at
this time when the life of the City was at its lowest, of
the far future, when all the Western world should draw
to Jerusalem with their gifts and their spiritual homage.
strong nation.
The counterpart of this is seen in Chapter 1xvi., 2 which
tells how the glory of Jerusalem must be preceded by a
great and searching judgment: between her Her Div
citizens who are faithful and those who are between and
" Worship and
apostate. The high notes of the future to Judgment.
which we have been listening are repeated. Yet the
prophet's last vision of the City is not that of a holy
mountain, the abode of a holy people and the centre of
a redeemed humanity, but with her narrow surface and
her little people divided between worship and a horrible
woe-Gehenna underneath the walls of the Temple.
What was to have been the Lord's garner is still only
His threshing-floor, and heaven and hell as of old shall
from new moon to new moon lie side by side in her.
For from the day that Araunah the Jebusite threshed
out his sheaves upon that high, wind-swept rock to the
i Or coastlands.
2 And equally in 'Malachi'iii. 18 ff.
324
Jerusalem
day when the Son of Man standing over against her
divided the sheep from the goats, the wise from the
fools, and the loving from the selfish, Jerusalem has
been appointed of God for trial, separation and judg-
ment.?
1 Isaiah xl.-Ixvi. (Expositor's Bible), p. 466.
CHAPTER XIII
EZRA AND NEHEMIAH
458 (?)-431 B.C.
IN the history of Jerusalem, when we come to the
T Books of 'Ezra and Nehemiah, it is as if a mist
lifted, for we regain that near view of them
A close sight
City which has been more or less obscured of the City
regained.
since Baruch's stories of Jeremiah and the
Dirges of the desolate Șion. Not only are precise
narratives resumed and dated to the month and day-a
custom with Jewish writers since Baruch-documents of
state are also offered ; and, most valuable of all, we have
the memoirs of the principal actors, written in the first
person singular. This is a form of literature to which the
only precedents, so far as Jerusalem is concerned, have
been Isaiah's account of his vision in the Temple, some
passages of his earlier life dictated by Jeremiah to
Baruch, and the visions of Ezekiel. The new memoirs,
however, not being those of prophets, with whom the
spiritual vision always tends to overwhelm the material
circumstance and personal detail, provide of the latter
a wealth unprecedented in the literature of Jerusalem.
The authors, in explaining their policy and describing
their conduct-their conversations, their passions and
even their gestures-reveal the characters behind these,
325
326
Jerusalem
and enrich the long drama of Jerusalem with two of its
eight or ten most vivid personalities. To our view of
the stage itself the gain is considerable. What Baruch
did for the hills of Jerusalem and for the courts of the
Palace and Temple, Nehemiah now does, and more, for
the full circuit of the City walls. There is, too, an
atmosphere through which the voices and the tempers
of men rise with a distinctness we hardly ever again feel
about the grey town till Josephus comes upon her with
his Romans. We see a wet day in December, with a
crowd on the broad place before the Temple, shivering
for their business, and because of the winter rains ;? and a
September day when the people fill the same space and
feast and send portions to one another and make great
inirth, bringing in from the mountain branches of olive,
wild olive, myrtle, palm and thick trees to build booths,
every citizen on the roof of his house and the pilgrims
on the broad places by the Water-gate and the Gate
of Ephraim.2 Most vivid of all is the building of the
Walls, half the force at work with their swords girt
to their sides as a few years ago I saw Circassian
immigrants building their houses from the ruins of
'Ammân under fear of an Arab attack — and half
behind them under the Wall with spears, bows and
habergeons; Nehemiah in the centre and a bugler by
his side all the long hours from the rise of the dawn till
the stars come out. Between these crises and festivals
the daily life of the people unfolds before us; country-
folk and Tyrian fish-dealers waiting till the gates
open of a morning, and bringing in to the markets the
City's food and the offerings for the Temple; the daily
1 Ezra x. 9. ? Neh. viii. 12 ff. Neh. iv. 15 ff.
Ezra and Nehemiah
327
table of the hospitable governor, one ox a day and six
choice sheep, also fowls, and once in ten days store of all
wines; and the discontent of an over-taxed people with
their fields mortgaged to the usurer-in fact very much
that we wanted to know about Jerusalem and now see,
not only for that year or two of Nehemiah's reports but
for all the centuries of the common unchanging life on
either side of him.
Yet the whole story is beset with difficulties arising
from the composition of its text—difficulties about the
sources, the chronology and the relations of Difficulties of
the two principal actors--all of which are the Text.
hard and some perhaps insoluble, but with which we
must come to terms before the Jerusalem of 'Ezra and
Nehemiah grows certain to us. To avoid undue dis-
turbance of the narrative, I propose to discuss a number
of details in the Appendix, and to state here only the
In our Bible the Books of 'Ezra and Nehemiah are
separated; but in the Hebrew Canon they were originally
one Book : manifestly the compilation of a Ezra-Nebe-
writer who worked after the fall of the Per-
sian Empire, and whose style, in the summary
and connective passages which he contributes, sources.
very closely resembles that of the compiler of the Book
of Chronicles. On this ground, and because 'Ezra-
Nehemiah continues the Books of Chronicles, he is to
be identified with the Chronicler himself, whose date was
about 300 B.C., or more than a century after 'Ezra and
wh 11h Dmiah a Com-
pilation by
the Chronicler
from several
1 Neh. v. 17 ff.
328
Jerusalem
Nehemiah visited Jerusalem. Among the constituents
of the Book are a historical summary written not in
Hebrew but in Aramaic;2 several ‘State-documents' in
the direct form ;3 and two long fragments of Memoirs
in which 'Ezra and Nehemiah respectively speak in the
first person singular. As suddenly as these memoirs
are introduced, so are they again broken off, but other
parts of them appear to form the basis of narratives
which continue their story with 'Ezra or Nehemiah in
the third person. Nor (as we shall see) does the com-
piler observe the regular sequence of events. All these
features, visible on the surface of this double Book, and
complicated by others of a more subtle kind, have pro-
voked what is perhaps the most considerable controversy
in the past ten years of Old Testament scholarship.
Some of it is not very relevant to the story of Jeru-
salem ; but we have to determine at least the most
probable answers to the questions raised by the Memoirs
and the Chronology.
No serious objections have been taken to the Memoirs
Memoirs of of Nehemiah.8 Written in classical Hebrew
Nehemiah. -in the vocabulary there are, of course,
some late elements—and with the spirit and directness
1 For the proofs of this, which are obvious and accepted by critics of all
schools (cf. even Sayce, The Higher Criticism and the Ancient Monuments,
537), see Driver, Introd., 6th ed. 544 f., with list of phrases characteristic
of the Chronicler, 535 ff. ; and § 5 of Ryle's Ezra and Neh., Camb. Bible
for Schools.
? Ezra iv. 8-vi. 18, ? after 450 B.C.
3 Ezra i. 2-4; iv. 11-16, 18-22; v. 7-17 ; vi. 3-12; vii. 12-26, all but the
first in Aramaic: for convincing proof of their genuineness see Meyer,
D. Entstehung des Judenthums.
4 Ezra vii. 27-ix.; Neh. i. -vii. 5 (6-73a?); xii. 31 (32-36 ?), 37-40;
xiii. 4-31.
6 Ezra x. ; Neh. vii. 736, viii., xii. 30.
6 Neh. i.-vii. 5 (6-73a?); xii. 31 (32-36?), 37-40; xiii. 4-31. Renan
characteristically guards himself from a final opinion on their authenticity.
Histoire, iv. 67, 68.
I
Ezra and Nehemiah
329
of an actor in the scenes they describe, these Memoirs
form one of the most valuable documents in the history
and topography of Jerusalem. To be used with more
discrimination are the passages that continue the story
of Nehemiah, but present him in the third person,
The question of the Memoirs of 'Ezra 2 is more diffi-
cult. They also are written in the first person singular,
but objection has been taken to their authen- Memoirs of
ticity 3 on the ground that their vocabulary 'Ezra.
and syntax are those of the compiler himself; that they
contain unhistorical elements; that the whole story of
'Ezra's activity is improbable; that Nehemiah does not
mention 'Ezra; and that 'Ezra is unknown both to the
Son of Sira and the author of Second Maccabees, to
whom Nehemiah is the sole champion of Judaism at
this period. For these reasons the 'Memoirs of 'Ezra'
are held to be the merest fiction, invented by the priests
of a later age in order to place beside the layman
Nehemiah a priestly colleague in the restoration of the
Law and the Congregation of Israel. It is even denied
that 'Ezra himself existed, except as an ordinary priest
1
i Neh. vii. 736-X. and xi. ; xi. is the immediate continuation of vii.;
viii.-X., in which Nehemiah appears in the third person, appear to be founded
not on his 'Memoirs' but on 'Ezra's, as I stated in the Expositor for July
1906, p. 10. This is also the view of Budde, Gesch. d. alt. Hebr. Litt. 236,
and indeed is most probable; cf. Cornill, Introd. (Eng. trans.) 247 f.
? Ezra vii. 27-ix. ; only viii. 35 f. seem to be from another hand.
3 Principally by Renan (1893), Hist. iv. 96 ff. ; C. C. Torrey (1896),
The Compos. and Histor. Value of Ezra and Neh. (Beihefte 2.2.A.T.W. ii.),
in which the 'Ezra memoirs are subjected to a searching analysis with the
conclusion that they are the work of the Chronicler himself; H. P. Smith
(1903), O. 7. Hist. 390 ff., and Foster Kent (1905), Israel's Hist. and Biogr.
Narratives in The Students' 0.T.), 29-34—these last two following Torrey,
Foster Kent more moderately. Cf. also Winckler, Alt-Orient. Forschungen
and K.A.7.13), 294.
4 Ecclus. xlix. 12 ff. ; 2 Macc. i. 10 ff.
330
Jerusalem
whose name descended to the generation which made
so much of him. As we know from the Apocrypha and
from Talmudic literature, 'Ezra became an attractive
centre for legend; according to this argument, the legend
was already begun by the forger of these Memoirs.
To the theory as a whole two answers at once suggest
themselves. So lavish and detailed a story can hardly
be conceived as developing except from the actual
labours of a real and impressive personality. And
against the hypothesis that a later generation of priests,
jealous for the history of their order, invented a man
learned in the Law as colleague to the layman Nehemiah,
may be urged the necessity of the actual appearance of
such a man in the conditions in which Nehemiah found
himself at Jerusalem. A layman like Nehemiah could
hardly have ventured to enforce the religious reforms
to which he was obliged after his work upon the Walls
was completed, without some more authoritative exposi-
tion of the Divine Law of his people than he could
himself give. The presence of 'Ezra, then, by the side
of Nehemiah, is perfectly natural, if not necessary, to the
crisis which the latter encountered and overcame. Nor
is the great expedition, which 'Ezra is said to have led
to Jerusalem, historically improbable. On the contrary,
the achievements of Nehemiah-his triumph over habits
of worship which, as 'Malachi' tells us, were nearly
universal among the priesthood and laity of Jerusalem,
and his foundation of a compact community which
remained loyal to the stricter law brought from Babylon,
and resisted, as Judaism before Nehemiah had not
been able to resist, the surrounding heathenism-are
best explained through his reinforcement by a large
D
Ezra and Nehemiah
331
number of Babylonian Jews under just such a leader
as 'Ezra. When we turn with these considerations to
the text of the Memoirs, we find this to be consonant
with the authorship of 'Ezra himself. A large number
of the words and phrases which are alleged to be
characteristic of the Chronicler are employed as well by
other post-exilic writers. 'Ezra may easily have used
most of them; if there are any besides which only the
Chronicler could have employed, they are due to his
redaction of the Memoirs.1
Besides the Memoirs of 'Ezra and Nehemiah, which
refer to their own times-from 457 or alternatively 445
onwards—the Chronicler has embodied in his The Ar
compilation a document written in the Ara- Document.
maic language, which relates a number of transactions
between the Jews of Jerusalem and their Persian lords
before the arrival of 'Ezra and Nehemiah. He has pre-
fixed to this 3 an account of the Return of the Jews
under Cyrus, in which there is much to question. But
we have no reason to doubt the reliableness of his
Aramaic source, which is generally assigned to the fifth
century. Many of its data, concerning the building of
the Temple under Darius (521-485), are exactly con-
firmed by the Books of Haggai and Zechariah ; the rest,
obstructions which the peoples of the land put in the way
of the rebuilding of the walls of the City under Xerxes
and Artaxerxes, agree with the testimony of constant
and harassing opposition from that quarter, which is
given by these prophets and by Nehemiah.
From such reliable sources the following facts may
I See further, Appendix II.
2 Ezra iv. 8-vi. 18; vii. 12-26 is also in Aramaic.
3 Ezra i.-iii.
332
Jerusalem
Certain
the Period.
be accepted. First, after the Temple was built there
were several efforts to restore the walls of the
Events of City under Xerxes I. (485-464), and especially
under Artaxerxes I. (464-424), but these
were frustrated on the appeal of the other peoples in
Palestine to the Persian throne. Second, sometime in
the reign of Artaxerxes, 'Ezra, a priest and scribe, sought
and obtained permission from the king to lead from
Babylonia to Jerusalem a great company of priests and
levites; and upon his arrival attempted with no success
to reform the worship and the customs of the Jewish
community, which, as we have seen from Malachi,'
suffered from lax discipline and many abuses. Third,
in 445 Nehemiah, the cupbearer of Artaxerxes in the
palace at Shushan, being grieved by a report of the
defenceless state of Jerusalem, asked and obtained leave
from his master to go and rebuild the walls; by Sep-
tember 444, in spite of opposition from the peoples of the
land, he accomplished his task, and the walls were dedi-
cated. Fourth, in 432 Nehemiah, again as Tirshatha,
or governor of the Jewish province, paid a second visit
to Jerusalem and achieved many reforms. Fifth, about
one or other of these dates, or between them, 'Ezra
brought forth the Law to the Jews of Jerusalem and
Judah, gathered in a national assembly, and by a cove-
nant on the basis of the Law the sacred community was
anew established and organised.
But though the compiler has thus preserved for us
Confusion a great amount of contemporary and authentic
logical information as to events in Jerusalem both
Order.
before and after the arrival of 'Ezra and
Nehemiah in the City, it is clear from his arrangement
of their
Chrono
Ezra and Nehemiah
333
he has arrangin, under
of his materials that he was either ignorant of or in-
different to the proper chronological order of these
events. In the first place, either he or the author of
the Aramaic document before him has mixed into each
other the building of the Temple under Darius and the
attempts to build the City walls under Xerxes I. and
Artaxerxes I. Again, in arranging the Memoirs of 'Ezra
and Nehemiah he has broken up and re-sorted his
materials; some of his dates are capable of different
interpretations; and in two cases at least he has separ-
ated passages which belong to each other.
Opposite
Such confusion has naturally given rise to Theories as
different theories of the exact course of the
ascertained events. Some accept the definite state-
ments that 'Ezra, with his bands, reached Jerusalem in
the seventh year of Artaxerxes, 458, and attempted his
reforms up to April 457.2 To the following years they
refer the account, in the Aramaic document, of the
frustrated efforts to rebuild the walls, manifestly
out of place where the compiler has put it. To the
wreck of these efforts they attribute Nehemiah's grief in
445, and his request to Artaxerxes to be allowed to
visit Jerusalem and rebuild the Walls. The other
theory is that 'Ezra's expedition to Jerusalem did not
take place till some years after the Walls were rebuilt
by Nehemiah ; that there had been no attempt at re-
building before Nehemiah, but that what caused his
grief at Shushan was the report of the ruin in which the
Walls had lain ever since the overthrow of the City
by Nebuchadrezzar in 586. 'Ezra is not mentioned in
to this.
i For the exhibition of this in detail see Appendix II.
9 Ezra vii. 8, X. 16.
3 Ezra iv. 8.vi.
334
Terusalem
between
these.
Nehemiah's story of the rebuilding: Nehemiah's reforms
are not intelligible if 'Ezra's institution of the Law pre-
ceded them. On these grounds 'Ezra's expedition and
institution of the Law must be postponed either to the
interval between Nehemiah's two visits in 444 and 432
-in which case we must read the twenty-seventh instead
of the seventh year of Artaxerxes as its date, that is 437–
or to the second of these visits.
· I have explained in the Appendix the impossibility
of deciding between these rival chronologies, upon the
Impossibility evidence at our disposal. It is strange how
eiding 'Ezra and Nehemiah avoid mentioning each
other, but this may be due to the fact that
we have only part of the Memoirs of each of them.
We must be content to leave the order of the great
events to which they contributed, uncertain. Only one
thing seems probable in this order, that (for reasons I
shall give) before Nehemiah came there had been
attempts to rebuild the Walls, and that it was the report
of the wreck of these which moved his passion to go
and do the work himself.
Having examined the documents upon the period,
and seen that recent objections to the authenticity of
'Ezra's Memoirs are insufficient, but that we cannot form
exact conclusions as to his relations with Nehemiah and
the dates of his appearances in Jerusalem, we proceed
now to an account of the events which happened during
the governorship of Nehemiah.
The policy of Nehemiah and 'Ezra may be regarded as
twofold, but the end it pursued was virtually one. First,
there was the Rebuilding of the Walls of the City which
had lain breached since their overthrow by Nebuchad-
Ezra and Nehemiah
335
I. The
the Walls.
rezzar in 586; and second, during the rebuilding there
became evident to the leaders the necessity Twofola
of raising a Wall or Fence of Law about the Policy of
'Ezra and
community itself: bulwarks to keep pure Nehemiah.
the blood, the language, the worship and the morals
of Israel.
Nehemiah himself tells us that it was an account of
the ruin of the Walls and of the affliction and reproach to
which in consequence his returned country-
men were exposed which moved him to crave Restoration of
leave from Artaxerxes to go to Judah and
rebuild the place of my fathers' sepulchres: it lieth waste,
and the gates thereof are consumed with fire. The petition
was granted, and in 445 Nehemiah arrived in Jerusalem
under military escort and with letters-royal to the Keeper
of the King's Forest, that he might give me timber to make
beams for the gates of the castle which appertaineth to the
House, and for the wall of the City, and for the house that
I shall enter into. The Aramaic document in the Book
of Ezra reports earlier attempts to rebuild the walls and
their frustration by Samaritan intrigue ;these attempts
(the account of which the compiler has obviously mis-
placed in his arrangement of the Book of 'Ezra) have
been attributed by several moderns to 'Ezra himself.4
Whether they actually took place under 'Ezra or not,
Nehemiah alludes neither to them nor to him. After
a survey of the ruins he induced a large number of his
fellow-Jews to begin the restoration, which he carefully de-
scribes not as an entire rebuilding, but as a strengthening,
1 Neh. i.-ii. 5.
- 2 ii. 8, 9.
8 Aramaic document=Ezra iv. 8-vi. 18. The account of the attempts to
build the walls is given in iv. 6-23 (verses 6, 7 are in Hebrew).
* See above, p. 333.
336
Jerusalem
a pointing' or cementing, a healing, and a sealing or
stopping of the breaches. The restoration, which took
fifty-two days, was finished by September 444, and the
gates set up. After an interval of one hundred and
forty-two years, Jerusalem was again a fenced city. Gate-
keepers and police were appointed with Hanani, Nehe-
miah's brother, and Hananiah, the governor of the castle,
in charge of the whole town.3
During the process of rebuilding, Nehemiah encoun-
tered opposition from the same quarters from which the
Opposition earlier attempts are said to have been frus-
from the
trated. Sanballaț the Horonite and ļobiyah
peoples of
the land.
the servant or slave, the 'Ammonite, had been
alarmed at his coming to seek the welfare of the children of
Israel, and unable to stop his operations, along with
Gashmu the Arab, began to laugh us to scorn, and to
spread the old story that by rebuilding the walls the Jews
intended rebellion against the king.4 The names of these
persons, if they have been accurately transmitted, reflect
the curious mixture of the peoples of the land which had
taken place during the Jewish exile. Sanballat is a
Horonite, that is, from Beth-horon, then a
Samaritans.
* Samaritan town; for according to a probable
emendation of the text he is described as saying before
his brethren, Is this the power of Samaria, that these Jews
1 Strengthening (Hiphil of the verb pin to be strong, and once, iii. 19,
Piel) throughout ch. iii., E.V. repairing. 'Pointing' or cementing (Kal
of any, probably a technical term, for which see the lexicons), iii. 8, E.V.
fortified. Healing and sealing of the breaches, A.V. that the walls of Jerusa-
lem were made up, and that the breaches began to be stopped ; R. V. that the
repairing of the walls of Jerusalem went forward, etc., iv. 7 (Eng.)=iv.
I (Heb.).
2 Neh. iii. 1, 3, 6, 13 ff. ; vi. 15, vii. I; cf. Ecclus. xlix. 13.
8 vii. I, 2.
Ezra and Nehemiah
337
are fortifying their city ? 1 and with a Samaritan nation-
ality his Assyrian name, 'The Moon-god-gives-life,'
would agree. Țobiyah, on the other hand, like Recreant
his son Jehôhanan, has a name compounded Jews
of that of the God of Israel; he is called the 'Ammonite,
but this may mean from Kephar Ha'ammoni, or Village
of the 'Ammonite,' which lay in the territory
and Arabs.
of Benjamin. Gashmu is an Arabian name;
these nomads have always been scattered across Judah.
It is true that other meanings, as well as different readings,
of those names have been suggested; but the latter are
mere conjectures, and as the meanings just given suit
the conditions of the time, it is reasonable to accept them.2
Samaritans, Jews, probably of that poorer class who had
never left Judah,; and Arabs, whose assistance rival
political powers in Palestine have always been eager to
enlist-the trio represent an alliance, frequent in the
history of Syria, between persons of different tribes
and cults, all of them Semitic, and therefore more or less
merging into each other, but bound only by a temporary
community of material interests.
An effort has been made to impute to these allies some
nobility of aim by representing them as a racial league,
i So the LXX. version, cod. B in 'Eropas B xiv. 4: the Greek equivalent
of the Hebr. Neh. iii. 34= Eng. iv. 2.
2 For other meanings that Horonite is from Horonaim in Moab, and that
'Ammonite means one of the neighbouring children of ‘Ammon, see Schlatter,
Zur Topogr. u. Gesch. Paläst. 4, and Winckler, Alt-Orient. Forschungen, ii.
228 ff. ; for other readings Cheyne, artt. “Sanballaț' and 'Tobiah’in Enci.
Bibl., and the present writer's 'Beth-horon' in the same.
3 Winckler, K.A.T.(3) 296, takes Sanballat and Tobiyah as father and son,
representatives,' whether genuine or not, of that branch of the royal family
which had remained in the land,' and now claimants for the leadership. There
are no grounds for either of these hypotheses—not even in the fact that later
Tobiades' appear in opposition to the high priests (below, ch. xv.).
VOL. II.
338
Jerusalem
eclectic in faith, and ambitious to create a common
Their national cause among the factions of the
character. land. But their eclecticism was obviously of
that petty sort which, without either strong intellectual
force or sense of the supremacy of ethics in religion, or
conscience of the moral unity of mankind, maintains its
alliances and mixtures upon merely local or family con-
siderations, or motives of gain, or sometimes only by the
hostility of all its ingredients to the advocates of a higher
moral standard. The attempt to argue that Nehemiah
has misrepresented his opponents is futile, and its conclu-
sions are disproved, first by the fact that Nehemiah and
the allies faced each other from the beginning with a
mutual and instinctive feeling of their essential hostility,
Incompati- and secondly, by our knowledge of the sub-
bility between
their aims and sequent fortunes of the tribes and cults of
Nehemiah's. Palestine outside of Israel. In the alarm of
the allies at Nehemiah's arrival to seek the welfare of the
children of Israel, and in his retort to them, You have
no portion nor right nor memorial in Jerusalem, we
touch those ultimate elements of human consciousness,
in which Nehemiah was not rash in feeling the inspiration
of God Himself. The low character of the popular cults
of Syria, which recent excavations have revealed to us,
and the ease with which those cults allowed themselves
to be absorbed by Hellenism, prove that for Nehemiah
and 'Ezra to have yielded to the attempts to mingle the
Jews with the peoples of the land would have been fatal
both to the nation and the religion of Israel.
During his operations upon the Walls, Nehemiah
learned, from Jews living outside, of a plan of his enemies
1 Neh. ii. 10, 19, 20.
1
Ezra and Nehemiah
339
1
ainst
to attack the builders; whom, therefore, in one of the
most gallant scenes in all the drama of Jeru-
Conspiracies
salem's history, he armed as they built, and against the
Building
supported by a force of bowmen and lancers
drawn up behind the Walls.1 When the work was finished,
Sanballat, Tobiyah, and Gashmu sought four times to
entice Nehemiah to a conference on the plain of Ono,
intending to do him a mischief; and then accused him
of aiming at kingship. But he discovered that such
assaults from the outside were not all he had to fear.
The alliance against him, with its right wing merg-
ing into Judaism, had friends within the Walls, such
as we shall find every heathen power hereafter able to
reckon upon in Jerusalem. They hired pro- a
phets, Nehemiah says, to work upon his fears, Neħemiah.
and to seduce him to discredit himself with his people
by taking refuge in the Temple from plans for his
assassination.
Fobiyah, of the Jewish name, was in close correspon-
dence with the nobles of Judah,4 that is with some of the
returned Jews, for no nobles had been left in
These perils
the land after the Babylonian deportations and the many
abuses
and the flight into Egypt. He and his son
Jehohanan were married to the daughters of such families,
and were thus related to the high priest Eliashib, who
allowed Tobiyah, even after the Walls were built but
during Nehemiah's absence from the City, to store his
household stuff in one of the consecrated chambers of
the Temple courts. The Jews themselves had not re-
covered command of the trade of the country, and held
assassination."
1 Neh. iv. 7-23.
2 vi. 1-9.
5 vi. 18; xiii. 4.
8 vi. 10-14.
6 xiii. 4-9.
A vi. 17.
340
Jerusalem
close commerce with Tyrians for fish, and with travel-
ling dealers in other kinds of wares, who found quarters
within the walls. Consequently, as in later days from
the same cause, the Sabbath was profaned equally with
the Temple. Commerce nearly always implies connubium;
the blood of the Jews was mixed with that of other
tribes, and the children grew up ignorant even of the
Hebrew tongue. In those days also I saw Jews who had
married wives of Ashdod, 'Ammon and Moab, and their
children spake half in the dialect of Ashdod, and could not
speak the Jewish language, but according to the language of
each people. These evils are the same as 'Ezra reports
having encountered upon his arrival at Jerusalem, either
before or after Nehemiah ; and as having infected like-
wise the immigrant Jews, fresh from the more bracing
atmosphere of Babylonian Jewry. But in addition,
Nehemiah the governor discovered among the noble and
ruling Jews a cruel oppression of their poorer brethren,
whose lands they mortgaged and whose persons they
enslaved for debt. From all these things
require (2) the
Fence of the experienced after their arrival in Jerusalem,
Law.
'Ezra, whose mission had been to enrich the
Temple with gifts, and Nehemiah, who had set out to
build the Walls, developed that wider policy, the success
of which constituted them the founders of Judaism. To
men of such a conscience towards God and their race
such a policy was inevitable in the conditions we have
sketched. The mere Walls of the City and the Temple
were not enough; the circumstances revealed during their
construction demanded the more effectual' Fence of the
Law.
i Neh, xiii. 15-22. 2 xiii. 24. 3 Ezra ix. f. 4 Neh. v.
Ezra and Nehemiah
341
miah
Nor is it less natural to believe that, as his singularly
candid Memoirs testify, Nehemiah achieved the begin-
nings of this wider policy largely on the How much
strength of his own personality. By his im-
mediate recognition of the wrongs of the himself.
poor, by his unselfish example and resignation of his
rights as governor, by casting the household stuff of
Tobiyah out of the Temple Courts, by regulating the
Temple organisation and the distribution of tithes to the
Levites, by shutting the City gates on the Sabbath, by
contending with the men who had married foreign wives,
and even by using (as he confesses) personal violence to
them, Nehemiah, upon his own strength of spirit and
body, started the necessary reforms. His Memoirs
reveal a strong personality, full of piety towards God
and his people, with a power both of sincere Hischer
prayer and the persuading of men; cut to the acter and
sympathies.
quick by the thought of the place of the graves
of his fathers lying waste, but more concerned for the
affliction and reproach of his living brethren, and with a
conscience, too, of their sins, especially towards the poor
and the easily defrauded Levites. Without Isaiah's
vision or Jeremiah's later patience, Nehemiah fulfils the
prophetic ideal of the ruler, whose chief signs shall be
that he draws breath in the fear of the Lord, that he
defends the cause of the poor, that he has gifts of per-
suasion and inspiration, that he is quick to distinguish
between the worthy and the evil, and that he does not
spare the evil in their way. Nehemiah is everywhere
dependent upon God, and conscious of the good hand of
his God upon hiin. He has the strong man's power of
Neh. i.-vii. ; xii. 31, 37-40 ; xiii. 4-31.
342
Jerusalem
His
loneliness.
keeping things to himself, but when the right moment
comes he can (unlike 'Ezra) persuade and lift the people
to their work. He has a keen discernment of character
and motive. He is intolerant of the indulgent, the com-
promising and the lazy, even when they are nobles--who,
as he expresses it, put not their necks to the work of the
Lord. In the preparations for his mission and its first
stages at Jerusalem he is thoroughly practical. In his
account of his building he proves himself careful and
true to detail. As he becomes familiar with the condi-
tions on which he has been called to act, and gradually
realises how much he must do beyond the mere building
of walls, the growth of his sense of the grandeur of his
work is very beautiful; the sense of his loneli-
ness not less pathetic. I am doing a great
work, so that I cannot come down : why should the work
cease, whilst I leave it and come down to you ?? There
were few whom he could trust in charge of the City and
its gates : he had to draw his police from the bands of
Levites and musicians whose rights he had defended. 3
If sometimes his loneliness made Nehemiah too sus-
picious of his opponents or of his own people, this was but
the defect of his qualities or inevitable in the
Criticisms
atmosphere of intrigue that he had to breathe.
answered.
To be able to criticise the personal violence
which he confesses, his smiting of some of those who had
married foreign wives, and his plucking of their hair, we
would need to have stood by him through all his troubles.
The surmise is reasonable that such extreme measures
may have been best for the lax and self-indulgent
among his contemporaries; with Orientals, treatment of
1 Neh. iii. 5.
% vi. 3. 3 vii. 1 ; cf. xiii. 10 ff.
of him
Ezra and Nehemiah
343
this kind from a man whom they trust or fear oftener
enhances respect than induces resentment. By the
followers of Him who in that same desecrated City over-
turned the tables of the money-changers, and scourged
with a scourge of cords, much may be forgiven to an
anger which is not roused by selfish disappointments
or the sense of weakness, but by sins against national
ideals, and which means expense to him who displays it.
Anger is often selfish, but may also be one of the purest
and most costly forms of self-sacrifice. The disciples,
who saw the exhaustion to which it put our Lord, said of
Him, the zeal of Thine House hath eaten ine up. Had we
been present with this lonely governor, aware of the
poorness of the best of the material he had to work with,
and conscious, as we are to-day, of the age-long issues of
his action, we might be ready to accord to his passion the
same character of devotion and self-sacrifice. Such an
* Apologia pro Nehemiâ' is necessary in face of recent
criticisms on his conduct, all the materials for which have
been supplied by his own candour. One of not the least
faults of a merely academic criticism is that it never
appeals to Christian standards except when it would dis-
parage the men of the Old Covenant; who at least under-
stood as we cannot the practical conditions and ethical
issues of the situations on which God set them to act.
In the great work which was then achieved at Jeru-
salem the presence of ‘Ezra by Nehemiah's side is, as we
have seen, natural and authentic; but it is
'Ezra's con- .
impossible to date 'Ezra's appearances and tributions to
the work.
difficult to relate the two men, who almost
never allude to each other. 'Ezra's contributions to the
1 Witness John Nicholson and the Punjaubees. 2 Above, p. 330.
2
344
Jerusalem
work were the large reinforcement which he brought out
of Babylonia to the loyal Jewish population of the land,
his own zeal for reform, and above all his learning in the
Law, without which the layman Nehemiah could hardly
have succeeded in organising the community. 'Ezra
His the man is scarcely so clear to our eyes as
character. Nehemiah ; his Memoirs are more overlaid
with the work of the Chronicler. Yet we can see in him
certain differences, some of which at least are natural to
the priest as distinguished from the governor. Nehemiah
came to Jerusalem with a military escort, and, as he had
prayed to God to move the king's heart to his request,
so he saw nothing in these Persian guards inconsistent
with the Divine protection. Ezra, on the contrary, tells
us: I was ashamed to ask of the king a band of soldiers
and horsemen to help us against the enemy in the way
because we had spoken unto the king, saying, The hand of
our God is upon all them that seek Him for good, but His
power and His wrath are against all who forsake Him;
and instead 'Ezra proclaimed a fast at the river Ahava,
from which his company started, that we might humble
ourselves before God and seek of Him a straight way.1 As
some one has said, while Nehemiah smote and plucked
the hair of those who had married foreign women,
Ezra in face of the same sinners rent his clothes and
plucked the hair of his own head and beard and sat
down stunned. His dialect of Hebrew is legal and
priestly; Nehemiah's is his own. 'Ezra has not, at first
at least, the governor's powers of persuasion and inspira-
tion; the people put him off from month to month.3
When Nehemiah speaks they act at once. Still, if, as
1 Ezra viii. 21-23.
? ix. 3.
3 ix., X.
Ezra and Nehemiah
345
the compiler says, 'Ezra came to Jerusalem before
Nehemiah, his frustrated labours no doubt prepared the
way for the latter's success. What is hard
His contrast
to understand is that the two scarcely if at and relations
to Nehemiah.
all mention one another. Would this mutual
silence have been explained if we had had the rest of
their Memoirs? Was it due to the differences of their
temperaments? Or was Nehemiah, who found his only
reliable officers, beyond his kinsfolk, among the Levites
and musicians, suspicious of all priests; and did the
priest 'Ezra take the other side from him in his efforts
to get the Levites their tithes? These are questions,
naturally arising from the materials at our disposal, but
impossible to answer.
Yet this is certain, that it was 'Ezra who brought and
expounded the Law to Jerusalem. It is not necessary
here to discuss the origins of that Law : all Institution
we need to keep in mind is thạt (as we have of the Law.
seen) the life and worship of the community had hitherto
been regulated by the Deuteronomic Code, and that
most of the reforms effected by 'Ezra and Nehemiah were
on the lines of the Priestly Code. The Book which 'Ezra
brought to the people was, besides, new to them. We
can have little doubt, therefore, that the Priestly Code
was what 'Ezra introduced, and what he and Nehemiah
moved the people to adopt. Except for a few later
additions the Pentateuch was complete, and Jerusalem
in possession of the Law-book which was to govern
her life, till she ceased to be Jewish. In our survey
of the constitutional history we have sufficiently dis-
cussed the forms of government, foreign and native, to
1 Ezra vii. 14, 25; Neh. viii. 9 ff.
346
Jerusalem
which the Jews were subject when Nehemiah arrived, as
well as the reorganisation of the people under their
new Law.1
graphi-
Most of the details of the topography of Nehemiah's
Jerusalem have also been already discussed :the course
ohia of the Walls and positions of the Gates with
cal:the Walls. the character of his reconstruction. Nehemiah
rebuilt the Walls of Jerusalem on the lines on which they
had run before the Exile. That is, the Walls again
enclosed both the East and the South-west Hills. From
somewhere about the present Citadel they ran on the
brow of the South-west Hill above Hinnom, south and
then east to the Fountain Gate near the mouth of
the Central Valley, crossed this below Siloam, on one of
the five lines discovered by Dr. Bliss, 4 continued north up
the brow of the East Hill above Kidron towards the
Temple enclosure, ran under this and then round the
Temple mount, west and south-west on the unknown line
of the Second Wall of Josephus back to the point from
which we have started. On this circuit there were eight,
perhaps nine, Gates: the Gate of the Gai at the south-west
1 Vol. i. Bk. II. ch. ix., 'Government and Police,' sections iii. and iv.,
pp. 382 ff.
2 Vol. i. Bk. I. ch. iv. p. 74, and ch. v. p. III on the Dragon's Well;
ch. vii. pp. 177 ff. on the Gate of the Gai and the Dung-Gate; ch. viii.
“The Walls of Jerusalem,' pp. 195-204, on the course of the walls in
Nehemiah's time and his rebuilding of them. Since those chapters were
passed for press I have received a new essay on Nehemiah's walls and gates
in Mommert's Topographie des Alten Jerusalem : iyter Theil. (1907), the
first four sections of which deal with Nehemiah's ride of inspection, his North,
West and South Walls with their gates, his 'inner wall' which Mommert
supposes to have crossed the South-west Hill, and the East Wall, and the
routes of the two choirs (pp. 1-76).
3 Vol. i. 195 ff.
4 Vol. i. 220 ff.
Ezra and Nehemiah
347
SI
corner, the Dung-Gate on the south stretch, the Fountain
Gate at the south-east corner, a Water-Gate on Ophel,
apparently a Horse-Gate, probably an East-Gate under
the Temple, and-on the north stretch--the Sheep-Gate,
the Fish-Gate, and the Gate of the Old . . . (?), which
may have been the same as the Corner-Gate. The same
amount of labour was not required on every part of this
circuit: Wall and Gates seem to have been much less
ruined on the west and south stretches than on the east
and north. The stones for repair lay to hand in the
ruins themselves, hence the short time the work occupied.
Whether the timber that Nehemiah required from the
King's Forest 1 was used for a course in the walls,
as in the case of Solomon's Wall round the Temple,2
or only for the posts and doors of the Gates, is
uncertain.
Nehemiah tells that he also required wood to timber
the gates of the Birah of the Temple. Birah 4 is a new
word in Hebrew, meaning Castle. Does it The Birah of
apply here-as it does in late Hebrew-to the Temple.
the whole Temple-mount with its enclosure, which
formed a separate citadel within the City; or is it some
particular fortress attached to the Temple? Nehemiah
says no more about it except to mention a governor of
the Birah. This might indicate a separate castle, either
the old David's-Burgh, or a fortified building on the site
i Neh. ii. 8.
2 See above, p. 67.
s So Mommert, Topog. des alt. Jerus., inter Theil 4. In his somewhat
harsh criticism of Rückert, Mommert has forgotten the course of timber in
Solomon's walls.
*7743, perhaps from the Assyrian birtu through Aramaic, found in the
0.T. only in Nehemiah, Chronicles, Esther and Daniel.
5 Neh. vii. 2.
348
Jerusalem
of the palace of Solomon, or less probably one to the
north of the Temple on the site afterwards occupied by
the Baris of the Hasmoneans and the Antonia of Herod.
But it is possible that by the Birah Nehemiah meant the
separately fortified Temple-Mount, which we know had
its own gates. Where Nehemiah's own house stood we
do not know.
Of other buildings Nehemiah mentions only the Turret
of the Corner at the north-east angle of the City ; Towers
Hammeah and Hananeel to the north of the
Other public
or prominent Temple; the Tower of the Ovens on the
buildings.
West wall; and—south of the Templemthe
House of the Gibbôrim (the old Barracks of David);
the Armoury; the House of the High Priest, evidently a
large building, from the length of the wall in front of it;
the upper House of the King with the Court of the
Guard; the Projecting Tower (or Towers), the houses of
the Priests and of the Nethinim. It is significant that
except the Tower of the Ovens all these
buildings lie on the East Hill: a striking
confirmation of the conclusion we have come
to that till the time of Herod not only the Temple
but the military and civil centre of Jerusalem was here,
and not on the South-west Hill. But indeed Nehe-
miah's location of the stairs of the David's-Burgh would
by itself be sufficient to prove the correctness of the
East-Hill theory.
When the City walls were rebuilt on the old lines, it
All but one
on the East
Hill.
i This, the site usually accepted (cf. Josephus xv. Ant. xi. 4; xviii. Ant.
iv. 3), can hardly have been the Birah of Nehemiah, for on it or close to it
stood the towers Hammeah and Hananeel.
2 All these are given in ch. iii.
3 Vol. i. Bk. I. ch. vi.
Ezra and Nehemiah
349
of the
was found that the space was too great for the shrunken
population. This has been estimated at sige
10,000.1 Nehemiah took measures to increase Population.
it by drafts from the other Jewish settlements. But
probably it was long before Jerusalem was again as
full as she had been before the Exile.
,By Guthe (Hauck's R. E. viii. 683, on the basis of Neh. xi. 4-19).
CHAPTER XIV
THE REST OF THE PERSIAN PERIOD
431-332 B.C.
rests on this
CROM the close of Nehemiah's Memoirs to the
T opening of the Maccabean histories-or more
The Obscu exactly from 431 B.C. to the fall of the
rity which Persian Empire before Alexander in 331,
Period. and from this onwards under the Ptolemies
to the Seleucid conquest of Palestine in 197—the history
of Jerusalem lies under an almost unbroken obscurity ;
from which many have too hastily turned as though it
were a winter-fog and below lay a frosted City and a
benumbed People. Far rather is it that mellow haze
beneath which life in field and town runs perhaps the
more busily that the horizons are narrow; and in the
diffused light men's minds, though unable to read the
past correctly or take clear views of the future, are the
more disposed to reflect upon things which have little
to do with time. We who stand so far from that haze
fail to discern through it either the definite figures of
men, the presence of powerful personalities, or even the
exact character of such events as we otherwise know
to have happened within it. And we observe, too, that
one who, like Josephus, lived so much nearer to the
period, confused its chronology and believed that he
saw moving through its mists apparitions of a legendary
character.
350
The Rest of the Persian Period
351
Yet there is much in the period of which we may be sure
besides the constant labour of the olive, the vine and the
corn, the increasing smoke of sacrifice from the Things cer.
Temple, the great annual festivals, and—this tain in it.
is equally undoubted—the increase of population both
in the City and over the narrow territory which she
commanded. The flash of war breaks the haze more
than once. We learn that Jerusalem was Assaults on
taken and perhaps sacked under Artaxerxes the City.
Ochus about 350, and 'was destroyed' by Ptolemy Soter
in 312,1 We have already seen? how the Law which
the nation had adopted under Nehemiah became, with
additions, gradually operative, and the supreme
The Law,
national authority was absorbed by the High High Priest
and Council.
Priest, the only chief whom the Law recog- *
nised; while around but beneath him there developed
out of the loosely organised body of nobles and priests,
whom we found under Nehemiah, an aristocratic council
or senate, room for which had also been provided by
the Law. The Samaritan schism was completed, a
Samaritan Temple was built on Mount Gerizim, The Samari-
and round it a community was organised tan Temple
and Com-
under a scarcely differing edition of the Law, munity.
yet so definitely in disruption from the Jews that these
were no more haunted by fears of the intrusion into their
life of elements so menacing to their higher Palestine
ideals. The Jews passed from the Persian be- poras
neath a Greek dominion. Even earlier than ence.
this change of masters, they came into contact with the
Greeks, and we have the first notices of them by Greek
writers. After Alexander's Asian conquests (333-331)
See below, p. 359 f.
Vol. i. Bk. II. ch. ix. pp. 384-98.
passes under
Greek influ-
352
Jerusalem
their life began to be influenced by Greek culture and
polity. Still rooted on their own soil and tenacious of
their ancestral institutions and beliefs, as none of the
neighbouring nations except the Samaritans continued
to be, they felt the influences of a new climate which
could not but affect their polity, and, compact as the
nation was, test it with new solvents and split it into
fresh factions which last through the New Testament
period. All these general movements and changes are un-
doubted; and, though the haze does not (as we have said)
permit even the nearest historians to discern a succession
of dominant personalities through the period (beyond the
roll of the governing High Priests); and though the
literature which has come down to us from it is nearly
all anonymous; we cannot, with the testimony of the
latter before us, hesitate to believe that Israel was still the
mother of great sons. When out of the mists rivers flow
to our feet, we know that there are mountains behind.
As our authorities for this period we have five or
six chapters of the Antiquities of Josephus, but for
reasons given above they are among the least
Our Authori.
reliable in that book of very various values ;
Period.
the notices of Greek historians and other
writers which are either confined to the general history
and geography of the time or merely mention such
events as happened to Jerusalem, or (perhaps with one
exception) 2 describe the City and the Jews from a very
distant point of view; and some of the later literature
of the Old Testament. This, however, is difficult to
ties for the
1 xi. Ant. vi.-vili. ; xii. Ant. i., ii., and part of iii.
3 The exception is the Pseudo-Aristeas. On that and the other Greek
notices see next chapter.
The Rest of the Persian Period
353
assign to definite dates. We must beware of the tempta-
tion, offered us by an age of whose history we know so
little, to use it as a last resort for literature which we
have had difficulty in assigning to other periods just
because of our better knowledge of these. At the same
time, we know with what amount of Law, History and
Prophecy Israel entered the period after Nehemiah ; that
in particular the Priestly Law had been accepted as
canonical, and that the Pentateuch in its present form
was complete before the establishment of the Samaritan
community. By 250 B.C. it was translated into Greek.
Recent criticism has given fair reasons for assigning
to the period between Nehemiah and 300 B.C. some
additions to the Priestly Law, the Books of Chronicles,
certain Psalms, the Book of Joel, 'Zechariah' ix.-xiv.,
the Book of Jonah, and probably the Book of Ruth
and 'Isaiah' xxiv.-xxvii.2 We may be sure, too, that
certain processes, which were consummated during the
Greek period, such as t?". collection, with additions, of
the Prophets, the construction of the Book of Proverbs,
and the collection of Psalms for the Temple - service,
had already begun; and some of them were perhaps
even finished, under the Persians. For the rest, which
include Job and a number of Psalms, we can only say
that they more probably belong to the Persian Period
than to any other. Ecclesiastes falls to be discussed in
the next chapter.
1 We must also remember that in the case of some writings which certainly
belong to this age, it is impossible always to say definitely whether they
come from the Persian or from the Greek half of it.
2 To those some would add 'Isaiah’lvi.-lxvi., but we have seen reason
for assigning these prophecies to the exilic and immediately post-exilic age:
above, pp. 316 ff.
VOL. II.
354
Jerusalem
In this chapter we shall deal with Jerusalem through
the remainder of the Persian Period : the century between
the date of Nehemiah's second visit to the
Geographical
and Political City in 431, and the fall of the Persian Empire
Condition.
in 331. The Jewish territory formed part of
the great Persian Satrapy called 'Abar-Nahărah, Beyond-
the River, both in the documents given in the Book of
'Ezra,1 and on the coins of the rebellious Satrap Mazaeus:2
the fifth of the Nomoi' or Satrapies described by
Herodotus as 'all Phoenicia and Syria called the Pales-
tinian, Cyprus .. with part of Arabia.3 The boundaries
were : on the north a line from the mouth of the Orontes
to the great bend of the Euphrates near Tiphsah; on the
south the Egyptian border at Mount Casius, and on the
east an unknown line through the desert. The seat of
government appears to have been Samaria, the natural
centre for Western Palestine, and in easy communication
with the lands east of Jordan.
Within this Satrapy lay the Jewish Mědinah or Pro-
vince: Jerusalem, its suburban territory and such other
towns with their fields as loyal Jews had held
The Extent
of the Jewish during the Exile or those returned from
Babylon had reoccupied. After Nehemiah
Judah appears to have had still a separate governor,
but the Satrap sometimes held his court at Mispah,
1717-may, Ezra v. 6; vi. 6, Aramaic; cf. the Hebrew 7701 ay
Neh. iii. 7.
2 Head, Hist. Num. 615. Compare i Macc. iii. 32, vii. 8, but not, as
Wellhausen (Ist. U. Jüid. Gesch. 150) and Hölscher (Palästina in der Pers.
4. Hellenist. Zeit, 5) do, xị. 60; for in the latter verse the River cannot be
the Euphrates.
3 Herodotus iii. 89-94.
4 Cf. Hölscher, op. cit. 4-6.
5 H.G.H.L. 332 f.
6 This is a natural interpretation of the phrase in Neh. iii. 7, the Mispah
to or of the throne of the Penah of 'Ēber-han-Nahar. Mişpah cannot
Territ
The Rest of the Persian Period
355
where the Babylonians had formerly posted Gedaliah
as governor. The extent of the Jewish territory is un-
certain. The following districts, mentioned as those
from which the Levites were summoned to Jerusalem, are
all in the neighbourhood of the City; the Kikkar or Cir-
cuit round Jerusalem, the suburban territory ;2 the villages
of the Netôphầthites, Netôphah being either the modern
Liftā or the modern Bet-Nettîf; 3 Beth-hag-Gilgal, pro-
bably the Gilgal which is over against the ascent of
Adummim, or about as far east of Jerusalem as Geba'
is to the north ; 4 and the fields of Geba' and 'Azmaveth.5
From the following places came the Jews who helped
to rebuild the walls: Jerusalem and its Kikkar; to the
north Gibeon and Mispah; to the west or south Beth-hak-
Kerem, according as this is Jebel Fureidis or the modern
'Ain Kārim ; to the east Jericho ; and to the south Tekoa',
Keilah, Beth-Șur and Zanoah. It is significant that no
town is mentioned farther south than these: neither
Hebron nor its neighbours Mareshah, Tappuaḥ and
have been the usual seat of the Satrap, as Hölscher (29) infers, for there
is evidence that this was Samaria (Ezra iv. 10 ff.). The recently discovered
Papyri (Sachau, Drei Aramäische Papyrusurkunden aus Elephantine) men-
tion a Pehah of Judah in 411 B.C.
1 Jer. xl. 6; 2 Kings xxv. 23.
2 Vol. i. Bk. II. ch. iii.
3 Henderson, P.E.F.Q., 1878, 198, proposes its identification with
Nephtoaḥ (Josh. xv. 9; xviii. 15), near Bethlehem.
4 Josh. xv. 7. This identification was suggested independently by Professor
Cheyne and myself, artt. Gallim and Gilgal (8 6) in the Enc. Bibl. The
ascent of Adummim is the modern Talat ed-Dum on the road from Jeru-
salem to Jericho. Hölscher (28) suggests Tell Jeljul, near Jericho, but this is
too far from the City.
5 Neh. xii. 28 f., probably from the Chronicler.
8 Neh. iii. There is hardly sufficient reason to suppose with Smend (Die
Listen der Bücher Ezr. u. Neh.) that only fragments have been preserved of
the full list of the builders of the wall. Probably the wall was not equally
ruined throughout its circuit, and some stretches of it required less restoration
than others.
356
Jerusalem
Ma'on, nor any place in the Negeb. In all probability
these former seats of the Calebites were
Hebron and
southward already occupied by the children of Edom who
was Edomite.
and had come upon them during the Exile, and
who certainly held them through the Maccabean period.
With Hebron there would also fall the valuable oasis of
Engedi, always a dependence of the Hebronites1 Accord-
ing to the Chronicler, the dispossessed Calebites occupied
Bethlehem, Kiriath-ye'arim and Beth-Gader (perhaps the
modern Khurbet Jedireh), Sorea' and Eshtaol.2 For the
same reason--that the Chronicler knew them as Jewish-
Ono, Lod or Lydda, Ayyalôn, the Beth-Horons, Bethel,
Yeshanah and 'Ephron, have been added to the Jewish
territory by some scholars. But Lydda and
Lydda, Beth-
horon and 'Ephron or Ephraim 5 were still Samaritan
Ephron
probably in the beginning of the Maccabean period,
Samaritan.
Lable and Beth - Horon (as we have seen) 6 was
probably the town of Sanballat, Nehemiah's Samaritan
foe. These places must, therefore, be left doubtful. Herr
Hölscher argues that Jericho lay outside the
Jericho
probably Jewish territory and in possession of the
Jewish.
Arabs. His reasons are that a prophet whom
he takes to be of the Persian Period 8 gives the eastern
boundary of Judah as the Vale of 'Akôr, the Wâdy Kelt,
and that Hieronymus of Kardia describes the whole
circuit of the Dead Sea along with the balsam fields of
the Ghôr as in possession of the Nabateans. To these
1 H.G.H.L. 271 f.
% Chron. ii. 50-55.
3 Id. viii. 12 f.
4 vii. 24; 2 Chron. xiii. 19 (Eng.).
6 Hölscher, op. cit. 30 ff. 6 Above, p. 336.
? Op. cit. 46-50.
8 'Isa.' lxv. 10. See above, p. 316 ff.
9 Diod. Sic. xix. 98, the data of which are reasonably attributed to
Hieronymus.
The Rest of the Persian Period
357
reasons might be added the fact that even when the
kingdom of Judah was strong it did not hold Jericho,
which belonged to Israel. The separableness of Jericho
from Judah is therefore assured. But at the same time
neither of those testimonies is exactly relevant to the
geographical conditions in the time of Nehemiah, the third
quarter of the fifth century. Since Nehemiah himself
states that men from Jericho took part in the rebuilding
of the walls, we may assume that Jericho was then Jewish.
It was a town which often and easily passed from one lord
to another. But even if we include Jericho, the Jewish
territory was very small-some 20 miles north and south
by 32 east and west (about 33 kilometres by 52), a large
part desert, and the rest containing, at least in Nehemiah's
time, several settlements of a non-Jewish population.
Beyond Judæa, in Gilead and Galilee, there may already
have been a few Jewish enclaves as there certainly were by
the Maccabean period, but the grounds on
Jewish Settle-
which the attempt is sometimes made to prove ments beyond
this are precarious. The Jewish communities Judan,
which Simon and Judas Maccabeus brought away from
Galilee and Gilead were very small, and the inference
is reasonable that if they had been already planted in
these provinces by an active Jewish propaganda during
the Persian Period, they would have grown to some-
thing more powerful under the favourable reigns of
the earlier Ptolemies.
11
1 Isaiah' Ixv. is, as we have seen, more probably contemporary with
Haggai and Zechariah, or a little later with ‘Malachi'; and Hieronymus of
Kardia wrote towards the end of the fourth century.
2 H.G.H.L. 266 f. See also below, p. 359.
3 Stade, Gesch. ii. 198; Wellhausen, Isr. U. Jüd. Gesch. 160 ff. ; Guthe,
Gesch. 292 ; Hölscher, op. cit. 31-37.
358
Jerusalem
of the
Jewish com-
LY
Such was the small territory of which Jerusalem was
the capital. The prophet Joel, about 400 B.C., repre-
Toel's Picture sents its people as existing solely by agricul-
ture and for the worship of their God. His
munity. vivid pictures, so far as they relate to the
present, are divided between fields devastated by the
locusts and a people gathered in Șion to implore the pity
of Jahweh and to expect, one and all, the spirit of pro-
phecy. Even when he discloses the future Joel betrays
no ambition for a wide land and a great empire. It is
remarkable how content he is to promise the fertility of
Judah and the inviolableness of Jerusalem. From his
emphasis on the latter we learn that the Holy City
was full of foreigners ;1 probably her trade was still in
their hands. There had also been a selling by the
heathen of a number of young Jews into the hands of
the Greeks: a distant and, without Divine aid, an irre-
coverable captivity: 3
From 400 B.C. onwards Syria was the scene of many
military expeditions and conflicts. For more than fifty
Probable years (408-343) Egypt endeavoured to assert
her independence of Persia; and Artaxer-
Jerusalem,
circa 350 B.C. xes II. Mnemon (404-358) and Artaxerxes III.
Ochus (358-337) fought her, across the natural obstacles
which defend her from Asian invasion, with many failures
and the loss of large forces. The Persians were com-
pelled to war during part of the same time with
Evagoras of Cyprus, and those Phænician cities which
had put themselves under his protection. The gravity
of the double crisis, and its uncertainties, must have
tempted into revolt the other peoples of Palestine, and
Disasters to
1 iii. 17 (Heb. iv. 17).
3 iii. 6 (Eng. =iv. 6 Heb.).
? See above, pp. 319, 326, 339 f.
The Rest of the Persian Period
359
have embittered towards them the temper of the Persian
kings; a dynasty which, so long as their power was
secure, treated their subjects with considerable kindness.
The tides of war rolled up and down the coast of the
Levant; many of its towns were given to fire and
sword. We have two traditions that under one or other
Artaxerxes, Jerusalem became involved in these dis-
asters. On the one hand, it is stated by Syncellus,
and in the Chronicon of Eusebius, that Ochus, son of
Artaxerxes, when on a campaign against Egypt, made a
partial captivity of the Jews, of whom he settled some in
Hyrkania on the Caspian Sea, and some in Babylonia,
who are even now there, as many of the Greeks relate.'1
seems to be the same event. “The capital of Judæa
was Jerusalem, but it was destroyed; Jericho succeeded,
but it also has disappeared, having been conquered in
the war of Artaxerxes.'2 On the other hand, Josephus
records 3 that when the high-priest John, the grandson
of Nehemiah's contemporary Eliashib, slew Jesus his
brother and rival in the Temple, Bagõses, the general of
another Artaxerxes' (that is, another than Artaxerxes I.,
Longimanus), came in anger to Jerusalem, for he had
promised the high-priesthood to Jesus, forcibly entered
the Temple, and imposed on the Jews a tax of fifty
drachms for every lamb offered in the daily sacrifices.
These are the two traditions: both late, but independent
of each other. There is no reason against the substance
of either of them: that under the second or third
Eusebius, Chron., ed. Schoene, ii. 112 f. ; Syncellus, ed. Dindorf, i. 486.
Cf. Orosius, III. vii. 6 f.
2 Reinach, Textes d'Auteurs Grecs et Ronains relatifs au Judaïsme, 339,
from the Collectanea of Solinus, Mommşen's ed. 1864,
3 xi. Ant. vii. 1.
360
Jerusalem
Artaxerxes Jerusalem was punished by the Persians,
a number of Jews carried into exile (it must have
been for an actual or a threatened revolt), and the
Temple defiled by the entrance of the Persian general
The time to which these events have been assigned is
that of the campaigns of Artaxerxes Ochus from 353
onwards, especially after the defeat of the Persians in
352 by Egypt, and the consequent revolt of the Phæni-
cian states. A certain Bagõas was the Persian general
in Phænicia in 348-346. A religious revolt by the Jews,
during those disturbances in Syria when the Persian
power was shaken to its foundations, was likely; not
less probably Artaxerxes Ochus, or his general Bagoas,
punished it, as they punished the risings in Egypt and
Phoenicia, by profaning, if not destroying, the Temple,
and putting the Jews under heavier tribute. But the
Papyri discovered at Assouan state that in 411 B.C.
Bagohi was Pehah of Judah, and Iehohanan High-Priest
at Jerusalem. Professor Robertson Smith suggested
that the story in Josephus of the forcible entrance
to the Temple by Bagòses is really a pragmatical
invention in order to soften the catastrophe to the
Jews, and partly to explain it by the sin of the High-
Priest. This was accepted by Professor Cheyne, and
both scholars transferred to the campaign of Bagoas
Psalms xliv., lxxiv., and lxxvii., which had been gener-
ally regarded as Maccabean. The latter two Psalms,
1 The stratum of fact which may underlie the Book of Judith has been
referred to the same events on account of the likeness of the name Holo.
phernes to that of Orophernes, the leader at the time of a Persian army
(Diod. Siculus, xxxi. 19).
2 Above, pp. 354 f., n. 6.
3 W. R. Smith, 0.7.j.C.(2), 207, 438 ff. ; Cheyne, Introd. to Isaiah, 358
ff. On the other side see A. B. Davidson, Critical Review, 1893, 19;
A. R. S. Kennedy, Expository Times (1892), 247. Cf. Cheyne, Ib. 320.
The Rest of the Persian Period
361
however, as well as `Isaiah' Ixiv. 10, which has also
been referred to the same period, reflect a much more
disastrous attack upon both City and Temple than we
have a right to infer (in spite of Professor Robertson
Smith's theory) from the meagre data of the traditions ;
and while the passage in Isaiah is referable to the
destruction by Nebuchadrezzar,1 those in the Psalms are
possibly Maccabean, or if so late a date for them be
deemed improbable, may refer to the destruction of
Jerusalem by Ptolemy Soter.2
Whatever may have been the facts we have just dis-
cussed, and apart from the question of Jewish settle-
ments at this time in Gilead, Galilee and
Development
elsewhere, there can be no doubt that during of the
Nation
the last century of the Persian dominion
the Jewish nation developed considerably in numbers,
in resources and in institutions. As to the numbers, we
have seen that the population of Jerusalem in Nehemiah's
time proved too small for the restored City, and that a levy
was made upon the Jews of other townships to supply
what was lacking. But by the beginning of the Greek
Period we have evidence, both from the Chronicler and
other sources, that the population was comparatively
large and fairly prosperous, and that there prevailed
among them the spirit of a people which not only felt
itself worthy of its great past, but was quietly confident
of the fùture. Still, we must not suppose that the vast
numbers, in which the Chronicler indulges, are correct.
A quarter of a million would be a generous estimate for
the population of Judah at this period.
Of the development of the institutions we find evidence
1 See also above, p. 315 n. 4.
2 See below, p. 376.
362
Jerusalem
by a comparison between the Priestly Law, with which
the people started upon the century from Nehemiah
is to Alexander the Great, and the Chronicler's
Institutions. description, which may be taken as reflecting
the conditions prevalent at its close. Nehemiah had
secured for his nation the full practice of their Law, and
there is no reason to suppose that their Persian lords
seriously interfered with this. We are to conceive the
Jews, through the rest of the Persian Period, as settling
into those habits of life which ever afterwards distin-
guished them. There is a significant contrast between
the complaints of Nehemiah and some prophets imme-
diately before him about the popular neglect of the
Sabbath, and the unanimous refusal of the nation to fight
on that day, which enabled Ptolemy I., in 321, to take
Jerusalem. The observance of the Sabbath, and the
three great annual festivals, the system of sacrifices, the
application of the ritual to the routine and emergencies
of life, whether individual or national, the appointment,
duties and rights of the priests, the influence of the
High-Priest without a rival to dispute his gradual ad-
vancement to the political headship of the nation, and
the institution around him of a college of priests and
nobles, all these, organised or suggested in the Priestly
Code, must have been developed and confirmed. Of
High-Priests during the time we read of only three,2
an indication that in religious matters the Jews
and of its
1 Vol. i. 386 ff.
2 Eliashib, Nehemiah's contemporary, was succeeded by his son Ioiada;
he by his son Iohanan, according to Josephus, a contemporary of Bagoas,
the servant of Artaxerxes II. (according to the Assouan Papyrus both I. and
B. were in office in 411 B.C.); and he by his son Iaddua, a contemporary,
according to Josephus, of Alexander (xi. Ant. viii. ; cf. Neh. xii. II, 22).
The Rest of the Persian Period
363
U
were left to themselves. But while the Law was thus
carried out, and even developed, it is plain from the
Books of Chronicles that the development included a
number of features for which the Law finds no place.
Priests and Levites were divided each into twenty-four
courses; 1 the Temple singers, musicians and door-
keepers had become large and equally organised bodies,
which were recognised as of Levitical rank. The elabora-
tion of the Temple music is especially interesting. We
must not suppose that its origins were recent, or that the
Chronicler had no grounds for carrying these back to the
beginnings of the Temple itself; but when we compare
the Priestly Code with the Chronicler's descriptions
of the Temple organisation and worship, we cannot
doubt that during the century after Nehemiah the
Levitical choirs and the whole personnel of the Temple
service had been extraordinarily increased. There are
no parts of the Old Testament so impossible to date with
exactness as the vast majority of the Psalms. Yet it is
a reasonable inference, from the development of the
Jewish ritual during this age, that to the latter belong a
number of the liturgical Psalms, as well as some of those
collections of earlier hymns and their adaptation to the
Temple-service, of which so much evidence is found in
the Psalter. The Pilgrim Psalms have also been assigned
by some to the Persian age. Like everything else
ordained by the Law, the three festivals of the sacred
i i Chron. xxiii. f. ; cf. 2 Chron. xxiii. 4, 8.
2 1 Chron. xxiii. 3-5 (cf. vi. 16-48), xxvi. 1-19; 2 Chron. xx. 19. The
singers are not mentioned in the Law, and in Nehemiah they are a class
lower than the Levites, while the doorkeepers are lower still, and only 138 in
number : Neh. vii. 44 f. Cf. Wellhausen, Prolegomena, 150 ff. ; Isr. u. Jüd.
Gesch. 151 ff. ; Guthe, Gesch. des Volkes Israel, 296 f.
364
Jerusalem
year became more than ever fundamental institutions;
and Jerusalem herself--not merely the one large town
which the nation possessed, but their only valid shrine
and altar--absorbed nearly all their patriotism and reli-
gious zeal. We cannot say all, if the Song of Songs and
the Books of Jonah and of Job belong to this period.
Similarly stimulated and organised were other func-
tions of the national energy, which were also of the
Development utmost importance for the future of Jerusalem
of the Scribes. and her religion. We have seen how the
figure of 'Ezra the Scribe dominates equally with that
of Nehemiah the historical writings of the Persian
Period, and to what eminence among the people his
whole profession had attained by the beginning of the
second century2 Before 300 B.C. the Scribes, both priests
and laymen, were organised in companies or guilds.3
The Scribes were the guardians and interpreters of the
sacred writings, the scholars and canonists of their age.
First and foremost they were doctors of the Law,
declaring its meaning, developing its details, and apply-
ing them to particular cases. They rewrote-in the
Books of Chronicles-the nation's history in light of the
doctrines and institutions of the Law. They taught the
Law and the History to the people and their rulers.
The religious instruction of the nation was in their hands.
They used the Temple-Courts and the Synagogues for
this purpose. There they read and expounded the
sacred books in the hearing of the people; but besides
reasoning on the details of the Law, they composed in
.
1 Above, p. 330.
2 See the eulogy of the Scribes by the Son of Sira, Ecclesiasticus xxxviii.
24-xxxix. 12; cf. vol. i. 392, and below, pp. 386 f. 8 1 Chron. ii. 55.
The Rest of the Persian Period
365
heir wider
its praise hymns for popular use, and framed of its
ethical substance discourses of warning and consolation.
But the life of Israel had always been wider and more
rich than even the spirit of the Law expressed. The
Scribes could not be in contact with that the
life, whether as calling to them from the Sympat
" and Enter-
ancient literature of which they were masters, prises.
or as throbbing less articulately in the ethical experience
and intellectual problems of the common people of their
own day, from whom most of them were sprung, with-
out the stronger minds among them being drawn away
from the legal centre of their profession upon enterprises
more free and humane. Both their literary acumen
and their conscience as educators were greater than
was the case among the Scribes of our Lord's time.
Besides meditating on the Law of the Most High, it was
the duty of the Scribe, according to the Son of Sira, to
be occupied in prophecies, to seek out the wisdom of all
the ancients and the hidden meaning of proverbs, and to be
conversant in the dark sayings of parables.1
We cannot deny some of the development of these
interests to the Scribes of the Persian Period. The
study of the Prophets, and the feeling, be-
trayed by many alterations and additions and the Wise
to their text, of its lasting religious worth,
of its message to each new generation, which led to
the completion of the Canon of the Prophets by 250
B.C.,2 were already operative. The Scribes of the
Persian Period worked with the great horizons of the
Prophets before them, and in touch with the passion
and originality of the Prophets ethics. But besides
1 Ecclesiasticus xxxix. 1-3.
? Or, at the latest, 200 B.C.
Men.
366
Jerusalem
the Priests and the Prophets there had been in the
nation, at least since Jeremiah's time, another de-
finite class of active minds, the Wise Men. Not at all
concerned with the ritual and little with the national
interests of Israel's faith, they occupied themselves with
the general elements of religion, and were more free to
develop that Scepticism which we found originating
among the Prophets themselves. From these Wise Men
it is not possible, with Ben Sira's words before us, to dis-
tinguish part at least of the Scribal profession. But
whether it was Scribes during the Persian Period, or the
Wise Men of an earlier age, who produced such works
as the Book of Job and certain Psalms on the problems
of life and immortality; or whether the powers of syn-
thesis and imagination evinced in the Prologue to the
Book of Proverbs are to be assigned to the Persian or
to the Greek period—are questions which we are without
the material to answer. The collections of Proverbs and
dark sayings of parables which that Prologue introduces
must have had a very early origin, but probably were
not complete till the Greek period. We can hardly doubt
that the Scribes of the Persian age had a share in the
formation of them.
1 Jer. xviii. 18.
2 For example, in Jeremiah and Habakkuk.
CHAPTER XV
THE JEW AND THE GREEK
332-168 B.C.
met Greek.
N F all the movements of history, none are more fitted
to attract our curiosity than those by which Jew
and Greek first came into contact: when When Tew
the minds were confronted and the spiritual met
heritages began to be exchanged, whose concurrence and
interaction were destined to exercise so enormous an
influence upon civilisation. The first attitudes of the
two races to each other : their recognition of a common
temper, their earliest criticisms, and their gradual dis-
covery of an antagonism between their principles, all
took place in Egypt and Syria under Alexander the
Great and his successors--the period of the history of
Jerusalem which we have now reached. But the early
promises of this intimacy, and the gradual approaches to
it, are also of interest. I may summarise them in a
paragraph, but I must leave the details, so far as they
have been discovered, to another occasion."
I. BEFORE ALEXANDER THE GREAT.
Representatives of the ancient civilisations of Mycenæ
1 I regret that I have not space for an Appendix I had prepared giving
these details in full. ,
367
368
Jerusalem
and Crete, men of Greek race from the isles and coasts of
Earliest Con-
the Ægean, found their way to Egypt in very
tacts of early times, and formed settlements on the
Greeks with
Egypt and Delta and in south-western Palestine. The
W. Asia.
Israel of Saul and David encountered them
in the Philistines, and some of their adventurers consti-
tuted the royal bodyguard in Jerusalem. It is probable
that a few of their military and political terms passed
into Hebrew and appear in the Old Testament. But
for such earlier movements we await the clearer light
which is promised from the excavations in Crete and at
Gezer. More discernible are fresh settlements of Greek
traders on the Delta from 700 onwards, and the enlist-
ment of Greek mercenaries by Psametik about 660.
During the following century both of these classes in-
creased, and the Jewish refugees to Egypt in 586 must
have come into contact with them. We know of Greeks
in the court or army of Nebuchadrezzar (604-561),
acquaintance with whom can hardly have been missed
by some of his captives from Jerusalem. The Phoenicians
had for centuries been in communication with Greek
lands and peoples. And finally, there was the long war
between the Greeks and the Persian masters of the Jews,
499-449.
It is in writings of the Babylonian and Persian periods
that we find the first Hebrew references to Greeks under
arliest the name Iawan: that is Ionian, spelt with
Hebrew to
the original digamma. Ezekiel mentions
them among the traffickers with Tyre in
slaves and bronze. The Priestly Document names
1 Ezek. xxvii. 13. The reference to lawan in 19 is doubtful; the text is
not certain
References in
the Greeks,
S
ames
The Tew and the Greek
369
Greek Refer-
Iawan as a son of Japhet and father of the western
peoples, or settlements, of Elisha (Sicily or Carthage),
Tarshish (most probably in Spain), Kittim or Cyprus,
and the Rodanim or Rhodians.1 To a post-exilic prophet
lawan is a coastland afar off, which has not heard of the
fame of the God of Israel ; 2 and about 400 Joel (as we
have seen) speaks of sons of Judah and Jerusalem who
were sold by the Phænicians to the sons of the Iěwanîm.3
But remote as the Greeks still appear in Jewish litera-
ture, the Jews are even less distinguishable in Greek
writings of the same period. It is doubtful Earliest
whether the fragment quoted by Josephus era
from the fifth-century poet Choerilos actually Jews.
refers to them ;4 if it does, it shows knowledge neither
of their name nor of their characteristics. Herodotus,
who was acquainted with some of the peoples of Syria,5
does not mention Jerusalem or Judah, and, more strangely,
takes no notice of the Jewish settlements in Egypt.
In the works of Aristotle there is no mention of the
Jews, not even when he touches with reserve upon a
report which he heard of the Dead Sea. But a pupil of
his, Clearchus of Soli,? quotes him as describing a Jew
whom he had met in Asia Minor, and who had evidently
contributed some authentic information about the people,
for Clearchus is the only Greek writer who gives an exact
transliteration of the name of Jerusalem.3 Adopting a
fashion in which his countrymen rapidly became expert,
the Jew had emphasised or exaggerated the resemblance
1 Gen. x. 2, 4. Cf. i Chron. i. 5, 7.
3 Joel iii. 6 (Eng.=iv. 6 Heb.).
5 Hist. ii. 104.
? In Josephus, C. Apion. i. 22.
VOL. II.
2 Isa.' lxvi. 19.
& See vol. i. 262.
6 Meteor. II. iii. 39.
8 Vol. i. 260.
2 A
370
Jerusalem
between the principles of his religion and those of the
illuminated Greeks to whom he was talking. Clearchus
calls the Jews 'the philosophers of the Syrians,' and with
the perspective of a distant observer of the East, derives
them from the 'Kalanoi'or philosophers of India.' This
Jew, then, talked Greek, and understood the sympathies
of his Greek interrogants. But it is implied that he was
the first of his kind in their experience, which (we must
remember) already included the beginnings of trade with
the Further East; and his information apparently left
them unconscious of the separate polity of the Jews
among the peoples of Syria. In Egypt the Greek
ignorance of the Jews, the mutual sense of remoteness
between the two races, cannot have been so great. They
had been in contact on the Delta since 600, and must
have discovered to each other something of their re-
spective qualities and institutions.
2. ALEXANDER AND THE JEWS: 332-323 B.C.
Alexander's
In any case a very great difference in the relations of
the two races was effected by the Asian conquests of
der's Alexander, and by the policy which his suc-
Asian Policy. cessors believed he had bequeathed to them.
These not only brought Jews and Greeks together in
the comradeships and rivalries of endless campaigns, but
surrounded Judah with a host of Greek communities,
and drew her people abroad into residence and citizen-
ship all over the Greek world. Whatever may have been
1 It is possible, from the date of Clearchus, that the incident he reports
fell not before but after Alexander's invasion ; yet this would only make the
incident still more significant of the Greek world's ignorance of the Jews.
The Jew and the Greek
371
the motives from which his father designed and he
embarked upon the war against Persia, there is no
doubt that Alexander developed, and that his successors,
but especially the Seleucids, accepted, the ambition of
Hellenising the East, or, more exactly, of founding an
empire which should enlist all the virtues and energies
of Asian life, but organise them in a system and with a
· spirit that were Greek. There is one essential resem-
blance between Alexander's invasion of the East and
Napoleon's. Besides the military ambitions which in-
spired them, both expeditions felt the impulses of in-
tellectual revolutions which had liberated the minds of
their leaders from at least the forms of their national
religions, and had sent them forward ready to sympathise
with many elements in the civilisations they came to
conquer. In Alexander's army, and still more among
the Greeks who thronged into Asia behind it, there were
numbers of philosophic Greeks who, as appears from the
story of Clearchus, were eager to discover among the bar-
barians resemblances to their own intellectual tempers.
But of all the peoples of Western Asia none, as we shall
see, were more fitted to satisfy this desire than the Jews.3
i Polybius, iii. 6, defines the cause as the discovery, in the expeditions of
Xenophon and Agesilaus, of the cowardice and inefficiency of the Persians;
and the pretext the desire to avenge the injuries inflicted by Persia on
Greece. There was also the avowed intention of freeing the Greek cities in
Asia. But the pupil of Aristotle doubtless already cherished the aims which
he afterwards developed, of Hellenising the Asiatics. It is even reported
that he rejected Aristotle's advice to treat the Greeks as masters and the
peoples he subdued as slaves, and expressed the hope of uniting victors and
vanquished, without distinctions, in one commonwealth (Plutarch, Mor.,
On the Fortune of Alexander').
On the Seleucid policy, Ramsay, Cities of St. Paul, 181 ff.
3 The ancient authorities for this period are the historians of Alexander's
· expedition; the Greek writers from about 300 onwards who have left notices
.372
Jerusalem
By 331 Alexander had overthrown the Persian Empire
and established his own in Western Asia. He had
besieged and taken Tyre (333-332), had
His Arrival
in Syria,
333 B.C.,
taken Gaza, had been welcomed in Egypt
and founded Alexandria, had returned through Palestine
and finally defeated Darius at Arbela. Josephus relates
that the High-Priest Jaddua, because of his oath of
fealty to the Persians, refused to obey the conqueror's
summons from Tyre; that to punish him Alexander
marched on Jerusalem from Gaza, and Jaddua, being
instructed of God in a dream, went to meet him at
Sapha, arrayed in the robes of his office and the mitre
with the sacred Name; and that, to the astonishment of
his generals, Alexander immediately saluted the solemn
Visit to
h he recognised one who had appeared to him
Terusalem,
332.
in a dream in Macedonia and inspired him
to march against the Persians. The conclusion of the
of the Jews (collected by Th. Reinach, Textes d'Auteurs Grecs et Romains
relatifs au Judaïsme, 1895), fragments of Diodorus Siculus, Polybius and
Appian; and of Jewish writers Daniel vii. ff., Ecclesiasticus, 1 Maccabees i.,
2 Macc. i.-vii., Josephus, Contra Apionem and Antiquities XI. viii.-XII. V.
Of moderns these will be found useful :-0. Holtzmann in Stade's Gesch.
des Volkes Israel, vol. ii. pt. ii. pp. 273 ff. (1888); J. Wellhausen, Isr, u.
Jüd. Gesch. ch. xvi. (1888, 4th ed. 1901); Schurer, Gesch. des Jüd. Volkes
(3rd ed. 1901); Mahaffy, Greek Life from Alexander to the Roman Conquest
(1887), Greek World under Roman Sway (1890), and Empire of the
Ptolemies (1895); H. Willrich, Juden u. Griechen vor der Makkabäischen
Erhebung (1895); A. Büchler, Die Tobiaden u. die Oniaden (1899); G.
Hölscher, Pal. in der Pers. u. Hellenistichen Zeit (1903); A. Schlatter,
Gesch. Israels von Alex. dem Grossen bis Hadrian (2nd ed. 1906); E. R.
Bevan, The House of Seleucus. Consult also W. R. Ramsay, Cities of St.
Paul (1907), Schürer's art. "Diaspora' in Hastings' D.B., extra vol., and
H. Guthe's art. “Dispersion' in the Enc. Bibl.
1 The passage of the Granicus rendered Alexander master of the Greek
colonies; the battle of Issus gave him Tyre and Egypt; the battle of Arbela
gave him the whole earth.'-Montesquieu, Esprit des Lois, x. 14.
The Jew and the Greek
373
story is that Alexander went with the High-Priest into
the Temple, offered sacrifices, was shown the prophecies
of Daniel concerning himself, and gave permission to the
Jews, not only of Judah but of Media and Babylonia, to
live under their own laws. The whole of this narrative
has a legendary appearance, its geographical data are
difficult, its chronology is mixed up with that of San-
ballat, the contemporary of Nehemiah; and no other
writer even hints that Jerusalem was visited by Alex-
ander.2 Some recollection of such a visit would surely
have been preserved by other Jews. As it is, Alexander
appears by name in only one Jewish book,3 and neither
there nor in the prophecies of Daniel is there a sugges-
tion of any contact between him and Jerusalem, or of
special treatment of the Jews in his policy. Had he and
his officers enjoyed a close acquaintance with the Temple,
its ceremonies and its books, some effects of This im-
this would have been visible in the histories of probable.
his expedition, or in the writings of those Greeks who
soon began to take an interest in Jerusalem. Their
silence rather implies that Alexander and his army left
i Jos. xi. Ant. viii. 3-5.
2 If Alexander went from Gaza to Jerusalem, it is curious that Jaddua
should have met him at Sapha, for this, 'from which there is a prospect
both of Jerusalem and the Temple,' can only be Scopus on the northern ap-
proach to the City; yet compare below the tradition of his capture of
Samaria. Arrian, Anab. of Alex. iii. 1, states that Alexander went 'in
seven days' from Gaza to Pelusium, as if his march into Egypt followed im-
mediately upon his capture of Gaza. Justin, in his epitome of Trogus
Pompeius, xi. Io, says 'many kings wearing fillets met him'; but Curtius,
iv. 5, adds that'he visited some cities who as yet refused the yoke of his
government.' The prophecies of Daniel, as we have them, were not yet
written.
3 1 Macc. i. 1-8; vi. 2.
4 Which describe his visit to Gordium after the battle of Issus, his relations
with the oracle of Ammon, and his care for the worship of Bel at Babylon.
374
Jerusalem
Palestine unaware of the distinctive customs of the
inhabitants of Jerusalem. All that is probable is that,
with the other chiefs wearing fillets,' whom Justin
mentions, the High-Priest made his submission to the
conqueror; and that Alexander confirmed the people in
the practice of their own laws. At least no grudge
against him is expressed in Jewish literature, which
only records that after his overthrow of the Persian
empire and his slaughter of the kings of the earth, the
earth was quiet before him. Acredible tradition says
that he settled Macedonians in Samaria,4 the only capital
of ancient Israel on the western watershed. Omri had
chosen the site in pursuance of his Phænician policy,
and Herod, with his further western outlook, was to
rebuild it before constructing his new port of Cæsarea.
Near the natural centre of the land, but in sight of the
sea, there was no fitter capital for the Greek authorities
in Palestine. 5 Jerusalem would have been of far less
use to them. But it is probable that Jews entered the
army of Alexander, and certain that a number settled
? See previous page, n. 2.
2 Cf. Schlatter, p. 8.
3 1 Macc. i. 3. The prophecies of Daniel emphasise the destructive force
of his conquests, but similarly do not attribute to him any oppression of the
Jews. Wellhausen, pp. 182 f. n. I, assigns to the time of his conquests
Psalm xlvi., which reflects a disturbance of the whole earth, the overthrow
of the heathen not at, but away from, Jerusalem, and the inauguration of a
great peace. 'An Alexander konnten in der Tat eben so grosse Hoffnungen
geknüpft werden wie an Cyrus und die Begrüssung wäre seiner und nur seiner
wert.
4 Eusebius, Chron., ed. Schoene, ii. 114. See also below, p. 376.
6 We must clearly distinguish between the town Samaria, the Greek
capital, and the surrounding country of Samaria, from which the Samaritans
derived their Greek name. The latter had nothing to do with the town
Samaria ; their centre, however, was an hour and a half distant in Shechem
and on Mount Gerizim. The two are easily confounded, as by Mahaffy,
Greek World under Ronian Sway, 43 f.
6 Hecatæus, quoted by Josephus, C. Apion. i. 22.
The Jew and the Greek
375
in his new foundation of Alexandria. We may believe
that with the versatility of their race, who knew how
to make themselves useful to each fresh conqueror,
individual Jews assisted his officers with the collection
of the tribute and furnished him with supplies and infor-
mation. Like the Ptolemies after him, Alexander would
find among the Jews of Egypt men at once acquainted
with his own tongue and familiar with the social condi-
tions of Palestine. These are the probable
facts, but the story of his visit to Jerusalem behind the
embodies also this truth, that the illuminated
Greeks who thronged to Syria with him or in his wake,
soon discovered a sympathy between themselves and the
equally versatile Jews. Looking back from a later period,
Hellenised Jews remembered what Alexander had done
for them, and invented the story that it was their own
High-Priest who had appeared to the King in Macedonia
with the appeal: ‘Come over to Asia and help us.'
The Truth
d.
3. WARS OF THE PTOLEMIES AND SELEUCIDS
FOR PALESTINE: 323-198 B.C.
On Alexander's death in 323 peace was again dis-
turbed. His servants bare rule each in his place; they did
all put on diadems after he was dead, and the immedi-
so did their sons after them many years; and a
u of Alexander,
they multiplied evils upon the earth.2 Perdiccas 323-320.
took charge of affairs at Babylon, Antigonus obtained
' Asia,' Ptolemy, son of Lagus, seized Egypt. Among
e. and ate Successors
1 Mahafly, Greek Life, ch. XX., says that Alexander got valuable informa-
tion from Jews about the interior of Asia.
2 1 Macc. i. 8, 9,
376
Jerusalem
these rival heirs of Alexander and their successors
Palestine lay, as from the beginning it had lain between
the empires of Mesopotamia and the Nile, the highway of
their wars, the prey of their rival ambitions. Perdiccas
appears to have been its first master. He is said to have
rebuilt or fortified Samaria, and he invaded Egypt; but,
being repulsed, he was slain by his officers, and Seleucus
succeeded him in 321. In this year Ptolemy invaded
Palestine, and is said to have seized Jerusalem, for what
reason is not apparent. Disturbances may have arisen
between the Jews and Samaritans ;2 or either or both may
have chosen to keep their allegiance to the northern Greeks.
In any case there is nothing in the circumstances of the
time to move us to doubt the story. Josephus says
that Ptolemy came to the City on a Sabbath, as if to
sacrifice, and took the Jews by surprise ; but
Assault on
Jerusalem by he quotes Agatharchides to the effect that
Ptolemy 1. th
the Jews desisted from fighting because it
was the Sabbath.3 Ptolemy led a large number of the
nation captive to Egypt; and of his treatment of Jeru-
salem herself Appian uses a term which may denote either
that he'destroyed' or 'reduced’her. In the former case
it would be possible to refer to the disaster some of
the Psalms usually assigned either to evils inflicted by
Artaxerxes Ochus about 350, or to those by Antiochus
Epiphanes in 168.5
Seleucus was obliged to flee from Babylon before
1 Eusebius, as above.
2 Who (as explained on p. 374 n. 5) had nothing to do with the now Greek
Samaria, but had their centre four or five miles from it on Mount Gerizim.
3 Jos. xii. Ant. i.; C. Apion, i. 22.
4 Kaippukel: Syr. 50.
6 See above, p. 359, and below, p. 434 f.
The Jew and the Greek
377
301.
Antigonus, and found refuge with Ptolemy. In 314 Anti-
gonus occupied Palestine, but in 312 his army
Jerusalem
was defeated by Ptolemy, whose fleet Seleucus aloof from the
subsequent
commanded. Seleucus re-entered Babylon, struggles,
and therefore from 312 the Seleucid era was 32
started, upon which by the peoples of Palestine the
years were dated down to, and in part after, the arrival
of the Romans. Ptolemy held Palestine for only a year,
when it again passed to Antigonus. In 306 the latter's
son Demetrius defeated the Egyptian fleet and took
Cyprus. But in 301 Antigonus fell at Ipsus before a
fresh coalition of his Greek rivals, and (though till about
285 Demetrius held sway over Tyre, Şidon and the sea)
Seleucus took northern Syria and Ptolemy regained
Palestine. All these struggles for the possession of
Palestine appear to have been limited to the sea-board
and to Samaria, which was twice captured and once
destroyed. Jerusalem lay aloof from the path and the main
interest of the campaigners, experiencing only rapid
changes in the direction in which her High-Priest had to
despatch the national tribute. It is possible that the
two fine prophecies 'Zechariah’ix.-xi. and xii.-xiv. date
from these disturbances; but, while both are post-exilic
and apparently of the Greek period, we cannot give them
an exact date.
The story of Alexander's conquests and of the fortunes
of his immediate successors will have made the
clear to us the change that has come over Disposition of
Jerusalem's
the political world of Jerusalem. This had World.
been wonderfully anticipated by the Prophets of the Exile
For the course of them see Diod. Sic. xix. ; the fragments assigned to
Hecatæus in Jos., C. Apion. i. 22; Appian, Syr. 53 ff.; and Eusebius, Chron.
new
378
Jerusalem
and of the following century, in their outlook upon the
isles and coasts of the Mediterranean and in their vision
of Jerusalem on the sea, radiant with its light and with
the new hopes that were dawning across it. The old
political centres have passed away-Nineveh, Babylon,
Shushan. The centre of gravity, if we may speak of
such a thing in a condition of affairs still so unstable, has
moved to the west, and the sovereignty of Palestine is
decided on the sea as well as on the land. Alexandria
has been founded and Babylon replaced as a centre both
of trade and of culture. Palestine still lies, as of old,
between an Egyptian power and one sufficiently in
possession of the ancient Asiatic centres to be called by
the name of Assyria. But both powers are Greek; with
Eastern ambitions indeed, yet of an inspiration and
resources that are largely of the West. Even the
internal arrangements of Palestine have felt the fact
in the fixing of the local centre of authority in the
seaward Samaria.?
By seizing Egypt Ptolemy obtained what for the time
was the best share of his master's empire, because not
The Ptolemies only
only did it include Alexandria, with the
trade from the Red Sea and the issues to
the Greek Europe, but because the whole land lay apart,
Dynasties,
entrenched by sea and desert from all his
rivals, whose domains were not secluded from each other
by any such barriers. Hence Ptolemy's kingdom and
and at first dynasty remained the most stable of the
con powers into which Alexander's empire was
of Palestine. divided ; and hence, too, they were at first
the most constant masters of Palestine. During the
* See above, pp. 322 f.
the most
stable of
2 See above, p. 374.
the most con-
stant Masters
The Jew and the Greek
379
nevit.
next century, 301 to 198, they held it with but few
interruptions. Jerusalem lay under Egyptian rule, and
Alexandria was the centre of her world.
But when, about 300, Seleucus mastered his other
rivals, and under the same attraction to the Medi-
terranean established a capital at Antioch Their
on the Orontes, with a port at Seleucia, he able replace-
ment by the
ensured for Palestine, at however distant a Seleucids.
date, a change to the north in her unchanging servitude
to foreign lords. For the country which, instead of
Mesopotamia, Seleucus made the centre of his kingdom-
the country which lies between the Euphrates and the
Lebanons, and which received the distinctive name of
Seleucis—is not separated 1 from Palestine, as Egypt is,
by a great stretch of desert. Palestine belongs with it
to the same physical system, and neither Seleucus nor
his successors ever resigned their claims to the whole of
this. From 264 to 248 they fought for Palestine with
the second Ptolemy, Philadelphus (285-246), and, after
a short peace, with Ptolemy III., Euergetes (246-221).
He not only held his own but overran Seleucis to its
limit, the Euphrates; and in particular Seleucia, the port
i The southern boundary of Seleucis was held to be the river Eleutherus,
north of Beyrout: so Strabo, xvi. ch. II S 12 (quoting Posidonius?); cf.
Hölscher, op. cit. 51-55.
2 This is made clear in Polybius v. 67, on the debate at Seleucia between
Antiochus III, and Ptolemy IV. (218 B.C.) as to which was the legitimate heir
to Coelesyria. The elastic name of Coelesyria was given at this time to all
Palestine from the Lebanons southward; Hölscher (op. cit. 51-55) argues that
it consisted of four satrapies, Idumæa, Samaria, Phænicia, and probably
Coelesyria in the narrower sense of the name. Idumæa is placed among the
satrapies of Seleucus in Diod. Sic. xix. 95, 98, which, as based on the nearly
contemporary evidence of Hieronymus of Kardia, is proof that Seleucus
regarded all Coelesyria in the broader sense (even its most southern province
of Idumæa) as constituting part of his kingdom.
380
Jerusalem
of Antioch, remained Egyptian till 220. Meantime
Antiochus III., the Great (223-187), had come to the
Seleucid throne and imagined that he saw a weaker
Ptolemy, Ptolemy IV. (221-204), succeed to that of Egypt.
Antiochus overran Palestine in 218, but next year was
beaten back at Raphia, a historic battlefield between Asia
and Africa, on the desert road south of Gaza. The
fifth Ptolemy, Epiphanes (204-181), was a child at the
date of his accession, and Antiochus had become a great
conqueror. In 202 he ventured once more into Palestine,
but in 200 Scopas recovered it for Egypt. This was for
the last time. In 198 Antiochus defeated Scopas at
Paneas and took Şidon, Samaria, and other cities of
Coelesyria. The Jews welcomed him with his elephants to
Jerusalem, and helped him to besiege the Egyptian garri-
son in the Akra. Josephus produces certain alleged letters
and a decree of Antiochus recounting the services of the
Jews to himself, honouring their · Temple and remitting,
much of their tribute.l Thus the Jews exchanged the
sovereignty of the Greek Ptolemies for that of the Greek
Seleucids. If it be true that they welcomed the latter,
they were speedily disappointed. The Syrian taxes
became heavier than those of Egypt had been, and the
Syrian persecutions led to the destruction of the Temple
in 168, and the subsequent wars for religious and
political liberty. .
4. JERUSALEM AND JUDAH UNDER THE GREEKS.
During this period the territory which Jerusalem
commanded was little larger than that which we traced
1 Jos. xii. Ant. iii. 3 f. ; see vol. i. 392 f. On the preceding events see,
besides Josephus, Polybius v. 68 ff. ; xvi. 18; xxviii. I; Daniel xi. 10-19.
The Jew and the Greek
381
as Jewish under the Persians. The northern frontier
against the Samaritans was uncertain, but it crossed the
watershed beyond Bethel.2 Under Jonathan, The Territory
Emmaus, Beth-horon, Bethel and Timnath Of Jerusalem.
were in Judah ;3 but Aphairema, Lydda and Ramathaim
were Samaritan nomoi or toparchies. Probably all of
these places had long been in debate between the Jews
and the Samaritans. On the west the border was pro-
bably the line between the Shephelah and the range of
Judah. The territory of the Philistine cities, now
largely Phænician and Hellenised, came inland as far as
'Eşron and that outpost of the Shephelah, Gezer, some
nineteen miles from Jerusalem. Emmaus, the present
‘Amwâs, nearly fifteen miles from Jerusalem, was in
Judah. The southern border crossed the Judæan range
between Beth-şûr and Hebron. The former, probably
the modern Burj- or Beit-şûr, some fifteen miles south
of Jerusalem and four north of Hebron, was Jewish ; 8
Hebron and Mareshah, or Marissa, had been taken by the
Idumeans, but the latter, on the highroad from the coast,
became Hellenised. On the east, Tekoa' and its pastures
were Jewish; but Engedi probably still went with Hebron,
though Jonathan and Simon found a refuge close to
i See above, pp. 354 ff.
2 HG,H.L. 252 .
3 1 Macc. ix. 50.
4 Id. xi. 28, 34; xiii. Ant. iv. 9.
5 In 'Amwâs (Emmaus) was found a bilingual inscription in Samaritan
and Greek; Cl.-Ganneau, Arch. Res. i. 484; "Zechariah'xiv, io gives the
northmost Jewish town as Geba'.
6 H.G.H.L. 205 f.
7 With Tyre and Şidon, Ashkelon, Gaza, 'Ekron and Ashdod are mentioned
in “Zech.' ix. 2-5; their people are called Philistine; but mamzer, mongrel
or hybrid race is the name given to the people of Ashdod. 'Ekron became
Jewish under Jonathan, i Macc. x. 88 f., Gezer under Simon, id. xiii. 43 ff.
8 Neh. iii. 16; 1 Macc. iv. 28 ff. (Lysias invades Judah at Bethsura), 61.
9 See below, p. 388; also H.G.H.L. 233.
382
Jerusalem
it at the Pool of Asphar.1 Jericho, and even the flanks
of Ephraim to the north-west of Jericho, may also have
become Idumean. The territory of Jerusalem was
thus confined to the hills, and within these covered only
part of the ancient Judah, or not thirty miles north
and south by little over twenty east and west.3 To the
Greek writers of the period it is Jerusalem and little else.
They call Solomon'king of Jerusalem’; 4 the Jews'those
who dwell about the sanctuary called Hierosolyma';5
Judæa 'the places round Hierosolyma.'8 What a speck
it must have seemed to the Greeks who had pushed
their conquests as far as the Indus—what a speck, and
how aloof!
11 Macc. ix. 33 ; probably Bir Selhub (Robinson, B.R. ii. 202), a little
S.W. of Engedi, the hills round which still bear the name Sufra (I have
suggested this identification in the Enc. Bib., art. 'Asphar') rather than the
cistern ez-Za'ferâneh (suggested by Buhl, G.A.P. 158), the letters of which
name do not correspond to Asphar, while the site is too near the W. edge of
the desert.
2 In 1 Macc. v. 3 Judas is said to have fought the children of Esau in
Judah for Akrabattene, for they surrounded Israel. If the reading in the
Codices x and V, of Idumea for Judæa, be correct, then Akrabattene is the
district about the ascent of Akrabbim (Num. xxxiv. 4, etc.), the steep approach
from the 'Arabah, south of the Dead Sea, towards Hebron. But a separate
campaign by Judas against the Idumeans of the south is recorded later,
verses 65-68 ; and this first Idumean campaign of Judas is associated with
another against the sons of Baean, from whom Judas passed over (? the Jordan)
to 'Ammon and his campaigns in Gilead and Bashan (verses 4 ff.). There is
therefore some reason for taking Akrabattene as the Judæan toparchy men.
tioned by Josephus (ii. B.J. xx. 4, xxii. 2; iii. B.J. iii. 4 f. ; iv. B.J. ix. 3 f.
9), which lay next to, and probably S. and E. of, Gophna. This would ex-
plain the expression that the Idumeans surrounded Israel. So Ewald, and
lately also Hölscher, op. cit. pp. 69 ff.
3 A fragment attributed to Hecatæus (see p. 384 n. I) states its extent
at three millions of arourae (Egyptian acres), about two millions forty
thousand English acres.
4 Dios and Menander (of Ephesus) about 275, quoted in C. Apion. i. 17 f.;
Manetho (in the same century) hardly speaks of Jewish territory beyond
Jerusalem, C. Apion. i. 26 ff.
5 Polybius xvi. 39, in Jos, xii. Ant. iii. 3. Diod. Sic. xxxiv. 1, 2,
The Jew and the Greek
383
Under the mild rule of the Ptolemies, and until
Antiochus III. began his invasions of Palestine, Jeru-
salem enjoyed an unbroken peace. The prosperity of
country was properly cultivated, commerce the Jews.
We under the
was secure, and in the management of the Ptolemies.
national tribute the ruling families had opportunities
of finance which augmented the wealth of the City.2
Ptolemy II. is said to have restored the 120,000 Jews
whom his father deported to Egypt.3 There must have
been a considerable increase of the vigorous and fertile
population and of their various energies ; for we shall
see that large emigrations became possible. The
dominant features of the national life continued to be
the Temple and its worship. The Ptolemies did not
interfere with these, but, on the contrary, if later stories
be true, they encouraged and fostered them. For all
this prosperity we have evidence both from the begin-
ning and the end of the period. The earliest Greek
writer who has accurate information about the Jews,
Hecatæus of Abdera, about 300 B.C., affirms Evic
their fertility, and details their wise and from
vigorous organisation. Another writing of 6. 300,
the period, also ascribed to Hecatæus and at least
using his materials, enlarges upon the agriculture
of Judah and the strength of Jerusalem. It gives
a description of the City with a population, it
says, of 120,000, a possible but hardly a probable
1 See above, p. 380; cf. Jos. xii. Ant. iii. 3.
2 Vol. i. 368; Jos. xii. Ant. iv.
3 Jos. xii. Ant. ii. 1 ; C. Apion, i. 22.
4 For a list of such stories see below, p. 392 n. 3.
G'Ael to yévos Tv ’Iovoulwv útPxe zolvávo pwmov. On what he says of the
number, the revenues and the political influence of the priests, and the absolute
supremacy of the High-Priest, see vol. i. 389 f.
Hecatæus,
384
Jerusalem
figure; of the Temple enceinte with double cloisters;
of the Altar of Burnt-offering; and of the Sanctuary
with the Golden Altar and Lamp, but no image nor
anything planted, neither groves nor anything of that
kind.' 1
By the end of the period the evidence is more
lavish and emphatic ;? but that furnished by Jesus Ben
Sira is of itself sufficient for our purpose.
and from
Ben Sira.
Throughout, Ben Sira's book reflects a quiet
and a prosperous community with a developed civil-
isation. The land is secure and settled. A hedge is
enough for the defence of property. If a man is home-
curity and less he is suspect --- who will trust a man
Comfort of that hath no nest and lodgeth wherever he
Life in
Judah. findeth himself at nightfall ?3 Agriculture is
unharassed: he that tilleth his land shall raise high his
heap.4 Great travail is created for every man and a heavy
yoke is on the sons of Adam. Fears, strifes and disappoint-
ments await them; but all bribery and injustice shall be
Sa
1 It is by no means certain that this evidence is not from Hecatæus of
Abdera himself. The latter wrote a history of Egypt, from which the first
fragment quoted above has been preserved in Diodorus Siculus, xl. 3. Two
other works circulated under his name concerning the Jews, and concerning
Abraham. The latter, cited by Jos. i. Ant. vii. 2 and Clem. Alex. Strom.
v. 14, is not genuine. But that on the Jews, used by Josephus in C. Apion.
i. 22, from which this second piece of evidence given above is taken, may
quite well be genuine. All fragments ascribed to Hecatæus are given by
Müller, Frag. Histor. Graec. ii. 384-96. Reinach gives the fragment through
Diodorus alone to Hecatæus (T'extes . . . relatifs au Judaïsme, 14 ff.), the
rest under Pseudo-Hecatæus (227 ff.). On the whole question see Schürer,
Gesch.(3) ii. $ 33, and Schlatter's note, Gesch. 31, 318.
2 Particularly so if we take the date of the Letter of Aristeas as about
200 : see next chapter.
3 xxxvi. 25 f.
4 xx. 28: there are several references to agriculture, e.g. xxxiii. 16;
xxxviii. 25.
The Jew and the Greek
385
blotted out and good faith shall stand for ever. The life
of one that laboureth and is content shall be made sweet.
Children and the building of a city establish a name,
And a blameless wife is reckoned above both.
Wine and music rejoice the heart,
And the love of wisdom is above both.
The pipe and the psaltery make pleasant melody,
And a pleasant tongue is above both.
Thine eye shall desire grace and beauty,
But above both the green blade of corn.
Gold and silver will make the foot stand sure,
And counsel is esteemed above them both.
Riches and inheritance will lift up the heart,
And the fear of the Lord is above both.1
Zechariah's promise of a full population and a secure
old age has at last come to pass. Ben Sira dwells on
the beauty of the aged and their wisdom : as the lamp
that shineth on the holy candlestick, so is the beauty of the
face in ripe age.3 Jerusalem is a large and a carefully
organised City. The Book reflects crowds ; professions
and industries; a wide commerce; assemblies and courts;
rumour, intrigue, slander, mob-law and dema-
Size and
gogues; the sins of harlotry and drunken- Business of
Jerusalem.
ness. There are temptations on the one hande
to depression in the crowd-say not I am hidden from
the Lord ... I am not known among so many people and
on the other to the dissipation of one's energies among
manifold interests—winnow not with every wind, nor walk
in every path. No detail of the topography of the City is
given; but those who have built and fortified are remem-
bered with their works. We hear of one great builder
1 xl. 1-26.
2 See above, pp. 304, 314.
3 xviii. 9; xxv. 3 ff. ; xxvi. 17 ; cf. xlii. 8, etc.
4 xvi. 17; v. 9; for the rest of the above see especially iii. -v., vii., ix.,
xxiii., xxv. ff., xxxviii.
5 xlvii. 13 ; xlviii. 17; xlix. 12 f. ; 1. I ff.
VOL. II.
2 B
386
Jerusalem
within the period itself: Simon, son of Johanan (Onias)
-either Simon I., son of Johanan I., about
Fortification
of the City 310-290, or Simon II., son of Johanan II., about
and Temple.
218-1981_who repaired the House and forti-
fied the Temple, building reservoirs and lofty substructures
for the sacred platform ; who took thought for his people
against the spoiler, and strengthened the City against
siege. As significant are the references to its pavements
and battlements; the timber girt and bound into a building
which cannot be shaken and the ornaments of plaster on a
polished wall, which are used as illustrations by the writer.3
There is no talk of breaches, of dilapidation or of the need
of rebuilding; the City is compact, embellished, secure.
All the developments of ritual, all the sacred studies
and literary habits which we have traced through
the Persian period, continued in Jerusalem under the
Ptolemies. Ben Sira describes the glory of the national
worship, when Simon came forth before the priests and
the congregation, and the sons of Aaron sounded the
Glory of trumpets of beaten work and made a great
the Worship. noise, to be heard for a remembrance before the
Most High, while the people together hasted and fell down
on their faces to worship their Lord, the Almighty God
Most High; the singers also praised Him with their
voices, in the whole House was there made sweet melody.4
But, as we have seen, it is the growing influence of the
Scribes to which Ben Sira chiefly bears witness. By
2505_when also the Law was translated into Greek-
1 On the evidence which leaves us in doubt see Toy, Enc. Bibl. 1170 f.
He inclines to Simon II., but there is much to be said for the other.
2 1. 4 (see vol. i. 391 n. 3); the text is uncertain, but the above data are clear.
3 xx. 18; ix, 13 ; xxii 16; cf. xxi. 8 ; xxvii. 2 ; xxxiv. 23, etc.
* l. 5-21 ; cf. vii. 29 ff. on duties to the priests.
5 Or 200.
The Jew and the Greek
387
Mind.
they had completed and closed the canon of the
Prophets, but were busy too with the wisdom of all
the ancients, the hidden meanings of proverbs, the dark
sayings of parables. No profession stood higher in
repute, was more open to able youths of all ranks in
the community, or was fitted to exert greater influence
in both of the directions between which the
The Scribes--
life of the Jews was about to divide. For by their double
influence on
their primary studies and their judicial work, the National
the Scribes preserved the national law and
tradition, upholding the Fence within which Israel lived
distinct and secure from other peoples. But by their
pursuit of a wider wisdom, and by the questions which
this encountered, they prepared the habits of inquiry and
more liberal sympathies of the mind, for which Hellenism
provided so much opportunity and material.
For we must next note that on nearly all sides this
tiny territory and this active life of the Jews were sur-
rounded by rapidly increasing centres of Greek Establish-
culture. Even before Alexander's time the
influence of Greece had begun to work upon G
the coast; under the Persians the coins of round Judah.
Gaza were already of the Athenian type and standard.3
All the maritime towns save Tyre and Gaza appear
.ment of
numerous
munitiecom-
? That is both the former prophets, Joshua-2 Kings; and the latter-
Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel and the Book of the Twelve.
2 See above, p. 365.
§ Head, Hist. Num. 680 (after Six, Num. Chron., 1877, 221), states that
its coinage in the fifth and fourth centuries was of Attic weight and various
types, and describes a type of silver drachm with Janiform diademed heads,
or head of Pallas, 'sometimes closely imitated from Athenian coins even with
letters AOE,' and on reverse Jy in Phænician letters; Macdonald, Greek
Coins in the Hunterian Collection, iii. 282, a silver drachm of Euboic-Attic
standard ... borrowed directly from Athenian models,' Pl. LXXVII. 30.
388
Jerusalem
to have welcomed Alexander and accepted his policy.1
Their younger nobles, taking Greek names, enlisted
among his officers. In the following century their
polity, customs and religion were largely Hellenised.
Their gods assumed the names and borrowed the attri-
butes of those of Greece; Greek legends received new
scenery from their neighbourhoods.2 As Tyre obtained
a fresh population from Alexander, so did Gaza either on
its old or on a new site. Ashdod had a mixed popula-
tion. The foreign influence came inland as far as 'Ekron
and Gezer. Further south, in Idumean territory at Mar-
eshah or Marissa, a Sidonian colony with considerable
Greek culture was settled before 190.5 On the north
'Akko had become Ptolemais as early as the second
Ptolemy. From this, the nearest good harbour on the
Syrian coast, it was more than three hundred miles over-
sea to Alexandria, about one hundred and fifty to Cyprus,
and two long days' march inland to Samaria, which, as
we have seen, was occupied by Macedonians and by the
central Greek authority of the land. Beth-shan, less than
two days from Ptolemais across Esdraelon, was also
settled by the Greeks under the name of Nysa. Besides
these ancient towns, Alexander, the Ptolemies, Seleucus
and his successors built upon sites hitherto unoccupied,
save by villages, a considerable number of new towns
1 The replacement of the Persic standard' by the Euboic-Attic appears to
have taken place in the coinage of all the Phænician and other coast towns
immediately after Alexander's conquests. See Head, 665 ff. ; Macdonald,
iü. 225 ff. ; 249 f. 263.
2 See Stark's Gaza u. die Philist. Küste. 3 H.G.H.L. 184 ff.
4 Zech. ix. 6. See above, p. 381 n. 7.
5 So recent discoveries have made clear; see Peters and Thiersch, Painted
Tombs in the Necropolis of Marissa, P.E.F., 1905.
6 See the present writer's art. “Ptolemais' in the Enc. Bibl.
The Jew and the Greek
389
mostly Greek in their population, and wholly so in their
constitution and culture.1 Among those nearest to Judah
were Anthedon, a harbour near Gaza ;? Apollonia, north
of Joppa, the present Arsûf; inland, Patras and Arethusa;3
a number of small cities' on the coast by Carmel,4 in-
cluding ‘Sykaminön Polis,' which is Haifa; and Philo-
teria on the Lake of Galilee. On the latter also was
the Greek settlement of Taricheae,5 but industrial, not
political. East of the Jordan were Pella, Dion, Gerasa,
and Philadelphia, the ancient Rabbath-'Ammon-all of
them almost within sight of the Mount of Olives, and not
three days off—besides the smaller Greek settlements
in Moab. With some or all of these places the people
of Jerusalem had to trade; to sell them oil, and to buy
wheat, metals and pottery through their markets. Their
coins were the only ones Jews could use. Their language
was becoming in Palestine as common as Aramaic; yet
we must not suppose that it was mastered by many of
the Jews of Judah. Josephus asserts the contrary.?
1 On the question which of the above-named monarchs was the greatest
builder see Hölscher, op. cit. 58 ff. He decides for Seleucus, but not on
grounds that are certain. Besides his section on the subject and the
authorities quoted above, see Schürer, Gesch.(3) ii. (Eng. trans. div. ii.
vol. i.).
The name still survives as Tedân over some ruins on the coast, a little
N. W. from Gaza. See below, p. 482.
3. Sites uncertain; Schlatter, pp. 10 f. n. 1, suggests Kh. Badras, near Lydda,
and Artâs at Solomon's Pools.
4 For the full lisi see Hölscher, op. cit. 66.
5 The date of the settlement is unknown; Taricheae first appears in the
time of Josephus, but there must have been large fish-curing establishments
(the name means this) on the lake in the time of our Lord. See vol. i.
p. 318.
? XX. Ant. xi. 2.
390
Jerusalem
5. THE NEW JEWISH DIASPORA.
But the rumour of these Greek and Græcised towns
around them spoke loudly to the Jews of the greater
The New and Greek world beyond, and tempted them forth
Voluntary of to it by manifold voices of promise and sym-
the Jews. pathy. Hitherto exile had been a horrible
thing to Israel, the compulsory migration of their families
to remote lands, the ways to which they trod blinded by
tears and with no hope in their hearts; for it is singular
how in all their copious literature of exile none of them
has traced the stages by which they were carried away.
The desperate feeling with which Jews had universally
regarded their banishment has been expressed by Jere-
miah in some lines on the removal of Jehoaḥaz into
Egypt:-
Weep ye not for the dead
Nor bemoan him,
But weeping weep for him that goeth away;
He turneth not again
Nor seeth the land of his birth.
But now to Jewish eyes the paths out into the world ran
shining. Jews went into exile of their own will; there
was a new and an eager Diaspora. From Gaza by the
desert road to Pelusium; from Joppa and Ptolemais
oversea to Alexandria ; or northward by earlier Jewish
settlements and a train of Greek stations to Antioch,
they swarmed into the new world intent and expectant.
1 The last certain captivity of the Jews till the fall of Jerusalem before the
Romans was that by Ptolemy 1. (above, p. 376). The statement of Josephus
that Antiochus III. deported two thousand Jewish families to Lydia and
Phrygia is possible but doubtful (xii. Ant. iii. 4). Cf. Willrich, 39 f.
2 Jer. xxii, io ff.
The Jew and the Greek
391
The old fears were lifted. Tobias the traveller had an
angel for his guide. With the lines of Jeremiah just
quoted we may contrast those of Ben Sira :-
He that hath no experience knoweth few things,
But he that hath wandered shall increase skill.
In my wandering I have seen many things,
And more than my words is my understanding.
Ofttimes was I in danger even unto death;
And I was preserved because of these things.2
Attractions to
tary and
ent.
When we seek for the attractions to this new Dispersion
of the Jews, we find them to be numerous and of a mixed
character. First, there were the opportunities
we have noted of military service and of politica. it:-1. Mili-
and financial usefulness to the new lords of the Political Em-
world. Though it may be impossible to credit P
all the stories of this which Josephus has provided, it is
clear that even more brilliant fortunes awaited some Jews
under the Greeks than had fallen to the Jewish favourites
of the Persian court. Greek rulers, and especially the
earlier Ptolemies, appreciated the abilities of Jews and
their practical knowledge of Eastern life, advanced
some of them to high rank in their service, and em-
ployed many others in humbler positions. Second, there
was the hunger for lands more fertile than
2. Hunger for
their own, of which the inhabitants of Judah more fertile
Lands.
were constantly hearing from their brethren
in Egypt 4 and elsewhere. To this we may attribute
some of the Jewish settlements in Samaria, Galilee,
Gilead and Bashan, their ancient claims to which Israel
1 Book of Tobit.
2 Ecclesiasticus xxxiv. 10 ff.
3 See below, p. 392 n. 3.
4 Jos. xii. Ant. i. : ‘Jews, who of their own accord went into Egypt, in
vited by the goodness of the land.'
392
Jerusalem
for Residence
had never relinquished, which were very fruitful, and in
which the Ptolemaic sovereignty of Palestine could provide
for them openings that had not existed for cen-
3. Oppor-
tunities of turies. Third, and principally, there were the
Commerce.
opportunities of commerce which were few in
Judah, but in Egypt and elsewhere exceedingly abundant.
Alexandria rapidly grew as a centre of trade under
Ptolemy II., and by his measures for the development of
commerce on the Red Sea ; ? the land of Goshen, where
numbers of Jews were settled, occupied a favourable
intermediary position; Cyrene began to flourish on the
cilities coast west of Alexandria. Fourth, there were
encer the facilities granted to the Jews for settling
and Rights of 4
Citizenship in the larger Greek cities. Josephus states
that Alexander himself, as a reward for their assistance
against the Egyptians, gave to the Jews equal rights
with the Greeks in Alexandria, while his successors
assigned to them a special quarter in the city and the
further privilege that they should be called Macedonians.'
In this the truth seems to be that the Jews became clients
of the Macedonian ‘Phyle' in Alexandria, and that their
special quarter of the city formed part of it.3 In Cyrene,
16 Micah' vii. 14, a prophecy of uncertain date ; Psalm 1x. 6 ff. (Eng.
=Heb. 8 ff.).
2 See art. 'Trade and Commerce,' Enc. Bibl. § 63.
3 Guthe, Enc. Bibl. 1109, where it is argued (against Willrich) that the
Jews must have received these privileges under the earlier Ptolemies and before
the second century. The favour of Alexander and the earlier Ptolemies to the
Jews is emphasised and detailed by Josephus as follows :-ii. B.J. xviii. 7,
Alexander gave the Jews equal privileges with the Greeks in Alexandria
(cf. C. Apion. ii. 4), and his successors granted the special quarter of the city
and the right to be called Macedonians ; xii. Ant. i., Ptolemy I., after his
deportation of Jews to Egypt, attracted others by his liberality, gave them
equal rights with the Macedonians, and according to C. Apion. ii. 4 (after
Hecatæus) entrusted them with Egyptian fortresses and settled some at
Cyrene ; xii. Ant. ii., Ptolemy II. released the captives of his father, sent an
embassy with presents to the High-priest, and brought to Alexandria the
The Jew and the Greek
393
says Strabo,1 the Jews formed a fourth class of the popula-
tion beside the citizens, the peasants and the metoikoi ;
while in their quarter in Alexandria they lived under an
ethnarch of their own who had powers as absolute as the
ruler of an independent state. The Seleucids, it is said,
were equally forward to favour the Jews. Josephus
states that Seleucus I. himself granted them the rights of
citizenship in all the cities of his foundation in Asia and
the Lower Syria, including Antioch. The statement has
been denied, but we can understand how even Seleucus,
with his claims upon Palestine, would be eager to outbid
his Egyptian rivals, who possessed it, by the promise, at
least, of civic rights to its natives who had settled in his
domains; and we know that by the following century
his successors had granted all the above privileges. The
enjoyment of these must have led to a great increase
among the Jews of political experience and capacity.
But, fifthly, we have to appreciate the general 5. Freedom
freedom and exhilaration of life in the Greek an
cities of the East as a powerful temptation Life.
to the Jew to leave his somewhat sombre fatherland.
and Exhilara-
scribes who translated the Scriptures into Greek (cf. Letter of Aristeas and
C. Apion. ii. 4); xii. Ant. iv. 2 ff., the story of Joseph, son of Tobias, and
his management of the Syrian finances of Ptolemy, and C. Apion. ii. 5,
Ptolemy III. offered sacrifices to God in Jerusalem; xiii. Ant. iii., Ptolemy VI.,
a friend of the Jews, let Onias build a temple at Leontopolis, decided against
the Samaritans in favour of the Temple at Jerusalem, and according to
C. Apion. ii. 5, “entrusted his whole kingdom to Jews' by making two of
them his chief generals. Ptolemy VII. (Euergetes II.) was hostile to the Jews
who had supported his brother Philometor, but even he in later years is
known from papyri to have favoured them (Willrich, 142 ff.).
1 In a fragment of his 'Trouvňuata 'IoTopiká preserved by Tosephus, xiv.
Ant. vii. 2 (Müller, Frag. Histor. Graec. ii. 492). It is doubtful if he is
giving the state of affairs in his own day or drawing on more ancient sources.
2 xii. Ant. iii. I; C. Apion. ii. 4.
3 Cf. Ramsay, Cities of St. Paul, 180 ff., 255 ff., 321.
394
Jerusalem
Results.
Life in Judah was starved of the political excitement, the
artistic feeling, the sheer physical enjoyment of which the
Greek communities were full. The heathen world broke
upon the shores of Judah no longer, as Isaiah heard it,
with the wrathful crash of the stormy sea upon the
harbourless coast of Palestine, but with the music of
freedom, adventure, wealth and a liberal and boundless
happiness.
Such, then, were the more obvious attractions which
created the increase of the Jewish Diaspora, of its occupa-
Proofs of the tion in the commerce and politics of the world,
alts. and of its engagement in other foreign in-
terests. We have many proofs of the results. Before
the end of the period Jewish communities were established
in the Greek cities of Egypt and Syria, by then or the
beginning of the next period in some of Cilicia and the
rest of Asia Minor. Strabo says: “These Jews have
penetrated to every city, and it would not be easy to find
a single place in the inhabited world which has not
received this race, and where it has not become master.'1
We have no exact evidence as to the numbers of the
Dispersion, but by 200 B.C. they must have
The large
Numbers of risen to hundreds of thousands, for in the
4time of Philo the Jews in Egypt alone
amounted to a million, and on a temperate reckoning
from this datum there were from three to four millions
throughout the Roman world.3 Egyptians and Greeks
rapidly became jealous of the Jews. The later Greek
charge against them, that they had produced no useful
invention, is an unmistakable sign of bitterness at
1 In Jos. xiv. Ant. vii. 2 ; see above, p. 393 n. I. ' In Flacc. 6.
3 Guthe, Enc. Bibl. 1112.
the Dia
ra.
I
The Jew and the Greek
395
their commercial successes.1 The Book of Tobit
(about 150) illustrates easy habits of travel, a wide
acquaintance with foreign lands, and a liberal adoption of
their legends and folklore. The assumption of Greek
names instead of or along with their own was a common
practice with the Jews of the time; and it was accom-
panied by a lavish borrowing of characteristic Greek
customs in social life and military and athletic exercises.
But above all, the Jewish Diaspora added another language
to their own. As their fathers of the Baby- The
lonian captivity had accepted Aramean, the tion of the
lingua franca of the time, so these new exiles Language.
accepted and employed Greek. Not only did they use
it in commerce and society, but for the purposes of
religion. The translation of the Law, the first five books
of the Old Testament, into Greek, can hardly be later
than 250. It is in the colloquial dialect of Alexandria
and Lower Egypt; the rest of the Septuagint which was
later shows other and wider influences. The dispersed
Jews learned to pray, to preach, and to argue in Greek.
Of all this Hellenism there was a considerable reflection
on Jerusalem herself. There, too, Greek names for Jews
were common before the Maccabean period; and we have
seen the inestimable advantages which Ben Sira imputes
to travel, the openings to commerce, the distractions and
dissipations which he describes in the life of the City.
Some of the new social fashions of which he approves
were borrowed from the Greeks; 3 and for the fact that
i See vol. i. 372 f. on Apollonius of Rhodes.
2 On the Greek of the Septuagint see the chapter under that title (pp. 289.
314) in Swete's Introd. to the 0.7. in Greek, with the literature there cited.
3 E.g. xxxii. 1-4.
396
Jerusalem
these had invaded Jerusalem we have other proofs. The
institution of a Gymnasium, with all that it meant
of mental intercourse as well as physical exercise,l was
one of the causes of the final revolt against foreign
influence. When we consider these things, and the
associations of the fiscal and political officials in Jeru-
salem with the Greek courts, we see that the statement
of Josephus that but one or two Jews spoke Greek must
be received with a great qualification.2
But the Jews of this Dispersion, so widely scattered and
for the most part so thoroughly Hellenised, were not there-
fore cut off from Jerusalem, nor did they forget
The new
world-wide her. With all their absorption in commerce,
Influence of
Jerusalem. with all their religious privileges in their
local synagogues and the Greek translation of the
Scriptures, with all their duties to the self-government
granted to their communities, their devotion to the Holy
City and their loyalty to the Temple remained un-
diminished. Exile only enhanced the fervour with which
Jerusalem was regarded; the pressure of the heathen
world but confirmed the discipline of which she was
the mistress. Just as we saw that the Babylonian
Captivity led to the exaltation of the City above the
sordid realities of her history to an idealism richer than
any prophet had dared for her before ; so, through the
Greek dispersion, Jerusalem was raised to an even rarer
sacredness and endowed with a far wider empire of the
spirit. Things now came true which were then only seen
in vision. The Isles were strewn with them that waited
for her; the ships of Tarshish brought her sons from afar
their silver and their gold with them, for the Name of the
* See below, pp. 405 f.
2 xx. Ant. xi. 2.
The Jew and the Greek
397
Lord her God and for the Holy One of Israel, because He
had glorified her. Sacrifice for the whole nation was
accomplished only in her courts, and the nation was world-
wide. The most distant Jew knew that prayer was
being offered for him there and atonement made for his
sins. When he himself prayed he turned to Jerusalem.2
Every year he sent his half-shekel for the support of the
national worship; and the sums were collected and
forwarded from every province by a careful administra-
tion. When it was possible he went on pilgrimage to
her festivals. We cannot suppose that as yet the pilgrims
came up to Șion in the vast numbers which Josephus
records for the Roman period.4 But the streams which
ran annually to the Temple along every great road of the
world must already have been considerable. Of their
own will they had gone forth, and instinctively they flew
home again--like doves to their windows. They brought
to their Mother their questions of law and life, and took
back her answers as binding; they also took back upon
their hearts her fresh sorrows and needs. There was
nothing else like this in the ancient world, and all
modern instances of so wide a spiritual empire are
only its imitations.
1 2 Macc. I, 6, etc.
2 Daniel vi. 10.
3 Philo, de Mon. ii. 3 ; Josephus, xviii. Ant. ix. 1. In xiv. Ant. vii. 2
Josephus quotes from Strabo's Hypomnemata that the Jews (of Asia Minor)
had deposited 800 talents, about £292,000, in Cos, and explains this large
sum as the Temple tribute. Reinach, however, argues that it was the private
money of the Jews of Alexandria and Leontopolis, who had sent it to Cos to
escape confiscation by Ptolemy Lathyrus (Textes, etc., 91 n. 2).
4 Under Cestius Gallus (63-66 A.D.) he says a census was taken of those at
a Passover, and the number was 2,700,200 ; vi. B.J. ix. 3.
398
Jerusalem
.
Possibilities
6. SPIRITUAL INTERCOURSE OF JEWS AND GREEKS.
If the intercourse and exchanges of the two races
were so intimate upon all the outer and lower levels
of life which we have surveyed in the last
of such an section, they could not possibly have been
Intercourse.
confined to these. On both sides were
eager and earnest minds working not merely in the
strength of their individual curiosity or interests, but
with the pressure behind of ancient and vast heritages
of thought. How far did they enter and convince each
other's souls? In this sphere the facts are naturally
less capable of exact appreciation than in those we have
surveyed. But we may at least assume the following.
On the one side there was Israel's heritage of a
mission to the whole world. The Jews of the new Dis-
Israel's Heri- persion could not have trodden those roads or
tage of an sailed those seas, upon which the prophets of
Mission to
the Gentiles. three centuries back had foreseen Israel carry-
ing the knowledge of God to the heathen, without some
sense of their obligation to this duty, and some en-
deavours to fulfil it. Of the missionary conscience there
is something in Ben Sira. With his knowledge of the
world beyond and of its advantages to the mind of the
Jew, his ethical ideals and interests are not as limited
to Israel as we have seen those of Deuteronomy to be.1
He has a wider conception of Providence than the
Deuteronomists, and speaks as they do not of man-
kind in general. The Divine Wisdom which he adores
covers the earth as a mist, she has got a possession in every
people and nation ; 4 but not even does this sense of a
1 Above, p. 214. 2 i. 10; xvii. 17; xxiv. 6. 3 xvii. 1. xxiv. 3, 6.
ST
The Jew and the Greek
399
favourable atmosphere for her in the world outside rouse
within him a very great hope of carrying to the latteri
her full and articulate authority which he affirms to
have been established in Sion.2 So little feeling of
missionary hopes and duties on the part of a writer
who was both familiar with the world and convinced
of the unique and priceless wisdom of his own religion
is very striking. But that was not the only temper
with which the prophetic ideals of Israel had to contend
in Jerusalem. Among untravelled Jews, nursed in the
religious pride and natural hopes of vengeance, which
centuries of instruction in their Law and of oppression
by foreign peoples had produced, there grew a bitter
and relentless hostility to the idea of the conversion
of the heathen and their participation in the covenant
mercies of Israel. The Book of Jonah, which may
be earlier than the Greek period, was written in order
to expose the folly of this jealousy and to declare that
God had permitted repentance even to the Gentiles. If
the Book of Tobit belongs to the end of this period,
we may point in addition to these lines of Tobit's Prayer
for Rejoicing :-
1, in the land of my captivity, give Him thanks,
And shew His strength and majesty to a nation of sinners.
Turn, ye sinners, and do righteousness before Him:
Who can tell if He will accept you and have mercy upon you ? ...
Let all men speak, and let them give Him thanks in Jerusalem ...
Many nations shall come from afar to the Name of the Lord God
With gifts in their hands, even gifts to the King of Heaven.4
1 But see xxxvi. 1-17.
2 xxiv. 1-12.
3 For the question arises whether in the Greek period a Jewish writer
would have sent his fugitive prophet a voyage on the western sea in order
to escape from the God of Israel.
4 Tobit, xiii. 6, 8, II.
400

