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Oxfort Sistorica? §ociety
WOII. XXXII
C O L L E C T A N E A
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EDITED BY
MONTAGU BURROWS, M.A.
CHICHELE PROFESSOR OF MODERN HISTORY IN THE
UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD, ETC.
Oxforo
PRINTED FOR THE OXFORD HISTORICAL SOCIETY
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
I 8 9 6
[All rights reserved
PR E FA C E
IT cannot be said that we have made as rapid a progress
with the Histories of Colleges as sanguine people expected ;
but the need is great, as any one may find who attempts to
discover what influence a particular College was likely to
have had over some one or other of its distinguished members
at the time of his residence. Without counting the Registers
which have been published at Exeter, Magdalen, and Wadham
Colleges—excellent in themselves, and a great help to a future
historian—there are only three Colleges which can yet boast
a history. But there are many other obvious reasons for
producing such histories. They go a long way towards
exciting esprit de corps, towards promoting in members
a desire to emulate their predecessors, towards dispelling
foolish legends, above all in enabling future historians of
the University to measure the forces which went to make
up University history, and to aid them in grasping those
forces as a whole.
It is, however, a great satisfaction to the Editor of this
volume that he is able to include in it some portion of the
history of Trinity and Hertford Colleges. That of the
former is indeed only a sketch, from documents which have
been preserved at Durham, of the institution which preceded
Trinity on the same site. But some parts of the old Durham
College still survive in the fabric of its successor, and the
modern name is thought by the learned Author to have been
possibly derived from Bishop Hatfield's intended dedication.
All that could be gathered from these interesting papers has
a 3
vi AREFACE.
been pieced together with the skill of an expert and the
highest intelligence by Mr. Blakiston. Amongst other things,
a list of wardens, which goes back to ‘c. 1316, introduces
us to a new set of Heads of Houses, exceeded in antiquity
of tenure by Balliol and Merton only. The seals which were
found appended to some of these long-buried papers deserve
attention, especially that of the ‘Parishioners of St. Mary
IMagdalen, Oxford, I 326. This is almost unique, and at
any rate very rare. Ancient seals of Churches, Corporations,
Liberties, Hundreds, &c., are common enough ; not so seals
of parishioners in towns. The device is also interesting.
In this parish was situated Beaumont Palace, where Richard I
was born, and he either used or had assigned to him as a badge
this same very significant device, a crescent surmounted by
a star. It is therefore more than probable that the parish
adopted the device out of regard for the memory of their
great parishioner.
No research is likely to afford us any similar light as to the
history of Hart Hall, which started contemporaneously with
Durham College. Nurtured by no such alma mater as the
great Benedictine Monastery of Durham, with no Cathedral
Dean and Chapter to preserve its documents, we run our eyes
down a catalogue of sixty-four Principals before it enters upon
the second stage of its existence, a list covering a period of
458 years (1282–1740); and as this is all that remains, we
gain no idea whatever of anything in the history of the Hall,
either instructive, or distinctive, or interesting. What the
Calendar tells us must be enough for us:—‘About the year
I 282, Elias de Hertford converted into a Hall for students
certain premises in Oxford which were thereafter known by
the name of Hertford, Hert, or Hart Hall,”—the latter
apparently being familiar abbreviations of the first name,
and which gradually took its place. It seems to have
been ‘ respectable, and it must have had some sort of staying
power to be one of the six Halls which alone survived some
two or three hundred of their brethren, and, defying the
PREFACE. vii
absorbing strength of the Colleges, have come down to nearly
our own times. But it and its successors, instituted on
the same site, have had one mark in common. They have
always, until quite recent times, been afflicted with the
wearing disease of impecuniosity. The Hall was in a poor
condition when Dr. Newton took it in hand and turned it
into Hertford College. His was a sickly plant; it underwent
a lingering decline under its new constitution, and died a
natural death in 1805. Its site and part of its small
endowments were transferred to Magdalen Hall, when that
institution broke up from its old quarters by the side of its
parent College. That third phase of existence lasted for half
a century, and was in many respects a success, but it was
always seriously cramped for want of funds. When again the
energy of its last Principal, Dr. Michell, was employed in
the attempt to turn it once more into a College, the old
fate still seemed impending over it, but the munificence of
Mr. Thomas Baring, M.P., came to the rescue, and in 1874
it emerged to greatness with a new Charter and a splendid
Foundation, under which it has become one of the most
distinguished Colleges in Oxford, only wanting in buildings
corresponding to its importance. -
Fortunately for the second stage of its existence, or rather
for the opening of that stage, Dr. Newton, the founder, was
a marked character, an ardent reformer, and blessed or cursed
with an uncontrollable love of pamphleteering. There is
therefore no lack of material, and to the present Principal
of Hertford, Dr. Boyd, the Oxford Historical Society is
indebted for the production of all the papers still left
in the College. He was successful in finding in one of his
Fellows, Mr. S. G. Hamilton, a thoroughly capable writer,
who has made the way plain through a maze of legal and
other difficulties, and has presented to us a truly worthy clergy-
man, a gentleman and an enthusiast; but if ever there was
a University Don Quixote, he was the man. Unfortunately,
while the fictitious extravagances of the knight killed a
viii PREFA CE.
debased knight errantry, the absurdities of the reformer had
a good deal to do with killing the reforms on which he and
some others had set their hearts. He was not, however, the
only person to blame. We may hardly refrain from a smile
at the good founder, but no one can help observing that he
suffered no small amount of ill-treatment from his neighbours.
Between them the University threw away one of its very
few opportunities of escaping in some degree from the bad
character which has been fastened upon its career during
the eighteenth century.
Besides the history of Durham College, three other
mediaeval subjects have been taken in hand by peculiarly
well qualified writers. For the first time the volumes of
Collectanea have been honoured by the assistance of a lady.
Miss Lucy Toulmin Smith, having derived a considerable
knowledge of mediaeval antiquities from her father, the
well-known antiquary, as well as from her own studies, has
spared no pains to bring it to bear on the Ancient Petitions’
concerning Oxford which have been so long waiting in the
Record Office for some one to interpret them. To call upon
a scholar of Mr. Furneaux’s eminence to edit the quaint
mediaeval poems now first placed within popular reach, may
seem to sin against the proverb which forbids one to harness
a race-horse to a wagon: but the advantage of placing the
work in his hands will be apparent enough to those who
examine his notes and emendations. They at least will under-
stand the labour which he has so kindly bestowed on a subject
lying quite outside his own field of study. Who again could
more properly deal with the list of books presented to New
College by its famous founder and other ancient benefactors
than a distinguished member of that great institution, who is
familiar with these subjects as an Assistant Charity Commis-
sioner, and as one of the Council of the Society of Antiquaries P
We have to join him in thanking the venerable Warden of
the College for permission to use these lists, and Mr. Leach
hints that the treasure is by no means exhausted.
PREFACE. ix
For the two remaining papers the Society is indebted to
two meritorious officers of the University Press. Some
cynical observers, affecting to despise the University methods
of education, have been heard to admit that Oxford does
possess two useful institutions, the Bodleian Library and the
Clarendon Press. They will appreciate the latter all the more
when they read the Controller's interesting account of some
important episodes in the progress of the art of printing at
that institution. How few of us ever understood the part
which the ingenious Lord Stanhope took in the process, or are
at all aware of our obligations ! The beautiful picture of him
which the head of the family has kindly allowed Mr. Horace
Hart to insert in this volume will help us to remember this
remarkable man.-Further, the lapse of two centuries has
not enfeebled the interest which our people take in the
last battle fought in this island—witness the popularity of
Dr. Conan Doyle's fine historical novel, Micah Clarke ; and
in the correspondence so ably edited by Mr. Doble, we find
ourselves behind the scenes, at least as far as the relations
between the Court and the University are concerned, and in
contact with those who pulled the strings.
The mention of the Bodleian suggests that it would be
unpardonable not to mention the work done for this volume,
as for its predecessors, by the learned and indefatigable
Mr. Falconer Madan, the Secretary of the Committee. With-
out his initiative and ever-ready help scarcely one of them
would have seen the light. Lastly, the illustrations above
mentioned do not stand alone in this volume. It is hoped
that the subscribers will approve of the innovation, and join
the Editor in gratitude to those who have taken so much
trouble to add to the general interest of the book.
MONTAGU BURROWS,
CHICHELE PROFESSOR OF MODERN HISTORY, ETC.
AEXecember, 1896.
CON TENTS
-º-º-
PART I.
SOME DURHAM COLLEGE ROLLS . tº © s g *
By the REV. HERBERT E. D. BLAKISTON, M.A., Fellow
and Tutor of Trinity College, Oxford.
PART II.
PARLIAMENTARY PETITIONS RELATING TO OXFORD .
By MISS LUCY TOULMIN SMITH.
PART III.
POEMS RELATING TO THE RIOT BETWEEN TOWN AND GOWN
ON ST. SCHOLASTICA’s DAY (APeć. Io, I35%) AND TWO FOL-
LOWING DAYS . © tº e ë tº g e º
Ay Zhe REV. HENRY FURNEAUx, M.A., Late Fellow and
Tutor of Corpus Christi College, Oxford.
TRYWYTLAM DE LAUDE UNIVERSITATIS OXONIAE
By the Same.
PART IV.
WYKEHAM'S BOOKS AT NEW COLLEGE e Q & º
By ARTHUR F. LEACH, M.A., Zate Fellow of A// Souls
College, Oxford, Assistant Charity Commissioner.
PART V.
CORRESPONDENCE OF HENRY EARL OF CLARENDON AND JAMES
EARL OF ABINGDON, CHIEFLY RELATING TO THE MON-
MOUTH INSURRECTION (1683–1685)
By CHARLES E. DOBLE, M.A.
PART VI.
DR. NEWTON AND HERTFORD COLLEGE . º e e tº
By SIDNEY GRAVES HAMILTON, M.A., Fellow and
Bursar of Hertford College, Oxford.
PART VII.
CHARLES EARL STANHOPE AND THE OXFORD UNIVERSITY
PRESS e º tº tº § ſº e
By HORACE HART, Controller of Żhe Press.
PAGE
77
I63
I88
2 II
245
279
363
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
-º-º-
PART I.
OXFORD SEALS c. 1300 FROM DURHAM COLLEGE
CHARTERS . g ſº g º wº
SEALS CONNECTED WITH BISHOP HATFIELD'S FOUNDA-
TION
BIRD’s-EYE VIEW OF TRINITY (DURHAM) COLLEGE IN
1675 FROM D. LOGGAN’s “OxONIA ILLUSTRATA’
PART V.
PORTRAIT FROM A PENCIL DRAWING BY THOMAS
FORSTER o * * e wº jº
DECOLLATED HEAD OF MONMOUTH, FROM AN OIL-
PAINTING IN THE POSSESSION OF SIR F. SEYMOUR
HADEN
ROUGH PLAN OF THE BATTLE OF SEDGEMOOR, FROM
To face p. I
To face p. 26
To face p. 76
To face p. 246
To face p. 250
A CONTEMPORARY SKETCH . * * & To follow p. 278
PART VI.
DEVICE ON GATEWAY OF HERTFORD COLLEGE . pp. 281, 361
PLAN OF HERTFORD COLLEGE
PART VII.
CHARLES EARL STANHOPE (from a portrait by Thomas
Gainsborough at Chevening House, copied by per-
mission of the present Earl Stanhope)
THE STANHOPE PRINTING-PRESS . {º} tº º
Original Sketch by Charles Earl Stanhope (from
the Stanhope Papers).
Iron Press “of the First Construction’ (from the
original at the Clarendon Press).
THE STANHOPE LOGOTYPES AND CASES ſº e
I. Original Sketch by Charles ‘Earl Stanhope (from
the Stanhope Papers).
2. Final Sketch by Charles Earl Stanhope (from
the Stanhope Papers).
3. Actual Logotype Case (from the original at th
Clarendon Press). …”
p. 359
To face p. 364
p. 400
p. 406
PARISH OF
St. MARY
MAGDALEN
HOSPITAL
of St. Jo HN
sºr. FRIDEswy DE's
PRIORY OSENEY ABBEY
DEANERY OF Ox FORL)
OXFORD SEALS c. 1300 FROM DURHAM COLLEGE CHARTERS
See /ages 26 and 73)
Argºs/iece




PART I.
SOME DURHAM COLLEGE ROLLS
EDITED BY
THE REV. HERBERT E. D. BLAKISTON, M.A.,
FELLow AND TUTOR OF TRINITY COLLEGE, Oxfor D
III. B
C O N TENTS
—4-4–
PAGE
INTRODUCTION . º º • e o º sº • 3
LIST OF WARDENS º e º e * -> º º º • 23
A. DE JURISDICTIONE PRIORIS STUDENTIUM, 1422 º ſº - . 27
B. STATUS COLLEGII 1315 • e e e - e e - • 35
C. LIBRI MISSI OXONIAM, C. I.4oo . * º º * º º . 38
D. LIBRI MISSI OXONIAM, I409 • e º © º º - . 40
E. STATUS COLLEGII, 1428 . e * © º e º - - 41
F. STATUS COLLEGII, I456 º - sº e - s - º - 49
G. COMPOTUS, I 392–3 * º - º e e e e -> . 56
H. COMPOTUS, 1462–3 e º - º º º º e - . 6I
J. COMPOTUS, SECOND QUARTER 1464 . e e º * -> . 65
K. COMPUTUS, 1541–2 . e e e & * g © o . 67
L. EDIFICACIO CAPELLE, 1406–8 . º e • • º - . 71
ADDENDA :— -> - g • - e º e e - . 73
M. LITTERA MISSA PRIORI DUNELMENSI, C. I316 . & e - . 74
N. QUERELA PRIORIS STUDENTIUM, C. I.422 . º e tº º . 76
ILLUSTRATION (to face p. 76).
BIRD's-EYE VIEW OF TRINITY (DURHAM) COLLEGE IN 1675 FROM
D. LOGGAN’s “OXONIA ILLUSTRATA.’
- INTRODUCTION
THE following documents, which (except C and D) are now
printed for the first time, are selected from a box of rolls
in the Treasury of the Dean and Chapter of Durham. They
relate primarily to the affairs of the interesting and unique
foundation of the ‘College of Monks of Durham Studying at
Oxford, the site and buildings of which, soon after its dissolu-
tion, were acquired by Sir Thomas Pope, the founder of
Trinity College: but they may also throw some fresh light
On the general conditions of academic life in the fourteenth
and fifteenth centuries. My attention was first 4 called to
their existence by a reference to the collection in the late
Rev. Joseph Stevenson's small pamphlet on Durham Col-
lege”; and it seemed possible that the Bursarial rolls might
furnish information as to the old buildings, still existing or
seen in Loggan's view, of a more trustworthy character than
the current statements. Accordingly, in the autumn of 1891,
I obtained an introduction to the Librarian of Durham
Cathedral, the Rev. W. Greenwell, D.C.L., to whose prompt
assistance and constant interest I feel most deeply indebted ;
and on his motion and that of the Archdeacon of Northumber-
land, Supported by a kind letter of recommendation from the
Bishop of Oxford *, the then Dean and Chapter most liberally
granted me the use of the whole collection, and even allowed
me to have the rolls at Oxford that I might work through
them at my convenience. The thanks of the Oxford His-
torical Society are due to the Dean and Chapter for per-
mission to include these documents in the present volume,
* Unfortunately I was unable to inspect them before completing my article on
Trinity College for the Rev. A. Clark's Colleges of Oxford. Several statements
made there on the authority of Wood, Warton, and Ingram can now be corrected.
* Some account of Durham College, Oxford, &c. (By the Rev. Jos. Stevenson,
M.A., Univ. Coll., Durham.) Durham : F. Humble. 1840.
* Who had at one time contemplated editing the whole of these rolls, with
various charters, &c., for the Surtees Society.
B 2.
4. COLLECTA NEA.
and to the Surtees Society for the use of C and D. I hope
that this necessarily brief contribution may pave the way
for a more elaborate work on the same subject.
The collection of Durham College rolls seems to have been
made c. 1530 * by a neat but inaccurate monk, who docketed
each with a date and a short title, usually the name of the
Warden or Bursars. After this they remained undisturbed
till the present century, when Mr. Stevenson examined them
cursorily. He does not seem to have detected the inaccuracies
of the Original endorser; and, unfortunately, in cases where
the exterior (i. e. the upper end) of a roll had decayed, he
re-rolled it from the top, sometimes crushing the decayed
inch or two inches into undecipherable fragments. However,
I managed to read through the whole series; and by Com-
parison of duplicates and careful observation of the balances
and deficits carried over I found it possible to date exactly
all the Compoti except a few of c. 1490 which are written on
very inferior parchment. Some of the documents demanded
complete transcription ; and most contain interesting entries",
especially (as I had hoped) about the buildings at Oxford.
This feature may be attributed to the fact that the accounts
were intended for the information of the distant Prior and
Convent; and the same reason will account for the existence
of so many duplicates". Most of the rolls in the box (225
in all) are in good preservation, though often discoloured ".
The following is a short catalogue of the contents of this set ;
a large quantity of the title-deeds, licences, covenants, &c., for
the appropriated rectories is separately preserved.
I. Compotus rendered by the Warden, or Warden and two
Bursars, made up at first to Easter or to some feast in July or
August, but afterwards to Michaelmas, and described by the
docketer, whom I have followed for convenience of reference,
* The figures are so archaic that one would date them about 14oo, if they did
not occur on all except the three sixteenth-century documents. The same hand,
I am convinced, finished down to 1530 the lists of Bishops and Priors prefixed to
a collection of Durham hagiographies and chronicles, which was in the Cloister
Library in 1395 (Cat. Vet. p. 55), and is now MS. Bodl. Fairfax vi. This MS.
seems to have been added to by the original scribe (“nomen scriptoris est Petrus
plenus amoris') till after 1416, and received various continuations till about 1571.
It is clearly identifiable by the letter P on the first folio, and the first words ‘ramine
et prudencia’ on the second (see Introd. to C, p. 38).
* About five-sixths of each compotus deals with the management of the estates,
matters interesting rather to the parishes of Frampton, Fishlake, &c., than to
Durham Abbey or College.
* Some copies are marked ‘Pars Prioris,” others ‘Pars Altera”; after I48o an
original docket of ‘pro che’’ or ‘pro cacell’’ (cancellaria) is common.
* Between I450 and 1470 the accounts are written in a handsome character on
splendid parchment, at considerable expense; they conclude with ‘Item in per-
gameno et scriptura compoti ijº.’ The smaller rolls cost Id, or 2d.
SOME DURHAM COLLEGE ROLLS. 5
by the date of commencement. The accounts run without
a break from 1389 to 1433, and then with a few gaps, which
were noted by the original collector *, from 1434 to 1496.
There are forty duplicates, and in fifteen years a third copy as
well; and four copies of one account (1461–2). The rolls for
the years 1392–3 and 1462–3 (see below, G and H) are typical
Specimens of the forms used and expenses prevailing at an
interval of fifty years.
II. Compotus rendered quarterly by the Bursars : of this
there are fifty-four scattered specimens (see below, J), with
a fairly consecutive series from Michaelmas 1422, to Christmas
I425, and another from Michaelmas 1431, to Michaelmas
I439. Many of these rolls are very small and contain the
briefest summaries, but in others there are details not specified
in the annual statement.
III. Compotus (on paper) of the years 1540–1 and 1541–2.
The latter, disclosing facts absolutely unsuspected hitherto,
is printed below (K).
IV. Five compoti of John Berington (Prior of Finchale
c. 1384), who was charged (c. 1380) with the investment of
Hatfield's fund of £3,000 for the endowment of the College,
and managed its affairs generally during the transition period
of 1380–9. Unfortunately there is something missing between
1382 and 1387. With these are paper drafts or copies of
portions of the ‘Ordinatio’ or covenant for Hatfield's founda-
tion, and a dissertation, drawn up in 1422, on the relations
of the College to the Prior Studentium (see below, A).
V. A tattered paper containing a draft (?) of a ‘Sententia
Radulphi Stele de defectu scolarium, with which I should
associate a roll of Answers by the Prior and Convent to an
inquiry on the same subject (P by Bishop Skirlaw, c. 1405).
VI. A short summary of part of the expenses incurred in
building a new chapel, 1406–8 (see L).
VII. Two lists of books sent from Durham for the use of
the students (see B and D); and three inventories of vestments,
plate, furniture, &c., belonging to them in 1428, 1450, and 1456
(see E and F).
VIII. Four miscellaneous rolls; one is a ‘Compotus Pro-
curatoris Ecclesie de Frampton, the other three have no
connexion at all with the College.
The documents which I have selected will be best intro-
duced by a sketch of the constitution and history of the
* This appears from some dockets on the rolls concluding a period. The
missing (academic) years are I433–4, 1441–2, 1445–6, 1450–3 (Warden Richard
Bell), I463-4, 1465–7, 1475–8, 1479–80, I483–4, 1492–5 (perhaps two of these
are the rolls which I did not care to attempt to open).
6 COLLECTA NEA.
Durham settlement at Oxford ; and I must reserve for
a better opportunity a more detailed description of the site,
buildings and endowment".
DURHAM COLLEGE may be defined, even after it received
its semi-independent endowment, as a Cell” of the monastery
of Durham, and its inmates were Durham monks temporarily
resident in Oxford at the discretion of the Prior. It consisted
originally of a small ‘manse’ or private lodging-house for
a few students, the establishment of which was probably
suggested by the success of Walter de Merton's adaptation
of the monastic system. The Benedictines had no settlement
nearer than Eynsham or Abingdon, and when the monks of
St. Peter's at Gloucester secured in 1283 a benefactor who
provided them with a hall for thirteen students near Beaumont
Palace, the other great abbeys of the southern province, at
a chapter held at Abingdon in 1291, decided to combine for
a general monastic college consisting of separate hostels to be
united with ‘Gloucester Hall’; and the arms of St. Alban's
and others may still be seen at Worcester College. But the
rich northern abbey of Durham had already made its own
arrangements, as indicated by the contemporary chronicler,
Robert de Graystanes, in his account of the second Priorate
of Hugh de Derlington (1286–7 to 1289–90).
‘Ricardum etiam de Hoton suppriorem praefecit in Priorem de Lithum”,
et cum ipse ibi prospere se haberet, amovit eum, et conventualem apud
Coldingham eum fecit; oderat enim eum, eo quod ipse, supprior existens,
tempore Ricardi de Claxton Prioris, veniens apud Fynchall, in festo
nativitatis Johannis Baptistae, locum et fratres visitaturus, ut supprior
Consueverat, interrogavit, Cui H. Quondam prior confiteretur; Cui H.
praedictus respondit, “Scio, fili, quid habeo facere et animam custodire
* The printed materials for this introduction, frequently quoted below, are (I)
various volumes published by the Surtees Society, esp. Raine's Historiae Dunel-
mensis Scriptores Tres,’ among the appendices to which are specimens of letters,
bulls, licences, &c. preserved in the registers of Bishops and Priors of Durham ;
(2) Wilkins, Concilia ii. 613 sqq.; (3) Acta, &c. of the Benedictine Chapters in
Wilkins, and in Reyner's Apostolatus Benedictinorum in Anglia, Appendix,
Part III; (4) various notes and descriptions by Aubrey, Wood, and Stevens, partly
original, partly drawn from the manuscript Collectanea of Brian Twyne; (5) scattered
deeds in Warton's Life of Sir T. Pope, Hutchinson's and Surtees’ Durham, and
the Cartulary of St. Frideswide’s. The summaries of Wood, Ingram, Maxwell
Lyte, and Willis and Clark are all useful but inaccurate, and the plan in vol. iii.
of the Arch. Hist. of Cambridge is quite impossible. There must be many refer-
ences still unextracted in the Registers of Durham priors and Lincoln bishops.
* The others were Finchale, Holy Island, Coldingham, Jarrow, Wearmouth,
Lytham, and St. Leonard's near Stamford. For a specimen of the Prior's dis-
cretion see the extract from Graystanes above.
* Wharton in his Anglia Sacra read Zychºme, and Wood absurdly conjectured
Zychfteld; in my article on R. de Hoton in the Dict. of Nat. Biogr. I naturally
followed Raine, but a sub-editor at the last moment consulted the obsolete text of
Wharton, and then from Zychne, which does not exist, conjectured Lynch, which
is a village in Sussex
SOME DURHAM COLLEGE ROLLS 7
sicut tu tuam.” Haec igitur inquisicio ei fomitem invidiae et occasionem
odii ministrabat. Unde postea effectus Prior, odio Ricardi de Hoton, qui
juvenis graciosus erat, monachos misit Oxoniam ad studendum, et eis satis
laute expensas ministrabat, malo occasionem administrante bono, sicut
peccatum unde fuit occasio redemptionis nostrae”.”
It is not improbable that Richard, whom we know from his
Subsequent history " to have been a restless person, was at
some time discharging the duties of the ‘magister 14, who
instructed the younger monks in the ‘primitive sciences’ of
Grammar, Logic, and Philosophy, and that Prior Hugh may
have wished to diminish his influence. However, on succeed-
ing his enemy as Prior, he did not reverse his policy, and
the first thing that Graystanes records of him is that ‘locum
Oxoniae comparavit et aedificare fecit; and he has accord-
ingly often been termed the founder of Durham College.
This meagre account is confirmed as to date by the exist-
ence of certain documentary evidence: (1) a grant of arable
land in the suburbs of Oxford ‘ fro a diche thurte Over in
Bewmonte’ (Park Street), and ‘voide grounds beside Pera-
lowse Hall in Horsemonger Strete’ (Canditch or Broad
Street), from Mabel (Wafre), Abbess of Godstow, to the
Prior and Convent of Durham in 1286 "; (2) a warrant
relating to a claim by the king’s Escheator in 1288";
(3) a demise of two plots of land from the Prior and Convent
of St. Frideswide c. 1290 " ; and (4) an inquisition taken by
the crown in 1291 respecting the lands and tenements which
the Prior and Convent of Durham had obtained within
Oxford, with reference to the statute of Mortmain *. From
these documents it appears that five or six acres (or more,
if the grantors mentioned in 4 are not merely the tenants of
the land mentioned in I) of building-land in the suburbs had
been acquired for the site of the Durham Hall before 1291; and
there is no reason to suppose that this was not conterminous”
* Hist. Dunelm. pp. 72–3, where Raine reads “administrante bono sicut pecca-
tum. Inde fuit,’ &c. This gives no sense; and I have ventured to conjecture
‘unde’; it would be an additional improvement to read “boni’ for ‘bono’.
* Fomitem is an almost certain emendation for Raine's reading “fountem.’
* See my account of him in the Dict. of Nat. Biog., and the Bishop of Peter-
borough's memoir of his aggressive bishop, Anthony Bek.
* See the Benedictine Constitutions, de studiis’ (Wilkins, Conc. ii. 594), and
the excellent description in the Rites of Durham (Surt. Soc. 1843; quoted below,
p. 16) of the system as it was in the sixteenth century.
* Printed by Warton (Life of Sir T. Pope, App. vi.); it is dated by the coinci-
dence of this Abbess with the second mayoralty of one of the witnesses “Phil. de
Ho, tunc Majoris Oxon.’ See Addenda.
* Described without a reference in Stevenson's pamphlet, p. 3. But see p. 73.
* Printed in Cartulary of St. Frideswide's, ed. Wigram (O. H. S.), i. 372.
* Rot. Pat. Ig Edw. I m. 20 in schedula: summarised by Stevenson, p. 13, and
by Wood (City of Oxford, ed. Clark, ii. 265).
* But see H. note 6.
8 COLLECTA NEA.
with the area which passed to Trinity College. In 1309 ‘the
land of the monks of Durham' was specified as a boundary in
some grants made to Balliol Hall”; but the buildings cannot
have been extensive, since in 1338 it is still termed simply
a site or ‘place’ (platea)*.
Stevenson mentions a petition drawn up by the Prior of
Durham, c. 1300, complaining of the expenses incurred in
supporting the college, and praying that the church of
Brantingham be appropriated to the monks of Durham for
this object”; stating that the college consisted of ten, eight,
or six monks, and had already produced several learned men
who had settled in Durham. In 1316, and again in 1333, we
find the Prior Oxoniae, or superior of the student monks,
voting with the heads of the other cells at the election of
a Bishop of Durham *; other names might be recovered from
similar records in the Durham registers. The definite position
assigned to this officer proved very important to the students
in the next century, when an attempt was made to bring
them under the jurisdiction of the general Prior Studentium,
who appears to have resided ‘in loco nostro communi in
Stokwelstreete situato *.’ Prior Wessington's dissertation on
this subject is valuable both for the citations it contains and as
a specimen of the laboured argument which was considered
relevant in such matters. There are remarkable omissions ;
perhaps references to Graystanes and the Simondburn charter
would not have strengthened the case. But the main con-
tention is sound, as it could not be disputed that the Durham
house had existed before 1337, and that it was then under the
charge of a competent superior, with regulations similar to
those of Benedict XII and such as his Constitutions distinctly
exempted from interference. In 1337 the halls at Oxford
were practically recognized by these Papal constitutions for
the reform of the Benedictine order, expressly requiring the
monasteries to send to the ‘generalia studia' of the regular
Universities five per cent. or more of their total numbers, to
be under the rule of a Prior who was to be chosen by the
‘presidents’ of the provincial chapter”. These injunctions
were adopted in 1338 at Northampton, where were afterwards
held the triennial councils, at which the working of the
educational Scheme was one of the most regular subjects of
Savage, Balliofergus, Š 18, p. 29.
* Edward III's charter to Richard de Bury (Wilkins, Conc. ii. 613); see below.
Page 4, again without a reference.
* See List of Wardens, nos. I and 2 ; A. par. 3; Hist. Dunelm. p. I2O.
* Wilkins, Conc. ii. 725 a.
* The material section is cited in A. par. 2.
SOME DURHAM COLLEGE ROLLS. 9
discussion *. A Doctor in Theology, with a salary of £ro, is
found occupying a chair at Gloucester Hall from 1343, and
the southern students were bound to incept under him.
There was also a design of establishing in the northern
college for a similar purpose doctorem theologiae cathedram
Occupantem in loco monachorum Dunelmensium super
Canditch situato, cum pro eo missum fuerit” '; but apparently
it fell through.
In 1338 an attempt was made by the great book collector
Richard (Aungerville) de Bury, since 1333 Bishop of Durham,
to provide the Durham Hall with a permanent endowment.
He persuaded his former pupil, Edward III, to discharge a vow
made at the battle of Halidon Hill by surrendering the claims
of the crown to the valuable rectory of Simondburn, a very
large parish in the valley of the North Tyne, and allowing
it to be appropriated to a house (to be dedicated to God and
St. Margaret) for a Prior and twelve monks of Durham
studying at Oxford, under statutes to be made by the Bishop”.
I fear it must now be conceded that Aungerville’s great
design of bequeathing his famous library of MSS. ‘more than
all the Bishops of England had then in their keeping, also
failed, since it seems that he died deeply in debt, and that the
Only volumes known to have belonged to him were sold to
the Abbot of St. Albans by his executors”. The only
positive evidence for the presence of this collection in Oxford
is the Statement of the inaccurate Dr. Thomas Cay that he
saw and read in the library of Durham College : “postremis
* Reports of the proceedings, and several sets of reforming statutes, are printed
by Wilkins and Reyner: the dates are I338 (Reyner, p. 99), I 340 (p. Io9), I 343
(pp. Ioff, 162), I423 (pp. 164, I70), I426 (p. 180), and I444 (p. II.3).
* “When he shall have been sent for :’ the whole document (Wilkins, Conc. ii.
729) is well explained in Willis and Clark’s Cambridge, vol. i. pp. xlvi-lii, and
Maxwell Lyte's Oxford, pp. Io2–5.
* The grant, which never took effect, is printed from Aungerville's Register in
Wilkins’ Conc. ii. 613, and in the Reg. Pal. Dun. iii. 2 Io–2. Simondburn was
given to the Canons of St. George's Windsor; then sold by Richard III; and
eventually passed to Greenwich Hospital among the forfeited property of the Earls
of Derwentwater.
* See the discussion, and especially the citation from Adam de Murimath, in
Mr. E. C. Thomas's edition of the Philobiblon, pp. xxvi-xlvii. The right reading
in c. 19, often cited as a reference to the Durham hall, seems to be ‘communitati
scholarium in aula .N. Oxoniensi degentium.” The Bishop's design is expressed in
the previous chapter as follows: ‘Nos autem ab olim in praecordiis mentis nostrae
propositum gessimus radicatum, quatenus opportunis temporibus expectatis divini-
tus aulam quamdam in reverenda universitate Oxoniensi, omnium liberalium artium
nutrice praecipua, in perpetuam eleemosynam fundaremus, necessariisque redditibus
dotaremus ; quam numerosis scholaribus occupatam, nostrorum librorum iocalibus
ditaremus, ut ipsi libri et singuli eorundem communes fierent, quantum ad usum et
studium, non solum scholaribus aulae tactae, Sed per eos omnibus universitatis
praedictae studentibus in aeternum, secundum formam et modum, quem sequens
capitulum declarabit.’ See also my Addenda below, p. 73.
IO COLLECTA NEA.
Henrici octavi annis, hunc Aungervillii librum, cui Philobibli
titulum indidit, eundem ipsum indubie quem ipsemet biblio-
thecae illi vivus contuleratº". Murimath’s curious remark
that the books filled five large carts suggests also that they
travelled somewhere as a collection. But no confirmation has
ever been obtained of the conjectures that the volumes which
survived destruction and neglect were appropriated by Balliol
College, or passed from Dr. George Owen, the first layman
who acquired the site, into the collection of Archbishop
Parker”. To this must now be added the negative evidence
of these rolls. For the library was not built till more than
seventy years after Aungerville's death *; and a community
possessing his extensive collection would hardly have needed
the works mentioned in the lists C and D.
The document printed below as B, the most ancient in this
box, throws some light on the state of the College under
Gilbert Elwyk. The list of books lent to the students by the
Convent represents a sufficient variety of subjects; logic,
physics and metaphysics appear as well as patristic and
scholastic theology; and this catalogue should be carefully
compared with the two similar documents of the following
century. It is probable, moreover, that some of these volumes
remained in the possession of the College—which certainly
treated some books as its own, since it borrowed money
on them ; it also paid for the binding and ornamentation
in some cases *.
This inventory of 1315 informs us that even then the
students were provided with an outfit of vestments and orna-
ments for celebrating mass, and presumably with a chapel
or oratory for the purpose. Whether there was any previous
building, too small in Richard de Bury's opinion to be called
* Hearne's Vindiciae Antiquitatis Acad. Oxon., ii. 432.
* The single MS. usually stated to have been a Durham College book now
turns out to have belonged to Lincoln (Macray’s Bodleian Annals, second edition,
notes on pp. 23, 446). Possibly the books were saved for Durham by Prior
Whitehead and Wardens Hyndmer and Clyff: see B, note 7.
* Comp. 1417, Item in edificacione librarie cum meremio empto xlijū; cf.
Comp. I431, Item in descis nouiter factis in libraria cum tabulis et aliis necessariis
emptis ad eandem’ will xvis viijd ; and Comp. 1436, Item in vitriacione unius
fenestre in libraria xxvis viijd (probably the large south window, where the Durham
College arms still remain in the quatrefoil at the top); also Comp. I474, Item in
* See B, note 14; and cf. Berington’s Comp. I 387-9, ‘ In reparacione librorum
collegij, 6s. 8d.: “In denarijs solutis pro uno libro vocato doctor profundus
eidem collegio legato per Henricum Stapilton,’ 26s. 8d.: Comp. I4O7, ‘ Pro
ligatura unius libri,’ 23s. ; Comp. I436, ‘ In factura et deornacione maiorum et
minorum literarum capitalium et paraffes (paragraphs, ſourishes, Cath. Angl.)
unius tabule libri summe confessorum,’ 2s. 6d. Bishop Langley (1406–1437) left
the college Iol, and ‘librum integrum Augustini super Psalterium in tribus volu-
minibus ' (Hist. Dun, app. ccxi).
SOME DURHAM COLLEGE ROLLS. II
‘ ecclesia, on the site of the chapel built in 1405–8, it is
impossible to say. The licence for a ‘cantaria was procured
from Henry Burghersh, Bishop of Lincoln 1320–40 *, pro-
bably about the year 1326, when a composition dated 5 Oct.,
was made between the Warden and the Abbot of Osney, by
which the latter agreed to take 2s. per annum in satisfaction
of all tithes and oblations due to the parish church of St. Mary
Magdalen, which belonged to Osney Abbey”. That the
original chapel was an oratory on an upper floor seems to me
to be indicated, not only by the arrangement of the earliest
buildings, but by the fact that the ‘Bulla Sepulture’ was not
obtained till I4II-2; see L, and notes. -
The Commission to hear confessions (A, par. 5), probably
selected as the earliest extant (unless it is simply the formula),
was no doubt issued to a new warden on his appointment.
The unused licences (A, par. 6 and 7) to annex the church of
Appleby mark another attempt to secure a permanent endow-
ment by the favourite method of “appropriation.’ The
students were at this time supported by the Convent of
Durham, with ‘pensiones,’ ‘contributiones, or ‘ dona' from
the Cells. They would be entitled to their usual shares of
the ‘Oblaciones’ and allowances for clothes and commons
from the Feretrarius, Camerarius, and Communarius; and
these continued, though irregularly, for some time after the
endowment by Hatfield ". They must have possessed, besides
the chapel or oratory, three or four living rooms at least, with
a small refectory, buttery and kitchen, and a stable. I should
Conjecture from the style and the absence of mention at a later
date, that c. 138o the College consisted of a hall on the site
of the present hall of Trinity College, with the still existing
buttery and a kitchen beyond it; that of the two large rooms
* Collectanea B. Twyne, ii. f. 28 b.
* Wood's City of Oxford (ed. Clark), vol. ii, p. 270.
* Payments from Coldingham occur between 1360 and I374 of amounts varying
from 6s. 8d. to Io.s. (Coldingham Rolls, Surtees Soc., 1841). The cell of Jarrow
gave 20s. 4d. ‘Studentibus Oxonie et Stanford’ in 1364; 13s. 4d. ‘in pensione
Studencium Oxonie’ in 137 I ; 26s. 8d. ‘Clericis Oxonie ' in 1372 ; and usually
I3s. 4d. annually up to I4 Io; there is a single payment of 6s. 8d. in 1455 ° in
donis datis confratribus ad studium Oxonie transeuntibus.” At Wearmouth the
payments commence earlier; 32s. was spent ‘in curialitate facta sociis Oxonie et
alibi infra et extra commorantibus' in 1343; and sums of 6s. 8d. and Ios. occur up
to I38o (Rolls of Jarrow and Wearmouth, Surtees Soc., 1854; see also my list of
wardens). The earliest mention of Oxford in the Finchale accounts is in 1357,
‘in . Solucione facta fratribus Oxonie studentibus pro pensione sua 53s. 4d. ;
Master ‘Hutred” was paid to go to the general chapter in 1367; a new vestment
was given to the Oxford students in 1367; 70s. was a usual payment up to 1412 ;
but in 1428 four monks studying at Oxford received only 13s. 4d. ‘ex curialitate,’
and there is no entry at all after 1432 (Finchale Rolls, Surtees Soc., 1837). The
accounts of the other cells would probably present a similar record; see the
entries, mostly of arrears, in G (p. 59).
I2 COLLECTA NEA.
south of the hall, evidently placed with the gables east and
west before the idea of a quadrangle was contemplated, the
upper one was the oratory of the small Society ; and that the
chambers first provided were some of those which appear in
Loggan's view to the north-west of the old quadrangle ".
At last the most magnificent of the bishops of Durham,
Thomas Hatfield, a statesman and architect of no mean
capacity, undeterred by the complete collapse of Archbishop
Islip's plan for a college consisting partly of monks and
partly of secular students *, determined to provide adequately
for the independent maintenance of the Oxford cell. Towards
the end of his long episcopate, c. 1379, he concerted measures
with one of the ablest priors, Robert Berington or de Wal-
worth, employing as his agent (‘ qui vobis viva voce plene
referet, et eciam in Scriptis ostendet, quid per nos factum
fuerit et per vos fieri volumus in premissis') a monk of Dur-
ham, John de Berington, probably the prior's brother, qui
erga nos et consilium nostrum pro Collegio Monachorum et
Secularium, quod in profectum et honorem ecclesiae nostrae
stabilivinus, diligencias laudabiles apposuit et labores' *.
Hatfield was at this time living chiefly at his house at Alford
(? Old Ford) near London, where he died May 8, 1381, after
a lingering illness. William de Chambre's statement about
his foundation is certainly incorrect”; and, though the quin-
quepartite covenant between him and the Convent was drawn
up from his instructions and sealed in 1380, the design was
not fully executed till some years after his death *. In the
correspondence which has been preserved, Prior Robert states
that the Convent, though rather short of money, will Sup-
port four monks, if the Bishop can provide for four more
and eight scholars, and he offers some advice on the subject
of investments:
* The following entries in Berington’s foundation compoti prove the existence
of chambers : I 382, In reparacione domorum et clausure Oxonie per manus
domini R. Blaklaw supprioris xls; 1387–9, In petris emptis pro reparacione
domorum dicti collegii vjs viij4; and In factura duorum caminorum in diuersis
cameris xxxs. The last entry is a sign of the improved prospects of the com-
munity.
* Canterbury College was founded in 1361–2 for four monks and eight secular
scholars; in 1365 Islip ejected the regulars, and five years later his successor,
Simon Langham, prevailed on Urban V to abolish the seculars in favour of twelve
Canterbury monks (Maxwell Lyte, pp. 177–180).
* Letter in Hist. Dun. app. cxxviii. Some letters from the Prior to the Bishop
were copied by Twyne (Collect. ii. 32–34) ‘from the register of Robert de Lan-
chester, chancellor and afterwards shrine-keeper of Durham.”
* Hist. Dun., p. 138. It is not improved by Mr. Maxwell Lyte, who supposes
it to refer to Richard de Bury's efforts (Univ. of Oxford, p. 159).
* Printed by Wilkins (Conc. ii. 614-6), and in part by Raine (Hist. Dun.,
p. 140).
SOME DURFIAM COLLEGE RO/./.S. I3
“Huiusmodi appropriacionem his diebus acquirere sive obtinere
Romana ecclesia fluctuante tam difficile quam sumptuosum [est] et
quasi incredibilem constat rem. Quapropter vestrae preeminenciae Sup-
plicamus quod datum est intelligi per certos fideles amicos “” quod
possitis pro mille marcis emere annuos redditus centum marcarum infra
civitatem London’ plena mortificacionis libertate in forma Vadacionis,
regia sive papali licencia irrequisita : quorum quideill reddituum im-
petracio abscue laborum difficultate melius securius et facilius expedietur
quam appropriacio cuiusvis ecclesie, propter mutacionem et variacionem
summi pontificis, qui pro tempore fuerit, et poterit huiusmodi appro-
priacionem ad libitum revocare pariter et quassare *.’
However, it would appear that Hatfield’s executors even-
tually paid over a sum of £3,000, which was deposited in an
iron chest in the custody of William de Walworth, Mayor
(hence the date 1380), and John Philipot, citizen (Mayor
1378) of London, Master Uthred (de Boldon), and John
de Berington, ‘confratres nostri’: and from the investment
of this sum it was estimated that an annual revenue of 200
marks would be secured, the Prior and Convent binding
themselves under a penalty of £3,000 to maintain the College
for ever on the same scale.
The accounts of John de Berington, who became the acting
trustee, invested the money, and managed the estates till
1389, are unfortunately incomplete, but the modus operandi is
clear. The capital was treated as the property of the Convent,
which undertook in return to assign to the College sufficient
estates to produce the stipulated income. At one time there
seems to have been an idea of buying up the alien priory of
Burstall in Holderness*, sold to Kirkstall Abbey in 1396:
but first the advowson of Frampton was obtained from John,
Lord Nevill of Raby, apparently by exchange, and then
erington paid about £1,400 more to the same for the advow-
sons of Fishlake, Bossall, and Ruddington *, and for lands in
Durham, Merrington, Sunderland, and elsewhere ; the manor
of Cotgrave and the advowson of Laxton near Nottingham seem
to have been acquired for the same purpose *. At last, after
a good many exchanges and adjustments, the College received
the four advowsons first named (Cotgrave manor taking the
* The ‘friend in the City’ may have been the famous Lord Mayor, William de
Walworth, who was nominated in the covenant as one of the four trustees, and
was one of Hatfield's executors (Testamenta Eboracensia, p. 122); he was pro-
bably related to Prior Robert.
* Register of Robert de Lanchester, fol. 43, extracted by Twyne (Collect. ii.
32 b).
** A cell of St. Martin de Alceio near Albemarle in Normandy; see Dugdale,
Mon. Ang. vol. vi. p. IoI9, and Poulson's Holderness, ii. 505.
* Rot. Pat. Io Ric. II, p. i. m. 16; and 7 Hen. IV, p. ii. m. 31 (an Inspeximus),
from copies in Trinity College Miscellanea, vol. i. ; also Twyne, Coll. xxii, f. III.
* See G, notes 4–6. For the subsequent addition of another appropriated
church, see H, note 5. Bossall is on the Derwent, 9 miles NE. of York.
I4 - COLLECTA MEA.
place of Bossall till certain preliminaries had been completed),
and ‘pensiones’ of £4 and £16 from the rectory and vicarage
of Northallerton, the income being made up to about £240
by the customary contributions from Durham. A consider-
able sum was spent out of capital * in stocking the estates
and in providing necessaries at Oxford, including possibly
Some additions to the buildings : but far too much was wasted
On fees and bribes and travelling expenses in procuring the
appropriation of the rectories. The pensions of the rectors
in possession, whose interests had to be bought out, hung
heavily on the College for many years after, while the value of
their benefices was declining. All these arrangements had to
be sanctioned by the Archbishop of York and the Bishop of
Lincoln, in whose dioceses the parishes lay, were confirmed
under the great seal, and then approved by Urban VI in 1387,
and subsequently by Boniface IX in 1396 and 1403 *. Serious
expense (653 6s. 8d.) was incurred ‘in curia Romana pro
reformacione ecclesiarum nostrarum' in 1403–4; and Over £24
was spent specially ‘pro defensione ecclesie de Rodyngton’ in
two years ”. It is a pity that the Walworth family did not
pursue Prior Robert's original suggestion.
Though Hatfield himself “morte praeventus propositum
minime adimplevit, his intentions were clearly expressed in
the quinquepartite covenant, which was accordingly adopted
as the ‘ordinatio’ or statutes of his College. It has often
been described ; and the regulations for the religious life and
studies do not differ materially from similar codes; the
dedication is “ad honorem sanctissimae Trinitatis P9, beatissimae
Virginis, et gloriosissimi confessoris Cuthberti,' and there are
to be special prayers for Hatfield and his family, for his old
* Some revenues received during the transition appear in the same accounts.
Part of the fund was temporarily lent out; e.g. Comp. c. 1387, ‘Item debentur de
domino Episcopo (John Fordham) clvijº vis viijd pro quibus inuadiantur in custodia
Johannis de Beryngton una ymago argentea deaurata, precium cº ; quinque espice-
plates deauratae, precium xlli; seſ: can]delabra argentea, precium X!"; usque ad
festum sancti Martini.” The receipt for the image is in Hist. TXun. app. cxl.
* Wilkins, Conc. ii. 617–622 : but it is a polite fiction on the part of the Popes
to say that Richard II endowed the college, since all the benefices were in reality
bought from Lord Nevill and his sub-tenants.
* The college had to borrow £40 of Bishop Langley for this purpose. Cf.
Comp. I4O4–5 (Rodyngton), ‘ Item in solucione facta iuridicis Ebor' et London'
pro defensione cause eiusdem ecclesie,' #7 6s. 8d. ; ‘et pro expensis factis apud
Cowyntre et apud Sanctum Albanum et London’ ac apud Poumfrate et versus
Byngham pro eadem causa,’ 4, 16 Ios. o.º.d.; (Oxonie), ‘Item in solucione facta
magistro Johanni Catryke pro adquisicione 2*um bullarum, #20 13s. 4d. ; ‘Item
Thome Rose laboranti London’ pro eisdem bullis,’ 18s. 11d. ; Comp. I 405-6,
“Item pro exemplificacione carte Regis Ricardi de Ecclesiis Collegii, 22s. 4d. ;
and so on.
* Hence perhaps Sir Thomas Pope's dedication of his College “sanctissimae et
individuae Trinitati.”
SOME DURHAM COLLEGE ROLLS. I5
master, Edward III, nuper regis Angliae invictissimi, sub
cujus alis a juventute fuerat enutritus, for Queen Philippa,
the Bishops of Durham, &c. The foundation is to consist of
eight student monks, chosen by the Chapter of Durham,
‘secundum vim et formam in constitutionibus Benedictinis
de studentibus ad generalia Studia transmittendis provide
ordinatam, ut philosophiae et theologiae dumtaxat vacent
principaliter et intendant.’ One of these is to be selected by
the Prior to be Warden; he is to hold a weekly chapter and
transmit to Durham the names of the contumacious *. There
are to be two Bursars, who, with the Warden, are to manage
the estates, make all necessary payments for clothes, books,
and wages, bring up the accounts at a quarterly audit, and
send an annual compotus to Durham. The stipend of
a ‘socius’ is fixed at 6 Io, but a further allowance is to be
made towards the cost of taking the degree of B.D. and D.D.,
if there is a sufficient balance *.
The special feature, however, of Hatfield's scheme was the
inclusion on the foundation of eight secular students in grammar
and philosophy at a stipend of five marks, to be selected by
the four or five senior monks, four from the city or diocese of
Durham, two from the Bishop's lordship of Allertonshire, and
two from that in Howdenshire. They were to dine ‘in secunda
mensa Seorsim a monachis cum clerico Pº et aliis servientibus,’
to have separate rooms, to attend duly the College chapel
and the schools, to be provided with ‘tunicis et caputiis bis in
anno “,’ and to perform all ‘honesta ministeria *’ for the
monks. Scholars might remain in the college for seven years,
“si voluerint et habuerint testimonium satis laudabile, but
the power of removal or expulsion was carefully reserved to the
Prior of Durham. They were under no obligation to take
vows, but were required to take an oath * to honour the
* A very contumacious monk was admonished by the Prior in 1467: see the
letter, Hist. Dun. app. cclxv. He has frequented ‘loca suspecta’ till ‘vix superest
operimentum corporis aut grabati.” -
* Payments of 40s. to Ioos. were made for the B.D. degree, e.g. to John Burnby
I436, Wm. Seton I 447. Tho. Rowland I 481, Ric. Caley and Hen. Thew 1495.
For the D.D. degree Tho. Rome had about £13 in 1411, Wm. Ebchester £16 in
1470, and J. Aukland £ro in 1482; see Nos. 4 and 5 in List of Wardens.
* This was the Warden's clerk; cf. Comp. I424, “In expensis clerici gardiani
versus ecclesias vs vd ob. There were then four “valletti,' the pincerna, cocus,
barbitonsor, and carpentarius. In 1432 five are enumerated, the pincerna, cocus,
subcocus, barbitonsor, and lotrix.
* Generally called the livery, “liberatura estivalis,” and ‘hyemalis.’
* The exact definition of these might cause disputes; see J, note 6.
* A specimen of a ‘recepcio scolaris in Collegium Oxonie, preserved in a
T]urham Register, is printed by Raine (Hist. Dun. app. clxxxviii). There is no
trace of the oath in the Compotus till I454 (‘Item in datis uni notario pro instru-
mentis confectis super iuramento duorum scolarium in collegium admissorum, iſs').
I6 - CO/LLECTA WEA.
monks and help the Church of Durham to the best of their
ability, in whatever rank of life they might be. Unfortunately
the Compotus contains only the most general allusions to
these secular scholars or “pueri’; they seem on the whole to
have lived quietly with the monks.
The visitatorial power, intended to protect the College from
any breach of trust or indifference on the part of the Convent,
was assigned by Hatfield to the Bishop of Durham, and was
to pass, if he neglected his duty, first to the Bishop of Lincoln
and then to the Archbishop of Canterbury. In the draft
statutes the Bishop of Carlisle precedes the Bishop of Lincoln
in this matter, and the Archbishop does not appear. Other
points in which the drafts differ from the final “ordinatio’ are
(1) the mention of nine instead of eight ‘socii’ in all; (2) the
use of the term “pueri’ instead of ‘scolares seculares'; (3) the
fixing of the revenue required as 280 instead of 200 marks.
The College, thus endowed and organised, seems to have
had a fair measure of success; its history, if uneventful, is not
pervaded by scandals ; a constant succession of the younger
monks carried back to Durham an amount of education,
which must have been one of the chief causes of the respect-
ability and orderliness of the abbey up to the time of its
dissolution. The scheme is well described by the unknown
author of the ‘Rites of Durham’ who remembered its working:
“Ther was alwayes vi Novices, which went daly to schoule within the
House, for the space of vijyere, and one of the oldest mounckes, that was
lernede, was appointed to be there tuter. The sayd novices had no wages,
but meite, drinke, & clothe, for that space. The maister or tuteres office
was to se that they lacked nothing, as Cowles, frocks, stammyne,
beddinge, bootes, and Socks, and whene they did lack any of thes neces-
saries the Maister had charge to calle of the Chamberlaynes for such
thinges. For they never receyved wages, nor handled any money, in that
space, but goynge daly to there bookes within the Cloyster. And yf the
maister did see that any of theme weare apte to Jernyng, and dyd applie
his booke, and had a pregnant wyt withall, then the maister dyd lett the
Prior have intellygence. Then, streighteway after, he was sent to Oxforde
to schoole, and there dyd lerne to study Devinity.’
Such a system would have been most effective if Henry VIII's
plan for a liberal endowment of education from the funds
of the monastery had been carried out". The Wardens, of
whom the Compoti supply an almost perfect list” from 1389
If they had attained years of discretion before their admission, there can have been
no strict limit of age. In 1445 Warden Burnby refused to admit a nominee not
properly qualified for a Northallerton Scholarship (Obituary Roll, p. xii).
* See Stevenson’s pamphlet, pp. II-I4.
* Though it is strange that the years 1450–3, when Richard Bell took the
place of John Burnby, should be missing from the set: perhaps this indicates that
Burnby did not really resign, but appointed a deputy.
SOME DURHAM COLLEGE ROLLS. I7
to 1496, were generally selected from the younger monks, and
were men of ability, as appears from the fact that six of them
at least were afterwards Priors of Durham, and most of the
others held important offices. Richard Bell’s ambition took
him as far as the Bishopric of Carlisle, and he is said to have
aspired even to the Papacy; Rome, Wm. Ebchester, and
Burnby were learned men and influential delegates at the
Benedictine chapters at Northampton; and others are de-
scribed as able administrators at Durham. Many names of
Socii and a few of scholares, if it were worth while, might be
catalogued from these accounts; but it is curious that there is
no mention of Gilbert Kymer, Duke Humphrey's physician,
many of whose acts as Chancellor of the University for the
second time (1446–53) are dated from Durham College,
where he probably rented a chamber, without being a member
of the foundation. The fellows for the time being remained
in all essentials monks of Durham, and the College in its
Corporate capacity took its share as one of the cells in the
extraordinary expenses of the parent house. Contributions
of 5s. 8d., 13s. 4d., and 26s. 8d, were made when the Durham
dormitory was being rebuilt in 1398–1400 ; 2s. was sub-
scribed for many years to the fund for the Durham boy-
bishop, ‘Episcopo Elemosinarie’; 6s. 8d. was paid out of the
balance of 1432–3 ‘ad fabricam lauacrorum in claustro, and
I3s. 4d. in I434–5 ‘ad facturam maiorum nouorum organo-
rum '; and the horses of the college officials had a special
place in the Durham stable *. At the same time business
was business, and the College had to pay rent to the
Chamberlain of Durham for a house belonging to his office,
which they used when inspecting their rectory at Frampton".
Occasionally a fellow's place was vacated, not by return to
Durham, but by death ; and then the College gave him
a handsome funeral, and distributed alms for the repose of
their brother's soul".
Unfortunately the estates assigned to the College consisted
entirely of appropriated rectories, heavily burdened by the
Customary diocesan charges, by the pensions of the rectors
* The following item also seems to refer to Durham : Comp. I405, ‘Item in
communi contribucione, viz. pincerne pro seminibus et viridi succo et aliis com-
putatis in communi contribucione viº. viijd.’
* Comp. I4oo, ‘Item camerario pro tenemento in villa Sancti Botulfi xviijd;’
and Comp. I 402, ‘Item camerario Dunelmensi pro domibus in Bostane xviijd.’
* Comp. 1436, ‘Item in elemosina data pro anima domini Thome Forster Con-
fratris xxs;’ Comp. 1406, ‘Et pro distribucione facta pauperibus in exeguiis Johannis
de Kirkeland xxs; Et pro prandio suo dato pauperibus per Xxx" dies post eius
obitum vis viijd;’ Comp. I478, ‘Item in elimosina data pauperibus in obitu domini
Willelmi Dawell xvijs; Item in expensis funeralium domini Willelmi Dawell tam
Oxonie quam eadem (; die) apud yesleppe (Islip) XX*.’
III. C
I8 COLLECTA NEA.
who had been bought out, and by the stipends very properly
reserved for the vicars; and both the College and the Convent
were severely hit by the decline in the profits of agriculture
which took place soon after the beginning of the fifteenth
century. The balance in cash which John de Berington handed
over did not last long, and in 1395–6 we find the College
borrowing £5 from an University Chest ‘super caucione prioris,'
3Os. ‘de uno pannario Oxoniensi,’ 48 from the stipends of the
warden and fellows, and other sums up to £24. The settle-
ment of the difficulties which had delayed the acquisition of
Bossall gave some relief; and in spite of heavy expenses on
the ‘reformatio’ of the churches (see above), large sums were
spent in building between 1405 and 1421. In 1392–3 (see G)
near £40 was due from the officers of Durham and the
various cells, and though there were some cases where the
contributions were unpaid and finally written off, it seems
to have been understood that the College was to expect ÁIo
to £ 13 in cash from the chamberlain, commoner, and shrine-
keeper; but after 1412 these payments cease to appear, and
the last payment of any importance from a cell was one of
:66 17s. 2d. from Stamford in 1425–6, in which year a donation
of £Io ‘per dominum Dunelmensem' (P Bishop Langley) also
Occurs. As a consequence of this, some inquiries, the date of
which is not stated, were addressed to the Prior by the Bishop
as Visitor under Hatfield's statutes, and the Prior in reply
alleged Scotch wars, the great floods of 1401, the sterility
of the estates, the cost of rebuilding the dormitory, legal
expenses, the pensions of the rectors who had inconsider-
ately lived ten, twelve, and even twenty years, and generally
the decrease in revenues. Skirlaw, Langley, and some of the
wardens contributed generously to the College; but by 1459
the gross income had sunk to £145, and the convent was
forced to procure the appropriation of the church of Branting-
ham, one of their oldest pieces of patronage *. After this
things were better, but an annual deficit had reappeared before
I496, when the series of compotus-rolls closes. In Henry
VIII's valuation only the net receipts are given : the income
was £122 Odd ; the warden received £12, seven fellows 48
each, and eight Scholars 4 marks apiece; 4os. was given in
alms to the four orders of Friars in Oxford, and 13s. 4d. to the
* From this church there came remarkable payments in 1486, ‘Et de denariis
prouenientibus donacionum ad tumbam magistri Willelmi Benson xiiiji viijs vid,'
and in I489, “Et de vi'i receptis de pixide magistri Willelmi Benson in Ecclesia
de Brantyngham,’ and in 1490 44 from the same source. William Benson, M.A.,
was first Vicar of Brantingham on the presentation of the College 1459–1479; but
why were offerings made at his tomb ten years after his death? And by what right
did the college reap the benefit of them?
SOME DURHAM COLLEGE ROLLS. I9
poor; and after paying the steward £6 there was a balance
of about £24 for general expenses.
Among the miscellaneous receipts the most interesting
entries are those of sums paid for the use of rooms in the
college by persons not on the foundation. These rents were
Small at first, e.g. 43s. in 1389–90, 52s. 8d. in 1398–9, 7os. in
14O I, 76.s. in 1410, 80s. in 1413, and the ‘pensio j camere
Oxonie’ for one term was only 3s. 4d. in 1394–5; but they
gradually came to form an important source of income ;
367 8s. 8d. is credited to this source in 1472, and £8 2s.
in 1473. One of the tenants is mentioned above ; the inha-
bitant of the ‘camera Dunkan’ (E, note 21) may have been
Thomas Duncan, Fellow of Merton in I4O4, and physician
to the Earl of March". But the most important statements
on this subject are to be found in the quarterly rolls. In
that for the last quarter of 1394 there are two significant
entries under the head of repairs; “Item pro jbanda ferrea
pro trabe in bassa camera monachorum Eboracensium vijd.,'
and ‘Item pro duabus crukys (hooks for hinges) fenestre
camere monachorum Eboracensium iſd.’ The explanation is
found among the receipts in a brief account for the third
quarter of I4I4:
Qwythy pro anno preterito.
Item de xxº in plena solucione camere monachorum Eboracensium
pro eodem anno.
Item de viijs viijd in parte solucionis camere magistri T. Mosten.’
Unfortunately these are the only entries of the kind, but
they make it quite clear that Durham College to some extent
served the purpose of a home for the other Benedictine abbeys
of the northern province, who had no share in the Gloucester
Hall settlement and would naturally prefer renting rooms
for their students among friends to letting them share the
mixed society of the ordinary halls. It will be seen from
a comparison of the list of rooms at the end of E with
Loggan's view, that there were rooms to spare. The chambers,
besides the perloquitorium and the warden's room over it,
were twelve in number, without reckoning the possibilities
of accommodation in the buildings to the N.W. of the buttery.
If we assume that the rooms of which the situation is
not specially described, viz., the right-hand room on the first
floor and the middle and right-hand rooms on the ground
floor of the northern side of the quadrangle, were the three
appropriated to the scholars (pueri), there remain for the
* Another Fellow of Merton, Ralph Hamsterley, Master of University College
1509, was a benefactor honoured with a brass plate in the old Chapel.
C 2.
2O COLLECTA NEA.
use of seven monks fifteen beds in nine rooms, the smallest
of which was 27 ft. by 18; and it is extremely likely that
three to five rooms were let regularly to other abbeys or
to independent students who could afford to pay for the
comparative quiet and comfort of a well-to-do community
settled in the healthiest part of Oxford. The ‘low chamber
of the monks of York’ may be the ‘old Bursary.’
A very brief mention must suffice for the building operations
of the fifteenth century. The east side of the old quadrangle,
which has remained almost untouched, except by the archaic
‘ restoration’ of the library windows on the W. and the addition
of Dr. Kettell’s “cocklofts, is unambitious in detail, but most
effective in the simplicity of its general design; the north
side seems to have been very similar, and the south front of
the chapel contained plain but good perpendicular windows”.
Aubrey and Wood, who saw it in the seventeenth century,
have left notes of inscriptions, paintings, and stained glass,
some of which, it can hardly be doubted, is still preserved
in the library of Trinity College. It has suffered consider-
ably both from wanton damage and from a ‘restoration' in
the last century; but still retains the little figures of the
‘black monks’ kneeling at the feet of their patron saints, and
the shields of Hatfield and other benefactors of the house”.
A large sum (6 Too 3s. 4d.) is acknowledged as ‘limitata as-
signata et adduisita ad novum opus Oxonie, probably from
subscriptions, in 1409–Io; and £90 Ios. 2%d. was spent in the
following year, perhaps on completing the north range. In
I413–4 435 odd was spent in construccione unius muri
lapidei cum emendacione basse camere et camini cum empcione
meremij.' Next followed the library in 1417–8 (see note 32);
a chamber cost £19 Is. Ioºd, in the following year, and
another £25 Ios. 4d. in 1420–I. After this only repairs are
recorded. In Comp. 1467 there is an item, ‘in factura cuiusdam
partis muri lapidei in angulo boriali orti versus ostium
fratrum Augustinensium xlvijº. A ‘spaciatorium' referred
to (if at Oxford) must be a garden walk, as there is no trace
of any kind of cloister.
The disappearance of all the accounts for the sixteenth
Century except the Compoti of I540–I and 1541–2 leaves us
almost without information as to the history of the last fifty
* See L and notes; also Comp. I409, ‘Item in expensis factis circa dedica-
cionem capelle una cum cera pallijs et alijs ornamentis emptislzvs viijº ob.” Comp.
I4I4 mentions the dedication of ‘altars,' Comp. 1417 that of one altar. Comp.
I460, Item in una campana empta pro capella cum locione albarum xiiiji vi".’
* The most remarkable figure, almost unique, is that of Thomas Becket; the
head has been cracked in three places, but the piece of the sword sticking in the
forehead identifies it beyond mistake.
SOME DURHAM COLLEGE ROLLS. 2I
years of the College. In 1540–1 the total revenue was
£128 IOs. 4d., including a small quit-rent from a tenement
at Handborough near Woodstock, which we may conjecture
served the College as a retreat during the epidemics which
now began to infest Oxford. The ‘pensiones’ or net receipts
from the churches appear as in the Valor Ecclesiasticus,
and possibly some commutation had taken place; but the
stipends of the fellows and scholars had been reduced by about
one-fifth. The names of the wardens are derived mainly from
external evidences such as the University Registers; but it
is difficult to believe that the Thomas Castell who is described
as ‘gardianus Collegii Dunelmensis’ on taking his D. D.
degree in 15II is not the same as Thomas Castell, Warden
1487–94 (in the Compotus) and Prior of Durham to 1519.
Eventually on December 31, 1540, the last Prior of Durham,
Hugh Whitehead, surrendered all the possessions of his abbey
to the Crown, and the estates of the College, the net value
of which (£ I 154s. 4d.) almost exactly makes up the Odd
figures in the great total of £21 I5 I2s. 64d., were swept in
with the rest. But the Prior had made good terms, not only
for himself, and the Warden, and several of the Durham
monks", but for the Cathedral Chapter, which was reconstituted
in May 1541, and endowed with practically the whole pro-
perty of the convent except the estates of its dependencies
at Finchałe, Jarrow, Wearmouth, Lytham, and Stamford *".
The grant included—
“Totum illud scitum circuitum ambitum et praecinctum cujusdam
nuper Collegii vocati Duresme College infra villam Oxon. in com. nostro
Oxon. ac totam illam ecclesiam sive capellam, campanile, Coemiterium,
una cum omnibus domibus aedificiis, pomariis, gardinis, hortis, et Solo’—
and the revenues from the six churches and the tenement at
Handborough. In the survey taken for the Augmentation
Office accurate measurements of the site and buildings are
given, with a few descriptive notes”, which are useful as
coming about halfway between the Inventory of I428 and
Loggan's view which was drawn about 1675.
The scheme for a large “Durham University’ College, with
* Most of the officers received prebendal stalls on the new foundation: and
among them was Thomas Sparke, D.D., a former socius of the college and Prior
of Holy Island 1528, who had been consecrated Suffragan Bishop of Berwick in
1537; he was Master of Gretham Hospital 154I and Rector of Wolsingham I547,
and died in 1572 : see Hist. Dun. p. I56.
* See the whole deed in Hutchinson's Durham, vol. ii, and Some remarks in
Surtees, vol. i.
* E.g. ‘A Fayre Library well desked and well floured, with a Tymber Floure
over it, in Length xxvijFote and in Bredethe xviij Fote.” There were 3,000 trees
in the grove, which were valued at £7.
22 COLLECTA NEA.
a Provost, Readers in Greek, Hebrew, Divinity with Latin,
and Physic, sixty scholars, a schoolmaster and an usher, and
twenty divinity students at Oxford and Cambridge, was found
far too expensive for Henry VIII's taste, though the principle
of devoting a portion of the funds to education was recognized
by the foundation of the ‘King's School.' But it appears from
the Compotus printed below (K), that it is not the case, as is
usually stated, that the old College was suppressed by the
Crown ; but the Dean and Chapter had some idea of con-
tinuing to support it on the same Scale as before, giving up to
it the net revenue of Frampton (£28 6s. 8d.) and making
up the usual income by a cash payment of £ IOO. The senior
of the old fellows, George Clyff, was appointed Rector, and
appears from incidental remarks in his accounts to have
considered the position humorous; and there were to be
seven fellows and four scholars receiving respectively 47s. 6d.
and 37.s. 6d. a term as stipends. Such an establishment, if
worked by the Chapter in connexion with the school, might
have been very serviceable, but it fell through at once, and
George Clyff did not even trouble to complete his final
Compotus. The estates reverted to the Dean and Chapter,
who still present to most of the benefices; but the site and
buildings passed again in the surrender to the Crown of
March 20, 36 Hen. VIII (1544), and were not regranted.
After being occupied as a sort of private hall by Walter
Wright, Archdeacon of Oxford and Vice-Chancellor 1547–49,
they fell into disrepair, became mere ‘canilia lustra' (Wood),
and were granted by the Crown to Dr. George Owen in 1553, .
who sold them to Sir Thomas Pope on Feb. 20, 1554.
HERBERT E. D. BLAKISTON.
TRINITY COLLEGE,
Oct. I895.
LIST OF THE PRIORS, WARDENS, OR RECTORS
OF DURHAM COLLEGE.
MoST of these names and dates are derived from the headings of the com-
poti. In cases where a change of warden occurs during a gap in the series
I have given an approximate date. The information as to the careers of
the wardens is drawn from a variety of sources, but chiefly from the
publications of the Surtees Society and the works of Antony Wood.
Stevens in his Additions to the Monasticon (pp. 341–4) was the first to
print a list of eight wardens, and Warton (Life of Sir T. Pope, p. 3OO)
added a few details and the name of Robert Ebchester, all from Wood's
papers. It will be noticed that nearly all the wardens, like their fellow
monks, adopted surnames from their native places (mostly places in
the Palatinate or connected with the see or convent of Durham), which
are found sometimes with but generally without a preposition.
1. Gilbert Elwyk, S.T.P., c. 1316.
Voted as Prior Oxoniae at the election of Henry Stamford in 1316, and
as Prior of Holy Island (1328–1350) at the election of Robert de Gray-
stanes in I333; died I363.
2. John de Beverlaco (Beverley), S.T.P., c. 1333.
Voted as Prior Oxoniae at the election of Robert de Graystanes in
1333; Master of Jarrow in 1340; Prior of Finchale in 1345; Prior of
Holy Island; took a leading part in the Benedictine chapters at North-
ampton in I.338 and I343.
3. R. de C , after 1340.
Possibly Robert de Claxton, Prior of Coldingham c. 1374, if the
document quoted in A, par. 5, lies between pars. 4 and 6 in date: or
perhaps Robert Crayk, see A, note I4.
[4. P Uthred de Boldon, S.T.P., c. 1360.
Appears to have been very closely connected with the College even
before 1380, when he was named as one of Hatfield’s trustees; frequently
mentioned in John de Berington's accounts. He received 20s. in 1359
from Jarrow ‘ad incepcionem Suam,’ and Such a payment is seldom made
except to the Prior or Warden. In 1360 and 1362 he had 6s. 8d. ‘ex
curialitate' from Wearmouth. IIe occurs as Prior of Finchale I367–72
and in 1375 and I390. Ambassador from Edward III to the Pope in
I374. He was a copious writer, and is considered by Tanner to have
been one of the most learned of the Benedictines at Oxford. (Other details
in Tanner, Bibliotheca Britannico-Hibernica, p. 743.)
[5. P John Aclyff (de Acley), c. 1380.
Was closely connected with the College about the time of its endow-
ment, received a donation of 20s, from Wearmouth, probably for incepting
*
24. COLLECTA NEA.
as S.T.P., in 1377. In Berington’s accounts he is allowed 33s. 4d. for
a clerk; no similar payment occurs except in favour of a warden. He
was Master of Wearmouth 1387, Prior of Coldingham 1391, and Sub-
prior of Durham in I394.
6. Robert Blaklaw, c. 1389–1404.
Appears to have been appointed first warden of the new foundation
shortly before John de Berington ceased to administer the endowment.
7. William Appylby, 1404–1409.
Librarian of Durham, 1391; Almoner, 1399; buried in the College
chapel, where a brass plate with inscription remained in the seventeenth
century: see L, note I.
8. Thomas Rome, S.T.P., 1409–1419.
Occurs as Bursar of the College 1391–2 and I394-6; Sacrist of Durham
in 14O6. Thomas Rome seems to be described as Prior of Pershore in
the acts of the chapter at Northampton in 1423, as printed by Reyner
(Apost. Bened., App., pt. iii. p. 175); but Wilkins (Conc. iii. p. 423) more
correctly makes it clear that they were two separate persons.
9. William Ebchester, S.T.P., 1419–1428.
Born 1385; Bursar 1410–13 and 1418–9. ‘Will’mus Ebchester huius
custos Collegii Dominus vobiscú” is in the upper lights of a window in
the College. He was Prior of Holy Island 1430–37, Sacrist of Durham
in 1438, and Prior of Durham 1446–56. He represented Durham at
all the triennial Benedictine chapters at Northampton between 1426-4I.
Buried in Durham Cathedral. (See notice in Surtees Society edition
(1856) of his Obituary Roll, pp. vii, viii.)
10. Richard Barton, S.T.B., 1428–1431.
Bursar I.390–1, 1413–6, 1420–24; Feretrarius at Durham in 1438; Prior
of St. Leonard's, Stamford, in 1440 and in 1456 (see letter in Jarrow and
Wearmouth Rolls, p. 236).
11. John Mody (Moody), S.T.P., 1431–c. 1440,
Bursar I 422–5; Master of Jarrow I446–52.
12. John Burnby, S.T.P., 1442–1450, and 1453–6.
Bursar I425–35; Sub-prior of Durham ; represented Durham at
Northampton in 1444, 1447, and 1450; one of the commissaries of the
Chancellor of the University of Oxford in 1447, 1448, and I449; resigned
the wardenship in order to act as visitor of Benedictine monasteries in
the north ; reappointed Warden Sept. 30, 1453; Prior of Durham I456–
64; died Oct. 17, 1464; buried in the Cathedral. (See particulars in
Surtees Society edition (1856) of his Obituary Roll, pp. xi-xvi, and App. ix.)
13. Richard Bell, S.T.B., 1450–1453.
Born 1410; Bursar I435–c. 1440; Prior of Holy Trinity, York, I44I ;
not found as Warden in College Compotus'; Sub-prior of Durham in
1456; Prior of Finchale 1457–64; Bishop of Carlisle I478–96; buried
in the Choir of Carlisle Cathedral. (Full account in Finchale Priory Rolls,
Surt. Soc. 1837, pp. xxviii-xxxi.)
14. Thomas Caly, S.T.B., 1457–c. 1463.
Bursar I.445–54.
* The compoti are missing between 1450 and 1453.
SOME DURHAM COLLEGE ROLLS. 25
15. Robert Ebchester, S.T.P., c. 1464–c. 1475.
Prior of Durham I.478–84; buried in the Cathedral.
16. William Law, S.T.B., c. 1478–c. 1481.
Bursar I 464–72.
17. John Aukland, S.T.P., c. 1481–1484.
Bursar 1459–64; Master of Wearmouth 1466–70; Prior of Durham
I484–94; buried in the Cathedral.
18. Thomas Rowland, S.T.B., 1484–1487.
Bursar C. I.478–c. 1482.
19. Thomas Castell, S.T.P., 1487–1494.
Bursar I484–5; Prior of Durham I494–1519; rebuilt the East gate of
the Abbey, St. Helen's Chapel, &c.; buried in the Cathedral.
2O. William Cawthorne, S.T.P., 1494–c. 15Ol.
bursar 1484–5; Prior of Holy Island in 15OI ; Prior of Finchale I 506–
C.. I 52O.
21. Thomas Swalwell, S.T.P., c. 1501.
Took his D.D. degree in 15OI as Gardianus of Durham College (Wood,
Fasti 7); Almoner at Durham in 1515.
22. P. Thomas Castell, S.T.P., c. 1511.
One of this name took the D.D. degree in 15II as Gardianus of Durham
College. This may be the late warden ; but Wood (who did not know
however that Prior Castell was once Warden of the College) thinks that
there were two Durham monks of the same name (Fasti 30, 34, 38).
23. Hugh Whitehead, S.T.P., 1512–c. 1519.
Commissary of the Chancellor of the University in 1514; last Prior
of Durham 1519–40 ; first Dean of Durham 1541–48; built the Prior's
Hall at Pittington; died in London Nov. I551, and was buried in the
Minories Church near the Tower (Wood, Fasti 38, and note).
24. Edward Hyndmer (Henmarsh) *, S.T.P., c. 1527–1541.
First prebendary of the first stall in the new foundation of Durham
Cathedral ; died I543. -
25. George Clyff, S.T.B., 1541–1542.
Senior Fellow in 1540 ; third prebendary of the twelfth stall at Durham,
1558; Vicar of Billingham I560–5 and I 584–95; Rector of Brancepeth
1571–84; died 1595 (Hutchinson's Durham, ii. 214).
* Another Edward Hyndmer, or Hindmarsh, a native of Westmoreland, was
Scholar of Trinity College, 1561, and Fellow 1568–76. From a legacy left by
him in 1608 the old library was refitted with bookcases (still existing) in 1625.
Several other Durham names, e.g. that of my kinsman, Marmaduke Blakiston
(Apr., I579), occur in the early lists of Trinity Commoners.
CHRONOLOGICAL SUMMARY.
1286. First purchase of land at Oxford.
129O. Richard de Hoton succeeds Hugh de Derlington as Prior of
Durham.
1315. First Inventory and List of Books sent to Oxford.
1337. Constitutions of Benedict XII.
1338. Edward III's Charter to Bishop Richard de Bury.
1380. Bishop Hatfield's Endowment and ‘Ordinatio.’
1389. First compotus of Hatfield’s foundation.
1405. Building of the College Chapel commenced.
1417. Building of the College Library commenced.
1540. Surrender of the Convent of Durham and its Cells.
1541. Foundation of the Cathedral Chapter of Durham.
1553. Site of the College granted by the Crown to Dr. George Owen.
DESCRIPTION OF PILATES OF SEALS.
I (Frontispiece). Oxford Seals from Durham College Rolls:—
1. Parish of St. Mary Magdalen, 1326; legend, S' CONMVN’ PO-
CHIANO” IVIAG’. ©
2. Hospital of St. John without the East Gate, 129I ; legend, S'
FRATRWIM OSPITALIT? Sº IOPIAININIS . . . OXEN”.
3. Godstow Abbey, 1286; legend, SIGILLVM SCE MARIE ET
SCI IOEIIS BAPTISTE GODESTOENS' ECCLIE; St. John
Baptist presents a lamb (ECCE AGNVS DEI) to the Virgin, the
foundress, EDIVA, kneels below.
4. Priory of St. Frideswide, 1291 ; legend, SIGILLVM [ECCLESI]E
SAINCTE] FRIDESWIDE OXENEFORDIE.
5. Oseney Abbey, I326; legend, Sigillvrm abbatis et conuentus
ecclesie Sancte marie de Oseney.
6. Rural Dean of Oxford, 1326; legend, SIGILL DECANI OXON’E.
II (facing ſº. 26). Seals relating to Hatfield’s endowment :—
I. Episcopal Seal” of John Fordham, Bishop of Durham, 1386; legend,
Sigill’. iohannis dei gra’, episcopi dunolmensis.
2. Privy Seal” of Thomas Hatfield, Bishop of Durham, 1380; legend,
Secretu : thorme : dei : gracia : epi : dunolm :
3. Counterseal” of the convent of Durham, 138o; legend, CAPVT
SAINCTI OSWAT,IDI REGIS.
3. Common Seal” of Durham College, Oxford, 1438; legend, Sigillum
com . . colleg’ monachoż durielm” oxon’.
* Appended to the licence quoted in A, § 8; see p. 31. --
* Appended to the covenant between Hatfield and the Convent; see p. 12.
A unique specimen appended to a letter from Warden Mody replying to the
citation to attend the election of a bishop on the death of Thomas Langley. It
seems to represent the Virgin and Child between St. Cuthbert and St. Benedict,
who presents a student-monk.
-
JOHN FORDHAM
º º -
BISHOP OF "A º
º
º º
ſ
%
ºf .
THOMAS HATFIELD º -
BISHOP OF DUR HAM
DURHAM COLLEGE
SEALS CONNECTED WITH BISHOP HATFIELD'S FOUNDATION
PZaze I/








A.
Responsiones Contra Priorem Studentium, 1422.
(This document appears to be one of those collections which the energetic John
Wessyngton or Washington, Bursar of the College 1398–1403, and Prior of
Durham 1416–1446, ‘ad perpetuam tutelam et defensionem jurium libertatum et
possessionum ecclesiae Dunelmensis, adversus malicias et machinaciones ipsam
molencium impugnare, non sine labore et studio compilavit, et per Robertum
Westmorland scribi fecit” (Hist. Dunelm. Scr. Zºes, app. ccxxviii). It may even
be the actual roll by which he proved ‘quod Prior Studencium non habet interesse
in Collegio nostro Oxoniensi, ea racione quod prius erat Prior in dicto loco nostro
quam erat creatus aliquis Prior Studencium.’ It contains some quotations of
importance; and is also valuable as showing that early in the fifteenth century the
Oxford College was regarded as an institution of undoubted antiquity. The
citations from the Digest and Decretals which are paraded in the concluding para-
graphs, are so little to the point, that it has been thought sufficient to expand the
cramped references which are printed in the text as they stand in the MS. This
roll was at one time sewn on to the accounts of John Berington, the acting
trustee of Bishop Hatfield for the endowment of the College, and is docketed ‘e
locello I°.’ It is well written and legible, and measures I ſt. 7 in. by II in. In
this transcript stops have been freely inserted for the sake of clearness, and for the
same reason the interchange of u with z, and 2 with j has been almost entirely
ignored.)
INFRASCRIPTA erant notata pro responsione facienda Priori Studen- I. Title
cium' clamanti Jurisdiccionemin Collegio Monachorum Dunelmensium **
Oxonie Anno Gracie millesimo quadringentesimo vicesimo Secundo”.
Memorandum quod Papa Benedictus XIIus circa annum gracie 2. Extract
millesimum cocm xxxvijmum edidit certa statuta et constituciones Super 3.
reformacionem Ordinis nigrorum monachorum. Inter que statuta tions of
continetur talis clausula, capitulo octavo *, de modo conservandi stu- º:
dencium monachorum: “Volentes eciam providere ut dictis scolaribus 337.
in eisdem studiis morantibus et eciam moraturis (eo quod absunt
abeorum cenobiis) regularis nondesit Salubre “gubernaculum discipline,
ordinamus et volumus quod capitulis provinciarum, in quibus erunt
28 COLLEC7TA VEA.
3 Durham
Ha11 at
Oxford was
founded by
Prior Hugh
(de Der-
lington);
Gilbert
Elwyk was
Erior there
in I3I6.
4. Extract
from the
Somelville
Statutes of
hujusmodi studia, presidentes unum Abbatem vel Priorem ipsius
Ordinis seu religionis cujuslibet, ipsorum studiorum vicinum, et quem °
quOciens eis placuerit ponere valeant et mutare, ordinent et assignent.
Qui Abbas vel Prior monachis studentibus unum inibi monachorum
priorem studencium deputet per unum totum annum duraturum ; quem
quidem Priorem dicti eciam presidentes mutare valeant quociens
videbitur expedire ; quique potens in opere ac sermone, per direc-
cionem verbi et ducatum exempli eosdem monachos studentes
tractando, quociens opus fuerit et sibi " videbitur expedire, convocet ad
locum aliquem competentem illisque quo ad regularem presideat
disciplinam ; et potestatem habeat illos corrigendi puniendi et absol-
vendi et cum eisdem dispensandi, quamdiu in ipsis studiis moram
traxerint, ab omnibus a quibus et super quibus et prout possit Abbas
vel alius prelatus eorum proprius in Monasterio vel alio loco unde
cenobite seu claustrales existunt ; ipsos informandi et instruendi ac
tenendi sub regularibus disciplinis et illos eciam cohercendi ne
vagentur vel actibus seu Operibus vacent illicitis, sed studeant et
proficiant sicut decet, vivantque laudabiliter et honeste.'
Per dictam constitucionem vendicat Prior studencium Nigrorum
Monachorum Oxonie Jurisdiccionem super monachos collegii Dunel-
mensis in Oxonia. Contra quem se opponit Prior sive Custos dicti
Collegii et allegat in contrarium, quod diu ante edicionem dicte
Constitucionis Benedictine et dotacionem prefati Collegii factam per
venerabilem patrem dominum Thomam Hatfeld, ymmo a tempore
cuius contrarii memoria homini non existit, dicti monachi Dunelmenses
habuerunt ibidem unum mansum proprium, in quo communiter
degebant octo " monachi Dunelmenses, quem numerum statuit eo
servandum quidam Hugo Prior Dunelmensis qui fuit circa annum
domini MlCCLVI], quandoque pauciores, causante guerra Scottorum *,
sed semper ad minus quinque vel quatuor, ut patet per antiqua
munimenta ecclesie Dunelmensis, quibus semper prefuit unus Prior
sive Custos per Priorem Dunelmensem prefectus et creatus qui solus
et insolidum immediate sub dicto Priore Dunelmensi in ipsis
monachis omne habuit excercicium regularis discipline et pro tali
fuerat publice habitus tentus et vocitatus ; ut patet in eleccionibus
factis in Ecclesia Dunelmensi et in aliis actibus solempnibus eiusdem
ecclesie, in quibus nomina Priorum et Custodum Cellarum ab eadem
ecclesia dependencium exprimuntur, ut est moris. Unde in eleccione
de Henrico Stamford ° facta anno domini millesimo CCC sextodecimo
inter ceteros Priores Cellarum recitatur Gilbertus Elwyk Prior Oxonie*°.
Iterum in appropriacione ecclesie de Mikylbenton facta Scolaribus
Aule de Balliolo anno domini MmocccxL continetur subscripta clausula*':
* Statuo et ordino et ad premissa adicio quod Prior sive Custos mona-
SOME DURHAM COLLEGE ROLLS. 29
chorum Dunelmensium Oxonie studencium, per Priorem Dunelmensem Balliol
prefectus, collega sit in omnibus Cancellario predicto vel ejus com- **"* **°
missario, tam in admissione quam confirmacione electi in magistrum
dicte domus de Balliolo et prestacione juramenti ac amocione eiusdem
magistri in casu quo fuerit amovendus, de quibus supra fit mencio,
necnon et illorum quos contingit eligi ad insistendum theologice
facultati. Ipseque Prior seu Custos cum dicto Cancellario vel eius
commissario excerceatomnia que circa dictos electos fuerint excercenda.
Sit autem idem Prior seu Custos unus * cum magistris extrinsecis,
quibus dicti sex Scolares (vel plures cum bona excreverint) presentari
debent cum eligantur ; plenamque potestatem cum aliis magistris
habeat ad eosdem Scolares examinandos et admittendos vel eciam
repellendos et ad omnia alia excercenda circa eosdem, que circa alios
scolares in eadem aula existentes per dictos magistros extrinsecos ex-
cerceri consueverunt tempore retroacto. Volo insuper statuo et ordino
dispono quod Episcopi Dunelmenses qui pro tempore fuerint prefatos
magistrum et scolares ad denunciacionem dicti Prioris seu Custodis
monachorum Dunelmensium ad observanciam premissorum, quo ad
eleccionem sex Scolarium et Capellani, ratione redituum per me
collatorum ad presens, necnon quoad numerum studencium in casu ex-
crescencie redituum eorundem cum acciderint (ut premittitur) amplian-
dum, ac quo ad omnia alia et singula superius expressata, possint
compellere viis et modis canonicis prout sibi magis videbitur ex-
pedire.'
N.18 Prior ecclesie Dunelmensis Dilecto filio R. de C.** salutem 5. A Prior
in omnium salvatore. De vestre circumspeccionis industria plenam in g Etiam
domino fiduciam amplectentes, vos in Priorem domus nostre Oxonie et sions a
confratrum nostrorum ibidem studencium tenore presencium pre- Ęa
ficimus et creamus, committentes vobis vices nostras et plenariam íílíto
potestatem disponendi et ordinandi de omnibus quo ad dictam domum hea; con-
pertinent, tam intra quam extra, cum consilio et consensu fratrum fessions.
eorundem. Insuper et ad audiendas ipsorum confessiones ipsosque
absolvendos, iniungendas eisdem pro modo culpe penitentias salutares,
necnon ad eligendum vobis unum de confratribus supradictis in con-
fessorem qui vestram confessionem audiat vosque absolvat et imponat
sicut expedit penitentiam competentem *°. Volumus insuper et ad id
vobis concedimus potestatem, ut cum venerando viro Cancellario
Oxonie vel ipsius commissario Collega sitis et socius tam in ad-
missione quam confirmacione electi in magistrum domus de Balliolo
ac prestacione juramenti ac amocione eiusdem in casu quo fuerit
amovendus; necnon et eleccioni illorum scolarium quos continget ad
eandem aulam eligi ad insistendum theologice facultati ; ac ulterius
ad omnia facienda gerenda et excercenda una cum dicto Cancellario
3O COLLECTANEA.
6. Licence
from Ed-
ward III
to appro-
priate to
Durham
Hall the
Church of
Appilby,
Leics.,
I 362.
7. Bull of
Innocent
VI to the
same effect,
I 358.
ipsiusve commissario que per Priorem domus nostre Oxonie in ordina-
cione generosi viri domini Philippi de Sumervill excerceri et fieri
statuuntur. In cuius rei &c.
Edwardus dei gracia Rex Anglie Dominus Hibernie et Acquitanie
Omnibus ad quos presentes littere pervenerint Salutem : Sciatis quod
de gracia nostra speciali concessimus et licenciam dedimus pro nobis et
heredibus nostris, quantum in nobis est, Dilectis nobis in Christo Priori
et Conventui Dunelmensi, quod ipsi Ecclesiam de Appilby in Comitatu
Leycestrie, que est de patronatu Prioris celle ipsorum Prioris et
Conventus de Lytham in Comitatu Lancastrie, appropriare et eam sic
appropriatam in proprios usus tenere possint sibi et successoribus suis,
ad inueniendam inde sustentacionem commonachis ipsorum Prioris et
Conventus Dunelmensis Oxonie studentibus, quorum studencium Prior
capellanus noster nominetur, qui pro anima nostra cum ab hac luce
subtracti fuerimus celebret juxta formam scripti predictorum Prioris et
Conventus Dunelmensis nobis inde facti, in perpetuum sine ocurcione
vel impedimento nostri vel heredum nostrorum, Justiciarii Escaetorum,
vicecomitum aut aliorum ballivorum seu ministrorum nostrorum
quorumcunque : statuto de terris et tenementis ad manum mortuam
non ponendis edito non obstante. In cuius rei testimonium has litteras
nostras fieri fecimus patentes. Teste me ipso apud Westmonasterium
decimo octavo die Julii, anno regni nostri tricesimo sexto °.
Innocentius Episcopus servus servorum dei Dilectis filiis Scolaribus
domus Dunelmensis in Universitate Oxoniensi Lyncolniensis dioceseos
constitute salutem et Apostolicam benediccionem. Illis solet Apostolica
benignitas se reddere liberalem qui ad fores sapiencie cum sedulitate
invigilant et, ut introeant in thesauros illius, diligenti studio insistunt
scolasticis disciplinis. Porrecta siquidem nobis pro parte vestra
peticio continebat quod redditus domus vestre adeo sunt tenues et
exiles quod ex eis vacando scolasticis excerciciis non potestis congrue
sustentari ; propter quod nobis extitit humiliter supplicacio ut vobis
super hoc de oportuno remedio providere de benignitate Apostolica
dignaremus. Nos igitur vestris necessitatibus pio compacientes
affectu, parochialem ecclesiam de Appylby Lyncolniensis dioceseos,
cuiusque redditus et proventus annui viginti librarum sterlingarum
secundum taxacionem decime valorem annuum non excedunt, ad
patronatum Prioris prioratus de Lythum Eboracensis dioceseos spec-
tantem, de eiusdem Prioris assensu nobis super hoc humiliter suppli-
cantis, mense vestre et successorum vestrorum studencium in domo
predicta auctoritate Apostolica ex nunc incorporamus in perpetuum
et unimus. Itaque cedente vel decedente ipsius ecclesie Rectore vel
ipso eam quomodolibet dimittente, liceat vobis vel successoribus
vestris antedictis possessionem corporalem eiusdem ecclesie propria
SOME DURHAM COLLEGE ROLLS. 3I
auctoritate apprehendere, ac fructus redditus et proventus eiusdem
in proprios usus convertere aceciam retinere: reservata tamen de
ipsius ecclesie fructibus et proventibus pro vicario perpetuo inibi
servituro, qui curam animarum ipsius ecclesie habeat gerere, jura
episcopalia solvere, et alia incumbencia Onera Supportare, Congrua
porcione, de qua idem Vicarius valeat congrue Sustentari. Nos etenim
irritum decrevimus et inane Si Secus a quoquam quavis auctoritate
scienter vel ignoranter contigerit attemptari. Nulli ergo omnino
homini liceat hanc paginam nostre concessionis et voluntatis infringere
vel ei ausu temerario contraire. Si quis autem hoc attemptare pre-
sumpserit, indignacionem omnipotentis dei ac beatorum Petri et Pauli
apostolorum eius se noverit incursurum. Data Avinione die vi Idus
Julii, Pontificatus nostri anno Sexto.
Universis sancte matris ecclesie filiis ad quos presentes littere 8. John
pervenerint, Johannes" permissione divina Dunelmensis Episcopus, fº
delegatus sive executor unicus ad infrascripta Sub forma infrascripta Durham,
a sede Apostolica specialiter deputatus, Salutem graciam et benedic- #: *9.
cionem, ac litteris Apostolicis firmiter obedire, necnon infrascriptis Buil of
fidem indubiam adhibere. Litteras sanctissimi in Christo patris et Urban VI,
* * º tº º * * : & e * g * and licenses
domini nostri domini Urbani divina providencia pape Sexti cum Hatfiji.
cordula canapis more Romane Curie bullatas Sanas et integras ac executors
omni vicio et suspicione carentes, nobis pro parte venerabilium viro- º
rum ac dilectorum in Christo filiorum Prioris et Capituli Ecclesie College.
nostre Cathedralis Dunelmensis presentatas, nos noveritis recepisse,
sub eo qui sequitur verborum tenore. ‘URBANUS Episcopus Servus
servorum etc.’” Post quarum quidem litterarum Apostolicarum re-
cepcionem fuimus per partem dictorum Prioris et Capituli sepius con-
grue requisiti ut ad execucionem dictarum litterarum Apostolicarum,
ante Omnia ad fundacionem institucionem et construccionem Collegii
infrascripti juxta ipsarum litterarum exigenciam et tenorem procedere
ipsumque Collegium fundare instituere et construere curaremus. Nos
igitur dictas litteras Apostolicas volentes exegui, ut tenemur, Supplica-
cionibusque dictorum Prioris et Capituli ecclesie nostre Dunelmensis
specialiter inclinati, ad exaltacionem fidei orthodoxe et divini cultus
augmentum et pro incremento studii theologice facultatis, Collegium
perpetuum pro sexdecim personis, quarum octo monachi predicte
ecclesie nostre Dunelmensis per Priorem et Capitulum dicte ecclesie in
ipso Collegio ponendi et subrogandi seu substituendi et Octo alie
persone clerici seculares, quos ipsi Prior et Capitulum ducerent eciam
eligendos, existerent in villa Oxonie predicta Lyncolniensis dioceseos,
in qua viget studium generale (in Loco sive Atrio videlicet dictorum
Prioris et Capituli quem monachi dicte ecclesie nostre Dunelmensis ab
antiquo inhabitabant et inhabitant in presenti), Auctoritate Apostolica
32 COLLECTA VEA
9. Infer-
ences from
the above
evidence.
(a) Inten-
tion of the
Pope in
establish-
ing the
IPrior Stu-
dentium.
(ô) Pre-
viously
existing
arrange-
mentS are
not thereby
abrogated.
nobis in hac parte commissa fundamus instituimus aceciam ordinamus:
Qui quidem monachi et alii clerici seculares inibi in sacre theologie et
arcium facultatibus studere et morari debent, dumtaxat juxta vim
formam effectum et exigenciam ordinacionum et statutorum per
dictos Priorem et Capitulum aliumve Judicem competentem in hac
parte imposterum edendorum.
Ex evidenciis suprascriptis patet quod (sicut Prior sive Custos
Collegii Dunelmensis allegat) a tempore cuius contrarii memoria homini
non existit et ante edicionem dicte Constitucionis Benedictine fuit unus
Prior seu Custos per Priorem Dunelmensem deputatus per quem et
sub quo monachi dicti Collegii salubriter et regulariter regebantur.
Et sic non videtur papa contra dictos monachos Dunelmenses aliquid
novum instatuere nec eos per contenta in dicto viijo capitulo coartare.
Et hoc eciam aliis mediis suadetur. Nam in execucione seu explecione
legis seu constitutionis papalis nedum verba sed pocius mens et
intellectus eorumdem inspicitur et servatur, ut impleatur scilicet finis
quem legislator intendit; FF de legibus .l. scire**. Et extra de privi-
legiis quinto *°. Sed de mente dicti domini Pape fuit ne hujusmodi
studentibus in aulis et hospiciis spersim ad libitum disgregatis deesset
disciplina regularis, ut liquet ex textu. Sed cum monachi ecclesie
Dunelmensis in dicto collegio commorantes in tempore edicionis
dicte constitucionis et ante et post fuerunt continue sub observancia
regulari Prioris seu Custodis dicti Collegii per Priorem Dunelmensem
prefecti et creati, ut patet in antiquis munimentis et scripturis superius
recitatis, Ergo predicta constitucio ad prefatos monachos Dunelmensis
Collegii non est extensiva ; ' argumento .l. FF de Judiciis .l. cum
pretor **. Et extra de presumpcionibus nonne *, cum similibus. .
Item constitucio papalis non tollit consuetudinem vel statuta
racionabilia que in facto consistunt et que papa verisimiliter poterit
ignorare ; ut extra de consuetudine .ca9. fi.* etc. ; tio. licet Romanus
libro vjo*; et in prologo dictarum constitucionum *° ubi dicitur, * Per
edicionem nempe statutorum et ordinacionum predictorum non
intendimus aliis juribus institutis, quatenus eisdem statutis et Ordina-
cionibus expresse non obviant, aliquatenus derogare, sed illa pocius
approbare ' ; et ad idem facit quarto ca9. De studentibus ad generalia
studia mittendis, post principium*. Sed monachi Ecclesie Dunelmensis
in dicto Collegio studentes a tempore et per tempus cuius contrarii
memoria homini non existit fuerunt in usu more et consuetudine
gubernari in regulari disciplina per proprium Priorem seu Custodem
et statuta propria illius Collegii.
Ergo Papa non videtur dicte consuetudini per suam constitutionem
in hoc aliqualiter derogare, argumento premissorum, maxime cum
dicta consuetudo sit racionabilis et prescripta et non contraveniat
SOME DURHAM COLLEGE ROLLS. 33
statuto sed pocius conveniat menti et intellectui statuentis, ut notatur
in dicto cao. fi.* p. 5. (sic).
Item quociens papa novum quid statuit, ita solet futuris formam im- (c) Those
ponere, ut dispendiis preterita non commendet; ex de constitucionibus iún.
capo rem que*; sed si dicti monachi essent sub regimine Prioris venient in
studencium, causaretur eis magnum dispendium et dissolucio religionis, themselves,
cum non tam stricte et religiose poterunt gubernari per Priorem 3. I\
foraneum et absentem sicut per proprium domesticum et presentem,
argumento notatorum ; extra de clericis non residentibus .ca9. quia
nonnulli *°.
Item cessante causa cessabit effectus ; de Appell cum cessante *°, (g) suffi-
cum similibus. Sed causa hujusmodi Constitucionis fuit ne monachis ïe
studentibus deesset gubernaculum regularis discipline, ut patet in dicto object of
capitulo viijo ; quod non defuit nec deest dictis monachis per proprium Ęgusti-
Qustodem gubernatis, ut liquet: ergo quoad hoc in eis cessat dicta ¢
constitucio.
Et licet ex premissis liqueat manifeste quod monachi Collegii Io. Dur-
Dunelmensis in Oxonia immunes sint et liberi ab obediencia et Juris- Ę £t
dicione Prioris Studencium in Universitate Oxoniensi: ipsi tamen tam- tributes
quam unitatis et pacis zelatores ad ampliorem amorem inter confratres gítariy
et commonachos ferventius excitandum et imposterum continuandum, galììy of
aceciam quia dictus Prior studencium ut communiter est procu- §; £?*
rator Ordinis, in hiisque judicium et eventum tangunt monachorum Ęgen-
in eadem universitate studencium, mera et spontanea voluntate sua,
nullo juris processu nulla compulsione judicii coacti, ad annuam
pensionem dicti Prioris cum aliis commonachis uniformiter conferunt
et contribuere voluerunt **.
(/}/arks 0^ sezwing a/ όegimming amd emd.)
* Thomas Ledbury of Gloucester Hall was an active Prior Studentium
at the Northampton Chapter in I 423 ; Wm. Ebchester was Warden
I4I9—28.
* There may have been litigation about this time : cf. Comp. I 422,
Item in datis magistro Willelmo Brunyng pro laboribus suis et expensis
in Curia Romana liij° iiij°.
* Wilkins, Conc. II. 598 a ; the same passage is copied with slight
variations in the Augustinian constitutions of I 339 (ibid. 638 b).
* MS. ce/eô7re. ° MS. quí.
° Wilkins reads zzôz.
7 The number 8 is probably a mere guess ; see Introduction, p. 8.
* The Scotch wars are alleged by the Prior and Convent, in their
Answers to the Bishop, c. I 405, as the principal cause of their failure to
support the College properly. Besides serious damage to the Cells of
Coldingham and Holy Island, * per guarras praedictas consumpte et
III. D
34 COLLECTA NEA.
combuste fuerunt multe domus villule et edificia infra Northumbriam
Saltem ultra aquam de Tyna versus Scociam et precipue domus villule et
edificia infra parochias ecclesiarum suarum predictarum de Norham
Elyngham et Edlyngham et de Bedlyngton situata, et earundem paro-
chiani una Cum eorum bonis ac eciam tenementis ipsorum Prioris et
Conventus infra Episcopatum Dunelmensem abducti in Scociam captiui
et nimis grauiter redempti, parochieque dictarum ecclesiarum cum terris
earundem arabilibus quasi penitus inhabitabiles quattuor annis proxime
praeteritis deseruntur in parte magna.”
* On the death of Bishop Richard Kellaw, the monks obtained a
licence, and in spite of pressure from many influential nobles elected
the venerable Henry Stamford, Prior of Finchale: but John XXII set
aside the election and collated to the see in 1317 Queen Isabella’s cousin,
Lewis de Beaumont (Hist. Dunelm. pp. 98–IOO).
* See list of Wardens, and the Addenda, M.
* Statutes of Balliol College (ed. 1853), p. xvii. This extraordinary
arrangement was probably intended to safeguard the interests of the
northern province in the Somerville foundation at Balliol Hall.
* This is a better reading than sic . . . una of the Balliel Statutes.
* This initial letter appears to be an N, which must stand simply for
‘nomen, as there was no Prior of Durham whose name began with N.
This commission is after 1340 and probably before 1360; John Fossor
was Prior of Durham 1342–1374, Robert Berington de Walworth 1374–
I391, and John Hemmingburgh I 391–1416.
* The initials R. C. hardly occur among the extant names of the monks
of Durham about this period. Robert de Claxton, Prior of Coldingham
1374, must have been a man of some importance; and Robert Crayk,
who was one of the senior monks in 1396 (Hist. Dun. p. clxxix), had
some early connexion with the college, if it was he who had given the
vestment before 1428; but see E, note 2.
* A similar commission was issued to two fellows, Thomas-Forster and
John Burnby, in the vacancy of the Wardenship, Oct. 7, 1431 (Hist. Dun.
app. cxcvi).
* Appleby is a village in Leicestershire and Derbyshire, five miles
S.W. of Ashby-de-la-Zouch ; the advowson was given by Richard Fitz-
Roger, temp. Ric. I, to the cell of Lytham, which was still possessed of
a charge on the benefice at the Dissolution. It was probably selected from
its comparative nearness to Oxford, as Frampton, Rodington, &c., were
by Berington; but there is no evidence that this appropriation was ever
effected.
" John Fordham succeeded Hatfield in 1381, and was translated to
Ely in 1389. This licence, reciting a Bull of Urban VI, enables the
Prior and Convent and Hatfield’s trustees to endow Durham College.
* Possibly the Bull of 1387 authorising the appropriation of the
churches of Frampton, Bossall, Rodington, and Fishlake, printed by
Wilkins (Conc. II. 617). The following items occur in one of Bering-
ton’s rolls : “In uno pari fiolarum de argento deauratarum empto ad
dandum domino Johanni Bacon custodi signeti domini Regis tempore
sigillacionis triginta et Octo literarum missarum per dominum Regem
SOME DURHAM COLLEGE ROLLS. 35
Pape cardinalibus et aliis pro appropriacione certarum Ecclesiarum
ecclesie Dunelmensi xxxiijº iiijd. In expensis factis Willelmo de Lomly
in recessu Suo versus curiam Romanam pro negociis nostris, expensis
suis versus Basill xxvii. viijº. Item eidem in precio decem florenorum
Sibi liberatorum apud Colon per Lumbardos xxxs x", ten florins more at
Buloyne (Bologna) and sixty-four florins at Rome. Other heavy expenses
On the same object were incurred in London.
* Digestum vetus, Lib. I. Tit. iii. De Legibus, c. 17, Scire . . .
* Decretales Gregorii IX, Lib. I, Tit. xxxiii. De Privilegiis, c. 5. (The
proper Decretales Extravagantes contain Tituli De Privilegiis, but in no
case do these extend to a fifth chapter.)
* Digestum vetus, Lib. V. Tit. i. De Judiciis, c. 12, Cum praetor . . .
* Decretales Gregorii IX, Lib. II. Tit. xxiii. De Praesumptionibus,
C. 5, AWozzzle . . .
* Decretales Gregorii IX, Lib. I. Tit. iv. De Consuetudine, c. 11.
* Liber Sextus Decretalium, Lib. I. Tit. ii. De Constitutionibus, c. 1,
Licet A'omanus . . .
* Constitutions of Benedict XII; Wilkins, Conc. II, p. 589 a.
* Ibid. p. 595 a. *" See above, note 23.
* Decretales Gregorii IX, Lib. I. Tit. ii. De Constitutionibus, c. 2
(ancient razóric), A’em quae . . . -
* Decretales Gregorii IX, Lib. III. Tit. iv. De Clericis non residen-
tibus, C. 3, Quza nonnuſ/. . . .
* Decretales Gregorii IX, Lib. II. Tit. xxviii. De Appellatione, c. 60,
Cazzº cessazzfe . . .
* This payment does not appear in any of the extant accounts.
T3.
Status Collegii, 1315.
(This document is by three-quarters of a century the earliest of the Durham
College rolls. The restoration of the date is quite certain; for besides the ancient
endorsement on this roll “status quidam Collegii Oxon. I 315, and the same date
Žzzéer alia on the Status of 1455, which was formerly wrapped round the rest of
the inventories, the writing is clearly that of the first half of the fourteenth century;
the meagreness of the list of vestments is a further testimony to the antiquity of the
record. It is specially valuable as containing probably the earliest catalogue of
books provided for the use of a society of students at Oxford. Several of the
books mentioned in this list seem to have been in Durham Abbey in 1391, when
the elaborate classified catalogue was made, which is printed in the ‘Catalogi
Veteres Librorum Ecclesiae Dunelmensis,” edited by Beriah Botfield for the Surtees
Society in 1838; and a few of them seem to be still in existence among the MSS.
in the library of the Dean and Chapter of Durham.
This roll, which measures 9% in. in breadth by about 6 in length, is beautifully
written : unfortunately it is very fragile, and a few letters, most of which are
restored conjecturally, are missing at the right-hand edge. It is deeply indented
D 2
36 COLLECTANEA.
at the top, and about half the words in the first line have been cut away with the
counterpart.)
[CATALOGUs] de orn[amentis] et libris mis[sis Oxoniam] ad usum
[monachorum] Dunolmensium [ibidem] stude[ncium].
Vestimenta et alia Ornamenta ecclesiastica una cum libris dimissis
assignata ad usum monachorum Dunolmensium Oxonie studencium
Anno domini Mocc[coxvo].
In primis unum vestimentum cum tribus aliis vestimentis ferialibus
et duabus albis et ij tuniculis et una casula alba, item duabus capis
et . . . |
Item unus pannus deauratus.
Item quatuor manutergia pro altari.
Item una casula cum tunica et dalmatica deau[rata].
Item unum missale . . . |
Item tria gradalia.
Item tria antiphonaria.
Item una crux deaurata.
Item Calix.
Item duo panni serici.
Item pix pulcra.
Item dosalis pul[cra.]
[Is] | ta omnia pertinencia ad dictam domum Oxonie '.
Item quatuor evangelia in duobus voluminibus.
Item scolastica historia.
Item Encheridion cum aliis . . . | libris et epistolis beati Augustini
in uno volumine.
Item liber beati Augustini de natura boni cum aliis in uno volumine.
Item Augustinus super genesim ad litteram in uno volumine.
Item retractaciones beati Augustini in rubro coreo.
Item epistole beati Pauli apostoli glosate.
Item medietas scripti Henrici de Gandavo cum quibusdam dis-
put[acionibus] | de quodlibet in uno volumine *, ita quod in illis duobus
libris continentur xv disputaciones predicti Henrici de Gandavo *.
Item prima pars scripti Thome de Aquino [in uno] | volumine *.
Item tercia pars scripti Thome de Aquino in uno volumine *.
Item de malo et potencia cum aliis questionibus in alio volumine.
Item quatuor expo . . . . . . . | tayns ° in tribus voluminibus.
Item distincciones Mauricii in quodam nigro coreo°.
Item secunda pars Moralium Gregorii in uno volumine.
Item Omelie Gregorii [cum] | aliis multis Omeliis diuersorum
doctorum in uno volumine ”.
SOME DURHAM COLLEGE ROLLS. 37
Item liber Naturalium de veteri translacione in uno volumine.
Item postille super Job super librum Salomſonis] | in uno volumine.
Item Postille super xii prophetas et super epistolaS canonicas in uno
volumine.
Item vita sancti Cuthberti in alio volumine.
Item Brito super dictiones difficiles biblie.
Item Augustinus de moribus ecclesie.
Item Par Institutorum apparatum º.
Item Augustinus de trinitate in alio volumine cum littera gratila-
cionis.
Item | Encheridion et questiones ad Orosium et de spiritu et anima
et mirabilibus sacre scripture et meditaciones Augustini et liber
Octoginta trium questionum in alio volumineº.
Item libri Anselmi videlicet cur deus homo, de conceptu virginali,
de similitudinibus, de concordia, de processione, monologion, pro-
sologion, de opposicione, de veritate, de libertate arbitrii, de casu
diaboli, in uno volumine.
Item questiones super logicalia et naturalia et super librum ve-
teris logice º in uno volumine.
Item notule super librum de plantis et super librum celi et mundi
et recapitulaciones libri Methearorum et phisicorum cum quibusdam
aliis in uno volumine. -
Item Augustinus de disciplina Christiana et libri Damaceni cum
multis tabulis in uno volumine.
Item Boycius super logicam cum aliis in uno paruo volumine.
Item exposicio Thome de Aquino super libros phisicorum, de
anima, et metaphisicorum ex procuracione domini Roberti de Gray-
stanesº.
Item Lyncolniensisº super librum posteriorum et exposicio super
metaphisica ex procuracione eiusdem.
Item libri naturales Auicenne et Algazel in uno volumine”.
Item de libris qui allati fuerant de . . . . . . da º et impignoratis
Aulae de Mertonº.
Primum. Beda super Genesim et de tabernaculo in uno volumine.
Item | Ysidorum (sic) ethimologiarum.
Item Postille super Ysaiam Jeremiam et Ezechielem in uno volu-
mineº. -
Item sermones Augustini de pastoribus et ouibus cum aliis multis in
uno volumine.
º The vestments were the property of the Oxford house; the books
were lent permanently “ de communi armariolo” at Durham.
38 COLLECTA NEA.
* This volume of Henry of Ghent may be that now in the Chapter
Library: cf. Cat. Vet. pp. 74, 207.
* I owe the words ifa guod in 3//is and veteris logice to Mr. F. Madan's
skill in deciphering the illegible.
* Possibly still existing (ibid. pp. 72, 205–6).
* I conjecture expo [siciones R. de Grays tayns: he wrote ‘Super Sen-
tentias, libri iv, a M.S. of which Leland saw in the library of the
Carmelites at Oxford (Tanner, Bibl. Brit-Hib. 340).
* Cat. Vet. p. 53. Mauricius Anglus, a Dominican friar, c. 1290, wrote
Distinctiones (a sort of Concordance) ‘ad praedicandum utiles,' part of
which work was printed at Venice in 1603.
* Almost certainly the valuable MS. of the time of Bishop William of
St. Carileph, still in the Chapter Library (Cat. Vet. pp. 63, 216).
* “A pair of Institutes indexed.’ * Cat. Vet. p. 71.
* The excellent monk who continued the Durham Chronicle from
I2I4 to 1333, in which year he was elected (and actually consecrated and
installed) Bishop of Durham, but was set aside by Edward III in favour
of his old tutor, Richard de Bury (Hist. Dun. pp. 120–2).
* Robert Grosseteste, Bishop of Lincoln 1235–1253.
* Cat. Vet. p. 78; but there is no mention there of Algazel.
* Two or three words are unfortunately illegible.
* The books were frequently pledged in this way, e.g. Comp. I4OI.
Item lxxijs viijd pro uno libro alias impignorato et extracto de impig-
noracione. Item pro uno libro iacente in cista in aula Martonis cº
Comp. 1402. Item de Cista Oxon. pro impignoracione librorum vii".
vj xiijd. Comp. 1485. Item pro redempcione unius libri Decretalium
xxijs viijd.
* Probably a work by Hugo de Vienna, still existing (Cat. Vet.
pp. 51, 193).
C.
Libri Missi Oxoniam, c. 14oo.
(This document and the next (Cat. Vet. Iv and v) are reprinted here for the sake
of comparison with the previous list of books. The letter prefixed to each entry
‘ is generally inscribed upon a fly-leaf or the first written page; and the words or
syllables are those which stand first on the second leaf.” The ‘Spendement' (pay-
office) was a name given locally to the Chancery of Durham Abbey, a room in the
west cloister divided only by an iron grating from the Treasury, where the records
were long preserved (Cat. Vet. pp. v., vi, and Rites of Durham, p. 71).
Of the twenty-one entries in this list, sixteen (which I have marked with an
asterisk) are mentioned in the Catalogue of the Spendement books in 1391 (Cat.
Vet. II and III) with the note ‘mittitur Oxon.’ in a later hand; also in the fuller
catalogue of the same collection in 1416, with the note ‘Oxon.” (Cat. Vet. X).
One book, the ‘ Prima Pars Summae Thomae, is marked ‘ Oxon' in the list of
Cloister books in 1395 (Cat. Vet. VII): the other four cannot be identified in the
Durham lists. It would appear that the books were sent to Oxford after I 395, and
were still there in 1416. One book in the list of 1391, “Prima Pars Moralium
Gregorii,’ is marked ‘habetur Oxon’.)
SOMA DURA IAM COLLEGE ROLLS. 39
ISTI SUNT LIBRI MISSI PRIMA VICE colLEGIO MONACHORUM DUNELM.
º
G.
D
IN OxONIA, PER JOHANNEM WESSYNGTON * CANCELLARIUM, EX DE-
LIBERATO MANDATO PRIORIS ET CONVENTUS DUNELM. PER SUPER-
VISIONEM DOMINORUM SUPPRIORIS JOHANNIS BARTON ” ET WILLELMI
POKLYNGTON º.
. GENESIS et ExoDUs, glo. II. fo., “ Quae ergo. [De le Spende-
ment.lº
. LEVITICI, NUMERI, et DEUTERONOMII, glo. II. fo., “tiam Deo.'
[De le Spendement.] *
. JosUAE et JUDICUM, glo. II. fo., “Attendite. De le Spende-
ment.] *
. JoB, glo. II. fo., “ Coruscat. [De le Spendement.lº
. Quatuor Libri REGUM, glo. II. fo., “Aramathia. De le Spende-
ment.] *
. Parabolae SALOMONIs, glo II. fo., “pennatorum. [De Claustro..] *
. Summa Magistri STEPHANI DE LANGETON super ECCLESIASTICUM.
II. fo., “ firma est. [De le Spendement.] *
. ISAIAS, DANIEL, JEREMIAS, EZECHIEL, glo. II. fo., “ saepe interro-
gamus. [De le Spendement.] *
Duodecim PROPHETAE, et Interpretacio Nominum, Hebraeorum,
II. fo., “ Quem Jezebel. [De le Spendement.] *
. Item YSAYAS, JEREMIAS, et LEMENTACIONES, II. fo., “ad pontem “.
[De le Spendement.] *
. ACTUs APOSTOLORUM. II. fo., Salvatoris. [De le Spendement.] *
. EPISTOLAE Canonicae, glo. in viii quaternis. II. fo., “Statu. De
le Spendement.] *
. APOCALIPSIS, glo. II. fo., Illi. i. ad honorem. [De Claustro. ] *
O. DECRETALEs Novae, glo. II. fo., “Spiritſis Sancti De
Claustro. si
Tabula, glo, super VETUS TESTAMENTUM. II. fo., “Achaz De
Claustro..]
. THOMAS Secunda Secundae. II. fo., “tinae virtutis. De le
Spendement.] *
. Prima Pars Summae THOMAE. II. fo., “ omnes alii. [De Claustro.]
ECCLESIASTICA HISTORIA. II. fo., “ seu Scribendo.”
Undecim quaterni AUGUSTINI super Psalterium.
Par DECRETORUM. II. fo., º consulti. [De le Spendement.]"
. THOMAS, Prima Secundae. II. fo., º per se. [De le Spende-
ment.]*
* Marked * Mittitur Oxon' in I39I and “ Oxon” in I4I6.
º Bursar of the College I398-c. I4o3 ; see Introduction to A.
º Occurs as Camerarius at Durham in I406.
4O COLLECTA NEA.
º Bursar of the College I39I-2 ; Feretrarius at Durham in I4o2 ; Prior
of Finchale I4II-23 ; Infirmarius at Durham in I437.
º This should have been praesentem: cf. Cat. Vet. pp. I 5, 9o.
º Noted º deficit' in I39I (Cat. Vet. p. 35), and “ Oxon' in I416.
D.
Libri Missi Oxoniam, I4og.
(A careless copy (on paper) of this list is among the College rolls. Of the fifteen
entries, five can be identified in the Cloister Catalogue of I395, where they are
marked * Oxon, and six in the Spendement Catalogues of I39I and I416; these are
marked * Oxon ' in the latter list only. The other four do not appear in the
Durham catalogues. These books, therefore, were sentin 1409, and had not been
returned in I416. In the paper copy most of the books are described as “ de
Communi Armariolo, i. e. the common book-case of the Spendement or the
Cloister.)
ISTI SUNT LIBRI MISSI SECUNDA VICE OxONIAM, PER JOHANNEM WESSYNGTON
CANCELLARIUM, EX DELIBERATO MANDATO PRIORIS ET CONVENTUS
DUNELM. PER SUPERVISIONEM DOMINORUM SUPPRIORIS WALTERI
TESDALE” ET WILLELMI POKLYNGTON, A CAPITULO DEPUTATORUM, IN
DIE SANCTI CALIxTI”, ANNO DOMINI Mo. CCecmo. NoNoº.
D. In primis Una BIBLIA integra, de le Spendemente. II. fo., post
F.
principium Geneseos “pater habitantium. *
. POSTILLAE HUGONIS DE VIENNA super libros Genisis, Exodi,
Levitici, Numerorum, Deutronomi, Josuae, Judicum, Regum,
Paralipomenon, Esrae, Thobias, Judith, Ester. II. fo., º quas.
s, incongrue. [Non fuit de le Spendement.] **
. ESTER, THOBIAS, JUDITH, et RUTH. glo. II. fo., “pulmentarium
habetis. [De le Spendement.]
. Prima Pars HUGONIS, de Sacramentis. II. fo., º continetº. De le
Spendement.]*
Secunda Pars HUGONIS, de Sacramentis. II. fo., “ et virtute. De
le Spendement.] *
. Collaciones ABBATUM. II. fo., “ deret elegisset. [Non fuit de le
Spendement.]
Summa PETRI PICTAVENSIS, et Sermones PETRI RAVENNATIS. II. fo.,
dicitur Deus. [De le Spendement.] *
Scriptum BoNEVENTURAE super 2m Sentenciarum. II. fo., “ et
utilitatem. [De Claustro.]t
Scriptum THOMAE super 3m. II. fo., “ dicimus esse proporcionem.'
[De Claustro.]t
. THOMAS Super 4m Sentenciarum. II. fo., “erant totaliter. De le
Spendement.it
SOME DURPIAM COLLEGE ROLLS. 4. I
Passionarium SANCTORUM, in sexdecim quaternis. II, fo., “Sanctae
Trinitatis.”
M. Summa SENTENCIARUM. II. fo., ‘Salvus esse xvij de praecariis.
[De Claustro.]
E. GORAM super Epistolas Pauli ad Thimotheum, ad Titum, et Super
Omnes Epistolas Canonicas. II, fo., ‘Deum et exposicionem.’
[De Claustro.]+
B. GoRAM super Lucam. II, fo., ‘Vitulus.' [De Claustro.]t
G. PSALTERIUM, glo. II. fo., “cionibus novum. [De Claustro.]t
5
* Mentioned in 1391 and marked ‘ Oxon’ in 1416.
t Marked ‘ Oxon' in the list of 1395.
* Bursar of the College 1389–1391, Master of Jarrow in 1410.
* Oct. I4.
* Comp. I408-9. Item Cursori pro- vectura librorum a Dunelm. xs.
Cf. Comp. I418, Item Willelmo Beltoft pro cariacione librorum assigna-
torum Collegio per dominum priorem xx". Comp. I419, Item in caria-
cione librorum assignatorum per dominum priorem et Robertum Rypon
vijº. A similar entry occurs in Comp. I434–5.
* This book was still at Oxford on June 24, 1436, when Prior Wessing-
ton offered to lend it, rather than an inferior copy at Durham, to John
Kempe, Archbishop of York; see his letter in Cat. Vet. app. x.
* The paper copy reads Żost £rincipium libri, ‘sic guia froðamtur.
Status Collegii, I428.
(This is probably one of the earliest inventories extant of the moveable property
of a college. It is specially valuable for the lists of the furniture in the living
rooms, two of which, besides the Parlour and the Warden's chamber, were provided
with fire-places. It furnishes the oldest, and in some ways the most detailed,
description of the buildings of Durham College; nearly the whole of what has
since perished is seen in Loggan's bird’s-eye view of Trinity.
The modern equivalents of some of the less usual Latin and English terms for
kitchen utensils, &c., are given in brackets in the text, where no special note seems
necessary: the glossaries appended to the Surtees Society volumes on the rolls of
Finchale, Coldingham, and other Cells of Durham, are very useful for reference on
such points, and contain a large quantity of terms then in use in the Palatinate and
Bishopric of Durham; see also the E.E.T.S. edition of the Catholicon Anglicum.
The roll is small (1 ft. 6 in. by 7 in.) clean and closely written on both sides.
There is also a counterpart, carelessly written, but with fewer contractions; a few
variants are given in the text. The two copies are indented in shallow curves
which fit into one another. The inventory of 1450 is similarly indented on the
right-hand edge, but the counterpart has not been preserved.)
STATUS Collegij Monachorum Dunellmensium Oxonie dimissus
per magistrum Willelmum Ebchestyr' in festo sancti Michaelis Anno
Domini MoCCCCoxxvii.Jo.
42 COLLECTA NEA.
CAPELLA.
In primis vestimentum blodium pro magnis principalibus videlicet
Casula cum iſ dalmaticis vna capa cum ij stolis iij manipulis cum iij
albis eiusdem secte.
Item vnum vestimentum rubium de Cerico cum floribus de auro
videlicet cum iſ dalmaticis ij capis ij stolis iij manipulis cum iij albis
eiusdem secte cum paruo panno eiusdem coloris.
Item j vestimentum rubium de cerico cum iſ dalmaticis ij capis
iiij albis ij stolis et iij manipulis eiusdem secte.
Item jvestimentum cericum cum pauonibus et grifinis cum ij dalma-
ticis j manipula jalba eiusdem secte cum stola et ij manipulis alterius
Secte.
Item j vestimentum rubium de cerico cum aquilis et floribus de
auro j stola manipula ji alba eiusdem secte cum cingulo de blodio
cerico.
Item jvestimentum album de cerico j stola j manipula cum j alba
eiusdem secte.
Item parure pro jalba de albo panno cerico.
Item j vestimentum de Cerico cum crucibus vna stola j manipula
cum jalba eiusdem secte.
Item jvestimentum blodium de cerico cum paruis signis (v. Z. cignis)
j stola j manipula cum alba eiusdem secte.
Item aliud vestimentum blodium de cerico cum j stola jmanipula
cum alba eiusdem secte.
Item j casula rubia cum alba eiusdem secte cum stola et manipula
antiquis.
Item jalba noua de cerico ex dono domini Roberti Crayk”.
Item j casula rubia de cerico cum leonibus et floribus albis cum
stola manipula et alba eiusdem secte.
Item jalba pulcra cum lapidibus preciosis in paruris.
Item jalba cum Scutis in paruris.
Item j capa antiqua cum ymaginibus.
Item iij vestimenta vnius secte cum iij albis conuenientibus.
Item j capa blodia floribus auritexta (? auri intexta).
Item jalba cum paruris ymaginibus episcoporum intextis.
Item jalba cum paruris rubiis et viridibus variatis.
Item xiij frontalia pro altaribus.
Item xvij pallia pro altaribus.
Item ix manutergia pro altaribus.
Item viij Corporalia cum ix casulis.
Item vnus pannus viridis stragulatus de cerico.
Item xj panni picti et vi redells (curlains) pro altaribus.
SOME DURPHAM COLLEGE ROLLS. 43
Item iſ redells de cerico viridi pro maiori altari.
Item vi panni pendentes ad cornua magni altarig,
Item modicum de albo panno cerico.
Item iij panni pro ymaginibus in quadragesima.
Item j pannus cericus pro lectrino.
Item iiij culcidre (cushions) de cerico.
Item iij panni pro pauimento ante altaria.
Item pannus viridis pro scabello Cantoris.
Item jorfray de auro pro Casula.
Item j pannus de Cerico glaucij coloris.
Item iij panni ad tegendum altaria.
Item iij albe antique sine paruris.
Item iij superaltaria quorum vnum est canonici sancti Oswaldi”.
Item iiij calices argentei deaurati quorum iij sunt ponderis iijxxv vnc.’
di’ vnc. et quart' et iiij denar' et quartus calix habet plumbum in
pede.
Item iij fiole argentee quarum iſ deaurantur ponderis xxvi vnc.
Item j crux cum iſ cruciolis deauratis et lapidibus preciosis.
Item iiij missalia.
Item vi antiphonaria.
Item ix gradalia.
Item iſ ordinalia (M.S. ordinaria).
Item j psalterium cum exeguiis.
Item iiij portiferia.
Item j legenda pro matutinis.
Item vij candelabra de auricalco.
Item iiij fiole de stangno (stamno).
Item jolla provino eiusdem metalli.
Item jolla pro oleo consimilis metalli.
Item iiij parue campane pro altaribus.
Item iſ specula pro altaribus.
Item iiij tabule depicte pro altaribus.
Item j par turribulorum de auricalCo.
Item j nauis eiusdem metalli.
Item vna citula pro aqua benedicta et j aspersorium consimilis
metalli.
Item iiij ciste in reuestiario”.
AULA".
In primis j dorsare (hanging) iſ banquers (bench-covers) iij mense ij
formule iij paria tristillarum (restles) iſ andyrnys (andirons).
Item j vertibulum (poker) de ferro.
Item j catesta pendens in aula".
44 COLLECTA NEA.
PROMPTUARIUM ".
In primis due mappe twelyd pro magna mensa pro principalibus".
Item alia mappa (fable-cloth) honesta pro superiori mensa.
Item iſ manutergia pro magna mensa in principalibus.
Item ij manutergia honesta pro Superiori mensa pro locione post
prandium.
Item iij mappe pro inferiori mensa.
Item j manutergium tweyld (ſwilled) pro principalibus.
Item iſ manutergia tweyld pro locione ante prandium in princi-
palibus.
Item sanops”.
Item j mappa pro superiori mensa.
Item iſ mappe pro superiori mensa.
Item iiij Sanops.
Item iiij manutergia pro magna mensa post prandium.
Item iiij manutergia pro locione ante prandium.
Item jarmariolum in promptuario.
Item iſ pelues (Öasons) cum iſ lauacris (ewers).
Item iiij Salsaria cum iij cooperculis.
Item vi candelabra.
Item iiij cadi magni.
Item x minores pro ceruisia.
Item iij Cadi pro salsiamento.
Item X coopertoria pro cadis.
Item iijamfore (amphorae, jars).
Item a chyppingknyfe (bread-knife).
Item a kytt (ſub).
Item j cadus (M.S. cadum) pro farina.
CoQUINA *.
In primis olla magna de ere cum iij minoribus et j Ollula et
ij vncis.
Item iij mortaria lapidea cum iſ pilis ligneis.
Item iij veruta cum iſ rakkys (racks) de ferro.
Item j magnum brandreth" cum iſ clyppes (poſſ-hooks).
Item iſ parua brandreths cum iſ craticulis (gridirons).
Item ij securis cum j cuneo de ferro. g
Item j frixorium (frying-pan).
Item j mortarium ereum cum pila de ferro.
Item j gratte (?grater) pro pane.
Item j fuscina (three-pronged fork).
Item iskummer (v. l. Scomer, despumatorium).
SOME DURHAM COLLEGE ROLLS. 45
Item jhausorium (ladle)”. -
Item viij patelle (pans) quarum vna est plena foraminibus pro pisis.
Item j pinsa (pestle).
Item j streynor (strainer).
Item j cadus pro sale.
Item tribula (rake) ferrea cum vanga (shovel) et tribula lignea".
Item iij duodeni de platerijs (platters) cum j platereo.
Item iij duodene de discis (dishes) cum dimidio.
Item iij duodeni de Salserijs.
Item iiij chargiorys (chargers).
Item jScala.
JOCALIA.
In primis in thesaurario “j cista pro mappis et alijs rebus conser-
uandis.
Item j cista pro monumentis (muniments).
Item jpecies (piece of plate) deaurata cooperta ponderis viij vnc'.
Item j magna pecies cooperta cum pede ex dono magistri Johannis
Marschall" ponderis xl vnc'. .
Item jpecies cum pede cooperta ponderis xxvijvnc. et di' et quart'
in custodia magistri W. Ebchestyr.
[Item] vipecies vnius secte ponderis lijvnc. et di’.
Item jpecies cooperta cum alia pecie XV vnc'.
Item j salarium in parte deauratum ponderis v Vnc'di' et quart'.
Item xxiiij cocliaria ponderis xxviij vnc. et di’.
Item v murre (cups) ponderis xxxj vnc.
IN LOOUTORIo”.
In Primis j dorsare iij banquyrs cum auibus intexta.
Item viij culcidre eiusdem secte.
Item j cathedra.
Item j langsetyll (long settle).
Item j cupburd.
Item j formula.
Item ij mense.
Item iſ paria tristillarum.
Item vi scabella (high stools, ‘squabs') vnius secte.
Item if awndyryns.
Item j candelabrum ferri fixum in pariete.
Item j peluis.
(The remainder is written on the back of the roll beginning at
the top.)
46 COLLECTA NEA.
IN CAMERA CUSTODIs ".
In primis j lectus ligneus.
Item j dormunt".
Item j selur (Öed-canopy or valance) cum iij redels.
Item j cathedra.
Item j langsetyll.
Item ij cupburdys.
Item ij formule.
Item iſ awndyryns.
| Item vnum vertibulum.
Item j candelabrum ferreum in pariete.
Item j mensa.
Item j par tristillarum.
Item In Studeo custodis ij ciste.
Item j par tristillarum et j tabula.
Item j pressorium (press) pro pannis.
[IN CAMERIS.]
In camera superiori iuxta librariam ".
In primis j lectus ligneus.
Item ij formule.
Item j studium cum descis et scabellis sufficienter reparatum.
Item in camera inferiori ibidem ij lecti lignei”.
[Item v formule.
Item ij studia sufficienter reparata.
Item j mensa.
Item iſ awndyryns.
Item j lauacrum.
Item j vertibulum.
Item in camera Dunkan * if lecti lignei. Item j studium sufficienter
reparatum, iiij formule. Item j cupbord. Item j scala.
Item in camera inferiori" ij lecti lignei. Item ij studia sufficienter
reparata in descis et scabellis. Item V formule.
Item in camera iuxta custodem” iſ lecti lignei. Item iij formule.
Item j pressorium cum armariolo. Item j cista. Item j mensa.
Item ij awndyryns.
Item in camera supra promptuarium * iſ lecti lignei. Item ij
formule. Item j studium. Item j spera (sphaera, globe).
Item in Camera Supra portam * j, lectus ligneus. Item j studium
ijj formule.
SOME DURHAM COLLEGE ROLLS. 47
Item in camera superiori ad finem aule” j lectus ligneus. Item
j Spera. Item j formula.
Item in camera ibidem inferiori" ij lecti lignei. Item j studium
descis reparatum. Item ij formule.
Item in tribus cameris puerorum” v lecti lignei cum pressuris
(press-beds). -
IN STABULO.
In primis tres equi.
Item iſ scelle (saddles) pro monachis.
Item ij scelle pro famulis.
Item jscella pro mantica.
Item vſ frena.
Item j dolium pro auenis.
Item j cadus pro furfure.
Item jSenouectorium (cenivectorium, mud-carf)”.
Item j tribula.
Item jscella pro vectura.
Item in orto jbidens j rastrum cum dentibus ferreis. Item j vanga.
Item in domo iuxta stabulum meremium (timber) noulim et tabule
(boards) ad valorem secundum estimacionem Cs.
Item in meremio antiquo dimisso in orto ad valorem xxs.
Item in tegulis, lapidibus pro crestis (stone ridge-tiles) pro aula et
alijs lapidibus ad valorem secundum estimacionem xls.
Item in calce dimisso vs. Item in antiquis crestis in camera coci
(v. Z. pro Coquina) lxxxiiij.
Item in plumbo dimisso ponderis xxijarum petrarum (M.S. petatr).
Item in viparibus ligaminum (hinges) pro Ostijs et fenestris.
* Warden I419–28; probably these inventories were rendered by the
outgoing warden.
* Possibly the R. de C. mentioned in A, par. 5; but cf. Comp. I39o, Item
hostiario Chamere domini pape cognomine Crayke ex precepto episcopi
et supprioris, xx8.
* St. Oswald's at Durham was not a Collegiate Church, though there
were two chantries there, founded in 1392 and I4O2. Nostell Priory for
Augustinian Canons and its cell at Bamborough, and Bardney Abbey
for Benedictine monks, were dedicated in honour of St. Oswald ; but had
they any Connexion with Durham College :
* The vestry was a room adjoining the chapel on the N.E., and
under the S. end of the library; the S. window and a small door are
seen in Loggan's view. It was used as the bursary of Trinity College
till the end of the eighteenth century, when it was thrown into the pre-
sident’s lodgings. Since 1887 it has been occupied as a set of rooms
(No. 38). The terms vestry and treasury are often synonymous (Willis and
48 COLLECTANEA.
Clark, iii. 483), and this room was probably the place where the Jocalia
(plate and valuables) were kept.
* This hall is shown in Nele's view and Agas's map, where it appears
to have a Small lantern or bell-turret. It collapsed during some altera-
tions made by President Ralph Kettell, who built the present hall on the
same site in 1618–2O.
* Stage or scaffold, from karáorraorus; an instrument of torture
(Ducange); perhaps here the stocks, which were kept ‘above the skreen'
at Trin. Coll. Camb. in 1560; see Willis and Clark, iii. 364.
" The present buttery of Trinity College; the central doorway is
a four-centred arch, but a pointed arch is visible in the S.W. corner,
which is probably the most ancient piece of building to be seen in the
College.
* Sc. diebus or feriis, feast-days.
* Sanops, Sanoppis (1455), Saunappes, Savenapes, corrupted from late
Greek orá8avov, a Save-napkin or coarse towel for ordinary occasions
(Finchale Rolls, glossary).
* This kitchen was on the north side of and connected with the
buttery, according to the arrangement usual at Cambridge. It was
pulled down by President Bathurst c. 1680.
* A screen of iron bars for roasting meat, standing before the fire
and extending over it (Finch. Rolls, gloss.).
* Comp. 1422. Item pro duabus patellis uno hausorio et uno Scemmer
vjs xjd.
* Comp. I423. Item pro una vanga duabus tribulis et emendacione
unius pinse et unius Securis xijd.
* The room over the entrance gateway and entry (see Loggan's view),
which was used as the treasury of Trinity College, is accounted for in
the list of chambers below ; this treasury therefore must be identical
with the ‘revestiarium.’
* One of this name held a visitation at Durham Abbey for the Bishop
on Jan. 2, 143% (Hutchinson's Durham, ii. 96 n.).
* Probably the ground-floor room with two large windows, seen in
Loggan's view, at the west end of the north side of the old quadrangle,
which was demolished c. 1728. Wood records several coats of arms in
the windows of this ‘lower chamber next to the hall doure’ (Clark’s
Wood's City of Oxford, ii. 272). This room corresponded to the Cale-
factorium, Pisalis, or Common House (Rites of Durham, p. 75) of
a Benedictine monastery, and to the Common or Combination Room of
a modern College. Other forms are parletorium, parletum, parlura,
parloria; and in the seventeenth century we hear of pocula parlia-
mentaria (see Willis & Clark, vol. iii, pt. III, ch. vi).
* On the first floor at the west end of the north range ; in Loggan's
view it has one large and two small windows, and there seems to be an
indication of a newel staircase in the angle which this side of the quad-
rangle makes with the entrance to the hall; this might be a private
stair for the warden, as at Corpus.
* Probably a form of the word ‘dormond,” which appears to signify
‘part of the clothing of a bed' in the Finchale Rolls.
SOME DURAE/AM COLLEGE ROLLS. 49
* Formerly a bedroom in the president's lodgings, now an anteroom
to the library; it has been curtailed by staircase No. 9 and the adjacent
bedroom. The heads of the eastern windows retain traces of old work,
and there is a very ancient wooden doorway lately reopened between this
room and the library.
* Formerly a sitting-room in the lodgings; now the bursar’s Office.
* Probably the large first-floor room at the north end of the east (or
library) side of the old quadrangle: it was ‘ceeled ' at the date of the
survey; once the dining-room, then the drawing-room, of the president's
lodgings ; since 1887 occupied by the present writer.
* The large ground-floor room, once the study and lately the dining-
room of the lodgings.
* Probably the room in the middle of the north range ; in Loggan's
view it has one large and one small window.
* The walls of this room still remain, though much disguised by suc-
cessive alterations. Sir Thomas Pope ordered that the “Cubiculum
angulare aulae ex parte boriali contiguum' should be used ‘pro domi-
norum filiis,' if any were studying at the College (Trinity Statutes, c. xxvi).
In the last century it was a ‘Bachelors' Common Room.’
* Afterwards the gazophylacium or treasury of Trinity College ; seen
in Loggan's view.
* Once the bedroom of the ‘poor scholars’ at Trinity, now the Com-
mon Room; possibly used as an oratory by the monks till 1408 (see
Introduction, p. II).
* The original (1665) Common Room of Trinity College; then the
Bursary, now ‘the old Bursary,’ used as a lecture-room. The floor is
now considerably below the level of the quadrangle.
* Either the three rooms unaccounted for in the north range (see Log-
gan's view); or possibly the building N.W. of the buttery, demolished
about I68O.
* Cf. Comp. 1405. Pro mundacione communis latrine et Seneuectorio
ixº vijd ob. Comp. I 431. Item pro scenouectorio xiiij".
F.
Status Collegii, I456.
(This inventory is similar to the last, but contains a number of additional items,
mostly presents from ex-Wardens or Fellows of the College: the Latinity is more
ambitious, especially in the list of kitchen utensils. There is also a roll entitled
‘Status Collegii monachorum Dunelmensium dimissus per Magistrum Johannem
Burnby in festo Sancti Michaelis Anno Domini millesimo CCCC quinquagesimo';
three or four items which are neither in the 1428 roll nor in this are mentioned in
the notes. This roll is docketed 1455, but it must belong to the following year,
since Bishop Robert Nevill’s confirmation of Burnby's election as Prior is dated
25 Nov. I456 (Hist. Dunelm, app. ccliv). The items printed in italics have been
scored through in the MS., possibly to make this list serve again at another
change of Warden.
III. E
50 CO/LLECTA WEA.
The roll consists of three pieces of parchment joined together by a narrow slip
interwoven through slits cut at the bottom of the upper and the top of the lower
pieces. It is well written and in good preservation, and measures 3 ft. by 7%
inches; I have not preserved the v's in vna, &c.)
STATUS Collegij monachorum Dunelmensium Oxonie dimissus per
venerabilem patrem magistrum Johannem Burnby' priorem Ecclesie
Cathedralis Dunelmensis.
CAPELLA.
In primis vestimentum blodium pro magnis principalibus festis
videlicet casula cum ibus dalmaticis una capa cum ibus stolis et iij
manipulis cum iij albis eiusdem secte.
Item unum vestimentum rubium de cerico cum floribus de auro
videlicet cum iſ bus dalmaticis ij capis ij stolis iij manipulis cum iij
albis eiusdem secte.
Item unum vestimentum rubium de cerico cum iſ dalmaticis ij capis
cum iij albis ij stolis et iij manipulis eiusdem secte.
Item vestimentum cericum cum pauonibus et grifinis cum iſ dal-
maticis jStola jmanipula jalba eiusdem secte cum iſ manipulis alterius
SeOte. -
Item unum vestimentum rubium de cerico cum aquilis et floribus de
auro una stola una manipula una alba eiusdem secte cum singulo de
blodio Cerico. t
Item unum vestimentum album de cerico una stola una manipula
cum una alba eiusdem secte.
Item parure pro una alba de albo panno cerico.
Item unum vestimentum de cerico cum crucibus una stola una
manipula una alba eiusdem secte.
Item unum vestimentum blodium de Cerico cum paruis signis una
Stola una manipula eiusdem secte. ;
Item aliud vestimentum blodium de cerico cum una stola una
manipula cum alba eiusdem secte.
Item aliud vestimentum blodium de cerico cum una alba una
manipula una Stola eiusdem secte.
Item vestimentum rubium de cerico cum una alba j manipula una
stola.
//em una casula ruðia cum alòa eiusdem secle cum s/ola eſ manipula
an/igua eſt/sdem secſe.
Item una alba noua de cerico ex dono Roberti Crake.
Item una casula rubia de cerico cum leonibus et floribus albis cum
Stola manipula et alba eiusdem secte.
Item una alba pulcra cum lapidibus preciosis in paruris.
Item una alba cum Scutis in paruris.
SOME DURHAM COLLEGE ROLLS. 5T
Item una capa antiqua cum ymaginibus.
Item unum vestimentum pro magno altari in ferialibus diebus cum
alba stola et manipula eiusdem secte.
Item iſ vestimenta unius secte cum iſ albis conuenientibus.
Item una alba cum paruris ymaginibus episcoporum intextis.
Item una alba cum paruris rubijs et viridibus variatis.
Item xiij frontalia pro altaribus.
Item xiij pallia bona pro altaribus.
Item unum nouum pallium pro magno altari ex dono venerabilis
patris magistri Johannis Burnby.
Item ix manutergia pro altaribus.
Item viij corporalia cum ix casulis.
Item unus pannus viridis stragulatus de cerico.
Item ornamenta alba rubijs crucibus intexta pro xłł (guadragesima)
ex dono domini Willelmi Seton”.
Item ix panni picti cum sex reddell pro altaribus.
Item iſ redell de cerico viridi pro magno altari.
Item V panni pendentes ad cornua magni altaris.
Item sex panni depicti pro altaribus in principalibus cum panno
pro lectrino eiusdem secte ex ordinacione magistri Ricardi Barton *.
Item unus pannus cericus pro lectrino.
Item iiij culcidre de cerico.
Item unus pamnus pro pauimenſo anſe allaria.
Item unus pannus de cerico glauci coloris.
Item iij panni ad tegenda altaria.
Item superaltaria quorum unum canonici Sancti Oswaldi.
Item quinque calices.
Item iiij fiale argentee quarum duo deaurata ponderis xxvi unc'.
Item una crux cum iſ cruciolis deauratis et lapidibus preciosis.
Item iiij missalia.
Item vi antiphonaria.
Item ix gradalia.
Item unum ordinale.
Item unum psaltarium cum exeguijs mortuorum.
Item unum noulim antiphonarium.
Item unum psaltarium ex dono magistri Roberti Burton ".
Item iiij portiferia.
Item una legenda pro matutinis.
Item vij candelabra de auricalco.
Item iiij fiale de Stanno.
(Here ſhe parchment is roughly joined by a strip woven through shis.)
Item una olla provino eiusdem metalli.
E 2
52 COLLECTA NEA.
Item Olla pro Oleo consimilis metalli.
Item iiij parue campane pro altaribus.
Item ij specula pro altaribus.
Item iiij tabule depicte pro altaribus.
Item unum par turribulorum pro altaribus de auricalco.
Item una nauis eiusdem metalli.
Item una situla pro aqua benedicta et unum aspersorium eiusdem
metalli.
Item iiij ciste in revestiario.
Item unum calefactorium pro magno altari deauratum.
Ifem unum. /ronſale moul/m pro magno a/fari.
Item ºff manulergia ſweld ex dono magistri /ohammi's Burmöy.
AULA.
In primis ij dorsare ij banquers iij mense iij formule j par tristil-
larum iſ andyryns.
Item unum vertibulum de ferro *.
Ifem una friðula ferrea ex dono magistri Roberſ: Burſon.
THESAURARIUM.
In primisij mappe tweld pro magna mensa pro principalibus.
Item alia mappa honesta pro superiori mensa.
Item iſ manutergia pro Superiori mensa pro locione post prandium.
Item unum manutergium tweld pro principalibus.
Item ij manutergia tweld pro locione ante prandium in princi-
palibus.
Item iſ mappe pro superiori mensa.
tem iſ manutergia conrespondencia eisdem pro eaden mensa.
Item unus pannus fere sex ulnaris (sic) ex dono magistri Johannis
Burnby.
Item vij ulne panni linei pro stauro ex dono eiusdem.
Item una mappa cum alijs vetustis et Consumptis.
Item unum vitrum bonum pro vino vel ceruisia ex dono domini
Ricardi Shyrburn".
PROMPTUARIUM.
In primis ij mappe cum iiij sanoppis pro Superiori mensa.
Item iiij magna manutergia pro locione post prandium pro Superiori
mensa cum sex alijs manutergijs pro locione ante prandium.
Item ij mappe pro inferiori mensa.
Item quinque salaria de Stanno cum uno Coopertorio.
Item quinque candelabra de auricalco et unum de ferro.
Item decem cadi pro Seruisia.
SOME DURHAM COLLEGE ROLLS. 53
Item unum doleum pro pane.
Item unum Tub promicis panum (scraps of loaves).
Item iij cadi pro veriuto (verſuice).
Item iſ andene (andirons) ferree cum umo vertibulo ſerreo.
Item ij amphore lignie pro ceruisia.
Item iij pelues de auricalco cum totidem lauacris eiusdem metalli.
Item unus cultellus.
Item unus tribulus ferreus.
Item una olla pro lentibus (M.S. letibus)".
JOCALIA.
In thesaurario una cista pro mappis et rebus conservandis,
Item una cista pro monumentis.
Item una pecies deaurata ponderis viijunc'.
Item una magna pecies cooperta ex dono magistri Johannis Marchal
ponderis xl unc'.
Item una pecies cum pede cooperta ponderis xxvijunc' et di' et
quart'.
Item XXij Coclearia ponderis xxviijunc'.
Item sex pecies unius secte ponderis lijunc et di'.
Item una pecies cooperta cum alia pecie ponderis XV unc'.
Item unum salarium in parte deauratum ponderis V unc'di' et quart'.
Item quinque murre.
Item unum spiceplat (desserſ-dish) ponderis xijunc et di' ex dono
magistri Willelmi Ebchester.
Item iſ salsaria de argento ex dono domini Stephani Howden.”
quarum alterum est coopertum.
Ifem unum coopertorium de argențo cuius esſ ignora/ur".
PERLOQUITORIUM.
(Here the parchment is similarly joined.)
In primis unum dorsare cum iij banquers cum auibus intextis.
Item iij culcidre eiusdem secte.
Item una cathedra.
Item j langSedyll.
Item unum copbord.
Item una formula.
Item ix skeppis (straw or rush hassocks) ad subponendum pedibus.
Item ij mense.
Item unum par tristyllarum.
Item iſ Andyryns.
Item unum candelabrum ferreum in pariete.
54 COLLECTA WEA.
CAMERA CUSTODIs.
In primis duo lecti lignei.
Item iſ silura (Čed-canopies) cum vi ryddellis (curfains).
Item una cathedra.
Item unum longum sedile.
Item ij copbordys.
Item una formula.
Item ij Andyryns.
Item unum vertibulum.
Item unum peell (? peele, firepan or shovel) de ferro.
Item una mensa.
Item unum par tristyllarum.
Item in studio custodis una cista.
Item unum pressore pro pannis.
Item iiij panni de Sago ex dono magistri Johannis Burnby pendentes
circa cameram.
Itcm alij duo panni de Sago cx dono eiusdem.
Item iij alij panni blodijex dono eiusdem.
Item unus bonus lectus cum tapete cum stella et nominibus Jesu
Christi intextus.
Item una peluis de stanno cum lauacro de auricalco.
Item viculcidre de blodio sago.
Item jgret meell (mell, mallet)”.
Item una mappa cum iſ manutergijs ex dono magistri Johannis
Burnby.
Ifem unum manuſergium pro pane deferendo.
CoQUINA.
In primis ij magne olle et tres minores de ere cum uno lato chafor.
Item quinque patule (pans).
Item xx parapsides (dishes) cum xx discis et xij Salsariis electri.
Item una peluis plena foraminibus pro pisis.
Item unum hausorium eneum.
Item unum Schomore.
Ifem unum. /ridens.
Item iſ rakys (racks) ferri cum una trabe de ferro.
Item iijhukys (hooks) ferri pendentes super trabem.
Item iij clyppes ferri unius secte et ij alterius secte.
Item unum mortarium eneum cum pila ferrea et iſ mortaria lapidia
cum iſ pilis lignijs.
Item j craticula.
Item iij frixoria.
SOME DURPHAM COLLEGE ROLLS. 55
Item unum calefactorium pro aqua.
Item iſ magna veruta (spils) cum iſ minoribus.
Item una securis cum iſ cunijs ferrejs.
Z'em j prong ſerri pro taðorihumibust extripandis ".
Item jvanga cum tribula.
Item unum grate.
Item unum strenore (strainer).
Item ij charioris (chargers).
Item jgret meel (greaf mallel).
Item unum hausorium (ladle or buckef) ligneum.
Item una serra.
Item j limax (? k\ipaś, ladder).
VASA ELECTRI DIMISSA IN CISTA IN BURSARIA *.
In primis in discis . e º º . xxvij disci.
Item in Salsarijs . º o * º . xxiij Salsaria.
Item in plateris . º e º º . v unius secte.
Item in plateris . - tº º tº . viij alterius Secte.
Item . º o º $º * º ij chargoris.
* Warden 1442–1450 and 1453–1456.
* Frequently Bursar between 1436 and 1447 ; occurs as Chancellor of
Durham and S. T. B. in 1455, and as S. T. P. in 1463 (Hist. Dun.
pp. CCCXXXi, CCCXlix).
* Warden 1428 to 1431. Cf. Comp. 1430. Item pro pinctura vestium
pro altaribus in capella xxxviijs xjd.
* A Robert Burton was Archdeacon of Northumberland in 1421 and
I427 (Hutchinson's Durham, ii. 223).
* Status 1450 adds ‘Item j catasta.”
* Bursar I444–5, 1449–50, I453-4; B. Can. L. I.45% (Boase, Reg. Univ.
Oxf. p. 22).
" Oatmeal, cf. Finchale Rolls, glossary, s.v. Lentiscus.
* Occurs as Bursar I 402-3 ; sub-prior of Durham I434 (Hist. Dun.
CCXXxix).
* Status 1450. “Item una pecies cum coopertorio ponderis xix unc'
et di’ ex dono magistri Johannis Burnby.
* The name of Prior Richard Bell is frequently spelt Beel, Beell, or
Bele in these rolls.
* I conjecture that this was a spud (hasſa fiercata) for ear/i7%ating
ačorigines, i.e. not blackbeetles, but sufferſlui ſrutices or suckers (see
Ducange and Forcellini, s.v.).
* Probably identical with the vestry or treasury.
56 COLLECTA NEA.
Remanen-
tia.
Arreragia.
Recepte.
G.
Compotus, 1392–3.
(This Compotus, of which there are two fairly well-preserved and well-written
copies, each 2 ft. 3 in. long by 9 in. broad, is selected as a good specimen of the
earlier form which the annual accounts soon assumed. It is specially remarkable
for the fulness of the details with reference to the payments from the officers of
Durham and the dependent cells, and for the non-appearance of both the church of
Bossall and the manor of Cotgrave in the list of estates. The entries relating
to Oxford are unfortunately very scanty. The inventory of property on the rectory
glebe at Frampton often extends to a much greater length.)
COMPOTUS dominorum Roberti de Blaklaw Walteri de Tesdale * et
Willelmi de Kybellesworth *monachorum Dunelmensium a festo Sancti
Michaelis anno domini MmocComoLxxxxijo usque ad idem festum
Michaelis anno domini MmoccCmolxxxxIIjo de bonis et catallis collegij
monachorum Dunelmensium Oxonie studencium.
Idem respondent de viijs xjd ob. de remanentibus compoti prece-
dentis.
Summa . g tº . viijs xjd ob.
Et de czllji xjs iiijd remanentibus in bonis catallis et debitis ut patet
per compotum precedentem (quorum nomina patent in dorso).
Summa . * e . cxljli xjs iiijd.
Et de iiijxxxvili vijs vijd receptis de Omnibus proficuis ecclesie de
Frampton “prouenientibus per tempus compoti.
Et de xliiijli receptis de toto exitu proficuo ecclesie de Fhyslak’
assignate ad firmam.
Et de iiijs ixd de meremio antiquo vendito.
Et de xxx]i receptis de ecclesia de Rodyngton " sic dimissa ad
firmam.
Et de xls receptis de redditu assiso in eadem villa.
Et de xxli receptis de pensione de Alverton ".
Et de lxs receptis de pensione camerarum Oxonie.
Et de xiijli iijs iiijd receptis de pensione Officiariorum et cellarum
preter Coldingham.
Et de xiijli vjs viijd receptis de Officiarijs Dunelmie et cellarum pro
contribucione debita Scaccario.
Et de iiijli xvjs receptis de Camerario pro Oblacionibus et pannis
lineis.
Et de cs receptis de Cominario pro Oblacionibus.
Et de xls receptis de Feretrario pro oblacionibus.
Et de xxvis vijd receptis de uno equo vendito.
Et de xs receptis de pellibus lanutis de xlviij multons mortuis in
morina duobus annis preteritis.
SOME DURHAM COLLEGE ROLLS. 57
Et de xiijli vjs viijd receptis de lanis de Frampton de anno
preterito.
Summa . e & . CCxlix]i xxd
Et de xli mutuatis” de domino Thoma de Midilton. Mutuata.
Et de iiijli mutuatis de domino Thoma VIluesby.
Summa . e * : . xiiiji
Summa totalis recepte preter arreragia et mutuata . cclxiijli xxd
Summa totalis recepte cum remanentibus arreragiis et mutu-
atis . § . ccccvli xxiijd ob.
De quibus in primis computant de pensione soluta vicario de Expense.
Frampton . e º e † & g xixli vjs viijd Frampton.
Item pro indempnitate eiusdem ecclesie episcopo archidiacono et
capitulo Lincolniensi . e tº .* e liijs iiijd
Item pro medietate decime solute domino Regi pro eadem ecclesia
iijli iijs iiijd
Item pro tonsione ouium ibidem cvXx . sº tº xs ijd ob.
Item pro expensis Seruiencium et diuersorum laborancium ibidem
circa husbandriam º g tº & tº w; xxvisjö ob.
Item in diuersis rebus emptis pro husbandria et remanentibus ibidem
xliiijs
Item in ventilacione et trituracione et factura brasij ibidem iiijli xixs
Item in expensis autumpnalibus º g º . iiijli xviijs vid
Item pro stipendijs seruiencium ibidem cum feno empto et in ferrura
equorum . ſº º © * tº & tº liiijs xjd
Item in v equis emptis pro curribus et equitatura nostra lxviijs viijd
Item pro clausura et muracione vicarie . º e xijs
Item pro uno amerciamento soluto in curia Regine pro fractura fossa-
rum in les Fens . e & & tº e • lijs iiijd
Item Capellano de Wikys pro decimis garbarum ab eo emptis et
cantarie Sue pertinentibus . * * e º liijs iijd
Item Johanni Bell de Botilston procuratori nostro . xiijs iiijd
Item procuratori nostro respondenti pro nobis in sinodo apud Lincoln
. vjsvijd
Item in reparacione fossarum in les Fens et domorum xjs viijd
Item in expensis autumpnalibus anni precedentis ultra xli allocatos pro
eisdem expensis & tº & tº * o & xxº
Item in xiij multons expensis in autumpno et hospicio per annum
receptis de instauro precium pecudis xvid . e xvijs iiijd
Item domino Thome Vlsby pro pensione sua . . xxvili xiijs iiijd Fyschelak.
Item vicario pro pensione sua. º ſº ſº e xiiji vjs viijd
Item in duabus partibus oneris ipsius ecclesie . o cys ixd ob.
Item in diuersis expensis circa reparaciones ibidem vijli vijs iiijd ob.
58 COLLECTA NEA,
Rudying-
ton.
Oxonie.
Soluciones
debitorum.
Item pro liberatura domini Thome Vlsby & º º xjs
Item domino Thome Midilton pro pensione sua - e xlli
Item in reparacione rectorie et stratura ecclesie et alijs expensis
xviijs iiijd
Item pro medietate decime solute domino Regi • xxxiijs iiijd
Item pro indempnitate eiusdem ecclesie Episcopo et Capitulo Ebora-
censi • º • º e - e - . xxvis viijd
Item Hugoni Anslay pro pensione sua . º º e XXS
Item Johanni Killyby pro pensione sua . º - e xls
Item Receptori domini Episcopi Eboracensis pro excusacione prioris
a Sinodo et duabus acquietancijs e - iijs viijd
Summa . © o clvijli vijs vijd
Item in reparacione murorum et camerarum Oxonie xlijs iiijd ob.
Item abbatisse de Godstow x5 et canonicis Frydeswyde ijs et canonicis
de Osnay xviijd" - e º e e - e xiijs vid
Item pro secta Curie g e - º o tº xijd
Item pro liberatura puerorum et seruiencium ibidem iiijli vijs viijd
Item pro liberatura ad extra seruiencium. e e . xxxs xjd
Item in cera et alijs necessarijs emptis ad Capellam . vs Vd Ob.
Item in Communis monachorum puerorum et stipendijs Seruiencium
xxxviijli iiijs xd ob. Qu.
Item in Oblacionibus Prioris et Sociorum e º . xxxli viijs
Item pro factura xij cocliarum . e te - vjs viijd
Item in expensis Prioris et sociorum laborancium in patria et versus
Dunelmiam . º º º º º © viji xvijd
Item domino Radulfo de Lumley in partem solucionis Summe eidem
solute pro Simondset et Preston " º - viijs
Summa . © • . iiijxxvli xs xd ob. qu.
Item domino Waltero Petwardyn pro denarijs sibi debitis xli
Item in solucione facta diuersis creditoribus pro mutuatis in compoto
precedenti viijli
Item in solucione facta domino Johanni Port vicario de Fisshelake pro
denarijs sibi debitis de tempore domini Johannis de Beryngton
lxvis viijd
Summa . º & . xxjli vjs viijd
Summa expensarum cum solucionibus debitorum colxiiiji vs jø ob. Qu.
Et sic excedunt recepte expensas in cKlli xvisixd ob. Qu.
(This is followed by a brief ‘allocacio, the details of which are given
more fully on the back of the roll, as follows)
De quibus petit allocacionem de xiiijs de decasu precij xxviij multons
venditorum pro xxiijs iiijd qui appreciabantur ad xxxvijs iiijd
Et de xxxvijs iiijd in precio xxviij multons mortuorum in morina.
Summa . - & . Ijs iiijd
SOME DURFIAM COLLEGE RO/LLS. 59
Et deckxjli iiijs viijd de remanentibus in bonis et catallis et debitis col-
legijut patet per nomina infrascripta.
De executoribus domini de Neuell * * Ili
De Johanne Fleshewer de Colston . ſº g º . vis viijd
De Willelmo Fabro de Colston . g w º gº º ijs
T}e magistro Roberto Manseld . # & g * g CŞ
De magistro Johanne de Midilton & tº e & º X]s
De Priore insule sacre pro iij annis preteritis © . iiijli xiijs iiijd
De magistro de Wermouth pro pensione de ij annis e tº XXS
De officio Camerarii de tempore domini Johannis Beryngton lxxvjº
De abbate et monachis de Swyneshemed * . xxxvii. xiijs iiijd
De precio xj xx multons remanentium apud Framton precium pecudis
xvjd e * * e e º xiiiji xiijs iiijd
De precio vnius Olle ibidem manentis . t e & iijs iiijd
De ij plumbis in bracia ibidem remanentibus * º liijº iiijd
De vno maschephat (mashfuč) ibidem existente . tº ijs
De vna scala ibidem remanente xvjd
Summa * © . cxxjli iiijs viijd
Et de xiili x5 vd ob. de arreragijs pensionum et contribucionum " debi-
tarum infra hunc compotum viz.
De Priore de Fenkhall de contribucione ſº & e lijs iiijd
De Priore insule sacre de contribucione gº * tº XXX:S
De Priore de Coldyngham de contribucione. sº º XXXS
De Priore de Lethom de Contribucione & ſº e XXS
De Priore de Stamford de Contribucione * & e xijs iiijd
De magistro de Wermouth de contribucione $º e xiijs iiijl
De eodem de pensione & * * sº g * XS
De Cominario de oblacionibus ad tumbum sancti Cuthberti XX8
De Feretrario pro oblacionibus ad eundem tumbum & viijs
De pensione Camerarum Oxonie ſe & tº ge xiijs iiijd
Et de pensione de Alverton de tempore vacacionis , lixs jã ob.
Summa . ſe & . xiijli xs vd ob.
Status rectorie ecclesie de Frampton anno domini M90ccmo nona-
gesimo tercio liberatus Johanni Smyth preposito ibidem per dominum
Robertum de Blaklawe Priorem collegij monachorum Dunelmensium
in Oxonia in festo sancti Michaelis anno domini supradicto.
In primis remanent in granario vnum quart' frumenti puri et de
mixto iiij quart’ j bus' et de brasio iiij quart' et de fabis et pisis
xiiij quart' et de auenis ij quart'.
Item remanent in stabulo v equi pro curribus viz. duo empti de
Johanne Claymond Vnus griseus emptus de Johanne Harpor vnus
niger emptus de Johanne Smyth et Vnus niger assignatus ibidem per
Granarium.
Stabulum.
6O COLLECTA NEA.
Coquina.
priorem *. Item remanent ij currus vnus ferro ligatus et alius fere
noulis sine ferro cum apparatu sufficiente pro eisdem ad v equos.
Item remanent in coquina ij plumbi magni Item v olle enee Item
j masſatte Item de Vasis stagni vj parapsides vi disci vj salsaria
Item j mappa Cum manutergio Item alia mappa de Canuasso pro
Seruientibus cum duobus manutergijs curtis de simili panno Item iiij
tº & r &
stipitibus ligneis.
Item remanent in camera iij chalons de mortuarijs".
Item remanent in grangia jwyndocloth *ix sacci de quibus pro quinque
nondum soluitur Item j modius ligneus Item j cribrum antiquum et
ij wyndyls “Item j furca pro feno.
Item remanent vi porci maiores Item x porci mediocres Item xiiij
porculi de etate unius quartarie Item v porcelli sugentes Item x
galline ij gallix Capones Item xjºx bidentes.
* Warden c. 1389–1404. * See D, note I.
* Bursar also I398–1400.
* On the Wash, 3} miles S. of Boston. This rectory was sold by the
Dean and Chapter of Durham in the sixteenth century.
* Fishlake, 8% miles N.E. of Doncaster; there is a very fine church
dedicated to St. Cuthbert. Still in the possession of the Dean and Chapter.
* Ruddington, 5 miles S. of Nottingham. Laxton, II miles N.E. of
Southwell, also contributed for a year to the revenues; Cotgrave too was
in the same neighbourhood, being II miles N.E. of Nottingham.
" It is curious that there are no outgoings at Northallerton; generally
there was some small subscription to be deducted.
* It is probable that these loans were involuntary contributions on the
part of the pensioned ex-rectors of Rodington and Fishlake.
* See Introduction, notes I 5, 17, and 35. Trinity College still pays
a quit-rent of 5s. to Christ Church for these small sums due from Durham
College to St. Frideswide’s and Osney.
* Sir Ralph de Lumley, who married Eleanor da. of John third Lord
Nevill of Raby, and was summoned as a Baron I 384–1399, was Lord of
Simonside alias South Preston at this time, but there is no clue to the
transaction recorded here. He and William de Blaykeston were the
‘ firmarii’ (lessees, perhaps as trustees) of the four Nevill advowsons.
A William de Lumley frequently acted for Berington in legal matters.
* See Introduction, note 36.
* The horses’ names are often given; e.g. in Berington’s inventory
of the stock on the estates in 1389 we find “bayard porter, bayard pyn-
hors, bayard cutte, gray Scot, bayard blind, gray Frampton, gray ambler,
gryme, gray doxo, bay blind, gray bleb, gray Rougton, Scot, brune, gray
lyard, Gyll, bird.’
* “Shalloons for mortuaries,’ i.e. blankets taken as a sort of heriot by
the rector after the death of a parishioner.
* Wyndocloth, winnowing-cloth; wyndyl, winnowing-fork.
SOME DURHAM CO///EGE ROLLS. 6I
H.
Compotus, I462–3.
(This document is selected as a good specimen of the form in which the accounts
were made up annually during the greater part of the fifteenth century, though it
does not contain any entries of special importance. It belongs to a period at
which the rolls were very finely written on large pieces of parchment: this one
measures 2 ft. I in. by 12# in. and is docketed ‘Pars Prioris.’ The copy or
counterpart is inferior in appearance.)
CoMPOTUS Fratris Thome Caly" Custodis Thome Haluer” et
Johannis Aukland” Bursariorum Collegij Monachorum Dunelmensium
in Oxonia a Festo Sancti Michaelis Archangeli Anno Domini Mille-
simo CCCCnoLXIjo vsque Idem Festum Anno Domini revoluto.
In primis Idem respondent de xxs vijd ob. remanentibus ultimi Remanen-
compoti precedentis ut patet in pede eiusdem. tia.
Summa . . . . Patet.
Et respondent de xlvili xiijs iiijd receptis de ecclesia de Frampton Recepte.
hoc anno.
Et de xxvili xiijs iiijd receptis de ecclesia de Rodyngton sic dimissa.
Et de xxxijli receptis de ecclesia de Fysshelake sic dimissa “.
Et de xviijli receptis de ecclesia de Bossall sic dimissa.
Et de xlvii vjs viijd receptis de ecclesia de Brantyngham" videlicet
de ecclesia de Brantyngham cum capella de Ellerkar xxvii vji vijdet
de capella de Blaktoft xxli.
Et de xx]i receptis de ecclesia Aluerton pro pensione eiusdem.
Et de iijs iiijd receptis de prouisore et monachis ordinis Cisterciensis B.
pro quadam parcella terre sic eis dimissa ad terminum Octoginla
annorum hoc anno vicesimo septimo".
Et de ijs receptis de firmis Camerarum hoc anno. A.
Summa omnium ſ Preter Remanentia . . cilijxxviijli xviijs viijd
Cum Remanentibus . . ciiijxxixli xixs iijd ob.
Receptarum
In primis Episcopo Lincolniensi xvij ixd Capitulo viij xd ob. et Expense.
Archidiacomo Lincolniensi vijs xd ob. pro indempnitate ecclesie Pºtrinsece.
parochialis de Frampton ultra viijs xjd solutos eidem Episcopo iiijs vd Frampton.
ob. Capitulo iiijs vd ob. Archidiacono solutos per vicarium eo quod
tenetur ad terciam partem omnium onerum per nouam ordina-
cionem " º tº & e e e tº xxxvs vid
Item in pensione vicarij ecclesie predicte per nouam ordinacionem
Item in medietate unius decime domino Regi soluta ultra xxjº jū qu.
solutos per vicarium per dictam Ordinacionem , . xlijs ijd ob.
62 COLLECTA NEA.
Rodyng.
ton.
Fysshe-
lake.
Bossall.
Brantyng-
ham.
Item in cera thure et Oleo cum pane et vino ac alijs minutis oneribus
ultra terciam partem solutam per vicarium * & . xvijs viijd
Item in Amerciamentis xijd, in firma de Balgrene iiijd . xvid
Item in denarijs sancti Petri iiijs vd, in procuracionibus et sinodalibus
vjs ultra iijs solutos per vicarium per nouam ordinacionem x's vd
Item in stipendio Diaconi ultra vis solutos per vicarium xijs
Item in colleccione et trituracione granorum . g & iiijli
Item in stipendio Procuratoris " . $ & {} & x}s
Item in Fossatis maris et marisci”. * * º 9 XS
Item in alijs reparacionibus hoc anno ibidem factis . e xijs vid
Item in expensis custodis et aliorum diuersis vicibus ibidem XXS
Item in expensis Procuratoris apud Stamfordiam tempore conuoca-
cionis Episcopi Lincolniensis . g g g & ijs
Item in condonatis parochianis ad fabricam ecclesie § vjs viijd
Item in solutis Willelmo Guddyng pro decimis Capelle de Wykes xls
Summa. & § . xxxvili vijs vijd ob.”
In primis Archiepiscopo Eboracensi xiijs iiijd Capitulo xiijs iiijd pro
indempnitate ecclesie parochialis de Rodyngton . . xxvis viijd
Item in medietate unius decime domino Regi soluta . xxxiijs iiijd
Item in reparacionibus hoc anno ibidem factis * cijs vid
Item in perdonatis firmario ibidem . e e tº § lxxs xd
Summa . º º . xjli xiijs iiijd
In primis Archiepiscopo Eboracensi vijs xd ob. Capitulo viijs Xd ob.
pro indempnitate ecclesie parochialis de Fysshelake una cum alijs
expensis in quibus vicarius est contributarius in tercia parte
xliijs xd
Item in pensione vicarij ecclesie predicte e & xiijli vjs viijd
Item in medietate unius decime domino Regi soluta ultra xiijº iiijd
solutos per vicarium . * & tº º * . xxvis viijd
Item in libero redditu domino duci Eboracensi pro prato vocato
Parson medow . g * e g & e & ijs xd
Summa . e g * xvijli
In primis Archiepiscopo Eboracensi xiijs iiijd Capitulo xiijs iiijd pro
indempnitate ecclesie parochialis de Bossall ſº . xxvis viijd
Item in medietate unius decime domino Regi soluta tº XXS
Item in Reparacionibus factis circa cancellum ecclesie . XX8
Summa . & e * lxvis viijd
In primis in solucione facta Capitulo Eboracensi secundum tenorem
appropriacionis & we e tº © wº iijs iiijd
Item in pensione vicarii ecclesie predicte . w xiijli vjs viijd
Item in pensione capellani capelli de Blaktoft . sº cvjs viijd
Item in Solucione cuiusdam annue pensionis ecclesie collegiate Sancti
Johannis Beuerlaci ab antiquo debite et solui consuete CS
SOME DURHAM COLLEGE ROLLS. 63
Item in solucione cuiusdam annue pensionis Camerario ecclesie
cathedralis Dunelmensis ab antiquo debite et solui consuete
vili xiijs iijd
Item in medietate unius decime domino Regi soluta lxvis viijd
Item in elemosina data pauperibus parochianis ecclesie predicte
Secundum ordinacionem appropriacionis . & * iijs iiijd
Item in reparacionibus factis apud Brantyngham . e lixs xjd
Item in aliis reparacionibus factis circa unam clausuram in parochia
de Blaktofte . e * * g * tº xvs vid
Summa . ſe * . xxxvijli xvs va
In condonatis vicario de Aluerton de pensione sua . g iiijli Aluerton.
Item in medietate unius decime domino Regi soluta & XXS
Summa . ſe . CŞ
Summa omnium expensarum extrinsecarum . * cxjli iiijs ob.
In primis in communis monachorum scolarium secularium et Seruien- Expense
cium per tempus compoti . . . . . xli ixs id ob. Intrinsece.
Item in duobus festis Sancti Cuthberti cum recepcione extraneorum
per idem tempus * . e * {} º º xlijs vid ob.
Item in oblacionibus * custodis et sex sociorum suorum ibidem
xxxli
Item in Liberatura Custodis Bursariorum et seruiencium intra et
eXtra. º º g º e © {- e tº viijli vs
Item in reparacionibus domorum et murorum . º . xviijs iiijd
Item in donis datis diuersis causa collegij § {e º XS .
Item in reparacionibus factis in Aula Promptuario et Coquina vijº vid
Item in cirpis emptis pro Capella et Aula e * : g xxd
Item in expensis custodis et aliorum laborancium in negocijs
Collegij . e tº º ſº * wº e e CS
Item in cera empta pro capella et in factura eiusdem vjs viijd
Item pro feno prebenda et medicinis equorum cum ferrura repara-
cione sellarum et frenorum g * g g * xls
Item in libera firma et secta curie '* tº e § * xvs ijd
Item in stipendijs seruiencium tº s * * . cxiijs iiijd
Item pro vectura custodis” . e e & e . xiijs iiijd
Item in pergameno et Scriptura compoti º § & ijs
Summa . e . iiijxxxvijli iiijs xd
Item iſdem petunt allocacionem de iijs iiijd de isto anno debitis ultra Allocacio.
xxxvis viijd pro undecim annis elapsis debitos a prouisore et
monachis ordinis cisterciensis quo quadam parcella terre eis dimissa
ad terminum octoginta annorum hoc anno vicesimo septimo.
Summa . * g . iijs iiijd
64 COLLECTA NEA.
Summa omnium expensarum intrinsecarum extrinsecarum et allo-
Cacionis . § é g * > & g ccvijli xijs ijd ob.
Et sic in superplusagijs” . . xviijli xijs xd
* Warden 1457–c. 1463.
* Bursar 1457–63; occurs among those voting at the election of Prior
Robert Ebchester in 1478 (Hist. Dun. p. ccclzii).
* Warden c. 1481–1484. * “As leased.’
* The advowson of Brantingham in Howdenshire, a large parish on
the north bank of the Humber, I 1 miles west of Hull, was one of the most
ancient possessions of the church of Durham. The Convent obtained
a licence, Aug. 4, 1458, to appropriate the rectory to the College on condition
that the vicar's stipend and other ancient charges (as stated among the
outgoings) were regularly paid, and a further “ordinacio 'framed by the
Archbishop of York, Aug. 4, 1459, stipulated for payments to the poor
and the York chapter. This property was granted, March 7, 1550, to
Walter Jobson of Hull, the Crown reserving certain rentcharges, in-
cluding one of £17 due to Durham College, but the patronage and
impropriation reverted to the Dean and Chapter in the seventeenth
century. The chapelry of Blacktoft was less closely connected with the
mother parish than that of Ellerkar (Hutchinson's Durham, iii. 478–80);
it is 8 miles E. by S. of Howden and 20 miles from Hull. .
* The northern part of the original garden or grove of the Durham
Hall, as granted c. 1290, was leased at a nominal rent to the Provisor
and Cistercian monks of Bernard College, founded by Archbishop Chichele
in 1437. After the dissolution this land, for which the occupiers seldom
paid the rent, was given to the Dean and Chapter of Christ Church
on Dec. II, I 546, and they sold it to Sir Thomas White. It is now
covered by the second quadrangle and (possibly) the southern part of the
garden of St. John’s College.
" The new arrangements providing for the proper payment of the
vicar and other parochial charges; cf. Comp. 1442–3, Item magistro
Roberto Thornton officiali domini Lincolniensis episcopi pro labore Suo
in negocio noue ordinacionis vicarie de Frampton ex Conuencione secum
facta per magistrum Johannem Mody nuper custodem Oxonie xlº.
* Cf. Comp. I442–3 (Exp. extr. Frampton), Item pro cera oleo thure
et crismate cum pane et vino tam in die pasche quam pro celebracione
missarum ac in pane et ceruisia data capellanis pro locione altarium in
cena domini ultra terciam partem, &c., vº viijd.
* The Warden was allowed to send a Proctor, in lieu of personal
attendance, to the synods of the Archbishop of York and Bishop of
Lincoln, for the appropriated rectories. The “bulla indulgencie’ of
Boniface IX, printed by Wilkins (Conc. II. 618–19), cost 13s. 4d. in 1396.
A licence from the Archbishop, dated Oct. 8, 1432, is printed in Hist.
Dun., App. Cxcix.
" A constant source of expense in the low-lying parishes of Frampton
and Fishlake : e. g. Comp. 1437, Item in factura de le Fendyke cum aliis
clausuris et fossatis factis ijºx"; Comp. 1495, Pro le Dykyng duarum
SOME DURHAM COLLEGE ROLLS. 65
Clausurarum við viijd. Cf. Berington's Comp. 1387-9, In valore vijº. viij
bidencium dimersarum tempestate maris in pastura domini de Dakyr in
Southholland (near Frampton) xiiijli.
* This total is 4d, more than the sum of the items: possibly an i above
should be altered to a v.
* Deposition of St. Cuthbert March 20 (687), Translation Sept. 4
(998).
* “Offerings,’ a polite term for stipend in Durham documents: ‘libera-
tura,’ livery, allowance of cloth, &c.
* “Fee-farm and suit of court’; the small quit-rents to Godstow,
Oseney, St. Frideswide’s, and the payment at the court of Bullingdon
(? Northgate) hundred as mentioned in the valuation of I534.
* “Travelling expenses” are often allowed to fellows and Scholars
as well as to the warden; e.g. Comp. I4OI, Item in vectura quinque
sociorum veniencium de Oxonia viz. dominorum Johannis Heryll,
Stephani Howeden, Johannis Wessyngton, Johannis Gysborne, Johannis
Swynshede ac prioris eiusdem loci iiiji.
* Deficit: a balance is often expressed by “remanent.’
J.
Compotus, second quarter 1464.
(The following is a good specimen of the short accounts rendered quarterly by
the Warden or Bursars. Between fifty and sixty of these rolls have been preserved;
but some of them are extremely brief, and often written very illegibly on mere
scraps of parchment, one of which seems to have been not rolled but folded into
a small square, and is endorsed, ‘Tradatur domino Ricardo barton monacho
Dunelm.’ A large majority bear dates between 1422 and I425, or 1431 and I438;
in nine cases all four quarters of the academic year are represented and the com-
potus for the whole year has also been preserved: there is only one duplicate.
They are generally dated by reference to the usual quarter-days, but sometimes
other saints-days are mentioned, such as the festivals of SS. Ambrose, Aydan,
Oswald, Peter ad Vincula, Jerome, Margaret, and Euphemia. Occasionally these
rolls are of great value as furnishing details of the payments roughly classified
in the annual accounts. This document is clean and well written, and is 6% in.
broad by II in, long.)
CoMPOTUs Thome Haluer et Johannis Aukland bursariorum a die
veneris proximo ante festum Anunciacionis beate Marie Anno Domini
millesimo CoccoLXIIJo usque ad diem veneris proximum ante festum
natiuitatis Sancti Johannis baptiste extunc proxime sequens'.
In primis idem respondent de xlvis viijd receptis de domino Willelmo Recepte.
Law 4.
Item apud Aluerton de vili vjs viijd receptis de custode.
Item de iijli receptis de custode in parlura ".
Item de viijli xiiijs vid receptis alias de eodem.
Item de ixlixs xjd receptis de custode.
III. F
66 COLLECTA NEA.
JExpense.
Item de x8 receptis de aula balioli.
tº e º ºs
Summa
xxxiiijli xixs vd
In primis xvii ob. qu. in Superplusagiis [ut] patet in pede precedentis
compoti.
In communis monachorum
In communis puerorum
In batellis et iurnellis “
cxiijs vid ob.
iijli vijº Xjd ob.
In oblacionibus sex sociorum . vjli
In secta Curie * xxijd
In die obitus fundatoris" © g º xvid ob. Qu.
In reparacionibus murorum in primis in lapidibus emptis vjs vid
Item pro cariagio eorundem .
Item pro factura muri
xvis viijd
Item pro luto et cariagio eiusdem vjs vid
Item pro mundacione murorum et stramine ijs xd
Item pro calce ad murum . wº tº g e iijs
Pro reparacionibus domorum in primis pro tegulis emptis liiijs vid
Item in calce ſº ixs jà
Item pro clauis ferreis xs viijd
Item pro clauis ligneis ijs viijd
Item tegulatoribus & º º * iijli xijsijd
Item pro cirpis emptis pro capella et aula xxijd
Item pro duabus cordis emptis pro fonte iijd
Item pro ferrura prebenda et medicina equorum xiijsijd
Item in expensis diminutis infra collegium iiijsijd
Item in stipendijs seruiencium xxs xd
Item pro defencione iuris collegij in eam appellacionem rebellium
scolarium eiusdem in donis feodis et regardis iurisperitorum ac
expensis laborancium versus Dunelmiam et leuium onerum diuersis
vicibus" º
Item pro Scriptura compoti
Summa
Et sic expense excedunt receptas
xxxvlixixs iiijd qu.
vijli xxd
jd
xix.8 xjd qu.
* Easter Sunday fell on April I in 1464; hence the exact date of this
roll is March 23, 1463, to June 22, 1464.
* Warden c. 1478–c. 1481.
* Possibly the ‘perloquitorium' at Oxford; but there was a ‘Parler’ at
Durham, ‘a place for marchaunts to utter their waires, standing betwixt
the Chapter house and the Church dour' (Rites of Durham, p. 44); it
was converted into a Registry by Dean Matthew, and must not be con-
fused with the ‘Common House’ in the west cloister.
* Daily wages or allowances in food; cf. Comp. I423, Item in iurnellis
duorum vitrariorum xjd ob. * Bishop Hatfield died May 8, 1381.
SOME DURHAM/ CO/L LEGE RO/L,L.S. 67
° The relations between the regular ‘socii’ and the ‘scolares secu-
lares’ seem to have been strained from time to time. Nothing more is
known of this appeal ; but the ‘ordinacio’ of John Hemmingburgh,
Prior 1391–1416, ‘inspected' by Prior John Wessington in 1431 (Hist.
Dun., app. ccviii), seems to define the duties of the boys to the monks in
a judicial manner, and as the result of an appeal.
K.
Computus, I541–2.
(The importance of these documents has been pointed out in the Introduction
They consist of two sheets of paper, folded in half and then rolled together,
and are written in an exceedingly difficult hand, with numerous contractions, many
of which are so arbitrary that the expansion of them is rather conjectural. It
will be noticed that in some points the Latin is more modern in character. The
only other computus of this period, that of Edward Hyndmer, S. T. P (see list of
Wardens), is similar in character, but the revenues were then got in direct from the
appropriated churches.
Computus Georgii Clyff' sacre Theologie bacularii Rectoris ibidem
computante a Festo Sancti Michaelis Archangeli Anno Domini
M!DXLjmo usque Festum Sancti Michaelis Archangeli Anno Domini
M!DxLIJºlo.
Et de cxxviijli vjs viijd receptis de Hugone Whithed” sacre Theologie
Professori et Decano Ecclesie Cathedralis Dunelmensis diuersis vicibus
videlicet pro termino Natalis Domini per manus magistri Tayllor xxii
et de Rectoria de Framton xiiiji iijs iiijd ad Festum Annuntiationis
beate Marie Virginis de predicto Decano per Thomam Whithed xxxii
ad festum Natiuitatis Sancti Johannis Baptiste de dicto Decano per
Georgium Blunt xxli de Rectoria de Framton xiiijli iijs iiijd ad Festum
Sancti Michaelis Archangeli per doctorem Bennettº et Stephanum
Marley* xxxli prout patet per billam manu dicti Georgii Clyff scriptam.
Summa Totalis Recepte . g . cxxviijli vjs viijl
E quibus solutum Georgio Clyff Thome Potter
Johanni Mathew Willelmo Tayllor Georgio Blunt
Hugoni Winter et Antonio Todde Jacobo Greye cui- wº xixli
libet" eorum capienti pro termino Natalis Domini
xlvijs vid.
Et solutum predictis octo baculariis pro terminis
Annunciationis beate Marie virginis Sancti Johannis
Baptiste et sancti Michaelis Archangeli pro consimi-
libus exhibitionibus pro predictis iijbus terminis. J
lvijli
Collegium
Oxonie.
Recepta
denario-
T11111.
Baculariis
sacre Theo-
logie".
F 2
68 - COLLECTA NEA.
Et solutum Cristofero Ratclyff Johanni Pullen
Johanni Hudson et Antonio Grene cuilibet." º vijlixs
we capienti pro termino Natalis Domini xxxvijs vid.
£ºi. Et Solutum predictisiiijor uiris pro terminis Annuncia-
tionis beate Marie virginis sancti Johannis Baptiste : xxiili xs
sancti Michaelis Archangeli pro consimilibus exhibi- J
tionibus pro predictis iijbus terminis.
Summa & e * ſº cvji
Et allocata Francisco Claymond firmario Rectorie
de Framton pro diuersis Reparationibus et aliis ex-
pensis per ipsum factis ut particulariter patet per duas vijl visja ob.
billas de particulis inde super hunc Computum -
Ostensas et examinatas videlicet prima billa lxxis iijd,
ijda billa iiijli xiiijs xd ob. In toto
(7%is compulus appears to be unfinished, but wrapſ up with iſ &
amo/her sheet of paper containing the particulars from which it was
Georgius intended to compose the account for the whole year 1541–2.)
Clyffe, Terminus a Festo Michaelis ad Natale Christi 15410.
Rector.
Recepta. T In pm. Recepi a magistro decano per manus magistri xxli
r alari.
Deinde Recepi de Rectoria Framptoniensi e . xiiijli iijs iiijd
In primis Rectori, magistro Potter, magistro Mathew, sacre Sophie
Bacchalariis, Willelmo Talaro, artium magistro, Georgio Blountt,
Hugoni Wynter, Antonio Toide Juris Civilis Bacchalario, Jacobo
Exhibi- Graie, Artium Bacchalariis, dedi cuilibet horum divisim xlvijs vid, nam
tiones hii omnes Supremi stipendii erant.
Sociorum.
Deinde solvi etiam Christofero Radcliffe Johanni Pullanne Johanni
Hudsoon, et Antonio Greynne, Artium Bacchalariis cuilibet horum
etiam Seorsum xxxvijs vid.
Summa totalis Inter hos Omnes § . xxvili x5
Reparationes seu allocationes de Frampton erant. iiijli xiiijs xd ob.
Sumptus vel expense eorum Sociorum qui equitarunt
pro Ipsa firma . te •, e * ſº & xvjs viijd
Summa . ſº g g & vli xjs vid ob.
Quibusdam Coquo vijs vid subcoquo iijs iiijd Bibte.” qui tunc temporis per omnia
ministris łº tum vice quum officio mancipii vs.”
ºut. In primis pro Resartione antique Sere cum nova clave eidem viijd
necessariis pro centum ligniolis vel laythes xd In Reparatione unius antiqui muri
collegii &c. at in nihilum fere delapsi xvjd pro nova Sera cum clave xd In solita
pensione” Collegio Fridiswide virginis debita is Doctori Smythe * pro
Integro totius anni et lecture Regie Stipendio v3 ixd In expensis
SOME DURHAM COLLEGE ROLLS. 69
magistri Potteri et alterius Socii usque Londinum circa Res Proficuas,
ac In primis Isti Collegio vestro non Infrugiferas viijs xd.
Summa . & . xxxvisjd. Remanent vs. viijd ob,
(Second page of the sheet.)
Terminus a Natali Christi ad Annuntiationem beate Virginis etc. I 5429.
Recepia magistro decano Duresmie per Thomam Whitthede xxxii
Rectori cum 7tem Sociis supremi stipendii quorum quilibet habuit
xlvijs vid
Summa Inter eos 7tem . * & ... xixli
Deinde 4or aliis Inferioribus sociis quorum quilibet habuit xxxvijs vid
Summa Inter eos. & g * vijli xs
Coquo vijs vid. Subcoquo iijs iiijd. Bibte qui adhuc omnia exegui-
batur munera que ad officium mancipii spectabant vs. pro Cibo
potuque 4or ministrorum Collegii In 20 mensa xvs.
Summa te g g g wº . xxx8 xd
Pro Reparatione 2arum vetustissimarum domuncularum ex Occi-
dentali parte Aule et pro novo ostio cum sera nova eidem vijs vid.
In Expensis meis versus Londinum pro quietudine et pro decenti
honestoque statu ac ordine Istius Collegii xvs. pro 2°bus novis seris
etc. ijs. In Clavis xijd.
Summa . e © xxvs vid. Remanent xiijs viijd.
Terminus ab Annuntiatione beate Virginis ad Baptistam I5429.
Recepi a magistro decano per Georgium Blountt . ſº xxli
Rursus Recepi de Rectoria Framptoniensi º xiiijli iijs iiijd
Rectori cum 7tem sociis maximi stipendii ut Supra xlvijs vid
Summa Intereos 7tem e e wo . xixli
Deinde 4or aliis posterioribus sociis, ut supra o xxxvijs vid
Summa Inter eos 40t ſº vijli xs
(Third page of the sheet.)
Reparationes etc. de Frampton erant . & e iijli xjs iiijd
Sumptus ac Expense 20tum qui equitarunt pro ipsa firma xviij xd
Summa . tº *" g iiijlixs ijd
Mancipio x5, Superiori coquo vijs vid, Subcoquo iijs iiijd, Barbe-
tonsori iiijs, Lotrici iiis iijd, pro cibo potuque 49 ministrorum Collegii
In 20 mensa xvs.
Summa . e g e & ſº xliijsijd
Pro excidendo dolando quadrando undecim arbores emortuas in
nemusculo nostro, iji vjd, deinde 4or operariis per 285 fere Integras
Recepta.
Exhibi-
tiones
sociorum.
Aliquibus
ministris
collegii.
In Repara-
tionibus
Intrinsecis
et expensis
necessariis
extrinsecis.
Recepta.
Exhibi-
tiones
| sociorum.
Famulis
collegii
omnibus.
Expense
collegii
7o COLLECTANEA.
tam utiles
quam
honeste.
Recepta.
Exhibi-
tiones
sociorum.
Expensis
collegii
Still 11116 116-
cessariis.
Recepta.
Exhibi—
tiones
sociorum.
In Repara-
tionibus.
Septimanas circa easdem excisas arbores Sarrando et id genus alia
faciendo xvs, pro pane potuque eisdem vijd, pro dealbatione unius
inferioris cubiculi xxd, In expensis meis cum Iter arripiebam versus
Woudstocke In res futuras domui nostre * de Handborrow ijs, In ex-
pensis meis ab Oxonia. In Duresmiam et econtra, atque id Solum hunc
nimirum computum Reddendi gratia &c. xxxs, atque his Omnibus
annumeratis In debito est xxxjs Xd.
Terminus a festo Johannis Baptiste ad Michaelem, I5429.
Recepia doctore Bennett et magistro Stephano Marlaie xxxli
Rectori cum 7tem sociisut supra, xix]i Et 4or aliis sociisut Supravijli Xs
Summa . e ſº tº xxvilixs
Lectori Regio pro dimidio sui stipendii ijs izd &c., In consueta
pensione Collegio de Frydiswide ijs, Johanni Singleton ut puto Ta-
bellario Jamdudum apud vos existenti &c. preter omnem Remunera-
tionem vestram vis viijd, pro conpositura vestiarii antea pressaere *
xvjd, pro reparatione sere Ipsius Janue que iuxta Capellam est cum
nova clave vid, pro Resartione tum sere quum clavis Illius etiam
Janue que in oppidum * prodit ac prominet vid, pro una clave Ostiolo
cubiculi nuper vocati capellani et pro alia clave Ostio in nemusculum
vertenti vijd, pro Redintegratione unius fenestre vitree xxd, pro
cancellis lappideis in eaden fenestra affixis vid, pro composito
Lectisternio vid, pro clavis iijd.
Summa . º . xvijº . . .
(Fourth page of the sheet.)
Remanent iijli
Terminus a festo Michaelis ad Natale Christi. I 5429.
Recepi a magistro Decano per Thomam Whitthed xxxli
Rectori cum 7tem sociis Collegii ut supra . xixli
40r aliis Inferioribus sociis ut supra vijlixs
Summa * > & iº xxvili xs
In primis pro uno vestiario (antea presser) noviter fabricato xvjd pro
duobus subselliis vel scamnis xiiijd pro uno novo Lectisternio (a bed-
Stede) ab Integro facto xviijd. -
Summa
iiijsijd . * Remanent iijli vs xd
* Senior fellow in 1540–1 ; supp. B.D. 1539 (Boase's Reg. Univ. Oxon.
p. I95). See list of Wardens. * Warden I 512–c. 1524.
* Robert Bennett was Bursar of Durham Abbey at the Dissolution
(Rites of Durham, p. 82); B.D. 1523, DD. 1527 (Boase, p. 131). He was
made first Prebendary of the Eleventh Stall, and died 1558.
SOME DU/CHAM COLLEGE ROLLS. 7I
* Sub-prior of Durham (Rites, p. 78); B.D. 1530; first Prebendary of
the Sixth Stall; deprived 1572 (Hutchinson's Durham, ii. 190). .
* Mathew, B.D. 1539; Taylor, B.A. 1533, M.A. 1541; Blunt, B.A.
I540, M.A. 1544; Todd, B.C.L. 1541; Grey, B.A. 1541, M.A. I544 (Boase,
pp. I95, I73, 199, 20I, 198; and Forster's Alum. Oxon.).
* MS. quilibet.
" Ratclyff, B.A. 1540, M.A. I544; Pullen, 2 B.A. 1540, M.A. 1544;
Hudson, B.A. 1540, M.A. 1544; Green, B.A. 1542, M.A. 1544 (Boase,
pp. I99, IQ8, 198, 200). In 1540 there were eight scholars, Chr. Ratclyff,
J. Pullen, Ralph Coker, Cuthbert Hutchison, Edmund Wylie, Marmaduke
Slingsby, William Taylor, and Ant. Green.
* I conjecture ‘Bibliste,’ bible-clerk, as ‘Barbitonsori' could hardly
be contracted in this way.
° In 1540 the mancipie, Lawrence Atkinson, was paid 25s. ; the cook
received 20s., the Sub-Cook, 6s. 8d., the barber IIs. 8d., the laundress
6s. 8d., the ‘equester’ I2s. 8d., and John Hudson, “servus collegii,’
23s. 4d.
* The ancient quit-rent; cf. Cart. of St. Frid., ed. Wigram, pp. 372, 486.
It was specially reserved ‘Magistro Collegii de Fryswith in villa nostra
Oxon.' (Christ Church) in Henry VIII's charter endowing the Durham
Chapter, May 12, I54I.
* Richard Smyth, D.D., Fellow of Merton; Henry VIII’s Reader in
Divinity at Christ Church 1535–1548 and I 556–1558.
* In 1540 the College received 7s., ‘de suo tenemento in Handbrow
videlicet pro libera firma'; see Introduction, p. 21.
* If this reading is correct it must mean that the term ‘presser' was
formerly used for the piece of furniture here called a ‘vestiarium.’
* The ancient gateway in Broad Street, for which see Comp. I 396-7,
Item in expensis factis circa facturam nove porte, cº viijd ob. Qu. ; Comp.
1407, Item in reparacione facta circa nouam portam lxxj*jº: it was
demolished in 1733. A drawing by Francis Wise, now in the Trinity
library, is engraved in Skelton's Oxonia Antiqua Restaurata, vol. ii.
L.
Edificacio Capelle, 1406–8.
(This short summary of the expense of building (or rebuilding) the chapel is the
only document of the kind among the College rolls; there are entries referring to
the same work in the Compotus of I4O4–5 and 1405–6. A Bull of John XXIII,
licensing interments within the chapel, is printed in Hist. Dun. Scr. Tres., app.
clxxxvii.; cf. Comp. I4I 1–2, Item in 2 bus bullis s. sepulture et indulgencie, vijº
xvijº vijº. There are two copies of this roll, both 8 inches by 6}.)
CoMPOTUs Willelmi de Appelby' de edificacione nove capelle Oxonie
a festo Assumpcionis beate Marie anno domini MoccCCuo sexto usque
ad idem festum anno domini &c, CCCCºmo octavo.
72 - COLLECTA NEA.
Remanen-
cia. Varie
Recepte.
Expense.
In primis idem respondet nichil de remanentibus ultimi compoti.
Et de xli receptis de executoribus domini Walteri Dunelmensis
Episcopi *.
Et de xxs receptis de Johanne Fyscheburn juniori.
Et de xvis viijd receptis ex dono prioris de pensione aule Balliolensis
pro ij annis”. º
Et de vijli ijs receptis de debitis domini Roberti Blaklow “ex dono
eiusdem domini prioris.
Et de lxxviijs iiijd receptis de debitis collegij eidem domino priori de
dono eiusdem ad id opus.
Et de viijli datis ex officio Elemosinarijad idem opus.
Et de xxiji datis eidem operi ex eodem officio ut patet in ultimo
Compoto eiusdem.
Summa Receptarum * * g lijli xvijs
In primis in primo anno per manus Willelmi Appelby viijli xxijd
Item eodem anno per manus Johannis Fyscheburn junioris et Johannis
Kirkland . tº & ſº e º g & xxxli ixd ob.
Item Secundo anno pro ferreo opere ad fenestras . xixi xijd ob.
Item in eodem anno pro lapidibus calce cariagio et lapicidis et alijs
expensis per manus eiusdem Willelmi Appilby . xxvli xd ob.
Item pro expensis circa meremium per manus eiusdem Willelmi
Appilby . tº * º * & xli xiijs ixd ob.
Item per manus Johannis Herl et Johannis Fysheburn junioris viji
Item tegulatori in parte Solucionis de xxii marcis . xxvis viijd
Summa expensarum g © & cijli vs
Et sic superexpendit & © te xlixli vijs
(On the back of the roll.)
Memorandum quod ante istum compotum recipiebantur xxiijli iiijsjø
ad edificacionem capelle infrascripte”
Item expendebantur ante istum compotum circa edificacionem eius-
dem capelle xxxiijli xiijs".
Summa totalis receptarum . g lxvili xjd 7
Summa Omnium expensarum . . cxxxvii. xviijs
' Warden I404–1409; his arms were still to be seen in a window in the
Seventeenth century.
* Walter Skirlaw, Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry, 1386, of Bath and
Wells I386, of Durham 1389, a liberal benefactor to Durham Abbey,
York Minster, University College, &c., died March 24, 1405, leaving to
the College ‘xx! sa/tem in aliquale relevamen fabricae seu reparacionis
Capellae suae ibidem, ut insi in suis missis et devocionibus orent Deum
pro anima mea’ (Test. Ebor. p. 308). That sum is included in the
A 23 3s. Id. mentioned below ; in Comp. 1417 there is a further sum of
A6 I3s. 4d, received ‘de executoribus.domini Walteri Episcopi.’
SOME DURHAM COLLEGE ROLLS. 73
* This was a charge on the Balliol rectory of Mickle Benton, assigned
by the Convent to the Warden of the College for the chapel lights: cf.
Feodarium Prioratus Dunelmensis (Surt. Soc. 1871), p. 77 (Inventarium ;
Pensiones), “Et nichil de x8 quondam debitis de magistro aule de
Balliolo in Oxonia, quia assignantur ad luminaria Capelle collegii mona-
chorum Dunelm. ibidem'; and p. 328 (Rentale; Pensiones), ‘De ecclesia
de Mekyl Benton nichil, quia assignatur fratribus nostris studentibus in
Oxonia, tamen reddere solebat x*.’
* Warden c. 1389–1404. He seems to have owed money to his suc-
CéSSOI". * Skirlaw's legacy £20, six fellows or ex-fellows 4,345. Id.
* Comp. I405-6. ‘Item in reparacione facta circa capellam primo per
custodem et postea per dominum Stephanum [Howden] ut patet per
parcellas in papiris eorundem xxxiijli xiijº.’
" This should be lxxvjlijd; probably the calculator has misplaced an x.
ADDEN DA.
My Introduction was beyond the possibility of alteration when I paid
a flying visit to Durham and was agreeably surprised at learning from
Dr. Greenwell that the whole of the title deeds of the Oxford site
acquired by Richard de Hoton and his successors were still extant
in the Treasury. The collection (Ima 51° Ebor.) consists of fifty-two
documents, including several duplicates, nearly all of which are in
Splendid preservation and retain their seals; among these are excel-
lent impressions of the seals of Godstow (see p. 7, no. 1), St. Frides-
wide's (p. 7, no. 3), Oseney (p. II, n. 35), the Hospital of St. John near
the East Gate, the Parish of St. Mary Magdalen, and the Deanery of
Oxford ; these form my frontispiece. All the documents which I cited
in support of the statement of GrayStanes are in this collection, except
the petition of c. 1300 (p. 8); but Stevenson has misdated the warrant
(p. 7, no. 2), which is really of 17 Edw. II (13.2%), and his summary of
the Inquisition of 129I (p. 7, no. 4) is not very correct; the real date
is 3 April, 1292. However, I am now able with less reluctance to post-
pone the investigation of the question of the site, as I find that my
short account is confirmed as far as it goes.
I discovered also that a few documents relating to the internal affairs
of the College were unfortunately misplaced in the sixteenth century
by being classed with the title deeds of the appropriated rectories.
Of these the most valuable is a ‘Catalogus librorum pertinencium
Collegio Monachorum Dunelm. Oxon.,’ which, though undated, is
Clearly after 1380. It contains the books in B, and about as many
more, including several works of the English schoolmen Hales, Burley,
&c.; and by corroborating the negative evidence (Introd. p. IO) finally
disposes of the tradition about the Aungerville Library in Durham
74. COLLECTA NEA.
College. Another deed is endorsed ‘ Privilegia monachis concessa per
academiam Oxon., and has the old seals of the University and of
the Chancellor.
Two other documents I have decided to insert now, since the second
goes far to explain the origin of A, and the first suggests several new
ideas as to the position of the Hall early in the fourteenth century.
M (no. 52 in I* 5° Ebor.) is an undated letter from Gilbert (Elwyk),
Prior of the Hall, to G(alſridus de Burdon), Prior of Durham; the
circumstances are not given very clearly ; but it seems that the Chancellor
and his suite were occupying part of the Hall; that the ‘socii’ refused
to subscribe when asked, and moved off to another hostel; that the
Chancellor on his return to Oxford wished to regain his rooms, and
attempted to claim them by depositing a ‘ caucio' with the Commissary,
the procedure usually employed by a would-be principal of a vacant hall
(see Rev. H. Rashdall's Universities of Europe, vol. ii, pp. 464–8). N (no.
Io in 4* 5° Ebor.) is of little interest in itself, but it is probably a large
part, if not the whole, of the “aggression’ on the part of Thomas
Ledbury which was resisted by Prior Wessington on behalf of Warden
William Ebchester.
M.
Letter, c. 1316.
Venerabili Patri Domino G. Priori Dunullmensi per suos filios
Oxonie commorantes.
Venerabili in Christo. Patri ac Domino suo Domino G. Priori
Ecclesie Dunullmensis sui deuoti filij Oxonie commorantes cum
recommendacione humili et deuota obbedienciam reuerenciam et
honorem. Inter loca alia solicitudini vestre paterne Subiecta,
Oxoniam non credimus cordi vestro remocius insidere; et, ut
speramus, his qui in eius tendunt prejudicium, eo citius et virilius
occurretis, quod ibi nomen et memoriale vestrum specialius cele-
bratur. Sane quidam quos non tantum illius loci Sed tocius
professionis Dunullmensis amicos et defensores habuisse firmiter
sperabamus, Cancellarius Scilicet et alii qui in eius comitiua nobiscum
ante ista tempora morabantur, facti Sunt hostes nostri in Capite,
id modicum quod habemus lete consumere et locum nostrum et
gentem tollere machinantes. Huius autem machinacionis et discordie
occasio uel materia extat talis. Agente Cancellario cum Archi-
episcopo in visitacione sua, expositis que sociis Oxoniensibus” inuentis
* Geoffrey de Burdon, Prior of Durham 1313–1322 ; there is an excellent account
of him, almost entirely omitted by Wharton, in the Chronicle of his contemporary
Robert de Graystanes (Hist. Dun., pp. 95–6).
* MS. Oxon., possibly for Oxonie; the “Socii’ seem to be other members of the
University, the ‘comitiva’ or suite of the Chancellor, and not the resident monks.
SOME DURHAM COLLEGE ROLLS. 75
in sumptibus vires nostras excedentibus, deuastacione nostra per Scotos
et debitis quibus pro incepcione mea eram multipliciter obligatus,
ego Gilbertus* supplicaui eis vt nobis condescenderent in expensis
ut conuiuere sic possemus, vel curialitatem aliquam eis non grauem
facerent pro reparacione domorum, vnde possent facilius domus onera,
sustineri; deliberatoque usque mane respondit vnus pro omnibus,
Prouisum est Cancellario et nobis de hospicio; de domo vestra
prout volueritis, poteritis ordinare ; sicque recesserunt secum libros
et bona Cancellarii asportantes. Cancellarius ergo motus nimium ex
predictis, factum aliorum non asserens esse suum, veniens ad villam
in principio quadragesime dixit me eum de domo nostra expulisse.
Vnde conuenit me in iudicio dicens se spoliatum per me a possessione
inhabitandi aulam cum cameris singulis, dormitorio * dumtaxat
excepto, eo colore quia ipse solus mihi pro aliis sociis loquebatur,
et sic alii eo mediante admittebantur. Vnde ex hoc disposicionem
camerarum predictarum pretendit se habuisse, et hanc petit sibi
iudicialiter reformari. Creditur vero quod si sic fuerit restitutus, alias
non poterit faciliter eici, quia iam pro domo nostra sicut pro domo
vacante, eo quod dominus, vos scilicet et conventus, non inhabitatis,
nec ego sum principalis, exposuit suo Commissario caucionem,
vnde si prima via optinuerit, hac secunda via speratur ipsum velle
se defendere introductum. Pacem obtulimus suis ut ipsi omnes
ad nos redirent pro anno presenti, dum tamen ipse solo uerbo pro-
mitteret se non vendicaturum ius ibi inhabitandi ulterius ; et minime
admiserunt. Quia vero vniversitatis capud est, et Oculus Archi-
episcopi, nullus audet nobis patrocinari publice in hac parte, vno
dumtaxat excepto iuuene gracioso, Magistro Symone de Stanes °,
in iure ciuili inceptore ; qui mauult odium Cancellarii sustinere, quam
monasterium Dunullmense depressionem uel iacturam, vbi ipse posset
occurrere, pateretur. Vnde omnes ei tenemur ; et pro omnibus satis-
facere vobis honorificum et vtile ecclesie nostre foret. Hec est grossa
materia, sed multa circumstant que vobis plenius intimari non
poterunt per scripturam ; et ideo latorem presencium instruximus,
et eum vobis mittimus, pro dictis negociis magis ydoneum non
habentes. Ei ergo, si placet, fidem credulam adhibentes, deliberetis
* See list of Wardens. It is very probable that the inventory of I 3 I 5 (B) marks
some reestablishment of the Hall under Elwyk after a period during which it had
been disused.
* I should suppose that the * dormitory ' was the room over the Buttery (see E,
note 24), as it was rather larger than the present Common Room (E, note 27), and
nearer to the back premises of the College.
° One Simon de Stanes is mentioned in Rymer's Foedera, iv. pp. 582, 589, 59o,
6o6, and in the Calendar of Patent Rolls I 330—4, pp. 479, 5Io, 513, as having
been sent by Edward III in Feb. I 333 to Bruges to conclude a mercantile treaty
with Count Lewis of Flanders : he was rewarded with a gratuity of 5o marks in
addition to all his expenses.
76 COLLECTANEA.
Cum consilio vestro quomodo hiis et aliis, que vobis ex parte nostra
intimabit, poterit obuiari, et ad obuiandum consilium nobis et
auxilium transmittatis, aduertentes quod locum tam egregie per vos
inchoatum tempore vestro tante desolacioni occumbere, nec vobis in
honorem cedere poterit nec ecclesie Dunullmensi. Conseruet vos
Altissimus ad ecclesie sue regimen et profectum scolarium et dirigat
in honore.
N.
Querela Prioris Studentium, c. I422.
Querela Prioris Studencium contra W. E. custodem collegii
nostri. -
Prima querela Prioris Studencium contra Willelmum Ebchestre °.
Quod contra statuta nostri generalis capituli renuit quod materia
litis exorta inter ipsum et graduatos pro ordine incedendi in pro-
cessionibus esset determinata per patres, sed adimit pocius seculares
pro defensione sue cause. Hoc /a/sum est ".
Quod contra consilium et mandatum Prioris Studencium intrauit
processiones diuersas quando per sui subtracionem discordie materias
potuit euitasse ad honorem dei et monastice religionis.
Quod vocatus ad capitulum in virtute sacre obediencie nolebat
venire, sed citantibus respondebat quod nec ipse nec aliquis confrater
suus veniret ad vocacionem prioris, eo quod nullam sibi (ut asseruit)
debebat obedienciam. Verum es/7.
Quod per tractatus beneuolos dicti prioris et amicabiles instancias
noluit committere et reseruare determinacionem dicte litis discre-
cionibus patrum nostri Ordinis, sed continue instabat pro declaracione
fienda per seculares. AFalsum esf".
Querela graduatorum quod contra consuetudinem laudabilem
Oxonie antiquitus vsitatam gradum incedendi in processionibus,
supra omnes bacallarios sibi vendicat celsiorem. ÆFalsum es?”.
Promissio Prioris Studencium.
In causa quo dictus Willelmus renueret obedire religioni propter
Odium seu rancorem conceptum contra prefatum Priorem, Idem
Prior in verbis sacerdocij paratum se reddit ad renunciandum officio
Prioratus pro perpetuo, ad effectum quod dictus Willelmus satisfaciat
ordini in persona alterius Prioris sibi per dei graciam succedentis;
et ad hoc iurauit per sancta dei evangelia.
“ Warden I4I 9—1428; see list, and A passîmz.
' These remarks are written in a different hand in the margin.
and Oxon
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- t - - - - - - - - - -- - - -

PART II.
PARLIAMENTARY PETITIONS
RELATING TO OXFORD
EDITED BY
LUCY TOULMIN SMITH
PAR LIAMENTARY PETITIONS
RELATING TO OXFORD.
IN the Public Record Office in London is preserved a
collection of documents of high interest, more than 16,500
in number, termed ‘Ancient Petitions.’ These documents,
gathered together from the records of the Chancery and the
Exchequer, where they have been anciently kept, have within
recent years been arranged and indexed according to the
name of the place or person preferring the petition, and are
thus made available to the inquirer. They consist for the
most part of narrow strips of parchment varying from two
to six inches wide, and from twelve to fifteen inches long
(though a small proportion fill large sheets), which are num-
bered and stitched into small books or ‘files. Some of them
have suffered from damp, wear and tear, and other ill-usage,
rendering them partly illegible, but the greater number of
those here printed are in good condition.
The ‘Ancient Petitions’ represent the link between the
governed and the governors, between individuals or com-
munities and their highest representatives, appealed to as the
fountain of justice; for they are the very documents sent up
by the people to the king, or to the king and his council
in parliament, or to the chancellor, during the thirteenth,
fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries, preserved and handed
down to our time. And thus from their origin they deal
with all sorts of subjects of mediaeval life, many of which might
now seem too local or too personal to be treated in Council or
in parliament, which were settled at once, or directed into the
8O COLLECTA NEA.
way of justice, inquiry, or grant in the courts, by regular legal
means. Sometimes it was a private man who had been
wrongfully outlawed, and he could not get into the king's
law again so as to defend his right without a special pardon.
Or it might be that the Thames highway was so choked by
the enclosing of spaces for fish-preserves or the building
of weirs, &c., that the free passage of merchant-boats was
endangered, and a public survey and remedy were desired.
Or an ancient town, with its recognized institutions for
responsible self-government as in other towns, found its rights
infringed, its powers beaten down, or its sources of income
taken away while still required to pay its dues to the State.
Or a young university, growing into life under the wing of
the Church, begged for one privilege after another, as its
needs required, either invoking the aid of its neighbour of the
secular arm, or, heedless of the injuries done to the town,
claiming to stand independently. And not seldom help was
appealed for to appease dissensions not only between town
and university, but within the university itself.
It is thus apparent that the petition of those centuries was
not merely, like the petition to parliament of the present
day, an expression of opinion and desire in order to influence
particular and general legislation, but was expected to have
a definite result in each individual case. The petition
might become the bill in parliament which should give birth
to the statute or to the private act; but besides these more
general or special instances, with which we have not to do
here, there was the far more numerous class of cases that
required simpler treatment, each on its merits, according to
the judgement of the council, or of the Officers appointed to
examine the petitions. Many of these were sent by the
king's writ (or letter) to be inquired into or otherwise dealt
with in one of the great offices of state, principally in the
Chancery or the Exchequer, sometimes in one of the Courts
of Law. Accordingly it will be found that the vast majority
of these documents bear on the reverse side a reply or
7"esponsio by way of endorsement, which was by no means
a formality, but was intended to carry the matter to further
issue. It was in the nature of a judgement directing what
PETITIONS RELATING TO OXFORD. 81
must be done. By means of these endorsements it is pos-
sible in some cases to trace the further action recorded in
other sets of documents, such as the Close and Patent Rolls,
Inquisitiones ad quod dampnum, &c.
The printed edition of the Rolls of Parliament (in six
volumes folio, 1767–1777), from 6 Edward I, 1278, to 19
Henry VII, 1503, includes many of these petitions; Prof.
Maitland estimates however that of the 16,ooo ‘no more than
some 1,600 were used either at first or at second hand by the
editors.’ And here two things must be noted in regard to
these documents; one, that they are all undated, with rare
exceptions", so that, again to quote Prof. Maitland, there
are “no means of arranging them save the laborious and
hazardous process of taking each one by itself and endeavour-
ing to discover its date from internal evidence.’ This
hazardous process, rightly indeed so described, has been,
perhaps rashly, attempted with the section of the petitions
printed in the following pages; in which much assistance
however was found in the dates given by the editors of the
Rolls of Parliament. The second point is that the greater
part of the petitions—at least of those here treated—are in
French, and that not infrequently we find the same petition
on the Parliament Roll in Latin, generally in a shortened
form. More often however the full French is there printed.
This again gave valuable help as to dates. For the
strips of parchment must have been sent up written in the
vernacular French (until the beginning of Henry VI); and
in the earlier reigns, as it appears, an abstract in Latin was
entered on the record of proceedings in parliament. Yet this
was not done, as said before, in every case, and it is difficult
without further knowledge to show the reason why. The
whole manner of ancient petitioning, who took charge of
them, what was done by the receivers and ‘triers’ of petitions
appointed at the beginning of each parliament, how they
were treated by the council or the parliament, and how they
* In the few cases where a date occurs, it is that, not of the petition itself, but of
Some other document recited or referred to in it. Dr. S. R. Gardiner tells me that
it is the rule not to date Parliamentary Petitions, a practice which gave him much
trouble with those of the seventeenth century.
III. G
82 COLLECTA WEA,
took final effect in various ways, with the growth of different
usages from reign to reign, would form the subject of an
historic and constitutional study of much value. The founda-
tion of such a treatise has been written by Prof. F. W. Mait-
land in his Introduction to ‘Records of the Parliament holden
at Westminster, 33 Edward I, 1305", having careful regard
to the customs and rules of petitioning in use at that date.
But, though its principal aim is to elucidate the parliamentary
usage of Edward I, a flood of light is thrown upon the further
study of this difficult subject by the skilful yet cautious
focussing of details, and the indications of points where later
changes took place. For the purpose of understanding the
documents here printcq I cannot do better than refer my
readers to this masterly essay, principally pp. lv.-lxxvi, xcii.
Another peculiarity to be noticed in the early part of the
fourteenth century (and perhaps sooner) is that the petitions
of the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge were sometimes
sent in groups * (see for example Nos. 24–34 in 1305, and Nos.
56–62 in 1320). Each petition was separate in itself; the
form of the separate parchment (in such of the French Oxford
originals as still exist) is quite entire, and the first words
of the petition point to its connexion with others; see Nos.
43, 58, 59. The Latin abstract of the whole set entered
upon the roll explains this phraseology, and further shows
that certainly some, perhaps many, Originals are lost. It is
tempting to suggest that in each of these groups of petitions
So entered we see an incipient statute with its different
Sections, but the fact that the definite reply to Cach pctition
Succeeds it on the roll, and was written on the back of the
French original, tells a different tale.
In the following pages have been gathered together
abstracts or texts of all the known parliamentary petitions
* Published in the Rolls Series, 1893. Referred to herein as ‘Mem. Parl. 1305.’
* For groups of petitions from the burgesses of Cambridge and from the Uni-
versity, in 1330, see Rot. Parl., vol. ii. 47 a, 48 a. I only give the illustrations
known to me, there are doubtless others. I had written the above before observing
that Prof. Maitland has noticed the same fact; he suggests that all the prayers of
such a petitioner were written on one sheet, which, after coming to the hands of
the receivers, was cut up into separate strips. I cannot say that the appearance of
all those which I had to examine suggested this explanation, but it is probable;
the face of No. 43 bears it out (Mem. Parl. I 305; Introduction, p. xci).
FETITIONS RELATING TO OXFORD, 83
relating to or sent up from the burgesses, town, or University,
of Oxford, or from different members of the University;
places too that have a close connexion with the city, as
Oseney, Godstow, Rewley, and the North Hundred, have been
included, with a few other petitions touching on matters
concerning Oxford, such as those relating to the Thames as
a highway thither, &c. The history of the place which they
illustrate thus gives a unity to this section of the documents,
while a study of that history gives the means, more or less
Sure, of dating most of them. Half of the number have never
been printed in any form (I believe), the other half will be
found either in the printed edition of the Rolls of Parliament
or in “Memoranda de Parliamento, 1305, before referred to :
One only, taken from a MS. in the British Museum, and
the original of which appears to be lost, is printed by Mr.
Henson in Collectanea, vol. i. (Oxford Hist. Soc.). The
following table shows the proportions and details of Sources:
From ‘Ancient Petitions’ (Public Record Office), 84 —
Of which are printed in Rolls of Parliament . sº & . I6
(Two of these are in duplicate) -
Printed in Mem. de Parliamento, 1305 . g iº & ... 2
Now first printed . * 's g 3. * g * , 66
From the Rolls of Parliament”, not found among ‘Ancient Peti-
tions’ (but two are also in Mem. Par. I 305). * * g 38
From Mem. de Parliamento, I 305, not found elsewhere . * II
From Roy. MS. 12 D. xi. (printed in Collectanea, vol. i. p. 12) I
I 34
A few others may be scattered here and there, copied into
early collections like the Royal MS. 12 D. xi, and may
doubtless have escaped research, but these are all I have been
able to find. With a place like Oxford, which has a long
and remarkable history, there was hope that some of the
known incidents and events might be recognized in the
matter of some at least of the ‘Ancient Petitions,’ and thus
lead to placing them in due chronological order. Of a con-
siderable number the dates are indicated with some degree of
* Eighty-six ‘Ancient Petitions’ in all are treated here, but two, as noted, are
duplicates. Two or three of them are not, strictly speaking, fetitions, but, having
found their way among those concerning Oxford affairs, they are here included.
* Five others are noted under Nos. 52, IoS, I 14, 120.
G 2
84 COLLECTA NEA.
certainty; others can only be assigned within the limits of
a reign, or to an approximate date, to which either the note
of warning (?) or the word circa is affixed"; no clue at all has
been found to the dates of the first four, which are simply
placed together unrecognized at the head of the series. It is
probable that further research and a more minute knowledge
of the local history and records may rectify some of the dates
here assigned ; more was not possible for the present editor
than to place them tentatively.
With these reservations, after the study of every piece,
they are placed in the best chronological order attainable”,
only one slight departure being allowed, where it seemed best
to place the three documents relating to the law-suit between
University Hall and Edmund Francis together (Nos. IoI–Iog).
It was not deemed necessary to print the text of the whole
number; a few have been selected (about a third) which
seemed of special interest, or were too fragmentary or too
short to analyze. The rest are given in abstract by way
of calendar, translated from the French of the ‘Ancient
Petitions,’ from the French or Latin of those in the Rolls.
But with the endorsements it has often seemed best to print
the whole original (the zword reply or responsio is rarely on
the document, though sometimes found; it was adopted as
a general indication by the editors of the printed Rolls).
A very few have no endorsement or reply. With the bulk
of the petitions the endorsement is Latin, which seems to
have been the official language, yet we find it not seldom
Trench.
In the notes, references from one petition to another on the
same subject may be found useful; and some indications of
other records, chiefly on the Patent and Close Rolls ", will
show where a further step in the history of many an incident
* The editors of the Rolls of Parliament were uncertain of the dates of many of
the petitions which they used, beyond assigning them to the different reigns (and
even for this they must have had some guide not now existing); to these they
cautiously affixed the words annis incertis, which I have preserved in extracting
those relating to Oxford.
* I rectified the date of No. 91 too late to place it, more truly, near No. 40.
* For many of these references I have relied upon the official list of records
relating to Oxford in the State Paper Office, contained at the end of vol. iii. of
‘Statutes of the Colleges of Oxford,” published in 1853.
PETITIONS RELATING TO OXFORD, 85
may be traced, or where an identification may be tested ; but
these do not in any way claim to be exhaustive.
The illustrations of the history of Oxford and its neigh-
bourhood found in the subject-matter of these petitions are
very diverse. A considerable number deal with matters that
were formal, however important at the time, such as the leave
to elect an abbess, the confirmation of charters, the numerous
requests for licences in mortmain—which show that the
Church, as represented by colleges no less than by convents
and nunneries, could not touch an acre of land even as a gift
or in exchange without the leave of the State, and which
Often contain facts of much interest—and, lastly, those praying
for certain properties to be excepted from Acts of Resumption
under Henry VI and Edward IV. Setting aside these, the
rest naturally fall into three classes: those relating to the
borough of Oxford; those concerning the University and the
colleges; and those from the neighbouring religious houses
such as Oseney, Godstow, Rewley, St. Frideswide and Little-
more, and St. Bartholomew's Hospital, the men of the North
Hundred, &c.
The borough of Oxford, more ancient than the University,
dating back before King John, had its mayor and bailiffs
who were responsible for ‘the king's peace’ within its limits,
for the arrest of evil-doers, for the holding of pleas in the
mayor's court, and for the payment to the Exchequer of the
fee-farm of the town (see Nos. I 24, 128), which they drew
from various local fines and payments due to them. One of
the principal sources of the fee-farm was their right to the
assize of bread, wine, and ale (Nos. 67, 72, 81), by which they
periodically set the prices of all, the size of the loaves of
bread, and the quality of the ale, punishing those who broke
the assize. Another duty was the oversight of weights and
measures (Nos. 55, 98). They claimed to have the same
franchises as London, which indeed had been granted in their
early charters, and asserted these claims several times (see
Nos. 45, 79, 99); at the king's coronation it was the office of
the Mayor of Oxford to serve with the Lord Mayor of
86 COLLECTA WEA.
London as Butler of the feast (No. 85). From ancient days
there had been a merchant gild, of that we do not hear; but
we read of the difficulty of the merchants attending to their
municipal business at the same time as their Own (No. 3), and
find allusion to the old laws of ‘marchancie” (No. 55). They
had had a flourishing Company of weavers, but by 1290 these
had dwindled to seven, and in 1323 there were none at all
left (Nos. 19, 67, 124). The company of cordwainers and
corvisors fared better (No. 64). The mischievous effects later
of a restrictive statute upon the crafts and industries of the
town are shown by a petition in 1455 for freedom in taking
apprentices (No. 128), with a curious provision as to appren-
ticing scholars. The burgesses had their troubles with the
paving of and keeping clean the streets (Nos. 32, 77, 81), and the
slaughter of beasts and other unhealthy trades (Nos. 33, 86).
Some petitions show the gradual loss by the borough of their
rights and responsibilities, for instance with the criminal
jurisdiction and the assize of bread and ale (Nos. 72, 73, I31);
while others show no less clearly the rapidly usurping powers
of the University, opposed on the ground of their illegality
(Nos. 66, 73, 75, II.4).
The difficulty was that two communities, cleric and lay,
lived in one place. A large body of turbulent young spirits
dwelling together presented elements, especially in those
days of hot temper and quick action, apt to break out into
misdemeanors, for the control over which the University
authorities long looked to the Borough officers to help them.
It was their duty to arrest offenders and to imprison and
keep them till punishment was adjudged. Several instances
of appeal to this duty occur, and an allusion which seems to
show that occasionally the bailiffs—maybe tender-hearted, or
open to bribery or fear—did not keep their prisoners too
carefully (Nos. 25, 46, 57, 81, 83). On the other hand the
University resented interference with its rights of punishing
scholars (Nos. IO, 62), and were persistent in demanding
periodical powers of sending the names of excommunicated
persons to the Chancellor of England (Nos. 12, 6 I, 65, 90).