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We cannot tell whether such expressions were ex-
ceptional in our periods That many prayed for the
conversion of the heathen is certain. We may also
assume that some took advantage of their close inter-
n course with the Greeks in politics and in commerce
not only to explain the resemblances between their
principles and those of Greek philosophers, which we
saw to be a habit with some Jews, but to urge
upon Greek individuals and families the benefits of a
full conversion to the Jewish faith and practice. All
that we know is that there was a great zeal for making
proselytes among the Pharisees of our Lord's time, and
a large number of Gentile believers by that date through-
out the Greek world. We can hardly refuse to our period
the beginnings of such missionary zeal.
On the other side, we have seen a readiness in some
Greeks to inquire into the principles of the Jewish re-
Attitude of ligion, and a recognition at least of their dis-
the Greeks to
the
be Tourich
Religion. who wrote about the Jews were impressed by
the absorption of the nation in its religious exercises.
They emphasised the absence of images and other
sensuous objects of worship from the Temple. Just as
the Jews of the time had discovered that the Divine
Wisdom was also found among other nations, brooding
upon them like a mist, to use Ben Sira's figure; so the
Greeks recognised a philosophy among the Jews, so
characteristic of their life, that they appeared to be little
or nothing but philosophers. As to this there is a re-
markable unanimity among the first Greek writers about
2 See on Hecatæus, vol. i. 389 f., and vol. ii. 383 f.
The Jew and the Greek
401
the Jews; they call them a‘race of philosophers.'1 Their
testimony is the more striking by its contrast to that
of the Egyptian priest Manetho of the third century
before Christ, whose bitter account of the Jews-as origin-
ally a race of vile shepherds, lepers and other outcasts,
who defiled the images of gods and turned their sanctu-
aries into kitchens where they roasted the animals,
deemed by Egyptians to be sacred 2-reads like an in-
tentional answer to the favourable Greek opinions.3
The singular difference of Judaism from the other cults
of Western Asia must have been as obvious to the
intelligent Greek as to the European of to-day is
the difference of the Mohammedan or the Sikh from
the Hindoos who still worship a multitude of gods;
while in the religion of the Greek there was far less
to restrain him from sympathising with this Asiatic sect
than the Christian European is conscious of in those
other monotheists. And as we have seen, the Jews of
the Dispersion, from various motives high and low,
were eager to explain the spiritual affinities between
their religion and the philosophy of the Greeks. Nor,
of course, had the Greeks those prejudices against animal
sacrifice which provoked the Egyptian Manetho to write
1 Besides Hecatæus of Abdera (who, at least, emphasises the wise prin-
ciples of Jewish government) and Clearchus of Soli, quoted above, the term
philosophers is applied to the Jews by Theophrastus (quoted by Porphyry de
Abstinentia, ii. 26; Reinach, Textes ... relatifs au Judaïsme, 7 f.);
Megasthenes (quoted by Clem. Alex., Strom. i. 15; Müller, Frag. Hist.
Graec, ii. 437), who (cf. Clearchus) compares them with the Brahmans of
India; Hermippus of Smyrna (quoted by Josephus, C. Apion. i. 22, and
Origen, C. Celsum, i. 15; Müller, iii. 36, 41). Theophrastus and Megas-
thenes wrote about 300 B.C., Hermippus sixty or seventy years later.
? Quoted by Josephus, C. Apion. i. 14f., 26 f. ; Müller, ii. 580; Reinach, 33.
3 According to Josephus, C. Apion. i. 14, Manetho accused Herodotus of
having been led into falsehood by his ignorance of the history of Egypt.
VOL. II.
2 C
402
Jerusalem
with such disgust of the Jewish ritual. Yet when they
were confronted with the question of their adoption into
the Jewish system, the Greeks, and especially the men
among them, had some reason to draw back. For there
were, as we shall see, other rites and institutions of the
Jewish system which, to the Greek mind, were repul-
sive or ridiculous: the Sabbath, circumcision, and the
narrow nationalism with which faith in one only God
was so paradoxically identified. In spite of these
difficulties, however, the Jewish propaganda made some
way among the Greeks. There were, of course, the
sąme unworthy motives at work, as the Book of Esther
exposes among the Persians.1 In certain cities fear
of the political influence of the Jews, and, among
Hellenised Orientals at least, an ambition to share in
their civil status would be strong. But doubtless higher
motives also operated upon Greek individuals and
families of all ranks. The decay of their own popular
faiths, the example of the many pure and constant lives
among the Jews, the reading of the Torah in Greek,
and still more, as time went on, of the Prophets
and the Psalmists, cannot have failed to tell upon religious
minds; and numerous conversions are more probable
than the literature of the time allows us to see.
Those who write books do not always notice such
movements.
Even more difficult to appreciate, not because it was
less real, but because it worked in ways less definite,
was the influence of the Greek mind upon the mind
i Esther viii. 17: the Talmud speaks of 'Esther' proselytes as well as
of lion' and other self-interested proselytes, 'Yeb.' 246, Hull. 36 ; cf. Levy,
Neuhebr. u. Chald. Wörterbuch, i. 353.
The Jew and the Greek
403
Influence of
the Greeks on
I. Music,
of Israel. Yet not only may we assume great results.
from this for reasons already described, Intellectual
but there are many detailed symptoms and
in the general tempers of Jewish literature the Jews.
more than one change, in which we may confidently trace
its operation.
To begin with, the Greek arts were conspicuous and
attractive. The Jew loved and practised Music both in
his worship and for secular purposes ;1 he
The Greek
must have learned much from its develop- Arts :
ments in Egypt and Mesopotamia. But the to
Greeks also had something to teach him. It is significant
that some of the earliest Greek words in Jewish litera-
ture are musical ;? and in Ben Sira there is an unusual
emphasis on music for its own sake, which has reason-
ably been traced to Greek influence.
Speak, thou that art the elder, for it becometh thee, with sound
knowledge,
And hinder not music.
Pour not out talk where there is a performance of music,
And display not thy wisdom out of season.
A signet of carbuncle in a setting of gold
Is a concert of music in a banquet of wine.
A signet of emerald in a work of gold
Is a strain of music with pleasant wine.3
The practical benefits of Architecture and Medicine were
too obvious to be resisted; in the former the Greek was
expert far beyond the Jew. It is the next period which
1 On the development of music in worship see above, p. 353; on secular
music, cf. Isa. xxiii. 15 ff. ; Canticles, etc.
Dan. iii. 5, 7, 10, 15 (Aramaic), the instruments bin'p or oine,
klbapis ; ??Da, yaltýplov ; 7DOID, ouupwvla or (as in 10) NYBYD,
oldúvia (?) ; XJ2D or xaw, caußúkn, seems rather of Syrian or Egyptian
origin.
* Ecclesiasticus xxxii. 3-6.
T
:-
404
Jerusalem
yields the first undoubted examples of Greek style and
ornament in the construction of buildings in Jerusalem,
2. Architec- and in his metaphors derived from building
Ben Sira does not go beyond the styles usual
among the Semites. But from the remains of the palace
ture.
and other builders of this period were already borrowing
from Greek architects. As to Medicine we have more
certain evidence. Ben Sira's advice to the people of
Jerusalem to honour the Physician and to use
3. Medicine.
his skill in their need of it, and his emphasis
on the Divine origin of the art and the high place of
the profession among great men, read like an argument
against objections to the introduction of a foreign prac-
medicine in itself; many remedies were already practised
among the people, and there was apparently a body of
healers or physicians. But on the part of the orthodox
a strong feeling existed against physicians who did
not associate their healing with the ceremonies enjoined
by the Law; and it is clear that the priests were
regarded as experts in medicine. Greek physicians
were probably the first in Jewish experience who used
no religious formulæ in their art ; 6 and it is such rational
1 See vol. i. 217.
2 The mingled courses of wood and stone, see above, pp. 67, 69, 386.
3 See below, pp. 425 ff.
4 Jer. viii. 22; 2 Chron. xvi. 12; Isai. i. 6, xxxviii. 21; cf. the frequent
use of the term to heal in metaphor. See, too, Ex. xxi. 19; 2 Kings iv.
19 ff., v. I ff. ; Isai. iii. 7.
o See the various Levitical laws on leprosy, with the implication that the
priests could distinguish the various kinds of it; cf. 2 Chron. xvi. 12.
8 Oriental healers almost invariably do so; cf. for Babylonia Johns, Assyr.
Deeds and Documents, 63 ; Jastrow, Relig. of Bab. and Assyr., 269 ff. ; Ben-
zinger, Heb. Arch.(2) $ 38. Among the other sons of the East against whom
the prophets warn Israel there were doubtless many exorcisers.
The Jew and the Greek
405
healers whom Ben Sira commends to his fellow citizens,
when they fall ill, along with the use of their own
religious forms.
Honour a physician according to thy need, with the
honours due to him,
For verily the Lord hath created him,
For from the Most High cometh healing,
And from the King shall he receive a gift.
The skill of the physician shall lift up his head,
And in the sight of great men shall he be admired.
The Lord created medicines out of the earth,
And a prudent man will have no disgust at them.
This is apparently an answer to objections against
remedies not sanctioned by religion, and therefore 'un-
clean. Ben Sira goes on to counsel his fellow Jews not
to be negligent in sickness of the appointed religious
means: prayer, repentance and offerings. But when these
are performed,
Then give place to the physician, for verily the Lord hath created
him;
There is a time when in their very hands is the issue for good.
For they also shall beseech the Lord that He prosper them
In relief and in healing for the maintenance of life.
He that sinneth before His Maker,
Let him fall into the hands of the physician.2
Apart from the question with which we are now dealing,
these words are of interest as giving a glimpse into the
life of the Jerusalem of this period. We may
4. The Gym-
also trace the intellectual influence of the Greek nasium and
its Opportuni.
upon the Jew in the adoption of another ties for
Debate;
Greek institution. The Gymnasium was used
by the Greeks not only for bodily exercises. Throughout
? That is, without respect to other considerations of religion or of race.
2 Ecclesiasticus xxxviii. 1-15.
406
Jerusalem
the Greek world it was a place for conversation and
discussion both political and philosophic. This oppor-
tunity for the ventilation of liberal opinions was no
doubt a principal reason for the hostility to the establish-
ment of the Gymnasium in Jerusalem. But the influence
of the latter prevailed: and in later times the Xystos
became a centre for popular gatherings. Finally,
command of the Greek language opened to the Jewish
mind the treasures of Greek literature and philosophy.
Ptolemy II. had collected a very large library in Alex-
andria ; and just as we have seen that some Jewish
writers freely borrowed from the folklore of
5. Greek
Literature and the Eastern peoples around them, so there is
Philosophy.
* abundant proof that others with equal freedom
and more method used the materials and absorbed the
spirit of Greek literature. This proof is found largely in
a number of quotations preserved by Alexander Polyhistor
(c. 80-40 B.C.) from authors who, while using the Greek
language, exhibit obvious signs of their Jewish nation-
ality. Among them are both historians and poets.
Before this, Jewish historians had not so absolutely con-
fined their interest in history to its religious and ethical
lessons as some moderns seem to imply; there had
been annals of Israel which the compilers of our Old
Testament histories employed, and even in the original
1
1 Schlatter, pp. 24 ff., indeed suggests that if the Jews did not owe their
new interest in Astronomy and Astrology to Greek teaching, the openness
of the Jewish mind to Hellenism facilitated its opening also to that Eastern
culture which had especially elaborated these sciences. But more probably
the Jewish interest in Astronomy was developed before the Greek period.
2 The list of them with their fragments, as quoted by Alexander and handed
down by Eusebius and Clement of Alexandria, is given by Müller, Frag.
Histor. Graec. iii. 206-244 ; see what he says on the obviously Jewish origin
of the writings in question, p. 2076; cf. Schürer, Gesch, (3) ii. & 33.
The Jew and the Greek
407
work of the latter there are notes upon the origins of
the races of mankind and other antiquarian matters
which reveal an interest in history for its own sake.
But in the Hellenistic Jews quoted by Alexander,
especially Demetrius, Eupolemus and Artapanus, this
interest is much developed; while in the Letter of
Aristeas we' find signal evidence of the way in which
a Jew of the period sought to put himself into the
Greek attitude and write about his people from a Greek
standpoint. Of Jewish poets in the Greek language
Alexander mentions two: Philo, who wrote an epic on
Jerusalem, and Ezekiel, who wrote Jewish tragedies,'
among them one on the Exodus. Of the absorption
of Greek philosophy by the Jews of the Diaspora, we have
some illustration in passages which have survived from
the works of Aristobulus of Alexandria under Ptolemy
Philometor (181-146). They betray not only the direct
and dominant influence of Aristotle, but a knowledge of
Plato and other leaders of Greek thought. Aristobulus,
who is said to have been of the High-priestly family
and in correspondence with Judas Maccabeus, was cer-
tainly not the first of his countrymen who, while striving
to prove that Greek philosophy derived its principles
from the Hebrew Scriptures, succeeded only in showing
how much their own minds were governed by the Greek
language and the Greek methods. We must also keep
1 This small addition is necessary to Schürer's contrasts between the his-
torians of Pharisaic, and those of Hellenistic, Judaism, Gesch. (8) ii. $ 33, p. 345.
2 Eusebius, Praep. Evang. (ed. Gaisford, ii. 378, 392, 434) ix. 20, 24, 37,
from Alex. Pol. ; Müller, iii. 213, 219, 229 (extracts 6, II, 23). See below,
p. 462.
3 Eusebius, Praep. Evang. ix. 28, 29 (ed. Gais. 404 ff.); Müller, iii. 224 f.
4 In 2 Macc. i. Io it is said he belonged not merely to the priestly but to
the high-priestly stock (ånd toll Tŵr Xplotûv lepówv yévous=""Vp7 107377).
408
Jerusalem
Mind to the
in mind another work of the Diaspora, the Book of
Wisdom, which, while showing more dependence on
orthodox Palestinian Judaism than the works just cited,
clearly reveals the direct influence both of Plató and the
Stoics.
By all these and other avenues the Greek mind
poured its rich influences upon the mind of the Jew. In
The Welcome the latter there was already much to give
of the Hebrew them welcome. For till the arrival of the
Greek. Greeks in Western Asia, the Jew felt himself
a solitary among the nations. These were all, except
the Samaritans, worshippers of images. As many of his
Scriptures reminded him, he alone was wise. Next to
his faith in a righteous God, what most sustained him
through his persecutions by the heathen was his strong
sense of intellectual superiority. He knew his height
above these grovellers before animals and the stocks
and stones which their own hands had shaped. The
scorn which he poured on them was a sweet relief to the
misery he endured from their oppression. But in the
philosophic Greek he thought he had at last found a
fellow. The rational element in this Gentile mind ap-
pealed to him; the Greek, too, was wise. In the powers
of synthesis and construction which he discovered in
Greek literature he could not but recognise abilities in
which his own mind was deficient, forces which promised
to complete the efforts he had already begun in these
and a letter is given from Judas Maccabeus to him, in which he is addressed
as the teacher of Ptolemy. We owe our knowledge of his writings to
fragments preserved in Clement of Alexandria, Strom. i. v. vi. ; Eusebius,
Praep. Evang. vii. 14, viii. 10, xiii. 12 (ed. Gaisford, ii. 185, 291, iii.) For
accounts and discussions of Aristobulus, see Ewald's Hist. (Eng. trans.) v. 259,
357, 488; Schürer, Gesch.(3) ii. 384 f. (Eng, trans.) div. ii., vol. iii. 237 ff.);
and Schlatter, Gesch. 39 ff.
The Jew and the Greek
409
directions. On the other side he must have welcomed
the rationalising of religions and mythologies by Greek
philosophy, for had he not already by himself employed
the stuff of Oriental myths in his monotheistic inter-
pretations of the Universe and history p2 Nor could
he escape the further influences of Greek scepticism.
Confident theories have therefore been formed of the
Greek origin of both the constructive and the sceptical
elements in the later literature of the Jewish Wisdom.
The conception of the Cosmos and of the Divine
Wisdom which pervades it, the identification of know-
ledge and virtue, the division of mankind into wise and
fools, with its emphasis upon the intellectual basis of
character—these features of the Prologue to the Book
of Proverbs, of Ecclesiastes and of Ben Sira, have been
traced directly to the same Greek example and influence
which we have seen so operative among Jewish writers
of the Diaspora. But in the case of the former, all of
them written in Palestine and probably in Jerusalem,
much more discrimination is necessary than in that of
the latter. Even if on other grounds we grant that
1 Cf. Schlatter, p. 31, on Euhemerus.
2 There is a charming tale attributed by Josephus to Hecatæus (C. Apion.
i. 22) which might be used to illustrate the innate sympathy between the
mind of the Jew and that of the enlightened Greek, if we were sure that it
was from Hecatæus himself and not the work of a Jewish writer who used
his name; for the author of the story evidently regards with approval the
Jewish rebuke of superstition which it recounts. A troop of Greeks march-
ing towards the Red Sea was suddenly ordered to halt by their Mantis. A
Jewish archer (Mosollamos or Meshullam) among them asked why, and the
augur pointed to a bird by whose movements he said their own must be
determined. Whereupon Meshullam shot the bird. The augur and others
were indignant. Why, are you mad?' said M.; "how could this bird,
which did not provide for its own safety, tell us anything sound about our
march? If it was able to foretell the future it would never have come to this
place, fearing that Meshullam the Jew would shoot it dead.'
410
Jerusalem
Proverbs, like Ben Sira, belongs to the Greek Period, we
must remember that some conception of the Universe
and of the one Divine Wisdom which runs through
nature and history had been reached by Hebrew prophets
centuries before; and that prophets as well as Deuteron-
omists had emphasised the connection between knowledge
and virtue-which indeed is implied in the elastic mean-
ing and practical bearings of the Hebrew verb, to know.
In this case, as in that of the doctrine of immortality,1
the germs and first shoots of her wisdom were Israel's
own. But the new climate, which Hellenism had brought
upon Western Asia, was peculiarly favourable to their
growth, and at least some of them were ripened by
its influences. Even for the sceptical forms of Hebrew
wisdom we have found precedents in prophecy as far
back as before the Exile, while the Book of Job, that
epic of scepticism, is entirely due to the experience of
the East and is untouched by Greek speculation. The
Book of Ecclesiastes, however, introduces us to a wider
subject than scepticism, and requires separate treat-
ment.
To Ecclesiastes, the lateness of whose language is
obvious, various dates have been assigned from the end
of the Persian Period to the reign of Herod the Great.2
i See the author's Modern Criticism and the Preaching of the 0.7., 207 f.
? Later Persian Period, Ewald, Ginsburg, Delitzsch ; that or Greek Period
during wars of Ptolemies and Seleucids, but earlier than the rise of the
national spirit under the Maccabees, A. B. Davidson, Enc. Bibl. 1161;
similarly Driver, Introd. (6) 476; Wildeboer, Kurzer Hand-Comm. 113 f. ;
Budde, Gesch. d. alt-Hebr. Litt. 304, and others ; the original book before Ben
Sira with additions till 100 B.C., Siegfried in Nowack's Hand-Komm.
Winckler, Alt-Orient. Forsch.(2), assigns the kernel to Alkimos; reign of
Alex. Jannæus, König, Einl. 432 ff. ; Herod, Grätz, Monatsschrift für
Gesch. u. Wissensch. des Judenthums, 1885 (not seen); cf. Cheyne, Jewish
Relig. Life after the Exile, 183 ff., and Enc. Bibl. 1163 f.
The Jew and the Greek
411
Ecclesiastes
He calls himself Koheleth, Preacher, literally one who
calls together, or takes part in, a Kahal or ecclesia, a
public assembly or congregation, and as we
shall see he was a Jew of Jerusalem, with Hebraic
Character of
disciples and exercising authority. His in- his Style,
Methods,
debtedness to the Greek mind has been
widely asserted, but is very doubtful. To begin with,
there are only a few traces of Greek in his language,2 and
these uncertain ; otherwise his speech, his style, and his
way of thinking, are all Semitic. They are as different
as possible from those of his Hellenised contemporaries
of the Diaspora. This far more original Jew of Jerusalem
betrays no such influence as is obvious in the case of
Aristobulus or the Book of Wisdom. The various par-
allels which moderns have drawn between the thoughts
and phrases of Ecclesiastes and those of Greek philoso-
phers 3 are only exhibitions of the rationalism and the
humanity common to them both.
ambapo, a femin. participle, but always with the masc. form of the verb
(vii. 27 read napn 19x). Elsewhere in Heb. a fem. is used for a masc.
as if for the office or rank which the verb expresses, and hence for the
holder of the office, Ezra ii. 55, 57. A similar use of the fem. is found in
Arabic, e.g. Khalifah ; as expressing the full realisation of the duty or
ideal of the office (for instances see W. Wright, Arab. Gram. i. & 233 rem. c).
The Greek 'Ekkinolaotńs, one who sits, or speaks, in the èKKAnola, is therefore,
an exact translation.
3 These have been marked (Wildeboer, 114). 79. beautiful, is like kalós
used for seemly or excellent, and is joined with in good (v. 17), like kalòs
kåya86s; 778, to look round about, is compared with OKÉTTEO Dal (i. 13, ii. 3);
and the constant wow700), under the sun=ůd nala. But none is certainly
from the Greek; the first seems the most probable; see also next note.
8 «The idea of Tyler, who is followed by Plumptre, that the Book is a blend
of the Stoic and Epicurean philosophies, seems extraordinarily superficial, and
is supported mainly by what appears misinterpretation of its language. ...
Determinism is, of course, a prevailing idea in the Book. That, however, is
just the fundamental idea of the Wisdom, or indeed of the Hebrew mind-
that God is the causality in all things—with the inevitable development
which time gave it. At first sight the phrase "to do good” in the sense of “to
11
412
Jerusalem
The principles, upon which the Preacher falls back from
the exhaustion of his research and his experience of the
resultlessness of life, are all native to Israel.
and Prin-
ciples. We need not look elsewhere for his convictions
that God has made the world and made it beautiful, that
He has a purpose in it though this be not discoverable by
us, that He has appointed to men their labours and their
pleasures alike, that there is an order in life, a set time
for everything, that even by the worst disorders God is
proving or testing men, and that, all experience to the
contrary, the wise man is better than the fool;1 nor for
the Preacher's practical precepts to fear God, to be
sincere and restrained in His worship, to remember His
care of the righteous and His bringing into judgment all
that is done. One remarkable passage enjoins men,
see good” to enjoy life (iii. 12) has a startling resemblance to the Gk. eŮ mpát-
TELV; but after all, the senses of the two phrases are somewhat different, and
there is no reason to suppose the Hebrew expression to be an imitation ; though
not occurring elsewhere, its opposite “to do badly” (i.e. to be sad) is used in
early literature (2 Sam. xii. 18, and perhaps Eccles. v. I), and possibly the
phrase itself may be ancient.'-A. B. Davidson, Enc. Bibl. 1162. Similar also
is the summary verdict of Budde (Gesch. d. alt-Hebr. Litt. 305):--Seine eigen-
tümliche Grösse gewinnt noch dadurch, dass man seine Gedanken vergeblich
aus dem Einfluss griechischer Philosophie herzuleiten sucht; in ihrer eigen-
tümlichen Unfolgerichtigkeit sind sie vielmehr, so viel oder so wenig er von
jenem mag gewusst haben, durchaus sein persönliches Eigentum.' Cf.
Wildeboer (Kurzer Hand-Conmentar, 113): 'deutlich erkennbarer Einfluss
der gr. Philosophie lässt sich nicht nachweisen.' A good monograph on the
subject is that of Kleinert, Stud. u. Krit., 1883, 761 ff., whose conclusion is
that all that the Book betrays is the influence of the general atmosphere of the
later Greek mind. See too Genung, Words of Koheleth, 1904.
1 iii. 10-15, 17; V. 18 ff.; vii. 13 f. ; viii. 15; ix. 1, 13-16, 17 ff. ; xi. 5. To
these we might add ii. 24. ff. and vii. 26; though the more positive clauses in
them are taken by some to be interpolations, they go little further than the
sayings cited above, which are allowed to be original.
2 iii. 14; V. 1-7; vii. 18; viii. 12 f. ; xi. 9. The authenticity of viii. 126, 13,
is denied by some, and certainly 12a is not harmonious with 13. On the
other hand, there is no reason to take xi. 9 as an addition; the judgment
mentioned in it is not the one last judgment in a life to come, but the con-
tinual process apparent in this life.
The Tew and the Greek
413
though God's processes be unknowable, to strike into the
opportunities these afford, with unceasing vigilance and
labour. Send forth thy bread on the face of the waters, for
thou shalt find it after many days. Divide a portion into
seven, yea even into eight, for thou knowest not what evil
shall be on the earth. . . . As thou knowest not what is the
way of the Wind, or the Spirit, nor how the bones grow in
the womb of her that is with child; even so thou knowest
not the work of God who doeth all. In the morning sow thy
seed, and in the evening withhold not thy hand; for thou
knowest not which shall prosper, whether this or that, or
whether they both alike shall be good. Truly the light is
sweet, and a pleasant thing it is for the eyes to behold the sun.
Yea, if a man live many years, let him rejoice in them all,
but remember the days of darkness for they shall be many.
Another said in Jerusalem: The Wind, or the Spirit,
bloweth where it listeth, and thou hearest the noise thereof,
but knowest not whence it cometh nor whither it goeth ; so
is every one that is born of the Spirit; and again, We must
work the works of Him that sent me while it is day, for the
night cometh when no man can work. Ecclesiastes, it is
commonly said, is nowhere quoted in the New Testa-
ment, yet these words of our Lord sound like an echo of
the words of the Preacher—an echo in that higher sphere
into which Jesus carried the sayings of those who were
before Him. But no teacher in Israel required to go to
the Greek for such things, even if the Greek knew and
had already expressed them in his own inimitable way.
1 xi. 1.8.
. ? John iii. 8; ix. 4; cf. xii. 35 f.
3 The whole subject of the influence of the Books of Wisdom upon our
Lord's teaching requires fresh and thorough study; see Foster Kent, The
Wise Men of Israel, and Modern Criticism and the Preaching of the 0. 7.,
Lecture viii.
se Men of is requires fresh and once of the Books
414
Jerusalem
Nor did the Preacher even require to borrow from the
Greek Spirit' his sense of the indifferent flux of nature
or of all the resultlessness of life.1 These may be con-
fidently ascribed to his own mind and to the influence of
His reflection his times, but far more to the former than to
of his Times. the latter. The times were in part unsettled
and evil. The rapid changes of rank and fortune which
the Preacher notices.? were very possible in Israel of the
Greek age. Injustice and oppression, such as he laments,3
were bound to be rife, when the supreme authority was
foreign and far off and the factions at home were so eager
for its patronage, so jealous of each other and so un-
scrupulous. But, there was another side to these times,
which modern writers on the Book tend to overlook.
Great works were undertaken and carried through:
houses, vineyards, gardens, parks, pools of water. Herds
and flocks, troops of servants and singers, wealth and
treasures, could be accumulated. With all his griefs, the
man who toiled could have joy in his work, men would
envy him for it, and he had peace to heap up its gains.5
There was freedom for study, for the growth of wisdom,
and for the joys of life. Such reflections upon the Book
allow us to assign it-in spite of its shadows, and if we
keep in view the real source of these in the mind of its
author-to the same age as produced the kindred but
sunnier spirit of Ben Sira. The temper of
ality. the Preacher is his own: I communed with mine
own heart," he says, and by variations of this phrase,
Hi
ii. 2 ff. ; 14 ff. ; ii. II, 17, etc. etc.
2 ii. 21 ; iv. 14; V. 13 ff. ; vi. 2; ix. 13 ff. ; X. 5 ff.
3 iii. 16; iv. I ; v. 8.
^ ii. 1-11; cf. v. 10-12, etc.
ii. 24; ii. 13, 22; iv. 4; V. 10-12, 18-20, etc.
ix. 7.10, etc.
? i. 13, 16, 17; viii. 16; ix. I, and so the frequent I have seen, I turned,
I proved, I said in my heart, I applied my heart.
The Jew and the Greek
415
which always emphasise the first personal pronoun, he
insists that it is his individual experience and musings
which he unfolds. The things which affected him had
touched many in Israel before him : that the righteous
man got the wicked's deserts, and that the wicked reaped
the reward of the righteous; that men might labour
anxiously and with wisdom, but must leave their gains to
the idler; that men won wealth but in the winning lost
the power to enjoy it; that death always came so fast
and so certain, the wise had no advantage above the fool,
nor man above the beasts-and all this in spite of the
truth, to which he returns again and again, that wisdom
is better than folly. Only the Preacher broods more
upon these facts than any of his predecessors in Jerusalem
have done. He has none of the national enthusiasm and
very little of the personal passion for God which en-
abled them to triumph over life and death itself. For the
moment Israel seemed to have lost not only its hope, but
also in minds like the Preacher's its sense of distinction.
In his fascination by the chances and the last fate which
befall all men alike, it was impossible to feel that Israel
was different from other peoples. Deuteronomy? was no
longer true. All things come alike to all; there is one event
to the righteous and to the wicked, to the good and to the
evil, to the clean and to the unclean, to him that sacrificeth
and to him that sacrificeth not; as is the good so is the
sinner, he that sweareth as he that feareth an oath ; 4 this is
an evil in all that is done under the sun, that there is one
event unto all: yea also the heart of the sons of men is full
1 ii. 13, 14 ff., 18-22 ; iii. 18-21 ; v. 13-17 ; vi. 1-9; viii. 14; ix. I ff.,
II f., 13-16.
2 See above, p. 216.
3 So the LXX.
4 Or he that forsweareth himself as he that reverenceth an oath (?).
416
Jerusalem
of evil, madness is in their heart while they live and after
that-to the dead !1 We may reasonably ascribe such
generalising, as extreme in one direction as the teaching
of Deuteronomy was in another, to that experience of life
upon the same levels with foreign peoples to
His sense of
Humanity as which the Greek empire in Asia so lavishly
a Whole.
introduced the Jew. Whether the intellectual
atmosphere of Hellenism had also told upon the Preacher
-whether he was aware of the questions started by
Greek philosophers, and was directly disturbed by
them-is very doubtful. The most reasonable conclusion
appears to be that if the interest of Israel was no longer
confined to the nation and its fortunes, but had spread
with the Preacher upon all the sons of men and all that is
done under the Sun, this was due more to the oppor-
tunity, than to the example, provided by Greece ; while
the novel width of his survey and of his consequent
sympathies and his peculiar temperament are, in them-
selves and without any resort to Greek philosophy, suffi-
cient to account for the weariness of his spirit and the
scepticism which prevails in so much of his thinking.
But however we may decide this question of
Service to Greek influence, the great fact is certain that
Israel.
from the spirit of the Preacher, and through
the assemblies he addressed, Israel were learning what
the Book of Jonah, in its simpler way, represents them
as learning in the person of that prophet when he fled
across the sea, their commonness with all the sons of
men; and were winning the power to realise humanity as
a whole. For this essential moment in their discipline
His unique
i ix. 2 f. : cf. ii. 14, etc.
2 Kuenen, Onderzoek, $ 105, 9.
8 Constant phrases of his, e.g. i. 3, 13 f. ; ii. 18, etc. etc.
The Jew and the Greek
417
LI
the nation not only required to undertake those stormy
voyages with the heathen, and to come face to face with
those populous cities to which the Greek dispensa-
tion called them, and the effects of both of which the
Book of Jonah so graphically describes ;1 but they must
embark, too, upon the more perilous seas of research
and of doubt over which the Preacher steered his soli-
tary craft. Cut loose from their sense of distinction and
religious privilege, Israel had to reflect upon the labour,
the baffled thought, the sorrow and the death which made
them one with all the sons of men, before their experience
and sympathy became adequate for their mission to the
world. It is thus that the Book vindicates its rank in
the religious history of Israel. Whatever may have been
the motives which led to its official embodiment in the
Canon, Ecclesiastes by its very scepticism, its sympathy
with the groping and disappointed mind of man,
deserved a place among the sacred writings. The
school of Hillel which accepted it were right, and the
school of Shammai which sought its rejection were
wrong.2. In the Providential discipline of Israel the Book
of Ecclesiastes was as indispensable as was its opposite
pole the Book of Deuteronomy.
And equally with the Deuteronomists, Ecclesiastes
was a son of Jerusalem. The Preacher was not a Jew
1 If the Book be of the Persian Period this would only date earlier the
beginnings of the lesson which Israel principally owed to the Greeks. See
above, p. 399 n. 2.
2 The Epilogue to Ecclesiastes, xii. 9-14, is of course later and by another
person. Probably it was this defence of him, and the very orthodox utterance
with which it closes, that assisted the official reception of the Book into the
VOL. II.
2
D
418
Jerusalem
salem the
Ecclesiastes.
of the Dispersion, nor does he even appear to have been
a traveller like Ben Sira. For one of his
Mother of troubles is that he has seen the wicked
peacefully gathered to the graves of their
fathers, while they that did right went away from the Holy
Place and were forgotten in the City,1 Those whom he
addresses live close to the Temple, can sacrifice and
fulfil their vows. The royal mask which he assumes
in the beginning of his Book 3 is soon dropped, and even
for the short time he wears it is so detachable that we
cannot argue from it as to his location. But that he
belonged to the City remains clear, both from the
passages just cited and from another expression, in which
Solomon is made to speak of Jerusalem only: I had
great possessions of herds and flocks above all who were
before me in Jerusalem. Under the shadow of the
Temple, then, did Koheleth, Kahal-minister and Master of
Assemblies, gather his audiences, teach the people, and,
according to the Epilogue, found his school.4 That
baptism of Israel in the common sorrows and doubts
of humanity, of which he was the minister, took place
in Jerusalem, just like every other crisis in the history of
1 viii. 10: a difficult verse, but such, following the Greek reading, seems to
be the true sense.
2 v, I ff.
3 For the conclusion that the Preacher himself assumed the personality of
Solomon, and that it was not forced on him by a later hand, and for the
greater probability of this both on textual and psychological grounds, I have
not space to give the detailed argument.
4 On ķoheleth see above, p. 411 n 1. The phrase xii. 11, nigox Sya,
is probably correctly rendered by our version, masters of assenblies, for such
is the meaning of JaDx in Phoen. (Block, Phön. Glossar. 14) and
Mishnic Hebrew (Levy, Neuhebr. Wörterbuch, i. 127); but others take it
to mean collections of sentences; see Nowack in loco. In any case the
tradition about the Preacher given in the Epilogue is clear: he was one of the
wise, a teacher of the people, whose influence remained.
The Jew and the Greek
419
the nation's mind; for, as we have seen, even the pregnant
sufferings of the Babylonian Exile were no less really
endured within Şion 1 than were those which happened
behind her actual walls. Jerusalem was always the
Mother of Sorrows to Israel—even now also when the
sorrows were not national, but the universal grief and
darkness of mankind.
8. THE REACTION AGAINST HELLENISM.
Hellenism.
But all these effects on the Jew, both of the oppor-
tunities which Greek empire afforded and of the
direct influence of Greek example and doc-
Jewish re-
trine, represent only one side of Israel's action against
attitude to Hellenism. Within the same
small population which produced the humane and liberal
spirit of Ben Sira, proud of the advantages of travel
and favourable to foreign fashions, and the universal
sorrow of the Preacher, too vast to nestle on the breast
of any mother, but moaning like the sea round every
coast of the sons of men, there were being fostered, during
these same years, the hopes of national freedom, the
passionate loyalty to Law and Temple and the fierce in-
tolerance of other faiths, which were immediately to break
out in the Maccabean Revolt. We have, therefore, now
to inquire what it was which in spite of his long ex-
perience of a mild Greek rule and the welcome which he
gave to Greek fashions, discovered to the Jew the essential
hostility between himself and the Greek, and drove
him to fight to the death for his national institutions
and the faith of his fathers.
i See above, pp. 287 ff.
420
Jerusalem
Forebodings of this discovery we have seen in both
Greek and Jew from the very beginnings of their intimacy
with each other. Hecatæus emphasised the
Causes and
Progress of absence of images in the Temple and of
this Reaction
(I) among every sensuous object of worship.1 Behind
the Greeks.
the similarities of temper and the common
political interests which drew the two races together,
especially in Egypt, other Greeks soon 2 detected that
same national tenacity, that pride of distinction and
destiny, and those peculiar rites and institutions, by
all of which Israel had already provoked the hostility
of their Semitic and Egyptian neighbours. Alike to
the philosophers and the statesmen of Greece, the spirit
and the customs of the Jew were perplexing and
offensive. For the sake of his absurd Sabbath he
would not defend his city or temple, and was there-
fore to Greek eyes no patriot; yet his nationalism was
i See above, p. 384. He adds that Moses conceived the Heaven
which surrounds the earth to be God alone and the Lord of the universe
(ubyov elva. DEÒV kal twv wv KÚplov, quoted by Diodorus Sic. xl. 3;
Müller, Frag. Histor. Graec. ii. 391 f.). This statement, so often repeated by
Greek and Latin writers, was probably due to the divine title common
in later Hebrew literature, anw7 1738, God of Heaven; in Aramaic,
Du abx, or even you alone (Dan. ii. 18, iv. 23, the Books of the Mac-
cabees and the Mishna).
? It is striking that the worst outbursts extant of Greek hatred and con-
tempt for the Jews, emphasising their exclusiveness and misanthropy, do not
occur till after the Maccabean revolt and reorganisation of Israel (cf. Posi-
donius of Apamaea, 6. 135-51 B.C. : apud Diodorus, xxxiv. 1, Jos. C. Apion.
ii. 7, Müller, iii. 256; and Apollonius of Rhodes, C. 100-75 B.C., apud
Jos. C. Apion. ii. 7, 14, 33, 36); but we find the same feelings already
expressed by Agatharchides of Cnidos under Ptolemy Philometor(181-146B.C.,
quoted by Jos. C. Apion. i. 22; Müller, iii. 196). The common fable that
the Jews worshipped the head of an ass is found as early as Mnaseas of
Patras (beginning of second century B.C.; Jos. C. A pion. ii. 9; Reinach,
2 extes, 49 f.). On Manetho, who wrote in Greek, though expressing
Egyptian feeling, see above, p. 401.
The Jew and the Greek
421
so fanatic that of all the peoples of Syria he alone
refused to be absorbed by Hellenism. There was, too,
the awkwardness of his geographical position. Had
Israel lived on the Levant, it might have been possible to
Hellenise them. But so far from the sea, with the
desert behind and all that the desert meant to Israel,
mentally as well as physically, the nation was an ex-
tremely dangerous one for its Greek sovereigns to
provoke. That these felt the danger is apparent from
all the policy of the Ptolemies and Seleucids towards
Jerusalem. They sought her subjection to Hellenism
less by the invasion of their arms than by the gradual
infection of her life through the Greek cities with which
they surrounded her, and by the creation among her
citizens of parties favourable to themselves. But whether
they treated her with force or with intrigue, their sense
is constant of the uniqueness of Jerusalem among the
states subject to them, of the essential hostility of
her spirit and her system to the spirit and the aims
of Hellenism.
On the other side Israel became equally conscious of
the antagonism. Even the illuminated Jew, of the most
liberal views, could not forget the unique- (2) Among
ness of his history or the superiority of his the Jews.
ethics. Even in Alexandria, Aristobulus employed his
Greek scholarship in the endeavour to prove that the
Hebrew scriptures were the source of all the wisdom of
Greece. Ben Sira, for all his foreign culture, is proud of
the story of his little people, and carried away by the
glory of their worship. It surprises one to see his
prudence change to passion when he turns to theş
subjects; to find a man so travelled, so aware of