From the University some of the earliest petitions are
a group (in 1305), some of which are already referred to,
PETITIONS RELATING TO OXFORD. 87
seeking to secure improved regulations against immoral
persons and malefactors, one desires that the burgesses
should provide a separate prison for women (Nos. 24–27);
and concerning regrators, and the better provision of food,
including the punishment of brewers and bakers (Nos. 28–32,
see also 66). These were followed within a few years by
others on similar matters (Nos. 47, 54–62), desiring facilities
for trade (No. 56; a writ on the same subject has found its
way among them, No. 87), and the sale of fish and other
food ; and a curious complaint showing that there was some
difference customary in the method of Selling ale in a city
and in a borough (No. 58), the doubt as to which caused much
strife. Arms were forbidden to the clerks, and they desired
that the lay community also should not wear them (No. 59).
Again, not many years later, comes another list of complaints,
touching the jurisdiction of the Chancellor over causes, the
price of wine, the taking and imprisonment of malefactors;
there was much difficulty in keeping the peace, and the
Chancellor wished power to commit not only to Bocardo but
to the Castle (No. 81), greatly to the trouble of the Sheriff of
Oxford, who was Warden of the Castle (No. 84). This was
about the time of the ‘Stamford Schism,’ in 1334–35, towards
the history of which the ‘Ancient Petitions’ furnish a fresh
document (No. 82). The plague, which impoverished and
enfeebled the University, gave them occasion for another
complaint against the burgesses (No. 90), and it was about
this time that they applied for leave to purchase papal
provisions to benefices (No. 88: see also concerning the
Statute of Provisors, Nos. 113, 117). Under Richard II the
University obtained release from paying their share of subsidy
as due from unbeneficed clerks (Nos. 105, Io9); but they
excited the opposition of the Commons in Parliament, both
in 1389 and in I4IO, by endeavouring to get their numerous
lands and possessions in Oxford exempted from assessment
to the tenths and fifteenths (Nos. I II, I 12, II 5). They
obtained this exemption however in 1496 (No. 134). Under
Henry IV the Commons also petitioned, on behalf of the
counties of Oxford and Berks and the town of Oxford, against
an illegal privilege granted to the University regarding the
88 COLLECTA NEA.
trial of any of its members guilty of treason, felony, or
mahem (No. II.4).
The quarrels or disturbances between the University and
the burgesses give occasion for several petitions from one
side or the other (Nos. 46, 92); between the doctors and
students of canon and civil law on the one hand and the Chan-
cellor, proctors, and regents of the University on the other
(No. 94); between the Prior of St. Frideswide's and the Uni-
versity about the annual fair in Oxford (No. IIo). The
disturbances about the time of the “Stamford schism ' appear
to be referred to in several numbers (81–84), while a few
years earlier the University were engaged in their long suit
with the absentee Cardinal de Mota, to which the ‘Ancient
Petitions’ contribute a new, though perhaps not very im-
portant, document (No. 76). The bailiffs of the Hundred
outside the North gate laid a great complaint against the
University and clerks for their wrongful distress and cruel
incursion upon them (No. 89); they would submit to the
king's officers but not to these unlawful clerks The great
town and gown fight of the feast of St. Scholastica in 1354
may have led to the petition by the town for a special
pardon (No. 92), but this requires more examination. Lastly,
riotous and murderous proceedings by armed scholars and
clerks in the counties of Oxford, Berks, and Bucks, especially
by the Irish students or ‘wylde Irisshmen,” form the subject
of two petitions in 1421 and 1422 (Nos. II9, 12O).
About Edward II's reign, of uncertain date, is the well-
known petition of the Masters and Scholars for a piece of
ground in the parish of St. Peter's in the East on which to
build new schools (No. 43). Of the Colleges, Merton is con-
cerned with the larger number as well as with the earliest of
these documents; a house in Oxford, land in Kibworth
Harcourt, rent in London, Battes Inn in Oxford given by
John Wiliot, and lands in Cambridge being the subject of
some (Nos. 21, 22, 99, IO6, 126), the right of presentation to
the church of Emeldon (No. 74), and an attempt to prevent
a new ditch being made round the town for its defence
(No. IO7), being treated in others. Balliol complains, in 1305,
of Hugh le Despencer, who hinders the executors of William
PETITIONS RELATING TO OXFORD. 89
Burnel from carrying out his will in favour of that College
(No. 35). Property of Oriel College is dealt with in Nos. 71,
I25; the great case between Edmund Francis and University
Hall touching some of the College endowments gives occasion
for three petitions (Nos. Io 1–3), including that which Mr.
Parker says ‘is known as the French petition.’ A dispute
between the Archbishop of York and Queen's Hall, and his
right of visitation there, occupy two others (Nos. IO4, II6).
Acts of resumption touching property of St. Mary's and All
Souls are referred to in NOS. I29, 130, 133.
Among several petitions from religious orders, the Minorites
desire a piece of ground in Oxford of small value (No. 53),
and with the Friar Preachers are anxious not to lose annuities
formerly granted to them (Nos. 96, I21); a piece of land
given to the latter is described (No. 97). As to the Car-
melites, by a vow on Stirling battle-field, Edward II had
granted them an annuity which is sadly in arrear (No. 78);
while the disputes of the four mendicant orders with the
two Universities and with one another have to be settled by
arbitration in Parliament in 1366 (No. 93). The petition of
the Augustinians in 142 I to be allowed to establish their
college on the Candiche is of considerable interest (No. 118).
One early petition, and a second much later, are from the
ancient Hospital of St. John, outside the East gate of the town
(Nos. I7, 95); another, with an attendant return to the king’s
mandate by the Chancellor of the University, and the
depositions of witnesses on inquest, tell the story of the
troubles of the Hospital of St. Bartholomew with their new
Master, Peter de Luffenham' (Nos. 50–52 and note). Coming
to St. Frideswide's, two petitions relate to the church of
Oakley and Brill, in which the Prior had rights (Nos. 68, 80),
and two others to the difficulties experienced by Prior John
of Dodeford with his rebellious canons, who, in his absence,
ordained John of Wallingford instead ; the first of these may
give some facts hitherto obscure (Nos. IOO, IoS). It was the
* From the documents recently published by the Oxford City Council relating
to this Hospital, it appears that Luffenham quickly followed in the steps of Adam
de Weston, Warden in 1312, as a maladministrator. Weston's name appears in
our document No. 50, but the words after it are unfortunately illegible.
90 COLLECTA NEA.
same Prior John of Dodeford whose fair suffered from the
affray and attacks of the scholars (No. 1 Io).
Going outside the town, several points in the history of the
rich house of Oseney, with its church of St. George in the
Castle (No. 7), are represented, touching loss of wax and rent
(No. 16), the rent from Headington manor (No. 23), and two
financial transactions for providing the king with money
(Nos. 36–39). An extract from the Act of Supply for 1485
shows how the property of the Abbey continued to be drawn
upon by the Crown (No. 132). The contemporary convent of
Godstow furnishes several early petitions; as to election of an
abbess (No. 8), asking for leave to receive gifts of certain lands
(Nos. Ig, 14), or, through their abbess Mabilla Wafre, and
her successor (probably Mabilla Upton), complaining of the
encroachments on their rights by Sir John of London (No.
15), and loss of property through Hugh Despencer the father
(Nos. 44, 48, 7.0), whose malpractices were also shown in
No. 35. The abbot of Rewley contributes but two petitions,
about 1287 and 1321 ; they refer to the same property, and
are of interest as giving an instance how the seizure of alien
lands by the Crown affected these great houses, and as
containing reference to Peter Gaveston, Earl of Cornwall
(Nos. 18, 63). It is curious that no more remains as to the
house of Littlemore than a petition, in 1433, that the abbess
may exchange certain lands and houses in the county of
Cambridge for others in Oxford (No. 123).
The state of the Thames, the great water-way between
London and Oxford, especially for food and merchandise, was
a Source of frequent trouble in early days to the merchants,
whose boats were often hindered by the setting up of local
uses and dues; we find here four petitions on the subject
(Nos. 40–42, 91).
Many more incidental matters of interest may be readily
found in these petitions, such as records of personal wrongs
(Nos. 5, 6, 20, 75); contributions from Oxford to the royal
household (Nos. 124 and note, I 32); local names in properties
(for which see Index), and a few names of some early officers
of the town or University (Nos. 66, Io9). With this sketch
indicative of their contents I now leave them to further study
PETITIONS RELATING TO OXFORD. 9I
by the reader. Further openings out of the interest they offer
to the student of early legal history must fall to a pen much
better versed and able to make use of the rich materials of
which here a section is pointed out.
In conclusion, it is a pleasure to thank the Rev. Hastings
Rashdall and Mr. Falconer Madan of the Bodleian Library
for many kind suggestions.
ANCIENT PETITIONS
Zo King and Parliament rela/img fo Oxford
IN THE THIRTEENTH, FourTEENTH, AND FIFTEENTH CENTURIES.
NOTE.-For these first mine documents / haze been unable to suggest any
dates but those afforded in some cases by the handwriting.
1.
Anc. Pet., File 260, No. 12953.
It is lawful for a layman to give his debt and action to
a poor scholar for his commons, if no one is defrauded thereby.
A NOSTRE seignur le Roi e a son consail monstre lour vniuersite de
Oxonford, qe depuis qil ont eu e vse du temps dount memore ne court
qe list a chescun homme lai en la dite vniuersite doner sa dette e sa
action a vn poure escoler purses comunes issint qe meisme cesti lai
afferme deuant le Chaunceler par serment qil ne fait pur fausine ne en
froude de nuly, queu priuilege e vsage est conferme par nostre seignur
le Roy qore est ensemblement oue tous nos autres priuileges; prie le
vniuersite qe de CeO priuilege ne soit oste par nuly suggestion.
Endorsement. Si laicus implicet laicum coram Cancellario univer-
sitatis locum habet prohibicio Regis.
2.
Anc. Pet., File 65, No. 3225.
Apparently relates to a sum raised for reparation of the
20alls.
AD instanciam vniuersitatis Oxonie.
Item pleyse a nostre seignour le Roy Comander bref au maire
e Borgeis doxenf . . .
PETITIONS RELATING TO OxFORD. 93
a poy tint aunz a moult grant Summe dauer, de quoy ne vnt geres
en les murs . . .
–mager de clers et de lays iloeges demoraunz. Ou sur coe assigner
auditours de . . .
[The end of the strip form off. On the form end was the endorsement;
of the few words that remain only ‘peditio’ is legible.]
3.
Anc. Pet., File 133, No. 6614.
Abstract. To the King: the Burgesses and commonalty of Oxford
show, that by charter they have cognisance of all manner of pleas, and
hold pleas by writ before the Mayor and bailiffs, but if it happen that
the Mayor or any of the bailiffs are absent (and they cannot do their
merchant's business while a plea is before them) the pleas are stayed,
to the great mischief of the suit;-they pray that if either of the
bailiffs or the Mayor be ill or absent an alderman may be appointed
lieutenant for the holding of pleas. Also pray that they may take
felons outside their franchise for felonies done in the town and commit
them to their prison of Bocardo.
Fragmentary, the right edge form.
4.
Anc. Pet., File 132, No. 6561.
To the King and Council: ‘qe le’ Chancellor of the University;
the petitioners seem to be the burgesses—‘son poeple’ of Oxford ;
the subject is the assize of bread and ale, weights and measures, but
So much of the document is gone that we cannot tell more exactly
the contents of this short petition.
Much muſilated.
5.
Anc. Pet., File 97, No. 4813.
John Brown, scholar of Oxford, during absence at Rome has
ôeen falsely affealed by a jewess for a Christiazz child, and
pursued from county to county and outlawed; wherefore on his
7"eturn, being imprisoned, he prays the king's mercy, as he cannot
go to the common law without it.
SIRE ce wus mustre Joan brun escoler de Oxonford, ke cum il fu ale 2 Early in
a la Curt de Rome purse bosungnise vne Amić (?), Jue de Oxonford, Edw. I.
94. - COLLECTA NEA.
? Early in
Edw. I.
? Temp.
Edw. I.
furma vn faus apel sur luy en sa absence pur vn enfaunt ke fu
cresteiene, eele le fit apeler de Toberie de Cunteen Cunte dekes au
quint Cunte, ou il aparer ne pout pursa absence, kar il ne fus pas en
engeltere, ne rien Sauoit de la apel, par quei il fut hutlage e il pus
(puis) est venu en engeltere. E par la resun de la hutlagrie est il mis
en prisun . . . a Oxonford, e par douns de la Jue auaunt dite en prisun
est dur mene, ne ne put ester a la commune ley sauns voster grace;
pur quei le auaunt dit Jon wus prie Sire, pur la sauuaciun de l’ame
voster cher pere, e pur la amour de Seynt Nicolas ki membre il est,
voster grace evoster graunt ke il puse ester a la commune ley sicum
il ne fu entere kaunt la apel fu fet. Estre ce la Jue ke fit la apel
est desuz lauerge sun baroun. Estre ce wus trouerez si deu plese
lapel faus, par quey leauaunt dit Jon prie Voster grace.
Endorsement. Habet litteras de pardonne utlagarie . . . Mandetur
Justiciariis assignatis in partibus illis quod faciant ei Justiciam quia
dominus Rex pardonaret . . . vtlagariam . . . petit.
Damaged, especially ſhe endorsemenſ.
6.
Anc. Pet., File 132, No. 6573.
Aästract. To the King: John Brun, scholar of Oxford, on behalf
of Marie Brun his mother and Geffray Brun his brother; the said
Geffray had been twice wrongfully imprisoned in the castle of Haver-
ford;—prays that right be done to Geffray in the Court of Pembroke.
7.
Anc. Pet., File 329, E. 904.
Aðsfract. To the King and his Council : the Abbot and Convent
of Oseneye which are of the king's avowery, showing that from the
foundation of their Abbey there has been a free Chapel of St. George
in the Castle of Oxford for which the Abbot finds thirteen ministers
and two canons for daily service, for whose sustenance divers parcels of
tithes were given, under royal confirmation, to the said chantry; and that
now certain malicious persons are disturbing them, and gather in the
said tithes, so that the Abbot and Convent aforesaid cannot maintain
the ministers; they therefore pray the king to receive the tithes in his
special protection, so that the chantry may not be withdrawn or
minished from default of help. Pray that the king's writ be sent to
the Sheriff of Oxford to defend them.
PETITIONS RELATING TO OXFORD. 95
Andorsemenz. Defendant decimas suas si sibi videtur expedire, et
si Spolientur prosequantur in Curia christianitatis.
The church of St. George in Oxford Castle was founded in IO74 by
Robert D'Oilgi, with a college of secular canons, for whose maintenance
he gave the church of St. Mary Magdalen in the suburbs of Oxford, with
land and tithes belonging to the same. Oseney Abbey was founded in
II29, and the church and college of St. George were given to it in II49
(Parker's ‘Early History of Oxford, O. H. S. pp. 206-208, 2II). The
tithes mentioned in the petition may have been these tithes, though the
convent of course possessed others. In the year I2OO a suit was happily
ended that had been carried on between the canons of St. Frideswide and
of Oseney over the church of St. Mary Magdalen and the tithes of Norham
and Beechcroft; and the right of Oseney to the church of St. George itself
seems to have been challenged, for we find it recorded that, in 1258, this
was officially examined into and confirmed (“Annales de Oseneia,’ Rolls
Series, pp. 50, I2O). No tithes are mentioned here, however.
8.
Anc. Pet., File 225, No. II.249.
The convent of Godstow ask leave to elect a new Abbess.
PLESE a notre tresgracieux Seigneur le Roy graunter a voz poeures 2 Temp.
oratrices la prioresse & couent de votre maison de Godestowe qest **
de votre fundacion, qe come lour Abbesse de votre dicte maison a dieu
Soit Commandez, quils purront franchement aler a esleccion dune
nouelle a nous faire Abbesse, en oeuere de charitee. Oxon.
The house of Godstow was founded in II38 by Henry I.
9.
Anc. Pet., File 133, No. 6606.
Aós/ract. To King and Council : the Chancellor, Masters, and 2 Temp.
Scholars of the University of Oxford pray that their previous charters Rich. II.
and other royal muniments may be ratified and confirmed, with the
clause de liceſ.
10.
Anc. Pet., File 156, No. 7762.
Aöstracſ. To the King : your University of Oxford (doxenforth), 2 Temp.
showing that the lay people of the town have bought writs out of the Folw. I.
96 COLLECTA NEA.
? Temp.
Edw. I.
? Temp.
Edw. I.
Chancery against the privileges granted to the University by your pro-
genitors, and have arrested scholars and done other rebellions against
it;-pray that letters be granted . . . (illegible) . . . and that hence-
forth no writ be allowed to pass against their privileges, and that
Scholars arrested [be put] out of prison and be at the correction of the
University according to their statutes.
ll.
Anc. Pet., File I32, No. 6579.
Abstract. To the King: the Chancellor and scholars of your
University of Oxford pray [confirmation] of their charter of liberties
and franchises with clause de liceſ [without] paying fee.
Ista billa concessa fuit per Regem absºlue fine et feodo.—Aſ the top,
in another hand, H. II a vous grante.
Damaged.
12.
Anc. Pet., File I32, No. 6581.
Aðsfract. To the King: the Chancellor and scholars of the
University pray that a warrant be directed to the clerk of the hanaper
to deliver them without fee [the charter or certificate] of a privilege
recently granted, viz. that they may for the next twenty years certify
to the Chancellor of England all the names of those excommunicated
within the jurisdiction of the Chancellor of Oxford.
Concessa est per Regem.
Compare this with S 6 of the petitions of 14 Edw. II (No. 61). On the
Patent Rolls of Edw. III are several writs granted in Chancery for the
taking, at the signification of the Chancellor of the University, of persons
excommunicated for offences committed under his jurisdiction in Oxford.
The terms of these powers were limited to two, three, or five years (Pat.
9 Edw. III, pt. I, m. IO; I2 Edw. III, pt. 2, m. 8; I4 Edw. III, pt. 2,
m. 47; 43 Edw. III, pt. I, m. 4; 46 Edw. III, m. I7). See also No. 65.
13.
Anc. Pet., File II.4, No. 5667.
The Abbess of Godstow desires a licence in mortmain for
certain lands proposed to be given to her.
ABBATISSA de Godestowe petit graciam domini Regis quod licencia
detur Rogero de Wrytele ad dandum eidem Abbatisse quasdam terras
AETITIONS RELATING TO OXFORD. 97
in Heyewrth et Bluntesdene vsque ad unam carucatam terre, quam 2 Temp.
idem Rogerus de diuersis dominis adquisiuit et nichil de domino Edw. I,
&D after A. D.
rege. I 279, and
before
Dugdale (“Monasticon,’ iv. 367) has a grant by Abbess Mabilia, 1284.
12 Edw. I, referring to the land given by Roger de Wrytele in Broad
Bluntesdon.
14.
Anc. Pet., File II.4, No. 566O.
The nuns of Godstow desire permission to enclose land near
the Forest of Bernwood, assigned to them in Zieze of a right of
fuel in Shotover Wood.
A NOSTRE Seyngnur le Rey priunt ses pouere nonaynes de Gode- ? Temp.
stouwe qeeles puisent enclore vne petite, place ioynaunt a la forest de º *
Bernwode qe est tote voide, e qe lour fut assingne pur iſ charettez de 1279.
buche qe eles auoient checun jour a fouail en le bois de Shothore
pres de Oxenford, de doun le Rey Henri qe deuz assoille, e ore nul
manere de bois ne vnt entour eles a xx lue de voie purlour viaunde:
e de Coe priont la grace le Rey. Oxon.
Moſe on the lower margin. Que vocatur Hildesdoñ continentur
cc acr in Stodleye.
Andorsed. Oxon. Impetret prius inquisitionem ad quod dampnum.
15.
Anc. Pet., File 264, No. 13175.
Abstract. To the King and his Council : the nuns of Godstow Temp.
show that they were enfeoffed by King Henry, father of the present Edw. I.
king, of a place called Burgwele near Wodestoke, of which Sir John
of London having disseised them the said nuns attested an assise of
novel disseisin before Sir Henry de Eue; but Sir John would not
answer for this without the king's authority as he had entered into the
Manor of Bladene, to which this wood belonged, on behalf of the
king; thus the assise was delayed, for which they pray remedy.
Aſ ſhe boſſom, disseis. Joh. de London. Oxon. Johes le Wodeward
& Wiffs, le Heyward (Wills, le Messer being crossed through).
Abb. Mabill. Wafre. Mabill. de Upton. xl acras bosci in Bladone.
According to the note at foot of the document the ‘place' (so in
original) called Burgwele consisted of forty acres of wood in Bladone.
III. H
98 COLLECTA NEA.
? Soon after
I 279, end
of Edw. I;
Temp.
Edw. I,
after I 279.
By Charter Roll, 51 Hen. III, m. Io, Henry granted to the house of
Godstow wood in Burghwell in the forest of Whichwood. Mabilla Wafre
was Abbess in 1284 and in 1298, and Mabilla de Upton of the same house
became Abbess about 1307 (Dugdale, ‘Monasticon, iv. 359, 361). A docu-
ment cited by Wood (“Collectanea,' II. p. 16) mentions Mabilla Wafrey
as Abbess in 1286. She is mentioned again in petition No. 70.
There may have been several of the name, but it is worth mention that
John of London, a mathematician praised by Roger Bacon, was a master
of the University of Oxford in 1274. See H. Rashdall, ‘Universities of
Europe,’ vol. ii. pt. II. p. 363 noſe.
16.
Anc. Pet., File 232, No. II 595.
Abs/ract. To the King and Council: the Abbot and Convent of
Oseneye, they have lost much both in wax and rent, to the amount of
thirty pounds and more, and pray that certain men (vns gens) who
would like to relieve the house may have leave to purchase out of
their fee, or another, twenty pounds of wax or [of rent] to sustain the
alms and good deeds of the house.
Endorsement, Ad cancellariam.
17.
Anc. Pet., File 326, E. 718.
Aðsfract. To the King, pray the Master and brethren of the Hos-
pital of St. John without the east gate of Oxford; that for the souls
of his father and mother, founders of the house, and for the queen's
Soul, he would grant and confirm three gifts, one a messuage with
apurtenaunces from Robert of Wynebroke and Juliana his wife to
maintain a chaplain in the town of Oxford, another a house from
Robert Bodyn, and the third from Agneys Punchard of our fee in the
town of Wyleby, purchased after the statute.
Zndorsement. Mittetur ad Scaccarium.—Compertum est per recog-
nicionem fratris Henrici quod predicta tenementa perquisita fuerunt
post statutum, et ideo post annum sunt Regi forisfactura. Et idcirco
nulla fiet eis confirmacio abscue nouo dono Regis et speciali precepto
eiusdem. r
The statute referred to is the Statute of Mortmain, passed 1279.
Evidently no licences had been procured for these gifts. This is one of
the petitions sent to the Exchequer (E. 718), instead of being replied to
in Parliament.
PETITIONS RELATING TO OXFORD. 99
l8.
Anc. Pet., File 68, No. 3381.
Aöstract. To the King and his council; the Abbot of Realleu
without Oxford, shows that he holds the church of Saham in fee ferm
from the Abbot of Pyn an alien, having agreed with the Abbot
a year before the king seised into his hands the lands and tenements
of aliens for four years, and now a summons from the Exchequer
demands the said ferm for the King's use; prays a remedy be
Ordained, for no man knew that the King would lay his hand on the
lands and tenements of the aliens, and it would be destruction to his
House if he should pay it again. -
Translation of French Endorsement. [Send to the Exchequer] a
Writ of the great seal containing the effect of this petition, that the
Abbot's plaint be heard and his acquittance seen, and let inquiry be
made if need be into the truth of the matter; and if they find that
he paid the said ferm before-hand in good faith, and not to defraud
the King, then let him be discharged of what he has so paid.
The contract between the Abbots of Rewley and Pynne in Poictou was
made by charter dated at London, May, 1285 (13 Edw. I); it was con-
firmed by an inspeximus charter of 14 Edw. II, I32 I (Pat. Roll, 14
Edw. II, pt. I, m, 7). The charter of 1285 is printed by Dugdale,
‘Monasticon,’ v. 700. Rewley Abbey was founded in 1281 by Edmund,
Seventh earl of Cornwall, whence the invocation in 1320 of the late earl,
Peter de Gaveston, as their ‘avowe’ or protector. He was beheaded
in June, 1312, but many royalists were devoted to his memory, hence the
Care for his Soul as seen in No. 63.
This appears to be an early example of the practice, so frequent in
the fourteenth century, of the seizure of the lands of aliens into the King's
hands.
19.
Rot. Parl. I, 50 a.
The Weavers of Oxford, who were fifteen but now are only
seven, pray that they may pay half a mark to the King
an/17/ally instead of 42s.
TELARII Oxonii qui quindecim esse Solebant ad reddendum domino
Regi 42s. per annum, modo non Sunt nisi Septem, et mendici; petunt
quod propter paupertatem eorum reddant domino Regi dimidiam
H 2.
tº C
tº Q
tº gº
:
tº e 3
* >
:
:
:
:
*
* *
... •
Č tº we &
Circa
I4 Edw. I,
A. D. I 285–
I 286.
18 Edw. I,
A. D. I.29O.
IOO COLLECTANEA.
marcam per annum, vel parati sunt reddere domino Regi cartam suam
quam habent, et alibi commorari, et domos suas ibidem dimittere.
Aespomsio. Reddant firmam, vel recedant.
See ??o/e to No. 67.
20.
Rot. Parl. I, 62 ö.
Ra/ρ/α, a c/er/è, so/z of Adamo de Clag/a/o/z, zmpräsomed at
Oxford for Aei//img Bemedicz Azze,more in self-defence, prays t/ae
Kimag's pardo/z.
18 Edw. I, RADULPHUs filius Ade de Claghton, clericus, qui fuit captus et
*°* **°°* detentus in prisona Oxonie pro morte Benedicti Attemore, quem
idem Radulphus interfecit se defendendo, quia mortem propriam aliter
evadere non potuit, sicut inquisitio inde facta testatur, supplicat
Domino Regi quod ipse velit ei condonare mortem illam, et sibi
Concedere pacem suam, et quod stet recto si quis alius versus eum
inde loqui voluerit.
Responsum est per Regem, tradatur per ballivos.
21.
Rot. Parl. I, 63 δ.
Peter de LaÅymage asês /ice//ce to gàve a messa/age âm, Oxford!
to the Wardem, &-c., of Mertomz.
18 Edw. I, MAGISTER Petrus de Lakynge petit quod ipse dare possit custodi
*°* **9° domus et scolaribus de Merton unum mesuagium cum pertinentiis in
Oxonia. Unde inquisitio.
•
Æespomsio. Habeat Inquisitio secundum novam formam.
22.
Anc. Pet., File 6I, No. 3oo8.
Circa Aòsfracf. To the King and Council; the Warden and Scholars of
£;; the house of Merton pray that Master Henry of Fodryngeye and
Master Robert of Candeur may give, and that they may hold, a
messuage (vnt mes), six yards and two acres of land, and four marks
of rent in the town of Kybburth Harcurt [i. e. they desire a licence in
mortmain].
Endorsemem/. Habeant inquisitionem.
PETITIONS RELATING TO OXFORD. IOI
Addressed. Custodi scolaribus et fratribus domus de Merton in
Oxonia.
Henry of Fodryngeye is found as Fellow of Merton College in 1284,
and died in 1315. Robert of Candeur or Candever was Fellow of the
same college in 1297. The licence in accordance with the above petition
was granted Feb. 16, 29 Edw. I (Pat. 29 Edw. I, m. 28), but it
mentions eight messuages instead of one. The Close Roll, June 22,
I9 Edw. II, 1326, refers to the same endowment.
23.
Rot. Parl. I, No. 16I.
The Abbot of Oseney prays that twelve shillings of rent from
the Manor of Headington, given to the convent by the Empress
Matilda, may be paid as usual.
AD petitionem Abbatis et Conventus de Oseneye petentium quod 33 Edw. I,
cum ipsi et praedecessores sui habuerunt xij Solidatas redditus in A. D. I.305.
liberam * elemosinam in manerio de Hedindone de dono Matillidis
Imperatricis, unde seisiti fuerunt quousque dominus Rex praedictum
manerium dedit dominae Reginae quae nunc est, quod Rex praecipere
velit quod eis solvantur:—
Ita responsum est: coram Rege: Solvantur prout solvi consuevit.
Et super hoc habeant breve Thesaurario et baronibus de Scaccario
[ut ponantur) in statum quem habuerunt tempore collationis factae
dominae reginae.
Printed by Prof. Maitland, p. 37. He also prints after it the document
from L. T. R. “Memoranda of the Exchequer, 32–33 Edw. I, m. 23, by
which the above reply was ordered to be carried into effect, dated
March 16, 33 Edw. I.
24.
Maitland, Mem. Parl. I305, p. 44.
Praying for a separate prison for women in the town.
(66) AD petitionem Universitatis Oxoniae petentis remedium de 33 Edw. I,
hoc quod cum alias concessum fuit per Regem quod separalis prisona A. D. I.3O5.
[facienda] fuisset pro feminabus in villa Oxoniae ita quod non simul
essent cum hominibus, burgenses ejusdem villae nichil inde faciunt:—
Ita responsum est: Mandetur eis per breve de Cancellaria quod
statim fiat sub gravi forisfactura et inde certificent Regem.
* Perpe/team in Maitland's copy.
IO2 COLLECTAVEA.
25.
Arayimg t/aat z/ae ba/m gesses ta/ée malefacto?s prompt/y om, z/ae
de//z//zcíatío/z of //2e C/a//ce//or.
(67) AD petitionem ejusdem Universitatis petentis quod burgenses
ejusdem villae prompti sint et parati ad denuntiationem Cancellarii
ad capiendum malefactores et impeditores pacis, et quod super hoc
mandetur eisdem :—
Ita responsum est: Mandetur [eis] in forma prius facta per breve
de Cancellaria, et si ballivi negligentes fuerint, sequatur aliquis pro eis
ad Scaccarium [et] fiat ibi justitia.
26.
As zo //ae ìmpręso/?///e//t of co/2victed /aar/ots.
(68) AD petitionem ejusdem Universitatis petentis remedium de eo
quod meretrices convictae coram Cancellario et adjudicatae prisonae
[de] gentes ultra peti-pount in parochia S. Clementis de die, et de
noctibus redeuntes infra muros et [peccatum ' hujusmodi conti]nuantes
quod dictus Cancellarius ipsas meretrices capere possit et imprisonare
sicut illas infra villam :—
Ita responsum [est]: Cum venerint hujusmodi feminae in villam
capiantur et imprisonentur per Cancellarium prout est eis concessum
prius.
27.
As to providimg closa/re of posterms ámoto z/ae suôzzròs agains?
7mem? of i//-famae.
(69) AD petitionem ejusdem Universitatis petentis quod Rex
praecipere velit quod pro eo quod homines malae famae receptantur
extra muros [reme]dium ordinetur ad posternas clausturas* et introitus
suburbii contra hujusmodi pericula:—
Ita responsum est : Modo quo [melius] Cancellarius pro Univer-
sitate et burgenses et communitas concordare poterint pro hujusmodi
clausturis pro securitate villae et Universitatis [Rex] bene permittet.
* The words between brackets are uncertain; peccatum may possibly be potes-
tatem?, M.
* postermz' clausfu? in MS.
APE7TJTIOJVS RELA TIVG TO OXATORD. IO3
28.
Rot. Parl. I, I63 a.
Æor f/ae presfrictio/? of f/ae ///////ber of regra fors ; a//? fo pre-
ve/zz zavermers /aaróo^/ri/g clerks.
(7o) AD petitionem ejusdem Universitatis petentis remedium quod 33 Edw. I,
cum compositio facta sit inter Universitatem et homines ejusdem ville, *°* *°°*
quod regratia[rii] non debent esse in villa nisi ad numerum XXXII, et
burgenses ejusdem ville nunc numerum illum vehementer augmenta-
runt ad dampnum populi: et etiam quod Rex praecipere velit, quod
nullus regratiarius seu tabernarius vinorum permittat quod clerici
sedeant seu hospitent noctanter in tabernis suis.
Ita responsum est, quoad compositionem, si facta sit inter Universi-
tatem et burgenses et rationabilis fuerit, Rex vult quod observetur.
Ad alium articulum, Cancellarius castiget clericos suos prout melius
viderit expedire.
Printed by Maitland, p. 45, No. 7o.
29.
Maitland, Mem. Parl. I 3o5, p. 45.
For f/ae p////is/a///e/?z of delinqate/zz óakers and δrewers êy ?/ze
bailiffs îmo presence of U//?versity qffìcers.
(7I) AD petitionem ejusdem Universitatis petentis remedium, quod
ballivi qui custodiunt assisam panis et cervisiae, ad denuntiationem
Cancellarii vel aliorum ex parte sua assignatorum in praesentia
aliquorum assignatorum ex parte Universitatis, castigent et distringant
pistores et braci[atores] quos inveniri continget deliquisse contra
assisam:—
Ita responsum est: concessio et ordinatio prius factae teneantur, et
si ballivi negligentes fuerint, conquerantur de eis ad Scaccarium.
30.
Maitland, Mem. Parl. I 3o5, p. 46.
7T/.az outsiders may sel/ t/.eir fis/ and ot/ier victuals âro t/ie
zozv/2 2//zám peded.
(72) AD petitionem ejusdem Universitatis petentis quod extranei
venientes cum pisce et aliis victualibus ad villam Oxoniae [per seipsos]
IO4 COLLECTANEA.
hujusmodi victualia vendere possint in villa absque impedimento seu
advocatione Burgensium, etc. :—
Ita responsum est: Prohibeatur per breve de Cancellaria quod non
fiat ibi nec in aliis villis Angliae, set quod permittant hujusmodi
mercatores vendere mercimonia sua praedicta per manus proprias
dum tamen non vendant ad retallium sub gravi forisfactura, etc. et
imprisonamenti etc. in curia Regis ubi sequi voluerint, etc.
A writ of Nov. 7, I3o5, to the Mayor and Bailiffs of Oxford, to carry
this reply as to outside traders into effect, is printed in Ogle's * Royal
Letters,' &c., p. I7.
31.
Agaimst milleprs takimg zoo /. g/ fol/ for grámadámg zw/,eaz.
(73) AD petitionem ejusdem Universitatis petentis remedium de hoc
quod molendinarii molendinorum de Oxonia et circa . . . capiunt
superflua tolneta pro moltura bladorum, plus quam alibi infra regnum,
etC. :—.
Ita responsum est: [Mandetur] firmariis molendinorum quod non
capiant contra antiquas consuetudines debitas et usitatas, etc.
32.
For z/ae pem formamce of certain artic/es /apsed //a/ro?g/, f/ae
premova/ of t/ie S/ieräff.
(74) AD petitionem ejusdem Universitatis petentis quod cum Rex
alias per brevia sua clausa mandaverit vicecomiti et aliis ministris
[praedictae] villae super certis articulis, videlicet assisa vinorum, villa
mundanda et pavanda et porcis a[movendis, qui quidem arti]culi
propter remotionem vicecomitis non sunt executi, quod Rex inde
Ordinet remedium per literas suas patentes, etc.: — -
Ita responsum est: Mandetur per breve de Cancellaria sicut alias
mandatum fuit, etc.
33.
Maitland, Mem. Parl. I 3o5, p. 47.
For f/ae zvorÃî/g of parc/amaemat and skórzs o//tsjde //ae zwa//s omz
acco?//?/ of f/ae ste/ac/a.
(75) AD petitionem ejusdem Universitatis petentis quod operarii
percameni et pcllium operentur extra muros propter corruptionem
[etc.]:--
PETITIONS RELATING TO OXFORD. IO5
[Ita responsum] est: Faciant operarii opera sua prout temporibus
retroactis facere consueverunt honestiori modo quo [fieri poterit.
34.
Anc. Pet., File 276, No. 13760.
(76) A Nostre seignur le Roy prient le Chaunceler e le Universete
de Oxenford quil voille graunter quil puissent [aver] general attorne
en toutz pointz.
Endorsement. Fiat duraturus per tres" annos.
This is printed by Prof. Maitland (“Memoranda de Parliamento, 1305,
Rolls Series, p. 47), with the Latin form found on the Roll of 1305. It is
the last of a group of the eleven foregoing petitions sent up to that
Parliament from the University of Oxford, and embodied on the Roll,
from Prof. Maitland’s print of which they are here given (pp. 44–47,
numbered 66–76). Of these eleven only one has thus survived in its
French form, and but one (No. 28, Latin) found its way into the old
printed edition of the Rolls.
35.
Maitland, Mem. Parl. I305, p. 161, No. 256.
The executors of William Burmel and scholars of Balliol com-
plain of the obstruction by Hugh le Despencer to carrying out
Patrizel's zwill.
AD petitionem executorum testamenti Magistri Willelmi Burnel
defuncti et scolarium aulae de Balliolo in Oxonia petentium remedium
super eo, quod, cum dictus defunctus legasset executoribus Suis domos
quas perquisivit in villa Oxoniae ad donandum scolaribus praedictis,
si licentiam et assensum Regis ad hoc habere possint, sin autem, quod
domos illas venderent et denarios inde provenientes darent dictis
Scolaribus, etc., Hugo le Despencer dictos executores post mortem
dicti Willelmi de domibus illis vi et armis ejecit, impediendo dictam
legationem compleri juxta voluntatem testatoris, etc.
Ita responsum est: Coram Justitiariis de utroque Banco et vocetur
Hugo le Despencer. Si tenementa in villa illa sint legabilia et testator
legare potuit Secundum consuetudinem burgi Oxoniae, fiat breve de
Cancellaria Majori et ballivis Oxoniae in forma usitata de hujusmodi
legatis.
William Burnel was Dean of Wells from 1292 till his death in 1295.
For an account of his gifts to Balliol, Completed in 1307, see Wood's
* Substituted for 7uinque.
33 Edw. I,
A. D. I.305.
33 Edw. I,
A. D. I.305.
IO6 COLLECTA NEA.
33 Edw. I,
A. D. I. 3O5.
* [sic]
33 Edw. I,
A. D. I.305.
‘City of Oxford, ed. A. Clark, vol. i. p. 157. By letters patent of Jan. I6,
and close letter of Nov. Io, 33 Edw. I, Burnel’s executors had licence to give,
and the Mayor and bailiffs of Oxford were ordered to deliver, the nine
shops and messuage bequeathed to the Master and Scholars of Balliol,
and on Feb. 1, 34 Ed. I, the Escheator received his order to give them up
(Pat. 33 Edw. I, pt. I, m. I9; Close Roll, 33 Edw. I, m. 2.; 34 Edw. I,
m. I9). The above petition seems to have been made previously to all
these definite steps, and it thus appears there was some obstruction to
Burnel’s will being carried out. (As to Hugh le Despencer, see mode
to No. 44.) A few years later Edw. II confirmed in detail the title
to Burnel’s bequest (Pat. 7 Edw. II, pt. 2, m. 2).
36.
Anc. Pet., File 264, No. 13154.
The Abbot and Convent of Osemey pray that the tenth which
they owe at Westminster may be allowed them on the king’s
debt to the Pope, to acquit which they paid the money.
A Nostre seignur le Roy et a son conseil prient ses chapeleyns le
Abbe et le Convent de Oseneye qe les deners qe il deverent sur lour
acounte rendu devaunt Sire Johan del Idle" et ses compaignouns
a Wemoustier de la disme, les queus il ount payes la ou illes avoient
aprompte pur aquiter la dette nostre seignur le Roy vers l'Apostoille,
lour soient allowez en lavauntdite dette et il renderount Suys les fermes
qe lour sount baillez.
Andorsement. Rex vult quod allocentur per breve de Cancellaria.
This petition is printed by Prof. Maitland (“Mem. de Par.” I305, p. 55),
together with the Latin form of the same found on the Parliament Roll of
I305. The Latin may be also repeated here to show how the text some-
times varied:—
Ad petitionem Abbatis et Conventus de Oseneye petentium quod
denarii, quos debent super compotum suum de decima redditum coram
Johanne de Insula et Sociis Suis, quos solverunt ubi eos mutuati fuerunt
pro debito in quo tenentur domino Papae pro Rege inde acquietando, eis
allocentur in eodem debito:-Ita responsum est: Rex vult quod allo-
centur per breve de Cancellaria.
37.
Maitland, Mem. Parl. I305, p. 3O2, No. 467.
Abstract. Petition of Abbot and Convent of Oseneye showing that
they paid to the Pope for the King £500, which they had borrowed,
PETITIONS RELATING TO OXFORD. IO7
and they had an allowance by royal precept on the money which they
owed to the King's Exchequer in part satisfaction of the said £500,
and for the rest certain ferms were assigned to them. And as those
from whom they borrowed could not wait till they raised the money
from these ferms they paid it out of the monies from the tenth
imposed on the clergy for three years by Pope Boniface VIII, of which
they were sub-collectors, deputed by the Bishop of London and
Master Bartholomew de Feretino, chief collectors. They pray that
this remainder of the £500 so paid may be allowed to them on their
account of the said tenth rendered before John de Insula and his
companions, that the ferms be taken back into the King's hands, and
that they may have letters of indemnity thereon.
Reply. The king wills that what they ask shall be allowed to them.
Therefore a writ was ordered from the Chancery to the Exchequer to
search the rolls as to the truth of these points. And another from the
Chancery to John de Insula and his companions, auditors of the said
account, to allow the said arrears upon the aforesaid certificate, but no
more. The ferms to be taken into the king's hands, and letters patent
of indemnity under the great seal to be given to the Abbot and
Convent. Latin, abstract.
The petition, of which the above is an abstract, is not found elsewhere
than on the Roll printed by Prof. Maitland. See the two next petitions.
38.
Anc. Pet., File Io, No. 479 and No. 481.
Aósłracá. The Abbot and Convent of Oseney pray the king for Edw. I or
a letter under his great seal by which he and his heirs will acquit **
them and their successors against the Pope and all his ministers of
£2,996 17s. 8d., from the tenth for the Holy Land, which they paid
to the Exchequer.
No. 481 is nearly a duplicaſe. A nostre Seignur le Roy prient ses
chapeleins le Abbe et le convent de Oseneye q'il voelle graunter Sa
lettre pur li et pur ses heirs de son graunt Seal qe li et ses heirs
acqíteront eaux et lour successours vers l'Apostoille et touz Ses
ministres de MMDcccc à Xvili. xviis. iiid de la dyme grauntee a li
en eide de la terre seinte, la quele Summe d'argent il payerent a Sa
Escheqier.
A'eply ſo bo/h zeróaſim. Cancellarius videat litteras regales quas
IO3 COLLECTA NEA.
? Edw. I or
Edw. II.
2 Temp.
Edw. I or
Edw. II.
habent de indempnitate, et si non sint sufficientes, faciat eis litteras
regales de magno sigillo quod Rex et heredes Sui teneantur ipsos
indempnes conservare. Et alie littere dampnentur et custodiantur in
Thesauro.—Irrotulatur.
39.
Anc. Pet., File Io, No. 48o.
Abstract. The Abbot and Convent of Oseney to the king; that, as
they were the collectors of the tenths granted by the Pope in aid of
the Holy Land, they paid to the king's Exchequer £2,996 17s. 8d., for
which they need a good acquittance for safety hereafter ; they pray
for God's sake he will give them a detailed acquittance [as in the petition
above], for that which they have only mentions the king, and not his
heirs.
A'epſy is ſhe same as ſhe lasſ.
These two petitions, Nos. 38 and 39, with a notice of the difference in
No. 481, are printed in Rot. Parl. I. p. 475 6. (No. 481 has 3d. instead of
8d. in the sum of money, apparently a clerical error, the v in viii having
been omitted.) The words added in the last lines of No. 481 give
important precision to the Statement made.
Though they do not appear to refer to the same transaction as Nos. 36
and 37, the four petitions illustrate one another as well as the methods of
finance at this period.
40.
Anc. Pet., File 86, No. 4300.
The men of Oxford and of the county pray that the gors
obstructing the 7%ames may be removed.
A NoSTRE seigneur le Roy et a soen conseil prient ses homes de
Oxoneford et de tut le Counte, q'il pleyse faire oster les Gors qe sunt
si nusaunz en Thamise entre Loundres et Oxoneford qe vitaille et
marchandise i puisse venir cum il soleit en temps nostre seigneur le
Roy qe mort est, qe deux assoille, pur graunt profit le Roy et de Soen
poeple.
Endorsemenſ. Assignentur Justiciarii in Cancellaria ad inquirendum
Super his nocumentis et ad supervidendum gurgites, etc., et ad
amouendum nocumenta, ita quod victualia transire poterunt absolue
impedimento, sicut pro vtilitate Regis et populi fuerit facienda.
From the terms of this petition (and its short simplicity), it seems to
have preceded by some years the next following. The increasing obstruc-
PETITIONS RELATING TO OXFORD. IO9
tions to navigation of the Thames were often complained of, see Nos. 41,
42, 91 ; till those made since Edw. I’s time were ordered to be abated and
quelled down by Statute 3 of 25 Edw. III, § 4. Gors, gorza, were dams
inclosing or narrowing the waters in order to build mills or make fish
preserves, and were often a source of profit. (No. 91 should come here.)
41.
Anc. Pet., File Io, No. 477.
Aós/racſ. To the King and Council: The merchants who frequent Edw. I
(hauntent) the water between London and Oxford show, that their " Edw. II.
common passage by the Thames with their ships of merchandise
is obstructed by gors, locks, and mills often to their great peril, and
the king's damage. And whereas the king was used to assign justices
every seven years to survey the dangers of the water, but they have
not done it for twenty years past,-the commonalty pray that
special justices may be appointed to survey the obstructions and to
inquire into the accidents (perils) that have happened in consequence.
‘E sire nous entendoms qe en vostre domisday Serra troue la manere
coment le eve de Tamise doit auer son cours Sanz desturbance.’
Also they complain of fishermen with nets so fine (estraytz) that they
entirely destroy the fry of the fish, in impoverishment of the people.
Endorsemenſ. Coram toto consilio. Assignentur ad hoc Justiciarii
dominus W. de Bereford et dominus R. de Heyham.
42.
Anc. Pet., File Io, No. 474.
Aðs/ract. To the King and Council: the merchants who frequent Edw. I or
the water between London and Oxford show, that their common ºft'.
passage by the Thames with their ships of merchandise is obstructed certis.'
by gors, locks, and mills, often to their great peril, also by fishers who,
with their nets beyond the assise, take more small fish than they ought
by right. And whereas the king was used to assign justices every
Seven years to survey the dangers of the water, but it had not been
done for twenty years past, and on prayer of the commonalty William
de Bereford and Sir Roger de Hegham were appointed, but were too
much occupied in the king's service to undertake it, they pray
that others may be appointed who can undertake it, suggesting three
by name.
I IO COLLECTA WEA.
Edw. II.
- Temp.
Edw. II.
Reply. A patent like that made to Bereford and Hegham shall be
made out to Bereford and three others (named), so that he may act
with two or one. Zaſłm, abstracf.
Printed in Rot. Parl. I. 475 a.
43.
Anc. Pet., File Io, No. 475.
The Masters and Scholars ask leave to have a piece of land
Žn St. Peters in the East, near Smithgate, on which to Özild
7tew schools.
§ DAUTRE part prient les mestres et les escolers d’Oxenford, qe nostre
seigneor le Roi leur voille graunter une veaude place q'est en la
paroche de Seint Pere en le Est, en Oxenford, joinant a les murs
dedeintz Smethegate, qe content xii perches en longure et ii perches
en laure, ou il pussent faire escoles; qar les escoles qe la sunt, ne
suffisent point a les mestres q'il i sount; et si crest la multitude des
mestres et des escolers de jour en jour.
Endorsement. Sequatur breve de Cancellaria si sit ad dampnum,
etc. Et Thesaurarius per Consilium Regis faciat quod viderit ad
commodum Regis.
Printed in Rot. Parl. I.475 a, under ‘annis incertis Edw. I and II.” It
is there given as a fragment, but the slip of the ‘Ancient Petition' is quite
entire, beginning as above, with a flourish and a capital D, the upper
margin being very narrow. The commencement shows that it was
probably one of a group of petitions presented together.
44.
Anc. Pet., File 50, No. 2473.
Abstract. To the King and Council: the Abbess of Godstowe
showing, that the king's ancestors had granted to the house of
Godstowe by charter the cow-house of Panchehale with separate
pasture, that Sir Hugh le Despencer, père, when warden of the king's
forest on this side Trent seized the pasture into the king's hand
without cause; it was then surveyed at a low value for Sir Hugh and
delivered to Sir John de Handlo his sub-warden, to be held at the
king's will. From which separate pasture, which is called Lacchemede,
her predecessor was thus wrongfully ousted in the time of King
Edward the father [i. e. Edw. I] and prays remedy.
Jºndorsement. Sequatur ad communem legem.
Hugh le Despencer, senior, was born in 1262, and was thus ten years
PETITIONS RELATING TO OXFORD. III
old at the accession of Edw. I ; he was banished with his son in 1321
(I4 Edw. II), and died in 1326. As he is not spoken of as ‘the late,’
this petition may be dated before 1326. See another complaint against
him, No. 70. Sir John de Handlo, his sub-warden of the forests this
side Trent, was himself Warden of Shotover forest in 1331. Wood's
‘City of Oxford, i. 275 (Oxford Hist. Soc.).
45.
Anc. Pet., File 200, No. 9994.
Abstract. To the King and Council: the Burgesses of Oxford show Circa
that by their charters they are of the same franchises, customs, and º
laws as the citizens of London, quit of toll and all other dues by land and 1315.
and water throughout the king's realm (par tot le power le Rois),
which charters were confirmed by King Edward, father to the present
king –pray the king to confirm them, and to declare distinctly and
in express words the points in them that are general, so that they can
be shown to the Council or in Parliament. The said points were
defined and examined by Sire William de Ayrmynne and Sire Johan
de Foxlee, but have been delayed. And if none of the points be
rejected ſpray] that they may henceforth use them.
Andorsemenſ. Agreed by the Council that those who ask that their
charters may be confirmed without new clauses shall come to the
Chancery and show their charters, and they will be confirmed in
the due manner, by fine, &c.; and, as to the new liberties, nothing at
present. Zafin, abstract.
Sir William de Ayrmynne was a clerk who several times appears on the
Rolls of Parliament from 1306 to 1315 in positions of trust; he was made
Chancellor by Edw. II during his absence in 1320 (Rymer, iii. 839).
John de Foxle (or Foxley), according to the Rolls, served his country
from 1306 till his death in 1324; he was Baron of the Exchequer in 1308,
and one of the King's Justices in 1315 and 1321. He had a grandson
of the same name, also named on the Rolls, who died 1377. For some of
these facts see Prof. M. Burrows’ ‘Hist. of the Family of Brocas of
Beaurepaire, &c., pp. 282, 284. See No. 79, on the subject of this petition.
46.
Anc. Pet., File I69, No. 8444. -
Aós/ract. To the King and Council: the Chancellor and scholars 8 Edw. II,
of the University. Whereas there was formerly a quarrel between the *::::
Chancellor, &c., on One hand, and the burgesses of the town on º
the other, which was brought before Parliament after Easter in the
tenth year of King Edward, father of the present king, and a composi-
II 2 COLLECTA NEA
8 Edw. II,
A. D. I.3.I.4
and I315.
tion was made,-they pray that the said composition, which is still in
the Treasury, may be sealed.
And as many debates happen with men of ill fame who flee into
franchises outside the walls of the town and then re-enter and continue
their evil ways, and laymen outside the walls have no power to take
them, the said Chancellor, &c. pray that the mayor and bailiffs be
required to pursue and take them in the suburbs and chastise them.
[The third clause is nearly illegible; from some of the words
readable, ‘pur les prises le Roi qe se fuist en la dite vile . . . de
Sa universite de Oxenford qil sesa . . .,’ it appears to be the same
petition the Latin enrolment of which is found separately in Rot.
Parl. I. 327 b, see No. 47.]
Endorsement. The Mayor of Oxford is enjoined to have a ratifica-
tion before the council next Monday. To the second petition is
replied, that the mayor and bailiffs are ordered to pursue and arrest
transgressors in the town and suburbs within and without the liberties,
in order to maintain the peace of the University, as often as is
necessary, when [they are informed] by the chancellor and proctor.
[Endorsement on the third clause illegible.] Zalin, abstract.
We can date this document by the second clause, the matter of which
is found as a substantive petition (in Latin, the one above is French), with
the same reply, printed in Rot. Parl. I. p. 327 a, under the year 8 Edw. II.
In 18 Edw. I (1290) three copies of a roll containing an agreement of
peace between the University and the burgesses were ordered to be made,
one each for the King, for the Chancellor of the University, and for the
Mayor (Rot. Parl. I. 33); perhaps that agreement referred to the quarrel
of IO Edward I (1282), the ‘composition’ of which, now thirty-three
years after it was made, still remained unsealed in the Treasury.
4.7.
Rot. Parl. I. 327 ff.
Against the royal dues on victuals coming to the city.
ITEM, quia plures homines pro prisis Regis ad ducendum victualia
usque civitatem predictam se elongant, supplicant prefati Cancellarius
et Scolares, quod hujusmodi prise Super ipsos in eadem villa faciende
Omnino cessent, etc.
Responsum est per ordinationes.
The above on the printed Roll follows on as a second petition to that
On p. 327 a, mentioned in the last note.
PETITIONS RE/ATING TO O.Y.FORD. II3
48.
Anc. Pet., File 280, No. 13973.
Abstract. To the King pray the Abbess and Convent of Godstowe: 8 Edw. II,
showing that they owe the foundation of their house to the king's *::::
ancestors, who granted them the tenth of everything that encreased in
the manor and in the park of Woodstock, whereby they have always
had foals from the king's mares; but the present warden withholds
that tithe, and only delivers every year one of the weakest foals, and
there remain therefore, for almost these two years past, fourteen foals
which are not tithed. Whereof they pray remedy, and that the
arrears be given up to them according to the law of holy church.
Jºndorsement. Videtur consilio quod si huiusmodi decima debeatur
et moniales sint in possessione recipiendi decimam illam, quod man-
dandum est ballivo Regis quod solvat decimam debitam annuatim et
etiam Si quid a retro fuerit inde reddi faciat.
Original in French ; a Latin copy is printed Rot. Parl. I. 33 I b. Was
the ‘present Warden' Despencer Cf. Nos. 44 and 70.
49.
Rot. Parl. I. 318 a.
7%omas Danvers, late Sheriff of Oxford and Berks, says he
/*as not received £20 asked for in respect of Oxford Castle on
Žis account sent into the Exchequer.
AD petitionem Thome Danvers, nuper Vicecomitis Oxon' et Berk’, 8 Edw. II,
suggerentis Regi, quod cum ipse Super compoto suo coram Thesaurario ãº
et baronibus Regis de Scaccario allocationem viginti libri petivisset,
pro diversis proficuis et aisiamentis domorum in Castro Oxon', et de
districtionibus factis pro debitis Regis, et aliis proficuis percipiendis
pro dicta custodia, in auxilium firme; unde nichil percepit, pro eo
quod Castrum predictum toto tempore suo fuit in custodia Ricardi
Damory ex commissione Regis: unde petit, etc.
Responsum est per Consilium : Mandetur Thesaurario et baronibus
de Scaccario, quod audita querela Thome Super contentis in petitione,
Sibi faciant quod justum fuerit, etc.
III. I
II4 COLLECTA WEA.
Circa
9 Edw. II,
A. D. I 3 I 5.
50.
Anc. Pet., File 297, No. 14813.
Abstract. To the King and to his Chancellor Sir John de Sendale:
the poor brethren of the Hospital of St. Bartholomew near Oxford
complain, with great grievances against Sir Peter de Luffenham :—
First. Whereas when William of Westbury, formerly their master,
had to receive the king's alms granted to them issuing from the town
of Oxford, he received it in presence of one or two brethren ;
assembling the brethren in their chapel, he shared the alms among
them all by equal (owel) portions, retaining nothing for himself:—the
said Peter de Luffenham, to whom the wardenship is now delivered,
receives the money in the absence of any brethren, and spends it how
he pleases, retaining for himself the portions of two brethren, for his
chapeleyn the same, and for his clerk, his valet, and his palfrey each
the portion of a brother, against all previous custom of the said
house. Second. The brethren hitherto in winter-time have been used
to thresh their corn, sow their lands, feed their cattle, and cover their
houses, &c.; now, the said Peter [has taken the corn into] his own
garner, to his own profit; and, the brethren taking the corn against
his will and sharing it, he thereupon made plaint to the Exchequer, to
the damage of our house, so that the brethren can neither sow their
lands, pasture their beasts, nor cover their houses, and he has sent
away our carters (chariers) and other servants. Third. Whereas our
former masters were used every week to visit, comfort, and counsel
the sick brethren, the said Peter de Luffenham will not come near
them, but in great despite disturbs them. Out of the dove-cote
common to all the brethren with three or four dozen pigeons
(pyiouns) he orders to every brother one (vyn) pyioun and takes
the rest for himself. Four/h. The bailiffs of Oxford were bound
to the brethren in £40 of arrears for the past year, in the absence
[of any brethren] he received the money, spent it on wine or
as he pleased, and the bailiffs gave Peter the tally. The brethren
pray that a remedy be ordained before the house be quite impoverished,
for it grows daily worse and worse, and worse than ever was. Adam
de Weston [MS. very bad here] . . . Brother William de Westbury in
his life-time was bound to Sir Geffery de Castre in £7, and assigned
certain goods to make payment; the said Peter has appropriated the
said goods to himself-whereof the brethren pray remedy, for they
have not wherewith to make payment.
(Injured by damp, &c., parf nearly illegióle.)
PETITION'S RELATING TO OXFORD. II5
51.
Anc. Pet., File 297, No. 14814.
Abstract. To the King Edward [II]: the Chancellor of the University 9 Edw. II,
of Oxford and the Master of the Hospital of St. John of the same, º
acknowledging the king's mandate, under letters patent dated Don-
caster, December 19, ninth year of reign, to inquire into the grievances
of the brethren and sisters of the Hospital of St. Bartholomew extra
Oxon against Peter de Luffenham their warden, and empowering
them to take testimony, stating that they had taken the inquisition.
Dated Oxford on the day of St. Hilary the bishop.
Andorsement. To our lord the King of England: by the Chancellor
of the University of Oxford, and the Master of the Hospital of St. John,
of the same. Zafin.
52.
Anc. Pet., File 297, No. 14815.
Aðsfract. The Depositions of ſhe witnesses in the aforesaid inqui-
silion. -
I. Petrus de Luffenham, custos Hospitalis Sancti Bartholomei. 9 Edw. II,
Acknowledges that he received money for the hospital twice, as said, *****
and retained four portions, but denies the second article, except that
he acted for better care [of the harvest]; he had not placed it in his
own house. He sent away the servants because it seemed to him that
two were sufficient. Asked why he did not visit the sick, he said he
had visited them as far as he could ; that he had retained the pigeons
by consent of the brothers as his portion. On the fourth point, asked
why he received £1 o without the consent of the brethren, he said
he was ready to give an account of what he had received, and that
the brethren had received some, and had forbidden the bailiffs to
deliver it to the warden, and that the brethren have the tallies of
the said portion themselves. He had received some goods from his
predecessors and was ready to account for them.
2. Brethren of the house : William de Frileford answers to six
points seriatim, the last relating to Geoffry de Caustre. All the
brethren being sworn with one consent also make short answers,
that William of Westbury who was master and lately died had leave
from all the brethren to make a will, and they say that the money
which brother William borrowed from Geoffry de Caustre was borrowed
for his own necessity. Other replies relate to the alms or money
I 2
II6 COLLECTA NEA.
? 9 Edw. II,
A. D. I.3.I 5.
? Temp.
Edw. II.
given to healthy and to leper brethren, and what they were accustomed
to receive. -
Endorsement. Inquisitio facta de magistro et fratribus hospitalis
sancti Bartholomei extra Oxoniam per Cancellarium Vniversitatis
Oxonie et magistrum Hospitalis Sancti Johannis de Oxonia de
precepto domini Regis.
[Zafin, irregular hand, partly i//gible.]
The troubles of the Hospital of St. Bartholomew with Sir Peter de
Luffenham apparently lasted several years; in the I4 Edw. II, A.D. 1320,
he himself petitioned with regard to the Hospital, and was told to go
before the Chancellor, ‘who by reason of his office has to do with the
state of hospitals” (Rot. Parl. I. 38o Ö). It will be noticed that the
brethren had been aware of this, and addressed themselves to the King
and his Chancellor. Sir John de Sendale was made Chancellor, Sept. 26,
I314, and was Treasurer from Nov. I317 till he died, I319 (Stubbs, ii.
368).
53.
Anc. Pet., File 86, No. 4299.
The Friars Minor ask for a licence in mortmain for a place
in Oxford worth 2s. a year.
A NOSTRE seigneur le Roi si luy plest prient les poures freres
menours de Oxenford qil lour voille graunter la mortificacioun de vne
place en Oxenford qe ne vaut qe deux Souz par an, auxicome retorne
est en la Chauncellrie, et qe est a nuly preiudice.
Endorsement. Soit veue l'enqueste et le Roi en dirra sa volunte.—
Coram Rege.—Lymberghe.
54.
Anc. Pet., File 86, No. 4297.
Aós/ract. To the King: his clerks of his University of Oxford;
as the University was founded by the bounty of the kings of England
alone, for the common profit of the people, and the king is therefore
their only refuge and help in trouble, they pray. Inprimis, that
inquests for death and maiming should be impartially taken, the
matter touching clerks and their servants on one hand, ‘foreigners’
and denizens of the city on the other. A noſe added to end of this
paragraph — Soient appellez les Burgeis et monstrent ſleur
chartresſ.’
PETITIONS RELATING TO OXFORD. II7
The next item dealt with a grievance about false measures and
weights. (Fragment only, a large piece gone. Endorsement partly
gone.)
This petition was probably sent with the next.
55.
Anc. Pet., File 86, No. 4298.
Aós/raci. Aegins ‘Item monstrent ses auantòitz clers’ that the
‘marchancie’ provides that measures must agree with the king's
measures and be marked with the town mark, but the wine and ale
measures of Oxford are out of assise and are not marked except by
the marks of the four aldermen, each in his ward, whereby they
favour their neighbours; and they pray the king to grant that the
Chancellor may at the proper hour affix his mark on the measures
jointly either with the aldermen or with those who ought to mark
them : ‘for the commune of the clerks is greater than the commune
Circa 9 or
I4 Edw. II,
A. D. I.3.I.5
Or I 32O.
of the town.' They pray also that the measures may be of the same
form as those of London, and that weights may be sealed.
Jºndorsement. Respondu est par la commune Ordenaunce. Re-
spondu est par comen acord et assent en parlement. Coram Rege
et magno consilio. Lymberghe.
Adam de Lymbergh, clerk, who signed, perhaps wrote, the endorse-
ment, was one of the Receivers of Petitions to the Parliaments of 1315
and I32O. His name is attached also to another of these Oxford
petitions (No. 53). By Pat. I Edw. III (pt. I, m. 27), the assise of
weights and measures was granted to the Chancellor and Mayor together,
during pleasure; the following year (Pat. 2 Edw. III, pt. 1, m. I5) this
was continued, and if the Mayor were not present after due warning to
supervise them the Chancellor should do it alone. Another patent was
issued 20 Edw. III (pt. I, m. 30, dorso) to the same effect.
56.
Rot. Parl. I. 373.
The University pray that stranger merchants coming to the
Žown may be allowed to sell their goods free from obstruction
by the burgesses, and that they may have fired places where
they may sell.
§ 1. AD petitionem Cancellarii, magistrorum et Scolarium Univer- 14 Edw. II,
sitatis Oxon, petentium remedium, quod cum dominus Rex per
A. D. I.32O.
II8 COLLECTA VEA.
diversa brevia sua precepisset, quod mercatores extranei qui veniunt
ad villam Oxon possint libere vendere bona sua per proprias manus,
absque impedimento inde faciendo per burgenses ejusdem ville ; et
similiter quod ipsi mercatores extranei habeant certa loca per se ubi
mercimonia sua vendere possint, de quibus brevibus nulla fit executio
post ultimum Parliamentum ultimo apud Eboracum convocatum, ad
dampnum, etc. Supplicant dicti Cancellarius et magistri et scolares,
quod ipsi possint assignare, in defectum dictorum maioris et balli-
vorum, loca et diversitatem locorum pro venditione, etc. facienda ;
Ita responsum est : Quia processus super contentis in petitione
incoatur in Cancellaria ponatur ista petitio in eadem placea, et ibi
teneatur inde processus usque decisionem negocii, etc.
57.
Agains? malefactors impręso/?ed άγ z/ae C/aa/acel/or escapîmag
άγ comzmávamce of z/ae δailiffs.
§ 2. AD petitionem eorundem, petencium remedium de eo, quod
aliqui malefactores et pacis Regis perturbatores in Universitate
Oxonie sint imprisonati per eundem Cancellarium, sepe evenit quod
hujusmodi imprisonati sunt evasi per falsitatem et negligenciam
ballivorum : unde dicti scolares petunt remedium, etc.
Ita responsum est: Mandetur [? maiori] Oxon' quod non permit-
tant hujusmodi imprisonatos deliberari nisi modo debito et consueto,
presertim cum hujusmodi deliberacio sit ad minus per bonam custodiam
domini Regis, et fiat processus versus ballivos si necesse fuerit.
58.
§ 3. ITEM ad petitionem eorundem, petentium remedium de eo,
quod cervisia vendi debet in villa Oxonie sicut in civitate vel in burgo,
et super hoc breve suum mandaverit vicecomiti Oxon' et idem
vicecomes retornum suum fecerit maiori et ballivis, etc., qui nichil inde
hactenus facere curaverunt, etc.
Ita responsum est: Habeant breve sicut alias, et postmodum prose-
quantur ulterius negocium, ut ponatur coram rege si necesse fuerit.
(77ie French origina/ 0/ § 3 in * Amciem/ Pe/i/ioms,' File 3, Vo. I 32,
is longer ; here aòsfracfed.)
Aegzms * Item monstrent vos avantditz clers.' The clerks show—
that oftem great strife arises between the University and laymen of the
PETITION'S RELATING TO OXFORD. II9
town of Oxford over the sale of ale, as to whether it ought to be sold
in the town as in a city or as in a borough ; that the king in his
charter to the burgesses declared the article, and by the sheriff's writ
the bailiffs of Oxford were ordered to publish and proclaim that the
sale of ale thenceforward should be made in the town as in a borough ;
but the bailiffs have done nothing. The said clerks pray remedy of
this grievance.
59.
Rot. Parl. I. 373.
§ 4. AD petitionem eorundem querentium quod cum Ordinatum sit 14 Edw. II,
per Cancellarium quod nullus clericus in eadem universitate deferat ** ****
arma in eadem villa, etc., petunt quod illud idem observetur de laicis
in eadem villa, etc.
Ita responsum est: Habeant breve Maiori quod inhibeat ex parte
Regis ne aliquis laicus preter ministros ville deferat arma in eaden
villa.
(French original of § 4 in ‘Ancient Petitions, File 3, Mo. 133,
here abstracted.)
Begins ‘Item monstrent ses ditz clers.’ The said clerks show—
whereas there are two communities in Oxford, one of the clerks, the
other of the lay, the Chancellor has forbidden the clerks on pain of
imprisonment or excommunication to bear arms in the town, but the
laymen do so, killing and wounding unarmed scholars, and for the
wrongs committed by them are too often acquitted by their neigh-
bours;–pray that men taken for such offences—foreigners or
denizens—may be tried before Justices, and that all, clerks and lay, be
forbidden to wear arms, and that in default of the Mayor the Chan-
cellor may punish where need may be.
Endorsement. Let them have a writ to the Mayor that he forbid
any layman except town officials to wear arms in the town.
60.
Rot. Parl. I. 373.
Against the traders of the town complaining against strangers
zwho come selling victuals, &c., to the convenience of the scholars.
§ 5. ITEM ad petitionem eorundem petentium remedium de eo, 14 Edw. II,
quod cum extranei venerint ad villam Oxonie cum victualibus, etc., ad “” ”
maximum commodum scolarium ibidem commorancium, mercatores
I2O COLLECTA VEA.
I4 Edw. II,
A. D. I32O.
ejusdem ville fingunt querelas versus eosdem extraneos quo minus
iidem extranei veniunt ad dictam villam cum mercandisis et victualibus,
etc., in maximum detrimentum ville et dampnum scolarium ;
Ita responsum est: Habeant breve quod de cetero caveant, nec talia
faciant seu attemptent, etc.
61.
T/iat t/ie Chamcellor's certificate of excommunicatioms óe
accepted imo z/ae King's co///rz.
§ 6. ITEM ad petitionem eorundem, petentium quod certificatio
Cancellarii Oxonie de excommunicatis infra jurisdictionem ejusdem
universitatis acceptetur in Curiam domini Regis, et quod captiones
super hujusmodi certificationes concedantur, etc.
Ita responsum est : Quod fiat sicut antiquitus fieri consuevit.
62.
Agains? 7/ae ba/m gesses 7/za/icio//s/y ìndìctimag sc/ao/ars amad
7/2aSîe/^S.
§ 7. ITEM ad querelam eorundem, de eo quod burgenses et ballivi
Oxonie frequenter indictari faciant scolares et magistros magni status
maliciose: unde petunt remedium ;
Responsum est : Si quis se senserit lesum sequatur in Cancellariam,
quia remedium ordinatur ibi sufficiens in hoc casu.
63.
Anc. Pet., File I 37, No. 68oI.
Aòstract. To the King : the Abbot and Convent of Rewley
(Real lu) near Oxford pray, for the soul of sire Peter de Gaueston
formerly Earl of Cornwaille, their avowe, that he will hold good and
confirm by charter the contract and perpetual ferm that they have
made with the Abbot and Convent of Pyn in Poytou of the church of
Saham. What they may have beyond the ferm (enferme) of the said
church may aid in the support of Sir Peter's chaplain.
Endorsed. Soit veue la chartre et confermee en due manere.
The confirmation here asked for was made by inspeximus charter,
which is found on the Patent Roll, I 4 Edw. II, pt. I, m. 7. See note
tO No. I8.
PETITIONS RELA 7TIVG TO OXFORD. I2I
64.
Anc. Pet., File I 33, No. 66o7.
Aòsfract. The cordwainers and corvisers of Oxford pray the king Temp.
to confirm their charter from King Henry [III] and to grant further £x i;. I
that they may use their franchises in the suburbs of the town, with or 1323.
a specific declaration that none shall cut leather tanned or ofCordova,
nor sell them in the town nor suburbs unless he be of their gild.
Aemdorsememt. Prosequantur versus Cancellariam.
See special Royal writs to the Bailiffs enforcing the above privileges of
the gild, printed by Ogle, * Royal Letters,' &c., pp. 28, 29.
65.
Anc. Pet., File I 32, No. 6594.
Letters pate/zz gra//ti/og for five years z/ae prìvìlege t/aaz f/ae
Chamcellor of 7/ae Universázy may ceprzífy fo f/ae C/,amce//or of
E/g/a//d //ae //ames of persoms excommunicated for offe/aces in
Oxford, so t/aat //aey may be fakem for due pa///is/4//?e/?z.
EDWARDUS dei gratia Rex Anglie et Francie et dominus Hibernie Between
omnibus ad quos presentes littere pervenerint salutem, Ut magistri et ; £? î
scolares universitatis nostre Oxonie suis studiis et scolasticis actibus
vacent transquillius et intendant et ipsi ac alii sub jurisdictione Can-
cellarii dicte universitatis existentes eo vigilancius ab excessibus
offensis, contumaciis, et injuriis se abstineant committere quo com-
missa noverint proponimus punienda, de gratia nostra concessimus
speciali quod Cancellarius vniversitatis predicte qui pro tempore
fuerit, a die confectionis presentium per quinquennium proximo
sequens continue numerandum, per litteras suas patentes Cancel-
larie nostre Anglie pro tempore existenti significare possit et certificare
de nominibus singlorum de jurisdictione prefati Cancellarii Oxonie
qui majoris Oxonie excommunicationis vinculo fuerint innodati, et
quod dictus Cancellarius noster Anglie qui fuerit pro tempore brevia
nostra in Cancellaria nostra fieri et sub magno sigillo nostro con-
signari faciat pro capcione illorum de jurisdictione predicta qui sic
per dictum Cancellarium Oxonie fuerint excommunicati et per
quadraginta dies perseverarint in eadem, ad significationem et
certificationem proximi supradicti prout ad significationem et certi-
ficationem Episcoporum Anglie predicto Cancellar[io Anglie] . . .
I22 COLLECTA NEA.
Temp.
Edw. II,
circa A. D.
I32O-I322.
capiendum sit et fieri consuevit. In cujus rei testimonium has
litteras nostras fieri fecimus patentes per . . . Teste me . . . apud
Westr, etc.
In bad condition.
This copy of a grant seems to have crept in among the Petitions
by mistake, but I print it here as an example showing the meaning of
a privilege frequently asked for and insisted on by the University (see
Nos. I2, 61, 90, and notes thereto). The King thus gave power, always
carefully limited, for handing over offenders for punishment from the
clerical to the secular arm. For the abuse of excommunication itself, See
Nos. 66, 73.
66.
Anc. Pet., File 63, No. 31.46.
Aós/ract. To the King and Council: the Burgesses of Oxford
pray remedy for the wrongs and trespass done against them by the
Chancellor and the University:—Whereas by custom and royal grant
sixty-two burgesses yearly make oath to them to sell lawful mer-
chandize (de leals darreys vendre), by colour of that Oath they have
those burgesses brought up before them, and pronounce excommuni-
cate and perjured those whom they wish to oppress, thus as judge and
party taking fines (raunceuns) at will.
Also they attract royal pleas, as where a clerk is indicted of
felony, or attached for an offence against the peace, they issue
process before themselves against the indictors and the bailiffs of the
town, and through many simple witnesses fine (reyment) them at will,
as they did to Richard Cary £20, Robert de Wormenhale 12 marks,
Philipp de Euw Ioos. (soutz), Esteuen de Adyngton Ioos, Andreu de
Wormenhale 50s. ; and thus by extortion many are empoverished and
some leave the town.
Also they proceed against the brewers of the town by colour of
their privileges, so that these have no peace till they have made a fine;
and they extort money from sellers of wines, as from Henry Jolyf, Ioos.,
Johan Stene, 4os., Wauter le Taverner, a mark. -
Also if the bailiffs do not their will they oust them from their
bailiwicks, and thus the King's peace is often ill-guarded; as they did
to Roger Mymkan, bailiff in the thirteenth year.
If any complain in the King's Court they proceed against them
with feigned reasons as against their privileges, and excommunicate
and imprison them at will against the King's writ, till these agree and
lose their health, as was done to Johan le Peyntour and many others.
PETITIONS RELATING TO OXFORD. I23
Also Sire [we complain] of grants which are repugnant to law, by
which many townsmen are empoverished, and which formerly were
forbidden.
From the Wood MS. D 7 (5), in the Bodleian Library (a list of Mayors
and Bailiffs of Oxford from II22 to 1695, kindly pointed out to me by
Rev. A. Clark), we learn that Roger Mimekan was Bailiff in I319,
I3 Edw. II, we may therefore place the date of this woful petition a year
or two later. He and Richard Cary had also been bailiffs in 1313.
Robert de Wormenhale was Mayor in 1298 and Bailiff in 1300. The
names of Andrew de Wormenhale, Philip de Eu, and Richard Cary,
occur pretty frequently in one or other of these offices from 1287 onwards.
Step. Adington first appears, as Bailiff, in 1322 ; he is named too in
a bond from R. Cary about 1330–40 (“Cartulary of St. Frideswide’s,’
O.H.S. p. 450).
67.
Anc. Pet., File I32, No. 6569.
Aðsfract. To the King and Council : the Burgesses of Oxford.
Whereas they hold the town of the King in fee ferm, to which the
assise of bread and ale belongs, as in the City of London ; and in the
reign of Edward father of the present King, on a suggestion of the
University, [the King] took this [i.e. assize] and delivered it to the Con-
stable of Oxford who still holds it; it greatly helped [to pay] the
ferm, pray that the King will either allow for this or will restore it, as
they were not ousted by judgement but only by ‘suggestion. Also the
weavers in Oxford in the time of King Richard [i. e. Rich. I] bought
a charter that no one should use their office in Oxford if he were not
of their gild, paying 40s. annually to the Exchequer; the weavers are
all dead and have no successors in the town, but the Barons of the
Exchequer still charge the burgesses with the 40s. though the
burgesses do not claim or wish to have or to keep this gild of weavers.
They pray that they be discharged of this.
Jºndorsement. On the first point send a writ to the Exchequer that
they search for what reason and how this came into the King’s
hands, and certify the King of it, and let the constable be summoned.
On the second, let them go to the said Exchequer. French, abstract.
Irrotulatur. Coram rege.—Herlastone [receiver of petitions].
On the first subject of this petition see noſe to No. 72.
The Weavers' gild, for which the burgesses were still charged, were
a decaying Company in 1275 (3 Edw. I), when they obtained a reduction
17 Edw. II,
As D. I.323.
I24. COLLECTA/WEA.
19 Edw. II,
A. D. I.325.
Temp.
Edw. III.
of their fee-farm rent from one golden mark annually to 42s. on account
of their small number, Scarcely fifteen, though they had been more than
sixty in King John's time (see Ogle's ‘Royal Letters addressed to Oxford,'
p. 14). Their decline proceeded rapidly, for in 1290 (18 Edw. I) they
petitioned that, on account of their further reduced numbers, they might
pay only half a mark instead of the 42s. to the King, or give up their charter
and house (see No. 19). Then comes the above petition of 1323 showing
that no weavers are left in Oxford; but nevertheless the burgesses did not
get rid of the empty charge, although they do not seem actually to have
paid it, being allowed remission of £63 IOS. for arrears on it in 1352
(26 Edw. III, Ogle, ib. p. 49). A hundred years later, in 1450 (28 Hen. VI),
the annual 42s. due for the Weavers’ gild of Oxford was among the sums
assigned by Parliament to meet the expenses of the King’s household
(Rot. Parl. V. 174 Ö). Herlastone is named in Rot. Parl. I, 365.
68.
Rot. Parl. I. 439.
Aós/racá. To the King and his Council: the Prior of St. Fredes-
with of Oxford showing, that he petitioned Parliament in 9 Edw. II,
setting forth his right to the advowson of the church of Akeley,
co. Buckingham, on behalf of the church of St. Fretheswide, where-
upon a writ was made to the Justices of the King's pleas to discuss
the matter but not to come to judgement without certifying the King.
And it has been discussed, and various steps taken, but the Prior
cannot obtain judgement although he sues the King and Council from
day to day for reply. Prays an order for judgement to be given.
Repſy. A writ is ordered to Sir Geffrey le Scrop and his
companions [justices] that in view of the process before them they
shall give judgement according to law and reason. French, abstracá.
69.
Anc. Pet., File 65, No. 3226.
Aſ stract. To the King's Council: the Scholars of the University
of Oxford, whereas the clerk who wrote the charter of their franchises
negligently wrote “Inspeximus quandam confirmacionem quam
dominus E. quondam Rex Anglie auus noster,’ and it ought to be
‘pater noster,’ which gravely harms the said scholars, they pray that
the said defect may be amended and put in due form.
Endorsement. Let the charter be returned to the Chancery, and, if
the defect be found to be of the clerk's negligence and not otherwise,
let it be corrected. Ærench, abstracf.
PETITIONS RELATING TO Oxford. I25
70.
Anc. Pet, File 16, No. 774.
Abstract. To the King and his Council: the Abbess of Godstow, Edw. III,
showing that the King's ancestors granted to the house of Godstow tºo.
the fenth of all venison that might be taken in Whichwood Forest,
but that Hugh le Despencer, the father, when Warden of the Forest,
hindered Mabille Wafre, predecessor of the present Abbess, from
taking the said tenth, and she prays remedy.
A'epſy. Show the charter in the Chancery, and there let a writ be
sent to the Justice of the Forest to inquire if the predecessors of the
Abbess were seised of the tenth, which of them was first ousted, by
whom, and why, &c., and let return be made to the Chancery and
shown to the King. French, abstract.
Printed in Rot. Parl. II. 402 6, where the editors place it among “annis
incertis' of Edw. III. It is the second complaint from the abbesses of
Godstow against Despencer the father, and was probably made early in
the reign of Edw. III (see No. 44), if not in the time of Edw. II. If
Mabilla de Upton were the Abbess of this petition, she would have had
much experience by 1327–8, the first year of Edward III. As to her and
Mabil Wafre see No. 15.
71.
Anc. Pet., File I33, No. 6604.
The Scholars of St. Mary (Oriel) ask for licence to acquire
property to the value of £20 a year.
DAUTRE part prient les escolers par le Roi foundez en lonor de notre Circa
! ~~~~~~~ & - ~ - ~ : * * * * * * I Edw. III,
dame en la vniversite Doxenford a nostre seigneur le Roi, qil pleise de ...", 328
Sa grace granter qe eux peussent purchacer terres tenementz et
auouesones des eglises a la value de xx/m. par an, et celes eglises
approprier, en eyde de lour sustenance et de la sustenance des quatre
chapeleins auant nomez.
Andorsement. The Council agrees, saving lands in chief (French,
abstract). Let them have licence to acquire ten pounds of land
and rent in the form which they ask, lands in capite excepted.
(Latin.)
This is evidently one of several related documents, but the proposal as
to the ‘four chaplains before named ' is apparently lost. The licence
was granted in accordance with the endorsement, for £IO value, on
March 14, 1327 (Pat. I Edw. III, pt. I, m. I 5). The College of the
House of St. Mary (afterwards called Oriel) was founded in 1324.
I26 COLLECTA NEA.
1 Edw. III,
A. D. I.328.
P 2 Edw.
III.
72.
Anc. Pet., File 259, No. 12938.
Aösfract. To the King and Council: the burgesses of Oxford
petition relative to the assise of bread and ale taken away from them
on ‘suggestion' by King Edward [I]; asserting that the said assise,
which rents Ioos. to the King, ought to be annexed to the ferm of the
town. They tried to have right and remedy in the Parliament at
Westminster in the tenth year of Edward, father of the present King.
Endorsemenſ. Veniat certificatio coram Concilio. A writ ordered
to the Exchequer to make inquiry how and why the assise was
seised, whether the burgesses had the fines in aid of their ſerm,
how much it was worth to the burgesses and to the King; and if they
find that it did help the burgesses and paid the King Ioos. they must
make allowance according to discretion. French, abstracf.
The assise of bread and ale was seised as above stated, about 20 Edw. I,
into the King’s hands, and so remained till the burgesses petitioned
Parliament in 17 Edw. II (tenth year according to the above petition,
which—unless there were two petitions—is wrong, see No. 67) when,
inquiry being made in the Exchequer as to the facts, it was found that
under Henry III's charter the fines were incurred to the King, but that,
the Mayor and bailiffs not having duly punished offenders nor answered
for the fines, Edw. I and his council had ordered that the fines should be
paid to the Constable of Oxford Castle, who should be answerable. But
the burgesses were still charged with the value of the fines, viz. IOOs.,
which they paid into the Exchequer; therefore in I Edw. III the bur-
gesses petitioned again (as above, No. 72). The writ to the Exchequer
ordered in the endorsement to this petition is on the Close Roll, I Edw. III,
pt. I, m. 23, and is printed in full (Rolls of Parl., vol. II. p. 424, whence the
above facts have been taken). The final discharge of the burgesses from
the Ioos. must have taken effect from that writ, which ordered it. The
assise of bread and ale was granted to the Chancellor of the University
by patent, 2 Edw. III (pt. I, m. 19), also for IOOs. annually to the
Exchequer. In 33 Edw. I the University petitioned for the punishment
of bakers and brewers (No. 29), but were accused of excess of privilege in
the matter a few years later (No. 66).
73.
Anc. Pet., File I33, No. 6615.
Abstract. To the King and Council: The burgesses of Oxford
complain, whereas the Chancellor and University of Oxford have
PETITION'S RELATING TO OXFORD. I27
cognizance of contracts, covenants, and trespass between clerk and
clerk, or clerk and lay, they encroach on the franchise of the town and
draw to them these contracts, &c., between laymen, especially in
certain cases of gifts and actions between laymen brought before the
Chancellor wherein a clerk has some concern, who by covine are made
to incur large sums which were not due, and thus the defendants are
condemned and afterwards excommunicated in all the churches of the
town unless they agree thereto; and if they are not absolved of the
sentence before the Chancellor they are despoiled even to their arms
(se despoillera tanke a ses brais) and must give all their goods to the
clerk. In the same way a plea of trespass, in which there has been
a cession to a clerk, is made to terminate as in plea of debt, and
thus charges of rent upon free tenements are proved, against law, and
in great burden to the tenements of the town. Thus the Chancellor
encroaches on the franchises of the town, to the damage of the King's
profits on writs and issues on pleas of debt, &c., pleadable before his
Justices, or before the Mayor and bailiffs of the town. And with
such proceedings taken before the Chancellor concerning merchants
and other strangers passing through, as well as residents, the merchants
will not repair thither on account of such evil doings, and the town is
thereby greatly impoverished. Pray a remedy.
Andorsed. Let a writ be sent to the Chancellor showing the
contents of the petition, that if it be so he do not repeat it. But if
any one feel himself aggrieved let him come to the Chancery and he
shall there have remedy. Zaſin, abstracá.
Compare this petition with the actual grievances expressed by Walter
de Harewell in the document No. 75.
74.
Rot. Parl. II. 22 a.
Thomas de Baumözlıgh, whose presentation ſo the church of
Eme/don has been adjudged against the master of the ſhouse
of scholars of Merſon of Oxford, prays remedy against furt/aer
Żmpediments.
A NOSTRE seigneur le Roi e a son Conseil monstre son clerk, 2 Edw. III,
Thomas de Baumburgh, qe come nostre seigneur le Roi lui ad “” I328.
presente a la eglise de Emeldon, e il ad Suy pur le Roi en sa Court
I28 COLLECTA NEA.
2 Edw. III,
A. D. I.328.
devers le Mestre de la meson d'escolers de Merton de Oxenford, qe
nostre seigneur le Roi ad recovere son presentement a la dite eglise,
par juggement rendu devant Monst. Geffrey le Scrop e ses com-
paignons. E ore ascuns gentz Se afforceanz de anientir le juggement
avantóite, font apels, provocacions, citacions, et autres empediments,
en prejudice du Roi. Dont il prie remedie.
A'esponsio. Habeat prohibiciones et attachiamenta generalia et
specialia in Cancellaria, quociens voluerit.
75.
Rot. Parl. II. I6 Ö.
Abstract. To the King and his Council: Walter de Harewell
burgess and inheritor in Oxford showing, that whereas the Chan-
cellor of the University has cognizance of offences and contracts
between clerk and clerk, and clerk and lay, in the town but nowhere
else, one William de Wyneye, clerk, impleaded him before the Chan-
cellor for offences done out of his jurisdiction in a foreign county:
the said Walter justified himself before the Chancellor, but the said
Chancellor notwithstanding condemned him to prison, and kept him
in prison in Oxford till he contented the said William with a large sum
of money, and made an obligation of £20 to be at the will of the
University, and still he had to find mainprise before he could be set
free. And because, when he was taken and led to prison by the
beadles of the University, he entered his house to shut his coffers
and chests and the door of his room for the safety of his goods and
chattels, the said Chancellor banished him out of the town, and had it
proclaimed everywhere as though he were an outlaw, and sequestered
all his goods and chattels, threatening if he entered the town to
imprison him again for six days. No one ever had such franchise or
power thus to outlaw, destroy and banish the King's burgesses in the
said town. Prays a remedy for charity.
A'eply. Let it be inquired what was done, and he shall have a writ
of trespass in the form for his case, and meantime let a writ be
ordered to the Chancellor not so to aggrieve the said Walter, but to
let him enter the town and use his merchandise. French.
PETITIONS RELATING TO OXFORD. I29
76.
Anc. Pet., File 194, No. 9673.
7%e Chancellor and masters of the University pray the King's
letters to the Cardinal de la Mote asking for further delay in
the cause between them, as the Bishops of Winchester and
Worcester cannot now hear it.
A NOSTRE seignor le Roi, prient ses clercs hombles le Chaunceler et Temp.
la compaignie des mestres de sa vniversite doxenford, qil voille ses º
lettres de priere grauntier al Cardinal de la Mote, pur delai en la 1327 and
cause quele est entre le dit Cardinal et sa dite vniuersite, quele cause "345.
est commis al leuesqes de Wyncestre & de Wyrcestre a terminer
deuaunt la Pasch proscheyn, ou apres, estre plede en la Court de
Rome en lestat quel fuist deuaunt. Enpriaunt al dit Cardinal qil
voille le dit delai continuer iesqes a la Seint Michel proschein, puis qe
les ditz euesqes Sount en vostre Seruice occupeez qil ne puissent a la
dite cause entendre.
Gaillard de Mota, Cardinal Deacon of St. Lucia in Cilicia, was as
Archdeacon of Oxford an absentee, and consequently he and his officers
came into collision with the University. The dispute extended over
many years in the Papal Curia. The above petition is not among the
documents on the matter printed by Mr. Henson in ‘Collectanea, vol. i.
pp. 16–26 (O. H. S.). See also Letters Patent for the years 1325–1345
in the first calendar of Public Records, at the end of Statutes of Colleges
of Oxford, 1853, vol. iii.
77.
Anc. Pet., File I32, No. 6554.
7%e Burgesses of Oxford desire that, as the town is suitably
paved, dung-cards with iron wheels shall be forbidden, as in
Zondon, for they destroy the causeway.
A NOSTRE seignur le Roi e a soen consail monstrunt les Burgeis de 2 Temp.
Oxneford qe desicome les mestres del Universite de Oxneford souent Edw. III.
vnt porte brefes nostre seignur le Roi a bien pauer la vile, et la dit vile
couenablement est paue, carettes ferres carians fyens oue lur tribles
ferres la cauce de la dite vile debrusent e destruent dunt ele ne put
durer, dunt les dites burgeis prient de ceo remedie. E qe defendu
Soit qe il carient oue carettes desferres e ne mye ferres come il funt
a Londres.
III. IS.
I3O COLLECTA NEA.
4 Edw. III,
A. D. I.33O.
Zndorsement. Mandetur per breve ballivis Oxonie quod non per-
mittant talia extrahi nisi per carectas deferraratas Secundum quod fit
Lond.
The friðles seem to have been the spiked instruments or dung-forks
used to fill the carts, the iron wheels of which did so much to destroy the
pavement. In the fourteenth century there does not appear to have been
much wheel-traffic, and probably the pavements were not made to resist
heavy loads. By Patent 8 Edw. III (pt. 2, m. 20), and again in 12 Edw. III
(pt. 2, m. 6), and 3 Rich. II, the Chancellor of the University and the
Mayor could compel all householders in the town and suburbs to repair
the pavements.
78.
Anc. Pet., File II, No. 512.
7%e Carmelizes of Oxford pray for Že fulfilment of are
annual grant of I2O marks made to them by Edward // on
a vow made at Stirling, ſ/he payment of which is several years
272 arrear.
A NOSTRE seigneur le Roi et a Soun conseil prient ses poveres
chapeleyns, freres de l'ordre nostre dame de Carme, de Oxenford, qe
cum Son piere nostre seigneur le Roy qe fust les avoit graunte de Sa
almone la Sustenance de xxiiii, freres, Ceo fest acquere pur chescun
frere v. marz, a prendre a l'escheker de an en an, a deus termis, par
um wou qe il fist en sa gere d'Escoce a Estrivelin, qant il fust en
graunt peril, cum temoyne nostre sent pere l’Apostoyle par sa bulle; e
de cele almoyne lour fist “ses lettres patentes pur prier purly et ses
heires et pur coes devantcestres, de quele" almoyne il furunt serviz
long temps, et ore lour est detenuz, et aad este plusours aunz, icy qe
renz ne ressurunt. Qe ly pleise, pur l’amour de Dieux et de nostre
dame, et l'ame soun pere *qe deus assoile, graunter et de Sa grace
comaunder qe le auantdist wou soun pere” Seit comply icy qe les freres
pussent estre edefiez, et mieutz en lour len deu server, e l’ame de
l'avaundist wou devaunt deu descharge.
Endorsement. S'avisent coment et en quele manere le Roi purra
parfaire lour priere, et enforment le Roi, et le sur lour informacion
nostre seignur le Roi par son bon Conseil ordeinera ceo qe fait a faire
par reson. Coram Rege.
Printed in Rot. Parl. II. 35 b, but incorrectly (or from an incorrect
copy), the passages between *-* being partially or wholly omitted.
PETITION'S RELATING TO OXFORD. I31
79.
Anc. Pet., File 160, No. 7973.
Abstract. To King and Council: the burgesses of Oxford claim 4 Edw. III,
that they ought to have the same franchises, laws, and customs as the * *
citizens of London and to marchander with them in London and
without, in all places, quit of all customs, as appears by their charters
which the present King confirmed, and by writ to the Mayor and
Sheriffs of London commanded that they should permit them to
enjoy the said franchises, &c., in the city of London, which writs were
received in full hustings and were allowed and enrolled; but never-
theless the said Mayor and Sheriffs disturb and molest the said
burgesses and make them pay divers heavy customs;–whereof they
pray remedy.
Andorsemenſ. Suent proces et puis attachement deuant le Roi, et la
il aueront droit.
Printed in Rot. Parl. II. 51 a. Peshall (“Hist. City of Oxford, p. 343)
gives an extract from the Lib. E of the Guildhall, London (fo. 283), on which
are recorded the agreements, in 4 and 5 Edw. III, of the Mayor and alder-
men, &c., of London, to the King's writ ordering that the burgesses of
Oxford should have the same liberties as London, with customs excepted
as agreed upon in I Edw. I. The charter of I Edw. III to Oxford, which
specified what the liberties of London were, while confirming them, is
printed in Ogle’s ‘Royal Letters,’ &c., p. 35. See also petition, No. 45.
8O.
Anc. Pet., File 3 IO, No. I5455.
Abstract. To the King and his Council: the Prior and convent of 4 Edw. III,
St. Fredeswyde in Oxoneford show that they are parsons of Acle and A, D. I.33O.
of Brehulle, wherein lies great part of the forest of Bernwoole; that
Sir John Mautravers, late Warden of the Forests this side of Trent,
sold Southboys, in the said forest, of which as parsons they ought to
have the tithe, by right of holy church; and they sued Sir John for it,
but he has done nothing. Pray the King order that they have their
tithes.
Endorsemenſ. Let the Warden be desired to have the tithe paid as
it has been heretofore. French.
Fragmentary, much damaged. Printed in full in Rot. Parl. II. 50 à.
K 2.
I32 COLLECTA NEA.
? 5 Edw.
III, A.D.
I 33 I.
81.
Anc. Pet, File 267, No. 13300.
Abstract. To the King (? and Council): the clerks of the Univer-
sity of Oxford, showing that certain causes may be recognized and
terminated before the Chancellor, as granted by Henry the King's
progenitor;-Pray that the King will grant to the clerks aforesaid and
their successors that all “causes de contrair’ aforesaid which belong
to the cognizance of the Chancellor and other judges of the University
may be recognized and terminated by them, notwithstanding the
prohibition of the King or his heirs.
Also they show that Edward, grandfather of the present King,
granted to the Chancellor of the University cognizance of all trespasses
made in the town or suburbs except pleas of . . . and mahem, and
also that the bailiffs of the King might . . . . . . which grant Edward,
father of the present King, confirmed and the present King also .
The clerks now pray that he will grant to the said Chancellor the
cognizance . . . and that the said Chancellor by the presence of the
King be not disturbed in any point of his jurisdiction .
Also they show that from the time of Edward I it has been the use
that the gallon of wine should not be sold more than a half-penny (forqe
vne maile) dearer than in London, which has been granted by the
letters patent of the present King ; against which assise and grant some
taverners have sold new wines and white wines at their will, and others
different wines, to the great hurt of all dwellers or passers-by, -the
said clerks pray that the said grant and usage of the assise may
endure for all sorts of new and other wines sold in the said town and
suburbs.
Also they show that many strifes and debates happen in the said
town among men of ill-fame confederate together when the Mayor
and [bailiffs] of the said town do not aid the Chancellor as required
in taking the malefactors, pray for a charter that the Mayor and
bailiffs be bound to come with sufficient force to maintain peace every
time that need may be, and that the Chancellor may require them to
take, imprison, and safe-guard the malefactors.
Also for surely keeping the King's peace in time to come, they pray
the King's charter to the Chancellor of the University that he may
freely at will imprison the malefactors in Oxford Castle or in the prison
of the said town, and that the Sheriff Constable of the Castle, having
seen the King's charge, shall safely guard them till the Chancellor
demand them.
PETITIONS RELATING TO OXFORD. I33
Also the said clerks show that the streets and lanes of the town and
suburbs of Oxford by want of pavement cause damage to all dwellers
and passers-by, and [are] filled with dung and refuse and piggeries
(fiens reſumers e de porcheries) by which sicknesses [arise and some
become ill and others die, pray that the Mayor of Oxford be empowered
to distrain every clerk and lay tenant to pave against his tenement and
repair the pavement when need be, and to remove corruptions that
happen through butchers or others killing their beasts in the streets.
First two and sixth c/auses form and damaged.
The back of the long sheet on which the above is written is also nearly
covered with six clauses, in Latin, so much damaged as to be difficult to
read; they are not the usual endorsement or replies, but appear to be
the French petition turned into the Latin ‘supplicatio.” On the Patent
Rolls of 5 Edw. III, pt. 2, m. 8, and pt. 3, m. I8, are several grants, all
dated in October, which answer to three or four of the clauses of the
above petition, viz., the third, fifth, and sixth, and which may have
resulted from it. Individually the subjects of the third and sixth occur at
other dates, but the terms of the fifth combined with the group of desires
—although all may not have been immediately carried out—point to the
date here given. It was a troublous time in Oxford, only three years
before the “Stamford Schism.”
82.
Anc. Pet., File I32, No. 6568.
Abstract. Rehearses that there have been, and still are, great and Temp.
grievous discords in the University of Oxford by reason of the º,
multitude of different people there, and many robberies and ills or Feb.,
without number that the Chancellor or the town cannot chastise or 334.
appease; many masters and scholars dare not remain to study in
Oxford, they are in fear of death and loss of their goods, and
are dwelling at Stanford and elsewhere ;-the said masters and
scholars pray the King to grant them his royal Surety (asseurſe) and
protection to stay (estauncher) all the evils aforesaid, in amendment of
holy church and the clergy.
This appears to be from the seceders in the great Stamford Schism :
cf. Mr. Henson’s account and documents in ‘Collectanea, vol. i. pp. 3–15
(Oxf. Hist. Soc.). While unaware of this petition, Mr. Henson prints
(p. 12) another from the University to the King and his Council, i.e. in
Parliament, exactly similar in form to the ‘Ancient Petitions, without
recognizing its character, owing no doubt to the fact that he found it
copied into a manuscript volume of letters, where alone it now appears to
I34. COLLECTA NEA.
A. D. I.334–
I 335.
8 Edw. III,
A. D. I.334.
be preserved (Roy. MS. 12 D xi., British Museum). An abstract of this
follows, with Mr. Henson's date; it may be compared with several other
documents on the same subject at various times.
83.
Roy. MS. 12 D xi., fol. 29 6 (Br. Mus.).
Aöstract. To the King and his Council: the Chancellor, masters,
and clerks of the University, showing that the Mayor and bailiffs of
the town make excuse that they dare not for fear of the commons
take the malefactors and disturbers of the peace on the denunciation
of the Chancellor, as they are bound to do, whence much harm and
strife has happened. They pray and request that the King's represen-
tative (‘son vice, i.e. the mayor) for the time being be sworn yearly
at the King's Exchequer to take and imprison such trespassers till by
care of the Chancellor they be sufficiently punished. -
See note to the previous petition.
84.
Rot. Parl. II. 76 Ö.
Aós/ract. To the King and his Council: William de Spersholt,
Sheriff of Oxford and Warden of Oxford Castle, showing that the
county gaol is within the said castle and is fully charged with prisoners,
and commonly is so. But beyond that the Chancellor of the University,
without warrant, from day to day at will orders his beadles to deliver
to the said sheriff southern and northern clerks at strife committed in
the Chancellor’s court for acts of violence, to remain in the castle at
the Chancellor's pleasure, whereby the castle is greatly surcharged and
so many cannot be safely guarded. And the sheriff fears the machi-
nations of the clerks within and without, young people and escaped
robbers, whereby the garniture, &c. of the castle may be endangered.—
Prays that it may be ordered that no clerk be received at the castle
unless he be a Common and notorious malefactor to be kept as
a prisoner and judged in the King's court.
A'eply. Non est petitio Parliamenti.
The Sheriff’s difficulties were owing to the turmoil among the students,
divided into north and south, which led to the Stamford Schism. See
Nos. 81, 82.
PET77T/ONS RE/A T/VG TO O X FOR D. I35
85.
Rot. Parl. II. 96 b.
IN a Petition from the Lord Mayor of London asking to be allowed the
heavy fee for serving as Butler at the King's coronation it is added that
by charter the Mayor of Oxford comes to assist him. The following is
the extract so far as it touches Oxford.
· Et le meire e les citeyns d'Oxenford ount pur point de chartre, q'ils 11 Edw.
vendront a Loundres a l'encoronnement d'eyder le Meire de Loundres #º
pur servir a la fest, e toutz jours l'ount usee. E si i plest a nostre
seigneur le Roy e a son conseil, nous payeroms volenters le fee, issent
qe nous soyoms descharges de la service.
It was replied that the Exchequer Rolls must be searched, and if it
were found that on former occasions the fee had been allowed to the
Mayors of London it should be so now. French.
86.
Anc. Pet., File I33, No. 6616.
7Che Chancellor and University pray that the butchers, zwho
kill their beasts in the middle of the tozUn, through the ordure
causing illness and death, be ordered on pain of forfeiture lo
kill outside the tozv7z.
A NosTRE seigneur le Roi e a son counseil prient le Chaunceller e la Circa 13
vniuersite de Oxenford qe [comme les | Buchers de mesme la ville vsent #
comunement de tuer lour bestes en my lieu la ville par qoi escolers e "
autres bon gentz illoeqes demoerentz par les ordures sount par diuerses
maladies greuez, e ascuns morts, dount ils prient qils puissent auoir
par la chartre le Roi qe les ditz Buchers sur peyne de forfaiture des
bestes issint tuez a nostre seigneur le Roi tuent lour bestes hors de la
ville par [la | Ou escolers ne autres bones gentz ne demoerent, pur
saluacion del vniuersite et de la ville auauntdite.
Endorsement. Porce qe tesmoigne est deuant le conseil qil ont
lettres du Roi de ce qil demandent si leur deit celles suffir.
It was probably this petition that led to the order of I339 against the
slaughter of beasts within the town (printed in Ogle's * Oxford Market,'
Collectanea, vol. ii. p. 27). The Pat. Rolls contain two orders for pro-
clamations to this effect, I2 Edw. III (pt. 3, m. 6 dorso), and I3 Edw. III
(pt. 2, m. 28).
136 º COLLECTA NEA.
Aug. 9,
I34I ; I4
Edw. III.
2 Temp.
Edw. III;
? between
I342 and
I35O.
87.
Anc. Pet., File 63, No. 31.45.
Aðsfract. Writ, dated Stratford atte Boghe, August 9, 14 Edward
[III], from the King to the Mayor and bailiffs of Oxford, upon
complaint of the Master and scholars of the University, to hold public
inquiry on certain points, viz., as to the fixed places where in-dwellers
and strangers may bring their wares for sale, regulations for the
Sale of victuals, and relating to merchants, regrators, and fore-
stallers.
The reply of the Mayor and bailiffs is written on the back,--as to
the first point it being stated that there are fifty-six places, each of
which pays an annual rent to the King of 4s. 4d. at Michaelmas,
accounted for by the Mayor to the Sheriff-with a short agreement
made between them and the Chancellor of the University.
Both in Latin, rather lengthy.
88.
Anc. Pet., File I32, No. 6587.
Abstracſ. To the King and the lords in this present Parliament:
the Chancellors, bachelors, and others, students of the Universities of
Oxford and Cambridge, pray, that they will consider the misfortunes
and desolations of the clergy of the said universities, and will grant
that they may purchase in the Papal court graces and apostolic
provisions on the benefice of the collations or presentations of arch-
bishops, bishops, abbots, and other ecclesiastics; or by some other
means by advice of Parliament ordain some other remedy in relief and
comfort of the clergy.
Jºnd form azway.
The Oxford University actually applied to both John XXII in 1322 and
to Clement VI, to the last of whom they sent rolls containing the names
of graduates for whom he might provide benefices (see Rashdall’s “Uni-
versities of Europe, i. 533 and note I). Clement was Pope 1342–1352;
the first Statute of Provisors was passed in 1351, to the decade before
which the above petition seems to belong.
89.
Anc. Pet., File 78, No. 3873.
Aðsfract. These are the plaints of the Bailiffs of the Hundred
outside the north gate of Oxford. First, whereas the men of this
PETITIONS RELATING TO OXFORD. I37
hundred ought only to be at distress of the King, the Chancellor and Temp.
the University wrongfully make distress on the bailiffs and good men #. ºn.
of the hundred, by imprisonment and excommunication. writing not
On Tuesday before Pentecost this year Thomas and Simon of lº,
Braundene, clerks, and several others, came and stole the fish from
the water which were put in store, and mowed the King's meadows,
and assailed the King's serjaunt who guarded the meadows, that he
hardly escaped with his life.
On the Friday following, the same clerks with near 3oo others
came and mowed and laid waste the King's meadows, and [seized]
a boat of the King's passage [i.e. a passenger or ferry boat] worth
3os., and broke it up quite to pieces.
One William de Neutun, clerk, had wounded the daughter of
Richard le Ceu nearly to death, he gave himself up on Sunday to
the King's coroners and bailiffs; and Nicolas de Stapelton and Gibun
his brother with others by force broke the prison and vilely beat those
officers, and a cry was raised upon the clerks.
Jºndorsemenſ. Scribatur vicecomite et cancellario universitatis quod
audiant partes et fieri faciant [? iustician: illegible].
Zorn towards ſhe end.
The date of this document seems not to be after I357, when the city
purchased the manorial rights of the North Hundred. (Boase, ‘Oxford,’
p. 59, Historic Towns Series.)
90.
Anc. Pet., File I32, No. 6593.
Aós/racá. To the King, the Chancellor and scholars of the University ? Circa 25
of Oxford, showing that the University is ruined and enfeebled by the º #.
pestilence and other causes, so that their estate can hardly be main-
tained or protected; they complain against the Mayor and burgesses
of the town [who have apparently done something against their
privileges]; they pray that no grant be made to the said Mayor and
burgesses [against] certain of their privileges. Moreover they pray
[some favour] as to persons excommunicated during forty days
[probably, that power during a limited period might be granted out of
Chancery for taking them]. (Et estre ce tres redoute seigneur vous
plese granter qe . . . Chancellor d’Oxenford qore est ou qi pur temps
Sera des gentz qont este escomengez par proces faitz' dont . . .
* proces faitz; these words a little doubtful.
I38 COLLECTANEA.
? Temp.
Edw. II
(according
to hand-
writing).
demorez escomengez pur qarentz iours, briefs soit grante . . . de vostre
chauncellerie de prendre . . . de la tere.)
Andorsemenſ. As to the first point, it seems to the Council that it
is in Operation. As to the second, the King should grant it for . . .
years as he has done formerly, or until . . . Then this petition was
taken to the King by the Chancellor, and the King granted it for six
years. French, abstract.
In very bad condition.
The first and great plague was in 1349, from May 31 to Sept. 29 ;
the second lasted from Aug. I361 to May 1362; the third was in July 2,
I369, to Sept. 29. The first clause of the above petition seems to refer
to the great plague; on the subject of the second several grants had
been made (see note to No. 12), though I do not find one for precisely six
years. But in 26 Edw. III, A.D. 1352, letters patent (pt. I, m. 24) were
granted that on the certificate of the Chancellor of the University writs
should be made in Chancery for taking excommunicated persons, the
power to last for five years.
91.
Anc. Pet, File I25, No. 62OI.
Abstract. To the King and his Council: the common merchants
passing by water between London and Oxford, show that there are
many gortz which Ought to be repaired so that boats might pass; they
are now so obstructed, restrained and barred, by bar and lock, by
those who own them (par ceaus qi les deiuent) that no boat can pass
without giving great toll to those who own the said gortz (Sanz Ceo qil
done grant tonnue a ceaux qe deiuent les ditz gorz); whereby the
said merchants often [have to] lie there two or three days before they
can pass, until they make redemption or agreement, and thus lose
their advantages, corn and other victuals grow dear, and other damages
to the people ensue. And though justices have been appointed to
survey the defects nothing has been remedied;—Pray that a remedy
be ordered.
Jºndorsemenſ. Let sufficient men who understand this be appointed
to survey the gortz between London and Oxford and to take away the
stoppages and nuisances, so that boats may pass as they reasonably
ought and have anciently been used. Fr. Coram magno consilio.
Erroneously placed, probably early Edw. II. See Nos. 40, 41, 42.
PETITIONS RELATING TO Oxford. I39
92.
Anc. Pet., File 257, No. 12809.
The Commons of the town being much impoverished and
troubled for their trespass in the last quarrel between clerks
and laymen, notwithstanding the pardon granted to the Commons
in last Parliament, pray for a special charter of pardoſe.
A NOSTRE seigneur le Roi et a son conseil prient plusors des poures 237 Edw.
comunes de la ville de Oxenford qe come ils Soient . . . de trespas . . . º
en la darrein debate qe estoit entre les clercs e les lais hommes de la
dite ville e sunt grauement empouerize anientiz par . . . e autrement
nient contreesteant la pardonne quele notre Seigneur le Roi granta a
ses comunes en la darrein parlement qe pleise a . . . e a son conseil
en oeure de charite granter a eux vne chartre en comune Sur la dite
pardonne e briefs as justices e viscontes qils ne Soient . . . ne greuez
contre la dite pardonne en manere come est grante as autres comunes
de la terre.
Endorsement. Eient chartre de pardonne en comune des trespas
Solonc la pardonne faite a la comune du Roialme.
The pardon referred to appears to have been the general pardon passed
by letters patent of 36 Edw. III, Oct. I3, 1362, when the King attained
the age of fifty, printed in Ogle's ‘Royal Letters, p. 66.
93.
Rot. Parl. II. 290.
Aós/ract. In this Parliament, held at Westminster, May 1366, 49 Edw.
petitions were sent in from both Universities, Oxford and Cambridge, !. ID.
and from the Friars of the four mendicant orders, complaining one
against the other of disputes. The Chancellors and Proctors of the
University on the one hand, and the Provincials and Officers of the
orders on the other being present, submitted without reservation to
the King's Ordinance for appeasing the troubles, which was made with
assent of the prelates, nobles, and wise men in Parliament. The
points of these were:—
I. That the members of the Universities should treat the friars in
graces and all other school exercises, and the friars should behave
towards them peaceably and decently, as they did before the statute
which contains ‘that none shall receive into the said orders scholars
I4O COLLECTA NEA.
5o Edw.
III, A. D.
I376.
’ which statute is
of the Universities under the age of eighteen years;
hereby annulled.
2. That the execution of all impetrations of bulls and processes
made or to be made in the Court of Rome by the Friars of those
orders or any one of them against the Universities since the making
of that statute be stayed, and that the friars renounce any advantage
arising from action already made thereon.
3. The King reserves to himself power to redress further grievances
and to punish those of the two parties who disobey this ordinance.
The petitions are not given in full on the Roll, only the arbitration, of
which the above is an abstract.
94.
Anc. Pet., File 85, No. 4245.
Aós/racf. To the King and Council in this present Parliament, the
doctors, bachelors, and scholars and students of civil and canon [law]
in the University of Oxford: showing that some time ago they appealed
to the Council for remedy against the banishment of Thomas Mountagu
and Henry Ingelby, and against a malicious ordinance which had been
made by the Chancellor, proctors, and regents against the faculties of
civil and canon [law] without assent of the doctors or others of the
said faculties; and that thereon by advice of the King's Council they
had been ordered by divers writs to keep the said University according
to the old statutes and customs, and that the bachelors and scholars
should receive . . . without being coerced to make new oaths or bonds.
In this Parliament was to be a final remedy ordained . . . the said
patents, writs, and commands of the King, the Chancellor . . . made
a new statute against the aforenamed . . . great and horrible contempt
of our lord the King.
Endorsement. Let the Bishops of London, Ely, St. Davids],
Chichester and Salisbury be deputed to make them agree . . . matter
here comprised, and if these bishops do not make them agree the
Archbishop of Canterbury shall be named (?) to make the final
agreement. French.
A large piece form away.
The arbitrators mentioned in the endorsement to this petition were
appointed by letters patent of June 20, 50 Edw. III (pt. 1, m. I4 dorso),
and their decision was confirmed on July 8 (ib. m. Io). A special protection
had been given for the students and bachelors in civil and canon law on
Feb. 27 in the same year (Pat. 50 Edw. III, pt. 1, m. 33).
PETITIONS RELATING TO OXFORD. I4I
95.
Anc. Pet., File 329, E. 933 (cf. with No. 99).
The Brethrem of the Hospital of St. John pray for leave to
have houses and remis devised to them, for the burgesses of the
town may devise according to the customs of London.
A NoSTRE seigneur le Roy, pur dieu prient les poures freres del End of
Hospital Seint Johan de hors la porte del East de Oxenford, qil º
puissent resceiure maisons et rentes qe hom leur veut deuiser en la ning of
vile de Oxenford pur lamour deu e pur lavauncement de la maison, Rich. II.
pur ceo qe les Burgeis de la vile poent deuiser maisons e rentes come
leur chatel solonc les vsages de Loundres. Ausi prient les freres
auauntdits qe il puissent approprier a eux de lour fee la ou il est tenuz
en chef de eux.
Endorsed. Coram Rege. Veniant ad Cancellariam et Ostendant
de quibus tenent, et habeant breve de inquisicione.
96.
Anc. Pet., File 268, No. 13395.
Abstracſ. To the King: the Warden and Convent of the Friars iº
minor of Oxford pray that an annuity of fifty marks, granted and paid X1CIl. ll.
to them by the King's grandfather and former kings, may henceforth
be paid twice a year at Michaelmas and Easter by writ of the Sheriff
of Oxford.
The phrase ‘and former kings' points to Rich. II, rather than Edw. III,
for this petition, the Minorites having come into England in the reign of
Hen. III. The annuity was first granted by Edward I in 1289, was
continued by letters patent down to Hen. VIII (see A. G. Little, ‘Grey
Friars in Oxford, pp. 97, 98 noſe), and was excepted from three acts of
resumption under Edw. IV. See Rot. Parl. IV. I96 a ; V. 52O a, 597 & ;
VI. 90 a.
97.
Anc. Pet., File 222, No. I IOS6.
Abstract. To the King : the Prior and Convent of the Friar i.iºn.
Preachers of Oxford, praying confirmation of their charter (below- ãº. 5o
written) without fine or fee. The charter purports to be a grant by Edw III.
Edward III of a piece of land on the east side of their habitation,
twenty feet wide, ‘de riparia sive aqua ubi et prout ipsa Solum habi-
tacionis in longitudine versus australem quacumque parte attingit
I42 COLLECTA WEA.
? Temp.
Rich. II.
Temp.
Rich. II.
viginti pedes in latitudine, a solo illo versus filum riparie siue aque,'
for the purpose of defending and enlarging their habitation,-to
preserve it from the waters of Thames on the east side thereof—the
Statute of Mortmain notwithstanding. Dated Westminster, August
12, fiftieth year of reign in England, thirty-seventh in France.
98.
Anc. Pet., File 132, No. 6574.
Aöstract. (The petition is in three sections, the left end of all lines is
form off.) To the King and his Council. The clerks of the Univer-
sity of Oxford, whereas the care of the assise of [weights and measures]
had been committed during the King's will to the Chancellor of the
University and to the Mayor of the town paying . . . yearly to
the Exchequer, pray that it shall be granted to them permanently.
Second, relates to the price of wine; it prays that ſletters patent] of
the King his grandfather may be ratified under seal. Third relates
to the assise of bread and ale and its guardians, but is not clear.
Endorsement partly gone. Letters patent granted on the second
point, on the third ‘no reply.” Zafin.
The subject of the second clause is identified by the words ‘forqe vne
maille.’ See No. 81.
99.
Anc. Pet., File 61, No. 3OIO.
Aós/ract. To the King: The Warden and Scholars of Merton
Hall, recite that King Edward, your grandfather, granted to the
burgesses of London that they might devise by will lands in mort-
main without licence notwithstanding the statute, for after that statute
your burgesses up to the time of the said grant could not devise in
mortmain. A legacy was made to the predecessors of the petitioners
in the time of King Edward, son of King Henry, without licence before
the said grant, by Henry, a burgess of London, of 20s. arising from
two messuages in the parish of St. Benet in Gracechurch Street held
of you in free burgage, which rent therefore belongs to the Crown;
—pray that this rent be ratified, confirmed, and the dues thereon
released to the petitioners without fine or fee.
The Statute of Mortmain was passed in 1279, 7 Edw. I ; the legacy
above referred to was made fem/3. Edw. I, who is referred to as ‘Edward
PETITIONS RELATING TO OXFORD. I43
son of King Henry.’ The privilege of devising lands in mortmain without
licence was granted to London by Edw. III, referred to here as ‘Edward
your grandfather.’ See this right claimed for Oxford burgesses, No. 95.
100.
Anc. Pet., File 215, No. IO74O.
Abstract. To the King and Council: John of Dodeford, Prior of I Rich. II,
St. Freswide of Oxford, who was duly elected Prior by congé from the *7.
King, with royal assent, confirmed by the Bishop of Lincoln, and had
livery of his temporalties—now being at London on account of false
indictments against him by his enemies, certain canons of the said
house have ordained John of Wallingford (one of them) to be Prior,
and are wasting the food and other things there, holding the priory
like a fortress or castle with armed men and archers; wherefore
he prays that a Commission may be sent to oust the forces (poair)
found in the priory, restoring the Prior and his rule in it, punishing
the rebellious canons and compelling them to find sureties for the
peace, and moreover that writs may be sent forbidding the Mayor,
bailiffs, and good men of Oxford to aid and abet them.
Endorsed. Episcopus Hereford; Cancellarius vniversitatis Oxonie.
Reginaldus Malyns chr.
Eds. Stonore vic. Oxonie.
Johannes Hereford [s]eruiens Regis.
(Johanni) Maiori Oxonie et Ballivis eiusdem.
John Dodeford was Prior of St. Frideswide’s from his election on
Dec. 6, 1374, till his death, about I39I (Wigram’s ‘Cartulary, p. xiv).
John Wallingford had preceded him as Prior, but Dugdale gives no hint
of this later intrusion. Of the names on the back of the petition, Adam
de Toneworth was Chancellor of the University, John Gilbert was Bishop
of Hereford, Edmund Stonor, Sheriff of the county, and John (crossed
through in the MS.) Gybbes, Mayor of the town. The first four may
have formed the Commission; apparently the King’s serjeant was ordered
to send the writs to the mayor, &c.
|Ol.
Anc. Pet., File 19, No. 915.
Aöstracſ. To the King and his Council : the Master and Scholars 2 Rich. II,
of ‘Mokel Universite Halle, which was first founded by King Alfred ** **79.
for the Support of twenty-six perpetual divines; whereas one Esmon
Franceys, citizen of London, for all his great riches has so proceeded
against the tenants of certain lands and tenements with which the said
I44 COLLECTA MVEA.
24 Rich. II.
college was endowed that the college has lost them ; and reckoning
on the poverty of the Master and scholars has gone further, till he
has brought a writ mist prius for the rest of their substance, against
which they cannot make defence, he also having subtly procured the
panel on the inquest to be on his side. Pray that the parties may be
ordered to appear before the Council with their evidences, so that the
college be not disinherited. The petitioners invoke the King as their
‘avowe’ or protector, and refer to the names of ‘John of Beverley,
Bede, Richard Armecan, and many other famous doctors and clerks,’
as formerly scholars in the college.
Printed Rot. Parl. III. p. 69 a ; also by Mr. Jas. Parker, ‘Early History
of Oxford, O. H. S., p. 316: see also p. 54, where he exposes the pre-
tension and the historical blunders of the petition in attributing the
foundation of University Hall to King Alfred. (Also in William Smith's
“Annals of University College, Newcastle-on-Tyne, 1728, p. 127.)
102.
Anc. Pet., File 132, No. 6590.
Aós/ract. To the King and his Council in Parliament: the Master
and Scholars of University Hall in Oxford. Whereas Edmund
Fraunceys and Idoyne, his wife, formerly had a writ of droit to the
Mayor and bailiffs of Oxford demanding three messuages, ten shops,
a soler, [fourteen] acres of land, fifteen acres of meadow, and eight
shillings of rent in Oxford and the suburbs, [viz. from Robert
Westby of a messuage of four shops, fourteen acres of land, and fifteen
acres of meadow; Richard Garston [and Juliana his] wife of a
messuage and three shops; William Saundres and Isabell, his wife,
of two shops; Waulter Knyght, patynmaker [and Alice his wife, of
a shop and a soler; and John Wyndesore and Margerie, his wife, of
a messuage and eight shillings of rent, . . . lour deforceauntz, which
writ was delivered to the Mayor and bailiffs at the Hustings of the
town held on the . . . . of Trinity, I Rich. II. On which writ
process was continued, and the said Edmund and Idoyne carried it to
the King's Bench on account of error; and they issued a scire facias
against the aforesaid five tenants that they held the said tenements
from the dates of the said writs of droit and scire facias severally as
stated in the writ of droit, except Wm. Saundres who was then dead,
as of right from the then Master and scholars of the said college, by
the annual rents [for their lives], Robert Westby of £6; Isabell,
widow of Wm. Saundres, Is. and 8d.: Waulter Knyght [in the life]
PETITIONS RELATIVG TO OXFORD. I45
of his wife Alice, 8s. ; and John Wyndesore and wife, 13s. and 4d.,
by the lease of Roger Aswardeby, late Master, and the scholars of the
college; and Richard Garston and his wife Juliana, for their lives,
paying yearly 50s. . . . [to be paid] to the Master and scholars then
being, the entire sum amounting to £II, . . . part of the inheritance of
the college. . . . [Judgement was] reversed and seisin of the said tene-
ments awarded to the said Edmund and Idoyne, whereby the said college
suffers great destruction and ruin. Wherefore the present Master and
scholars pray that [the process now] going on in the King's Bench
may be made before you in this present Parliament, and that . . .
to assign the errors and to have the suit till the judgement be reversed
. and that the said tenants be restored (restitutz).
[On the same sheet a second petition from the same, but the half aſ leas?
of this part is form away : ſhe whole sheef is much mutilated.]
‘Item monstrent les ditz ore mestree escolers de la college susdite.’
. . . Richard Cornwaille and Isabella his wife of a messuage and 8s.
of rent. [The tenor of this petition cannot be followed, but some of
the foregoing names and details seem to be repeated.]
Endorsement very bad.
103.
Anc. Pet, File 20, No. 978.
Aós/ract. To the King and Lords in Parliament: the Master and 7 Rich. II,
Scholars of University Hall. Whereas Esmond Fraunceys and Idoyn *
his wife lately pursued them with a writ of formedone claiming seven-
teen acres of meadow in Grand Pount (to which they had no right),
which was carried to the King and his Council in the last Parliament
held at Westminster, where it was awarded that the Justices of
Common Bench should proceed no further with the said writ until it
be otherwise ordained. And now these, Esmond and Idoyn, have
purchased a new writ of ſormedone against Robert Westby, who holds
the said meadow by lease from the college, which will be disinherited
if some ordinance be not made. Pray that the Justices may be
ordered to proceed no further with the plea now pendant till this
matter has been discussed before the King’s Council.
A'eply. As it is well known to the King and lords that the
petitioners are too poor to defend their right at common law, it
is agreed in parliament that the right and claim touching the said
meadow shall be determined before the King's Council. French,
abs/raci.
III, L
I46 COLLECTA NEA.
2 Rich. II,
A. D. I.379.
2 Rich. II,
A. D. I. 379.
Printed in Rot. Parl. III. p. 176 &. In the same vol. (p. 404 5) is another
document in this case, from the Close Roll, 12 Rich. II, m. 42; it is a writ
from the King to the Mayor and bailiffs of Oxford, reciting the chief
petitions and steps taken apparently from the commencement, and Order-
ing them to supersede altogether any assise of Fresh-force or other plea
brought before them now by Edmund and Idonia, saying that they should
come before the King's Council, where they should have justice. For
an account of the proceedings and the merits of this case, which was
partly tried in Oxford as well as at Westminster, and which extended
over many years, see Parker’s ‘Early History of Oxford, O. H. S.,
pp. 53–55, and Wm. Smith’s “Annals of University College” (Newcastle-
on-Tyne, 1728), pp. IO8–140. Edmund Frances was a citizen of London,
a merchant grocer (grossarius); there seem to have been two estates in
question, according to our documents (Nos. IO2, IO3). r
104.
Rot. Parl. III. 69 a.
Abstract. To the King and Council: Alexander, Archbishop of
York, shows that in the Statutes of a College called Queenhall in
Oxford it is provided that the Archbishop of York for the time being
shall confirm a newly-elected Provost and shall appease and determine
dissensions among the scholars, the said Statutes being duly authorized.
And, after long dissensions between the Provost and scholars, the
Archbishop sent his commissaries who removed the Provost and some
scholars. A new Provost was elected and duly confirmed; but
notwithstanding this some who were removed will not obey orders,
and have troubled the present Provost in different courts, and have
carried off the seal, charters, muniments, and sealed statutes of the
College. Right is delayed from day to day, and the Archbishop
Cannot have due execution.
A'eply. Certain prelates and others are assigned to treat of and
conclude the matter. French, affs/racf.
See No. 116 on the same subject.
105.
Anc. Pet., File I32, No. 6575.
Aðsfract. To the King and his Council : the Chancellor and
Scholars of Oxford pray to have release by writ to the Exchequer
from paying the share of the subsidy granted by the last Parliament of
the King's grandfather, due from the unbeneficed clerks, which release
the said scholars were promised. A clerk ‘nient auanse’ſ not bene-
PETITIONS RELATING TO OXFORD. I47
ficed] was assessed at 4d, the “clercs auaunsez’ were assessed at 12d.,
which they paid out of their benefices.
Andorsement. Let them have pardon and release by the King's
grace and a writ to the Exchequer to discharge them of the demand.
French.
On the Close Roll, 2 Rich. II, m. 23 dorso, dated Oct. 28, is the answer
to this petition, excusing all non-beneficed clergy dwelling in Oxford from
paying the subsidy of 4d. Patent letters to the same effect are 3 Rich. II,
pt. 2, m. 33; 4 Rich. II, pt. 2, m. I5; and 5 Rich. II, pt. 2, m. 28. See
No. Io9. *
106.
Anc. Pet., File 274, No. 13664.
Abstract. To the King : the Warden and poor scholars of the Circa
house of Merton in Oxford show, that John Wyllyot, clerk, and his sº
joint feoffees, seeing the necessity of the said house and the fruitful 1380.
increase of the clergy of England, intended, and still intend, by licence
(which they have) to give the petitioners a tenement called Battes In,
with a cellar, shops, and solers adjoining, in Oxford; and whereas
adversaries in the time of your grandfather proceeded against them in
the Exchequer, and now have procured an escheat of the property in
Order to disturb the purpose of the said joint feoffees, they pray that
these proceedings may be fore-closed, so that they may escape the
cost and labour of defending their right.
By letters patent, Oct. 5, 4 Rich. II (pt. I, m. I4), the Crown granted
to the Warden, &c., of Merton, in aid of the poor scholars, the property
referred to in the above petition, which John Wiliot, Wm. Berton, &c.,
had intended to give and had released to the King for £60. Was this
Battes Inn part of the estate given by Wiliot in founding the ‘Portionists,’
later “postmasters’ Rashdall, vol. ii. pt. 2, p. 488. The first mention
of Wiliot seems to be in 1334 (Brodrick’s ‘Merton,’ O. H. S., p. 216);
he became Chancellor in 1349.
1O7.
Anc. Pet., File 132, No. 6585.
The Warden and Scholars of Merton pray for the repeal of
a charter empowering the Mayor and burgesses to make a diſc/.
7 ound the town 200 feet wide for defence, allºging that the
charter was procured in a time of tumult, to annoy the neigh-
Öours.
A NOSTRE tresſedoute seigneur le Roy e a son noble conseil, ? 3 Rich. II,
Supplient ses deuoutz oratours Gardein e Escolers de Merton Halle en “” I 38o.
L 2.
I48 COLLECTA NEA.
? 3 Rich. II,
A. D. I 38o.
Oxenford; qe comme en temps de graunte rumour des comunes le
Maire qestoit adonqes de Oxenford purchacea vne chartre qe le dit
Maire e les Burgeis purrent faire vne fosse entour la dite ville de deux
centz pees en laeure pur defense del dite ville, comebien qe les ditz
Maire e Burgeis en pluseurs lieux eient nulle terre hors les mures, mes
purchacerent la dite chartre en temps del dit rumour pur greuir les
dits escolers e leur autres veisins, plus qe pur defense ou amendement
del ville; pur quoi pleise a vostre tresexcellente seigneurie repeller la
dite chartre, canceller lenrollement dicelle, ou charger les Maire e
Burgeis de faire restitucion de mesme la chartre, pur eschuir le
brige peril qe purront ent auenir qe dieu ne veulle, e en oeure de
charite.
A writ directed to the Mayor of Oxford, June 14, 1380, promising
inquiry into the disturbance caused by Merton to the cleansing of the
town ditch, is printed in O. Ogle's ‘Royal Letters addressed to Oxford,”
1892, p. 83. Probably this was part of the ‘graunte rumour’ mentioned.
108.
Anc. Pet., File 47, No. 2346.
Abstract. To the King and his Council: the Prior and Convent of
St. Fredeswid of Oxford pray for a confirmation of their charters and
franchises; and because they have been disturbed by officials [saying]
that they could not fully use their charters and fraunchises, that they
may henceforth do so without contradiction.
Endorsemenſ. Let the charters be shown in the Chancery and be
confirmed according to their reasonable purport, a fine to be made
into the Chancery. French.
This appears to be the petition which preceded the charter of con-
firmation granted to John Dodeford, Prior of St. Frideswide, in 1381,
3 Or 4
Rich. II,
A. D. I 380,
I38I.
3 Richard II, and printed in ‘Cartulary of St. Frideswide, ed. Wigram,
O. H. S., pp. 81, 82. A petition of Dodeford to the King's Council, Feb.
16, 1377, is printed from the cartulary, ib. p. 80.
|C}9.
Anc. Pet., File I32, No. 6588.
Abstracſ. To the King and his present Parliament: his University
of Oxford; whereas in the fifty-first year of Edward III a subsidy was
granted by Simon, Archbishop of Canterbury, and other prelates for
the clergy of the province of Canterbury, on every parson over the age
of fourteen years, of 12d. On a ‘persone avance and 4d. On a ‘persone
nient avance' (i. e. I2d. On a beneficed, 4d. On a non-beneficed
PETITIONS RELATING TO OXFORD. I49
parson), excepting the four mendicant orders; and a commission
from the Chancery was issued to Adam Toneworth, then Chancellor
of Oxford University, and Thomas Lyndelowe and John Wendover,
then proctors, to raise the said subsidy; and because the University
could in no way pay this they applied to the last Parliament, held at
Gloucester, for their discharge, which was granted to them but has not
been allowed in the Exchequer; and the barons of the Exchequer
have issued process against the said Chancellor and the executors of
Robert Aylesham, his commissary, and the said proctors, and against the
Said Robert for the time that he was Chancellor, and the executors of
John Brumpton and Richard Poster, then proctors, to render account
of the ‘quilet” of the subsidy granted in the second year of the present
King, but they could not raise it for many reasons, and thought to
have a discharge. And likewise the said barons issued process
against William Barton for the time that he was Chancellor, and the
executors of the said John and Richard, proctors, to render account
for another subsidy granted by the clergy [year not named], but they
had not yet the King's commission to raise it. At the instance of
the University your orators pray that the persons aforesaid be clearly
discharged from responsibility for the “quilet” of the said subsidies.
Adam Toneworth was Chancellor in 1377, Robert Aylesham in 1379,
and William Barton (or Berton) succeeded Aylesham, probably in 1380,
he was Chancellor also in 1382. The Parliament held at Gloucester sat
in Oct. I378, 2 Rich. II, but the subsidy granted by the clergy in
2 Rich. II was granted in the second Parliament (at Westminster,
Easter, I379) held in that year of the King's reign (see Lord Chancellor
Scrope's opening speech to the Parliament of 3 Rich. II, January 1379–
8O ; Rot. Parl. III. 72 &). This petition may thus have been sent in to
the Parliament of Jan. I379–80, or to that held at Northampton in
Nov. I38O (see also references in note to petition No. IO5). Quilez is the
Sum Collected, from gazi/Zer, to collect.
It is worth notice that none of the four proctors in this document are
given by Le Neve, whose list is blank between 1349 and 1401.
ilt).
Anc. Pet., File 20, No. 979.
7%e Prior of St. Frideszwide complains that, recently holding
/...is acceſsformed fair in Oxford, the Chancellor and scholars
came and made an affray, rzofously destroying it.
A NOSTRE tres honoure et tres redoute seigneur le Roy et a les 7 Rich. II,
honourables Seigneurs du Parlement, Supplie Son devout chapellein le º I383,
I5O COLLECTA NEA.
13 Rich. II,
A. D. I 389.
13 Rich. II,
A. D. I 389.
Priour de St. Freswide de Oxenford, qe come il eit une feire a Oxen-
ford a la feste de Seinte Freswide par les chartres de les nobles
progenitours nostre Seigneur le Roy, et par sa confirmacion, ovek la
clause de licet; et Ore les gentz de diverses paiis vindrent et mistrent
leur tentes et pavillons come ils soleient pur tenir leur feire illoeqes, la
le Chanceller de Oxenford, et les escolers, ont fait une solempne crie,
qe chescun homme voideroit maintenantz hors, et q'ils ne tendroient
nulle feire sur lour peril, et firent trencher et rumper toutes les
pavillons et cordes qe demureient, et ont fait tiele affraie et riot par
leur poair et mestrie, et tout dys fount tiele duresce et oppression al
dite meson, en perpetuel et final destruccion d'icelle : Par quoi pleise
a nostre dit Seigneur le Roy et a son honourable Conseil ordenir
remedie et redresse de tiels injuries et destruccion, en oeure de
charite.
Printed in Rot. Parl. III. I76 6. A writ on the Close Roll, 6 Rich. II,
pt. 1, m. 22, is directed against interference by the Chancellor and proctors
with the Prior's fair.
Ill.
Rot. Parl. III. 275 &.
Abstracſ. To the King and Lords in Parliament : the Commons of
the Realm show that since the twentieth year of King Edward I [I292]
many great possessions have been purchased and amortized by
churchmen which ought to have been assessed to the tenths and
fifteenths, but lately collegiers and others of the town of Oxford who
have purchased large part of the town are trying in this present Par-
liament to have all their purchases unduly exempted ; pray that no
such bill be carried through without general assent of the commons.
Compare with this No. 115.
II2.
Anc. Pet., File 21, No. IO34.
Aós/ract. To the King and Council: the Chancellor, Wardens,
Provosts, Masters, and Scholars of the University show that their
tenants in Oxford and those who pay their rents are assessed for the
tenths granted by Parliament, and pay in proportion to their moveables
like others in the town ; nevertheless the collectors of tenths are dis-
training the Masters and scholars anew to pay on their said rents in
the town, against previous usage and reason. Pray a remedy against
this wrong, that they be not henceforth charged to the said tenths for
PETITIONS RELATIVG TO OXFORD. I5I
the rent of their tenements, which are occupied and inhabited by
their tenants who pay for their moveables according to their pro-
portion.
Printed in Rot. Parl. III. 276. No. Io95 of the same File 2 I is another
Copy of the same petition.
113.
Rot. Parl. III. 3OI &.
Aöstracá. The Commons in Parliament, requesting the King and 16 Rich. II,
Lords of the Council to deliberate as to the Statute of Provisors and ** *39°,
tº fº tº e 5 I393.
how best to modify it, pray him to keep tenderly at heart’ the state
and relief of the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge.
As to the evasion of the Statute of Provisors (passed I351, rehearsed
and confirmed 1390), and its partial suspension, see Stubbs’ “Constitu-
tional History, ed. I880, ii. 633, 634 note, and iii. 355. The interest of
the University in the matter of Papal provisions is indicated by petitions
Nos. 88 and II.7.
114.
Rot. Parl. III. 613.
Aós/racf. Petitions in Parliament. The Commons, on behalf of 9 Hen. IV,
the knights, esquires and gentry of the counties of Oxford and Berk- * *
shire and of the Mayor and burgesses of the town of Oxford, recite
how the King lately on disloyal suggestion granted letters patent to the
Chancellor and scholars of the University of Oxford, to the effect that
they and their servants should not be answerable before the King's
judges for treason, felony, or mahem, committed in these counties or
the town, but only before their own steward in the town; and if they
plead on the issue of the country half the inquest to be of their
privileged men returned by the Beadle of the University], and that the
King's judge or minister must give them the indictments when required
On pain of £200, which is against law, common right, and the King's
regality, and the liberties of the petitioners, and offers matter for
dissension between them and the scholars. Pray that the said letters
patent be annulled and revoked. *
Zºeply. Let the matter be committed to the King's Council, and
inquired into and put into the best way till the next Parliament, and
let the charter as far as it touches the franchises of others be suspended
till then. French, abstract.
I52 COLLECTA NEA.
II Hen. IV,
A. D. I.4TO.
13 Hen. IV,
A.D. I4 II.
This petition was repeated in the same terms (except that the phrase as
to the beadle was introduced) in the eleventh and thirteenth years of the
same king, but received different replies (Rot. Parl. III. 638 b, 660 b). In
the opening petition of the Parliaments of 1407 and I4II, praying for
the maintenance of liberties and franchises in general, the obnoxious
grant to the University was expressly excepted (ib. pp. 613 a, 659 a).
115.
Rot. Parl. III. 645 6.
Aóstract. The Commons in Parliament on behalf of the Mayor
and commonalty of Oxford, show that the town is charged to every
fifteenth and tenth with £91 14s. Iod, to be raised in the town and
suburbs. To which sum divers churchmen having lands and tene-
ments purchased since 20 Edw. I are contributory and have paid, till
the grant at the last Parliament held at Gloucester, to which they refuse
to pay nor to any other such grant in future. Please you to consider
that the greatest part of the said town and suburbs is in the hands of
men of the church, and their tenants for the most part are scholars
who pay nothing to this share. Pray remedy, and that these
churchmen shall pay henceforth as they did before the last grant at
Gloucester.
A'eply. All these men of the church shall pay to the fifteenth for
the said lands and tenements. French, abstracá.
See a similar petition in 1389, No. III.
iló.
Rot. Parl. III. 651, 652.
Abstracá. The Archbishop of Canterbury in Parliament presented
a long schedule, which he prayed might be passed, touching the disputes
as to his right of Visitation of the University of Oxford, and in settle-
ment of the same: he recited the previous proceedings in the time of
Richard II and the present King, proposing that all members of the
University shall be henceforth subject to the Visitation of the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury, notwithstanding any Papal bull to the contrary;
on resistance their franchises shall be seized and they shall pay £1 ooo
to the King. This was passed and ratified after full deliberation
[Załinj. After this, the Archbishop of York having claimed certain
privileges of visitation of the Queen-hall in Oxford, the Archbishop of
Canterbury, in the presence of the King and lords, promised that if
PETITIONS RELATING TO OXFORD. I53
York could show by any privilege or record that Canterbury ought not
to exercise the visitation of that College he would abstain from it;
saving to himself the visitation of the scholars dwelling in the College,
according to the judgement and decrees of King Richard and the
present King. [French]
See petition, 2 Rich. II, No. IO4.
117.
Rot. Parl. IV. 8I à.
Aós/ract. The Commons in Parliament : whereas formerly the 3 Hen. V,
clergy of the realm increased and flourished in the Universities of *****
Oxford and Cambridge, but since the Statute of provision and against
provisors was made the clergy is lamentably extinct and despised, and
the clerks studying are not advanced nor promoted; thus great errors
and heresies against God and man, and rebellion against the King have
arisen, and the Universities suffer desolation and disheritance of their
spiritual sons and profitable students, to the prejudice of the church,
extinction of Christian faith, and bad example to other realms:—
Pray that some remedy be had, that the humble and poor clergy may
increase, be promoted, and have substance whereon to live honestly
each according to his degree.
Reply. On the King showing the matter in this petition to the
lords spiritual, they have promised to remedy it. French.
118.
Rot. Parl. IV. I 59 a.
Aós/ract. To the King: the Black Canons of the Augustinian 9 Hen. V.
Order: whereas lately at Leicester we showed the King that other A. D. I.42 I.
religious have proper colleges and places within the University of
Oxford in order to continue their studies in the schools there, except
your petitioners, and the Bishop of Exeter being ordered to inquire
for any suitable place in the said University, has found three messuages
and four tofts of land for sale, on the Candiche near the monks of
Durham, outside the walls of the University, of the annual value of
four marks;–pray that the Chancellor and Treasurer of England
may buy, and that the King will grant the said property to the
petitioners, without fee; and they will build a house for study thereon
at their own cost.
I54. COLLECTA/VEA.
9 Hen. V,
A. D. I.42 I.
I Hen. VI,
A. D. I.4.22.
II9.
Anc. Pet., File 24, No. II 58.
Aös/ract. Presented by the Commons in Parliament (see Roll).
‘PLEASE a tressages communes de cest present Parlement de
considerer; ' whereas a great number of scholars and clerks of the
University arrayed for fighting have often ousted and turned out
many men of the counties of Oxford, Berks, and Bucks from their
lands and tenements, threatening to beat and kill them and others,
whereby for fear of death these dare not remain ; also they hunt with
dogs and harriers in divers warrens, coningries, parks and forests in
those counties by night and day, taking deer, hares and rabbits, and
menacing the wardens and foresters; also they have by force set free
clerks convicted of felony and imprisoned. Pray that a statute be
passed enacting that Justices of assise of gaol delivery and of the
peace in those counties may have power to inquire of such misdeeds
by a jury of twelve men, and to proceed against them ; if they appear
and are found guilty, that they be fined to the King £ Ioo or suffer
three years' imprisonment, not to be released by the prison-wardens on
pain of Ioo marks; if they do not appear, that they be outlawed; and
in both cases that the Chancellor, on the warrants of the Justices,
banish the said clerks from the University for ever, on pain of Ioo
marks to the King.
Endorsement. Mem. quod ista petitio et responsio eiusdem irrotu-
lantur in rotulo parliamenti tenti apud Westmonasterium secundo die
maij anno regni regis Henrici quinti post conquestum nono.
But this document does not contain the A’esſons?o, for which we must
turn to Rot. Parl. IV. I31, where the whole petition in full is printed, from
the Roll, together with the A’esſionszo, which ordered that the statutes and
the common law were to be kept in such cases; and that any scholar
outlawed for any matter as specified should be certified by the justices to
the Chancellor, who thereupon should banish him from the University
‘maintenant sanz difficultee, Sur peine q'apent.’ This ordinance to last
till the first Parliament which will be held after the return of the King to
England from abroad.
120.
Rot. Parl. IV. 190.
Aðsfracſ. The Commons show that there have been murders,
felonies, robberies, and riots, &c., lately committed in the counties of
Oxford, Berks, Wilts, and Bucks, by persons coming to the town of
Oxford and by others living in the town under the jurisdiction of the
PETITIONS RELATING TO OXFORD. I55
University, some of whom are the King's lieges born in Ireland and
others his enemies called ‘Wylde Irisshmen, and these misdeeds con-
tinue daily to the scandal of the University and the ruin of the country
round about; the malfactors threaten the King's officers and the bailiffs
of the town, so that these last, for fear of death, dare not do their
duties nor collect the fee-farm, &c. Pray therefore that all Irish be
turned out of the realm between Christmas and Candlemas next,
except graduates in the Schools, beneficed clergy in England, those
who have English father or mother or English husband or wife, and
many other exceptions, persons of good repute. And that the
graduates and beneficed men find surety for their good behaviour.
A'eply. Be it as desired; adding that Irish scholars who are not
graduates must find surety for good behaviour, and that all others who
wish to remain in England must bring letters of allegiance from the
Lieutenant or Justice of Ireland to the Chancellor of England. French.
In the following year, 2 Hen. VI, 1423, there was added to this
ordinance that the surety for good behaviour was to be taken by the
Chancellors of Oxford and Cambridge for the scholars in those towns,
and for others by Justices of Peace in counties and Mayors and bailiffs in
cities and boroughs (Rot. Parl. IV. 255 a). In 8 Hen. IV, 1429, the troubles
caused by the Irish scholars, “who had nothing to live on,’ were increased
by their burning numerous houses, for which the Scotch and Welsh
Scholars also fell under suspicion; the Commons petitioned that strong
measures might be taken against scholars of all three countries in both
the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge. The reply made, however,
was that previous statutes against the Irish ought to be duly executed;
the rest of the petition would be considered (Rot. Parl. IV. 358).
121.
Rot. Parl. IV. 1956.
Aöstract. To the Duke of Gloucester and the lords in Parliament:
the Friars preachers of London, Cambridge, and Oxford, and the
Friars minors of Cambridge and Oxford, pray that certain annual
monies granted to them by Henry V (in the case of Oxford fifty marks
to the Prior and Convent of Friar preachers, and fifty marks to the
Warden and Convent of the Friar minors), whose death caused the
letters patent to become void, may be assured to them.
A'eply. Be it done as desired. French.
These grants were exempted from the Acts of Resumption of Edw. IV
(1464–1473). See Rot. Parl. V. 520 a, 597 b, VI. 90 a ; and No. 96.
I Hen. VI,
A.D. I.4.22.
I56 COLLECTA NEA.
4 Hen. VI,
A. D. I.425.
[In Eng-
lish.]
II and I 2
Hen. VI,
A. D. I.433.
28 Hen. VI,
A. D. I.45O.
P 28
Hen, VI,
A. D. I.45O.
122.
Rot. Parl. IV. 306 a.
IN a petition of the Commons praying that the beneficed clergy
should be resident in their benefices, and pointing out the mischiefs
of non-residence, exceptions were made, one of which was—‘Except
clerks beyng at Oxenford and Cambrigge for yare lernyng, and not
for averice nor oyer vices, so yai pas not ye age of xl. wynter.’
123.
Rot. Parl. IV. 467 6.
Abstract. The Commons pray for the King's licence in mortmain
—which is given, and follows printed in full—that Thomas Coventry,
Thomas Denton, Laurens Cheyne, John Chaldewell (clerk), and
Richard Foster may grant to the Prioress and nuns of the House
of St. Nicolas, of Littlemore, co. Oxford, 60s. of annual rent arising
from six messuages and five acres of meadow in Oxford, in exchange
for lands and tenements, fisheries, and their appurtenances belonging
to that House in Berewey, Ely, and Thetford, co. Cambridge.
124.
Rot. Parl. V. I74 Ö.
Pro Hospiño Regis. In the Act ordaining supply from different
Sources to be annually assigned by the Treasurer of England for the
King's household expenses two items are:—‘De Burgensibus Ville
Oxon', de firma ville sue, £35; de Telaribus Oxon’, pro gilda Sua
per annum, 42s.’
The first of these was saved in the Act of Resumption of 4 Edw. IV,
but in the seventh and eighth year of that King (1468) it was assigned as
part of the provision for the Queen's household expenses (Rot. Parl. V.
518 a, 626 a). As to the weavers' gild, see note to No. 67.
125.
Anc. Pet., File I32, No. 6596.
Aós/raci. The Provost and scholars of the ‘Collage in Oxenford
called the Oriell’ pray that their manor of Waddeley and Wykynges-
ham in Berkshire may be excepted from any Act of Resumption to be
made in this Parliament :—their first foundation ‘extendeth not to
#40, and Master John Frank, Clerk of the Rolls, came in aid with
PETITIONS RELATING TO OXFORD. I57
a bequest of £1,000, that they might have the reversion of the manor,
which bequest was allowed by the King's letters patent; the manor
was appropriated to the church before King Stephen's days, and so
remained till King Edward III, but has since been in secular hands.
Several pensions and exhibitions for scholars are charged upon it.
Jºnglish.
This property was included among the exemptions to six Acts of
Resumption from I450 to I473; it is probable from the full detail of the
above petition that it was sent in on the first occasion. (See Rot. Parl. V.
1876, 222 a, 3O4 &, 469 a, 522 a ; VI. 78 b.) The petition shows that the
College had already adopted the name of Oriel.
126.
Anc. Pet., File 128, No. 6372.
Abstract. To the King's Council and to the lords spiritual and 28 Hen.VI,
temporal in Parliament: the Warden and scholars of Merton College “” “45°
praying, that the circumstances of a gift of lands and tenements in
the townes of Cambridge, Grauncete, Howys, Gyrton, Coton, Ches-
terton, Bernewell, Newenham, and Over, co. Cambridge, made by
them to King's College, Cambridge (in trust to masters John Somerset
and John Langton), on conditional exchange with the manor of
St. Margaret Stratton, co. Wilts, to make up the full value of which
they desire to have a corrody of Ioos. from the Abbot of Glastonbury
—should be considered, so that they be exempted from the Act of
Resumption proposed by Parliament of lands that were held on the
first day of the King's reign. º
English, a few words form off.
The above grant of lands in Cambridge was made by authority of the
Parliament held at Bury, March 3, 1447, 25 Hen. VI ; and effect was
given to the whole petition as an exemption in the Act of Resumption of
28 Hen. VI. See Rolls of Parl. V. I.33 a, I86 a. (Also further see
ib. 363 Ö.)
127.
Rot. Parl. V. 185 &.
Abstract. Act of Resumption, Clause exempting from the Opera- 28 Hen.VI,
tion of the Act any alien priories or other possessions granted by the ** *45°
King to the Warden and College of All Souls since the first year of
his reign. -
I58 COLLECTA NEA.
33 Hen. VI,
A. D. I.455.
28 Hen.VI,
A.D. I.45o.
This seems to apply to other possessions than the manor of Wedon-
Pinkney, which is included further down in the same Act (see note to
No. 130). The Act of Resumption, 34 Hen. VI, contains a clause
exempting ‘the prioryes and possessions aliens of Langennyth, of Newe
Abbey besyde Abberbury, of Seint Clere, of Rommeney, and of Up-
cherch with their appurtenances,’ granted by the King to the Warden
and College of All Souls, which appear to be the possessions above
referred to (Rot. Parl. V. 3O4 b). The rights of the College were also
saved in similar Acts of 4 and 7 & 8 Edw. IV (ib. p. 522 a, 606 a).
128.
Anc. Pet., File 28, No. 1388, and File I32, No. 6599.
To the right wise and discret comones of this present Parlement;
Besechen mekely your contynuell oratours the Mair and burgeises of
the towne of Oxenford. That where the said towne is charged to the
kyng our soverayn lorde yerely of a fee-ferme of xl li. (beside another
charge of xxiii /. vd.), and over that at every xvine and xme of iiii li.
And howe that the said towne, in the dais what tyme the same
towne was thus charged with the said Sommes, was full enhabited
with marchauntes, artificers, and (grete multitude of) lay people, and
now is desolate for the more parte because of (diversez) statutz in
diverse parlementez made, that noo man shulde take noon apprentices,
but if the fadres (or the modres) of the apprentices myght spende
yerely xxs. of freehold : So that the said lay people nowe in the said
towne of dyvers craftes may not bere the charges aforsaid, ne serve
and plese the clergie beyng in the Universyte that is there: Wherfore
many scolers withdrawe theym and void the said Universytee, seyng
that they may not have artificers to serve theym at their nede, to the
perpetuell anyentesyng of the said towne, and grete hyndryng of the
said clergie. Please it unto your wisdoms, the premysses tendrely
considred, to pray the kyng our soverayn lord, that it lyke his high-
nesse, by th'advise and assent of his lordes spirituell and temporell in
this present Parliament assembled, to ordeyne by auctoryte of the
same that it be liefull to euery burgeys of the said towne of Oxen-
ford, to take apprentice or apprentices, such as to hem semeth
behofull, in semblable maner as the citezens of the Citee of London
doo & use: howbeit that the fadre or fadres of the said apprentice
or apprentices, have not ne never had eny freeholde in londes, tene-
ments, rentes, servicës, or emy other possessions within this roialme.
And that noon of the said burgeyses of the said towne, for takyng of
eny such apprentice contrarie to the said statutz, by our said soverain
PETITIONS RELATING TO OXFORD. I59
lord, ne his heires, nor noon other persone, be disturbed, inquieted,
greved, vexed, or empeched, eny statute afore this tyme made to the
contrarie notwithstondyng. Savyng allwey to the Chaunceller of the
Universyte of Oxenford, and to his successours, ther custumes and
privileges of old tyme hadde and used. Provided alwey, that noon of
the said burgeises ne dwellers within the said toun, shall take to
apprentice any scoler withoute th'assent and avise of the fader &
moder or the speciall frendes of the same scoler. And this atte
reverence of God and in way of charitee.
A'eply. Le Roi s'advisera.
Soit baille as Seigneurs.
Printed in Rot. Parl. V. 337 &. Two copies, as noted above, are among
the ‘Ancient Petitions ; No. 6599 does not contain the words in brackets,
nor the clauses from ‘savyng allwey’ to the end; and is printed in full
in Rot. Parl. V. 205, under date 28 Hen. VI, A.D. 1450. The petitions
of the two years otherwise differ but slightly, the earlier, however, states
the amount.of fee-ferme as A58 Os. 5d.
129.
Rot. Parl. V. 3O4 b.
Aós/raci. Act of Resumption. Clause exempting from the Opera-
tion of the Act the Priory alien of Newenton Longvile granted by the
King to the Warden of St. Mary's College in Oxford.
A similar clause of exemption, but without precisely naming the
property, in favour of St. Mary’s College, Oxford, is found in five Acts of
Resumption, from 1455 to 1473 (see Rot. Parl. V. 3O4 &, 469 a, 522 a,
606 & ; VI. 79 a). Another in favour of St. Mary Magdalen was made in
I Hen. VII (ib. VI. 351 a).
130.
Anc. Pet, File 132, No. 6595.
Aöstract. The Warden and Fellowship of All Souls rehearse that
Harry Chicheley, Archbishop of Canterbury, paid £1,000 to the crown
for immunities granted to Rich. Andrewe then Warden, which were
resumed by Act of Parliament 28 [Hen. VI], and having no liveli-
hood left except the manor of Wedon and Weston, otherwise Wedon-
Pinkney, co. Northampton, worth £14 yearly, they petition that this
be not included in this Act of Resumption.
34 Hen.VI,
A.D. I.455.
34 Hen. VI,
A. D. I.455.
I6o COLLECTANEA.
I 2 and I3
Edw. IV,
A. D. I.472–
I473.
I Hen. VII,
A. D. I.485.
5 Hen.VII,
A. D. I.489.
Endorsement. Agrees thereto. (Both in English.)
The manor of Wedon-Pinkney had been exempted from the Acts of
Resumption of 28 and 29 Hen. VI; in that of 34 Hen. VI, besides the
same exemption, a special clause declares the surrender of Chicheley’s
lands shall not be prejudicial to All Souls, a restoration which may have
been the result of the above petition. See Rot. Parl. V. I87 Ö, 222 a,
3O4 &, 522 a.
131.
Anc. Pet., File 29, No. 1438.
Aóstract. ‘To the kyng our aller soueraigne lege lord:’ the
Chancellor and scholars of the University show, that the ‘kepyng of
assise of brede, wyne, and ale, and correction and punition therof' in
Oxford and the suburbs had been granted them by the King's
progenitors for the annual payment of Ioos., which sum was re-
mitted to them for ever by letters patent of July 3, 1 Edw. IV, for the
payment of 1d, a year only; but that remission is void for lack of
provision in certain Acts of Resumption,-pray that it be ordained by
Parliament that the said letters patent may hold good, such Acts of
Resumption notwithstanding. [English.]
A'eply. Soit fait come il est desire.
This is printed at length in Rot. Parl. VI. 33 Ó. As to the assise of
bread and ale see note to No. 72.
132.
Rot. Parl. VI. 302 &.
IN the Act of Supply for the expenses of the King's household, is
the following item : ‘Of the Abbot and Covent of Osney, of the half
two water mylnes under the Castle of Oxford, with the mede called
the Kinges mede, and halfe the fishing of the water called Temise, by
the hands of the same Abbot, covent, and their successours for the
tyme beinge, £20.’
The same provision was assigned in II Hen. VII, 1495 (Rot. Parl. VI.
500 0).
133.
Rot. Parl. VI. 430 a.
Aós/ract. To the King in Parliament: the Warden and Fellowship
of All Souls College show that Henry VI founded the said College
PETITIONS FELATING TO OXFORD. I6I
and granted to Master Richard Andrew, Warden of the College,
certain manors, lands, and possessions by letters patent which they
enjoyed till an Act of Resumption of 1 Edw. IV, by which some of
the said possessions were resumed and seized into the hands of the
King; howbeit the Warden and College have at all times occupied the
premises, and have continued to take the profits, till lately process has
been made upon them out of the Exchequer. Pray that the King will
confirm to them these and all other grants of his blessed uncle, that or
any Act of Resumption notwithstanding.
Alepſy. Soit faite come il este desire.
134.
Rot. Parl. VI. 517.
IN the Act granting a subsidy to the King in this year, express pro- 12 Hen.
vision is made exempting the lands and tenements and possessions }. A. D.
amortised and belonging to the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge
from being charged to the said subsidy.
A similar clause was inserted in the Act granting the same King aids
to make his eldest son a knight and to marry his eldest daughter, in 1503
(Rot. Parl. VI. 534).
III. M
PART III.
P O E M S
RELATING TO THE RIOT BETWEEN
TOWN AND GOWN
ON
ST. SCHOLASTICA’S DAY (FEB. Io, 1354)
AND TWO FOLLOWING DAYS
T R Y V Y T L A M
DE LAUDE UNIVERSITATIS OXONIAE
EDITED BY THE
REV. HENRY FURNEAUX
C O N T E N T S.
PAGE
INTRODUCTION . º - * e º # º - gº ſº . I65
I. PLANCTUS UNIVERSITATIS. TXIALOGUE BETWEEN THE UNIVERSITY
AND A SCHOLAR (284 lines). - g e - e e . I69
II. INSCRIPTION To KING HENRY [IV 21 (6 lines) . º o . I 79
III. ADDRESSED TO THE KING [EDwARD III?] (30 lines) . e . I So
IV. EPIGRAM (8 lines) . * - - º e º & re . I 81
V. EPIGRAM (4 lines) . e e - º - c e º . 182
VI. EPIGRAM (4 lines) . º e - º & - ſº & . 183
VII. DESCRIPTIVE POEM (Ioo lines) - º & Q te e . 183
TRYVYTLAM DE LAUDE UNIVERSITATIs Oxon IAE (496 lines). . . 188
POEMS RELATING TO THE RIOT.
I N T R O DUCTION.
THESE poems are all given in one manuscript (Bodl. 859,
fol. 292 b–294 b), a volume containing a large amount of
various matter, and taken to have been written in the early
part of the fifteenth century. This portion of it seems in-
tended to be a collection of the then known poems on the
subject, which, taken separately, may have been of various
dates, and may have existed in other manuscripts.
The first and longest poem (‘Planctus Universitatis’), for
which we have now no other source, is distinct in metre and
treatment from all the others, being a supposed dialogue
between the University and one of its scholars in rhythmical
quatrains; the four lines of each rhyming at the end, and the
two pairs within each four rhyming also in the middle. The
dialogue purports to take place while the events were still
fresh ; the real date may be somewhat later. Edward III,
his Queen, and the Prince of Wales are all spoken of (vv.
I29–136, 177–184) as one would speak of the reigning king
and of persons still living ; and there is reason to think that
it was written, earlier than one of the other poems, which
is itself to be dated before this king's death (see below on III):
also, if ‘caput Albaniae' is rightly interpreted (see note on
v. 132), it was probably written before David of Scotland had
been released. On the other hand, the reply of the Uni-
versity (vv. 201 foll.) is such as would have been written
after time had been given for matters to settle down, and for
more permanent consequences to disclose themselves. A date
circa 1356–1357 would satisfy these conditions.
The other poems are all hexameters or elegiacs; and the
first of them, wishing long life to ‘’Henricus’ (probably
I66 COLLECTA/WEA.
Henry IV), cannot have been written earlier than the latter
part of 1399. It is nevertheless possible for the following
poems to have been of earlier date; and one of them (III)
seems shown to be so by being contained also in another MS.
(Merton Coll. 306), taken, as regards its general contents, to
have been written about 1375–1380. The poem, though there
standing isolated in a vacant page among other matter of
a perfectly different character, does not, in Mr. Madan's
judgement, show any trace in its handwriting, &c., of being
a later insertion. This would seem to show that the ‘rex
Anglorum addressed in it is not the ‘Henricus' of the lines
which precede it in the Bodleian MS., but either Richard II,
or more probably Edward III, who would most appropriately
be addressed as feared of all nations (v. 9) and as ‘rex invicte’
(v. 29). While this would lead us to date it as written in the
lifetime of that king, the fact that it seems to borrow ideas
from the ‘Planctus' (see note on III. 5–8), suggests that it was
written after that poem. .
The internal evidence of the epigrams (IV-VI) and the
descriptive poem (VII) suggests for them also an earlier date
than that of Henry IV, which would be at least some forty-
five years after the events.
The most probable supposition seems to be that the poems
III–VII had been already collected from various sources by
a compiler of the time of Henry IV, who had prefixed to
them the dedicatory lines (II) to the reigning king, and that
the scribe of Bodl. 859, perhaps a few years later, having
obtained the ‘Planctus’ from another source, completed his
collection by appending this series as he found it, prefixing
such titles as ‘sequuntur versus de eadem materia,’ ‘item
versus,’ ‘ versus.’
The whole series has been transcribed by Twyne and by
Wood, and their transcripts (preserved in the Archives and
in the Bodleian respectively *), though possessing no inde-
pendent value, sometimes contain conjectural emendations
worthy of mention. The Bodleian has also transcripts of
portions of VII by Richard James *, and of more than half the
* Twyne, xxi. 634; Wood, 7, p. 191 (O. C. 8620).
* R. James, 19, p. 148.
A 20EMS RELATING TO THE RIOT. I67
‘Planctus’ by Hearne", and the latter has edited and published
VII (see Introductory note below), which is, as far as I know,
the only portion of the poems (except a few lines quoted in
Wood's Annals) that has ever been printed.
The poems may add some touches, though probably not
many, to what is already known of the facts and incidents of
the fray. The forged royal edict alleged to have been put
forward by the townsmen (I. 82–84), the large number under
imprisonment or other sentence (I. 141), the alleged reaction
in the country round (I. 153–156), the introduction of the
Queen and Prince of Wales as defenders of the University
(I. I 77–184), the subsequent decay of discipline (I. 225–240,
&c.), and degradation of learning (VII. 75, &c.): these and
other statements are worthy of note, if we had but more
effectual means of testing their truth. On the other hand the
whole collection is evidently one of highly-coloured partisan
literature ; the origin of the whole is set down to the malignity
of the enemy; not a word is said about the tavern brawl in
which the fray took its rise, and in which it is evident from
other accounts, that provocation was given by the gownsmen
concerned in it. The view that their conduct was from first
to last the merest and most necessary self-defence is hard to
reconcile, as Mr. Rashdall has pointed out (p. 4O6), with the
submission made to the Council and general pardon for trans-
gression received from it *. Nor can we accept the view so
often insisted on (I. II 7–120, 244; III. 4, 13–16; VII. 2, 17–18,
&c.) that the cause of the University was the cause of the
nobility of England against an insolent and aggressive rabble.
Bereford and others concerned were citizens of good position,
and in the antecedents of the strife may have had substantial
grievances to plead ; though in the riot itself the townsmen
put themselves utterly in the wrong by summoning the
country folk, and using their overwhelming force to inflict
a murderous vengeance, for which the penalties imposed could
have been but a slight redress.
It must also be borne in mind that such writers do not even
* Rawlinson, B. Io9, fol. 60.
* That the subsequent conduct of University men tended to provocation is
admitted in one or two places (I. 234, 269).
I68 COLLECTANEA.
profess a strict historical purpose, but seek evidently to give
a lively picture with incidents selected for effect; while in the
words and expressions and other details much will have to be
allowed for the mere exigencies of rhyme and metre.
It may nevertheless be hoped that such sketches, of con-
temporary, or nearly contemporary, date, whatever their defi-
ciencies when put under the light of criticism, will be read
with interest by students of the academical or general history
of the period.
I could wish that the task of editing them had devolved on
some one less unfamiliar with the subject; but I trust that the
notes, for which I am indebted to such well-known sources as
Wood, Mr. Boase, and Mr. Rashdall, will give some help
towards explanation ; though I fear that much still remains
obscure and unintelligible.
Throughout this series of poems, and also in that of
Tryvytlam which follows them, I have received kind assistance
from Mr. F. Madan in a far greater number of instances than
it is possible to specify in their places.
I. PLANCTUS UNIVERSITATIS.
SUMMARY OF CONTENTS.
DIALOGUE BETWEEN THE UNIVERSITY AND A SCHOLAR.
SCHOLAR (vv. 1–8).
Mother, why are you so sad? Tell me your grief, and I may show a remedy.
UNIVERSITY (vv. 9–124).
Enemies have risen against me, those whom I have lifted out of the mire,
especially John de Bereford, who was of low birth, rescued by me in boyhood from
peril of a charge and made a servant to the scholars. By trading with the wages
received from me he has grown rich, and has prospered by cheating, and has
become mayor. It is this viper who has formed this conspiracy against me and
my scholars out of malice. On St. Scholastica's day the townsmen attacked the
scholars with arrows; a few of the latter resist and put them to flight. Next day
(v. 65) this fox makes proclamation in the king's name, and the townsmen arm.
The scholars were few ; but the nobles resist bravely from midday to sunset
without food, and drive them back to Carfax. Then alas ! they have no
more weapons left; the rustics pour in by thousands through the gates; and
a forged royal edict is issued, that the clerks are to be imprisoned as public
enemies. The cry is ‘havock,’ they break into houses and set them on fire. The
defenders, without arms, are wounded, cast into prison, despoiled of books, clothes,
money, household goods, &c. On the next day (v. Ioff) more injuries are added.
The Friars come to aid, bearing the Host before them as a shield, but even this
is despised and treated with blasphemy. My children are slain, the noble are
fallen ; these Indignities and the loss of so many of my sons give me this sorrow.
SCHOLAR (vv. 125–2OO).
Let your sorrow cease: the great king, the terror of the nations, takes your part,
and breaks your enemies like a potter's vessel. Two hundred are eating the
bread and water of affliction in chains in London; six hundred are under the royal
ban; penalties hang over all. The privileges of the burghers are suspended; the
city is under an interdict; if they show themselves outside Oxford, the neighbour-
hood rises against them. The Royal edict restores all your privileges and gives
many others. Your scholars can now rest safe under the royal protection and
resume their studies. Return thanks to your great protectors: first and foremost to
the King; to the Queen, your constant patroness and defender; to Edward Prince of
Wales, who will beat down the proud and keep the peace of your students. The
famous Earl of Stafford will draw his sword for you ; you are supported by the
Archbishop of York, the bishops of Winchester and Lincoln ; the two noble
brothers Charlton spare neither expense nor trouble in your cause. Peace comes
back to you, and honour to your students.
UNIVERSITY (vv. 201–252).
This is true, yet I am not what I once was "... I have cast aside, one after
another, for their shortcomings, the great empires of the ancient world, Assyrians,
Medes, Persians, Greeks, Romans. I have taught the Gauls and Germans, and
cast them off when they despised the clerks; and, with me, the worldly power
* On the conception of the University here see note on v. 205.
I7O COLLECTA/WEA.
left them also. I came to England, and long flourished at Oxford, but I see now
that I am despised. I had my clerks by thousands, and kept down the laity.
Now my numbers greatly shrink; and my virtues also are passing away from me.
There are faults everywhere. The law is corrupted by fraud and bribery; the
clerks are effeminate in dress and habits and provoke quarrels with the laity.
I fear general corruption of character will ensue. Would that I could take my
flight to the west, and find at the ends of the world a new and unspoilt race, ere
the end of all things come.
SCHOLAR (vv. 253–272).
Do not give us up. The elders are sound, and the juniors will mend their ways
as they grow older. Give preferment to the fittest; do justice to all; see that the
clerks keep peace without bearing too hard on the laity, and all will yet be well.
UNIVERSITY (vv. 273–284).
After all the nations that I have tried, I still reverence Oxford and the charm of
the place most. May those Canaanites and lepers of townsmen no longer disturb
us and despise the nobles. May they learn that it is their best wisdom not to open
old wounds but to keep quiet.
jºb. PLANCTUS UNIVERSITATIS OXONIENSIS
ol. I.
CONTRA LAICOS TEMPORE MAGNI CONFLICTUS.
ScoLARIs.
Plangis in gemitu, mater Oxonia,
Furentum fremitu, perdens praeconia ;
Pullos dum proprios tua sub gloria
Fugat inglorios laicorum scoria.
Set parce lacrimis et metum dissere: 5
Cur sic examimis sedes in cinere 2
Quis tibi taedia temptat intendere 2
Forsan remedia Sciam Ostendere.
UNIVERSITAS OxONIENSIs.
Fili, dum recolo de gestis singulis,
Nimirum excolo rivos in oculis : I O
Cum in me cominus hostes in iaculis
Patrarunt facinus horrendum seculis.
Dotavi debiles divo dominio
Quos fovi flebiles de sterQuilinio :
Set hi spreverunt me in lenocinio, I5
Et deleverunt me in exterminio.
Line I. The emendations introduced by Twyne, Wood, and Hearne in their
transcripts, are noted as T., W., and H.
2. praecomia, probably ‘your praise.’ Throughout the MS. ‘e’ is written for
‘ae’ and ‘oe.” As this may sometimes cause ambiguity, I have not followed it.
4. Scoria, ‘the refuse.’
Io. As the MS. is very inconsistent in its use of ‘u for ‘V’ (as here ‘riuos’)
I have not followed it.
I 3. H. thinks the MS. had originally dozamats, and W. So reads; T., by error,
zocamur and diurno. -
POEMS RE/AT/AWG TO THE RIOT. I71
Iohannes exiit de Berefordia,
Hic a quo prodiit praesens discordia ;
Per quem et exulant pacis praecordia,
Et in me pullulant litis primordia. 2 C.
Hic puer primitus plebei sanguinis,
Exul et perditus loco propaginis,
Dum ibi metuit manum gravaminis
Sub umbra latuit mei velaminis.
Apud me serviens diu scolaribus 25
Dispensat gradiens cibos in laribus.
Post haec expercior in secularibus
Fit cito dicior suis comparibus.
Sumens a clericis larga stipendia
Emit a laicis rerum compendia, 3O
Et postduam viguit hic epidimia
Male retinuit catalla nimia.
Verborum organis blandorum deditus
Extorquet Orphanis urbanos redditus.
Sic in nostratibus hic magis praeditus 35
In magistratibus est maior creditus.
Cicuta taliter in altum germinans
Surgit regaliter herbas exterminans ;
Saevit in laicos severe dominans,
Semper in clericos severa machinans. 4o
Ultra progreditur rampnus exuberans,
Matrem aggreditur proles degenerans.
Col. 2. In me subtiliter hostes confederans
Agit hostiliter hostis improperans.
J 7. We do not appear to have means of testing this account of Bereford's ante-
cedents. He was originally drawn into this quarrel by being owner of the tavern
in which the riot began. He suffered imprisonment, but ultimately died wealthy,
and was a benefactor to the church (Wood). The inscription on his brass, once in
All Saints' Church, is given in Boase, p. 91.
2O. pellulant MS.
31. zigáníž MS. So corrected by W., who notes de festilentia intelligendum,
i.e. the Black Death, 1349–51. For its effects in Oxford see Wood, Annals,
1. 449, 453.
32. catalla, “chattels’; used also of capital (Du Cange), and so apparently here.
33. organis: probably so written, but with ‘o’ and “r” confused so as to re-
semble ‘a.’
36. According to Wood he was then mayor. Mr. Boase speaks of him as having
been such several times.
41. Ahamnus, fiápºvos, a kind of thorn : cp. Plin. N. H. 24. I4, 76, I24. T. reads
damzzis.
42. Al/ardem MS., W., H. : so corrected by T. (without note) in accordance with
the context.
I72
COLLECTA NEA.
45. matrio (so in MS.)=materno, formed like patrius.
In sinu matrio calescens vipera
Spumat ludibrio virus et ulcera
Dans in nefarium manus ad aspera
Contra scolarium statuta libera.
Set obstant clerici tantis conatibus,
Certant pacifici pro libertatibus:
Collectis denique communitatibus
Rixa fit undique plena reatibus.
Die qua Colitur Sancta Scolastica,
Vae, sic extollitur haec fraus fantastica :
Fortuna flectitur mali pronostica,
Et laus reflectitur ecclesiastica.
Layci per angulos armati vagiunt,
Prius in parvulos Sagittas iaciunt.
Ad hoc scolastici pauci resiliunt,
Et cito laici repulsi fugiunt.
Hinc vulpes temere parat insidias,
Fingit se tremere cleri malicias.
Guerrino turbine turbat vicinias,
Sub regis nomine proclamat patrias.
Sub ausu mutuo mane barbarice
Burgenses denuo armant se publice,
Inermes clericos invadunt bellice,
Viros pacificos tractant felonice.
Heu tunc inermium manus paucissima
Obstat scolarium pugna fortissima :
Scindit in arcubus arma foedissima,
Cadit in ictibus laica gens maxima.
Potenter feriunt manus nobilium,
Laicos reiciunt usque quadrivium.
A luce media ad solicidium
Abs quavis edia committunt proelium.
45
55
6o
7o
T., W., H. wrongly
read matris.
46. Juduário MS.
52. reatus is used for “guilt” in Vulg. and St. Aug.: see below, VII. 88.
54. wesana T.
57. zagãunt, possibly ‘cry out”; or are zagão and zagor confused ?
61. Aſuic and himec not distinct in MS., no dot used.
62. Wood corrects to militias.
64.
MS. apparently preclamat, tacitly corrected by T., W., and H
65. manne MS., probably mane, “next morning,’ i. e. Feb. II (see v. Io;).
5
W. and H. read manus, T. leaves a blank.
67. invadiumf MS., tacitly corrected by T., W., H.
74. quadrizzum, Carfax: cp. VII. I.Q.
76. edia, ‘food,' formed from inedia. W. and H. wrongly read edra.
POEMS RELATING TO THE RIOT. 173
Heu tunc scolaribus tela deficiunt,
Ecce prae foribus forenses veniunt,
Armati rustici milleni saliunt,
Nudati cleri domos recipiunt. So
Tunc ad quadrivium bachatur; rusticus
Edictum regium fingit falsidicus.
Clamant banniferi quod quisque clericus
Tradatur carceri ut hostis publicus.
Fol. 293. In ipso SOnitu plebs se conglomerans 85
Col. I. Stridet in strepitu calces dilacerans,
Vexillo prodito ad domos properans,
Banno sic edito ‘Aſa wok vociferans.
Domos assailiunt in ignominia.
Securi feriunt necnon et ascia, 90
Post haec extrinsecus ponunt incendia,
Fortes intrinsecus defendunt hostia.
Ignes incuciunt, flammas in foribus:
Arma deficiunt, heu ! defensoribus.
O sortis vanitas plena doloribus ! 95
Probata probitas cedit tortoribus.
Lictores properant effractis domibus,
Mactant et vulnerant, madent sanguinibus,
Tradunt in vinculis plures carceribus,
Non parcunt parvulis nec Sacerdotibus. IOO
Ultra desipiunt captantes spolia,
Cuncta deripiunt supellectilia,
Libros, pecunias, munda, iOcalia,
Vestes, corrigias, et utensilia.
Augent iniuriis vindictam crastini, Ioš
Clangunt in Curiis parcentes nemini,
Fratres accumulant manus iuvamini,
Pro scuto baiulant, ha! Corpus Domini.
79. A syllable and a better rhyme to “rustici’ are wanted: clerici would supply
the latter, but cleri se would give the best sense.
87. z/exillo, &c. : for these details see VII. 27 foll.
90, ferriunt MS. 90. ascia, “with axe.”
92. ‘hostia' = ostia, and so read by T. and W.
93. incinerant T. 97. efractis MS.
99. carceribus, esp. Bocardo : see VII. 49. Io2. superlectilia MS.
Iog. muzzda, Žocalia, “ ornaments, jewels.' T. has mumera.
IoA. corrègias, used for a shoelace (see Tryvytlam, Zazades, v. 327), also for
zona, cingulum (Du Cange).
Ios. dictam MS. and W. and H. This correction seems required by sense and
metre: “they add yet more injuries to their vengeance.’ crastini, i.e. on the third
day (Feb. 12), see v. 65. In other accounts, this is the day of much the greatest
havock and damage. Io?. Fratres, ‘the Friars.”
I74 COLLECTA NEA.
Fures inserviunt, fervent flagiciis,
Christum proiciunt summis blasphemiis, H HO
Parvos eliciunt fratrum de gremiis.
Sanctos despiciunt summis conviciis.
Tremunt exiciis coetus infancium,
Caeduntur gladiis more bidencium,
Precantur veniam manus insoncium, II 5
Non cessat quispiam rigor furencium.
Sic arcus forcium dormit dedecore,
Infirmi virium cinguntur robore,
Sic languet lancea, fit vis in vomere,
Fraus in iactancia, honor in onere. I 2 O
Tot claris filiis orbata viliter,
Tantis Suppliciis cruentans graviter,
Urgeor maesticiis incessabiliter,
Utor ciliciis, vivo lugubriter.
PLANCTUS ScolaRIs OxoniENSIs.
Parce maeroribus, O mater gencium, I 25
Vale rumoribus, audi remedium.
Col. 2. Hostis hastucia ruit vi fraudium,
Tua tristicia fluet in gaudium.
En mundi gladius, Rosa miliciae,
Edvardus tercius potens rex Angliae, I 30
Leo Brittanicus, rectus rex Franciae,
Pardus Ybernicus, Caput Albaniae,
Futurus denique successor Romuli ;
Quem tremunt utique gentiles populi,
In te complacuit pupillam oculi, I 35
Hostes comminuit ut vasa figuli.
Ruit in rusticos virga iusticiae,
Maiores laicos captivat rabie;
Quos in compedibus cibant Londoniae
Limphis lugubribus pane tristiciae. I4O
113. exciciis MS. II4. tradunfur, T.
II 7. dedecore, ‘in disgrace' or “disgracefully.”
I2O. czzzere T.
123. 2ngor MS., so corrected by T., W., and H.
I24. ciliciis, ‘haircloth, Cic. Liv. &c.
132. Albaniae. Albu, or Alban, is an ancient Celtic name, strictly of a part,
loosely of the whole of Scotland (W. F. Skene, Celtic Scotland, p. 1). Edward
might well be called ‘head' of that country, when its king, David II, was a
prisoner in England, 1346–1357.
I37. The king, March 5, appointed five justices to hold inquiry, and enlarged
their powers, March 15. See Rogers, Oxford City Documents, p. 267.
POEMS RELATING TO THE RIOT I75
DuCentOS deicit duris carceribus,
SexcentOS Subicit bannis regalibus,
Cunctos diripiet iugis fiscalibus,
Tandemgue ſeriet poenis legalibus.
Burgenses nimiis lugent ploratibus, I 45
Carentes propriis immunitatibus,
Maiorum titulis et potentatibus,
ExOsi singulis regni magnatibus.
Nam interdicitur tota communitas,
Nec attribuitur ullis impunitas. I 5C
Aris Catholicis cessat solempnitas,
Quousque clericis fiat indempnitas.
Contra maleficos fremunt viciniae,
Urgent hos laicos Zelo superbiae.
Vix est qui exeat metas Oxoniae, I55
Quin graves habeat vices iniuriae.
Nec sic pertransit hoc sacrilegium,
Nam palam exiit edictum regium;
Nec quisquam laicus Senciat remedium
Ni sic diffiniat cleri consilium. I6o
Indulsit clericis maiestas regia
Cuncta quae laicis temptarunt odia,
Iuraque reddidit et privilegia,
Res amplas addidit et beneficia.
Datur Scolaribus regia proteccio, I65
In te studentibus prompta defensio,
Nunc Saeviencium cessat presumpcio,
In te regencium fiet resumpcio.
Refunde gracias votis regalibus:
Illum suscipias oracionibus. I 70
Lauda prae Ceteris mundi principibus
Per quem eriperis draconum faucibus.
142. MS. margin (in red letters) ‘nota octingentos bannitos et carceratos.” The
number is a round one, and we know not what to allow for the rounding. Among
those imprisoned were Bereford, also Robert Lardiner one of the ballives, and John
de Bedeſord (see V and VI) and John de Norton, burghers: see Wood,
I43. A fine of £250 was levied on the community.
I47. potentazzózes: cp. ‘plena potentatu,’ VII. 87.
I49. The interdict of the Bishop of Lincoln (John Gynwell) was issued Feb 18,
and lasted, with some mitigations, till I357: see Rogers, pp. 259, 261.
I52. Quousque, here apparently “until.’
159. nec: so in MS. W. reads 72e.
I63. Besides the restitution of former privileges, the control of the market was
given to the University : see Wood, p. 466; Boase, p. 9o; Rashdall, p. 406.
17o. suscipias, ‘take him up,” “make him your theme.' W. reads suspicias.
176 COLLECTA NEA.
Fol. 293 b. Dic iunctis manibus laudes Cotidie
Col. I. Cunctis proceribus tocius Angliae,
Et istis pocius patronis graciae, I 75
Qui mihi prompeius currunt memoriae.
Anglorum gemmula, regina nobilis,
Regni coronula, decor amabilis.
Haec tua genitrix, patrona stabilis,
Defensans alitrix et incessabilis. 18O
Edvardus filius princeps Wallensium,
Alter Corinius, comes Cestrencium,
Qui colla fodiet superbiencium,
Pacem custodiet in te studencium.
En miles maximus, expers vecordiae, 185
Hic celeberrimus comes Staffordiae
Tibi compatitur, et ensis acie
Clerum tuebitur ab hostis facie.
Primas egregius Eboracensium,
Pastor propicius Wyntoniensium, I 90
Praesul in fascibus Lincolniensium
Pro tuis viribus Sudant vi mencium.
Germani nobiles de Charleton gemini
Se ponunt stabiles tuo tutamini.
Non parcunt Sumptibus neque vexamini, I95
Et florent fructibus in signo domini.
Nam his instantibus cum dei gracia
Maiorum nutibus complentur omnia.
Pax tuis finibus et cum victoria
Clares studentibus, Mater Oxonia. 2OO
173. For iunctis T., W., and H. wrongly read mentis.
182. Corineus is associated with the legend of Brutus the Trojan, and becomes
the eponymus of Cornwall (as the latter of Britain), and is famed as a slayer of
giants, especially Gogmagog, vanquished in a wrestling match on Plymouth Hoe.
See Drayton, Polyolbion, i. 470–506; Milton, Hist. of Eng., Book I. Prince
Edward, as Duke of Cornwall, is imagined as inheriting his spirit.
186. Perhaps the same as the ‘Ricardus de Stafford,’ named first of the five
justices : see above, on v. 137.
188. acie MS. so corrected by W. and H.
189. John (de Thoresby), Archbishop of York and Chancellor, and William
(de Edingdon), Bishop of Winchester, Treasurer, and shortly afterwards Chancellor,
were the chief members of the Council to which both parties made submission
(June, 1355). On the action of the Bishop of Lincoln see above (v. 149).
191. in fascibus, perhaps ‘the bishop who bears rule at Lincoln, or ‘the bishop,
acting magisterially.”
193. Humphrey de Charlton, S.T.P., was Chancellor of the University
I354–1356. His brother Ludovic appears to have succeeded him in 1357. Both
of them, as also John de Charlton junior, LL.D., are prominent in the proceedings
taken : see Rogers, p. 250. For these and other names see VII. 57–72.
198. 7zzetibus, so apparently in MS. The meaning might perhaps be ‘all things
are accomplished according to the will of our ancestors.’ T. reads riſióus.
POEMS RELATING TO THE RIOT.
177
. Col. 2.
PLANCTUS UNIVERSITATIs OxonſENSIS.
Fili, nunc gaudeo, vivo celebrius:
Tamen quod timeo audi secrecius.
Apud preteritos vixi perfeccius,
Quos hinc indomitos sprevi velocius.
Mea prudencia sprevit Assyrios,
Quos excellencia fecit inglorios.
Persas abhorruit, Medos eximios,
Quos luxus tenuit carnis obnoxios.
Post haec in Graecia artes institui,
Quas ex ignavia ibi deserui.
Tunc in Ytalia Romanos colui,
Quos ex Saevicia post haec Obrigui.
Instruxi postmodum superbos Gallicos,
Feci quemadmodum fortes Germanicos;
Quos pertinaciter spermentes clericos
Sprevi veraciter. Veni ad Anglicos.
Priores horrui propter haec vicia,
Ab illis corrui propter flagicia :
Mihi consenciit semper milicia,
Et mecum transiit mundi potencia.
Tandem Oxoniis diu reflorui,
Septem scienciis primatum tenui;
Ubi gravissimis signis innotui
Quod in novissiinis ſlam despectui.
Habebam clericos in multis milibus,
Domabam laicos in certaminibus.
Heu! meis graviter nunc decrescentibus
Marcesco taliter meis virtutibus.
Patet in oculis defectus macula.
Vigent in populis dicta piacula.
Favor et odium, fraus et munuscula
Iuri simplicium parant obstacula.
Patent in clericis crinis effeminans,
Gestus cum laicis rixas disseminans,
Vestis apocopa anum determinans,
Fastus in Syncopa mores exterminans.
2O5
2 IO
2 I5
22 O
225
23O
235
205, foll. The University here speaks as the spirit of learning and civilization in
general, which has existed from time immemorial, and in various nations successively.
217. Hearne's transcript ends with this line.
235. apocopus has the sense ‘abscissus’ (Du Cange), and Mr. Rashdall informs
me that “togae indecenter accurtatae' were a very common complaint.
anum, W. and Rich. James. The MS. has apparently and : T. has anima, per-
haps intending to read animam.
236. The context suggests that some other irregularity of dress is spoken of; but
III.
N
I78
COLLECTA NEA.
Fol. 294.
Col. I.
I can find no such sense of syncopa.
Tonsuram despicit ecclesiasticus,
Passimdue respicit lucra causidicus,
Multos decipiet labor fantasticus,
Ex istis periet honor scolasticus.
Timesco graviter ne hic in posterum
Fiat similiter, optentu scelerum
Desit prudencia et sensus veterum,
Ruat milicia, quod absit, procerum.
O Si respician plagas Occiduas,
Et sic praefician gentes residuas;
Hae forsan salient in vires strenuas,
Ad tempus capient laudes praecipuas.
O Si attigero ad latus circuli,
Et perlustravcro sic mores populi.
Forte quis capiet notam signaculi
Quod cito veniet tunc finis seculi.
PLANCTUS Scola RIs AD UNIVERSITATEM.
Non sic pertranseas, O regni gloria,
Nobiscum maneas divina memoria.
In te nunc Anglici figunt tentoria,
Exultant Wallici tua victoria.
Absit quod propriis desis cultoribus
Quos sic eximiis reples honoribus.
Et si facilitas in iunioribus,
Manet soliditas in senioribus.
Licet nunc iunior agat lascivius,
Cum fiat senior aget perfeccius.
Hic pubescencium calor, ut Saepius,
Habet ingenium cristallo clarius.
Set duc erroneos recto regimine,
Praefer idoneos doctorum culmine,
Dispensa gracias cum moderamine,
Redde iusticias aequo libramine.
24O
250
26o
The word has the general meaning defectus
zirium (Du Cange), so the line may only mean ‘a pride banishing good manners
(or morals) in a state of feebleness,”
239. laborum MS., so corrected by W.
246. £raeficiam, ‘confer supremacy on': T. and W. wrongly read perficiam.
252. Quid M.S., so tacitly corrected by T. and W.
256. Axulant MS. The correction is not made by T. or W., but seems required
by sense.
258. eximijs MS., tacitly corrected by T. and W.
259. ingenioriºus MS., corrected by T. and W.
266. doctor: MS., so corrected by T. and W. Perhaps doctoris should be read.
268. reddo MS., so corrected tacitly by T. and W.
245. Quod s? T.
POEMS RELATING TO THE RIOT. I79
Ponas in clericis pacis compendium,
Ne fiat laicis iniquum taedium. 270
Sic dominaberis in laude gencium,
Et prosperaberis; nulli sit dubium.
PLANCTUS UNIVERSITATIs AD Scola REM.
Quamvis experior Omnem progeniem,
Fili, plus vereor Anglorum speciem.
Dat locus eciam Summam temperiem ; 275
Hic ergo Capiam aeternam requiem.
O semen Chanaan Oxoniensium !
O lepra Naaman horum burgencium !
Non plus inficias regni Solacium,
Nec sic despicias genus nobilium. 28o
Sic quisque caveat ne suo scelere
Cicatrix exeat de prisco vulnere.
Fortuna se gerit fallaci foedere,
Felix qui poterit in pace vivere.
II.
On the date of these verses, and their probable relation to
those which follow, see Introduction, p. 166. Their meaning is
very obscure, but may perhaps be guessed at. The first two
lines seem to say generally that good and evil have their
turns: Scylla (here a very different conception from that of
classical legend) quells the waves; Saturn, following the lead
of Jupiter, drives them on. Sometimes poison (blight P) falls
upon our fruits, sometimes a mournful theme (such as the
present) may win us praise. May we in our turn have Our
Rachel after our Leah (a good time after a dreary one); for
surely a race of Goliath (a race of giants and heroes) is a
fitting sequel to a Tobias (a son brought up in exile and
trouble). May we, like the Hebrews, find favour in the eyes
of our Pharaoh ; and long live Henry, who has himself been
harassed by enemies.
283. fedore MS., “o for ‘e’ as in v. 268.
N 2.
I8o COLLECTA NEA.
SEQUUNTUR VERSUS DE EADEM MATERIA.
Cilla domat fluctus, Saturnus agit Iove ductus,
Fel fluit in fructus, dant plausum themata luctus.
Fac nos, Christe pie, sic Rachel iungere Liae,
Quod stirps Goliae fit apta sequela Tobiae.
Sit coetus hebraicus diri Pharaonis amicus, 5
Vivat et Henricus quem trivit in his inimicus.
Line I. Cilla, apparently Scylla : with agit, fluctus seems again supplied. By
Jupiter and Saturn probably the planets so named are meant; but we should
expect their influence to be antagonistic to each other: see Hor. Od. 2. 17, 22.
4. Quod = “inasmuch as.” T. reads sit for fit.
5. coetus, elsewhere in these poems always used with its right quantity (e. g.
I. II 3; VII. 2, 6).
6. queme, &c. This has perhaps no special allusion. T. reads act for et.
III.
That this poem is older than the one preceding it, and that
the king addressed is probably Edward III, has been shown
in Introduction, p. 166. It purports to be written when the
students were still despoiled and dispersed (vv. 29, 30), and
does not notice in any way the prompt and immediate royal
intervention described in the ‘Planctus’ (vv. 129 ff.). It has
the character of a mere exercise, and seems to add nothing to
our knowledge of the circumstances. The king is urged, as
he values the stability of his realm, the fortunes of learning
and nobility, and his knightly vow, to restore the decadence
of Oxford, and to recall the scattered students.
ITEM VERSUS.
O rex Anglorum, quae Sunt iam facta videto.
Dudum gestorum signacula dura timeto.
Quid, rex, est clerum sic per laicos laniari 2
Ut fatear verum, signat proceres superari.
Line I. In this poem M. is used for the Merton MS., B. for the Bodleian. T. and
W. follow B. closely: a marginal note (apparently by a later hand) in the former
mentions M.
2. signacula dura, “the stern warnings conveyed by,’ &c.: cp. signat (v. 4).
4. ſateor B. and T., text M. and W.
POEMS RELATING TO THE RIOT. I8I
Col. 2. En, rex, a Graecis bellans fortuna recessit. 5
Cleri facta necis huius pronostica gessit.
Signum Roma tibi quae nunc armis viduatur.
Cur 2 quia clerus ibi nec floret nec dominatur.
En, rex, pro studio per singula regna timeris,
Tu quia de proprio clero responsa mereris. IO
O rex, tu videas Spes hic discentibus an sit.
Ut faculam foveas scintilla decora remänsit.
Rex, si sit per te cleri facies relevata,
Est tibi tunc certe victoria magna parata.
Si fons siccetur laico regnante furore, I5
Miles vincetur belli privatus honore.
Tu miles iuras cleri defendere iura :
Cur nunc non curas inflicta sibi mala dura 2
Rex, princeps, miles, clero, rogo, consocia te.
Quisquis ad ista siles, fugiet vigor et decus a te. 2O
Haec duo si coeant sociali iuncta valore,
Non Sunt qui valeant nostros privare vigore.
Hoc Scio, quod clero miles bonus omnis adhaeret ;
Solus pro vero falsus sua prospera maeret.
Oxoniae pereant rores et germina terrae, 25
Singula te Subeant strages et iurgia guerrac.
O plebs ingrata, regi mala signa parasti :
Dura tibi fata venient quia tanta patrasti.
O rex invicte, pueros recolas spoliatos,
Sis rex vindictae, revocans terrore fugatos. 3O
5. Cur B., Em M. The thought of these lines seems borrowed from the much
fuller expansion of the same idea in the Planctus, vv. 205–220.
6. facta seems taken as a nominative singular: “the action of the clerks bore
with it the presage of this death.’
Io. £u, here and v. 17, seems written ‘ tui' in B. The meaning of these two
lines seems to be : “you are feared in all the nations for your zeal and energy,
because you win answers (win approval?) from your clerks.’
12. faculum, B., text M. : ‘facula,’ dim. of ‘fax, Plaut. &c. The spark from
which the torch might be relit seems to be the students not dispersed.
I9. Socia B., text M.
23. om???s àozzus miles B. and T., áozzus omizz's miles W., text M.
25. Aerezent B., £ereamt M.
27, si B. and W., O. M.: with either reading plebs ingrata is vocative.
3o. 2'ezoca B., revocazas M.
IV, V, VI.
These epigrams contain no evidence of their date, but must
have been written when the names alluded to were still re-
membered and the allusions were intelligible. To us they are
I82 COLLECTA NEA.
Conundrums only partly soluble and hardly worth solution.
On the matrimonial quarrel described in the first (IV) no light
from any other quarter can be thrown. In the second (V) the
allusions to Bereford and Bedeford in the first two lines were
pointed out by Wood (Annals, Book i. p. 458, ed. Gutch).
The last two lines (which he did not read correctly) he gives
up altogether. The supposition that some other leading
townsman may have had some such name as ‘Gifford ' is, as
far as I know, wholly unsupported by evidence, and can only
be recommended as making the lines in some way intelligible.
That the third (VI) was a riddle on the name of Robert
Lardiner, the ballive, was pointed out by Wood in the margin
of his transcript.
IV. VERSUS.
Clerum sponsum odit, amat uxor, lis ita prodit.
Sponsum sponsa ferit, vir cadit, illa terit.
Dum cadit in tergo sub coniuge clamitat ergo
Parce, maritus, ego Scandala falsa nego.
Dum miser implorat et pacem coniugis Orat, 5
Quos prius infamat verbere victus amat.
Quamvis invitus fit clericus ipse maritus;
Sic faciet giro femina quaeque viro.
Line I. Perhaps sponsus clerum odºt should be read.
8. quoque MS., corrected by W. “so will each woman do to her husband all
round (gyro 2).”
V. VERSUS.
Urgent ursina vada perturbando bovina,
Et vada dicta precis Sunt vada dicta necis.
G vada bacchando sunt d vada dampnificando,
G bene si radis d capud adde Vadis.
Line I. ‘Bereford (see Planctus, vv. 17 foll) is harassing Oxford with disturb-
ance; Bedeford (see note on Planctus, v. 142) is become deathford.”
3, 4. The MS. appears to have “G” in each line. T. reads “Et’ and ‘O.”
Wood (Annals) follows him.
3. Öacando MS. Wood seems wrongly to read zacazado, and (in Annals) has
(after T.) bacandae and damnificandae. The only meaning which can be suggested
for these lines is ‘G. ford (“Gifford”?) in his rioting has become d. ford by
injuring : if you duly erase “G,” add “d” as a heading to “ford.” Dampnificando
seems here to mean damna faciendo, as in legal phraseology of the time: cp. “ in
dicto conflicted damnificatis’ (Rogers, p. 251): see VI. 3.
POEMS RELATING TO THE RIOT. I83
VI. VERSUS.
Lar, demon, Nero, tria Sunt sine parcere vero.
Iunge simul capita, tunc fuit unus ita.
Lar latro larvatus, de demon dampnificatus,
Ner nequam Nero ; sunt haec res pessima clero.
I. sºme parcere vero, “without sparing truth,’ i.e. telling truth without reserve.
2. T. reads “ſiet.' The sense would be better; the false quantity not conclusive
against it.
3. larzazus, ‘bewitched' (Plaut. &c.): could it here mean “masked ' (cp. larza,
Hor. Sat. i. 5, 64)
dampnificatus, here apparently - dammatus; or perhaps “punished for his
crimes’ (cp. V. 3). T. reads daemone.
4. Szent haec, i.e. “my whole is.’ The break-off into a hexameter ending seems
due to the need of space to express the meaning.
VII.
This poem, besides being contained with the others in the
Bodl. MS., is or was contained in a M.S. (of which nothing
appears now to be known) lent to Hearne by Thomas
Rawlinson. -
Hearne has printed it in an appendix to the sixth volume
of his edition of Leland's Itinerary, first published in 1711.
His text is based on the Rawlinson MS. (here cited as R),
with a careful collation of the Bodleian also (B) and with his
own notes. The Rawlinson text appears to be in most cases,
though not always, better than the Bodleian. The former
also contains sixteen lines not in the latter (the latter, on the
other hand, four lines not in the former), and has a heading
(see text); the latter being only headed ‘Versus, like the
preceding poems. Twyne and Wood follow B, except when
otherwise stated. The poem contains no internal evidence of
date, except so far as the liveliness of the description suggests
that it was written when the events were still fresh in memory.
In some graphic details it is the most interesting of the
series.
SUMMARY OF CONTENTS.
Oxford, its clerks, its nobles, are brought low, the slave supplants her mistress.
After a gallant resistance the scholars are overpowered. They force their way to
Carfax, but the rustics come pouring in, burning the gates, displaying a black flag,
I84 COLLECTA NEA.
as if the king were dead, crying “slay,’ ‘havock,’ ‘smite,’ blowing horns, using
bows and arrows. Plunder and bloodshed are everywhere; the halls are broken
into; young and old suffer alike; all are scattered; many are thrown into Bocardo,
with their wounds uncared for. The protection of the Friars and of the Host is of
no avail. What do Such things portend ? Ye brothers Charlton, come to the
rescue, lay low the thieves who destroy the books. Nevill, rouse yourself and
show your ancestral courage. Beauchamp, young as you are, be like men of
years, be brave. Friars, proclaim the ruin of the clerks, who have to abandon
learning for sordid traffic. The sheep are scattered ; the shepherds deposed; the
noble city has become the sport of rustics, and is stained with crime. May
Portune take a turn in our favour; may God avenge our wrongs and restore to us
peace.
VERSUS DE DISCEPTATIONE QUAM SCOLARES
OXONIAE HABUERUNT DE VILLANIS, ET
QUALITER VILLANI EOS EXTRA VILLAM
OCCIDERUNT.
Fol. 294 b. Oxoniae clerum fleo iam stimulante dolore,
Col. I.
Dum coetum procerum dispersum cerno timore.
Quae quondam viguit moderamine clericulorum
Iam primo riguit, teritur quia fraude malorum.
Cleri flos mundi patitur, fit et exicialis, 5
Dum manus immundi coetus premit hunc laicalis.
Iam regit ancilla, dominatrix suppeditatur,
Heu mala sors illa dum servula sede locatur.
Mors in Marte furit fera, gens mala plebsgue nephanda
Sic clerum prurit quod et arma tulit bajulanda. Io
Gens praemunita stipataque vi jaculorum
Plures sternit ita virtute rotata suorum.
Plures incedunt armati vel galeati,
Et pueros laedunt quod non pugnare parati.
Tunc quantum poterant pueri laicos reprimebant, I 5
Et simul obstiterant defendere se satagebant.
O quantum prodest pravorum pellere saltum !
Line I. ºunc B.
2. So H. after B. cum tofum procerum R. T. and W. unde.
5. H. suggests clerus : cleri, if read, must be taken adjectively.
9. Mars in Marte furit, fera gems B.
Io. prurit R. and H. prorupit B. To read Zn for Sic would improve the
Sen Se.
II. praeminiţa R. premitiva B. praemunita H.
12. Can rotata mean impelled ! /Jotata would make better sense; and that it
would be a false quantity is hardly conclusive against it.
I3. galiati both MSS.
I4. rarati R., parati B. and H.
15. reseruabant B., text R. and H.; also W. (in margin).
I6. name simul obsteteraná B.
* deceptione R.
POEMS RELATING TO THE RIOT. 185
Asperius nihil est humili cum surgit in altum.
Larga Dei pietas iuvenes Quadrivia quaerunt;
Magna set anxietas decepti dum redierunt. 2O
Clericulos contra dum pugnant Oxonienses,
En dolus e contra, Subito venere forenses.
Tunc orientalis aditus petitur sine cuncta,
Nec rumor talis legitur per secula cuncta.
Urebat portas agrestis plebs populosa : 25
Post res distortas videas quae sunt viciosa.
Vexillum geritur nigrum, ‘sle, sle' recitatur,
Credunt quod moritur rex, vel quod sic simulatur.
Clamant ‘havak, havok, non sit qui Salvificetur:
‘Smygł faste, gy good Knok,’ post hoc nullus dominetur. 3O
Cornua sumpserunt, et in illis ‘owf' resonantes,
Clericulos quaerunt, lepores velut exagitantes.
Armaque multa ferunt agrestes arcitenenses,
Quos conduxerunt burgenses Oxonienses.
Hi mala fecerunt, aliquorum non miserentes; 35
Plures venerunt victum sibi surripientes.
Scocia, Francia, forcia proelia quando dederunt,
Talia devia, tam quoque vilia non retulerunt.
Brachia, crura, pedes mucro vorat, et rogus aedes;
Tam viles caedes, puto, non fecit Diomedes. 4o
Tradunt cuncta neci praedaeque cupidine tacti:
Non cessare preci laeti de turbine facti.
Invadunt aulas, “bycheson cum forff, geminantes:
Fregerunt caulas simul omnia vi spoliantes.
Sic occiduntur plures. In finibus istis 45
Quod disperguntur omnes reliqui, bene scistis.
Sicque Senex patitur, iuvenis quoque presbíter ille
19. mud; for ‘iuvenes' B; ‘iuvines,” R. 20. fit for “set’ B.
2I. bellazzá B. 23. i.e. sine cunctatione.
24. 22unc rumor est talis B. 27. Slee slee B.
l 28. sic humiliatur B. N.B.: there is an erasure before it, fresh written, “simu-
iatur.”
29. ‘ a se’ at zel “a zoá’ H. and R., ‘hazak ef hazoł' B., text W.
3o. ‘Smyt fast, gyfgode Ánośćes, mullus post hec dominefur B.
vv. 31–38 wanting in B. 33. architenenses R., corr. H.
39. Zorat mucro B. -
40. Exomiedes R.; Diomedes B. and H. sedes B.; corrected by T. and W. (in
margin).
41–42 wanting in B. ; cupedime R.
43. B. has “bycthesome,” corrected in same hand (later ink?) to ‘bysthesome’;
whence T. and Wood (Annals, p. 459) read “by the sun.’ H. reads as in text,
with R., and notes the analogy of ‘whoreson.’
45. male ſinibus B. 46. pueri B.; reliqui R. and H.
47. guatitur B. ; pesbiter H.; prespiter R.; presbiter B.; presbyter T. and W.
I86 COLLECTA NEA,
Ut malus impetitur, quod testantur modo mille.
Et quod plus doleo, multos trusere Bocardo,
Non fotos Oleo, necnon medicamine tardo. 5O
Ad fratres redeunt pueros ab eis iugulantes,
Et plures feriunt, non Christoferum venerantes.
Heu ! gens perversa, crux scinditur atque feritur,
Ad mala conversa, ferventi strage potitur.
Credo, praetendunt aliquid pronostica facta : 55
Set me transcendunt, lector, quae Sunt tibi tracta.
Col. 2. Vos Charltons validi, quisquis societ sibi fratrem,
Ne sitis tepidi, cleri, defendite matrem.
Aestimo quod plures libri vobis spoliantur:
Sternite sic fures, donec nihilo redigantur. 6o
Vos decus Oxoniae, cleri speculum, via morum,
Normaque iusticiae, memores sitis puerorum.
O Nevell evigila, fructus vitis borialis;
Et Super hoc vigila, nam clerus abest specialis.
Patrissare soles, animosus diceris esse : 65
Pravorum soboles minuas nunc ecce necesse.
Non sic degener es armis totus generatus.
Quin cleri memor es P Satis es iam nobilitatus.
Beuchamp tam dulcis, alter Ionathas speciosus,
Hostibus expulsis ne sis super ista morosus. 7o
Quamvis sis iuvenis, tamen extas morigerosus,
Et geris acta Senis; rogo quod sistas animosus.
Sermonis veri vos fratres semina dantes,
Excidium cleri cunctis monstrate notantes.
Clerus floridus, olim fervidus arte Sophiae, 75
49. trucere R. 50. mec fotos B.
51. redium: R. On the action of the Friars see I. Io'7. -
53. Aleós B. 54. ſerient? B. 56. Szent B. ; set R.
57. Charletoun B. ; Cartons R. and H. in text, corrected in note. On these
persons see on I. IQ3: sociat B. ; sociato T.
58. H. suggests defendere, and T. so reads.
6o, sed for sic W. 62. sitās memores B.
63. AWewy! B.; AVevil W. H. notes that Thomas Nevill was entered (with the
Charltons) in the book of benefactors of the University. The context here shows
that he was one of the northern family of that name.
64. 2am B.
65. Patrissare, ‘to take after your fathers’ (so in Plautus and Terence).
66. minas R. ; esse R.; minuas and ecce B. and H.
67–68 wanting in R. degeneres B. ; corrected by W.
68. memores B.
69. H. notes also the name Beuchamus or Beauchamp, as mentioned with
honour in records: another of the name is mentioned in Wood's Annals among
those slain.
71-72 transposed in B : sis tu tamen (‘mumc’ T.) morègerosus B. ; £uzănăş R.
72. Zat aeris acia R. 73. Zºrimeuis zeri B.
74. ex: âd cleri cunctis monstrare R. 75–76 wanting in B.
AOEMS RELATIVG 7TO 7THE RIOT. I87
Est modo mercidus et iam horridus arte taliae.
Caulae quassantur, agni mites lacerantur,
Et male tractantur, pastores non dominantur.
Iam nunc cernemus pastores si simulabunt,
Et sic temptemus si clericuli remeabunt. 8o .
Urbs bona, sublimis, et abundans rebus opimis
Nunc erit ex mimis, Christo duce labitur imis.
Urbs fortunata fuit haec, validis redimita.
Sic vergunt fata ; nunc ipsa nocet sibi vita.
Urbs celebris dudum, nam magnae nobilitatis, 85
Vertitur in ludum viciosae rusticitatis.
Plena potentatu, celeberrima, digna relatu,
Felicissima, tu nunc es maculata reatu.
[Si fueris lota, si vita sequens bona tota,
Non eris ignota, non eris absque nota.] 9o
O Dea Fortuna, quo sunt tua gaudia plena ?
Verteris ut luna, set nobis nunc in amoena.
Est Deus immotus, qui scit tolerare superbos,
Et cum vult, ictus infundere novit acerbos.
[Usque modo flevi, carnis incommoda levi : 95
Set scio nempe brevi relevabitur a nece nevi.]
O Deus accelera, disponc tua pietate
Ut sit pax vera. Ne quis nos segreget a te.
Anno milleno tercenteno quoque deno
Atque quater deno, quater: hinc numero lege pleno. I OO
Expliciunt vcrsus isti.
76. H. explains * mercidus ' as * propter mercedem loquens.' It might be * mar-
cidus.' oridus R. ta/iae H. explains as * taley,' vel * talley ' anglice, and refers to
Du-Fresn. v. * Talea.'
79. si/iabzzmz R. 8I. et omitted in B.
82. exímís B. ; H. suggests ex mzmzîmzîs.
83. fiz z/a/idis et redimita B. ; redemita R.
85. et for mamz B. 87. pote/ziatzz: cp. i. I47.
88. reatu, * with guilt*: see on I. 52.
89—9o wanting in B. Such an elegiac distich seems an interpolation.
92. 72om, for /224/2c, B. ; es ? mamoema T.
93. ímuíctus B. ; 7o//erare both MSS. 95-96 wanting in B.
96. ?zez/z : H. notes * Szc,' and attempts no emendation or explanation. The lines
seem to be an unmeaning interpolation.
98. ut sit B. and H. ; et sit R. The MSS. have * segregat.'
99-Ioo wanting in R.
Aexp/iciumt, &c. from R. ; B. has * Acta sunt hec anno Domini millesimo CCCmo
quinquagesimo quarto.'
TRYVYTLAM DE LAUDE UNIVERSITATIS
OX ONIAE.
INTRODUCTION.
THE authority for this poem is a MS. taken to have been
written in the time of Henry VI, and first noticed by Brian
Twyne and Richard James, the former of whom transcribed
the whole poem, and the latter some excerpts, at some date
probably about 1630'. Both state that they take it from
a MS. belonging to Sir R. Cotton. In 1729 Hearne printed
the poem in an Appendix to his Historia vitae et regni
Ricardi II, stating that he took it from a MS. of the time of
Henry VI in the possession of Roger Gale, Esq. After
a search kindly made by Dr. Sirker, Librarian of Trinity
College, Cambridge, the poem has been found in a volume of the
Gale MSS. in the possession of that Society”, and I have had
an opportunity of collating it, and thereby making a few cor-
rections in Hearne's printed version, which is generally very
careful and accurate. The same examination sufficed to show
that the Cottonian MS. used by Twyne and James, and the
Gale MS. used by Hearne are identical. The existing volume
exactly answers to Twyne's description as ‘a narrowe longe
paper booke in a hand of Henry ye 6 time, and appears to
contain all the other matter which he and James quote %, and
* See Twyne, xxiv. 299-3o4; James, 7, pp. 84 foll. They had used the MS.
independently, as their extracts of other matter from it somewhat supplement each
other. Wood, who cites a few lines (I–8 and 449-464) in Annals, i. 78 and 491,
appears to quote from Twyne.
* The reference to it in their catalogue is O. 9. 38. The leaves of the MS. are
not paged, so I can give no further reference than to say that the poem comes
rather after the middle of the volume, and occupies eight pages in single column,
which I have here noted as ‘fol. i.,’ &c.
* On this I cannot speak positively, as I had not with me a full list of their
other excerpts.
TRYP YTLAM DE LAUDE OXOWIAE. 189
at the top of its third (probably originally its first) leaf has
written ‘Bib. Cott. Vesp. E. XII. The text appears also to
be identical, when allowance is made for the habit, shown by
both these transcribers elsewhere", of introducing emendations
without any note to say that they do so. How the MS.
passed out of the Cottonian into the Gale collection is
unknown ; but it seems to have been little valued by either
owner; as Hearne describes it as “semilacerus et Squallore
obsitus”; and the volume, though now re-bound and ex-
cellently cared for, shows evidence, in the condition of the
portions at beginning and end, of former rough usage. It
is evidently a considerable storehouse of poems on various
subjects *, most of them in Latin, but some in English ;
and its contents might well reward further search.
The author's name is given in the title. He is shown
throughout to be a friar, and taken from the allusion in
v. 447 to have been a Franciscan. Hearne supposes his date
and that of the poem to be that of the MS. containing it;
but internal evidence would lead us to place it somewhat
earlier. In the attack on three individuals, forming more
than half the composition, there is not a word to imply that
either of them was then dead; and the vehemence of the
invective is such as would more naturally be shown against
living and present antagonists; and the only one of them who
can be identified, Uthred de Bolton *, seems unlikely, from
such dates as we have relating to him, to have lived on to
the time of Henry VI. The title is somewhat a misnomer,
as the University certainly comes in for more censure than
praise, but the writer is sufficiently a diplomatist to mingle
* This is seen in their transcripts from the Bodl. MS. of the poems on the
St. Scholastica riot. It is also here noteworthy that the lines Io9–II6, omitted in
their proper place in the MS. and inserted at the foot of the page, with a peculiar
mark to show where they ought to come in, are similarly transcribed out of order
by Twyne, and referred to their proper place by a similar mark.
* Praef. § iv. p. xvii.
* Hearne gives, on Tanner's authority, another form of the name as ‘Treyytham,”
which appears to be a form of the Cornish name ‘Trevethan.’ Hearne had thrown
out a suggestion (for which there appears to be no evidence at all) that he was
identical with Robert Finingham, who wrote in defence of the Franciscans in the
time of Henry VI. Mr. Little (Hist. of Grey Friars in Oxford, p. 254) notes that
the Library of Paris contains ‘Ricardi Trevithelami supplicationes ad B. M. Vir-
ginem.
* See note on v. 449, also p. 193, n. 6.
I90 COLLECTA NEA.
the two skilfully. His special complaint against his ‘alma
mater’ is prefaced by a long general panegyric; his invective
against his monastic opponents generally is coupled with
strong professions of admiration for such monks as fulfilled
their duties and lived in peace with all; his assault on the
Glastonbury monk is joined with most complimentary
language towards that house as a whole; he is careful
throughout to assume the position of one standing on his
defence against unprovoked persecution and obloquy.
In trying to form an estimate of his allegations we are
perplexed by the general vagueness and indefiniteness of the
language used. It is natural that in speaking of contemporary
events a writer should presuppose knowledge of the facts and
circumstances on which his complaint is founded, but on all
these points we are often hopelessly in the dark, unless light
from other sources can be thrown upon his statements. In
this our chief assistance is to be derived from Wood's researches
on the monks and friars of Oxford, now completely set before
us', from Mr. A. G. Little's exhaustive history of the Grey
Friars in Oxford, from Mr. Rashdall’s full account, with docu-
ments, of the controversy of the Dominicans with the University
early in the fourteenth century”, and from the general
histories of the same author and of Mr. Maxwell Lyte.
From these sources it may be here briefly noted that
difficulties between the University and the friars arose as
early as 1252, owing to the enactment of a statute” by which
those who had not graduated in Arts (which the friars were
by the rule of their orders forbidden to do) were debarred,
except by special dispensation to be unanimously granted,
from graduating in Theology. This grievance reached a head
sixty years later; the controversy, though in its issue con-
cerning all the friars, being conducted by the Dominicans.
The decision of a court of arbitration in 1314 * upheld the
statute, with some provisions tending to make the refusal of
* See Clark’s edition of Wood’s City of Oxford, vol. ii. ch. xxxi.
* “The Friars Preachers z, the University,” A.D. 1311–1313, Collectanea, ii.
pp. I 93-273.
* Mr. Rashdall (p. 200) speaks of a statute, Mr. Little (p. 37) of an apparently
earlier custom.
* See Rashdall, p. 214; Little, p. 40.
TRYWYTLAM DE LAUDE OXOWIA E. I9I
the grace or dispensation less arbitrary. This settlement
remained in force; and at dates coming down to that of this
poem we find the friars still complaining that their degrees in
Theology were maliciously refused . Nor are their opponents
slow to resent an arrogance of language and conduct”
singularly at variance with the lamb-like behaviour claimed
for his order by Tryvytlam ; and the scandal of ‘wax-doctors,'
or unlearned friars attempting to extort graces for degrees
by letters from influential persons, was met by a statute of
increased stringency in 1358°.
The middle of the century is marked by a further general
attack on the friars, headed by Richard Fitzralph, Archbishop
of Armagh, who had been Chancellor in 1333 *; and a charge
against them in Oxford of “stealing children, i.e. secretly
inducing them to enter the mendicant orders, issues in a
stringent statute in 1358°; and, although they were suffi-
ciently influential to procure its repeal eight years later, the
controversy lasted into the following century".
There is thus full evidence of constant friction between the
friars and the University throughout this century (although
we find them intervening on behalf of the students in the
St. Scholastica riot"); but this poem does not distinctly allude
to any such grievances, but primarily to the hostility of the
Oxford monks, and secondarily to the University as favouring
them against the friars.
It should be noted that the Benedictine and Cistercian
monks were later arrivals in Oxford than the friars, but had
been established within the University before the close of the
* See the royal remonstrances addressed to the University on complaint of the
friars in 1388 and 1421 (Little, p. 41), and a case respecting the Dominicans in
1379 (Lyte, p. 313).
* See Lyte, pp. 172 foll.
* See Lyte. l. l. : I.iffle, p 42
* See Little, pp. 42, 78; and on Fitzralph generally Tanner, Bibliotheca, p. 283.
He died in 1360.
* See Little, p. 80.
"Little, p. 81. Lyte also mentions (p. 304) that in the forty-six articles drawn
up by the University in 1414 for the Council of Constance it is urged that friars
should be restrained from granting absolution on easy terms, from stealing children,
and from begging for alms in the house of God. He also notices (p. 338) that
they were a constant source of anxiety to the rulers of the University in the early
years of Henry VI (a date probably after that of this poem).
* See poems on this subject (I. Io?, &c.).
I92 COLLECTA NEA.
thirteenth century". Although their existence was no new
grievance, the earlier comers may have regarded them in the
light of interlopers, and may have looked upon their steady
growth and development, which is one of the features of
University life in the fourteenth century, with some natural
jealousy. The pointed distinction drawn between the monks
who stayed at home and those who wandered abroad “, and
picked up a smattering of learning to enable them to preach
against their rivals”, seems to show that the writer had such
places as these colleges in mind ; and it is not unlikely that
the University gladly welcomed the connexion thus formed
with the wealthiest and most influential monasteries in the
kingdom, and may have held out to these students and their
teachers privileges in the attainment of degrees and other
matters * which were jealously withheld from the arrogant
and aggressive mendicants; also that the resident monks
would have gladly used their position to promote and applaud
such repressive statutes against their opponents as are above
noticed. It is implied that their teachers held positions of
authority", and certainly stated that they had full licence of
attack", that the young Students were incited to ridicule the
friars, and the laity to withdraw the alms on which their
existence depended ". We cannot indeed easily believe that
the monks were so constantly the aggressors as Tryvytlam
makes them *; but their taunts would be the more resented
* Gloucester College, used as a place of study by all the chief Benedictine houses
in the province of Canterbury, Durham College, for those of the North, and Rewley
Abbey, which became the Studium of the Cistercians, were all founded in this
century, and in the middle of the fourteenth century Canterbury College was
added, and Durham College was permanently endowed by Bp. Hatfield in 138o.
Chichele's Cistercian College of St. Bernard was founded later than the date of
this poem. On all these see Wood, City, ch. xxxi, from whom the continuators of
Dugdale on Gloucester College (iv. 403 foll.), Durham College (iv. 676 foll.), and
Rewley (vi. 697 foll.) chiefly draw. See also Rashdall, Hist, of the Universities,
ii. pp. 476 foll., and on Durham College especially Mr. Blakiston in this volume.
* vv. 177 foll., 193 foll.
* vv. 209–216.
* In the absence of evidence on greater matters, we may illustrate this from
a small point noticed by Mr. Lyte (p. 305) that some privileges in respect of the
use of the University Library were specially given to monks, and not to friars.
* Cp. ‘qui tuis . . . rexere cathedris’ (v. 144).
* Cp. vv. 135, 145 foll., 165 foll., 175, 250. Among those specially singled
out for abuse one at least, Uthred de Bolton, is known to have written treatises
against the friars, whether in course of teaching or otherwise, and whether in reply
to previous attacks or not. See note on v. 449.
* See vv. I49-152. * See vv. 349–264, 485 foll.
TRYWYTLAM DE LAUDE OXOWIAE. I93
when those thus treated as outsiders by comparison had done
far the most for the fame of the University as a place of learn-
ing', a boast which the body that had given to Oxford Roger
Bacon, Duns Scotus, and William of Ockham, not to mention
a host of lesser luminaries”, could most justly make.
There is also evidence that theological controversy entered
into the feud. Tryvytlam frequently accuses his opponents
generally of maintaining schism and heresy”, and his de-
nunciations of the blasphemies “, and of the empty and con-
temptible logic" of his chief individual antagonists, breathe
the spirit of religious strife. But it is remarkable in a docu-
ment of this age to find no mention whatever of Wiclif, nor
even any distinct allusion to him or his followers, or to his
Opinions; the more so as one of the three persons specially
denounced, Uthred de Bolton, is reckoned as an adherent, at
least on some points, of the great Reformer". We have
an allusion to the teaching of the Gallican Wymundus Seyn-
tamore", and all else is general invective.
As regards the probable truth of his statements, we find
Uthred, the only individual attacked by him who can be
identified, represented by other authorities in a light so wholly
different as to cast the strongest suspicion on his representa-
tion of the others, and on any or all of his statements which
cannot be corroborated. If the friars had real grievances
against the University, it is none the less probable that they
gave it abundant provocation; and if such a portrait as is here
drawn of unworthy monks could be illustrated not only from
the polemics of Wiclif, but from such contemporary lay litera-
ture as the Canterbury Tales, the same sources give repre-
sentations of friars such as to show that the text here quoted
of the beam and the mote * can be flung back on those who
use it.
* See vv. 141 foll., 161 foll.
* For lists of the learned men among the four orders of friars in Oxford see
TJugdale, vi. pp. I491 foll., 1526 foll., 1578 foll., 1597 foll. ; and a far more
complete list, as regards the Franciscans, in Mr. Little's work.
* See vv. IoS, II 6, 12 I, 245–256, 405–412. 4 See v. 476.
* See vv. 369 foll., 465 foll.
* See note on v. 449. The dates there given make it probable that the poem may
have been written before 1378, when Wiclif became hostile to the friars.
* See v.v. 245–248. * See v. 385.
III. O
SUMMARY OF CONTENTS.
Wv. 1-92. General panegyric on the University. One of your sons addresses
you with grateful remembrance of benefits. Your fame transcends that of other
seats of learning. You embrace all literature, solve all difficulties, and illuminate
the mind as the Sun does the world.
Wv. 92–176. Yet you seem now to be declining into dotage. Like Eli, you do
not correct your sons, and truth is obscured. You even encourage strife among
your offspring, you set on the monks against the poor friars, who never harmed you
and have done far more for your honour. You encourage their assailants, let your
youths mock them, incite the laity to withdraw alms from them. I entreat you to
stop this.
§. 176–236. I have nothing to say against true monks who stay at home,
observe their rules, and are a model of sanctity; but I complain of those who
wander abroad and live a life of fox-hunting and luxury; such learning or preaching
skill as they acquire being used only as a weapon against the friars who surpass
them. They disobey their Abbat, ride about with the airs of kings, oppress the
weak, make it a religion to persecute us.
Wv. 237–268. There are three leaders in this attack whom all others follow, but
who themselves merely repeat the heresies of the Gallican Wymundus Seyntamore
and others already condemned by the church. These come respectively from
Glastonbury, Louth Park, and Durham, and answer to the three beasts of
St. John.
Wv. 269-364. The first, the Glastonbury monk, disobeys his own Abbat and is
the disgrace of that noble monastery, maimed in his eyesight, spending his nights
in drinking, and thus alone forgetting the world (as a monk should), and when he
has slept off his debauch, preaching to the people against us. He may know
something of Hector and such, but against us has nothing but abuse. Let him
follow the illustrious Swynyshed, who never assailed us, and the example of his
great Abbey, which has been always liberal to us, and for whose prosperity
I devoutly pray, and trust that it may not be taken ill that I denounce this one
unworthy member.
Vv. 365–448. The second, the Abbat of Louth Park, assails us with verbal
subtleties tricked out in empty rhetoric, a disgrace to his position and to those
under him, and to the Cistercian name, condemned at Paris for his errors, careless
of the doctrine of the fathers, living a life of feasting and wantonness, ignoring the
great examples of old, the rule of St. Bernard, and the welfare of those under him.
Let this Dives, who despises Lazarus, beware of the rich man's end.
Vv. 449–496. The third, Owtrede, is a Scot, supplanting Englishmen, an evil
from the north, a man of no forethought, using empty subtleties, and abstractions
founded on nothing. Above all, he speaks blasphemies, denouncing the Minorites
as impious and brutal, and by his own words condemning himself to eternal
punishment. Can you give privileges to those who have only this to offer you ?
. your hands to the work, mother, and let not this triple beast destroy our
OTOleI.
TRYVYTLAM DE LAUDE UNIVERSITATIS
OXONIAE.
Fol. i MS.] Ad te nunc habeo verbum, o civitas,
Quae grandi titulo terram inhabitas,
Quae toti Seculo famosa radias,
En ad te clamito, si forsan audias,
Non Roman alloquor urbem egregiam, 5
Non villam Cecropis, non Achademiam,
Verum te, maximam Anglorum gloriam,
Alumpnus invoco matrem Oxoniam.
Set modum exprimens huius alloquii,
Sequendo monita prophetae maximi, I O
Ad cor Ierusalem loguar, non lapidi,
Ad clerum scilicet sublimis studii.
Non quidem pondero colorem rithmicum,
Cum metra teneam et sensum congruum.
Nam color Sacpius obscurat nimium I 5
Sensum qui quaeritur, et verbi commodum.