422
Jerusalem
world and liberal in his views as in his tastes, celebrate
like any Deuteronomist the divine story of Israel and
the splendours of the national ritual. Wisdom might
brood over all the peoples of the world, but in Șion was
Salvation was of the Jews! Ben Sira's concluding prayer
is not only for the joy and peace of his people, but for
their deliverance : let Him deliver us in His time. He
curiously adds, with two nations is my soul vexed, and the
third is no nation : they that sit on the Mount of Samaria,
and the Philistines, and that foolish people which dwelleth
in Sichem. These last, of course, are the Samaritans. If
the reading of the first be correct, Ben Sira means the
Greeks, whose centre of authority in Palestine was estab-
lished in Samaria, 4 while by the Philistines he covers the
Hellenised inhabitants of the formerly Philistine cities.5
If such reactions are apparent in the green trees, upon
which Hellenism had been so liberally grafted, what
Even Ecclesiastes is driven back from his wide doubts
upon the simple principles of his fathers--nothing else
for him abides sure and even he does not dissuade his
people from the House of God, nor says more against
sacrifice than the Prophets had said before him. The
devotees of the Law can have viewed the results of a
century of Greek progress only with hatred and alarm.
They were as hostile to and scornful of idols as their
fathers, as jealous of circumcision and the Sabbath, as

1 xxiv. 10 f. ; on his Jewish ethics see ix. 3 ff.
2 1. 24: cf. xxxvi. 1-11. 3 Some versions read Seir for Samaria.
• Above, pp. 374, 376 ff.
6 The LXX. translates Philistines in Isa, ix. 12 by "Elinves.
6 v. I ff. : cf. Ecclesiasticus xxxv. 1 ff.
The Jew and the Greek
423
sure of the sufficient wisdom of the Law, as proud of
the uniqueness of their race. But they discovered that
Hellenism, instead of destroying the idols of their neigh-
'bours, left these alone or gave them the names of the
gods of Greece. Centuries of contact had taught them,
what recent excavations have revealed to ourselves,
the uncleanness and the cruelty of the cults of Canaan.
They were finding that for such sores Hellenism
had no remedies. The fear of Jahweh, says one of
their Psalmists, thinking of those other impure and
changeable religions, the fear of Jahweh is clean and
enduring for ever. They heard the Sabbath ridiculed by
Greeks, and in the new stir of life which Hellenism ex-
cited they found it ever more difficult to keep. They saw
some Jews becoming ashamed of circumcision and other-
wise neglecting the Law, and a number lapsing through
such stages into open revolt. Amid the influx of Greek
thought and fashion they keenly felt their own and their
children's danger : keep back thy servant, says the same
Psalmist, from overweening men; let them not have dominion
over me, then shall I be perfect and guiltless of the great
apostasy.) This inevitable reaction against Hellenism
appears to have been organised. By the time of the
Maccabees a party had been formed, whose Its organisa.
name, Asidaeoi or Hasîdîm, testifies at once tion.
to their loyalty to Israel's God and their sense of His
distinctive mercies to themselves. From so influential
a group the feeling must have spread left and right
throughout Israel—to the simpler country folk ignorant
of Greek and tenacious of the customs of their fathers,
to the fanatics for national liberty, and, upon the questions
* Psalm xix. 13 f.
2 Vol. i. 401 f.
.424
Jerusalem
1
of the idols and the ethics, to the more liberal wise men.
But while all these experiences supplied material for the
crisis, the occasion of this would hardly have arrived but
for two other causes-the old curse of political factions in
Jerusalem herself, and the persecutions of Antiochus IV.,
in strange contrast to the policy of the Ptolemies.
Oniads and was weiny tours
9. THE JEWISH FACTIONS AND ANTIOCHUS
EPIPHANES.
We have already seen 1 how a certain Joseph, son of
Tobiah, had secured towards 200 B.C. the management
Factions of the Egyptian tribute from Palestine, and
in Jerusalem: was thereby risen to great wealth and influence
Tabiads. in Jerusalem. His family and adherents, known
as the Tobiadæ, formed a powerful party over against the
Oniadæ, the family with whom the High-priest's office
still remained,º and divided with them the allegiance of
'the multitude.'3 Joseph lived through the Seleucid con-
quest of Palestine and into the reign of Seleucus IV.
(187-175). Under the Seleucids he or his family retained
the farm of the taxes, and Josephus gratefully records
Joseph that he brought his people 'out of a state of
n-Tobiah. poverty into one which was more splendid.'
Probably it was by his services that the transference of
the Jews to Antiochus the Great was facilitated and the
favourable terms secured which that monarch granted to
them. Joseph had several legitimate sons and one
illegitimate, whose Greek name was Hyrkanus. Hyr-
1 Vol. i. 368, 399.
2 Vol. i. 393, 398 f., they were descended from Sadok, whom Solomon
lad instituted as chief priest in place of Abiathar; vol. ii. p. 49.
8 Josephus, xii. Ant. v. 1.
4 Above, p. 380.
For what follows see xii. Ant. iv. II.

Plate XII.
KASR EL-'ABD-PALACE OF THE SLAVE.
Remains of the Ancient Tyrus or Sûr built by Hyrkanus (Tobiyah) Son of Joseph, C. 180 B.C.

Plate XIII.
KASR EL-ABD-PALACE OF THE SLAVE.
Gateway outside the Moat of the Palace of Tyrus or Sûr.
The Jew and the Greek
425
kanus resided at the Egyptian court, but the other
sons with their father at Jerusalem. From
Hyrkanus
what happened afterwards it appears that and his
while they accepted the Seleucid régime he *
endeavoured to restore that of the Ptolemies; and thus
the old and familiar situation was repeated in Jerusalem,
There was a party for Egypt and a party for the North.
Hyrkanus marched upon Judah with an armed force,
was opposed by his brethren, and slew two of them; but
although 'the multitude was divided in this war,''when
he came to the City nobody would receive him.' The
High-priest being related to the elder Tobiadæ took
sides with them, and hopeless of his Egyptian schemes
Hyrkanus retired beyond Jordan, where for seven years,
warring with the Arabs, he sustained a principality of his
own. The ruins of Kașr el-Abd and the adjacent caves
of 'Arâķ el-Emîr, the Cliffs-of-the-Prince, still testify to
the accuracy of Josephus's description of the fortress
which Hyrkanus built, and furnish us with proofs of the
wealth of his generation and the styles of its architecture.
In the neighbouring Khurbet eş-Şâr there is perhaps an
echo of the name which he gave to his place, Şûr, in
Greek Tyros or Tyre. The remains of a rude and
lavish grandeur are everywhere visible. A high and
dry plateau was converted, by a strong dam and by an
aqueduct from the distant sources of the stream above
which it lies, into a lake or broad moat. In the middle
1 According to the P.E.F. Mem., 'Eastern Palestine,' Kh. [es] Şâr, W. of
Arâk el-Emîr, was itself a place of importance on a site 500 yards square by
an ancient road from 'Ammân. The identifiable masonry is Roman; but
the ruined tower may have been an outpost of Hyrkanus's fortress. Close
by there is a Kh. es-Şûr, whether spelt with a Sin or a Şad is doubtful
The Wâdy es-Sir, above which Kașr el-'Abd and ‘Araķel-Emir lie, has its no
from another root, and means W. of the Sheepfold (so ‘EPalestine,' 2
1

WY
426
Terusalem
of this, upon an artificial mound connected with the
The stones, all large, some vast, were carefully dressed, and
on the walls were the figures of great animals. In the
cliff which rises to the west two tiers of caves open, one
from the ground, the other from a terrace which is
approached by a sloping ramp and has at one end a
great detached block curiously carved with pigeon-holes.2
Some of the upper caves, with their side chambers, have
many mangers; they were the stables of the cavalry used
by Hyrkanus against the Arabs. Others with corniced
roofs and deep carvings were, as Josephus describes, for
sleeping, feeding and living in. On the sides of the
entrances to two on the lower tier are inscribed the
consonants of the name Țobiah, either the Hebrew name
1. Josephus's description is in xii. Ant. iv. II. The part of the plateau con-
verted into a lake is some 320 yards broad; walled to the N.W. by the long
cliff and protected on the N. by a knoll; the dam runs round the S. and E. ;
the aqueduct is from the N.; the causeway runs N.E. from the island.
The palace is 126 ft. by 62, and was probably 21 or 22 ft. high. The
stones, boss and margin, are pick-dressed; two of the largest are 20 ſt. by
10, and 17, 4 by 8 by 2, 8. The capitals of some pillars are peculiar, most
nearly resembling Egyptian, but other details seem a rough reproduction of
the Greek. I take the figures from the P.E.F. Mem., 'E. Palestine,' where
the account is clear and thorough, but the description I give from my own
and we must expect the ruins to diminish. I found a man building a
house whose fathers had been tent-dwellers (see above, vol. i. 286). See
further both for the ruins and the caves Duc de Luynes, Voyage, 138 ff. ;
De Vogüé, Temple de Jérusalem, Pl. 35, and Revue Archéol., 1864, 208 ff.,
1865, 31 ff.; De Saulcy, Ibid. 137 ff. ; Merrill, E. of the Jordan, 106 ff. ;
Conder, Heth and Moab, 170; Gautier, Au delà du Jourdain, 118 ff. ;
Driver, Text of the Bks. of Samuel, xxi. ; and especially Clermont-Ganneau,
Arch. Researches in Palestine, ii. 261 ff.
2 The purpose of this (16% feet high by 12. broad and 7 thick) and its
wenty-six niches or pigeon-holes is uncertain. Was it to light up the
race? Our Arab guide said there is a similar one at Merj el Hammâm,
of Madaba, on the road from 'Ammân.


Plate XIV.
"ARÂK EL-EMÎR-CLIFF OF THE PRINCE
with the Two Tiers of Caves, part of the fortress of Tyrus or Sur C. 180 B.C.
The Jew and the Greek
427
of Hyrkanus himself, or the proof of his continued pride
in his family." To have seen these remains is to under-
stand the character and ambitions of this Jewish clan
from whom their nation had gained so much,
Proofs of the
but was destined to suffer unspeakable evils. Power of the
Tobiads.
If one of their bastards, whom they had them-
selves disowned, could build a fortress and a state like
this and hold it seven years in defiance of the Seleucid
authority and against the fierce tribes of Arabia, we can
appreciate the influence of the family in Jerusalem and at
the court of Antioch: the wealth of their resources, the
undaunted front they showed to foreign powers, the
ambition they cherished of being kings themselves.
With their command of the fiscal arrangements of the
country, with their unscrupulous energy and skill, they
easily outmatched the priestly aristocracy of Jerusalem,
and made themselves indispensable to the Greek
monarchy. The impecuniousness of this dynasty and
its eagerness to Hellenise its subjects were equal tempta-
tions to the Jewish factions to outbid each other for
its patronage, by promises of increased tribute and of the
adoption of Greek fashions.
So at least the author of Second Maccabees makes
* See Cl.-Ganneau op. cit., who cites the custom among Jews of the time
of having two names, Greek and Hebrew, and reminds us that Hyrkanus may
have had his Hebrew name from his grandfather Tobiah, according to another
Jewish fashion, and appeals to 2 Macc. iii. II, where some of the treasure in
the Temple is said to be that of “Υρκανού του Τοβίου, which may be translated
Hyrkanus Tobias and not Hyrkanus son of Tobias. Most accounts of the in-
scription treat it as if it were single ; but I saw and photographed two copies,
one on the left of the entrance to a large cave on the lower tier which the
peasants call ej-Jâyah, the other on the right of the entrance to another cave
to which our guide gave the same name. This second is the inscription
described in the P.E.F. Mem. ; it is the better preserved of the two. Sce
Plate XIII.
428
Jerusalem
clear, and as he ascribes the original cause of his people's
Simon's misfortunes to her factions rather than to the
the High
ith tyranny of her foreign lords, we may receive
Priest.
the substance of his narrative as true. Accord-
ing to him everything was going well at Jerusalem when
Onias III. was High-priest in the early years of Seleucus IV
(187-175). The High-priesthood remained secure with
its hereditary possessors. The Temple was respected
by the Greeks, and of his own revenues the King bore all
the costs belonging to the service of the sacrifices.'1 It
is no wonder that the whole population rejected the
Egyptian offers of Hyrkanus about 182. They had
reason to be content with their present lords and looked
forward to years of peace. But then a Tobiad named
Simon, the elder brother of Hyrkanus according to some,2
and at least an adherent of the family, who was the civil
guardian of the Temple, having quarrelled with the High-
priest about the management of the city-market, went off
to Apollonius the governor of Coelesyria, with a story
that the Temple treasury was full of moneys not devoted
to sacred purposes but exigible by the King. Apollonius
reported the news to Seleucus, who sent his chancellor
Seleucus iv. Heliodorus to make inquiry. Onias received
& the chancellor courteously, and explained that
the Treasury held only 400 talents of silver
Temple
Treasures. and 200 of gold, and that these were the
deposits of widows and orphans with other private
moneys, including some belonging to Hyrkanus; to con-
fiscate them would be to violate the trust which men put
in the sanctity of a Temple honoured over the world.3
sends Helio-
dorus to ex-
amine the
. ? See above, vol. i. 399 n. 1.
3 On the Temple as a Bank see above, vol. i. 354, 365.
*;? 2 Macc. iii. 3.

Plate XV.
"ARÂK EL-EMÎR-CLIFF OF THE PRINCE.
Entrance to one of the Caves on the lower Tier with the Inscription: TOBIYAH.
The Jew and the Greek
429
But Heliodorus claimed everything for the King, and
asserted his right of search. It was at once a sacrilege
and an assault upon public security. Consternation fell
upon the priesthood and people, and they cried unto God.
'When Heliodorus and his guards appeared over against
the treasury, the Sovereign of Spirits and of all authority
caused a great apparition so that all who had presumed
to enter fainted and were sore afraid. A horse with a
terrible rider in golden armour rushed fiercely at Helio-
dorus and smote him with its forefeet, while two young
men who stood by scourged him with many sore stripes,
and he was carried off dying. But Onias magnanimously
prayed for his life, and the same figures that beat him
having assured him in a dream that he was revived for
Onias's sake, he sacrificed and returned with his strange
story to the King. When the King asked him what
manner of man he should send to Jerusalem to complete
the business, Heliodorus with grim humour advised him
'to despatch any enemy or conspirator against the state,
and thou shalt have him back again well scourged, for
of a truth there is about the place a power of God.'I
Simon, however, declared to Apollonius that the ap-
parition' had been arranged by Onias, and further
slandered the latter as a conspirator against
Onias ousted
the state. Onias therefore travelled straight by Jason his
brother.
to the King, careful not so much for his own
defence as for the interest of the commonwealth, 'for he
saw that without the King's providence it was impossible
for the state to have peace any more, and that Simon
would not cease from his madness.' He was detained at the
court, and his brother Jeshua' or Jason, in intrigue with the
* 2 Macc. iii.
% 'EmlBoulov Tŵv mpayuátwy: 2 Macc. i

430
Jerusalem
Tobiadæ, took advantage of his absence to supplant him.
In 175 Seleucus was murdered and succeeded
Antiochus iv.
Epiphanes, by his brother Antiochus iv., who called him-
175-164.
self Epiphanes, The God-Manifest, but was
nicknamed Epimanes, The Maniac.1 Both epithets are
required to characterise the monarch, on whose powerful
but unbalanced mind the fortunes of Israel now depended.
Sensible people, says Polybius, knew not what to make
of him; some thought him a plain, blunt fellow,4 others
a madman. For nearly fourteen years he had lived as a
hostage at Rome, in the corrupt idleness of such a life;
and then for some time at Athens, where he acted as a
magistrate. He knew the world, and as king could con-
ceive great things : in religion, in art, in liberality, and
even in war. In sacrifices in various cities and in
honours to the gods he exceeded all who had reigned
before him. When he heard of the games celebrated in
Macedonia by Æmilius Paulus, resolving to surpass their
magnificence, he provided and personally marshalled at
1 Epiphanes is not the ordinary epithet 'illustrious' (though Athenæus,
V. 25, seems to take it in this sense), but an abbreviation of the title Oeds
’Eripavńs, which Antiochus himself assumes on some of his coins (Head, Hist.
Num. 641; Macdonald, Catalogue of Greek Coins in the Hunterian Museum,
iii. pp. 44 ff., Nos. 21 ff.), and which means the God who manifests himself.'
It seems Egyptian in origin (cf. above on Amenhotep IV., pp. 19f., 24), and the
first Greek monarch who assumed it was Ptolemy v. Of Antiochus IV., Mac-
donald op. cit. p. 41 says: “Evidence of the divine honours accorded him in
his lifetime is borne by his coins, not merely through the inscription (Nos.
21 ff.), but also through the appearance of stars on the diadem (Nos. 4, etc.),
and through the idealisation of the head (Nos. 5, etc.).' It is Polybius
who reports that he was nicknamed Epimanes (Pol. xxvi. 10, preserved in
Athenæus x.). For further literature on the subject see Schürer, Gesch.(3)
i. 192 f. n. 21, and add Ramsay, Cities of St. Paul, 252
2 °Apelî: Shuckburgh translates 'a good-natured, easy-going man.'
3 His name stands the first of three magistrates on a coin of Athens de-
pribed by Macdonald, op. cit. ii. 61, No. 96.
Polybius, xxvi. 10; Athenæus, x. 63.

The Jew and the Greek
431
Daphne an extraordinary parade and festival. Polybius
also calls him an able general and worthy of the royal
name. He remembered his magistracy at Athens, and
putting on a citizen's cloak he canvassed the Agora of
Antioch for the offices of Agoranomos and of Demarch.3
When elected he would give his decisions upon the
market-cases with great zest. He mixed with the common
people of his capital, and chattered on art with all the
dulged in the oddest pranks. He joined in the horseplay
of the public baths, and when he heard of parties of young
people feasting together he would break in upon them,
with horn and bagpipe, to their terror and instant flight,
His freaks of favour and liberality were extraordinary:
on some he would lavish gold, on others dice, dates,
drenches of ointment.5 In short, Antiochus IV. was a
monster of impulses, with these additional dangers: that
he never forgot he had a mission in life and was never out
of need of money. The Roman world remembered him
as the monarch who undertook to replace the supersti-
tions of his Asian subjects by the gift of Greek manners,
and Polybius says that he sacrilegiously plundered most
of the Temples within his reach. His boisterousness
and his piety, his equal zest for games and for civic
1 Polybius, xxxi. 3 f. (Oxf. ed., 1823, iv. 118 ff.), preserved in Athenæus,
V. 22-24, x. 53.
2 xxvii. 17, Oxf. ed., Tom. iv. p. 40; xxviii. 18, in Shuckburgh's transla-
tion. Polybius excepts the bad tactics of Antiochus at Pelusium.
3 Ædile and Tribune.
4 Athenæus, x. 52, quoting the Hypomnemata of Ptolemy Euergetes II. ;
Müller, Frag. Hist. Graec. iii. 186.
5 The above description is abridged from Polybius, xxvi. 10, preserved by
Athenæus, v. 21; cf. X. 52: Oxford ed. of Polybius, 1823, Tom. iv.
pp. 15 ff.
6 Tacitus, Hist. v. 8.
7 xxxi. 4, in Athenæus, v.

432
Jerusalem
duties, testify to a nature saturated with the spirit with
which he believed it to be his divine duty to infect his
peoples. Alike in its lowest and its highest forms Anti-
ochus Epiphanes was Hellenism incarnate, but Hellenism
with its head turned and gnawed by a hunger for gold.
He is reported to have died mad.1
If ever a nemesis were apparent in the history of men,
it was so now, in the conjunction of this Greek monster
with the Hellenising factions in Jerusalem.
Jason intro-
duces Greek Having received an audience from Antiochus,
Jerusalem. Jason promised in return for the gift of the
High-priesthood a large addition to the Jewish tribute,
440 talents of silver; and undertook to furnish 150 more
if authority were given him to erect a Gymnasium in
Jerusalem and to register the inhabitants as Antiochenes.
Confirmed as High-priest, Jason 'forthwith brought over
them of his own race to the Greek fashion. He built
the Gymnasium under the Akra, where it enjoyed the
protection of the Greek garrison, but was near enough to
the Temple to attract the younger priests by its summons
to the game of the Discus. He also caused the youths
of priestly families and other young nobles to wear the
Greek cap. “And thus,' says the pious chronicler, to
whom we owe these details, 3 'there was an extreme of
Greek fashions and the advance of an alien religion by
reason of the exceeding profaneness of Jason, that un-
godly man and no High-priest.' But in such measures
Jason would not have succeeded without the influence of
1 Polybius, xxxi. II (Oxf. ed., iv. 131). The more favourable view by
Ramsay, Cities of St. Paul, 181 ff., does not refer to the above data.
2 It lay either in the Tyropoon or the Kidron Valley, probably on the
ame site on which Herod built his Hippodrome (see below, ch. xvii.).
For all this paragraph see 2 Macc. iv. 7-22 ; cf. 1 Macc. i. 11-15.

The Jew and the Greek
433
a strong Hellenic party among the citizens, some wel-
coming the exhilaration of Greek life and some the
intellectual power of Greek institutions. Further, he sent
to Tyre three hundred silver drachmæ, as the contribu-
tion of the now Antiochene citizens of Jerusalem to the
sacrifices of Heracles or Baal-Melkart.Antiochus visited
Jerusalem and Jason received him magnificently. The
wily King saw for himself the political situation. But,
although doubtless after his manner he roistered with
all the Hellenisers, he would be ignorant of the strong
and still silent force of the opposite party,
In 171 another Tobiad, Menelaus, the brother of Simon,
was sent by Jason to Antioch with the annual tribute.
He used his opportunity to secure the High-
Menelaus
priesthood for himself, outbidding Jason by supplants
three hundred talents of silver! On his re-
turn to Jerusalem, bringing, says the historian, nothing
worthy of the High-priesthood but having the passion of a
tyrant and the rage of a beast, he drove out Jason, who
fled across Jordan. Failing to furnish the increased
moneys he had promised, Menelaus was summoned to
Antioch along with Sostratus the Greek governor of the
Akra, who was responsible for the tribute. On their
arrival Antiochus was absent in Cilicia, and Menelaus
bribed the deputy to kill Onias, while Lysimachus his
brother, whom he had left in charge of his office in
Jerusalem in order to supply him with money, laid
unholy hands upon the golden vessels of the Temple.
This sacrilege was too much for the common people, who

2 Vol. i. Plate ix., Nos. 5 and 6.
* See above, pp. 393 f., 402 ff.
3 Vol. i. p. 399 n.
VOL. II.
2 E
434
Jerusalem
Jerusalem
Antiochus,
rose against the armed bands of Lysimachus, while the
Senate sent three legates to Tyre to accuse Menelaus
before the King. By bribing certain officials Menelaus
won the King to his side, and the legates were executed.
Menelaus, through the covetousness of them that were
in power, remained in office.' 2
The factions at Jerusalem were still influenced by the
rivalry between Egypt and Syria for the possession of
Occupation of Palestine.3 In 170 Antiochus marched into
by Egypt, and upon a rumour of his death there,
170 B.C. Jason with a thousand men took Jerusalem
by surprise, and Menelaus threw himself into the Akra,
which still had its Greek garrison. Antiochus, stung by
this revolt, abandoned his unsuccessful campaign against
Egypt, and in a frenzy marched on Jerusalem. He took
the City, drove out Jason, and for three days delivered
the population to massacre. Eighty thousand are said
to have perished, but the number is doubtless exagger-
ated. Under the guidance of Menelaus the King pre-
sumed to enter the Temple, polluted the sacred vessels
with his own hands, dragged down the offerings dedi-
cated by other kings, and took his departure with one
thousand eight hundred talents from the treasury. He
left Philip, a barbarous Phrygian, in command of the
i See vol. i. 392 f.
2 2 Macc. iv. 23-50.
3 Josephus, i. B.J. i. 1 :—Antiochus Epiphanes, quarrelling with Ptolemy
VI. about his right to the whole country of Syria, a great sedition arose
among the duvarol in Judæa. Onias (this is an error for Jason) having got the
upper hand, cast the sons of Tobias out of the City, who fled to Antiochus.
He took Jerusalem and slew many of the adherents of Ptolemy,
4 So 2 Macc. v. 21; 1 Macc. i. 20 ff. says that he carried off the golden
Itar and candlestick, the table of shewbread, the plated gold and silver
the hidden treasures.

The Jew and the Greek
435
-
llonius,
Akra and Menelaus as High-priest, 'who worse than all
the rest exalted himself against his fellow-citizens.'1
In 168 Antiochus resumed operations against Egypt,
but was presented by a Roman ambassador, Popilius
Laenas, with a decree of the Senate forbidding Capture and
him to make further attempts on that country. De
Devastation
This was the first effective interference by 168 B.C.
Rome in the affairs of Egypt and Palestine; it secured
the safety of the former, but it drove the energy of Anti-
ochus to a more thorough Hellenising of the latter.2
He sent Apollonius, one of his principal fiscal officers, into
Judæa. Pretending peace, Apollonius took Jerusalem
on a Sabbath, put a great number of the citizens to
the sword, and strengthened the Akra with better walls
and a larger garrison. The City walls were torn down,
Jerusalem organised as a Greek city, and the worship
of Greek deities enforced throughout the land at the
point of the sword. The surrounding Greek popula-
tions were enlisted in the work. Circumcision and the
observance of the Sabbath were forbidden. Jews were
compelled to eat swine's Aesh and to sacrifice to idols.
But worst of all, in December 168, on the 15th Kislev
of the 145th Seleucid year, a heathen altar was built
on the site of the Altar of Burnt Offering, and on the

1 2 Macc. V. 1-23; Jos. i. B.]. i. 1. As Schürer points out (Gesch.(3) i.
196 nr. 30), the former account from Jewish sources displays more know-
ledge of the internal affairs of the Jews, the latter from Greek sources more
of the wider political situation-the rivalry of the Ptolemies and Seleucids,
the adherence of Menelaus and the Tobiads to Antiochus, the adherence of
the rest to Ptolemy vI. The accounts are thus independent of each other,
and the errors of Josephus (see p. 434 n. 2) explicable. Cf. the summary,
i Macc. i. 16-28.
2 Polybius, xxix. ii.; Diod. Siculus, xxxi. 2; Livy, xlv. 12; Appiar
Svr. 66.
436
Terusalemi
.
25th Kislev --- how the exact dates were branded on
the memory of the Jews !-sacrifices were offered upon
it to Zeus Olympios. This was the abomination of desola-
tion spoken of by Daniel the prophet. The finest buildings
in the town were burned, and the walls, as of the town,
so of the Sanctuary, were breached. The Temple itself
was not destroyed, but stripped and 'filled with riot-
ings and revels' 'The Sanctuary was laid waste like a
wilderness.'1
1
1 2 Macc. v. 24-vi. ; 1 Macc. i. 29-64, iv. 38, 60; Josephus, i. B.J. i. If.,
xii. Ant. v. 4f.

JERUSALEM IN THE TIME OF THE MACCABEES
168 B.C. ONWARDS
MAP 12
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Hil of Evil Counsel
(Jebel Deir thu Tor
Edinburgh Geographical Institute
Scale of Half a Mile
J.G. Bartholomew,
he continuous red lines are the Ancient City Walls, destroyed and restored during this
iod. The dotted red lines on either side of the Tyropoeon are alternative suggestions
he rampart built to shut off the Akra from Jerusalem. The dotted red line round the
of the Haram area, is the supposed line of the Second North Wall of the Period.
se is unknown from the N.W. corner of the area to the present Citadel.
CHAPTER XVI
JERUSALEM UNDER THE MACCABEES
AND HASMONEANS
168-38 B.C.
D ROM this point onwards it will not be necessary
T to treat the History with so much detail as we
have hitherto devoted to it, for in our survey
Plan of the
of the government and institutions of Israel Rest of this
Work.
we have had occasion to record 1 most of the
events which determined the fortunes of Jerusalem under
the Maccabees, the Hasmoneans, Herod and the Romans.
We may confine ourselves to descriptions of the City
and of the character of her population during those
periods, with brief historical summaries where such are
still needed. In the present chapter we begin with
Jerusalem under the Maccabees (using this conventional
term for Judas and his brothers)2 and under the Has-
monean Kings and High Priests, from John Hyrkanus
to Antigonus, whom Sosius slew in 37 B.C.
1 Vol. i. Bk. II. chs. ix. and x. ; cf. for the buildings of the walls, etc.,
Bk. 1. ch. viii.
2 The name Maccabee (Gr. pakkabalos or paraßacos, Syr. Maķabi) is
properly either the personal name or the title of Judas, and is confined to
him till as late as Josephus. But the collector of the Apocrypha gave the
plural form as the title of Four Books, dealing not only with Judas and his
brethren and John Hyrkanus, but with all who acted or suffered with them
(as well as, in 3rd Macc., with events before them), and from this the term
Maccabees has come to be applied to all Jewish heroes and martyrs of the
437
438
Jerusalem
Maccabean Jerusalem occupied virtually the same site
within the same lines of fortification which we have
traced for the time of Nehemiah :1 that is to
Maccabean
Jerusalem : say, most of the East Hill and all the South-
Its Size,
West Hill, with part of the North-West Hill
and the Tyropæon valley. The West, South and East
Walls still followed the natural lines of fortification
above the encompassing valleys and across the mouth
of the Tyropoeon ;2 but the North Wall, the Second of
Josephus, ran along an uncertain line from the present
citadel to the rock at the north-west corner of the
Haram area, and thence on the southern slope of the
tributary ravine to the Kidron, somewhere near the pre-
sent 'Solomon's Throne.'3 These limits represent ap-
proximately a circumference of 12,000 feet, or over
twenty stadia. If we include the northern suburb up
time. The meaning of the name is uncertain. It is usually taken from
the Hebrew napp, hammer, and treated as a title bestowed on Judas after
his numerous beatings of the Greeks. But neither its form (adjectival) nor
the use of it in Ist or 2nd Macc. supports this idea. The latter rather sug-
gests that it was given at birth to the son of Mattathias, in which case the
possible derivations of it are many (whether from app or 273). It is
also doubtful whether it was originally spelt with a single or double à (p)
for the Greek kk sometimes stands for the Semitic ķ; and in Niese's ed. of
Josephus the Greek is four times out of five spelt with a single k. See S. I.
Curtiss, The Name Machabee (he derives it from 2, to quench); Schürer,
Gesch.(3) § 4 note 47; Niese, Kritik der beiden Makkabäerbücher, 1; Fair-
weather, "Maccabees' in Hastings' D. B.; C. C. Torrey, Maccabees
(Family)'in Enc. Bibl. § 1; Winckler, K.A.T.(3) 304 (a mythol. origin
of the name). –On the name Hasmonean, which properly covers the Mac-
cabean brethren as well as the dynasty that Simon founded, see vol. i,
407 n. 3.
} Vol. i. 196 ff.
2 Vol. i. Bk. I. chs. i. f., vi.-viii. Timochares (see below, p. 439 n. 2), the
biographer of an Antiochus, either iv, or VII., describes steep ravines on
every side, which, of course, is wrong.
3 Vol. i. 33 f., 200 ff., 243, 247 ff.
. If the stadium=582 ft.
Under the Maccabees and Hasmoneans 439
to the present wall we get nearly 16,000 feet, which is
about the twenty-seven stadia stated for the perimeter
of the City by Xenophon the topographer in the first
century B.C.1 But we should require to go out some
distance upon the northern plateau in order to compass
the forty and fifty stadia which are reckoned by other
writers of the Greek period. They have probably
exaggerated. Even Josephus, after the Third Wall
and its Three
Apart from her suburbs the City thus covered an area
of about three-fourths of a mile north and south by
three-fifths east and west;4 and consisted on
of three divisions, for the clear distinction Divisions.
of which in the records of the time we are prepared
by her previous history : (1) the Town, or bulk of the
City, generally called Jerusalem ; (2) the Temple Mount,
separately fortified; and (3) the Akra, or Citadel, which
threatened and embarrassed, if it did not actually
dominate, the Temple.
One of the later Pilgrim-Psalms has praised Jerusalem
1 Identified with the author of the Triangulation of Syria. Quoted by
Alexander Polyhistor and Eusebius, Praep. Evang. ix. 36; Müller, Frag.
Hist. Graec. iii. 228-9; Reinach, Textes, etc., 54.
2 Hecatæus of Abdera, or the Pseudo-Hecatæus (quoted by Josephus,
C. Apion. i. 22; Müller, ii. 392 ; Fr., 14; Reinach, 227 ff.), gives 50 stadia ;
the Letter of Aristeas (p. 538 of Thackeray's ed. in Swete's Introd. to O.T.
in Gk.), 40, ‘so far as one can guess.' The 40 stadia of Timochares (quoted
by Alex. Polyh. and Eus. Praep. Evang. ix. 35; Muller, iii. 228; Reinach,
53) are apparently reckoned round the edges of the encompassing ravines.
Even if the circuit be reckoned along the beds of the ravines, this does not
give more than 30 stadia.
3 v. B.J. iv. 2. See last sentence of previous note.
4 More exactly, from the south-east angle of the City to the rock at the
north-west corner of the Haram area, 4000 feet (nearly 1220 metres), and
from the south-east corner of the Haram area to the outside of the present
citadel 3200 feet (about 975 metres).
440
Jerusalem
U
as built like a city that is compact together.1 Such was
also the impression which the town made on
1. The Town.
another visitor within our period. He says
that the mould or form of the City is well-proportioned.'?
Standing upon the Akra, which, as we shall see, lay on
the East Hill, this observer had the bulk of the town
before him on the South-West and North-West Hills,
and with remarkable fidelity to their configuration he
describes it thus: 'In the disposition of its towers and
of the thoroughfares which appear, some below, some
above, with the cross-streets through them, it has the
familiar 3 aspect of a theatre. For the ground is broken
1 Psalm cxxii. 3. The expression (a late Aramaic one) is taken by some in
an ethical sense (e.g. Coverdale : that is at unity with itself, cf. the LXX.;
and Duhm: built like the city where they gather in one mind), but the term
built seems to shut us up to a material meaning for the phrase which is
parallel to it. And so this is usually taken, though it seems true that the
writer has in view rather the sense of physical compactness and proportion,
as if well-gathered together, than that of recent and solid fortification. In
Aramaic the root an is sometimes used in a physical sense : cf. Levy,
Neuhebr. u. Chald. Wörterbuch, ii. 7 f.
2 Tîs de Toleus ļoti TÒ xúna (cod. B. oxñua] ovdjét pws éxov : Letter of
Aristeas, Thackeray's ed. in Swete's Intro. to 0. T. in Gr. 538. In his
translation (London: Macmillan, 1904) Thackeray renders 'the extent of
the city is moderate,' but from what follows the above seems the more
probable meaning of the original, though Thackeray's translation suits better
a later use by the author of the same expression.
3 Reading with Redpath (αρκά Thackeray) είθισμένως for είθισμένων.
4 "Thoroughfares,' Subdol: 'cross-streets,' OLE&6d01. Thackeray (Trans.
24 n.) reverses these meanings, taking the latter to be the thoroughfares'
(cf. xxii. 9) and the former to be the cross-streets' (cf. the LXX. addition
to Jer. ii. 28). But the thoroughfares or main streets of Jerusalem which
have persisted to the present day are those which alone could be described
as appearing some above and some below, for they run from north to south
of the City, whereas the cross-streets are those which descend' at right
angles to them. Besides, in Matt. xxii. 9, which refers to country roads,
the main roads are 8801, and the defodol, those which lead through and out of
them. But the proof seems to me clenched by the stairs which are said
to lead to the diódov : the stairs would mostly (though not altogether) be as
to-day, towards the thoroughfares running north and south.
Under the Maccabees and Hasmoneans 441
up, as the City is built on a mountain. And there are stairs
towards the thoroughfares.' Another sentence seems to
refer to that use of the housetops and roofs of lanes which
was characteristic of Jerusalem. “Some persons take their
way above, others underneath; this distinction of travel-
ling being chiefly on account of those who are under-
going purification, so that they may touch nothing
improper.'1 Thus the aspect of the City must have
been what it has so constantly remained: the houses
thickly packed, the main lines of street perhaps a little
more visible than they are to-day; but with no con-
spicuous buildings, save the towers at the gateways and
elsewhere round the walls. No palace nor citadel is noted
by this observer looking west on the town from his point
of vantage on the East Hill. But as to that we shall
find a change under the Hasmonean kings, and especially
under Herod.2 As to the fortifications of the City-in
distinction from those of the Temple and the Akra-we
are left in doubt. We have seen that they were repaired
to some effect by a High - priest Simon in the course
of the third century. That Jason required only one
thousand men to take the town as distinct from the Akra,
or that Apollonius easily captured it,4 is no proof that
1 The original indeed connects this sentence with what has gone before
by gàp; but this seems to be due to some confusion, because a person
desirous of avoiding unholy contacts could as little effect his purpose on the
higher as on the lower thoroughfares, and the higher were the further from
the Temple. The other meaning given above seems the only possible one.
2 This seems to me one proof of the early date of the Letter of Aristeas,
or at least of the material embodied in this part of his work. Schürer assigns
it on other grounds to about 200 B.C. If the author had written, as some
maintain, in the first century B.C. or later, he could not have failed to notice
the palace of the Hasmoneans and Herod's palace and citadel, as he looked
west from the East Hill.
3 Vol. i. 391 ; vol. ii. 386.
4 Above, pp. 434 f.
442
Jerusalem
2. The
the walls were poor or badly breached. There were
other reasons for the ease with which these conquests
were effected. None of the observers in our period,
however, seems to have been so much impressed with the
town's fortifications as he was with those of the Temple.
Ben Sira, Hecatæus (or the Pseudo-Hecatæus) and the
Letter of Aristeas say little, or nothing, of the City Walls,
while they emphasise the strength of the Sanctuary,1
The fortification of the Temple, for which it was so
well adapted by its site, was inaugurated (as we have
seen) by Solomon, who, however, included
Temple- also his palace and other government build-
Fortress.
ings. After the Exile the Second Temple
was separately fortified long before the walls of the City
were restored ; 3 and, in the third century, one or other of
the two High-priests called Simon not only increased its
substructures and cisterns, but built a wall and bulwark
round it: in his days the Temple was fortified. Hecatæus,
or his imitator, in describing Jerusalem, says:5. About the
middle of the City is a circumvallation of stone 5 plethra
long by 100 cubits broad [about 485 feet by 145, or
172)6 with double gates.' The Letter of Aristeas, after
stating that Jerusalem lies on a mountain in the middle
1 Ecclesiasticus li. 4; Hec. or the Ps.-Hec. in C. Apion. i. 22; Letter of
Arist. in Thackeray's ed., cf. p. 534 on the Temple with 538 on the City.
2 Above, p. 69 f.
3 Above, pp. 310, 332, 335 f.
4 Ecclesiasticus l. 1-4 (the Hebr. text in Schechter and Taylor; Wisdom
of Ben Sira, pp. xlvi. and (19).
5 In Josephus C. Apion. i. 22 (see above, p. 383) it must always be
remembered that even if we have to do here with the work not of the real
but of a Pseudo-Hecatæus, many of the details given were probably borrowed
from the former.
6 Taking the plethron at 97 Eng. feet and the Gk. cubit at 174 inches.
Enc. Bibl. col. 4942 takes the 5 pl. as 4854 Eng. ft. If the longer Egyptian
cubit be meant the breadth is 1724 Eng. ft.
Under the Maccabees and Hasmoneans 443
of Judæa, proceeds: ‘Upon the crest was built the Temple,
of magnificent appearance; and the three encompassing
walls, more than 70 cubits [120 feet] high, and of a breadth
and length suitable to the House, the whole built off
with unrivalled profusion and munificence.' It also de-
scribes the huge doorway of the House with the great
curtain; the Altar of Burnt Offering of a size in keeping
with the place, and with the number of sacrifices upon it;
the House itself facing east; the sloping floors of the
Court flushed with water from the marvellous and inde-
scribable reservoirs below the surface, so that the blood
of the sacrifices is swept away in the twinkling of an
eye; and it adds the well-known report (which it gives
us no means of verifying) of a copious natural spring
within the precincts. From all these testimonies--as also
from the natural contours of the site—the separate stand-
ing and the fortification of the Temple are clear to us. The
Second Temple was a fortress by itself, and its surround-
ing walls-said by the Letter to be three in number,
though probably it includes the wall of the inner court-
were apparently much more formidable than the walls of
the City. The only calculation of the dimensions which
is given 2 is at once striking and puzzling: the length,
485 feet, is approximately that, east and west, of the
present platform round the Dome of the Rock, and is pro-
bably correct; nor does the breadth, 145 or 172 feet, seem
inadequate when we remember that Solomon's Sanctuary
was only 55 feet broad, and that the Second Temple
U
i Thackeray's ed. in Swete's Intr. to 0. T. in Greek, 534f. On the question
of the Temple Spring see vol. i. 85 f. ; on the Temple reservoirs (which it
declares extend for five stadia round the Temple foundations !), vol. i. 119 ff.
2 Above, p. 442.
3 Above, p. 62.
444
Jerusalem
use we 1
was doubtless built to the same scale. It is interesting to
notice that if the 100 cubits which Hecatæus gives as the
breadth of the Temple enclosure were Egyptian cubits
(and therefore about 172 English feet), this is exactly the
dimension which Ezekiel prescribes in both directions
for his inner court.1 In any case we must conceive of
the Maccabean Temple and its courts as occupying at the
most little more than the space of the present platform
round the Dome of the Rock. All the rest of the Temple
Mount, now masked by the level surface of the Haram
area, at that time steeply descended on its natural con-
tours from the base of the Temple Walls, and was perhaps
covered as in Nehemiah's day by the houses of priests and
traders. Solomon's Palace and other government build-
ings had long ago disappeared. For what we have now
to discuss about the Akra let us keep in mind that the
Temple-fortress of this time did not in all probability
extend more than 100 feet south of the Rock eş-Şakhra.
The earliest notice of the Akra or citadel is the one
preserved by Josephus: that it was occupied by an
Egyptian garrison when in 198 B.C. the Jews
Akra.
welcomed Antiochus the Great to Jerusalem,
and that they helped him to besiege it. În the subse-
quent contests of the factions the Akra was garrisoned by
Seleucid soldiers, and when Jason took the town by sur-
prise his rival Menelaus, the creature of the Seleucids,
fled to it for refuge. Through all the Maccabean wars
the Akra remained in Seleucid hands till Simon took it
in 142. In the First Book of Maccabees the Akra is
3. The
1 Ezek. xl. 47.
2 Josephus xii. Ant. iii. 3 ; see above, p. 380.
3 See above, p. 434; 2 Macc. v. 5-7.
Under the Maccabees and Hasmoneans 445
described as fortified by a great and strong wall with
strong towers, so that it became a great trap, an ambush
against the Sanctuary ;? its garrison were able to shut
up Israel in the holy places ;2 and in order to Its Dis-
blockade it Jonathan built a great mound tinctness.
between the Akra and the City. Such passages assure us
of the distinctness of the Akra both from the City and
the Temple.
But when we try to fix the exact site of this citadel,
difficulties arise and opinion is divided. By the author
of First Maccabees the Akra is identified with Question
the City of David,' 4 that is the earlier of its Site.
Jebusite stronghold of Șion. If we accept this identifica-
tion the question is at once solved, for, as we have seen,
the stronghold Şion lay on the East Hill, south of and
below the Temple, or immediately above Gihon. But
both because some refuse to accept this position for Șion,
and because even if all were convinced of the fact it would
still be possible that by 100 B.C., the date of First Macca-
bees, the name City of David' had migrated from its
original position to some other prominent point in
Jerusalem, it will be best to investigate anew the evidence
for the site of the Akra.
Theories of the position of the Akra are almost as
numerous as the writers who have devoted attention to
the subject; and the mere statement of them Various
will show the difficulty, if not the impossibility, Theories.
of reaching a certain decision. We may select six of
11 Macc. i. 33, 35 f. ; cf. Josephus xiii. Ant. vi. 7: 'a base from which
the foe might assault Jerusalem'; and see on the whole subject above, vol. i.
157 ff.
2 1 Macc. vi. 18.
3 Ibid. xii. 36.
* 1 Macc. i. 33; vii. 32 ; xiv. 36.
6 Vol. i. Bk. I. ch. vi.
446
Jerusalem
the principal: three which place the Akra west of the
Tyropæon and three which place it east of that valley.
(1) Some, holding still that Şion lay on the South-West
Hill, and accepting the identification of it with the Akra,
find the site on that of the present citadel by the Jaffa
Gate. (2) Others place it on the lowest terrace of the
South-West Hill just above the Tyropæon, opposite the
south of the Haram area. (3) Many, not less convinced
that Şion lay on the South-West Hill, but refusing the
identification of it with the Akra, place the latter on the
North-West Hill, between the two branches of the Tyro-
pæon, on an assumed rocky knoll east of the Holy
Sepulchre. Those who hold that the Akra lay on the
East Hill are divided as to whether it was north or south
of the Temple. Thus (4) some place it on the prominent
rock at the north-west of the Temple area, where the
Hasmonean Baris was erected, and afterwards Herod's
Antonia, the site of the present Turkish barracks. Of
those who hold that it must have stood south of the
I
1 Rückert, Die Lage des Berges Șion, 87 ff. ; he further defends this posi-
tion by arguing that the Akra lay on the periphery of Jerusalem.
2 Tobler, Topographie von Jerusalem, etc., I. 29 ff. ; Mommert, Topogr.
des alten Jerus. jer Theil, des Kapitel ; iver Theil, 6es Kap.
3 Robinson, B.R. 410 ff., 567; L.B.R. 204 ff. ; Warren, Temple and
Tomb, 37 ; Conder, Handbook to the Bible, 346, and in Hastings' D.B. ii.
594 ; Henderson, Palestine (plan of ancient Jerusalem); Gatt, Die Hügel von
Jerusalem, 45 f.; Tenz, P.E.F.Q., 1906, 158 (two Akras, the second being
south of the Temple), 1907, 290 ff.; Pierotti, Jerus. Expl., appears to place
it in the Tyropoon, west of the Haram wall.
4 Thrupp, Antient Jer. 19 f., 178 f. ; W. R. Smith, “Jerus.'in Enc. Brit,(9),
Enc. Bibl. § 27 i. (presumably'); Wilson, Smith's D.B.(2) “Jerus.' 1644;
in P.E.F.Q., 1893, 164 ff., he argues against Birch for the north site; cf.
Nevin, quoted by Watson, P.E.F.Q., 1907, 206. Rix, Tent and Testament,
226, suggests that the Akra rock was south of the present barracks, and was
cut down to the present flat surface there, the rock on which the barracks
stand being 'in fact a mere remnant of the Akra rock.'
Under the Maccabees and Hasmoneans 447
Temple, the most (5) equate it with the site which we
have preferred for Șion, or “the City of David,' immedi-
ately above Giḥon, the present Virgin's Spring;2 but
recently (6) a site closer to the Temple has been
suggested, on the natural surface between the Rock
eş-Şakhra and the south Haram wall.3
The ancient evidence is conclusive that the Akra lay
near enough to the Temple to threaten, but not to
dominate, the circumvallations of the latter
The Akra
(which we must remember ran on a lower level most prob-
ably on East
than the Temple and its inner court), and to Hill, south
of Temple.
harass both its defenders and those who came
up to sacrifice. We have seen the testimony to this in
First Maccabees. We refrain from adding that of the
Letter of Aristeas, for its date is uncertain, and what it
describes may be not the Akra but the later Baris. We
can, however, quote the evidence of Josephus. He says
that the Akra was adjacent to the Temple, so that the
garrison, by sudden sorties, could destroy those who
came up to sacrifice ;5 and elsewhere he calls it the
Syrians' base of attack' from which they could harass
Jerusalem. Such evidence excludes the position pro-
posed for the Akra on or by the site of the present
citadel, which is certainly too far away from the Temple.
i So first Olshausen, Zur Topogr. des alten Jerus. (1833), pp. 4 f. ; see
Robinson, B.R. i. 567.
3 Birch, P.E.F.Q., 1886, 25 ff. ; 1888, 44 f.; 1893, 324; 1906, 157 ;
Benzinger, Hebr. Arch. (1) 47; Buhl, G. A.P. 142; G. A. Smith, Enc. Bibl.
'Terus.' $ 27 iii. ; Schürer, Gesch.(3) i. 198 f. N. 37 ; Masterman, art. “Jerus.'
in Hastings' Dict. of Christ and the Gospels.
3 Ch.Watson, P.E.F. Q., 1906, 50 ff.; 1907, 204 ff.; Kuemmel, Materialien
zur Topogr. des alten Jerus. 138 (he suggests it occupied the site of the Palace
of Solomon, but reserves his argument).
4 Above, p. 445.
5 xii. Ant. ix. 3.
8 xiii. Ant. vi. 7 : opuntýpcov.
448
Jerusalem
1
The sites proposed on the lower terrace of the South-
West Hill, and on the North-West Hill below Calvary, are
nearer. Though they are separated from the Temple
Hill by the Tyropæon, a citadel upon either of them
would overlook part, at least, of the wall surrounding
the Temple Hill; and its garrison would be able by
sorties to interfere with the approach of worshippers.
But neither site agrees with the repeated statement of
First Maccabees that the Akra was 'The City of David,'
nor with the data of Josephus. His well-known descrip-
tion of Jerusalem, though of tantalising ambiguity, is
most reasonably interpreted, in the light of other passages
of his works, as associating the name Akra with the East
Hill, south of the Temple area. Here lay his Lower
City in contrast to the Upper City on the South-West
· Hill, and separated from it by the Tyropæon 'which
extended to Siloam.' Besides telling us that the Akra
was built in the Lower City, Josephus twice says that in
iv. B.J. iv. I describes Jerusalem as built on two hills divided by the
Tyropæon, which 'extended as far as Siloam'; the higher and straighter
hill sustaining the Upper City called the Upper Agora,' the lower and
‘gibbous' (duplkuptos) sustaining the Lower City called 'Akra.' These
details suit the South-West, and the southern end of the East, Hills respec-
tively. No one would have doubted this identification but for the addition
that there was a third hill 'naturally lower than Akra,' and 'formerly parted
from it by a broad valley.' Was this the Temple Summit, as distinct from
the rest of the East Hill to the south of it? I agree with those who think it
was, for as we have seen, there is a good deal of evidence that in O.T. times
the East Hill after falling southward from the Temple summit rose into
another separate elevation : Șion or The ‘Ophel (hump or swelling ; vol. i.
Bk. 1. ch. vi.). But in that case Josephus, writing of what had disappeared
long before his time, was wrong in describing the Temple - summit as
naturally lower' than it and dominated (xii. Ant. v. 4) by it. Those who
maintain that the Upper Agora and Akra were the South-West and North-
West Hills respectively, while the third hill was the East Ilill, have to
account for this fact, that in Josephus's own time the N.W. Hill was still
separated by a valley, the Upper Tyropoeon, from the East Hill.
% xii. Ant. v. 4.
Under the Maccabees and Hasmoneans 449
his time the Lower City was called Akra;1 while in
another passage he connects the Akra with Siloam. But
the South-West and North-West Hills; it is equally
adverse to the site proposed on the East Hill north of
the Temple, the rock on which the present Barracks
stand, the site successively of the ancient Baris and
Antonia. For this position is not in harmony with the
statement that the Akra was the city of David,' and it
lies too far from Siloam. Nor is it overlooked by the
site of the Temple courts, as Josephus says the Akra
rock was overlooked after this was cut down; nor can we
conceive the Hasmoneans to have first reduced this rock
and then raised a new Baris upon its site. On the whole,
then, the evidence that the Akra stood on the East Hill
and south of the Temple is stronger than the argument
for any of the other sites which have been proposed
for it.
We have still to inquire whether the Akra was so
close to the Temple as both Sir Charles Watson and
Herr Kuemmel have independently suggested,
Rival Sites
or whether it lay further south upon the site south of
the Temple
of David.'3 Herr Kuemmel thinks that it occupied the
site of Solomon's Palace, but reserves his argument for
a future work. Sir Charles Watson's attractive theory
implies that some five hundred feet south-east of eş-
Şakhra, the East Hill originally swelled up into another
summit, forty feet higher than the Temple site, and that
1 i. B.J. i. 4; v. B.J. iv. I.
2 v. B.J. vi. 1.
8 See above, p. 445; cf. vol. i. Bk. I. ch. vi.
VOL. II.
2F
4.50
Jerusalem
this summit was the position first of Sion, the Jebusite
stronghold, and then of the Akra; when the Hasmoneans
destroyed the latter and reduced the rock on which it
stood, the material was cast into the Tyropoon valley
and the south-west corner of Herod's Temple was built
down through it, as the excavations of Sir Charles
Warren have shown. Sir Charles Watson says that
his conclusions appear to him 'compatible with every
statement in the authorities' ;1 but this is a claim which
students of the ancient documents upon Jerusalem will
hardly regard as a recommendation to any theory. In
fact, however, his premises and conclusions do not agree
with the data of the Old Testament and First Maccabees.
For while Sir Charles Watson identifies the site of Șion,
the Jebusite stronghold, with that of the Akra, he sepa-
rates from, and puts to the south of, it, the City of
David'; whereas (as we have seen the city of David'
is identified with Șion by the Old Testament and with
the Akra by First Maccabees. Nor is it clear how Sir
Charles Watson would find room for the Palace and
other government buildings of Solomon, which lay below
and to the south of the Temple, if the fortress Şion lay
so close, as he suggests, to the site of the latter. Again,
can we receive without question the statement of Josephus
that 'the third hill,' which Sir Charles Watson accepts as
the Temple-hill,4 was 'naturally lower than the Akra,
when elsewhere Josephus himself informs us that the
Temple was built on the highest level part of the East
Hill,5 that is the highest part level enough to carry a
1 P.E.F.Q., 1906, 52.
3 Above, p. 59.
O v. B.J. v. I; see above, p. 60.
2 Vol. i. Bk. I. ch. vi. ; vol. ii. 445.
4 P.E.F.Q., 1907, 209.
Under the Maccabees and Hasmoneans 451
onclu-
building p1 The whole theory requires for its establish-
ment a wider as well as a more critical use of the ancient
data. In our present ignorance of so much of the original
surface of the East Hill no one will venture to say that
there are no possibilities in the proposal; but at present
it seems unworkable if we are to accept the evidence of
the First Book of Kings and the Book of Jeremiah upon
the Palace and other royal buildings.
While granting that there is still much uncertainty,
I am inclined on the whole to adhere to the conclusions
reached in the first volume of this work that Mo
the Akra occupied the same site as the ancient babl
sion : Akra=
citadel, Şion, above Giḥon, or the Virgin's Şion.
Spring. This suits the repeated statement of First
Maccabees that the Akra was 'the City of David';
though it is possible that, like that of Şion, the name
City of David' had shifted between Nehemiah and the
Maccabees. It suits the evidence of Josephus, for it
places the Akra in closer connection with Siloam than
does any of the other proposals. And it also agrees
with the descriptions, in both those authorities, of
the menace and danger which the Akra constituted
towards the Temple and those who came up to worship.
For while the position above Gihon lies further from
the site of the Temple than the other proposed positions
for the Akra on the East Hill -- indeed it is nearly
five hundred yards distant - yet it is clear that even
at that distance a strong and well-garrisoned citadel,
1 Cf. also the testimony of the Letter of Aristeas that the Temple stood
upon the crest of the hill on which Jerusalem was built; see above, p. 443.
I do not quote in support the statement of 1 Macc. vii. 32 f., that Nikanor
went up from the Akra to the Temple ; for the Greek åvéßn may be used
here in its technical sense of advancing with a hostile purpose.
452
Terusalem
upon an independent summit of the ridge such as rose
here, before the Hasmoneans cut it down, was capable
of doing all the mischief that the Akra is said to
have done to the City and the Temple and the crowds
which came up to the latter to sacrifice. We cannot
fail to notice that Josephus emphasises this mischief as
inflicted mainly by sorties from the Akra, which he calls
'a base of attack' against the Temple and the Town.1
First Maccabees says that the garrison of the Akra were
able to shut up Israel in the holy places;2 but they would
have as much difficulty in doing this if the Akra stood
on any of the other proposed sites as if it stood on the
site of Şion above Gihon. And it must be remembered
that the garrison of the Akra held out against the Jews
both of the Temple and the Town for many years. A
position at some little distance from the Temple, and on
the edge of the Kidron valley, better suits this fact than
the position proposed by Sir Charles Watson. With the
reservations, then, that we have still a great deal to learn
from excavation, and that the historical data are far from
conclusive, we may accept the opinion that the Akra most
probably stood on the ridge of 'Ophel, somewhere above
Gihon, upon a former summit which the Hasmoneans
reduced to the level of the rest of the slope.
Effects of
Throughout the Maccabean struggles these three parts
of Jerusalem remain distinct: the Town, the Temple, and
the Akra or Citadel. The condition in which
the Outrages, each was left by the invasion and outrage of
168 B.C. is also clear. The Town was sacked
and set on fire; its houses and walls were pulled down on
i See above, p. 447.
2 vi. 18.
168 B.C.
Under the Maccabees and Hasmoneans
453
every side; the inhabitants who escaped massacre and
captivity fled to the wilderness; their places were filled
by Greeks and apostate Jews, so that Jerusalem became
a habitation of strangers, and at the doors of the houses and
in the streets they burnt incense. The Temple was
laid waste like a desert; that is, while the sanctuary
itself still stood, the priests were driven forth, the
ritual ceased, the priests' chambers were pulled down,
the courts and shrine were profaned by pagan feet,
a Greek altar was built on the altar of burnt-offering,
and sacrifices performed to the Olympian Zeus -
the appalling abomination, as it is called in the Book of
Daniel.2 The Akra was re-fortified and more strongly
garrisoned.
For a time, therefore, the history shifts from Jerusalem
11 Macc. i. 31 f., 37 f., 54 f. When iii. 45 says that Jerusalem was
without inhabitant as a wilderness, this is immediately explained as a
reference to her own faithful people, none of her offspring went in or out.
2 Macc. v. 24 ff. describes the massacre.
2 1 Macc. i. 37, 39, 46, 54, 59; ii. 8 f., 12; iii. 45, 51; iv. 38 ; 2 Macc.
vi. 2 ff. The abomination of desolation. (TO) Bdélvyda tñs épouco ews is
) השקוץ משׂמם the LXX
.
translation of Daniels
xi
.
31
)
and
שקוץ שמם
(xii. 11), either the abomination that appals or the abomination that maketh
desolate (cf. viii. 13; ix. 27). The phrase they builded it upon the altar
(1 Macc. i. 54) implies that it was the altar to Zeus, the Bwubs, which the
Greeks constructed upon the altar of burnt-offering, Avolaorýplov (id. 59).
Some, however, take it as an image of Zeus set on or by the altar. Nestle
(2.A.T.W., 1884, 248) reads the name as a travesty of Dinwi Sya in Phæn.
Dow Sya, the Semitic analogue of Zeus. (Bevan, Daniel, 193, quotes from
Bereshith Rabba 4 a derivation of Dip from pow, because men are
astounded by it.) Bevan Journal of Hell. Studies, xx., 1900, 26 ff.) con-
jectures that the worship was that of Antiochus himself as Zeus Olympius
(2 Macc. vi. 7 ff.). Cf. above, p. 430 n. 1. Winckler (K.A.T.(8) 303 n. 2)
as a transcript of enidays אל משמם for a distortion of שקוץ משמם takes
(as a “translation" ofĉidavńs, “wonderful” or as re-echoing Du “Name,"
i.e. Incarnation ; presumably with the design of indicating both).'
8 1 Macc. i. 33 ff.
454
Jerusalem
th
to the country: the villages, from which the faithful
were largely recruited, the mountains, and
Restoration
of the Tem- the surrounding wastes, always hospitable to
ple, 165 B.C.
the forces of revolt and religious reform.
Israel fled to their ancient home and unfailing ally,
the wilderness. We have already followed, in that
sympathetic air, the rallies of the faithful and their em-
battlement under Judas. In addition, we need only
emphasise the large spoil which fell to them from their
four or five victories over the Seleucid forces. Inspired,
organised and enriched, they marched on Jerusalem
and occupied the Temple Hill. No resistance was
offered to them. The Greeks seem to have tired of
abusing the sanctuary, for Judas and his men found the
cleansed. The altar of Zeus was torn down and the
materials stowed away till a prophet should arise to give
directions regarding them. A new altar was built of
unhewn stones, according to the Law. The courts were
hallowed, and the sanctuary furnished with vessels, golden
lamp, altar, and table of shewbread.6 Incense arose once
more to the God of Israel; and on the 25th day of Kislev,
exactly three years from the date of its pollution, the
1 i Macc. ii. I, 15 ff. 70; iii. 8, 46, 56; 2 Macc. viii 1.
? 1 Macc. ii. 28.
3 See vol. i. 451, 454.
4 Vol. i. 400 ff.
2nd, on the ascent of Bethhoron (1 Macc. iii. 10-26); 3rd, 165 B.C., at
Emmaus with a pursuit to Gezer, Ashdod and Jamnia (iii. 38-iv. 27;
2 Macc. viii. 8 ff., which account Niese prefers); 4th, 165 B.C. (autumn), at
Beth-şur (1 Macc. iv. 28-35). According to 2 Macc. viii. 30 there was still
another previous to that over Lysias at Beth-şur, which is placed subsequently
to the possession and purification of the Temple (2 Macc. xi. I ff.).
6 See above, pp. 63, 307 f.
Under the Maccabees and Hasmoneans
455
high altar of burnt-offering was rekindled and the legal
sacrifices resumed. Mount Sion, which throughout First
Maccabees is the name for the Temple Hill, was sur-
rounded by high walls with towers. Judas, who had
serious work awaiting him elsewhere, left in it some
priests and a garrison, besides detaching a number of
men to engage the Greeks in the Akra. For the next
twenty-two years Greeks and Jews faced each other
from the walls of these fortresses hardly a quarter of
a mile apart, the citadel of David and the Temple of
Solomon. Nothing is said of the Town, which appears
to have remained in possession of the Greeks and the
apostates, protected by the garrison of the Akra.
Thus Mount Şion was not yet again the centre of
Judaism, but only one of its two fortified posts, the other
being Beth-şur. For a time the centre was
Its continued
Judas, and if he had a base this was still the it
wilderness. Up to his death and for some
years after, the narrative significantly mentions no place,
not even Mizpah, as the headquarters of the Jewish
forces. There was indeed a land of Judæa, for which
Judas and his brothers fought, over which they put
deputies when they went on distant campaigns, and to
which they brought back the Jews from Galilee and
Gilead. Within its uncertain frontiers 3 Jews built
houses, cultivated fields, reaped harvests, and supplied
the armies of Judas with the resources of war.4 But
1 1 Macc. iv. 36-61. From this arose the Jewish feast of the Hanukah or
Dedication. Wellhausen suggests (Isr. u. Jüd. Gesch. 210 n. 2) that the
25th Kislev or December was originally the feast of the winter solstice;
2 Macc. i. 9, X. 5-8 ; xii. Ant. vii. 7, pôra, 'Lights'; but pôs was also used
for 'joy' or 'deliverance.' John x. 22, Tà łykálvia.
2 1 Macc. v. 8, 18, 23, 45, 53, 55 ff., 68 ; vi. 5.
See above, pp. 380 ff.
4 iii. 56; vi. 49, 53.
Isolation,
456
Jerusalem
even this narrow surface was crossed by lines of Greek
Hellenism. When Judas returned from Gilead he cele-
brated Pentecost in the Temple.1 In B.C. 163-2, when
apparently the only fortifications he had were Mount
Sion and Beth-șur, he laid siege to the Akra, raising
mounds to shoot from and engines of war. This, and not
the occupation of the Temple, provoked the return of the
Syrians. Lysias, the general in power, with the young
king Antiochus V., invaded Judæa from the south, defeated
the Jews at Beth-şur, and beleaguered the Temple. It
from the scantiness of supplies. The former were further
embarrassed by their rivals in Antioch, the latter by the
number of Jews from Gilead who had taken refuge with
them. Peace was therefore concluded, with an engage-
ment that the Jews should live under their own laws.
But when they opened the gates of Mount Șion and the
king saw the strength of the place, he broke his oath and
ordered the walls to be pulled down.3
The general lines, which the history of Israel thence-
forth pursued, have already been indicated ; 4 we give here
a summary only of such events as concerned
Summary of the City. Nikanor's visit to the Temple is of
Jerusalem, interest, for it shows that the priests who held
162-142 B.C.
this were no longer in open confederation
with Judas. Alkimus, the creature of the Greeks, was
High-Priest and had gotten the mastery in Judæa ; with
him were the Hasidîm, content to have secured liberty
of worship according to their own laws; Judas, in com-
events in
11 Macc. v. 54; 2 Macc. xii. 31 f.
3 vi. 21-62.
2 1 Macc. vi. 18 ff.
4 Vol. i. 402 ff.
Under the Maccabees and Hasmoneans
457
s
mand of a remnant, still fought for national independence.1
When Nikanor was slain, Judas could hang up his head
and right hand beside Jerusalem. But when Judas fell his
brothers were driven back into the desert;3 and Alkimus
for the few months which elapsed before his death exer-
cised his powers unthreatened. He attempted a daring
innovation in pursuance of his Hellenising policy. The
Temple had still but two courts: the inner, which Israelites,
both priests and laity, alone could enter, and the outer,
which was apparently open to Gentiles. Alkimus gave
orders to pull down the wall of the inner court, so that there
would have remained no barrier to the entrance of the
Gentiles. The work was begun, but his death put a stop
to it. At last the Syrians retired, and Jonathan estab-
lished a government at Mikmash. In 153 he moved his
residence to Jerusalem, and for the first time we hear of
the Town as in possession of the Maccabees. Jonathan
began to rebuild it, the separate fortifications of Mount
Șion were restored, and only the Akra and Beth-șur
continued to hold Greek garrisons. About 146 Jonathan
besieged the Akra, but failed to take it. Soon after he
built a great rampart, which was designed to shut it off
from the Town, and must therefore have run either on
the east or on the west of the Lower Tyropæon with a
11 Macc. vii. 21-38. 2 vii. 47. 8 ix. 33 f.; above, p. 382 n. 1.
4 1 Macc. ix. 54-56; cf. Jos. xii. Ant. X. 6. The expression aún
é o útepa implies two courts. In the Herodian Temple there were more, as we
shall see. Some, holding this to have been also the case through the Greek
Period, have supposed the teixos, or wall, of the inner court to have been
the Soreg of Herod's Temple, which a tradition in the Mishna (MiddÔth ii. 3)
avers had been breached by the Greek kings' in thirteen places. But it
is doubtful whether the Soreg existed at so early a time; besides, it was a
mere barrier and not a τείχος.
0 Vol. i. 403.
0 I Macc. X. 1-14.
458
Jerusalem
continuation across the East Hill south of the Temple.1
In 142 the blockade succeeded, and the starved garrison
surrendered to Simon. We have seen how the rock on
which the Akra stood, and which 'the City of David' and
the Jebusite Șion had occupied before it, was cut down
to the level of the rest of the ridge.2
The double office of High Priest and Ethnarch, with
rights of coinage, in which Simon was confirmed by the
dwindling authority of the Seleucids, received
The Hasmo-
nean Princes from his grateful people powers that were
their Char-
acter and practically absolute, and under his successors
Circumstance.
* developed into the formal and explicit rank
of kingship.S 'A royal kind of men, but, at their best,
not royal enough'4—this description of another brilliant
but unhappy dynasty, also sprung from the liberators
of their nation, sufficiently characterises the descend-
ants of Simon. Embarrassed by their own discordant,
perhaps incompatible, duties, and distracted between the
two ideals which divided their people into the rapidly
organising parties of the Pharisees and Sadducees, the
Hasmonean princes took the line most natural to men
of inferior character through such circumstance, and
employed their hereditary vigour in large enterprises of
conquest and aggrandisement, for which the weakness of
Syria and the distance of Rome afforded them oppor-
tunity. It was another of the many occasions we have
i Vol. i. 225. 2 Vol. i. 159 f. 8 As we have seen, vol. i. 404 ff.
4 Carlyle, Historical Sketches, p. 3, on the Stuarts.
o Cf. Tacitus, Hist. v. 8: "Tum Iudaei, Macedonibus invalidis, Parthis
nondum adultis (et Romani procul erant) sibi ipsi reges imposuere. Qui
mobilitate vulgi expulsi, resumpta per arma dominatione, fugas civium,
urbium eversiones, fratrum, conjugum, parentum neces, aliaque solita regibus
ausi, superstitionem fovebant : quia honor sacerdotii firmamentum potentiae
assumebatur.'
Under the Maccabees and Hasmoneans 459
w
on Jerusalem
had to note in the history of Israel, in which an outburst
of national glory was due less to the vigour of her kings
than to the temporary disablement of the empires about
her. By their permanent conquests of Idumea, Galilee,
and part of Samaria, by their campaigns in Gilead and
Philistia, the Hasmoneans immensely increased the re-
sources and the honour of their state ; but it was their
unscrupulousness, the barbarity of their warfare, their
political crimes and savage family quarrels, which broke
up the state and brought upon Jerusalem the arms and
irresistible authority of Rome. The Hasmonean wealth
was illustrated by the usual signs, large mercenary armies
and a great revival of building:1 Upon their capital the
effects were immediate and permanent. Not The Effects
only was Jerusalem generally strengthened and the
and embellished; we see, in particular, two Topography.
departures in her construction, which were destined to
revolutionise the topography. A palace was built on
the West Hill, and a citadel was raised on the north
of the Temple to replace that which from the time
of the Jebusites had stood to the south. The erection of
these two buildings sharply divides the topography of
the Old Testament and Maccabean Jerusalem from that
of the Herodian, the Christian, and the Moslem City.
When Antiochus Sidetes received the surrender of
Jerusalem from John Hyrkanus in 134 B.C., 2 he over-
threw part at least of the City's walls. But so pro-
1 Strabo (apud Jos. xiv. Ant. iii. 1) records that he saw in Rome the
present which Aristobulus, gave to Pompey a Damascus, an artificial 'vine
or garden,' which was called Terpõlē or delight'; it bore the inscription,
‘Of Alexander, King of the Jews,' and was valued at 500 talents.
2 Vol. i. 408.
3 Jos. xiii. Ant. viii. 3: the otedávn of the City which this passage says
that he destroyed is not merely, as some take it, the crown of the wall, but is
460
Jerusalem
sperous a prince as Hyrkanus, so vigorous a warrior
and engineer, must speedily have restored them, and,
The Reign indeed, we have an ancient testimony to this
of John
Hyrkanus, Ciec. 10
effect in the First Book of Maccabees.1 Pro-
135-104 B.C. bably those portions of the southern City wall
in which Dr. Bliss discovered fragments of Graeco-Jewish
moulding are the work of John Hyrkanus. His long
years of peace, his use of the treasure found in the tomb
of David, his rich spoils and many captives, endowed him
with opportunities for building which none of his suc-
cessors so fully enjoyed. We may therefore assign to
him not only the particular buildings which Josephus
describes as the work of the Hasmoneans, but that general
embellishment of the City to which witness is borne by
writers almost contemporary with his reign.
About the Baris or Castle there can be no doubt.
Josephus expressly assigns it to Hyrkanus, and his
The Baris or earliest record of its use is under the next
king, Aristobulus, who caused his brother
to be slain in a dark passage in one of its towers. We
cannot tell the size of the Baris; Josephus was familiar
with it only after its enlargement by Herod. But we
know that it lay on the rock, north-west of the Temple,
now occupied by the Turkish barracks. This had been
the site of the towers Hammeah and Hananeel ; 6 some
maintain that the Syrian Akra also stood here, but that,
the technical term for the whole circumvallations. Other authorities are
equally emphatic: Diod. Sic. xxxiv. I; Porphyrius (quoted by Eusebius).
See Müller, Frag. Hist. Graec. iii. 256,712.
1 xvi. 23.
2 Vol. i. 216 f.
s xviii. Ant. iv. 3; cf. xv. Ant. xi. 4.
4 xiii. Ant. xi. 2. The tower is called Straton's.
5 xv. Ant. xi 4: Kaià đề The Ropezov TÀeupáp.
6 Vol. i. 201.
Birah.
Under the Maccabees and Hasmoneans
461
as we have seen, is very improbable.1 The Birah of
Nehemiah had been either the palace of Solomon or the
reasonable hypothesis, and explains the limitation of the
name Birah or Baris to the Hasmonean castle, which lay
on the Temple Hill, and from the time of Hyrkanus became
the real Temple citadel.
Besides the Baris there was a Hasmonean Basileion or
Palace, the position of which is also clearly indicated by
Josephus. This occupied an elevation to the
The Palace
west of the Temple, close to the Xystus. It of the
Hasmoneans.
has been correctly located upon the middle
terrace of the South-West Hill above the scarp, whence
Who built it we are not told. The earliest certain notice
of it is that just cited, which refers to its enlargement by
Agrippa II. But it may have been the house from which
Alexander Jannæus, feasting with his women, watched
the massacre of captives of war; 4 the palace occupied
by Queen Alexandra, and the residence of Hyrkanus II.,
from which he took refuge in the Baris and which he
gave up to Aristobulus 11.6 It was connected with the
Temple by a bridge, the earliest evidence for which is
the account of Pompey's siege in 63 B.C.? This bridge
cannot have existed in the Maccabean period when the
. 1 Above, pp. 446, 449.
2 xx. Ant. viii. Il; ii. B.j. xvi. 3.
3 Vol. i. 35; Robinson, B.R. i. 392 f. n. ; Mommert, Topog. d. alt.
Jerus. iv. 160 ff. None of the remains found here appear to be older than
Crusading times ; P.E.F Mem., 'Jerus.,' 272 f.
4 xiii. Ant. xiv. 2; 1 B.J. iv. 6.
5 xiii. Ant. xvi. 2.
01 B.J. vi. 1. But see Mommert, p. 169: it may be that it was the
Baris which Hyrkanus II. resigned to his brother, and the palace which he
received in exchange.
1 B.J. vii. 2; xiv. Ant. iv. 2.
462
Jerusalem
kanu
s and the
Level
Temple was entirely isolated from the Town, but may,
with the Palace, have been the work of Hyrkanus I. In
any case the South-West Hill at last contained a public
building directly connected with the Temple Courts.
Which of the remains of approaches to the latter across
the Tyropoeon now represents the bridge we cannot say;
probably something lower than those which, when com-
plete, were on a level with the Temple Courts.
It has already been suggested that John Hyrkanus
may have built the High Level Aqueduct. In support
John Hyr- of this there is some remarkable evidence from
e the period itself. Besides a statement from a
duct. Survey of Syria,4 that Jerusalem contained a
spring with a copious jet of water, doubtless Gihon,
there are two records of other streams and conduits.
Timochares, the biographer of Antiochus VII., says that
the whole city runs down with waters, so that even the
gardens are irrigated by the water which flows off from
it.' And the Jewish Philo, who wrote a poem on
Jerusalem, describes, besides the spring, another most
marvellous thing,' 'a powerful current filling a deep
stream'; 'a high-shining stream winding among towers';
irrigating the thirsty dust; apparently high up and con-
spicuous from afar; "headlong the conduits gush forth
by underground pipes. The construction of the lines is
very obscure, but the epithets used suit the issue of the
1 It is interesting that on undoubtedly ancient remains just outside the W.
Haram wall (P.E.F. Mem., 'Jerus.,' 200), the pilasters should have Ionic
capitals of peculiar shape, the volute being something similar to that on one
of the capitals found at Tobiah-Hyrkanus's palace at 'Arâk el-Emir. See
above, p. 426.
2 Vol. i. 129, 131.
3 Handed down by Alex. Polyhistor of the first century B.C. through
Eusebius, Praep. Evang. ix. 35 ff. ; Müller, Frag. Hist. Graec. iii. 228 f.
4 Tîs uplas Exolvouét pnous. Above, p. 439 n. 1.
Under the Maccabees and Hasmoneans
463
High Level Aqueduct, which entered the City from
above on the west, as they do not suit either Gihon or
Siloam. The fountain, too, is called that of the High
Level Aqueduct to Hyrkanus is considerable; and there
appears to have been an ancient channel from the place,
near which it probably entered the City walls, in the
direction at least of the Hasmonean Palace.1
The only other structure mentioned in this period is
the wooden barrier erected by Alexander Jannæus round
the Temple and the Altar, after he was pelted
Alexander
by the people with citrons when serving at Jannæus
the latter. His purpose was to exclude the Temple
laity; and this is the earliest notice we have
of an inner court open only to the priests. The remark-
able tombs in the Kidron valley, now called Absalom's
and the Pyramid of Zecharias, belong either to the
Hasmonean or to the Roman period.
and a
Barrier.
Such were the changes which the Hasmoneans had
The Bre
of the
Hasmonean
and Aristobulus II., upon the death of their th
mother Alexandra (66 B.C.), broke up the
dynasty, provoked the interference of Rome, Dynasty.
and introduced to the centre of Jewish affairs a new and
fateful influence in the person of Antipater, the father of
Herod. The Roman sovereignty and this Idumean family
remain the dominant factors in the history of the City till
her fall in 70 A.D.3 '
1 P.E.F. Mem., “Jerus.,' 270 f.
2 xiii. Ant. xiii. 5.
8 For the rest of this chapter the authorities besides Josephus, xiv. Ant.,
I B.J. vi.-xviii., with his various excerpts from writers of the first century
B.C. (for which see Reinach, Textes, 77 ff.), are the Psalms of Solomon (Ps. of
464
Jerusalem
tean
Siege
After a reign of three months Hyrkanus resigned the
kingship to Aristobulus. But Antipater, perceiving his
opportunity with so facile a character, con-
The Naba-
vinced Hyrkanus that he was still in danger
65 B.C.
of his life, and persuaded him to appeal to
Aretas (Harîth 111.), King of the Nabateans. In the end
of 66, or the beginning of 65, a Nabatean army marched
into Judæa, and after defeating Aristobulus was reinforced
by a large number of Jews who, under the influence of
the Pharisees, sympathised with Hyrkanus. As the
Nation was divided, so also the City. Aristobulus shut
himself up in the Temple Mount with the priests and
probably the chiefs of the Sadducean party. Whether
he also held the Baris is not stated, but is probable. The
rest of Jerusalem was occupied by the supporters of
Hyrkanus and the Nabateans. The siege lasted some
months. When the Passover came round, the besieged
begged from their countrymen animals with which to
celebrate the feast. After putting an enormous price on
each of these, and receiving the money, the besiegers
treacherously refused to fulfil their engagement. It is a
welcome relief to so sordid a story when Josephus tells
us that the holy Onias, brought by the besiegers to bless
their arms, uttered instead this noble prayer: 'O God,
ILI
the Pharisees), text and translation, by Ryle and James, Cambridge, 1891;
Diodorus Siculus, xl., second fragment; fragments in Cicero, Livy, Plutarch's
Lives, and Appian alluded to below; Tacitus (Hist. v. 9); Dion Cassius,
xxxvii. 15 ff. ; xxxix. 55 ff. ; xli. 18; xlvii. 28; xlviii. 26, 39 ff. ; xlix, 19 ff.
(ed. Sturzius, vols. i. f.). Modern works : besides the histories already cited
for the Greek period, the student will find a valuable and accurate guide in
The Jews under. Roman Rule, by W. D. Morrison ('The Story of the Nations'
Series): London, Unwin; New York, Putnam, 1890.
1 Cf. the account of the generous behaviour of Antiochus vii. in the siege
of 135 B.C., xii. Ant. viii. 2.
Under the Maccabees and Hasmoneans
465
Ruler of all men, since these standing with me are Thy
people and the besieged are Thy priests, I pray that
Thou wilt hearken neither to those against these, nor
bring into effect what these bescech against those.' The
enraged Hyrkanians immediately stoned him to death.1
This Onias, of whom we know nothing else than his power
of prayer, is thus worthy to stand in the ranks of the City
beside Isaiah and Jeremiah. The prayer was answered
through one of those sudden and incalculable events
which so often, in the history of Jerusalem, have overruled
the rage of her factions or her foes and vindicated the
faith of her purer minds—sometimes, as apparently in
this case, beyond all their anticipations. Soon after the
Passover the siege was raised not by force of arms, but
by the sudden menace of Rome. Pompey, then with his
legions in Armenia, had despatched southwards a force
which took Damascus. Thither he now sent Marcus
Scaurus, who, hearing of the troubles in Judæa, came on
to judge the situation for himself. Aristobulus and
Aristobulus was the more able to pay; and besides, 'to
take by force a city specially fortified and powerful, was
a different thing from expelling fugitives and a multitude
of Nabateans who were not much disposed to war.'2
Scaurus commanded Aretas to withdraw, on pain of
Rome's hostility, and Aretas yielded. It was a repetition
of what happened in the case of Antiochus IV.3 The
word of a Roman legate altered the history of Syria.
When Pompey, after his conference at Damascus with
the rival princes,+ marched on the Nabateans, he learned
that Aristobulus, anticipating a decision adverse to
1 xiv. Ant. ii. I. 3 Id. 3. 3 Above, p. 435. 4 Vol. i. 410 f.
VOL. II.
2 G
466
Jerusalem
himself, was preparing to resist it. He therefore turned
into Judæa, and having secured Jericho, ad-
Pompey's
Siege and vanced on Jerusalem. On the way he was met
Conquest,
63 B.C. by Aristobulus with his submission, and sent
forward Gabinius to receive the surrender of the City.
This was refused, and Pompey appeared in force before
the walls. The supporters of Hyrkanus admitted him to
the Town and the Palace ;1 but those of Aristobulus
who occupied the Temple? cut down the bridge over the
Tyropæon and prepared for a siege. Pompey pitched
his camp to the north of the Temple, where the assault
was most practicable. Even here 'were great towers and
a ditch had been dug,' which Strabo defines as 250 feet
broad by 6o deep.4 Pompey filled the ditch with a bank,
that might never have been completed but for the in-
activity of the defenders on the Sabbath. Across this
bank he rolled his engines and battering-rams from Tyre,
and so breached the Temple wall that at last, after a
blockade of three months, it was taken on a Sabbath, and
the Romans poured into the courts. The priests, who had
never remitted their ministrations, were cut down in the
1 Dion Cassius, xxxvii. 16; Josephus, xiv. Ant. iv. 2; cf. Ps. of Solom.
viii. 18 ff.
2 Josephus does not mention the Baris, but, as the adherents of Aristobulus
already occupied it, it was included in the Temple (Ewald otherwise, Hist.
v. 400, but he conſounds the Baris with the Basileion or Palace on the South-
West Hill). Dion Cassius also mentions only the Temple as occupied by
Aristobulus : 'for it lay on a lofty place and was fortified by walls of its own.'
3 Josephus, xiv. Ant. iv. 2, adds ćwiev ('at dawn'); so Niese's text.
The Latin reads mane. Some MSS. read towder, which Whiston trans-
lates 'within [the wall],' meaning the wall which Pompey is said to have
built round the Temple Mount. The present east wall north of the Temple
Mount was not built till the time of Agrippa ; vol. i. 238 f., 244 ff.
4 Geog. xvi. 40.
5 'Ev Tŷ Toû Kpbvou nuépą, Dion Cassius, xxxvii. 16. Strabo and Josephus
call it a fast-day. Ps. of Solom. ii. 1: cast down strong walls with a ram.'
Under the Maccabees and Hasmoneans
467
act of sacrificing. Pompey penetrated to the Holy of
Holies, and saw that which was unlawful for any but the
High-priests to see ; yet he touched nothing of all the
valuable furnishings and treasure of the sanctuary,'on
account of his respect for religion, and in a manner
worthy of his virtue.'1 The empty shrine impressed the
Romans as it had impressed the earlier Greeks. 'Inde
vulgatum,' says Tacitus, 'nulla intus deum effigie, vacuam
sedem, inania arcana.'? Having destroyed the walls of
Jerusalem, restored the High-priesthood to Hyrkanus,
Pompey went away to his triumph, carrying captive
Aristobulus and his sons. "Noster Hierosolymarius,'
Cicero calls him in the year of whose consulship the
City thus suffered its first Roman occupation.
The other critical events in Jerusalem before the last
in fact as well as by the authority of Rome,
Events in
are these : a momentary seizure of all the the City,
w
63-37 B.C.
City save the citadel by Alexander, the son of º
Aristobulus; the spoliation of the Temple by Crassus in
54 B.C.; Cæsar's confirmation of Hyrkanus as High-
priest, and appointment of Antipater as procurator, with
licence to restore the walls of Jerusalem ; the conquest of
the City, in 40, by the Parthians, who drove out Herod
and established as king Antigonus, the other son of
Aristobulus; 4 the siege and storming of the City, in 37, by
the combined forces of Herod and of Sosius, the repre-
sentative of Mark Antony. Josephus says that on this
occasion no fewer than eleven legions, with six thousand
1 Jos. xiv. Ant. iv. 4; Cicero, Pro Flacco, 67; but cf. Ps. of Solom. ii. 2.
2 Hist. v. 9.
3 Ad Atticum, ii. 9.
4 Vol. i. 412.
468
Jerusalem
horsemen and a number of auxiliaries, encamped against
Jerusalem, which appears to have been wholly one in
resisting Herod. As in all other cases, so in this, the
assault was delivered on the north. The outer wall took
forty days to carry, the inner fifteen more. The defenders
concentrated in the Temple, but had to yield its outer
court, parts of the cloisters of which were reduced to ashes.
In the Upper City'1 and the inner court of the Temple,
the besieged held out for some time longer. At their
request, Herod gave them beasts to sacrifice, thinking
the request indicated their speedy surrender. But they
persisted, and their obduracy embittered the besiegers to
great cruelty. In the end the refuges were stormed, and
a terrible slaughter ensued. Herod, who did his best to
restrain the excesses of the Romans, was master of the
City. The last of the Hasmonean kings was carried away
by Sosius and put to death. Herod became King of the
Jews in fact as well as by title of the Roman authority: 3
1 One wonders if Josephus employs this term in the meaning he usually
gives to it. If so, the defenders held two separated parts of the City. But
it seems as though by the Upper City' he here meant the Baris.
2 Vol. i. 412. For the exact date of the siege, summer 37 B.C., see
Schürer, Gesch.3) i. § 14 n. II. It was a Sabbatic year, says Josephus.
& For the siege described above, see xiv. Ant. xvi.
CHAPTER XVII
HEROD, THE ROMANS AND JERUSALEM
37-4 B.C.
the unjust, history has not erred in granting it to
Herod the son of Antipater. His father had Herod the
dared for him a name, the full spelling of Great.
which is 'hero-id,' and not all his crimes, which have
turned it into a proverb of ferocity, can obscure the power
that was in him to rise to the challenge it rang out.1
That Herod was great in all but goodness, and had a
nature capable at least of explosions in that direction,
is manifest upon the mere summary of his fortunes and
achievements. Josephus writes of the “high-mindedness'
1 'Hpcons : so Niese throughout his ed. of Josephus; 'idem est quod
'Hpórons, siue 'H púvdas, quare iota non patitur' (Pref. to vol. iii. p. vii.).
But the Cod. Ambrosianus of Josephus's works reads 'Hpólons, and Westcott
and Hort in their N.T. give 'Hpwons, with the iota subscript: it is well
supported by inscriptions and manifestly right' (ii. 314). For example, Le
Bas and Waddington, Inscriptions Grecques et Latines recueillies en Grèce et
Asie Mineure, iii. No. 3 (2364; cf. H.G.H.L. 618). So also Schürer,
Gesch.(3) i. 375 n. 20. The coins of H, naturally omit the iota. The name
occurs as early as the fifth century B.C., and contemporary with H. the
Idumean was an Archon H. in Athens; Cicero (ad Att. II. ii. 2, etc.)
mentions an Athenian H. as the teacher of his son. Other Greek instances
occur. There is no possibility of a Semitic derivation for the name. The
Talmudic dignin is clearly a transcription of the Greek. An adjective from the
name was applied to tamed pigeons ! Levy, Chald. u. N. Hebr. Wörterbuch,
i. 491.
469
470
Jerusalem
of his youth, and the worst his enemies could then say
of him was that he was forcible, daring, and ambitious
of absolute power.' At twenty-five, by his own energy
he swept the robber-ridden Galilee free of its pests, so
that the villages and townships sang songs in his praise.'
For this he had to answer to the Sanhedrin; and the
character of these authorities at Jerusalem may be seen
from their intention to try him on the capital charge,
because the brigands whom he exterminated were Jews!
Instead of appearing before them, like other accused
persons, with hair dishevelled and in black, Herod came
‘in purple, with his hair finely trimmed,' and with his
guards about him; so that his judges were all silenced
except Sameas, who predicted the day when the young
soldier would have them in his power. His contempt
for the sophistries and false patriotism of these pedants
is one of his most characteristic tempers. Indeed
all his valour, though it often seemed reckless, was in-
spired by an accurate knowledge of men, a strong grasp
of circumstances, and an unfailing assurance of his
abilities and of other men's need of them. His skill in
the art of war was not less conspicuous. He sustained
the severest proofs of generalship, winning battles against
heavy odds, and rallying a beaten army to victory. The
worst defeats left him unbroken and elastic; men stood
amazed at his courage under disaster and his resources
of recovery. When his ambitions of conquest were frus-
trated, he fell back on reducing to order the territory
already in his possession, and won new moral influence
which rendered possible the conquest he had only post-
poned. When the powers he had espoused were defeated,
he knew how to make himself necessary to the victors.
Herod, the Romans and Jerusalem
471
D-
1
His personality—or his eloquence--prevailed alike with
his soldiers, though on the verge of mutiny; with his
turbulent people, though his policy outraged their most
sacred convictions; and with the successive lords of his
world, though he had previously intrigued or openly
fought against them. Josephus, who never writes with
greater effect--because never with more insight and dis-
crimination--than when Herod is his subject, convinces
us that it was the sheer ability of the man, working in
very various directions, which stunned his foes and kept
about him through all the uncertainties of his time a
group of devoted and capable servants—besides that wider
Herodian party among the people which even after his
death and the removal of his sons from Judah continued
to believe that his dynasty was indispensable to the
nation. There has seldom been a more thorough master
of the forces of disorder; or, considering his means, a
more ready financier and energetic builder; or, when he
liked, a better administrator. The methods by which he
overcame the emergencies of the famine and pestilence
of 25 B.C. were altogether admirable, and succeeded in
exactions and his crimes had shattered. Had Herod
lived when his world was open, he would have been
among the greater kings of the East, and might have
proved a famous, if a transient, conqueror; for he had the
imperial vision, and while conscious of the value of his
people's patriotism and able to sway it, he was not
embarrassed by merely national ideals. As it was, he
understood and used for his own ends every limit which
the Roman dispensation imposed on his career. But,
whether he derived it from his father, who was a good
472
Jerusalem
man and a strong governor, or whether he learned it from
the example of Rome, Herod had at heart the fundamental
sense of order, and it was his ability to create order in
very difficult circumstances which, in spite of his breaches
of the Jewish law and the care of Rome to ensure its
enforcement, commended him to one after another of her
representatives. For nothing else than because he was
the strong man of the East, Sextus Cæsar supported him
in his youth against the Sanhedrin, and Augustus com-
mitted to him in his prime the wild provinces beyond
Jordan. Yet he did more than persuade each of the
masters of Palestine that he was necessary to their policy.
His capacity for winning the friendship of the greatest
Romans of his day is as striking as his power to with-
stand the temptress to whom more than one of them
succumbed. Cæsar, Sextus Cæsar, Cassius, Antony,
Augustus and Marcus Agrippa, Herod knew how to
charm them all ; and he baffled the intrigues as well as
resisted the fascinations of Cleopatra herself. His secret
is clear. He read men through and through. Thus he
bribed Mark Antony, but showed himself a frank and
magnanimous soldier before Augustus. Never had prince
more tragic dissensions in his family or more dangerous
conspiracies among his people; yet it is remarkable how
often his troubles at home culminated along with some
fresh success of his influence upon the Roman authorities;
and if he had done nothing more than keep the balance
between the demands of his lords that he should introduce
a western civilisation to Judæa, and the demands of his
people that he should keep it out,-because every con-
structive act to which he was obliged provoked the
suspicions of the one or of the other—his ability would
Herod, the Romans and Jerusalem
473
still have claims upon our admiration. He has been
likened to several eastern princes who have played the
same arduous part between a fanatic people and an
aggressive foreign civilisation, for which they had more
or less sympathy. Perhaps the nearest analogy is that
of Ismail, Khedive of Egypt: on the one side with the
intellectual centre of Islam in his capital, with so many
violent deaths among his family and courtiers and with
so cruel an oppression of his peasantry; and on the other
side a lavish finance, enormous public works after the
western fashion, a western theatre, fêtes for European
magnates, numerous palaces, and even the introduction
of statues in defiance of the precepts of his people's
religion. On all these points the parallel is complete.1
Only, Herod's reign did not prematurely close in bank-
ruptcy. Nothing stopped his flow. The careers of great
men have been likened to rivers. Herod was more: he
was a tide, whose inevitable ebb came only after his
death. The volume and the spaciousness of his success
were extraordinary. He quelled every sedition among
his people ; swayed every institution; in turn provoked
and mastered every interest. Though not by race a Jew,
he impressed himself on the fabric of the Jewish religion,
as hardly any native ruler had done since Solomon; and
he founded a dynasty which endured, more or less, till
the state itself disappeared. He covered his land with
buildings, and gave to its inhospitable coast the one
harbour which this ever possessed. But his generalship
and his munificence spread also abroad. Besides his
1 I do not know if the parallel has been drawn before. It occurred to me
as I stood in the Khedivial Mausoleum at Cairo, where to so many of the
tombs a tragic story is allached.
474
Jerusalem
TY
successful conduct of Roman armies over the sands
between Judæa and Egypt, he tamed the Arabs of the
Lejá, rendered possible a large population in Hauran,
and assisted in the erection of many public buildings, the
remains of one of which, near the borders of the desert,
still testify to his work as the pioneer of civilisation in
that region." He poured gifts upon the Phænician towns,
Damascus and the Syrian Antioch, many cities of Asia
Minor, Athens, Sparta and Nicopolis; and by his liberal
endowments revived the splendour of the Olympian
games. The influence which he thus earned he exerted
loyally on behalf of the Jews of the Dispersion, and suc-
ceeded in securing their rights as well as additional
privileges to many of those communities. But with all
that he did for Judaism Herod had no religious convic-
tions. He sprang from a race notorious for their irre-
ligion, and though he patronised the faith of Israel, the
people were never really deceived by him. The hands
that gave the gifts might appear to be those of Jacob, the
heart behind was Esau's from first to last. And, there-
fore, just because he was without either faith or a national
enthusiasm, he was obliged to maintain his position by a
series of unparalleled crimes. His passions were never
controlled except, as in his dealings with Cleopatra, by
barriers of policy; and being indulged they soon broke
through even these in a series of blunders which forced
him to fresh outrage. They turned his own house into a
cage of beasts, into a slaughterhouse. He had married
Mariamme out of mere ambition, and she tortured him
with her contempt for his family ; his wild nature came
to conceive for her a brutal affection, and she repulsed it
1 See H.G.H.L. 617 f.
Herod, the Romans and Jerusalem
475
with reproaches. Her murder was the inevitable resource
of such a nature so baffled; and his remorse, one of the
most terrible in history, derives its horror from being less
a sense of guilt than the hunger of a balked passion, with
perhaps the exasperating recollection that he had slain
the queen who alone lent an appearance of legitimacy to
his usurped position. Of his next marriage with another
Mariamme, a woman of great beauty, Josephus says that
'he suffered not his reason to hinder him from living as
he pleased'; and this new passion also had its woes to
work. The crowded crimes of his last years were all
either the direct consequences of these passions, or due
to the sense of his own danger. Herod never started a
religious persecution; but he filled his prisons as full,
he indulged in as wide a carnage for his own interests,
war. In all this the similitude we have suggested for
him is still deserved. His storms were like the storms of
the sea; their wreckage strewed every coast he rose upon.
One cannot estimate the individuals, the families, the
circles and hosts of men who disappeared in his cruel
and relentless depths.1
i For the career of Herod the sources are Josephus xiv.-xvii. Ant.,
and I B.J. vi. -xxxiii. Josephus largely uses, but with criticism (especi-
ally when Herod is in question), the Histories of Nicolaus of Damascus,
Herod's younger contemporary and confidant (for these and other fragments of
Nicolaus see Müller, Frag. Hist. Graec. iii. 348 ff.). There is no reason to
doubt the accuracy and justice of Josephus's accounts of Herod. The passages
I have found most enlightening, as to the latter's character and the extra-
ordinary difficulties which it mastered, are xiv. Ant. ix., xiii f.; xv. Ant. iii.,
iv., v. 2 f. 5, vi., vii., viii., ix. 2 f., xi. 1;xvi. Ant. V., vii. f., x. f.; xvii. Ant. i. v.-
xviii. Ant. v. 4, and may be interpreted as simply used to distinguish him
from others of the same name. So Schürer (Gesch.3) i. 418), who holds that
it can only be justified in that relative sense, and quotes with approval
Hitzig's remark that Herod 'was only a common man.' But as I have tried
476
Jerusalem
The methods by which Herod governed Jerusalem
have already been sketched ;1 and the principal events or
his reign may now be briefly summarised.
Summary of
Events in his Upon his capture of the City in 37 B.C., there
Reign.
followed that execution of the adherents of
Antigonus which cost the Sanhedrin more than half its
members. Herod had connected himself with the
Hasmonean house by marrying Mariamme, a grand-
daughter of Hyrkanus II. At the instigation of her
mother, Alexandra, he appointed his wife's brother,
Aristobulus III., High-priest (35 B.C.); but finding the
young prince dangerously popular, he is said to have
arranged for his death, which took place treacherously in
the bath at Jericho. Henceforth Herod's nominees to the
to show, his record as a soldier, his instincts and powers of order, the main-
tenance of his position against his own people, his management of the great
Romans of his time, or (if this be too strong a phrase) his convincing them
of his indispensableness to their policy, his numerous enterprises, his
grasp of emergencies and occasional feats of sound statesmanship, raise
him far above the common man.' Cf. the higher estimates of Ewald, Hist.
V. 418 f. ; and Headlam, Enc. Bibl. The references to him in Greek and
Latin writers are not very numerous, but sufficient to show that he had im-
pressed himself on the mind not only of his own, but of the succeeding, age.
Horace alludes to his palm-groves at Jericho (Ep. ii. 2, 185). Josephus
quotes one reference from Strabo's 'Trouvnuara (xv. Ant. i. 2; Müller, iii.
494); and in the latter's Geogr. there are two references, xvi. 34, 46. The
second runs: 'Herod, a man of the country, having usurped the high-priest-
hood (!) so excelled his predecessors through his friendly relations with
Rome and his government, that he even became king, first Antony and
then Augustus granting him the power.' Persius calls the Sabbath by his
name: 'Herodis dies' (Sat. v. 180). By Appian (Bell. Civ. v. 75) he is
entitled King of the Idumeans and Samarians.' To Dion Cassius he is only
“a certain Herod,' to whom Antony conveyed the government of the Jews
(xlix. 22, ed. Sturzii, ii. 120), and Augustus the tetrarchy of Zenodorus
(liv. 9, ed. St. iii. 262). Cf. Plutarch, Anton. 61, 71 f. ; Pliny, H.N. v.
13; Tacitus, Hist. v. 9. A saying about Herod is attributed to Augustus
(Macrobius, Saturnalia, II. iv. II): 'Mallem Herodis porcus esse quam
filius,' but the original was probably Greek with a pun upon ús and vlos.
i Vol. i. 412.
2 So, and not Mariamne.
Herod, the Romans and Jerusalem
477
sacred office were from families as far removed as possible
from the legitimate succession ; none of them was even a
Palestinian Jew.1 In 34 he visited Antony at Laodicea,
and succeeded in persuading his patron that he was
innocent of the murder of Aristobulus. The same year
Cleopatra came to Jerusalem and tried her charms upon
the still handsome king. He wanted to kill her, in the
hope of freeing Antony from her toils and himself from
her spite; but his counsellors dissuaded him, and the
only result was that he undertook the campaign against
the Arabs, by which she hoped to get rid both of him
and their king. Herod was saved by this engagement
from the necessity of taking arms against Octavian, and
at the same time won fresh fame through his defeat of the
Arab forces. In 31 a great earthquake shook Judæa;2
and later in the same year the battle of Actium trans-
ferred the Roman power in the East, and Herod's
allegiance, from Antony to Octavian. In 30 Herod
made his peace in person with the latter at Rhodes, and
was confirmed in his kingdom. In 30 the aged Hyrkanus,
in 29 Mariamme, and a little later Alexandra, were
executed. Herod received accessions of territory, and
rebuilt Samaria as a Greek town under the name of
Sebastē.3 There followed the most prosperous years of
his reign: his buildings in Jerusalem, his construction of
Cæsarea, and the extension of his territory by Augustus
over Trachonitis, Auranitis, Batanæa, and in 20 over the
domains of Zenodorus. In 25 a famine fell on Judæa,
and Herod organised vigorous measures of relief. About
i Cf. Edersheim, Life and Times of Jesus the Messiah, i. 24.
2 See vol. i. 64.
8 H.G.H.L. 139 f.
4 Ibid., also 348.
478
Jerusalem
22 he visited Marcus Agrippa at Mytilene, and about 18
he went to Rome. In 15 Agrippa came as his guest to
Jerusalem and sacrificed in the Temple. The next year
Herod returned the visit in Asia Minor. Then began
his troubles with his two sons by Mariamme, and they
dragged on (with visits to Rome in 12 and 10) till he had
the princes strangled in 7 B.C. A couple of years later
he imprisoned his eldest son Antipater, and in 4 B.C.
came the revolt of the rabbis in Jerusalem ; 2 Antipater's
execution; the final testament appointing Archelaus as
successor to the kingdom of Judæa and Antipas and
Philip to tetrarchies over the rest of the territories; and
Herod's death.3
Before we consider the details of Herod's work in
Jerusalem, it is necessary to form an idea of the changed
world in which the City lay since the advent
The Roman
World of of the Roman power, and to which her life,
largely by Herod's instrumentality, rapidly
adapted itself. The last great change we have had to note
in Israel's world came with the conquests of Alexander and
the division of his Asiatic empire among the dynasties
founded by his generals. The centre of politics and
culture moved from its ancient Oriental seats into the
West. The fortunes of Palestine were decided by Greek
minds, and not only upon the soil of Asia but out on the
Mediterranean. Trade and mental intercourse increased
rapidly with the West, and in a limited degree with the far
East as well. The horizons of Israel were immensely
widened. The intellectual sympathies of the nation were
Israel.
% Vol. i. 445.
1 Vol. i. 443 ff.
A most useful chronology of the reign, with footnotes, is given by
Schürer, Gesch. (3) i. 360 ff.
Herod, the Romans and Jerusalem
479
engaged by a culture utterly different from that which
had previously influenced them. There was a new and
enormous Jewish dispersion. Jerusalem became the seat
of a far-spread spiritual empire. Now Róme did not
materially widen those horizons. Unlike the Phænicians
and the Greeks, the Romans were not explorers. But
they gave peace to the world, whose extent the enterprise
of their predecessors had made known, and by their
thorough administration they multiplied its commerce
and its wealth. The world was not a new one, but, to
use the famous figure of Pliny, the Romans were a new
day, a new sun, to it. His words are not too proud:
1.. immensa Romanae pacis majestate, non homines
montes et excedentia in nubes juga, partusque eorum et
herbas quoque invicem ostentante. Aeternum quaeso
Deorum sit munus istud. Adeo Romanos, velut alteram
lucem, dedisse rebus humanis videntur.'? In this new
day Jerusalem also flourished.
may be stated as five. First, the centre of trade as well
as of politics was transferred to the other end Its Five
of the Mediterranean, from Alexandria to Features.
Rome. Secondly: the Roman Empire excelled all before
it in the construction of roads-long lines of firm high-
ways, fit for wheels as well as animals. Palestine, it is
true, did not (except in the neighbourhood of colonial
and other centres of Roman life) benefit by the character-
istic Roman 'streets' till the time of the Antonines. But
i See above, Bk. III. ch. xv.
2 H.N. xxvii. I.
3 This paragraph is abridged from the author's article ‘Trade and Com.
merce' in the Enc. Bibl. $$ 68-73, to which the reader is reíerred for the
authorities cited.
480
Jerusalem
the security of the ancient lines of traffic was a matter of
care to the provincial governors; and even the reges socii,
like Herod, in whose domains brigandage was apt to be
success with which they kept order and the roads open.
By the beginning of the Empire the security of land
travel was immensely increased. Thirdly: at sea the
greatest change was the reduction of the Mediterranean
under one power, and the consequent clearance of piracy,
first by Pompey and then by Augustus. Herod's own
life offers remarkable illustrations of this. None of his
predecessors voluntarily set foot on shipboard; he visited
Rhodes, Lesbos, the Ionian coast, Sinope on the Black
Sea, and four times went to Rome. Fourthly: trade
down the Red Sea and across the Indian Ocean was
multiplied. Ceylon, with its markets for the further
East, became familiar. The Tiber and the Indus were
not more than four months apart. All this secured the
continued importance of Alexandria, which therefore did
not succumb before Rome as Babylon had succumbed
before herself. Fifthly: the civilised world found itself
for the first time under a common system of law. We
have seen the effect on Judæa after this became a Roman
province;1 but even in Herod's time, and through all the
arbitrariness of his government, that effect was manifest.
He was constantly referring cases of justice to Augustus.?
The common languages of Syria continued to be Greek
and Aramaic, the intellectual atmosphere that of Hel-
lenism. But the Roman discipline and many Roman
customs penetrated even the semi-independent states.
And as all princes and their peoples were equally sub-
1 Vol. i. 413.
2 See vol. i. 442 ff.
11
Herod, the Romans and Jerusalem 481
jects of Rome, there was more intercourse among them
1
To the imperial example and opportunity the genius
of Herod responded-to the good that was in both
as well as to the evil with which the latter
tempted his ambitious and versatile mind. Response
to these.
Our admiration has already been claimed for
the strong foundation of order from which Herod raised
his services to the Empire. When he came to the full
resources of his position, part of his method was the
construction of fortresses. He rebuilt the Hasmonean
castles of Alexandrium in the Jordan valley, Masada in
the desert of Judæa, Machaerus in Moab, and Hyrkania
the site of which is unknown. He erected two new fort-
resses, each of which he called Herodium, and a citadel
by Jericho named after his mother, Kypros. That he
could explain all these as necessary to the maintenance
of order is proved by his exhibition of three of them to
Marcus Agrippa. Those who have inspected the remains
of the Herodian castles can testify to the skill with
which they were designed and the power with which
they were constructed—the strength of their sites, the
ingenuity of their approaches, the number and thickness
of their walls, the thoroughness of their masonry. In all
these respects Herod might confidently show them to an
able Roman. He also fortified Heshbon in Peræa, and,
i For the first three see H.G.H.L. 353, 512 ff., 569 (with my article on
Machaerus in P.E.F.Q., 1905, 224 ff.). Hyrkania must have lain west of the
Jordan, for Herod took Marcus Agrippa to see it as well as Alexandrium
and Herodium : xvi. Ant. ii. 1.
2 'HPÁDELOV: one about three miles S. E. of Jerusalem on the Frank Moun-
tain: Jebel el-Fureidis (Hill of Paradise), in which modern name it is possible
to conjecture a corruption of his own. The site of the other has not been
recovered ; it lay 'in the mountains towards Arabia.'
VOL. II.
2 H
482
Jerusalem
as a centre for his cavalry, Gaba on Esdraelon--one is
reminded of Solomon's cities for chariots l_besides
planting guard houses all over the land. The next work
which the Roman dispensation demanded from him was
an open and secure gateway to the west. This he gave
in Cæsarea-city, fortress and harbour. Its rank as the
capital of the Roman province of Judæa, with all its
commercial and religious importance in New Testament
times, proved his foresight and the solidity of his build-
ing. In the hills behind Cæsarea stood the already
fortified Sebastē, upon the site of Samaria, which Herod
selected, like Omri, Alexander and Perdiccas before him,
for its western outlook. On the maritime plain some-
where by the road between Cæsarea and Jerusalem he
founded Antipatris in memory of his father,4 and further
south, near Gaza, he rebuilt the town and port of
Anthedon, under the name Agrippeion, thereby securing
control of the Nabatean trade, which spread from Arabia
as far as Italy. He also founded a town Phasaelis,
called after his brother, in the Jordan valley, which he
brought under a wide and profitable cultivation.
The effects upon Jerusalem herself were of a double
and opposite character. On the one hand, Herod was
never at home in his capital. Besides their
Jerusalem. political purpose, a number of his construc-
tions provided him with relief from the legalism of the
City, which he detested, and with refuges from her
fanatic turbulence, which he had increasing reason to
fear. Sebastē was wholly Greek, and Josephus says that
Effects on
1 Above, pp. 56 f. 2 H.G.H.L. 138 ff. 3 Above, pp. 374, 376.
4 H.G.H.L. 165, and the present writer's ‘Antipatris' in the Enc. Bibl.
5 H.G. H. L. 189.
8 Vol. i. 341.
Herod, the Romans and Jerusalem
483
Herod built it for his own security. His later years he
seems to have spent almost constantly at Jericho, pro-
tected by his new citadel. It was the local Assembly of
Jericho before which he brought the case of his sons, and
other legal questions. In this he strictly conformed to
the Law ;? but he was also more sure of the verdicts he
wanted than if the trials had taken place in Jerusalem.
Herodium, with its aqueduct, gardens ? and luxurious
apartments, not only gave him a residence near to
Jerusalem yet fortified against her multitude, but lay on
the way to Masada, where he had built himself a retreat
from Jewish revolt and Roman caprice. That he also
made the military road between the two is unlikely ; 3
it is probably Roman. But while this prudent distribu-
tion of his resources must have diminished in some
degree the importance of the capital, it also increased
her security, her population and her wealth. Except from
Rome, Jerusalem had now nothing to fear. Fortresses
controlled most of the ways to her gates. She had a
coast of her own from Anthedon to Carmel and a
spacious port towards Europe. The summer voyage
from Cæsarea to Cyprus might be accomplished within
two days, to Alexandria in four, to Athens in ten, to
Rome within three weeks. In other words, Jerusalem
was sometimes, though not regularly, almost as near to
Rome as Calcutta is to London. Roman emissaries
and officials, Italian, German and Cuulish mercenaries,
with traders from all the coasts of thé Mediterranean,
became familiar figures in her streets. The pickled fish
1 Vol. i. 443 f.
3 Vol. i. 130.
3 Traces of which I followed in the desert: H.G.H.L. 273.
4 See the writer's "Trade and Commerce,' Enc. Bibl., where the uncera
tainties of the voyage over the Mediterranean are also illustrated.
484
Jerusalem
i
of the Lake of Galilee, the wheat of Hauran and Moab,
the olives of Judæa, the gold and incense of Arabia, paid
tolls from which Herod's capital directly benefited.
From this time onward the majority of foreign terms in
the Hebrew language are still Greek, but Latin words
appear in increasing number. It is difficult to determine
when each of these entered the language; many are
certainly later than Herod's day, and imply the creation
of the Roman province of Judæa in 6 A.D. ; but a
summary of them all may be given here as on the
whole illustrative of Roman influence on Jewish life
during New Testament times.1 Greek terms of civil or
military administration were already fairly numerous,
for the Jews had been under Greek kings and familiar
with their garrisons since Alexander; while the fact that
nearly all the names for popular forms of government
are Greek is significant of that influence of Hellenic
cities upon Jewish politics which has been already
described. The political or military terms which
Hebrew borrowed from Latin signify various military
officers, several kinds of private soldiers, and parts of the
characteristic Roman uniform or armour; courtiers,
guards, police-officers, spies and informers ; some taxes,
weights and coins. In architecture the foreign terms are
mostly Greek; we have seen traces of Greek influence in
1 I have not been able to see the monographs on Greek and Latin words
in the Mishna and Talmuds cited by Strack in his Einleitung, pp. 119, 121.
Schürer, Gesch.3) § 22, gives an interesting list. I have used it for check-
ing and extending the summary which is given above, and which is mainly
derived from my own reading. An exact study would discriminate between
those in the Mishna and those in the Talmuds: the former are not nearly so
many as the latter. Another difficulty would be to decide whether certain
terms common to both languages were directly derived from the one or the
other.
2 Vol. i. Bk. I. ch. x.
Herod, the Romans and Jerusalem
485
the remains both of Hasmonean and Herodian buildings.1
But there are Latin words, as also Greek, for streets,
roads and footpaths. The terms for inn and harbour
and for many things connected with the sea are Greek.
In astrology, geometry, literature, medicine, philosophy
and religion the foreign terms are, of course, almost
exclusively Greek; yet Latin words sometimes occur,
and it is interesting to meet the Roman disciplina side
by side with the Greek nomos. Foreign expressions for
the industrial arts and their materials, especially spin-
ning, weaving, fish-curing and writing, for the processes
and objects of trade, especially the names of various
traders and of jars for the conveyance of goods, are
nearly all Greek. Greek and Latin garments are
frequent: boots, trousers, robes and caps; names of
games, baths, feasts and articles of luxury are borrowed
from both languages. But the names of European
countries and peoples are given mostly in their Latin
form.
Through Herod's reign Jerusalem probably increased
in size and in the number of her inhabitants. But for
neither have we any exact data. The First Size
and Second Walls ran as before, and the
the Herodian
divisions of the City were the same. On the City.
Size and
Population of
north, and to the south the Lower City falling to Siloam.
On the South-West Hill lay the Upper City, protected to
the north by the First Wall; beyond which lay the
northern quarter or slope enclosed by the Second Wall.2
That to the north of this there were already suburbs we
i Vol. i. 192, 217; vol. ii. 404, 426.
2 Tò pooápkTLOV Kilua: Jos, v. B.J. iv. 2.
486
Jerusalem
know from the account of Herod's siege in 37,1 but how
far they reached at that time or were increased under
Herod, how much of 'Bezetha was covered, or whether
outlying houses with gardens had yet appeared on the
northern plateau, are questions we have no means of
answering. The population, too, is unknown. At the
end of the reign and through the New Testament period
it has been estimated as from 200,000 to 250,000, but the
figure seems far too high.
From such uncertainties we turn to the increased
fortifications and the new buildings which we definitely
know to have been due to the lavish energy
The Revolu-
tion in the of Herod. We must examine these with care,
Topography.
for they not only brought into bolder relief
the outlines of the City and of her divisions, they not
only enriched and dignified her whole appearance; but
they altered her centre of gravity, in a political sense,
they determined the topography of the New Testament,
and they perverted the tradition of that of the Old ,
Testament.2
When Herod captured Jerusalem in 37 B.C. the two
northern lines of wall were breached, some of the Temple-
cloisters burned, and other parts of the
The Walls
town probably dilapidated, for the sack that
Towers.
followed the capture was ruthless. Herod's
first care as king must have been the repair of the
fortifications. Although there is no record of his work
upon the walls, we may infer from the towers he built,
as well as from his thorough construction of other strong-
holds, that his engineers were busy with them all round
and Great
2 Vol. i. 161 ff.
1 Tà Tpod0Tcua :i. B.J. xvii. 8.
3 xiv. Ant. xvi. 2 f. ; i. B.J. xviii.