Ut sermo seritur urbi pro civibus,
Et vox dirigitur toti pro partibus,
Sic tibi conquerar, mater, pro filiis,
Qui quondam fueram unus de reliquis. 2O
Tuo recogito me pastum ubere,
Ibique Suxeram lac primum litterae ;
Qua propter teneor tibi rependere,
Si laudis quippiam Scirem exprimere.
Tu firma moeniis, arvis irrigua, 25
Pratis pulcherrimis mire melliflua,
Fecunda frugibus, quaeque placencia
Ministras civibus in summa copia.
IN.B.-In the spelling I have followed Hearne, who retains the MS. use of ‘ci’ for
‘ti,’ but not that of ‘e’ for ‘ae’ and ‘oe.’ Twyne and Hearne are referred to as
T. and H.
Line 6. Cicropis MS.
O 2.
I96 COLLECTA NEA.
Mater miliciae cum apta fueris,
Ut turres indicant adiunctae moeniis,
Tamen perfeccius dotata diceris
Minervae munere, donoque Palladis.
Plus tibi contulit magna sciencia
Quam umquam fecerit armorum copia.
Beata diceris per orbis climata,
Sed quia singulis solvis aenigmata.
Grandaeva siquidem mater in filiis
Prae cunctis urbibus gaudere poteris,
Cum plene cogites, quot proles parturis,
Quae mundum repleant doctrinae rivulis.
Si te prioribus villis iam comparem,
Athenas Cecropis fatebor sterilem,
Et Achademiam urbem inutilem,
Quae quondam dederat doctrinam uberem.
Pallebit livida domus Romulea,
Impar putabitur eius sciencia,
Quamguam plus vicerit artis pericia
Quam armis fecerit, vel quam potencia.
Quod Plato dixerit, successor Socratis,
Quod Aristoteles, huius discipulus,
Quod quisque Senciat perypateticus,
Tu recte iudicans docendo discutis.
Non Anaxagorae chaos quod posuit,
Nec lis Empedoclis, qua mundum efficit,
Set nec Demetrii, quem verum latuit,
Te latent Attomi, quos errans cecinit.
Non te Virgilii compta mendacia,
Nec docti Senecae latent proverbia,
Set nec Ovidii te fallunt carmina,
Quae fecit Veneris arte praeludia.
Quidcunque pinxerant poetae garruli,
Quicquit discusserant veri philosophi,
Quod magnum dixerant veri theologi,
Ad instar exprimis solaris radii.
Antiqua respuens, ut dicam propius,
Quicquit ediderit pulcra Parisius,
34. fecerat T. 40. Quis T.
50. Aristofelis MS. H. corrects in note.
39
35
40
45
55
6o
65
53. nam. Anaxogore MS., text as corrected by H. in note, nam. Anaxagoris T.
55. Demetrii, an error of the writer for Democriti.
66. Parisius, here a substantive, Paris: cp. v. 405.
TR YVYTLAM DE LAUDE OXONIAE. I97
Ut verum fatear, informas melius,
Licet haec opera distendat lacius.
In te geritur quicquit scienciae
Vel artis quaeritur cum gracia, theoricae 7o
Dicaris thalamus, platea practicae,
Et cunctae merito fons sapienciae.
Olim innotuit inter proverbia,
Regnorum sicuti narrat historia,
Quod quis interrogat, quaerat in Abela, 75
Ubi tunc forsitan florebant studia.
Nunc proculdubio si quicquam quaeritur,
Cuiusque racio non clare cernitur,
Mater Oxonia quaesita loquitur
Quicquit in dubiis latens ambigitur. 8o
De te prophetice puto praedicitur,
Cum vates mistice futura loquitur,
Dicens in urbibus, quibus lex dabitur,
Quod solis civitatis una vocabitur.
Sicut sol aëris depellit tenebras 85
Sic ignoranciae noctem illuminas.
Sol quidem corpora, tu mentem illuminas,
Ergo verissime tu solis civitas.
Sicut sol influit terrae seminibus,
Ut fructum proferant humanis usubus; 9o
Sic toti seculo virtutem influis,
Qua verum videat subductis deviis.
Laudarem siquidem te matrem filius,
Si scirem dicere quicquam commodius.
Set lingua labitur, suspirat animus, 95
Dum te prospiciant indigna laudibus.
Licet laudaverim, mater, quae gesseris,
Contristor etenim quod iamiam desipis,
Vergens in senium errore falleris,
Heu ! quae vix hactenus errasse diceris. I OC)
Dum eras iunior acris ingenii,
Vigebas lumine magni scrutinii.
Iam tua puritas incepit minui,
Quae tunc non potuit errore supprimi.
Dum Hely senuit delusis oculis Io5
Repertum fuerat scelus in filiis.
68. descemdat T. 74. See 2 Sam. xx. I 8.
92. Qua, so suggested in note by H. for MS. quam : T. has quo.
98. iamiam MS. H. wrongly reads iamz.
I98 COLLECTANEA.
Sic, mater inclita, cum iam senueris,
De tuis aliqui se dant erroribus.
Heu ! dum sic desipis, nec prolem corripis,
Veri fons aruit, sol fit eclipticus, I I O
Vix ulla remanet spes veri luminis,
Cum tu scienciae sol sic pallueris.
O mater deficis, caligant oculi,
Argus decipitur fraude Mercurii,
Insanit Salomon ad instar fatui, I I 5
Dum verum pateris figmentis subici.
Nec errans senio sol non efficeris.
Quinymmo propriam prolem persequeris,
Unum in alterum armas de filiis,
Adauges pocius quam bellum reprimis. I 2O
Qui dant materiam dolendi scismatis,
Horum potissime tu faves partibus,
Superbos elevas tu, mites deprimis,
Crudelis prohdolor ! mater es filiis.
Cruentum gladium tu vibras fortiter I25
In prolem propriam, spirans crudeliter
Furorem fulminas, ut flammam Iubiter,
In hos, qui serviunt tibi seduliter.
Rachel cum lacrimis non cessat conqueri,
Set inde condolet, quod non sunt filii. I3o
Tu tuos filios non cessas persequi,
Quasi si ipsos cupias interimi.
Fratres nam pauperes vix sinis vivere,
Quinymmo monachos cogis concurrere,
Quos de sciencia doces praesumere, I35
Ut pacis pugiles impugnent libere.
Quid tibi nocuit fratrum religio,
Quid non exercuit quod prosit studio ?
Tuorum attamen furens ambicio
Vix sinit simplices manere medio. I4o
Mater, recogita de mendicantibus
Quicquit contulerant tuis honoribus,
Plus cunctis monachis, si recte videris,
Qui tuis hactenus rexere cathedris.
Tamen si dixerint vel quicquam monachi, I45
Quod fiat fratribus in petram scandali,
II 7. mec MS., T. and H. ; mumc seems required by sense.
I 36. impugmemt, so read by T. and suggested by H. for the MS. which seems to
have impinguamat.
TRYWYTLAM DE LAUDE OXO/VIA E. I99
Tu plaudis manibus, indulgens risui,
Quasi si sencias vim fructus maximi.
Insontes pueros doces illudere
Et Christi pauperes verbis proscribere, I 5o
Vulgusque laicum invitas libere,
Ut elemosinas velint subtrahere.
Fol. ii MS.] Cur, mater, filios cur sic persequeris,
Cur, quos tu promoves, promotos deicis P
Esset nam melius, quod nunquam fueris, I55
Quam fratres persequi, postguam nutriveris.
Tuis obtemperant in cunctis legibus,
Student summopere tuis honoribus,
Testes verissimi Sunt tui nominis
Coram principibus, regnis et regibus. I6o
Multoque lacius concrevit gloria
Tui iam nominis, mater Oxonia,
Per fratres pauperes in sphaera terrea,
Quamgue per monachos, ut probant opera.
Cur ergo laceras insontes filios, I65
Quare non corripis inflatos monachos ?
Saltim non foveas in malis impios,
Qui sic continue premunt innoxios.
Hely nam filios senos quos habuit
Fovit in viciis, dum non corripuit. I 7o
Hinc minas Domini mortemque meruit,
Fractis cervicibus de cella cecidit.
O mater, caveas al Hely cliniuine,
Nec sinas filios sic insolescere.
Compescas monachos in fratres furere, I75
Ne fias particeps in horum scelere.
Inter hos monachos ipsos non nomino
Qui domi remanent, et haerent Domino,
Qui, spreto seculo, Suo coenobio
Dei continuo se dant obsequio. I8o
Hii veri monachi re, sicut habitu,
Hii Deo serviunt perpuro spiritu,
Marthaeque peragunt opus in effectu,
Mariam praeferunt mentis in exitu.
I53. A rosegueris T. I56. £rosegui T.
I58. MS. and H. sumopere.
I64. Quamgate, apparently used metri gratia for quam.
I69. senos : so T. and H. : in v. 257, &c., sene seems used for same; but perhaps
there is here an error of the MS. for seasos (saez'os).
I72. cella; so T. and H., perhaps an error of the writer for sella.
2OO - COLLECTA MVEA.
Ad intra iugiter vacant psalterio, 185
Carnem Subiciunt mentis dominio.
In istis clarius sine contagio
Bernard et Benedict floret religio.
Non istos criminor nec horum studia,
Quos Deo reputo vasa mundissima. 190
Quinymmo deprecor fiant novissima
Mea, cum morior, horum similia.
Sed eos alloquor, qui quondam aratro
Manus submiserant, despecto seculo,
AC retro redeunt spreto coenobio, I95
Egipti Cupiunt carnes in heremo.
Hiis labor regulae, vulpis venacio,
Carnis deliciae, ventris refeccio,
His summum ocium est contemplacio,
Bernard et Benedict sic perit sancCio. 2 OO
Fol. iii MS.] In Saltu sciciunt plusquam psalterio,
Feras interemunt venatu vario,
Convesci renuunt esu domestico,
Volunt enim esam de cibo regio.
Miror quid agitant sic quadrupidia, 205
Cum sit inhibitum eis ex regula
Convesci talibus, set de licencia
Abbatis forsitan praesumunt talia.
Optentu Siquidem inanis gloriae,
Ex istis aliqui se dant scienciae, 2 IO
Et quia pauperes vident praecellere,
Hos statim spiritus inflat invidiae.
Hinc student invidi non ut aedificent
Vel se vel alios, set nec ut praedicent,
Nisi vel forsitan ut plebem excitent 2 I 5
In fratres pauperes, qui vulgus edocent.
Hos ita spiritus inflat scienciae,
Quod iugum renuunt obedienciae,
Abbatem proprium obiurgant libere,
Ut Dathan et Abiron certant cum Moyse. 22 O
197. The fondness of monks for hunting is often dwelt upon. See the descrip-
tion of the monk in Canterbury Tales (Prol. I66 foll.) “an outrydere that lovede
venerye . . . ful many a deyntee hors hadde he in stable.”
20I.. sciciunt, apparently reduplicated metri gratia for scietná. James reads
sitiunt.
2O4. esan MS. H. reads (in note) escam.
213. Aſunc MS. ; so corrected by T., and (in note) H.
2I4. To obtain skilled preachers appears to have been a chief object in the
foundation of monastic Colleges at Oxford. See Rashdall, Hist. ii. p. 48o.
TRYVYTLAM DE LAUDE OXOAVIAE. 2OI
In equis militant hii cultu regio,
Relictis patribus et monasterio.
Regis et monachi non est distinccio,
Praeter quod tegitur nigro collobio.
Urbes et villulas in equis adeunt, 225
Nec ut discipuli Christi iam veniunt.
Nam mente languidos siquos inveniunt
Aut plene perimunt aut aegros deleunt.
Quinymmo pauperes aegrorum medicos
Fratres, iam fidei doctores strenuos, 23O
Premunt, si poterunt, per actus invidos,
In ipsos acuunt linguarum gladios.
Se Deo facere putant obsequium
Dum fratres pauperes prernant ad ultimum.
De Suis Servulis tale praesagium 235
Praedixit veritas per evangelium.
Tantae maliciae patres praecipui
Sunt status dispares tres picti monachi.
Unus est griseus, duo nigerrimi;
Sub istis militant Omnes residui. 24O
Quicumque monachus fratres persequitur,
Tanquam praecipnis istis innititur.
Totum verumptamen, quod ab his dicitur,
Libris prioribus expresse ponitur.
Testantur etenim hoc luce clarius
Libri, quos edidit Wymundus Gallicus,
2
4
5
228. Alene, perhaps for plane : cp. Sene v. 257.
deleunt, for delent, suited to rhyme and metre.
238. status could be genitive of relation after dispares; but H. Suggests disparis,
and James so reads.
tres. On these three see vv. 257, 365, 449. From the way in which they are
here spoken of, we should infer that they were all prominent in Oxford, and at
about the same date with each other, and with the writer.
242. Araecºpuzzs: so MS., T., and H. : probably praecipzzi's should be read.
246. MS. libros, assimilated to quos : so corrected by T. and (in note) H.
There seems to be some confusion in this name. The person meant must apparently
be Guillaume de St. Amour, Rector of the University of Paris in the middle of the
thirteenth century, who was the leader in the attacks on the Dominicans and
Franciscans, and wrote a treatise denouncing them. Alexander IV took their part
in 1256, condemned St. Amour's treatise, and ordered it to be burnt, and enforced
his banishment from France. His works are extant, and further account of him is
given in Cave, Hist. Litt. ii. 3OI, and in many other sources referred to in Chevalier,
Sources Historiques du Moyen Age, p. 974, also in Rashdall, Hist. i. 382–385;
who also notes (ii. 384, n. 4) that he was still read in Oxford more than a century
later, and is often referred to by Wiclif. Whether the name, here given as
‘Wymundus,’ is in any way reconcilable, or is due to error in the MS., or to
some confusion by Tryvytlam with a Gallican Guitmond, such as the person given
in Cave, ii. I46, &c., cannot be determined.
2O2 COLLECTA NEA.
Vocatus Seyntamore, expers re nominis.
Set hos ecclesia dampnavit hactenus.
Fol. iv. MS.] Ex his hii colligunt quicquit hii praedicant
In fratres pauperes vel scolis disputant, 250
Sertaque subdole sic sibi fabricant
Certe de floribus, quos non collegerant.
Sic hii tres renovant dampnatas haereses,
Quas flores nomino, sed per antiphrases. *
Hii parant fratribus lutum et lateres, 255
Set adhuc Israël tuetur Moyses.
Sene primum monachum profert Glastonia :
Secundum siquidem profert Louperchia :
Set hostem tercium dedit Dunholmia :
Quae triplex mistica Iohannis bestia. 26o
Iohannes loguitur sacris misteriis
De tribus maximis erroris bestiis,
Dracone, pardulo picto coloribus,
Necnon de bestia cum agni cornibus.
Nullos convicio designant rectius 265
Istae tres bestiae, si recte videris,
Quam hos tres monachos, qui totis viribus
Instaurant proelia Christi pauperibus.
Primus effigiem draconis optinet,
Ubique valide venenum evomet, 270
Abbatis proprii iussa non Sustinet,
Ymmo contravenit, ut falsum edocet.
Nam Abbas providus istius monachi
Sibi praeceperat, in partem meriti,
247. expers, &c., “but with no real part in the name,’ no divine love in him.
253. dampnatos MS. : So corrected (in note) by H.
254. antrifases M.S.: so corrected in note by H. “I call them flowers, by
opposites.’
257. Seme, apparently for same ; SO in vv. 290, 332.
258. Zouperchia, or Parco-Zuda, the Cistercian Abbey of Louth Park, Lincoln-
shire.
261. Zohannes : see Rev. xii—xiii.
265. convicio. H. reads the MS. as connicio, but the word seems plainly the
same as in v. 32O, and T. So reads here.
269. Primus. Another hand adds (in margin) de momachis. This unnamed
monk of Glastonbury cannot be identified. Tanner (note on Uthred de Bolton)
wrongly takes him to be Swineshed, with whom he is contrasted in vv. 321 foll. :
we should expect to trace him at Gloucester College, and we find (Wood and
Clark, City, p. 262) that a Glastonbury monk, whose name is unfortunately lost,
was prior of that College in 1389. In the absence of further evidence we can only
say that the date and the fact are suitable.
27O. eZomet, used here and in 474 for ezomiţ.
272, edocet, for edoceat, to suit rhyme and metre.
TRYVYTLAM DE LAUDE OXONIAE.
203
Quod fratres sineret quiete perfrui.
Nequaquam paruit, se dans tirannidi.
O ! quam Glastonia felix collegium !
Vix habet Anglia tale coenobium.
Set, prohdolor ! hoc membrum putridum,
Ut potest, inficit corpus residuum.
Haec ovis morbida ut gregem inficit?
Fermentum modicum hoc massam perimit.
Hic si coenobio solus defuerit,
In mundo melior coetus non aderit.
In lege veteri, collata populo,
Praeceptum fuerat, ne sanctuario
Minister fieret laesus in oculo,
Ne laus vilesceret in servo sordido.
Heu ! nisi fieret lex haec abolita,
Sene non sineret felix Glastonia.
Quem satis Oculi demonstrat macula
Indignum ingredi in sanctuaria.
Hic patris Ionadab praecepta reprobat,
Qui Rechab filius proli praeceperat,
Ne vinum biberet, quod luxum generat
Ubi modestia modum non limitat.
Fol. v MS.] Nam nocte qualibet, si vinum habeat,
Tantis praecordiis Baccho sacrificai,
Quod lingua monachi distracta cespitat,
Et sine murmure numen magnificat.
Tam diu permanet hoc sacrificio,
Quousque creverit tanta devocio,
Quod obliviscitur quae sunt in seculo,
Haec sola monachi adest condicio.
Nutant vestigia, caligant Oculi,
Lingua collabitur, pes deest gressui,
Vix unum organum ministrat sensui,
Sic solet saepius absorptus perfrui.
Tamen in crastino cum sol caluerit,
Digesto paululum vino quo maduit,
Hic plebi praedicat, et fratres inficit,
Condempnat alios, nec sui meminit.
279. prohdolor: so in v. 437: here the MS. has prothodolor.
289. fieret MS. and H. T. reads fuerit.
29o. se/?e, see V. 257.
295. quod, so corrected by T. and (in note) H. for MS. quę.
298. Bacho in MS.
275
28o
285
29o
3oo
3o5
3Io
2O4. COLLECTA NEA.
Licet laus vigeat huius in Cronicis,
Quod narrat optime de bellis Hectoris.
Cum formas fabricat in quaestionibus, 3 I 5
Tunc Sermo cronici serpit inculcius.
Set cum defecerit docendi formula,
Cumque defuerit verbi materia,
Se vertit cicius ad improperia,
Formis deficiens addit convicia. 32O
Subtilis Swynyshed, proles Glastoniae,
Revera monachus bonae memoriae,
Cuius non periit fama industriae,
Sinebat pauperes in pace vivere.
Iste, vix aliquam habens Scienciam 325
Respectu Swynyshed, ut verum exprimam,
Indignus Solvere eius corrigiam,
Minatur fratribus mortis sentenciam.
Patres praecesserant in hoc monasterio,
Et adhuc remanent, florentes studio. 33O
Nullus in pauperes spirabat Odio,
Sene solummodo Scaevum excipio.
Ymmo, prae ceteris sacris coenobiis,
Ubertim exhibent Christi pauperibus,
Huius collegii sic placet patribus. 33
Rependat munera Christus pro servulis.
Arthuri thalamum hunc regum tumulum,
Sanctorum plurium praeclarum Scrinium,
Boni cuiuslibet fontem irriguum,
Conservet Dominus in omne seculum. 340
Felix Glastonia, quisquis te fecerit
Hostilem fratribus, sive iam fuerit
Frater vel monachus, et non se correxerit,
Hostilem senciat Deum dum vixerit.
5
32 I. Roger Suicete, Swinsete, or Swinshed, was a famous mathematician about
1350. As he is here called £roles Glastoniae, perhaps Bale (p. 456, ed. I557), who
is followed by Pits (p. 477, ed. I619) and Tanncr (Bibl. p. 701), may be wrong in
stating that he was a Fellow of Merton (on which doubtful point see Brodrick,
Memorials of Mert. Coll. p. 213), and afterwards took the cowl as a Cistercian
in coenobio sui cognominis (Swinstead in Lincolnshire). Tanner mentions several
of his writings, among them in Petrum Zombardum elucubrationes. Bale adds
that some of his errors were afterwards noticed by Ludovicus Vives, who lived
early in the sixteenth century.
327. corrigiam, used for any kind of leather strap (see Planctus Oxoniae, v. IoA),
and here for a shoe-latchet, as in Cic. &c. Forcell. quotes from Venantius For-
tunatus corrigiamgue £edum quomiam est none solvere dignus.
332. Sezze : Cp. V. 257.
34 I. Z247371, is : So T. and H. (in note), MS. guisquos.
344 vixerit, a correction of H. (in note) for MS. venerit.
7TR YVYTLAM DE LAUDE OXONIAE. 205
Fol. vi MS.] Et licet unicum tangam eloquio, 345
Careret utinam qui tuo titulo,
Spero nolueris rancorem animo
Quemquam concipere, cum non sit racio.
Nam si quis sedula mente tractaverit,
Quot mala fratribus hic hostis fecerit, 35o
Non admirabitur, si recte senserit,
Verbum pro fratribus quod quis obiecerit.
Certe repellere vim vi lex edocet,
Et ibi maxime, ubi videlicet
Iusti simplicitas hostem plus provocet
Mitem supprimere, quam iram mitiget.
Qui multa loquitur numquid non audiet ?
Aut fratres usquequo hostis percuciet?
Num ad interitum mucro desaeviet,
Et in silencio quisque pertransiet? 36o
Qui plusquam fecerit hunc posse monachum
In fratrum dedecus et exterminium
Dicens firmaverit, dicam falsiloquum,
Cum semper egerit secundum ultimum.
Secundus monachus, colore varius, 365
Pardum assimulat pictura corporis.
Iohannes viderat hunc in misteriis,
Hic est, ut nominem, Abbas Louperticus.
Hic verbis militat plusquam sciencia,
Et formas variat sine materia. 37o
Quandoque quindecim informat media,
Quando vix unici subest sentencia.
Hic lingua edocet loqui mendacia,
Et quicquit loquitur, ornat facundia.
Praecellit ceteros in lingua garrula, 375
Set, quamquam aestimet, non in sciencia.
Hic sacro coetui Abbas praeficitur,
Licet inutilis, ut vulgo loquitur.
Hic sacer Domini grex sic inficitur,
Cum tali principi subici cogitur. 38o
3
5
5
364. secumdum zultimzum, perhaps * after the pattern of the worst.'
365. There seem to be no means ofidentifying this person ; as in Dugdale (v. 4I3)
no Abbat of Louth Park is given between Richard de Lincoln, in I 355, and the
one at the time of the dissolution. As a Cistercian (see on v. 258) he was probably
connected with Oxford through Rewley (see Introd. p. I 92, n. I), and perhaps some
clue may be found in the allusion to a condemnation of his errors at Paris (v. 4o5).
37I. media : cp. vv. 467, 47 I ; apparently * middle terms ' of syllogisms.
378. /oqozîtur, apparently used for dicitur.
2O6
COLLECTA NEA.
Quis claustra reparet fracti coenobii,
Quis prolem saciat verbo consilii,
Cum iste cogitet se Solum praefici,
Ut fratres pauperes insistat persequi 2
Festucam praevidet fratrum in oculis,
Nec trabem maximam videt in propriis.
Carnis contagium repellat primitus,
Et fratres postea culpet securius.
O dudum celeber Ordo Cistercii,
Quem venustaverant patres praecipui,
Quem (seclum reliquerant) devoti filii,
Paulatim incipis honore minui.
Fol. viiMS.] Tales incaucius patronos efficis,
Qui praesint pocius quam prosint filiis.
Exemplo sufficit Abbas Louperticus,
In quo lux deperit et honor ordinis.
Nam licet gaudeat magistri titulo,
Nequaquam sufficit, ut in coenobio
Talis praesideat, nisi devocio
Praesit scienciae gradu continuo.
Set ex Sciencia qualis elacio
Istius monachi insistat animo,
Patet in proprii erroris devio,
Quod tantum reputat de Sensu proprio.
Et hoc testabitur villa Parisius,
Istum quae spreverat cum suis frivolis,
Quia iam pertinax rebellis patribus,
In suis contumax mansit erroribus.
Hic nimis nimius in suis oculis
Mentem non adhibet patrum sentenciis,
Set suis iugiter utens elenchicis,
Signum insinuat elati criminis.
Hic vacat epulis, se dans lasciviae,
Ut dives reprobus prandet cotidie.
389. MS. celiber.
391. The MS. has no parenthesis; but H. rightly points out in note that the
meaning is quem, quº seclum religuerant, devotº ſilä.
394. T. reads fraeszczzā and Žrosuzzi.
395. So T. and (in note) H. The MS. has Abbās Zouperticis ; the former word
having a stroke over, as elsewhere (vv. 432, 438, &c.), in the abbreviation for
Abbazis.
(cp. v. 266).
385
390
395
4oo
405
4 Io
The correction injures the rhyme; but this is not always strictly kept
403. The MS. has proprio with a line drawn through it and propriá written
after.
405. Aarisius, a substantive in apposition with zilla : cp. v. 66.
4Io—412. Underlined in MS.
TRYWYTLAM DE LAUDE OXOWIAE. 2O7
Tunc quidem monachi non ita splendide, 4 I 5
Cum coctum Sumere foret luxuriae.
Sui coenobii Opes evacuat,
Scillae voraginem ut ventrem repleat.
Subiectos monachos sic Abbas spoliat,
Et castra Veneris de claustro fulcitat. 42O
Exemplo monachis cum esse debeat
Abbatis nomine, eoque gaudeat,
Cur sibi Subditis viam insinuat
Qua vitas patrum perimat et destruat 2
Hic vitas patrum deprecor aspiciat, 4.25
Si forsan inibi usquam inveniat,
Quod Abbas aliquis sic mensis affluat,
Aut sic deliciis sicut his serviat.
Num Abbas Agathon ostendit monachis
Debere fluere mensas deliciis 2 43O
Felix Hillarion vixit radicibus,
Set iste pascitur cibis regalibus.
Sibi consulerem, ligna subtrahere
Ignis, si Cupiat luxus extinguere,
Quem secum cercius portat continue, 435
Ut Satis indicat rubor in capite.
Bernardi, prohdolor 1 perit religio,
Dum talis praesidet Abbatis solio.
Nam, caeso principe peccati gladio,
Grex, Sibi subditus, perit continuo. 44C
Ut dives Lazarum hic Abbas despicit,
Dum coetum pauperum ut potest inficit,
Attendens minime, quod testis exprimit,
Quod sinus Abrahae mendicum suscipit.
Fol. viiiMS.] A fine divitis hic Abbas caveat, 445
(Quem in conviviis satis assimulat.)
420. The MS. has claustra and castro, with interlinear corrections, as here read,
in a later but ancient hand.
fulcitat, so read by H. in note for MS. fulsitat. The verb seems to be coined
as a frequentative of fulcio.
425. H. notes that deprecor=?recor, and that a later hand has struck out de.
428. Apparently hic should be read.
429. Mr. G. Holden, Sub-Librarian of All Souls College, has pointed out to
me that the person meant is apparently the ‘Abbat' Agathon known as a hermit
of great sanctity in Egypt, probably in the latter half of the fourth century : see
Tillemont, Mem. Eccl. (1732), vol. X. pp. 418–427.
431. Hºllarion, the famous hermit of the fourth century. His abstinence from
all animal food is noted : see Dean Fremantle in Dict. of Christian Biography.
445. MS. affine.
208 COLLECTA NEA.
Ne, cum mors forsitan invisa veniat,
Pares in crimine par poena puniat.
Iam loco tercio procedit acrius
Armata bestia duobus cornibus. 450
Hanc Owtrede reputo, qui totis viribus
Verbis et opere insultat fratribus.
Hic Scottus genere perturbat Anglicos,
Auferre nititur viros intraneos. -
Sic, sic, Oxonia, sic contra filios 45
Armas et promoves hostes et exteros.
Propheta loquitur vero praesagio,
Quod malum maximum propandet Aquilo,
Quod super Israël ascendet populo,
Ut verum fatear, hoc Owtrede reputo. 460
Hic Owtrede dicitur apto vocabulo,
Ut praefert nominis interpretacio;
Cum sit improvidus, et sine consilio,
Quem magis dirigit velle quam racio.
Hic quidem alcius insanit aliis, 465
Solis innititur verbis fantasticis.
5
449. Uthred de Bolton is mentioned in Bale (ed. I 537), p. 482, Pits (ed. 1619),
p. 528, and in Tanner's Bibliotheca, p. 743 (where he cites Leland). All these
speak of him as a man of the highest character, and as one of the most learned
English Benedictines of his time, and state that he was selected from the Durham
monks by the Prior to be sent to study at Oxford. This must have been before
1359, in which year he received a payment towards the expenses of his degree from
Jarrow, with further sums in 1361 and 1362 from Wearmouth (Jarrow and Wear-
mouth Rolls, Surtees Society, I837, pp. 42, I55, 157). He was probably Warden
of Durham College in Oxford in 1360 (see Mr. Blakiston in this volume), and was
Prior of Finkhale or Finchale (a subordinate cell to Durham) in 1367–1372, and in
1377–1397 (Finkhale Rolls, Surt. Soc. 1854, lxxviii-lxxxiv and xcviii-cxvii); also
one of Bp. Hatfield's trustees for the endowment of Durham College in 1380, and
ambassador from Edward III to Pope Gregory XI in 1374, in which year he was
also present at a Council at Westminster on Papal tribute (Little, p. 81, n. 7).
It is stated by Bale that he was on some points an opponent, on others a supporter
(Pits speaks of him as an opponent only) of Wiclif's doctrines, and that on the
latter ground he was accused of heresy by the Dominican friar Jordan, et ‘ex
ecclesia ſere proscrºtus’ (probably an exaggeration). Pits states that he had also
disputes with a Franciscan named Hilton and others unde mommullam dedecoris
maculam celebritat? nomin’s eius asſersaw ſeruzzá. A list is given of his writings,
among which are treatises contra guereſas fratrum and contra eorum memdicitatem,
to which Jordan (Bale, p. 485) replied in a treatise pro memdicitate. It is observable
that the friar ventures upon no such attack on his moral character as in the other
two cases, but confines himself to impugning his learning and logic.
453. He probably took his name from the manor of Bolton in Northumberland;
which would seem to the friar sufficient reason for calling him a Scot, a foreigner,
and an enemy.
458. A later hand has written ab Aquilone meaſum in the margin. The reference
is to Jeremiah i. I4; iv. 6; vi. 1.
459. Zsraël, undeclined, either ablative in apposition or genitive.
461. Zacaöulo MS.
TRYP YTLAM DE LAUDE OXOWIAE.
209
Confingit media sine radicibus,
Putatur ideo logui subtilius.
Dixisse memini quendam philosophum,
Quod abstrahencium non est mendacium.
Iste sic abstrahit, quod nullum medium
Vel verum sapiat, vel locum solidum.
Balbutit pocius quam profert sillabas,
Cum suas evomet veneni faculas.
Set Supra singulas praescriptas bestias
OS isti traditur, habens blasphemias.
Minorum ordinem proclamat impium,
Latronum regulam, statum brutalium
Inobservabilem, quem nullus hominum
Servare poterit ad vitae meritum.
Ultra progrediens, infert sentenciam,
Quod Semet obligans ad dictam regulam
Ad poenam libere se dat perpetuam,
Et ultra renuit futuram gloriam.
Nonne blasphemiis totus innititur,
Qui contra servulos Christi sic loguitur Ż
In servo minimo nam Deus spernitur,
Ut evangelii sermo eloquitur.
Attendens obsecro mater ecclesia,
Cur tali regulae confers munimina,
Si, Sicut loguitur haec pura bestia,
Poena Solummodo habebit praemia?
Set iam, ne pereat haec nostra regula,
Nec illum subruat haec trina bestia,
Apponas manus, O mater Oxonia,
Ut perfruaris perhenni laeticia.
Explicit materia praecedens, &c.
467. media: cp. v. 371.
474. eZ/07/26: : Cp. v. 27O.
faculas would mean “torches' (cp. the St. Scholastica poems, III. 18): probably
feculas or ſaeculas should be read.
477. Minorum ordinem, the Minorites (Franciscans).
have belonged to that body (see Introd. p. 189).
47O
475
48o
485
490
495
Amen.
The writer is taken to
III.
PART IV.
WY K E H A M 'S B O O K S
AT
N E W C O L L E G E
EDITED BY
ARTHUR F. LEACH
P 2.
WYKE HAM'S BOOKS AT NEW COLLEGE.
INTRODUCTION.
THE printing of the list of books given by William of
Wykeham to his College of ‘St. Mary of Winchester in Oxford,
otherwise New College, is due to the suggestion of a fellow
Wykehamist, Mr. T. G. Law, Librarian of the Signet Library
at Edinburgh, who had noted a reference to it in Thorold
Rogers' History of Prices, as of importance to the very
interesting and obscure subject of the price of books in the
Middle Ages.
I have to thank Dr. Sewell, Warden of New College, for
allowing me to copy it from the “Liber Albus' of the College,
and still more for allowing me the use of that book at homc
for the purpose. If all custodians of ancient documents, such
as Deans and Chapters, would take example from New
College, and render their muniments accessible to respon-
sible inquirers in the same way, the history of a good many
mediaeval institutions would be better known, and there
would be a good deal less of the hasty guessing which now
disfigures most writings on subjects of antiquarian interest.
The “Liber Albus' in which the list is contained is a vast folio
volume of parchment, with 267 leaves or 534 pages, measuring
I5 in. by Io; in. It is now in a modern binding, but retains
the colour from which it got its name. Like the “Liber Albus'
of York and Southwell Minsters, and many other ancient
collegiate institutions, its primary object is to be a Chartulary,
or Register of grants and other deeds relating to the property
of the College. Comparatively modern institutions like New
2I4. COLLECTA/VE.A.
College had not that great mass of original ancient deeds
relating to the slow piling up of possessions through the ages
which caused, or necessitated, the Chartularies of primaeval
foundations like Southwell Minster. New College received its
endowment in one large grant from the Founder, and has but
little after-acquired property, so that the actual grants and
dealings with property recorded, except leases by the College,
form but a small part of the “Liber Albus.” Besides being
a Chartulary or Register of Deeds, the book is also a Register
proper, a record of the acts of the College in the election of
Wardens, the admission of Fellows and officers, the institutions
to livings and chantries, and the like, which in the older
foundations formed the subject-matter of volumes separate
from the “Liber Albus. A very complete history of the
College up to I450—which appears to be the date at which
it was intended to end, though there are a few extracts of later
date, one even so late as I491–so far as formal documents
can give it, is contained in the book. Extracts from it might
very well form a subject for a volume of the publications
of this Society.
The List of Books given by the Founder naturally finds its
place in the “Liber Albus' in its capacity of Chartulary, for in
a Collegiate Church or College formed ad studendum rather
than ad orandum, books, in the fourteenth century, formed as
necessary a part of its endowment as lands and buildings.
New College, like Winchester College", was founded on the
model of Merton College. Two Fellows of Merton—John of
Buckingham, Canon of York, and John of Campeden, Canon
of Southwell and afterwards Master of St. Cross by Winchester
—assisted Wykeham in his purchases of land for New College,
and the first Warden of the Scholars before the formal
incorporation, Richard Tunworth, was a Fellow of Merton.
William Reed, Fellow of Merton, Provost of Wyngham College
or Collegiate Church in Kent, Archdeacon of Rochester, and
finally Bishop of Chichester, either set or followed Wyke-
ham's example by a magnificent gift of ninety-nine books
to Merton College, the library of which he is credited with
* See chapter on ‘Wykeham's Models’ in Winchester College 1393–1893, by
Old Wykehamists. Edward Arnold, London, 1893.
WYKEHAMPS BOOKS AT WEW COLLEGE. 2I5
having built, and a gift of fifty-eight volumes of Theology,
two of Philosophy, and three of Canon Law to New College
itself. He gave books also to other Colleges at Oxford. One
given to Balliol, noted in Coxe's Catalogue", was probably
given by another William Reed, being a century later. In
the List of Books in the New College “Liber Albus' here
presented, Reed's gift is given precedence of the Founder's.
This, though the writing is clearly of the same date, rather
Suggests that his gift had been earlier than Wykeham's
OWI).
New College was of course a much larger and richer
foundation than Merton College, and was distinctly intended
to, and did, outshine what had till then been still the leading
College in the University. Wykeham's gift comprised 240 or
243 volumes, all of course MSS., of which 135 or 138 were of the
Faculty of Theology, 28 of the Faculty of Philosophy, 41 of
Canon Law, 36 of Civil Law. A list of books of the Faculty
of Medicine is also given on an earlier page than the rest,
consisting of thirty-seven volumes, and fifteen others ‘chained
in the library.’ But the list is not headed as being of the
Founder's gift, no prices are given, and it is in a later hand.
One of the books, however, which can be identified as No.
I7I in Coxe's Catalogue, is assigned by him to William of
Wykeham, though on what evidence does not appear. Still,
as express provision was made that two of the Fellows might
study Medicine—a provision now unfortunately repealed—it
seems probable that books of medicine would be provided.
The absence of prices may perhaps be explained by the fact
that there being so few students of Medicine, these books
would not be in demand for borrowers. In the same hand-
writing as the books on Medicine are two books on Astronomy.
The large proportion that Theology bears to the philo-
sophical, legal, and medical works was in accordance with
the Founder's statutes. Under them there were to be always
twenty Fellows studying Law ; if possible, ten Canon Law
and ten Civil Law: while the other fifty followed ‘the Arts,
or Philosophy and Theology'; two of these being however
* p. 5 of Catalogus Codicum M.S.S., qui in Collegáis Aztlásque Oxoniensibus
hodie adverzazzfur, by Henry O. Coxe, Oxon., 1852.
2I6 COLLECTA NEA.
permitted to take to Medicine, as long as they were regent
Doctors in that faculty, and two to study Astronomy.
This gift compares very favourably with the catalogue of
books belonging to Oriel College in 1375, or that of St. Catha-
rine's Hall, Cambridge, a century later, which consisted all
told of Too volumes. But if the list, including the books
given by Bishop Reed and John Wykeham, nephew of the
Founder, is a complete list of the College Library, it was
a very poor one compared with that of the Sorbonne at Paris
with its catalogue of 1,017 volumes in 1290, and another 70c
in IgG8.
I do not intend to enter into any dissertation on the books
in detail. Coxe's Catalogue is full on the books that remain.
For the rest, the titles of most of them tell their own tale, and
are well known ; and those that are not, such as Tractatus
Belial, Conclusiones Roſa, and The Nine Paries of Dumbelton
must be sought elsewhere.
Among the chief works to consult for this purpose are the
wonderful lists of MSS. given by Leopold Delisle in his three
magnificent volumes (which form part of the Histoire Générale
de Paris) on the Cabinet des MSS. de la Bibliothèque Nationale,
and therein more particularly the lists of the Library of the
College of Sorbonne at Paris.
In England the Cambridge Antiquarian Society has been
beforehand with us. In vol. i of its 7 ransactions, I840–6, is
a catalogue of the books given to St. Catharine's Hall by the
Founder, Dr. Woodlark, and chained in the Library, edited by
the Rev. G. E. Cowie, B.D.; and the catalogue of the MSS. of
St. John's College, edited by the Rev. Morgan Cowie, M.A.;
while vol. ii contains a priced list of the books given by
Thomas Markaunt, Fellow, to Corpus Christi College by will
of Nov. 4, 1439, edited (with divers misreadings) by J. O.
Halliwell, afterwards Halliwell-Phillipps. In the first series of
Collectamea of this Society (1885, p. 66) is a list of the books
of Oriel College in 1375, while the notes on Dorne's printed
books in the two volumes of Collectanea will supply many
identifications of Wykeham's books.
The MSS. of Wykeham's gift that still remain at New
College are fully described in the catalogue of the MSS. in
WYKEHAM’S BOOKS AT NEW COLLEGE. 2I7
the Colleges and Halls of Oxford, compiled by the late
Bodley Librarian, Henry Coxe, already referred to in a note,
published in 1852. It is much to be regretted that in this
catalogue he did not follow the common practice of the
compilers of catalogues of mediaeval libraries, and identify
the volumes by giving the first words on the second leaf.
This is a far quicker and more certain way of identifying
a MS. than the elaborate descriptions he gives; not that he
should have left these out, but he should have put the others
in. Many hours of thankless labour he would have saved
if he had done so". A very scanty remnant is left of the noble
band of Wykeham's books. Of five great Bibles, one ; of
the whole 135 or 138 Theological works, just twenty-three
can be identified; of the rest, one out of twenty-eight Philo-
sophical works; three out of forty-one in Canon Law; none
in Civil Law out of thirty-six. So that, out of 240 or 243
books, only twenty-seven remain. Those that remain are
distinguished in the List, as printed, by numbers in front of
the name of the book, the numbers being the numbers in
Coxe's Catalogue and in the New College MS. Auctarium
itself. Hardly one of the original bindings remains, the
volumes being all in one uniform calf binding, tied with strings,
apparently of about the date of Cardinal Pole's primacy, he
being himself a considerable donor of Greek books.
The disappearance of the bulk of Wykeham's MSS. is
no doubt to be attributed chiefly to that great dispersion
which took place, when Duns Scotus and Thomas Aquinas
were dispossessed of their thrones; and when, as it was
phrased by the Visitor, Dr. Layton, in his letter to Thomas
Cromwell”, “we have set Duns in Bocardo, and have utterly
banished him Oxford for ever, with all his blind glosses.’
‘The second time we came to New College, he says, “after
we had declared your injunctions, we found all the great
quadrant court full of the leaves of Dunce, the wind blowing
* Since this was in print, I find that this work of identification had already
been done by the present Warden of New College, when Librarian, in a finely writ-
ten volume, a Library Benefaction Book, originally compiled by or at the direction
of Arthur Lake, Warden of New College, and Bishop of Bath and Wells, in 1617.
This book contains a list of benefactions to that date whether contained in the
* Liber Albus' or not.
* Camden Society, 1843. Letters relating to the Suppression of the Uni-
versities, p. 70.
2I8 COLLECTA/WEA.
them into every corner. And there we found one Mr. Grene-
felde, a gentleman of Buckinghamshire, gathering up part of
the said book leaves, as he said, therewith to make him
“sewelles” or “blanshers” to keep the deer within the wood,
thereby to have better cry with his hounds.’
It is especially aggravating that, of those which do remain,
the majority are not among the books to which prices are
attached, only ten being priced. Judging from the analogy
of the Library of the Sorbonne College at Paris University,
the books not priced were chained in the Library for the
common use of the College, the rule at the Sorbonne being
that the best book of the class or author was chained. The
duplicate copies and books not of general use, not chained,
were kept in the Inner Library, and lent out to individual
borrowers. The price put upon them was the price which the
borrower had to pay if he lost them, and for which he generally
had to give security. The rule of the Oxford University
Library in 1439 was ‘and for the better custody of the said
books every of them shall be priced appreciably beyond
the true value, which value every one taking one of the books
on loan shall, if he lose it, be bound to pay to the chest, and
with the sum so received another book shall be provided of
like binding and shape, as soon as possible.' Hence it may
be inferred that the catalogue prices were rather above than
below the market value.
To arrive at anything like a comparative price with the
present day we must multiply the figures given at least
twenty times, reading pounds for shillings. We thus arrive
at such prices as £20 for the Golden Zegend; £6 13s. 4d. for
the second best Life of St. Thomas (the “martyr' of course,
not the Apostle); £53 6s. 8d. for an Augustine De Civiţate
Dei; £63 6s. 8d. for St. Ambrose On the Good of Death ;
Stephen (Langton) of Canterbury On Ecclesiastes, was
#53 6s. 8d. ; and Notingham On the Four Gospels reaches the
astounding figure of £133 6s. 8d., and this was apparently the
Second best copy only. The three cheapest books in the list,
priced at 12d. (or £1) each, are Sidonius' Letters, Augustine
On the True Life, and a volume of Sermons (author not
stated).
WYKEHAM’S BOOKS A T NEW COLLEGE. 2I9
Philosophy seems on the whole to have run even dearer than
Theology. Albertus (Magnus) On Vegetables, £53 6s. 8d.:
the same On the Rainbow, and S/eeping and Waking, £40 ;
the same On Meteors, £26 13s. 4d. ; Burley Own Aristotle's
Physics, £50; an ordinary text of Natural Philosophy, £40 ;
Cicero's Rhetoric, £5; Boethius' Arithmetic, Á4. In this
Faculty the only cheap book is a De Anima of Aristotle,
price 6d. = 6s. Even an abbreviated commentary on the
Physics cost 20d, or £1 I3s. 4d.
Canon Law was a trifle cheaper. Two copies of Hostiensis
On Canon Law cost £93 6s. 8d. and £8o respectively. The
second best book of the Decrees, the gift of W. Tyrington,
Canon of Lincoln, was £ ICO ; a fourth copy 633 6s. 8d.:
a 7 able of the Decrees and Decretals, £46 Igs. 4d. The
Pauperum, an edition of the Decretals intended for Poor
Scholars, cost £. IO-a year's income for a rather exceptionally
well endowed Schoolmaster, or an average Canon. The
cheapest unannotated copy of the Decretals was £3 6s. 8d.
Civil Law was relatively quite cheap. The most expensive
book, ‘the old Digest,’ a small part of the wholc Digest, being
that part first discovered, was £30 I 3s. 4d. ; the ‘new Digest,’
A 23 6s. 8d. ; the /nforciatum, #20 ; the Institutes, £40; the
Code, 62o. But you could lose a copy of the /nforciazzam
for £13; of the ‘old Digest' for £5; and a tattered copy of
the Institutes (debile par Institutionum) for the merely nominal
price of £2.
It is very difficult to find comparative prices for these
books. The Sorbonne List contains a very large number of
prices given in 6 s. d., but it is quite clear that even at that
time the French currency was much depreciated in value
compared to the English. Thus sixty-two Bibles at the
Sorbonne range from £5 to £24, or taking the same standard
of twenty times (and considering the earlier date of the
Sorbonne prices, about seventy years before, it ought prob-
ably to be much higher), the cheapest Bible cost £. Ioo.
The cheapest price of a single book of the Bible, Job, was
5s. =:65; the highest price of the single book catalogued
with Job, the Apocalypse, was £10 = {2OO ; and most of
them inclined to the higher rather than the lower figure.
22O COLLECTA NEA.
In Canon Law a Summary by Raymund, Summa Raymundi,
specially described in Wykeham's List as Patſcra, cost 13s. 4d.,
i.e. £13 6s. 8d. In the Sorbonne List a copy of this book is
priced at £5, i.e. £50. I have therefore not attempted a de-
tailed comparison of the Sorbonne and New College prices.
I append however a Comparative list of the prices stated in
Markaunt's list of gifts to C.C. C., Cambridge, and Wykeham's
gift to New College. The books which occur in both lists are
not, it will be seen, numerous.
Wykeham. Markaumā.
£ s. d. s. d.
Bible 2 I 3 4 Bible - e . 3 6 5
32 I 6 8
35 - e ... I O O
Omeliae Gregorii & I 3 4 Gregorius super Ho-
melias Evangelista-
TUIII] . e e I 4 O
Magister Historiarum To o Magister Historiarum I 6 8
33 o . I 4 O
Postillae super Epis- Glosa Ordinaria super
tolas Pauli . . 2 O O Epistolas Pauli . I 3 8
Scotus on First Book
of Sentences . . I O O
Bonaventura super Se- Bonaventura super Se-
cundum Sententia- cundum Summarum
TUIII] º e g I3 4 (a mistake of tran-
scriber). º . I 4 O
Distinctiones Fratris Gorham’s Distinctions I 2 O
Nicolai de Gorham I 3 4.
The Decrees . . 5 o o The Decrees . . 2 O O
22 . . I I 3 4
Martin’s Table of De- Table of Decrees and
crees and Decretals 2 6 8 Decretals * . I o o
Text of Natural Philo- Text of Natural Philo-
Sophy . cº . I 6 8 sophy . s g 8 o
; 3 - º s I 6 o
35 ° -> g I3 4
25 - -> º I 3 4
Text of Philosophy . 16 o Text of Philosophy . I O O
Code & . I o o Code º g g 8 o
2 3 © - º 6 8
3 ) o - 3. 6 8
WYK EHAM’S BOOKS A T AWEW COLLEGE. 22I
The marvel is how with books at these prices the ordinary
student ever got books at all. In point of fact they got
very few. Hence the importance of lectures and the insis-
tence on frequent lectures, the master having a book and
reading from it, the students standing or sitting round and
taking notes. Hence too the power possessed by a few
books which got into vogue, and the enormous influence of
the Bible, and, later, of Aristotle. Hence too the superior
advantages possessed by the friars in their convents, with
a corporate library, over the “unattached ' secular students
who formed the bulk of the University. The collegiate
movement was an absolute necessity if the secular University
was not to be wiped out in the higher faculties by the influence
of the friars. Some writers have talked as if the Colleges
were parasites whose growth had stifled the growth of the
University, their Alma Mater. But in truth if it had not
been for the Colleges, there was every likelihood of the
University sinking into a mere seminary. If it had not been
for the Colleges, the University would have been destroyed by
Henry VIII as simply a breeding-place of pestilent friars, if
indeed there had been any University left to destroy.
No wonder that the donors of books asked for, and the
donees gave, prayers for their Souls, and that gifts of books
were entered in the College Chartularies as carefully as gifts
of land. Bishop Reed's anxiety on this head is really quite
pathetic ; and he seeks for prayers not only for himself but
for the persons from whom he bought the books. Thus in
one book, purchased early in his career, Bradwardine v.
Pelagius (to give it a short title) is written, “Liber Magistri
Willelmi Reed, socii domus scolarium de Merton in Oxonia,
quem ibidem scribi fecit de sumptibus sibi datis per Reve-
rendum Dominum suum Magistrum Nicholaum de Sandwyco.
Oretis igitur pro utroque et pro benefactoribus eorumdem ac
fidelium animabus a purgatorio liberandis.’ In another, the
First part of St. Thomas' Summary, is written both at the
top and bottom of the fly-leaf, “Liber Magistri Willelmi
Reed Episcopi Cicestrensis quem emit a venerabili patre
Domino Thoma Trillek Episcopo Roffensi. Oretis igitur
pro utroque.” On giving it to New College he had the
222 COLLECTA WEA.
following inscription added: ‘Liber Collegii Beatae Mariae
Wyntoniensis in Oxonia in communi libraria eiusdem et ad
usum communem Scolarium eiusdem, maxime de diocoesi
Cicestrensi de benignitate Episcopi Wyntoniensis in posterum
assumendorum, cathenandus, ex dono venerabilis patris domini
Willelmi tertii, episcopi Cicestrensis. Oretis igitur pro eodem
et benefactoribus eiusdem ac fidelium animabus a purgatorio
liberandis.’ Therefore I have added to the lists of Wyke-
ham's books the gifts of other benefactors entered in the
same “Liber Albus.’ It is a pity there is no such stimulus
to the foundation or augmentation of libraries now ; though
of making of books there is no end.
ARTHUR T. LEACH.
I ought perhaps to add that a list of books given to the chapel by Wykeham
has been omitted as having no special interest, not containing details, while all
are gone. The list comprised 62 volumes in all : viz., I 2 Missals, three with music;
II Antiphonars, eight described as large; one Gradual (Graduale) with music;
one Collect book; two Martyrologies, one large, one small; three Lesson books;
13 Processionals, of which two are ‘ancient’; one Ordinal, and 18 Graduals
(Gradalia).
LIST OF BOOKS.
l /L/A R 7 ÆA CU/L 7TA 7TVS 7THÆO/L OG /A E de domo
f. 3 (b).
venerabi/is patris Magìstrì VVi//e/mâ Reed, Epìscopi Cicestremsis.
In primis, una spissa biblia .
Io6 Item, Liber Sententiarum
Augustinus super primam quin-
quagenam Spalterii (sic)
Augustiniis super secundam qnin-
quagenam Spalterii
Augustinus super tertiam quinqua-
gerìam 1 3pallelii
Augustinus de civitate Dei
9 ) de facultatibus ecclesiae
9 9 de libero arbitrio: a/zas
liber Confessionum : Augustinus
Augustinus de Trinitate
Omeliae Gregorii � ¢
9 ) venerabilis Bedae presby-
teri
Magister Historiarum .
Liber Concordantiarum ę
3o6 Crisostomus de opere imperfecto .
Secundo /o/io.
stellis alii *
(in textu) cultatem vo-
luntates
forte ut iudicentur
ad T)avid
aürem tuam
(in textu) bus huc
sit prima
non optemperabatur
huius loci
gens contra gentem
bi vestri
domus in scientia
abissus
mum vel
Aosfi/lae V. de Lyra super fofam Bibliam *.
Nicholaus de Lira super Penta-
theuchum et Spalterium
exterior est
* The headings printed in large italics are in red in the original.
* These are the first two words on the second leaf, the usual way of identifying
MSS. in mediaeval times.
The words * secundo folio * are added to every book in
the original lists. These Ihave omitted as vain repetition. * Item* is also put in the
original before each book. This has been omitted for the same reason.
* The headings given in small italics are, in the original, written in the margin
outside in brackets, and in red.
224 COLLECTA VEA.
Idem super Josuae Judicum cum
aliis
sic quod
Super ParabolasSalamonis cum aliis iuxta et
,, Ysaiam cum aliis
,, Mathaeum cum aliis
,, Actus Apostolorum cum aliis
ibi ultra
cita humanitatem
est ipse
77iomas super Ævamgelia.
Idem super Mathaeum et Marcum
% 9 Lucam et Iohannem .
crederent
nomine Zacharias
Summa Sanc/z 77 omae.
I 2o Prima pars summae Sancti Thomae
I 2 I Prima secundae et secunda se-
cundae in uno volumine
I 24 Tertia pars summae eiusdem sci-
licet de Christo
I 34 Doctor Profundus* de causa Dei
contra Pelagium
Johannes Salusberiensis in Poli-
craticon
Tractatus de actibus machemeti
Distinctiones Nicolai Goram
Epistolae Petri Blesensis
Speculum Sancti Edmundi
Prophetiae Bridlyngton cum aliis .
Alphabetum narracionum
Alexander Necham de natura rerum
Postilla N. de Lira super Evangelia
Mathaei et Lucae
Libri 2 sapientiales glosati
Quaestiones super 3m sententia-
rum cum aliis
Scriptum super primum sententia-
rum cum aliis
Collaciones de temporali cum aliis
Antiqui sermones de temporali et
sanctis
Lectura T. Alquini super 4to sen-
tentiarum
posui
commutabile
(in textu) effectus
cognoscere causas
(in tabula) verba quidem
incipit
assumptus est
sufficit
in te
iam veniens
num nomine
nos idem £ s. d.
titudinem . . pretii * Io o
quasi . e • . I O O
incarnacionis . *• 5 o
dicendum . • • 8 o
inviolate • • • 8 o
daniales . ¢ *» 3 4
eSt tamen . • � IO O
' i. e. Thomas de Bradewardina, Chancellor of London, i. e. of St. Paul's, after-
wards Archbishop of Canterbury.
* The word * pretii,' or rather the abbreviation * pr ci ' is in the original written
before each price given, but this too has been omitted as unnecessary repetition.
VVYKEHAM°S BOOKS AT VE]V COLLEGE.
225
55 Evangelium Johannis et Apoca-
lypsis glosatum
Sententiae super Apocalypsin cum
aliis
Notulae super 2 m librum sententia-
IU1IYM
7o Concordantiae Bibliae .
Tabula super moralia Gregorii
97 Auctoritates doctorum cum multis
aliis
92 Sermones Vasconici de temporali
et Sanctis cum aliis
Sermones collecti de sanctis et de
temporali
Sermones veteres de temporali et
sanctis cum aliis
Sermones de epistolis et evangeliis
dominicalibus cum aliis
Sermones de temporali et sanctis .
99 plures de temporali
» » de temporali per circu-
lum anni
Sermones N. Gorham de communi
SanCtOTuII1
Summa sermonum W. Lugdu-
mensis
Sermones dominicales cum medi-
tacionibus Bernardi
LIBR/ FACULTA TVS 7THÆO/LOG/AÆ de domo vememra- f. 4.
£ s. d.
tibile 2 O O
de mensura ę & 6 8
vel . * ¢ «s 3 4
4o macer 60 ¢ ę 8 o
coitu . • � 6
(textu) secundum ratio- {O
nalem
reX tuuS �. � ę 5 O
debito Io . � ¢ 5 o
et bene & * ¢ 3 4
quia ad 4 O
(in tabula) dominica qua 5 O
omnis arbor è e, 2 6
(in textu) -dint prope 2 O
feci
(in textu) dulciter t* 5 O
caritas & * ę & 5 O
utilitas • vo q. 5 O
6i/;s patrìs ez domimi Domimâ Willelmi de Wyke/ìam Episcopâ
VVymptomziemosìs fumdatorìs Collegiâ praedictâ.
In primis una pulcra biblia .
Item, alia biblia . «j ę ¢
Are/?7.
£ s. d.
Secumdo /o/io.
qui populo
Quare natus es
(in textu) vixit autem . 53 4
(in textu) annis et ge
talia perstabat
utuntur ad id reserv
99 ö g. ę
Magna biblia veteris testamenti
I Una biblia magna
Unus liber sententiarum
Alius 99
Alius 9 9
III. Q.
de rebus
de trinitate . �; . 2 O O
226 COLLECTANEA.
:£ s. d.
Alius liber sententiarum . de gemina processione. 26 8
Tertius et quartus liber senten- contra Deum facta IO O.
tiarum
Prima pars speculi historialis (in tabula) Maria nubit
Secunda pars eiusdem . (in tabula) Goaris con-
fessoris
Una tabula speculi historialis. iungatur et ipse
Augustinus.
Prima pars Augustini super spal- ideo non resurgunt
terium
Secunda pars eiusdem » » Pascha transitur
Tertia s 3 s ) » » quia pollicitus est
/Liòr? Gregorú.
Liber moralium Gregorii sunt divinae
» 9 99 ¢ . S€ SUIIYYeI`€
Omeliae Gregorii cum multis aliis ne durabile
Omeliae Gregorii (in textu) nullo tempore I 3 4
Magister historiarum dixitque Deus IO O
Asa/ferza G/osata.
Spalterium (sic) glosatum praeter hoc
Aliud ,, y » libri caput
Aliud ,, % » beatus vir 26 8
Episfolae Pauli G/osafae.
f. 4 (b). 7) ¢
6o Epistolae Pauli (in glosa), aput Graecos
5 ) credentibus . 2 O O
» 9 hortatur
28 9 ) sint inexcusabiles
Postillae super epistolas Pauli et epulari 4O O
Libr? Crisosfomz.
Crisostomus de opere imperfecto
in uno quaterno
in quodam quaterno
y »
sic quam diu
Eius inclinata
77 omas super Ævamge/ia.
Thomas super Mathaeum et Mar-
CUlIIl
Idem super Lucam
noscendi
et hoc
WYKEHAM°S BOOKS AT NEVV COLLEGE.
227
Idem super Johannem
Scotus super primum sententiarum
I 6 Liber genesis glosatus. e* �
1 ; ,, Leviticus glosatus
£ s. d.
(in rubrico) Origen in
omelia
€m SeCtam . • . 2O O
Deum et Dominum
(30 folio) telligibilem '
Bzólia, glosafa pro maiori par/e.
Liber Josuae glosatus .
I 8 ,, Paralipominon glosatus
2o Parabolae Salamonis glosatus
24 Liber XII Prophetarum . •
23 ,, Ezechielis cum aliis glosatus
Evangelium Mathaei et Marci
glosatum
Evangelium Lucae et Johannis
glosatum
27 Actus Apostolorum glosati
' I 9 Liber Job glosatus
semper assistit
(in rubrico) incipit
etiam dictis
(in glosa) Domino
tanquam
(in glosa) racio
(in textu) it autem
(in textu) quos elegit
sicud de aliis
Librí ôáò/iae glosafi.
Liber Gemesis glosatus
25 ,, Esdrae 9 9
2 I ,, Ysaiae 99
24 „ XII Prophetarum glosatus .
Postillae super XII Prophetas et
Apocalipsin • '
Evangelia Lucae et Marci glo-
Sata,
Evangelia Johannis et Lucae
glosata
Actus Apostolorum glosatus
tempus angelicam . 2 O
(in textu) in anno • 23
(in glosa) audite . , I O
(in textu) uxorem . I3
y 9 Naboth . I O
oris mei . I O
9 ,
5 5 fuit in diebus I O O
(in glosa) alii concede-
Irent
(in textu) vel momenta 5 O
JLegendae aureae.
Legenda aurea
Alia ,, ,,
va Pentecostes . • 2 O O
in secunda Salutem
(in textu) ducentae
/)e zyffa Samcf; 77,omae.
Liber de vita Sancti Thomae
Alius ,, eiusdem .
99 2 5 9 )
continuant . • ¢ 6 8
et in dies
' The third folio is given because folio 2 is largely taken up with an illumination
of God, standing in an open-air pulpit, addressing Moses.
Q 2
228 COLLECTA VEA.
Racionale divinorum
Hugo de Sancto Victore
Summa Collacionum
Prophetia Sibillae è
Epistolae Clementis Papae .
Liber Innocentii de miseria condi-
cionis humanae, cum multis aliis
Pars Oculi *.
f. 5. Innocentius Papa in libro de mis-
terio et significatione missae
98 Summa quae vocatur numerale
Liber vocatus Augustinus de civi-
tate Dei
I I 7 Thomas super tertium
Magister Historiarum . g.
Summa Willelmi, Cancellarii Lyn-
colniensis
Postillae super Johannem
Thomas super primum (i. e. Sen-
tentiarum)
Manipulus florum e vg
Bartholomaeus de proprietate re-
TUlÌY)
Thomas super primum et se-
cundum
47 Postillae super Mathaeum
IoI Historia Scholastica
Io8 Magister sententiarum vs �
Postilla super parabolas, cum aliis
Sermones Bernardi ę
Postillae super parabolas Sala-
monis
Summa Altisidorus ά �
Augustinus de modo vivendi, cum
aliis
Libri Ambrosii de bono mortis,
cum aliis
Haymo super epistolas Pauli
Thomas super secundum Senten-
tiarum
-plic ritus
-percrere
secundae partis
me dicet
mansuetudine
Deus erat
debet alienum
David prophetarum
sicut et in manu .
tatis Dei
sere sed lignum
virga
tacionem
eciam
limitates
duae
sed scientiae
magestate
Cantare
abusive
et nOn aCt . ¢
quod autem
est ut .
audiens
proveniet
Turres
S.
I O
I O
53
I O
24.
I O
I3
I3
I 4
53
26
I 3
23
2 O
2 O
3O
26
63
quam perthôs
bono .
IO O
IO
* A * Pars oculi Sacerdotis* comprised in the possessions of the Parochial Vicar
of Southwell in I 369 was valued at 6s. 8d. Vásátatiopas amod, Memoria/s of Sozzf/,-
zwe/7 ///?/zster, Camdem Sqciety, 189 I.
Edited by A. F. Leach,
JVYKEHAM°S BOOKS
229
A 7T VE VV COLLEGE.
Augustinus de verbis Domini, cum
aliis
Sermones Beati Augustini
Bonaventura ι•
Thomas super Johannem
4o Postillae super Ysaiam, cum aliis .
» 9 ,, Epistolas Pauli
Petrus Scenonensis
Liber Anselmi
64 Expositio super Apocalypsin
54
56
Odo de Sermonibus
Cronica - � • -»
Augustinus de correctione et
gracia, cum aliis sermonibus
Thomas super 3tium et partem 4ti
Distinctiones Biardi
In vitas patrum, cum aliis
Unus Liber qui incipit * attendite*
Omeliae Gregorii super Ezechiel .
Libri Petri Parisiensis .
SermonoG 9 ) • ę q.
5 9 fratris G. de Tornaco
Distinctiones fratris Nicolai de
Gorham
Sermones pro visitacionibus
Legenda sanctorum . • •
Unus doctor vocatus Notyngham
super 4or Evangelia
I Psalterium glosatum cum glosa
Ordinaria
I Doctor super Psalterium vocatus
Fyschacre
I Doctor vocatus Fyschaker (sic)
super primum Sententiarum
I Doctor vocatus Stephanus Can-
tuariensis super ecclesiam, in
duobus voluminibus
Evangelium Mathaei
99 Iohannis glosatum
y ) 9 ) y )
Quaternus sermonum .
|Nichil
non reprehendentem
indiget
bonorum
attencionem
ille querens.
et similiter .
quis nunciabit
cavit
dediti .
Capadocia .
contrarius
heu non pert.
congregare .
ut vivificet
valida .
Dei omnipotentis
et prolixitate
ct nd ro
alium .
aquila .
incipiens . �
de septem fratribu
qua per aliud
Homo miser
sedere est regnantis
primum
(primae partis) -tis cum
igitur ; (secundae
partis) trium ger-
minum
(in textu) transmigrator
concepcio
(in textu) lumine .
Ierusalem
£ s.
26
26
I3
I O
I3
I3
6
26
6
6
I 6
6
I O
I3
I O
I3
I O
I3
I3
3o
33
5
3
.
?
:
:
8 f. 5 (b).
:
23O COLLECTA VEA.
Postillae ad Romanos in quaterno
Eiblia versificata
Notulae super Bibliam **
Postillae super librum Sapientiae,
in quaterno
Liber de Gestis
Quaternus sermonum . s-
Postillae super Mathaeum, in qua-
ternO
Exposicio super psalterium, cum
aliis
Epistolae Sidonii, in quaterno
Augustinus de cognicione verae
vitae, in quaterno
Sermones pro diversis temporibus
anni, in quaterno
Quodlibet, in quaterno
Unum quaternum
Alium quaternum
S.
quod non 3
sit ά £- 5
tempora sanctae . 2
heretici ę ¢ ¢ 3
te Inferior . es es 2
(in textu) penitentiae . 2
voce patris . • . I 2
ad altare . ę ę 5
ut aCuSet . s ę O
cum quanta «…» ¢ O
(in tabula) estote; (in 3
textu) fugientem
fortiter ut
diligite ■ • � 2
sufficienter .
(De domo Magistri Hemrici W/yfefeld.)
Notingham super Evangelia, in
duobus voluminibus
(primae partis) dicta
haec sunt; (secundae
partis in textu) erat
autem in proximo
:
%
(De domo Magistri Walteri Skyrlowe, Episcopi Dume/mensis.)
Prima pars summae Sancti
Thomae
I Biblia parva
Josephus antiquitatum *
Liber concordantiarum ę
Augustinus de mirabilibus sacrae
scripturae, cum aliis .
Sermones Petri Ravennensis
Determinaciones Gandavi
Tractatus de penitentiis, cum aliis
qui habet scientiam
id est docibiles
in principio
Psalmo 5to d. virum sanum
cum suo modo
(in tabula) curaret
* It is difficult to say whether this book and those following are of the Founder's
gift or not. There is a gap after Josephus.
The next book however seems to be
written in the same hand, but Augustinus and the rest seem to be in a different and
perhaps later hand.
VVYKEHAM'S BOOKS AT NEW COLLEGE.
23I
Summa de confessione et peni-
tentia et peccatis
Tabula in quaternis
Beati Gregorii
deus et filius
(De domo Magistri 7 homae Burtom.)
Tarentinus super 4 Sententiarum .
Una biblia .
Bonaventura super 2m Sententia-
rum ; ex donaczome z'emerabilis
z/írá Ggysgoym ', S. 7. P. /ac/a
dicfo Co//egio A. D. I 449, mense
Sepfemóris, et die Samct, Jero-
mimz ; e/ i//um /iörum sibi /eci-
7nus ac[c]omodari ab eodem ad
fermznzum z/??ae szzae
/sta subscripta bona dedit
[Chalices, missal, vestments, &c.]
Item, librum de miraculis Sanctae
Mariae
Primam partem Redactorii moralis
Summam praedicantium
Psalterium glosatum ¢
Rudulphum super Leviticum; con-
tinentur pastoralia Gregorii ;
dialogi Gregorii ; omelias eius-
dem super Ezechielem ; omelias
eiusdem super Evangelia
Augustinum de civitate Dei .
Glosam plenam et utilem, super
4or Evangelistas
Augustinum de verbis Apostoli
Vincentium in speculo historiali in
duobus voluminibus
Collaciones Sanctorum patrum
Ieronimum super Matheum .
Secundam partem dictionarii
sum qui
conveniens metui
Willelmus Porte [1458].
gratissima obtulit
stulta enim
bulemus
um aliquando
sed hoc verbum
vitata
(in textu) Iacobus
2di Imperio
requiem
primi, tore,
Cl1ÌÌÌ
viginti
K
* This or amother of the name, Mr. Thomas Gascoinge, priest, of the diocese of
York, S.T. P. gave in I456 the undermentioned relics.
[A piece] of the Lord's
sepulchre: of the place where Christ sweated blood: of the place where the
B. V. M. gave up the ghost : of the flesh of St. Paul the Apostle. Bone of Blessed
Mary Magdalen. Two small bones of St. Brigitt, widow. Bone of St. Vincent the
Martyr. Bone of St. Ambrose, Doctor.
the Pope.
[A piece] of the tomb of St. Gregory,
f. 8.
232 COLLECTA VEA.
f. I4.
Catholicon . ę generacio
Catonem morelisatum . necessaria
[After a long list of other ornaments, altar cloths, copes,
&c., and in a different hand.]
Prima pars dictionarii . . Aron
Augustinus De civitate Dei; et de tempore
retractationibus suis
Liber moralium . e . stabilis
Exposicio Sancti Augustini super rorate caeli desuper
Epistolas Pauli 2nda parte, quidam
ydoneus
Melliloquium Augustini in fine
Josephus antiquitatum. processit
Secunda pars eiusdem Josephi inter eos
* Vita et epistolae Sancti Thomae virtutum
In consideration of these * precious gifts,' as they are called,
the Warden, Thomas Chaundler, and Fellows, by Deed Poll
dated 8 February, I455 (f. 24o—I), promised special mention
of the donor, William Port, and Alice his wife, among the
chief benefactors of the College in their services and prayers ;
any one convicted before the Warden and Bursars of
omitting it, to be fined 4d.
The books are described as * libris, videlicet notabilibus
viribus ad optancium sapienciam animi cicius reficiuntur,
haereses et errores ceteri in ecclesia Christi eradicantur.' It
is said that the donor besides these books * tam utiles Collegio '
gave Other goods, jewels, and ornaments.
Boma legata Collegio per Magistrz/m /o/iamnem Bozwke
quondam caustodem Collegiâ amazedictâ.
In primis, unum missale pro altari
Sancti Nicholai
[Certain vestments, &c., for the
same altar.]
I Portiforium, ad usum unius socii
collegii praedicti dum steterit in
eodem
praeterquam in
* This is followed by an item, which I cannot help giving, though irrelevant,
* apparatus nigrorum pannorum pulverisatorum cum leonibus fulvis pro magna
aula.'
JVYKEHAM°S BOOKS AT VEVV COLLEGE.
233
Magistrum Historiarum
Legendam Sanctorum, ad usum
M. Nicolai Osulbury*, custodis
collegii praedicti, dum steterit in
eodem, ita quod postea idem
liber imperpetuum remaneat
Collegio supradicto.
Memoramdum, quod Reveremdìssìmus ám
VV7//e/////zs
do///?////s, Do7/22/22/s
labores hominum
(in calendario)
sancto Mathia
De
C/amrìsto pater ez f. 6.
War/aam, Archiepiscopus
Ca/27//a/riemosis A. D. I 5o8 co/272//zz co//egio Beatae Mariae
VVymptomiensìs ìmz Oxomia /ibros* subscrìptos, viz.
In primis, unum missale, im-
pressum in pergameno
61 Item, Gorham super epistolas Pauli,
et epistolas Canonicas
Glosam super epistolas Pauli
Magistrum Sententiarum
I 29 Epistolas Ieronimi
Angiistiniim T)e civitate Dei
9 ) De natura et gratia,
cum aliis opusculis
Expositorem super Epistolas Pauli
99 ,, librOs Augus-
tini De civitate Dei
Librum de Suetonium de vita
Caesarum
Sanctum Thomam super quartum
Primam partem summae Sancti
Thomae
Moralia Gregorii
Racionale divinorum ę
Hugonem de Viennia super Apo-
calypsin
Librum de ministeriis (sic) missae
Scotum super 2nda parte Senten-
tiarum
* Warden I 435.
libri racionibus
Ad exemplum
ut inter se
(In textu) manendum
Sic id est
Nolo dicere
Paulus servus
attribuentes
primum maiorum
Sicut Baptismus
libri posteriorum
vicium corporis
Distinguitur autem
Naturalis scientia
Quia quis quidem
Non enim potest
* These books were followed by another large gift, partly of MSS. partly of
printed books, by Warham's will, but this does not appear in the Liber Albus.
He was a keen Wykehamist.
234.
COLLECTA VEA.
f. 7.
Scotum super 3a partem (sic) Sen-
tentiarum
Scotum super 4 parte Sententia-
IrUIII)
Unum aliud pulcrum missale,
et nobiliter scriptum, deauratum
Ad ipsum
possit in virtute
/L//3λ / FACÜ/L 7TA 7TVS PHVZOSOPHVA E de do/go
Domimøå fundatorìs praedicti.
In primis, Bartholomaeus de pro-
prietatibus rerum
Item, liber de regimine Principum,
cum multis aliis
Boycius de consolacione philo-
sophiae
Tractatus de spera, in parvo volu-
mine
Albertus, de Yride, et sompno et
vigilia, cum multis aliis
Albertus de vegetabilibus et plantis,
cum multis aliis
Thomas super libros Ethicorum
Textus philosophiae . &* «*
Commentator super libros phisi-
COITU Im
Textus Metha[physi]cae •
Commentator super libros De
Anima, et super libros Meta-
physicae
Commentator super libros Caeli et
Mundi
Commentator super
Anima, et aliis multis
libros De
229 Albertus super librum Metheo-
rum et alios multos
et de omnibus
contumelia
(in textu) istud opusculum
transiens
sit a luce
sit autem
met &
subiciant que
ater aqua
scientiam que
nibus verbi gratia
quantitates unum
similibus et si
Redeamus igitur .
£ s.
4O
I O
I 6
I3
I O
I O
I O
26
(De domo Magistri W. Reed, Episcopi Cicestremsis.)
Liber de Anima, continens 3 libros
cum aliis
Textus naturalis philosophiae
esse dicit
neque quale
I 6
JVYKEHAM°S BOOKS AT VEJ/V COLLEGE. 235
£ s. d.
Textus naturalis philosophiae . autem ę €• . I 3 4
y ) » 9 9 9 . accipit - • • I 3 4
IEgidius super libros Physicorum . non esset . *-* • I 3 4
I Textus naturalis philosophiae . et haec sine &• . 26 8
Exposicio Thomae de Alquino habebunt et sunt . . I 3 4
super Methaphysica Aristotelis
I Doctor vocatus Burley super incomplexa. . . 5o O
libros Physicorum
Tractatus de Animalibus . . et oportet . • </ 4 O
Commentator Physicorum abbre- non separabile . • 2 O
viatus, cum aliis, in quaterno
Quaternus cum Commentatore sit si autem *- � 2 O
super quosdam libros Phisi-
COI'UIY)
Quaternus cum Commentatore universis de vita . • 2 O
super libros Phisiöorum
(De domo Magistri W. Reed, Episcopi Cicestremsis.)
Rethorica Tullii . • * . profecto . - - 5 O
Arsimetrica (sic) Boecii, cum aliis actus . 4 O
Textus naturalis philosophiae . gistas . «• � . 4O O
Unus liber perspectivae et post in collo
cum aliis
Unus Commentator Caeli et Mundi ef corpus
9 Partes Dumbelton ' . • . Quaelibet res
Commentator super libros Physi- ligere
COITUlm
Quaternus cum questionibus, et Et eciam
Burlee de potentiis animae
LIBR/ FACÜLTATVS VUR/S CANON/C7 de domo f. 13.
Domimi fa/mdatoris praedictâ.
/L/7r? /)ecre/a/ium.
In primis, Liber Decretalium . (in textu) dampnamus
Item, alius Liber Decretalium non (in textu) fuerunt • 3 4
glosatus
Alius Liber Decretalium . . (in textu) nam concupis-
centiam . - . I O O
* This and the two following books are in a different and apparently later hand.
236 COLLECTA VEA.
£ s. d.
Alius Liber Decretalium . . (in textu) git et tres sunt I 6 8
Alius Liber Decretalium . . (in textu) neque genita I6 8
(/)e domo Magistrâ W. Reed, Epìscopi Cicestremsis.)
Alius Liber Decretalium . . (in textu) unum asserit
(De domo Magìstrì /o/iammis Bi//ym^gzom.)
Alius Liber Decretalium . . (30 folio) in textu tas in
Vera,
Textus* Decretalium dictus Pau- satisfacere . g- . I O O
perum
Textus libri Decretalium, unde earumdem . * • ú 5 O
4tus glossatus
Textus Sexti et Septimi libri De- ecclesia � (* , I O O
cretalium, cum multis aliis
Glosa super Decretalia � . inspicienda . � . 26 8
Summa T. Chabeham de prima . beati Gregorii . ę 5 O
Summa Raymundi, pulcra . . voluntas . s. . I 3 4
Tractatus brevis de prima, cum ingratitudo . * «> 5 O
aliis (scratched out in original)
Zzór? 6ti Decrefa/fum.
Unus liber Sextus Decretalium cum (in glosa) Io. Aud. clare
Doctoribus
Alius liber Sextus Decretalium, (in textu) super hoc
cum tribus glosis
(De domo Magìstrì VV. Reed, Episcopi Cices/remosis.)
Alius textus Decretalium . . (in glosa) alithi lit- IOO O
-eris papalibus
Zzór? C/eme//// marum.
Liber Clementinarum, cum tribus (in glosa) notatur per gar
glosis
Alius liber Clementinarum, cum (in textu) et in scolis
duobus doctoribus
I83 Alius liber Clementinarum, cum 35 communicare 53 4
duobus doctoribus cum 2 doctoribus
Decrefa.
Unus Liber Decretorum . . (in textu) privilegium
* It must be understood that here, as elsewhere, we revert to Wykeham's own
gift. The interpolations in brackets are in the margin in red in the original.
JVYKEHAM°S BOOKS AT WE VV COLLEGE. 237
2 I 2
I84
(De domo Magistrz W. Reed, Episcopâ Cicestremsis.)
£ s. d.
I Alius liber Decretorum sinit, sunt autem . I OO O
I Alius liber Decretorum (in textu) cognominatae
(De domo Domimi Wil/e/mai de 7yrington, Canonicâ
/.y/aco//zie/as2s.)
I Alius liber Decretorum (in textu) ad medias 33 4
nOCteS
I Glosa super Decreta racio habeatur
Alius liber Decretorum porro
Doctores.
Tabula super Decreta et Decretalia vel contra . o . 46 8
Glosa Iohannis Andreae super 30 fo. dere a solo patre 2o o
sextum librum
(De domo Magistri W. Reed, Episcopâ Cicestremsis.)
Glosa Compostolani, cum pluribus
aliis tractatibus
profundum
-um debet dicere com-
missae excedat
Hostiensis in lectura, in 2 volu-
minibus
I Alius Hostiensis in lectura
9 9 9 ) 5 9
99 9 9 99
Hostiensis in summa
Alius 9 9 ©
I Speculum Iudiciale .
I Speculum Praelatorum
I Reportorium Durandi
Pandectarum
Stipendiis militare
alibi studentes tonsuram 4 I 3 4
hiis duobus testamentis
Item theologiam . . 4 O O
sed secundae partis
s cuius racionem
'De Aposta . «• . I O O
(Z)e domzo //agistrâ W. Aeeed, Æpiscopâ Cices/remosis.)
Johannes Andreas in Add.
Summa Summarum
I Alius liber qui vocatur Iohannes
lector
Unus liber decretorum
9 9 decretalium
SeXtuS
9 y
Clementinarum
y y
contraria inde
(40 folio) sic quod sic
(30 folio) infra annum
decisio
suggestione
ab eo
in unum
238
COLLECTANEA.
I 82
Unum par decretalium'
99
Gofredum in summa
Innocencius •
vjtus liber decretalium '
Alius liber sextus decretalium
y )
accipiamus £ s.
idem
in principio
habet locum
affarente 3o 8
damus quatinus 75 O
(* De domo Magistri /o/iammis Wykeham quomdam Rectoris
de Cr//
Iohannes in novella super libro
vjto cum opere mercuriali
*Petrus de Anchorano super librum
Clementinarum cum extrava-
gantibus
Tabula per ordinem alphabeti
Repetitiones Domini Frederici de
Senis
Questiones Oldradi, et vocatur
SllII1II13,
Iohannes in novo opere super
speculo
Repertorium Baldi super speculo
Iohannes Caldini et Gaspar super
libro decretalium
Tabula Baldi super glosis et doc-
toribus per modum alphabeti
Reportorium Baldi super Inno-
cencium per modum alphabeti
Cotidiana domini Innocencii et
continet folia 32
Tabula eiusdem Iohannis super
bibliam et decreta
Margarita Baldi super Innocen-
cium, et continet x folia
Repetitio Domini Francisci
Saberell
Scriptum eiusdem super arbore
consanguinitatis
de
* In a later ink and hand.
* In another hand, together with all the books specified below it.
Wykeham was the Founder's nephew.
madale.)
quid dicam
loquitur de religiosis
ut laxiorem
ubi queruntur
\
]
} dividerent
\
Decretalium
This John
In the Founder's will he says, * Item
lego Magistro Joanni Wykeham, Rectori ecclesiae de Buryton pro inceptione sua
in theologica et aliis actibus scolasticis £5.'
* This is wrongly attributed to the Founder in Coxe's Catalogue.
JVYKEHAM°S BOOKS AT NEW COLLEGE. 239
Summa Iohannis Andreae super \
quartum librum Decretalium
Tractatus Bartholomaei super re-
probatione testamentorum
Petrus de Anchorano super 20 »comodum
libro Decretalium
Iohannes Andreas super libris
Ieronimi
Speculum domini Baldi /
Petrus de Anchorano super 3 et 4 castigacio
libris Decretalium
Conclusiones Rotae : Tractatus Dilac
Eelial: Questiones Domini
Frederici de materia permuta-
cionis
Iohannes de Liniano super Cle- l placuit
mentinis
Summa Tancreti de Corneto
(De domo Magistri 7T/iomae Burtom.)
Liber Decretorum pronunciant
Liber 6tus v* fideli
Liber Clementinarum . . et pro se
Willelmus super librum Clementi- vel occultis
I\a.Tl1II1 •
Iohannes in novella super sextum collatis
Speculator . reCte
Innocentius qui exceptione
Innocentius ■* cum accessissent f. I4.
Partholomaeus Bryxencis ri voluntas
De /ibris datis per Magistrum %. E/mer ad arsum f. 46.
Sacerdotum de capella, A. D. I4I6.
Memorandum quod Magister Iohannes Elmer, ad usum sacerdotum
de capella, ut eum in suis orationibus specialiter habeant commendatum
cum eisdem condicionibus et modis,
sub quibus usus librorum Collegii
sociis conceditur, secundum discreccionem et assignaciones Decani
Canonistae per indenturas suas hinc inde factas, ex pia largicione
concessit et donavit Collegio libros infrascriptos, ita quod semel in
anno vel pluries, si opus fuerit, coram eodem Decano dictorum
librorum realis visio habeatur, viz.
24O COLLEC7T4 VEA.
librum Decretalium. ę . catum per veram
[a blank follows for the other books, which has never been filled.]
Quod si nullus sacerdos de capella in iure canonico studere et
praefatos libros effectualiter occupare voluerit, tunc eundem usum
habeat indigenter socius, iuxta discreccionem Decani superius nominati,
donec fuit alius capellanus, qui libros huiusmodi, indigens ut prae-
mittitur, occupabit: quo casu absque difficultate liberacio sibi fiat.
Dictorum vero librorum reparacio ad eos qui usum habent pertinere
debebit.
f. I7. /L//3 K / FACÜV/L 7TA 7T7S 7 UAR VS CV VV7, 7S de a/o/zo
Domînî fundatorìs praedictâ.
Líórì /nsfifuciomum.
Imprimis, Dominus Chinus. . ÌYÌ€ Ul})O £ s. d.
Item, Parvum volumen ę . leges
,, Aliud parvum volumen . mulo quirites . . 4O O
9 9 99 99 99 . nos Virgilius
9 9 ,, debile par Institucio- proprio partim . * 2 O
InU1IY1
JLibri inforciafum.
Liber inforciatus . • * . ex die matrimonii
Alius liber inforciatus . ā . (in textu) quae nupta . 2o o
3 9 99 99 * ę & * 9 ) tam quo dotale I 3 o
Aliud inforciatum ę * • 9 ) ut etiam si . I 3 4
Librz Digesforum movorum.
Digestum novum non ligatum . (in textu) sin autem
Aliud Digestum novum ę ę 5 9 nam in hiis . 23 4
» 9 » » 99 ¢ �. » 9 de pupillo
Lzórz codiczs.
I Codex a prohemio . ę . (in textu) applicans ex- 2o o
positiones
I alius codex prohemio » . (in textu) sedes doc-
trinam
99 99 39 (in textu) ium hoc quod 6 8
% » » 9 » 9 • ę ę » » imitata vel . 5 O
JLibri Digestum vetus.
Digestum vetus . e * . (in textu) scriba eius . 5 O
Aliud Digestum vetus a prohemio » 9 videtur esse
JVYKEHAM°S BOOKS AT VEVV COLLEGE. 24I
I 73
£ s. d.
Aliud digestum vetus a prohemio. (in textu) uus in titulo 2o o
viagii
Digestum vetus* . • ę ¢ 9 9 gibus ideo que
9 9 5 9 I* ¢ s . compositae sunt
» 9 inforciatum . � . Item ob res
» » jnOVUIIY) � • . (erased and illegible)
y 9 » 9 *e è . quis muro
» 9 5 5 . c* * . simul erit
Codicem . ) © & • . fragium sanctioni
Azonem in Summa . o . Maria et homo
Casuarium super codice ¢ . iubemus dicitur
Rofredum cum duobus aliis doc- secundum legem et se-
toribus cundum canones
Codices empti de pecuniis Domini consularis . � • 23 9
per manus Willelmi Reede *
Digestum vetus . ę • . eO 2. n I)O
Digestum inforciatum . G. . alii viro . e . 2 I O
y ) VetllS , ¢- * , (in textu) tribus quia 2 I 8
«- VetuS
I Codex . ¢ a • . faciat . • e • 3 I 4
5 9 ■* ■ ■» � . catl nullatenus . · 24 4
9 9 . . ¢ <• © . advocati nullatenus . 28 o
Digestum vetus . *-• se . ciones et libri . . 3o 8
Eae domo Magìstrì /o/aa/zmás quomdam Rectorìs Bomom.
Opus Baldi super Ioa collac
Commentum eiusdem de Pace
constantiae
Lectura Domini Bartholi super
3bus libris extraordinariis, et
quaestiones Iohannis Caldrini
intentum suum
Presens inscriptio* deducat in noticiam praesencium et memoriam
futurorum quod bonae memoriae Magister Robertus Keton, licenciatus
in legibus, et quondam socius Collegii Beatae Mariae Wyntoniensis in
Oxonia, qui A. D. I 429 in festo Bartholomaei migravit a seculo, ad
honorem Dei et gloriosae virginis matris eius, et ob salutem animae
suae et caritatis intuitu, ut eo specialius atque devocius inter ceteros
dicti Collegii benefactores ipsius memoria in communibus eiusdem
loci suffragiis recolatur, legavit eidem collegio bona subscripta, viz.
1 The rest of the Civil Law books are in another hand, but whether later is
doubtful.
* In a later hand.
III. IR
f. 2.
242
COLLECTANEA.
Unum corpus iuris civilis, viz.
unum parvum volumen
Item, unum Corpus
Digestum vetus
inforciatum
9 % 99 I)OVUlIY} ■
,, Iacobus de Ravenna super
Digestum novum
» »
99 2 )
secundo folio (in textu) eruditos
studioque
» » » » ingestente
,, collapsum restituit
,, tollere
,, vel ecclesiae.
9 9 y )
Et qui hanc inscriptionem deleverit Anathema sit etc. '
/Libri domati Collegio per Magistrum Willelmum Paket/ ad usum
Thomae Brent dum steterit in Collegio, deinde ad usum alicuius
alterius socii.
Liber Decretalium
» » 9y
In antiqua compilacione
Liber Clementinarum .
W. in speculo
Iohannes Bristow, capellanus ac vicarius perpetuus Collegii Sancti
Stephani apud Westmonasterium, donavit librum Collegio Beatae
Mariae Wyntoniensis in Oxonia vocatum Sophilegium, A. D. I 462,
I o Februarii, per manus Georgii Dawne, custodis capellae praedictae.
/L/BK / ÆA CU/L 7TA 7T/S MAZ/)/CVIVA AE 1.
I 7 o Ars medicinae
Contentum de libris Galieni.
Expositor super artem medicinae.
Antitodorium (sic) Nicholai .
Liber Cirurgiae
,, medicinae .
,, cum expositorio Caphonis
,, medicinae .
Practica Bartholomaei.
I 7 I Liber medicinae .
» 9 » » *-
Passionarium Galieni
fuerunt.
minoribus.
di
volumina
ab aequalitate
historum musculorum
tica musica
fe tenta
capitulum
convenit
capillorum
non faciunt
cadunt
nasturciam
grossis alaudis
labia ulcerata
egritudinibus
elementum
dicti sunt
oleuum
* This list is in another and apparently later hand than the other main lists.
WYKEHAM’S BOOKS
AT AVEW COLLEGE 243
Liber medicinae . & e º
,, artis medicinae
Rasiz in Almos
I 63 Averoys in collecta . (e
I67 Liber medicinae . e * º
35 2 3 e tº *
Antitodorium Nicholai
Liber medicinae . º tº te
33 33 ſº & e
, cirurgiae : ſe gº §
Passionarium commune cum aliis.
Liber alter Ypocratis . * tº
Pars Gilbertini Anglici, cum aliis .
Girardus Super viatico constanti,
cum aliis
Galienus de interioribus, cum aliis
Passionarium commune ſº
Liber continens problemata auxi-
liaria viatico constanti, cum aliis
Antitodorium Nicholai cum aliis .
Par .
Liórz medicinae cathemati ºn libraria,
Galienus de electis, cum aliis e
164 Collecta Averoys cum aliis . ë
Ars Medicinae . *
Canon Avicennae tº
168 Tractatus Mesue de simplicibus
Tractatus Benvenuti Graphoei de
medicina oculorum et aliis
Exposiciones super artem medi-
cinae, cum questionibus
165 Gilbertinns
Iohannes Alexander Super epi-
dimica Ypocratis
Bernardus de methodo curandi
morbos, cum aliis
Girardus de medicinis laxativis,
cum aliis
Diascorides de summa medicina
fascia
cibus qui
alabori
repercussis
qua Calor
de residuo
imperio
signa
amonii
vera Trenesis
montibus
aperti
Fomentacio
et ideo
Vertus
pilis
componi
letargicum
cuius signum
consitiens
item Galienus
f. 1 (b).
Rebus
et removere
uni et decrescere
(in tabula) Quae accidunt
pusill
dicinus
oportet tam subtilem
actioni membrorum
et in bellis
Sunt Vera
habet enim
elleborum album
R 2
244 COLLECTANEA.
f. I2 (b).
Gadesden super affectibus *. . et finire
Rosa medicinae
Alia Rosa medicinae
/LIÆ Â® V ASTROVO/M/A E.
In primis, liber astronomiae . cicli
Item, alius ,, 99 . Drawe hyt out
1 In Benefactors' Book, * Girardus super aphorismis.' The original MS. has
* Gad. super aff.' I have mot been able to identify it under either reading.
PART V.
CORRESPONDENCE
OF
HENRY EARL OF CLARENDON
AND
JAMES EARL OF ABINGDON
CHIEFLY RELATING TO THE MONMOUTH INSURRECTION
(1683–1685)
[MS. Clarendon 128, Bodleian Library]
EDITED BY
C. E. DOBLE, M.A.
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
I. PORTRAIT FROM A PENCIL DRAWING BY THOMAS
FORSTER (see p. 249) g † sº $ º º to face p. 246
II. DECOLLATED HEAD OF MONMOUTH, FROM AN OIL-
PAINTING IN THE POSSESSION OF SIR F. SEYMOUR
HADEN (see p. 250) . ſº gº gº * © g to face p. 25o
III. ROUGH PLAN OF THE BATTLE OF SEDGEMOOR, FROM
A CONTEMPORARY SKETCH (see p. 250) . wº . to follow p. 278
FROM A PENCIL DRAWING BY THOMAS FORSTER
(M.S. CZaz-endon º

INTRODUCTION.
THE following letters present several points of interest for
all who concern themselves with Oxford history. They were,
for the most part, written at a very critical time, by Henry
second Earl of Clarendon, Custos Privati Sigilli, and High
Steward of the University, to James first Earl of Abingdon,
Lord Lieutenant of Oxfordshire'. They are without ex-
ception holographs, and were presented to the University
by Edward Geoffrey Earl of Derby, Chancellor of the
University from 1852 to 1869, having probably passed into
his hands at or aſter the sale of the third Lord Berwick’s
library (d. 1842)*. Lord Berwick was descended from a sister
of Richard Hill, the eminent diplomatist (1655–1727), who
was tutor to Lord Hyde, eldest son of Laurence Earl of
Rochester, and nephew of Henry Earl of Clarendon, the
writer of these letters *.
The Vice-Chancellor to whom Lord Derby's letter was
addressed was Richard Lynch Cotton, D.D., V.C. 1852–1856
—the “Humble Christian' of Dean Burgon's Lives of Twelve
Good Mezz.
* For the life of Henry second Earl of Clarendon (1638–1709), see Dicţionary
of AVational Biography, xxviii. 389 sqq. An engraving of Lely's portrait of him
is prefixed to Singer's edition of the Correspondence. James Bertie was the son
and heir of Montagu second Earl of Lindsey, by his second wife Bridget Baroness
Norreys of Rycote. He succeeded his mother in the barony as Lord Norreys
in 1679, and was created Earl of Abingdon November 30, 1682. He died
May 22, 1699, in the forty-sixth year of his age. See Davenport, ſords Ziezutenant,
&c., of Oxfordshire (1888), 7 sq. He was discharged from the Lieutenancy in
I687, but was re-appointed by William and Mary in March, 1689. He was again
discharged in 1697. Numerous references to him will be found in Luttrell’s ZXiary.
* Roberts, Zuke of Monmouth, i. 297, ii. 174.
* See Dictionary of Mational Biography, xxvi. 405, under Richard Hill; and
ib. 427, under William Noel-Hill.
248 COLLECTA NEA.
Mr. Singer, in his edition of the Correspondence of Henry
Hyde Earl of Clarendom (2 vols. 4to, 1828, vol. i. pp. 133 sqq.),
has printed the letters of Lord Abingdon to Lord Clarendon
to which those appearing here for the first time supply the
key. The relation of Lord Derby's gift to the well-known
letters printed by Singer has, strangely enough, escaped notice
hitherto. I have not thought myself justified in reprinting
Lord Abingdon's letters, which are generally accessible; but
the correspondence of the two earls forms one series, and
must be read together.
The letters of Lords Clarendon and Abingdon, with those
preserved in the Hatton and a few other collections, in
conjunction with the very full account given in Mr. Clark's
exhaustive edition of Wood's Life and Times, probably
furnish the materials for as complete a sketch as we can hope
to possess of our University and City during the Monmouth
rebellion.
It is difficult to explain why Lord Abingdon found it
necessary to prepare so many drafts of his letter—which
does not after all appear in the Clarendoz, correspondence—
congratulating Lord Clarendon on the victory of Sedgemoor.
Clarendon and Abingdon were among the very first English
noblemen to join the Prince of Orange on his military
promenade from Brixham to London ; but it is certain that,
at this time, they were both staunch adherents—despite his
creed, which they detested—of James the Second.
The details of Monmouth's rising still possess a singular
fascination for the wanderer in the by-paths of history. His
landing, his marches and countermarches, the faint gleams
of success and the final catastrophe, together with the terrible
vengeance that involved a few of the leaders and a crowd
of the ignorant followers in one common destruction, have not
yet been fully told, though much has been brought to light
since Mr. Roberts wrote his laborious but uninspired Life
of Monmouth'. Several documents relating to the ‘’85,’
* The Museum in the Castle at Taunton, the actual scene of the most terrible
episodes of Jeffreys’ ‘campaign,’ contains the letters of ‘the proud Duke of
Somerset’ relating to the ransom of the Maids of Taunton, together with very
many of the ‘relics’ of the rising which are mentioned in Macaulay's Æistory.
CLARENDON CORRESPOWDENCE. 249
preserved in the Bodleian Library, have been printed in
the Academy from time to time by the present editor".
No attempt has been made in the notes to do more than
to identify the chief persons mentioned. Some are still suffi-
ciently obscure ; but in most cases the rapid progress and
approaching completion of the Dictionary of Nazional Bio-
graphy has rendered the work of the amateur biographer
superfluous. I have, however, sought, in a note on Letter XIII,
to trace the career of Captain Edward Matthews, whose part
in the campaign has been all but ignored, and who afterwards
became a cavalry officer of great distinction. He, like his
fellow-rebel Dr. William Oliver—who is alleged to have
travelled to London, after the rebellion and its sequel, in the
train of Lord Chancellor Jeffreys himself”— returned to
England in 1688 with William of Orange.
A few words must be added with regard to the facsimiles
that accompany these Letters. The portrait described by
Lord Derby, which is now inserted in its oak frame in the
cover of the MS. volume, has been reproduced as forming
part of his gift; but it is difficult to believe that it represents
the Duke of Monmouth. On the back is written ‘ Duke of
Monmouth by Foster.' On the spectator's right of the
portrait is the artist's signature, ‘Forster Delin. 98 [?].” It is a
pencil drawing on vellum by Thomas Forster (fl. 1695–1712),
whose portraits are highly esteemed, and who finds brief
mention in the Dictionary of National Biography (xxi. 21).
I am greatly indebted to Sir Seymour Haden for the following
remarks on Forster's drawing, which he has most kindly
permitted me to publish, and for the interesting sketch which
is here reproduced.
‘The portrait is of the time of Queen Anne ; and
may be that of the Treasurer Godolphin, or possibly of
his son, who married the daughter of Marlborough . . . .
* The ‘Christmas books’ for 1895 include three tales of which Monmouth is the
hero—/n Zaunton Town by Everett E. Green; After Sedgemoor by Edgar
Pickering; and ZThe Secret Cave by Emilie Searchfield.
* Monk's Roll of the Aoyal College of Physicians, i. 493.
250 COLLECTA NEA.
Monmouth, who was much younger, and wore his own
hair, was not in the least like this portrait, as you will
see by the sketch I send you", which is that of an
unmistakeable Stuart, and is a fair representation of
the picture at Woodcote. At the back of the picture,
also, in Georgian writing, are these words : —
“From Miss Wray * and to her from her father
Sir William Ullithorne Wray—the son of Sir Cecil
Wray of Lincolnshire—in whose possession it was
originally
Monmouth''
[No date] .
‘It is supposed, however, that it was painted for
Lady Henrietta Wentworth, who was Monmouth's
mistress at the time of his death, and about the only
friend he had.”
The almost contemporary sketch of Sedgemoor inserted
at the end of the Letters is probably from the pen of the
Rev. A. Paschall, Rector of Chedzoy on Sedgemoor from
I662, who naturally possessed unique opportunities of ac-
quainting himself with the details of Monmouth's defeat.
His account of some particulars of the fight has been printed by
the Historical MSS. Commission (IX. iii. 5 sq.), together with
a note of two plans of the battlefield which he drew up within
a few months of the action. Paschall left a record of certain
supernatural occurrences, which he considered, after the event,
to be forerunners of the troubles of 1685 (Roberts, Duke of
Monmouth, i. 217). In his letter, as in this sketch, he attributed
special importance to the pistol-shot fired at the Langmore
Stone by—as some suggested—Captain Hucker ; the name of
the traitor, if traitor there were, is not mentioned in the plan.
The original MS. has been mounted ; but, when held up to
the light, it is seen to bear the endorsement in Dr. Arthur
* This sketch is after a beautiful oil-painting of the decollated head of Mon-
mouth, in the possession of Sir Seymour Haden, which was shown at the Winter
Exhibition of Old Masters at the Royal Academy, 1892.
* For the pedigree of Wray of Glentworth, see Dalton’s History of the Wrays
of Glentworth, Part III, ad imit.
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CLARENDON CORRESPOWDEWCE. 25T
Charlett's unmistakeable handwriting, ‘Monmouth March at
Sedgmor 1686. The next folio in the same volume of the
Ballard Letters contains a MS. copy of “ King James. 2d
Declaration for y” Ease of his Catholick Subjects, which no
one who has acquainted himself with Charlett's scholarly if
somewhat pedantic hand could attribute to any other writer.
C. E. DOBLE.
OXFORD : A\ecember, 1895.
fol. 2.
252
KNOWSLEY, Oct. I 7, 1854.
MY DEAR SIR,
In looking over some old Papers here the other
day, I found (how they came here I know not) some
Original and apparently autograph letters which appeared
to me to be curious. They are private letters addressed
by Lord Clarendon to the Earl of Abingdon as Lord
Lieutenant of Oxfordshire, during, and on the suppression
of the Duke of Monmouth's Rebellion. I have no doubt
of their genuineness; and if from the connexion of the
University with the Writer as well as the locality you
think they would be worth depositing in the Bodleian
Library, I shall have great pleasure in offering them to
the acceptance of the University for that purpose; and .
in that case would send with them a Miniature Pencil
drawing of the Duke of Monmouth, which is not too
large to be let into the cover of the Portfolio which
should contain the letters, and for the authenticity of
which latter I can so far vouch that it has been in this
house since 1729 at least, since it appears in a Catalogue
of the Pictures and Engravings here, which formed the
Collection at that time.
I am
My dear Sir,
The Revd. Yours sincerely,
The Vice Chancellor. DERBY.
[Addressed]
The Revd.
The Vice Chancellor
DERBY. Worcester College
Oxford.
CLARE/WDOW CORRESPOWDEAVCE. 253
OxFor D, May 21th, 1683.
My LoRD,
I came hither this morning with their Royal Highnesses", and
to morrow they will dine with your Lordship. I intended to have
sent the Confectioner to you, but he tells me he has mett with some of
the King's Confectioners who are come from London to wait upon
your Lordship on this occasion; I have sent the Cookes which were
with me, whom your Lordship may dismisse, if you have no occasion
of them. I am very Sorry I cannot wait on you to morrow, but I am
obliged to be at London to morrow before noon, but wherever I am,
and at all times, I shall be with great respect
My dear Lord
Your Lordship's
Most obedient humble Servant
CLARENDON.
My very good neighbour Mr. Mayottº will be with you this evening,
who will give all necessary informations.
For the Right Honorable
the Earle of Abingdon.
At Rycott.
* The Duke and Duchess of York. There is a full account of this visit in
Wood's Life and Zimes, ed. Clark, ii. 46 sqq. On May 22, “At Io in the morning
they left Oxon, went to Rycot to dine with the lord Norrys earl of Abendon (who
entertained them and their retinew, all countrie gentlemen and scholars that came,
with a most noble and splendid diner).-And thence to Windsore, from whence
they came.’
* Robert Mayott, of Fawler, Esquire, was High Sheriff of Oxfordshire in 1681.
“He had the duty of conveying in his coach from Henley to Oxford that State
prisoner Stephen Colledge [the Protestant joiner] for his trial for treason on
August 17, and Superintending his hanging and quartering in the gaol’ (Davenport,
Oxfordshire Zords Zieutenant, &c., 1888, p. 74). He was a neighbour and
intimate friend of Clarendon at Cornbury, and is frequently referred to in
Clarendon's Ziary, ed. Singer (ii. 308, and see Index). In 1690 Mrs. Mayott
gave Clarendon ‘a little cordial water, and some Venice treacle,” which he took.
Next day he found himself ‘much better for the treacle.” Roger Brent, Lord of the
Manor of Thrupp, married Frances, daughter of Robert Mayott, Esq. (Mrs. Staple-
ton's 7%ree Oxfordshire Parishes, p. 123). For another Robert Mayott see
Wood's Life and 7%mes, iii. 36, and Roger North’s AExamen, 557.
fol. 8.
254 COLLECTANEA.
fol. II.
II.
WHITE HALL Febr. Ioth 1684.
My DEAR LORD
I have received your Lordship's favour of the 8th instant, and
have obey'd your commands in presenting your Lordship's duty to
his Majesty in as good termes as I could ; and I can assure your
Lordship the King is very well inform'd of those who served his late
Majesty' as they ought to doe, and is particularly acquainted with
your Lordship's meritt, and the constant fidelity of your family to the
Crown; his Majesty intends to be served in Oxfordshire by no body
but your Lordship, being satisfyed that none can doe it better; the
King's Proclamation upon the death of the late King, is sufficient
authority for your Lordship to act by, till you have a new Commission
for Lieutenant of the County as you had before, and which you will
have with all speed, the King having given order for the renewing
of it. Yesterday in Councell, the King declared that he resolved to
have a Parliament meet in the beginning of May, which I find gives
great Satisfaction to all people here, and I hope your Lordship will be
able to make such elections in your parts as you have a mind to ;
Every body is very well satisfyed and pleased with all things which his
Majesty has hitherto done, and certainly it will be our own faults if
we are not the most happy people in the world, which I hope the
wisdome of the approching Parliament will procure to the Nation by
their dutifull behaviour to the King when they meet. I shall give your
Lordship no further trouble at present, but beseech you to beleeve that
I am from the bottome of my heart
fol. II b.
My Lord
Your Lordship's
Most faithfull and most
humble servant
CLARENDON.
* Charles the Second died on Friday, Feb. 6. In Clarke's Zife of /ames ZZ, the
king states that ‘he continued the generalitie of imployments throughout the three
Kingdoms, in the same hands they were in at the late King's death : for there had
been so great an union betwixt them, both in opinion and inclination, that it
reconcil’d his present Majesty to any one his Brother had thought fit to trust.’
CLA REAWDOW COA RESPONDEAVCE. 255
III.
WHITEHALL Feb. 26th 1684. fol. I4.
MY DEAR LORD
I had wayted on your Lordship before you left the Town, but
that I verily beleeved you had gone away on Thursday morning, as
you designed, and I knew nothing to the contrary, nor of your being
ill, till I mett your Brother Mr. Bertie" on Friday night; on Satturday
morning I endeavour'd to kisse your hands, as Mr. Mayott can testify,
but your Lordship was not stirring, and before I came back to your
lodging, you were gone. I have now received your Lordship's of the
23th instant, and am very glad to find by it that the elections in your
countrey are (tho' with some difficulty) like to goe to your mind; for
my Lord Falkland”, he will fully answer your expectation, being, in
truth, as worthy a man as any you can choose; I wish you may be as fol. 14".
well satisfyed with Mr. Tipping, but I will hope well of him. The
lettre which your Lordship sent me enclosed, and which was directed
to the Mayor of Woodstock, shews the villany of some people, but
I hope it will not be in the power of all their insinuations to doe any
reall mischief: Many of those lettres have been thrown about the
Town here. Here is nothing of news to tell your Lordship. The
last lettres from Bruxelles say the Duke of Monmouth” is privately
* Captain Henry Bertie, at this time M.P. for the City of Oxford : died 1734.
* Anthony, fourth Viscount Falkland, Paymaster of the Forces; died 1694.
Wood describes the election (Zife and Zimes, iii. 136): ‘March 18, W., election
of Knights of the shire; Anthony viscount Falkland stood, Thomas Tipping of
Ewelme, esquire, Thomas Beard of Fritwell a phanatick (son of alderman Beard
of London), and Thomas Hoord of Cote [in the parish of Bampton] esq. March 19,
Th., about 9 or ten in the morning they concluded polling and Falkland and
Tipping carried it. Hoord had many voices but gave no entertainment, and
because he would not pay for their night's lodging they went home and he lost
it.” Hord stood for the Convention Parliament, and for that of 1690, but was
at the bottom of the poll (ib. 145, 26o, 296, 525). Peter Wentworth, brother of
Lord Strafford, married his daughter Juliana (Wentworth Aapers, ed. Cartwright,
3). A later Thomas Horde of Cote, Esquire, was High Sheriff in 1746 and
1753. Tipping was outlawed under James II, being excepted from the General
Pardon of 1688 (Autob. of Sir /. Bramston, 318); and had his outlawry reversed
under William III (Luttrell, i. 527). He was created a baronet in 1698, and in the
same year was ‘married to the only daughter of the late collonel Cheek, formerly
lieutenant of the Tower’ (ib. iv. 344, 356).
* For the duke's position and plans at this time, see Roberts' Zife of Monmouth,
i. 184 sqq., and especially Ralph's History of England, i. 853. Ralph states that
256 COLLECTA NEA.
fol. I5.
fol. I7.
fol. 17°.
there, for he does not find encouragement to appear in publique, and
that he’s preparing to goe into Germany to engage in the warr against
the Turks. I doe most heartily wish your Lordship the perfect
recovery of your health, and that you may have all your desires in
this world; and I beseech you to beleeve that | I am with great respect
and esteeme.
My dear Lord
Your Lordship's
Most faithfull and most humble
Servant
CLARENDON. C. P. S.
For the Right Honorable
The Earl of Abingdon
at Rycott.
To be left at the Post House
In Oxford.
IV.
WHITEHALL /une 20th 1685.
My DEAR LORD
I could not sooner dispatch your Lordship's Servant, by reason
that your Commissions were not done, there being soe much busines
in all offices, that 'tis not to be wonder'd at, if things are a little longer
in doing then usuall; I hope those Commissions will goe herewith,
for your Servant is attending at the Secretary's office for them, and
I have sent one with him, he being a stranger; The Commissions
are for two Volunteer Companyes to be raysed in Oxford, with blanks
for your Lordship to fill up as you deſsijred; arms for them will be
ready for them at Windsor, of which you shall have a further account
in the beginning of the week. I thinke the King told your Lordship
he designed a Troop of Horse for your Brother Henry, whose Com-
mission I hope will goe by this Messenger; his Majesty likewise will
the Prince of Orange had persuaded him to go into the Emperor's service; and
Echard that he proposed to spend the summer in the Court of Sweden. There is
a curious account of Monmouth at Brussels in a broadside in the Bodleian Library
(Ashm. F. 5. i. 114) entitled A True Coppy of a Zetter Written by a Gentleman
in Brussels, . . . gizing . . a Brief Account of the State of those Provinces, in
A'elation to the War. As also some Remarkable Passages Æelating to his Grace
James Duke of Monmouth Since his Arrival in those Parts. It is dated
Brussels, August the Ioth, S. N., I684.
CLARENDON CORRESPONDEAVCE. 257
send a Commission to your Brother Richard' to raise a Troop of
Horse, but that was resolved on but this day, and soe cannot be ready
to goe now, but I will take care to send it to your Lordship, he being,
as I am told, now with your Lordship. Herewith goes the King's
lettre to your Lordship with orders to take up all such persons as you
shall suspect”, and to putt them into the prison at Oxford, and some
other orders which were directed yesterday. All the news I can tell
your Lordship out of the West, is that the Duke of Albermarle” and
my Lord Churchill” were both joyned at Axmister on Thursday last,
and resolved to march in pursuit of the Rebells as yesterday. Mon-
mouth was at Ilmister “ on Thursday, and went thence that day for
Taunton, his strength was not above 4ooo foot, and 500 horse, most
rabble, and halfe of them unarmed. The Militia of Sommersett-
shire * begin to take heart again; my Lord Churchill has with him,
besides 1500 foot of the Dorsettshire Militia, four Troops of my Lord
* Lord Abingdon's half-brothers are mentioned in Correspondence of the Earl of
Clarendon—Richard, i. I 34 sq., 139, and Charles, i. 140. They were sons, by his
first wife, of Montagu Bertie, second Earl of Lindsey, father (by his second wife)
of Lord Abingdon and Henry Bertie. Richard died unmarried in 1685, and Charles
(of Uffington, co. Lincoln) died s. p. in 1716.
* Lord Abingdon writes to Clarendon ; Oxford, June 21, 1685 : ‘I am now
sending out warrants to seize Hord, Blake, and Bard, and will take up also what
lesser men I can find out, there being not one Nonconformist minister that I know
of in the county, and very few old officers.” For these arrests cf. Wood, Zife and
Zimes, iii. I45. Philip Henry was committed a close prisoner to Chester Castle at
this time ‘with some Gentlemen and Ministers that were fetch'd there out of
Lancashire'; and he and many others doubtless considered the brief confinement
their ‘Security in a dangerous time ’ (Diaries and Zetters of A. H., 1882, 325 sq.).
* Christopher, second Duke of Albemarle, died in Jamaica, 1688; see O. AV. B.
xxxviii. I46. Churchill had received an English peerage on May 14, and was
appointed Major-General on July 3 of 1685. His part during the rebellion has
been related once for all by Lord Wolseley in the Zife. Lord Wolseley writes
(i. 299): “The study of this campaign makes it evident that Churchill was
the only officer on either side who displayed activity, vigilance, or any knowledge
of war.”