JERUSALEM OF THE HERODIAN PERIOD
MAP 13
Tomb of the Kings
ce of the
ve
Cersant &
Domus
Stephens
El Edhemreal
Jeremiurc cromo
PAGR
18
Sharm
as Saiyad
Jerzsh
Colorty
Peary of
Bau
HAR DOLOR
BestStephens
Moarte
I
edar
Haram esh
Sher
ՈՒ ՄխիտUծի
Churehot
Greek Suhe Scension
Det sertanel
lden Gate
ITIL
o
Dame
PONCHO
theres
siter
210
Domethe kod
Kubbusi sabhra
Cameli
Conte
Odorhold
L
ista
come
wa ya
Tomten
Vosque
Aksa
mis of the
Bophets
IST
Tesvisk Cempley
HISH
ARME
A OR LOWER
AHRA
Hlage
Centeter
phies
uola
Hotela14
chool
iloan
forvezett
Benedictins
S
e Offence
el Hawa
1
Tabel Baten e
Mount
IND
UE:
2549
Hill of Evil Counsel
(Jebel Deir Abu Tor
The Edinburgh Geographical histitate
Scale of Half a Mile
J.G. Bartholomew
The Walls in Herod's time are shown by red lines, except the course of the Second
Wall on the North which is unknown. The Third Wall added by Agrippa is
shown by red dotted lines on the line of the present North Wall of the City.
Herod, the Romans and Jerusalem
487
the City, and that the First and Second Walls which
so stubbornly resisted Titus in 70 A.D. had all been
strengthened or elevated by Herod. From the west wall
South-West Hill to the Tyropæon the First Wall ran as
before. It still enclosed Siloam, and when it reached
the eastern boundary of the Temple area as extended by
Herod it coincided with this above Kidron, and then
turning round the northern slopes of the Temple-mount
reached the Baris, now called Antonia, from which the
Second Wall struck across the Tyropæon on an un-
known line to the Gate Genath on the stretch of the
First Wall along the north of the South-West Hill.
Here, on this same stretch of the First Wall, Herod
raised three lofty towers, which with a fourth to the
north of them greatly changed the western outline of the
City. The three were Hippicus, perhaps where the north-
west tower of the present citadel stands; Phasael, the
base of which still bears the tower known as 'David's';
and a little to the east of this Mariamme -_-the last two
certainly, and Hippicus perhaps also, on the Old or First
north wall. The fourth tower, Psephinus, an octagon,
stood to the north, probably on the site of the present
ķașr Jâlûd, at first isolated but afterwards connected
with the others by the Third, or Agrippa's Wall. Phasael
was ninety cubits high, Hippicus eighty, Psephinus
seventy, Mariamme fifty; Phasael was forty cubits
1 Vol. i. 193.
2 Vol. i. 223.
3 Vol. i. 234 f.
4 On these three see vol. i. 242, and further on Phasael, 191 f.
were on the Old or First north wall, Hippicus being close by ; but in the
next section (4) he places them all on the old wall.
6 Vol. i. II (n. 1), 240, 244.
488
Jerusalem
-
Court or
square, Hippicus twenty-five, Mariamme twenty. Each
of the four was built on a high, solid base of huge stones
without mortar, with a revetment such as we see on
the still extant base of Phasael.1 Above this the struc-
tures differed, but all the towers were provided with
battlements and turrets.2
The three towers, Hippicus, Phasael and Mariamme, lay
then at the north-west angle of the Old or First Wall, where
this already formed a crest of thirty cubits
Herod's
high on the South-West Hill, within and near
Palace.
the site of the present citadel. In touch with
them, to the south and within the wall, Herod constructed
a new Royal Court or Palace, 'the Palace in the Upper
City:'4 The wall of this was on the north and west the
Old or First City wall; on the south and east a wall of the
same height, thirty cubits, was erected, and there were
towers at intervals. It was, in fact, a citadel as well as
a palace. Within were two halls, each the size of the
sanctuary with couches for a hundred guests, and many
other chambers richly furnished. There were colonnades
all round, courts open to the air in which everything was
green, and groves or shrubberies with long walks among
them. The whole was rendered possible by the High-
i Vol. i. 192, with Plate vi. This cubit was probably about 17.5 inches.
2 See further the description of Phasael in P.E.F. Mem. 'Jerus.' 267 ff.,
especially the interesting comparison of the Josephan datum of a cloister
which went round the tower ten cubits above the base with a similar outwork
still extant.
3 v. B.J. iv. 4: about 438 feet.
4 'H toll Baoiltus aŭlin, v. B.J. iv. 4; Td autoll Baol,ELOV KATd thv dvw
mble, i. B.J. xxi. I; cf. xv. Ant. ix. 3 ; xvii. Ant. x. 2. After describing its
various parts, in the first of these three passages, Josephus calls it by the
plural, Tà Bao Acua, in ii. B.J. iii. I, xvii. 6; cf. * GPTép0 CỦAh. xv. Ant.
vii. 8 calls it the Phrourion of the City as contrasted with that of the Temple;
and in other passages the Akrai of Jerusalem are mentioned, xvii. Ant.
X. I; ii. B.J. ii. 2, iii. 1. See below, pp. 574 ff.
Herod, the Romans and Jerusalem
489
U
Level Aqueduct, which distributed water through deep
conduits and metal fountains. It was here that Herod
kept those flocks of tamed pigeons to which, oddly
enough, his name has been attached in later Hebrew.
The Palace was destroyed by fire in 70 A.D., and only the
base of Phasael, parts of its other towers and of its western
wall, remain to witness to its strength. But of the site
there can be no doubt. Herod built his Palace on the
highest of the three terraces of the South-West Hill.3
The north and west walls were, as we have seen, the
north-west angle of the First City Wall, and it therefore
occupied the site of the present citadel and barracks,
with an unknown extension southwards over the gardens
of the Armenian monastery. Its breadth would most
naturally be the breadth of the terrace, and its eastern
wall therefore probably followed the line of the present
street leading to the Sion Gate. The Palace and Towers
of Herod overlooked the whole City, as well as her
approaches from the south and the west.5
Thus at last one, and this perhaps the most formidable,
of the centres of authority in the City had been planted
on the crest of the South-West Hill; and it was Permanent
never to be shifted from here. Here Herod re- Re
the Seat of
sided when he was in Jerusalem, and here he Authority to
the S.W.
kept a large garrison of his mercenaries. Here Hill.
also would reside Archelaus and Agrippa 1.8 The Palace
1 Vol. i. 129; vol. ii. 462 f. ? Above, p. 469 n. 1. 3 Vol. i. 35.
4 Schick (2.D.P.V. xvii. 85) conjectures the breadth as extending from
the west City wall nearly to the English church, and that the W. wall of the
Armenian monastery stands on the E. wall of the Palace. The market-
place east of the fosse which surrounds the Citadel appears to be supported
on vaults' (P.E.F. Mem. “Jerus.' 270). Could these be excavated some
remains of Herod's Palace might be found.
5 Vol. i. 26. 6 xvii. Ant. ix. 3 ; ii. B.J. ii. 1 f.; xix. Ant. vii. 3.
Removal of
490
Jerusalem
11
of Herod was the Prætorium or residence of the Roman
procurators, the tower Phasael was the stronghold of
Simon through the siege.2 The Legionary Camp had its
strongest angle here ; 3 here lay the castle of the Byzan-
tines and the Moslems,4 the Crusaders' Tower of David
and Castle of the Pisans, and here still stands the
Turkish Castle, el-Kala'a. Herod's choice and parts of
· Herod's construction have endured, through all these
dispensations, to the present day. And, as we have seen,
it was his removal of the centre of the City's autho-
rity from the East to the South-West Hill which carried
with it the names of the ancient stronghold on the former
Şion, the City of David,' and perverted the whole tradi-
tion of the Old Testament topography.
On the lowest terrace of this same South-West Hill, and,
in fact, due east from the site of Herod's Palace, lay (as we
The Hasmo saw) the Palace of the Hasmoneans;' the first
short step which the government of Jerusalem
Xystos.
had taken from the East Hill and across the
Tyropæon. After Herod extirpated the Hasmoneans
this palace would pass into the use of his family, if
indeed Mariamme had not already brought it with her as
a dowry. Below this, in the Tyropoon, had long lain an
open place of exercise, perhaps the Gymnasium which
Jason had built.8 Hereafter it is called the Xystos, the
Greek name for a covered colonnade in a gymnasium.
1 xvii. Ant. ix. 3; ii. B.J. ii. 2, xiv. 8; see below, pp. 574 ff.
* v. B.J. iv. 3.
3 Wilson, Golgotha, 142 ff.
* Mukaddasi, 167, Istakhri, 56, quoted by Le Strange, Pal. under the
Moslems, 213.
That is Phasael ; cf. Will. of Tyre, viii. 3; ix. 3.
8 Vol. i. 161 ff.
Above, p. 461.
8 Above, p. 432.
9 So called from its polished floor; it is first mentioned in xx. Ant.
viii. 11 under Festus; ii. B.J. xvi. 3, just before the siege by Titus.
nean Palace
and the
Herod, the Romans and Jerusalem
491
East Hill and
Herod may have remade it under this name. The
Hippodrome also, which it is probable (though not cer-
tain) that Herod built, is placed by some on the South-
West Hill, and they conjecture that a memory of it
survives in the Haret el-Meidān, or street of the race-
course. But the single notice of the Hippodrome seems
to imply that it did not lie in the western part of the
City.2
While by these edifices Herod not only altered the
appearance of the South-West Hill, but the relative signi-
ficance of all parts of the City, he effected Transforma-
tion of the
also, by constructions still more massive, a E
transformation of the East Hill and of the Central Valley.
Central Valley.3 For on the third summit of the East
Hill he rebuilt and amplified its citadel, the Baris. On
the fourth he rebuilt the Temple, greatly heightening
the House itself, widely extending the courts, so as to
cover all this part of the hill and project over the Central
Valley, and surrounding the whole with a huge wall.
And he appears to have made the east stretch of this
wall coincident, for the first time in its history, with the
East Wall of the City above the Kidron. The extent and
character of many of these changes has been disclosed by
the work of the Palestine Exploration Fund, but some of
them remain obscure, and have provoked much contro-
versy. For such reasons, but also because of the place
which the two buildings occupy in New Testament
TIT
i Guthe, Hauck's R.-E. viii. 686.
2 xvii. Ant. X. 2; it was held by a band of the Jews who revolted against
Sabinus, a second band held the temple, and a third band 'the western part
of the city.'
& For these constituents of the site of Jerusalem, see yol. i. Bk. I. ch. i.
4 On these summits see vol. i. p. 34.
6 Vol. i. 234 f.
492
Jerusalem
history and through the last siege, Herod's Castle and
Temple are treated by themselves in the next chapter.
In this chapter we have still to notice his Theatre
and Amphitheatre, with the gorgeous shows exhibited
in them. Somewhere about 25 B.C. Herod
Athletic founded an Athletic Gathering, to be cele-
Gatherings.
o brated every five years, in honour of Augustus.1
Herod's
this patron of the Olympian Games was determined
to rival on his own soil the finest of the Greek and
Roman spectacles. Athletes from all lands were in-
vited to Jerusalem, to contend for costly prizes amid mag-
nificent surroundings that flashed with ascriptions to
the Emperor and trophies of the nations he had sub-
dued, all wrought in silver and gold. There came also
musicians and choral actors, whose name, Thymelikoi,
would remind a cultured Jew of their original associa-
tion with Greek worship. In a region unsuitable to
wheels,2 chariot-races were run, with two, three and four
pairs of horses. Wild beasts were collected to fight with
each other, or with men. To these shows Gentiles flocked
with admiration. But it was a sore sight to Jerusalem,
as though the most Hellenising of her Seleucid tyrants
the very monster against whom the Maccabeans had
risen, were come again, and in the person of her own
king. We cannot wonder that the first festival marked
the beginning of a period of trouble for Herod.
The sites of these spectacles are, therefore, of more
Kalo api. The name 'gathering,' used in the Highlands of Scotland for
athletic and musical contests, is the exact equivalent of the Greek Agõn.
2 See above, vol. i. 325. Herod must have improved the roads of his
kingdom.
Herod, the Romans and Jerusalem
493
His Theatre
than ordinary interest. Josephus says that 'Herod built
a theatre in Jerusalem, and a very great via
amphitheatre on the plain.'1 If we conclude,
from its contrast with the other position, that the phrase
'in Jerusalem' is to be taken literally, we must seek for
Herod's Theatre inside the walls, where two sites have
been suggested. But it is improbable that he would so
violently affront the religious authorities, and possible
to understand the words of Josephus in a more general
sense. To the south, of the City, on the hill beyond
the Jebel Deir Abu ļor, the remains of a great theatre
were recently discovered, and we know of no other name
to call it by than Herod's. It is of the usual form: a
semicircle on the hillside, with traces of stepped seats
and chambers below, and in front a level space for the
stage. The diameter is rather large for a Palestine
theatre, 132 or 136 feet. Facing north, the theatre is
visible from several parts of Jerusalem : the spectators
looked across the Jebel Deir Abu ļor onwards to the
City.4
The site of Herod's Amphitheatre' on the plain' is not
certainly known. It may have been out on the Buķêi'a,
or on the plateau to the north of Jerusalem. and Amphi-
But an equally suitable position, and one theatre.
with which tradition connects great games, may be seen
as we look from the north-east corner of the City north-
east into the great basin on the Olivet range. I often
1
1 As above, xv. Ant. viii. 1.
2 On the S.W. Hill, south of the Burj el-Kibrit, and on the East Hill
south of the Haram.
3 Vol. i. 31 and Plate v.
4 The discovery was made by Schick, who, however, wrongly calls it
an amphitheatre, while his description and plans are, as above, of a theatre ;
P.E.F.Q., 1887, 161 ff.
494
Jerusalem
wondered whether this level space was ever utilised in
ancient times, till I heard that the people have a story of
its having been 'a Meidan, or place of exercise, where
strong men wrestled and made games. This may
embody a genuine recollection of Herod's athletic
gatherings in honour of Augustus, and indicate the site
of his Amphitheatre.
1 I was walking in the neighbourhood one afternoon with Dr. Percy
D’Erfe Wheeler and his servant, when the latter told us this story as
current among the people. He called a clump of ruins on the site
er-Raşâş. Cf. Bir er-Raşâş or Raşâşîyeh, a little further north (P.E.F.
Large Map, sheet xvii., and Schick's map of the nearer environs). Raşâş
does not necessarily mean lead'; the root is applied to any joining,
ranging, or piling, especially of stones,
CHAPTER XVIII
HEROD'S CASTLE AND TEMPLE
TN this chapter we shall treat of Herod's two most
T conspicuous and significant reconstructions, which,
standing together on the East Hill, were destined to be
the principal scenes of the remaining Jewish history of
Jerusalem-his Castle, the Antonia, and his Temple.
The Castle was built first, and we begin with it.
The Baris, or Akropolis of the Hasmoneans, stood (as
we have seen) on the north of the Temple. According
·
I. The
and enlarged it at a vast expense, calling it Antonia—its
character :
He says that the Antonia 'lay at' or 'near to the angle
of the two cloisters of the first Temple, that to the west
and that to the north.'3 Its basis was 'a rock 50 cubits
high, and precipitous all round.' Herod deprived the
sides of foothold by covering them with slabs of stone.
Round the edge ran a rampart, three cubits high, within
which the whole erection of the Antonia was carried to
1 Above, p. 460.
2 xv. Ant. viii. 5, xi. 4 ; xviii. Ant. iv. 3 ; xx. Ant. v. 3 ; i. B.J. xxi. 1.
The description of it given above is abridged from v. B.J. v. 8.
| 3 v. B.J. v. 8: H = AVTua Youkan Màn sáo crop Zoetro Toũ
a púrov lepoll, rñs te tpos éo Tépav kai tas tipos dpktov. The First Temple
here is to be taken in the sense of the outer Temple; cf. v. B.J. v. 2, where
the inner Temple is called the second. See below, pp. 513 n. 2, 518 r. I.
495
496
Jerusalem
a height of 40 cubits. The interior contained every
kind of dwelling and other convenience, colonnades,
baths and broad courts for encampments, so that in
possessing all manner of utilities it seemed a city, but in
sumptuousness a palace.' 'The whole plan was tower-
like,?? but at the corners it carried four other towers,
three 50 cubits high, and a fourth, at the south-east
corner, 70, so as to overlook the Temple. Stairs or
sloping gangways led down to the two adjoining cloisters.
They appear to have crossed à rocky incline between the
Antonia and the Temple; for, though some of the
language used by Josephus may be interpreted as though
the Antonia immediately adjoined, or even abutted upon,
the Temple cloisters, this is not the only possible
meaning ;3 and in his description of the struggles be-
tween the Romans and the Jews, after Titus had taken
the Castle, Josephus implies that some little space inter-
vened between the latter and the peribolos of the
sanctuary.4 On the north, again, the Antonia was
1 As to the figures given by Josephus, it must be remembered that he
wrote some years after the destruction of the Temple, and at a distance
from Jerusalem, that his figures for the Temple dimensions frequently
exceed those given in the Mishna (which are preferred below); but also
that in one or ytwo cases in which we can test others of his figures by
extant remains, these have been found to be very near the truth. The
heights which he gives for the Antonia towers seem needlessly great.
2 Cf. Tacitus, Hist. V. II: 'Conspicuoque fastigio turris Antonia in
honorem M. Antonii ab Herode appellata.'
3 ü. B.J. xv. 5 f: when Gessius Florus sought to reach the Temple
“through the Antonia,' the Jews 'cut through the Temple cloisters ad-
joining’: αναβάντες ευθέως τάς συνεχείς στοάς του ιερού προς την 'Αντωνίαν
OLÉKoyav; xvi. 5, however, calls them the otoal of the Antonia itsell, and
this suggests that they were the (covered) passages connecting the two;
xvii. I: the people going up to the Temple began the rebuilding of these
στοαι.
4 vi. B.J. i. 7 ff; ii. 6; "neither side had any length of space whether for
flight or pursuit.'
Herod's Castle and Temple
497
isolated from the higher summit of Bezetha by a deep
ditch designedly cut through' the ridge which joined
them. So far Josephus. With his data agrees Luke's
description of Paul's adventures between the Temple and
the Castle. When Paul was dragged out of the Temple,
and the gates were shut, the Chiliarch came down with
soldiers and brought him up the ascents to the Castle.
From these gangways Paul addressed a crowd standing
below them, but outside the great sanctuary wall. There
was, therefore, a space of open ground on the saddle
of the hill between the Temple and the Castle.2
For those who hold that the Temple stood to the west
of the rock eş-Şakhra, there can be no doubt about part
at least of the site of the Antonia. This was
and its Site.
the rock at the north-west corner of the
Haram, upon which the Turkish barracks now stand.
The southern face of the rock is a scarp from 20 to 32
feet high. The east face is hidden by buildings. On the
west the conditions are not so clear. But it has been
amply verified that on the north a broad, deep ditch is
cut across the hill, so as to separate the rock from
1
1 v. B.J. iv. 2: Dleta peúon yap émindes, w's win TQ 160w OUÁTTOVTES oi
Deućłcol tîs 'Avtwlas eŮmpboltol te elev kal petov üyndol (see vol. i. 244);
cf. v. 8.
2 Acts xxi. 30 ff. (cf. above, vol. i. 246): castle=aapeußorn. The
reference to the gates cannot mean the gates of the inner sanctuary, and
that the crowd stood in the court of the Gentiles. Paul could not have
addressed them through the massive outer wall and its cloisters.
3 Those who place the Temple in the S.W. corner of the Haram (vol. i.
231; vol. ii. 61) are forced to place the Antonia much further south than the
rock described above, and, in fact, where there is no outstanding rock at all,
in the Tyropoeon valley! Fergusson (Temples of the Jews, 172 ff.) assumes that
Wilson's arch and the underground chambers to the W. of this are parts of the
substructions of the Antonia. But this is also to remove the Antonia too far
from Bezetha, its nearness to which is placed by Josephus beyond all
doubt.
VOL. II.
2 I
498
Jerusalem
Bezetha, just as Josephus describes. Above these scarps,
then, stood part at least of the Antonia. But the rock is
not a simple oblong; it has an offshoot to the south. At
right angles from the west end of its southern face, another
scarp, facing east across the Haram, runs to the Bab
es-Serai. The space between the two scarps is natural
rock, falling south-east to the Haram level. It is probable,
therefore, that the high site of the Antonia was an ir-
regular gnomon with its prolongation southwards to the
Bab es-Serai. This hypothesis provides more of the room
needed for the interior of the Castle as described by
Josephus; it provides a longer western face for the
Antonia which seems required by the account of the
fighting under Titus; it brings the end of the Castle
nearer to the north-west angle of the Temple, which
cannot have been situated much further north than the
Bab en-Nâzir;2 and at the same time it leaves space,
partly sloping, partly level, for the interval which Josephus
describes between the cloisters and Antonia, and which
was apparently crossed by the sloping gangways. In this
space traces of a ditch across the saddle are said to have
been discovered.4 If such a ditch ever existed, it was
before Herod's day, in order to separate between the
Baris and the Second Temple, and it must have been
filled up by Herod, for there is no description or hint
of a ditch between the Antonia and Herod's Temple.
i For these particulars see P.E.F. Men. "Jerus.' 212 ff., with Plans II. and
XXXVII. of the Portfolio. The northern ditch and its scarps are described by
Clermont-Ganneau, Arch. Res. i. 49 ff. The street to the Bab Sitti Mariam
(St. Stephen's Gate) runs along the ditch, which extended far to the west, part
of its N. scarp having been discovered in the grounds of the Austrian hospice.
Here it was probably the fosse outside the Second Wall.
2 See vol. i. 231.
3 Above, p. 496.
s Recovery of Jerus. 13, 312.
Herod's Castle and Temple
499
ple-Herod's
Therefore the supposition that a bridge, or pair of bridges,
connected the two is unfounded.1
As the name implies, Herod built his Antonia before
the fall of Mark Antony in 31 B.C. His Palace on the
South-West Hill was finished by 23, and even , The Tem-
earlier his Hippodrome, Theatre and Amphi- pl
Reasons for
theatre.3 Sebaste was built in 27, and Cæsarea Rebuilding.
begun about 22. In these and other cities he had erected
shrines to Greek and Roman deities; while in sight of
Jerusalem he had established heathen games and spec-
tacles. It became necessary to his policy to do some-
thing for Judaism. His fresh and costly structures in
Jerusalem, built in Hellenic style with limestone that
showed like marble, rendered the Temple of Zerubbabel,
in spite of its embellishment during the Greek period,
meagre and shabby. Herod had difficulty, however, in
gaining the consent of the multitude' to his plans ;5 and
Josephus says that he began by explaining to them that his
previous works were undertaken in order to advance the
fame of the Jews among other nations ! But now piety
urged them all to do something great for their own God.
The Second Temple, he averred, was not so lofty as the
First, and his predecessors had never been able to heighten
i Sanday and Waterhouse (Sacred Sites of the Gospels, 108, with Plan 116;
see also frontispiece) suppose a 'valley' crossed by 'a double bridge' between
the Temple and Antonia, for which there is some reason' (108). But there
is no 'valley' across this part of the East Hill, only a saddle between two
summits, the Antonia rock and the rock eş-Şakhra. If there had been a
ditch before Herod's time, Herod must have filled it up, for there is not the
faintest allusion to either a ditch or 'a bridge'in all the subsequent relations
of the Temple and Antonia. Nothing is described between them from Herod
to Titus, except 'no long space of ground' (on which the fighting took place
4 Above, p. 492
5 xv. Ant. xi. 2; see above, vol. i. 443.
500
Jerusalem
it. But his friendship with the Romans, the peace with
which God had blessed His people, made it possible to
repair this defect and prove their gratitude to God. Still
the Jews hesitated, and Herod won them over only by
promising that he would not pull down the old House till
he was ready to build the new. That no profane band
might touch the inner sanctuary, he put a thousand priests
into training as masons and carpenters. Then, in the
eighteenth year of his reign, the winter of 20-19 B.C., he
began to build. The Naos or House itself was finished in
eighteen months, and was dedicated on the
Period of Con- anniversary of his accession; but the construc-
tion of the cloisters and the massive outer en-
closures occupied eight years. Even then much remained
to be done, and the work dragged on long after Herod's
death. During one of our Lord's visits to Jerusalem it
was said forty-and-six years has this Temple been building, 2
which fixes the date of that visit as 27 or 28 A.D. Not
Dates and
struction.
1 For all the above particulars see xv. Ant. xi. 5 f. In i. B.J. xxi. I the
Temple is said to have been begun in Herod's fifteenth year. If this be correct
it refers to the preliminary operations. See Schürer's full note Gesch.(3) 8 15
n. 12.
2 John ii. 20: Nabs; the Naos, in its proper sense of the House itself,
was finished in If years, and objection has therefore been taken to the
Evangelist's accuracy, which Drummond meets by saying that the phrase
takes up the word used by Jesus and might be loosely applied to the
Temple with all its connected ornaments and buildings' (Character and
Authorship of the Fourth Gospel, 370). But that Naos was used by Jewish
writers of Greek to describe not only the House itself, but the inner enclosure
and even the outer, may be seen both in the N.T. and Josephus. In Matt.
xxvii. 5 Judas is said to have thrown the silver pieces into the Naos, which
cannot have been the House but one of the courts about it. (For vabs in its
proper sense see Matt. xxiii. 35; Luke i. 21 f. ; in ii. 27, 37, 46, and in
Acts xxi., Luke correctly uses lepov.) Similarly Josephus, v. B.J., v. 3 $ 201,
speaks of 'one gate, that outside the Naos, of Corinthian bronze'; it stood
outside the Court of Israel, if not even outside the Court of Women. And
in xv. Ant. xi. 3, while employing Naos of the House itself ($ 391, etc.) he
Herod's Castle and Temple
501
.
.
till the Procuratorship of Albinus (63-64), says Josephus,
was the Temple finished.'1 Six years later the House
with all its cloisters sank in fire, never to be replaced.
Solomon's Temple had consisted of a House, with an
inner chamber known as the Debîr or Back, and an outer
called the Hêkal, Palace, or Temple. In front Its Various
it had a Porch, a Fore-Court, with the Altar Divisions.
of Burnt-Offering, to which all Israel were admitted, and
a great Outer or Lower Court which surrounded also the
Palace-Court and other royal buildings. The Second
Temple was a House of the same scale and disposition as
the First. It had more than one court, probably two, as
Ezekiel prescribes; but his reservation of the inner one to
the priests does not appear to have been enforced for a
considerable period. The first recorded exclusion of the
laity from the neighbourhood of the Great Altar is under
Alexander Jannæus (103-78 B.C.), who put up a barrier
'round House and Altar,' after the crowd pelted him with
citrons. But it is precarious to conclude that so personal
a trouble was the whole origin of the reservation of the
inner court to the priests. Along with other developments,
like the Court of Women and the exclusion of foreigners
from the inner Temple, the reservation of the Altar-court
to the priests may have been realised during earlier
centuries, when the Temple area was enlarged by new
substructures ;8 and when the rigorous distinctions of the
also applies it both to the inner (401) and to the whole Temple, inner and
outer, Tòv vady a navra (396). In the conversation described in John ii., our
Lord and the Jews used either Baith or Hêkal, both of which were applicable
either in the stricter or looser sense ; and whichever was used it was natural
for the Evangelist to employ the same Greek word to translate it in both cases.
1 xx. Ant. ix. 7; in xv. Ant. xi. 3 Josephus states that part of the Naos
fell and was rebuilt under Nero.
2 Above, pp. 61 f.
8 Above, p. 309.
4 Vol. i. 410.
5 Above, p. 386.
502
Jerusalem
Law were gradually enforced, if not in the Persian
period then under the Maccabees. In any case the
following delimitations appear in the area of Herod's
Temple, and he cannot be supposed to have invented any
of them. Herod's Temple consisted of a House divided
like its predecessor into the Holy of Holies, and the
Holy Place; a Porch; an immediate Fore-court with the
Altar of Burnt-offering; a Court of Israel; in front of
this a Court of Women; and, round the whole of the pre-
ceding, a Court of the Gentiles.1
The House' itself, the Naos proper, occupied the site
of its predecessors, to the west of the rock eş-Şakhra.
The House The ground-plan was the same, the interior
nd being 60 cubits by 20, divided into the
Me
Contents. Holy of Holies and the Holy Place. Before
the former, still a dark and empty cube of 35 feet,
known by its ancient name Děbîr, but also as the
House of Atonement, hung a Veil, the Veil of the Naos
according to the Gospels, the second veil of Hebrews ;2
the Rabbinic tradition was of two curtains with a
cubit between them. The Holy Place or Hêkal proper
proper:
Divisions and
i The data for Herod's Temple are found in Josephus, xv. Ant. xi. 3, 5;
v. B.J. v., with other passages describing the revolt under Gessius Florus
and the siege by Titus. The Mishna tractate Middoth' (ed. Surenhusius,
vol. v., with R. Obadiah of Bartenora's and other commentaries; an Eng.
trans. is given in the P.E.F.Q., 1886, f.). See also the Beth hab-Bechereh of
Maimonides (which I do not have in the original; Eng. trans. in P.E.F.Q.,
1885). Modern descriptions and reconstructions are many, of which there
may be mentioned Lightfoot, Descriptio Templi Hierosolymitani; Opera
Omnia, 2nd ed. vol. i. 333 f. (1699); Fergusson, The Temples of the Jews,
pt. ii. (1878); Perrot and Chipiez, History of Art in Sardinia, Judæa, etc.,
i. 142 ff. (1890); Waterhouse in Sacred Sites of the Gospels, 106 ff. (1903); see
also the various Bible dictionaries and manuals of archäology.
2 Mark xv. 38; Matt. xxvii. 51 ; Luke xxiii. 45; Heb. ix. 3.
3 Mishna, ' Middoth’iv. 7, with R. Obadiah's note: 'Yoma'y. I; Moses
Maimonides, Beth hab-Bechereh, iv. 2.
Heroď's Castle and Temple
503
was still 40 cubits by 20, but 40 instead of 30 high.
Over it lay a second chamber of 40 more, which with
the solid foundations, 6 cubits high, the ceilings and
roof, made 100 cubits in all. The Holy Place held
the same furniture as the Second Temple: the Altar
of Incense, the Table of Shewbread and the Lamp,
now with seven branches. After what we have seen of
the symbolism of Solomon's Temple, it is interesting
that Josephus should ascribe to these objects a cosmic
meaning. The doorway was 20 cubits by 10, and had
on the outside, of various colours symbolising the
elements, as it were an image of the universe.' Upon
beams in front of this trailed the Golden Vine, of the
size of a man, to which liberal worshippers contributed
leaves and clusters. The Porch was rebuilt as a great
propylæum, il cubits deep and of the same height,
100 cubits, as the House behind it. But it was also 100
cubits broad, or 15 more on either side than the exterior
breadth of the House behind, which was 70 cubits. The
vast entrance, 70 cubits high by 15 broad, lay open
without doors, manifesting, says Josephus, 'the un-
obstructed openness of heaven.'4
Herod outraged Jewish feelings by hanging above this
symbol of heaven a golden eagle with the name of his
friend Marcus Agrippa. When the eagle was pulled
1 As shown on the arch of Titus in Rome.
2 v. B.J. v. 5 ; see below, p. 527.
3 Josephus makes it 20 cubits broader on each side, but agrees with the
Mishna (“ Middoth’iv. 6 f.) on 100 cubits as the breadth and height.
ápavés might be taken as Jew-Greek for a prospect on which 'nothing appears'
to obstruct the vision ; but Bekker emends to td åxavés, which Aristotle
uses for the void of space' (Liddell and Scott). In either case the meaning
is the same. "Middoth 'iii. 7 gives the opening as 40 by 20 cubits.
504
Jerusalem
down in the riots of 4 B.C., he seems to have felt the act
more as an affront to himself than as sacrilege against
God. He was naïvely right. The imperial eagle and some
distinguished Roman or other were always fixed in
Herod's heaven.1
We are thus asked to conceive of a building 172 feet
long from east to west, and (if all its base was visible)
Its General 172 feet high, whose propylæum was also
Appearance. 172 broad, while the House behind was only
120. 'As a lion is narrow behind but broad in front, so
the Temple was narrow behind but broad in front.'? The
height may seem excessive, but besides being attested
by Josephus and the Mishna independently, it is very
credible in the light of Herod's ambitions and the limits
within which these had to work. He did not dare to
alter the ground-plan or interior arrangements, but he
1 The names given in ‘Middoth' (cf. “Kelim’i. 9) are han-ba, the whole
House, applied to the building with the porch (iv. I); the Nabs proper (see
above, p. 500 n. 2); 5777777, ha-hêkal, palace or temple properly (as before)
the Holy Place (iv. 7, Maimonides, Beth hab-Bechereh, vii. 22); perhaps also
applied to the House as distinct from its porch (iii. 8, iv. I: so certainly in
the Talmud); and to the House inclusive of the porch (iv. 6 f.). The Holy
or House בֵּית הַפָּפוֹרֶת and הַקדֶשׁ also ,בית קדש הקדָשִׁים of Holies Was
but an interesting דביר It is also called .(כפרת .of Atonement
(
O
.
T
instance of how the original meanings of names are forgotten is the
Talmudic derivation of this, from 237, word or oracle (Talm. Jerush.,
‘Ber.' iv. 8 c.). The Holy Place was 55977, as we have seen. The Porch
was obax. The chambers were dism. The whole was sometimes called
) בית המקדש
the בית שני and בית אחרון used also in a wider sense
)
;
and
latter and second House.
2 Middoth ’iv. 7, ha-hêkal ; cf. Jos. V. B.J. v. 4, ‘in front it had what
may be called shoulders on each side.'
3 The above reckoning (more exactly 172.25 ft.) is on the basis of 20.67
inches to the (sacred) cubit. If we take the later Greek cubit of 17'47 inches,
the Temple was 145:58 feet in all three dimensions, the ‘House '101'9 broad.
Herod's Castle and Temple
505
1
could amplify the less sacred porch and increase the
height of the whole. If he was forbidden to extend the
House, he would at least make it soar! The whole was
built of huge blocks of white stone, with plates of gold
upon the front, so that at a distance it appeared like
a mountain covered with snow. The roof was protected
from birds by a multitude of sharp spikes. It is interest-
ing to note that above the great entrance the courses were
five oak beams with a course of stone between each two.
Such a detail warns us against attributing to the archi-
tecture of the House that Greek style, which many are
tempted to give it, because of the Corinthian pillars of
the outer cloisters and the Grecian qualities of Herod's
military architecture. It was one thing to plan cloisters
for the court of the Gentiles, or revetments at the base of
fortresses, but quite another to replace an ancient Jewish
Temple. While the Temple of Herod was much more
lofty than that of Zerubbabel, jealous care would be
exercised to model it on the same lines, and priests
alone effected its construction. We may conceive of
its style either as Babylonian, the builders of the Second
Temple having come from long residence in Babylon, or
as perpetuating the Phænician and Egyptian traits which
distinguished the Temple of Solomon. Neither Herod
nor his generation were likely to feel incongruous the
conjunction of several styles of building on the same area.
And that is why all modern reconstructions of the work,
except the outer cloisters, must be more or less fanciful.
Twelve broad steps descended from the House to
the Court of the Priests, covering nearly all the 22
1 Twenty-five by 8 by 12 cubits; xv. Ant. xi. 3.
2 Above, p. 62.
30'37077 0710.
506
Jerusalem
cubits which separated the Porch from the Altar.1 This
rt of was the space between the Temple and the
the Priests. Altar.2 No one might stand here while the
priest was within offering incense 3 A little to the south
of the steps stood the great Laver which had replaced the
Bronze Sea of Solomon's Temple. We have seen reason
to believe that the Altar rose upon the rock eş-Şakhra.
In Herod's Temple the Altar, of unhewn stones, was a
massive structure whose base must have been adapted to
the irregular surface of the rock; and, conformably to this,
tradition says it was laid in concrete.5 The base was 32
cubits square and one high. Above it the structure,
30 cubits square, rose five high to a ledge one cubit broad,
on which were the horns of the altar ; a little higher
another ledge, also a cubit broad, the place for the feet
of the priests' who officiated; and above this the hearth
itself, 24 cubits square. Two apertures drained the
blood into a channel, which carried it off to the Kidron.7
On the south a slope of masonry led to the ledge on
which the ministering priests stood. To the north were
the shambles : rings in the pavement, to which the
victims were bound and so slain; marble tables on
which they were flayed and washed; pillars with cross
? Mishna, 'Middoth 'iii. 6.
2 Matt. xxiii. 35: between the Naos and the Altar, for which the Mishnic
phrase is between the Porch and the Altar,' 'Kelîm'i. 9.
3 Kelîm'i... Lightfoot (cap. xxxvi. p. 641) suggests a spiritual appli-
cation of this. Kelîm’i. 9 adds none might come here who was blemished
or had his head uncovered.
4 Above, p. 65. Some tables stood beside it for the victims.
8 R. Obadiah of Bartenora's note to 'Middoth 'ii. 1.
6 Ezekiel xliii. 16 had fixed the altar as 12 cubits long and broad, but the
Rabbis interpreted this as 12 each way from the centre, which harmonised
with the 24 of each side given above; 'Middoth’in. I.
7.Yoma'v. 6; 'Middoth 'iii. 2; cf, on the Şakhra above, p. 60.
TY
Herod's Castle and Temple
507
beams and hooks from which they were hung and
(when necessary) quartered. It is said that the plentiful
supply of water rapidly flushed off the blood and refuse;
but both on the greater festivals and on ordinary days,
when the number of private sacrifices was frequently very
large, the court must have reeked with blood and flesh.
The exact size of the Priests Court is unknown, for the
data conflict. Josephus says that the barrier of stone,
which marked it off from the Court of Israel, encom-
passed the House and the Altar,2 that is, ran round
at least three sides, if not also the back, of the former.
But according to the Mishna the barrier ran only on the
east of the Court of the Priests.
Therefore, except that it was railed off from the Court
of the Priests, and that part, if not the whole of it, lay to
the east of this, we do not know the disposi- The Court
tion of the Court of Israel.4 Josephus implies of Israel.
that it spread round at least three sides of the House and
the Priests' Court; the Mishna, that it lay only on the
east of the latter. The Mishna, followed by its com-
mentaries and several modern reconstructions, defines the
Court of Israel as an oblong, 135 cubits north and south
by II east and west. But this appears far too small a
space for what was the gathering-ground of all the men
i Mishna, Middoth’iii. 5; v. 2; cf. “Pesahim'v., 'Zebahim'v., and
"Tamid'iii. For the slaughter of victims on the north of the altar, see
Leviticus i. 10 f.
2 v. B.J. v. 6; cf. the barrier of Alex. Jannæus, xiii. Ant. xiii. 5.
8 Middoth' ii. 6, where the extension north and south of the Priests'
Court and of the Ct. of Israel is the same (see p. 509 n. I), so that the
barrier did not run round the House. If we prefer the evidence of Josephus,
we have still to decide whether his 'encompassed' means round all four
sides of the House. If it does, the Court of Israel included the space of
II cubits between the Holy of Holies and the inner west wall.
4 9870 noy: 'Middoth'ii. 6.
8 Above, n. 3.
508
Jerusalem
of the Congregation; and there is thus a semblance of
reason for Mr. Waterhouse's reconstruction, which,
ignoring the Mishna, assigns to the Court of Israel a
greater breadth than II cubits to the east of the Court
of Priests ; carries it besides with Josephus round at
least the north and south sides of the latter; and
interprets 'the place for the tread of Israel,' which the
Mishna identifies with the Court of Israel, as merely a strip
of 11 cubits (to the east of the place for the tread of
the priests '), on which the laymen stood whose presence
was required with their victims near the altar. There
are, however, objections to this, and the data of the
Mishna though confused appear capable of another
explanation. It seems to me probable that the ambi-
guity of the Mishna reflects these facts: first, that there
was once no distinction, but the Court for Israel and the
Priests was one;1 and second, that when the distinction
was made and the laity were driven back from the altar, 2
controversies arose about the new delimitation, and that
its lines remained for a time (perhaps always) uncertain.
The names 'place for the tread of priests' and 'place
for the tread of Israel' probably represent the first stage
in the delimitation when there was still (as before the
Exile and for some time afterwards) only one inner court
to the Temple. The name Courts' was applied to these
separate spaces only later, while the name “the whole
Court' continued to cover both divisions. Hence the
Mishna's undoubted equation of the places for the tread
1
i See above, p. 501.
2 Except in cases in which the offerer had to come forward into the Priests'
Court for the purpose of slaying his victim himself, or putting his hands on it,
or waving it: 'Kelim'i. 8.
Herod's Castle and Temple
509
of the priests and of Israel respectively with the Courts
of the Priests and of Israel may not be wrong, but may
merely represent the gradual evolution of the single
inner court of the Temple, with 'places marked off for
priests and laity,' into the two or three inner courts of
Herod's Temple.1
On the east the Court of Israel was separated by
a wall (running north and south) from the Court of
Women, which lay fifteen steps lower, but the Court
had a gallery high enough to allow the of Women.
women to view the services in the Court of the Priests.3
i Mishna, “Middoth’ii. 6, first states the dimensions of both courts ;
each was 135 cubits long (north to south) by 11 broad (east to west); then
the dimensions of the whole court,' 187 long (east to west) by 135 broad
(north to south); v. i. gives the same dimensions for the whole court': in
the length (east to west) it includes the place for the tread of Israel' and
that 'for the tread of the priests,' which are also II cubits each, and there-
fore obviously the same as the Court of Israel and the Court of the Priests in
ii. 6. Lightfoot (cap. xvi. p. 590), who treats this part of the subject with
an unusual disregard of detail, calls the Court of Israel and the Court of the
Priests one court, evidently feeling that the delimitation of them is im-
possible. Nearly all modern descriptions fight shy of the conflicting data ;
most of them follow the Mishna in giving the breadth of the Court of Israel
at 11 cubits, but with Josephus (and against the Mishna) they carry the
court round the north and south of the House, some of them even round the
back of it. Waterhouse (Sacred Sites of the Gospels, III f.) treats the
difficult question more carefully and with originality. In opposition to the
Mishna he takes the whole court'as meaning only the Court of the Priests,
and the place for the tread of Israel'a strip within this to which laymen
were permitted for purposes of sacrifice (see above), and assigns to the
Court of Israel a considerable extension to the east. One cannot but
sympathise with so reasonable an arrangement. At the same time, it is
only possible if we assume that Middoth' is altogether wrong in identi-
fying the Court of Israel with the place for the tread of Israel': a pre-
carious assumption. On the whole, I think the explanation which I have
suggested above is the most probable.
? The Court of Israel (or at least its eastern end) lay on substructions
which were necessary from the slope of the hill, and which formed vaults
opening into the Court of Women: prvy nay: Mid.' ii. 5 f.
s Middoth’ii. 5,
510
Jerusalem
Except this gallery, all the Women's Court was open
to men. It was a large court, 135 cubits square, and
probably the finance with much other business of the
Temple was transacted within it. There is no direct
statement of this." But we may infer so from the com-
parative size of the court, from the large chambers at its
corners and the vaults under the Court of Israel which
opened on to it, and from the fact that the treasures and
private deposits 2 which the Temple held were certainly
kept within the inner Temple, while the business they
involved would more naturally be transacted in the Court
of Women than in either the Court of Israel or the Court
of the Priests, which were devoted to the worship and to
processes immediately pertaining to this. In the Women's
Court, then, we are to place the Temple strong-rooms and
the thirteen trumpet-shaped money-boxes into which the
faithful put their legal and voluntary offerings. The
and describe them by one word—the Treasury: the crowd
cast money into the Treasury, and a poor widow coming up
cast in two lepta. In another passage the name seems
to be given to the Women's Court as a whole.5
1 Compare the statement that it was 'the camp of Levi.'
? See vol. i. 365; vol. ii. 428.
3 For the size of the court and the chambers, “Middoth' ii. 5. Of
the m ain or trumpets,” Shekalim' vi. I, 5, says merely that they
stood in the Miķdash or Miķdash shel-baith, the sanctuary of the
House ; that six were for freewill offerings and seven for specific dues
which are named. Josephus, xix. Ant. vi. I, says that the yagopuláKLOV
was in the inner enclosure of the Temple; the yağopulákia, which he men-
tions in v. B.J. v. 2 and vi. B.J. v. 2, are all the chambers or news which
lay round the walls of the whole inner court, and not merely the treasuries in
the Women's Court. Yet in the former passage he associates them with this
Court.
4 Mark xii. 41 ff.; Luke xxi. I f.
5 John viii. 20; cf. 2 Macc. iii. 24, 28.
Herod's Castle and Temple
511
The Court of Israel was surrounded by a high wall
(25 cubits=43 feet), with a cloister and chambers
on the inside, while round the outside ran
Did it lie in
a narrow terrace known as the Hêl, or for- the Inner
Temple?
tification, and outside this the Soreg, a
latticed barrier, with copies of the inscription warning
foreigners not to pass within on pain of death. The
question is whether the Court of the Women did not
also lie within this double boundary of Hêl and Soreg,
fortification and ritual fence. Josephus appears to imply
that it did. In one passage the Mishna implies that it
lay outside, but in others that it was included. The
inclusion has thus a large balance of evidence in its
favour, and is in itself the more probable supposition.
The notices on the Soreg warned off only foreigners, and
not Israelite women. The Jews would hardly have left
their women outside the protective enclosure, and nearer
to the Gentiles in the great outer court than to them-
selves. The same consideration applies to the treasuries,
which were always placed within the Sanctuary,5 and to
the money-boxes, to which indeed the Gospels clearly
state that women had access. On the whole, therefore,
the inclusion of the Women's Court within the Inner
Sanctuary is extremely probable, if not certain ; and we
must again read the ambiguities of the Mishna as reflect-
1
Y
· The Hei (597) was properly both the wall and the terrace of 11 cubits
round the outside of it: 'Kelîm'i. 8.
2 Vol. i. 425.
3 xix. Ant. vi. I.
4 'Middoth’i. 4, which gives only three gates on each of the north and
south sides of the Court.' 'Middoth’ii. 6, which gives ſour gates on each
of the north and south sides—and calls one of the fornier 'the gate of
women.' 'Keliin'i. 8 distinctly states that the Ct. of Women lay within,
and was holier than, the Hêl.
o See the LXX. of Neh. xii. 7; also 2 Macc. iii. 24 ff.
512
Jerusalem
1
ing a dim recollection of different stages in the history of
the Temple: one when the Court' had but three gates
on the north and on the south respectively; and one when
a separate Women's Court was constructed to the east of
it, or (at least) included within it, and 'the Court'had
four gates on each side : the latest and most easterly of
each row opening into the Women's Court.1 The Women's
Court, then, was one of the latest developments of the
growth of the Temple, and the memory of this was
preserved in the wall which ran between it and the court
of Israel; as in the tradition that it was less holy than
the latter.2 In the last years of the Temple, when the
Evangelists and Josephus knew it, the Women's Court
had become an integral part of the Inner Sanctuary,
within the Hêl and the Soreg; and of this the Mishna,
too, has preserved a tradition. The surrounding wall,
then, had nine gates, four on the south, four on the north,
and one on the east, ou of the Women's Court into the
Court of the Gentiles. In addition there was a gate
between the Courts of Israel and the Women, the gate of
Corinthian bronze. Which of these two gates opening to
the east is to be identified with the Gate of Nikanor
and the Gate Beautiful is uncertain.3 The Mishna
implies that the Gate of Nikanor was the inner of the
two.4
Everything that has been described up to this point-
1 For an argument that the Ct. of the Women lay outside the wall, the
Hêl and the Soreg, see Büchler, Jew. Quart. Rev., 1898, July and October.
2Kelîm'i. 8.
3 Acts iii. 2.
4 Middoth’i. 4; in ii. 3 it seems to set this gate on the boundary wall of
the Inner Temple, which it now (ii. 6) implies enclosed the Women's Court.
These passages, as we have seen, may reflect different stages in the growth
of the Temple.
Herod's Castle and Temple
513
ner
the House proper, the Court of Priests with the great
Altar, the Court of Israel, the Court of Women The
with the Treasury — possessed a special Temple or
Sanctuary of
sanctity and lay within their own double en- the House.
closure: a high, towered and gated wall, surrounded by a
narrow terrace, the Hêl, and a ritual fence, the Soreg.
They formed the Inner Temple, the Second Temple, the
Sanctuary, as Josephus variously defines it;1 the Temple
(proper) according to the Soreg inscription ;2 in the
Mishna the Sanctuary, or the Sanctuary of the House,
or even the House and House of the Sanctuary,4 in that
wider sense to which both these terms might be stretched
according to an ancient practice of the language.5 Minus
the Women's Court, it is also called by the Mishna 'The
Court' or 'The Whole Court.'6 Only Israelites, and
these only when ceremonially clean, could enter the
Inner Temple. From the Soreg inwards all was holy
ground, though, of course, with varying degrees of
sanctity? But the Hêl or 'fortification' constituted the
Inner Sanctuary into a fortress as well — a separate
citadel which in 70 A.D. the Jews were able to hold for
some time after Titus had taken the outer cloisters on
the north and penetrated the Court of the Gentiles. 8
Fourteen steps lower than the Hêl lay the wide outer
1 To #vot tep6v, vi, B.J. iv. 4, Toũ cuồorẻp vaoỡ, v. 3, Tò SeÚTepot
lepoy álov kaleiro, v. B.J. v. 2. For the 'First Temple' see above, p.
495 n. 3.
2 Vol. i. 425, within its double enclosure of tpúpač, that is the Soreg, and
Trepißolos, that is the Hêl and the wall together.
.5 ,1 .Shekalim vi ,מקדש של בית or מקדש 3
472n; wypon na, 'Midi'i, I.
5 Above, p. 256.
8.Middoth' i. 4, the Court' with seven gates (i.e. minus the Women's
Court, which added two more ; see above, p. 512); Id. ii. 6, v. 1, 'the
whole Court.'
7 For these degrees see Mishna, Kelim'i. 8 f. 8 vi. B.J. iv. 4 ff.
VOL. II.
2 K
514
Jerusalem
Court, the Court of the Gentiles, surrounding the Inner
The Outer Temple on all sides, but with much the
Court or
he greatest space on the south, and with the
Gentiles. next greatest on the east. The Inner
Temple, therefore, did not lie in the middle of the Court
of the Gentiles, but towards its north-western corner,
round the summit of the Temple-Mount, now the rock
es-Şakhra, on which the Altar was placed. We have seen
that Herod built vast substructions on the lower slopes of
the mount and over the Tyropoon Valley, in order to
form this spacious outer Court and lift its surface near
to the level of the Inner Sanctuary, about the summit:
thus creating the immense platform, still extant as the
outer Haram area. The passages in which Josephus
compares the Temple areas of Solomon and Herod re-
spectively 2 are somewhat obscure. Their construction is
involved, and not without traces (in one passage at least)
of confusion between the very different operations of
the two kings upon the Outer Court and its surrounding
walls. To begin with, although Josephus states in one
place that fresh banks, enlarging the Temple area, were
added at some periods between Solomon and Herod :
and we have seen this to be the case, during the Greek
period, with Zerubbabel's or the intermediate Temple-
yet in general he speaks of only two Temples, and in one
passage as if that of Solomon had been succeeded im-
mediately by that of Herod. We must understand that
by Solomon's Temple area Josephus means in this
passage the Temple area of Zerubbabel enlarged by the
1 Mishna, ‘Middoth’ii. 1.
2 xv. Ant. xi. 3 ; 1 B.J. xxi. 1 ; v. B.J. v. 2.
8 v. B.J. v. I.
4 xv. Ant. xi. 3.
Hero's Castle and Temple
515
High-Priest Simon in the third century B.C., and by
others also, as it stood just before Herod began his
reconstructions. Again, although Josephus distinctly
states that Herod's Temple area was double that which
preceded it, yet in another passage he describes
Solomon's outer and lower Temple wall as 'starting from
the root' or 'bottom,' that is of the Temple-Mount. But
if Solomon's Temple area had covered the whole Temple-
Mount from the bottom (as the Haram area now does),
no room would have been left, at least on the eastern
slope, for Herod's extension of the sacred precincts; and
besides, we have seen that in Nehemiah's time there were
houses on this eastern slope between the Temple en-
closure and the City wall above the Kidron.3 Solomon's
outer and lower Temple wall must therefore have risen
on the east, not from the bottom of the Mount but some
way up it. In fact, in this last passage the description of
the outer enclosure-'carried to a great height 4 so that
the extent and altitude of the structure, which was rect-
angular, was immense, . . . and he filled up the hollows
round (the inside of] the wall till he made them of the
same level as, and Aush with, the surface of the upper
parts of the Mount'-reads as if it had been originally
intended for a description rather of Herod's Temple area
than of Solomon's. In any case the description agrees
11 B.J. xxi. I: 'he rebuilt the Naos, and round it he walled in a space
double that which was' already enclosed.
2 XV. Ant. xi. 3 (398 in Niese's edition).
8 Vol. i. 199 f.
* Or carried forward to the depth [outside],' xv. Ant. xi. 3 (398).
o As it stands the passage, xv. Ant. xi. 3 (398-400), is undoubtedly
arranged so as to read as a description of Solomon's Temple, for (I) Solomon's
is the name mentioned immediately before it, 398; and (2) immediately
after, it is still the older Temple area which is described, as being a
516
Terusalem
1
with the present disposition of the Haram, whose enclos-
ing walls spring from the root' of the Temple-Mount,
whose outer area rests upon 'hollows filled up' by vast
substructions, and whose higher central platform, repre-
senting, in part at least, the Inner Temple of Josephus,
lies 'round the summit' of the Mount, the rock eş-Şakhra.
And we have already seen evidence that at least the
south-west corner of the Haram, the south wall and the
east wall as far north as the so-called 'Golden Gate,' is
Herod's masonry. It is true that the colonnade along the
inside of this wall was called Solomon's, and that Phoe-
nician letters have been discovered on some of its lowest
courses. But neither of these facts can be taken as proof
either that the wall dates from Solomon's time or that
Solomon's outer and lower Temple wall stood so far east
as this. For the name Solomon's Porch, like many other
structures called after that monarch, does not imply that he
built it, and the Phænician letters may have been mason-
marks as late as the time of Herod.? We have also seen
that the north wall of the Haram is probably not Herod's.
The north wall of his Court of the Gentiles lay further
south, crossing the present Haram from a point a little
north of the Golden Gate to near the Bab en-Nâzir. The
Mishna defines the Temple area as a square of 500 cubits,
that is 860 feet.3
Inside these outer walls Herod erected magnificent
colonnades. The finest was the southern, the Stoa
stadium in each direction, and as having been adorned by many kings in
former times, and by Herod himself with the spoils he had taken from the
Arabians. But either Josephus has written the whole section hurriedly, and
in the description quoted above Herod must be taken as the nominative to
the verbs; or else the sentences have become disarranged.
i Vol. i. 232 f. % Vol. i. 233, 238 n. 3.
8 "Mid.' ii. 1.
Herod's Castle and Temple
517
1
Basilica or Royal Cloister, with 162 Corinthian columns
in four rows. Each of the others had two rows. The
eastern was known as Solomon's. At least
The Outer
eight gates pierced the walls. On the north Cloisters and
Gates.
was the Gate Tadi.2 On the east was the Gate
Shushan, probably that now called 'the Golden,' the
masonry of which appears to belong to a later period
than the Herodian. On the south, low down in the wall,
were at least the two Gates of Huldah, the present Double
and Triple Gates, with passages leading up under the
Royal Cloister to the Inner Temple. These gave way to
the Temple from the Lower City. On the west the
Mishna records only one gate, Kiponus; but, with the
bulk of the City on the West Hill, there must have been
more. Josephus mentions four. The fragment known
as Robinson's Arch, the lintel of an old gateway which
appears a little to the north, and, still further north,
Wilson's Arch, probably indicate the positions of three of
these gates.
The Outer Court within its massive, strongly gated
walls, was known to the Jews as the Mountain of the
House. The name, so far as Herod's Temple
is concerned, is an anachronism ; reminiscent for the Outer
Temple.
of days when this part of the East Hill was
an actual mount, with the Temple disposed round its
summit, and, below the Temple wall, houses down the
slopes to Ophel on the south, and to the edges of the
valleys which encompassed it west, east and north-east.
Other Names
11
1 John X. 23; Acts iii. II f., v. 12.
2 Mid.'i. 3.
379777 77 distinguished in 'Middoth’i. I from the Court'or Inner Sanc-
tuary (cf. i. 3, five gates to the Mt. of the H. with i. 4, seven to the Court),
and still more clearly in ii. I, where it is described as east, west, north and
south of the latter ; cf. ii. 3 where the Soreg is said to be inside of it.
518
Jerusalem
1
But now the mount was masked beneath an artificial
plateau within walls that rose from its root' nearly to the
level of its summit. The Jews seem, too, to have applied
to the Outer Court the name Birah or Castle, yet this
may also have been used as in former times for the whole
Temple. The Court of the Gentiles is variously desig-
nated by Josephus as the First, Outer and Lower Temple.?
Taken along with the Inner Temple, he calls it the whole
Temple.' 3
Such, then, was the Third Temple of Jerusalem : sanc-
tuary within sanctuary, fortress within fortress—with an
Appearance of adjunct and dominating castle off its north-
the Whole. west corner. We are standing on the road
from Bethany as it breaks round the Mount of Olives,
and are looking north-west ; this is what we see. Instead
of the round and steep Temple-Mount, which has hitherto
been visible, the fourth eminence of the East Hill, with a
Temple disposed about its summit, but on its lower slopes
houses girdled by the eastern wall of the City; there
spreads a vast stone stage, almost rectangular, some 400
yards north and south by 300 east and west, held up
above Ophel and the Kidron valley by a high and
massive wall, from 50 to 150 feet and more in height,
according to the levels of the rock from which it rises.*
Deep cloisters surround this platform on the inside of the
walls. Upon the east one large gate gives way from it
1992 Middoth’i. 9; from the house Moķed on the Hêl a winding
passage led under the Birah, by which priests who became unclean could
pass outside the Temple without treading on consecrated ground. This im-
plies that the Birah here means all outside the Hêl. Yet R. Obadiah in
his note says that the whole sanctuary was called the Birah. Cf. "Tamid'i.
2 v. B.J. v. 8; vi. B.]. iv. 4.
3 XV. Ant. xi. 3, § 402.
4 The best idea of the height of the Haram walls is got from Warren's
elevations in the Recovery of Jerus. facing p. 118. The lowest height was
above Ophel, 52 feet; the highest over Kidron, 170.
Hero's Castle and Temple
519
into the Kidron. On the south, two and perhaps three gates
up under these to the middle of the platform. Through
the west wall four gates give entrance from the Upper
City, which rises theatre-wise in the background and is
topped by Herod's Towers and Palace. On the north
wall one gate leads in from the overlooking suburb of
Bezetha. Every gate has its watch, and other guards
patrol the courts. The crowds, which pour through the
south gates upon the great platform, for the most part keep
to the right; the exceptions, turning westwards, are ex-
communicated or in mourning. But the crowd are not
all Israelites. Numbers of Gentiles mingle with them;
there are costumes and colours from all lands. In the
cloisters sit teachers with groups of disciples about them.
On the open pavement stand the booths of hucksters
and money-changers; and from the north sheep and
This lies not in the centre of the great platform, but
towards its north-west corner. It is a separately forti-
fied, oblong enclosure; its high walls with their nine
gates rising from a narrow terrace at a slight elevation
above the platform, and the terrace encompassed by a
fence, within which none but Israelites may pass. This
Inner Sanctuary and fortress is nearly 185 yards from
east to west and some 77 from north to south.3 Upon its
1 Philo, De Praemiis Sacerdotum, vi. The Mishna, 'Mid.' i. If., describes
the watches at the corners, and at only some of the gates, besides the patrols;
but the whole passage seems to refer to the discipline during the night.
2 Middoth'ii. 2.
3 «The whole court,' 187 cubits, plus the Court of Women,' 135 cubits
("Mid.' ii. 5 f. v. i.)=322 cubits. At 20.67 inches to the sacred cúbit, most
probably the one used, we get 554.64 feet, or nearly 185 yards. If we add to
this twice the breadth of the Hêl, 20 cubits=34'45 ft., we get 589 ft. The
breadth (N. to S.) without the Hêl was 135 cubits, which on the same
reckoning is 232-53 ft.
520
Jerusalem
higher western end rises a House, like a lion, broad in
front and narrow behind'-57 yards broad in front and of
that length and height throughout. From the open porch
of this House stone steps descend to a great block of
an Altar, perpetually smoking with sacrifices; and to the
north of the Altar are its shambles with living animals
and rows of carcases. Priests in white garments move
to and fro among these objects, or ascend the slope to
the Altar, or stand round its hearth serving the sacrifices,
or pass up and down the steps to the House. East of
all this runs a barrier, and the space outside is packed
with men. Then a wall and the lower eastern end of
the Inner Sanctuary: the Temple-Treasury and exchange,
filled with a crowd of Levites in charge of the people's
offerings, hucksters, money-changers and worshippers on
their way to the inner court, and above them a gallery of
women. Off the north-west of the Outer Sanctuary a
castle dominates the whole from its four lofty towers.
Beyond, as has been said, the Upper City rises in curved
tiers like a theatre. Against that crowded background,
the Sanctuary with its high House gleams white and
fresh. But the front of the House glittering with gold
plates is obscured by a column of smoke rising from
the Altar; and the Priests' Court about the latter is
coloured by the slaughters and sacrifices--a splash of red
as our imagination takes it in the centre of the prevailing
white. At intervals there are bursts of music; the sing-
ing of psalms, the clash of cymbals and a great blare of
trumpets, at which the people in their court in the Inner
Sanctuary fall down and worship.
12 Chron. xxix. 26 ff.; Mishna, "Tamid' vii. 3, etc.
CHAPTER XIX
THE TEMPLE AND THE LORD
The Temi
CUCH were the Shrine, Altar and Courts which
constituted the last Temple of Jerusalem. We
have now to examine the worship they ,
embodied, and this not merely in order to Israel and
Christianity.
complete our survey of the Jewish religion
through the history of the First and Second Temples,
but because from the short-lived Third Temple, Israel's
final and most elaborate sanctuary, tradition has dated
the origins of Christianity 2-in the promise of an im-
mediate Messiah, revealed during the routine of its
worship and to the prayers of its regular congregation.
The Third Temple was that to which Christ came,
which He used, and which He judged; that to which
for a time His disciples adhered, and their relinquish-
ment of which formed the most potential crisis in the
history of the Church. Part of the historical con-
nection between the two religions thus ran through the
Third Temple. And whatever of essential difference
distinguished the new from the old is best illustrated by
the principles of its worship. In the main the difference
was one between an Institution and a Person. The
Messiah promised to the Temple supplanted the Temple
* Above, pp. 72 ff., 310 ff.
? Luke i., ii.
621
522
Jerusalem
It is this religious revolution which forms the subject of
the present chapter, and leads our long work-begun
among the physical rudiments of the life of Jerusalem,
and pursued through the closely interwoven develop-
ments of her economy, politics and religion-to its end
in Jesus Christ. Put what meaning we may into the
facts, History has nowhere else such facts to offer. Nor
is our assurance of them dependent on still unfinished
processes of criticism. About the broad results there is
no question ; the rise of a new religion from the heart
and the home of the old one, the hesitating steps upon
which at first it ventured, and its final break from the
Jewish system in the faith that all which this had
mediated was become more directly and surely possible
through the Person and Work of Jesus. Even before
the great Sanctuary perished at the hands of Rome, and
Israel's Altar was for ever quenched, Jesus in the experi-
ence of His followers had taken the place of the Temple
and of everything for which it stood
The Temple was the approach of a Nation to their
God. Israelites alone could enter its Inner Sanctuary,
and its standard rites were performed in the
The 1
1. The Nation.
4. At the crisis of the Sacred Year, the Day of
Atonement, when the High Priest entered the Holy of
Holies alone, he did so as the representative of Israel;
conversely his sins were theirs, and the additional offering
which he made for himself covered them also. The
Tamîd or 'Standing Sacrifice,' offered twice a day on the
1 Lev. iv. 3: Patrick Fairbairn's Typology, ii. 263 f.
The Temple and the Lord
523
high altar, was the offering of the Nation. Every Jew
contributed to its maintenance. So closely was it identi-
fied with the public welfare, that in times of stress all
other sacrifices were abandoned before it was, and its
stoppage meant the utmost calamity to the state. Each
of its celebrations was attended by a formal committee
of the nation,4 and its national character was further
expressed by the seven Psalms appointed for its weekly
rotation. The Gospel of Luke opens with the service of
incense accompanying the Tamîd. And the whole multi-
tude of the people were without praying at the hour of
incense : 6 this, though it seems an exaggerated expres-
sion, is a formally correct description of the lay con-
gregation which attended every service of the Tamîd.
Compare the communal phrases which follow: to make
ready for the Lord a people prepared; the throne of his
father David, and he shall reign over the house of Jacob;
He hath holpen Israel His servant that He might remember
covenant mercy towards Abraham and his seed for ever;
the similar phrases, of which the Song of Zacharias is
full; and finally, looking for the consolation of Israel.?
That Luke, the Gentile evangelist, should have depicted
1 7967 or 7990 oby: Num. xxviii. 3 ff. ; Dan. viii. 11 ff., xi. 31;
Mishna, ‘Tamid'; a whole burnt-offering and meal-offering accompanied
with a service of incense.
2 Vol. i. 357, 359.
3 Daniel viii. II ff. ; xi. 31; xii. II; Josephus vi. B.J. ii. 1; Mishna,
«Ta`anith’iv. 6: 70nng Son
* Israel was divided for the purpose into twenty-four watches,' repre-
sentatives of each of which in succession formed with the corresponding
watch' of Priests and Levites a station for the service. Mishna,
“Ta'anith 'iv. 2 ff.; to be corrected by the corresponding passage in the
Tosephta ; cf. Mishna, 'Tamid' v, 6. For details see Lightfoot, Minis-
terium Tenipli, vii. 3 (Opera i. 700); Schürer, Gesch.(3) ii. § 24. n.
Psalms xxiv., xlviii., lxxxii., xciv., lxxxi., xciii., xcii. ; 'Tamid' vii. 4.
6 Luke i. 10.
? Luke i. 17, 32 f., 54, 68 ff.; ii. 25.
524
Jerusalem
this communal character of the Temple worship is proof
of his fidelity to historical situations of which he had not
been an eye-witness, nor with which he had any con-
genital sympathy; and the proof is the more emphatic
if, as Professor Harnack has argued, the early chapters of
the Gospel are not a translation from an Aramaic docu-
ment, but Luke's own reproduction of oral tradition.1
Thus the worship of the Temple was corporate, com-
munal, national. Although, as we shall see, there was
room for the individual piety which Jeremiah asserted
contemporaneously with the Deuteronomic proclamation
of the Covenant as one with all-Israel, yet the latter was
the dominant and organic principle of the worship; and
the individual took his part in this only as a member
of the Chosen Nation.
But secondly, the Prophets had predicted the coming
of the Gentiles to the mount of the House of the Lord--My
House shall be called a House of Prayer for all
2. The Gen-
tiles and their peoples ;2 and the Law had provided for the
Sacrifices.
admission of proselytes and implied that
sacrifices might be rendered by those who were alien
to Israel. The kinds of offerings acceptable from them
were even defined. Such hopes and tolerances were
signalised by the Court of the Gentiles. The most
spacious of all the divisions of the Temple, it typified a
1 Luke the Physician, Eng. trans., especially 12 f., 24, 96-105, 199. If,
as Harnack argues, Luke composed the Magnificat and the Song of Zacharias,
their fidelity to the essential form of the Jewish religion is evidence that he
must have been an enthusiastic proselyte to Judaism for some time before he
became a Christian. But to an Old Testament student, the other alternative,
of translation from Aramaic originals, seems the more probable.
2 Isa. ii. 2 f.; lvi. 7.
3 Lev. xxii. 25.
4 Mishna, Shekalim'i. 5, vii. 6; “Zebahim’iv. 5; “Menahoth' v. 3,
5 f., vi. 1, ix. 8. Gentiles could not place their hands on their offerings.
The Temple and the Lord
525
world gathered about Mount Sion, and suggested the
short and single step which still separated the Gentiles
from full communion with Israel. More obscure is the
meaning of the Gentile sacrifices. Offerings had been
accepted from the Greek sovereigns of Judæa and other
notable foreigners, but the national party were hostile
to their admission. Even if they could be technically
regarded as gifts to Israel, to enable the nation to fulfil
its own dues to God, the thought can never have been far
away that the persons of their donors were also accept-
able before Him. We must guard, however, against the
opinion that the crowds of Hellenist Jews, and their
familiarity with the Greek world, favoured liberal views
on the subject. From various motives the Hellenists were
even less disposed to relaxation than the Hebrews of
Jerusalem. To all alike, the Nation, Israel, was still the
human partner in the Covenant with God.
But the nation did not make its approach to God, at
least through the most intimate stages of this, in the per-
sons of all its members. Whereas in the First
3. The Medi-
Temple the laity had been admitted to the ating Priest-
inmost Court, and Solomon had ministered
at the Altar, in the Third Temple the laity were excluded
by a barrier, and Herod, though king, could not present
his own offerings. Every most sacred rite was performed
by priests, and the Holy of Holies was entered by the
High Priest alone. This reservation of the immediate
Presence of God to one hereditary order, the sons of
Aaron, was connected with a change of emphasis among
hood
See Schürer, Geschichte d. jüd. Volkes, etc. (8)
1 And protested in 6 A.D.
ii. $ 24, Appendix.
a Cf. Acts vi. 9; ix. 29.
3 Josephus, xv. Ant. xi. 5.
526
Jerusalem
the various values attributed to Sacrifice. In primitive
times every slaughter of a domestic animal was
and Sacrifices.
me a sacrament, and every house-father might
perform it. In the first sanctuaries of the people the
feast shared with the Deity by the worshippers deter-
mined if not the sole, yet the predominant, character of
the ritual. Even in Deuteronomy, worship is eating and
rejoicing before God. The priest burnt the fat, the
Deity's share of the Covenant feast, and had his own legal
due from the flesh; but his office seems to have been
connected more with the oracle than with the victim.
The earlier priest was a teacher and a judge, rather
than a mediator or minister of expiation. This festival
character of sacrifice was not destroyed by the central-
isation of the cultus, but it was greatly diminished. The
proportion of sacrifices, which were not feasts but services
wholly of atonement, gradually increased, as we may see
by comparing the Deuteronomic code with the Levitical,
and both with the practice of the earlier kingdom. In
the third century B.C., Theophrastus the Greek observed
that 'the Jews do not eat their offerings, but burn them
entire.'? So absolute a negative is, of course, wrong;
yet it is certain that in the Third Temple the piacular
aspects of sacrifice prevailed over every other. And in
consequence, the position of the priests as the necessary
mediators between God and man was deeply confirmed,
The consummation of every sacrifice, the offering of
blood and incense, the entrance to the Presence of God,
were lawful for priests alone. This requirement of a
mediating priesthood and of sacrifice, Christianity
1 Hosea iv. 6; Micah iii. 11; cf. Deut. xxxiii. 10, for both offices.
9 The passage is given in Reinach, Textes, etc., 7 f.
The Temple and the Lord
527
took over from Judaism, as an assumed principle
of religion.
Israel's approach to God through priests and sacrifices
was made in order to fulfil the Covenant into which He
of His mercy had called them, that they might
4. The God of
become a holy Nation to Himself. He was the Temple.
very jealous of sins, whether against the moral con-
ditions of the Covenant or against the ceremonial law,
which at once expressed and guarded the awfulness of
His Presence. He demanded restitution for sins, but in
the Temple service He had provided the means for this,
and upon the use of the means was ready to forgive and
to restore His erring people. Thus the God of Israel,
He was also Creator of all things, God alone, Omnipotent
in Nature and History alike. In the Third Temple we
miss some cosmic symbols which were present in Solo-
mon's. But the seven Psalms of the Tamîd celebrate
both God's deeds in History and His cosmic power: the
latter especially in the verse which opens the series, and
in the Psalms of the fifth and sixth days of the week.2
And, if Josephus be right, the vast entrance of the Porch
symbolised Heaven, the colours of the First Veil the
elements, the Seven Lamps the Seven Planets, the twelve
loaves of the Presence the signs of the Zodiac and the
circuit of the year: while 'the Altar of Incense with its
thirteen odorous spices signified that God is the pos-
sessor of all things, in both the uninhabitable and the
habitable world.'3 Yet amid all this symbolism God
Himself was not adored in any material form. One could
1 Above, p. 75 f.
2 Ps. xxiv. 1 ; lxxxi., xciii.
3 v. B.J. v. 4 f. There are similar ideas in Philo. Against them see
Patrick Fairbairn, Typology, ii. 253 f.
528
Jerusalem
represent only His Presence or Dwelling, and this was
double. God was both the Far and the Near; above all
things, filling the Heavens and yet abiding with His
people. The antithesis is similar to that in the creed
and worship of the First Temple. During the later
centuries and in the silence of the living word of Pro-
phecy, the impression of God's Transcendence prevailed
over the experience of His Intimacy, and 'God of
Heaven,' or even Heaven' alone, came to be one of
His commonest designations. Yet this conception was
linked to the other and nearer by the closest name men
have ever found for Him: 'your Father in Heaven.' 2
He had chosen Israel for His own, and He dwelt with
Israel. The Temple was His earthly seat; and the
Rabbis accepted the Deuteronomic explanation of this
by saying that His Name dwelt there':3 the practical and
experimental meaning of which we have already learned.*
Conformably to this double conception of God's
Presence - transcendent and indwelling - the Temple
The Double contained a great Altar beneath the open
heavens and a Mercy - Seat within a dark
a. Towards caveins au d NCI
Heaven and windowless House. From the Altar
sacrifices ascended in smoke to the Divine Throne.
Smoke symbolised many things to the religious feelings
of Israel: God's Presence, the confusion of mortals when
they encountered it, His wrath, the torments of the
wicked, the evanescence of everything material before the
blast of His Spirit. The smoke of sacrifices of which
the worshippers consumed part had been conceived as the
Deity's share in the feast. But the smoke of the whole
Wo
1 Above, p. 74.
3 Id. i. 5.
2 Mishna, “Yoma viii. 9.
4 Above, p. 311.
The Temple and the Lord
529
burnt-offering was the people's confession of their sin,
their surrender through death and fire of the lives He
was pleased to take in place of their guilty and forfeit
selves. The sin, the contrition, the repentance of a
nation-this was what the dark column meant which rose
from the Altar and melted away in the infinite purity of
the skies. I have blotted out as a thick cloud thy trans-
gressions, and as a cloud thy sins. If ethical processes
must be expressed in material forms, no sacrament could
be more adequate than this, which proved at once the
death deserved by sin, its purification by fire, and the
disappearance of its blackness and bitterness in the un-
fathomable mercy of Heaven.
Behind the Altar rose the House, the dwelling of God
with men. The vast and doorless Porch was the
symbol of an approach as free and clear as 3. Towards
opened above the Altar: “the unobstructed the House.
openness of Heaven.'1 But behind were a veil and a
door, and after the Holy Place another veil and then a
dark and empty room. For as God was invisible and
inscrutable yonder, so was He even here. His Presence
was darkness itself, and no mind nor hand might image
Him. As from the Altar the smoke ascended to the
heavens, so intoʻthe House of the Atonement they brought
the Blood, that also was expiation by death, the Bread of
the Presence, and the Incense, which, whatever may have
suggested its first use, was regarded as well-pleasing to God,
a propitiation (therefore offered first in the outer cham-
ber), and perhaps, too, a symbol of the people's prayers. 2
1 Above, p. 503.
2 Perfumes shed in the presence of kings, cf. Ephes. v. 2; for the
placating of wrath, atonement, Num. xvi. 46 ff. (Eng. =xvii. II ff. Heb.);
prayers, Ps. cxli. 2 ; Rev. v. 8, viii. 3 f.
VOL. II.
2 L
530
Jerusalem
The ethical effect of all this must have been double
and contradictory. On the one hand, the faith of the
Ethical worshippers was drawn into the unseen:
Effects.
it was anchored within the veil. From
the visible, the material, the finite, their hearts went
out to an empty darkness which was the most fruitful
suggestion possible of the invisibleness and imma-
teriality of the things which are eternal. From their
own works, from rites performed by themselves, their
faith was lifted to a work done for them and accepted
solely of the grace of God. Such, we may take it, was
in the main the beneficial influence exercised by the
Jewish system on the minds of the worshippers. The
Temple carried faith at least in the right direction. My
soul longeth, yea even fainteth, for the courts of the Lord:
my heart and my flesh cry out for the living God. Nor
did the rites, though predominantly national, fail to meet
the individual as well. Save in a pedantic logic, these
two ideas of religion, the corporate and the personal, are
not incompatible. As none know better than we Chris-
tians, they may sincerely, and indeed inevitably do,
exist together in the consciousness of the worshipper.
Moreover, the multitude of private sacrifices for which
the Temple provided were wholly personal, while the
Psalms of its most national service, the Tamîd, emphasise
the moral purity required from every individual wor-
shipper.) Men went up into the Temple to pray, each
for himself and after his own temper. For the day of
Atonement the Mishna details not only the duties of
the High Priest, but the proper conduct of the private
Israelite, and inculcates the sincere repentance of every
1 Especially Psalm xxiv. 3 ff.
9 Luke xviii. 10.
The Temple and the Lord
531
man. It is true that the sacrifices atoned only for sins
of ignorance, whether against the ethical or the ritual
laws-the ignorances of the people, says the Epistle to the
Hebrews 2-and that, as in the same epistle, conscious
crime or apostasy was not remediable by them. But
while this was the technical meaning of the Law, spiritual
more ethical pardon, the means of a deeper sanctification.
Behind all was the infinite mercy of God, and the keenest
eyes which ever looked into the heart of man saw one
who, if not formally excommunicated, was yet an outcast,
appeal to that mercy not in vain and go down to his
house justified.4
On the other hand, the imperfect character of the
system must have been felt by those who cherished the
loftier ideals and promises of the prophets. Other Ideals
That a man could not by himself come --Prophecy.
through the Inner Sanctuary to God, that a professional
priesthood could alone enter the most secret com-
munion with the Deity, that things not ethical inter-
vened between the worshipper and God such facts
were bound to raise questions in the more earnest minds
and to leave them unsatisfied. The Temple itself had
not always been monopolised by priestly ideals : it had
1 Mishna, 'Yoma viii., especially section 9. For a noble exposition of
the relation of the modern Tew to the Day of Atonement, see C. G. Monte-
fiore, The Bible for Home Reading, Parı i. 146 ff.
? ix. 7 (not errors) : cf. Lev. iv. 2, 13, 22, 27 ; v: 15; Num. xv. 24 ff.
3 Heb. x. 26; Num. xv. 30.
4 Luke x. 13 f. On the exclusion, if not the excommunication, of the
publican, see vol. i. 368 n. 2.
o In this connection the reported disuse of animal sacrifices by the
Essenes is instructive : Josephus xviii. Ant. i. 5; cf. Schürer, Gesch.(3) $ 30,
• The Essenes.'
532
Jerusalem
also been the platform of a purely ethical prophecy.
To devout Jews familiar with their Scriptures, their
Sanctuary must have seemed as loud with voices hostile
to sacrifice as with the bleating of animals, the murmur
of the priests at their ministry, and the cries and music
which accompanied the public services. In these very
courts Isaiah had announced that God's only requirements
from Israel were pure hearts and ethical service. He
proclaimed a pardon, free of all rites, to that conviction
which comes when God Himself has reasoned with the
soul. Jeremiah, too, had here protested that God gave
no commandments concerning burnt-offerings and sacri-
fices, but called upon His people only for obedience.2
Others outside the Temple had said the same: I will
not smell a savour in your solemn gatherings, . . . but let
justice roll down as waters, and righteousness like a
perennial stream. I desire mercy and not sacrifice, the
knowledge of God more than burnt-offerings. We must
also remember that both the ideals of prophecy and
the actual experience of the nation had accustomed the
mind of Israel to the assurance of pardon apart from
ritual. Jeremiah's promise in the New Covenant, I will
forgive their iniquity and their sin I will remember no
more, rested upon the immediate and spiritual knowledge
of God possessed by all the individuals of the nation.
And the greatest consolation of Israel which their history
knew had been achieved while the Temple was in ruins
and sacrifice impossible, upon the sole basis of the people's
sufferings and the free grace of God: Comfort ye, com-
1 Above, p. 67.
2 Isa. i. 10-20; Jer. vii. 22.
8 Amos v. 21 ff.; Hosea vi. 6; cf. the sublime passage, xi. 8 f.
4 Jer. xxxi. 31 ff.
The Temple and the Lord
533
Mediation.
fort ye my people, saith your God. Speak ye comfortably
to Jerusalem, and proclaim to her that her service is
accomplished, her iniquity pardoned, that she hath received
of the Lord's hand double for all her sins.1
But Prophecy had also associated the redemption of
Israel with the virtue and even with the self-sacrifice of
a single Personality. He is described in
Hope of a
various forms and under different names, yet Personal
with this idea common to them all, that the
mediation by which the recovery and the righteous-
ness of the nation are effected is neither material
nor mechanical, but lies in the character and service of
a voluntary agent. To the earlier prophets this Person
is a King. Israel are to be saved from their enemies
by his prowess, and to fulfil their life with God under his
just government and the influence of his strong and
pure individuality. Another prophecy emphasises that
in the ideal age everything will depend on personal
influence:3 A man shall be as an hiding-place from the
wind and a covert from the tempest; as rivers of water in
a dry place, as the shadow of a great rock in a weary land.
And the eyes of them that see shall not be dim, and the ears
of them that hear shall hearken. So with the Messiah, or
promised King. It is remarkable that there is no men-
tion of Temple or sacrificial rites in connection with his
office; his personal power counts for everything. Some-
times, however, and in reflection of the political condi-
tions prevailing, the Priest is associated with the Prince.
Theirs is the equal and co-ordinate duty of sustaining the
1 'Isa.' xl. i f. See above, p. 283.
2 Isa. ix. I ff. ; xi. I ff. (on the genuineness of which see above, pp. 145 f.)
3 Isa. xxxii. I ff.
4 The name Messiah, or Anointed, is given to him in Psalm ii.
534
Jerusalem
The Temple is nothing without the monarch and priest
behind it, and these stand in the presence of God,' the
essential mediators of the whole system. In Psalm cx.
Priest and King are identified as one, again in consonance
with the conditions of the time, for the High Priest is
now become also the civil ruler of the people. Thus,
however the form may change with the changing politics,
the idea is constant. The virtue of the mediation is
personal. In the Servant of the Lord this truth reaches its
fullest expression. A righteous Israelite or the righteous
nucleus of Israel, atone by their sufferings for the sins
of the people, and through death rise to glory. In the
fifty - third of Isaiah it does not matter whether the
Servant be still, as in the preceding chapters, the people
personality. The point is, that the atonement of the
nation proceeds through an ethical agent who consciously
and intelligently undertakes his mission, and the virtue
of whose service lies in the voluntary offering of himself.3
1 The present writer's Twelve Prophets, ii. 298 on Zechariah iv.
2 The Targun of Jonathan interprets · Isa.' lii., liii. of the Messiah, and
later Jewish theology dwells on the sufferings of the Messiah, with explicit
reference to 'Isa.' lii., liii. : Wünsche, Die Leiden des Messias ; Driver and
Neubauer, The Fifty-Third Chapter of Isaiah According to the Jewish Inter-
preters ; Dalman, Der leidende u. sterbende Messias. The Targum excepts
the verses on the atoning virtue of the Servant's sufferings as inapplicable
to the Messiah, and although certain rabbis appear to have admitted that he
bore the sins of the wicked, the idea was foreign and even repulsive to
Judaism in our Lord's time. See Schürer, Gesch.(3), Appendix to $ 29.
3 Edghill, Evidential Value of Prophecy, 306 (the whole of this work is
valuable for a presentation of the essence of the O.T. religion and its
connection with the N.T.), appositely quotes the 'magnificent mistrans-
lation of the Vulgate-oblatus est quia ipse voluit. But the other point
ought also to be emphasised : My servant shall deal wisely ; that is, knows
what he is doing, is conscious from the first of the practical value of his
humiliation and sacrifice which to others seems useless and repulsive.
The Temple and the Lord
535
In the presence of such a substitute there is no need of
the Temple and its victims. All the virtue associated with
the priesthood and the sacrifices is transferred to him, and
transferred in the very language of the ritual : God hath
laid on Him the iniquity of us all. For the transgression of
My people was He stricken. His life is an offering for
guilt. By His knowledge shall My righteous Servant
justify many, and He shall bear their iniquities. He bears
the sin of many, He makes intercession for the transgressors.1
But Prophecy had also spoken, as though God Him-
self shared all this travail and suffering. He makes His
people's salvation His own concern and effort,
The Travail
and accomplishes this not in power only but and Passion
of God.
in pain and self-sacrifice. His love is not
complacent but sympathetic, passionate. In all their
affliction He is afflicted. He pleads for their loyalty,
reasons with them in their sin, and travails for their new
birth. Their guilt costs Him pain as well as anger.
Their sins and sorrows are set not only in the light of
His countenance, but upon His heart. The Evangelist of
the Exile uses of God the same heavy word, to bear with
pain and difficulty, as he has used of the Servant.2
Finally, these truths of Prophecy, or the most of them,
had passed before the end of the Temple history, through
the forms of vision and of literature, which The Tewish
we know as Apocalypse. Despairing of the Apocalypses.
redemption of Israel in the present dispensation, and yet
believing in the Divine justice, certain ardent souls and
schools in Israel predicted the sudden intervention of
1 'Isa.' liii. 6, 8, 10 ff.
2 For a fuller expression of the above truth see the present writer's Modern
Criticism and the Preaching of the Old Testament, 174 ff.
536
Jerusalem
O
God Himself with supernatural forces, resulting in the
purgation of this world or even in its overthrow and
replacement by new heavens and a new earth. Such
ideas had indeed started long before Prophecy closed,
and are uttered in several parts of the Old Testament.1
But they reached their most ardent and systematic
expression in a series of Jewish works of the last two
centuries before Christ and the first of the Christian
era. The various writings from which The Book of
Enoch has been compiled, The Book of the Secrets of
Enoch, The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, The
Book of Jubilees, The Psalms of Solomon, The Apocalypse
of Baruch, and the older Sibylline Oracles, are the most
important survivals of what must have been a much larger
mass of apocalyptic literature produced in this period
by Jews of Palestine and Egypt.2 The general stand-
point described above was occupied by all these writers;
and we may easily conceive how the institutions and
ideals of Israel's religion would become modified through
the apocalyptic expectations visible from it. But, naturally,
the different minds which shared this standpoint assumed
different attitudes towards, and laid different emphases
upon, the forms which the Law had instituted and the
promises which Prophecy had bequeathed to the nation.
TY
1 See above, pp. 138 ff., on Isaiah. Zephaniah is usually regarded as the
first prophet with an apocalypse (Book of the Twelve Prophets, ii. 55 f.) The
most notable apocalyptic passages of the O.T. are in ‘Isaiah'xxiv.-xxvii.,
Joel, “Zechariah' xii.-xiv., and Daniel.
3 English readers will consult 'Apocalyptic Literature’ in Enc. Bibl. by
R. H. Charles, and the other works of this leading authority on the subject
(especially his Book of Enoch); the Psalms of Solomon, by Ryle and James ;
Schürer, Hist. (Eng. trans.), div. ii. vols. ii., iii., SS 29, 32 f. ; J. E. H.
Thomson, Books which influenced our Lord and His Apostles ; W. J. Deane,
Pseudepigrapha.
The Temple and the Lord
537
Beliefs and
of Israel.
As for their theology, the Apocalypses emphasise the
Transcendence of God. Heaven is His dwelling and He
is the Holy One in the Heavens, the God of
Their treat-
glory; who when He would work for men ment of the
comes down to them in awful manifestations Institutions
of power and majesty. Amid these super-
natural phenomena, the Prophets' sense of God's intimacy
with His People, of His ethical travail and passion, is
overwhelmed. Yet Israel is still the human unit for
which He works. The Nation is His interest: He will
overthrow the heathen oppressors and recreate Israel
into a kingdom for Himself. Within the Nation He will
discriminate between the righteous and the wicked; and
He will have respect to the individual: even in death, for
the righteous dead shall be raised to a share in the
kingdom. In fact, the vindication of the individual and
the development of belief in his resurrection are among
the most signal services of the Jewish Apocalypse to the
cause of religion; it contains no nobler passages than
those which enforce the hope of the righteous. With
regard to the exact form of so awful a future, we can
understand that, as among Christians, so with these Jewish
seers, considerable diversity prevailed. Many of them
have a strong sense of the steadfastness of the present
order of nature; all the more impressive is the obligation,
which their ethical convictions lay upon them, to expect
its convulsion and catastrophe. Sometimes they are
content to say that God's kingdom will be realised upon
this same earth, cleansed and restored to the order which
the sin of men has disturbed. The whole of the earth
shall be the heritage of the pious: its centre a renewed
Jerusalem, from whose security the righteous shall behold
538
Jerusalem
the torments of the wicked in Gehenna, and themselves
enjoy incredible length of days and a serene old age.
But sometimes this is not enough, and beyond the present
world there breaks the vision of another. A new heaven
and earth are revealed, with the righteous translated to
everlasting bliss in the presence of God. Some writers
almost entirely ignore the Temple, saying nothing about
it except that it shall be rebuilt, and absolutely nothing
about the Law or Sacrifices. Others carry the origins of
the cultus back to primæval times, from which we may
infer their belief in its eternal validity; and they insist
upon animal sacrifices and the punctilious observance of
the Law. Some see God alone in the supernatural in-
tervention, which they expect, and in the foundation of
the kingdom. Others continue the prophetic hope of
a Messiah proceeding from the community; and in one,
the seventeenth of the Psalms of Solomon, He is figured
in the prophetic style as a son of David, purging Jeru-
salem, overcoming the heathen, yet not trusting in
military force, but governing by the word of His mouth.
Sinless Himself, He shall rule a holy people and tend
the flock of God in faith and righteousness. In 'The
Similitudes of the Book of Enoch 3 the doctrine of the
Messiah assumes an original form destined to have great
influence on the New Testament In Daniel, the name
the Son of Man had been applied to Israel ; but in. The
Similitudes' it is the title of a person who takes the
attributes and name of the Messiah, yet is regarded as
1 As we have seen even under Prophecy, above, pp. 323 f.
Cf. Mark x. 30; Matt. xii. 32 ; Luke xviii. 30.
3 Chs. xxxvii.-lxx., assigned by Charles either to 94-79 or 70-64 B.C., and
'reasonably' to the former.
The Temple and the Lord
539
supernatural. He has existed with God, in name at least,
from before the Creation, the deliverer and preserver of the
elect Israel. He is the Lord's Anointed, who rules over all
and judges all, on whose mercy all men at the last shall set
their hope.1 There is also a difference as to the fate of the
Gentiles. For the most part their destruction is predicted,
but some of them shall be converted and serve Israel.
Three Main
Streams in
To understand what Jesus taught of the Kingdom of
God and of Himself, and what through the faith of His
followers He effected, it is necessary to ap- Summary_
preciate in due proportion all the beliefs and Shre
institutions which we have just surveyed. Judaism.
And if an Old Testament student may venture to criticise
recent New Testament criticism, it appears to him that
this suffers, and in certain quarters suffers radically, from
failure to allow to one of these religious elements its
proper and direct influence on the origins of Christianity.
As we have seen, the principal factors in the later religion
of Israel were these three. First, the Law with its central
emphasis upon Institutions, the Temple, the 1. The Law
Priesthood, the Ritual; founded, as much of -Institutions.
the Law was, on Prophecy, this emphasis did not ex-
haust its influence, yet in the practice of the Law by the
generation contemporary with Jesus, the Institutions
were the main things. Second, Prophecy with its de-
preciation of the Ritual and the Priestly Institutions, and
with its three great protestations of the sole, eternal
value of Personality: that God requires from a prop
men only ethical obedience; that their Personalities.
redemption and atonement shall be effected through a
? See especially Book of Enoch, chs. xlvii. f., lxii., lxix.
540
Jerusalem
!
heroic character and his self-sacrifice, the personality of
the Servant of the Lord ; and that God Himself is not
mere Law nor Love at a distance, but that even His
Personality is engaged in the ethical warfare and passion
to which ours are subject. And third, Apocalypse, starting
within Prophecy as this became conscious of want of room
and power in the historical conditions of Israel
3. Apocalypse
-the Super- for the fulfilment of its hopes; and predicted
natural.
the fulfilment of these in another dispensa-
tion, which is beyond and above the present world, and in
which, while the personalities described by prophecy gain
in transcendence and supernatural majesty, this is achieved
only at the cost of much of their ethical character.
These, then, are the three. There never has been any
doubt about the discipline of the Law. But if an older
Their Treat generation of critics did less than justice to
the influence of Apocalypse upon the condi-
Criticism. tions out of which Christianity arose, it seems
to the present writer, coming up to the study of recent
New Testament criticism from long following of the
history of Israel, that much of this criticism fails to allow
enough to the immediate action of Prophecy. Carried
away by the influences on our Lord's time of the Apoca-
lypses, the full appreciation of which has but recently
become possible, some critics almost entirely ignore the
direct influence, untinged by Apocalypse, of the Hebrew
Prophets. By others the main tendencies of religion
during the period are defined as only two, the Legal and
the Apocalyptic, while the Prophetic is regarded and
treated as subordinate. This may be true of some, but
not of all, of the popular religion. It is not true of the
circles in which Christianity arose, nor of our Lord's
ment by
recent
The Temple and the Lord
541
Prophecy in
O
mind whether about the Jewish system or about Himself.
While it is impossible to ignore in these certain contribu-
tions from Apocalypse, they prove the immediate and
the dominant influence of Prophecy.
No one may understand the origins of Christianity who
does not realise in them a revival-after a silence of many
centuries—of Prophecy, which, whatever re-
Dominant
lation it might assume to the ritual and Influence of
institutions of Israel, felt itself independent the Prepara-
tion for Jesus
of these and delivered its own direct message
from God. So in the early chapters of Luke's Gospel.
Be their source what it may, they testify to the Church's
consciousness of her birth in Prophecy-Prophecy which,
though it started in the Temple, was not concentrated on
that or any other institution, but struck again its high
and earliest notes of the advent of a great Personality,
the Messiah of God. This Prophecy (so far as the
records go) shows no tinge of Apocalypse. So too with
John the Baptist, whose ministry had nothing to do
with either Jerusalem or the Temple, but was accom-
plished outside these, with another sacrament, upon
methods purely prophetic, and concentrated on the
coming of the Messiah. The colours upon John's
preaching may be cast from the Apocalypse; the ideas
are all to be found within Prophecy.2
And so, too, with Jesus Himself. It is everywhere the
essential ideas and tempers of Prophecy which pervade
His ministry—especially the three emphases
and in the
upon the sole, eternal value of personality in ministry of
Jesus.
religion: that what God requires of men is
ethical obedience, that their redemption is to be effected
1 Cf. Ecce Homo, ch. i.
2 Luke iii. 2 ff.
542
Jerusalem
Law and the assistaW
through the virtue and self-sacrifice of a single Per-
sonality; and that the Love of God Himself has come
to share the ethical warfare and passion of men. But all
these are concentrated by Jesus in a new and wonderful
way upon His own Person and His unique significance
for men. They are complicated, too, by His attitude to
the Law, and they reveal the influence of conceptions
characteristic of the Apocalypse.
The child of a Jewish family loyal to the Law and
the Temple, Jesus was born under the Law. He was
His Practice circumcised, and at the usual age He became
relative to the 'a son of the Law. It has been said that the
Temple. New Testament gives us no means whatever
of judging how the passive, unconscious relation to the
Law was changed into the conscious and responsible one
which we see when our Lord entered His public work.'3
But we must remember that Prophecy, with its free and
sometimes hostile attitude to the Law, was also powerful
in the circles in which His boyhood was spent; and that
throughout His ministry He not only appealed to the
Prophets as well as the Law, and constantly quoted their
very words, but used these just on the great points on
which they differed from the Law: that God will have
mercy and not sacrifice, and that the atonement for the
sins of men is to be effected by an ethical agent. This,
however, is to anticipate, and we now proceed with the
details which led to it. The loyalty of Jesus to the
ritual was on some sides unexceptionable. The only
1 Luke i., and especially ii. 41 (see Plummer's note).
3 Gal. iv. 4.
$ Denney, art. "Law (in N.T),' Hastings' D.B. See the whole very
illuminating article ; also Mackintosh, Christ and the Jewish Law.
The Temple and the Lord
543
faults of ceremonial with which His vigilant enemies
charged Him were His use of the Sabbath, His
neglect of fasts, and his neglect of the washing of
hands. He sent the leper, whom He healed, to the
priest to fulfil the rites required by the Law. He bade
His disciples offer their gifts at the Altar after they
were reconciled to their brethren. In defence of His
conduct He appealed to the authority of the Temple
and the example of the Priests. The sanctity of the
Temple, He said, was greater than that of its gold, the
sanctity of the Altar than that of the gifts laid upon
it. 5 He paid the half-shekel which was the Temple-
tax.6 He attended the statutory Temple feasts. And
if all these are only instances of accommodation to
the customs of His people, we have besides His anger
at the desecration of the Temple which moved Him to
the one violent action imputed to Him. But in general
the whole system had for Him a Divine authority. God
spake through Moses. The way of life was in keeping
the commandments. He Himself had come to fulfil the
Law. Yet, on the other hand, the inaugural sacrament of
His ministry was, as in the case of Jeremiah,' altogether
outside the Temple service; and it is striking that there
is no record of His participation in any of the central
rites of the Sanctuary. We do not read of Him as going
1 In the fragment of an Apocryphal Gospel discovered by Messrs. Grenfell
and Hunt, a chief priest blames Jesus for neglect of the Temple lustrations.
Oxyrhynchus Papyri, Part v. I ff.
2 Mark i. 44 ; Matt. viii. 4: which incident recalls the orthodox feeling
against physicians, who did not observe religious forms prescribed by the
Law. Above, p. 404.
8 Matt. v. 23 f.
4 Matt. xii. 1 ff.
5 Matt. xxiii. 16 ff.
6 Matt. xvii. 14; see above, vol. i.
7 Mark xi. 15, etc.
8 Matt. v. 17 (18); xix. 17; Mark vii. 19.
9 Above, p. 224.
544
Terusalem
further into the Temple than the Treasury, in the Court of
Women. All the Gospels agree on this. Over against
the Treasury, in Solomon's Porch, or generally walking in
the Temple, teaching in the Temple, are phrases that imply
no more than the same outer Court in which He overturned
the tables of the money-changers. These comprise all
His recorded visits to the Temple. It is also remarkable
that while His parables reflect every other aspect of the
national life, they do not reflect the worship of the Inner
Sanctuary nor the ministration of the Priests. His story
of the Pharisee and the Publican is the only one that
has the Temple for its scene. Jesus visited the Temple
Jeremiah, so to Him it was the auditorium of the nation,
an opportunity of getting at the hearts of men. And,
therefore, it will not be surprising nor seem the after-
thought of a later generation, that the great freedom,
which the Prophets had shown towards the ritual and
even towards the sacred fabric itself, is also imputed to
this new Prophet: for instance, in His saying about the
Temple-tax, the children are free, notwithstanding lest we
should offend them, go thou . . . and give unto them for thee
and me; or I desire mercy and not sacrifice ; 8 or His con-
demnations of the additional laws and ceremonies imposed
by the Scribes. To be able to doubt that such sayings
were His, is to forget the precedents for them in Prophecy
before the Exile: the hostility of some prophets to the
whole ritual, and the charge which one at least made
1 Above, p. 510.
2 Mark xii. 41; cf. Luke xxi. 1 f. ; John viii. 20; X. 23.
Mark xi. 27 (Matt. xxi. 12); xii. 35: lepbv is the word used; see above,
p. 500. Cf. Swete, The Gospel according to St. Mark, 246.
* Matt. xxvi. 55. 5 Above, p. 237 f. 8 Matt. xvii. 26 f.
The Temple and the Lord
545
against the Scribes of his time of falsifying the Torah."
Doubts have been expressed of His prediction that the
Temple would be destroyed. In spite of its occurrence
in all the Synoptics and the echo of it in John, in spite of
the fact that it formed the charge against Him before the
Sanhedrin, it has been declared conceivable only as 'a
prophecy after the event,' a prediction invented for Him
when the Temple had perished and His followers had
transferred its virtue to Himself. No one can say so
who remembers Jeremiah's attitude to the Temple and
his predictions of its ruin,3 To take the lowest ground,
Jesus was prophesying only what others in Jerusalem had
already declared. And in connection with this we must
keep in mind His words about the necessity of new
bottles for new wine. In the association in which these
appear they can only mean the insufficiency of the forms
of the Old Covenant for the new truths and tempers
which were on the point of being realised, or which in a
sense were already realised, in Himself and in those who
believed on Him. His statement: Think not that I am
come to destroy the Law and the Prophets, I come not to
destroy but to fulfil,5 must be interpreted upon the
antithesis which we have seen between Law and Pro-
phecy and in the light of His other saying that the
whole of the Law and the Prophets is to love God and
one's neighbour.
All this, then, is the spiritual liberty of the greater
i Ter. viii. 8 f. ; but cf. Isa. xxix. 13.
2 Mark xiii. I ff.; Matt. xxiv. I f. ; Luke xxi. 5 f.; cf. John ii. 19.
There is also the reference in Matt. xxiij. 38 f. (Luke xiii. 35), your House is
left unto you desolate ; cf. Jer. xxii. 5, this House shall become a desolation.
8 Jer. vii., xxvi. -- * Matt. ix. 14 ff. ; Mark ii. 18 ff. ; Luke v. 33 ff.
o Matt. v. 17.
VOL. II.
2 M
546
Jerusalem
prophets. Only by the new Prophet the liberty is
exercised (to speak moderately), with a larger
His Sovereign
use of Law patience and the sense of a loftier authority
and Liberty.
Se than by any of His predecessors or than by
any of His apostles after Him. Jesus shows Himself
Lord of both aspects of the religion, rather than as the
mere reformer of the one, the mere champion of the
other. There is a sovereign quality about His attitude
to both the legal and the spiritual sides of the worship
which is wanting in theirs. He vindicates His use of the .
liberty as His own right; nor does he feel fettered or
burdened by the Law when He submits Himself to its
discipline, whether He does so out of regard for others or
because it is the Law of God. The Law is no 'painful
problem' to Jesus as to His apostles.) Law or Liberty,
He uses both as master of both. We can see how
very hard it must have been for His disciples to under-
stand this dominant, characteristic quality of His conduct;
yet they lived to understand it.
With this attitude of Jesus to the Law, we must take
His sense of His difference from the Prophets before Him:3
se of they were servants, He was the Son. We must
the Virtue and take His proclamation of the close of the dis-
of His Person. pensation, which the Law and the Prophets
until John had mediated, and the opening with Himself
of a new age in which they were replaced by something
else. We must take the facts that His disciples came to
believe in Him as the Messiah-not merely the greatest
1 Wellhausen calls this das Eigentümliche' in Christ's relation to the
Law; Einleitung, 137.
2 Especially Galatians ii., iii. 19, v. 6.
3 Mark xii. 1 ff., etc.
4 Luke xvi. 16; Matt. xi. 12 f. Cf. Denney as above, Hastings D.B.
ii. 746.
lificance
The Temple and the Lord
547
of Prophets, but the Person to whom Prophecy pointed as
the agent of Israel's redemption--and that in some sense
He accepted their homage and confessed Himself King
of the Jews, for otherwise the Roman procurator would
never have decided against Him. He was not Elijah,
but John was Elijah. Himself He identified with the
Son of Man in the Messianic and transcendental sense of
that title given to it in the Similitudes' of the Book of
Enoch. Towards Prophetic and Apocalyptic ideals of
the Messiah He maintained the same sovereign attitude
as we have seen Him hold towards the Law and its
institutions. He exercised'a liberty of selection. He
discarded the political rôles assigned to the Christ, but
He assumed the ethical authority and the transcendental
powers. He set His own word against the Law, and
He declared Himself the future and ultimate Judge of
men. Finally, there was His announcement that by His
submission to death, He became to the New Covenant
what sacrifice had been to the Old, or, in other words
attributed to Him, He gave His life a ransom for many.
The exact meaning of these sayings has been variously
interpreted. But to understand Him it is sufficient to
remember that the redemptive value of the sufferings of
the righteous, an atonement made for sin not through
material sacrifice but in the obedience and spiritual
agony of an ethical agent, was an idea familiar to Pro-
phecy. It is enough to be sure, as we can be sure, that
He whose grasp of the truths of the Old Testament
excelled that of every one of His predecessors, did not
apply this particular truth to Himself in a vaguer way,
nor understand by it less, than they did. His people's
pardon, His people's purity-foretold as the work of a
548
Jerusalem
righteous life, a perfect service of God, a willing self-
sacrifice--He now accepted as His own work, and for it
He offered His life and submitted unto death. The
ideas, as we have seen, were not new; the new thing was
that He felt they were to be fulfilled in His Person
and through His passion. But all this implies two
equally extraordinary and amazing facts : that He who
had a more profound sense than any other of the spiritual
issues in the history of Israel, was conscious that all these
issues were culminating to their crisis in Himself; and
that He who had the keenest moral judgment ever known
on earth, was sure of His own virtue for such a crisis
was sure of that perfection of His previous service with-
out which His self-sacrifice would be in vain. Nor was
the agony of the sacrifice abated by His trust in the
promise of a glory that should follow. No man ques-
tions the story of His mental sufferings or of their
crisis in Gethsemane. Yet these were not due to any
doubt of His own purity. The records which so faithfully
describe His temptations may be equally trusted when
throughout they imply His innocence. It is a very singu-
lar confidence. Men there have been who felt themselves
able to say, 'I know,' and who died like Him for their
convictions. But He was able to say 'I am. I am that
to which Prophecy has pointed,' and was able to feel
Himself worthy to be that. Thus Jesus fulfilled the
second of the great ethical emphases of Prophecy : He
was the Messiah, the Servant of the Lord, through whose
self-sacrifice the redemption of men was assured.
But in Jesus there was also fulfilled the third of the
Prophetic demands for personal action and sacrifice as
the fulfilment of religion. That the love of God was
The Temple and the Lord
549
not merely transcendent and complacent, but travailing
and passionate, sharing the moral struggle, the weak-
ness, the pain, even the shame and curse of
The travail of
the souls of men, is illustrated in Jesus as it the Love of
God in Jesus.
is nowhere else. And this not merely in such
a parable as that of the Prodigal and all He has told
us of the love of the Father, but in Himself and His
wonderful expressions of His sufficiency for the needs of
the people: such as His Come unto Me all ye that labour
and are heavy laden, and I will give you rest. None of
these is more wonderful than His appeal to Jerusalem,
with its How often would I have gathered you, and its
conclusion that since she has rejected Him she has
rejected all.
In all this, however, He went beyond every precedent
in the history and prophecy which we have followed ;
and we must seek another scale than that
Conclusion of
either of the prophet or even of the per- foregoing
sonality to whom prophecy pointed, by
which to measure Him. Just because of this His dis-
ciples failed as yet to understand Him, and we must
look to the last years of our City's history for the
development of, and the full reasons for, their recogni-
tion of what He was and what He did.
Two things are certain about the earliest community
of His disciples, the Church in Jerusalem : first, their
belief in the Messiahship of Jesus, confirmed The Church
in Jerusalem
to them by the evidence of His Resurrection;
and second, their continued adhesion to their Temple.
Jewish nationality and to the services of the Temple.
A third is equally clear—it was the power of His per-
sonality upon them which alone enabled them to break
Data.
nd the
550
Jerusalem
from Judaism and its ritual. In the earlier chapters of
Acts we find the same communal conception of religion
prevailing as in the first chapters of Luke's Gospel.1
The apostles address themselves to Israel, the Nation, in
forms similar to those which the Prophets used. The
whole Christian community is observant of the Law and
shares in the national worship of the Temple. “Perhaps
it is no exaggeration to say that the early Christians were
Jews first and Christians afterwards in more than the
sequence of their own experience. They did not indeed
value their Christianity less than their Jewish nationality,
but they had not yet learned even in thought to separate
them.'2 Even while acknowledging that God had visited
the Gentiles to take out of them a people for His Name,
James, the head of the Church in Jerusalem, quoted the
prophecy, I will build again the tabernacle of David
which is fallen, I will build again the ruins thereof and
set it up. The student of the Old Testament will readily
understand this attitude of the Christians of Jerusalem
to the Temple and their Jewish nationality. There is
a precedent for it in the prophecies of the Evangelist
of the Exile. In these, too, a great Redemption is in
process, but not yet completed. Israel has to be restored
and the Gentiles converted. The Servant by whom
the results are to be achieved is an Israel within Israel,
the spiritual nucleus of the nation, the rest of which is
still blind and unredeemed. Precisely such a Remnant
might the early Christians in Jerusalem feel themselves
to be: distinct from other Jews by their redemption and
1 See above, pp. 1523 f.
2 W. R. Sorley, Jewish Christians and Judaism, 33.
8 Acts xv. 14 ff.
4 * Isaiah' xl. -lv.
The Temple and the Lord
551
Hebrews.
enlightenment through Christ, yet in Israel and of Israel
still, with a duty to the national institutions; while, at the
same time, they sought to lift the' whole people to their
own spiritual level and were not forgetful of their mission
to the Gentiles.
We need not dwell on the troubles which ultimately
rose out of this loyalty to the National Covenant: the
controversies about Law, Temple and cir- s
Stephen,
cumcision, that threatened to rend the Church Paul and
in twain. But it is necessary to remark the
following. The movement which finally divorced Chris-
tianity from Israel may have begun in Jerusalem in
disputes between Hebrews and Hellenists, and he who
started the controversy was in all probability a Hellenist.
Yet it is fallacious to suppose that the Grecian Jews as a
body were less loyal than the Jews of Jerusalem to the
national institutions. Stephen's most bitter opponents
were of the Hellenist synagogues. His own line of
argument, as recorded by Luke, has nothing to do with
racial questions, but lies within the method of the
Hebrew prophets when dealing with their own people.
We are accustomed to call the Baptist the last of the
Hebrew prophets, but Stephen was the last; speaking as
Jeremiah himself would have spoken, with the same
appeal to precedents in the history of Israel, the same
emphasis on the incurable sinfulness of the nation, the
same indifference to the sanctity of the Temple, the same
fearlessness of death. But the power upon Stephen is
throughout the power of Jesus. Stephen is the prophet
of the new Messiah, who to him is everything that the
Temple and what it stands for is to his opponents. We
1 Acts vi. ; Acts vi. 9; and so with Paul, ix. 29. 8 Jer, xxvi.
552
Jerusalem
see the same, but more articulately, in Paul and the
author of the Epistle to the Hebrews. In neither of these
Jews has the change been wrought by a gradual solu-
tion of the national idea and system in the influences of
the larger Greek world, nor by the prospect, nor by the
fact, of the fall of the Temple. What alone tells with
both is the significance of the Personality of Christ. To
both He has taken the place of the Temple, the Sacrifices,
the Priesthood, just because of what He has proved
Himself to be in His people's experience-an atone-
ment for sin, a living way to God, the seeking and
suffering Love of God, the Risen Saviour and Inter-
cessor. It is also striking to find how His Person has
become the substitute of the national idea, which had
been organic in the religion of Israel. The communal
conception of religion still prevails, but Christ is the new
secret of the unity and the common life. Though the
Epistle to the Hebrews is based on the assumption
that the old Dispensation has passed, it presents the
New Covenant as one not with individuals, but with a
people, through their great High Priest, Jesus Christ.
Though Paul accounts for the rejection of Israel by the
words, I will provoke you to jealousy with that which is
no nation, and affirms that all racial distinctions are
abolished in Christ, in whom is neither Greek nor Jew,
barbarian nor Scythian; yet he tells the Galatians that
they are Abraham's seed, the Israel of God. Here, again,
the bond is clear. The new community gathered out of
many nations are one people, because they are one in
Christ. His rank as the Messiah, Lord and King, con-
2 Romans X. 19.
1 A B. Davidson Hebrews, 166.
3 Galatians iii. 28 t. ; vi. 10.
The Temple and the Lord
553
stitutes them a nation-a holy nation, a peculiar people,
as Peter expresses it. Therefore in the reconstruction of
religion, which was effected in place of the Jewish system,
even before the fabric of this had fallen, the creative force
was everywhere the significance of Christ's Person and
Christ's work. Everything reaches back to Him and to
His 'infinite longing to open the soul of man to the life
in God, unhindered by the mediation of priest and ritual.
Thus the fountain of catholicity is in no confluence of
philosophies, no combination of external conditions, but
in the unique personality of Jesus of Nazareth.'1
1
Parallel be-
tween the
Influence of
To the Old Testament student who, like ourselves, has
come upon this last stage of the history of Jerusalem
through the long centuries of Israel's life and
religion, which lead up to it, there is only one
parallel to the influence of Jesus upon the the Divine
Character in
nation, their institutions and their ideals. As Israel's
we followed the gradual elevation of Israel's
faith and ethics from obscure beginnings to the clear
monotheism of the prophets with its sublime ideals for
daily life, the elevating factor of which we were aware
was throughout the character of the Deity : God's revela-
tion of His Nature and His Will. We found this. at work
within the ritual, the customs and the intellectual con-
ceptions of God which Israel had inherited as part of
the great Semitic family of mankind; purifying, expand-
ing and articulating these into the most perfect system
of national religion the world has ever seen. We have
seen it break the bounds of this nationalism, at once
1 Martineau, The Seat of Authority, 632.
3 Above, pp. 115, 210.
554
Jerusalem
displaying its sovereignty over the world, and drawing
the individual man directly to the breast of God. Had
the scope of our task been wider, we should have perceived
this same influence of the character of God acting upon
an ancient folklore and mythology, purging it of its
grosser elements, and rendering it expressive of the One
Creator and Preserver of the world and men; we should
have followed its effects upon popular religious imagina-
tions--such, for instance, as that of the Day of the Lord,
a day of the national deity's vengeance on the heathen,
or that of the physical marriage of the deity with his
people or with his land and we should have watched it
transform these into the most ethical of hopes and ex-
periences. We should have seen all this done gradually,
and, as it were, naturally ; with the age-long patience of
the Divine methods in Nature, and yet with the urgent
travail and the passion which become the Love of God
in the education and redemption of men.
Very similar, in these last years of the history of
Jerusalem, is the working of the influence of the Person
ne of Jesus : gradual and slow to be understood,
fluence of the like all the works of God; patient and yet full
Jesus. of travail and agony; in the end transforming
and creative. He also started from the names, the forms,
the symbols, the intellectual conceptions of the religion
of His time. He also selected those which He would use,
and put new meanings into them: meanings which are not
yet exhausted, but remain as infinite to us as to the hearts
that first heard them. And just as in the former develop-
ment it was the Person, the Character and the Work of
God which was everywhere the active Power, so here it
and the In-
Person of
The Temple and the Lord
555
His interpretation of God was the new thing which
appeared with Jesus, but the new thing was Himself. Not
the ideas of the mission which He assumed, for these had
all been defined by Prophecy, but the fact that He felt
Himself able for the mission and the Fact that He ful-
filled it. The authority which He claimed, the sufficiency.
for men of which He was conscious—these are His own
testimonies to what He was. And the experience of His
followers from the time of the Resurrection onward is
that He was no less than Lord and God, the fulness of
the Divine Grace and Truth. . .
As a Fact in history all this is not less credible than its
anticipation by the prophets ages before. The Love of
God could not be satisfied nor perfected in sending to
men the knowledge of itself through Prophets and Priests
or by the discipline of their own sufferings; but must
itself share, by their side, their weakness, their sorrow,
their ethical warfare and passion.
CHAPTER XX
JERUSALEM OF THE GOSPELS
Warlike
THE Jerusalem of the Gospels was the Jerusalem of
1 Herod, a great engineer and builder of strong-
holds.1 Seated on her two hills and girt by massive
walls, ingeniously constructed with curves and re-entrant
angles, the City to which Christ came pre-
aspect of sented the appearance of a gigantic fortress;
the City.
impregnable on three sides, for here the walls
rose from the precipitous flanks of her hills, but on the
north they struck across the backs of these and were
further fortified by a deep-cut fosse, beyond which lay a
suburb of uncertain extent. Round this the Third or
outmost wall, probably on the line of the present north
wall, had not yet been built. At intervals upon the
others towers rose from solid bases, so closely constructed
as to seem single masses of stone ; while in front of the
gates and other assailable points the rock bristled with
counterscarps and similar outworks.2 Nor did all these
exhaust the embattled aspect of the City. Her outer
walls embraced a number of separate and independent
strongholds. On the East Hill the ramparts of the
Temple towered over the Lower City, falling from their
feet to Siloam; and, as the Temple was to the City, so
was Antonia to the Temple, a still more eminent citadel.3
2 Vol. i. 181 t., 187 ft., 191 f., 244 ff.
1 Above, pp. 481 ff.
3 Vol. i. 426 ; vol. ü. 495 ff.
666
Jerusalem of the Gospels
557
Beyond the Tyropæon rose the longer and loftier West
Hill, its streets and terraces disposed theatre-wise, but
with the old First Wall running down the middle of it and
so over the Tyropæon to the Temple ramparts. The
Hasmonean House, with the Xystus below, stood upon
this wall towards its lower end ;3 in its topmost north-
west angle Herod's castellated Palace and three Towers
crowned, or rather helmeted, the war-girt figure of Israel's
metropolis. But for the broad Sanctuary in her lap, with
its snow-white shrine and smoking altar, Jerusalem must
have seemed more devoted to war than to religion, more
suggestive of siege than of pilgrimage. It is singular to
think of the cradle of Christianity in so formidable a
fortress.
We have also realised the politics of the City and the
tempers of her population. There was, first, the Roman
garrison, quartered in the two highest citadels: Politics and
the Antonia, which communicated by a double Tempers of
the Popula.
passage with the outer Court of the Temple, tion.
and Herod's Palace, now the Prætorium or seat of the
Roman Procurator when he came up from Cæsarea to
the Jewish feasts. There was the Sanhedrin, seated in
the Temple, with religious and civil jurisdiction over
Judæa (but in capital cases subject to the Procurator) and
with considerable influence in Galilee and elsewhere.5
There were the Sadducees and Chief Priests, an ecclesi-
astical but unspiritual aristocracy, arrogant and unscrupu-
lous, without popular ideals or influence, but ready to
employ popular passions, ‘able to persuade none save
1 Vol. ii. 440 ff.
2 Vol. i. 242 f. 3 Vol. ii. 459, 461 f.
4 Vol. i. 413 ff. (cf. 28); vol. ii. 488 ff. See below, pp. 573 ff.
6 Vol. i. 415 ff. ; vol. ii. 470.
558
Jerusalem
the rich,' but with gangs of bravos in their pay." There
were the Pharisees and Scribes, influential with the multi-
tude and zealous in education; patriotic and religious
in their ideals, but in their methods professional and
pedantic, who with one hand kindled the soul of the
nation and with the other smothered the soul they
kindled by their cumbrous and often desperate legalism.?
There was the army of Priests, Levites and Temple
servants with a warlike as well as a spiritual discipline,
a financial as well as a religious training, under captains
as well as chief priests, like one of the great military
orders of Christianity; accustomed to sentinel the walls
of their sanctuary, but ready when these were taken to
die round its altar rather than remit their sacred rites.
There were a considerable number of wealthy families,
a considerable volume of commerce and industry ;5 but,
on the other hand, swarms of idlers and mendicants,
much poverty, and because of the comparative sterility
of the surroundings, a general precariousness of subsist-
ence, which under drought or invasion, especially if the
latter coincided with a Sabbatic year, rapidly became
famine. Of clean and ardent souls we descry not a few;
there must have been many more, keeping themselves
from the world and nursing the most spiritual of the
national promises; and a still larger number of simple
men, ignorant, brave, devoted, the innocent prey of leaders
with less lofty ambitions for Israel. We have seen the
character of the City's 'multitude': intensely jealous for
1 Vol. i. 423. See below, p. 572.
2 Vol. i. 416, 447, 452.
3 Vol. i. 351 ff., 423 ff.
4 Vol. i. 368.
5 Vol. i. 374 ff.
6 Vol. i. 298 ff. ; vol. ii. 456 ; cf. below, p. 563.
Jerusalem of the Gospels
559
the Law and the purity of public worship, but even more
bent on their political freedom ; accustomed to be con-
sulted by their rulers, expert in discussion, conscious of
their power, and easily stirred to revolt. To them were
added at the feasts “an innumerable throng from the
country, so that at such seasons Jerusalem was less a
City than a nation concentrated like a city to one man's
voice and influence.2 And finally, we have appreciated
the double exposure of all this life : on the one side, its
recent openness, through the Hellenised cities of Palestine
and the new port of Cæsarea, to the Greek and Roman
world ; 3 on the other, its ancient neighbourhood to the
Desert, so hospitable to its forces of fanaticism and
revolt.4
In the Gospels, the story of a Galilean Prophet and
His disciples, Jerusalem appears mainly as a Place of
Pilgrimage, and, with but few exceptions,5 Terus
only on the occasion of the great Festivals, the Gospels.
1. A place of
She is the Holy City? So long as Jesus is the Pilgrimage.
master of His movements, we hear of little but the
Sanctuary, and only of its outer courts. He does not
go elsewhere within the walls except to Bethesda and to
the house selected for His last Passover ;' He does not
i Vol. i. 442 f., 445, 449 ff., 454.
2 Vol. i. 455.
3 Vol. i. 453 f. ; vol. ii. 478 ff.
4 Vol. i. 11 ff., 400, 451, 454; vol. ii. 454, 457, 483.
5 Luke i.-ii. 40; Matt. ii. 1 ff. (the dates of which are uncertain); cf. iv.
5, the Second Temptation.
8 Luke ii. 41; John ii. 13, 23 (the Passover); v. 1 (the Feast); vii. 2, 10
(Tabernacles); x. 22 (F. of the Dedication, see above, 454 f.); and the accounts
of our Lord's last Passover in all the Gospels; cf. Acts ii. (Pentecost).
7 Matt. iv. 5; xxvii. 53; see vol. i. 270. 8 Cf. above, pp. 543 f.
9 John v. 2 ff. ; Mark xiv. 12 ff., etc. We are not told where Nicodemus
came to Him.
560
Jerusalem
11
1
speak of any other place except Siloam. The Temple
bulks before everything else, the wonder of all visitors
to the City; its dizzy pinnacles the scene of His own
Temptation 2 - a remarkable proof of the impression
which the lofty House had left on His boyhood. Beside
the Temple neither the walls nor Herod's Castle nor his
Towers are noticed, but they are implied in that utterance
of our Lord, on His approach round Olivet, when the
whole military appearance of the place burst upon Him
and He foretold its siege and overthrow.3 Perhaps
there are also allusions to the characteristic housetops of
the town,4 and to its market-places and numerous syna-
gogues, but these features were equally conspicuous in
other towns.
The rest of the time in which He was master of His
movements, Jesus spent with His disciples outside the
walls, and it is interesting to observe) only
2. Our Lord's
Resorts in the in that part of the environs which lay opposite
the Temple. From Jericho they came up
past Bethany and Bethphage. The full strength, the full
pity, of the City burst upon Him as He crossed either the
shoulder or the summit of the Mount of Olives. The
last nights they passed in Bethany and out on the Mount
itself. This bivouac was His custom : they went every man
to his own house, but Jesus went to the Mount of Olives;
He came out and went, as His custom was, to the Mount
Environs.
Mark xi. 11; xiii. I ff; cf. Luke xxi. 5 ff.
8 Luke xix. 43 ff.
2 John ix. 7, II.
4 Mark xiii. 15, etc.
6 Matt. xx. 3 ; xxiii. 7; John xviii. 20; cf. Acts vi. 9.
o Luke xix. 41 ff. What line the road from Jericho took in those days is
uncertain. There is trace of an ancient road over the top of Olivet (above,
pp. 44 f.); but the mention of Bethany and Bethphage suggests that, as now,
the road came round the Mount. See the fine description in Stanley, Sinai
and Palestine, 190 ff.
Jerusalem of the Gospels
561
of Olives. There He taught as He taught in the
Temple. His parables and illustrations in Jerusalem
include marriage feasts and trading with pounds or
talents, also the Temple figures of the Pharisee and
the Publican, and of the Widow putting her mite into
the Treasury; but otherwise they are of vines and
figs, vineyards and sheepfolds, the fountain of living
water, and the white tombs conspicuous round the City
- all of them. visible from His haunts on the Mount.
There He sat over against the Temple. And thither
He crossed the Kidron to His agony in Gethsemane.
In the religious expectation of the time, Jerusalem
bore further aspect than as the place of pilgrimage or of
a prophet's teaching The Apocalypses pre- a How the
dicted that the City should be the glorious
comes into
centre of the new dispensation. There the the Story.
Kingdom was to come and the Messiah appear to reign :
most probably at one of the great feasts when the
revolts, at the call of some 'prophet' or other, doubtless
happened during such seasons, when the excitable
populace was reinforced by the simple and credulous
peasantry. That such ideas held the imagination of
some of the disciples of Jesus is plain from the petition
of James and John, while they were in the way going up to
Jerusalem: Grant that we may sit one on Thy right
hand and one on Thy left hand in Thy glory. He knew
that Jerusalem held not His throne, but the cup whereof
1 John vii. 53, viii. 1, the section on the Woman taken in Adultery;
Luke xxii. 39; cf. xxi. 37.
2 Matt. xxiv. 3.
3 Mark xiii. 3.
4 Above, pp. 537 f.
5 Vol. i. 451.
6 Mark x. 32, 35 ff. ; Matt. xx, 17 ff: see Bengel on verse 22.
VOL. II.
2 N
562
Jerusalem
He must drink. The chief priests were waiting for
Him there. There sat the Sanhedrin and the Gentile
governor into whose hands they would deliver Him to
death." When His anticipations were fulfilled, and He
was arrested, He was brought beyond the Temple, and
so for the first time the West Hill comes into the story.
He was taken to the house of the High Priest, to the
Prætorium, to the residence of Herod Antipas, back to
the Prætorium, and thence through a northern gate to
His crucifixion beyond the walls, where also He was
buried.
Of the neighbourhood of the Desert to Jerusalem, and
the conspiracy of its wild freedom with the turbulence
and fanaticism of her people, there is not so
4. The Neigh-
bourhood of much reflection in the Gospels as in Josephus,
the Desert.
Dance with his stories of prophets who called the
multitude to see the signals of liberty in the wilder-
ness,' or led them back to behold the walls fall. But
Jesus alludes to the same popular hope in the Desert
when in His last discourse He says : If they should say
unto you, Behold, He is in the wilderness, go not forth ; :
and it is significant that two of His temptations are
laid in the Desert and in the Temple. In a similar con-
nection with the City the Jordan appears, and for the
first time in its history. To its banks the populace of
the City follow John, and afterwards Theudas.3
Of the opposite, and recent, exposure of Jerusalem to
the western world, there is ample illustration
5. The Open-
ness to the in the drift of the story through the Book of
Acts : down the hills on which the City stood,
by the Gaza road, to the maritime plain, and to Ashdod,
1 Vol. i. 451, 454. 2 Matt. xxiv. 26. 8 Vol. i. 449.
West.
Jerusalem of the Gospels
563
or more directly to Lydda, Joppa, and out through
Cæsarea to Cyprus, Asia Minor, Greece and Rome.
The Gospels are already ominous of this decentralisa-
tion of the religion. They contain no such promises of
the glory of Jerusalem as we find in the Apocalypses
with their narrow Jewish outlook. The destruction of the
City is foretold, and no restoration. The disciples are
bidden to tarry at Jerusalem, only till they are endued
with power from on high. We have seen how, for a time,
they clung to the Temple and the Law, and that before
the destruction of 70 they had finally broken from these
and other national institutions.
One other feature has to be considered. In the course
of the history it has become clear how unable the City
was to support herself from her own resources, 6 The Parente
and how many non-productive members her of the City.
population contained.2 Jerusalem was naturally a poor
City. This condition is reflected in all that the Book of
Acts affirms about the poverty of her Christians and
their need of support from abroad. The first practical
measures of the Church were the voluntary surrender by
the wealthy members of their estates, that no brother
might be in need. The earliest development of her
system had to do with the daily ministrations. When a
famine threatened the world, it was at once felt that the
brethren in Judæa would suffer most, and accordingly
the council in Antioch determined that relief should
be sent to them, of which Barnabas and Saul were the
ministers.
1 Acts viii. 26; ix. 30, 32 ff., X., etc.
? Vol. i. 3, 14 f., 297 f., 327, 372 ; vol. ii. 222.
8 Acts ii. 44 ; iv. 32, 34 ff. ; cf. iii. 6.
4 Acts vi. 1 ff.
Acts xi. 27 ff.; xii. 25; cf. Galatians ii. 10.
564
Jerusalem
To the student of the Gospels and the Acts it is more
important to feel these general aspects of the Christian
story of Jerusalem, than that he should know,
These Aspects
more import- or think he knows, its exact topography,
ant than the
exact Topo And indeed no part of the topographical
graphy.
tradition of the City is more difficult than
that which deals with the data of the Gospels. The
textual uncertainties are many. The most sacred sites
of all, Calvary and the Sepulchre, lie in that part of the
City where the destruction by Titus was complete and
continuous excavation has been least possible.
Perhaps the most difficult datum is the verse which
Th
be handed down in three different forms; Beth-
graphy-
of Bethesda. from sources of inferior value; Bethzatha or
Bezatha, with good manuscript evidence and accepted by
leading authorities of our own time; and Bethsaida,
with early and apparently independent traditions in its
favour. Nor is the meaning of any of these quite clear.
Bethesda is usually taken as house of mercy, but this is
not certain.Bethzatha was the name of the quarter of
1 John v. 2.
2 Bndeoda, textus receptus, Peshitto ; cod. leid., O.S. Eus. and Jerome,
ed. Larsow-Parthey, 112 f. Bno šala, X, L., Tischendorf, W. H., and Moffatt;
or Bnšala, Eusebius in Lag. O.S. 251; or Belgeda, D. Bndoalda, B.,
several versions, Tertullian, Bordeaux Pilgrim (333 A.D.) and Jerome in Lag.
O.S. 142; "the combination of two authorities so wide apart as Tertullian
and B., carrying it back to a remote antiquity' (Sanday, S.S. 57); so too
the Vulgate. J. B. Lightfoot, Biblical Essays, 29 n., prefers Bnoraida with
Bnosala as an alternative.
s Aram. Beth-hisda, Syr. Beth-hesda ; it is doubtful whether an original
hi or he would be represented in Greek by e. Mediaeval tradition took it as
XIVX n'a, 'locus' or 'domus effusionis,' from the belief that there poured
into it the washings of the altar and inner court and the blood of the victims
(Eus., Jer., as above; Quaresmius, Elucid. vol. ii. 806, where the name,
Jerusalem of the Gospels
565
the City to the north of the Temple.' Bethsaida, 'house
of hunting,' or 'of fishing,' though well supported, is
hardly appropriate to Jerusalem, and may easily have
arisen, through an error of the ear, for Bethzaitha, 'place
of olives,' or by confusion with the Galilean place-name.
The rest of the verse is also ambiguous. As it stands, it
reads: there was in Jerusalem by the Probatikē a Pool
called in Hebrew B., having five porches. Probatikē is
the adjective used by the Septuagint to translate sheep in
the name the Sheep-Gate; 3 and the clause is therefore
translated by the Sheep-Gate a Pool, called B. Another
reading with considerable support runs: there was in
Jerusalem a Sheep-Pool called in Hebrew B. The sug-
gestion also has been made : there was by the Sheep-
Pool that which was called in Hebrew B.5 But it is
possible that Probatikē is the reproduction of an
Aramaic noun Pěrobatayah, Bath or Baths.6 In any
however, is Bethsaida ; Reland, Pal. 856; Bochart, Phaleg 680). So Ewald
(Hist. vi. 282 n.), Conder (Hastings' D.B. i. 2796, 770 =stream), but
thinking rather of a natural emission of water which would suit the Virgin's
Spring=Giḥon the gusher.' Lewin (Sketch of Jerus. 268), 870x hin,
“house of washing.' Brose (St. u. Kr., Jan. 1902) goes back to the
mediæval idea. Westcott .(St. John) quotes Delitzsch, YUDX n'a, oikos
otoâs, 'house of the Portico.'
i Vol. i. 247.
? See, however, on fish-ponds, vol. i. 317 n. 4.
3 Neh. iii. I, 32 ; xii. 39: + TÚÀ7 • TposaTucm, vol. 1. 200.
4 Cod. x Eusebius and Jerome apply the adjective to the pool. So
Chrysostom. Vulgate, probatica piscina.
5 Smith, D.B.(2) art. “Bethesda' by Grove and Wilson.
6 Cf. Buxtorf (Lex. Chald., etc.), f aiza, balneae, with references to
the Targum and Midrash on Eccles. ii. 8, which explain the delights of men
in that verse as baths. Baths among the Jews were introduced by Greeks or
Romans. The Aramaic word is variously derived : from the Greek a pobati-
kbs, or replmatos, or the Latin privata, at first applied to private baths as
distinguished from public ones (Levy, Neu. Hebr. u. Chald. Wörterbuch,
179921a). Note that Eccles. ii. 8 was referred to Solomon, and that one
of the proposed sites for Bethesda may be Solomon's Pool (below, p. 567).
This explanation of Probatikē suggested itself to me on coming across
T
-
T
566
Jerusalem
the neighbourhood of the Sheep-Gate. At least six sites
have been proposed: the Hammam esh-Shefâ,the Twin-
Pools adjoining the north-west corner of Antonia, the
Birket Israin, the Twin-Pools at St. Anne's,2 the Virgin's
Well or Giḥon, and Siloam. Tradition supports in suc-
cession the second, third and fourth of these. The Twin-
Pools by Antonia are probably those identified with
Bethesda by the Bordeaux Pilgrim, Eucherius, Eusebius
and Jerome; the Birket Israin has been connected with
our passage since the thirteenth century; and the Pools
of St. Anne's at least since the Crusades. If the troubling
of the waters was due to the emptying of the lavers and
conduits of the Temple, that would be possible in the
Twin-Pools near Antonia and in the Birket Israin, assum-
ing that these existed before 70 A.D., which is uncertain.
If the troubling was due to a natural syphonic spring,
this, if it ever existed north of the Temple, has been
destroyed or masked by the earthquakes. All three
sites suit the well-supported reading Bethzatha, and lie
in the neighbourhood of the old Sheep-Gate. But, as we
have seen, neither of these reasons is decisive. If Probatikë
Perobatayah in Buxtorf and Levy; but I have since found that it was
suggested by Sepp, Jerusalem (1863), i. 331, and by Bishop Lightfoot in his
Lecture-notes, published posthumously in Biblical Essays (1893), p. 170.
There must, therefore, be something in it.
i By Sepp, Jerusalem, i. 329, 331, and by Furrer ; see vol. i. 84. n. 4.
2 On these three see vol. i. 116 f. : and add to the references there
Clermont-Ganneau, Arch. Res. i. 118 f. : 'The Sanctuary of the House of
St. Anne, built on the actual site of Bethesda, has for its origin a play
upon the words Bethesda and Beit Hanna, both of which mean “House-
of Grace.” We have a decisive material proof of this, the marble foot
discovered at St. Anne's itself, and bearing . . , an ex voto in Greek, of
Pompeia Lucilia in gratitude for his cure at the Sheep-Pool. But this
proves only that in Greek times the pool was identified with Bethesda.
See also Mommert, Topogr. d. alt. Jerus. iii. 97 ; Sanday, S.S. 55 ff. ; Rix,
Tent and Testament, 205-208.
Jerusalem of the Gospels
567
may be taken absolutely as a proper name, whether mean-
ing Bath or something else, and the reading Bethesda, or
even Bethsaida, be possible, then one of the two sites
south of the Temple is open to us; and on each of these
we have a pool periodically disturbed by a natural spring
which would suit the reading Bethesda and its equation,
'house of emission. The ancient name of the Virgin's
Spring was Giḥon, the Gusher'; there lies a Pool-
in ancient times there may have been a larger one-
which still has the reputation of healing diseases. The
water of the Pool Of Siloam was also disturbed at
intervals by the intermittent rush from Gihon; the Pool
was possibly rebuilt in Herod's time. But, on the other
hand, Siloam is separately mentioned in the Fourth
Gospel: to the writer it can hardly have been the same
as Bethesda.3 The balance of evidence, therefore, is in
favour of the Virgin's Spring, but the whole is uncertain.
Three questions arise concerning the Upper Room in
which our Lord kept the Passover with His disciples.
First: Is it the same as that in which the dis-
2. The Upper
ciples gathered after His ascension? Second: Room-the
Conaculum.
Did it remain the usual meeting-place of the
Church till the destruction of Jerusalem ? Third: Did
site with which a very old tradition has identified them
-the present Conaculum in the complex of buildings
i Vol. i. 87 ff.; on the supposed pool here, 91, 198 n. 2. It may have
been 'Solomon's Pool' of Josephus (v. B.J. iv., the King's Pool, Neh. iii. 15).
Opera ii. 588; Robinson, B.R. i. 508; Conder, Bethesda' in Hastings'
D.B.
2 Bliss, Excav. at Jerus. 1894-1897, 330.
3 Rix, Tent and Test. 255, argues for Siloam, but does not give enough
weight to the above reason against it.
568
Jerusalem
known as Neby Daûd, on the South-West Hill (the 'tradi-
tional Sion') and connected with, among other places,'
that of the death or Dormitio of the Virgin? These
questions have recently been answered in the affirmative
by writers of different schools.1 Dr. Sanday, for example,
does 'not think there is any reason to doubt that where
the “upper room" is mentioned in the Gospels and Acts,
it is the same upper room that is meant.' Nor does he
think it 'a very precarious step to identify this upper
room as in the house of Mary the mother of Mark. ...
quite legitimate, and only give unity and compactness to
the history, if we suppose that the house of Mary and
her son was the one central meeting-place of the Church
of Jerusalem throughout the Apostolic age. Our latest
evidence for it is on the occasion of the release of St. Peter
in 44 A.D. But there is no reason to think that there
would be any change between that date and the flight of
the threatened community to Pella in the year 66. The
present writer would willingly agree with these opinions,
for the authority of those who hold them. But while the
facts alleged are within the bounds of possibility, they
are not very probable. One need not, indeed, be hin-
dered by the objection that Luke uses one word for upper
chamber in the Gospel and another in Acts.2 But Luke
i C. Mommert, Die Dormitio u. das Deutsche Grundstück auf dem tradi-
tionellen Zion, 1899; Th. Zahn, Die Dormitio Sanctae, Virginis u. das
Haus des Johannes Markus,' in the Neue Kirchliche Zeitschrift, x. (1899),
377 ff. (not seen); also Einl. (2) ii. 212 f. ; W. Sanday, S.S. 77 ff.; J. Weiss,
D. älteste Evang. 409. Mommert distinguishes between the Dormitio and
the Conaculum.
2 Luke xxii. II f., áváyalov méya, a great upper chamber (cf. Mark xiv.
14 f., which has also td karálvuá nou, my guest-chamber); Acts ii. 13, td
ÚTepwov, the upper chamber where they were abiding.
Jerusalem of the Gospels
569
would surely have noticed the identity; in the Gospel he
implies that the first upper chamber was only for the
purpose of the Passover. It is still more precarious to
argue both that this was in the house of Mark's mother,
and that it remained the meeting-place of the Church till
66 A.D. Considering the rapid growth of the community
and other circumstances of their life, it is more probable
that their meeting-place changed from time to time.
Then Dr. Sanday finds that the New Testament data are
met by evidence from the time of Hadrian.' But this
is the testimony of Epiphanius, who lived in the fourth
century (312-403). He reports that forty-seven years
after the ruin by Titus, Hadrian, on his arrival at Jeru-
salem, found the whole city levelled ... save a few
dwellings and the little Church of God,' whither the
disciples returned when the Saviour was taken up from
Olivet, and they went up to the upper room; for it had
been built there, that is in the quarter of Sion. [The
church] had been left over from the destruction, and parts
of the dwellings about Sion, and the seven synagogues
which alone remained standing in Sion, like huts, one ,
of which survived till the time of the bishop Maxi-
monas and the Emperor Constantine, like a booth in the
vineyard, according to the Scripture.' Similar testi-
monies exist from the same period.2 Dr. Sanday remarks
that the historical character of the tradition need not be
questioned. Surely all that can be said is that it is
not impossible. The tradition has the same antiquity as
that of the Holy Sepulchre. From the fourth century
till now it has been constant. As in the case of the Holy
Sepulchre, other scenes of the sacred history have been
grouped in and round the Upper Room or Cenaculum:
1 De Mensuris et Ponderibus, xiv. 2 See Zahn, Einl.(2) 213.
TY
570
Jerusalem
3.
semane.
the place of Pentecost, the house of St. John with the
scene of the Dormitio, or death, of the Blessed Virgin, the
house of Caiaphas, the pillar at which our Lord was
scourged, the place where He appeared 'in Galilee.'
There has been much rebuilding on the site: including the
restoration of a basilica after the Persian destruction in 614
A.D.; a church of two stories in the time of the Crusades;
and a reconstruction by the Franciscans in 1333, from
which the present form of the Conaculum dates. In 1547 it
passed into the hands of the Moslems, who still hold it.
The Synoptic Gospels agree that after the Supper our
Lord and His disciples went out to the Mount of Olives,
h. Luke adds, as was His custom; to an enclosed
piece of ground named Gethsemane, or Oil-
Press, Luke simply says at the place, but John that it was
a garden across the winter-brook, Kidron. The traditional
site, in possession of the Franciscans, received its present
form so recently as 1848.2 But a 'Grotto of the Agony'
is shown some paces to the north, and is reached
by a passage from the forecourt of the Church of the
Virgin's Tomb: it may have been a cistern or oil-vat.
The Church represents "St. Mary in the Valley of
Jehoshaphat,' one of the principal sanctuaries of Jeru-
salem during the Latin kingdom ; 3 doubtless that which
the Moslem geographers of the tenth and twelfth cen-
turies call “El Jismâniyah,' 'The Place of the Incarna-
tion,' a corruption of Gethsemane. From this the
1 Mark xiv. 26, 32 ; Matt. xxvi. 30, 36; Luke xxii. 39 f. ; John xviii. 1.
Teoonpavei or-vn, 1.c. Xinw na; another reading, yeoo-, implies the same,
and hardly sa. Oil-glen. On the Kidron see vol. i. 80 f.
3 Robinson, cf. B.R. i. 346 and L.B.R. 188.
3 Frequent references in Röhricht's Regesta.
4 So Mas'ûdi and Idrisi. Le Strange, Pal. under Moslems, 203, 210.
Jerusalem of the Gospels
571
tradition is pretty constant back to the fourth century,
where the data of the Bordeaux Pilgrim, 333 A.D., and
Eusebius, are not against the present site, and the posi-
tion is defined by Jerome as at the roots of Olivet with a
church built over it.1 Whether all this rests on earlier
tradition we cannot tell. The Gospels assure us of a site
on Olivet opposite the Temple, for this was our Lord's
usual resort. It is not necessary to suppose that the
garden lay much higher up the hill. But wherever it was
-and the slopes have suffered much these nineteen cen-
turies—any of the olive-groves on the Mount which have
not been dressed as the Franciscan garden has, will give
the pilgrim a more natural impression of the scene of our
Lord's agony than the latter can.
After the arrest on Olivet, Jesus was led to the house
of the High Priest, which might also be described as his
Aulē or Court. It was evidently a large
4. The House
building with a court in front, and before this of the High
Priest.
a Proaulion or Pulon. In all probability it
lay with the Hasmonean and Herodian Palaces, and
other notable buildings, on the South-West Hill. That
is where Josephus places the residence of a later High
| 1 Eusebius (in Lag. O.S. 257), Testudvnxuptov, vla Tpò Toũ Tả8ous ở
Χριστός προσηύξατο. κείται δε και προς τα βρει των ελαιών, εν ώ και νυν τάς
eúxàs ol TOTO TOLECO Dal otroudášovou. The church upon it was therefore
built between the time of Eusebius and that of Jerome.
2 Els try oixlav toll á pxlepéws: Luke xxii. 54; locality is implied also in
Mark xiv. 53 ff., Matt. xxvi. 57.
3 John xviii. 15 ff. : els try aúlny toll å. Here Aulē seems to be the
whole residence of the High Priest (cf. in Josephus above, p. 488), and so
too, possibly, even in Mark xiv. 54, Matt. xxvi. 58. Elsewhere Aulē is the
court in front of the house, in which Peter remained outside (Matt. xxvi. 69),
or below (Mark xiv. 66). The questions raised by John's story (xviii. 12-24),
that Jesus was led first to Annas, then to Caiaphas, do not concern us here.
But notice, in illustration of John's two chief priests, Josephus iv. B.). iii. 7.
4 Mark xiv. 66, 68; Matt. xxvi. 69, 71.
572
Jerusalem
Priest, Ananias.1 To this house were gathered the chief
priests, elders and scribes, the members of the Sanhedrin.
It seems also implied, though not necessarily, that a
formal meeting of the Council was held: now the chief
priests and the whole Sanhedrin sought witness against
Jesus that they might put Him to death. We have seen
that the Sanhedrin usually sat in their chamber in the
Temple, but that under stress of circumstances they
might meet elsewhere. If this midnight meeting in the
house of Caiaphas was a formal one, the uncanonical
hour may be explained by the desire to complete the
punishment in the case before the Sabbath, the unusual
place by the fact that at that hour the Temple gates
were shut. We have seen how ready both Herod and
the Zealots were, on the one hand, to seem to observe
the forms, and on the other to violate the spirit, of the
Law. The Sadducees were also reputed, on other occa-
sions than this, to have been unscrupulous and irregular
in their management of the Sanhedrin.8 No one familiar
with the constitutional history of the period can doubt
1 i. B. J. xvii. 6.
2 Mark xiv. 53; Matt: xxvi. 59.
3 Mark xiv. 55; Matt. xxvi. 59 (false witness). It is possible to refer this
either to a previous procedure of the whole Sanhedrin, or to an informal
meeting at this time.
4 Vol. i. 420.
5 The procedure both in money-cases, 792199 9997, and capital cases,
DIODI 1797, is explained in the Mishna, “Sanhedrin' iv. 1. The former
could be finished in one day, in the latter the sentence could be pronounced
only on the day after the trial; 'accordingly there were no courts or judg-
ments on the evening before the Sabbath or a feast day.'
6 Vol. i. 424.
7 Vol. i. 433, 444 ff.
8 Keim, Jesus of Nazara, 41 f., with references to Josephus, xx. Ant. ix. 1,
the trial and stoning of James, in which the illegality of the procedure under
the leadership of the younger Ananias and the Sadducees is indicated (the
Pharisees contrasted with them in this respect, xiii. Ant. x. 6; ii. B.J.
viii. 14.) For a detailed criticism, with the conclusion that no formal sen-
tence was passed, see J. Weiss, D. älteste Evang: 306 ff.
Jerusalem of the Gospels
573
the possibility of such procedure as the Evangelists
describe. Another meeting of the Sanhedrin—to pass
the sentence arrived at during the night, or to have
further consultation—was held at sunrise, within the
canonical hours, and probably in the regular chamber.1
From the Sanhedrin Jesus was led to Pilate, the Pro-
curator.2 John says that He was led straight from Caia-
phas to the Prætorium, into which He was a The
taken to Pilate, while the Jews remained out- torium z
side; during the rest of John's account Pilate Palace.
comes and goes between Jesus in the Prætorium and the
multitude in front of it; finally, he brings Jesus out to
them and takes his seat on the Bema, or judgment-seat, at
a place called the Pavement, but in Hebrew Gabbatha.*
Matthew also speaks of Pilate sitting on the Bema in
face of the multitude, 5 and Mark and Luke recount
that Pilate's decision was given before the multitude.6
Matthew and Mark then describe how the soldiers of the
governor took Jesus into the Prætorium. The name
Prætorium, originally the Prætor's (or general's) quar-
ters in a Roman camp, was also applied to the official
residence of the governor of a Province. In this sense
it is used in Acts: the Prætorium of Herod in Cæsarea
The Præ-
1 Mark xv. I; Matt. xxvii. 1; Luke xxii. 66. See J. Weiss, op. cit. 308 ff.
3 Mark xv. I ; Matt. xxvii. 2 (who alone gives the title); Luke xxiii. 1.
On Governor, see vol. i. 413. 3 John xviii. 28 ff. John xix. 13.
5 Matt. xxvii. 19; cf. 17. 6 Mark xv. 8 ff. ; Luke xxiii. 4 ff., 18 ff.
7 Matt. xxvii. 27 ; Mark xv. 16, into the Court which is the Prætorium.
Brandt (Die Evang. Gesch. 107), quoted with approval by Canney,
Enc, Bibl. 3823, says that which is the Prætorium 'is a strange addi.
tion, a gloss occasioned by the text of Matthew. But such a criticism is
strange to any one who knows the history of Herod's Palace. Josephus
called it an Aulē; this was evidently the common Greek name for it, and it
was now the Prætorium. Mark's expression therefore is both natural and
exactly correct.
8 Cicero, In Verrem, 11. iv. 28; v. 35.
574
Jerusalem
Au
was the palace which Herod built there and which was
used by the Procurator as his residence. But the name
was also given to those residences which either the gover-
nor or other officials occupied when on tour through their
province. The Prætorium in Jerusalem was therefore
the Government House; in front of it stood the Procu-
rator's tribunal, and it contained a detachment of soldiers.3
The sites advocated are naturally two: the Castle Antonia,
because tradition places the House of Pilate 4 near it, and
in it was the larger part of the garrison, while the Pave-
ment is identified with the space between the Castle and
the Temple; and Herod's Palace on the West Hill.6
I think we can have little hesitation in deciding for the
latter. It was in the Palace of Herod, says Philo,?
that Pilate hung up the golden shields which brought
him into trouble with the Jews. It was, says Josephus,
in the Palace that Florus the Procurator took up his
quarters, and having placed his tribunal in front of it,
held his sessions, and the chief priests, influential persons,
and notables of the city appeared before the tribunal.'
Provoked by their arguments, ‘he shouted to the soldiers
1 Acts xxiii. 35. See Schürer, Gesch. (3) 457 f.
2 Cf. Domaszewski in Brünnow and D. Die Provincia Arabia, ii. 58, on
the inscription at Kușr Bsher, castra praetorii Mobeni,' with reference
to Mommsen, Hermes, 1900, p. 436 n. 3. Vincent, Rev. Bibl., 1898,
p. 436, quotes from Cagnat, L'Armée Romaine d'Afrique (578 n. 7), to
the effect that in a certain case Prætorium signifies 'non pas un établis-
sement militaire, mais un gîte d'étape comme on en contruisait le long des
grandes routes pour servir d'abri aux officiers et aux fonctionnaires en voyage.'
8 8Any one oreipav (Mark xv. 16; Matt. xxvii. 27), not necessarily the
whole cohort, vol. i. 426.
A Mommert, Das Prätor, des Pilatus (1903), argues for a site in the central
valley, on the ground of the Un. Armenians; see especially pp. 23 ff. 69-81.
o Weiss, Westcott, Swete (Mark on xv. 16) and others.
8 Sepp, Ewald, Keim, Meyer, Schürer, Edersheim, Kreyenbühl
(2.N.T.W., 1902, 15 ff.), Sanday (S. S. 52 ff.), Purves in Hastings' D.B.,
an excellent article.
7 Leg. ad Caium, 31.
Jerusalem of the Gospels
575
to plunder the Upper Market and to slay those they
fell in with,' and many of the moderate citizens they
brought up before Florus, whom with stripes he first
scourged and then crucified.1 Later he tried to force his
way to the Antonia with such soldiers 'as were with him
out of the Royal Aulē,' but they had to fall back on the
camp, which was at the Palace. We have seen other
proofs that part of the Roman garrison of Jerusalem
were stationed here. There is no need, therefore, for
calling in the Antonia and its guardroom; everything
indicates that the Roman trial of our Lord happened in
or before the Palace of Herod on the South-West Hill.
But above all this is distinctly stated by Mark: He was
taken into the Aule, which is the Prætorium. That
Pilate's tribunal was set on Pavement or Mosaic 5 was in
accordance with Roman custom. Gabbatha may not be
given as its translation, but as the Hebrew name of the
place. It means either an elevated place or a bare and open
one, or even possibly mosaic. In front, then, of Herod's
1 Josephus, ii. B.J. xiv. 8.
2 Id. xv. 5; with Baolackỳ aŭlcf. aúli Baoiléws, v. B.J. iv. 4; and
above, pp. 488, 571.
& Vol. i. 426.
4.See above, p. 573 n. 7.
$ AL0botputov: 'Elpaïoti dè l'aßBalá.
8 Cf. 2., xa, emphatic state, xha, elevation, raised back, ridge ;
nnas, elevation, also bald place on the forehead ; Levy, Neu. Hebr. u. Chald.
Wörter buch, s. vv. Dalman (Worte Jesu, i. 6) prefers the latter in its definite
form, sana.. But it is not to be overlooked that there is a root 2, in the
Hebrew of the time, to bring or pack together a lot of little things (applied
to an argument made out of trifles), and that 12 means anything com-
posed of fragments, loppings, chips (Levy). This comes very near a
mosaic. Only there are other Aramaic terms for that. The suggestion
that the name is 'a purely artificial formation, the writer himself attaching
no meaning to it' (Enc. Bibl. 3640), is incredible. That a writer, other-
wise regarded by the author of this theory as writing continually in symbols,
should be supposed to have invented a meaningless name, is surely an
inconsistent piece of criticism.
above
above
emphalt
T
: .
576
Jerusalem
Hasmonean
Palace.
Palace, the site now occupied by the Turkish citadel,
stood the Procurator's tribunal, where Jesus was tried by
Pilate, presented to the people along with Barabbas,
rejected by the multitude and scourged. In the Palace
itself, or in the camp' which Josephus says was attached
to it, He endured the mockery of the soldiers.
Luke alone tells us that Pilate, hearing that Jesus was
a Galilean and of the jurisdiction of Herod Antipas, sent
Him to the latter, who himself also was at
6. Residence
of Herod Jerusalem in these days. After questioning
Antipas=
an our Lord, who gave him no answer, Herod
with his soldiers set Him at nought and
mocked Him, and arraying Him in gorgeous apparel sent
Him back to Pilate. Ewald has suggested that upon
their visits to Jerusalem the children of Herod the Great
found quarters in a wing of the Prætorium, their father's
Palace. It is more probable that Antipas occupied the
Palace of the Hasmoneans, where indeed we find Agrippa
and Bernice living.2
Then they led Him away, they led Him out, to crucify
Him, and as they came out they found a man of Cyrene
The Crucis coming from the country, and laid on him the
fixion.
cross to bear it after Jesus. In the neighbour-
hood of the Palace was a City-gate, Gennath. Probably
by this the procession left the town, and came to the
place Golgotha, at which they crucified Him. Where
Golgotha stood, and where the neighbouring garden lay in
which He was buried, we do not know, because, for reasons
already explained, we cannot tell how the Second Wall,
at this time the outer wall on the north, exactly ran.5
i Luke xxiii. 4 ff.
2 ii. B.J. xvi. 3 ; see above, pp. 461 f.
8 Matt. xxvii. 31 f. ; Mark xv. 20 f. ; Luke xxiii. 26.
4 Vol. i. 243.
5 Vol. i. 247 ff. ; vol. ii. 564.
Jerusalem of the Gospels
577
While for such topographical details we seek, and perhaps
in the case of some of them seek in vain, let us not fail to
lift our eyes to those general aspects of the
Review of
crisis with which we began this chapter. They the General
Aspects.
are certain. We see our Lord's relations to
the several parts of the City and her environs: how
while He was master of His movements He kept-save
for His ministries at Bethesda and in the Upper Room
to the outer Courts of the Temple and to the Mount of
Olives ; but after His arrest He was taken to the West
Hill with its Palaces, and thence by a City-Gate to His
Crucifixion in the northern suburb. We feel the bare,
fierce days of argument and menace within the walls,
the hospitable darkness among the olives beyond.
We can hear the wild call of the Desert stirring the
City's blood, while she sits deaf to the pleadings of the
Love of God. Our study of the authorities, the parties,
appreciate how various and confused were the motives of
their unnatural conspiracy against this solitary Prophet;
but our criticism of them is controlled by that utterance
which certainly bears the proof of His spirit: Father
forgive them, for they know not what they do! Ignorance,
whatever may have been its causes, is indeed the appalling
fact that covers every other aspect of this terrible crime.
It was (as we have seen) a believing, an eager and
enthusiastic people, with a tumult of hopes in their
breast : ready to die by their thousands for leaders whose
to stir their fanatic patriotism ; but equally ready to call
for the death of the Prophet, whose ideals were beyond
VOL. II
20
578
Jerusalem
their conceiving, and who, they therefore thought, had
betrayed their interests. It was a Priesthood with some
noble and many brave and zealous spirits; but blinded
by professional prejudices, by panic for their influence
curiously close and rigorous logic of their scribes—to the
spiritual realities, to the fulfilment of the highest promises
of their religion, which no prophet had ever brought so
near as this one now did. The Supreme Authority, with
therefore vacillating. How often in history has the fate
of the earnest and the unselfish been decided by judges,
at once racially and religiously as incapable as Pilate of
understanding the issues before them! Sursum corda !
After the Passion and Crucifixion of Jesus no cause of
justice, no ministry of truth, no service of one's fellow-
men, need despair. Though the People, Religion and
the State together triumph over them, beyond the brief
day of such a triumph the days—to use a prophetic
promise which had often rung through Jerusalem-the
days are coming. The centuries, patient ministers of
God, are waiting as surely for them as they waited for
Christ beyond His Cross.
Thus, then, did the City and the Man confront each
other: that great Fortress, with her rival and separately
entrenched forces, for the moment confederate
The End.
de against Him; that Single Figure, sure of His
sufficiency for all their needs, and, though His flesh might
shrink from it, conscious that the death which they con-
spired for Him was His Father's will in the redemption
of mankind. As for the embattled City herself, lifted
above her ravines and apparently impregnable, she sat
.
Jerusalem of the Gospels
579
prepared only for the awful siege and destruction which
He foresaw; while all her spiritual promises, thronging
from centuries of hope and prophecy, ran out from
her shining into the West : a sunset to herself, but the
dawn of a new day to the world beyond.
APPENDIX
A LIST OF BLOCKADES, SIEGES, CAPTURES, AND
DESTRUCTIONS SUFFERED BY JERUSALEM
Besides the capture by David, about 1000 B.C., the following are known
to history :-Plunder of Temple and City by Shoshenk 1. of Egypt, about 930
(1 Kings xiv. 25 f. ; 2 Chron. xii. 2 ff.) ; partial overthrow by Jehoash of Israel
about 790 (2 Kings xiv. 13 ff.); attack by Aram and N. Israel about 734;
siege by Sennacherib, 701 ; surrender to Nebuchadrezzar, 597 ; his siege and
destruction, 587-6; probable sack by the Persians about 350 ; destruction
by Ptolemy Soter, 320 (kaonpńkel: Appian, Syr. 350); siege of Akra by
Antiochus III., 198; capture by Jason, 170; destruction by Antiochus Epi-
phanes, 168; sieges of Akra and Temple, 163-2; siege of Akra, 146; siege
and levelling of walls by Antiochus VII., 134; brief and unsuccessful siege by
the Nabateans, 65; siege, capture and much destruction by Pompey, 63 ;
sack of Temple by Crassus, 54; capture by the Parthians, 40; siege and
partial destruction by Herod and Sosius, 37; insurrection and some ruin on
the visit of Florus, 65 A. D. ; brief and unsuccessful siege by Cestus Gallus,
66; the great siege and destruction by Titus, 70; seizure by the Jews under
Bar Cocheba, 131; capture and devastation by Hadrian, 132; capture
and plunder by Chosroes the Persian, 614; re-capture by Heraclius, 628;
occupation by Omar, 637 ; capture by Moslem rebels, 842; ruin of Christian
buildings, 937; occupation by the Fatimite Dynasty, 969; some destruction
by the Khalîf Hakim, 1010; occupation by the Seljuk Turks, 1075 (?);
siege and capture by Afdhal, 1096; siege, capture and massacre by God-
frey, 1099; occupation by Saladin, 1187; destruction of walls, 1219; cap-
ture by the Emir of Kerak, 1229; surrender to Frederick II., 1239; capture
and sack by the Kharesmians, 1244 ; plunder by Arabs, 1480 ; occupation
by Turks, 1547; bombardment by Turks, 1825; Egyptian occupation, 1831;
re-occupation by Turks, 1841.
BUILDING AND REBUILDING OF CITY
Before the Exile by David, Solomon, Uzziah, Jotham, Hezekiah and
Manasseh ; after the Exile, at first by the few Jews who returned from Babylon
to rebuild the Temple, and then in the reconstruction of the walls and other
buildings under Nehemiah ; after the Persian sack in 350 (?); and that by
Ptolemy in 320; by Simon the High Priest in the third century; by the Mac-
cabees after 168, and then more thoroughly by Simon; by John Hyrkanus ;
by Antipater after Pompey (Jos. i. B.J. x. 4); hy Herod the Great and by
Agrippa ; imposition of the Legionary Camp by Titus after 70 A.D. ; build-
ing of walls, etc., by Hadrian from 136 onward; by Constantine (churches),
the Empress Eudocia (walls, churches, etc.), and Justinian (churches and
convents); by the Moslems, especially the Khalîfs Omar and Maimûn
(mosques and walls); by Christians (churches) under the earliest Moslem
supremacy, and especially during the time of the Crusades; after destruction
of walls in 1219; some churches built in the fourteenth century; building of
the present walls under Suleiman the Magnificent; much ruin of the
remains of ancient walls, and building of churches, synagogues and other
edifices during the nineteenth and present centuries.
580
GENERAL INDEX TO VOLUME II.
AARON (sons of Aaron), priesthood, | Agriculture of Judah prosperous
525.
under Ptolemies, 383.
Abar-Naharah, 354.
Agrippa I., 466 n., 489. See more
Abd-Khiba, writer of Jerusalem fully in vol. i.
letters, 12 ff. ; the name, 14 f.; 18; II., 461. See more fully in
size of territory, 22; site of town, vol. i.
22-24.
- II., and Bernice, 576.
Abiathar, chief priest, 49, 227, 424 n. — Marcus. See Marcus Agrippa.
Abiyah, son of Rehoboam, 89; reign Agrippa's Wall, 41 n., 466 n.,
of, 89 f., 89 n.
487.
Abomination of desolation, or appal- Agrippeion (Anthedon), rebuilt by
ling abomination, 453
| Herod, 482.
Abraham, legendary scene of sacrifice, Ahab, 96 f.
3; obtains land from Hittites, 16 f. ; Ahava, river, 344.
story of Melkisedek, 25; 384 n. | Ahaz (or Jehoaḥaz), King of Judah,
Absalom, 40 n.; pursuit of David, 125-31; 65 n., 66 12., 110, 130 n.,
42, 44; house in Jerusalem, 43, 133 f., 145, 152 n., 180, 264.
47.
| Ahaziah, King of Israel, 97.
Absalom's Tomb (so called), 463. Ahaziah, King of Judah, 99 f.
Achan, execution of family of, 114. Ain Kārim, 355.
'Achbor, ‘Mouse,' 192 n.
‘Ain Siniyeh, or Jeshana, frontier of
Actium, battle of, 477.
Abiyah's kingdom, 90.
Acts, Book of, 562.
'Ain Sitti Mariam, 22.
‘Aķaba, Gulf of, 55 f., 155 n., 157.
Adaya, revolt of, 13.
'Akko, town of Phænicia, 184, 388.
Adda Mikhir, chief of Gaza, 14. 'Akôr, Vale of, 318, 356.
Adonijah, 43 n. ; at Enrogel, 44 ; | Akra (ỹ "Akpa), the LXX. translation
death of, 47-49.
of the Hebrew Millo, 40 n., 71.
Adoniram, messenger of Rehoboam, Akra (ń "Akpa), the name of a citadel
86.
in Jerusalem in the Greek period,
Adonis gardens, 135.
with a Ptolemaic garrison, 380,
Adoni-şedek, a Jebusite chief, 18. 444 ; occupied by a Seleucid garri-
Adoraim, or Dora, fortified by Reho- | son, 432, 434f., 439 f. ; its history,
boam, 88.
439 f., 450 f. ; various theories of
Adullam, fortress of, 30, 89.
its site, 445 ff., 460; probably that
Adummin, 355, 355 n.
of Șion=City of David, 451 f. ;
Adumu, fortress of, 171 n.
besieged by Judas, 455 f. ; and by
Ægean, the, 368.
Jonathan, 457 ; taken by Simon
Agatharchides of Cnidos, 376, 420 n. / and destroyed, 458.
Agesilaus, 371 n.
Akra ("Akpa or ☺ Akpa), 'the Lower
Agõn, Greek word for gathering, | City of Josephus, men
City of Josephus, 448 n., 449.
492 n.
Akrai, the, of Jerusalem under Herod,
Agora, the Upper, 448 n.
488 n.
Adar, 305 n..
681
582
Jerusalem
467.
Akrabattene, 382 n.
| Amphitheatre of Herod, 492 ff.
'Akrabbim, 382 n.
‘Amwâs, inscription at, 381 n. See
Alashia (country of), 9.
Emmaus.
Albinus, procurator, 501.
Ananias, high priest, 572.
Alexander the Great, 350 f., 362, Ananias, the younger, 572 n.
362 n., 367; Asian conquests of, 1 'Anāthôth, 45, 197, 227 f., 232,
370 f. ; 370 n., 371 n. ; his policy, 252 f., 261.
371; defeat of Darius, 372; 372 n.; Annals of Judah used by editor of
permission to Jews to live under Book of Kings, 109 f.
own laws, 373f.; 373 n. ; Jews in Anne, Saint, sanctuary of house of,
army of, 375; did he visit Jeru- 1 566 n.
salem? 372 f., 375; death of, 375, Anthedon (Tedân), 389, 389 n.,
375 n., 387 f.; settlements in / 482 f.
Palestine, 388 f. ; 478; selection of Antigonus, one of the successors of
Samaria, 482 ; 392 n.
Alexander, 375, 377; defeated
Alexander Jannæus, 92 N., 309; Seleucus, 376; occupied Palestine,
410 n. ; 461, 463, 501, 507 n.
377; defeated by Ptolemy, 377 ;
Alexander Polyhistor, 406, 439 n., second occupation of Palestine,
462 n.
Alexander, son of Aristobulus 11., Antigonus, the last of the Has-
moneans, 437, 467 f.
Alexandra, Queen, 461, 463.
Antiochenes, citizens of Jerusalem
Alexandra, mother of Mariamme, registered as, 432 f.
476; execution of, 477.
Antioch on the Orontes, 379, 390,
Alexandria founded, 372; Jews in, / 393, 427, 431, 433, 456, 474, 563.
374 f. ; 388, 390, 392, 392 n., 393 | Antiochus III., the Great, 379 n. ;
N., 397 n., 406, 421 ; commercial overran Palestine, 380; beaten
significance, 378, 392, 479 f., 483. back at Raphia, 380; defeated
Alexandrium, fortress of, 481, 481 n. Scopus, entered Jerusalem, 380;
383, 390 n., 424, 444..
Alkimus, high priest, 456 f.
- IV., Epiphanes, taking of City
Almon or Almít, 45.
in 168 B.C., 6; 376; character and
Altar, the, of Burnt Offering, 60, life of, 430 ff. ; meaning of title,
64 f. ; rebuilt, 295, 298; 384 ; 430 n., 453 n. ; made Jeshua high
desecrated, 435; 443, 501; of priest, 432; visited Jerusalem,
Herod's Temple, 502, 506, 521. 433; desecrated Temple, 434;
See also eş-Şakhra.
campaigns against Egypt, 434 f.;
Altar of incense, 63 n., 307 f., 527 ff. 465; organisation of Jerusalem as
Amaziah, King of Judah, 113-117. a Greek city, persecution of Jews,
Amelu, hereditary princes, 21.
and establishment of Greek wor-
Amenhotep II., 6.
ship in Temple, 435 f., 453.
III., 6, II, 15 n.
- V., 456.
- IV., 7, 20, 24, 430 n.
- VII., or Sidetes, 459, 462,
'Ammân, 425 n., 426 n. See 464 n.
'Ammon.
Antipas, son of Herod, 478. See
Ammon, oracle of, in Egypt, 373 n. 1 further Herod Antipas.
‘Ammon, 129 n., 208 n., 247, 340, Antipater, father of Herod, 463,
382 n. See 'Ammân.
467, 469.
'Ammonites, 269, 318, 337 n.
Amon, Egyptian deity, 20 f. | Antipatris founded by Herod, 482,
Amon, son of Manasseh, 195; death / 482 n.
of, 198.
Antonia, the, 348, 446, 449, 487,
Amorites, 10, 16 f., 18, 26 f., 38. 495 f., 496 n., 497 f., 497 n.,
Amos, 39, 87 n., 122, 146, 192.
499, 556 f., 574 f.