* For this portion of the expedition, see Roberts' Duke of Monmouth, i. 299 sq.
One of the best original accounts of the rebellion from the Royalist side is that
printed in Hist. MSS. Comm. Report IX. iii. 2 sqq.
* The militia of Somerset had executed a very swift strategic movement to the
rear. The Axminster Book of the Independent Chapel (quoted by Roberts, i. 289)
records: “The Lord Sent a hornet of fear amongst them, so that a dreadful
consternation of spirit seized on them, that in some places they fell one upon
another, in other places some ran away with amazement. Some were so stricken
with terror that they were even bereft of their reason, and like distracted persons;
others threw away their weapons of war and would take them up no more; and
many watched opportunities to leave their colours and old officers, and came and
fol. 18.
III. S
258 COLLECTA WEA.
fol. 20.
of Oxford's' Regiment, two Troops of Dragoons, and nine Companys
of Foot of the standing forces; and this morning are march'd towards
the West three Battalions of the foot guards, under the Duke of
Grafton”, and a hundred and fifty of the horse guards, under my Lord
Feversham *. Your Lordshipp shall not fail of a constant account
of all that passes, and of all other service that can be pay’d you, by
My Lord
Your Lordships
Most faithfull and most
humble Servant
CLARENDON. C. P. S.
WHITEHALL /une 22th 1685.
MY DEAR LORD
I should be out of countenance to have written your Lordship
such a lettre as I did on Satturday, if I could have help’t it, but there
was really soe much busines at the Secretary’s office, that was to be
dispatched that night, that those which concern'd your Lordship and
your two Brothers could not be dispatch'd, and those for the Volunteers
were not done as they ought to be, which made me take them from
your Servant, and it was soe late, that I had not time to alter my lettre
to your Lordship; but he carryed you all the necessary orders con-
joined with this new company.’ Among the last class was John Coad, whose
Memorandum of the Wonderful Providences of God (Longmans, 1849) is perhaps
the most graphic account extant of one of the sufferers in Monmouth's
rebellion.
* Aubrey de Vere, last earl of the first creation; d. 1702.
* Henry Fitzroy, first Duke of Grafton, mortally wounded at the assault of Cork,
I690 (see Z}. A. B. xix. 205 sq.; Wolseley’s Marlborough, ii. Ig6 sq., 20I). His
duchess, daughter of the Earl of Arlington, was re-married to Sir Thomas Hanmer.
Swift (/ournal to Ste//a, Nov. 22, 171 I) records: ‘I dined to-day with Sir Thomas
Hanmer ; his wife, the Duchess of Grafton, dined with us: she wears a great high
head-dress, such as was in fashion fifteen years ago, and looks like a mad woman in
it, yet she has great remains of beauty.’
* For Louis Duras Earl of Feversham, see D. M. B. xvi. 247 sqq. He was
a nephew of Turenne, Marlborough's master in the art of war.
CLARENDON CORRESPONDENCE. 259
cerning your Militia and your selfe, soe that now you know fully what
you have to doe, and if there be anything you desire further directions
in, upon the least notice from your Lordship, you shall have immediate
Satisfaction therein; I have been forced to keep your Servant who
arrived here yesterday morning with your Lordship's of 20th instant,
till this morning, that he might carry everything with him, which could fol. 20".
not be ready before, and now, your Lordship will receive by him,
according to the desire of the University, blanke Commissions for two
Volunteer Troops of Horse, and for six Volunteer Companyes of foot,
which the Bishopp of Oxford sayd in his lettre" the University would
be willing to rayse; the Commissions are from the King, because of
their priviledges, but they are to be given to such persons as your
Lordship shall approve of, and they are to be commanded by your
Lordship. You will likewise now receive two Commissions for your
two Brothers, for each of them to rayse a Troop of Horse, when they
have chosen their officers, if your Lordship please to send up their
names, Commissions shall be sent for them. As for news, I will not
fayle writing to your Lordship by every post, which is every night,
that you may know all that we know here. For what came yesterday
by expresse from Scotland, it is fully related in the Gazett, that
I cannot add to it. This morning an other expresse is arrived, with an fol. 21.
account of an engagement between the King's army and Argile °,
* The bishop's letter of June 20 is printed in Clarendon Correspondence, i. 132 sq.
He wrote to the Earl of Clarendon: ‘I offered that my Lord Noreyes, who is
a student in this place, might be commissioned, with such others of our body as my
Lord Abingdon should approve; for this would be most acceptable to the University,
and avoid the jealousy which otherwise would be occasioned, if the Lord Lieutenant,
by his ordinary power, should put the University in arms, from which they are
exempt by their charters: and accordingly, in the time of the late rebellion, the
University had their commissions immediately from the King.” He accordingly
suggests that blank commissions should be sent down to the Lord Lieutenant's
hands. Lord Abingdon writes to Clarendon on the same day: ‘The Vice-
Chancellor and Bishop have been with me, and propose to raise two troops of
horse, and six companies of foot; only they desire thcy may be under Iny son's
command, by an especial commission from the King, to distinguish them from the
militia, being jealous of I know not what punctilio of privilege, which I am afraid
may spoil the whole design.” Some very important letters of Bp. Fell on this
subject are printed in Hatton Correspondence (Camden Soc.), ii. 55 sqq.
* For the reception in Oxford of the news of Argyle's defeat and capture, see
Clarendoz Corresp. i. 136 sq.; ‘the people . . . were in hopes that news had been
come of the defeat of Monmouth.’ Abingdon had written on June 20 : ‘I cannot
but observe to your Lordship, how ill it looks that his Majesty's enemies can give
such exact accounts of the rebels, when we, who are his servants, can speak
nothing certain. I therefore desire, if your Lordship thinks fit, that you will
be pleased to send me some account thereof that I may show about.’
S 2.
26o COLLECTA NEA.
fol. 23.
the particulars whereof I have not time to relate, but in one word noe
losse on the King's side, the Rebells fled, and Argile himselfe was
taken, and when the lettres came away was in very safe custody in
Glascow. As for news out of the West, your Lordship will see what
the Gazett sayes, which is all we knew the last night; this morning
the lettres which are come from Lord Churchill bring nothing, there
having been no late action ; but that Monmouth was certainly at
Taunton on Friday in the evening. Armes for the Volunteers which
you rayse at Oxford, are ready at Windsor, of which you shall have
a further account by my next, which shall be written by this night's
post. I am with very great respect
My Lord
Your Lordship's
Most faithfull humble Servant
CLARENDON. C. P. S.
VI.
WHITEHALL, /une 23%. 1685.
MY DEAR LORD
Since my last we have not had much news; the Duke of
Albermarle writes that the Rebells had left Taunton, and were gone
to Bridgewater, and that from thence he beleeved they would march
towards Bristoll', if that should be his designe, my Lord Churchill
with his party, will follow him close, and my Lord Feversham (who
arrived last night with the Horse at Chipenham, where mett him the
Earl of Pembroke with the Militias of Wilts and Hampshire, and the
foot guards will be there to-morrow) will give him some trouble ;
besides Bristoll it selfe is in a very good condition, the Duke of
Beaufort” being there with 5ooo very good men in the Town, such
1 The design on Bristol is described in Roberts' Zife, ii. I sqq., who quotes
especially Wade's narrative and Oldmixon's Aſistory.
* Henry Somerset, third Marquis of Worcester, created Duke of Beaufort 1682;
d. 1699. As Lord President of the Council in Wales, he had made in 1684 his
official progress through the Principality, of which Thomas Dineley has given
us a valuable record, reproduced in facsimile by Messrs. Blades in 1888.
CLARENDOW CORRESPOWDENCE. 26I
as he can rely upon. The king has been told that your Brother
Mr. Richard Bertie had a desire | to have Mr. W. Mildmay' for his fol. 23".
Lieutenant, and is very well pleased with it; I doubte not but he
may nominate his Cornett too, and that your Brother Mr. H. Bertie
may likewise nominate his officers, and therefore if your Lordship
please that they may send up the names of those they desire, the
King shall be moved for his approbation, which I dare say he will
readily give.
When the Rebells left Lime, they left behind them forty barrells
of powder, and backs, breasts and potts for five thousand men;
which are taken into the King's stores”. I have nothing more worth
troubling your Lordship with, but the assurance of my being
Your Lordship's Most faithfull humble Servant
CLARENDON. C. P. S.
For the Right Honorable
the Earle of Abingdon.
At Oxford.
VII.
WHITEHALL /une 24th 1685. fol. 26.
My LORD
I have received the favour of your Lordship's of the 23th
and am glad you had the Commissions for the Volunteers, and that
they were to your Satisfaction ; as for raysing a Company or two in
the City, I beseech your Lordship to consider, whether as Lord
Lieutenant you have not power sufficient to doe it; if you have not,
upon the first notice from you, I will move the King in it. I could
not immagine you still wanted the Commissions for your two Brothers,
* Mr. Walter Mildmay is mentioned in Clarendon's Z)iary, 167 and 311. He
was commissioned as Lieut. of Horse, June 18, 1685; of Peterborough's regiment,
1687; Major of Col. Holman's Regiment of Horse, Oct. Io, 1688 (D'Alton's English
Army Zists, ii. IQI, &c.).
* They were captured in the Pink and Dogger within the Cobb (cf. Wolseley's
Marlborough, i. 273). The Duke's frigate had sa ed for Spain; a letter from
Thomas Tye, surveyor of the Port of Lyme, describing his adventures on board,
was printed for the first time in the Academy, March 23, 1895, 257 sq., from the
Tanner MSS. by the present editor. -
262 COLLECTA NEA.
till I received your last lettre, for Mr. Bridgeman assured me they
should be deliver'd to the same person who tooke those for the
Volunteers; but I will now see them given to him my selfe. The
King is very well pleased that you have secured Tom Hord and his
friend Bard *; I wish you could meet with some of the Non-Con-
formists Parsons”, who run about the Kingdome doing all the mischief
they can. This afternoon an expresse is arrived from Scotland, with
an account of the utter and entire destruction of those Rebells, and
that amongst the many prisoners who are taken, the Rogue Rumball
is one : Ayliffe was taken ripping up his owne belly, he’s not dead,
but 'tis thought he cannot live. Argile is in Edenburgh Castle, he
complayns much of Monmouth's not comming into England soe soon
fol. 26b.
* William Bridgeman, grandson of John Bridgeman Bishop of Chester, and
nephew of Sir Orlando Bridgeman, Lord Keeper, was a successful placeman. He
was at this time Clerk of the Council, and afterward became Under-Secretary
of State, and Secretary to the Admiralty (see Luttrell, passim). He died ‘of
a feavour, May Io, 1699, and was succeeded as Clerk of the Council by
Mr. Southwell (ib. iv. 515). References to him occur in Secret Services of
Charles ZZ and James //; and he appears to have had fifty convicts ‘given to
him after the suppression of the Rebellion (Roberts, ii. 242). Cf. also Original
Zetters of the Duke of Monmouth, ed. Sir G. Duckett (Camden Miscellany viii);
Macray, Azazza/s of the Bodleian Zăbrary (ed. 2), 237, 462.
* For Hord and Beard, see p. 255 supra.
* In his letter of June 25, Abingdon assures Clarendon (Corresp. i. 136): “I am
endeavouring, as fast as I can, to pick up the worst men about the country; but cannot
yet meet with one Nonconformist parson, having taken some pains heretofore to ferret
them out.’ The Nonconformist divines of other counties (e.g. John Hicks) were less
fortunate. There is a broadside in the Bodleian Library, containing a manifesto
issued at the General Quarter Sessions for Devon held at Exeter October 6, 1685,
part of which may be quoted here. ‘And, whereas it hath appear'd that Non-
conformist Ministers, and Conventicle Preachers have been the Mischievous Factors
that have for a long time propagated and upheld the Faction, and under pretences
of Religion, have seduced the unwary People from their Allegiance and Duty, and
that considerable numbers of them were actually in the late Rebellion (fit
Chaplains indeed for such a Mushrom King, and fit Spiritual Guides for such
lewd Rebels). We resolve to Issue out Warrants from this Court for the Appre-
hending of all Non-conformist Preachers, that we shall be informed by the
Presentment of the head Constables or the Grand Jury, or by our own Knowledge
have been seen at any time within the space of three years within this County, as
Inhabitants, Sojourners, or Strangers. And whereas we have formerly ordered
Forty Shillings as a Reward to any that should Apprehend or secure them, we
resolve now, as a farther Encouragement, to give to any Person that shall appre-
hend or secure any one of them the Sum of Three Pounds. . . . I do Order and
Require all the Clergy of my Diocess in the County of Devon, deliberately to
Publish this Order the next Sunday after it shall be tender'd to them.—THo. Exon.
(Lamplugh). Licensed, October 15, 1685. R. L’Estrange.”
CLA RE/WDOW CORRESPOWDEAVCE. 263
as he promised". Lettres from my Lord Churchill of the 22th at
night from Langport, say that Monmouth was then at Glastenbury,
and that he Lord Churchill, intended the next day to endeavour to
attack him. Lord Feversham is now at Bristoll, where all the Foot
will likewise be to morrow, soe that he will have a very good body
both of Horse and Foote, either to joyn Lord Churchill, or to meet
the Rebells, as he thinks best. The Duke of Beaufort has putt fol. 27.
Bristoll into a very good condition; soe that that place is safe, tho’ the
Rebells should attempt the attacking it. I am with very great respect
My dear Lord
Your Lordship's
Most faithfull humble Servant
CLARENDON. C. P. S.
For the Right Honorable
the Earle of Abingdon.
At Oxford.
VIII.
WHITEHALL /une 25th 1685. fol. 29.
Io at night.
MY DEAR LORD
I write this purely to performe my promise to your Lordship,
for I have nothing to entertain you with, worth giving you the trouble
of a lettre; The last news we had from the West tells us that
Monmouth was last night at Pensford, which is with in six miles of
Bristoll, which is very well provided to receive him, and my Lord
Feversham was there this morning; the rest of the King's forces are
very neer, and ready to fall into his reare, soe that by the blessing of
God, we shall have a very good account of them, and perhaps by
to morrow morning; whenever any thing comes that is considerable,
I will not fail to send it by an expresse to your Lordship. I will take
the liberty to referr your Lordship to the Gazette for the Scotch fol. 29°.
* The history of this expedition is told by Macaulay, i. 268 sqq. (crown 8vo. ed.).
Argyle was executed June 30 ; Rumbold June 29 ; and Ayloffe, who did not
succeed in his attempt at self-destruction, October 30 (Dict, AVat. Biog. ii. 284),
264 COLLECTA NEA.
fol. 32.
newes; it is soe particularly related there by Order from the King,
that nothing can be added to it.
I have nothing further to trouble your Lordship with at present,
but the assurance of being
My Lord,
Your Lordship's Most faithfull humble
Servant
CLARENDON. C. P. S.
Disnie" was tryed this day for printing Monmouth's Declaracion,
the evidence was very full, and he's condemned.
For the Right Honorable
the Earle of Abingdon.
At Oxford.
IX.
WHITEHALL June 26th 1685.
Io. at night.
MY DEAR LORD
The lettres we have this day received from the Duke of
Beaufort, and from my Lord Feversham who is with him at Bristoll,
and likewise from my Lord Churchill, who was then at Wells, are all
dated on the 24th, and doe all agree that Monmouth was that night
at Pensford, within five miles of Bristoll, which made them all beleeve
that he has some designe upon that place”, of which we shall have
an account in all probability to morrow morning, if it be anything
considerable your Lordship shall have an account of it, with all speed.
* William Disney was executed on Kennington Common June 29, and his
quarters were fixed on the City gates (Roberts, i. 233; Luttrell, i. 348-350). The
Declaration—‘the masterpiece of Ferguson's genius,’ as it is styled by Macaulay—
is printed in full by Roberts, i. 235 sqq. An original copy is preserved in Bodley,
Pamphlets 170, 1685. 3: a well-printed small quarto of eight pages.
* For the attempt on Bristol, see Roberts, ii. 8 sqq.; and for the somewhat
exaggerated account of the skirmish at Keynsham, ii. I4 sq., Hist. MSS. Comm.
V, 328. There is a life of Sir Theophilus Oglethorpe (d. 1702)—made a Brigadier-
General after Sedgemoor—in the Dict. AVat. Biog. xlii. 50. His widow is
familiar to all readers of the Journal to Stella. Swift wrote of her, December 12,
I7II, when Oxford’s ministry was in extreme peril, as ‘so cunning a devil, that she
could find a remedy, if they would take her advice.”
CLARENDON CORRESPONDENCE. 265
I have just now received your Lordship's favour of the 25th and
have nothing further to trouble you with at present, but the assurance
that I am
Your Lordship's
Most faithfull humble Servant
CLARENDON. C. P. S.
For the Right Honorable
The Earle of Abingdon.
At Oxford.
WHITEHALL /une 27th 1685.
My DEAR LORD
I have just now received yours of the 26th and am very glad
you are soe forward in raysing your Volunteers, but all things find
a quick dispatch which are under your Lordship's conduct. I will
know the King's pleasure to morrow concerning your raysing
Volunteers in the City of Oxford, and will acquaint your Lordship
with it by the next.
Lettres this morning from the Duke of Sommersett" dated the
25th say, that a party of the Rebells of two hundred horse, being
at Cainsham upon the River Avon, with in four miles of Bristoll,
Coff, Oglethorpe with a hundred of the horse guards, fell upon
them, and kill'd eighty upon the place, and the rest fled; of Our
side, was only one man missing, and my Lord Newburgh * was
* Charles Seymour, ‘the proud ' Duke of Somerset, d. 1748. He played an
important part, as a Trimmer, under Queen Anne; and he and his duchess (the
victim of the Windsor Prophecy) figure often in Swift's caustic pages.
* Charles Livingston, second Earl of Newburgh, had but a brief and troubled
career. He succeeded to the peerage in 1670. In 1681 he fought a duel with
Lord Kinsale (the principals were “two striplings under twenty, Luttrell, i. 150);
in I691 he was ‘scowring the streets, and committed some disorders,’ with ‘several’
other ‘persons of quality, and shortly after, with ‘some others, rambling in the
night, fell upon the watch, and beat them severely” (ii. 234, 238). In 1692
proclamations were issued for his arrest with other prominent Jacobites (ib. 448);
and later in the year he surrendered with Mr. Griffin (ib. 477); married Lady
Frances Brudenell (ib. 565); in 1693 his brother killed Mr. Charles Howard in
a duel (iii. 208). He died April 6, 1694 (ib. 291). For the action of June 25
See Roberts, ii. I 3 sqq.
fol. 35.
266 COLLECTA NEA.
fol. 35".
fol. 4o.
shott dangerously in the belly; here is a report in Town, that
Monmouth with his whole army was after this engagement marching
towards Cainsham, and that Lord Churchill fell upon his reare, and
destroyed many of them; but this last I only tell your Lordship
as report, for the King has yett no account of it: When we know
more, your Lordship shall be sure to have it.
This afternoon the King came to the Parliament, and pass'd all the
Bills which were ready"; but I beleeve we shall not adjourne till
towards the end of the next weeke.
I am with very great respect and esteeme
My Lord
Your Lordship's most faithfull humble Servant
CLARENDON. C. P. S.
For the Right Honorable
The Earle of Abingdon.
Att Oxford.
XI:
WHITEHALL /une 28th 1685.
My DEAR LORD
I can add little to what I writt to you the last night, there
having been no engagement in the West since that of Colt. Oglethorpe;
lettres which were writt from Bathe yesterday morning, say that all
the King's forces, viz: my Lord Feversham, my Lord Churchill, and
the Foote under the Duke of Grafton, were all joyn'd together, at
Bathe, and were yesterday morning to march in pursuite of the
Rebells, who, meeting with soe ill entertainment at Cansham, were
retired quite back again to Froome; being now all joyn'd, we may
expect every day to hear of some action, which as soon as we have
any account of, your Lordship shall know it. My Lord of Pembroke”,
* The titles of these Bills are given in Echard, iii. 761, the last being “An Act
for rebuilding, finishing, and adorning the Cathedral Church of St. Paul, Zondon.’
* Thomas Earl of Pembroke is now best remembered by the antiquities which
he brought together at Wilton, and by Swift's intimacy with him when the earl
was Lord Lieutenant of Ireland; for their puns and their ‘Castilian language,’ see
Craik's Zife of Swift, I4I sqq. James was anxious that Pembroke should be
appointed commander of the British troops in the Dutch service in 1685, on the
ground that “he has really served me eminently well in this last affair, against the
Duke of Monmouth' (Dalrymple, iii. 136 sqq.). His report on the beginnings of
the rebellion at Frome is quoted by Roberts, ii. 23 sq.
CLA RE/WDO/V CORRESPONDENCE. 267
with the Militia of Wilts, is at Troubridge, his men keep in very good
order: I hope my next will give your Lordship a good account of
the Rebells. I am,
My Lord,
Your Lordship's most faithfull
humble Servant
CLARENDON. C. P. S.
For the Right Honorable
the Earle of Abingdon.
At Oxford.
XII.
WHITEHALL /une 29th 1685.
My DEAR LORD,
We have this day received lettres from the West, with this
account, that on Satturday morning, the King's army march'd from
Bathe in pursuit of the Rebells, whom a party of our army, under
the command of the Duke of Grafton, overtooke at a place call’d
Philips Norton "; our men marching into the lane, (the hedges being
lined on both sides by the Rebells,) were something gall'd by the
shott, but our horse came to the relief of the foote, and soe after
some dispute, the Rebells march'd off towards Froom, and our party
retreated to the body of our army, which was at Bradford; on our
side were eight men kill’d, and twenty wounded, but noe officer
neither kill'd nor hurt : On the Rebells side many were kill'd (but the
certain numbers not knowne as yett) and amongst them (as is
confidently written) Captain Mathews', sonne-in-law to Sir Thomas
* There is a full account of Philip's Norton fight, the issue of which was scarcely
so favourable to the King's troops as is here represented, in Roberts, ii. 18 sqq.;
Macaulay, i. 292 sq. James II wrote (Dalrymple, iii. 132): “Mathews that com-
manded the rebels' horse [was] killed by Lieutenant Vaughan ; and in Account
of the most Remarkable Fights and Séirmishes between his Majesties Æorces and the
A'ebels in the West (Ashm. 739. 30) it is stated (p. 3) that ‘ the Rebels lost Captain
Mathews who commanded that party, and divers others of lesser note.” The report
was false. Edward Matthews had married Jane, daughter of Sir Thomas Armstrong
(D. M. B. ii. IoI). He discouraged Monmouth from the expedition, but joined
him after his landing with assurances of aid from Hampshire (Roberts, i. 196 sq.,
265, ii. 17); having absented himself with Wildman, Speke, and Trenchard
(Luttrell, June 4, 1685; see also Hist. MSS. Comm. XII, App. Part vi, 395 sq.).
fol. 41.
268 COLLECTA NEA.
fol. 41°.
Armstrong, and who was one of the most considerable men Mon-
mouth had about him, Lord Feversham intended to rest yesterday,
to refresh both his men and horses, and as this day to draw neer the
Rebells again, who seem'd to fix at Froom. This is all the account
we have at present. I am now to acknowledge the favour of your
Lordship's of the 28th, and am very sorry you find soe much difficulty
in raysing your Brother's troop : Indeed I thought the Commissions
for his Lieutenant and Cornett had been sent to you before this,
After Lord Grey’s misconduct at Bridport, to Monmouth's inquiry ‘what should
be done with him, Matthews replied that ‘there was not a General in Europe that
would have asked such a question but himself” (Roberts, i. 278). On the eve of
Sedgemoor he urged Monmouth to divide his cavalry, with the object of saving
a portion from Grey’s incompetent leadership. In the battle he commanded the
Duke’s left wing (Roberts, ii. 60, 72, 82), and managed to escape from the field.
Evelyn (ZDiary, July 8, 1685) states that ‘ the Archboutefeu Ferguson, Matthews,
&c., were not yet found. Edward Matthews, of Lincoln's Inn, Esq., was excepted
from the General Pardon of 1685 (Roberts, ii. 259), and from that of 1688 (Autob. of
Sir V. Bramston, Camden Soc., 318). If Mr. Roberts is right in identifying him with
the ‘Mathieu’ of Barillon, he must have been captured not long after Sedgemoor, as
James II read to the French ambassador, about Sept. Io, I685, ‘ from the originals,
the deposition of Mathieu, the attendant of Monmouth, as to what this person
knew of the designs of the French Protestants’ (Roberts, i. 187). Matthews
received in 1690 a grant of £100 from William III, out of secret service money
(Rawl. MSS. A. 306, 184). On Dec. 24, 1691, the royal assent was given to “an
Act for settling a jointure on Jane, the wife of Colonel Edward Matſt]hews,
daughter of Sir Thomas Armstrong, deceased ' (Hist. MSS. Comm. XIII, App. v.
273). In August, I 690, his regiment of dragoons arrived at Hoylake from Ireland
(Luttrell, ii. 87); and shortly after he went with Marlborough and Colchester to
Portsmouth, for the attempt on the French coast (ib. 95). He was sent to Ireland
in October (ib. I 19, I23); and July, 1692, his dragoons were in garrison at Ports-
mouth (ib. 520). He was now colonel in the Royal Regiment of Dragoons
(H. M. C. XIV, App. vi. 188). June 21 he was president of a Court Martial at
the Horse Guards (Luttrell, iii. 122). He was expected to be a candidate for
Wigan (ib. 243), vice Sir Richard Standish, Bart., deceased; but John Byrom, Esq.,
was returned, Jan. 24, 1694. In March, 1694, his regiment embarked for
Flanders (ib. 285 sq.); and in July of the same year he was made Brigadier-
General (ib. 345). Two or three years after the Battle of the Boyne, at the Duke of
Leinster's table, the courage of James II was affirmed by his enemies, ‘and this was
supported by Brig.: Edward Matthews, a late creature of the Duke of Monmouth';
who later on repeated his assurance, ‘and cited the late Duke of Monmouth, his
patron, for his author, and who had assured him that there was not a man of more
valour to his knowledge, as having been eyewitness’ (Memoirs of Thomas, second
Aarl of Aylesbury, 267, 343). On Aylesbury's return from his secret mission to
France, May, 1693, Brigadier Edward Matthews' Royal Regiment of Dragoons
had lately been quartered on the Kentish coast, and the earl was nearly taken (339).
Matthews died May 28, 1697 (Luttrell, iv. 230; three officers of the same surname
are confused in the Index). He has not found a place in the ZJictionary of
AVational Aiography. [See PS., p. 278 infra.]
CLARENDON CORRESPONDENCE. 269
but since they are not, I will take care they shall be sent to you
to morrow ; as shall likewise be the Commissions for the inferior
officers of the Volunteers for the University ; and for which there
Ought to be no fees pay’d, of which I will give you an account
to morrow when I send you the Commissions. I have no more to
trouble your Lordship with at present, but the assurance of my being,
with great respect,
My Lord,
Your Lordship's
Most faithfull and most
humble Servant
CLARENDON. C. P. S.
For the Right Honorable
The Earle of Abingdon
At Oxford.
For his Majesty's
speciall service.
XIII.
WHITEHALL, June 30th 1685.
My DEAR LORD
I have received your Lordship's of the 29th but have nothing
new to tell you, there being noe lettres come from the West since
yesterday morning, of which your Lordship had an account in my
last. I have acquainted the King with what your Lordship desired,
and his Majesty commands me to tell you, that if a Habeas Corpus
should come for Mr. Hord and Bard", it must be obeyed, but his
Majesty hopes care will be taken they may be brought up safe. As
for the Commissions of the inferior officers of the Volunteers, they are
* Lord Abingdon had written on June 29 (Clarendon Corresp. i. 140): “I told
your Lordship Messrs. Hord and Bard had sent for Habeas Corpus, which I hear is
now coming; and I desire your Lordship will know his Majesty’s pleasure what
the gaoler shall do therein. I have sent your Lordship a list of prisoners that
were brought in yesterday from Northampton, which have filled our gaol very
full; and yet I have more to send for out of this county, as fast as I can get
horse to fetch them in, my own being harassed with constant duty.’ The
commissions for the ‘inferior officers’ are mentioned ib. I 39 sq.
fol. 44.
270 COLLECTA NEA.
fol. 44".
fol. 47.
not yett ready, but I am promised them to morrow with out fail, and
then they shall be sent to you. Rumbold was executed in Scotland
on Thursday last; he dyed very stubbornly, without the least repent-
ance, and owning his Republican principles. Argile was to be
beheaded this day, an account of whose death we shall have by the
next flying Packett; I am with great respect,
My Lord,
Your Lordship's most faithfull humble Servant
CLARENDON. C. P. S.
For the Right Honorable
The Earle of Abingdon.
At Oxford.
For his Majesty's
speciall service.
XIV.
WHITEHALL /uly 2nd 1685.
My DEAR LORD
I have now upon my hands both your Lordships of the 3oth
past, and of the 1st instant, and am to begg your Lordship's pardon
for omitting writing by the last night's post, but the truth is, it was
very late before I gott home, and was very weary; and besides I had
nothing new to tell you; for we had nothing from the West neither
yesterday nor to day, only this evening we had an account that the
Rebells have made an other turne, and came to Wells again on
Tuesday in the forenoon; and the King's forces were then at Froom.
I am out of countenance that you have not yett the Commissions for
the officers of the Volunteers Troops, I am promised them positively
to morrow, the reason of the delay has been only the multitude of
busines in the offices, and Mr. Bridgeman having been sick these two
dayes, but to morrow I shall certainly send them to you : I am very
sorry to find by your Lordship's that the Bishopp is soe ill, I hope
* Bishop Fell’s health was rapidly failing. Prideaux wrote to Ellis a week
later (Zetters, Camden Soc., 143): “Our good Bp. is faln very ill, and I fear will
not long last. We begin already to be sollicitous who may be his successor.”
The same solicitude probably shortened the bishop's life; but he survived until
July Io, 1686.
CLARENDON CORRESPONDENCE. 27I
he will quickly recover. My Lord Dartmouth has given orders to fol. 47°.
your Brother Charles to send your Lordship halfe a tun of match, and
a proportion of powder and bullets. Captain Cannon', an Officer in
the King's army is just now arrived, he left my Lord Feversham at
Froom at five last night; he sayes the Rebells plunder'd Wells
yesterday”, and that then they removed to Glassenbury; he sayes they
are very poor, have noe money, and pay for nothing, and that their
numbers decrease dayly; they keep in the close countrey, and will not
come in a possibility of fighting; I have no more to add at present,
but that I am
My Lord
Your Lordship's
Most faithfull humble Servant
CLARENDON. C. P. S.
For the Right Honorable
the Earle of Abingdon.
At Oxford.
For his Majesty's
speciall service.
XV.
WHITEHALL July 3d 1685. fol. 50.
My DEAR LORD
I have received your Lordship's of the 2nd instant, for which
I am to return you my thanks. We have had nothing this day from
* Cannon was sent immediately after Monmouth’s landing to assist the Tuke of
Somerset (Roberts, i. 310). James II writes, Aug. Io, 1685 : ‘for a regiment, as
I keep Canon here, he, lord Pembroke, may have it’ (Dalrymple, iii. I 37).
Cannon afterwards served under Dundee, whom he succeeded in the command
after Dundee's death at Killiecrankie; but he was defeated at Dunkeld and at
Cromdale (see Macaulay, ii. 55, &c.; Burton's Scotland, I689–1748, i. 139, &c.).
The latter action will be familiar to readers of 7%e Memoirs of Captain Carleton,
where Cannon is mentioned; but the book is altogether unhistorical. Particulars
of Alexander Cannon (or more properly Cannan)'s career will be found in
T)'Alton’s Anglish Army Zists, esp. vol. ii. 230.
* There is a full account of the proceedings of Monmouth's followers at Wells
in Plumptre’s Zife of Ken, i. 21.3 sqq. James II wrote to the Prince of Orange
that ‘the rebels had sufficiently plundered Wells, church and all.” Cf. Hist. MSS.
Comm. X (Wells) 264; Roberts, ii. 36 sq. Monmouth's resources had now failed
(Roberts, ii. 35).
272 COLLECTA NEA.
fol. 53.
the West, nor have we had any thing from thence since the news of
the Rebells having plunder'd Wells. I am very glad your Lordship is
soe well pleased with your Volunteer Militia, but there is no doubte,
whatever your Lordship undertakes will be better performed, then
what is done by any one else. It is better to end here, then to trouble
you with a long lettre when I can tell you noe news; I am ever
My Lord
Your Lordship's most faithfull
humble Servant
CLARENDON. C. P. S.
For the Right Honorable
the Earle of Abingdon.
At Oxford.
For his Majesty's
service,
XVI.
WHITE HALL /uly 4th 1685.
MY DEAR LORD
The news we have heard since my last is very little; only
a Gentleman who came to Town late last night, sayes that on Thursday
the Rebells march'd towards Bridgewater, and that my Lord
Feversham with the King's army march'd the same day from Frome
towards Wells, and that he intended to gett up to the Rebells, and
encamp within a mile of him, which will make them keep close, and
not ramble soe much abroad”: the same person sayes positively the
Rebells are not above 50oo, and many of those ill armed, and ill
mounted. I am ashamed your Lordship has not yett received the
Commissions for the inferior officers of your Volunteers, but I know
not how to help it; nor can I lay the fault any where, but purely on
* Bishop Fell had written on June 28 (Hatton Corresp. ii. 57): “It will be high
time that somewhat be attemted upon the rebells by the King's forces, for it is an
unaccountable thing that they should be sufferd to ramble up and down for
several weeks without any notice taken of them, or so much as a single troop
falling upon their rear. Whatever bystanders think of it, neighbor princes will
imagin that we ar a very easy prey to an invading army, who cannot make head,
in three weeks time, to a desperate man who landed with only an hundred and
fifty with him.’ Cf. Memoirs of Sir /. Aeresöy, 338 (ed. Cartwright); Reresby's
brother was a captain in the Duke of Grafton's Regiment of Guards.
CLARENDON CORRESPOWDEAVCE. 273
the great glutt of busines; I call every day at the Office my selfe, fol. 53°.
besides sending thither, and I am certainly promised them on Munday.
The three Scotch Regiments' which came out of Holland, are this
day march'd to Branford, on their way towards the King's army in the
West, they are excellent men, and well disciplin'd. I have nothing
more worth troubling your Lordship with, but the assurance of my
being with great respect
My Lord
Your Lordship's most faithfull
humble Servant
CLARENDON. C. P. S.
For the Right Honorable
The Earle of Abingdon.
At Oxford.
For his Majesty's
service.
XVII.
WHITEHALL July 7th 1685. fol. 56.
MY DEAR LoRD
I am in Soe great a hurry at this time, that I cannot answer
your Lordship's lettres; but I must not omitt telling you, that yester-
day morning the Rebells with their whole army fell upon our army,
who were encamped with in three miles of Bridgewater”, and after
* James wrote of them to the Prince of Orange on July 3 (Dalrymple, iii. 132):
‘There cannot be, I am sure, better men than they are, and they do truly look like
old regiments, and one cannot be better pleased with them than I am, and must
again thank you for them. They quarter this night in Southwark, and are to
march to morrow for Houndslow.’ But James had no real confidence in them.
* The King found he could not even trust his own Subjects that came from thence,
much less Strangers; for being advertised by some Officers of those three Regi-
ments, and by their seditious discourses in their quarters, that many not only
of the Souldiers but of the Officers too, were So well affected to the Duke of
Monmouth that he durst not send them downe to the West, but rather trust to
the few Troops he had there already, than run the risque by sending a seeming
reinforcement to his own Army to send a real one to his enemy.” (Clarke’s Zife
of James ZZ, ii. 27.)
* For the rejoicings in Oxford at the news of Sedgemoor, see Hatton Correspon-
dence, ii. 58. The letter of Sir C. Lyttelton (ib. 60) is a severe indictment of the
judges engaged in the Bloody Assize: ‘Y” countrey lookes, as one passes, allready
III. T
274. COLLECTA NEA.
fol. 59.
a little contest, their horse commanded by my Lord Gray' ran away,
the foot quickly followed, and in a word, they are totally routed, neer
two thousand of the Rebells left dead upon the place, and not above
one hundred of Our side kill'd, and very few wounded; yesterday
about noon the King's forces were in quiett possession of Bridgewater,
and not ten of the Rebells to be found any where together; Where
Monmouth is we doe not yett hear: for to morrow you shall have
a particular relation; for the present I begg your Lordship's pardon,
and am in hast
Most faithfully yours
CLARENDON.
For the Right Honorable
The Earle of Abingdon.
At Oxford.
For his Majesty's
service.
XVIII.
[Draft.]
Oxon 8 /uly
My VERY GOOD LORD
A servant of my owne brought mee yesterday from the Campe
an account of the successe of his Majesty's forces against the Rebels
at Bridgewater, and I hope to heare from your Lordshipp this night
of their total defeate our army beinge in pursuite of the enemy when
my servant came away. The news was received here with bonefires
and tho’ I cold not bee much abroade having been ill all the morning
my Brother Charles acquaintinge mee that your Lordshipp had been
so kinde to the University as to gett the powder and other stores for
them without money I immediately gave them an account of it who
are very sensible of his Majesty's favour and thankefull for your
like a shambles. Cf. Wood, Zife and 7%mes, iii. 151. There is a copy of the
Form of Prayer and Solemn Zhanksgiving to Almighty God for Æis Majesties
Zate Victories ozer the Rebels, to be observed upon Sunday, July 26, in Pamph.
I7o, I685. 3.
* For Forde Lord Grey of Werk, see D. M. B., xxiii. 182. He ransomed him-
self at a great price, and was created Earl of Tankerville in 1696; d. 17o I.
Macaulay's portrait of him must be fresh in the recollection of all readers.
CLARENDON CORRESPOWDEVCE. 275
Lordshipp's and have sent two waggons and a guarde to fetch them
hither which will bee some charge to them and therefore I begg your
Lordshipp will bee pleas'd to gett them dispatch'd as speedily as
possible and I doubt not but that magazine with the armes they have
will bee a security to this place and the whole County on all emer-
gencys. I am not yet very well and begg your Lordshipp's pardon
if I add no more but that I am
Your Lordshipp's
(ABINGDON.)
To L. C.
XIX.
[Draft.]
Io /uly
My VERY GooD LORD,
I thanke your Lordshipp for the good news of the total
defeate of the Rebels, and I shold bee glad to have confirm’d by your
Lordshipp what comes from severall hands in the West that their
head is taken '. I have us’d all diligence to stopp and secure all
suspicious persons but cannot yet meete with any of them which
makes mee thinke that as none went to them out of this County
so few will come this way. I was in hopes of takeing one Lee”
a nonconformist minister who hath a farme in this County and usually
comes once a yeare to his tennant but resides cheifely at London, but
I cold not meete with him tho’ I found some hogsheads of his bookes
(as his tennant sayes). I presume my Militia Horse will speedily
return hither and all of them have orders to returne to their owne
homes, and their moneths pay being out about Wednesday next
* Monmouth was captured early in the morning of July 8 (Roberts, ii. Io'7).
It is difficult to understand Reresby’s statement (Memoirs, ed. Cartwright, 339)
that the duke ‘from the beginning of this, his desperate attempt, had shown the
conduct of a great captain, insomuch as the King said himself, he had not made
one false step.”
* There is an excellent Life of Samuel Lee in the Dict. of Mat. Aiog. xxxii. 37 sq.
He possessed an estate at Bignal, near Bicester, and was at this time minister of
an Independent congregation at Newington Green. He very wisely emigrated to
New England in 1686. Lee was a writer of some mark; but Lord Abingdon's
suspicion of ‘some hogsheads of his books’ seems to be uncalled for.
T 2.
276 CO/LLECTA NEA.
fol. 59°,
I wold begg of your Lordshipp to take care I may have some
directions before that time. Wee had last night bonefires and as
general and greate expressions of joy for this victory as ever I saw on
any occasion, and I heare this morninge that a zealous sister who had
often said &c. was Soe unable &c. that she hath &c. I heare Mr. Bard
is at liberty and I shold bee glad to have some orders to dispose of
those horses I tooke from him and Mr. Hord, and haveing no body
but your Lordshipp to apply to must begg you will pardon this and
the many other troubles have been given you by
My Lord
(ABINGDON.)
My University officers begin to looke blancke for feare they shold
not have their Commissions. I hope your Lordshipp will take care
they may have them which the zeale they have showne and the expense
they have been at deserves. -
Oxon.
XX.
[Draft.]
Oxon Io July.
My LORD
I thanke your Lordshipp for the good news of the total
defeate of the Rebels, which I immediately communicated to the
Vice-Chancellor and Maior, and I must needes say there was as
general and greate expressions of joy on this as ever I saw on any
occasion. I likewise that night sett guards on all the passages about
this towne and not onely sent out a good petrol upon the roads for
4 or 5 miles round but a Company of the Volunteers under C:.
Finch march'd to Islipp where is a considerable road from Worster'.
* For Captain the Hon. Leopold William Finch, afterwards Warden, it is only
necessary to refer to Prof. Burrows’ Worthies of All Souls, 297, &c. The drum
used by him is still preserved in the College Bursary. See also Wood, Zife and
Times, iii. 146, 149, &c. Mr. Andrew Clark shows (Wood, Zife and 7%mes,
iii. I51) that Islip was an important point on the great road from London to
Worcester and the West. Wood records that the footmen of Merton ‘went to Islip
to secure London road, and to stop all suspicious persons going to London.—At the
same time the Universitie horse rode all night and dispersed themselves on th:
roads by Dorchester, Abendon, Farringdon,’ &c. Prideaux wrote July 9 (Zetters
CLA REWIDON CORRESPONDENCE. 277
I have likewise search'd some suspicious [persons crossed through] but
I cannot yet meete with any of the Rebels which makes mee thinke
that as none went out of this County so few will make this way and if
any doe I have taken such Order that I hope they cannot escape.
Whatever commands his Majesty shall bee pleas'd to send mee farther
shall with all readynesse and cheerfullnesse bee obey'd by
My Lord
Your Lordshipp's
(ABINGDON.)
In searchinge after one Lee a Nonconformist Minister who lives
about London but hath an house in this County I have found 5 hogs-
heads of bookes and his horse and if hee bee in this County I hope to
take him.
XXI.
WHITEHALL July 9th 1685. fol. 63.
My DEAR LORD
This Bearer Sir Edmund Warcupp "will tell your Lordship all
the news we have here, and therefore I need not give your Lordship
any trouble at this time, but only to congratulate with you the taking
of Monmouth, for which God be praysed ; it is not to be doubted but
the same God, who hath putt Soe happy and speedy an end to this
Rebellion, will blesse the King with a long and happy reigne over us;
under whom your Lordship will find the reward of your many and
zealous services.
to AE//is, I42 sq.): “Our rebellion is now over, Monmouth and all his party beefng
routed. Instead thereof we have now got a standeing Army, a thing the nation
hath long been jealous of; but I hope ye King will noe otherwise use it then to
secure our peace, The war now from ye feild I suppose will passe into ye roads,
won we must expect will a while be infested with the remainder of those rogues.’
* Edmund Warcupp, of Northmoor, Oxon, was created M.A. 1663, and D.C.L.
I67o; knighted, Dec. 15, 1684; refused to take the oaths and test 1687 (Luttrell,
i. 323, 396). He was a nephew of Speaker W. Lenthall (Madan, Supplementary
Catalogue, iii. 379); and served ‘in 1659 as a captain in the Parliamentary Army,
in the Regiment of Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper. After the King's return he was
made a J.P. for Middlesex; and he was actively engaged as a Magistrate in 1678,
when the Popish Plot was pretended to be discovered” (Davenport, Oxfordshire
Zords Zieutenant, &c., 66 sq.). See Wood's Fastī (ed. Bliss), ii. 325; Tanner
MSS. xxiii. 5o; Macray, Annals of the Bodleian Library, 242, 254.
278 COLLECTA NEA.
fol. 63°.
The King has sent for this grand and ungratefull Rebell to be
brought up as soon as may be, but I doubte he cannot be here till
Munday at soonest; his friend Grey is to come up with him ". The
King has this day thought fitt to send Monmouth's children to the
Tower. Your Lordship will now have time to take your rest, and
therefore 'tis not fitt I should interrupt you any longer; I am ever
My Lord
Your Lordship's
Most faithfull humble servant
CLARENDON. C. P. S.
For the Right Honorable
the Earle of Abingdon
At Oxford.
* The duke and Lord Grey were committed to the Tower on the evening of
Monday, July 13 (Roberts, ii. 121). Clarendon accompanied the duchess on her
first visit to her husband in his prison (ib. ii. 132); and the duke's children were
committed to the Tower on July 9, the duchess accompanying them voluntarily.
The daughter (Anne) died August 12, and was buried in Westminster Abbey,
August 13, ‘in Monmouth's vault, privately” (Chester, Westminster Aóðey
Registers, 2I4); and the two sons were released on November 17. Evelyn's
remarks (Diary, July 16, 1685) will probably commend themselves to most
readers: ‘Thus ended this quondam Duke, darling of his father and the ladies,
being extremely handsome and adroit; an excellent soldier and dancer, a favourite
of the people, of an easy nature, debauched by lust; seduced by crafty knaves,
who would have set him up only to make a property, and taken the opportunity of
the King being of another religion, to gather a party of discontented men. He
failed, and perished.” But he prepared the way for a better soldier and more
astute statesman, after a brief interval, to gain the throne to which he had aspired.
PS. TO NOTE ON PAGE 268.
D'Alton states (AEnglish Army Zists, ii. 250) that Matthews began his career
as a volunteer at Tangier; and gives the date of his commissions as follows:
Lieut. in Viscount Mordaunt's Regiment of Foot, Nov. Io, 1688 (247; in the
same regiment was Capt. E. Norton, ‘probably the Edward Norton, Esqr. indicted
for high treason as a fellow-conspirator with the Duke of Monmouth in 1685,” 243);
Lieut.-Col. of Col. Leveson's Regiment of Dragoons, Dec. 31, 1688; Col.
of the Royal Dragoons, 1690; Brigadier-General of Horse in Flanders, Oct. 4,
1694 (ib. 250). Is he identical with the Edward Matthews who was Ensign in
the Marquis of Worcester's Regiment of Foot, June 13, 1667; and Captain in
Col. Stradling's Regiment of Foot (Feb. 28, 1678) *
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PART VI.
D R. NEWTON AND HERT FORD
COLLEGE
BY
S. G. HAMILTON
DR. NEWTON AND HERT FORD
COLLEGE.
-º-º-
RICHARD NEWTON was born probably in October 1, 1675,
at Yardley Chase in Northamptonshire, but on the borders
of Buckinghamshire, and not far from his father's estate of
Laundon or Lavendon Grange” in the latter county. He
was ‘educated in Grammar learning, as he tells us, at West-
minster, was admitted to a Westminster Studentship at Christ
Church at Christmas, 1694, and took the usual degrees of B.A.
in 1699, M.A. in 17OI. He was ordained deacon at Fulham
May 26, 17oo, and for four years seems to have devoted him-
self to teaching, as a College and private tutor, at Oxford.
In June, 1704, he was ordained priest, and was presented by
Bishop Compton of London to the rectory of Sudborough
near Kettering in his native county. It must have been soon
after this that he vacated his Studentship by marriage *: but
he continued his pupils in his country cure, and had established
such a reputation that in 17 Io, on the death of Dr. Thos.
Smith, Principal of Hart Hall, pressure was put by his friends
* Newton to Rawlinson (MSS. Rawlinson, v. 18. 147): “I do not certainly know
the day of my Birth, the 8th of November was the day on which I was Baptis'd.’
* He was the second son of his father, Thos. Newton of Laundon, but succeeded
to the estate, his elder brother James having died in 1690.
* His wife was Katherine, daughter of Andrew Adams of Welton in Northants,
and sister of Dr. Adams, a fellow of Magdalen, of whom Hearne (April 24, I7II)
gives a very indifferent account.

282 COLLECTA NEA.
—among whom were Bishop Compton and Dean Aldrich—on
the Chancellor * to nominate him to the Principalship, and on
himself to accept it *. Newton was admitted Principal July 28,
I7Io, and from this date begins his public life at Oxford.
Newton returned to Oxford with decided views on the
necessity of reform in the University: he accepted the charge
of the Hall in the hope that he might make of it a model for
imitation in learning, discipline, and economy. Hart Hall was
not an unpromising field for his experiment: its character had
always been respectable, and Dr. Smith, though his rule had
been short, had an excellent reputation as a scholar and dis-
ciplinarian *: within the limits of the Aularian Statutes,
Newton was free to make what regulations he pleased. Un-
fortunately the building operations of some of his predecessors
had burdened the Hall with debt: so, in spite of his dislike of
pluralities, he decided to retain for the time his rectory, and
devote the income of his headship, as it came in, to the dis-
charge of its liabilities”. In the University pulpit he very
soon distinguished himself. Hearne is loud in the praise of
this ‘ingenious honest man,’ as he calls him *. One knows
that in Hearne's vocabulary homest and Jacobite are convertible
terms; but, though it is likely enough that Newton shared
the Tory sympathies of the majority of the clergy, he was,
as he frequently tells us, of no party": and he had at this
time the charge of two pupils who may have somewhat Com-
promised him in the eyes of keener politicians—the two sons
* The Duke of Ormonde, Chancellor 1688–1715.
* “The Station I am in was not Coveted by me . . . I was sent for, from a very
Peaceful Retirement by my now ZXeceas'd Friends to Do what I have been attempt-
ing.” Onizersity AEducation, p. 271.
* Hearne, June 2, 1710. Smith had been Principal only since October, 1707.
* Zetter to Dr. Holmes, p. 6.
* Hearne, July 29, 17 Io. Even after Hearne has become disgusted with Newton’s
general conduct, he looks back with regret to the sermons of those early years:
April 12, 1726, he writes, ‘I can never now expect anything curious and usefull, or
done with any tolerable skill and judgment (whatever words may be in it) from this
Gentleman, who however was formerly an excellent Preacher, as I have heretofore
intimated more than once, till he was spoild by too great an opinion of himself.”
* In Oniv. Ed. p. 218, a father's advice to his son is, ‘Have nothing to do with
Aºoliticks, which when you have studied all your life, you will not have found out,
what will hereafter be the Aumour, or Resentment, or Prizrate Interest or Auð/ic Viezws
of Men in Power.” Decidedly an affair of Men, not Measures, in Newton’s opinion
DR. WEWTON AND HERTFORD COLLEGE, 283
of Lord Pelham : Thomas, afterwards Duke of Newcastle, and
his brother Henry'. But Hearne, though his good opinion
of Newton was short-lived, is still fair enough to him in 1712
to protest against the quibble by which he was excluded from
becoming a candidate for the vacant office of Public Orator.
The Statute then regulating the election required that the
person elected should be a Master of Arts or Bachelor of
Civil Law 4: hitherto these words had been interpreted as
though they had been followed by the usual qualifying phrase
‘ at the least “’: but on this occasion a strong party in Con-
vocation were prepared to hold that all degrees were excluded
except those expressly named. Newton, who had taken the
degree of D.D. shortly after his appointment to Hart Hall,
thought it best to withdraw ; and the rival candidate, Digby
Cotes of All Souls, was elected, largely, as Hearne tells us,
through the influence of the head of his College, Dr. Gardiner,
then Vice-Chancellor, who seems to have been the inventor of
the new interpretation put upon the Statute *.
But Newton’s chief care at this time was the new scheme
of discipline which he was introducing into his Hall, and which,
he now began to hope, might be established on a permanent
footing by the incorporation of the Hall by charter. Mean-
* To the future duke, who went to Cambridge, Newton was private tutor : but
Henry Pelham was matriculated at Hart Hall in September, 1710.
* Under the existing Statute (Tit. 17, sec. 5) membership of Convocation is the
qualification for the office: a B.C.L., as such, would now therefore be excluded.
° E. g. Dr. Hammond, having become D.D. in 1638, was elected Public Orator
in 1645.
* Hearne, Dec. 2, 1712. On Cotes' death in 1746 Thomas Lisle, fellow of
Magdalen, was elected, though a D.D. of three years' standing. Newton, in
Appendix iii to his Statutes (p. Io9) has some remarks obviously referring to these
two elections and the part taken by certain Colleges in them. ‘If the University
be disposed to prefer no Other than the Person Fit for the Vacant Office, They
will of themselves Promote One to it, whom they shall think Worthy to fill it
. . . This being the Case, Computations are no more Necessary that a Fit Man
should be chosen, than it is necessary to this End, that a Great College, divided in
their Opinions of the Fitness of Competitors, should make it a Rule to Vote all
One Way; the Minority, contrary to their Opinion, going over to the Majority;
Or that the Greater Colleges should agree among themselves to Lend each other
Mutual Assistance towards carrying All Elections for One or Other of their respective
Members.’ And again : ‘I have lived to see the Same Great College, retaining,
if not All, yet several of the Same Members, for and against the Same Thing, in
the Same Circumstances, with Marvelous Unanimity, or at least Uniformity.’ The
Statutes were printed in 1747, when Lisle's election was fresh.
284 - COLLECTA NEA.
while the debts incurred by former Principals were paid off;
some of the small tenements which then crowded and confined
the boundaries of Hart Hall were purchased ; and a lease was
obtained from Christ Church on very easy terms of an unde-
fined piece of ground to which they had a claim ". On the
area thus obtained Newton built, partly with the aid of sub-
scriptions, the existing Chapel of Hertford College, and the
south-eastern corner of the quadrangle: this was the famous
Angle, the model for three others, which Newton intended to
build on the same plan. Fortunately for posterity, he never
had the means to carry out this part of his design. The
Chapel was consecrated by Bishop Potter of Oxford, Novem-
ber 25, 1716 °: Dr. Newton gradually established his discipline;
and in 1720 printed an outline of his scheme, professedly for
the purpose of inviting criticism ; though, since he added an
appendix of remarks designed to meet all possible objections,
it is most likely that the alterations subsequently made were
due to his own revision. The essential features of the New-
tonian discipline are the same in this scheme and in the later
Statutes of the College. Already the outward form of the
buildings is minutely prescribed : the quadrangle is to be II5
feet in length and IOO in breadth; the four angles are every
one of them to contain fifteen sets of rooms, the central set to
be occupied by a tutor *, who was to be responsible for the
good order of his Angle. The sides of the quadrangle were
to contain—the Chapel already built, on the south, the Gate
with the Library above it on the west, the Hall on the north,
and the Principal's lodgings on the east. All was to be
uniform, and to correspond with the buildings already com-
pleted *. The new foundation was intended to be a training
* It seems that Newton built, or was thought to have built, over this ground
without knowing of the Christ Church claim to it. A tenant of Christ Church
discovered from his lease that part of the property which he held of the House was
a ‘Garden in Hart Hall.’ This, he protested, “he had never seen in his life, nor
knew where to find.” Christ Church accordingly transferred this part of the lease
to Dr. Newton at a quit rent of 4d. per annum ‘without consideration.’ See
Conybeare, Calumny A'efuted, pp. Io9 sq. Newton, Grounds, c. ix. p. 54.
* Newton's sermon on this occasion was printed and * dedicated to the sub-
scribers.’ Hearne, Dec. 21, 1716.
* Profanely called an ‘Angler.” Amhurst, Append. to Terrae-filius, p. 283,
‘a precarious angler in your hall.’ * Scheme, p. 5.
DR. WEWTON AND HERTFORD COLLEGE, 285
School principally for the clergy; but Newton did not approve
of a plebeian clergy', and did not care to give much encou-
ragement to ‘poor scholars.’ So, though every one was to be
endowed, no one was to have a maintenance: the income of
the tutors was to be chiefly dependent on their pupils; the
students, as they were to be called, were to receive just enough
to induce them to submit to the discipline *; just enough, an
unfriendly critic might say, to enable them to pay the fines
by which the discipline was to be enforced. In one respect
this first design was less ambitious than the later one ; Hart
Hall was not to be a College but an Incorporated Hall 8, an
anomalous institution, which seems to foreshadow the AVew
Foundation * of modern times. This feature of the scheme
Soon disappeared : probably it was found that it would be
easier to get the Society incorporated as a College of the
well-understood type than in a way for which there was no
precedent.
The design of the new College encountered opposition at
the very outset. Dr. George Clarke, M.P. for the University",
writes to Dr. Charlett" Jan. Io, 1721 :—
‘I hear from Oxon that ye Principall of Hart Hall is very fond of
* Newton's views on this point deserve to be noted. Appendix to Scheme, p. 2:
‘It seems Inconvenient that many more should aim to be educated Clergymen,
than who can Themselves bear the Charge of a Liberal Education. For the
Narrow Notions and Ordinary Behaviour of Persons meanly Born and in low
Circumstances; their Want of Books for the Improvement of their Understandings,
and even of decent Apparel for their comely Appearance in their high Stations;
their Liableness to Improper Compliances with Great wicked Men for Bread, and
the little Interest they will always have to Protect Themselves or their Brethren
from Oppression in bad Times, will naturally subject them to Contempt, to the
great Disservice of Religion.’ He thinks there are ‘Servitor's Places enough in
the two Universities to bestow on all the Poor Youth in the kingdom,’ who deserve
a University education. Four are provided for in this scheme: in the later Statutes
the objectionable name of servitor is changed for that of scholar.
* In particular, to strict residence in Term. App. to Scheme, p. I.
* Scheme, p. 5: ‘This Society shall continue in the same State with regard to
the rest of the University, after it shall have received the aforesaid small Endow-
ment, as it was in before, and be called by the same Name, as it now hath, and hath
had for above these four hundred Years.”
* Of which Keble College is as yet the only example.
* Fellow of All Souls 1680–1736; he represented the University in Parliament
continuously from 1717 to his death in I736. He had recently taken a considerable
part in the foundation and endowment of Worcester College (1714).
* Master of University, 1692–1722.
286 COLLECTA NEA.
founding a College, but would be content to doe it in another con-
venient place if one could be found for him; he intends to apply to
ye Chancellor" for his approbation, of which I have given his Lóp
notice this morning, that he may not be surprised into a consent, but
take time to know the thoughts of his humble servants at Oxford.
I told him that I could wish Dr. King” and Dr. Newton to exchange
their Halls, and reminded his Ldp of the claime we layd in, when he
was at Oxford, for Hart Hall, if it should become vacant".’
The scheme partly revealed in Clarke's letter was this :
a certain Dr. Worth 4 had, it seems, a promise from the Duke
of Ormonde when Chancellor of the Principalship of Hart
Hall on the next vacancy. If the Hall were incorporated
under Newton's Statutes, he would have been cheated of this
prospect. So it is proposed that Dr. Newton should take
St. Mary Hall in exchange for his own, and found his College
there—a Cool proposal, considering his recent purchases and
buildings. Though this particular plan was not pressed, yet
consideration for Dr. Worth’s interest in Hart Hall seems to
have made many of the Heads of Colleges unwilling to give
to Dr. Newton’s scheme the approval which the Chancellor
required " as a preliminary to his own consent. -
Dr. Charlett died not long afterwards": and in the disputed
election for the Mastership of University which followed,
Dr. Newton had an opportunity of which he did not fail to
take advantage, of making his peace with the Heads". The
* The Earl of Arran, who had succeeded the Duke of Ormonde in 1715.
* Dr. William King, Principal of St. Mary Hall, 1719–1763.
* MSS. Ballard, 20. Io'ſ.
* Worth had been deprived in 1707 of a fellowship to which he had been irregu-
larly elected at All Souls, being then Archdeacon of Worcester. (Hearne, Jan. 9,
I707.) He was a good Scholar, and probably wished for a locus standi at Oxford :
but I suspect that this scheme was part of a larger one, the object of which was to
add to Charlett's preferments. It may be noted that both King and Newton long
survived Dr. Worth, who died in 1742.
* Here, I presume, Dr. Clarke's influence comes in.
* December 18, 1722. Dr. Newton was inclined to attribute all his subsequent
troubles to the check which Charlett had given to his designs: ‘He is in his
Grave, having first been the Instrument of defeating My Project, without accom-
plishing Æſis Own." Letter, p. 7.
* At least it seems that his action had this effect. Conyb. C. R. p. 53. Newton,
Grounds, c. vii. p. 32 n. Perhaps his fondness for writing was always a sufficient
cause for a pamphlet.
DR. NEWTON AND HERTFORD COLLEGE, 287
two candidates for the mastership were Thomas Cockman, a
former, and William Denison, an actual fellow of the College.
At the election Cockman obtained five votes out of ten, and
Denison, who threw away his own vote, only four. But it
was contended that a canonical election being required by the
Statutes, one candidate or the other ought to have had an
absolute majority of the electors present. Denison's Sup-
porters appealed to the Visitors : five days afterwards
‘The Visitors met. The Proctor for the Appellants returned the
Process duly executed on the Parties Appellate. They were severally
call’d. None of them appear'd. The Visitors pronounced them
Contumacious, and decreed Procedendum fore eſc. Hereupon Eight
of the Visitors exhibited a Protest in writing, wherein they declar'd,
that inasmuch as they had not Determin'd this Cause within Three
Days after it was brought before them, their Visitatorial Power was at
an end. . . . Then came Mr. Cockman into Court and declar'd he had
been admitted, that morning, to the Mastership of the College; and
that the Visitors had no further Jurisdiction. . . . The Court adjourned
to the next day, Dec. 12. . . . The Protesting Visitors absented. The
Acting Visitors proceeded to hear the merit of the Appeal. They
found Mr. Cockman's Election had not been made agreeably to the
Statute de Canonica Electione. They . . . order'd the Fellows to pro-
ceed to a new Election. They were regularly cited for that purpose.
Nine appear'd. Five proceeded to elect. Four refused. Mr. Denison
was elected. There was no Appeal to the Visitors. His Election
was Confirmed. He was Admitted. He is Master.’
Such is Newton’s account of the matter " : but who were
these Visitors P. They were the Vice-Chancellor, Doctors in
Divinity and Proctors, who styled themselves and wished to
be believed ‘the true lawful and undoubted Visitors of Uni-
versity College.’ In fact their position was open to serious
doubt. They had certainly acted on former occasions as
Visitors, but only as delegates of Convocation, in which the
Visitatorial authority really resided, and to which there lay
an appeal *. In the end Cockman obtained the Mastership :
* Proceedings, &c. Vindicated. Introd.
* W. Smith (Annals of Oniv. Col/. p. 376) sums up to the effect that ‘it is as
impossible for one Side to shew that ever a Master of University College was
admitted by any Fellow till his Election was approved by the Vice-Chancellour
288 . COLLECTA WEA.
but it was at the expense of overthrowing the Visitatorial
authority of both Convocation and its Delegacy, and estab-
lishing that of the King as the successor of Alfred'.
But six years were yet to pass before the case of University
College was finally decided at Westminster: meanwhile Dr.
Newton put forth a pamphlet to vindicate the authority and
proceedings of the self-constituted Visitors. The Heads of
Houses * were conciliated; his principal opponent amongst
them had been removed : and on the representations of
Newton's friends, among whom was Mr. Strangeways *, an
intending benefactor to the new foundation, the Chancellor
gave a cordial approval to the scheme of incorporation *.
But troubles from another quarter had meanwhile appeared.
In an unhappy moment, “some time towards the latter end of
the year 1722 or the beginning of 1723, John Conybeare,
fellow of Exeter College, had “discover'd casually" a memo-
randum in Eveleigh's Register Book of Exeter College estates;
which suggested, that the Title of Exeter College to Hart Hall
was much clearer than the Title of Magdalen College to Mag-
dalen Hall; and that Hart Hall might be recover'd to Exeter
Doctors and Proctors; as it is for the other Side to prove that those last named
persons are the true and absolute Visitors of the College, or any more than a stand-
ing Delegacy, from whose Judgment Appeals may and frequently have been made
to the Convocation.’
* And, it may be added, of setting up the Alfred legend as an article of Faith.
See a letter of May 2, 1727, quoted by Smith (p. 339): ‘It has been said in West-
minster Hall by one of the Interpreters of the Law, that king Alfred must be
confirmed our Founder, for the sake of Religion itself, which would receive a Greater
Scandal by a Determination on the other Side, than it had by all the Atheists Deists
and Apostates from Julian down to Collins: that a Succession of Clergymen for so
many years should return Thanks for an Idol, or mere Nothing, in Ridicule and
Banter of GOD and Religion, must not be suffered in a Court of Justice.’
* Who practically controlled the Delegacy, seeing that it consisted precisely
of the Hebdomadal Board with the addition of such Doctors in Divinity as were
resident. Newton himself acted as a Visitor on this occasion.
* Thomas Strangeways or Strangways had been a member of Hart Hall, and was
now M.P. for Dorset.
* Earl of Arran to Lord Carteret, May 17, 1723: ‘I am so far from being
a hindrance to this good Work, that I do not only readily give my Consent to it,
but make it my request that your Lordship would please to give Orders for the
expediting of this matter, so that the Principal’s good Intentions may have effect as
soon as may be.’ S. P. Dom. Geo. I. B. 56. I I5. Carteret was Secretary of State
until April, I 724, when the Duke of Newcastle succeeded.
* Newton thinks rather “sought after with diligence.” Grounds, c. vi. p. 23.
DR. NEWTON AND HERTFORD COLLEGE, 289
College, if it should be ever thought worth while to contend
for it".’ Conybeare did think it worth while ; and with the
Co-operation of some of the fellows and the support of their
Visitor, the Bishop of Exeter”, started a formidable opposition
to the granting of Dr. Newton's Charter.
Indirectly this was the cause of another misfortune: Dr.
Newton himself shall tell the story:
‘One of my Tutors, whilst I was attending the Grievous Opposition
given by Exeter College to the Incorporation of My Hall, had under-
taken to be the Publick Lecturer", in my Absence and in my Stead;
and, for proper Reasons, had alter'd the Hour of the Lecture, as I
My self have often done, from Two in the Afternoon till Four; and
had given early Notice of it to Those who were concern'd. A certain
Leader, who Assum'd to himself to be the Protector of the Com-
moners in their Privileges, that nothing of Hardship might be impos'd
upon them by their Tutors, took the Liberty to expostulate with the
Reader of the Lecture (though not himself subject to it) about the
Alteration of the Hour, in so unbecoming a Manner, and with such
improper Insinuations, as could not but have very ill Effects upon
the Society. Accordingly, Many of them enter'd into a Conspiracy
not to submit to the Lecturer's Injunction, and the Rule of the House
in that particular. They came not to Lecture; they were Impos'd.
They refused to make their Impositions; they were put out of
Commons. They broke open the Doors to come at the Provisions;
they were Sconc'd. They hiss'd the Tutors of the Society, and
shew'd other Marks of Insolence and Contempt; and went in a Body
to offer Themselves to be Admitted into Another House: They were
rejected, return’d home, cool’d in a day or two, came to themselves,
were asham'd and confounded at what they had been doing, begg'd
Pardon in proper Epistles, made their Impositions, were received
again into Favour, their pecuniary Penalties were remitted, the Hall,
for the present, was Exposed, but the Discipline of it, as I appre-
* Conyb. C. A. pp. 13 sq. It must be noted that Conybeare would give the
impression that the title of Magd. Coll. to Magd. Hall was clear, and the title of
Exeter Coll. to Hart Hall mezzch clearez : whereas it had been decided in the
Common Pleas in 1694 that Magd. Coll. had 7zo effective title to Magd. Hall.
* Dr. Lancelot Blackburne, the cheerful prelate who “ had been a buccaneer, and
was a clergyman,’ according to Horace Walpole. He was translated the next year
(1724) to York. But his successor, Dr. Stephen Weston, took up the quarrel with
still greater ardour.
* The Public Lecture was given by the Principal to all the Undergraduates of the
Hall every Thursday at two o'clock.
III. U
29O COLLECTA WEA.
hended, most effectually Establish'd'. And so, indeed, I had Reason
to apprehend, 'till it received this Wound from Mr. B. and from the
P—sſ of O—l, than which a greater hath not been given to Discipline
in general, in the Memory of Man, nor, indeed, can possibly be
given 4.’
‘This Wound' was the admission of William Seaman at
Oriel College. Seaman had been implicated in the revolt
and had returned to his duty with the rest. But ‘in Act
Term, 1723, he applied for a discessić from Hart Hall. On
Newton's refusal to give him one, he took his name off the
books and went into the country. Towards Christmas he
reappeared and was admitted a Commoner of Oriel College
in the absence of both the Provost and the Dean by Joseph
Bowles *, a fellow of the College, but not even, as Newton
complains, the senior in residence. Dr. Carter, the Provost,
was a man of peace: perhaps the thing done could not be
undone: at any rate he acquiesced in the irregular admission,
paying at the same time the fine of forty shillings imposed by
the Statute in such cases.
Dr. Newton had in this matter good cause of complaint, and
he was not the man to let it pass in silence; but the book
which he thought fit to publish on this occasion under the
somewhat misleading title of Oniversity Education magnifies
the grievance beyond all reason. His excited imagination
pictured Hart Hall deserted by all its scholars, fleeing from
the wholesome discipline which he had established:
“I seem to have only this Choice left me, Whether I will Suspend
the Use of the Statutes which the University hath laid me under an
Oath to observe, or Evacuate this Ancient House of Learning by
putting them in Execution.’
* Terrae-filius, Appendix, p. 306: “I joyfully congratulate your Majesty upon
this occasion; hoping that none of your subjects will attempt to disturb your reign
any more; but join with a loud voice in crying, Long live Dr. Newton, monarch
of Hart Hall.”
* Uniz. Zd. pp. Io9–Io8.
* The ‘Mr. B.’ of Newton’s book. He had been himself a Commoner of Hart
Hall (CVazz. A d. p. 74). “His own merit had not been overlook’d in that obscure
House of Learning.” Indeed, according to Amhurst, Newton had made difficulties
about his leaving it (App. to Zerrae-fi/ius, p. 283). He was Bodley’s Librarian
from 1719 to his death in 1729.
DR, NEWTON AND HERTFORD COLLEGE, 29I
And yet the thing complained of had never happened but
in this one instance since 1548. That the forty-shilling
penalty, originally fixed in 1489, had become trivial, is true
enough ; still it was all that the statute required ; nor had
such a disciplinarian as Archbishop Laud thought fit to in-
crease it in 1634. The fine, it seems, had ultimately come
Out of Seaman's pocket; but it was idle for Newton to insist,
as he did, that it was the Provost who should have paid it.
In the case of the year 1548 the Rector of St. Mary's College
was ordered by the Vice-Chancellor to restore a scholar whom
he had admitted without a discessiz from White Hall. Even
as he presents the case, Dr. Newton allows that the restora-
tion of the scholar was an alternative to the payment of the
penalty; yet he contends that the Provost of Oriel should,
after paying the fine, restore the scholar into the bargain :
‘Will now so Wise and Good a Man as Mr. P−$f of O-l
content himself to say, “That the Statute is Penal and that the
Penalty is paid” 2 Will a Good Man rest in this, that the Statute
Demands no more, and that therefore he ZWeed's do no more ? If he
Can do more; if it be agreeable to the /nſenſion of the Statute that
he should do more; if, in every respect whatsoever, it will be Beſſer
that he should, than that he should not, do more ; methinks, as he is
a Good Man, he must /Weeds do more. The Zeffer of the Law is one
thing, the Equity of it another. He must of Necessity desire, that
however defective the Expression of the Law may be, the /m/enſion of
it should not be fruitless. Defect in the Zerms of the Law, however
this may be a Refuge to One, who aims only to be Saſe, never fails to
be supply’d by Him, who loves to be Obedienſ".’
But the Provost's refuge was in silence:
“Newton with open mouth demands a Stray;
Carter looks wisely and will nothing say:
Newton remonstrates; Carter’s wondrous shy :
Newton then prints; but Carter won't reply:
O endless Question, should it last so long,
Till Carter speaks, or Newton holds his tongue * !’
* Univ. AEd. p. 83.
* Hearne, Nov. 16, 1724 : ‘Communicated to me last night by Mr. James West
of Balliol College, who said the author of them was Mr. Davies, formerly Vice-
Principal of Hart Hall. I should rather think they were done by Mr. Jones of
Balliol College.’
U 2.
292 COLLECTA NEA.
Needless to say, Newton never got back his ‘Stray.’ It
seems that one motive for Seaman's migration, which perhaps
could not well have been avowed, was that he had a prospect
of a fellowship at Oriel. He died fellow in 1735".
Seaman's was not the only case dealt with in Newton’s
book; another of his scholars, Joseph Somaster by name, had
applied for a discessit to go to Balliol, alleging that he could
live cheaper there than at Hart Hall, that he was promised
tuition for nothing, and finally that he was eligible for a
scholarship. On the last ground Newton felt obliged to let
him go, though the gratuitous tuition seems to have been
a delusion. But he was indignant at the reflection on the
economy of his Hall. To defend it he prints Somaster's
account” for one quarter of continuous residence, showing
* Hearne, May 12, 1735.
* I reproduce this account with Newton's own notes from p. 196. It is interest-
ing as showing the average expenses of an undergraduate in a College which aimed
at economy. The quarter is from Midsummer to Michaelmas, 1723, in which
period Somaster ‘was not Absent from the Hall one Day.’ His home being as far
off as Kingsbridge in Devon, he lived no doubt at Oxford, Term and Vacation
alike.
A s. d.
‘Chamber-Rent . g º * e g tº tº . OI OO OO
* Tuition and Officers Stipends . . * º g g . O2 O5 Oo
* University Dues . * * e e & * g . OO of O3
° Charter g e * © & * e te $ . oo oo off
Bedmaker's Wages & sº * gº º se * . oo of oë
Domus tº e º gº * g g * & . Oo OO O3
* Decrements . & wº e * * g s s . Oo O4 O2
Servitor * ſe e & e s e º g . oo oz off
Commons and Battels (Cook and Butler's Salaries • included) og 16 II
Ao? 17 or
* To the 7utor, Ál Ios. To the Publick Zecturer, 5s. To the Vice-Principal,
Chaplain, Caſechist, and Moderator, 2s. 6d. each. [These charges, Newton adds,
are rather above the average, but undergraduates at Hart Hall gain by having fewer
Fees to pay than elsewhere.]
* To the A’eaders of the Omendow’d Zectures, 6d. To the Bedell of Arts, 2d.,
called Culet, i.e. Collecta. To the Keeper of the Galleries at St. Mary's, 6d. To
the Clerk of St. Mary's, Id.
° Paid to the University, at Michaelmas and Lady Day only, for the Defence of
their Privileges.
* Each Scholar's Proportion for Fuel, Candles, Salt, and other Common Neces-
saries: originally so call'd as so much did, on these accounts, decrescere, or was
discozzafed, from a Scholar’s Endowment.
° 4d. a week to each of those Servants from every Commoner of the Society, in
lieu of all Fees and Perquisites, before receiv'd by them.”
DR, WEWTON AND HERTFORD COL.I.EGE. 293
that the whole expense of his eating and drinking did not
exceed Iołd, a day:
“After this manner did This Commoner Live in Hart Hall; and
after this manner . . . have Oſher Commoners Liv'd, and do still Live
in Hart Hall; and after this manner, whenever my Family are not
with me . . . do I Myself Live in Hart Hall. Upon these Occasions
I hardly ever Dine or Sup out of the Common Refectory; I neither
Vary the Meat" nor Exceed the Proportion that is set before the
J.owest Commoner; Zen-pence a Day hath paid for my Breakfast,
Dinner and Supper, even when there was Ale in the Society, which
now there is not *.’
However, a scholarship of £3 2s. 6d. a year seemed a
sufficient reason to Dr. Newton for granting Somaster
a discessit. * -
But Newton had his triumphs in this controversy as well as
his defeats: here is another story he has to tell:
“No sooner was W-m S-m's Settlement in O –/ C–e in ap-
pearance fixed and certain, but Amoſher Young Man of the Society,
equally reluctant to the Discipline of it, and under the like Resent-
ment and Influence, Sollicites a Discessit from me to go to Trinity
College. The Reason offer'd for this Removal being disapprov’d by
Me, a Different One was given to the Vice-Chancellor: Which was,
that at Trinity they had a very Fine Garden ; and he hoped to have
his Health better there than at Hart Hall.’
But this would-be deserter found no favour either from the
Vice-Chancellor or the President of Trinity; nor would Dr.
Newton give him a discessit until he had returned to the
Hall” and had there given ‘a Specimen of Behaviour that
was fit to be Approv’d in Trinity College.’ Then, it appears,
he allowed him to go, and he now ‘takes the Liberty, for Once,
* Zerrae-filius, Append. p. 301 n., remarks, ‘This part is liable to dispute; I will
only put you in mind of the late instance of pease and bacon. You remember what
you said upon that occasion, viz. Zs such diet as this to descend to the populace 3’
* Univ. AEd. p. 199. Ale is of course the strong Ale, now to be found only in
a few Colleges. ‘Small beer’ was the drink of Hart Hall : 7 errae-ſilius, l.c.
pp. 293, 317, makes merry over the diet of ‘small beer and apple dumplings,’ the
prescribed fare for dinner on Fridays in the Hall.
* P. 120. Like Seaman, he seems to have taken his name off the books; unlike
him, to have failed to get another house to take him in.
294 COLLECTA/WEA.
to intrude into this young Gentleman's Retirement” with ‘this
faithful Advice:
That he do not Mistake the Use of that Fine Garden, which he
pretends so much to Admire . . . I would have him consider, that the
proper Use of that Fine Garden is not to create in Philosophers an
Appetite to Elegance, but to set forth to Poung Men the Advantage
of Education: for those Fine Eughs' could not have been so beauti-
fully form’d, if they had not been Obedient ſo the Bender's Will”, and
suffered with Patience the Amputation of every luxuriant and super-
fluous Branch, in confidence that all this Art, and Care, and Seeming
Severity of the Pruner, would contribute to the Improvement, and to
the Reputation of the Plants *.’
One cannot but suspect that in such a passage as this
Newton was not altogether unconscious of the humorous
quality of his style *: and, whatever we may think of the
argument of University AEducation, the pleasure he took in
writing it is manifest in every line. Hearne bluntly calls the
book “a most wretched silly trifling thing "’; and indeed the
idea from which Newton sets out, that thc wholc body of
University and College Statutes was rendered useless as long
as the particular statute about migrations remained as it was,
is absurd enough. It was no doubt annoying to a man who
was attempting to establish a particular rule of discipline to
See his scholars evade it by going elsewhere; but Seaman's
example was not allowed to be made a precedent, and
Newton's gloomy predictions had been falsified before his
book appeared. But after all the book in detail is better
than its design, and the following passage, which sets forth
Some of the practical results of free migration, may serve to
refute Hearne's statement that it contains not a single ‘good
or curious observation '; while it certainly justifies Newton's
unwillingness to grant discessits.
* Meaning no doubt Yews : but is there any authority for Newton's spelling?
* Spenser, b. I. c. i. 9. .* Univ. Zd. pp. 12 I sq.
* Cf. his pleasing description of All Souls, p. 2 II. A friend had commissioned
him to enter his son at a College, if possible All Souls. But that, says Newton,
was not possible, ‘it being an Excellent Part of the Constitution of that Society to
Admit no Other Members of it, but such as having liv'd with Reputation in the
University for some Years are Ambitious to be Elected into it.’
* Hearne, April 12, 1726.
DR. WEWTOW AND HERTFORD COLLEGE. 295
‘When I have already an Irregular Scholar in My Society, there
are these Reasons for Detaining such a Scholar, for a time, tho’
Irregular. I. That if I readily let Him go, because he hath made Me
Uneasy, and I am Weary of him, Oſhers will infallibly behave in the
same Manner, with the same View. 2. That when I shall have given
him Leave to go, he will not be gone for all that. He will Enter
Himself in Another House indeed ; but as, when he was a Member
of This House, he Liv'd half his Time in Another; so now he is
Removed to Amoſher, he will Live here still as much as at home; and
will give me abundantly more Trouble now, than he either did, or
possibly could do before, since he now finds he may do it with
Impunity; for his Present Governor is not here to take Notice of
him, and his Former Governor hath nothing further to do with him.
He is Departed, indeed, but his Ghost still hovers about the Ground ;
haunts the place of his wonted Abode; disturbs the several Apart-
ments with unseasonable Visits, and with strange Noises; and Scares
all Those who never expected his Return to This Region any more".'
But to return to the controversy with Exeter. It was ad-
mitted on both sides that the College had some claim upon
some part of the Hall. Indeed there is no doubt that the
original Hart Hall, with the adjoining Arthur Hall, was pur-
chased by Bishop Stapeldon from the then proprietors in
I312–14, and that these two Halls were the first home of the
Bishop's new foundation. After Stapeldon's scholars had
moved to the present site of Exeter College, they continued
to receive rent for the two Halls, soon merged into one under
the name of Hart Hall 2. But in the course of centuries Hart
Hall had absorbed other Halls 8 and tenements: Consequently
the yearly rent of £1 13s. 4d. which was paid to Exeter
College in Dr. Newton's time *, was due only in respect of
a part of what was then Hart Hall, the site of the two Halls
originally purchased by Stapeldon. According to Newton
* PD. 50 Sq. Amhurst happily appropriates the last sentence (He is Departed,
&c.) as a motto for Zerrae-Filius. Throughout his bantering Zetter (Appendix to
7. A.) he delights in addressing Newton as his fellow-labourer in the great work of
reforming the Universities.
* See Boase, A’eg. Col/. Axon. iii-x. and the documents, pp. 284–288.
* As Black Hall, Cat Hall, &c.
* Newton was mistaken in thinking that the rent had been unvaried for 400
years (v. Boase, l.c.), but right in what he asserted, that it had been the same for
185 years.
296 COLLECTANEA.
this quit-rent, as he regarded it, was the utmost the College
had a right to : the College asserted that they were owners
of the soil, and that they could and would recover posses-
sion, unless satisfactory terms of compensation were agreed
upon. -
Meanwhile, Dr. Newton's petition for a charter had been
presented, and referred to the opinion of the Solicitor-General,
Sir Philip Yorke' : Exeter College put in a caveat, desiring to
be heard in opposition. After a delay of some months, in the
course of which the Solicitor-General became Attorney-General,
and Exeter College, as Conybeare complains, lost the assistance
of their counsel, Sir Clement Wearg, now promoted into the
place of Yorke, the hearing at length took place February 25,
1724. The Attorney-General’s Report to the King followed
on October I. He expressed doubts—which were amply
justified in the sequel—as to the adequacy of the proposed
endowment for the new College ; but against the claims of
Exeter he pronounced without reserve : the evidence produced
by the College proved only, in his opinion, that the College
had in times past, by means of collusive leases granted to
former Principals, attempted, and failed, to set up the very
title to the Hall which they now claimed. Hart Hall had,
he considered, as good a title against Exeter College as
Magdalen Hall had been allowed to have against Magdalen
College by the judgement in the Court of Common Pleas of
I694 *.
But Dr. Newton's troubles were by no means at an end.
Dr. Hole, indeed, the Rector of Exeter, acquiesced in the
Attorney-General's decision : but the leading spirits of the
opposition among the fellows took immediate steps to con-
tinue it. The triumvirate, as Newton calls them, Conybeare,
Atwell, and Bailey ", instructed their legal agent to petition
* Afterwards Lord Hardwicke,
* See Attorney-General's Report in Appendix.
* Joseph Atwell (F.R.S. and distinguished as a man of Science) held a general
power of attorney from the College to prosecute their claims, at least until the
hearing of Feb. 1724. He was throughout the informing spirit of the opposition
to Newton. Z%omas Bailey did not take a prominent part in the business, except
in joining with Conybeare to coerce the Rector (Conyb. C. K. p. 33 ; Newton,
Grounds, c. viii. p. 35). He died in I733.
DR. WEWTON AND HERTFORD COLLEGE. 297
the Duke of Newcastle, ‘in case they should desire to be
further heard against Dr. Newton's Petition before His Ma-
jesty in Council, that your Petitioner may have time to pre-
pare matters for that end, before any Warrant issue out of
your Grace's Office for a Charter".' The Duke consented,
and Conybeare and his friends thought themselves ‘safe for
the present. Their confidence might have proved misplaced
had Dr. Newton been the man of sharp practices that Cony-
beare endeavours to prove him. If at this moment he had
pressed his old pupil the Duke for the Warrant, it is difficult
to see what obstacle the College could have opposed to its
being issued. The Warrant would have gone to the office
of the Lord Privy Seal; there the College could have secured
a fresh hearing for their claims, before the issue of the charter.
But what the triumvirate really desired was delay; they had
no fresh evidence to produce, and they never did produce any;
though some circumstances gave plausibility to their pretence
that Dr. Hole was now entirely in Newton's interest, and was
withholding from the fellows documents which would prove
their rights. -
Dr. Newton, meanwhile, secure in the judgement of the
Attorney-General, was busying himself about certain amend-
ments which he wished to have made in his charter”. That
the charter itself was in danger, he does not seem to have
imagined. But a powerful adversary had just been added to
the ranks of its opponents. Bishop Blackburne of Exeter
had concurred with the College in demanding a hearing for
their claims: he might perhaps have been satisfied by the
Attorney-General's report; but in the meantime he had been
translated to York; he was no longer Visitor of the College.
The new bishop, Dr. Stephen Weston, took up the cause which
he believed to be that of the College with ardour; and his
influence soon appeared in the disagreeable intelligence that
Newton received from the Under Secretary under date May
18, 1725, ‘That he [the Secretary] had, that day, had an
opportunity of offering my instruments for the Incorporation
of the Hall to the Duke of Newcastle for His Majesty's
* Conyb. C. A. p. 32. * See the Correspondence in Appendix.
298 COLLECTANEA.
signing; but his Grace bid him let me know, that the Bishop
of Exeter opposed it: and that it would be necessary for me
to wait upon the Bishop and make him easy in the first place;
and then his Grace would move His Majesty upon it".’
Thus began the long opposition, which wasted fifteen weary
years of Newton's life, and, worst of all, outlived his friend,
“Mr. Strangeways, who waited to see the Hall incorporated,
that he might settle his endowments upon it *’: so that the
new foundation, when at length it emerged from the struggle,
emerged with a mortal wound. Not only was the remaining
endowment insufficient, as the Attorney-General foresaw, for
any College; but it was insufficient to secure the establish-
ment of the scheme of discipline, which was to make Hertford
College what, for want of it, it never had a chance of
becoming.
The opposition subsequent to the Attorney-General's report
must be distinguished from that which preceded it. Exeter
College had a prima facie case, and it is no wonder that
Bishop Blackburne took the view that it was the duty of the
fellows to fight it. They did so, and the decision had gone
against them. So far the whole College had acted together;
henceforward it was only a party that wished to continue the
struggle. It was still possible to appeal from the Attorney-
General's judgement, and this the opponents of the Charter
at first determined to do. They petitioned the Duke of
Newcastle, as we have seen, for delay; they induced the
Rector to put the College seal to a petition to be heard before
the King in Council; and they lodged a second caveat at
the office of the Lord Privy Seal. But as soon as they had
persuaded their new Visitor of the justice of their cause, the
petition was allowed to lie idle; the caveat expired and was
never renewed ; in the influence of the Bishop of Exeter they
* Grounds, c. ix. p. 38.
* Omzzy. Zd. p. 18 note. Strangeways had undertaken to provide the endowment
for the whole body of students. He died Sept. 22, 1726, at the age of 43, without
having made any provision for the carrying out of his intentions; which Conybeare
therefore professes to doubt. “If he had intended anything of the kind, he might
easily have secured it to Hart Hall in trust, to be paid when the Charter should be
granted ' (C. A. p. 69). But Strangeways’ premature death, and Newton’s assur-
ance (Grounds, p. 42 a) dispose of this objection.
DR. WEWTOW AND HERTFORD COLLEGE. 299
had found a force of obstruction which they hoped would
compel Dr. Newton from sheer exhaustion to desist from his
design. The position was this ; while the Caveat was waiting
—or supposed to be waiting"—at the Privy Seal Office, to
arrest the charter as soon as it should arrive there, Bishop
Weston's influence was sufficient to prevent its ever leaving
the office of the Secretary of State. The Duke would not
let the charter go forward until Dr. Newton had ‘made the
Bishop easy,' which, after repeated attempts, Dr. Newton
found he had no chance of doing.
It is not unlikely that Bishop Weston had been persuaded
of the truth of Conybeare's assertions, that Dr. Hole was
entirely in Newton's interest, that he withheld the muniments
of the College from the inspection of the fellows, while he
allowed Newton to search freely amongst them for anything
that might favour his views. Dr. Hole was a man of weak
character, not greatly respected in his College; his prestige
had been diminished by a quarrel with the fellows not many
years before, in which he had been worsted on an appeal to
the Visitor: he had a certain fund of senile obstinacy, but his
great age—he was eighty-four at the time of the Attorney-
General’s report—had also weakened his memory, and made
him incapable of persisting in any settled course *. He wished
to befriend Newton; but the only effective action he took in
his friend's cause was his refusal—in spite of his friend's re-
quest—to refund to the College the expenses which with his
own consent they had incurred—some £80—in opposing the
charter before the Attorney-General *. His obstinacy in this
* It had been allowed to expire; but it could be renewed whenever the Bishop
gave them warning that he could, for any reason, no longer stop the progress of
the Charter.
* Newton, Zetter, p. Iod. “Tho' he often fled to me in his Distress, yet he never
followed my Advice in a single instance. By thus applying to me and consulting
me and favouring me with his good Opinion and kind Expressions, he might, for
ought I know, have induced a Belief that I had some Influence over him, which
I never had . . . . Any kind of Terror, real or feigned, would at any time have
made him recede from his Purpose. . . . He was an Honest Man, as far as
a Timorous Man can be so, an excellent practical Preacher and Catechetical
Lecturer, but a very unfit Governor of a College.” Conybeare, C. A. p. II.7, calls
him, less politely, ‘a weak, forgetful, fanciful, inapprehensive Old Gentleman.’
* Avarice was notoriously one of his failings. Zerrae-Félius, viii. p. 39, and
elsewhere.
3OO COLLECTA NEA.
particular, and his pliability in others, did Newton more harm
than good. As for the charge of his refusing access to the
College muniments, Newton has sufficiently answered it. It
was among those muniments that Conybeare first discovered
the memorandum from which he started : it was from those
muniments that the documents in support of the College pre-
tensions were produced before the Attorney-General, and no
complaint was made at the time that any evidence had been
suppressed. More than that, no fresh documents were forth-
coming, when Dr. Hole died and Conybeare himself succeeded
to the Rectorship. Still, as long as Dr. Hole lived, it was
possible to represent to the Visitor that the College was
denied the use of its archives and at the same time to plead
the Rector's age as an excuse for not compelling him to pro-
duce them. So about the year 1727 it was generally under-
stood that the Bishop would continue to obstruct the progress
of the charter for the remainder of the Rector's life +.
Dr. Newton, too, placed his hopes in the election of a new
Rector. William Stephens, whom rumour, founded on half-
forgotten promises, had designated as Hole's successor, was
his friend *. But when at length Dr. Hole died a nonagena-
rian in 1730, it was not Stephens, but Conybeare, who was
elected in his place. At least it could not be said that Cony-
beare had not access to his College muniments *. Newton
attempted to reopen the question ; but his attempt ended in
a fruitless interchange of civilities with the new Rector, and
a more decided rebuff from the Bishop, to whom a last appeal
had been made *. It was evident that his opponents did not
* In fact Conybeare had requested him to do so. C. A. p. 44.
* Grounds, c. x. p. 47. Stephens had ceased to be a fellow as far back as I 719,
and was at this time vicar of St. Andrew’s, Plymouth.
* Accordingly he is reduced to hinting that Newton had purloined some of
them (C. A. p. 128). But the charge is hardly serious: the only important docu-
ment missing was the original grant of Hart and Arthur Halls from Bp. Stapeldon
to the scholars of his foundation. Its tenour was known and its existence presumed
in other documents produced before the Attorney-General. It was known to have
been sent up to London for Archbishop Laud's inspection during his Chancellor-
ship, and had not been seen in Oxford since. Probably enough, as Newton suggests,
(Grounds, p. 25) it was seized with the rest of Laud's papers when the archbishop
was committed to the Tower.
* Newton's Sixth Letter to the Bp. of Exeter, May 16, 1732: printed in Zetter,
pp. I 7 SQQ.
D.R. WEJM/TON AND HERTFORD COLLEGE, 3OT
intend to allow his charter to proceed, or to let the claims of
Exeter to the Hall come to a second trial. A fresh change
in the Rectorship did not alter the situation. In January,
I 733, Dr. Conybeare became Dean of Christ Church : in the
following month Atwell was elected Rector of Exeter in his
place. Overtures were made to him, this time by the Vice-
Chancellor * : Atwell quoted a late utterance of the Bishop,
which was reported to Newton as meaning that the matter
was still open. The usual misunderstandings followed :
Newton wished to press the Bishop with his own words.
Then (I quote Newton's narrative):
‘The Vice-Chancellor desired he might speak with Me, before I
proceeded. When I waited upon him early on the nineteenth [Apr. 19,
1733] I found him of Opinion there had been no Mistake *; but
since I was determined to make the Matter Pufflick, He desired once
more to ask Mr. Atwell, whom he was to Admit that Morning to the
Degree of Doctor in Divinity”, whether there had or no. I equally
desired he would do so, and that he would acquaint him, at the same
time, with my /&esolution. When this was understood, Mr. Atwell
said “No. The thing was not so as Heº had represented it. What
he had said to Him was, Zhał he would do as the College would do, and
the College would do as their Visitor would have them do,” or to this
Effect. As the former Conversation was not remembered by Mr. At-
well, so this was New to the Vice-Chancellor. The Discourse hap-
pened in the Apodyterium. After they entered the Congregation, and
Mr. Atwell had had a Conference with Dr. Conybeare, who attended
there to Scio for him, He came up to the Vice-Chancellor as yet
sitting in the Chair, and observed to him, “There was another thing,
that he believed the Principal was not aware of, and that was, that
if he had got clear of Exefer College, the Dean of Christ Church would
oppose him ; for the Principal held something of Christ Church.” And,
that this might make the Deeper Impression upon me, when I should
* Tyr. Wm. Holmes, President of St. John's, Vice-Chancellor I 732–35.
* i.e. as to what Atwell had said.
* Atwell took both degrees in divinity while still a layman. His election to
the Rectorship as a layman was probably intended to establish a precedent, as it had
been only recently (1721) decided by the Visitor that it was not necessary for the
Rector to be in Holy Orders. See Newton, Exp. Aed, postscr. p. 55; Grounds,
p. 2.; and Boase, A’eg. Coll. Oxon. p. 133. Atwell was in orders when he resigned
the Rectorship in 1737.
* i. e. the Vice-Chancellor.
3O2 COLLECTA NEA.
be told of it, the Dean himself, in a Visit to the Vice-Chancellor that
Afternoon, or very soon after, repeated to him that He believed the
Principal was not aware, that he might meef wiſh Opposition from
Christ Church, for that he held something of Christ Church'.'
Conybeare's opposition, it appears from this, was now
frankly personal. In 1727 Newton had written anonymously,
in the cause of economic reform, a pamphlet, in the form of
a letter to a nameless fellow of Exeter, entitled The Expence
of Úniversity Education Aeduced. As he was quite unable
to keep his grievances out of anything that he wrote at this
period, he had devoted to them four or five pages of this
pamphlet”, reflecting sharply on the conduct of the fellows
of Exeter and their Visitor. Conybeare, as if to show that
his removal to Christ Church had made no change in his
sentiments, chose this time to threaten a prosecution, under
the Statute de libellis famosis, against the (formally) unknown
author of the work. The author immediately reprinted it,
first with one, then with a second postscript, vindicating his
remarks. A new edition of Oniversity Education also ap-
peared, with fresh notes on the “grievous opposition of
Exeter College. Finally, in July, 1734, Dr. Newton pub-
lished his formal arraignment of his adversaries before ‘the
tribunal of fame, under the title of A letter to the Rev. Dr.
A/o/mes, Vice-Chancellor of the University of Oxford and
Wisitor of Hart Hall. As the fellows of Exeter had invoked
the aid of the Visitor to oppress him, he would turn to his
Visitor for relief. This is but a rhetorical artifice: the appeal
is really to the academical public at large.
‘Hitherto,” he says, “when I have told my Story in Private Con-
* Grounds, c. xi. p. 53 sq. The something which the Principal held of Christ
Church was that which he held on a lease at 4d. a year (v. above, p. 284 72.).
Conybeare (C. A. pp. Io9 Sq.) tries to make the most of this something, by sug-
gesting that Dr. Newton’s chapel was built upon it, and that Ch. Ch. had been
defrauded by its having been consecrated. But the plot of ground turned out to
be really unknown and insignificant.
* Zaft. Æed. pp. 45–50. So little has this passage to do with the main subject
of the book, that nothing appears to be missing from the 4th ed. (published in 1741,
after Dr. Newton had got his charter), from which it is cut out. The book is
reduced from 51 to 47 pp. In the 2nd and 3rd edd. containing the two postscripts,
it is swollen to 60 and 64 pp.
DR. NEWTON AND HERTFORD COLLEGE. 303
versation, I have hardly been Believ'd. My Friends would reply, that
there must be something more in this Matter than I was aware of;
Or, Suspect that I had Omitted something in my Account of it, which,
if related, would give it Another Appearance. For, as it appeared by
my Representation, the Thing was Incredible. For, either there never
were such Men in the World as my Opponents, or, if there Were,
they could not conceive how so Hard a Case should be utterly
without Remedy. I now therefore tell my Story to the Publick, that
These Men may refute it if it be not True; or, that if they do not
refute it, it may be seen, there Are such Men in the World; and that
as Hard as the Case is, both with respect to Me, and to the Society,
there is no possible Remedy but That which I am taking, if That
be Any '.'
So he tells the whole tale of his misfortunes, adding several
of his letters to the Bishop of Exeter, in which may be traced
the history of his attempts, and their failure, to induce the
College either to compromise their claims or bring them to
a second trial. Of late the Rector had been threatening
Common Law proceedings; but the threat was a brutum
fulmen to Newton, who was well assured that the College
would have no better success against him than Magdalen
College had had against Magdalen Hall”. He only wishes
they would bring their action:
‘They have since suffer'd Three several Assizes to be held at their
Door, without submitting this Matter to the Cognizance and Decision
of the Court. As often as the Essoign Days have approach'd and the
Declaration of Ejectment threaten’d to be deliver'd hath been ex-
pected, or rather Wished for, so often have I found Myself amus'd
and disappointed *.’
At any rate an answer to the Zetter was soon forthcoming *.
* Zetter, p. 19. * See above, pp. 289 ºz., 296.
* Zelder, p. 20. And again, at the end of the book, ‘The Assizes are over, and
there is Nothing done (p. 22).
* In MS. Ballard, 47, 37, are some ‘Verses to Dr. Newton of Hart Hall':
On an ill-fated day, In your former dispute
When a lad ran away, The defendant stood mute;
You open'd your grievance to Carter: Not so in the present, I fear;
But to Conybeare now For tho’ not Yea nor Nay
You no quarter allow The good Provost would say,
For wantonly stopping your Charter. The Dean may be tempted to swear.
3O4 - COLLECTA/VE.A.
Early the next year' appeared Calummy Refuſed, in which
the Dean of Christ Church professed to reply to the ‘Personal
Slanders of Dr. Newton, and to vindicate the conduct of
Exeter College and its Visitor. It is a very clever book: it
is not really an answer to Newton, but it makes a very fair
show of answering him. Conybeare goes through the story
from the Exeter point of view. He draws a picture of the
College, threatened by Newton and his powerful friends the
Pelhams from without, endangered by the treachery of
the Rector * from within, and only enabled to survive, one
would think, by the protection of the Visitor. But he
assumes, rather than attempts to prove, that the College had
rights beyond those allowed by the Attorney-General’s
report: above all he fails to give any reason whatever for
their unwillingness to submit those rights to the decision of
the law : he seeks rather to create the impression that Newton
himself is the obstacle to a trial *.
Dr. Newton's complaint was just. People could not believe
that the case was as he had represented it. Hearne, who had
shown some signs of relenting towards Newton when the
/Letter appeared “, is completely muddled by Calumny Refuted.
He does not believe in the Exeter claims, but, he says:
‘This being a plea of the College, it ought to have been tryed, and
no Charter should be granted till their Right be disproved ’;
* Dr. Newton had read the Dean's book by Jan. 28, 1735, when he notices it in
a Postscript to his Zetter.
2 TDr. Hole.
* For example, this is his answer (C. A. pp. Ioa sq.) to what Newton had said
about the threatened suit at Common Law, which “no body supposes they ever
intend’:—‘Mr. Atwell offered this Gentleman, shortly after the Opposition first
began, to proceed by Ejectment, if the Doctor would stop the Prosecution of his
Charter.” But this only means that when the case was yet to go before the
Attorney-General, Atwell tried to gain time by suggesting that it should be heard
in another Court. Speaking of a later time, he asks triumphantly : ‘Did the
Doctor upon this [i. e. the Bp. of Exeter's reply to his sixth letter, referring him
to the College] ever make any Application to me; or signify, that he desired that
we would proceed to an Ejectment 2 Not in the least.’ But when the College
were threatening an Ejectment, why should the Doctor do anything of the kind 7
‘Since this was the Case, the College surely were at liberty to take these Measures
at what time they pleas'd.’ Quite so: and they were equally at liberty, if Dr. Newton
had applied to them to proceed: his applications to the College were not generally
treated with such respect as Conybeare would have us believe.
* Hearne, Nov. 2, 1734, had written : ‘’Tis Pity Charities and Benefactions
DR. NEWTON AND IIERTFORD COLLEGE, 305
ignoring the Attorney-General's decision. He proceeds:
‘This book of Conybeare's refutes Newton much better than I
expected, and shews him to have misrepresented things in his Quota-
tions . . . and to be guilty of calumny and lying; and yet in that,
Conybeare is likewise to be blamed, and really I cannot tell which of
them is the most to be credited. I have no opinion of Conybeare's
veracity".
Indeed Newton seems to have convinced the Bishop of Exeter
himself that Conybeare's reports of his language and conduct
were not to be trusted * : and those parts of Conybeare's book
which Hearne not unnaturally characterizes as ‘silly *, the
aim of which is to prove that Newton’s foundation is unneces-
sary *, and Newton himself a Jacobite", seem to be addressed
should be discountenanced and obstructed. But it sometimes so happens, when
the persons that make them are suppos'd to be mente capti, and aim at things
in the settlement that are ridiculous, which seems to be the case at Hart Hall,
as it is represented to me. However, after all 'tis better not to publish the
failings of persons, especially of clergymen on such occasions, least mischief follow,
the enemy being always ready to take advantage.’ He had previously remarked
that “Dr. Newton is commonly said to be founder-mad.”
* Hearne, Jan. 28, 1735. Hearne is much struck by what Conybeare says about
Dr. Newton's offer of fifty years’ purchase for the quit-rent of AI 13s. 4d. mentioned
above (p. 295). Conybeare professes to have believed that this offer was of fifty
years' purchase for what the College claimed (C. R. p. 40), and on learning the
truth, says that ‘ the Proposal amounted to this : That if we would give up all
we had been contending for, he would then give us a handsome Purchase for
what had never been disputed.” But how could Newton have offered any number
of years' purchase for what the College had never set a definite value on ? and
which he denied they were entitled to ?
* Grounds, c. x. p. 53. ‘What I writ so staggered his Lordship, that he was
then in a mind to have reconsidered the whole Matter of the Obstruction given to
me.’ And in Grounds, c. ix. p. 44 one of Conybeare's misrepresentations is
exposed.
* Hearne, Jan. 29, 1735.
* Conyb. C. A. pp. 74 sq. The Dean’s argument is that ‘the real interests of
Hart Hall are the same without a Charter as with it, since Benefactions for the use
of the Hall may be secured by granting them to the University on Trust.' But
Newton’s benefactions were intended to secure the observance of certain Statutes.
I suspect that Conybeare relies on the Bishop's Cambridge education—he was of
Ring’s College : for somehow Cambridge men, with Trinity College and Trinity
Hall before their eyes, have always found a difficulty in quite appreciating, though
they may be aware of, the difference between a College and Hall at Oxford. Besides,
Sir Philip Yorke, who was of neither University, had further confused matters by
speaking unadvisedly of the Principal and Fellows of Hart Hall in his Report.
* Conyb. C. A. p. 78. After all, the Dean can lay no more to his charge than
that he ‘hath never employed any of his Eloquence either to support His Majesty’s
III. X
306 COLLECTANEA.
directly to the Bishop, to keep him firm in his opposition to
the charter, rather than to any other readers. Calumny
Refuſed had no sooner appeared than Newton added a post-
script (Jan. 28, 1735) to his Letter to Dr. Holmes, in which he
gives a very just description of his opponent's book:
‘I have read the Answer of the Dean of Christ Church to the fore-
going Letter. What was promised is not performed. I do not
apprehend that I have been guilty of any Calumny, or written any
Libel. Some Things are denied by Mr. Dean, which I still affirm;
others affirmed by him, which I deny. I do not see there is any
Thing Refuted more than that, whereas, in p. 9. I have said the new
Petition was for another Hearing before the Lord Privy-Seal, I should
have said, before the King in Council. The Conduct of the Society
of Exeter College is not Vindicated, neither That of their Visitor, nor
yet That of the Dean. The main View in this Answer is, I find, to
discredit Me in Matters not at all relating to the Dispute between us,
that the Reader may from thence infer how little Credit is to be given
to what I say of Matters that Do relate thereto. In this View I think
he will not succeed. Neither is it generally believed, that he had
ever any reasonable Hopes of succeeding. But having, either through
Impatience of Censure, or Dream of a rich Stock of Materials for an
Answer, put out a rash Advertisement of it, not to be recalled when
he should Awake and find himself Poor, he brought himself, as it
were, under a Necessity of saying Something, though never so little
to the Purpose; and in a manner that is Angry, as if he, therefore,
had A’eason. Accordingly it is a Scolding Piece; but it is so of One,
who, all the time he is scolding, is walking off, while his Adversary
keeps his Ground.’
Perhaps the cleverest touch in Conybeare's book is his
expressed determination not to write any more on the subject,
since he knows Newton will have the last word *.
Thus the Dean covers the last steps of his retreat. He
would indeed have found it difficult to make any effective
reply to the exhaustive treatise which Newton, in answer to
Calumny Refuted, published in the course of the year”. The
Title, or to recommend His Administration.” Newton naturally answers that the
King's title being indisputable, he sees no occasion for defending it. Grounds,
c. xiii. p. 6o.
* Conyb. C. A. pp. 133 sq.
* Z%e Grounds of the Complaint of the Principal of Aſart Hall, &c. went through
DR. NEWTON AND HERTFORD COLLEGE 307
Grounds of Dr. Mezwton's Complaint is the last word of the
controversy, and it is final.
But Newton might gain victory after victory with his pen;
while any of the triumvirate were in a position to oppose
him, so long would his charter be obstructed. Conybeare
was removed to Christ Church, Bailey was dead, Atwell still
remained. But Atwell, though his authority as Rector and his
influence with the Visitor were sufficient to keep matters as
they were, now stood alone in his College. A new genera-
tion of Fellows had sprung up ; in the whole body Newton
did not know of a single enemy, besides the Rector: and even
the Rector's enmity, he suspected, was due rather to his friend-
ship with the Dean of Christ Church than to any other cause *.
The extreme bitterness with which the Dean pursued Newton
and his projects it is now, perhaps, impossible to account for.
That the quarrel was personal there can be little doubt.
Conybeare was himself a reformer: both Exeter and Christ
Church were successively indebted to him for the restoration
of good order”; but Newton and Newton's scheme of reform
he was determined by all and any means to thwart and
Oppose.
In March, 1737, Dr. Atwell resigned the Rectorship. Under
his successor * the opposition of Exeter to the incorporation
of Hart Hall melted away. Bishop Weston ceased to
obstruct 4; and ‘the way to the Privy Seal Office, where
there was no longer a caveat in waiting, lay open to
Dr. Newton. It was at a less hopeful time than when he
had compiled his first Statutes in 1720 that he now set about
revising them for the royal approbation. At that time the
idea of University reform was in the air; it had taken definite
two editions in 1735. Hearne, who died June Io in this year, probably did not
live to see it.
* Newton, Grounds, c. 1x. p. 46 d.
* It should also be remembered to his credit that, after being Dean of Ch. Ch.
for twenty-two, and Bishop of Bristol besides for five years, he died poor. For an
account of the reforms inaugurated by him and carried out by his successor in
Exeter College, see Boase, A’eg. Coll. Æxon. pp. 350 sqq.
* James Edgcombe, Rector, I'737–50.
* Being no longer importuned by the College to do so: possibly also the Bishop's
own views may have been changed since the publication of Newton's Grounds of
Complaint.
X 2.
308 COLLECTA/WEA.
shape in the schemes of Prideaux and Lord Macclesfield";
a royal or parliamentary Visitation of the Universities was
looked for ; and the founder of a College, had it come into
being at that juncture, might have flattered himself that he
was providing a model for the expected reform of the older
Societies. But it had now become pretty clear that the
Visitation was not to take place. Public interest in the
matter had abated, and there was but little chance of another
Strangeways coming forward to support the project of a
reformer with endowments. But Dr. Newton was as sanguine
as ever; having now no endowments beyond what he had
himself undertaken to settle on the College, he boldly added
eight Junior Fellows to his foundation. In the general scheme
there was practically no change; but those alterations were
made which Newton had with such ill fortune attempted to
introduce into his Charter in 1725, and which provided for
the immutability of the Statutes after the founder's death, and
the termination of fellowships with the eighteenth year after
matriculation *. The new Statutes received the royal appro-
bation November 3, 1739, and on September 8 the next
year, Dr. Newton received his long wished-for Charter for
the incorporation of Hertford College.
It is now time to examine the Statutes of the new Society.
The Charter reserved to the founder the right of altering the
Statutes, with the consent of the Visitor and of the Crown,
until the day of his death. Then they were to be printed, and
* Humphrey Prideaux, Dean of Norwich, wrote Nov. 26, 1715, a Letter to Lord
Townshend containing a syllabus of fifty-eight articles for the Reformation of the
Universities. Lord Macclesfield's scheme is dated I718 (Gutch, Collectanea, ii.
pp. 53 Sqq.). One part of it—the providing of exhibitions for deserving persons—
was for a time carried out. Lord Macclesfield entrusted the recommendation of
deserving persons to Bishop Potter, who in his turn consulted Dr. Newton. Whether
Newton did or did not recommend Conybeare for one of these exhibitions, was part of
their quarrel. See Conyb. C. A. pp. IIo sqq. and the PostScript to Newton’s Zetter.
* A similar provision is to be found both in Prideaux's (art. I 3) and Lord
Macclesfield's schemes. Prideaux would have a hospital ‘to be called Oronze Aſall'
in each University, wherein Colleges are to maintain such of their Fellows as after
twenty years are unable to earn their own living. But Newton is more severe in
limiting the time to eighteen years from matriculation, instead of twenty years after
election. I cannot understand his proposal to turn his Tutors—for his Fellows
were necessarily Tutors—adrift at the age of thirty-six or so. Of the original
Fellows named in the Charter, two were already above standing for the position.
IDR. WEJM/TOW 4ND HERTFORD COLLEGE, 309
to become the laws of the College for ever. But in the year
I747, Dr. Newton, having made as many alterations as he
thought he was likely to make, printed and published his
Statutes, ostensibly, as in 1720, with the view of inviting
further suggestions, but accompanied by a still more copious
appendix of notes, by which he probably considered that he
had placed his legislation beyond the reach of criticism.
Section /. opens with a few historical remarks on the Hall,
now become a College; to which Dr. Newton adds a note to
the address of possible benefactors—
‘Being Letten to Scholars, [the Tenement] was call'd a HALL, and
being Letten by Herfford', HERTFORD Hall; and is now with the same
Simplicity stil’d Herfford College; but may be call’d by the Name of
any Other Person who will compleat the Indowment of it, or become
the Principal Benefactor to it.’
The College is said to be ‘a Society Incorporate for the
Education chiefly of young Scholars design'd for Holy Orders,
consisting of a Principal, Four Senior Fellows or Tutors, and
Eight 9.2/mior Fellows or Assistants.’ The Principal is to hold
office for life, the four Tutors until they are of eighteen years
standing from their matriculation, and the eight Assistants
for the three years only between the Bachelor's and Master's
Degrees in Arts. The Students were to be strictly limited to
the number of thirty-six, of whom four were to be called
Scholars ”. All were to be endowed, the scholars sharing
a sum of £16 13s. 4d., arising from an old benefaction from
certain lands of the Abbey of Glastonbury, and paid yearly
from the Exchequer, since the dissolution of monasteries, to
the Principal of Hart Hall 8.
Each Tutor was to take charge of exactly one-fourth of the
undergraduates, and to see them through the whole of their
* i. e. Elias de Hertford, 1282.
* This is an improvement. In the Statutes of 1739 they are still called Serzyżtors,
so Dr. Newton may be credited with the wish to get rid of an offensive name.
IBut his Scholars were Servitors all the same.
* The lands were given to the Abbey by a knight named Bignell, charged with
a yearly exhibition for ten scholars of Hart Hall. The rent-charge amounted at
the time of the dissolution to £32 13s. 4d. So Wood (Gutch's Wood's Colleges,
p. 643), who adds that £16 of it “was begged of Q. Eliz. by Sir W. Mildmay for
his foundation of Emmanuel Coll., Cambridge, on what ground, does not appear.
3IO COLLECTA NEA.
University career: had Dr. Newton been able to get the
machine into complete working order, exactly eight students
and one scholar would have come into residence every year,
to be handed over to the Tutor who had for the moment no
pupils On his hands, having just seen his last batch of nine
take their degrees. Each Tutor was to have the services of
two Junior Fellows to work under him ; and to take in his
turn the yearly College offices of Vice-Principal, Catechist,
Chaplain, and Moderator.
The rest of the section is devoted to the endowment. The
Principal is to have the rent of all the rooms in College, with
certain fees, from all the undergraduates as their “Publick
Lecturer,' and from all members of the College as ‘Perpetual
Burser". The endowment of each Fellow was to be £13 6s. 8d.
a year, one-fourth, that is, of the rent-charge settled by
TNewton on the College arising from his Lavcndon estate”.
With tuition fees and allowances for room-rent and commons,
a Tutor's income might amount to £IIo. Each student was
to have £6 13s. 4d. during his first year, and then £13 6s. 8d.
until he took his B.A. degree. If after that he was appointed
a Junior Fellow, he was to receive the princely income of
#26 13s. 4d. for three years more: but unfortunately no funds
were ever provided from which the incomes either of Students
or Junior Fellows might arise.
These, for the most part imaginary, revenues * are on no
account to be augmented, ‘unless with Commons *’: they are
to bind those who receive them to residence every Term, under
* The whole amounting, according to Newton's figures, to something over £280
a year. This seems to have been considered as a fair income for the head of
a house in those days. The Rectorship of Exeter, for example, is said to have
been little more than £roo. See Grounds, c. x. p. 49. On the other hand, the
value of Newton's fellowships is only a third of the then ordinary 440.
* It was to have been £60, but is now reduced to £53 6s. 8d.
* It will be seen that Dr. Newton, having no actual endowment to deal with
beyond his own £53 6s. 8d. a year, seems to have amused himself by dividing that
sum by two over and over again in order to fix the various revenues mentioned
in the Statute.
* An allowance for Commons might be settled on all members of the Society
at the rate of 6d, each per diem for thirty-one weeks in the year. Dr. Newton adds
a sanguine note (p. 6) to the effect that the Principal and Tutors being already
fully endowed, ‘a provision is wanting only” for some £586 13s. 4d. a year to
complete the endowment, and £244 2s. 6d, more for Commons.
DR. WEWTOW AND HERTFORD COLLEGE. 3II
a penalty of a shilling for every day's absence; and they are
to entitle all the Students to scholars' gowns. The obliga-
tion fell through for lack of the endowment: whether the
privilege was exercised, does not appear. Provision also is
made for ‘some few Persons of superior Condition’—gentle-
men-commoners in fact—who “may possibly not be inclin'd to
accept of the Indowment.’ They are to be allowed to wear
‘ a Tuft, but the same gown as the rest; and they are to
‘stand to Double Commons,’ and to pay double for tuition
and everything else.
Section //, deals with the Chapel prayers, which every one
was to attend under a penalty of 2d. for each absence. It
may be noted that Dr. Newton insists on the division of the
services, which we are apt to regard as a modern improvement;
but in those days it was a practice gradually falling into disuse;
Newton’s note is : º
‘These Services being Zistinct, it was originally Infended they
should be read at Different Times". They are so read in some
Cathedrals to this day; and ought to be so in All Parochial Churches.
. . . I do not ſind any Order of Convocation for the Jumbling these
services together. The Practice seems to have crept into the Church
by the Megligence of Incumbents, and the Occasions of Pluralists.
But it is time to let the Reason of things take Place, and to give
Invitalions, rather than create Reluctances, to Religious Duties.”
The undergraduates are all to take their weekly turns by
twos to read the Lessons in Chapel ‘ on Sundays, Holidays,
and their Eves; and on every Other Day, a Chapter out of
the Gospels before Dinner in the Hall, and another out of the
Epistles before Supper, both the Lessons for the Day”.'
Section ///. contains the two oaths, the first, to be taken by
the Principal on his admission, to the effect that he has not
obtained his place by corrupt means, and that he will not
* Accordingly it is prescribed that the first Service (i. e. Mattins) is to be at
7.30 from Oct. I to Feb. I ; 6.30 from Feb. I to Oct. I. ‘The second Service, with
the Zitany, on Litany Days, at AVăne.” The time between the two was to be filled
on Sundays and Holidays by a Catechetical Lecture to the College Servants.
Evening Service was to be always at 6.30.
* It would appear from this that the Lessons were not read in Chapel on
ordinary days, or perhaps the First Lesson only.
3I2 COLLECTA NEA.
corruptly resign or exchange it; the second, the oath of every
member admitted, that he will not damage the goods of the
College nor defraud it of its dues. A sensible, though some-
what prolix, note is appended, condemning the usual practice
of exacting an oath to observe the Statutes".
Section, I W. is ‘Of the Choice and Settlement of the Prin-
cipal.’ He is to be chosen by the Chancellor of the University
from among the Westminster Students of Christ Church, or,
failing them, the existing Fellows of the College”. He must
be a Master of Arts and in priest's orders, but not above
standing for the degree of D.D., and he must be prepared to
resign any incompatible preferment that he may hold. The
Dean of Christ Church has the right, not only of admitting
the Principal, but of nominating him, if the Chancellor should
allow a month (or three months, ‘if he shall be beyond the
Seas') to elapse after a vacancy has been duly notified to
him. The Principal was to be admitted with some ceremony:
he “shall make a Latin Speech to the Society in the Common
Refectory; take the Oath prescribed by the Statutes; proceed
from his Seat in the Common Reſectory to his Seat in the
Chapel; and having read the First Service in his Seat, and
the Second at the Commiinion Table *, receive the Sacraulieut
himself, and give it to the whole Society then resident. When
the Sacrament is over, the Dean of Christ Church, or his
Representative, shall conduct him into the lodgings of the
former Principal, and give him Possession of those also.”
Section V. deals with Exercises, by which are meant (1)
Lectures, (2) Disputations, (3) Themes, (4) Collections. -
(1) The Principal's Thursday lecture to all undergraduates
has been already mentioned 4. The Tutors are to lecture to
their classes on all week-days except Saturdays, and there is
to be an evening lecture at nine o'clock three days a week;
also a Divinity lecture to all undergraduates every Sunday
evening.
* The omission of such an oath is due to a revision of the Statutes since 1739.
In the draft of that year it appears, as in that of 1720.
* There is no mention of the Fellows of the College in the Statutes of 1739.
* On this occasion only the Services were to be ‘jumbled '': p. 311.
* See p. 289.
DR. NEWTON AND HERTFORD COLLEGE, 313
(2) Undergraduates are to dispute in Philosophy only on
Mondays and Wednesdays; Bachelors on Fridays in Philosophy
and Theology. By the following regulation Dr. Newton
hoped to improve the character of the public disputation in
the Schools", at least as far as his pupils were concerned :
‘That this Exercise may be performed with the greater Pleasure
and Benefit, Enquiry shall be made at the Fnd of each Term, what
Public Exercises Any of the Society are to do in the Schools the
Term following, that the Moderator may order those Questions to be
first Disputed upon in the College, which are afterwards to be Disputed
upon in the Schools.’
And again—
‘The A’espondemſ and Opponent shall each of them, by way of Intro-
duction to the Disputations, premise something relating to them in
certain Speeches commonly called Supposition and Opposition Speeches:
Which shall not be bare 7%ranscripás out of Philosophical or Theolo-
gical Books.’
Of course Strings are not to be named or thought of.
(3) Every undergraduate was to “make a 7%eme, or a
Declamation, or a 7 ranslation every week. The Themes
were intended as an exercise in English composition. Under-
graduates were to begin to declaim in their second year, in
English ; and in Latin in their fourth year. The Translation
was to be from Latin into English, or English into Latin; or,
‘when any Undergraduate shall write Latin correctly and with
Purity, into Greek, or any Other useful Language.’
These exercises, having been criticized by the Tutors, and
corrected by the authors, were to be ‘Read or Spoken before
the Society’ on Saturdays: and since the exercises were set
for a Term in advance, they were to be required of absent
members of the College, as well as of those in residence; and
to be read or spoken by such—one after the other, it would
* On this subject see Amhurst, 7. A. no. xxi. pp. Io; sqq. and Vicesimus Knox,
Assays, lxxvii., quoted in Miss Quiller-Couch’s volume of Æeminiscences (vol. xxii.
of this series), pp. 161 sqq. Some years ago I found between the leaves of a book
in Hertford Coll. Library a fragment of an old letter (of about the end of the last
century) which illustrates the farcical character of the public exercises. The letter
begins, ‘Dear Cousin, I am Oblig'd to you for your offer to do Quodlibets with
me, but I find, on Application to my Tutor, that I have already done them.”
3I4. COLLECTANEA.
seem—on the first Saturday after their return. It was quite
necessary to keep Saturdays free from lectures.
‘Batchelors of Arts, for the First Six Terms which they aim to
keep towards their Master's Degree, shall read in the College, as an
Exercise of the House, the Six Solemn Lectures (One every Term)
which are afterwards to be read by them in the Schools as an Exercise
of the University for the said Degree; and in every of the Other
Terms to be kept for the said Degree, they shall make and pub-
lickly Speak or Read a short Sermon upon a Text of Scripture
assigned them by the Principal. Without the performance of this
Exercise they shall neither keep the Term, nor receive a Testi-
monzum for Orders, nor have an Instrument of Leave to go to
Another House.’
It must be remembered that most, if not all, of Dr. Newton's
students were intended for Holy Orders; and that, according
to the practice of the time, few probably of those who were
not would contemplate taking a degree. But all would be
subject to the following rule: .
‘Whereas two Undergraduates are every Week, in their Turns,
obliged to read certain Chapters of the Holy Scriptures in the Hall
or Chapel, and to subject themselves afterwards to be Examined
therein by the Principal, or any of the Tutors, they shall every Day
before Dinner and Supper, lay upon the Tutors’ Table fairly written
Explications of all such Difficulties in the Chapters by them respec-
tively read, as in their Opinion wanted to be Explained, and were well
accounted for by such Commentators as their respective Tutors had
on this Occasion recommended to their Perusal. And this Exercise
well performed shall be accepted instead of the Weekly Exercise
otherwise required of them.’
There were two other possible substitutes for the weekly
exercise:
“If any Undergraduate, having a Genius to Poetry, shall choose to
make Verses instead of the Theme or 7% anslation required of him, he
may be indulged this Liberty, if the Principal shall think fit, and it
shall not be found to draw off his Mind from serious Studies.’
The poet was, I suppose, like the rest, to recite his com-
positions: then there were “AWarrations, or Recitals of
celebrated Speeches or other beautiful Portions of Classic
DR. NEWTON AND HERTFORD COLLEGE, 315
Authors,' which were to be “the proper Exercise of Two
Undergraduates every Week in their Turns, instead of the
Theme or 7 ranslation otherwise required.’
Altogether the Saturday doings at Hertford College suggest
a School with a Speech-Day once a week.
Collections were to be made by every undergraduate from
the ‘Four Classic Authors’ appointed for his year's reading.
‘These Collections, consisting of such beautiful Expressions or
Reflections as the Reader Admires; or of such difficult and obscure
Passages as he Explains; or of such Characters of Persons, or De-
Scriptions of Actions as he thinks worthy of Imitation ; or of such
Geographical or Chronological Remarks as appear to him Małerial;
or of whatever else he conceives either useful for himself to Æemember;
or to Zmpart to others, shall on every Thursday be shewn to his Tutor,
and at the End of the Year to the Principal'.”
Section VI. is Of the Pozver and Duty of the Principal.
There is hardly any limit assigned to either. The Principal
was to appoint the Tutors, if possible from among his own
pupils of Hertford College *: he might dismiss them for
neglect of duty after two ‘admonitions’; he was also to
appoint the Junior Fellows or ‘Assistants,’ and to “Choose,
Admit, and Displace’ all the College servants. He was also
to be ‘Perpetual Burser of the College.” As for his duties,
they are summed up in the comprehensive clause:
‘It is the Waſural, and shall be the Indispensable, Duty of the Prin-
cipal to see, that All the Members of his Society do their Duty faithfully
and effectually in their respective Stations.”
So he was to “Send for, as he sees Occasion, or Visit in
their Chambers All the Members of the Society’; to be
present from time to time at the Disputations; and to give
* This was what was commonly understood by ‘Collections’ at that time. It is
easy to see how the term came to be applied, first, to the act of showing one's
Collections to the Head, then to the act of showing oneself, which is now what is
Azofer/y meant by the word, though its use has been extended to the examination
preceding this act.
* “If there shall be None of this House, or who have formerly been of this
House, who shall by him be thought worthy of being Tutors (which God forbid)”;
or, if they shall refuse the office, ‘the Principal shall be at Liberty to choose his
Tutors out of any House in either University.’
316 COLLECTA/VE.A.
a public lecture once a week in full Term to all the under-
graduates. He is also to call a Tutors' meeting once every
fortnight at least in full Term ; “and there, with the utmost
Freedom, Affection, and Friendship, confer and consult with
them '.' In like manner he is to submit to them his accounts
as Bursar to be audited ; or, as Newton expresses it in his
imperial manner, ‘he shall have all the Tutors' Hands to the
said Accounts, attesting the justice and Punctuality of the
same.’
Besides these powers and duties, a special privilege is
accorded to him :
“Moreover the Principal, if he pelight in the Education of Youth,
and it shall be made Worth his while to read to One Pupil only, as
his Proper Tutor, shall have the Liberty, notwithstanding the Zimita-
fion of the Number of Undergraduate Students to be Educated in this
College at one time to Zhūrſy-ſwo’, to take upon him the Care and
Education of One Pupil only and no more. And such Pupil . . . shall
not be considered as One of that ZVumber, tho’ he shall, in all respects,
be subject to the same Æules.’
Such, we may suppose, was the position of Henry Pelham
at Hart Hall; and Dr. Newton perhaps looked forward to
future generations of the family.
The detestation of jobbery, which is so honourable a
characteristic of Dr. Newton, appears in a provision that
relations of the Principal and his wife, “even to the Fourth
Remove inclusive,’ are to be incapable of becoming Tutors
without the special recommendation of the Visitor.
In like manner it is provided that if the Principal shall
receive any consideration for the appointment of a Tutor or
any other Officer, of the College, his headship is to be ipso
facto void*: as also, if he
‘Accept, Have or Injoy any Cure of Souls or Sinecure; any Lec-
* Much as a good Roman emperor might consult the Senate. But in neither case
was there any question where the authority resided.
* Exclusive of the four Scholars.
* Among the officers enumerated are the Butler, Cook, Brewer, and Baker. The
practice reprobated was by no means so uncommon as might be imagined. It had
been put a stop to at Exeter by Conybeare, and an ordinance was made against
it in that College in I733. See Boase, Æeg. Coll. Exon., p. 353.
DR. NEWTOW AND HERTFORD COLLEGE. 3I7
tureship or Professorship of any kind, either within the University or
Out of it; any Deanry or Bishoprick; any Second Dignity in any
Church or Churches; or any One Dignity, Preferment or Imployment
either Spiritual or Temporal, which doth Require or Suppose his Re-
sidence as Necessary in any Other Place than his Own Society in any
Part of the Time of Full Term, when by the Statutes he is obliged to
be Resident in the said Society '.'
Finally, the Visitor has power to deprive the Principal
after ‘Admonition': or without ‘it, if he shall have been guilty
of anything so Heinous as to Deserve to be removed.’
Section V//. deals with the position of the 7utors. The
College ‘Exercises' are again enumerated, and the manner in
which the Tutors are to conduct them is minutely laid down.
Dr. Newton was determined that they should be kept to their
work, and the only relaxation provided is that ‘Two Tutors
may have Leave to be Absent One half of the several
l/acations, and Two more, the Other.” In the Vacation one
lecture a day only to all the undergraduates resident is
required.
A lecture is to be given in this manner:
‘The Tutor, before he enter upon an Explication of the Present
Lecture, shall always examine his Pupils as to what they Remember
and Understand of the Former. He shall then direct his Pupils to
Read, and to Explain as well as they can, what they read of their
next Lecture to Him ; and He, as they go along, and there is Occa-
sion, shall make his Aemarks, and Descanſ upon what is read, and
clear the Difficulties that occur.’
An excellent method, no doubt, but hardly matter for
a Statute. With like wealth of detail, the way in which
* Newton had still the rectory of Sudborough before mentioned (p. 281), but he
had given up the whole income as well as the charge to his curate. He wished to
resign it, but it is characteristic of him that he would not do so without a promise
that his curate should succeed him. Bishop Gibson (of London), the patron, would
not be dictated to, but his successor, Bishop Sherlock (1748), agreed to present the
curate, and Newton was enabled to resign. It must be observed that the Canonry
of Christ Church, to which Dr. Newton was appointed in I752, is one of the few
preferments which would not be incompatible with the Headship according to the
Statute. Neither was the Studentship of Ch. Ch. which Dr. Sharpe, Newton's
successor at Hertford, held while Principal, and retired to on resignation. The two
Principals who followed, entirely disregarded Newton's stringent regulations: both
held benefices with cure of souls.
318 COLLECTA WEA.
exercises are to be looked over is carefully prescribed. There
is a curious provision to ensure impartiality in dealing with
defaulters :
‘The Tutor, before his Pupils are summoned to Lecture, and con-
sequently, before it be known Who, or whether any of them, will be
Absent from it, shall always Order in Writing such an Exercise to be
made by those who shall miss Lecture, as he shall think a Proper
Penalty for this Neglect. If Wome shall be Absent, the Order shall
remain with him till another time; if Amy, their Names shall be
written under it, and carried to the Principal, who will thereby be in-
formed of the AWeglecſ, and exact the Penalty incurred.’
Like the Principal, the Tutor is to visit his pupils in their
rooms, and he is to ‘have the same Authority over All Persons
subject to him, whether as Tutor, or Officer of the House, or
Subordinate Governor of the Angle in which he presides, as
the Principal himself hath ; and the same Deference shall be
required by, and paid, to him.’ .
The Tutor is also to superintend the economy of his pupils;
he is to direct them as to what tradesmen they employ, and
not allow them to contract debts with any others;
“Nor yet with Those, without their Tutor's Knowledge and Consent;
under the certain Penalty of not being able to keep any Portion of
any Academical Term towards their intended Degree, from the Time
of the Discovery of such Debts, till such Debts shall be truly and fully
paid.’
And a new paragraph * denounces Expulsion against any
undergraduate who contracts a debt above five shillings at
any kind of public-house ; and declares any tradesman to be
a public enemy “, who allows debts of any kind to be con-
tracted contrary to this Statute. Finally, the Tutor is not to
allow his pupils to ‘contract any /ntimacies with Tradesmen
or their Families 3.”
* Not in the Statutes of 1739.
* “An Enemy to the College and to the University, and an Invader of the Interest
that Parents have in the Statute of the Realm, forbidding credit to be given to
Minors.”
* This is an expansion of the University Statute de domibus oppidamorum mon
frequenzazzdīs; the particular reason for which was that such intimacies not un-
frequently resulted in imprudent marriages; see Amhurst, Z. F. xxviii. pp. 148 sqq.
DR. NEWTON AND HERTFORD COLLEGE, 319
But the paternal authority of the Tutor is most fully
enforced in the following regulation:
‘The Quarterly Allowance to Scholars under Tuition shall always
be returned into the Hands of the Tutor, who having first discharged
their Debts to the House, and afterwards those contracted agreeably to
his Appointment, and with his Approbation, shall give the Remainder,
or a Portion of it, to his said Pupils, accordingly as he shall be satisfied
of their Discretion to manage the Whole of the Remainder or a Part
of it only.’ *
And lest we should suppose that the Allowance referred to
means the portion of the endowment which was to be received
by every student, Dr. Newton explains in a note:
“Innumerable are the Instances of Young Scholars of the Univer-
sity, who, having had their Allowances remitted to themselves, have
most shamefully abused the Confidence which Parents have had in
their Prudence ".’
It might be so : yet no man ever learnt to manage his
affairs by having them managed for him. Dr. Newton
might enforce economy by this method; he could hardly
teach it, though that was the professed object of these
provisions”.
Tutors are to fine themselves for absence in Term time ;
but they are to be subject to no other penalties;
* Both because Persons intrusted with their Important Care, ought
never to be supposed to be wanting in any Part of their Duty without
* Appendix V, Staff. p. Io'7. In the same place Newton speaks of the average
allowance to an undergraduate as fifteen pounds a Quarter (= 460 a year). Dean
Prideaux had stated that in 1675, when he was an undergraduate, the Ordinary
allowance was 440 a year; in 1715, when he laid his proposals before Lord Town-
shend (p. 308 m.), it had risen to £60. In both cases the allowance to a gentleman-
commoner was double. g
* Appendix IV, Statſ. p. Ioff. ‘ Oeconomy is an Art as necessary to be Learnt,
as any the University can Teach.” Some further remarks lead one to suspect that
Dr. Newton's method of teaching this art was not uncommonly the cause of his
pupils asking for discessits, so much to his annoyance. He says (l.c.) : “The
luxury of Young Men of Fortune . . . and an Impatience created in Others to
[follow their example] . . . and the immense Credit that will easily be given to
Scholars . . . make it necessary that Societies undertaking the Education of Youth
should come to a Resolution, not to Continue any Scholars, of what Quality Soever,
within their Walls, who will not Conform to their Rules.’ He himself hopes to
escape Censure for not ‘waiting for or depending upon the Concurrence or Assistance
of Others.”
32O COLLECTA NEA.
a sufficient Reason; and because Penalties upon Tutors bearing Re-
semblance to those inflicted upon Oſhers, may tend to depreciate them
in the Eyes of their Pupils, who Ought to have the greatest Veneration
for them.’
‘And, whereas the Senior Fellows or Tutors of this Society must
retire from it when they shall be of Eighteen Years standing in the
University from their Matriculation, and may possibly, at such time,
be unprovided of a Proper Subsistence in the Way of their Education",
there may be Given " to the Society or Purchased by it, Six Rectories
or Vicarages, of the Value of One hundred Pounds a Year each at the
least, to any of which, as any of them shall become Vacant, the Senior
Tutor not already provided with a Living, or not provided with a
Living of equal Value with that which is become Vacant, shall be
presented by the Principal, the sole Patron thereof, on condition he
first Vacaſe the Living he already hath, and promise to Relinguish
This also upon the acceptance of any Other Preferment.’
Here speaks the inveterate enemy of pluralities: and such
is Dr. Newton’s zeal in the matter, that, after ordering that
a Tutorship is to be vacated within a week after institution
to a cure of Souls or promotion to any other dignity in the
Church or secular position incompatible with residence in
College, he thinks it necessary to add that institution to
a second benefice or promotion to a second dignity is to make
the Tutorship void ipso facto. A Tutor may also be dis-
missed after ‘Admonition,’ as before stated ; and he is to
vacate his position a year after marriage, if the day of
marriage is certified within a week to the Principal; if not,
on ‘the Day on which it can be Proved?.”
Section V///. deals with the College Offices, which were to
be held by the Tutors yearly in rotation *.
* i.e. suitable for an educated man ; or, for a clergyman.
* An instance of Dr. Newton's kind forethought for those benefactors who were
unfortunately so slow in coming forward. No benefices were ever given to the
College, and the College never had the means to purchase any.
* Concealment of marriage by Fellows bound to celibacy was by no means a thing
unknown : Newton (ÖViziz. Ad. p. 72 (a) ) mentions a very flagrant case at Oriel.
* The Newtonian constitution might be represented by a kind of Orrery, in which
the Principal should be the sum of the system : round him revolve the four tutors,
passing through the successive phases of the four College offices, each attended by
nine satellites, who are discharged into space at the end of every quadrennial cycle,
and replaced by nine others.
DR. WEWTOW AND HERTFORD COLLEGE. 32I
The l’ice-Principal is to act as Dean of the College : he is
also to preside in the absence of the Principal, and to notify
the vacancy of the headship to the proper authorities.
The Chaplain is ‘to do All the Offices of a Parish Priest
to the Society.’ It is particularly laid down that ‘he shall
begin Prayers at the Time appointed by the Statute, without
staying for the Principal, or any Other Person.” There is
a further provision in which Newton anticipates a widespread
feeling of modern times:
“No Person shall ever be Buried in the Chapel, nor shall any
Monument be ever set up in it. But whoever Dies in the College,
and is not removed to the Burying-place of his Family, nor Desires
to be buried elsewhere, shall be Interred in the Ground adjoining the
Chapel, and Consecrated together with it.’
The Catechist was to deliver the Sunday lectures; which, in
Lent Term, were to consist of “Instruction in the Principles
of the Christian Religion. In other Terms, they were to be
devoted to ‘Explaining the Articles of the Church of England ;
Interpreting Difficult Places of Scripture; Settling and
Adjusting Controverted Points; or Resolving Cases of Con-
Science'; or, in short, anything else that the Principal might
approve of.
The Moderator’s duty was to arrange and preside at the
Disputations. -
Every Tutor was to be ‘Subordinate Govermour of the
Angle Over which he Presides.’
Section /X. is concerning Residence, which was to be strictly
enforced in Term-time under a penalty of one shilling for
every day's absence", whether with leave or without. The
Principal and Fellows are ‘āoma fide' to inflict this penalty on
themselves as well as upon others.
Section X. is entitled Of Behaviour. Dr. Newton will have
no one in his College who is not either a teacher or a learner :
he is particularly On his guard against ‘Persons adorned with
* We learn from Appendix X (p. 133) that this penalty after all was never
exacted. ‘The Execution is deferred till Indowments shall be given to the Students,
to oblige them to such residence under such penalty.”
III. Y
322 COLLECTA NEA.
the Degree of Master of Arts, and thereby exempted from the
Ordinary Penalties.” There is, he explains in a note,
“No place in the College for a Master of Arts not a Tutor, but by
the Principal's Sufferance; yet, since a Master, not a Tutor, may
desire to continue in the University after he shall have taken that
Degree (whether for the Opportunity of Study and Improvement, or
for any Other reasonable Cause) he may, if his past Behaviour hath
been acceptable to the Principal and Tutors, be continued a Member
of the College”, for so long a Time as his future Conduct, now he /s
a Master, and especially if he be in Holy Orders, shall be as agreeable
to them as it was before. For otherwise, a Master of Arts, and espe-
cially if he hath obtained of them a Testimonium for Holy Orders, and
hath thereupon been Ordained, and hath no Dependence upon the
College, and now nothing to Fear, is the most dangerous and offensive
Member of Society that can well be imagin'd.’
Every one who intends to take Holy Orders is, as a rule,
to signify his intention three years beforehand ; so that the
testimonial of the College may cover the whole period, and
that his theological studies may be properly directed. In
his Appendix * Dr. Newton bewails the laxity of the times
in this matter :
‘I could Wish,” he says, “That Great Men would believe that Go-
vernours of Societies are reasonaöle creatures; that they think properly
upon these Occasions, that, with regard to signing Testimonials, what
they could honestly do, they would do without Application; that they
never do, nor ever did Oppose the Just Expectations of any Candidate
for Holy Orders out of Prejudice; and have reason to think they
should do it in vain, if they should attempt it; since even the most
conscientious Refusals of their Testimony have rarely been found suffi-
cient to stop Ordinations.”
Amongst other provisions, Degree dinners and treats to
Examiners and Collectors are strictly forbidden, nor is any
one ‘to accept of any Entertainment from any Proctor, or
Collector, or Other Officer of the University as such 8. No
* I presume this means he may be allowed to reside : to turn him out of the
College altogether would be to turn him out of the University, a prerogative which
even Dr. Newton could hardly claim against a Master of Arts.
* Appendix VI to Staff. p. Io9.
* The Collectors were appointed by the Proctors from among the Bachelors
I)A’. WEWTOW AND HERTFORD CO/L/LEGE. 323
one is to make ‘any kind of Noise in Studying or in Sleeping
Hours, which are defined to include the whole day except from
noon to two, and six to nine o'clock. In dress, ‘sordid negli-
gence’ on the one hand and ‘foppishness and affectation on
the other are equally to be avoided. The neatness of the
rooms is also insisted on, and no one is to keep a dog.
Finally the University Statutes de Vestitu et Habitu and de
Moribus Conformandis are made Statutes of the College.
Pending appeals to the Principal or the Visitor, all injunc-
tions, however questionable, of the Tutors or the Principal
are to be obeyed on pain of expulsion.
Section XI. contains somewhat elaborate regulations cont-
cerning the Commons. The steward * was to go to market
for provisions every Wednesday and Saturday, and commons
were to be provided for all residents until the next Saturday
or Wednesday: those who wished to ‘be out of commons’
were to declare their intention before the marketing was done.
No student was to exceed six shillings” a week for commons
and battells, and no Scholar four shillings and six pence.
Those who did exceed were to be put out of commons until
the balance of their account was redressed. Christmas and
Easter Days, Whitsunday and the day of Incorporation *
who were to determine, every year. Their business was to fix the times and
order of the Lenten disputations for all the determiners: it was consequently in
their power to show favour to their friends. ‘The statute indeed forbids the
collectors to receive any presents, or to give any treats; but the common practice
is known to be directly against the statute; every determiner (that can afford it)
values himself upon presenting one of the collectors with a broad piece or half
a broad; and Mr. Collector in return entertains his benefactors with a good supper,
and as much wine as they can drink, besides gracious days and commodious
schools.” Amhurst, 7. F. xlii. p. 224, who explains in the same place that certain
days are called gracious, “ because upon them the respondent is not obliged to stay
in the schools above half the time, which respondents upon other days are ; and
some of the schools are esteemed better than other, because more private.” As long
as the disputants were not interrupted, there was no need for them to dispute at all.
* Dr. Newton omits to specify who the Steward was to be, though he says
a great deal about his duties. From the scheme of 1720 (p. 26) we may conclude
he was a B.A.; he was appointed by the Principal (Staff. p. 69) and his office was
weekly (p. 80).
* 7s. 6d. in the Statutes of 1739.
* In the Statutes of I739 the Day of the Visitation, which Dr. Newton wished
to be annual, is added. By 1747 he had probably found it was vain to hope for
an annual visit from the Chancellor.
Y 2
324 COLLECTA/WEA.
(September 8th) were to be kept as festivals at the expense
of all the members of the College, present and absent, though
the additional charge to each person was not to exceed eighteen
pence. Nothing but commons was to be cooked in the College
kitchen except for the Principal.
‘The Meat to be provided for Commons shall be, in the general, of
the Ordinary Kind; the Best of the Kind; in Quantity within a Pound
to a Man"; in Value not exceeding Three-pence; or the House to be
charged with the Excess; of the Same sort for the same Meal; of
Different Sorts for the Two Meals of the same Day. This shall be
dressed in the plainest and most wholesome Manner, and, as far as
conveniently it may, be sent up to the several Tables” in Joints Cºn-
divided.’
The custom, it seems, was to set the joint before the
senior at each table ; he helped himself and passed it on.
The practice did not work very well, since Newton has to
provide as follows:
‘If any Senior help himself to a Zarger portion of the Joint than is
Reasonable, or in an Onhandsome Manner, any Junior at the Table
may demand to have the Commons sent up in Messes; when the
Senior of the Table, choosing which Mess he will be at, shall deter-
mine his Three immediate Juniors to the same; and when also the
Junior of each Mess may Divide the Mess, if he pleases.’
And he descants at length on the same abuse in his
Appendix *:
‘I have seen, where Tºwenty have sat at the same Table, that the
Opper Ten, out of what hath been set before them, have provided for
themselves so Plentifully and so Curiously that to the Zower Ten
either Moſhing or Nothing Acceptable hath descended. Whether the
Upper Ten, in the very place where good Zearning and good Manners
are professed to be taught, had not yet learnt what is Reasonable or
Decemf; or whether the Governour had not the Diligence or Courage
to compell them to Æegard it, I cannot tell: But the Consequence
* “Not exceeding Two Pound to Three Men, Staff. I 739.
* We learn from the Statutes of 1739 (p. 24) that there were four: the high
table, the Junior Fellows’ table, and the Senior and Junior Students’ tables.
* Appendix VIII to Statt. p. I 14. Dr. Newton seems here to be relating his
own experiences as an undergraduate at Ch. Ch.
JDR. NEWTOW AND HERTFORD COLLEGE. 325
hath been, that the Ten Juniors have dined abroad in Public-
Houses, at four times the Expence, attended with Offer Inconveni-
ences.’
He proceeds to state the ordinary defence of the practice:
“But the Commons, it may be said, being of so small a Value as
Three-halfpence" in the market, and afterwards much lessen’d by
a Defalcation of the Cook's Fees from every Joint, the Junior is
presumed to be consenſing, that the Senior should have his Commons,
whilst he is a Junior,’ with the prospect of “making himself amends,
when he comes to be a Senior.” But Dr. Newton thinks that ‘it
is not Natural for a Man to Consent to his Own Sufferings,’ and the
natural and proper remedy is an increase in the value of the commons,
so that what “was too Little for Any One, might be increased to
a Sufficiency for Every One.’
Accordingly Newton, as we have seen, fixed threepence as
the value of his commons: it is strange and unfortunate that
he should have fixed it by Statute at all, in view of the fact
‘ that Men's Appetites are the same now, that they were 200
Years ago; and that, 200 Years ago, more Meat might have
been bought for Z%ree-halfpence, than can now for Three-
pence”.’ This he saw plainly enough, but he could not see
that a time might come when the quantity of meat (‘the
Best of the kind') to be got for threepence would be in-
significant. However, for the time, threepence was a liberal
allowance.
No undergraduate may entertain Strangers not living in
the University’ in his own rooms, but with leave he may
‘Entertain them with a Commons in the Public Refectory;
not with a Costly Dish of Meat, with sufficient Folly and
Affectation called a Commons °, but with a Commons of the
same kind and Value with his own.”
* This, it seems, was the azerage allowance, taking one College with another.
At Queen's it was 2d. in 1748, with some “liberty to exceed.’ So I learn from
a broadsheet entitled, “The Case of Queen's College, Oxford, in regard to some
late Irregularities of several of its Younger Members, May 24, 1748. There was
then a strike against boiled meat.
* 1. c. p. II.5.
* This suggests that in some Colleges you could get, say, a ‘Commons’ of
Ortolans.
326 COLLECTANEA.
There is a curious provision for the remuneration of the
steward, who was, by the way, to make out a bill of fare for
his week of office, and submit it to the Principal before going
(with the cook) to market":
‘The Principal . . . shall, at the End of the Week, read to [the
Steward] the Statutes relating to his Office, and enquire of him
whether he hath carefully observed the same. And, receiving an
Answer to his Satisfaction, shall sign him a Debenfur of One Penny
from each Member of the Society (not including the Scholars) whether
Presen/ or Aðsent, to be paid him at the End of the Quarter. Or,
not receiving a satisfactory Answer, shall Divert the said Allowance
for that Week into the Publick Stock.’
Dinner was to be at one o'clock, supper at seven ".
Section X/Z deals with the Rooms. Each Tutor was to
have the central set in his Angle rent free, and the ‘Double
Garret, which was to be divided between his servant and the
Scholar of his year.
The rent of the other rooms was, as has been stated, the
income of the Principal. The rest of the section contains
provisions for the valuation of furniture, and like matters.
Section X//7, enumerates the duties of the Scholars. They
are no longer Servitors, and consequently are not bound to
wait at table in Hall, as they were by the Statutes of 1739.
But they are to ‘summon the Society to Prayers, to Meals, to
Disputations, to Public and Private Zectures *; and shall bring
a Note to the Principal of the Absent Students from every
Place of Duty.’
“They shall also in their turns, be Officers of the Gate.’
That is to say, the Scholar, whose turn it was, had to attend at
the College gate from nine o'clock, when the gate was closed,
until ten. Within that hour he was to open the gate to late
* See above, p. 323.
* In this Dr. Newton showed himself willing to go with the times. In the
Statutes of 1720 AElezen and Six are the hours prescribed, in those of 1739, 7'welve
and Sºx. But having seen how variable the hours of meals were, why should he
have fixed them by statute at all ?
* Aſſow they were to do this does not appear; Amhurst (7. F. xli. p. 217) speaks
of the servitor calling the men in the morning; but this is specified in sect. xiv. as
the duty of the bedmakers in Hertford College.
DR. NEWTON AND HERTFORD COLLEGE. 327
comers; at ten o'clock he was to take the key to the Principal,
and the gate was finally shut until the next morning.
Of all his reforms, this was perhaps the dearest to Newton's
heart. Some of his friends had objected to it, “as a Rule
that might be attended with worse Consequences than even the
Permitting the Gate to be Openable every Hour of the Night.’
So indeed it might, at the present time; but we must re-
member how much earlier were the habits of 1747 than those
of Our Own day; that the constant snuffing of candles was
an inseparable accident of sitting up after dark ; that in all
probability the streets of Oxford, ill-paved and ill-lighted,
were practically deserted after ten o’clock, except for ‘strayed
revellers' going home to their Colleges; and that nocturnal
revelry was just what Dr. Newton wished to put down.
In his Appendix", where he discourses at great length on
the subject, he points out that the University Statute says
nothing of the College gate being opened after it is once
shut at nine o'clock; that by the Aularian statute the key
is to be taken to the Principal at that hour; and that the
statutes of Colleges all prescribe the final closing of the gate
at ten : only they generally add, ‘unless it be upon a very
extraordinary occasion. It is this proviso, Newton says, that
has done the mischief; ‘the Exception hath destroyed the
Rule.’ Let the rule be enforced, and it will be found that it
will be cheerfully obeyed.
“During the Time I was myself of Another College”, I observed,
that when, for one while, the Scholar might come in at Amy Hour
of the Night, he took the Ziberty he had to do so very freely; and
a Shilling to the Porter secured him from all further Harm : And
when, for another while, the Gate of the Same College was shut up
finally at Eleven, the very Same People who used to come in before
at 7%Uelve, or One, or sometimes later, would now, infallibly, be time
enough at the Gate to be admitted by Eleven. In like manner, when,
in this College, the Gate was shut up finally at Eleven, as once it
was, the Bottlemen would apply to be let in just before Eleven : And,
* Appendix IX to Statt. pp. II8–132.
* Christ Church. The fact recorded of the gate being ‘openable’ all night
under Dean Aldrich (1689–1711) shows the prevailing laxity. One of Conybeare's
first reforms at Ch. Ch. was to have it shut at nine. Hearne, March 8, 1733.
328 COLLECTA/WEA.
when that Hour was changed, and the Gate began to be shut up
finally at Zem, the same sort of Men would constantly knock to be
Admitted just before Ten. For, in all the Variety of Company I have
occasionally mix’d with, from the Time I became a Member of the
University to this Day, I never yet met with a Man, who did not shew
a Reluctance to the Lying out of his Own Bed".’
‘Let not any one say, The Times will not bear Conformity to
Pious Founders' Institutions. Who are to make the Times, but the
Oniversilies. There never can be a time, when a Man may not be
a regular, Sober, virtuous, and religious Man, if he Pleases *.’
Then again the quiet of the College demands early
closing:
‘And what is to become of the poor Governour of the College, who
may be Aged and Infirm, and yet think it his Duty to meet his
Society at the early Prayers, whilst Health and Strength permit 2
Is he, every Night, by Midnight Knockings at the Gate, to be waked
Out of his Sleep, who, perhaps once waked and ruffled with the un-
necessary Disturbance given at home, and with an Apprehension of
Disorders committed abroad by his Own Intemperate and Irregular
Scholars, can Sleep no more ? Or, lest He should, may the Officer
2ntrude into his Chamber first at one late Hour, and then at another,
to fetch the Key from his Bedside for their Admission ? If this be so,
a Governour of a College is in a much worse Condition than any
Other Master of a Family ".
‘And lastly, What becomes of the College Porter Or rather, as it
should seem, Who cares a Farthing what becomes of him 2 But
still, in a Christian Country, and especially in Colleges erected for
Promoting Religion and Moral Virtue, a regard is to be had to the
Happiness of the poorest Creature upon Earth ; and tho' All cannot
be made equally Happy in their Situations, yet every Condition of
Life that can be made Easier, ought to be so. But, if this poor
coughing Wretch must be raised out of his Bed, at every Hour of
the Night, to answer to the unseasonable Knockings at the Gate of
dissolute Men, who consider only what is agreeable to Themselves,
and not what Others suffer, there is not a greater Slave in Turkey
than a College Porter; and I pronounce that He, or his Deputy,
shall die a Death immature *.’
* Pp. I26, sq. * P. 129.
* P. I 30. * P. 131.
DR. NEWTON AND HERTFORD COLLEGE, 329
But in Hertford College there was apparently to be no
porter; the office being discharged by the Scholars in their
turn ; and they at any rate were not to be kept up all night.
So if any one was out after ‘Ten, by the Zafest Clock within
the Hearing of the Officer, Dr. Newton preferred that he
should go to an inn ", rather than disturb the College.
The Scholars were to be remunerated for their services by
a charge of a penny a week to “every member of the Society,
whether Present or Absent; ' and they were to receive half the
fines for absences from Chapel and Hall.
Section X/ V. deals with the College Servants: they were
to be the Principal's Clerk or Secretary, whose duties were
those of a Bursary Clerk, the Butler and the Cook. It is stated
that these three ‘shall be considered as the Principal's
Domestick Servants *; and shall Each of them, for their
respective Services to the Society, be Intitled to 4d a Week
from every Member of it (except the Scholars) and be Allowed
no Other kind of Fee, Perquisite, or Profit.' Besides these
were four Bed-makers, one for each Angle. In addition to
their ordinary duties, they were to take weekly turns of duty
at the College gate during the daytime.
Section X. V. deals with the College Stock. The revenues
of the College were never to be applied to the increase of
the endowments; but they might be devoted to the payment
of College debts, repair of buildings, College prizes *, the
purchase of the six advowsons before mentioned, pensions
to old members of the College reduced to poverty through
misfortune 4, or the relief of ‘Four poor Housekeepers' of
the parish.
Whence the revenues thus to be applied were to arise, is
* Newton supposes that the Proctor has no power to send a man back to his
College after the Gate is shut ; but, finding an undergraduate out after nine, he
would, if he were disposed to be lenient, send him to an inn ; if not, to the University
prison : p. II.9. -
* Subject, that is, to the performance of certain definite services in stated hours,
to the College in general.
* Including ‘the respectful Acknowledgement of Merit in Persons formerly of the
College,’ who have in any way been a credit to it.
* A register was to be kept in which the subsequent career of old members
might be traced.
33O COLLECTA/VE.A.
not stated *. But Dr. Newton's trust in the future of his
foundation reaches a height of infatuation which is really
sublime :
‘The Principal and Tutors, in disposing of the College Stock,
shall . . . studiously pursue the Good that is before them, without the
least Apprehension of any Demand upon them from the Future
Mecessifies of the Society; nothing doubting, but that if, at any time,
the College should be consumed by Fire, or destroyed by any Oſher
Accident, . . . a Society, which, upon so many Occasions, shall have
been ready to Distribute to Others, will, in a Case so deplorable, find
sufficient Assisſance from Others.’
In Section XVZ., entitled Of Penalties, it is provided that
penalties for violation of any of the Statutes shall be constant,
in order to secure impartiality, and ‘to take away all Hope of
Impunity from the Person Offending.” In an Appendix *
Dr. Newton defends pecuniary penalties against impositions.
The latter, he points out, are generally written for hire, and, as
often as not, come to a larger pecuniary penalty than would
be imposed directly as a fine.
Section X V//. provides for the Statutes being publicly read
on the first day of every Term, ‘until they shall be made
Public”: for the power of the first Principal to make altera-
tions in them *, and for the preservation of three copies of
them in the custody of the Visitor, the Principal, and the
College. At the first Principal's death, at latest, the Statutes
were to be printed and published with such alterations as had
been made.
Section X V//7. is Of the Visitor. Dr. Newton is anxious
that the Visitor should from time to time visit the College of
his own accord, without waiting to be appealed to.
‘And, Whereas the Chancellors of the University of Oxford for
* It must be remembered that the College had no income from external sources;
and the ordinary internal revenue was mostly allotted to specific purposes, as,
e.g. the room-rent to the Principal. Profits of the kitchen and fines appear to be
the only sources whence the Stock could be increased.
* Appendix X to Statſ. pp. 133–135.
* This clause appears for the first time in the published Statutes of 1747. It
virtually repeals the provision for reading the Statutes, since they were made
public at the same time that the clause was added.
* See above, p. 308.
DR. WEWTOW AND HERTFORD COLLEGE, 33I
the time being, have, for above these Four Hundred Years, been
successively the Visitors of Hart Hall within the said University,
I do here, upon Erecting the same into a College, Invite, Intreat,
and Supplicate, first, the right honourable Charles Earl of Arran.
our present very Worthy and much Honour’d Lord and Chancellor,
and, afterwards, his Successors in that Office for ever, to continue
to Protect the Society, and to be the Perpetual Visitors thereof.
And I here most earnestly beseech both Him and Them severally
and successively, in the Name of God, and as they Value the Peace
and Prosperity of this College, and the Public Good, so far as Scholars
here Educated in strict Sobriety and Diligence, and from hence trans-
planted into many Parts of the Kingdom, may contribute to it,
Annually to exercise the Power with which they are for these great
Ends intrusted by this Statute.’
Such were the Statutes drawn up by Dr. Newton for his
College. But Statutes which are given to the world ‘with
Observations on particular Parts of them shewing the Reason-
ableness thereof'' are, on the face of them, mere essays in
legislation. In the legal constitution of Hertford College
there was indeed little that required definition. The Charter
for the incorporation of Hart Hall was practically a Charter
for the incorporation of Dr. Richard Newton. While the
absolute power of Heads of Houses was generally thought to
need modification, Newton, by reserving to himself the right
of choosing and dismissing the Fellows of his College at
pleasure, made his own headship the most absolute in the
University. In this at any rate he was no reformer. Nor
can he be credited with the least degree of that foresight
which is necessary for a reformer whose reforms are to be
permanent. His aim was to restore the ancient discipline of
the University; and he framed his Statutes chiefly for the
purpose of enforcing such parts of it as had fallen into disuse.
He had found his regulations successful in his government of
Hart Hall: let them be made permanent, and they would, he
thought, be successful for all time. While he reserved to
himself the power of altering his Statutes during his lifetime,
he deliberately rejected the provision in the original draft
* Staff. 1747, Title.
332 COLLECTANEA.
Charter of 1725, which allowed a similar liberty to his
successors".
This provision, had Dr. Newton allowed it to stand, though
indeed it was none of his making”, might have saved his own
character as a reformer, and his College from the fate that
befell it”. It was precisely because Colleges were so generally
bound, under the sanction of an oath, to Statutes which could
not be obeyed, that a Visitation of the University was
demanded. To the uninitiated it might seem, as it did to
Amhurst's freshman, that Oxford was ‘the most perjured town
of the nation “’: but, perjury or no perjury, obsolete Statutes
were in fact disobeyed", and disregard of some regulations
did not lead to the better observance of the rest, however
suitable to the times". But Newton, though he could see
plainly enough the evils that resulted from these conditions,
and though he very properly abolished the Oath in his own
College, was under no apprehension that his Statutes would
ever be found antiquated or inconvenient : so he left the
College at his death bound, as far as he could bind it, by
a body of laws, in which the manner of conducting a lecture
and looking over a copy of prose was minutely and irrevocably
prescribed. Had he been content to relegate the greater
* See Correspondence in Appendix II, p. 352.
* The reservation to the first Principal only of the right to alter the Statutes
appears in the original Scheme of 1720 (p. 34). Whoever had the drafting of the
Charter is therefore responsible for the attempt to extend it to his successors.
* The College was eventually dissolved, because there was no one statutably
qualified and willing to accept the headship: which had nevertheless to be filled
up, according to Statute, within a certain time after it became vacant.
* Amhurst, 7. F. xlii. p. 218.
* Even on occasion by Dr. Newton himself. It was all very well for him to
talk (see above, p. 290) of the University having laid him under an oath to observe
and enforce its Statutes: yet he tells us without the slightest compunction that it
had been his practice at Hart Hall to have the gate closed, first at elezen, then
at ten : whereas the Aularian Statute plainly orders the key to be taken to the
Principal immediately after nine. And it is on this occasion that he exclaims, as
quoted above (p. 328), ‘Let not any one say, The Zºnes will not bear Conformity
to Pious Founders' Institutions.”
* Amhurst recurs constantly to this subject. See Z'. A. xxx. p. 163, where an
instance is given of a ‘dispensation,” meaning simply an engagement of the
governing body to take no notice of a violation of their Statute. In this case the
Statute dispensed with was one requiring a Fellow, who wished to be Proctor, to
proceed in divinity, and the dispensation was by a special provision irregular, as
well as quite gratuitous.
DR. NEWTON AND HERTFORD COLLEGE, 333
part of his Statutes to their proper position as by-laws, the
direction which his personal influence and energy had given to
the studies and discipline of the College might long have
survived him : but unfortunately, while his confidence in his
own legislation was unbounded, he put no trust at all in the
good sense and good intentions of his successors.
It cannot justly be made a reproach to Dr. Newton that his
educational reforms were as limited in scope as they were : he
had power to make Statutes for his College, he had none to
legislate for the University; and as long as the University
required no more than a series of farcical disputations to qualify
for its degrees, all that any single Head could do was to make
sure that the disputations of his own men should not be a farce.
His provision that every undergraduate should have one tutor
throughout his career and a claim on as much as one-ninth
of that tutor's available time was admirable; and certainly,
under his Statutes, no undergraduate could have been idle in
Hertford College, though more freedom might have been
allowed the College to arrange how his time should be spent.
In the matter of discipline, if, in contending for the strict
enforcement of the University Statutes, Newton was aiming,
as Hearne says, at things impossible, he had at least the
courage of his opinions; and his interpretation * of the two
Statutes de vestitu and de moribus, which he had made in
a special manner Statutes of his College, is designed not only
to revive the most obsolete provisions”, but even to extend
their application.
Out of the first of these Statutes Dr. Newton extracts quite
a philosophy of clothes :
‘The Wearing a Gown supposes the Pursuit or Affainment of
useful and manly Knowledge, the very End of coming to the Uni-
versity. All Gaiety of Dress, whether in the Colours of the Cloth, or
the Zacings or ſmöroideries of the Suit, shews the Mind of the Wearer
* Appended to the Statute-book of 1747, pp. 136–159.
* We may take Amhurst's word for it that the Statute de zestätze, except as
far as academical dress went, was totally disregarded: and of large sections of the
Statute de moribus (some of them greatly admired by Newton) he says, “I am at
a loss to determine whether the observation of these Statutes is more neglected
than they are unreasonable.” Z. F. xlvii. pp. 25I-253.
334 COLLECTA NEA.
to be greatly pleased with the Pomp and Splendour of his External
Appearance, even to a Degree, to make him choose to forego the
Advantage of the good Opinion of sensible well-bred Men, and to
Venture, even in the Company of Men skill'd in Propriety, to do
a thing that is Absurd. There is not the same Exception to Fine
Cloaths upon particular Occasions in Other Places as there is in This.
In Oſher Places, and upon Occasions of important Joy, when it will
be but Civil to let it appear one is somewhat out of one’s Senses with
the Excess of it", Fine Cloaths are praised: for the Intention is to
shew Respect, which is usually estimated by Expence. In This Place,
and during the Time of Education, the Intention is to form the Mind
to think rightly of every thing it observes, to prevent its being depress'd
or elevated unreasonably by Appearances, and to teach it to put a Value
upon that only which is really valuable *.’
But in spite of Newton's admonitions, it may be feared that
the clergy continued to follow the ‘Affected and Newfangled '
fashion of wearing blue”; and the ‘Sons of the Nobility’ to
‘ expose themselves in a Green Gold-laced Waistcoat and Æed
Breeches, and in a Black Wig one Day and a White One
another *.’
In the Statute de moribus conformandis Dr. Newton chooses
for special approval the sections dealing with Respect, with
Taverns, with Gambling, with Sport, and with Stage Players.
There is little in his comments on these matters that calls for
notice, except that he would extend the scope of the first-
mentioned section so far as to desire that every undergraduate
shall take off his cap to all well-dressed strangers he meets in
Oxford *; while he would have the same undergraduate use
* Cf. Hor. c. ii. 7, ‘recepto Dulce mihi ſurere est amico.’ * pp. I 38 sq.
* Though indeed they might be deterred by his remark, ‘a Blue Coat, Waistcoat,
Breeches, and Stockings, often worn by Others of the Clergy (whilst the Grazer
Men of the Order still wear Black), is a Dress so near a Common Zzzlery, that it
doth not distinguish them from Aootmen.” Statt. p. 138.
* Zbid. Fashion in Oxford extended to the academical dress. Amhurst (7. F.
xlvi. p. 245) describes the Oxford “smart' rustling in a “stiff silk gown,” and a
‘square cap of above twice the usual size.” For the latter a ‘broad bully cock’d
hat’ was sometimes substituted, which, if worn by a Master of Arts, would dis-
entitle him, in Newton's opinion, to any mark of respect; Staff. p. I45. No one
thought of appearing without a gozºme.
* On the ground that, if he did not know them himself, he might be acquainted
with some of their acquaintance: or they might, for all he knew, be of the kin of
a Founder of a College Staff. pp. 146 sq.
DR. WEWTOW AND HERTFORD COLLEGE. 335
the greatest caution in showing this mark of respect to
a Bachelor of Civil Law, the presumption being that this
degree has been taken for the nefarious purpose of qualifying
for holding a plurality of benefices.
Dr. Newton’s book on this last subject had been published
four years before, and had gone through two editions.
Pluralities Indefensible is altogether the best of Newton's
works. That it was without effect on the Legislature, to
which it was addressed ", was inevitable. Dean Prideaux,
Newton’s leader in the attack on pluralities, had in 1691
drafted a bill for reform; but, even with the support of the
Earl of Nottingham and Bishop Burnet, the movement had
come to nothing: and in 1743 the chances of reform in the
Church were as slight as in the Universities. But at least
Dr. Newton's book kept the agitation alive; at least it fur-
nished public opinion * on the subject with an admirably
lucid statement, drawn from past history and present ex-
perience, of the case against the worst abuse then existing in
the Church of England. And it is gratifying to learn that
the book was not without influence in high places:
‘Soon after the Publication of this Piece the then Earl of
Northampton being applied to in behalf of a Person for a Scarf",
for the usual Purpose of enabling him to hold two Livings, replied,
“I have no Scarf to give him, but I will give him a Book,” meaning
this 4.’
Qualifications for holding pluralities were still regulated
by the Statute of 21 Hen. VIII, which Newton vigorously
attacks:
‘I don't like One Line of it. And, I flatter myself, when I shall
have Descanted upon it a little, I shall not be Alone in my Utter
* The title is ‘Pluralities Indefensible. A Treatise Humbly Offered to the
Consideration of the Parliament of Great Britain. By a Presbyter of the Church
of England. Denique sit finis Quaerendi. Hor.”
* Or perhaps one should say private opinion: ‘There is scarce, I believe, a
Member of Either House of Parliament, who, in private Conversation, hath not
Condemned Pluralities: And yet the Act inabling to Purchase Dispensation to
hold Two Benefices with Cure of Souls is not Repealed.” Alur. Zmed. Pref. ix.
° i. e. to make him his chaplain.
* MS. note in Hertf. Coll. copy of the book, probably written by J. Sanders,
one of Newton’s original Fellows, and his successor at Sudborough. ‘This story,’
he adds, “I heard ye Author tell.’
336 CO/L/LECTA NEA.
Dislike of it. I say, I don’t like One Zine of it. There are several
Mines in it, that Condemn Pluralities in general. What, do not I like
£hose 2 No. I do not like even ſhose, for the Apocrisy there is in
them. For they do not Mean the Thing which they Pretend, any
more than the Constitution of the Fourth Lateran Council, on the
Model of which this Act of Parliament was Founded ".’
By this Statute, noblemen's chaplains and graduates in
Divinity and Canon Law were the persons qualified for
receiving dispensations”. Now, while a Cambridge graduate
in Laws was qualified under the Statute, an Oxford graduate
in Civil Law only * clearly was not ; yet his claim had been
by custom recognized by the Archbishops of Canterbury “, to
whom the dispensing power was entrusted. Add to this that
by ‘putting on the civil law gown' all exercises for degrees in
Arts were evaded, and that the civil law degree could be
obtained merely by keeping some additional terms; and it is
easy to understand Dr. Newton's animosity against the average
B.C.L. After the example of Dean Aldrich, he refused to
permit the civilian's gown to be worn in Hertford College
except by boma fide students of civil law ": and though ex-
perience had taught him that a discessit, sought for for the
purpose of wearing the obnoxious gown elsewhere, could not
be unreasonably refused, he had also learnt to express his
disapproval by the form in which the discessit was given :
‘Liceat G. C. Commensali e C. H. Qui bene se gessit, quamdiu
* Plur. Zºd. pp. II5 sq.
* As Newton sarcastically puts it, it is among these persons that you must look
for uncommon ecclesiastical merit, “if you will find it at all . . . for it is not
anywhere else to be found ; and, if you think you discern it anywhere else, you are
mistaken. For if you read the Resolution . . . of the 21st of H. 8, who was as
Infallible as the Pope himself, you will find it to be just as I say.” Plur. Zmd.
p. 166. The Constitution he quotes of the Fourth Lateran Council had qualified
‘sublimes et litteratas personas’ for dispensations, the Pope being the judge of
sublimity and learning.
* The teaching of Canon Law having been (subsequently to the Statute) for-
bidden at Oxford by Henry VIII. It is noticeable that according to the Charter
(q.v. Append. III) Hertford College is declared, no doubt through inadvertence,
to be incorporated for the study of, inter alia, Civil and Canon Zaw.
* That Oxford law graduates were not quite satisfied with their position is
shown by their constant attempts, especially throughout the eighteenth century,
to describe themselves as graduates in Laws.
* Aldrich had stigmatized it, as commonly worn, as ‘the Idle Gown.”
DR. NEWTOW AND HERTFORD COLLEGE. 337
apud Nos commoratus est, istam in quavis alia Domo veniam quae-
rere, quae negatur in Sua ; mempe, ut cum Sacris Lifferis REVERA
incumbat unice, Juri Civili, Statutis Academiae elusis, studere
VIDEATUR".’
As long as Newton lived, he governed the College in the
spirit, if not according to the letter, of his Statutes. He
administered them with the free hand of a man whose right to
alter them was unquestioned. The despotism of the Statutes
was tempered by the arbitrary power of the Founder. In
the last year of his life we find him summarily dismissing a
recently appointed Tutor, on discovering that he was a reader,
without disapproval, of the works of the eccentric Hutchinson *.
On the unfortunate tutor's asking how he should explain his
dismissal from “an office to which he had been statutably
appointed, Dr. Newton replied:
‘You may say, Mr. Comings, that you are an Hutchinsonian, and
that the Principal does not love any of the party : and further than
this, was you to be admitted again a member of the University, and
came with these principles, I would not even take you into my house.
If this, says he, will not satisfy the world, I am very easy, whether
they are satisfied or not *.’
Shortly before this event, Newton's labours for the Church
and the University had been tardily rewarded by a Canonry
in Christ Church 4. Perhaps the preferment was rather an
acknowledgement of his having been tutor to Henry Pelham,
now Prime Minister. It is related that on the occasion of the
vacancy a friend expressed to Pelham his surprise that he
had done nothing for his old tutor. The Minister replied,
“Why, how could I? he never asked me.’ It was indeed as
* A lur. Znd. p. 188. It is noticeable that while the bearer of this discessit was
refused at Oriel—where they had good reason to know Dr. Newton's views on
the subject of discessits—he was accepted by the Master of University (whom
Dr. Newton had done his best to cxclude from the Mastership). Zbid. p. 190 ºz.
* John Hutchinson (1674–1737), a fantastic interpreter of Scripture, who may
perhaps claim the discredit of having started the antagonism of religion and science.
He wrote, amongst other works, MoSEs’ Arincipia, in opposition to NEWTON’s.
* “The State of the Case between Dr. Newton, Principal, and Mr. Comings,
A.M. of Hertford College, Oxford,” a printed sheet drawn up by Comings, April 5,
I753.
* December 23, 1752. He was installed on January 5 following. It is to be
hoped he was reconciled to his old enemy Conybeare, who was still Dean.
III. Z
338 COLLECTA NEA.
characteristic of a minister of the period to expect to be
asked, as it was of Newton not to ask for favours. All
through the long controversy about the foundation of the
College, Newton made no use, such as ninety-nine out of a
hundred would have made, of so powerful a friend at Court
as the Duke of Newcastle, though the kindly tone of Henry
Pelham's letter to his brother shows that he might have found
support in that quarter had he been willing to claim it. But
Newton, on the contrary, was anxious only not to embarrass
his friends :
“Remember,’ he wrote to Henry Pelham, ‘what I have always told
you, that I do not desire you should do anything for me, which you,
who have a very good Judgment, shall think it improper for you to
concern yourself in, or to which you shall have the least Reluctance.
For I love you very disinterestedly, having no One End in the World
to serve, which not being served, can so much as disturb the
Tranquillity, much less abate the Affection of
Your etc.”
So he was able to write to the Bishop of Exeter:
‘For the obtaining Charters of the Crown there is a certain Method
of Proceeding prescribed to the Subject . . . . My Lord, I proceed in
this Method. I take no New or Unusual Step to accomplish my
Design”.’ -
He was no doubt true to his principles. Still it is probable
that the regular “method of proceeding prescribed to the
subject' would scarcely have availed, without the aid of the
Pelhams, to procure him his Charter even with a delay of
fifteen years.
On Easter Eve, April 21, 1753, Dr. Newton died, almost
suddenly, at his house at Lavendon. He had forbidden
monuments to be set up in his College chapel; but the
memorial erected to him in Lavendon Church, where he
was buried, still records his foundation of a College in his
‘favourite seminary' of Hart Hall. Even while Hertford
College survived, its Founder was forgotten. In 1783 a writer
in the Gentleman's Magazine * informs his readers that
* January 24, 1726, quoted in Grounds, c. iii. p. 13.
* Letter II, May 11, 1727, in Zetter to Dr. Holmes, p. 12.
* 1783, p. 667.
DR. WEWTOW AND HERTFORD COLLEGE. 339
‘Dr. Newton, author of Pluralities Indefensible, was of one
of the new Colleges, either Worcester or Hertford, and died
aôout fourteen years since'.” But among his personal friends,
Newton's memory was cherished. There is an agreeable
notice of him taken by Nichols from the papers of John Jones
of Welwyn", from which it appears that he was one of the
earliest promoters, if not the inventor, of the reading party :
‘He usually made excursions in the long vacations into various
parts of the kingdom, most commonly taking with him for company
and improvement one or more young gentlemen of fortune in his
College, at the request and with the approbation of their parents.
He was himself in every respect a gentleman, and a man of refined
good breeding. You might see this in every part of his conversation.
At evening, upon such journeys, he would a little before bedtime
desire his young pupils to indulge him in a short vacation of about
half-an-hour for his own private recollections. During that little
interval they were silent, and he would smoke his pipe with great
composure, and then chat with them again in an useful manner for
a short space, and, bidding them good night, go to his rest”.'
With the exception of some things which were actually in
preparation for the press, Newton ordered all his writings to
be destroyed ; and his widow *, as Jones informs us, ‘was a
conscientious person.’
It is a familiar statement that Hertford College was
dissolved in 1805 on account of the insufficiency of the
endowments : yet neither is the date, nor yet the reason,
assigned for the dissolution quite in accordance with the facts.
If the endowments had been sufficient for the carrying out
of Newton's design, the Statutes would probably have killed
the College long before 1805. As it was, it was through the
insufficiency of the endowment that, even in Dr. Newton's
* A friend of Newton's, however, came forward with a more correct account of
him, ióżd. p. 992.
* John Jones (1700–1770), for many years curate of Welwyn, Herts.
* Nichols, Zit. Anecd. v. pp. 708 sqq.
* This was Newton's second wife, daughter of Sir Willoughby Hickman, Bt.
She died in 1781. By his first wife he had an only daughter, who married Rev.
Rnightley Adams: their son edited the collected volume of his grandfather's
Sermons in 1784.
Z 2.
34O COLLECTA/WEA.
time, a great part of the Statutes was necessarily in abeyance;
and it is probable that under his successors most of the
regulations concerning internal discipline and study became
inoperative. Benefactions slowly came in, but they were not
applied according to the Founder's directions, so that fifty
years after Newton's death, the College had a larger endow-
ment and more practical freedom to use it than Newton had
left to it". It must be remembered that Dr. Newton's
foundation was not intended for poor scholars”: and there
seems to have been a sufficient number of those ‘young
gentlemen of fortune, who were the Founder's vacation Com-
panions, to maintain the College. There is therefore nothing
surprising in finding Hertford chosen as the College for
Charles James Fox in 1764: though it would surprise us to
be assured that Fox's quarterly allowance was “always
returned into the hands of the Tutor.” Probably it was an
attraction of Hertford College that the distinction there
between gentleman-commoners and other undergraduates
was less marked than elsewhere.
But however in internal matters the College might, whether
from choice or necessity, disregard its Statutes, those regu-
lating its external relations remained in full force. Not only
so, but Dr. Newton, when he published his revised Statutes
in 1747, omitted to take the precaution, which he had himself
made obligatory, of procuring the approbation of the Visitor
and the Crown to the alterations he had made. So that, in
law, the Statutes of 1739 were still in force at the time of
his death.
The fact indeed for a time escaped notice. William Sharpe,
Newton's successor, was in every way qualified for the head-
ship : he was duly nominated and lawfully admitted. But
when, “discontented with the fortune of the College *, he
resigned in 1757, the Chancellor nominated, and the Dean
of Christ Church admitted without protest, David Durell, a
* At the time of the dissolution, the College had a funded capital of £2,900, the
income of which they seem to have been at liberty to dispose of as they pleased.
* See above, p. 285 m. ; and cf. Plur. Ind., pp. 334 sqq.
* Gutch's Colleges, p. 647. Dr. Sharpe was afterwards Regius Professor of
Greek, 1763–82.
DR. WEWTOW AND HERTFORD COLLEGE. 34I
Fellow of the College", and so far qualified for the headship
under the Statutes of 1747, but without any qualification
under those of 1739, which limited the office absolutely to
Westminster students of Christ Church. Dr. Durell’s head-
ship was indeed the most flourishing period of the College,
and his early death in 1775, at the age of forty-seven, was a
serious loss to it. Under his successor, Bernard Hodgson,
who had the full statutory qualification, the College ceased to
prosper, though it did not rapidly decline.
By the time of Dr. Hodgson's death in 1805, the fellow-
ships had been reduced to two : there had been a revival of
Some of the Junior Fellowships, which Dr. Newton had left
entirely unendowed; the funds of the College were now
sufficient to provide an annuity of £3 15s. to each ‘Assistant.”
But it was difficult to find a duly qualified person to accept
the post of Principal, and the Chancellor, Lord Grenville,
either not knowing or disregarding the Statutes, nominated
Henry Phillpotts, afterwards to become famous as Bishop
of Exeter. The Dean of Christ Church, Dr. Cyril Jackson,
objected ; and Phillpotts made no difficulty about renouncing
his claims to a preferment which had so little attraction.
Phillpotts indeed had no right whatever under any Statutes
to the nomination: but the Dean, to whom the appointment
lapsed, was unable to get any qualified Student, if any
existed *, of his own house to accept it. Under the Statutes
of 1747, Fellows of Hertford were eligible; but it so happened
that of the two Fellows then existing, one * was below standing
for the headship, and the other was impossible. Richard
Hewitt was a man of some ability, but scarcely sane * : and
* Previously of Pembroke College.
* The field was extremely limited. Staff. 1739, sec. 4, p. 6, provides that the
Principal shall be a Westminster Student of Ch. Ch. in priest’s orders, who has
acted as a Tutor: he must be M.A. but not above standing for D.D., i.e. must not
have passed the earliest date at which he could have taken that degree.
* James Carpenter, who had been admitted Fellow and taken his M.A. degree
only a few weeks before Dr. Hodgson's death.
* As is sufficiently clear from his curious letters, now in the Bodleian (MS. Eng.
misc. d. 9). They are addressed to Dr. Collier Jones, Rector of Exeter, during his
Vice-Chancellorship, 1828–32, and contain a good deal of curious information
about the last days of Hertford College, all of course designed to show that the
writer was entitled to more than he had got. Probably he addressed similar letters
342 COLLECTANEA.
probably Dr. Jackson was not sorry to make the discovery
that the Statutes of 1747 had no legal validity. The College
meanwhile dragged on its existence: Hewitt acted as Vice-
Principal; but he was unable to persuade the Dean' to admit
him to the headship, for which he considered he was ‘pointed
out by the finger of God.” In 1812 he memorialized the
Crown, but to no purpose”, and in 1814 his own fellowship
expired. The other tutor had previously retired to a living,
and the College ceased to exist: by a legal fiction the com-
missioners who held an inquisition on the defunct society
decided that it had been dissolved on the death of the last
Principal in 1805. The inquisition was held May 4, 1816.
In the following year * the buildings were granted to the
University for the use of Magdalen Hall, and the intrusive
lodgers who had occupied them were gradually evicted *.
Hewitt received a pension out of the goods of the College for
his life, and after his death such immortality as the University
Statute-book can bestow.
to all the Vice-Chancellors in succession. Indeed he tells Dr. Jones (April Io,
1832) of the scant courtesy of ‘the great little man, your predecessor’ (Dr. Jenkyns),
and the dignified way he (Hewitt) had shown his resentment, by “ceasing to be
familiar and facetious in his letters.”
* Although Dr. Jackson had been succeeded by Dr. Hall in 1809.
* Hewitt's Letters, October 14 and 26, 1830. In the last he ingeniously argues
that if he was not qualified for the headship, neither was Dr. Durell. But Durell
was Vice-Chancellor, 1765–68; or rather he acted as such without being qualified.
Therefore he rather thinks that the UNIVERSITY is dissolved, and that all its acts
since I 765 are null and void.
* By Letters Patent, July 11, 58 Geo. III.
* Hewitt himself continued to live in College till May, 1816. In his second
letter to Dr. Jones, October 31, 1829, he complains of his rooms being occupied
by some person whom he calls ‘the cursed Adams. The Principal’s lodgings
had been seized upon by the then Town-Clerk of Oxford, to take care of them,
as he said.
A P P E N D I X.
NEWTON'S PETITION AND AT TORNEY-GENERAL’S
REPORT.
[S. P. Dom. Geo. I, Bundle 22, No. 87.]
To the King's Most Excellent Majesty.
The Humble Petition of Dr. Richard Newton Principal of Hart Hall
in the University of Oxford
Sheweth
That the said Dº. Newton hath erected a Chappel and other Buildings
in the said Hart Hall to the value of Fifteen hundred pounds, and hath
likewise purchased Ground and Houses contiguous to the Scite of the
said Hall for the Enlargement thereof.
That towards the endowment of the said Hall, he is willing to settle
upon it a Revenue of Sixty Pounds iP Annum for ever, out of his own
private Fortune, and hath also a prospect of other Benefactions from
Persons formerly educated in the said Hall, provided that a Charter may
be obtained for the better security thereof.
That he hath no other view or design in requesting such a Charter,
but in order to promote Piety, Good Manners and usefull Learning in
that Society, and is desirous for this end, that the said Hall, when
incorporated, may be governed by such Rules and Statutes, as Your
Majesty shall be pleased to order and Appoint.
He therefore humbly prays, that Your Majesty will be graciously
pleased to grant Your Royal Charter for making the said Hall a Body
Corporate, consisting of a Governor, with the Stile and Title of Principal,
Your Majesty's Petitioner to be the first Principal during his Life, and
of Four Tutors, or Fellows, as Assistants to him in the Government of
the said Hall, together with such Privileges and Advantages, as have
been usually granted on the like Occasions.
And your Petitioner shall ever pray &c.
344 COLLECTA NEA.
At the Court at St. James's 18th May 1723". His Majty having been
moved upon this Petition, is graciously pleased to refer the same to
Mr. Attorney or Mr. Sollicitor General, to consider thereof and report
his opinion what His Majºſ. may fitly do therein, whereupon His Majºy.
will declare his further pleasure.
CARTERET.
[AEndorsed] Petition of Dr. Newton Principal of Hart-Hall.
18 May 1723.
Richard Newton Dr. of Divinity Principal of Hart Hall in the Uni-
versity of Oxford maketh Oath that he hath Laid out and Expended
above Fifteen hundred pounds in Erecting a Chappell and other Buildings
in Hart Hall aforesaid.
RICHARD NEWTON.
Jurat quinto die Decembris 1723 coram me
E. CONWAY.
Richard Newton Doctor in Divinity and Principal of Hart Hall in the
University of Oxford maketh Oath that over and above the Sume of
ffifteen Hundred pounds applyed by him to the erecting of a Chappell
and other Buildings in the said Hall he hath laid out and expended the
sume of One Hundred and sixty pounds of his own proper money in
the purchase of Houses and Land lying contiguous to the Scite of the
said Hall, And hath moreover obtained a Lease from Christ Church in
the University of Oxford of other Land lying likewise Contiguous to the
said Hall Granted to him by the said College without any Consideration
for the purchase thereof in Countenance as he apprehends of his Design
to get the said Hall Incorporated reserving only to themselves a Rent
of four pence {P Annum. All which Ground and Houses this said
Depon". intends to give to the Use of the said Hall when Incorporated,
And this Deponent further maketh Oath that assoon as the said Hall
shall be incorporated he will also Charge an Estate of Two Hundred
pounds a year with the Payment of Sixty pounds a year forever thereto
in a manner agreeable to the Corn Act obtained in the favour of the
Universitys in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth.
RICHARD NEWTON.
Juf Vicesimo octavo die ffebruarii 1723 coram me.
E. CONWAY.
[Endorsed Dr. Newton's affidº abt Benefactions.
To the King's Most Excellent Majesty.
May it please your Majesty.
In humble Obedience to your Majesty's Commands signified to me by
the Right Honoble the Lord Carteret late one of your Majesty's Principal
* This is dated the day after the letter of the Earl of Arran to Lord Carteret,
giving his approval, as Chancellor, to Newton's scheme. See p. 288 m.
DR. NEWTON AND HERTFORD COLLEGE. 345
Secretaries of State whereby I am required to Consider the annexed
Petition of Doctor Richard Newton Principall of Hart Hall in the Uni-
versity of Oxford, and Report my Opinion what your Majesty may fitly
do therein, I have Considered the said Petition which sets forth, That
the said Dr. Newton hath Erected a Chappell and other Buildings in
the said Hart Hall to the value of Fifteen Hundred Pounds, and likewise
Purchased Ground and Houses Contiguous to the Scite of the said Hall
for the enlargement thereof.
That towards the Endowment of the said Hall he is willing to Settle
upon it a Revenue of Sixty Pounds per Annum for ever, out of his own
private Fortune, and hath alsoe a prospect of other Benefactions from
Persons formerly Educated in the said Hall, provided that a Charter
might be obtained for the better Security thereof.
That he hath no other View or Design in requesting such a Charter,
but in Order to promote Piety, Good Manners and Usefull Learning in
that Society, and is desirous for that End, that the said Hall when
Incorporated, may be Governed by such Rules and Statutes, as your
Majesty shall be pleased to appoint. The Petitioner therefore most
humbly prays that your Majesty would be Graciously pleased to Grant
your Royal Charter for making the said Hall a Body Corporate, Consisting
of a Governour, with the Stile and Title of Principall, the Petitioner to
be the first Principall during his Life, and of four Tutors or Fellows as
Assistants to him in the Government of the said Hall, together with such
Privileges and Advantages as have been Usually Granted on the like
Occasions.
And I must humbly Certifie your Majesty that a Caveat having been
Entred with me on the behalf of the Rector and Fellows of Exeter College
in the University of Oxford against the said Petition, I have been there-
upon attended by the Petitioner, and by the Agents for the said Colledge
and have heard Councill on both sides.
The Councill for the Petitioner alledged that Hart Hall is a very
Ancient Hall, and that a Body of Learned Men by the Name of Principall
and Fellows have resided therein without Interruption between four and
five hundred Years, and that it has all along enjoyed the like Priviledges
and been under the like Regulations with other Halls in the University
of Oxford.
That the Petitioner the present Principall out of great Affection to the
Society, and a Pious disposition to promote Religion and Learning, had
already bestowed Considerable Benefactions on the Society and intended
to bestow more, and to prove this they produced the Annexed Affidavits
of the Petitioner, whereby it is Sworn, That he hath Expended above
Fifteen hundred Pounds in Erecting a Chappell and other Buildings in
Hart Hall; That he had alsoe laid out One Hundred and Sixty Pounds
of his own Money in the Purchase of Houses and Land lying Contiguous
to the Scite of the said Hall, That he hath Obtained a Lease from Christ
Church in the said University of other Land lying likewise Contiguous
to the said Hall Granted to him by the said Colledge without any
Consideration for the purchase thereof, in Countenance as he apprehended
346 COLLECTA NEA.
of his design to get the said Hall incorporated, reserving only to them-
selves a Rent of four pence per Annum; all which Grounds and Houses
the Deponent intends to give to the Use of the said Hall when Incor-
porated ; and will alsoe Charge an Estate of Two Hundred Pounds
a Year with the Payment of Sixty Pounds a Year for ever thereto, in
a manner agreeable to the Corn Act Obtained in favour of the Universitys
in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth.
It was insisted that these Benefactions would make a Competent
Endowment of the proposed Colledge, to manifest which, the Scheme
hereunto Annexed was laid before me; And that a Charter of Incorpora-
tion would be Necessary in Order to Secure the perpetuall Enjoyment
of them to the Society.
That the Earl of Arran Chancellor of the University had (so far as in
him lay) given his Consent to the Obtaining such a Charter by Letter to
the Lord Carteret, a Copy whereof verified by Affidavit is hereunto
Annexed ".
On the other side the Councill for the Rector and Fellows of Exeter
Colledge opposed the Granting of such a Charter, and Objected, That
Hart Hall depended in many respects upon Exeter Colledge, and the
Granting a Charter would destroy or weaken that Dependance.
That the Scite of the Hall is the freehold and Inheritance of Exeter
Colledge and was formerly held by Lease from them at a yearly Rent
of One Pound, thirteen Shillings and four pence; That tho’ the last
Lease has been Expired ever since the Thirty fifth Year of the Reign
of Queen Elizabeth, yet this Rent has been constantly paid, which is an
Evidence that the Principall of the Hall held over as Tenants by Suffer-
ance or at Will to the Colledge, and the Colledge might recover the
Possession of it in an Ejectment.
To prove this they produced severall very Ancient Deeds, whereby it
appeared that about the Year One Thousand Three Hundred and
Fourteen Walter de Stapelton then Bishop of Exeter founded Stapelton
Hall since Converted into and Called Exeter Colledge. That besides
Stapelton Hall which he purchased of the Prior and Convent of St.
* The documents mentioned as annexed to the Report are now S. P. Dom.
Geo. I, B. 56, II4–II?. They are—
I. A copy of Lord Arran’s letter, attested by affidavit of the transcriber.
2. Affidavit of Matthew Hole, Rector of Exeter College, July 3, 1723, that he
has received £1 13s. 4d. yearly rent for Hart Hall for seven years past.
3. Affidavit of Lawrence Horner, Butler of Exeter College, as to evidence of
College books for eleven years past to the same effect.
4. Copies of (1) Decree of Convocation, I Eliz. confirming the appointment of
the Principal of Edmund Hall to the Provost and Fellows of Queen's College, and
(2) Protest and declaration of the said Provost and Fellows of their prescriptive
as well as statutory rights over the Hall, II Car. I., both attested by the affidavit
of William Greenaway.
These documents are endorsed ‘Mr. Attorney Genl’s Report upon the petſ of
Dr. Newton for the incorporating Hart Hall. Rec’d Nov. 9, 1724.’ But the
Report is now separated from them.
DR. NEWTO/W AND HERTFORD COLLEGE. 347
Frideswide in Oxford he alsoe by Deed Dated in the 5th Year of the
Reign of King Edward the Second purchased two other Halls, one called
Arthur Hall and the other called Hert Hall which latter was described
to be Scituate in the Parish of St. Peter in the East Oxon, between
a Tenement of the University of Oxford called Blake Hall on the West
and a Tenement of the Prioress and Convent of Stodlegh on the
East.
They alsoe produced Letters Patent under the Great Seal Dated the
IO* May 7° of Ed. 2. whereby License is Granted to the said Bishop to
Alien in Mortmain to Twelve Scholars Students in the said University
two Messuages with the Appurtenances Scituate in Oxford but without
any Names or Descriptions, which Letters Patent are endorsed in an
Ancient Character thus De duobus Messwag. Hert Ha/Z and Arthur
A/a/Z.
It was said the Conveyance from Bishop Stapelton to the College was
not to be found; but to prove that the Colledge had been in Possession
of these Two Halls they produced a Grant from the Abbess and Convent
of Godestowe to the Rector and Scholars of Stapyldon Hall and their
Successors, Dated the 23d of Aprill 1318, of a Tenement in Oxford
reserving a Rent of twelve Shillings per Annum, wherein a power of
distress is mentioned to be Granted to the Abbess and Convent for that
Rent upon two Tenements then belonging to the sū Rector and Scholars
One called Hert Hall and the other Arthur Hall, the Boundaries whereof
are described exactly as in the purchase Deed to the Bishop, and
a Confirmation of this Grant was produced under the Great Seal Dated
the 30 October the I2 Edw. 2.
In Order to shew that Hart Hall was held by the Principall thereof
by Lease from Exeter Colledge they produced the Counterpart of an
Indenture Dated the 8th July I Eliza. whereby the Rector and Fellows
of Exeter Colledge Demised to Philip Rondall then Principall of Hart
Hall All that their Tenement or House, Ordayned for the Advancement
of Learning and Knowledge Commonly called Hart Hall for the Term
of One and Twenty Years from the Lady Day before reserving the
Annuall Rent of One pound Thirteen Shillings and four pence. In
which Deed there is a Covenant from the Colledge to repair the Roof
of the Buildings; and another Covenant from the Principall for himself
and his Assigns to doe all other Repairs at their own Costs, except what
the Rector and Fellows of their Benevolence should give as hath been
Accustomed. And a further Covenant from the said Philip Rondall
that he will not let or Assign his Term of Years in the Premisses but
only to one fit and Able Man for that purpose of the Foundation of
Exeter Colledge, and that for the better Accomplishment of the same
he shall Use and practise all friendly means by requesting the Company
of the said Hall and the Chancellor or his Comissary of the University
for the time being, unless he the said Philip or his Assigns be otherwise
specially Licensed by the said Rector and Fellows or their Successors.
And for the performance of this particular Covenant there was a Bond
given by Rondall to the Colledge.
348 COLLECTA NEA.
Another Counterpart of a Lease from the Colledge to the same Philip
Rondall Dated the 20th of July 149 Eliz. for the Term of One and Twenty
Years from the Lady Day before, Under the same Rent and Containing
the same Description and Covenants as in the former.
This Term of One and Twenty Years Commences Seven Years before
the Determination of the former Lease and takes no Notice of the
Surrender of that.
An Originall Lease with the Counterpart thereof Dated the Ioth of
October 35 Eliza. from the said Colledge to John Evelighe of all that
their Tenement or House Ordained for the Advancement of learning and
knowledge commonly called Hart Hall, reciting the last Lease to Rondall
and that it was Expired, and Demising the same to Evelighe for One
and Twenty Years under the same Rent and Covenants as in the former
Leases, saving that in this there is no Covenant from the Colledge to
doe any part of the Repairs.
With this Lease was produced a Bond of the same Date from the said
John Evelighe to the Rector and Fellows of Exeter Colledge, with Con-
dition to perform the Covenant against assigning, and further to permit
Philip Rondall quietly to enjoy the said Tenement or Hall during his
Natural Life, without any Disturbance or unlawfull Molestation offered by
the said Evelighe for the displacing of the sº. Philip, unless he were
Specially Licensed by the said Rector and Fellows.
It was not pretended that the Colledge had made any Lease of Hart
Hall since that last mentioned, tho' it was Admitted that the Principall
and Fellows of Hart Hall had enjoyed the said Hall ever since, paying
the Rent of One pound Thirteen Shillings and four pence. But it was
Contended that that Rent had not been in all times fixed and Certain but
had Varied ; and to prove this were produced two Ancient Accounts of
the Rectors of Exeter Colledge for the time being ; in the first whereof
being an Account for a Year ending Anno I329 Sixty Shillings is
mentioned in the Charge as received De Pensione de Herf Ha//; and in
the other which is an Account for about a Year ending in 1377 Forty
Shillings is Charged as Received De Pensione Herf Ha/Z, But for how
long time those Receipts were did not appear by the Accounts.
To shew the Constant payment of the Rent of One Pound Thirteen
Shillings and four Pence in late times, they produced the Annexed Affi-
davits of Doctor Hole Rector of Exeter Colledge and Lawrence Horner
who prove the same for Eleven Years past.
It was alsoe alleged that Exeter Colledge Claimed a kind of Visitatorial
power over Hart Hall, but it was Admitted that they could Shew no
Instance of the Exercise of such Power.
On the other side the Councill for Doctor Newton the Petitioner
observed that it was very Extraordinary that such an Opposition to the
Improvement of a House of Learning should come from a Society of
Learned Men.
That they had made out no right whatsoever to any Jurisdiction or
Authority over the Principall and Fellows of Hart Hall, nor to any Interest
therein, but the Annuall Rent of One pound Thirteen Shillings and four
DR. NEWTON AND HERTFORD COLLEGE. 349
pence which was Admitted to be their due and could not possibly be
prejudiced by any Charter Granted by the Crown.
That as to the claim set up to the Freehold and Inheritance of the
Scite of the Hall, if the Colledge was entitled to it, that likewise could not
be taken from them nor their Title to it affected by a Charter. But it was
insisted that the Colledge had no Title to it, nor could turn the Principall
& Fellows out of their Possession of it.
That Supposing there was proof of the Soil having Anciently belonged
to the Colledge, yet the quiet Possession of the Principall and Fellows of
the Hall under the payment of a certain Rent of One pound Thirteen
shillings and four pence for One hundred and Seventy Seven Years
without any Lease or Variation of the Rent was Sufficient Evidence that
the Colledge had made a Conveyance of it in Fee for the Benefit of the
Principall and Fellows, before the making of the Statutes restraining
Alienations by such Bodies. And if they should bring an Ejectment such
a Conveyance would be presumed, tho' it could not be produced. And
a Case of the like kind was Cited to have been Adjudged in the Court of
Common Pleas in the Year 1694. The President and Fellows of Magdalen
Colledge in Oxon upon some Dispute about the Nomination of a Principall
of Magdalen Hall brought an Ejectment for the Scite of that Hall. On
the 20th of June 1694 this Cause was Tryed at the Bar of the Court of
Common Pleas and upon the Trial of the Plaintiffe proved that Anciently
the Colledge had been Seised of the Soil and on the part of the Principall
and Fellows of the Hall a Possession of about Two hundred Years was
proved, but no proof made of any Conveyance whatsoever. But upon this
proof and Notwithstanding the restraining Statutes the Court left it to the
Jury whether they would not presume a Conveyance in Fee made by the
Colledge to the University or some other Trustees in Trust for the
Principall and Fellows of the Hall, and accordingly the Jury found
a Verdict for the Defendants.
And it was said that in Support of so long a Possession it ought to be
presumed in the present Case that such a Conveyance in fee had been,
and thereupon the Rent of One pound Thirteen Shillings and four pence
reserved as a Fee farm Rent.
But if the Leases made by the Colledge in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth
and the Constant payment of the same Rent reserved by those Leases
should Differ the Case of Hart Hall from that of Magdalen Hall in point
of Law, and the Fee simple should be taken to be still in the Colledge,
yet it was strongly insisted that in Equity it would be Adjudged a Trust
for the Principall and Fellows of the Hall, and the Colledge would not be
suffered to take the Possession from them, Especially since it had been
so long enjoyed in this manner, and the Colledge upon the Leases pre-
tended to be made had taken no Fine, and had Expressly stiled it
A House Ordained for the Advancement of Learning and Knowledge,
which shews an Appropriation of it.
As to the two Leases to Rondall now produced it was Objected that no
Weight ought to be laid upon them being made only to two particular
Principalls of the Hall, without any privity (as far as appeared) of the
35O COLLECTANEA.
Fellows; And that they were an unfair Attempt made to gain to the
Colledge the Nomination of the Principall of the Hall, for which reason
the Covenant was put in against Assigning to any person except one of
the foundation of Exeter College. But that it was plain the Colledge
were then sensible they had no right to it from the latter part of the
Covenant, whereby they Oblige the Lessee that for the better Accomplish-
ment of this end, he should use all honest and friendly means with the
Company of the Ha/Z and the Chancellor of the University for the time
being, which would never have been Inserted if the Colledge had believed
they had a legal Right.
That the Lease to Evelighe was still liable to greater Suspicions than
the former, both the Originall and Counterpart being found in the Custody
of the Colledge, and an Indorsem", being made (tho' in a Modern hand)
on the Counterpart in these words Memorand Eve/ighe was not Admitted
Principal fi// 1598 419 F/.2. which is Six Years after the Date of that
Lease, And this was said to be strongly supported by the Clause in the
Condition of his Bond for permitting Philip Rondall to enjoy the Hall
during his Life. By which it appeared that Rondall continued in Posses-
sion, tho' his Lease was expired and he would not renew it, and the Lease
to Evelighe had no real effect at the time of making it.
It was urged that this was a Question of great Consequence to the
University, all the Halls there subsisting upon the like foundation. That
untill the time of Queen Elizabeth the Aze/ares or Scholars of the respec-
tive Halls elected the Principalls, and in that Reign when the Earl of
Leicester was Chancellor by Agreement with the University the Nomina-
tion of Heads of Halls was vested in the Chancellor for the time being ;
And by the Statute in Archbishop Lauds printed Collection Entitled De
£rincipalibus Auſaram eorumgue Substitutis It is Ordained that they
shall be Elected by the Au/ares ad Mominationem Cancellarii, and be
Admitted by the Vice Chancellor ; which has been followed ever since
except in the single Case of Edmund Hall, the Right of Nomination to
which is in the Provost and Fellows of Queens Colledge by virtue of
a Grant from the University Dated 19 Martii Anno primo Eliz., which
Right that Colledge claimed, and reserved to themselves by a formall
Protestation made by their Proctors and Registred by the Register of the
University at the time those Statutes were Accepted, Copies of both
which Instruments are here unto Annexed & verified by the Affidavit of
William Greenaway.
It was insisted that this excepted Instance strengthened the Objection
against Exeter Colledge in this Case, since if they had any such Authority
over Hart Hall they would probably have claimed it at that time by
making the like Protestation.
As to the pretence of a Visitatorial Power in Exeter Colledge over
Hart Hall it was Answered That as there was no proof of it so the fact
was directly contrary, the Chancellor of the University being General
Visitor of all the Halls, which he has always Exercised, and is agreeable
to the Statute De Officio Zofesſafe ef Authorizańe Cance/Zari: vizt.
‘Aularum Regimen & Administrationem earundem ut peculiarem sibi
DR. NEWTOW AND HERTFORD COLLEGE, 35T
Curam in se suscipere eumque in finem (quoties Commodum sibi vide-
bitur) easdem visitare & de praefecturis earundem disponere.”
Upon Consideration of the several matters abovementioned I most
humbly Certifye your Majesty, that I conceive the Claim made on the
behalf of Exeter Colledge is of no Weight against your Majesty's Granting
a Charter for Incorporating the Principall and Fellows of Hart Hall and
Erecting the same into a Colledge, because it is plain that if they had any
Title to the Scite of the Hall or any other right whatsoever over the same,
no Charter granted by your Majesty without their Consent could deprive
them of that Right.
It must be Admitted that if the Society of this Hall held the Possession
of their House only as Tenants at Will to the Colledge, and might be
turned out at their pleasure, it would not be for the Honour of the Crown
to Grant a Charter and Erect a Colledge, whose only place of Abode as
a Society Depended upon so precarious a Foundation; But I am humbly
of Opinion that the Principall and Fellows of the Hall have a good Title
to the Inheritance of the Scite thereof paying the annuall Rent of One
pound. Thirteen Shillings and four pence, and that if Exeter Colledge
should attempt to disturb them in their Possession, it would either be
presumed that the legall Estate had been conveyed in Trust for the
Principall and Fellows of the Hall, as in the Case of Magdalen Hall
above-cited ; or if the legall Estate should be taken to be in Exeter
Colledge a Court of Equity would Decree it to be merely a Trust in them
for the Society of the Hall and for the Advancement of Learning, that
appearing from the Acts of the Colledge it self, as well as from the long
and uninterrupted Enjoyment, which is exactly the same thing as to the
present Question. And I beg leave to Observe that in a great Body so
formed as the University is, consisting of So many lesser Societies
independent of each other, whose Possessions are generally of great
Antiquity, bordering upon one another, and the Originalls of them not
generally known, long Enjoyment seems to be of greater Moment, and
may be of worse Consequence to be disturbed than in most other Cases.
If this be so, then there is no Question of Right in the Case, and the
only point remaining is a matter of Prudence whether upon the Circum-
stances of this Case it be proper to Grant a Charter and Erect this Hall
into a Colledge or not. And that, as I humbly Apprehend, does in
a great measure depend upon the Sufficiency of the Endowment; for as
Colledges are understood to be of greater Dignity and Rank in the
University than Halls, it seems not adviseable for your Majesty to Convert
a Hall into a Colledge, unless it appears to have a certain Endowment
sufficient to support that Dignity. The only certain Estate this Hall
appears to have is Fifteen Hundred pounds expended by the Petitioner
in Erecting a Chappell and some other Buildings; besides One Hundred
& Sixty pounds laid out by him in the purchase of Houses and Lands
contiguous to the Scite of the Hall, and a piece of Land lying contiguous
to the Hall Granted to the Petitioner by the Dean and Chapter of Christ
Church under the yearly Rent of four pence, without any other Considera-
tion; And a Rent Charge of Sixty pounds per Annum for ever : all which
352 COLLECTANEA.
the Petitioner swears he intends to give to the Society as soon as it shall
be Incorporated. For the rest, it is stated by the Petitioners Scheme
annexed to be uncertain and to depend upon the Encouragement the new
erected Colledge shall meet with. This I conceive to be but a very
slender Endowment for a Colledge in the present Age. But if upon the
whole matter your Majesty shall be of Opinion that such a Charter should
be Granted as is prayed by the Petition (which it is absolutely in your
Majesty's pleasure to grant or refuse) then I humbly Apprehend that in
Order to make the proposed Benefactions certain the Petitioner ought to
make a Conveyance of such Lands and Rents as he intends to bestow
upon the Society to some Trustees in Trust for the purposes above-
mentioned, before the Charter shall be perfected ; and that the Statutes
for the Government of the intended Colledge ought to be Incorporated in
and made a part of the Charter, as has been done in like Cases.
All which is most humbly submitted to Your Majestys Royal Wisdom.
P. YORKE
Octob". I, 1724.
II.
LETTERS.
I. D.R. NEWTON TO T. STANYAN'. [S. P. Dom. Geo. I, B. 61, 61.]
DEAR SR
My Statutes are approv’d, and I have writ to Mr. Pelham this
morning to get the Duke to Order the Warrant to be drawn with the
alterations agreed to by the Attorney General. Be So kind therefore, my
good friend, to see that, in the Drawing of the said Warrant, this clause
be left out—“And also Sztóject to such other alterations, as, after the
Death of Dr. M. shall be made by the Visitor & "c.,” and this clause
chang'd, “the fellows to be Continu'd during their respective Zīves” into
“The Fellows to be continu’d eighteen years from their matriculation 27t
Žhe University.” And lastly, these First Fellows' names to be inserted
in the Blank Space—
William Greenaway, Master of Arts.
Thomas Hunt, Master of Arts.
Thomas Hutchinson, Master of Arts.
John ZDigby, Master of Arts.
In this Care you will very much oblige
Yr. faithful friend
Feb. I2, I724. R. NEWTON.
I go to Oxford to day.
To Temple Stanyan Esq.
at the Cockpit in London.
* Stanyan was a contemporary of Newton's at Westminster and Ch. Ch. He
was Under Secretary (1715) and Clerk of the Privy Council (1721).
DR. NEWTOW AND HERTFORD CO/LLEGE, 353
2. T. STANYAN's REPLY. [S. P. Dom. Geo. I, B. 61 (enclosed in 60).]
DEAR SIR,
I have moved my Ld. Duke of Newcastle upon what you wrote to
me on the 12th inst, concerning the Clause which you would have left out
of the Warrant for your Charter. But His Grace thinks it proper that
M". Attorney General should signify to him in writing his consent for
leaving out that Clause. I find you mention some other alterations, which
were not settled before you went : and therefore I am afraid nothing more
can be done in that matter till you come to Town again. In the mean-
time I only add the assurance of my being
Your most faithfull
humble Servant
Dr. Newton. TEMPLE STANYAN.
WHITEHALL,
Aeó. I8, I 724/5.
3. D.R. NEWTON TO HY. PELHAM. [S. P. Dom. Geo. I, B. 61, 60
(enclosing No. 2).]
DEAR SIR,
You will perceive by Mr. Stanyan’s letter where the Thing sticks.
I am perfectly asham'd to give you the Trouble I do, but if I were at
London I could do nothing but by you, and will therefore beg the favour
of you to get the Attorney General to signify his assent in writing to the
Duke, for the leaving out that Clause. Or w’d it not be the same thing
if the Attorney having the Draught of the Warrant sent back to him
should strike out that clause, and then he might at the same time make
this other Small Alteration before signified to you and by you to him.
[D". N. repeats the recommendations of letter I as to the term of fellowships
and names of fellows.] Whatever expence there is in this method of
doing this to be set down to
Dear Sir,
Y”. very much oblig'd
and very affectionate
Servant,
R. NEWTON.
HART HALL,
Feb. 20, 1724.
4. Hy. PELHAM TO THE DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. [S. P. Dom. Geo. I,
B. 61, 59 (enclosing 3).]
DEAR BROTHER,
Inclosed is a letter I receiv'd from Doctor Newton. Mr. Stanyan
is perfectly acquainted with the whole matter and I shou’d be glad if you
wou'd give him orders to prepare the warrant as the Doctor desires. The
Attorney General has been spoke to about it, and he told me that if the
III. A a.
&
gº tº
:
.
º
:
:
:
gº
:
354 COLLECTA NEA.
Bishop agreed to it he had no objection. If you will send M". Stanyan
to the Attorney, I don’t doubt but he will let him know the same thing.
I beg you wou'd forward this matter with as much expedition as you can,
for you see the poor man's heart is set upon it.
I am
Ever yrs.
H. PELFIAM.
Tuesday, moon [Feb. 23, 1725].
III.
ROYAL CHARTER TO DR. RICHARD NEWTON,
PRINCIPAL OF HART HALL IN OXFORD.
[Patent Roll, I4 George II, 1740, Part i, No. 26.]
GEORGE the Second by the Grace of God King of Great Britain and so
forth To all to whom these presents shall come Greeting Whereas Our
Trusty and Welbeloved Richard Newton Doctor in Divinity Principal
of Hart Hall in our University of Oxford hath by his Petition humbly
represented unto Us that he hath erected a Chapple and other Buildings
in the said Hart Hall to the value of ffifteen hundred pounds and hath
likewise purchased Ground and Houses contiguous to the Scite of the
said Hall for the Enlargement thereof that ffive times three pounds six
shillings and eight pence or the Sum of Sixteen pounds thirteen shillings
and four pence paid annually out of the Exchequer from the time of the
Dissolution of Monasterys continues to be paid annually to the Principal
of the said Hall for the Use of five Scholars having their Education in
that House of learning That the Sum of Sixteen hundred pounds is like-
wise vested in the Governours of Suttons Hospital by the late Lady
Holford for the Purchase of an Estate in Land of sufficient value to yeild
Twenty five pounds a year for ever to the Principal of the said Hall and
twice thirteen pounds six shillings and eight pence or the Sum of Twenty
six pounds thirteen shillings and four pence for ever for the Use of two
Scholars coming from the School of the said Hospital to have their
Education in the said Hall.” That towards the further Endowment of the
said Hall the said Doctor Richard Newton is willing to settle upon
it four times thirteen pounds six shillings and eight pence or fifty three
pounds six shillings and eight pence yearly for ever out of his own
private ffortune to take place after his Decease and after a Debt of
Seven hundred and fifty pounds contracted by him in Service of the
* The Bishop is the Bp. (Potter) of Oxford, Visitor of Hertford College under
Newton’s first statutes.
* This benefaction unfortunately did not fit in with Newton’s scheme of
endowment, as set forth in his statutes. Accordingly he sternly rejected it
altogether : Staff. pref. p. v.
DA’. NEWTOW AND HERTFORD COLLEGE. 355
Society shall with Interest at ffour in the Hundred be fully paid and hath
also a Prospect of many considerable Benefactions from Persons for-
merly Members of the said Hall and others provided a Charter may be
obtained for a better Security thereof That he hath no other View
or Design in requesting such a Charter but in Order to promote Piety
good manners and useful Learning in that Society and is desirous for
this End that the said Hall when Incorporated may be Governed by
Such Rules and Statutes as We shall be pleased to Order and Appoint
He therefore Hath most humbly prayed Us that We would be graciously
pleased to Grant our Royal Charter for making the said Hall a Body
Corporate consisting of a Governour with the Stile and Title of Principal
(The Petitioner to be the first Principal during his Life) and of four
Senior fellows or Tutors and Eight Junior fellows or Assistants together
with such Priviledges and advantages as have been usually granted
on the like Occasions And Whereas the said Doctor Richard Newton
hath already setled towards the further Endowment of the said Hall an
Annuity of fifty three pounds six shillings and Eight pence Issuing Out of
the Capital Messuage or Manor House of Laundon otherwise Lavendon
and other Lands in the Parish of Laundon in the County of Buckingham
according to the Proposal in his Petition We taking the Premisses into
Our Royal Consideration and being willing to Encourage a Design
tending to promote Piety good manners and usefull Learning are
graciously pleased to Condescend to the Petitioners request Know ye
therefore that We of our especial Grace certain knowledge and meer
Motion Have Willed Ordained Granted and Appointed And by these
presents for Us Our Heirs and Successors Do Will Ordain Grant and
Appoint that within the said Hart Hall and within the Bounds Circuits
and Precincts of the same in Oxford and within the said University
of Oxford and the Liberties and Precincts of the same there shall and
may be from henceforth for ever One Perpetual Colledge for Students of
Divinity the Civil and Canon Law Physick and other good Arts and
Languages and the same Colledge consisting of a Principal and of ffour
Senior fellows or Tutors and Eight Junior fellows or Assistants as afore-
said We do found Erect and Establish by these presents And further We
Will and by these presents for Us Our Heirs and Successors Do Grant
that the said Colledge may be for ever reputed called and named Hertford
Colledge in the University of Oxford And further of our more especial
Grace certain Knowledge and meer Motion We have Willed and Granted
and by these presents for Us Our Heirs and Successors Do Will and
Grant that the Principal and fellows of that Colledge and their Successors
for ever shall and may be One Body Corporate and Politick in Deed and
in name by the Name of the Principal and fellows of Hertford Colledge
in the University of Oxford and that by the same Name they may have
perpetual Succession and that the said Principal and fellows and their
Successors by the Name of the Principal and fellows of Hertford
Colledge in the University of Oxford shall and may be at all times
hereafter Persons able and capable in the Law to have take receive and
Possess Lordships Manors Messuages Lands Tenements Libertys
A a 2.
356 COLLECTA NEA.
Priviledges Jurisdictions franchises Rectorys Tyths Rents Revenues
Services and Hereditaments whatsoever to them and their Successors in
ffee and Perpetuity not exceeding in the whole the clear Yearly value of
ffive Hundred pounds above all Charges and Reprizes and also Goods
and Chattles whatsoever by the Name aforesaid and that by the said
Name of the Principal and fellows of Hertford Colledge in the University
of Oxford they may Plead and be Impleaded Answer and be Answered
unto Defend and be Defended in whatsoever Courts and Places of Judi-
cature and before whatsoever Judges and Justices and other Persons and
Officers of Us Our Heirs and Successors in all and singular Actions Pleas
Suits Complaints Causes matters and Demands whatsoever of whatsoever
kind or nature in the same manner and form as any other our Liege
Subjects of this Our Kingdom of Great Britain or any other Body Cor-
porate and Politick within this our Kingdom of Great Britain may or can
have take receive and Possess or Plead and be Impleaded Answer and be
Answered unto Defend and be Defended And that the said Principal and
ffellows of Hertford Colledge aforesaid and their Successors may have
for ever a Common Seal to serve for the Causes and Businesses to be
Transacted by them and their Successors and that it shall and may be
lawfull for the said Principal and fellows of the Colledge aforesaid and
their Successors from time to time to break Change and New make that
Seal at their Pleasure as they shall think fit And for the better Execution
of our Will in this behalf We have appointed Ordained Nominated Con-
stituted and made and by these presents for Us Our Heirs and Successors
Do Appoint Ordain Nominate Constitute and make the said Richard
Newton Doctor of Divinity and Principal of Hart Hall aforesaid to be the
first and Modern Principal of the Colledge aforesaid We have also
appointed Ordained Nominated Constituted and made by these presents
for US Our Heirs and Successors Do appoint Ordain Nominate Con-
stitute and make our Trusty and Welbeloved Thomas Hutchinson Doctor
in Divinity Thomas Hunt John Sanders and Thomas Wilmot Case
Masters of Arts to be the four first Senior fellows or Tutors and
Thomas Griffiths John Shirley George Hippisley Nathaniel North
William Clare John Goring John Theophilus Desaguliers and Henry
Terry Batchelors of Arts to be the Eight first Junior fellows or Assistants
of the said Colledge And that the Principal and fellows and their
Successors for ever be Nominated to and continue in their respective
offices as in the Statutes hereinafter mentioned to be approved by Us is
directed unless sooner removed or their places become void according to
the Provision of such Statutes And moreover of our more abundant
especial Grace certain knowledge and meer motion We have Willed
Ordained Granted and Appointed and by these presents for Us Our
Heirs and Successors Do Will Ordaine Grant and appoint that Hertford
Colledge aforesaid by these presents Erected founded and Established
shall and may be and shall be taken to be from henceforth for ever as
part and parcel of the University of Oxford aforesaid And We do by
these presents for Us our Heirs and Successors by virtue of our Royal
Prerogative Unite Annex and Incorporate the same Colledge to the
DR. WEWTOW AND HERTFORD COLLEGE. 357
University of Oxford And We Will that the said Colledge be Governed
by such Rules and Statutes as by the said Doctor Richard Newton have
been made and reduced into Writing on Vellum or Parchment in fforty
three ffolio Pages bound up in a Book and Signed with his Hand and
Seal bearing date the Second day of November last past and by us
approved under our Signet and Sign Manual bearing date the third day
of November last past Subject nevertheless to such alterations and
Amendments therein for the better Government of the said Colledge
as the said Doctor Richard Newton and the Visitor thereof for the time
being shall at any time or times during the Life of the said Doctor
Richard Newton by any Writing under their Hands and Seals Attested
by three Witnesses make by and with the Approbation and Allowance of
Us Our Heirs and Successors under our or their Signet and Sign Manual
and moreover of our more ample especial Grace certain Knowledge and
meer Motion We have Ratified Approved and Confirmed and by these
presents for Us Our Heirs and Successors Do Ratify approve and Confirm
such Rules and Statutes as by the said Doctor Richard Newton have
been made as aforesaid and by Us approved as aforesaid Subject
nevertheless to such Alterations and Amendments therein for the better
Government of the said Colledge as aforesaid All and singular which
Rules and Statutes above by these presents Ratified Approved and
Confirmed Subject to such Alterations and Amendments therein as
aforesaid We do for Us Our Heirs and Successors Ordain and Com-
mand to be Inviolably Observed kept and performed from time to time
for ever hereafter under the Penaltys therein Contained And further of our
especial Grace certain Knowledge and meer Motion We have Given and
Granted and by these presents for US our Heirs and Successors Do Give
and Grant unto the said Principal and fellows of the Colledge aforesaid
and their Successors our especial Licence and free and lawfull power and
authority of having receiving possessing and acquiring to them and
their Successors for ever Lordships Manors Messuages Lands Tenements
Meadows ffeedings Pastures Woods Underwoods Rectorys Tyths Rents
Revenues Services and other Hereditaments whatsoever within Our
Kingdom of Great Britain or elsewhere within Our Dominions (and
held of Us our Heirs or Successors or of any other Person or Persons
whatsoever) not exceeding in the whole the clear yearly value of five
hundred pounds of lawfull Money of Great Britain above all Charges and
Reprises We have also Given and by these presents for Us Our Heirs
and successors Do Grant to all and every Subjects of Us Our Heirs and
Successors whether they be Incorporated or not Incorporated Our especial
Licence and free and lawful Power and authority of Giving Granting
Disposing of or Alienating to the said Principal and fellows of the said
Colledge aforesaid and their Successors any Lordship Manor Messuages
Lands Tenements Meadows ffeedings Pastures Woods Underwoods
Rectorys Tyths Rents Revenues Services and other Hereditaments
whatsoever so that the same do not Exceed in the whole the clear
yearly value of ffive hundred Pounds of Lawful Money of Great Britain
above all Charges and Reprizes And Lastly We Will and by these
358 COLLECTANEA.
presents for Us Our Heirs and Successors Do Grant to the said Principal
and fellows of the Colledge aforesaid and their Successors that these
Our Letters Patent or the Exemplification or Inrollment thereof And
all and singular matters and things in the same contained shall and may
be good firm valid sufficient and effectual in the Law according to the
tenor and true meaning of the same notwithstanding any Omission or
Defect in these Our Letters Patent or any other matter Cause or thing
whatsoever to the contrary thereof in any wise notwithstanding We Will
also without fine in the Hanaper &c. In Witness &c. Witness ourself at
Westminster the twenty seventh day of August.
By Writ of Privy Seal.
IV.
HERTFORD COLLEGE', as it was left by Dr. Newton, occupied much
the same space as the present College. But there was a row of shops
and Small tenements standing on the now vacant ground between the
present front of the College and the then narrow roadway of Cat Street,
which was limited on the East side by a line drawn from the projecting
corner of All Souls parallel with the front of Hertford. In one place the
College had a frontage on the narrow street, and to that extent had
a larger area than at present. The College Gaze was then, as now,
opposite the gate of the Schools Tower ; but it, with Dr. ZZes's 6%ildings
on one side of it, projected between the houses of Cat Street. Over it
was the Library, and on the left of it as you entered was what remained
of Black Hall, a curious old edifice, partly supported on wooden columns,
as may be seen in Loggan's print of Hart Hall. Black Hall, which
occupied part of the site of the building erected for Magdalen Hall
about 182O, had a small frontage, of only three yards, on New College
Lane. It abutted towards the East on the ancient site of Afară Ha/Z,
then occupied by the kitchen and offices with some rooms above, and the
Dining Hall, which still exists as the Library. The N.E. corner of
the College, the ancient Shield Ha//, or /e Mžche/ A/a/Z, as Newton calls
it, was as it now remains. Opposite the gate on the East side of the
College, and the site of Arthur Hall, stood the Principal’s Lodgings,
which, though turned to other uses, are still much in the same condition
as when Newton inhabited them. The attics, however, were added, or at
least enlarged, by Dr. Macbride, when Principal of Magdalen Hall.
Dr. Newton’s own buildings, the Chapel and the one Angle which he
completed, still occupy the South and S.E. parts of the quadrangle.
Between the Chapel and the Gate, where the Principal's house now
stands, was a vacant space, the site of the ancient Cat Ha//, abutting on
* I take this account of the buildings of the College partly from a note in
Newton's Grounds (c. i. p. 1) and partly from the finding of the Inquisition in
1816. I have also made use of old drawings, prints, &c.
D.R. NEWTOW AND HERTFORD COLLEGE. 359
the houses of Cat Street, which it was Newton's ambition to purchase, so
that he might join the Chapel to the Gate by an Angle of the same
design and proportions as that which he had already built.
The Hall (now the Library, and the oldest existing part of the College)
had been built by Philip Rondell, Principal 1549–1604. His successor,
Theodore Price (1604–1621) built the Principal's lodgings. Dr. Iles
(1621–1653) gave Hart Hall its frontage on Cat Street and built the old
kitchen. The Gate with the Library above it was the work of
Wm. Thornton (1688–1707), who also decorated his building with the
device of the drinking stag, which has been reproduced over the present
&
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3. Q&
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Newton’sº
BUILD- º
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Former Callege &uildings, N
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gateway. This device was adopted by Newton for the seal of the
College, and also as an imprint for his books. It first appears on the
title-page of the Grounds of the Complaint, 1735, and seems to have been
used for all books written by members of the College in its service or for
its benefit. Later the seal was altered : the stag appears facing to the
right instead of the left, and the motto Szczet cervus azthelaf ad fontes
agazazzazza was shortened by the omission of anhe/a/. In this later form
it was used also as an imprint, apparently by any Fellow of the College
for any work he chose to print".
* It is used, for instance, by John Kidgell (Fellow 1747–58) for such works as
his French Fables (1763).



