General Index to Volume II.
Antony, Mark, 472, 476 n., 477. | Arameans (A. V. Syrians) in Solo-
See Antonia.
mon's reign, 56; 88 n. ; invasions,
Aphairema, 381.
95 n. ; as traders, 123; language,
Apocalypses, the Jewish, 535 f. ; ! 395. See further vol. i.
influence on Judaism, 540; on Araunah the Jebusite, 323.
Christianity, 541 ff.
- threshing-floor of, 45, 58 f.
Apocalyptic vision of Jerusalem, Arbela, battle of, 372, 372 n.
547 f., 561.
Archelaus appointed Herod's Suc-
Apocalypse of Baruch, 536.
cessor in Judæa, 478, 489.
Apocalyptic elements in the Book of Architecture, Greek, 403 f., 426 n. ;
Isaiah, 138 ff.
under Herod, 490 f., 492 f, 505,
Apocrypha, the, 330; collector of,
437 n. See Special Index. Aretas, King of the Nabateans, 464 f.
Apollonia, 389. " See Arsuf.
Arethusa, 389.
Apollonius of Rhodes, 395 n., 420 n. 1 Ariel, God's altar-hearth, 138, 141.
Apollonius sent by Antiochus iv. to Aristeas, Letter of (Pseudo-Aristeas),
Jerusalem, 435, 441.
306 n., 439 n., 440 n., 441 n.,
Apollonius, governor of Coelesyria 442 n., 451 n.
under Seleucus, 428.
Aristobulus 1., King of the Jews,
460.
435 n., 464 n., 476 n.
- II., 46I, 463 .
Aqueduct, High Level, 462 f., 489. III., 476.
See vol. i.
of Alexandria, Jewish Hellenist,
Aqueduct, Herod's, to Herodium, 407, 411, 421.
483.
| Aristotle, 369, 369 n., 371 n., 407,
Aqueducts, early, in City, 128; in 503 n.
Greek Period, 462, 489. See | Ark, the, brought to Jerus., 38;
vol. i.
tent of, 42, 46, 51 ; 51 n., 61 n.,
'Arabah, the, 115 n., 119 n., 382 n. 63, 73, 75 f.; preserved in
Arabia, Hezekiah's embassy to, 150 ; Jerus. after Disruption, 84; at
mercenaries from, 150, 155, 158, Jerus., 94; 131 F., 204 n.; in
164; 322, 427; Herod's spoils from, Jeremiah's time, 256, 256 n. ; not
516 n. ; its products, 484.
in Second Temple, 306 f. ; 307 n.,
Arabia, Northern, Melukhkha, a state Presence of God in, 310.
of, 155; princes of, 155 ; tribes of, Armenia, influence of Egypt to, 6;
184. See also Musri.
465.
Arabs invasions of Judah, 92, 99; | Armenian monastery in Jerusalem,
Uzziah's expedition against, 118; L 489, 489 n.
I
Hyrkanus's war with, 425 ff. ; sub- 'Armon (building term), 123.
dued by Herod, 474, 477.
Arrian, Anab. of Alex., 373 n.
Arsûf, 389.
462 n.
Arta panus, Hellenistic Jew, 407.
Aram (A. V. Syria), 97, 102, 126, Artâs (Arethusa) at Solomon's Pools,
129, 134, 141, 161, 247, 264. See - 389 n.
further vol. i.
Artās, or 'Eitam, fortified by Reho-
Aramaic or Aramean, lingua franca boam, 88.
of Western Asia, 389, 395, 480. Artaxerxes I. (Longimanus), 333,
Aramaic Papyri from Elephantine, 359.
Prefatory Note ; 355 n., 360. - 11. (Mnemon), rebuilding of
Aramaic portion of Ezra, 328, 331, | walls, 331 ff. ; 358 f., 362 n.
333, 354 n.
III. (Ochus), 351, 358 ff., 376.
Aramaic state - documents in Ezra, | Artillery, ancient, 121f.
328.
| Arzawaya, a Hittite, 17.
584
Jerusalem
Asa, reign of, 90 ; religious reforms, 1 198, 200; Scythians in Assyria,
90 f. ; 97, 261.
229. See also Asarhaddon, Ashur-
Asarhaddon, campaign in N. Arabia, banipal, Sargon, Sennacherib, Tig-
171; Palestine campaign in time lath-Pileser.
of Manasseh, 182 f. ; inscriptions Assyria, the name given to the Seleucid
of, 182 n. ; destruction of Sidon, | Empire, 378.
183; expeditions against Egypt, Assyrian Inscriptions and Bas-reliefs,
183; 184 n., 185 n., 190 ; descrip-
tion of Manasseh, 195.
| Astrology, 406 n.
Ashdod, 118 12., 150, 156, 160, 185 N., Astronomy, 406 n.
340, 381 n., 388, 454 n., 562. Aten, the Sun's disc, worship of, 7,
Asherah, the, an image, 90, 190. 20 f., 24.
Ashērim or Asherôth, Joash's worship
of, 112; Hezekiah's alleged aboli volt against, 102 f.; 104, 110, 132 n.
tion, 175 f. ; under Manasseh, 182, Athenæus, cited, 430 n., 431 1.
190; forbidden by Deuteronomy, Athens (benefited by Herod), 474 ;
212.
Ashkelon, conspiracy against Abd- | Athletic gatherings, Herod's, 492.
Khiba, 13; prisoners from, taken Atonement,. Day of, 307 n., 522,
483..
159, 381 1.
Temple), 502, 504 n., 529.
Ashurbanipal, Palestine campaign in Augustus, 472, 476 12. ; extension of
time of Manasseh, 182 f. ; expedi Herod's territory, 477 ; clearance
tion against Egypt, 183; adminis of piracy, 480; cases of justice
tration in Egypt, 183; Manasseh's referred to, 480; 492. See Octavian.
homage to, 184; 185 n., 190; death Aulē, the, 571 n., 573 n., 575.
of, 200, 202, 228.
| Auranitis, 477.
Asia Minor, approach of Hittites Ayyalon, mentioned in Tell el-Amarna
from, 7 ; also 369, 563.
letters, 13, 22; fortified town, 27 ;
Asidaeoi or Hasîdîm, 423, 456.
valley and town of, 55; fortified
Asphar, Pool of, 382 n.
by Rehoboam, 89; 269, 318, 356.
Assouan (or Elephantine) Papyri, | 'Azariah or “Uzziah, King of Judah,
355 12., 360, 362.
117-124.
Assyria and the Assyrians (Ashshur),
7, 287 ; early name for Syria, 17. | 'Azmaveth, 355.
In the eighth century :-represen-
‘Azur, 159.
tations of Syrian fortresses, 120 f. ;
invasions of Palestine, 125 ff., 129; BAʻAL and Baalim, 177, 190, 260;
sovereignty of Judah, 128 f.; l altars to, 182; worship, 243.
effect on the mind of Israel, 140 f.; Ba'alath fortified by Solomon, 55.f.
revolts of Palestine vassals, 149, Ba'al-Haşôr, the modern 'Asûr, 43. f.
153; Jerusalem's preparations Baasha. See Ba'sha.
against, 151 ; Palestine campaigns, Bab Sitti Mariam, 498 n.
154 ff.; Assyrians and Musri,
155.7.; Arabian campaigns, 171 f. Bab es-Serai, 498.
In the seventh century :-See gene | Babylon, 184 n., 373 n.
rally Chapters vii. f.'; close traffic - (Babel) and Babylonia, Jeru-
with Judah, 182; imposition of salem's position relative to, 4;
institutions on Palestine, 183, 185, early influence on Jerus., 5, 7 ff. ;
189 f. ; campaigns against Egypt, early kingdom under Kassites, 6 f.
183 F.; extent of empire and In eighth century, 153f., 161, 173.
culture, 184 f.; introduction of In seventh century :-revolt from,
Babylonian cults to Palestine, and reconquest by Ashurbanipal,
186 ff., 208; decline of empire, I 183 f. ; Manasseh's visit, 184 ; im.
General Index to Volume II.
585
-
position of religion on Judah, 182, Barnabas, 563, 576.
186 f., 248; supremacy in W. Barracks, Turkish, 460.
Asia from 604 B.C., 232, 246 ; first Baruch (on Temple gates), 67 ; dates,
siege and capture of Jerusalem, / 189; and Jeremiah, 232 f., 238;
247. In sixth century:-supreme in topography, 255 f. ; 270, 325 f.
Judah, 248; revolts against, 249.f.; Basalt, used for Tell esh-Shihầb in-
second siege and capture of Jerus., 1 scription, 20.
251 ff., 270, 273 ff., 355; for Ba'sha, reign of, 91 f. ; cf. Baasha,
Jewish exiles in, see Babylonian l 261.
Exile; Greeks in, 368; Cyrus Bashan, 55, 382 n., 391.
takes Babel, 294. In fifth century, Batanea, 477.
Jews settled there, 359. In fourth Baths, 565 n.
century :-Alexander at, 373 n., 2; Bazaars of Jerusalem, 259 f.
under Perdiccas, 375; under Seleu- Beasts of the South, oracle on, 150,
cus, 377 f. ; as centre of commerce 155.
and culture replaced by Alexandria, Beautiful Gate, 512.
378, 480.
Bedouin, the customs of, 28; revenge
Babylonian exiles of the Jews—the among, 114.
first, 247, 267 f. ; the second, 255, Beersheba, an ancient shrine, 26, 39,
267 f. ; the number of the exiles, 80, 96; a limit of Judah, 220.
267 ff. ; mainly from Jerusalem, Beit-şûr. See Beth-şûr.
247, 286 f.; how their thoughts Bekker, 503 n.
haunt Jerus., 271, 288 f., 419 ; | Bel Ibni, vassal of Sennacherib, 154,
first hopes of return, 291 ff. ; per-| 161, 173.
mission from Cyrus to return, Bel, worship of, 373 n.
295 f., 298; whether any did then Bēma, the, or Judgment-Seat, 573.
return, 296 p. ; return under Ezra, Benaiah, made general by Solomon,
332, 344; fresh banishment under 49.
Persians, 359; use of Aramean Bene-berak, 159.
language, 395. See also Golah. Bengel, 561.
Babylonian engineers and fortresses, Benhadad of Damascus, invaded
120; deities, 21, 25 n., 65, 185 f., | Northern Israel, 92.
187 12., 188 7., 294 ; astral wor- Benjamin, Jerusalem sometimes
ship, 182 f. ; culture, its dominance | reckoned as in, 35.
in W. Asia, 184; religion in Judah, – tribe of, 96.
182, 186 ff. ; calendar, 189; policy Bennett, 25 n.
towards subject peoples, 225 f. ; Ben Sira, 366, 384 f., 391, 395,
architecture, possible influence on 398 f., 403 f., 409 f., 414, 418 fi,
Jewish Temple, 505.
421. See Ecclesiasticus.
Baean, sons of, 382 n.
Benzinger, Dr., 41 n., 42 n., 46,
Bagoas or Bagāses, Persian general, | 48 n., 53 n., 54 n., 58 n., 62 n.,
359 f.
74 m., 104 No, IIO N., 115 n.,
Bagohi, 360.
129, 130 n., 171 m., 181 n.,
Baḥurim, 45.
182 n., 184 n., 404 n., 447 n.
Baker's Bazaar, 253, 259.
Bethany, road from, 518; 560, 560 n.
Balaam, oracles of, 94 n.
Beth-dagon, 159.
Ball, Rev. C. S., Light from the Bethel, an ancient shrine, 26; 33 f.,
East, 154 n., 155 n., 160 n.
36, 80; festival at, 86 f.; floutier
Bamoth, or high places destroyed by of Abiyah's kingdom, 90 ; 87 n.,
Deuteronomy, 213 n.
94 n., 96, 356, 381.
Banias, 25 12.
Bethesda, 559; pool of, 564 f., 577.
Baris, the, 348, 446 f., 449, 460 f., Beth-Gader, 356.
461 n., 464, 466 n., 467 r., 468 n., Beth-hak-Kerem, 261, 355.
485, 487, 491,495, 498. See Birah. | Beth-ha-Merhak, 42, 45.
586
Jerusalem
Beth-Horon, 44; the nether, forti- Bodyguard, royal, composed of Greek
fied by Solomon, 55 f. ; 336, 356, 1. soldiers, 368.
381, 454 n.
Bokenrenf, or Bocchoris, King of
Bethlehem, 33 f., 53; fortified by Sais, 157.
Rehoboam, 88; 261, 356.
Book of the Covenant, 95, 99.
Beth Maacah, 130 n.
Bordeaux Pilgrim, 564 N., 566,
Bethome, fortification under Alex 571.
ander Jannæus, 92 n.
Bozkath, 199 n.
Bethphage, 560.
Brahmans of India, 401 n.
Bethsaida. See Bethesda.
Brandt, Die Evang. Gesch., 573 n.
Beth-shan, 388.
British Museum, Bas-relief of Lakish,
Beth-Shemesh, a fortified town, 27; 161; inscriptions, 129 n., 154 n.
116, 123, 188 n.
Bronze imported to Egypt, 9; 368.
Beth-sūr, or Bêt-şūr, fortified by -- Bulls, 65f., 66 n., 75 f., 309.
Rehoboam, 88; 355, 381, 454 n., --- Temple Gate of Corinthian
455 f., 457
bronze, 500 n., 512.
Bethsura, 381 n.
- Sea (Solomon's Temple), 65 f.,
Bethzatha. See Bethesda.
65 n., 66 n., 758., 309, 506.
Bet-Nettif, 355.
-- Serpent, 75.
Bet Ninib, 188.
Brose, 565 n.
Bevan, E. R., 372 n., 453 n.
Brünnow and Domaszewski, Die
Bezetha, 486, 497 f., 497 n., 519. Provincia Arabia, 574 n.
Bickell, 280 n.
Büchler, Dr. Adolf, 372 n., 512 n.
Billerbeck, Die Festungsbau im Alten See vol. i.
Orient, 120 n. ; on ancient for- Budde, Prof., Geschichte der alt-
tresses and artillery, I2I f.
Hebr. Litteratur, etc., 25 n., 29 n.,
Bîrah, derivation of the name, 347 n. 48 11., 144 n., 187 n., 188 n., 206 11.,
2; (1) meaning in Book of Nehe 277 n., 278 n., 281 n., 282 1.,
miah, 347 f., see also 336, 461 ; 317 n., 329 n., 410 n., 412 n. ;
(2) the Hasmonean Baris or castle, on David's capture of Jerusa-
460 f., see under Baris ; (3) the lem, 30 f.
later Temple, 518; 347, 347 n., Budge, Wallis, History of Egypt, 8 n.,
348 n., 518 n.
12 N., 20 n., 154 n., 155 n., 156 n.,
Birch, 446 n., 447 n.
17 I 12.
Bîr er-Raşâș, or Raşâşiyeh, 494 n. Buhl, Fr., 116 n., 119 n., 382 n.,
Biridiya of Makida, letter of, 11. 447 n.
Birket el-Hamra, 153.
Bukêi'a, possible site of Herod's
Birket Israin, 566.
amphitheatre, 493. f.
Birket Mamilla, 127 n.
Bull inscription, 154 n., 155 n.
Bir Selhub, 382 n.
Burj el-Kibrit, 72, 493 n.
Bit Jakīn, 153.
Burney, C. F., Notes on Hebrew Text
Bit Khumria, 129 n., 130 n.
of Book of Kings, 48 n., 58 n.,
Bit - Ninib, loss of place to the l 64 n., 69 n., 74 n., 256 n.
Khabiri, 14; seat of Babylonian Burnside, W. F., 0. 7. History,
deity, 21 ; 188 n.
30 n.
Bleek, Einleitung, 110 n.
Burnt offerings, 308, 523 n., 528 f.
Blessing of Jacob, 94, 96.
See Altar of Burnt Offering.
Bliss, Dr., 71 f.; on towers of City, Buxtorf, Lex. Chald., 565, 566 n.
121; 153, 346, 460; Excavations Byzantine Castle in Jerusalem, 490.
at Jerusalem, I21 n., 567 n. See
vol. i.
CALEBITES, 356.
Block, Phön. Glossar., 418 n. | Cæsar (Julius), appointments in Jeru-
Bocchoris, or Bokenrenf, 157.
salem, 467; friend of Herod, 472.
Bochart, 565 n.
See also Sextus Cæsar.
General Index to Volume II.
587
Cæsarea built by Herod, 477, 482 f.; I gious Life after the Exile, Isaiah in
499, 559, 563, 574.
S.B.O.T., Enc. Bibl. and Critica
Cagnat, L'armée Romaine d'Afrique Biblica quoted, 49 n., 74 n., 76 n.,
quoted, 574 n.
88 n., 135 n., 138, 141 n., 145,
Caiaphas, 570, 573.
154 n., 156 n., 162 n., 163,
Calvary, 448, 564.
163 n., 165 11., 170 n., 171 m.,
Cambridge Bible for Schools, 87 n., 1 188 n., 293 n., 317 n., 337 n.,
162 n.
355 n., 360, 360 n., 410 n.
Cambyses, 300, 316 n.
Chorilos (Greek poet), 369.
Canaan, territory of Pharaoh, 9. Christ's words about the Gentiles,
Canaanites, 10,' 17, 26 f., 38, 78; 321 ; use of words of Ecclesiastes,
forms of worship, 180, 182, 190, 413. See also Jesus.
197.
Christians, early, in Jerus., 550.
Canney in Enc. Bibl. quoted, 573 n. Christianity and the Temple, 521;
Canon of Scripture, 417.
and sacrifice, 526 f. ; and mediating
Capital, Jerusalem the, 32 f., 290. priesthood, 526 ff.
Captivity of country population to Chronicler, the, 30 n. ; on the Millo,
Sennacherib, 160 ; Babylonian, 41; on Mount Moriah, 58; on reign
266 fi; of Jews by Ptolemy 1., of Abiyah, 89; on reign of Asa,
390 n. See further Babylonian 91f.; on reign of Jehoshaphat, 98;
Exile.
on reign of Athaliah, 100 ; on reign
Capture of Jerusalem by David, of Joash, 109, 112; on reign of
various accounts, 29 ff.
Uzziah, 118 ff.; on reign of Jotham,
Caravans mentioned in Tell el 125; on Hezekiah's buildings, 151;
Amarna letters, 9, 13, 22.
account of Manasseh in Babylon,
Carchemish, battle of, 232, 246. 184; upon buildings of Manasseh,
Carians, mercenary soldiers, 101, 194; on reign of Josiah, 201 ; fate
101 n., 103, 200.
of Jehoiakim, 247; compiler of
Carmel, 389, 483.
Books of Ezra, Nehemiah, 327 f.;
Carthage, 369.
use of Aramaic, 331 ; accounts of
Caspian Sea, 359.
building of Temple, 331; 356, 361 f.
Cassius, 472.
Chronicles, Book of, reference to
Central Valley, 346.
Birah, 347 n.
Centralisation of national worship, Chrysostom, Saint, 565 n.
311.
Cicero cited, 464 n., 467, 467 n.,
Centurions, 103.
469 n., 573 n.
Century Bible, 49 n., 62 n., 78 n., Cilicia (or Kue), horses from, 57;
85 n., IIO N., 130 N., 140 n., prince of, revolts from Assyria,
147 n.
183; 394, 433.
Cestius Gallus, 397 f.
Circassians, East of Jordan, present
Ceylon, 480.
day, 185; at Ammân, 326.
Chaldeans, entry into Jerusalem, 254; | Circumcision, 402, 422 f., 435.
destruction of Temple and Palace, Cisterns made by Uzziah, 119.
254 f. ; 229.
Citadel, the Millo (?), 40; David's,
Chariots, export from Euphrates 46; the Hasmonean, 459; the
states, 9; in Judah, 136; in present, 346, 446f. See Akra.
Arabia, 155 n.
City, the, in distinction to the country,
Charles, R. H., Book of Enoch, 105.
536 n., 538 n., 539 n. ; Enc. City of David, 151, 194, 445, 449 f.
Bibl. on Apocalyptic Lit., 536 n. l See also Şion, Akra, etc.
Cherubim, 73, 75 12.
City of Doom, Jerusalem to Jere-
Chiliarch, 497.
miah, 262.
Cheyne, Canon, Origin of the Psalter, Civic hopes for Jerusalem, 304.
Introduction to Isaiah, Jewish Reli- Citizenship, Jews granted rights of,
588
Jerusalem
2
by Alexander, 392; and Seleucus Covenant, National, 551; the New,
I., 393.
313, 552 ; Book of the, 114 f.
Clearchus of Soli quoted, 369 f., Coverdale, on Ps. cxxii., 440.
370 n., 401 n.
Cramer cited, 317 1.
Clement of Alexandria cited, 384 n., Crassus, 467.
401 n., 406 1., 408 n.
Creed of Israel, 73f., 81.
Cleopatra, 472, 477.
Crete, 368.
Clermont-Ganneau, Arch. Researches | Critical Review, 209 n.
in Palestine, 381 12., 426 No, Crucifixion, place of, 562, 577.
427 n., 498 n., 566 n.
Crusades, Tower of David, 490; tra-
Cod. Ambrosianus(of Josephus), 469n. dition of Bethesda, 566; Church
Coelesyria, 379 n., 380, 428.
on site of Conaculum, 570.
Conaculum, the, 567 ff.
Cubit in measurement of Temple
Coinage in Greek period, 387 nog Court, 442 n., 444, 488 ; Greek,
388 n.
504 n. ; length of, 519 n.
Colonnades of Herod's Temple, 516; Cullen, Dr. John, Book of the Cove-
Stoa Basilica, 517; Solomon's, 517. nant in Moab, 202 n., 206 n.
Commerce in time of Assyrian su- Curtiss, $. I., The Name Machabee,
premacy, I86, 194.
438 n.
Commerce, openings for Jews abroad, Curtius, Quintus, cited, 373 n.
392.
Cyprus, or Kittim, 9, 354, 358, 369,
Conder, Colonel, Tent-work in Pales 388, 483, 563.
tine, 60, 61 n.; Heth and Moab, Cyrene, 392.
426 n.; Handbook to the Bible, Cyrene, Simon of, 576.
446 n.; Hastings' D.B., 565 n., Cyrus, 293 17., 294, 296 f., 300,
567 n.
306 n., 316 n. ; Cylinder of, 154 n.,
Conduit made by Hezekiah, 151. 294 n.
Constantine, Emperor, 569.
Contemporary Review cited, 8 n., DALMAN cited, 534 N., 575 n.
10 n., II n., 13 n., 14 n., 17.0h. Damascus, trade route to, 56, 123;
Copper imported to Egypt, 9.
taken by Tiglath - Pileser, 129,
Corn, 351.
129 n. ; 459 n., 465, 474.
Corner-gate, 261, 347.
Dan, sanctuary at, 87.
Cornill cited, 110 n., 147 n., 202 n., Daniel, Book of, cited, 347 n., 373,
239 n., 242 n., 243 n., 246 n., 453, 536.
313 n., 329 n.
Daphne, 431.
Cos, Jews deposited money in, Darius, King, 296f., 300, 302, 305f.,
397 n.
314f., 316n.; building of Temple,
C.O.T., I29 %., I30 1.
331, 333 ; defeated by Alexander,
Council or Senate, 351.
372.
Courts of the Palace, 258.
Dates from Jericho, 484.
Courts of the Temple, 64, 256, 364 ; Daughter of Șion, 274 ff., 287 ff.
of Solomon's Temple, 501; of David, his Hittite warriors, 16 f.; his
Second Temple, 309; of Herod's name, 26 n.; his capture of Jerus.,
Temple, 502, 521 ; Great Court, 29; anointed King, 30; his forti-
64, 69; of the Guard, 348; of fications, 41; choice of Jerus. as
Gentiles (Herod's Temple), 502; capital, 32 f., 46 f. ; chap. ii. ;
of House of Jahweh or Inner Court, 147, 220, 284, 290 ; dynasty of,
64,69 ; of Israel (Herod's Temple), 103 ff., 113, 117, 126, 131 f., 145;
500 n., 507 f., 509 n., 511f; of Tower of, 490.
Priests (Herod's Temple), 505, David's Burgh, 32, 35, 41 f., 44, 45f.,
507 f.; of Women (Herod's 58, 70 ff., 347 f. See also City of
Temple), 500 n., 501 f., 509 ff., | David.
509 n., 512 n.
Davidson, Dr. A. B., on Deuter.
General Index to Volume II.
589
onomy, 215; 360 n.; on Ecclesiastes, | Dillmann, 206 n.
410 n., 412 n.; on Hebrews, 552 n. Dindorf (ed. Epiph.), 569 n.
Davies, T. Witton, on the Temple, Diodorus Siculus cited, 356 n., 360 N.,
58 n.
372 n., 377 n., 379 n., 382 n.,
Dead Sea, the, 119 n., 356, 369, 384 n., 420 n., 435 n., 460 n.,
382 n.
464 n.
Deane, W. J., Pseudepigrapha, 536 n. Dion Cassius, 464 n., 466 n., 476 n.
Debir, or Holy of Holies, 63, 73, Dion town, É. of Jordan, 389.
501 f.
Dios, Greek writer, 382 n.
Deborah, Song of, 27 n.
Dispersion, Jewish, under the
Dedication of First Temple, 73, 77 ; Romans, 479. See Diaspora.
feast of, 559 n.
Disruption of Kingdom, 83 f., 87;
Deities, local, of Jerusalem, 24 f. effects of, 86, 132.
Delitzsch, Assyr. Handwörterbuch, Domaszewski in Die Provincia
15 n., 108 n., 160 n. ; 410 n., Arabia, 574 n.
565 n.
Dome of the Rock, 443. f.
Deliverance from Sennacherib, 182. Doughty, Arabia Deserta, 119 n.
Delta of Egypt, 368, 370.
Dragon's Well, 346 n.
Demetrius, Hellenistic Jew, 407. Driver, Canon S. R., Notes to Books
Demetrius, son of Antigonus, defeated of Samuel, 29 n., 426 n.; on Amos,
Egyptian fleet, took Cyprus, etc., 87 n.; Deuteronomy, 96 n., 205 n.,
377.
206 n., 209 n., 210 n. ; Introd.,
Denney, Prof. James, art. "Law, 328 n., 410 n.; Genesis, 94 1. ;
Hastings' D.B., 542 n. ; 546 n. on Isaiah liii., 534 n.
De Saulcy cited, 426 n.
Drought, the Great, mentioned by
Desert, the road of, 116, 119, 155; Jeremiah, 239.
boundary of Persian satrapy, 354; | Drummond, Principal, Character and
influence on nation, 421, 559, 562. Authorship of the Fourth Gospel,
Destruction of Jerus. foretold in 500 n.
Gospels, 563.
| Duhm, Prof., 95 n., 162 n., 229 n.,
Deuteronomy, Book of, 229; part of 230 n., 234 n., 236 n., 237, 239 n.,
it the Book of the Law, 204; not 243 n., 253 n., 254, 293 ., 317 n.,
a unity, 205; structure of, 205 f. ; 440 n.
origin and date of, 207 f. ; service | Dumât, 171 n.
to religion, 211; insistence on Dung-Gate, 347.
Monotheism, 211; centralisation Dushratta, King of Mitanni, II.
of national worship, 212; ideals of
the book, 213 f., 240; sufficiency EAGLE, Roman, 503 f.
for Israel, 215; its ethical absolu- | Earthquake in Judæa, 477.
tism, 216; its width of interest, East Gate, 347.
216.ff.; secret of influence, 218 f. ; East Hill, the ancient fortress, 22,
exaltation of Jerus., 112; on Host 27, 34; David's residence on, 39;
of Heaven, 186 f.; reforms and 40 n., 58, 61 1., 71 f., 125, 260,
laws, 46, 91, 114, 115, 176, 193, 346, 348, 438, 440, 445, 448 ff.,
252, 254, 270, 285 f., 309 f., 312, 485, 493 n., 517, 556. See further
321, 345, 363; 415 f., 417, 422, vol. i.
526, 528.
Ebal, 219 n.
Deuteronomists, 77, 80, 89 f., 91 n., ‘Ebed-Melek, the Ethiopian, 253.
181 ff., 191, 284, 398.
Ecce Homo, 541
De Vogüé, Temple de Jérusalem, Ecclesiastes, ķoheleth or preacher,
Revue Archéol., 426 n.
411, 417 f.; Book of, 353, 409 ff.;
Diaspora, the Jewish, 390 ff. See its scepticism, 410, 416 f.; its wide
Dispersion.
outlook, 414; its service to Israel,
Dido, 102.
416.
590
Jerusalem
Ecclesiasticus, 372 n.
Emilius Paulus, 430.
Edersheim, Life and Times of Jesus | Emir Beshir, ruler in Lebanon, 51 n.
the Messiah, 477 n., 574 n.
Emmaus, 38I, 454 %.
Edghill, Evidential Value of Pro- Enamel, export from Euphrates
phecy, 534 n.
states, 9.
Edom, 98, 98 n., 99, 119 n., 128, | Encyclopædia Biblica cited, 20 n.,
128 n., 129 n., 149, 184.
49 n., 50 n., 76 n., 88 n., 95 n.,
Edomites in Solomon's reign, 56; 96 n., 101 n., 108 n., 123 n., 154 n.,
defeat by Amaziah, 115 f.; 128, 156 n., 157 n., 182 n., 183 n.,
214, 269, 318, 356.
187 n., 189 n., 193 n., 198 n.,
Eglon, 199 n.
205 n., 251 n., 337 n., 382 N.,
Egypt, 3.f.; relations with Jerusalem, 386 n., 388 n., 392 n., 410 n.,
4 ff.; campaigns in Syria, 6; ex 412 n., 438 m., 442 N., 446 n.,
ports, 9; agents at feudatory states, 479 n., 482 N., 575 n.
iof., II n.; garrison in Jerus., 13, Enc. Brit., 317 n., 446 n.
21; gods of, 19; trade route to, 56; / 'Engedi, 356, 381, 382 n.
style of architecture in Solomon's Enoch, Book of, 536, 538, 547.
Temple, 62; Jeroboam's return Enoch, Book of the Secrets of, 536.
from, 85; invasion of Judah, 87 f.; / 'Enrogel, 42 n., 362. See vol. i.
pictures of sieges, 120 n., 122 ; | 'Ephah, 322.
knowledge of, in Judah, 123; 129, Ephraim, or N. Israel, 33, 126, 382;
149 f.; soldiers, 158; question of hills of, 228.
Musri, Misraim, 156 f. ; invasion | 'Ephron, or Ephraim (?), the modern
by Esarhaddon, 171; Ashurbani- | village et-Taiyibeh, 43, 90, 356.
pal's campaign against, 183; a | See vol. i. 416.
province of Assyria, 183; revolts | Epicurean philosophers, 411 n.
from Assyria, 183, 200; mentioned | Epiphanius quoted, 569.
in Deut., 214; Assyrians on fron- | Eponym Canon, the, 129 n.
tier, 229; revolt against Nebuchad. Erbt, Die Sicherstellung des Mono-
rezzar, 251 ; defeat of Persia, 260; 1 theismus, etc., 201 n., 202 n.,
269, 289; war with Persia, 358; / 203 n.; 209 n.; Jeremia und seine
367 f.; Jewish settlements in, 369; / Zeit, 233 n., 234 n. ; 239 n.,
subject to Alexander, 372 n.; seized 247 n., 256 n.
by Ptolemy, 375; invaded by Per | Esarhaddon, 171, 299.
diccas, 376; 391, 394, 434.
Esdraelon, 55, 57, 388.
'Eitam, or Artas, fortified by Reho Eshtaol, 356.
boam, 88.
eş-Şakhra, 61 n., 58, 60, 444, 447,
‘Ekron, 154 f., 158 f., 160, 381, , 449, 497, 506, 514, 516.
381 n., 388.
Essenes, the, 531 n.
Elam, 154.
Esther, Book of, 402.
Elath, 116, 117, 123, 128.
Ethiopia, 155, 155 n., 183.
Elders of the Jews, 303. See vol. i. Ethiopians, Egyptian garrison, 13.
Eleutherus river, 379 n.
Ethnarch, office of, 458.
Eliashib, high priest, 339, 359, Ethnarch, Jewish, in Alexandria,
362 n.
Elijah, 39, 80, 96, 96 n., 144, et-Taiyibeh, 43. See 'Ephron.
208 n.
Eucherius, 566.
Elisha, prophet, 97.
Euhemerus, 409 n.
Elisha (Sicily or Carthage), 369.
| Euphrates, 6 f., 9, 354, 379.
'El Jismâniyah, 570.
| Eupolemus, Hellenistic Jew, 407.
El-Kal'a, Turkish castle, 490. Eusebius, cited, 359, 359 n., 374 n.,
El-Kurnub, 55 n.
376 n., 377 n., 406 n., 407 n.,
Elohist, the, 95.
408 n., 439 n., 460 n., 462 1.,
Elteķeh, battle of, 155 f., 158 f. 1 564 n., 565 n., 566, 571, 571 n.

393.
General Index to Volume II.
591
Evagoras of Cyprus, 358.
| Foreign elements in Judah in time of
Ewald, History of Israel, etc., 81 n., Isaiah, 136.
119 n., 162 n., 268 n., 278 n., Forest House, 135.
306 n., 382 n., 408 n., 410 n., Fortifications of City, Solomon's, 70;
466 n., 476 N., 565 n., 574 n.,
Uzziah's and Jotham's, 120, 125,
576 n.
128 ; Hezekiah's, 134 ; 441; Nehe-
Exile, the change in Calendar, 189; miah's, 335 f.; Simon's, 386 ;
Evangelists of, 81; discipline of, Maccabean and Hasmonean, ch.
284, 290 ; prophet of, 288; litera-| xvi. ; Herod's, 481, 486 ff.
ture of, 390. See Babylonian Fortresses, built by Solomon, 55 f.;
Exile.
by Rehoboam, 88 f.; Assyrian and
Expositor, the, cited, 110 n., 157 n., Syrian, 120; Herod's, 481.
202 n., 329 n. See also List of Foster Kent, The Wise Men of Israel,
Additions and Corrections.
413 n.
Expositor's Bible, 162 n., 316 r., Fountain Gate, 346 f. See vol. i.
317 n.
Franciscans, possession of traditional
Ezekiel the Prophet, 16 f., 38; de site of Gethsemane, 570 f. ; recon-
scription of Temple, 61, 66; 66 n., struction on site of Conaculum,
81, 91, 125; on heathenism of 570.
Jerus., 190, 193, 195; on Baby- Frankincense. See Incense.
lonian idolatry, 248; 287, 290, 307, Freedom, National, growth of spirit
309, 312, 317, 325; mention of of, 419. See vol. i.
Greeks, 368, 444, 501.
Fuller's Field, the, 127, 127 n., 134.
Ezekiel, a Jewish poet, 407.
See vol. i.
Ezion-Geber, 98 n. ; more exactly Furrer cited, 566 n.
'Eşiôn-Geber.
'Ezra the Scribe, 306, 316f., 319 f.; GABA, on Esdraelon, fortified by
chap. xiii.; 364; Book of, 295 f., Herod, 482.
327, 329 f., 354.
Gabbatha, 573, 575.
ez-Za'ferâneh, 382 n.
Gabinius, 466.
Galatians, Epistle to, 552.
FAIRBAIRN, PATRICK, Typology, Galilee, 129, 357; Jewish settlements
522, 527 n.
in, 361; 391; Lake of, 389; con-
Fairweather on Maccabees in Hast quest by Hasmoneans, 459; under
ings' D.B., 438 n.
Herod, 470; fish from, 484; power
Fall of Jerusalem, chapter x.
of Sanhedrin in, 557. On this see
Famine in Judæa, relieved by Herod, | further vol. i.
477 ; by early Church, 563. Gallery for women in Herod's Temple,
Fasts of the Exile, 303; changed to 509, 520.
Feasts, 314.
Gareb, the hill, 261.
Fergusson, Temples of the Jews cited, Gareb (a place near Shiloh), 261 n.
62 n., 497 n., 502 n.
Gari, place-name, 119 n.
Festivals at Bethel, 86; described by Garrison towns under Solomon, 56.
Nehemiah, 326; of Temple, 351; Gashmu, the Arab, 336 f.
Jewish, 362 f. ; pilgrims to, 397. Gates in Jerusalem
Festus, the Procurator, 490 n. See A. Of the City-
also vol. i.
of Benjamin, 258, 261.
Fish sellers, 260; from Galilee, 484; between the Two Walls, 260.
ponds, 565 n. See also vol. i. of the Corner, 116, 119, 124, 261.
Fish-Gate, 194, 260, 347. See also Dung, 346 n.
vol. i.
of Ephraim, 116, 326.
Flinders Petrie, 157 n.
Fish, 261.
Florus, the Procurator, 575. See also of the Gai, 119, 346, 346 n.
vol. i.
Gennath or Genath, 487, 576.
592
Jerusalem
Gates in Jerusalem-
Temple), 497 n., 514, 516, 518,
Harsith, 243, 260.
525.
Hebron, 56.
Gerar, 92, 119 n.
Horse, 347.
Gerasa, 389.
Jaffa, 124, 446.
Gerizim, 219 n., 376 n.
Middle, 260 f.
Germans in Jerusalem in time of
of the Peoples (?), 193.
Herod, 483:
Sheep, 565f.
Geruth Chimham, near Bethlehem,
Saint Stephen, 498 n.
261.
of the City in time of Nehemiah, Gessius Florus, Procurator, 496 n.,
346.
502 n. See further vol. i.
way of the Gate, 43.
Gethsemane, 561, 570.
B. Of the Temple--67, 257. Gezer, conspiracy against Abd-Khiba,
of Benjamin, the upper, 125, 259. 13; comparison with Jerusalem,
Beautiful, 512.
23; fortified, 27; by Solomon,
of the Footguards (?), 106.
55 f. ; discoveries at, 185; 368,
of the Foundation (?), 106 n.
381, 381 n., 388, 454 n.
Golden, 516 f.
Ghôr, the, 356.
Horse (?), 261.
Gibbethon, death of Nadab at, 91;
Huldah, 517.
91 n.
of Kiponus, 517.
Gibbôrîm royal bodyguard, 35 f. ;
New Gate of Jahweh, 241, 257. house of, 42, 46, 58, 348.
of Nikanor, 512.
Gibeah, 92.
of Shushan, 517.
Gibeon, an ancient shrine, 26; 261,
of Sûr (?), 106.
355, 355 n. See ej-Jîb.
of Tadi, 517.
Gibeonites vengeance on Saul's
Gates of Herod's Temple, 517. On family, 115.
the Gates see further vol. i. Giesebrecht cited, 243 n., 246 n.
Gath, 14 n. ; fortified by Rehoboam, Gihon, 22, 26, 34, 39, 45, 125, 127 n.,
89; 109.
128, 151 f., 152 n., 194, 262, 445,
Gatt, Die Hügel von Jerus., 446 n. 447, 451 f., 462, 565 n., 566 f.
Gautier, Au delà du Jourdain, 426 n. See further vol. i.
Gaza, early chiefs of, 10, 14; 129, Gilead, 55, 112 n., 129, 129 n., 357;
129 n., 130 n., 149, 154, 157, Jewish settlements in, 361 ; 382 n.,
159 n., 160 ; taken by Alexander, I 391; Hasmonean campaign in,
372; 373 N., 380, 381 n., 387 f., 459.
390; road, 562.
Gilgal, a shrine, 80, 355.
Geba' of Benjamin fortified by Asa, Gilgals, the, ancient shrines, 26.
92; 92 n. ; a limit of Judah, 220; Ginsburg, 410 n.
355, 381 n.
| Ginti-Karmil (in Amarna letters), 14.
Gedaliah, 354.
Goah (or Gibeah), 261.
Geenna. See Hinnom.
Golah (captivity), 296 f. See Baby
Gehenna (see Hinnom), 323.
lonian Exile.
Gehenna, vision of, 538.
Gold from Egypt; 9; from Euphrates,
Gehinnom. See Hinnom.
manufactured, 9; 136, 484. See
Gemariahu ben Shaphan (the scribe), further vol. i.
257.
Goldsmiths, 259.
Gentile deliverer predicted, 292; Golgotha, 576.
worship in Jerusalem, 303; be Gophna, 382 n.
lievers, 400; in Temple, 524; Gordium, Alexander at, 373 n.
sacrifices, 525; governor of Jeru- Goshen, land of, 392.
salem, 562.
Granicus, passage of the, 372 n.
Gentiles in Apocalypse, 539.
Grätz cited, 290 n., 410 n.
Gentiles, Court of the (Herod's Gray, G. B., Numbers, 95 n.
General Index to Volume II.
593
Greek Period, chaps. xv. ff.
Hammeah, tower, 348, 460.
Greeks-on origin of City, 3; in Hammurabi, Code of, 114 n.
Palestine, 351, 358, 368; and Hanan ben-Gedaliah, 257.
Jews, equal rights in Alexandria,
392, 392 12. ; close intercourse with 460.
Jews, 398 f. ; impressed by Jewish Hanani, brother of Nehemiah, 336.
religion, 401 f. ; referred to as Hananiah ben-Azzur, prophet, 250 f.
Iawan, 368; notices of Palestine, Hanno, King of Gaza, 130 n.
351 f. ; references to Jews, 369; Hanukah, Feast of the, 455.
conception of Jerusalem, 382; Haram area, 61 n., 69, 439 n., 444,
appreciation of Jews, 391; hostility 493 n., 514 ff. ; walls, 446 n., 447,
to Jews, 420 ff. ; influence in Asia, 462 n., 497 f., 518 n.
378; in Palestine, 387; in Jeru Hasmoneans, the, 93, 348, 437, 441,
salem, 102; on Jewish minds, 449, 458,463, 467, 476; the name,
402 f. ; on literature and philo 438 n. ; Palace of, 441 n., 490,
sophy, 406 f.; on arts, 403 ;
music, 403 ; architecture, 403 f. ; Haşôr fortified by Solomon, 55.
medicine, 404; scepticism, 409; Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible
settlements on the Delta, 368; in cited, 58 n., 145 n., 156 n., 171 n.,
Egypt, 369 ; cities, Jewish com 205 n., 216 11., 317 n., 372 M.,
munities in 394 ; mercenaries, 200, 446 n., 447 n., 542 n., 546 n.,
368; rulers, offerings in Temple,
525; explorers, 479; coins in Haret el-Meidān, 491,
Palestine, 387, 389; language in Harnack, Prof., Luke the Physician,
Palestine, 389, 480 ; in Septuagint, 5247.
395; Greek words used in Hebrew | Harsith, the gate, 188 n.
language, 484 f.
Hasidim, the, 423, 456.
Grenfell and Hunt, Oxyrhynchus Hauck's Realencyklopädie, 42 n.,
Papyri, 543 n.
71 n., 170 n.
Guardhouses built by Herod, 482. Haupt, Prof., 48 n.
Haurân, 184, 474.
Gunkel, Schöpfung und Chaos, 66 11. Hazael of Aram, 109, 112.
Gûr or Gerar, 118.
Hazazon Tamar, 25 n.
Guthe, Dr., Enc. Bibl., 372 n., Head, Historia Numorum, 354 n.,
392 1., 394 n.; Geschichte des 387 n., 430 n.
Volkes Israel, 156 n., 171 n.,176 n., Headlam, on Herod, Enc. Bibl.,
180 n., 183 n., 184 11., 267 n., 476 n.
303 r., 305 n., 357 n., 363 n. ; Hebrews, Epistle to the, 552.
article Jerusalem'in Hauck's Hebron, Hitlites at, 16 f. ; David,
R.E., 42 n., 71, 349 n., 491 n. ; King of, 29, 33; 36, 53, 55.f., 88,
Jesaia, 142 11., 144 n., 146 n. 89 n., 355, 381, 382 n. ; Gate of
Gymnasium in Jerus., 396, 405 f., City, 56.
432, 432 n. (or Xystos), 490. Hecatæus (of Abdera), 3 n., 306 n.,
308, 308 n., 374 ., 377 12., 382 n.,
383, 384. n., 392 12., 400 01., 401 12.,
Hackmann, Dr., on Isaiah, 145.
409 n., 420; Hecatæus or the
Hadrian, 569.
Pseudo - Hecatæus, 439 n., 442,
Haggai, 295, 296 f., 300, 302, 305, 444.
3137.331.
| Hêkal, Holy Place, 63, 306, 501,
Haiſa, 389.
502 f. ; also the name for the
whole house, 504 n.
Hall of Justice, 67.
Hei, wall of Inner Temple, 511 f.,
Hall of Pillars, 68.
511 n., 512 12., 513 n., 518 n.,
Hammam esh-Shefâ, 566.
519 n.
VOL. II.
2 P

594
Jerusalem
Heliodorus, chancellor of Seleucus IV., | High Priest, supreme national au-
428 f.
thority, 351 ; growth of his power
Hellenism among Jews, chap. xv. ; under Persian rule, 362; 377 ; in
reaction against, 419 f. ; in Jeru time of Ptolemy II., 393 ; under
salem under high-priest Jeshua, | Greeks, 428 ; 458; Hyrkanus, 467;
432 f.; in time of Gospels, 559. | 522, 525; house of, 348, 562, 571.
See Greeks.
See vol. i.
Henderson, Palestine, and P.E.F.Q., Hilkiah, 230 n.
61 n., 355 n., 446 n.
Hill of Jerusalem, described by
Heracles, or Baal-Melkart, worship Isaiah, 134.
of, 433.
Hillel, school of, 417.
Hermippus of Smyrna, 401 n. | Hinnom, 346. See Gehenna.
Herod Antipas, 562, 576.
Hippicus, tower, 487, 487 n.
Herod the Great, royal bodyguard, | Hippodrome of Herod, 432 n., 491,
35; 348; and Samaria, 374 ; 410, 499.
437, 441, 467 f.; chap. xvii. ; his Hiram, David's alliance with, 37; 78.
character, 469.ff.; his dynasty, 473; | Hittites, 7; writers of Tell el-Amarna
his irreligion, 474; events of his letters, 10; II n., 16 f. ; land of,
reign, 476 f. ; his voyages, 480 ; | 17; and Jerusalem, 16 f., 38.
fortresses, 481, buildings, 486 ; | Hitzig, 16, 16 n., 237, 475 n.
temple, 499 f. ; 525, 556, 572; Hivites, 16 n.
death of, 478; writers on reign of, Holofernes, 360 n.
410 n.
Hölscher, Palästina in der Pers. und
Herodium, name of two fortresses Hellenishen Zeit, 354 n., 355 n.,
built by Herod, 481; 483.
356, 356 n., 357 n., 372 n., 379 n.,
Herod's Castle, 560 ; Citadel, 441 n.; 382 n., 389 n.
Hippodrome, 499.
Holtzmann, O., 372 r.
- Palace, 441 n., 489 n., 499, | Holy Place, of the Temple, 63, 306;
519, 557, 571, 573 n., 574 f.
of Herod's Temple, 502, 504 n.,
Temple, 457, 495 f; compared 529.
with Solomon's and Zerubbabel's, Holy of Holies, 61 n., 306, 307 n.;
514.f.
of Herod's Temple, 502, 504 n.,
- Theatre, 499 ; towers, 519, 560. 507 n., 522, 525.
Herodotus cited, 171, 171 n., 198 n., | Holy Sepulchre, 446.
229 n., 251 n., 354, 354 n., 369, Holy things gathered by Asa to the
369 n., 401 n.
1 Temple, 91.
Heshbon in Peræa, fortified by Homer, on name of City, 3.
Herod, 481.
Hommel, Grundriss der Geogr. und
Hezekiah, 76, 147; chap. vi. ; coali Geschichte des Alten Testament,
tion against Assyria, 154; sought | 14 n., 17 n., 156 n., 171 n.
support of Arab tribes, 155 f., Hophra, King of Egypt, 251.
159 n. ; Sennacherib's campaign
against, 158 f. ; payment of tri- | Horeb, Elijah's flight to, 39, 96.
bute, 160, 164 ; prayer of, 166 ; | Hornstein, 152 n.
religious reforms, 175 f. ; death of,
179 f. ; buried in tombs of kings, Horse Gate, 261, 347.
195; 208 n. ; work completed by Horses, 9; introduced into Palestine
Tosiah, 220; 225, 242.
by Solomon, 57 ; 136. See vol. i.
Hezekiah's fortifications and walls, Hoşea, 123, 192, 230.
124, 134, 141, 151, 153.
Hoshea', king of Israel, 129, 130 n.
- Tunnel, 128.
Host of Heaven, worship of, 182,
Hieronymus of Kardia, 356, 357 n., 186 f., 187 n., 248, 260, 263.
379 n.
House of the daughter of Pharaoh,
High places, rural, 80.
59, 67.
General Index to Volume II.
595
House of Forest of Lebanon, 59, 68. Inscriptions, Egyptian, 16; Assyrian,
w of High Priest, 348, 571.
16, 129 n., 154 n.
- of the King, 67, 348.
Ioiadha, son of Eliashib, 362 n.
- of the Temple, 529.
Ionian coast visited by Herod, 480.
Houses in Jerusalem, 260.
Ipsus, battle of, 377.
Housetops in Jerusalem, 135, 137, Isaiah, 81, 122, 124; on panic in
163 f., 187, 322, 326, 441, 560. Jerus. during reign of Ahaz, 127 f.;
Huldah (weasel), 192 n.
chap. v. ; debt to Jerusalem, 132 ff.;
Huldah the prophetess, 201 n., 203, description of City, 134 ; and sur-
203n.
roundings, 135; of habits of people,
Gates of, in Herod's Temple, 517. 135 f. ; his character, 136 ; his
Huram-abi, 65 n.
ideals for the City, 137 f. ; his
Hyrkania, on Caspian Sea, Jewish visions of City, 134, 138; prediction
captives in, 359.
of her deliverance, 142; his in-
Hyrkania, fortress of Herod,481, 481n. consistencies, 144 ; his vision of
Hvrkanus, 424 ; son of Joseph (To Messiah, 145 f. ; his guidance of
biadæ), adherent of Ptolemies, City's policy, 148 ff. ; prophecy of
425; attacks Jerusalem, but retires Sennacherib, 161; mediator, 166;
beyond Jordan, 425; fortress of oracles of, 166; counsels to Heze-
Şûr, 425 f., 425 n. ; defies Seleucid kiah, 167-74; predictions verified,
authority, 427 ; remains of Şûr or 174 ; religious reforms, 175 ; his
Tyrus at 'Arak el-Emîr, 404.
ethical attitude after deliverance,
Hyrkanus I., or John Hyrkanus, 179; his practical genius, 179 ; his
459 f., 462.
death, 180, 192 ; work completed
II., 461, 461 n., 463.f. ; execu by Josiah, 192, 220; resemblances
tion of, 477.
with and differences from Jeremiah,
223f. ; carried City through Assyr-
IABITURI of Gaza, 1o.
ian invasion, 224; essentially of
Iaddua, 362 n.
Jerusalem, 226; 284, 290; account
Iankhamu, a deputy of King of of vision in Temple, 325, 394 ; on
Egypt, 12.
sacrifice, 532.
Iapahi of Gezer, a chief, 12.
Ishba‘al, death of, 29.
Iawan (Ionian), 368 f.
Ishtar, Babylonian deity, 186, 187 n.
Ibrahim Pasha, retreat of, 6.
Ismail, Khedive of Egypt, compari-
Idolatry in City, 132; in time of son with Herod, 473.
Isaiah, 136; in reign of Manasseh, Israel, Northern, submits to David,
182; 263.
29, 39; quiet under Solomon, 51,
Idrisi, Arab geographer, 570 n.
56; later discontent, 52; pilgrims
Idumea, 379 n.; conquest by Has of, 80; in reign of Asa, attracted
moneans, 459.
to Temple, 91; Nadab, King of,
Idumeans, 381, 382 n., 463, 476 n. 91; during time of Uzziah, 124 ;
Ili-milku (or Melk-ili), a deputy of under Jeroboam II., 126; under
King of Egypt, 12.
Ahaz, 126, 129, 131; 134, 141,
Image-makers, 259.
161; end of kingdom of, 148;
Immortality, doctrine of, 410.
people carried into exile, 148;
Incense, use of, in Temple, 307 f. ; Ahaz reduced by, 264.
307 n., 322 ; from Arabia, 484 ; | Israelite workmen, 54.
Altar of (Herod's Temple), 503, | Israelites, the, early occupation of
527 ; service of, 523, 523 n. ; 529, Palestine, 26 ff.
529 11.
Issus, battle of, 372 12., 373n.
Indus, the, 382, 480.
Istakhri, Arab geographer, 490 n.
Inner Court, the, 64.
Italians in Jerusalem in time of
Sanctuary, 519.8.
Herod, 483.
Temple (Herod I.'s), 513 f. l Ittai the Gittite, loyalty of, 36.
596
Jerusalem
Tafa, 55.
Ivory imported to Egypt, 9.
240 f.; escape under Jehoiakim,
242; first fall of Jerus., 247 ; not
JABNEH, 118 n.
carried into exile, 247; public
Jacob, blessing of, 94 n.
ministry resumed, 249; advises
Jaddua, high priest, 372, 373 n.
submission to Babylon, 251; second
siege of Jerus., 251; his conviction
Jaffa Gate, 124, 446.
of her doom, 252; his imprison-
Jahannum. See Hinnom.
ments, 253; songs on destruction
Jahweh, Book of the Wars of, 95 n. of City, 243 ff. ; elegy upon Jeco-
Jahwist Document, the, 95.
niah, 247 ; his hope for future of
James, 550.
the nation, 253 ; second fall of
- stoning of, 572 m.
Jerus., 254 ; his vision of Jerus.,
James and John, 561.
265; his account of captivity, 267 ;
Jamnia, 454 n.
285, 307, 310, 312, 325, 390, 524,
Jashar, Book of, 74, 95 n.
532, 551 ; Book of, 451.
Jason, 441, 490.
Jericho in time of Rehoboam, 89;
Jastrow, Relig. of Bab. and Assyr., 355.f., 359, 382; death of Aristo-
404 n.
bulus III. at, 476; Herod's palm
Jebel Deir Abu ļor, 493. See vol. i. / groves at, 476; seat of Herod,
Jebel-el-Fureidis, 481 n.
483; produce of, 484; 560; road
Jebus and Jebusites, 26 ff., 28, 28 n. from, 560 n.
Jebusites, inhabitants of Southern Jeroboam 1., 70 n.; disruption of
Palestine, 16 f. ; a Semitic people, kingdom, 85 f. ; establishment of
'18 f., 28 f., 37, 43, 91.
sanctuaries, 86; battle with Abi-
Jeconiah, 247, 250.
yah, 90.
Jehoaḥaz of Judah, 129 n.
II., King of Israel, 123, 126.
Jehoahaz, 390.
Jerome, ed. Larsow-Parthey, 564 n.,
Jehôhanan, son of Tobiyah, 337, 565 n., 566, 571 n.
339.
Jerusalem, her entry into history, 7;
Jehoiada the priest, 100 n., 102 ff., her early masters, 16; a strong
106 n., 108, 112.
fortress, 26, 34 ; choice as capital,
Jehoiakim, son of Josiah, 231, 242, 32 f. ; summary of her exaltation,
1 290.
Jehoram, son of Jehoshaphat, 96 N., Jeshana (or 'Ain Siniyeh), frontier of
97.
Abiyah's kingdom, 90.
King of Judah, 99.
Jeshua ben. Joșadak, high priest, 295,
King of Israel, 100.
297f., 300, 302.
Jehoshaphat, reign of, 96 ff.
Jeshua or Jason, brother of Onias,
Jehu, 100.
429 f. ; made high priest, 432;
Jensen, Kosmologie, 188 n.
driven away by Menelaus, 433 ;
Jerahmeel, 49 n.
took Jerus., 434 ; driven away by
Jeremiah, 5, 67, 81, 144, 179; on Antiochus, 434.
reign of Manasseh, 182; records Jesus, relation to the Law and the
worship of Host of Heaven, 187; Prophets, 542 f., 546; in the
dictates roll of prophecies, 189, Temple, 543 f. ; speaking of the
197 f., 216, 221 f. ; his resemblance Temple, 81; His parables, 544 ;
with and difference from Isaiah, prediction of the fall of Temple,
223 f. ; his appreciation of political 545; sense of significance, 546;
situation, 225; a man of the the influence of, 554 f. ; takes the
country, 226; his hope in the place of the Temple, 522.
country, 227 ; early home, 227 ; Jew and Greek, chap. xv.
call to prophecy, 228; his oracles, Jews, mixture of races, 17, 28.
232 f. ; his taunt songs, 234 f. ; Jewish records on Musri, 157 ; extent
predicts destruction of Temple, of territory under Persians, 355.ff. ;
246.
General Index to Volume II.
597
communities in Egypt and Syria, 186; annals of, 165; mountains
394.
of, 381.
Joab, son of Zeruiah, at Enrogel, 44; Judaism, main streams in, 539.
death of, 49.
Judas Maccabeus, 357, 382 n., 407,
Joash, King of Israel, 116, 117 n. ; 437 ., 454 f.
134, 153.
Justice by popular assembly, 68.
Joash, King of Judah, 103 f., 106 ff., Justin, 373 n., 374.
112.
Job, Book of, 353, 364, 366, 410. *KALANOI,'Indian philosophers, 370.
Job's Well (or Enrogel); 44.
Kamphausen, 29 n.
Joel, Book of, 353, 358, 369.
Kari, the, 101 n.
Johanan, 269.
Karnak, bas-relief at, 17.
Johanan, grandson of Eliashib, 360 n. Kas, in Asia Minor, 13 n. See the
John, or Jehonan, high-priest, grand two following.
son of Eliashib, 359.
Kashi, Egyptian garrison, 13.
John the Baptist, 562.
Kasian troops (mentioned by Abd-
John the Evangelist, mention of Khiba), 13 12., 16.
Gethsemane, 570.
Kașr el-'Abd, 425, 425 n.
Johns, Rev. Č. H. W., Assyrian Kașr Jâlûd, 487.
Deeds and Documents, 15 n., K.A.T.(3), 3rd edition of Schrader's
108 n., 182 n., 185 n., 404 12. Die Keilinschriften und das Alte
Jonah, Book of, 353, 364, 399, 416 f. Testament, by Zimmern and Win-
Jonathan Maccabeus, 381 f., 445, ckler, 15 n., 21 12., 25 n., 26 11.,
457.
30 n., 40 11., 49 11., 129 11., 130 n.,
Jonathan the Scribe, 253.
155 n., 184 n., 187 n., 438 12.
Joppa, 159, 300, 390, 563.
Kautzsch cited, 95 n., 165 n.
Jordan, the, 86, 254, 562.
Kedar, 322.
- Valley, foundries in, 54; tribes | Keil cited, 237.
across, 86.
Keilah, 355.
Joseph, son of Tobias, 424.
Keim cited, Jesus of Nazara, 572 n.,
Josephus. See Special Index.
574 n.
Joshua, execution of family of Achan, Kennedy, A. R. S., cited, 62 n.,
114.
78 ş., 360 n.
Josiah, accession of, 199; his charac Kennett cited, Journal of Theol.
ter, 199, 202; vassal of Ashur Studies, 205 12.
banipal, 200; his reforms, 188, Kent, Foster, Israel's Hist. and
201, 220, 225, 229, 254, 260; im Biogr. Narratives, 329 n.
pressed by Book of the Law, 202 f.; Kephar Ha'ammoni, 337.
his covenant before God, 203 ; con- | Ketoreth. See Incense.
centration of national worship in | Khabiri, the, II ff., 16.
Temple, 285, 290, 310.
Khan Badras (Patras), near Lydda,
Jotham, son of Uzziah, 118, 125 f., | 389 n.
134, 257.
Khatti, the, 16 n.
Jubilees, Book of, 536.
Khatuniyeh, the, 41 n.
Judah, Jerusalem its chief town, 35, Khaya, garrison from Egypt sent by,
52; a separate kingdom, 83 ff. ; 14.
Egyptian invasion of, 87 ; Nadab's Khazaniti, princes chosen by Pharaoh,
war against, 91 ; invasions of, by 21.
Arabs, 92; by Syria and Israel, Kheta or Khatti. See Hittites.
128; resists Hezekiah, 154; reli Khurbet Jedireh, 356.
ance on Egypt futile, 169, 172 ; Khurbet eş-Şar, 425, 425 n.
conquest by Sennacherib, 160, 169; Khurbet es-Sur, 425 n.
shrines destroyed by Assyrians, Kidron (Torrent), boundary of Jerus.,
174; traffic with Assyria, 182, | 42; idol burnt by Asa at, 90; 261,

598
Jerusalem
527.
356.
35.
263, 346, 438, 487, 506, 515, | LAKE OF HULEH, 55.
518 n., 561, 570, 570 n.
Lachish or Lakîsh, on Tell el-Amarna
Kidron (Valley), 44, 127 12., 194,
tablets, 13; fortified by Reho-
432 n., 452; Tombs in, 463.
boam, 89; Amaziah slain there,
Kikkar, the, suburban territory of 117; siege by Sennacherib, 154 n.,
Jerus., 355.
159 n., 161, 165.
Kinah, the (rhythm), 273, 289, Lagarde, 162 n.
292 n.
Lamentations, Book of, 271 f. ;
King, L. W., 183 n.
rhythm of, 273; translation of
King identified with priest, 534.
ch. ii., 274 ; of ch. iv., 279 ; 291.
Kings, Books of, 114, 117, 130, 151, Lamp in sanctuary, 63, 307, 384;
161; on reign of Manasseh, 181; 1 cf. 385 ; with seven branches, 503,
on reign of Josiah, 201 ; account of
fate of Jehoiakim, 247, 451. Languages of Syria under the Per-
King's—Forest, 335, 347; Friend, sians and in Greek Period, 389,
the, a royal official, 52 f. ; Garden, 1 395; in time of Herod, 480.
the, 260, 262; House, the, 59. Laodicea, Herod at, 477.
Kiponus, gate of Herod's Temple, Lapaya of Megiddo, a Canaanite
517.
chief, II.
Ķiriath-ye'arim, fortified town, 27, Latin words in Hebrew language,
484. f. ; kingdom of Jerus., 570.
Kirkpatrick, Prof., 304 n.
Lavers in Temple, 65 f., 76, 130,
Kislev, Seleucid month, 435.
309 n. ; in Herod's Temple, 506.
Kittel, Prof., on David's capture of Law, brought by Ezra, 345F. ; trans-
Jerus., 30, 85 12.; 104 n., 110 n., | lated into Greek, 386, 395; dis-
119 n., 154 n., 198 n.
ciples of Christ cling to, 563; of
Kittim, or Cyprus, 369.
Judaism, 539 f.
Kleinert, Stud. u. Krit., 412 n. | Law Book, discovery of, in 621 B.C.,
Klostermann, 62 n., 108 n., 118. 201 ff.; effect upon Josiah, 204 ;
Knudtzon, 8 12., 25 n.
contents of, 205f.
Koheleth, 418 n. See Ecclesiastes. | Lebanon, mines in, 54, 54 n.;
König, Einleitung, 410 n.
cedars, 54, 295; House of the
Kosters, Theol. Tijdschrift, 66 n.; Forest of, 59, 68.
Het Herstel van Israel, 296; on | Lebanons, 379, 379 r.
Book of Ezra, 296, 298.
Le Bas and Waddington, Inscrip-
Kreyenbuhl, 574 n.
tions Grecques et Latines, etc.,
Kuë (or Cilicia), horses from, 57. | 469 n.
See vol. i.
Legerius, Lake of, 127 n.
Kuemmel, Herr, Materialien zur Legionary Camp, 490.
Topogr. des alten Jerus., 447 n., Lejá, the, 474.
449. See vol. i.
Leontopolis, 393 n., 397.
Kuenen, 85 n., 165 n., 166 n. ; Leprosy, of Uzziah, 117 f. ; Levitical
Gesammelte Abhandlungen, 187 n.; laws on, 404 n. ; and Jesus, 543.
206 n; Onderzoek, 416 n.
Le Strange, Pal. under the Moslems,
Kuriet el-'Eynab, 55.
490 n., 570 n.
Kurzer Hand-Commentar, 29 n.; Lesbos, visited by Herod, 480.
Dr. Marti in, 145 n.
Levant, Kings of, subject to Assyria,
Kush, 149 n.
184; 359.
Kushites, Egyptian garrison, 13 ; see Levies of labour, under Solomon,
Kas, Kashi; the invasion of, in
54.
reign of Asa, 92.
Levites, 109, 341 f., 345, 355, 363,
Kușr Bsher, 574 n.
520, 523 n., 526, 558.
Kypros, citadel near Jericho built by Levy, N'euhebr. und Chald. Wörter-
Herod, 481.
buch, 402 n., 418 11., 435 11., 440 n.,
General Index to Volume II.
599
464 n., 469 n., 565 n., 566 n., Macedonians in Samaria, 374, 388;
575 n.
392, 392 n.
Lewin, Sketch of Jerus., 565 n. Machærus, fortress of, 481, 481 n.
Libnah, 99, 167 n.
Mackintosh, Christ and the Jewish
Liſtā, 355.
Law, 542.
Lightfoot, John, Descript. Templi Madaba, 426 n.
Hierosolymitani, etc., Ministerium | Madrid, comparison with Jerusalem
Templi, 502 n., 506 n., 509 n., as being chosen for capital, 35.
523 n., 567 12.
Magnificat, the, 524.
- Bishop J. B., Biblical Essays, Mahaffy, Greek World under Roman
564 n., 566 n.
Sway; Greek Life, Empire of the
Loaves of the Presence, 527, 529. Ptolemies, 372 n., 374 n., 375 12. .
See Shew bread.
Maimonides, 502 n., 504 n.
Locksmiths, 260.
Makkeru, 107 n.
Locusts, 358.
Maktesh, or Mortar, 260.
Lod, or Lydda, 356. See Lydda. 'Malachi,' 316 f., 330, 332.
Löhr cited, 278 n.
Malchiah, 253, 259.
Lower City, of Josephus, 448; 485; Manasseh, accession of, 180; vassal
on East Hill, 556.
of Assyria, 182; captivity in
Lower Court of Temple, 256.
Babylon, 184, 186 ff. ; his idola-
Lower Pool, 135.
tries, 176, 186 f., 190 n. ; per-
Lower Temple, 518.
secuted monotheism, 191; "his
Lucian's Greek version of O.T., | buildings, 194; his burial, 195;
16 n., 40 n., 62 n., 112 n.
225, 263 f., 267, 286, 307.
Luke, the Evangelist, 523 f., 569; Manetho, Egyptian priest, quoted,
mention of Gethsemane, 570; 573. 3, 382 n., 401, 401 n., 420 n.
Luschan, Dr. von, 17.
Maʻon, 355. ;
Luynes, Duc de, Voyage, 426 n. Marcus Agrippa, the friend of Herod,
Lycia, corsairs of, 9.
472, 478 f., 481, 481 n., 503.
Lydda, 356, 381, 563.
Marcus Scaurus, 465, 467.
Lydia, 390 n.
Marduk, Babylonian deity, 65, 294.
Lysias, General, 381 n., 454 n., 456. Mareshah, or Marissa, fortified by
Lysimachus of Alexandria, 3 n.; of Rehoboam, 88; Asa's victory at,
Jerusalem, 433.
92; Idumean, 355; Hellenised by
a Phænician colony, 381 ; 388..
MAAKAH, daughter of Absalom, wife | Mariamme, wife of Herod, grand-
of Rehoboam, 89 f., 89 n., 90 n. I daughter of Hyrkanus II., 474. ff.;
Maʻaseyahu ben-Shallum, 257.
name, 476 n.; execution of,
Macalister, Mr. R. A. S., discoveries 477.
at Gezer, 55, 185. See vol. i. Mariamme, another wife of Herod,
Maccabee, the name, 437 n., 438 n. 475.
Maccabees, time of, 304, 350, 356 f., Mariamme, tower built by Herod,
395, 502 ; revolt of, 419; ch. xvi. ; 1 487, 487 n.
Jerusalem in time of, 438 ff. ; | Marissa. See Mareshah.
Psalms of, 360 f. ; shooting instru- Maritime plain, 562.
ments, 122; books of, 420 n., 437 Mark, the Evangelist, 568 f., 573.
n. ; First Book of, 445, 447 f., 450, See Special Index on Scripture.
460 ; Second Book of, no mention | Mark Antony, 467, 472, 499.
of Ezra, 329.
| Marti, Prof., cited, 145, 146 12.,
Macdonald, George, Greek Coins in 162 n. ; on Isaiah xxii. 11-
Hunterian Collection, 387 n..,388n., 14, 163; on the Calendar, 189;
430 n.
293 12.
Macedonia, Alexander's dream in, Martineau, The Seat of Authority,
372, 375; games in, 430.
553 n.
600
Jerusalem
Masada, fortress of, 481, 483. Mesopotamia, recognition of Amen-
Maspero, 53 n.
hotep III. as sovereign of Syria, 6;
Massacre in Jerus. under Antiochus Northern, 7; influence on Pales-
Epiphanes, 434.
tine, 184; colonists in Samaria,
Maşşeboth, or sacred pillars, 63; for 185; 376, 379.
bidden by Deut., 212; 309. Messiah, 521; name, 533 n., 534 n.;
Masterman, Dr., cited, 127 n., 128, personal power of, 533; and Pro-
152 n., 447 n.
phecy, 541; Jesus knew Himself
Mas'ûdi, 570 n.
to be, 547 f.; 552 ; in Apocalypse,
Mattaniah or Zedekiah, vassal of 561.
Nebuchadrezzar, 247.
Messianic hope, 147 n.
Mattathias, father of Judas Macc., | Metals, precious, deposited in Temple,
438 n.
109; workers, 260. See vol. i.
Maudslay's Scarp, 72.
Meʻūnim, tribe of, 119.
Maximonas, Bishop, 569.
Meyer, 574 n.
Mazæus, Satrap, 354.
Micah the Morasthite, 179, 242.
Mazzāloth (Babylonian), 188.
Micaiah ben-Gemariah, 258.
M‘Curdy, Hist. Proph. and the Monu Michaelis, 289 n.
ments, 198 n.
Michmash, or Mikmash, Valley of, 92.
Meah, tower, 348 n.
Midian, 322.
Meal-offering, 523 12.
Midrash on Ecclesiastes, 565 n.
Mecca, its shrine compared with Rock Miķdash, or sanctuary, 510 n.
eş-Şakhra, 60.
Mikmash, 457.
Medes, 229.
Military employment open to Jews
Media, Sennacherib's campaign to- abroad, 391.
wards, 154.
Millo, the, 26 n., 40 f., 40 12., 41 n.,
Medicine, introduction of Greek, | 45, 70 f., 112, 112 n., 153, 153 n.
404 f., 404 n.
Mishneh, or second town, 260, 260 n.
Mědinah, Jewish province, 354.
See vol. i.
Mediterranean, 378 f., 478, 480. See Mishor, or plain, 119, 119 n.
vol. i.
Mişpah, or Mizpah, 92, 261, 271,
Megasthenes, 401 n.
354 f., 354 n., 455.
Megiddo, battles of, 6, 246; fortified Misr, or Misraim, Egypt, 88 n., 156,
by Solomon, 55 f., 203 n., 231 f. | 156 n. See also under Mușr.
Meinhold, Jesaia und seine Zeit, | Missionary conscience among Jews,
166 n., 171 n., 277 n.
398.
Mekonộth, lavers in Solomon's Mitanni, state in Northern Mesopo-
Temple, 66.
tamia, 7, II.
Melk-ili, rebel to Egypt, 14 f. Mitchell, Prof., Journal of Bibl. Lit.,
Melki-Şedek, King of Salem, 25.
207 n.
Melukhkha, .in N. Arabia, 155 n. ; Mitinti, King of Ashdod, 160.
King of, 155, 158 f.
Mizpah. See Mispah.
Menahem, usurper, King of Israel, Mnaseas of Patras, Greek writer,
126.
420 n.
Menander of Ephesus, 382 n. Moab, 55, 97, 129 n., 149, 184,
Menelaus of Tobiada, 433 f.; 435 n. 208 n., 247, 249, 269, 340; Greek
Menzies, Prof., Review of Theol. and settlements in, 389.
Phil., 144 n.
Moffat, Dr. James, on Bethesda,
Mercy-Seat, 528.
564 n.
Merj el-Hammâm, 426 n.
Moked, the house, 518 n.
Merodak Baladan, Chaldean chief, Molek, or Molech, 263, 263 n., 264 n.
King of Babylon, 149, 153.f. | Möller, 205 n.
Merrilī, Dr., East of the Jordan, Moloch, worship of, 319.
426 n. See vol. i.
Mommert, Topographie des alten
General Index to Volume II.
601
Jerus., 346 12., 347 n., 446 n., | Muşri, in N. Syria, horses from,
461 12., 566 12. ; Die Dormitio, etc., / 57. See vol. i.'
568 n.; Das Prätor, des Pilatus, Musri, Mușr, or Mușuri, the southern:
574 n.
the question whether this be Egypt,
Mommsen, Hermes, 574 12.
or Asiatic Egypt, or an Arabian
Monotheism-under Solomon, 73 f., land and kingdom, 155.f. See also
80 ff.; of Hezekiah's prayer, 166; 88 n., 149, 149 n.
the Temple its safeguard, 177; of Mût, Egyptian deity, 20 %.
Isaiah and Hezekiah, 190 p.; Mycenæ, 367.
established in Israel under Josiah, Mytilene, Herod at, 478.
203; enforced by Deut., 211; of
Jews, 310 f., 396 f., 398, 401, NABATEANS' invasion of Judah, 93 ;
409 f., 420 N., 423, 527 f.; of 356, 464 f., 482. See also vol. i.
prophets, 553.
Nabonidus, 294.
Montefiore, Bible for Home Reading, Naboth and his sons, 115.
531 n.
Nadab, son of Jeroboam, 91.
Montesquieu, Esprit des Lois, 372 n. Nagel, Der Zug des Sanheribs gegen
Moore, G. F., Enc. Bibl., 25 n., ' Terus., 155 n., 157 n., 159 n.,
96 n., 101 n., 205 n., 206 n., 165 n., 166 n.
264 12.
Nahal, the, 151. See also vol. i.
Moral sense, growth of, among people Nahum, 198.
of Judah, 133, 553 ff.; cf. on the Name of Jerusalem, 4. See also
Temple Ritual, 530€.
vol. i.
Morrison, W. D., Jews under Roman Naos, or House of the Temple (also
Rule, 464 n.
used in a wider sense), 500, 501 n.,
Moses bringing people from Egypt, 3. L 502, 504 12., 506 n.
Moslem castle in Jerus., 490.
Napoleon, invasion of Palestine, 371.
Moslems hold site of Cænaculum, Nathan the prophet, 76.
570.
National Covenant, 551.
Mosque of Omar, 58, 60.
National freedom, growth of the spirit
Mountain, of the House, 517 ; of the of, 419.
House of the Lord, 524.
Nebaioth, 322.
Mount-Casius, 354; Ephraim, site of Nebuchadrezzar, master of Western
Samaria, 93 ; Gerizim, 351; Heres, Asia, 246 ; first siege of Jerus.,
188 n. ; 'Moriah,' 3, 58. See vol. i. 247 ; supremacy over City, 247,
Mount of Olives, 228, 262, 389, 518, 250 ; second siege, 251 ; destruc-
560 f., 570. See vol. i.
tion of Jerus. and carrying people
Mount Şion, 58, 134, 174, 455 f., captive, 266 ff. ; 273, 286 ; destruc-
457. See vol. i.
tion of Temple, 305; 333, 361.
Mukaddasi, 490 n.
Neby Daûd, 568.
Mules, 57. See vol. i.
Neby Samwil, 92. See Mizpah.
Müller, C., Fragmenta Historicorum Neby Yunus, inscription of Senna-
Graecorum, 3 n., 384 n., 393 n., cherib, 154 n.
401 n., 406 n., 407 n., 420 n.,
Necho, 246.
431 n., 439 n., 460 N., 462 n., Necromancy, 135.
475 n., 476 12.
Negeb, the, 55, 269, 318.
Müller, W. M., Asien u. Europa Nehemiah-on the 'Ophel, 125; 306,
and Enc. Bibl., 15 n., 19. f., 20 n., 309, 316, 319 f. ; Book of, 327 f.;
22 n., 88 n., 156 n., 157 n., 183 11., his memories, 328 f., 350 ; history
198 n., 251 n.
of, 332 f.; cup-bearer of Ar-
Multitude, the, 573, 577. See vol. i. taxerxes, first visit to Jerus., 332,
Music, of the Temple, 363, 520; 335; rebuilt walls, 332, 346;
Greek introduction of, 403 ; 403 n. governor of province, 332, 334. ff. ;
Musical instruments, 403 n.
appointed gate-keepers and police,
.
ho2
Jerusalem
336; his enemies, 336 ff.; con- ' mentar, etc., 25 m., 61 n., 410 n.,
spiracies against, 339 ; his policy / 418 n.
and reforms, 340; his individuality, Nubia, building in, 6..
341 ; his laws, 351; mention of Nysa. See Beth-shan.
Jericho, 357; second visit to Jerus.,
354 ; 362, 444, 515.
OAKS, 135.
Nehushtan, the idol, 175.
Obadiah, Rabbi, of Bartenora, 502 n.,
Nephtoah. See Netôphah.
506 n., 518 1.
Nergal - sareșer, Babylonian prince, Octavian, 477.
185 n.
Officers of court and household under
Nergal-sharuşur, Assyrian notary at David, 52; under Solomon, 52 f.
Gezer, 185.
Oil exported from Egypt, 9.
Nero, 501 n.
Old Pool, the, 135.
Nestle, 453 n. (2. A. 7. W.).
Olives, 135, 351, 484; Mount of,
Nethinim, house of the, 348.
45. See Olivet.
Netêphah, 355:
Olivet, 560, 560 n., 571.
Neubauer, Géog. du Talmud, 261 n., | Olshausen, Zur Topog. des alten
534 n.
Jerus., 447 n.
Nevin, Dr., 446 n.
Olympian games endowed by Herod,
Nicholson, John, and the Punjabees, 474, 492.
343 n.
| Omri, 91 N., 93, 97, 129 n.; and
Nicodemus, 559 n.
Samaria, 374, 482.
Nicolaus of Damascus, Histories, Oniadæ, high priest's family, 424.
475 n.
Onias (Johanan) 1., high priest, 386.
Nicopolis benefited by Herod, 474.
- II., high priest, 386.
Niebuhr, C., Die Amarna Zeit in -
III., high priest, 428 f.
Der alte Orient, 8 n., II N., 13 n., - IV., high priest, and the
88 n.
Temple at Leontopolis, 393 n.
Niese, B., Kritik der beiden Mak-
L a saint, 464.
kabäerbücher and edition of the Ono, plain of, 339, 356.
works of Josephus, 438 n., 454 n., Ophannim, 76 n.
466 n., 469 n.
Ophel, the, 40 f., 45 n., 46, 125,
Nikanor, 451 n., 456 f.
127 n., 151, 194, 347, 452, 517,
Nikanor, Gate of, 512.
518 n. See vol. i.
Nile, communication with Euphrates, Ophir, 98 n. See vol. i.
8; commerce upon, 186; 376. Oracles of Balaam, 94.
Nimrud Inscription, 129 n.
Ordnance Survey, 59.
Nineveh, 157 n., 160 f., 165, 167, Origen, C. Celsun, 401 n.
182 n., 184, 378.
Origin of City, legends of, 3.
Ninib, a deity, 25 n. See Bet Ninib. Orontes, river, 251, 354, 379.
Nisroch, a deity, 167.
| Orosius cited, 359 n.
Nitzotz, the Gate, 61 n.
Orr, Prof., Problem of the Old Test.,
Nob, 262 ; hill of, 135.
206 n.
Nobles, Jewish, under Persian rule, Osnappar, 185 n.
362. See vol. i.
Other, or Middle, Court, 64, 67.
Northern Israel, fall of, 83; 87, | Ottley, Hist, of the Heb., 27 n.,
95; turns to religion of Jahweh, 30 n.
100 ; 129 n. ; exile of, 174, 177; | Outer Court of Herod's Temple,
annihilated by Assyria, 225.
North road, villages on, 135. Outer Sanctuary, 520.
North Wall, 438. See vol. i. Oxen exported from Egypt, 9.
North-West Hill, 438, 440, 446, 449,
See vol. i.
PADI, of 'Ekron, vassal of Assyria,
Nowack, Hebr. Archäol., Hand.Con- 154 f., 158, 160.
Cvije of, 174, +
50%. Sanctuary. m Egypt, 9.
General Index to Volume II.
603
Pagan elements in history of Jeru- | Perdiccas, ruler under Alexander,
salem, 37 f., 65, 75 ff., 90 f., 99, | 375 f. ; selection of Samaria as
101 f., 112, 126 f., 135, 175, 182, capital, 482.
186 f., 190, 220, 248, 432 f., 435, | Perrot and Chipiez, Hist. of Art in
453.
Sardinia, Judæa, etc., 502 n.
Palace — under Solomon, 67, 70 ; | Persecutions, of Monotheism under
under 'Athaliah, 103 ; treasures of, Manasseh, 192; under Antiochus
109 ; despoiled by Ahaz, 129;1 Epiphanes, 434 ff.
position in time of Jeremiah, 258 f. ; | Persian Gulf, 153.
destroyed by Babylonians, 270, Persian-veto upon rebuilding City's
444; not rebuilt after Exile, 309 f. ; walls, 193 f. ; treatment of Jeru-
possible use of site under Nehemiah, salem, 332 f. ; guards accompanied
347; of Hasmoneans, 461, 463; Nehemiah, 344.
surrendered to Pompey, 466 ; Satrapy of Abar-Nahărah in-
built by Herod, 488 f.
cluded Palestine, 354 ; governors
Palestine States —- coalition under of Judah, 354 f., 354 n., 359 f.
Hezekiah against Assyria, 150, Empire, fall of, 350 f. ; settlers
154 f. ; Sennacherib's campaign in Palestine, 358 f. ; defeated by
against, 154 ff., 161 ; southern Egypt, 360; high priests' fealty to
occupation of, 16f.
rule of, 372 ; court, 332, 391.
Palm-groves, Herod's, at Jericho, Period, 294 ff.; chs. xii. -xiv. ;
476 n.
353, 356 f., 368,-410, 410 n., 502.
Paneas, battle of, 380.
See further Cyrus, Darius, Xerxes
Parables of Jesus, do not reflect and Artaxerxes.
Inner Temple or priestly ritual, Persius quoted, 476 n.
561.
Peshitto cited, on Bethesda, 564 n.
Parthians, conquest of Jerusalem, Peter, 568.
- 467.
Peters and Thiersch, Painted Tombs
Pashhur, overseer of Temple, 258. in Necropolis of Marissa, 388 n.
Passover, census taken at, 397 n., Petra, of Edom, 171 n. ; Nabatean
464; the last, 559, 559 n.
capital, 116.
Patras, 389.
Petrie, W. M. Flinders, 157 n.
Paul in Jerusalem, 497; and the Pharisee and Publican, 544.
person of Christ, 552.
| Pharisees, 400, 558, 572 n. See
Paura, an Egyptian official, 13.
vol. i.
Pavement, the,' 573, 575.
Phasael, tower built by Herod, 487,
P.E.F. (Palestine Exploration Fund)| 487 n., 488 n., 489 f., 490 n.
Map, 494 n.
Phasaelis, town founded by Herod,
- Memoirs, 61 n., 425 n., 426 n.,
427 n., 461 n., 462 n., 463 n., Philadelphia, Rabbath 'Ammôn, 389.
488 n., 489 n., 498 n.
Philip, a Phrygian, given command of
- Portfolio, 59 n., 498 n. See the Akra by Antiochus, 434.
vol. i.
Philip, son of Herod, 478.
P.E.F.Q. (Palestine Expl. Fund, Philip 11. of Spain, 35 22.
Quarterly Statement), 41 n., 55 n., Philistia, 129 1., 154, 159 n. ; Has-
185 n., 446 n., 447 n., 450 n., monean campaign in, 459.
481 n., 502 1.
Philistines attack David, 29 f. ; his
Pehah, or Persian governor, 295. I campaigns against, 32 f. ; Nadab's
Pekah, King of Israel, 126, 129, war against, 91; invade Judah
130 n.
under Jehoram, 99, 116, 118, 128 f.;
Pella, 389; flight to, 568.
appropriate Jewish lands, 197 ; of
.Pelusium, 373 N., 390.
Cretan origin, 368; Hellenised,
Pentecost, 456, 559; place of, 570. 381, 422, 422 17.
Pentateuch, 353.
Philistine Plain, 14 n.


604
Jerusalem
Philo, Judæus, cited, 394, 397 n., | Political employment open to Jews
519 n., 527 n., 574..
Labroad, 391.
Philo, Jewish poet, who wrote in Polybius cited, 3719., 372 n., 379 n.,
Greek, 407, 462.
380 n., 382 n., 430 f., 430 no,
Philometor, 393 n.
431 n., 432 N., 435 n.
Philosophers, the name applied to Pompeia, Lucilia, 566 n.
Jews by Greeks, 370, 401, 401 n. Pompey-in Armenia, 465; in Damas-
Philosophy of Greeks and Jews, 400 f., cus, 459 n., 465; besieges Jeru-
406 f., 411 f. (Ecclesiastes), 416; 1 salem, 461, 466, 466 n.
philosophic terms borrowed by Popilius Lænas, Roman ambassador,
Hebrew from Greek, 485; Greek 435.
philosophy and Christianity, 553. Population of Jerus.—its mixed char-
Philoteria, 389.
acter, 36; increase under David,
Phoenicia, 93, 123; Sennacherib's 36 f., 43; under Solomon, 57 ;
campaign against, 154, 158; roused foreign elements in, 124, 134; in
against Assyria, 184; 190; part of reign of Manasseh, 193 ; estimate
Persian satrapy, 354 ; 379 n.
of number carried off by Nebu-
Phænician--ships, 9; workmen, 41, chadrezzar, 267 f. ; in the Exile,
54, 56, 62 ; worship, 91, 263 ; 269; under Nehemiah, 349; under
influence in Jerusalem under 'Atha Persian rule, 361 ; picture of, under
liah, 101 ; people, 260 ; 295, 300, the Ptolemies, 385; number of,
319, 368, 479.
under Herod, 486.
- Cities, 358; coinage, 388 n. Population of Judah in 701 B.C., 266 f.
-- States revolt from Persia, 360. Porch of Temple, 501 f., 504 n.,
- letters on Temple walls, 516 f. 506, 516, 527, 529.
See vol. i.
Porphyrius, 460 n.
Phrourion, the, 488 n.
Porphyry, de Abstinentia, 401 n.
Phrygia, 390 n.
Posidonius of Apamæa, 3 n., 379 n.,
Pierotti, Jerusalem Explored, 446 n. 420 n.
See vol. i.
Potter, parable of the, 239, 242 ;
Pietschmann, Gesch. der Phönizier, | vessel of the, 239, 243; house of
62 n.
the, 259.
Pigeons, named after Herod, 469 n. ; | Poverty of City, 563. See also vol. i.
kept by Herod, 489.
Prætorium, the, 557, 562, 573.ff.
Pilate, 573. f., 578.
Prásěk, Sanherib's Feldzüge gegen
Pilgrimage-Jerusalem not a centre | Juda; Mitteilungen der Vorder-
of, in earlier times, 39, 80, 96; asiatischen Gesellschaft, 156 n.,
begins under Deuteronomy, 222, 160 n., 167 n., 169 n.
253; in Persian Period, 359; in Preacher, the. See Ecclesiastes.
Greek Period, 396 f. ; in our Lord's | Precious stones, export from Eu-
time, 559.
phrates, 9. See also vol. i.
Pilista, 129 n. See Philistia.
Price, Ira M., The Monuments and
Pillared hall, 59.
| the Old Testament, 154 n., 155 n.
Pillars in Temple Porch, 75.
Priests and Priesthood-sketch of
Pisans, castle of the, 490.
the development of the office,
Plato, 407 f.
526 f. ; at first ministers of the
Plethron, 442 n.
oracle, 526; in Jerusalem under
Pliny cited, 476 n. ; tribute to the the kings became legislators, 81;
Roman Empire, 479.
and men of affairs, 133; rural
Plummer on St. Luke, 542 n.
priests brought to Jerusalem,
Plumptre on Ecclesiastes, 411 n.
220 ff. ; attitude to Jeremiah,
Plutarch cited, 3 n., 371 N., 464 n., 241; lodges of, 257, 348; in
476 n.
Lamentations, 272, 281 ; in Second
Police, 346 n. See vol. i.
Temple---political power, 316,
General Index to Volume II.
605
16 f.
362; "Malachi' on their laxity, | Ptolemy 11. (Philadelphus), 379; his
319; hostility to Nehemiah, 339, development of commerce, 392;
345; their temptations in Greek his favours to Jews, 392 n. ; his
Period, 432; and intrigues, 433 ff.; library, 406.
their devotion, 466.f. ; in the third -- 111. (Euergetes), 379; sacrifices
Temple—their organisation, 523 n.; in Temple, 393 n.
predominantly ministers of expia IV. (Philopator), 379 n., 380.
tion, 526; of our Lord's time, 526, v. (Epiphanes), 380, 430 n.
543; associated with Sadducees, VI. (Philometor), and the
557 ; military discipline and cour temple at Leontopolis, 393 n. ;
age, 558; their zeal and blindness, patron of Jews, 393 n., 407,
578; Court of Priests, 505 ff. 420 n.; and Antiochus Epi-
PriestlyCode, 306, 308, 345, 353, 362). phanes, 434 n., 435 n.
Document, describes Hittites, - VII. (Euergetes II.), 393 n.
VIIT. (Lathyrus), 397 n.
Writer, description of Temple,66. Purves, Hastings' D.B., 574 n.
Princes of people, treatment of Jere-
miah, 241 f., 253, 258.
QUARESMIUS, 564 n. See vol. i.
Probatikē, 565, 565 n.
Quintus Curtius, 289 n.
Procurator's tribunal, 576.
Projecting tower, 348.
RABBATH 'AMMÔN, 389.
Prophecyin regard to Judaism, 539 n.; Rabbis, Jewish, 478, 528.
ideals of worship, 533; hope of | Rabsaris, the, 165 n.
personal mediator, 533, 535. Rabshakeh, Assyrian chief minister,
Prophets, 46, 144, 179, 353, 377, 127, 165 n., 167 f., 172 f., 177 n.
387 n., 402.
Ramah of Benjamin, fortress of N.
Proverbs, Book of, 353, 366, 409. Israel under Baʻsha, 90, 91 f.;
Psalmists, 81, 402.
conspicuous to Jeremiah, 228,
Psalms, date of certain, 353; for 261.
Temple services, 353; liturgical, 1 Ramathaim, a Samaritan toparchy,
363, 376; pilgrim, 363, 439; / 381.
Seven Psalms of the Tamid, 523, Rameses II., 16 f.
527, 530.
- III., 16.
Psalms of Solomon on siege by Pom- Ramoth-Gilead, battle of, 97.
pey, 463 n., 466 n. ; Apocalypse, Ramsay, Sir William R., Galatians,
536 ; on the Messiah, 538.
229 n.; Cities of St. Paul, 372 n.,
Psametik 1., of Egypt, 183, 198.
393 n., 430 n., 432 n.
Psephinus, tower built by Herod, Raphia, battle of, 156 f., 380.
487.
Rassam Cylinder, 154 n.
Pseudo-Aristeas, or Letter of Aristeas | Ravine of Salt, 115.
to Philokrates, 352, 384 n., 393 n.,
Rawlinson, Sir Henry, Herodotus,
407, 442 f., 447.
etc., 129 n., 170 n.
Pseudo-Hecatæus, 384 n., 439 n. Rechabites, 247.
Ptolemais, 390. See Akko.
Records of the Past, 154 n., 182 n.,
Ptolemies, the, 350, 357, 375, 380, 183 n.
383, 388 f., 392 n., 410 12., 421, Recovery of Jerus., 59 n., 60 n., 61 N.,
425, 435 n.
498 12., 518 12. See vol. i.
Ptolemy !. (Soter), son of Lagus, ob Redpath, Dr., 440 n.
tains Egypt, 375; invades Pales | Red Sea, 97 f., 155 12., 378, 392.
tine, takes Jerusalem, and leads Rehoboam, disruption of kingdom,
Jewish captives to Egypt, 351, 361, 84 f., 134, 147.
376, 390 n. ; the stability of the Reinach, Textes dAuteurs Grecs et
dynasty he founded, restores his Romains, etc., Textes relatifs au
captives, 392 n,
Judaïsme, etc., 359 n., 372 n.,


606
Jerusalem
384 n., 397 n., 401 n., 420 n., 1 480; garrison and procurator in
439 n., 463 n., 526 n.
Jerus., 557 ; 563. See vol. i.
Reland, Palestine, 565 n. See vol. i. Roofs of houses. See Housetops.
Remnant, the, of the people, Isaiah's Rost, on date of Hezekiah, 180 n.
watchword, 127, 143, 174, 224, Rückert, Die Lage des Berges Sion,
226; a suffering remnant, 192. 347 n., 446 n.
Renan, Histoire, 328 n., 329 n. Ruth, Book of, 353.
Rephaim, Plain of, 33, 262.
Ryle and James, 464 n., 536 n.
Rěşîn, or Raşon, of Damascus, 126. Ryle, Hastings' D.B., 205 n. ; Ezra
Return of Jews from Babylon, 226, and Neh., Cambridge Bible, 319 n.,
295, 312 f., 331 f. See Babylonian 328 no
Exile.
Revenues of Temple, 107. See vol. i. SABBATH, the, 135, 362, 376, 402,
Review of Theology and Philosophy, 420, 422, 435, 466, 476 n., 543,
231 n.
572, 572 n.
Rhodes, Herod at, 477, 480.
Sabbatic year, 456, 468 n., 558.
Rhodians, 369.
Sabean, place-name, 261 n.
Riblah, on the Orontes, 251, 254. Sabinus, 491 n.
Ritual, Jewish, in Persian Period, de- Sachau and the Papyri from Elephan-
veloped and applied to routine of tine, 355 n.
life, 362 f. ; in Greek Period, 386, Sacred Books of the Old Testament
397 ; attitude of Greeks to, 420; (S.B.O.T.), 48 n., 141 n., 162 n.,
in Third Temple, 522 ff. ; ethical! 163 n., 201 n.
effects, 530; attitude of the Prophets Sacred year, 522.
to, 522 ; in the later Apocalypses, Sacrifices, 60, 64, 66, 79, 135; of
538 ; attitude of Jesus to, 542 ff. children, 126, 264; limited by
Rix, Herbert, Tent and Testament, Deuteronomy to Central Sanctuary,
61 n., 446 n., 566 n., 567 n.
212.1., 397; during the Exile, 270;
Roads about Jerusalem, 36, 43 f., 45, in Persian Period, 351, 362 ; said
55f., 135, 228, 483, 489, 560 n., to have been made by Alexander,
562 f.
Roads of Palestine under Romans, of Egyptians to, 401; Ecclesiastes
479; and Herod, 492 n.
on, 422; heathen sacrifices in
Robinson, Edward, Biblical Re Temple, 436, 453 ; legal sacrifices
searches, etc., 61 n., 382 11., 446 n., resumed, 455; in the Third Temple,
447 n., 461 n., 517, 567 n., 570 n. 506, 522 f., 527 f., 530 f. ; de-
See vol. i.
velopment of the system, 526;
Rock, the, eş-Şakhra, used for sacri offered by Gentiles, 525; the
fice, 64 ; 67.
prophets on, 532 f.; and the Essenes,
531 n.; and the Apocalypses, 538;
Rodwell, translation of Bull inscrip and Christianity, 526 f., 542 f.,
tion, 154 n.
547 f., 552; smoke of sacrifices,
Rogers, Prof., Hist. of Babyl. and 520, 528 f.
Assyria, 154 n., 171 n., 198 n. Sacrilege by Tobiadæ, 433.
Röhricht, R., Regesta Regni Hiero- Sadducees, 464, 557, 572, 572 n.
solymitani, 570 n.
Sadoķ, high priest, 25, 49, 227,
Rome, first interference with Egypt | 424 n.
and Palestine, 435; first appear-Salem, 25 n.
ance at Jerusalem, 463, 465 ff. ; Samaria—the town, rise of, under
influence on Israel, 478 f. ; centre 'Omri, 93 f. ; comparison with
of politics and trade, 479; con Jerus., 94; fall of, 83, 130 n., 131,
struction of roads, 479; control of 148, 169, 180 n., 266 ; seat of
Mediterranean, 480 f.; common government under Persians, 354,
system of law over civilised world, 355 n. ; under Alexander, 373 n. ;
General Index to Volume II.
607
capital for Greek authorities, 374; | 374 n., 384 n., 389 n., 406 11.,
rebuilt by Perdiccas, 376; 376 n., | 408 n., 409 n.
378, 380 ; Mount of, 422; 454 n. ; Schrader, Die Keilinschriften und
rebuilt by Herod, 477, 482. See das alte Testament, etc., 8 n., 49 n.,
Sebaste.
130 n., 154 n., 155 n., 160 n.,
Samaria—the country, to be dis- / 170 n., 187 n.
tinguished from the town, 374 n. ; Schürer, Prof., Geschichte des Jüd.
its openness, 57 ; alone left to N. Volkes, etc., 372n., 384 n., 389 n.,
Israel, 129, 129 n. ; Mesopotamian 406 n., 407 n., 408 n., 430 n.,
colonists, 185; idolatry, 190; 435 n., 438 n., 441 n., 447 n.,
Jeremiah on, 243; pilgrims from, 468 n., 469 n., 475 n., 478 n.,
to Jerus., 270; ạ satrapy, 379 r., 484 n., 500 n., 523 n., 525 n.,
391; conquest by Hasmoneans, 531 n., 534 n., 536 n., 574 n.
459.
Schwally, F., Book of Kings, etc.,
Samaritans, 295, 269, 299 f.,.316 r., 48 n., 181 n., 201 n.
3I8, 335 , 351 , 356, 376 2. , Scopas, recovered Palestine from
381, 393 n., 408, 422, 476 n.
Egypt, 380.
Sameas, member of Sanhedrin, Scopus, 92, 373 n.
470.
Scourging, pillar of, 570.
Sanballat the Horonite, 336, 337 n., Scribes, an organised body; 364;
356, 373.
365 f. ; power of, 386 f.
Sanday, Prof., cited (Sacred Sites of Scythians, the, 229, 229 n., 233. ff.,
the Gospels), 61 N., 499 n., 564 n., 262.
566 n., 568 f., 568 n., 574 n. Sebastē, built by Herod, 477; 482,
Sanhedrin, the, 81, 261 n. ; judgment 499. See Samaria, town.
on Herod, 470; 476, 557, 562, Second Temple, 498 f., 501.
572 f., 572 n. See further vol. i. Şedek, a deity of Western Semites,
Sanctuary of Second Temple, 306 f. ; | 25.
Court of, 309; 384; destroyed, | Sedeķiah (Zedekiah), or Mattaniah,
436 ; 511 f., 557, 559.
vassal of Nebuchadrezzar, 247 ;
Sapha, Alexander at, 372; 373 n. idolatry, 248 ; revolt, 251 ; oath to
Sargon, King of Assyria, 131, 149 f., enfranchise slaves, and neglect, 252;
156, 185 12., 266.
flight and capture of, 254, 273.
Saul, sons surrendered to Gibeonites, Sela“, the, 115 n., 116.
115.
Seleucia, 379 f., 379 n.
Saul, afterwards Paul, 563.
Seleucid attacks on Jerus., 116, 159;
Sayce, Prof., on the Tell el-Amarna 350, 371, 377 ; superseded Ptole-
tablets, 8 n., IO N., II n., 13 12., mnies in Palestine, 380 ; buildings,
14 n.; on name Abd - Khiba, 388 f. ; 393, 410 N., 421, 425, 427, .
15; on Hittites, 17; Religions of 435 n., 458.
Ancient Egypt and Babylonia, 20 n.; Seleucis, 379, 379 n.
Early Hist. of the Hebrews, 22 n., Seleucus I., succeeded Perdiccas at
27 n. ; Hibbert Lectures, 66 n. ; Babylon, 376; fled to Egypt, joined
on Sennacherib, 154 n., 155 n. ; Ptolemy, 377; return to Babylon,
on Ezra-Nehemiah, 328 n.
377 ; took N. Syria, 377 ; capital
Schechter and Taylor, Wisdom of at Antioch, 379; 389 n., 393.
Ben Sira, 442 f.
Seleucus IV., 424, 428.
Scheil, Father, and second Palestine Sellin, Prof., Studien zur Entste-
campaign of Sennacherib, 172, hungsgeschichte, etc., 298 n., 315 n.,
172 n.
316 12.
Schick, Baurath, 41 n., 59 n., 61 n., Semaraim, battle at, 90.
267 n., 489 n., 493 12., 494 n. Semites, settlers in Palestine, 4;
Schlatter, Zur Topog. u. Gesch. Paläst., , writers of Tell el-Amarna letters,
etc., 256 n., 257 n., 337 1., 372 n., 10.
608
Jerusalem
Senate or Council, 351. See vol. i. 1 240; pilgrims from, 270; also
Sennacherib, 148; accession of, 150; 1 261 n.
first campaign, 154; second, 154; Shiloah, waters of the, 127 n., 128,
third, 154, 158 ff., 161; fourth, 134, 152. See vol. i.
161; 155, 163f.; palaceat Nineveh, Ships of Phænicia, 9; furnished as
154 n.; demands surrender of Jerus., 1 tribute to Assyria, 182.
167 f.; return to Nineveh and Shishaķ. See Shoshenk.
death, 165 n., 167; accounts Shoshenk of Egypt invades Judah,
of Palestine campaigns, 165-174; 39, 87f., 88 n.
question of a second campaign in Shuckburgh, translation of Polybius,
· Palestine, 168 j.; Judah's deliver 430 n., 431 n.
ance from, 182; 190, 196 f., 266. Shushan, the city, 332 f., 378; gate
Șephathah, 92 n.
of Herod's Temple, 517.
Sepp, Jerusalem, 566 n.
Sibylline Oracles, 536.
Septuagint, various references, 40, 44, Sicily, 369.
50, 53f., 62 f., 69, 85, 88 f., 92f., | Sidon, King of, revolt from Assyria,
98, 104, 106 ft., 119 f., 128, 153, 183; Asarhaddon's conquest of,
310, 337, 395, etc.
183; Assyrian gods at, 184 f.;
Sepulchre, the Holy, position of, 249, 377, 380, 381 n.
564, 569.
Sidonians at Mareshah, 388.
Sepulchres, carven, mentioned by Siegfried, in Nowack's Hand-Kon-
Isaiah, 135.
mentar, 410 n.
Seraphim, 76 n.
Sihon, 208 n.
Servant of the Lord, the, 289,534, 548. Silbil, King of Gaza, 160.
Sety, or Sethos I., 16; stele of, 19. ff. Silla, 112 n.
Sextus Cæsar, 472.
Siloam, limit of ancient city, 22;
Sha'albim, fortified town, 27.
wall by, 71 f. ; pools of, 127 n.,
Shabako, 157, 157 n.
128, 151; 260, 346, 449, 451, 463,
Shabataka, King of Egypt, 171 n. 1 485, 487, 556, 560, 566. See
Shalem, or Shulman, a deity of further vol. i.
Western Semites, 25.f.
Silver, 9, 136. See further vol. i.
Shalish, title of official, 258, 258 n. Silversmiths, 259.
Shalmaneser IV., 131.
Silwân, a suburb of Jerus., 42. See
Shammai, school of, 417.
'En-rogel.
Shamrain, 93, 93 n. See Samaria. Simon, high priest in third century
Shaphan, badger, 192 n.
B.C., either Simon I., son of
Sharon, 55, 318.
Johanan 1. (Onias), or Simon II.,
Sheba, 308, 322.
son of Johanan 11., 386, 404, 441.
Shebna, 136 n.
Simon, or Tobiad, 428 f.
Shechem, natural centre of country, Simon Maccabeus, 357, 381 f., 458.
33 ; Rehoboam at, 85 f. ; 85 n.; Simon, high priest in second revolt
disappearance from politics of N. against Rome, 132 A.D., 515.
Israel, 93; 270.
Sinai and Elijah, 80.
Sheep Gate, 347, 565.
Sinope, on the Black Sea, visited by
Sheep Pool, 566 n.
Herod, 480.
Shekels, David's stamping of, 37. Șion, daughter of, 274, 283, 287,
See vol. i.
294.
Sheol, Isaiah's vision of, 139. Şion, Mount, in First Maccabees, or
Shephelah, David's fighting on, 33; | the Temple Hill, 455 ft.
116, 119, 119 n., 128, 381.
Șion, originally name of Jebusite
Sheshbaşşar, a prince of Judah, 295, citadel, on East Hill, above Giḥon,
298 .
18, 22, 39, 44; taken by David
Shewbread, table of, 63, 307 n., 503. / and called David's Burgh, 31, 39,
Shilo, or Shiloh, temple in, 62, 62 n., 1 41; ark brought there, 29, 42;
General Index to Volume II.
609
Solomon at first dwelt there, 58; / 'Solomon's Throne,' so called, 438.
probably equivalent to the 'Ophel, Solymi, 3 n.
39 ., 125, 448 n. ; the same site Song of Songs, 364.
probably occupied by the 'Akra, Şor'a fortified by Rehoboam, 89.
445, 450 ff.; the name used for the Šorea', 356.
whole East or Temple Hill, 80, Soreg, ritual fence of Herod's Temple,
134, 138 f., 143, 455; for the 457 n., 511 ff., 512 n., 513 n.
whole city or population, 278 f., | Sorley, W. Ř., Jewish Christians
281, 288 f., 294, 321, 422. See and Judaism, 550 n.
further vol. i., especially on the Sosius, 467 f.
transference of the name to the Sostratus, Greek governor of the
W. Hill.
Akra, 433.
Sira, son of, 329, 364 N., 384.f. South-West Hill, probably not all
Sirocco, the, 262.
built on in David's time, 46; wall
Skinner, Prof., 48 n., 64 n., 74 n., of, 71 fi, 124; 152, 346, 348,
85 n., 104 n., 110 n., 130 n., 438, 440, 446, 448 f., 461 f., 485,
162 n., 163, 168 n., 181 n.; 317 n. 487, 493 n., 499, 571, 575. See
Slaves, from Euphrates states, 9; West Hill and vol. i.
sent to Egypt, 22; Şedeķiah's Sparta, benefited by Herod, 474.
· enfranchisement of, 252 ; Jewish, St. Clair, G., 41 n.
358; 368 f.
Stade, Prof., Geschichte des Volkes
Smend, A. Ť. Religionsgeschichte, etc., Israel, etc., 41 n., 42 n., 48 n.,
199 n., 355 12.
58 n., 59 f., 61 n., 63 n., 66 n.,
Smith, G., Records of the Past, 98 n., 104, 108 n., 154 n., 168 n.,
183 n.
181 n., 187 n., 201 n., 206 n.,
Smith, H. P., International Critical
253 n., 267 n., 311 n., 357 n.,
Commentary, 29 n. ; 0.T. Hist., 372 n.
Staerk on Deuteronomy, 207 n.
Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, Stanley, Sinai and Palestine, 560 n.
42 n., 565 n.
Stark, Gaza und die Philist. Küste,
Smith, W. Robertson, Religion of 1 388 n.
Semites, Old Testament and Jewish Statesmen of Hezekiah, religious
Church, Encyc. Bibl., Encyc. reforms, 175 f.
Brit., 64 n., 79 n., 108 n., 162 Mh., Stephen, St., 81, 551; Gate of, 498 n.
205 n., 263 n., 360 f., 360 n., Steuernagel, on Deuteronomy, 207 n.,
446 n.
209 n.
Socin and Benzinger, 61 n.
Stoa Basilica, 517.
Soko, fortified by Rehoboam, 89. Stoic philosophers, their influence on
Solinus, Collectanea, 359, 359 14. Jewish writers, 408, 411 n.
Solomon, King, his name, 26 n. ; Stone Age, settlers in Palestine, 4;
developed David's policy, 37 ; | workers, 260.
his coronation, 45 ; his character, Strabo, Geog., 379 n., 393f., 397 n.,
reign, buildings, policy, religion, 459 n., 466 N., 476 n.
etc., chap. iii., his contribution to | Strack, Einleitung, 484 n.
the historical and religious signi Straton's Tower, 460 n.
ficance of Jerusalem, 51 f., 80, Sturzius, edition of Dion Cassius,
147, 220, 284, 290; his personality 464 n., etc.
assumed by Ecclesiastes, 418. Sufra, 382 n.
Solomon's Palace, 67, 447 n., 450. Sumer and Akkad, King of, 154.
'Solomon's Pool,' so called, 565 n., Superstitions, 311 f.
567 n.
Şûr, fortress of, 425.ff.
Solomon's Porch, so called, 516 f. Surenhusius, edition of the Mishna,
Solomon's Temple, 57 f., 306, 308 f., 502 n.
442, 514 ff.
| Survey of Syria, 462.
VOL. II.
2Q
329 n.
.
610
Jerusalem
Suti, the, 11.
7.1., 8 n., 9 n., 10 n., etc., 20 n.,
Swete, Introduction to 0.7. in Greek, 1 21 n., 22 n., 25 n., 53 n., 56 n.,
etc., 53 n., 85 n., 395 r., 439 n.,
119 n., 184.
443 n., 574 n.
Tell el-Ful, 92 n.
Sykaminõn Polis, 389.
Tell esh-Shihâb, inscription at, 19.ff.
Synagogues, 364.
Tell Jeljul, 355 n.
Syncellus, ed. Dindorf, 359, 359 n. Tell-Khurêbe, 55.
Syria, feudatory of Egypt, 6, 8; 1
Tell
Northern, 9, 11, 16 f. ; fortresses, Telloh, inscription at, 66 n.
120; kings of Syria, vassals of Temple at Shiloh, 62, 62 n., 240.
Assyria, 184; part of Persian Temple, Solomon's, or First Jerusalem
satrapy, 354 ; 358, 367, 434. See Temple:- Construction, 57 f. ;
vol. i. and Aram.
exact site, 59 f., 61 n.; style and
size, 62 f. ; compartments, 63 f. ;
TAANACH, tablets found in, 23. courts, 64 ; furniture, 63.ff. ; sym-
Tabernacle, the, falls outside the bolism, 65 f., 75 f. ; sacrifices, 66;
scope of this volume; not a Taber part of the royal house, 69; motives
nacle, but a Temple in Shiloh, for the erection of, 78; dedication
62 n. ; opposite tradition, 62 n., of, 73, 77. Subsequent History :-
78, 78 n.; the veils in the Taber Other shrines preferred, 80, 86,
nacle of the Priestly Writer, 307 n.; 132; religious influence of, 80;
cf. 502 and the references in n. 3. despoiled by Shishak, 88; stripped
Tabernacles, Feast of, 295, 299, 559. by Asa, 92; first concentration of
Table of Shewbread. See Shew holy things to, 91; under Athaliah,
bread.
102 f. ; guards, 103 f.; repairs
Tacitus, Hist., quoted, 3 n., 307 n., and administration under Joash,
431 m., 458 n., 464 n., 467 n., 106, 110; revenues, 107; treasures,
476 n., 496 n.
109; a royal sanctuary, 109, III,
Tadi, Gate of Herod's Temple, 517. 113, 133; national centre, 111;
Tagi, a chief, 11, 14 f.
priesthood, III; despoiled by
Taharķo, or Tirņakah, of Egypt, Joash of Israel, 116, by Ahaz,
156, 156 n., 158 n., 166 f., 167 n., 129 f. ; in Isaiah's prophecies,
169, 171 n., 172 f., 180 n. ; con 1355 ; despoiled by "Hezekiah,
flict with Assyria, 183.
161; the one inviolate sanctuary,
Talʼat ed-Dum, 355 n. "
174, 178 f. ; attempt to centralise
Talbot, H. F., Records of the Past, worship in, 176 ; worship of host
154 n., 182 n.
of heaven established in, 186 f. ;
Tamar in the wilderness, fortified by reforms of Josiah, 201 f., 220;
Solomon, later Thamara, pro national worship concentrated
bably el-Kurnub, 55.f.
upon, 204, 220; effects, 222 ;
Tamid, or Standing Sacrifice, 522 f.; Jeremiah's attitude to, 224, 228,
Seven Psalms of, 527, 530.
237 f., 250, 285; popular super-
Tappuaḥ, town near Hebron, 355. stition in its inviolableness, 244;
Taricheae, 389, 389 n.
described by Baruch, 255.ff. ; de-
Tarshish, 98 n., 123, 323, 369.
struction by Nebuchadrezzar, 254,
Tartan, the, 165 n.
274 f.
Taunt songs of Jeremiah, 234. Temple, Zerubbabel's, or Second
Taylor Cylinder, the, 154 n., 155 n., Temple :--Its building, 295 ff. ;
159 n., 160 n.
compartments, 306 fi; courts,
Tedân (Anthedon), 389 n.
309; stood alone, 309 f. ; its various
Tekoa', 88, 261, 355, 381.
meanings, 310 f. ; alleged destruc-
Telal Ibn Rashid, organisation of tion, 315, 315 n. ; from Zechariah
trade compared with David's, 37. to 'Malachi,' ch. xii. ; contest for
Tell el-Amarna correspondence, 4, 1 control of, 303 ; under Nehemiah,
· General Index to Volume II.
611
1
93:
339, 341, 347 ; in rest of Persian | Thomson, J. E. H., Books which
Period, 351 ; alleged disaster to, influenced our Lord and His
359 f. ; organisation, 362 f. ; Apostles, 536 n.
alleged visit of Alexander, 373; | Throne Hall, the, 59, 67.
fortification by Simon, third cen- Thrupp, Antient Jerus., 446 n. See
tury, 386; spiritual empire, 396 f. ; vol. i.
Ecclesiastes on, 412, 418; under Thutmosis III., campaigns in Egypt,
the Seleucids, 428 f. ; spoiled by 6; 16 n.
Antiochus, 434; desecrated, 435, - IV., 6.
436, 453 ; temple fortress in the Thymelikoi, actors brought by Herod
Maccabean period, 442 ff.; restora to Jerus., 492.
tion, 454 f. ; Temple area, 446, Tiber, the, 480.
448; relation to Akra, 449 f. ; Tiglath - Pileser III., 125 f., 129,
siege of, by Nabateans, 464; by 129 n.
Pompey, 466 ; by Herod, 467 f. Tigris, commerce upon, 186.
Temple, Herod's, or Third Temple: Timber for rebuilding walls, 335,
-Exact site of, 485, 491; building, |347. See vol. i.
491, 499 f. ; his motives for, 499; Timnath, 381.
compartments, 502 ff.; area, 514 f. ; Timochares quoted, 438 n., 439 n.,
courts, 505f. ; style, 505; general | 462.
appearance, 518 f. ; names for,
Tiphsaḥ, 354.
500, 504 n., 513, 517 f. ; its wor- / Tirņakah. See Taharko.
ship in relation to our Lord and Tirshatha, Persian governor of pro-
Christianity, chap. xix. ; in the vince, 295, 332.
Gospels, 556, 558 ff. See vol. i. | Tirzah, Jeroboam's residence at,
Temple archives, 58.
Temple as bank, 109, 428, 428 n.
Tischendorf, W. H., 564 n.
See vol. i.
Titus, siege by, 490 n., 498, 499 n.,
Temple Mount, 3, 347 f., 439, 442 f., 502 n., 503 n., 564.
454 f., 514 f., 518.
Tobiadæ, or sons of Tobiah (Tobi-
Temple Reservoirs, 443 12. See yah), a powerful faction in Jeru-
vol. i.
salem, 424, 427 f., 432 f., 434 n.,
Temple Spring, 443 n. See vol. i. 435 n.
Temple Tax, 397. See vol. i.
ļobiah (Tobiyah), or Tobias, ancestor
Tenz, J. M., on site of Akra, of the foregoing, 424, 427 n.
446 n.
Tobiah (Tobiyah), Greek name Hyr.
Terebinths, 135.
kanus (which see), grandson of
Tertullian, 564 n.
foregoing, 424 f., 425 n., 427 n.,
Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, 462 1.
536.
ļobiah (Tobiyah) the Ammonite,
Thackeray, H. St. J. (ed. of Letter Nehemiah's contemporary, 336 f.,
of Aristeas in Swete's Introd. to 337 n., 339, 341.
0.7. in Greek, 439 n., 440 n., Tobias (Tobiah), son of Tobit, 391.
442 n., 443 n.
Tobit, Book of, 391, 395, 399.
Thamara. See Tamar.
Tobler, Topographie von Jerus.,
Theatre of Herod, 492 f. .
446 n.
Thebes, temples at, 6; capture by Tolls paid to Herod on trade, 484.
Ashurbanipal, 183.
See vol. i.
Thenius, 112 n.
Topheth, the, 263, 263 n.
Theophrastus, the Greek, 401 n., Torah, the, 231 ; in Greek, 402. See
526.
Law and Law-book.
Theudas, 562. See vol. i.
Torộth of the Priests, 107 n. ; cf.
Thomson, Dr. W. M., The Land and 526.
the Book, 61 n. See further vol. i. | Torrey, C. C., Comp. and Hist.
612
Jerusalem
-
Value of Ezra and Nehemiah, Tyler on Ecclesiastes, 411 n.
329 n. ; Enc. Bib., 438 n.
Tyre, submission to Ashurbanipal,
‘Tower of David,' 71. See vol. i. 1 183 ; commerce, 193; 249 ; fish-
Tower of the Ovens, 348. See vol. i. dealers, 326, 340 ; 368; taken by
Towers-under David, 40 f., 44 f. ; Alexander, 372, 372 n. ; 377,
under Solomon, 71; built by Uzziah, 381 N., 387 f., 433, 466.
119; of fortresses, 120; under Heze- Tyropoon, the, 41, 41 n.; wall across,
kiah, 153 ; in Jeremiah's time, 261; 71 f., 121; 127 f., 127 n., 153,
under Nehemiah, 348; built by 432 n., 438, 446, 446 n., 448,
Herod, 487 ff. ; in the Antonia, 448 n., 450, 457 f., 461 f., 487,
496.
490, 497 n., 514, 557. See vol. i.
Toy, Prof., 386 n.
Trachonitis, 477.
UPPER CITY, the, 448, 448 n., 467,
Trade and commerce — in Tell 468 n., 485, 519 f.
el-Amarna letters, 9, 13, 22; un Upper Market, 575.
suitable position of Jerusalem, Upper Pool, 127, 127 n., 134.
36 f. ; organisation by David, 37, Upper Room, the, 577. See Cona-
47 ; under Solomon, 56 f. ; the culum.
Temple as trade-centre, 86; dimi Uriyah, priest, 130.
nution after disruption, 86 f. ; Usu, town of Phænicia, 184.
under Jehoshaphat, 98; Uzziah, Uzza, garden of, 195.
123; in time of Isaiah, 136 f. ; | Uzziah, King of Judah, 117-124, 134;
increase of, in Western Asia, 190 ; fortifications of, 141; 153, 286.
in Jerusalem, seventh century,
193f.; centre of, moves from Baby Veil, of the Naos, 502 ; of the Tem-
'lon to Alexandria, 378; Jerusa- | ple, 527, 529.
lem's trade with Greek towns, 389; Venus, the planet, Babylonian deity,
Jewish Diaspora, 392, 394, 396 ; ! 186.
Roman development of trade, 478 Vespasian, appreciation of strength of
ff. ; Rome the centre, 479; Herod's Jerus., 159.
command of, 484. f. See vol. i. Vincent, Rev. Bib., 574 n.
Traders brought to Jerus., 37 ; 358, Vine, the, 351 ; golden, of Herod's
483.
Temple, 503.
Treasury of Herod's Temple, 510 f., Vinedressers, 119.
520.
Vineyards, 135.
Trees, worship of, 135.
Virgin, Dormitio of the, 568, 570.
Triangulation of Syria, 439 n. See | Virgin's Tomb, Church of the, 570.
Xenophon.
Virgin's Well or Spring, 151, 566.
Tribunal of the procurators, 576. See Gihon. See also vol. i.
Tribute-sent to Tiglath-Pileser, 130; | Volz, Dr., 145.
sent by Manasseh to Assyria, Vulgate, the, cited, 119 n., 534 n.,
182 f. ; to Persians, 359 f. ; sent 564 n., 565 n.
to different conquerors, 377 ; to
Ptolemies, 383, 424; to Seleucids, Wade, G. W., 0.7. Hist., 30 n.
427. See also High Priest and Wadies, mentioned by Isaiah, 135.
Tobiadæ ; and further vol. i. Wâdy Gourab, 261 n.
Trogus Pompeius cited, 373 n. Wâdy el-Kelt, 356. See vol. i.
Troubling of the waters, 566.
Wâdy el-Milh, 115.
Tunnel under Ophel, 128, 151. Wâdy es-Sir, 425 n.
Turkish barracks, 446, 497 ; citadel, Wâdy Suweinit, 92 n.
2
Walls of City, 46, 70 f. ; additions by
Turret of the Corner, 348.
Uzziah, 119; built by Hezekiah,
Twin pools near Antonia, 566; at 153 ; described by Nehemiah, 326;
St. Anne's, 566.
built by Nehemiah, 345.7. ; 346 n. ;
576.
General Index to Volume II.
613
.
destroyed by Apollonius, 435; Amarna tablets, 8 n., II N., 12 n.,
destroyed by Pompey, 466 F., 13 n., 15 n. ; on worship of Aten,
466 n. ; in time of Herod, 485 f., 20 f. ; 22 n.; on name Salem,
556; built by Herod, 487; 25 n. ; on names Solomon and
Agrippa's, 487; West, 489 n.; David, 26 n. ; on David's con-
First, 557 ; 576. See vol. i.
quests, 30 n.; on Millo, 40 n. ;
Warren, Sir Charles, 61 n., 446 n., on Babylonian mythology, 49 n. ;
450, 518 n.
53 n. ; on mines in Lebanon, 54 n. ;
Watergate, 326, 347.
88 n. ; on Joash, 112 n. ; 118 n.;
Waterhouse, Mr., Sacred Sites of the on Assyrians in Palestine, 130 n.,
Gospels, 499 12., 502 n., 508, 509 n. 149 n.; on the Arabian Musri,
Watson, Sir Charles, on the Akra, 149 n., 156 f. ; 154 n., 155 n.,
446 n., 447 n., 449 f.
160 n., 168 n., 169 n.; on Sen-
Weavers, 259. See vol. i.
nacherib's second campaign into
Weber, 154 n., 172 n.
Palestine, 171 f., 171 n., 172 n. ;
Weiss, J., 568 n., 572 n., 573 n., on Hezekiah's reforms, 176 n.; on
574 n.
chronology, 180 n.; 182 n., 183 n.;
Wellhausen, Julius, cited on Greek on Manasseh, 184 n. ; on the
Period, 372 n.; on Ps. xlvi., 374 n. ; Ashkenaz, 229 n., 230 n. ; on
on the Hanukah, 455 12 ; on Ezra-Nehemiah, 329 n., 337 n. ;
Christ's attitude to the Law, 546 n.; 410 n.; on name Maccabee, 438 n.;
also 74 n., 95 n., 98 12., 103, 110, on abomination of desolation,
II0 n., 205 n., 206 n., 297 17., 453 n.
354 n., 357 n., 363 n.
Wine-sellers, 260.
Westcott, B.F., on Bethesda, 565 n.; Wisdom, Books of, 408, 411, 413 n.
on the Prætorium, 574 n.
Wise Men, 336, 424; the Greek also,
and Hort, on the name Herod, 408.
Wood, workers in, 260.
West Hill, and the pre - Israelite Worship-of First Temple, 73 ff. ;
Jerus., 22 f.; see also vol. i. ; possible' of Second Temple, 306 f. ; of
extension of City to, under David, | Third (Herod's) Temple, 521, 528
42, 46; under Solomon, 71 f. ; | ff.; ethical effects of, 530. See also
under Hezekiah, 152; in Jeremiah's | Ritual.
time, 260 f.; under Nehemiah, Wright, W., Arab. Gram., 411 n.
348; Hasmonean Palace on, 459, Wünsche, Die Leiden des Messias,
461; Herod's buildings there, 534 n.
489 ; revolution of the topography,
489 f. ; in N.T. times, 517, 557, XENOPHON, 371 n.
562, 577.
Xenophon, the topographer, 439,
Wheeler, Dr. Percy d'Erfe, 494 n. 462.
Whiston, 466 n.
Xerxes I., rebuilding of walls, 331 f.,
Whitehouse, 130 n., 140 n., 147 m., | 333.
168 n.
Xystos, the, gymnasium in Jerusalem,
Wildeboer, Kurzer Hand-Commentar, 406, 461, 490, 557.
410 n., 411 n., 412 n.
Wilderness, the way of, 44. f. YAKÎN and Boaz, Temple pillars,
William of Tyre, 490 n.
63, 64 n., 108 n., 309.
Willrich, H., juden und Griechen | Yeshanah, 356.
vor der Makkabäischen Erhebung,
372 n. ; 390 n., 392 N., 393 n. Yunius Inscription, 183 n.
Wilson, Sir Charles, 42 n., 70 n., | Yusuf Pasha, 567 n.
127 n., 446 1.., 490 n.
Wilson's Arch, 497 n., 517.
ZACHARIAS, Song of, 523 f.
Winckler, Hugo, edition of Tell el- | Zahn, Th., 568 m.
469 n.
614
Jerusalem
Zanoah, 355.
| Zephaniah, 139, 187, 194, 229,
Zealots, 572. See yol. i.
260.
Zechariah, 296 f., 302, 313 f., 317, Zeraḥ the Kushite, Asa's victory
331, 385.
over, 92.
Zecharias, Pyramid of, 463.
Zerubbabel, 194; ben Sheʻaltiel, 295,
Zedekiah. See Şedeķiah.
297 f., 300; 302, 307, 315 f., 319;
Zeitschrift für die Alt-testamentliche Temple of, 499, 505, 514.ff.
Wissenschaft, 58 n., 66 n., 104 n., Zeruiah, sons of, 36.
168 n., 187 n., 453 n.
Zeus, worship of, 435, 453 f., 453 n.
Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palästina- Ziba, 45.
Vereins, 45 n., 267 n., 489 n. Zimmern, Dr., 15 n., 25 n., 187 n.,
Zeitschrift für die Neutestanlentliche 188 n.
Wissenschaft, 574 n.
Ziph, or Tell Zīf, 88.
Zenodorus, tetrarchy of, 476 n., 477. | Zodiac, signs of the, 527.
SPECIAL INDEX I.
PASSAGES OF THE BIBLE AND THE APOCRYPHA
Genesis ii. .
.
.
.
208
216
Page 147 | Deuteronomy iv. 2 . Page 215
75
iv. 6 j.. :
369
iv. 19 . 182, 186 €
229
iv. 41 ff . 217
iv. 46 .
v. 29 .
206
viii. 2-5.
xi. 10 ff.
217
xi. 28 . .
xii. .
206
xii. 32 .
xiv. 22-29
xvi. 21 f.
182
xvi. 22.
xvii. 3 . 182, 186 f.
xviii. 15-19
xxi. I .
xxii. 25.ff.
217
xxiii. 3-8
xxiii. 4 . .
xxiii. 15
оонноо
он н н н оннан
XXV. 17 ff.
xxvi. 18 f.
xxvii. .
xxviii. 12 b,
xxix. .
XXX.
XXX. II-I4
ΧΧΧΙ.
xxxii. .
xxxii. 25
xxxii. 30
xxxiii..
xxxiii. IO
xxxiii. 12
2
96
iii. 24
X. 3 .
xiv. 18 .
xxiii. 3-10
xxv. Io.
xxvi. 34.
xxvii. 46.
xxviii. 18
XXXV. 14 .
Xxxvi. 2.
xxxvii. 46
xlix. I-27
xlix. 29.
1. 13 . .
Exodus xiii. 12 .
XX. 22-xxiii. 19
XX. 24 f. ,
xxi. 19 . .
xxiii. 16 . .
xxiv. 4 .
xxvi. 36.
XXX. 18 ff.
xxxiv. 22 .
xl. 7, 30. .
Leviticus i. IO . ..
iv. 2 .
iv. 3 .
iv. 13, 22, 27.
V. 15 . .
xxi. 18. .
xxii. 25. .
xxvi. I . .
Numbers iv. 7 . .
XV. 24 ff., 30
xvi. 46 ft. .
xxviii. 3 ff. .
xxxiv. 4 .
Deuteronomy i.-iii. .
529
35, 94
205
17
114
.
AV
Toshua i. 4 . .
vii. 24. ff. .
X. I ff. .
xi. 3 .
XV. 7 .
.
.
.
.
015
. 16
. 35, 355
616
Jerusalem
.
.
Page 52
Page 355
199
• 27, 35
• 35, 355
43
43
. 43, 52, 101
II4
2 Samuel xvi. 16.
xix. 33. ff.
XX, 7 :
XX. 23 ft.
xxi. I ff.
xxiii. 8 ff.
xxiii. 32
xxiv. 16
xxiv. 26
Kings i. :
i.-xi.
blood
i. 9
5
188
15
i. 411..
F:-1
Joshua xv. 9
XV. 39 .
xv. 63 .
xviii. 15 .
xviii. 28.
xix. 42 .
xix. 44 .
xxi. 23 .
Judges i. 5 .
i. 8.
i. 21
i. 26
i. 34 f.
i. 35
iii. 3 .
iii. 20, 24
vi. Inf., 20
xiii. 19 .
xviii. 31.
xix. II, I2
I Samuel i.-iii. .
i. 7, 24
ii. 22 .
xxvi. 6.
2 Samuel v. 6 .
v. 9 .
V. II .
vi. 15, 17
vii. .
vii. 6 ff.
viii. 7 .
viii. 15-18
viii. 17 f.
.
.
.
ii. 36
i 12 f. .
üi. I .
42, 46, 58, 72
.
iii. 4-28.
iv. 2-6 .
iv. 7 ff. .
V.-vii. .
.
.
.
58
27 f., 31, 33 f.
. 40 f.
v. 13 :
v. 187. :
vi. 20 :
·
:
:
·
:
:
78
54
54
5
43, 52
42ť.
16, 43
••••
42
43
42
vi. 36 64, 67, 182, 256, 310
vii. 2,6. . .
412
43
44
43
107
43
44
43
42
42 F.
.
.
.
.
.
xi. 10.
13.
xii. 18
67
. 64, 67, 256
vii. 9 . . 64, 69, 256
vii. 12 . . 64, 182, 256
vii. 21.
vii. 23 fi
vii. 27 ff.
vii. 39, 44
vii. 48 .
vii. 49 .
viii. 12, 13
viii. 27 .
311
viii. 64 .
64 f.
ix. 3 . .
311
ix. IO .
40, 42, 55
ix. 17, 18
ix. 19 .
ix. 24 .
ix. 16 .
ix. 19 .
ix. 22 .
xii. 31
ix. 15
xiv. 24.
xiv, 26.
xiv. 28.
xv.
XV. 2
XV. 17
XY. 18.
XV. 23.
xv. 30, 32
xv. 37 .
xyi. 1-5
X. 17
Passages of the Bible and the Apocrypha 617
i Kings X. 18-20.
X. 28
-
.
Page 115
116
153
xi. I
117
II6
118
130
125, 257
126
IIO
130
126
264
128
129
130
185
177
165
165
165, 171
........
xi. 1-13
xi. 28 .
xii. I ff. .
xii. 20 f.
xii. 24 .
xii. 32 .
xiv. 18 .
xiv. 25.ff.
xiv. 26 .
xiv. 30 .
xv. 1-8 .
XV. 2
xv. 6 . .
xv. 9-15. .
XV. 16 .
xv. 16-22
XV. 27-29
xvi. 9-II
xvi. 9-22
xvi. 15-18
xvi. 21 f.
xvi. 24 .
xviii. 4 .
xix. 3 .
xxii. .
xxii. 44.
xxii. 46 f.
2 Kings iii. 4.ff..
iv. 19. ff..
v. I
vii. 2 .
viii. 18 .
viii. 20 ff.
viii. 26 .
ix. 26 .
ix. 27 .
ix. 28 .
X. 13.ff..
xi. 4 .
xi. 5-7 .
xi. 6, 18
xi. 19
xii. 1-4 · ·
xii. 2
xii. 10 [Eng. 9]
xii. 137..
xii. 17, 18
xii. 20 . .
xiv. if..
xiv. 5, 6 f.
Page 67 | 2 Kings xiv. 7 . .
. 16, 57
xiv. 8-14
xiv. 13 :
xiv. 19 f.
xiv. 22 .
XV. 5 .
xv. 10-16
XV. 35 .
xv. 37 .
xvi. .
xvi. 2 .
xvi. 3, 5
xvi. 4 .
xvi. 6 .
xvi. 8 .
xvi. 17. .
xvii. 24 f.
xvii. 27 . .
xviii. 4 . .
xviii. 8 . .
xviii. 13-19 .
xviii. 17-xix. 8
xviii. 22. .
xviii. 26, 28 .
91, 93
xix. 2
175 xix. 8-37
xix. 9 .
xix. 21-37
xix. 36 f.
XX. 4 .
XX. 20 . .
404
xxi. I .
404
xxi. 1-18
xxi. 5 .
97
xxi. 6 ff.
199
xxi. 16 .
IOI
xxi. 24 .
114
xxii. . .
ICO
xxii. I .
xxii. 8 ff.
99
xxii. 14 ..
100, IIO
xxii. 15-20
101, 103
xxiii.
xxiii. 1-3
xxiii. 5.f.
xxiii. 10. .
xxiii. II, 12
xxiii. 33-35 .
xxiv. I ff.
xxiv. 6 .
109
xxiv. 15, 16 .
XXV. I .
113
XXV. 7
.
xxy. 9 . .
167
97
258
• •
•
. 151
180
181
182, 256
• 190
• 191
· 198 f.
201
199
192
260
203
220
203
190
•
•
57
I06
188,
263
Іоб
106
106
108
108
188
231
247
247
267
40
I22
113
260, 270
618
Jerusalem
125
151
Page 270 2 Chronicles xxvi. 11-14 Page 122
xxvi. 15 · ·
I21
xxvii. 3 .
xxviii. 3 . '. 126
xxviii. 17-19, 128
xxix. 26 ff. .
520
xxxii. 4 . .
xxxii. 5 40 f. 153
.
xxxii. 30. . 151
Xxxiii. 14. . 194
xxxiv. 2 ff. .
XXXIV. 22 .
260
XXXV. 24.
Xxxvi. 6 .
Ezra, Book of 185 N., ch. xiii.
201
40 7.
i. 2-4
.
.
ii. I
.
ii. 55, 57 :
2 Kings xxv. 10. -
xxv. 13.
XXV. 13-17
XXV. 23.
Xxv. 27 ff.
1 Chronicles i. 5 .
i. 6. .
i. 7 .
ii. 50-55 .
vi. 16-48.
vii. 24 .
ix. 32 .
xi. 4 .
xi. 8 .
xxi. 16 .
xxii. 8 ff..
xxiii. .
xxvi. I•19
xxvii. 33
2 Chronicles iv. 1, 5 .
iv. 6 .
iv. 9 .
viii. II
xi. 5.ff. .
xi). 4 .
xiii. I ff. .
xiii. II .
xiii. 19 .
xiv. 8-14 .
xiv. 13 .
xv. 9 f..
xvi. 12 .
xvii.-xx..
xvii. 7-9.
xix. 4-11 .
XX. 5 .
XX. 19 .
xxi. 1-7 .
xxi. 8 ff..
xxi, 12 ff.
xxi. 16 .
xxi. 17f..
xxii. II .
xxiii. .
xxiii. 4 .
xxiii. 5 .
xxiii. 8
xxiii. 10-13
xxiv. 7 .
OO
YON
.............
295
299
295
411
295
iii. 2
295
iii. 3-13 .
iv. if.
299
iv. 4).
299
iv. 8 .
iv. 8-vi.
333
iv. 8-vi. 18,328,331,335
iv. 10, 17.
iv. 11-16.
iv. 18-22.
iv. 20 .
194
iv. 24 .
297
v. 3-vi. 15
303
295
328
92
119
9I
404
~
28
v. 6.
354
V. 14, 16.
v. 7-17 :
v. 16
• 93, 99
2
S.S.S.S.S.S.$$$$$
ao co
B06
100
100
.
.
310
354
wwww
ة ير
xxiv, ſ
.
xxiv, 15 f.
xxvi.
xxvi. 9 .
xxvi. 10 .
107
108
II2
118
153
119
vii. 8 .
vii. 12-26.
vii. 14, 25
vii. 27-ix.
viii. 21-23
viii. 29 .
viii. 35 .
345
328 f.
344
329
120,
306
.
Passages of the Bible and the Apocrypha 619
.
•
.
.
Page 511
• 342
340
165, 340
.
326
347
Ezra ix. . •
ix. . .
ix. 4 . .
x. . .
X. 6, 7 .
X. 9..
X. 16. .
Nehemiah i.-ii. 5.
i.-vii..
i.-vii. 5
ii. 8 .
ii. 9 .
ii. 10 .
ii. 19.
ii. 20.
iii. .
......
Page 340 | Nehemiah xiii. 7.
344
xiii. 10 ff.
. 297
xiii. 15-22
328, 344
xiii. 24
297 Esther, Book of
viii. 17
· 333 Psalms ii.
335
xviii. 9 f.
341 xix. 13 f.
xxiv. :
xxiv. I
xxiv. 3.ff.
336,
xlii. 8 .
xliv.
xlvi. .
336,
xlviii. .
402
533
75
423
523
527
328
335, 347
530
.
liv
.
374
li.
.
.......
523
290
392
360
360
523, 527
523
iii. 16
.
Hi. 32 :
523
iv. I ff.
iv. 2" ;
iv. 7-23
iv. 15 f.
340
v. 17 #
Ix. 6 ff.
lxxiv. .
lxxvii. ,
Ixxxi.
lxxxii.
xcii.
xciii.
xciv.
cx. .
cxxii. 3 .
cxxii. .
cxxii. 3 .
cxxvi. I .
cxxxii. 8, 14
cxxxvii. .
cxxxvii. 3f.
cxxxvii. 7-9
cxli. 2 .
Ecclesiastes i. 2 f.
i. 3 .
i. 13
i. 14.ff.
327
vi. 1-9.
339
523, 527
523
534
259
440
440
289
38
289, 291
289
291
529
vi. 3 .
342
339
vi. 10-14
vi. 15 .
vi. 17. f.
.
.
.
vii. 1 :
vii. 2
414
336
339
336, 342
336, 347
363
328 f.
328
345
vii. 44 f.
vii. 73 f.
viii. 9 ff.
viii. 12 ff.
416
414, 416
.
:
.
.
414
i. 167.
414
414
ii. 1-11
ii. 8.
ii. II
ii. 13
565
x. 37 f.
414
A
A
14
415
4155.
414
EEF:E:FF:FF:FF:FF:..
A un
wwwwwwwwwwww
ii. 17
ii. 18
18-22
.
xi. 4-19
xi. 9 .
II, 22
xii. 28 f.
xii. 31
xii. 37-40
xii. 39.
xiii. 4 .
xiii. 4-31
xiii. 7-9
416
415
21
.
414
412, 414
412
412
414
412
.
.
iii. 10-15 .
iii. 12
iii. 13
jii. 14
620
Jerusalem
Page 136
.
.
iii. 14
137
122
Ecclesiastes iii. 16 . Page 414 | Isaiah iii. .
iii. 17 .
iii. 1, 8
iii. 18-21 .
415
iii. 22
414
iv. I
414
IV. 4
414
I-4
iv. 14
v. I. 412, 418, 422 iv, 5. f.
v. 1-7
v. 8 .
414 v. I ff.
V. 10-12 . . 414
v. 1-6
v. 13.ff. . . 414 f.
V. 1-10
v. 18-20 . 412, 414 V. 3.
And ••••••••••
144
414
.
412
W N wwwfw
vnu oogoo
·
vi. 1-9
vi. 2. .
·
v. 7
:
138
.
123, 135 f.
..
.
.
.
.
418
412
vii. 139., 18,
viii. 10 .
viii. 12 .
viii. 14 .
viii. 15 .
viii. 16 .
ix. I
ix. 2 f.
ix. 7-10
ix. IIf..
NUN OONA i
136f., 139
I22
123
140
135
......
SRBERER REFEREBRERERE
......
414
12, 414 f.
v. 8 f. .
V. II f. .
v. 14 .
V. 17
v. 23 .
V. 30 .
vi. I, 13 .
vii. I
vii. 2
vii. 3 ,
vii. 4.ff. .
vii. 9 :
vii. 14 .
vii. 19, 21.
vii. 23 ..
vii. 31 f..
128
414
415
126
135 f.
141
ix. 13.ff
..............
412, 414 Ě
x. 5 ff.
.
xi. 9
141
135
122
264
Nw
xii. 9-14
xii. II
viii. If..
136
>
Isaiah i.
136
122
404
.ܝܕ.ܝܕ.ܕ.ܕ.ܝܕ.ܝܕ.ܝܕ .ܕ
To co aw
viii. 6
viii. 8, 10.
viii. 14
viii. 18
viii. 19
viii. 22
ix. I
ix. 2-7
ix. 3
122, 135
144
532
135, 137
307
i. 10-20
i. II ff.
i. 13.
i. 15.
i. 21.
128, 135
141
137
136, 138
135
139
129,
533
145
I22
146
122
141
144
138
ix. 4
21-26
144
ix. io
29 f.
ii. 24.
135
x. 5 .
x. 5-15
.
x. 12
135
524
123, 135 f.
123, 136
135
X. 24-34
144
F:::::::::::::::FF:FF..
135,
ii. 10 f.
141
135
141
I 22, 135
123
x. 28 ff.
X. 32
x. 33
xi. I f. .
xiv. 24 ff..
xiv. 25 .
xiv. 29 .
xiv. 32 .
533
139
135
139
.
.
.
144, 146
141
141
138, 141
.
.
.
Passages of the Bible and the Apocrypha 621
Page 308
.
.
.
•
.
•
135
64
136
.
.
.
XX. I
...
.
.
135, 137
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
144
.
.
136
.
.
123
135
.
•
·
143
lvi. 7
•
138
.
.
hy Hak Khwaab hong
подсло од
оросло (он улм
150, 543
315
.
Isaiah xvii. 5 .. Page 135 ( Isaiah xliii. 23 . .
xvii. 6, 10 f.
xliv. I, 21.
xvii. 19 .
xliv. 26-xlv.
xviii. 4 ff. .
xlv. 4 . . . 289
xix. 19 .
xlv. 13 .
XX. Ift .
xlvi. 13 . .
xlviii. 2 . .
xxi. II .
. 171
xlviii. 20 .
xxii. I
xlix. 3, 5, 7, 13.f., 16
xxii. 8 .
68, 135 xlix. 21 .
xxii. 9 .
. 135 li. I f, 8 . .
xxii. II .
135, 153 li. 16. . . . 288
xxii. 12 f..
137
lii. . . . . 534
xxii. 14 . . 144, 162 f. lii. 1. . . .
xxii. 16 .
• 135 lii. 2 . . . 289, 294
xxiii. 15.ff. . 403
lii. 7. . . .
xxiv.-xxvii.
353, 536 lii. 9 . . . 288, 294
xxviii. .
lii. II . . . 298
xxviii. 2 .
141
liii. .
• : 534
xxviii. 7. f.
liii. 6, 8, 10 ff. :
xxviii. 16.
lv. ,
.: 298
xxviii. 23.ff.
lvi.-Lxvi. . 316 f., 321, 353
xxviii. 29.
lvi. 1-8 . 317, 319, 321
xxix. I .
317, 524
xxix. 6 .
. 139 lvi. S ff. .
• 317
xxix. 13 .
lvii. 3. ff. .
XXX. .
lvii. 9 : : 317, 319
xxx. I ff.
150 lvii. 13.f. .
xxx. 6 . 123, 150, 155
313, 321
XXX. 7
lvii. 17
319
XXX. 12
lvii. 19 .
317
XXX. 13 .
123 lviii. -lix.
317
XXX. 16
150
319
XXX. 27 f..
lviii. 6 f..
Xxxi. I . .
143, 150
lviii. 12 .
xxxi. 4 .
Iviii. 13 f. .
xxxi. 9 .
138 lix. 3-8 .
xxxii. If..
lix. 13-15 .
Xxxvi.-xxxvii.
lix. 20 .
Xxxvi.
lx. .
xxxvi. I . . 161, 165
Xxxvi. 2 . . · 167 lx. 6.
xxxvi. 7 . .
• 177
lx. IO
xxxvi. II.
xxxvii. 8-38 : . 165, 167
Xxxvii. 13.
261
. 318
Xxxviii. 22
404
lxii. 9
309, 317
xxxix. 1-8.
149
xl.-lv.
288, 317, 550
Ixiii. 7-1xiv.
317
xl.-lxvi. ..
317, 322, 324
lxiii. 18 ,
xl. I. 283, 288, 292, 533 Ixiv. 10 ff.. . 315, 361
Ixv. 1-5 . . : 317
xl. 18 · · · 277
xli. 8, 27. . . 289 Ixv. 10 : : 318, 356 f.
.
.
317
lvii. 15
150
lviii. .
.
140
321
317
1x. 4 ff.
.
:
135
lxi.
lxi. 1
lxii. •
lxiii. .
.
315
xl. 2.
288, 292
lxv. 8
.
622
Terusalem
Isaiah Ixv. II . Page 317, 319 | Jeremiah viii. 22 . . Page 404
Ixv. 16, 20, 25.
ix. I .
Ixv. 22 ff. .
ix. In [Heb. 10] : 238
lxvi. .
ix. 16-22
lxvi. I f...
ix. 21 (Heb. 20]
ix, 22 .
Ixvi. 7-9 .
x. 9, 14.
. 259
lxvi. 8 .
X. 19-22.
Wwwwwwwww
xi. 13
317
Ixvi. 20, 24
Jeremiah i. I .
i. IIf.
227
227, 229
228
233, 236
xi. 18 ff.
xii. If..
xiii. 9 .
xiii. 12 .
216
239
260
239
239
236
239
I90
ii.-iv. .
ii. 18
ii. 28
ii. 36
iii. 2 .
iii. 6-13 .
198
198
198
198
234
198
iii. 14-18
iii. 16 .
iii. 20 .
iii. 21 .
234, 256
256
234
260
257
242
.
7, 234
234
SO
iv. I, 3.
234
sto rinnovo
xiv. 2 .
xiv. 17 f.
xiv. 19.
XV. 4 .
xv. 5-9.
XV. I2
xvii. 1-4
xvii. 1-10
xvii. 19.
xviii. I.
xviii. 1-20
xviii. 2.
xviii. II.
xviii. 18.
xix.
xix. 2 .
xix. 4 .
xix. 5 ,
xix. 7, II
xix. 13.
xix. 14.
XX. 2 .
xxii. I .
xxii. 5 .
xxii. 10 ff.
xxii. 14"
xxiii. 3-15
242
260
I9I
262
234
234, 262
273
iv. 14 .
iv. 16
iv. 20
iv. 29-31
182
182, 187,
247, 390
V. I
V. 15-17
vi. 1-8 .
vi. 3
vi. 6 ff. •
vi. 20 .
vi. 23
vi. 29 .
xxiv.
•
• 256
. 125, 257
.
• 257 .
.
• 545
.
.
260
• 243
• 249
. 247, 260
• 238 f.
239
545, 551
238, 241, 256
• 241
• 62
•
xxiv. I .
XXV. I .
XXV. 18.
vii. 1-15
vii. 2
237 f., 257
•
239
.
.
vii. 4 .
vii. 12
vii. 18 .
vii. 31.
vii. 32 f.
viii, 2 .
viii. 8 f..
viii. 14-22
.
.
187
263
xxvi. I .
xxvi. 2 ,
xxvi. 3.
xxvi. 6, 9
xxvi. 7.ft.
xxvi. 10
xxvii. .
xxvii. I.
241
182
545
.
.
.
59, 257 f.
229, 249
. 247
.
243
Passages of the Bible and the Apocrypha 623
Page 270
256
256
lii. 28.30
. 267 f.
287
288
291
271 etc.
come
287
261
258
271 etc.
287, 291
75
122
248
125, 257
viii.
.
125, 257
.
249
xvi.
.
16,
Jeremiah xxviii. . .
Page 249 | Jeremiah lii. 17-23 .
xxviii. 3 .
lii. 18 .
xxviii. 16
251
lii. 28-30 .
xxix. :
249 Lamentations i..
xxxi. 2-6
253
i. 1, 17.
xxxi. 6 ff.
230
i. 21 f. .
xxxi. 15
228
xxxi. 31
313, 532
xxxi. 38, 40,
xxxii. 190, 227, 253
iv. 22
xxxii. 2. .
Ezekiel i. . .
xxxii. 8, 12
iv. 2 .
xxxii. 29 .
xxxii. 35 .
viii. 3 .
xxxiii, I
viii. 5 .
xxxiii. 1-13 .
ix. 2 .
xxxiv. 8 ff.
ix. 15 . .
XXXV.
X. . .
XXXV. 4. . 64, 256 f.
xi. 23 .
XXXV. II .
xxxvi. 2, 5 .
xvi. 3 . .
Xxxvi. 6 .
xvi. 18.
Xxxvi. 9 .
xvii. 12.
Xxxvi. io . . 256 f.
xvii. 15.
Xxxvi. Il ff .
XX. 18-26
Xxxvi. 12 .
xxii. .
Xxxvi. 20 .
xxiii. .
Xxxvi. 22 . 189,
xxiii. 4 . .
Xxxvi. 32 . 232,
xxiii. 41
Xxxvii. I-IO . .
xxvi. 2.
xxxvii. 5, 7, 11
xxvii. 13,
xxxvii. II-21 .
xxviii. 13, 16
xxxvii. 15 f. , ..
xxxiii. 24 .
Xxxvii. 21
xxxvi. 2
Xxxviii. 2 .
xl.
Xxxviii. 4
xl. 47 .
Xxxviii. 6
xli. 22.
Xxxviii. Il
xli. 25. f.
Xxxviii. 14
xliii. I ff.
xxxviii. 19
254
xliii. 27.
Xxxviii, 22
259
xliii. 7-9
xxxviii. 28
259
xliii. 8.
xxxix. 3
185, 260
xliii. 13.ff.
xxxix. 4.
260
xliii.
xxxix. 8
260
xliv, 16 f.
xxxix. 14.f... 259 Daniel, Book of .
xl. 6 . .
i. 2 .
xli. I . .
ii. 18 .
xli. 4.ff. .
iii. 5, 7, 10, 15
xliv. .
xliv. 15.ff.
vi. IO . .
xliv, 17 ff.
vii. ff. . .
li. 29 .
viii. 11 ff.
lii. 13 .
260
viii. 13. .
94
308
287
368
75
299
193
61
444
312
O
OXO
506
309
347,
373 f.
247
420
iv. 23
403
420
.....
.
.
397
372
229
624
Jerusalem
.
.
Daniel ix. 27
xi. 10-19 ..
xi. 31
xii. II
Hosea iii. 4
Page 305
302, 314
305
302
.
306
iv. 6
iv. 13
vi. 6
vii. 8
viii. IO
Page 453 | Haggai ii. 3
380
ii. 6 ft .
453, 523
ii. 75.
453, 523
ii. 10-19
ii. 15
ü. 16-19.
ii. 20
ii. 21
123
ii. 23 .
| Zechariah i. 1-6 .
i. 4 .
307
i. 7-vi. 8
i. 15 ·
ii. 8 f.
313
302
295, 315
302, 315
302
314
123
viji. 14
.
.
.
.
.
302
.
358,
358
138
122
122
122 f.
123
.
347
xi. 2
xi. 8.
xii. 7
Joel, Book of
iii. 6 .
iii. 17.
Amos i. 2.
ü. 13.
iii. 12
iii. 15
iv. 4.
iv. 9.
V. II
v. 16 f.
V. 21 ff.
vi. 4-8
vi. 12
vii. I ff.
vii. 7 ff. .
vii. 13 .
viii. Ő
vii. 14
Jonah, Book of.
iii. 8 .
iv. .
iv. 7 .
v. 51
vi. 9-15
vi. 12.
vi. 13 .
vi. 15 .
iv. 5 :
..........................................
307
. .
.
314
314
. 314
303
298
307, 534
315
314
• 302 f.
• 298
298, 315
298, 314
• 303
• 303
314, 317
314, 317
314
314
317
314
122
122 f.
122
viii.
:
.
.
.
:
.
.
ead
unwwwwwwwwwww
ao KWAAVAA V
oun My H
w
314
39, 80
417
Micab ii. 2.
.
iii. II
iii. 12
vi. 6 f.
vi. 6-8
532
viii. 3.
123
viii. 4 ..
I22
viii. 5 .
122
viii. 9-12
123
viii. 14-19
94
viii. 16
122
viii. 18
viii. 20 ff.
ix.-xiv.
136
ix. 2-5
107, 526
ix. 6
179
xii.-xiv.
264
xiv. Io
192 Malachi, Book of
i. 6 ff. .
i. 8 .
i. 10 .
i. II
ii. I ff...
ii. I-9
ii. 10-16
ii. 17 .
iii. 4 .
iii. 5 .
301
iii. 7 .
.
vii. 14
381
357
319
319
308 f., 317
308, 320
317
319
iii. 14
Nahum iii. 8
Zephaniah, Book of
1. 5 :
i. io f.
ii. 15
Haggai, Book of
i. 2
i. 6
i. 8
i. 10 f.
i. 14
ii. 2 .
در ب دا دی در
319
319
317, 319
919
313
295
iii. Io •
iii. II.
306
318
.
295)
iii. 13
.
.
.
319
Passages of the Bible and the Apocrypha 625
دی د
li. 4
.
323
374
435
391
399
360
vii
454
386
453
454
Malachi iii. 13-iv. 2. Page 317 | Ecclesiasticus 1. 24
Page 422
iii. 15 . .
422
iii. 18 f. .
1 Maccabees i. !
372
iv. 2 . .
318
i. 1-8
373
1 Esdras . .
305
i. 3 .
2 Esdras x. 22 .
256
i. 8 f.
375
Tobit, Book of .
i. 16-28
xiii. 6, 8, 11
i. 20.
434
Judith, Book of.
i. 21 f.
307
Ecclesiasticus i. IO
i. 29-64
436
iii. -v.
i. 31 f. .
453
v. 9 .
i. 33. . 445, 453
i. 35.
445
vii. 29. ff.
i. 37, 39, 46, 54,
453
ix. .
59. .
ix. 3 ff. .
ii. I. .
ix. 13 .
ü. 8, 12 .
xvi. 17.
ii. 15 f., 28,
xvii. I, 17
iii. 8.
454
xviii. 9.
iii. 10-26 .
454
XX. 18 .
xx. 28.
454
xxi. 8 .
453
xxii. 16.
386
• • 454
xxiii. .
385
xxiv. I-12
· 454 f.
xxiv. 3, 6 .
xxiv. 10
iv. 28 ff. .
XXV. . .
28-35 ·
xxvii. 2.
iv. 36-61.
xxxii. 1-4
iv. 38 . 306, 453
xxxii. 3-6
iv. 44, 47 .
xxxiii. 16
iv. 49.. .
xxxiv. 10 ff. .
iv. 57 ·
xxxiv. 23 .
xxxv. if. . 422
v. 8, 18, 23
Xxxvi. I-II . 422
53. .
xxxvi. 1-17 .
v. 54 .. . : 456
xxxvi. 25 f..
v. 55 ff., 68 455
Xxxviii. . .
vi. 2. .
xxxviii. 1-15.
vi. 5 . . .
xxxviii. 24-1
vi. 18
445, 456
xxxix. 12 )
364
vi. 21-62 .
Xxxviii. 25 . 384
vi. 49, 53
xxxix. 1-3 .
vii. 8"
• 354
xl. 1-26. .
vii. 21-38 .
xlii. 8 .
vii. 32
445, 451
xlvii. 13
vii. 47
xlviii. 17
ix. 33 .
xlix. 12 f.
ix. 50 .
xlix. 13.
ix. 54-56 . 457
1. Iff. . .
X. 1-14 .
1. 4. . ..
x. 88 ft. . .
1. 5-21.
xi. 28, 34.
VOL. II.
2 R
381
308
V. 3
.
385
405
456
5
385
457
382, 457
385
329, 385
336
385
626
Jerusalem
Page 561
562
570
460
372
544
i. 9.
455
571
572
571
573
500
ii. 5
iii. ·
256
Ew.no
428
.
573
427
510 f.
510
iv. 2
432
240
540
1 Maccabees xii. 36 . Page 445 | Matthew xxiv. 3. .
xiv. 36 .
445
xxiv. 26 .
xvi. 23 .
xxvi. 30, 36 .
2 Maccabees i.-vii.
xxvi. 55
i. 6.
397
xxvi. 57
xxvi. 59 .
329, 407
xxvi. 69, 71.
xxvii. If. .
429
xxvii. 5. .
iii. 3
xxvii. 17, 19.
iii. ÎI
xxvii. 27 .
xxvii. 31 f.
xxvii. 51
429
xxvii. 53
iv. 7-22 .
Mark i. 44. .
iv. 23-50.
434 ii. 18 f. .
V. I-23
435 vii. 19 .
y. 5-7
444
X. 30.
V. 21
434
X, 32, 35.f.
v. 24 .
xi. II.
V. 24-vi...
436 xi. 15.
vi. 2 p., 7ff.. 453
xi. 27.
viii. 1, 8 f., 30
xii. i ff.
X. 5-8
xii. 35
xi. I f. .
xii. 41
xii. 31 f. . • 456 xiii. I ff. .
Enoch xx. 7
xiii. 3 :
xlvii.
xiv. 12
lxi. 10 f. .
xiv. 14
lxii. . .
xiv. 26, 32
lxix. . . .
xiv. 53
lxxi. 7 . .
xiv. 55 .
Matthew ii. iff. . .
xiv. 66, 68. .
iv. 5 . .
XV. I, s ff..
v. 17 .
543,
xv. 16 .
V. 23 f..
XV. 20 f. . .
viii. 4 .
xv. 38
ix. 14.ff.
Luke i. . . .
xi. 12 f.
i.-ii. 40 ,
xii. I ff.
i. 10, 17
xii. 32 .
i. 21.
xvii. 14.
i. 32 f., 54, 68 f.
xvii. 26 f.
11. . .
xix. 17.
ii. 25 .
XX. 3 .
ii. 27, 37 .
xx. 17 ft.
561 ii, 41 •
xxi. 12.
544 ii. 46.
xxii. 9.
440 iii. 21.
xxiii. .
v. 33 f.
xxiii. 15
544
510, 544
545, 560
561
559
.
568
570
571 f.
571
573
573 f.
576
502
521, 542
559
.
523
500
•
523
500
542, 559
500
541
545
560
............
531
400 X. 13 f.
xxiii. 16 ff. . . 543 xiii. 35
xxiii. 35
500, 506 xvi. 16
xxiii. 38 f. • 545 xviii. 10
xxiv. I f. 239, 255, 545 ! xviii. 30
545
546
Passages of the Bible and the Apocrypha 627
.
Page 573
.
iii. 6
.
Page 560 | John xix. 13 ..
510, 544
Acts ii. . .
545, 560 ii. 13 . .
561
ii. 44 . .
iii. 2 . .
51, 570
571 iv. 32, 34 ff.
573 vi.
573 vi. I ff. ..
573, 576
vi. 9 . .
573 viii. 26 .
576 ix, 29. .
ix. 30, 32 ff.
.
.
.
xi. 27 #
Luke xix. 41, 43.
xxi. If. .
xxi. 5.f. .
xxi. 37
xxii. II
xxii. 39 .
xxii. 54
xxii. 66
xxiii. I
xxiii. 4.ff.
xxiii. 18 ff.
xxiii. 26 .
xxiii. 45 .
John ii.
ii. 13 .
ii. 19.
ii. 20.
ii. 23. .
iii. 8 . .
v. I . .
V. 2
vii. 2, 10
vii. 53
viii. I.
viii. 20 .
ix. 4 .
ix. 7, II .
X. 22. .
X. 23. .
xii. 35 f. .
xviii. I .
xviii. 12-24 .
xviii. 20 .
xviii. 28 ff. .
500
xii, 25. .
xv. 14 ff.
xxi. .
xxi. 30 ff.
xxiii. 35
564 | Romans x. 19 ..
Galatians ii. .
ii. 10 .
iii. 19
510, 544
iii. 28 f.
413
iv. 4 .
- 560
v. 6 .
455, 559
vi. 16.
544 | Ephesians v. 2 .
413 Hebrews ix. 3 .
570
ix. 7 .
X. 26 ..
560 Revelation v. 8 .
. 5731
viii. 3
....................
542
546
552
529
502
531
571
531
529
.
529
SPECIAL INDEX II.
VIII.
70
•
68
WH NH
vii.
2
XI.
•
372
xiii.
3-5
xvi.
486
476
475
I. THE ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS
(Cited as Ant.)
Book. Chap. Section Page in this vol. Book. Chap. Section. Page in this vol.
I. vii. 2
• 384 | XIV. ii.
... 465
I
2 .
. . 461, 466
vi. I
70
307, 467
vi. 3
393, 394, 397
vi.-viii.
· 475
viii. -xii. v. .
. 475
viii.
. 362 xvi.
• 468
viii.
ΧΙΙ.
, 376, 391 XV.
475
I . : : 303
iv. . .
475
ili. . . . . 352
iii. I .
393
v: 5 .
475
vi. . .
475
iii. 3 , 380, 382, 444
• 475
vii. 8 . . .
viii. . . . . 475
. . 393 viii. 1 . . 492, 493
. . 424 viii. 5 . . . 495
ix. 2 f. . . . 475
ix. 3 .
. 488
xi. 1 . . . 475
447
: : 499
· 457
. $ 500, 501, 502, 505,
XIII.
1514, 515, 518
· 348, 460, 495
. 500, 525
ii. 1 . . . . 481
vii. f. : :
xiii.
x. fi ·
• 475
xiv.
xvi.
v.-viii. : :
XIV.-XVII.
XIV. i.
488
.....HUA W NA W.
Nr. 00, .Un.. NN
448
455
·
·
· 475
xi.
..................
XVI.
! XVII.
475
475
475
463
488
628
Josephus
629
Book. Chap. Section.
XVII. X. 2 .
XVIII.
531
: 495
3
·
Page in this vol. | Book. Chap. Section
432, 488, 491 XIX. vii. 3
XX.
348, 460, 495 viü. il
475 ix. I
. . 397
| ix. 7
. 510, 511) xi. 2
.
.
.
.
.
Page in this vol.
. 475, 489
. 461, 490
. . 572
. . KOI
. 389, 396
I
XIX.
.
.
II. WARS OF THE JEWS
(Cited as B.J.)
434, 435, 436 | III. üi. 4f. .
• 449 IV.
I
.
.
. 382
382
vi.-xviii.
vi.-xxxiii.
vi.
vii. 2
xvii. 8
.........
I
: 461
486
xviii.
486
567
448, 449
71, 439, 485, 497
. 41, 487, 490
488, 575
450, 514
495, 510, 513, 514
• 500
503, 527
307, 503
: 502
xxi.
1488,
I 515
5, 500, 514,
....................
1
II.
I^?
.
: 489
ii.
iü.
viii.
ii.
xiv.
XV.
8
5
488, 490
432, 488
572
490, 575
496, 575
490, 576
507
97, 518
:
.
xvi.
...........
3
VI.
xvi.
i.
ii.
iv.
4900
7.ff. :
6 :
4.. i
xvii.
: : 496
: : 496
: 513, 518
510
xvii.
6
•
· 488, 572
XX.
• • •
4
.
.
ş
3
3
xxi.
282
V.
ix.
:
:
.
: 513
: 397
III. AGAINST APION
(Cited as C. Ap. or C. Apion.)
14 f. . •3, 374, 401
ü. 4
. 382
5
( 306, 308, 369, 374,
376, 377, 383, 384,
9
401, 409, 420, 439,
14
(442
33
36
.
.
17
.
.
.
.
.......
392, 393
. 393
. 420
. 420
. 420
, 420
. 420
34
: . 3, 382, 401
SPECIAL INDEX III.
TALMUDIC LITERATURE
I. THE MISHNA (ed. Surenhusius)
*** The Tractates are given below in the order in which they
occur in the Mishna.
.
.
.
Page 307 | Tamîd vii. 3
524
vii. 4
510, 513
524 Middộth i. I
528
519
Pesahîm v. . .
Shekalîm i. 5 .
vi. I, 5.
vii. 6 .
Yoma i. 5 .
v. I. .
v. 2 . .
v. 6 . .
viii.,
viii. 9 :
Ta'anîth iv. 2 ff.
iv. 6 Š
502
517
307
. Page 520
. . 523
· 513, 516 f.
: 511 4., 517
ff., 517
518
5i4, 510f.
457, 512, 517
• 509, 519
457, 511, 513
· 506
. : 507
309, 506
•
519
. .
.
EE:EE:EE:=:=:=:=:=: ......
ou aun now N TO AC,
Sanhedrin iv, i .
.
.
.
...
. .
.
503
Zebahîm iv. 5 .
y. . .
Menaḥôth v. 3, 57
vi. I }
ix. 8
.
.
iv. I }
.
.
524
....
. 504
503 f.
502, 504
509, 513
• 507
Tamid
i.
iü.
6. 6
523
.
.
.
.
iv. 6'f..
iv. 7
V. I
v. 2 .
518 Kelim i. 8.
518
507 i. 8 f.
5231 i. 9.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
· 508, 5115.
.
513
504, 506
On the Mishna generally see 31 n., 60, 420, 484, 496 n. (“Middộth'),
507 f., 517, 530.
630
Talmudic Literature
631
II. THE TOSEPHTA
. . . . . .
Ta'anith
.
.
.
.
Page 523
Berakóth iv. 8c .
Yoma 226 . .
Yebamth 24b ,
.
III. THE TALMUD
Page 504 | Sanhedrîn 103a .
. 307 Hullîn 36 . .
. 402 |
..
.
,
Page 261
. 402
JU
OCT 27 1994
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DO NOT REP
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THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
DATE DUE
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.
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-
-
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. 1984
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-
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