360 COLLECTA NEA.
V.
In his lifetime Newton printed:—
(I) SERMONs.
On the Anniversary of Her Majesty's (Queen Anne's) accession. 4to, Lond.
I 712.
On November 5 (preached in the Chapel Royal, Windsor). 4to, Oxf. 1713.
On the Consecration of Hart Hall Chapel. 4to, Oxf. 1716.
On the Ministerial Duty (preached before the University). 4to, Oxf. 1740.
[This sermon is affectionately dedicated to his Society, ‘On this day become
a College,’ and ‘Wishing you Perpetuity.’]
(2) WORKS RELATING SPECIALLY TO HERTFORD COLLEGE.
A Scheme of Discipline with Statutes intended to be established by a Royal
Charter for the education of youth in Hart Hall in the University of
Oxford. Fol. s. 1. 1720.
A Letter to Dr. Holmes, Vice-Chancellor of the University of Oxford and
Visitor of Hart Hall within the said University. Fol. Lond. I'734.
[A second ed. with an answer to Conybeare, same place and date.]
The Grounds of the Complaint of the Principal of Hart Hall, concerning the
obstruction given to the Incorporation of his Society by Exeter College
and their Visitor, as lately set forth in a Letter to Dr. Holmes, more fully
represented and justified. Fol. Lond. I735.
[A Second ed. the same year.]
Rules and Statutes made by Dr. R. Newton, Principal of Hart Hall, for the
Government of a College intended to be Incorporated by the name of the
Principal and Fellows of Hertford College in the University of Oxford.
Fol. Lond. I'739.
Rules and Statutes for the Government of Hertford College, with Observations
on particular Parts of them, &c. 8vo, Lond. I 747.
(3) OTHER WoRKS.
Proceedings of the Visitors of University College, with regard to the late
disputed election of a Master, vindicated. Fol. Oxf. I 723.
[A Second ed. the same year.]
University Education (see pp. 290–93). 8vo, Lond. I 726.
University Education, reprinted. 8vo, Lond. I 733.
The Expense of University Education Reduced (anon.). 8vo, Lond. 1727.
[2nd and 3rd edd. I733 ; 4th ed. I 74I (see p. 302).]
D.R. WEWTOW AND HERTFORD COLLEGE. 361
Pluralities Indefensible. (Anon. ‘by a Presbyter of the Church of England.”)
8vo, Lond. I 743.
[A second ed. I 744.]
Proposals for printing 4,000 copies of the Characters of Theophrastus, with
a strictly literal translation, &c. 8vo, Oxf. 1752.
The edition of Theophrastus, which Newton had nearly completed at
his death, was published in 1754. (8vo, Oxford.)
An anonymous tract entitled 7%e Principles of the University of
Oaford as far as relates to affection to Government, &c. (8vo, Oxford,
1755) is also attributed to him.
His collected sermons were published in 1784 (8vo, Oxford).

PART VII.
CHARLES EARL STAN HOPE
AND
THE OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
By HORACE HART
CO N T E N T S.
PAGE
I. INTRODUCTORY e & * * g º & º e . 365
II. LORD STANHOPE’s “SECRET PROCESS’ OF STEREOTYPING . . 369
III. THE WOODEN HANDPRESS AND OTHER APPLIANCES WHICH
LORD STANHOPE SUPERSEDED . s g & e gº • 395
IV. LORD STANHOPE's IRON PRESSES OF THE FIRST AND SECOND
CONSTRUCTIONS . © * g e & e & e . 398
V. INKING WITH ROLLERS . & g & & * & e • 404
VI. THE STAN HOPE * CASES’ AND THE STANHOPE LOGOTYPES . • 405
VII. PANTATYPE . & & * > º * * e * * . 4 IO
ILLUSTRATIONS.
CHARLES EARL STANHOPE (From a portrait by Thomas Gains-
borough at Chevening House copied by permission of the present Earl
Stanhope). Zºo face p. 364
THE STAN HOPE PRINTING-PRESS. Zºo face #. 4oo
ORIGINAL SKETCH BY CHARLES EARL STANHOPE (From the
Stanhope Papers).
IRON PRESS ‘OF THE FIRST CONSTRUCTION ' (From the original
at the Clarendon Press).
THE STANHOPE LOGOTYPES AND CASES. Zºo face Z. 406
I. ORIGINAL SKETCH BY CHARLES EARL STANHOPE (From the
Stanhope Papers).
2. FINAL SKETCH BY CHARLES EARL STANHOPE (From the Stan-
hope Papers).
3. ACTUAL LOGOTYPE CASE (From the original at the Clarendon Press).
NOTE.
NoTE.—For the sake of clearness, the extracts which follow are marked, at the
beginning of each—[D. M.] when they are from the ancient Minute-books of the
Delegates of the Oxford Press; or [S. P.] if they are from the papers of Charles
Third Earl Stanhope : these last are generally in Charles Earl Stanhope’s hand-
writing, or are corrected by him. In each case the date has been prefixed whenever **
it has been ascertained.
The general plan of this article is, first to give a short account of Charles
Stanhope, extracted from the records of his contemporaries; and next to describe,
each in its turn, such of his inventions as were adopted at the Oxford Press—
bringing together in order of date all extracts either from [S. P.] or [D. M.] which
bear upon the subject under consideration.
CHARLES EARL STAN HOPE
1753–1816
A rozzº a ſor/razz by GAINsborough az
Chevening (copied by permission of
//re fºresen/ EARL STANHope)

CHARLES EARL STAN HOPE AND THE
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS.
I.
THE University Press referred to in these pages is the
Clarendon Printing-house in Broad Street. The period is
from 1796 to 1825. In this building, at the time mentioned,
the printers of the University were carrying on their work
under certain disadvantages, because their habitation had
already become too strait for them. Erected in 1713, by
means of the profits accruing to the University by the sale of
copies of Clarendon’s ‘History of the Rebellion, this Broad
Street printing-house seems to have been well adapted for its
purpose, if we remember what were the methods and printing
appliances of the time"; at any rate, it served that purpose
for more than a century.
The University Delegates for Printing had already been
indebted to two Earls for countenance and support—to the Earl
of Leicester, who was Chancellor of the University 1564–1585,
and to the Earl of Clarendon, who was Chancellor 1661–1667.
Nearly a century and a half later, we find them adopting the
inventions of Charles, third Earl Stanhope. The letters and
other papers” of this nobleman prove him to have been a
* Ingram calls it “That stately fabric situate on the eastern side of the Sheldon
theatre, which was denominated the Clarendon Press.”—Ingram's Memorials,
No. I2, p. II.
* Fragmentary Papers of Charles, Third Earl Stanhope, on Printing and Stereo-
typing. Kindly placed at the disposal of the writer by the present Earl (1896).
366 COLLECTA WEA.
man of untiring industry, of wide sympathies, of unstinted
generosity, and greatly in advance of his time in many ways.
In what he did, or proposed to do, it is easy to see that he was
eager to secure not his own advantage, but that of the public
at large. That no life of him has been written is perhaps due
to the fact that at his death his papers were left to eight
different persons, one of whom was Lord Holland 4. To use
the words of the present Lord Stanhope, ‘He printed on his
Own Stanhope printing-press treatises on Tuning, and on the
Paddles of Steamboats. He also invented a calculating
machine, as Lord Mahon, in 1777. He was a great mathema-
tician, and an advanced politician for the days in which he lived.’
Besides the calculating or arithmetical machine, he invented
an extraordinary instrument for performing logical operations
(the first of its kind) called the ‘Demonstrator, which has been
fully described and illustrated by the Rev. R. Harley, F.R.S.*,
who says that ‘the subject of Logic occupied the thoughts
of Charles Earl Stanhope, more or less, for thirty years.”
To this may be added that he was prepared to take in hand
the finances of his country (see ‘Observations on Mr. Pitt's
Plan for the Reduction of the National Debt, by Charles
Earl Stanhope, F.R.S., with twenty-two appendices filled with
minute calculations °); also to remodel the British mercantile
marine (see his ‘Specification respecting Ships and Vessels,'
printed in 1807). What is more to the present purpose is, that
he invented or improved, or encouraged the invention or
improvement of, numerous appliances for printers; and placed
these inventions or improvements at the service of all who
practised the art of printing, including the Universities of
Oxford and Cambridge ; without asking—for himself at any
rate—either fee or reward.
In the year 1805, as will be seen, and subsequently, this
nobleman offered to the Delegates of the Oxford University
Press some of his inventions—one being the much valued and
so-called ‘secret process’ of stereotyping ; another the iron
* Henry Richard Vassal Fox, third Lord Holland, was born in 1774, and died
in 1840. Holland House is now in the possession of the Earl of Ilchester.
* See Mind, April 1879, vol. iv. pp. 192–2 Io.
* London : Printed by J. Davis, “for P. Elmsley in the Strand,’ 1786.
CHARLES EARL STANHOPE & THE OXFORD PRESS. 367
handpress called the Stanhope press; a third, his system of
logotypes and logotype cases. For the first, the University of
Oxford paid the sum of £4,000 in hard cash to Lord Stan-
hope’s foreman and factotum, Andrew Wilson "; and in con-
sequence, after some years of struggles and failures, stereo-
typing on the Stanhope system became a part of the general
business of the University Press at Oxford. How this came
about is revealed in the following extracts, which are now
printed for the first time. For the second invention, the
University, as the records show, paid nothing—excepting that
the new iron presses were purchased as they were required at
the printing-house. A few years later the Stanhope system
of logotypes and cases was also introduced into the Oxford
Press, as an experiment. Lord Stanhope's fertile brain was
occupied at this time with innumerable other schemes; but it
is only with those which relate to printing, and directly concern
the Oxford University Press, that we have to do in this article;
an attempt being made to trace the ‘invention’ or ‘system ’
or ‘power’—for he used all three names for his schemes—
from the scrap of paper on which Charles Earl Stanhope jotted
his first impressions, to the actual thing as it still survives at
the Clarendon Press.
Here it may be asked, What sort of a man was he, to whom
the Oxford University Press, and printers generally, are
indebted for the various Stanhope systems and inventions P
He was born in 1753, and entered Eton College in 1763.
His name is to be found in a manuscript list of the later date.
The Provost of Eton has kindly given himself the trouble
to search, and he tells me that ‘Lord Mahon was low down in
the School. There are in the list 514 boys in all, and he is the
479th boy. As he is not in the list of 1762, he must have
been a new boy. I think he must have left the School soon,
as I cannot find him afterwards. In 1763 Dr. Sleech was
Provost, and Dr. Barnard (Charles Fox's master) was Head
Master.” Thus Stanhope entered when he was only ten years
old. From Eton he was sent to Geneva for the completion
* Stower (Printer's Grammar, p. 484) calls him “a respectable master printer.”
A. Wilson himself states that he “sacrificed” his own business in Wild Court in 1802
in order to take up the stereotyping business for Lord Stanhope (see post, p. 392).
368 COLLECTA NEA.
of his education. One of his contemporaries writes: ‘He was
brought up by his father principally at Geneva. He had there
imbibed very strong republican or rather levelling principles.
. . . His person was tall and thin, his countenance expressive
of ardour and impetuosity, as were all his movements. Over
his whole figure, and even his dress, an air of puritanism
reminded the beholder of the sectaries under Cromwell, rather
than a young man of quality in an age of refinement and
elegance. He possessed stentorian lungs and a powerful voice,
always accompanied with violent gesticulation '.'
This picturesqueness of appearance is corroborated by
another hand. Writing from Strawberry Hill, September 7,
1774, to the Hon. H. S. Conway, Horace Walpole says :
‘Apropos, Lord Mahon, whom Lord Stanhope, his father, will
not suffer to wear powder because wheat is so dear, was
presented t'other day, in coal black hair, and a white feather :
they said he had been tarred and feathered ".’
To quote Wraxall again: ‘His ardent, zealous, and im-
petuous mind, tinged with deep shades of republicanism and
eccentricity, which extended even to his dress and manners,
was especially marked by a bold originality of character, very
enlightened views of the public welfare or amelioration, in-
flexible pertinacity, and a steady uprightness of intention *.
. . . His eccentricities of dress, character, and deportment,
however great they might be, were nevertheless allied to
extraordinary powers of elocution as well as energies of
mind 4. . . . A man who at every period of his life, whether
as a commoner or as a peer, displayed the same ardent,
eccentric, fearless, indefatigable, and independent character ".’
The portrait which is prefixed to this article is from a paint-
ing by Thomas Gainsborough—a three-quarter length which
was never finished because of the death of the painter. The
present Earl Stanhope informs me that this picture has
* The Historical and the Posthumous Memoirs of Sir N. W. Wraxall (1772–
I784), ed. Wheatley, vol. iii. pp. 401, 402.
* Private Correspondence of Horace Walpole, Earl of Orford. London : Rodwell
& Martin, 1820. Vol. iii. p. 459.
* Wraxall, vol. ii. p. 34I. * Wraxall, vol. iii. p. 296.
* Wraxall, vol. v. pp. 334-335.
CHARLES EARL STANHOPE & THE OXFORD PRESS. 369
*
hitherto never been engraved or photographed. It reveals
a noble face, with lofty brow, piercing eyes, long straight
nose, firm lips, and prominent chin. The expression is most
refined and intellectual ; and here, at any rate, is nothing to
warrant the description given of Charles Earl Stanhope by
one writer, as being “un-aristocratic and more than eccentric *.’
His advanced opinions, and especially the unrestrained ex-
pression which characterized all his utterances, caused him to
be several times lampooned and caricatured, as reference to the
prints of the period will amply show. We will turn now to
his inventions and work, so far as they affected the University
of Oxford.
II.
STAN HOPE’s “SECRET PROCESS OF STEREOTYPING.
Lord Stanhope's processes are catalogued in his own hand-
writing in the following scheme for a book ‘ On Printing.’
In this work—which was only partly written, Lord Stanhope
dealt exhaustively with the process of stereotyping. In
Hansard's Typographia, published in 1825, some extracts are
printed from a ‘Stanhope Manuscript, which doubtless at one
time formed part of a larger Stanhope Collection of MSS. (To
this, by the way, it never seems to have found its way back *,
as it is not among the MSS. lent to me by the present Earl.)
Charles Earl Stanhope first proposed to record the disad-
vantages under which the printer laboured, and next to show
how, by means of the Stanhope systems, those disadvantages
could be overcome. The following was written before 18O2 °.
[S. P.] Prominent disadvantages at present, under the title of
ON PRINTING.—SPECIMENS OF STEREOTYPE PRINTING.—SPECIMENs
of MUSIC AT END OF THIS WoRK.—ON STEREOTYPE PRINTING.—
This chapter to end with an extract from Camus *.
* Caricature History of the Georges, by Thos. Wright, M.A., F.S.A. Cr. 8vo,
London, 1867. Page 487.
* Hansard says, “I am in possession of the original manuscript' (Typographia.
By C. T. Hansard. London, I825. Page 475).
* A. Wilson says, p. 28, that stereotyping was begun in 1802.
* Armand Gaston Camus was born in Paris in I74o; he was deputy to the
States-General I?89; and died in 1804, being then Archiviste. He translated
Aristotle's History of Animals, for the merit of which work he was elected
a member of the Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres.
III. B. b
37O - COLLECTA NEA.
Then follows a series of minute memoranda, elaborated in
a fair copy as follows:—
[S. P.] Outline.—I. PRINTING AND STEREOTYPING-2. STANHoPE
Power DIRECT.-3. STANHOPE PoweR INVERSE,-4 a. STANHOPE CRANE
FOR STEREOTYPING-4 b. ITS APPLICATION.—5. Ovens [here follow
elaborate details]. – 6. Gypsum [elaborate details]. — 7. TYPEs:
difference between types used for stereotyping and types used for
moveable type printing.—8. IMPOSING CHASE : form of the chase;
head-stick with gits *; side-stick; foot-stick, with gits; quoins, &c.,
&c.; brass furniture, &c.—9. MoULDING PROCESS [details follow]-
Io. DRYING OF THE MoULDs, &c.—II. PROCESS OF CASTING, &c.—
12. COOLING TROUGH.—[13°]. REPAIRING AND ALTERING PLATES.—
[14]. PRINTING PRESS. — [I5]. LoGoTYPE. — [16]. STANHOPE CoM-
POSING CASEs.-[I7]. PANTATYPE.
Here is the extract from Camus as Lord Stanhope trans-
lated it. The original is to be found in ‘Mémoires de l’Institut
National des Sciences et Arts”; Tom. III, ‘Lit. et Beaux-
Arts, pp. 433–435. Paris: Prairial, an IX (1802). The title
of this article is ‘Sur l’Histoire et les Procédés du Polytypage 4
et de la Stéréotypie.’ The descriptions—and especially the
illustrations—of early ‘reproduction’ work in this article will
astonish those who think that ‘process 'work and automatic
engraving are modern inventions.
[S. P.] Memoir on the History and Proceedings of Polytypography
and Stereography. By Citizen A. G. Camus. “It often happens that
in the early periods of a discovery, and the practice of new pro-
ceedings, the expreſsions which are made use of to point out their
object, are doubtful. Sometimes one name is given to things which
differ in their nature; often again names are multiplied, because things
altho' of the same kind present themselves in different points of
view. Thus of late years, much has been said of polytypography,
Stereography, monotypography, and Omotypography, to expreſs various
means of extending works by the aſsistance of printing. The word
* A mineral consisting of the hydrous sulphate of lime. When calcined it
forms plaster of Paris.-Webster.
* (Written also geaf, gate.) In founding, the channel or spout through which
molten metal runs into a mould in casting.—Webster.
* The bracketed numbers are not in the MS.
* “POLYTYPAGE.-Procédé pour multiplier une feuille écrite par des moyens qui
appartiennent au genre de la gravure en taille-douce ou de la typographie. . . . Se
dit aussi d'une réproduction, en fonte ou autre métal, des bois gravčs et vignettes.’—
JCittré.
CHARLES EARL STANHOPE & THE OXFORD PRESS. 371
polytypography has been applied to methods differing from one
another, and the expreſsions stereography, monotypography, and
Omotypography have represented at one time proceſses similar in their
kinds, at another proceſses diſsimilar. Under these circumstances,
I consider myself obliged, in the first place, to define the expressions
which have been made use of, point out those which I shall preserve
in the memoir, and to determine their sense. The noun substantive,
the basis of all the expressions which I have quoted, is the word
type" signifying a mark, an impreſsion stamped by beating or preſsure,
and by which means it can be increased. The adjectives which have
been added in the composition signify a multiple type, or a multiplica-
tion of the type; particularity of type or unique type; a similitude of
type or types similar to one another”. The words [polytyper], poly-
typography, have defined the practice of multiplying the expreſsions of
thought, writing or drawing, whether by methods resembling copper
plate engraving, or by other means analogous to printing properly
So-called *.
The words stereography [sſéréoſyperl, monotypography, and Omo-
typography, have marked the methods of augmenting writing, or rather
the editions of books, by proceſses in the manner of printing. I shall
only reserve two of these four titles with their derivatives. The first
of these [polytyper] I apply to the multiplication of writing or
drawing by practices which poſseſs more or leſs affinity to those in
copper plate engraving; the second to the increasing a page of writing
or a book by methods relative to those in printing. If I make use of
either of the other titles, or treat differently the two which I have
reserved, it will only be to expreſs the enunciations of the Artists
whom I have quoted in their own words, and to expose the sense
which they have ascribed to them. I intend giving the history and
proceedings of polytypography and stereography; yet it is not my
intention to write distinct chapters, the one to contain the history, the
Other the practice, for it is by giving an account of the endeavours,
discoveries, and succeſs of the Artists, that I point out the methods
which may be employed.
Then comes Stanhope's introduction :-
[S. P.] * Türos, the form which prints (Greek derivations).-Camus.
[S. P.] * All these expreſsions are formed of an adjective added to the substantive
Tūros ; namely, roads, numerous, many; otépećs, solid, immoveable; pévos, one
only ; Śpotos, similar.—Camus.
[S. P.] * I add ‘properly so called,’ to remove from that expression the latitude
which renders it common to the action of the copper plate printer, and that of the
printer in moveable characters. It is of this last I speak whenever I use the word
printing only, and without the addition copper plate.—Camus.
B b 2
372 COLLECTANEA.
[S. P.] ON PRINTING.—THE ART of PRINTING has contributed so
eminently to the civilization of society, and is capable of producing
effects so extensively beneficial, that men of science Ought to do their
utmost to improve it.
To every man who is fully sensible of the importance of diffusing
knowledge, the dearness of books must be a subject of considerable
regret. This evil arises in a great measure, from the expense and
risk to which publishers are liable at present.
An author, from not knowing what number of copies of his work
he is to sell, may be exposed to great inconvenience. For, if he
prints more than sufficient, he is evidently subjected to the loss of
the paper and printing' of all those copies which remain on hand.
But if, on the contrary, he should print fewer than are wanted; then,
he must incur the expense of at least a second edition, or lose the
advantage which would result to him from supplying the further
demand of the public. Even if an author is able to dispose of all the
copies that he has printed, yet he is under the neceſsity of advancing
a capital which perhaps he can but ill afford, and he is obliged
moreover to incur ſhe loss of the interest of his money during the time
that he is disposing of his books.
A bookseller who buys any literary property, is subject to similar
hardships, which are felt by him the more severely in proportion to
the number and magnitude of the works he purchases.
According to the common mode of printing, ſhe wear of types is an
object of considerable expense. In order to avoid the purchasing of
new ones, Printers often make use of types which are very much worn,
whereby the beauty of their books is destroyed, and the reading of
them is rendered very unpleasant.
The inaccuracy of printed works is another great objection to the
present system. In literary works, correctneſs is desirable; in scientific,
important; and in some books, such for example as tables for naviga-
tion, accuracy is indispensable. A wrong figure, in one of those
tables, may produce a false reckoning, and thereby occasion the wreck
of the veſsel, and the loſs of the crew.
The object of this publication is to remedy these evils, and to point
out by what means the public may have books at a much cheaper
rate, as well as more beautiful, and more correct.
Before I explain some inventions of mine relative to this incompar-
able art, I shall give a detailed account of STEREOTYPE PRINTING
(that is to say, of fixed-type printing,) which is a most valuable discovery,
* The assumption that it is, as a rule, the author who prints, and who advances
the capital, is worthy of note in passing.
CHARLES EARL STANHOPE & THE OXFORD PRESS. 373
and which I have purchased from one of the ingenious inventors of it,
Mr. Andrew Fowlis', for the purpose of giving it to the world at
large. I have, with the aſsistance of that able printer, made a great
number of systematic experiments upon that method; and as I have
totally altered the proceſs, I shall describe it in its present improved
state, as well as in the ſtate it was communicated to me. I have his
leave to say, that the new plan meets fully with his approbation, and
that he considers the alterations as being extremely important.
The improvements in the arts of ENGRAVING, DRAWING, and the
PRINTING OF MUSIC, will be found, in this treatise, in their proper place.
Here is Lord Stanhope’s intended conclusion :-
[S. P.] (End) (after Paper making). The Arts which I have described
above, are evidently of great importance. The improvement of them,
is one of the firſt Objects which I have had in view, for the good of
Mankind. The beneficial Effects which may in time reſult from their
combination, are almost incalculable. Experience will put the utility
of each of thoſe Discoveries to the teſt. I shall be truly happy, if I ſhall
find that what is contained in this little Treatise contributes efficaciously
to the wide diffusion of INTELLECTUAL LIGHT.
Stereotype printing, of a kind, had really been ‘invented
before, by several persons and in various places. The earliest
stereotype plates in existence were made between 17OO and
1726. Specimens exhibited at the Caxton Exhibition of
1877 * were lent by the firm of Mr. E. J. Brill, of Leiden,
Holland. ‘They are plates, their present possessor tells me,
* quite the same as those used at present, and cast by the still-
at-present-used type-metal *.’
* In letters patent dated April 24 in the twenty-fourth year of the reign of King
George III (1784), Andrew Foulis (or Fowlis, or foulis) is described as ‘printer
to the University of Glasgow,’ and a certain Alexander Tilloch as ‘of the city of
Glasgow, printer,’ and the duration of the patent was fourteen years. The par-
ticulars of the invention (which they were bound to file within four calendar
months) were duly furnished and enrolled on July 20 in the same year, and were
as follows:—[S. P.] ‘ Our said invention is a method of making plates for the
purpose of printing by or with such plates instead of the moveable types commonly
used ; and such plates are made either by forming moulds or matrices for the page
or pages of the books or other publications to be printed by or with plates, and
filling such moulds or matrices with metal, or with clay, or with a mixture of clay
or earth; or by stamping or striking with these moulds or matrices the metal,
clay, earth, or mixture of clay and earth.” The date of the signing of this
declaration is June 8, 1784.
* Catalogue of the Caxton Exhibition, Section II, Class M.
° E. J. Brill, on the Canal of the Old Rhine, Leiden, Holland, is the trade
374. COLLECTA NEA.
William Ged, a goldsmith living in Edinburgh, practised the
invention there in 1725".
In 1801 there appeared in the Philosophical Magazine an
account by Alexander Tilloch of stereotype printing. He
claims to have himself invented the process, and says that
stereotyping was ‘an art . . . in which . . . I was tolerably
proficient upwards of twenty years ago. The idea was truly
my own, but in perfecting the invention I had the assistance
and joint labour of . . . Mr. Foulis”.’
But Tilloch also gives an extract from Niezy Algemeine
A onest en Zetter Bode, 1798, No. 232, which declares that
“Above a hundred years ago [i.e. before 1698] the Dutch
were in possession of the art of printing with solid or fixed
types. Samuel and J. Leuchtmans, booksellers at Leyden,
have still in their possession the forms of a quarto Bible
which were constructed in this ingenious manner. . . . The
inventor of this useful art was J. Van der Mey, father of
the well-known painter of that name. About the end of the
sixteenth century he resided at Leyden. . . . This Bible he
also published in folio. . . . Also an English New Testament
and Schaaf’s Syriac Dictionary, and likewise a small New
Testament in 18mo. As far as known, Van der Mey printed
nothing else in this manner; and the art of preparing solid
blocks was lost at his death, or at least was not afterwards
employed 8.’
name of the ‘oldest bookselling firm in Europe,” dating from the sixteenth century,
through the historical line Elzevier (sic), Luchtmans, Brill. A “clergyman of the
German Church, existing since the year 1648 at Leyden, Johannes Muller, invented
stereotype-printing about I700 ; and facts and dates prove that this new method of
printing was first applied by the Luchtmans.”—Trübner's American, AEuropean,
and Oriental Ziterary Kecord. September–October, 1883, pp. 98, 99. A pull
from what are said to be the oldest stereotype plates in the world may now be
seen in the Bodleian Library. The dates on two of them are I7 I6 and I 724,
nearly a century earlier than Lord Stanhope’s “invention.’ Their possessor says,
* They are to be seen in our house': at the address already given above.
* Ged gives this date himself. See ‘Biographical Memoirs of William Ged,
including a Particular Account of his Progress in the Art of Block Printing.
London : printed by and for J. Nichols. MDCCLXXXI.’
* “Philosophical Magazine. By Alexander Tilloch, Member of the London
Phil. Soc., &c., &c.—A Brief Account of the Origin and Progress of Letterpress-
plate or Stereotype Printing.’ Vol. x. pp. 267–277. Signed at end ‘A. T.’
* Ibid., pp. 275, 276.
CHARLES EARL STANHOPE & THE OXFORD PRESS. 375
In 1804 there was published ‘An Abstract of the Whole
Doctrine of the Christian Religion. With Observations. By
John Anastatius Freylinghausen, Minister of St. Ulrich's
Church, and Inspector of the Public School at Hall (sic) in
Germany. From a manuscript in Her Majesty's' possession.
The first book stereotyped by the New Process. London,
Stereotyped and Printed by A. Wilson, Duke Street,
Lincoln's Fields, for Edward Harding. Sold by T. Cadell
and W. Davies, in the Strand ; by A. Constable, Edinburgh ;
and J. Archer, Dublin. I804. The following rules, which
are printed on the back of the title-page, show on what
principles Lord Stanhope conducted the stereotype business:–
STANDING RULES
The Stereotype Office.
—sººn——
1. Nothing is to be printed against Religion.
2. Every thing is to be avoided, upon the subject of Politics, which is
offensive to any Party.
3. The Characters of Individuals are not to be attacked.
4. Every Work which is stereotyped at this Office is to be composed
with beautiful Types.
5. All the Stereotype Plates are to be made according to the improved
Process discovered by EARL STANHOPE.
6. School Books, and all Works for the Instruction of Youth, will be
stereotyped at a lower Price than any other.
Lord Stanhope was fully aware of the previous history of
the process, for among his papers is a description of stereo-
typing as practised by Messrs. Foulis and Tilloch, as well as
the certified copy dated 1808, of their licence or patent, from
King George III, already referred to. But Lord Stanhope’s
chief source of information was, as we shall see, Citizen Camus.
* Queen Charlotte, wife of King George III.
376 COLLECTA NEA.
The following, in Lord Stanhope's handwriting, was probably
intended for his work ‘ On Printing.’ Mere repetition is
avoided :—
[S.P..] ON STEREOTYPE PRINTING-The great advantage obtained
by this mode of Printing is, that publishers are compleatly secured
against any considerable risk. The reason is that they need not
print any more copies at first, than they are sure to dispose of
immediately; and that they can, at any time, print off any additional
number which may be wanted, without the expence of setting up the
Types again for a second Edition. Because, by the /ſereotype mode
of printing, each Page is printed from a casſ-plate of type metal, which
is readily formed from the moveable types now in use, by means of
a very simple and unexpensive proceſs which will be explained here-
after ; and the casſ-plates, when once made, are always ready for use
when wanted. . . . .
In /Zereotype printing, the moveable types are very little liable to be
injured; because, they are used only for the two following purposes.
First, for taking a proof-sheet, in order that the person who corrects
the preſs may know whether the impreſsion be correct; and secondly,
for making a hollow mould in the manner hereafter explained, for
the purpose of forming therefrom a cast-plate of Type Metal. So
that, printed works executed upon the ſtereotype principle, will, in
general, be more beautiful, than those which are executed in the
common method, on account of the Types being so very little exposed
to Wear.
It is said that, so far back as the year 1727, Mr. William Ged,
a Goldsmith in Edinburgh, began to make plates upon the /tereotype
plan. In 1736, a Salus?" was printed from those plates. About
twenty years ago, Mr. Andrew Foulis”, then Printer of the University
of Glasgow, and Mr. Alexander Tilloch, who is now the Editor of the
Philosophical Magazine, (without being acquainted with Ged's pro-
cess), discovered the /Zereotype Mode of printing, and printed
* A copy of this work in the Advocates' Library at Edinburgh has the following
imprint:—‘Edinburgi/Gulielmus Ged, Aurifaber Edinensis. non Typis/mobilibus,
ut vulgo fieri solet, Sed Tabellis seu/Laminis fusis, excudebat MDCCXXXIX/.” One
of the original stereotype plates, containing ten pages, viz. pp. I24–128 and 130–134,
is still preserved in the Library, and has often been “pulled ' as a curiosity for
visitors. The 1739 Sallust is always described on the pulls as ‘the first book
printed by the Stereotype process,’ though the statement does not agree with what
Lord Stanhope says above.
* [S. P.] Among the papers is a MS. description headed “Stereotype Process
in detail referring to the Models drawn up by Andrew Foulis for the use of
Mr. William Blackwood. Edinburgh, May 26, 1807.”
CHARLES EARL STANHOPE & THE OXFORD PRESS. 377
several Works in that manner, in English, Latin, and Greek. Didot,
the celebrated printer at Paris, has likewise practised this valuable
Art with great Succeſs. .
What Lord Stanhope expected from his invention of the
improved method may be gathered from the following amus-
ing letter, which, notwithstanding SuperScription and signature,
is, if not entirely written by him, considerably corrected by his
own hand :—
[S. P.] LETTER FROM ANDREW WILSON to the Authors,
Booksellers, Printers, and Schoolmasters throughout Great Britain
and Ireland.
Stereotype Office, Duke Street, Lincoln's Inn Fields,
August, 1803.
Gentlemen, Permit me to inform you, that Earl Stanhope has
lately purchased the two important Secrets of PANTATYPE PRINTING",
and of STEREOTYPE PRINTING, in order to give them to the Public.
PANTATYPE PRINTING means universal type printing ; being appli-
cable to all subjects. This new Art, which was discovered by
Mr. Andrew Fowlis, Printer of Glasgow, has lately been considerably
improved by Earl Stanhope. By means of this ingenious Con-
trivance, upwards of ONE HUNDRED THOUSAND Impreſsions of an
Engraving can be taken, all Proofs; that is to say, the last impreſsion
will be as perfect as the first. No eye, however accurate, will be able
to perceive the smallest difference between them.
STEREOTYPE PRINTING means fixed type printing; because, all the
Letters in one Page form but one piece. I have lately caused a very
extensive Office to be erected in DUKE-STREET, LINCOLN's INN FIELDs,
for the expreſs purpose of carrying on this cheap and important branch
of Typography, of which the following Specimens are submitted to your
inspection.
The several Stereotype proceſses of Ged, Funckter, Tilloch, Fowlis,
Hoffmann, Pingeron, Rochon, Carez, Gengembre, Gatteaux, Bouvier,
Herhan, Pierre Didot, Firmin Didot, and others”, having been found
to be liable to great objections; Earl Stanhope has made, with the
* See p. 410.
* These persons are all referred to in the article by Camus, Aſistoire et Pro-
cédés du Polytypage et Stéréotypie, from which an extract has been printed on
pp. 370, 37 I. This work is the source from which Lord Stanhope drew much
of his knowledge of the process of stereotyping. To Ged's account of himself
reference has already been made. As to Funckter, he was “Un imprimeur-libraire
d’Erfort, nommé J. Michel Funckter.”—Camezes, p. 446.
F. I. J. Hoffman was a native of Alsace (Camus, p. 456).
J. C. Pingeron, a French scholar and littérateur, who, among other works,
378 COLLECTA NEA.
aſsistance of Mr. Fowlis, a Series of systematic Experiments upon this
Art; and he has, at different times, discovered four new Stereotype
proceſses which, when combined, produce Stereotype Plates, superior
to all others in point of perfection, and yet inferior in price.
Accuracy, and the securing publishers against the usual risk, and
the great advance of capital which would otherwise be neceſsary,
together with the saving of the interest and compound interest thereon,
are amongst the striking advantages of STEREOTYPE PRINTING. This
valuable Art will enable me to afford, at any time or times, an equal
Number of copies of any Work which has a very extensive Sale (such,
for example, as the Bible, or the Book of Common Prayer,) TwenTy-
FIVE per Cent, cheaper, than I could do if the same Book were to be
printed by me in the usual manner; ſupposing that the work, were to
be, in both cases, printed wholly at my own expense and risk. For
School Books this mode of printing will be peculiarly excellent. Such
books are, in general, inaccurate, ill printed, and dear. These objec-
tions will be removed, by means of this new invention. I have in
contemplation to Stereotype several Books for the use of Schools.
published one on the making of electric machines, and another on air balloons,
was born about 1730, and died 1795.
The Abbé de Rochon was a French astronomer, mathematician, and navigator,
who was born in 1741, and wrote a pamphlet, ‘Sur l'art de multiplier les copies.’
He died in 1817.
Joseph Carez, a printer at Toul, was the inventor of the cliché. He made this
by striking a block of wood, upon which a device had been engraved, into a pan
of metal which was cooling; and so formed a mould, from which relief blocks
were cast in a different metal. He died at Toul in I8ol.
Gengembre is described by Camus on p. 473 as ‘ingénieur méchanicien de la
monnoie’; and Herhan as ‘son beaufrère.”
Gatteaux was ‘graveur en médailles' (p. 483).
Bouvier was a “filigraniste' (p. 485).
François Didot, the first founder of the famous firm which still bears his name,
was born in 1689, and died in 1757.-He had two sons. The elder, François-
Ambroise Didot (the ‘F. Didot’ alluded to by Lord Stanhope), was born in 1730,
and died in 1804.—He also left two sons, Pierre, who became famous as a printer
(the ‘P. Didot’ of Lord Stanhope), and Firmin Didot, who was also a typefounder
and publisher.—A brother of F. A. Didot (i.e. Didot II), viz. Pierre-François,
succeeded to the bookselling business of the first Didot, and left three sons, two of
whom became typefounders, and the third invented the first endless paper machine.
—Returning to the elder branch, the fourth generation were Jules Didot (1794–
1871), Ambroise Firmin-Didot (1790–1876), Hyacinthe Firmin-Didot (1794–
1880), and Frédéric Firmin-Didot (1798–1836).-The fifth generation of Didots
gives us Alfred Firmin-Didot (born in 1828), and Paul Firmin-Didot, his cousin
(born in 1826).-The firm is now in its sixth generation: Maurice Firmin–Didot
(born in 1859), and René Firmin-Didot (born in 1866). The last, with their
cousin M. Lucien Hébert, constitute the firm of Firmin–Didot & Cie. at the
present day (1896).
CHARLES EARL STANHOPE & THE OXFORD PRESS. 379
I am already at work on ‘A’emming's Universal Spelling Book improved.’
And I am in hope ſhortly to begin some Instruction Books about
Arithmetic, of uncommon excellence. The importance of reducing
the price of such Works is greatly increased ſince the ingenious and
admirable System of Mr. Joseph Lancaſter" (a Quaker) has been
carried into execution, at his Academy in the Borough Road, where
between three and your hundred Boys are daily taught Reading, Writing,
and Arithmetic by one Schoolmaster only, by means of this new
Method of teaching, which promiſes to be ſingularly useful to the
rising Generation.
In consequence of another plan, I shall have it in my power, some
time hence, to print MUSIC, at a cheap rate, and in a manner much
more beautiful than any which has ever yet appeared.
Other Discoveries of peculiar importance to the perfection of the
typographic art, have also lately been made by Earl Stanhope. One
of a new principle, and in a superior manner of executing the PRINT-
ING PRESS, and likewise in a new Combination of PRINTING PRESSEs.
By means of this invention, the united advantages will be obtained,
of cheapne/s, beauty, and dispatch. The following ſpecimens were
printed, with this newly invented PRINTING PRESS by Mr. Bulmer
of Cleveland Row, St. James's. The Preſs was executed, under Earl
Stanhope's inspection, by Mr. Robert Walker of Vine Street,
Piccadilly.
The Stereotype Plates, used for printing those Specimens have all
been made by me, according to the improved Proceſs discovered by
Earl Stanhope.
All the original Types, employed for forming those Stereotype Plales,
were cast by Mr. Vincent Figgins of West Street, West Smithfield;
except the Zwo Lines Great Primer, the Two Zines English, the Great
Primer and the Pica, which were cast by Caslon and Catherwood of
Chiswell Street; and except the Diamond, which was cast by Fry,
Steele, & Co., of Type Street, Chiswell Street.
The printing Ink which was used for printing the present Publication,
was made according to Earl Stanhope’s Directions, by Mr. Graham, of
Duke Street, Lincoln's Inn Fields. The Method of making it, is an
* Joseph Lancaster, the founder of the Lancastrian Schools for teaching poor
children in London, was born in 1771 or 1778, and died in America in 1838. See
‘Improvements in Education as it Respects the Industrious Classes of the Com-
munity, containing a Short Account of its Present State, Hints towards its Improve-
ment, and a Detail of some Practical Experiments Conducive to that End. By
Joseph Lancaster. Second edition, with Additions. London: printed and sold
by Darton & Harvey, Gracechurch Street; J. Mathews, Strand ; and W. Hatchard,
Piccadilly. 1803.”
380 . COLLECTA/WEA.
improvement on the original Plan of the ingenious Charles Wilkins,
Esq., F.R.S. Mr. Graham is of opinion, that he ſhall hereafter
be able to afford this excellent Ink, at considerably less than half the
price at which the best ſort of printing Ink has hitherto been sold
by him.
By uniting the advantages of the newly invented PRINTING PRESS,
with those which result from the other new invention called PANTATYPE
PRINTING, Printers will be enabled to afford, at a low price, PRINTs, MAPs,
PLANs, PAPER-HANGINGs", &c. of superior excellence.
It is pleasing to reflect, how the abovementioned Inventions, when
properly combined, might tend to give new vigour to many important
Branches of the Printing Busineſs; and in what manner, they might
afford fresh employment to Compositors, Preſsmen, Type-Founders,
Printing-Press-Makers, Paper-Makers, and Artists of various descrip-
tions. Those discoveries would open, to this Nation, many new and
most valuable Branches of Foreign Commerce, if it were not for the TAx
UPON PAPER, which, of all the Taxes in this Country, is, without excep-
tion, the most injurious and the most impolitic. For, it is evident, that
every Impediment improperly thrown in the way of giving to the Com-
munity at large, a good Zducaſion, must tend, in a high degree, to affect
the Morals of the People, and to decrease moſt injuriously, and in a variety
of respects, the general Industry of the Nation. These are Evils, which
result of Necessity, from this TAx ON EDUCATION. And the extent of
those Evils, in a religious point of view, as well as in every other,
is literally beyond the bounds of calculation.
If that Tax were (as it ought to be) repealed in foto, it might then be
poſsible to reduce the price of such works as are beautifully printed,
and as have also a very extensive sale, at least FIFTY per Cenſ. ; by
uniting the benefits arising from such Repeal, to those which arise from
STEREOTYPE PRINTING, and to those which arise from the newly invented
PRINTING PRESS abovementioned, and likewise to thoſe which arise
from the new manner of Logotype printing” and of forming the Lower-
* It would seem that paper-hangings were at this time printed at the hand-
press.
[S. P.] * Zogotype Printing signifies printing by means of syllables and words,
inſtead of single Letters only. The STANDING RULES of the STEREOTYPE OFFICE,
and the three specimens in the Small-Pica Zype (one of which is in prose, and the
other two, in verſe) were all of them logotypically composed, previously to their being
Stereotyped. The Reader will not be able to obſerve in those Specimens any Letters
of an improper elevation, nor any Letters at improper distances apart, nor any
Letters which range unevenly. Nor will he, by the inspection of those Specimens,
be able to discover, which are, and which are not, the new logotypical combina-
tions.
(For further details as to the Stanhope logotypes, see pp. 405-409.)
CHARLES EARL STANHOPE & THE OXFORD PRESS. 381
Case, and the new Method of inking the Types, without using any Balls
at all ; all of which things, have lately been invented by Earl
Stanhope.
The TAx UPON PAPER operates against the Trade of this Country,
in a manner so injurious, that Foreign Nations can now undersell the
English Booksellers, in foreign markets, above Twenty per Cent. As
Soon as any popular work makes its appearance in this Country, it is
reprinted abroad. In various parts of Germany, they have printed the
works of Locke, Pope, Milton, Swift, Addison, &c. Even in such
a remote place, as Basil (sic) in Switzerland, they have lately printed
several English Books. In France, not leſs, as I am informed, than
three Stereotype editions of Shakespeare's Works, of different ſizes, are
now going forwards.
The injury reſulting from the TAx UPON PAPER will be obvious from
the following consideration; namely, that the account of that Tax is
much greater, than the Sum for which the Smuglers are ready to
undertake to import Foreign Paper into London, having the Water-
mark of some English Paper Maker exactly imitated, and being in all
other respects similar to the English Manufactory.
It is well worth observing, that the new inventions mentioned above,
render the Repeal of the TAx UPON PAPER the more neceſsary, and the
more urgent. The reason is as follows. The Amount of the Tax
forms a certain Part of the price of each Book. But, the same Tax
will clearly form a much greater Part of the price of the same works
respectively, whenever the STEREOTYPE PROCESS and the newly invented
PRINTING PREss, &c. shall have reduced the Price of Books. So that,
whatever may be the preference which is now created by the Tax, in
favor of Foreign Books, to the injury of the English Commerce; that
preference, when those new inventions shall be known abroad, will (for
the reason just aſsigned) be much greater hereafter, even than it is at
present. Consequently the TAx UPON PAPER ought to be repealed *;
especially as such Regulations have been planned as will effectually
prevent the Stationers from being injured by the repeal of the Tax on
account of their present stock on hand.
One plausible objection has been made, by some Persons, to the new
Invention of STEREOTYPE PRINTING ; and that is, the Injury it may be of,
to those Booksellers who have a great Number of copies of any work
at present unsold. For, it is said, if the same Book, were, by means of
the STEREOTYPE PLATEs, to be printed in a manner more beautiful, and
TwRNTY-FIVE per Cenſ, cheaper; no Person would purchase the other
work.
* It was not repealed, however, till fifty-eight years later. (See note p. 389.)
382 COLLECTA NEA.
In order to obviate this objection, it has been suggested to me, by
Earl Stanhope, that it might be proper for me to write a circular Letter
to the Gentlemen in the Trade, to request them to send me a List
of those Books (not private property) of which they have now many
Copies unsold; in order that I may at preſent refrain from Stereotyping
them.
As application might be made to me, by some of the Booksellers to
stereotype for them, certain works of which other Booksellers might
have a very considerable Number of Copies in hand; and as I ſhould be
sorry, at the time I am eſtablishing in this Country, this moſt beneficial
mode of printing, to be made inſtrumental in prejudicing any Indi-
vidual; it is my intention to avoid /fereoſyping such Works of which
many Copies remain unfold, if I ſhould have early information of that
Fact; unleſs I ſhould ſee, in any particular inſtance, a ſufficient public
reason, for making an exception to the general rule.
I trust, Gentlemen, that you will fully approve of the fair and equit-
able manner, in which this new mode of printing is proposed to be
conducted. And I also hope that the STANDING RULES OF THE
STEREOTYPE OFFICE will meet with public Approbation.
I have the honor to be, Gentlemen,
Your moſt faithful, and obedient Servant,
ANDREW WILSON.
The last three lines, including the Andrew Wilson signature,
are entirely in the writing of Lord Stanhope.
On March 15, 1805, Lord Stanhope offered to instruct the
Oxford University printers in the new art. The following
extracts are from the Delegates' Minute-books:—
[D. M.] March 15, 1805–At a Meeting of the Delegates of the
Press in the Delegates' Room—Present, Mr. Vice-Chancellor, Mr.
Price, Dr. Jackson, Dr. Hughes, Dr. Routh, Dr. Parsons, Mr.
Ellerton, Sen. Pr[octor], Mr. Barnes, Jun. Proctor]:—A Letter from
Mr. Wilson, Stereotype Printer, proposing to treat with this University
upon the Adoption of this new Mode of Printing, was read to the
Board ; and it was referred to the Bible Committee to communicate
further with him upon the Subject.
[D. M.] March 26, 1805–The Bible Committee having this Day
reported the result of their Communications with Mr. Wilson on the
subject of his Proposals to put the University in poſseſsion of the
Art of Stereotype Printing—Order'd, That the Bible Committee be
requested to confer with Meſsrs. Dawson, Bensley, and Cooke, the
CHARLES EARL STANHOPE & THE OXFORD PRESS. 383
Partners of the University in the Bible Preſs, upon the Proposals
so made by Mr. Wilson.
[D. M.] Meeting holden April 30, and adjourned to May 1, 1805.-
The Bible Committee—in pursuance of the directions of the Board of
Delegates of the Preſs, having communicated with Mr. Wilson
(April 5, 1805) and likewise with the Partners in the Bible Preſs on
the subject of adopting Stereotype Printing, Report That, from the
information laid before them, it appears that the art of Stereotype
Printing has been so far advanced towards a state of perfection as to
leave no probable doubt of the eventual succeſs of it: That the beauty
and regularity of the works, the Superior correctneſs which must
attend Impreſsions so taken, and the ultimate savings in point of
expense, are indisputable. That Mr. Wilson has laid before the Com-
mittee proposals for putting the University of Oxford in poſseſsion of
the Secret, and the means of carrying on the Stereotype Printing, as
already carried into execution at the University of Cambridge'. That,
the University of Cambridge being in poſseſsion of the Art, it seems
not only expedient, but neceſsary, that Oxford should be poſseſs'd of
the same advantages.
That the Partners, upon reference, represent the state of the Stock in
the Bible Warehouse at this period to be such as is particularly favor-
able to the immediate commencement of the Undertaking. And they
further state that they are ready to join with the University in carrying
On the Busineſs of Stereotype Printing upon equitable terms, taking
into account the relative Interests and Situations of the Parties.—
(Signed) W. BANGOR, J. PARSONS, W. JACKSON, W. DAWSON,
T. BENSLEY, Jos. CookE.
[D. M.] May 2, 1805–The Report of the Bible Committee on
the Subject of Stereotype Printing having been this day laid before the
Delegates— Resolved, That the Board does agree with the Report,
and that it is their opinion that the busineſs of Stereotype Printing be
* “Early in 1804, and soon after Richard Watts had been elected Printer
to the University of Cambridge, a proposal was made to the University by
Andrew Wilson, a London printer, that he should, upon terms to be agreed upon,
communicate his secret respecting stereotyping. This secret was the invention of
Earl Stanhope, who refused to receive anything in respect of it, or even the
repayment of the sum of £6,000 spent in experiments.’ ‘August 8, 1807.-An
agreement was entered into for the acquisition by the University [of Cambridge] of
Wilson's stereotype secret, for which the following sums were to be paid : £2000 on
execution of the agreement: £10oo advanced to Wilson, May 29, 1895, to become
his property: £10oo when the sales from March 25, 1807, shall exceed $4,500 :
£2 for every £45 of such excess till it reaches £Iooo; but if that sum shall not
be reached till March 25, 1818, no further payment to be made.”—Robert Bowes,
Notes on the University Printers of Cambridge, pp. 325, 328.
384 COLLECTA/VE.A.
immediately adopted by the University of Oxford. That the Vice-
Chancellor be requested to consult with the Delegates of Accounts
for the purpose of learning from them what aſsistance, by loan of
Money, can be given to the Delegates of the Preſs towards carrying
the undertaking into execution.
[D. M.] May 10, 1805–The Vice-Chancellor reported from the
Delegates of Accompts that they are ready to lend the Sum of
a Thousand Pounds towards the Money to be paid to Mr. Wilson
for the Communication of his Secret in the Stereotype mode of
Printing.
[D. M.] May 17, 1805.-Resolved, That the Vice-Chancellor be
requested to desire Mr. Wilson's immediate attendance at Oxford
with such means as may best expedite the busineſs of the Stereotype
Printing, and form such arrangements as may prepare the Foundery,
Preſses, &c., and adjust the particular articles of an Agreement. Resolved,
That the Vice-Chancellor be requested to make an application to
each of the Radcliffe Trustees, in the Name of this Board, stating,
the extraordinary Demands of Money upon the Delegates of the
Preſs, to enable them to adopt the Stereotype mode of Printing
which is now become neceſsary to the support of the Interests of the
University, and to the maintenance of their Privilege of printing Bibles
and Prayer Books. That the full amount of these demands, in the
Premium to be given to the Inventor, and in other incidental expences,
falls little short of six thousand Pounds—Three thousand of which
immediately requisite will be least conveniently raised by the Dele-
gates: and that they therefore request the favor of the Trustees to
aſsist them with a temporary loan of such part of this Sum as may be
convenient; the whole of which they hope to be enabled to repay in
a very few years.
[D. M.] May 21, 1805–That the Bible Committee be requested to
confer with Mr. Wilson, and arrange with him the Particulars of the
Agreement to be entered into with him, and prepare an Instrument
to be executed by both Parties; and to consider any other matters
relating to the Stereotype Printing, to be reported to this Board.
[D. M.] May 30, 1805–The Bible Committee, having this day read
from their Minutes the Articles of Agreement proposed by them to be
made with Mr. Wilson respecting the printing in Stereotype—
Order'd, That the same be approved, and that a Copy be sent to Ld.
Stanhope, requesting him to signify an approbation and ratification of
the same on his part, aſsuring themselves that in that case he will be
ready to afford them any facilities in the execution of the undertaking
which he can now, or at any future time may be able to, afford.
CHARLES EARL STANHOPE & THE OXFORD PRESS. 385
[D. M.] June 10, 1805–The following Resolution of the Radcliffe
Trustees, transmitted to the Vice-Chancellor by their Secretary,
Mr. Wall, in Answer to an Application from this Board, was read:—
‘Monday, June 3, 1805. The Trustees of the late Dr. Radcliffe having
this Day taken the Resolution of the Delegates of the Press, at their
Meeting on Friday, May 27, 1805, into their Consideration, have con-
sented to aſsist the Delegates with a Sum of three thousand Pounds for
the purpose of enabling them to adopt a Mode of Printing which they
may deem to be neceſsary to the support of the Interest of the University
and to the Maintenance of their Privilege of printing Bibles and Prayer
Books. N.B. It is the Intention of the Trustees to advance this
Sum without Interest, and they will give Directions to Messrs. Hoare,
their Banker from time to time to pay the same to the Order of such
Person or Persons as may be authorized by the Delegates to draw for
the money.’—Ordered, That the Vice-Chancellor be requested to
signify to each of the Radcliffe Trustees the Thanks of this Board
for the Readiness with which They have been pleased to take the
Request of the Delegates into their consideration, and for the very
liberal manner in which they have resolved to accommodate the
University with the Loan of three thousand Pounds for the Use of the
Clarendon Press.
[D. M.] June 21, 1805--Ordered, That the form of Articles of
Agreement between the Delegates of the Press and Mr. Andrew Wilson,
exhibited this day, be approved, and referred to Mr. Morrell to be
put immediately into legal form, in order that it may be executed by
the Parties.
Articles of Agreement had made concluded and agreed on this
twenty-second Day of June one thousand eight hundred and five,
between Andrew Wilson of Duke Street, Lincoln’s Inn Fields,
London, Printer, and The Reverend Whittington Landon, Doctor in
Divinity, Vice-Chancellor of the University of Oxford, The Right
Reverend William Lord Bishop of Bangor, The Right Reverend John
Lord Bishop of Oxford, the Reverend Martin Joseph Routh, Doctor
in Divinity, The Reverend David Hughes, D. in Divinity, The
Reverend John Parsons, Doctor in Divinity, The Reverend William
Jackson, Doctor in Divinity, George Williams, D.M., the Reverend
John Price, B.D., and the Reverend Peter Vaughan, M.A., the
Reverend Thomas George Clare, M.A., Proctors of the said University,
Delegates of the Clarendon Preſs in the said University of Oxford as
follow, that is to say—
I. The Basis of the present Agreement is that in Consideration of
the Sum of four Thousand Pounds to be paid by the said Delegates to
III. C C
386 COLLECTA NEA.
Mr. Wilson, the said Mr. Wilson by and with the Advice and Appro-
bation of the Right Honourable Earl Stanhope undertakes to put
two Gentlemen nominated by the Board of Delegates, viz. Mr. Thomas
Bensley and Mr. Samuel Collingwood, in immediate Poſseſsion of
the secret Processes of the new Art of Stereotype Printing invented
by the said Earl Stanhope, and also to communicate the said Pro-
cesses at any time hereafter, when required by the said Delegates or
their Successors, to any third person to be nominated by the said
Delegates.
II. That the said Sum of four Thousand Pounds shall be paid
to the said Mr. Wilson in three Instalments; that is to say, two
thousand Pounds at the signing of this Agreement, One thousand
Pounds on the twenty-first of December next, and the remaining
one thousand pounds on Midsummer Day One Thousand eight
Hundred and six.
III. That the said Delegates and their Successors and the Persons
so named shall be at full Liberty to apply the said Processes of Stereo-
type Printing to the printing of Bibles, Testaments, Prayer Books,
and in general to the printing of any other Work or Works for the
Use and Benefit of the University.
IV. That the said Mr. Wilson undertakes and agrees not to com-
municate the said secret Processes of Stereotype Printing to any other
Public Body or private Individual for the purpose of using the same
in the printing of Bibles, Testaments, and Prayer Books, excepting
the University of Cambridge, in that part of Great Britain called
England, under the Penalty of eight thousand Pounds, unleſs Earl
Stanhope shall at any Time after the first day of July in the Year One
Thousand eight Hundred and seven think proper to communicate the
said secret Processes Gratis to the Public at large (!)
V. That the Persons to whom the said secret Processes shall be so
communicated shall be bound not to discover any Part of them to any
Person or Persons, nor to use the same for any other Purpose than
those above mentioned, under the seperate (sic) Penalties of Eight
Thousand Pounds to be paid as well to the said Delegates and their
Successors as to Mr. Wilson, Except that in case any of the Persons
to whom these Processes shall be communicated shall die or cease to
act for the University, then in that case it shall be allowable for the
Person or Persons who shall survive and continue to act for the said
Delegates and their Successors to make the necessary comunications
to some Person or Persons to be appointed by the said Delegates or
their Successors in the room of the above named Person so dying or
ceasing to act.
CHARLES EARL STANHOPE & THE OXFORD PRESS. 387
VI. That in case Earl Stanhope shall at any Time make known to
the Public the said secret Proceſses as mentioned in Article IV, then
all obligation to Secresy to cease (!).
Witness their hands—WHITTINGTON LANDON, Vice-Chancellor,
WILLIAM BANGOR, J. OxFORD, W. JACKSON, DAVID HUGHES, M. J.
RouTH, J. PARSONs, G. WILLIAMS, J. PRICE, PETER WAUGHAN, Senior
Proctor, THOMAS GEORGE CLARE, Junior Proctor.
ANDW. WILSON.
Witness to the execution by all parties,
RoBERT MoRRELL, Atty. at Law, OX-
ford.
Received at the Time of the signing hereof of and from the Dele-
gates the Sum of Two Thousand Pounds, in part of the Consideration
Money in the above Agreement mentioned to be paid to me for the
Purposes therein mentioned—I say received,
(Copy.)
Meantime Lord Stanhope continued his experiments, some-
times at A. Wilson’s Office in Duke Street, Lincoln's Inn, but
sometimes at his own house at Chevening". He made copious
notes of his conversations with his workmen and others—with
Christopher Matthews the chief stereotyper; with Fergusson
who was apparently in charge of the office types; with the
people he met in the street; with Mr. Richard Watts of Cam-
bridge; and Mr. Whittingham of London. Every scrap of
information was recorded and carefully preserved, sometimes
on a bit of paper not two inches Square. For instance:—
[S. P.] June, 1805–Mr. Watts” says I Man & 1 Lad, make in
3 or 4 days of one week, One Hundred & forty good ſtereotype Plates.
The Windows much open. They light the Fires before they begin
to mould, in order to make the Room dry. They do not mould till
the Lady of the Weather House comes out.
ANDW WILSON.
The agreement with the Oxford Press was speedily acted
upon. Three months after its execution, special types, prepared
no doubt under Lord Stanhope’s advice, were provided :-
[D. M.] October 17, 1805–Mr. Bensley and Mr. Cooke report,
That the Preparations for Stereotype Printing are in great forward-
* Lord Stanhope seems to have had a stereotype foundry at his country-house.
Hansard speaks of a ‘relic of the Chevening Foundry.” (Typographia, p. 475.)
* Mr. R. Watts was printer to the University of Cambridge from 1802–1809.
C C 2.
388 COLLECTA NEA.
neſs, and that they think the Nonpareil Bible should be one of the first
Articles so printed, and they therefore desire to receive Instructions, what
Rule they are to follow respecting Heads of Chapters, &c., and what
Provision should be made for better correcting this and all other
works. . . . It was further stated that two new Founts of Type for
Stereotype Printing have been already provided, specimens of which
were exhibited.
|D. M.] November 20, 1805.-On representation from Messrs.
Bensley and Cooke of the difficulties which had occurr'd in reducing
the Stereotype to practice, particularly that the greater part of Editions
now in use, and some which are of more general sale cannot be so
printed without considerable alteration of the blocks", it was agreed
that Mr. Bensley wait on Ld. Stanhope to represent and explain this
difficulty to him, and request his aſsistance in the removing it, and
accommodate the invention to the purposes of this Press.
|S. P.] December 24, 1805–Converſation with Kit Matthews of
the Stereotype Office at Chevening Houſe. [Then follow memoranda
about brushes and coals.] The pontops, & blacksmith Coals, are not
approved of; but the large Coal, of the size of the fist, or larger, called
A:gs Main, are the beſt Coals they have had.
[D. M.] January 21, 1806–Several difficulties relative to the pro-
ceeding in the Stereotype Editions of the Nonpareil Bible, Pica
Testament, and C. Prayer, and Welch Bible were consider'd. . . . Some
progress has also been made in accommodating the Blocks to all
Our Editions, but nothing is as yet decided. Mr. Bensley having
laid before the Committee Messrs. Walker and Keating's account
of expences incurr'd in the New Foundry”, it was recommended
that he should prepare a more particular account before the general
Board, and state what he thinks right to be advanc'd on this ac-
count. . . . Propos'd to insure the new Warehouse and Foundry
* Stereotype blocks are foundations upon which plates are laid for book-printing.
Lord Stanhope describes his as “iron blocks, which are cut to such a thickness,
that a plate and a block together are exactly type height. There is an overhanging
ledge upon each side of the block, the whole length of it, and cut to fit the sloping
sides of the plate. One of these ledges is fixed ; the other moveable, to admit of put-
ting in and taking out of the plate. In the moveable ledge there are three screws,
by which the plate is held very flat and firmly.’—Hansard’s Typographia, p. 884.
* Three cottages belonging to Wadham College were sold to the University in
1796. ‘The College seal was set to the conveyance on November 5 in the same
year, and the University at once proceeded to build on the site of the cottages
a foundry and warehouse for carrying on the then novel art of stereo-
typing.’—Wadham College, Oxford, by T. G. Jackson, p. 130.-But as Lord
Stanhope's first proposal to the Delegates was not made till 1805, it looks as
though this warehouse was not at first intended for a foundry.
CHARLES EARL STANHOPE & THE OXFORD PRESS. 389
at £1500 the building, and £3000 for the utensils, Furniture, and
Stock in Trade.
[D. M.] January 31, 1806.--To determine respecting the expence
incurr'd by Stereotype Printing what part is to be paid by the Partner-
ship and what by the University as to present issues—Mr. Dawson
having already advanced £17 oo in consequence of which no dividend
can be made at present.
[D. M.] April 29, 1806–Mr. Bensley and Mr. Cooke report that
the following Progress has been made in stereotyping certain editions
of the Bible, Testament, and Common Prayer. ... They report further,
that many of the difficulties that have hitherto prevented their begin-
ning to cast plates for the Welch Bible (especially with respect to
accented letters, &c.) have now been surmounted; and that they hope
immediately to be able to go on with the work.
[D. M.] October 21, 1806–The Brevier Prayer Book in Stereotype
was exhibited, finish'd, and ready for sale—20oo copies.
[D. M.] January 27, 1807.-Messrs. Dawson, Bensley, and Cooke
attended. They reported—That in printing the Long Primer New T.
an additional expence is incurr'd by printing the same in Stereotype,
So that these books (exclusive of Composition on the one hand, and
Carriage, and the Drawback" on the other) cost 17d. per copy, and are
sold at 15%d.—this is owing to the superior quality and size of the
paper—the quality being nearly the same with that of the books printed
* By the 2 & 3 Vict. c. 23 a drawback or allowance of Iłd. per lb., being the
full amount of the Paper Duty, was granted ‘for all paper made and charged with
duty in the United Kingdom which shall be used in the printing of any books in
the Latin, Greek, Oriental, or Northern languages within the Universities of
Oxford and Cambridge, or within the Universities of Scotland, or the College
of the Holy and Undivided Trinity of Queen Ælizabeth, Dublin, by permission of
the Vice-Chancellors, Rectors, or Principals or Provost of the said Universities
respectively, or which shall be used in the printing of Bibles, Testaments, Psalm
Books, Books of Common Prayer of the Church of Ængland, the book commonly
called or known in Scotland by the name of “The Confession of Faith,” or the
Larger or Shorter Catechism of the Church of Scotland, within the Universities of
Oxford and Cambridge and 7% inity College, Dublin, by permission of the Vice-
Chancellors or Provost of the same, or by the Queen's Printers in AEngland,
Scotland, and /reland respectively.’ By $ 44 the chief manager of the Oxford
Press (among others) was bound to give forty-eight hours' notice to the proper
officer of Excise of his intention to go to press with a book: the exciseman attended
and inspected all the reams of paper which it was proposed should be used. Then
within one month after the completion of the work that official returned to the
Press, weighed the printed sheets, and gave a certificate on which the drawback
was paid to the Vice-Chancellor or to his nominee. The Paper Duty was
abolished in England by the 24 Vict. c. 20 (1861).
390 COLLECTANEA.
in Stereotype by Cambridge, and the very size wch. in paper of the
Same quality entitling the Paper-maker to an higher price.
All this time Lord Stanhope's experiments were still going
on, and he records them with a minuteness which it would
be tedious to give in detail. Thus :-
[S. P.] August, 1807.-Kit Matthews says that as soon as he has
moulded four moulds, &c. Mr. Fergusson. Experimen]t. With four
moulds, &c. Kit Matthews told me, &c.
[S. P.] August 24, 1807–Experimen]t at Stereotype Office, &c.
[S. P.] October, 1807.-Kit Matthews told me, &c.
At Oxford, if not successful, the University printers were
at any rate hopeful :-
[D. M.] October 29, 1807.-Present, the Master of Balliol. With
respect to the Stereotype Foundery, within the last year very consider-
able Improvement has been made both with respect to the Quality, and
the Number, of Plates cast, within a given time, at the same Expence,
and with the same number of workmen employed. And Mr. Bensley, in
particular, reported that his Opinion of the Advantages to be derived
ultimately by the University from the Stereotype Invention, is now more
favourable than it has been at any former Period. That though the
heavy Expenditure which now takes place must neceſsarily be con-
tinued, in a great degree at least, till the different Editions shall have
been stereotyped, yet that some Return will now begin to be made,
which will, of course, gradually increase, and, as he hopes, in the
course of years, ultimaſely redound to the benefit of the University.
[D. M.] Dec. Io, 1807.-The attention of the Committee was next
occupied, in adjusting with the Partners what compensation should be
made by the Partnership to the University for the use of stereotype
plates (such plates to remain for ever the sole property of the Univer-
sity), when the most equitable and simple mode appear'd to be, that
the Partnership should pay to the University the actual price which
would have been paid to the Compositor upon each Impreſsion (it
being agreed also, that so often as any advance may hereafter take
place in Compositors' wages, a like advance shall take place in the
payment here mentioned), the number of Copies constituting an
Impression to be determined by the former practise as to the quantity
used to be taken off at one Impreſsion of each Article, which in the
Articles already stereotyped would be as follows:—
CHARLES EARL STANHOPE & THE OXFORD PRESS. 391
To be paid for use
Of the Plates.
£ s. d.
Long Primer Test., each impreſsion Io,000 I8 I o
Brevier do. tº tº º . 2 O,OOO 22 I 5 o
Pica Prayer . g º g & 7,500 I8 I 9 3
Brevier do. § e e . I O,OOO 2O I 3 O
The same method of calculating the payment for plates to be used
in all other Articles hereafter to be stereotyped—excepting, that on
account of the peculiar Circumstances of the Nonpareil Bible 12mo–
Io,000 should be deemed an Impreſsion of this work, and £65 be
paid for each Impreſsion for the Use of the Plates.
The Committee also proceeded in pursuance of the general
aſsurance before given to Messrs. Bensley and Collingwood, to
consider what compensation it might be fit to make to them for
their extraordinary trouble and attention in superintending the general
progreſs of Stereotype Printing at the Clarendon Press, in obviating
Several unforeseen difficulties in the execution of such work, and
in bringing the invention to its present state of perfection—which
without such assistance the Committee were fully of opinion, could
not have been effected for a long time to come—and taking into
account also, that it would certainly be most for the interest of the
University to make such recompense bear a proportion to the work
executed—The Committee adjudged, that the best mode of making
the remuneration would be to allow to Messrs. Bensley and Colling-
wood One shilling per page per Plate, upon its being ascertained, so
soon as each work is finished, of what number of pages it consists and
what number of plates have been cast.—The Committee determining
also that such remuneration will in no degree be too large either for the
trouble incurred, or the advantage which the University will ultimately
derive, from their being enabled so to accelerate the putting forth of
Stereotype Works.
But if the experiences of the University were not immediately
Satisfactory, neither were those of Mr. Andrew Wilson, judging
by a lengthy memorandum, addressed to his patron, and
signed ‘A. W.' The significant blank at the end of his
figures, which he left for Lord Stanhope ‘to fill up, seems
to show that there was no definite arrangement between
them on the subject of stereotyping, although the writer
speaks of the ‘remuneration or reward which A. W. should
have before the processes were made public –
392 COLLECTA NEA.
[S.P.] Estimate of the State of the Stereotype Busineſs at Christmas
1808. Made up from the Account-Books of A. Wilson : —
Cash expended by A. Wilson since the commencement
of the undertaking in 1802 . g e g £9,330 o o
Interest of the annual balances . 2, II 2 O O
£II,442 o o
Cash recd. from the Universities. e . $7,900
Of which A.W. appropriated to his own use 4,200
And expended in the business . . & & . 3,700 o o
Total Expenditure . * * £15,142 o o
To meet which, there are Aſsets in the
Amount of Inventory of actual property in
Jany. 1808 tº © º g £7,225
Supposed amot. of Work that will be
finished by Christmas, 1808 © * 2,Ooo
Sunk stock g º * e 9,225
And in the above sum of the Universities'
money . e tº e & ſº 4, 200
—- - I 3,425 O C
A.W.’s loss in hard cash at Xmas 1808 (more or
less, dependant upon the amot. of work that will
then be finished) . * e © e te . I,717 o o
What is the amount of expenditure, prior to the busineſs
being in a state of capability ? It is the difference
between £15,142 and £9,225—being £4,917, of
which not a sixpense exists in any shape whatever.
: Carry over this loss of tº & . I,717 o o
And add to it,
1st, The sacrifice of his busineſs in Wild Court,
which surely cannot be over-rated at the price
he paid for it, namely, gº & e º . I,476 odd
£3,193 o o
2ndly, A. W.'s personal expenses for a period of
seven years, which no man can consider over-
rated at £500 a year tº g © º . 3,500 O O
Debt actually due to A. W. by the public gº . £6,693 o o
3rdly, The remuneration or reward which it was
agreed A. W. should have, for his risk, anxiety,
and perseverance in the undertaking, (prior to
the processes being made public) during a Stereotype
apprenticeship of seven years, (This item he
leaves to Earl Stanhope to fill up)
And it will appear that the sum of . e e . £
should be fairly in A. W.'s poſseſsion, in some way or other, as his
CHARLES EARL STANHOPE & THE OXFORD PRESS. 393
own absolute property, previous to any person or persons being
permitted, through the medium of Earl Stanhope, or of persons
employed by his Lordship, to exercise the art of Stereotype Printing.
A. W. has drawn up this Statement, in the perfect confidence that
he will be favoured with Earl Stanhope's candid Sentiments thereupon.
He is not aware that upon any one occasion he has ever taken
a decisive step without consulting his Lordship in the first instance; and
the strange things that have been lately acted render a very decisive
step necessary at the present time, upon which, as heretofore, A. W.
wishes to be regulated by Earl Stanhope. -
A. W.
What Earl Stanhope replied to this communication is not
on record ; but it would seem from the following that Andrew
Wilson and his patron quarrelled and parted. Wilson's de-
mand for an unexpressed but enormous sum in thousands of
pounds from Lord Stanhope had evidently disgusted that
nobleman:-
[S. P.] Memorandum, April 22, 1809–Kit Matthews brought me
a ſmall roller, &c. The 1st 16 weeks, Kit recd. only Iſ. 8s. od from
Mr. Wilson Mr. W. has been once only in foundery in 18 months.
Now not even allowed without Kit's Leave *.
At Oxford, however, things were beginning to improve —
[D. M.] May 17, 1809–In consequence of the abovementioned
Editions having been finished, a considerable reduction has recently
been made in the Expences of the Establishment at the Stereotype
Foundery.
More of Lord Stanhope's scraps :-
[S. P.] June 26, 1809.-Mr. Watts (of Cambridge) said twelve
stereotype plates = one bushel of coals.
[S. P.] November 7, 1809—The Bank ſtereotypes are all caſt
face down. (E. S. Absurd.)
* “Some misunderstanding between Earl Stanhope and Wilson subsequently led
to the engineer, Walker, who constructed the Stanhope press and fitted up
Wilson's foundry, being encouraged to set up a stereotyping foundry on his own
account, and as an opposition to Wilson. Of course this proceeding led to
a rupture between Wilson and Walker. A mechanic named Peter Kier was
employed by Wilson to make the apparatus, and he introduced several improve-
ments in it. Shortly after a quarrel also arose between him and Wilson, when
Walker, in revenge, announced that he would for the sum of £50 divulge the
entire process to any person.”—“Stereotyping and Electrotyping.” By F. J. F.
Wilson. (London : Wyman.) [1879.] Page 18.
394. COLLECTA WEA
[S. P.] [Same date]—Kit Matthews can make 6 plates (Ainſworth
size) per Hour nearly on an average.
[S. P.] [Kit Matthews] says the man who came from Oxford
neither knew how to mould, how to dry, how to dip, nor how to
make good backs. Kit says both Universities have high quadrats.
Again at the Press –
[D. M.] June 2, 1812.-Mr. Bensley recommended that the
intended edition of the Welsh Prayer-book in 12mo be printed
in stereotype.
[D. M.] October 26, 1813–It was agreed between the Committee
and the Bible Partners that in future the Payments to the University
for the use of Stereotype Plates be made at two stated periods in the
year—namely, on the 25th of March and the 29th of September.
[D. M.] October 23, 1818.-Order'd, That a new Edition of the
non-pareil 12mo Bible be stereotyp’d ; that the same Book with the
addition of marginal References be also stereotyp’d ; and that Type be
order'd for a new Edition of the 24to Bible, to be kept standing.
|D. M.] March 15, 1823–The Partners' having recommended
that the Stereotype department be merged in the common concerns
of the press, and carried on in future at the joint expenſe of the
partnership—and that the plates now in uſe, as well as thoſe which
are worn out, be purchaſed of the Univerſity at a fair valuation :
Resolved that the Committee approve of this proposition.
[D. M.] October 11, 1823. –Mr. Parker having reported that the
sum of 3784 18, 6. being the estimated value of the Stereotype plates
&c. is now ready for payment, Resolved that the V. C. be deſired
to call a meeting to wh. the above report may be communicated.
With its absorption into the general business of the Univer-
sity Press, references to stereotyping necessarily cease to occur
in the minute-books. The Delegates hoped for great things
from it ; but its importance to them was overrated, and they
paid for it more than it was worth. There is some evidence
that at one time they partly abandoned it *. Instead of
* Of the partners, Mr. Cooke, Mr. Parker, and Mr. Collingwood were present at
this meeting.
* “The University of Oxford, after its vast expenses—first, for the secret, next, for
the foundry, and lastly, but perhaps of greatest amount, for years of experience—
have partially abandoned it, and have set up entire works in moveable type, in the
persuasion not only that the Public would be supplied with better books as to
typography, but that they would ultimately find an advantage to their own funds
in recurring to the ante-stereotype plan.”—Hansard’s Typographia, p. 844.
CHARLES EARL STANHOPE & THE OXFORD PRESS 395
lessening the cost of production of Bibles, it naturally at first
increased the cost, because it added to the work one process
more. The gypsum or plaster mould was eventually succeeded
by papier-maché ; and only with this last, and Consequent on
the development of the newspaper press, did the success of
the process become assured. In book-printing, stereotyping
has been superseded by electrotyping; and, although the
Stanhope or plaster process is still extant, it has ceased to
have any practical value. -
III.
THE WOODEN HANDPRESS AND OTHER APPLIANCES
WHICH LORD STAN HOPE SUPERSEDED.
Remembering that the University printers had been housed
in the old Clarendon Press in Broad Street since the year 1714,
it may be interesting to describe how they were located in the
various parts of that building at the end of the eighteenth
Century.
As one enters it from the front, on the level of the top
of the steps, the room on the right-hand side, with windows
looking into Broad Street, was the Classical press-room—i.e.
there men tugged at the handpresses of what Archbishop Laud
called the ‘Learned Press’; and over their heads, placed upon
lines by means of a long-handled peel, were suspended Some of
the printed sheets to dry ". The room on the same floor, with
windows looking to the South, was the council-chamber or
board-room of the Delegates of the Press. Still keeping to
the West side, it is said that the rooms above, both in front
and at back, were allotted to the compositors and readers
of the Learned Press; while still higher, in the ‘set off” or loft,
were stored the printed sheets after they had been dried in
the Music School”, before they were gathered. The pressing
* In this room, a few years later, were five iron presses and a wooden one. The
wooden press was removed to Walton Street in 1835, but the only trace of it now
remaining, I am Sorry to Say, is the mahogany platen, which is used as the top of
a table made for one of the foremen.
* “Contiguous to the Medicine and Anatomy School, on the same story, was
that for Hebrew, afterwards Music and Rhetoric, sometime used as a drying-room
for the Press.’—Ingram's Memorials, Vol. ii, No. 47, p. 14.
396 COLLECTA WEA.
and other warehouse work was done in the cellars of the
Sheldonian Theatre hard by, and there the ‘Classical books'
were stacked *.
On the opposite, that is on the East, side of the Clarendon
Building was situated the ‘Bible Press.’ In the rooms on
the ground floor, back and front, were carried on the slow
and tedious processes of printing copies of Bibles and Prayer
Books by hand. Why more slow and tedious than in the
case of other works, is it asked P Because while Learned
Press books were printed in hundreds, Bibles and Prayer
Books were required in thousands. Overhead were installed
the Bible and Prayer Book compositors; and when, a few
years later, the accommodation for these proved insufficient,
some of them overflowed into a house on the other side of
Cat Street, now No. 29, where a double-windowed room
on the first floor was fitted up with compositors' frames and
type-Cases.
The printed sheets of Bibles and Prayer Books were dried
over the heads of the pressmen, as in the case of the Learned
Press books; and such as were required for immediate
delivery were pressed and gathered and sent away. Those
that remained were stocked in the large room adjoining
the Tower of the Five Orders, called the Writing School, now
a part of the Bodleian Library. Subsequent orders for the
binders involved still another move ; for the sheets were
carried up to the front of the Clarendon Building, and packed
in the passage ; then two long planks having been put from
the highest step to the top of a wagon drawn up outside, the
bales were laboriously pushed and guided into the wagon, in
which they Securely jogged along the high road to London,
where they were bound and Supplied to the booksellers.
We have seen that the accommodation afforded at the
Printing-house was insufficient for the printer; but what
shall be said of his tools and the other appliances of his craft P
These had remained almost unchanged ever since the invention
of the art of printing. The ‘casting or jerking of the hot
* “A room beneath is still [? 1832] used as a warehouse for the books printed
there [at the Sheldonian] and at the Clarendon Press.’—Ingram's Memorials,
No. I2, p. Io.
CHARLES EARL STANHOPE & THE OXFORD PRESS. 397
metal into the mould, in making the types, was still always
done by hand : the press upon which proofs were pulled,
or final copies tediously worked off, was a Crazy structure,
built, as has been said, of wood, excepting that a stone slab
made a bed upon which the forme of type was placed. The
descriptions of old writers on printing appliances show how
ramshackle the wooden presses were. Their framing was
actually intended to admit of yielding ; ‘the head being
packed up with elastic substances, such as scaleboard, paste-
board, and the felt of an old hat. . . . In an elastic press the
pressure is gained by Screwing or straining the parts up to
a certain degree of tension, and the effort to return produces
the pressure".' Again : ‘Every joynt between these are
Subject to squeeze by the force of a pull. . . . This is the
reason that the coming down of the toe ought to be just thus
much ; for should it be less, the 7zazural spring that all these
foynäs have, when they are unsqueezed, &c.”
To ink the forme the workman dabbed the type with
a round ‘ball,' or leather pad, stuffed with wool, and nailed
to a wooden handle ; and the means provided for cleansing
these balls, when they became clogged with ink, were very
unsavoury ". They were soaked in urine, and the pelts, being
stripped off, were placed near the feet of the pressman, to be
trodden out as he worked.
Again, the light by which the printer was expected to do
his work on dark days was afforded by tallow candles stuck in
tin candlesticks, which were loaded with lead at the bottom to
prevent their being upset. The compositor placed his candles
in the boxes of his case. He was allowed two “fours, if he
happened to be working, as he does now, with three pairs
of cases ; otherwise he had only one, and this he had to carry
with him whenever he went to correct at the ‘stone.’ The
* Dictionary of the Art of Printing. By William Savage. Longmans, 1841. P. 782.
* Luckombe's Art of Printing, pp. 31 I, 3I 2.
3 Among the curiosities once in the possession of the late Mr. William
Blades, author of the ‘Life of Caxton,’ is an advertisement sheet, post folio in
size, announcing the discovery by Mr. Cunningham, printer, of Southampton,
of “A substitute for urine in making and preserving printing-balls, adopted at
a meeting of Master Printers, Dec. I I, 1801.’—Catalogue of the Caxton Exhibition,
Class K, p. 418.
398 COLLECTA NEA.
pressman lodged his in the most convenient places he could
find in or near his press. He had three: a ‘four' for the
bank; a “six” for the tympan; and an “eight' for the slab.
The foreman printer gave out these candles, and a boy
went round in the morning and Collected the drippings and
gutterings as his perquisite. How the Clarendon Printing-
house escaped being burned to the ground long before it was
abandoned by the printers is a marvel.
One improvement of the wooden handpress must, however,
be recorded, that made early in the seventeenth century by
Blaew '. It is fully set out in ‘The History and Art of
Printing, in two parts, by P. Luckombe, M.T.A. London,
Printed by W. Adlard & J. Browne, Fleet Street, for J. John-
son, No. 72, St. Paul's Churchyard. 1771. A frame of iron
above and attached to the platen, like a skeleton box, through
the centre of which the spindle or screw workcd, helpcd to
give a sort of rebound to the platen after the pull was
taken. Save for such slight modifications the wooden hand-
press of 1790 was the counterpart of the wooden handpress of
I490. Not a great change, it must be admitted, in three
hundred years. It is curious that, long before any further
change was made in the construction of the handpress, the
principle of the cylinder machine—a principle upon which all
the fast printing-machinery of the nineteenth century is based
—had been patented by William Nicholson *.
IV.
LORD STANHOPE'S IRON PRESSES OF THE FIRST
AND SECOND CONSTRUCTIONS.
[D. M.] October 25, 1796.-Minutes of the Committee appointed
by the Delegates of the Press for conferring with the Partners in
the Bible trade. Present, &c.—Messrs. Bensley and Cooke reported
that . . . three new Presses have been put up since Mr. Bensley and
* There were two Blaews, or Blaeuws: William Janszoon the father, born 1571,
died 1638; and Joan Blaew the son, born about 16oo, died 1673. Both were
mapmakers and printers. It was the elder Blaew who improved the press, and
who was a friend of Tycho Brahé.
* His patent is dated April 29, 1790; although it was not until 1810 that the
first ‘power 'machine was actually constructed by Friedrich König.
CHARLES EARL STANHOPE & THE OXFORD PRESS. 399
Mr. Cooke were admitted partners, two of them on an improv’d
construction ; and the rest have been repair’d.
But these three were evidently wooden presses. Blaew's
improvement in quickening the pace having only revealed
the essential weakness of the wooden press, some change of
construction was imperatively demanded. Lord Stanhope was
first in the field with a new press, made of iron, and with
a system of compound levers for raising the platen after the
pull, in lieu of the ‘Squeezing and zºnesqueezing described by
Luckombe, or of a rope and weight. An iron press of the
first construction' at the present Clarendon Press has letters,
sunk deep in the front of the principal iron casting, declaring
‘Stanhope invenit ’; while, cut lower down in a more modest
place, is an inscription which records “Walker fecit.” (See
illustration.) -
On the pamphlet dated 1807, entitled ‘Specification respect-
ing Ships and Vessels, by Charles Earl Stanhope, mentioned
already, the imprint is:—‘London: Stereotyped by A. Wilson,
Duke Street, Lincoln's Inn Fields, and printed by him in Wild
Court, at the Iron Press of the Second Construction invented
by Lord Stanhope. The iron presses ‘of the first construc-
tion have straight cheeks, and were found to be too weak in
the frame. Those “ of the second construction have rounded
cheeks, giving a larger and stronger frame for the principal
part of the press *. It will be seen that the wooden press
failed because it was too weak to withstand the pressure it was
called upon to bear ; the first iron press also failed, and for the
same reason. The real ‘Stanhope inventions’ were the use of
the compound lever and the introduction of a larger platen to
print the forme at one impression. This is what Charles
Earl Stanhope writes:—
* “Stower, in his “Printer's Grammar,” 1808 (p. 499), says Walker was the
ironsmith employed by Lord Stanhope to work out his inventions, and the man
who made all the first presses: but there was the first, and then an improvement
on the first. Your No. 13 is, I suppose, the thirteenth which Walker made for
you. The early presses had straight cheeks; and the first of these was, in
Johnson's time (1824) and many years after, in the printing office of Bensley.
Anyhow, if your press has straight cheeks pray keep it—the round cheeks are
common enough.”—(Letter from William Blades, to H. H. dated Dec. 4, 1888.)
4OO COLLECTA WEA.
[S. P.] When Bleau (sic) first introduced his preſses (which were
almost as superior to those which preceeded (sic) them as Earl Stan-
hope's are to Bleau's), the obstacles thrown in their way were so many,
that Luckombe, when he wrote his Printer's Grammar, could only
account for the slowness with which they were adopted, by the
‘Preſsmen not having reason sufficient to distinguish between an
excellent improved invention, and a make-shift slovenly contrivance
practised in the minority of the Art".’
This prejudice, however, has been confined to the Metropolis,
and even here we are happy to observe it is gradually wearing away.
Those Printers in the Country, whose workmen are generally more
tractable than those in London, and who are not blinded by pre-
judice or ignorance, have found no difficulty in introducing them with
the very best effect.
The high price of the Stanhope preſs (compared with that of the
common wooden ones) has, by many, been considered as likely to
check the sale of them, and render the general adoption of them
doubtſul. But when we reflect that £60. and even £7 o. have frc-
quently been given for presses on the French construction, we
certainly shall not be induced to consider the price of the Stanhope
press so extravagant as it has been represented. With respect to
their general adoption, it can only be a work of time, for we cannot
for a moment suppose, that a Printer will pull down his old Preſses
and burn them (for sell them he cannot) for the sake of replacing
them with others on the Stanhope construction ; but, as he finds it
neceſsary, either from the increase of his busineſs, or the failure of
his old Preſses, to employ new ones, he will, we are convinced, resort
to the Stanhope Preſs as the only one calculated to answer all the
purposes of fine as well as common printing.
The accompanying plate Contains a facsimile of Lord Stan-
hope's first sketch of the frame, &c. of an iron press; and
beside it is a photographic illustration of a Stanhope press ‘of
the first Construction still in use at the Clarendon Press,
Walton Street. The date is before 1805.
The regulations on the next page are in Lord Stanhope's
own style, and were Certainly drafted by him :—
* “There are two sorts of [wooden) presses in use, the old and the new fashioned;
the old sort, till of late years, were the only presses used in England, for which
there can be no other reason given, but [then follows the sentence which Lord
Stanhope quotes].-Luckombe, p. 29.I.
THE STANHOPE PRINTING PREss
ORIGINAL SKETCH BY CHARLES EARL STANHOPE IRON PRESS of THE FIRST construction
(From Zhe Sanhope Papers) (/ºroſzz //e orºgºza/ az Z/e C/arezzdowº Press)

CHARLES EARL STANHOPE & THE OXFORD PRESS. 401
[S. P.] DIRECTIONS For USING THE STANHOPE PRINTING PRESS.
THIS Press contains a mechanical power, far superior to any of those inventions which are
commonly termed THE MECHANICAL POWERS. It is therefore proper to regulate this immense
force, in such a manner, as to prevent it from breaking or injuring the Machine itself. This
is completely effected, by means of a small piece of iron, half an inch square, which belongs to
the Press, and which is called the REGULATOR.
When any Form is laid on, and before the Press is pulled for trial, or adjustment; the
REGULATOR should be placed against the STOP of the UPPER LEVER BAR, in order to
keep that LEVER BAR at the distance of half an inch from its STOP.
Four ADJUSTING SHEETS OF THICK PRINTING PAPER, exclusively of the sheet to be
printed, must then be placed on the Tympan, in addition to the thin blanket or papers it may
contain. And THESE FOUR ADJUSTING SHEETs being thus placed on the Tympan, the HAND
BAR must be pulled, in order to bring the UPPER LEVER BAR quite home to the REGULA-
TOR, if it can be brought home to it by a common pull of one man's right arm. But, if it
cannot; then, one sheet of paper must be taken out of the Tympan, or two or more sheets, if
necessary, till the UPPER LEVER BAR can be brought home to the REGULATOR by a
Common pull, as mentioned above.
But it is particularly necessary to be observed, that, during all this time, THE FOUR AD-
JUSTING SHEETS must remain on the Tympan, and none of them must be taken off, upon any
account, at the time the pull is taken.
When the Press is adjusted in the manner just explained, its power is upwards of three hun-
dred times the force of one man, which (as experience has fully proved) is more than sufficient
to work off the heaviest Form ; inasmuch as the generality of Printing Presses now made are
only equal to fifty times the force of one man.
The Four ADJUSTING SHEETs may now be taken away ; and then (but not till then) the
REGULATOR may be removed, and the Press worked. If the REGULATOR should,
contrary to the rule here laid down, be removed before the FOUR ADJUSTING SHEETs are taken
away; then, the power of the Press, from that circumstance alone, becomes equal to the force
of several thousand men. This force is so immense, that the very CHEEKS OF THE PRESS have
actually been pulled in two, when the rule above laid down has not been properly attended to.
This fact proves, in a very striking manner, the prodigious power of the Press; because it has
been calculated that those thick CAST IRON CHEEKs would require a dead pull equal to at
least the weight of four hundred tons, in order to tear them in two, in that manner.
Such an accident can, evidently, never happen, except from the injudicious and unsafe
application of the new and enormous force which this Press is capable of producing, when its
full power is brought into action, at the end or extremity of the pull.
Too much caution cannot be had, with respect to the power of this Printing Press. And the
Pressmen should be very particularly instructed, never to add any blanket, or even any sheet
of paper, in or on the Tympan, nor to use any overlays, without ascertaining the actual power
of the Press, in the simple manner above explained; namely, by trying the pull, when the
REGULATOR is placed against the STOP, and when the Four ADJUSTING SHEETS are, at the
very same time, placed on the Tympan.
The two following UNIVERSAL RULES should be laid down.
First, Never to interpose any additional thickness, between the CoFFIN and the PLATTEN,
without first ascertaining the power of the pull, by using (by way of trial) the REGULATOR,
together with the FOUR ADJUSTING SHEETs, in the manner particularly explained above.
And, secondly, Never to pull the Press, without taking out the FOUR ADJUSTING SHEETs
before the REGULATOR is removed.
Vine Street, Piccadilly.—July, 1805. ROBERT WALKER, PRESS-MAKER.
Stereotyped and printed by A. Wilson, Duke Street, Lincoln's Inn Fields.
III. D d
4O2 COLLECTA NEA.
That Lord Stanhope was exceedingly anxious to avoid bad
workmanship in his presses is shown by the following letter,
boldly endorsed in his handwriting, “Copy of Earl Stanhope’s
Letter to Mr. Andrew Wilson, dated Jany. 4th, 1805; about the
28 Printing Presses.’ At this time, apparently, Walker was
copying the Stanhope Press, and selling it on his own
aCCOllnt :—
[S. P.] Chevening House, near Sevenoaks, Kent, Jan. 4, 1805.
SIR,-Having been informed that you have got a List of Zwenty-
Jºight Prinſing Preſses wanted, for yourself or for others, to be made
on the plan invented by me, I wish you to have the goodness to
communicate forthwith, to a Meeting of those Master-Printers for
whom the Preſses are intended, the contents of this Letter; and to
inform me, by a Line, after you have done so, what their opinion is,
with respect to the following suggestion.
It is a great object, that a good mechanical principle be not dis-
credited by an imperfect execution, either with respect to strength,
durability, or accuracy. For, a bad Article, becomes a dear Article to
any one who becomes a purchaser. -
I should, therefore, strongly recommend to the Gentlemen concerned,
to require any Person who shall undertake to execute so large an order,
to give first a Bond, in a penal Sum of not leſs than five thousand
Pounds, that he will permit any one or more of the twenty-eight Stanhope-
Preſses to be publicly examined by the Inventor at the Pantheon, or
such other public place, in the presence of all the Master-Printers
of London and Westminster; provided that Mr. Walker of Vine Street
shall consent to bring one of the Preſses executed by him, to undergo
a similar public Examination, with respect to each property or circum-
stance relative to which the other preſs shall have been thus submitted
to examination. The Result is to be drawn up, upon the spot, by
a Committee of Printers, and to be published in all the daily Papers.
This strict and just mode of proceeding will ensure ſhe great offect
of causing the Printers to be well and honestly served.
I am very anxious that a Number of defective Preſses shall not be
delivered out to the public, purporting to be my invention.
Believe me, Sir, very sincerely Yours,
Mr. Andrew Wilson, (signed) STANHoPE.
Printer, Wild Court.
Among these purchasers were the Oxford Delegates:—
[D. M.] October 17, 1805–Mr. Bensley and Mr. Cooke, Part-
ners, and Printers to the University, report that two new Preſses
CHARLES EARL STANHOPE & THE OXFORD PRESS. 403
of Lord Stanhope’s Invention, have been already put up in the House.
A Model" of this new invented Press was also brought by Mr. Bensley
as a present to the Board from Lord Stanhope.
[D. M.] October 25, 1805–Order'd, That the Vice-Chancellor be
requested to write a Letter of Thanks to Earl Stanhope for the Present
of the Model of his new Printing Press.
|D. M.] December 11, 1805–Order'd, That Mr. Collingwood be
empowered to order one of the new Presses from Mr. Walker [] for
the use of the learned side of the Press.
Lord Stanhope records the following items of information
from outside :-
[S. P.] May, 1809–Mr. Whittingham (printer) uses 2 fine cloath
blankets. Wears the Types much leſs than I does. Prefers 2 Rollers
for wetting paper to 2 Boards. Prefers Foreign (Italian) Ink to any
English.
The following memorandum from the ‘Partners of the Bible
Trade,’ Messrs. Bensley, Cooke, Collingwood, and Parker,
shows how the want of room for more Stanhope presses led
up to the building of a new printing-office:–
[D. M.] Oct. 20, 1812.-In consequence of the increased demands
for Books from the Oxford Bible Warehouse, to the supply of which
demands the present Establishment is found to be inadequate, it is
judged expedient to make a farther addition to the number of Preſses
already employed in the House.
The Partners therefore beg leave to submit this to the consideration
of the Delegates of the Press—and farther to represent to them, that
as the Printing House is incapable of containing more Presses, it is
necessary, in order to carry their wishes into effect, that some ad-
ditional premises should be procured.
And as it appears that there is now to be disposed of a house
adjoining to Mr. Cooke's, which is large enough for the purpose, and
which, from its proximity to the Clarendon Press, would be found
very convenient, the Partners take the liberty to request that the
Delegates would have the goodness to put them in possession of that
house—by which they would be enabled to set up four more preſses,
and, which is of very great importance, to appropriate two rooms at
the Stereotype Office to the purposes of drying, &c.
It is proposed to place the Compositors, the Pickers, and the Copper-
Plate Printer in the new house. The sum demanded for the house
* This model has been carelessly lost, or broken up.
D d 2
4O4. COLLECTA WEA.
is 4ooſ. In addition to which it will probably be necessary to
expend Ioof, in repairs.
This provision, however, sufficed for less than thirteen
years:–
[D. M.] April 29, 1825–The partners having reported that in con-
sequence of the increaſed and increaſing demands for Bibles and
Common P-bks they are apprehenſive that the market cannot be
ſupplied unless more room can be obtained for the erection of
warehouſes and other buildings of ſufficient capacity to carry on the
trade, Resolved that it be recommended to the Delegates of the press
to purchaſe a lot of land now for ſale in St. Thomas's parish, on which
the requisite buildings may be erected.
[D. M.] November 2, 1825.-Mess. Collingwood and Parker having
carefully conſidered of the buildings proper for carrying on the increaſed
and increaſing buſineſs of printing bibles and common prayer books,
and Mr. Dan Robertſon architect having made a plan in conformity
with their ſuggestions, the committee ſubmit it to the confideration of
the board, hoping, that, if it be approved, directions may be given for
the preparation of working plans and ſpecifications, and ſubsequently
for obtaining the tenders of builders willing to undertake the work.
The result was the building of the New University Printing-
house in Walton Street, and its occupation in 1830.
It is not necessary to pursue this part of the subject. The
Stanhope iron press was immediately improved upon by other
makers. Its inventor claimed no monopoly, and refused to
protect his invention; indeed, as in the case of Stereotyping,
he almost invited others to exploit it. The Stanhope press
was soon superseded by the Columbian and other iron presses;
and these again were displaced by Cope’s Albion press, which
has a spring in addition to the levers. Cope’s handpress still
holds the field (1896).
V.
INKING WITH ROLLERS.
Simultaneously with his improvements in regard to stereo-
typing and to presses, Lord Stanhope turned his attention to
the mode of inking. Among his papers is a sheet headed—
[S. P.] ‘Specimens of Typography, without the Use of Balls; executed
at the Printing Press lately invented by Earl Stanhope. The Printing
CHARLES EARL STANHOPE & THE OXFORD PRESS. 405
Press made by Mr. Robert Walker, of Vine Street, Piccadilly. The
Inking Roller made by Mr. Charles Fairbone, of New Street, Fetter
Lane. London: Printed by William Bulmer & Co., at the Shakespeare
Printing Office, Cleveland Row, 1803.”
In this sheet the woodcuts appear inked by the new method;
and in a memorandum which has no date Lord Stanhope refers
to ‘the leather of the roller,’ which shows that his rollers were
made of that material, and not of treacle and glue, as now.
Lord Stanhope made experiments with everything which was
likely to do better than leather, but did not achieve complete
success". He also gives receipts for the making of ink; and,
as the scheme for his book shows, he intended to deal with
‘paper*.’ The woodcuts in the specimens are as black as if
they were printed yesterday.
VI.
THE STANHOPE ‘CASES’ AND THE STANHOPE
LOGOTYPES.
While serving the pressman and the stereotyper, Lord
Stanhope did not forget the compositor. He considered that
the ordinary double and triple letters, such as fi and fſi, were
not sufficiently useful as combinations to be retained in the
printer's case ; and that the other letters, the single ones, were
not placed in the cases conveniently. In order to get rid of
the old logotypes, Lord Stanhope wished to alter the shape
* “All that Lord Stanhope so anxiously desired, and which even his inventive
and indefatigable powers could not surmount, was at length achieved by the mere
chance observation of a process in the Staffordshire potteries, in which they use
what are there called dabbers. These were formed of a composition which ap-
peared to possess every requisite for holding and distributing the ink, imparting it
equally over the forme, and being easily kept clean, soft, and pliable. Mr. Forster,
an ingenious printer, then in the employ of Mr. S. Hamilton, at the bookseller's
printing office at Weybridge, was the first who applied it to letter-press printing,
by spreading it, in a melted state, upon coarse canvas; and making balls, in all
other respects in the usual manner. The inventors of printing machinery soon
caught the idea, and by running the composition as a coat upon wooden cylinders,
produced the apparatus so long and unsuccessfully sought by Lord Stanhope,
and without which no machine-printing would ever have succeeded.”—Hansard's
Typographia, p. 623.
* See p. 373.
‘w
4O6 COLLECTA NEA.
of the lower-case f and the weighty reasons which he gave
for the new shape of that letter are very amusing. ‘Man,' he
says, ‘is so much the child of custom, and so much the implicit
admirer of fancied beauty, that I believe that if the human
body generally was very round-shouldered, and if the head
projected considerably beyond the chest, it would, in such
a case, be a deformity to see a man with an upright body,
and carrying his head erect. Having this opinion upon SO
weighty a subject, I was not surprised to meet with objectors
to the proposed alteration in the shape of so humble a servant
of literature as the letter f: readers had so long been ac-
customed to meet her with a downcast head, apparently too
weighty to be supported by her feeble neck, that she failed in
meeting with a welcome reception in assuming the appearance
of strength by carrying her head upright". He devised an
entirely different system of “ logotypes'—i.e. letters joincq
together so as to make a word or part of a word—and relaid the
cases on a new plan. Lengthy columns of figures, on all sorts of
scraps, and designs both rough and finished, remain to show
the vigour and concentration of mind with which he approached
this new scheme. First, he thought that one large case should
contain all the letters—capitals, small letters, points, &c.;
of which case the left-hand corner was notched out, so as to
make room for the compositor's body, and to bring all the
letters within reach of his right arm. Next, Lord Stanhope
changed this plan, and located the capitals and Small letters
in various parts of two separate cases. In his Second design
he determined that the partitions which kept apart the letters
in the case should be sloping and not upright. He thought
that the compositor could pick out the types more easily.
Having worked the idea out on paper, he next, with his usual
thoroughness, had cases made on the new method. But in
this instance also his efforts were not crowned with success.
Two of his logotype cases came to light a few years ago
during some alterations at the Clarendon Press, and no com-
positor had any idea what they were. Search in reference
books, however, revealed that they were figured and described
* Hansard’s Typographia, p. 477.
THE STAN HOPE LOGOTYPES AND CASES
C |D|F|L|M|N|P|R 5 |T|H 2 || || (
ol/ºlco ſo
1|fft|cºla, Álálmılmıldırılºlá
º
E, Iſht| Cé 7.1%
calºa
&|c aſ
I. ORIGINAL SKETCH BY CHARLES EARL STAN HOPE
(AEroza Zhe Sazz/hope Papers)
2. FINAL SKETCH BY CHARLES EARL STANHOPE
(From //e Stanhope Papers)
3. Actual. Logo.TYPE CASE
(From the original at the Clarendon Press)



CHARLES EARL STANHOPE & THE OXFORD PRESS. 407
in Johnson's Typographia, vol. ii. pp. Io.2–3. But, alas !
when the case is tilted up, as it must be in use, all the types
fall out ! A photographic representation of one is given
herewith, together with sketches showing the first and second
ideas of Lord Stanhope.
But just as, in his other ‘inventions, Lord Stanhope was
not the only worker in the field, so was it in the case of his
logotypes. It is a fact (although in these days it seems in-
credible when stated) that the 7-imes newspaper was started
in order to prove—not what a great newspaper Ought to be
—but to show that logotype-printing was the only proper
way to print Mr. Godfrey Walter, the present manager of
the Times, has been good enough to let me see some of the
actual logotypes used by the first John Walter. The story is
short, and bears directly on our subject. In 1782 John Walter,
the founder, printer, conductor, and first editor of the Times,
‘became associated with one Henry Johnson, a compositor,
who entertained original views on the art and method of
printing. For the ordinary moveable types, representing single
letters, Johnson held that an economical substitute could be
found in what were called “ logotypes,” or whole words cast
in type". Mr. Walter ‘was impressed with these improve-
ments; he contributed to complete them, and became, in
concert with Johnson, a patentee of printing by means of
“ logotypes.” He was confident that logotype-printing would
effect a revolution by which both the nation and he would
profit. He founded the newspaper now known as the Zºmes
to prove that newspapers, as well as books, could be printed
far better and more cheaply than by the system in common
use *.’
‘Such was the origin of the 7-imes. Mr. Walter had set up
in business as a printer and publisher on a new typographical
system, and the Daily Universal Register was founded, as a
commercial venture, on the faith of the new system. It was
“printed logographically,” as the title informed its readers; and
Several books, which are frequently advertised in the earlier
* See an account of the Centenary of the Times, given in the issue of Jan. 2,
1888, p. 9.
* AVäneteenth Century for January, 1885, pp. 45, 46.
408 COLLECTA WEA.
numbers of the Times, were also printed by the same method
and published by Mr. Walter in Printinghouse-Square. When
the title was changed, the paper was still printed “ logographi-
cally”; and these words are found on the first page of the
Times throughout the first year of its existence. Never-
theless the logographic system ultimately proved a failure,
and Mr. Walter abandoned it "..’
A similar fate befell the logotypes of Charles Earl Stanhope;
although his confidence in their success was frequently stated.
Papers remain showing how, with infinite pains, he cor-
rected and tabulated all the letters, points, spaces, &c., in
twenty pages of Fnfield’s ‘Speaker, and proved, to his
own satisfaction, that such letters as occurred frequently in
combination, like “and,’ ‘from,’ ‘the,' &c., should be cast in
one piece, and then enormous labour would be saved. Theo-
retically he was right; but the extraordinary size to which
the compositor's case would have had to be increased in order
to give him a sufficient supply of the Stanhope (or indeed
any other) logotypes, proved fatal to the scheme. Logotypes
are not largely used in any printing-office. When they will
save the Compositor labour, it is easy for him to put the word
aside in the act of distributing ; and thus to reserve it for
further use, whether it contains three letters, or two, or four.
This possibility is fatal to logotypes in general, and no doubt
brought about the failure of Lord Stanhope’s system. Here
are some of his calculations:—
[S. P.] FROM an attentive Examination of Twenty Pages of ENFIELD's
SPEAKER, (namely, Page 71 to 9o, both inclusive), it appears that the
Nine following Ligatures, now in Use, occur only the Number of
Times hereafter mentioned :
ff . 28
fi . 5 I These are proposed to be
ffi . 4 printed with separate Types, thus:
fl . IO ff, fi, ffi, fl, ffl. And the Italic
ff. . . . . . 2 thus: //, //, //, &c. instead off,
AE, CE, ae, oe . o fi, ſī, &c.
Total, Only . . . . . 95
* Zºnes, January 2, 1888, p. 9.
CHARLES EARL STANHOPE & THE OXFORD PRESS 409
IF the Eight following new DouBLE LETTERS were, agreeably to
EARL STANHOPE's Plan, to be substituted instead thereof, then the
Number of Lifts saved, in the same Twenty Pages, would be
3o? 3, viz.
th . . . . 77 I 2301 Brought forward.
in . . . . 441 to . . . 279
an . . . . 4 I 3 of . . . 264
re . . . . .385 On . . . 229
Se . . . . 29 I
3073 Total saved.
Carried forward . . . 2301
EARL STANHOPE has contrived Type-Cases on a new Principle, in
order to preserve the Types from Wear, when the Cases become low.
Mr. Keeton, Carpenter, in Brewer Street, Golden Square, has had
an Order to make a great Number of them for the University of Cam-
bridge. They are to be seen at his House. The above-mentioned
DoublE LETTERs, together with the Advantage derived from the new
Cases, may save one Hour in six to the Compositor. This is a Cir-
cumstance of immense Value in all those Instances where DISPATCH is
required. One Upper and one Lower Case, on the new Plan, will
answer well for a Fount of FIVE HUNDRED m's of the new broad-face
Long Primer: and an equal Weight of m's of any other Fount will
nearly correspond thereto. Two Lower Cases, on the new Plan,
contain the Types of THREE Cases on the old Construction. The new
Cases are of the same Length and Breadth as the old, but they are
deeper.
THE Roman Letter, in the following Extract, is a Specimen of the
new BROAD-FACE LONG PRIMER of Caslon and Catherwood, of
Chiswell Street: and the smaller Type, under it, is their new BROAD-
FACE MINION. The new Double LETTERs are added to those Founts.
Those two beautiful Letters are of the right Size for Newspapers.
The broad-face Letter does not drive out, as appears from the follow-
ing Comparison with former narrow-face Letter.
New Type. labcdeighijklmnopgrstuvwryz.: labcdefghijklmnopúrstuvwwyz.:
Old Type: ||abcdefghijklmnopqrstuvwzyz,5:..labcdefgh ijklmnoparstuvvXyz,;:..I
Printed by A. Wilson, Wild Court, Lincoln's Inn Fields.
**
4IO COLLECTA NEA,
VII.
PANTATYPE.
Of this, the last invention mentioned in Lord Stanhope’s
list, only a few details are given in his papers. But in this
connexion the reader is first referred to the curious particulars
given in Foulis’ and Tilloch's patent as to ‘striking or stamp-
ing in metal, clay, or earth, or a mixture of clay and earth".’
Then, there are in the work of Camus Some remarkable details
about copperplates, and of processes for multiplying plates.
Referring to Gengembre, Camus says: “Une autre opération
du Citoyen Gengembre–Opération que je n'hésite pas à
qualifier de découverte—fut la multiplication de planches pour
la gravure en tailledouce. Le résultat était d'obtenir, d'une
Seule planche gravée en creux, plusieurs planches également
gravées en creux, toutes identigues”.’ This Camus calls ‘poly-
typage'; probably it suggested to Lord Stanhope what he
called Pantatype. In the letter of A. Wilson to ‘Authors,
Booksellers, Printers, and Schoolmasters alrcady quoted,
Pantatype is described as ‘universal type-printing.’ It was
perhaps the copying of engraved blocks and plates by stereo-
typing in hard metal. Notice the following fragment:-
[S. P.] Important experimen]ts in Autumn 1811.—Zink equal 3,
& Tin equal 2, good Metal for multiplying engravings; but I brass
& 5 Tin ſtill better, & best yet, for that purpose. Cuts beautifully and
uncommonly fine; ſtands well at oblike Crossings; and does not soil
the Cutter.
Andrew Wilson (i.e. Lord Stanhope) says Pantatype was
invented by Foulis ; and it is classed with Stereotyping, as
though the processes were allied. It is curious that quite
recently the multiplying of engravings by casting in hard
metal * has come again into vogue; and that the inventor of
the process claims for it nearly as much power to withstand
impression as Lord Stanhope claimed for Pantatype.
* See note I, p. 373. * Histoire, &c. p. 476.
* Dalziel's process of copying engravings in relief.
CHARLES EARL STANHOPE & THE OXFORD PRESS. 411
In John Bulwer's Chirologia, 1644, signature A 2, the fol-
lowing lines occur :-
“In Nature's Hieroglyphique grasp'd, the grand
And expresse Pantotype of Speech, the AZand.”
This however has probably no reference to Stanhope’s idea,
but is merely a parallel formation, meaning ‘universal type.”
What then was Pantatype P My own opinion is that,
inspired by the long string of inventions described, and of
inventors catalogued, by Citizen Camus, Lord Stanhope
thought he saw his way to a widespread adoption of what we
now call ‘process’ work; and this of course before photo-
graphy was dreamed of. Stereotypes were to be used instead
of types; hard-metal relief blocks in place of wood-cuts;
intaglio engravings were to be copied and turned into relief
blocks by the processes of Gengembre and others. Books,
drawings, maps, plans, engravings—all were to be capable of
multiplication at their sources, as well as by printing-off
copies. Pantatype was the name he gave to these processes,
which in his own mind he arranged as a series. In that sense
Pantatype would be “universal type-printing.” But he did
not live either to perfect his inventions or to finish his book.
Nevertheless, the services rendered by Charles Earl Stan-
hope to the printers of his day and generation were real and
great ; and their effect remains. If it cannot be said that any
immediate gain accrued to the Universities of Oxford and
Cambridge from his process of stereotyping, that was because
the very terms of agreement upon which he insisted rendered
a practical monopoly impossible". No doubt the sum of
£4,000 paid (with his consent) to Andrew Wilson by the
University of Oxford, together with other sums from the
* ‘Lord Stanhope would never suffer any of his improvements in printing to
become subjects of patent or monopoly. So extremely anxious was he upon this
subject, that, whenever he had anything new in hand, which he found likely to
succeed, his first step was, to take the precaution of entering a notice or caveat at
the Patent Office, to prevent any one else taking advantage of his ideas, and
obtaining a patent. These caveats he regularly renewed at the end of the limited
period.’—Hansard’s Typographia, pp. vi., vii.
4.I2 COLLECTANEA.
University of Cambridge, amounting (as he says) to £3,900'
are included in those calculations of Wilson which have been
printed together with his appeal for more money. But
certainly Lord Stanhope would have none of it; and how
many thousands of pounds in addition were sunk by Charles
Earl Stanhope in his various schemes, will never now be
revealed.
He died in 1816; and the fate of ‘many inventions’ has be-
fallen his processes. Stereotyping, as he understood it, and of
which he wrote in large capitals—the gypsum or plaster process,
that is—has been practically abandoned. The Stanhope iron
handpress was altogether Superseded in a few years; and the
handpress printer has been nearly improved off the face of
the earth by the power of steam and the cylinder printing-
machine. Stanhope type-cases survive only as curiosities; and
the Stanhope logotypes have long since been consigned to the
melting-pot. Doubtless the ready ear and the open purse
of Lord Stanhope brought him impracticable proposals from
plausible schemers. But he did solid good to the Art of
Printing at a time when help was Sorely needed ; and his
association with the ancient Press of the University of Oxford
deserves at least this imperfect record.
|HORACE HART.
* See note, p. 383.
IND EX
INDEX.
——4–4—
Abberbury, see Alberbury.
Abingdon, 6, 276.
Abingdon, James Bertie Ist earl of,
lord lieutenant of Oxfordshire, corre-
spondence between him and Henry
2nd earl of Clarendon, 245–278.
Academy, the, cited, 249, 261.
Aclyff (de Acley), John (c. 1380),
account of him, 23.
Act of Parliament, granting aids to
Henry VII, 161.
Act of Supply (IA85), 9o, I60.
Acts of Resumption, 85, 89, 155–16I.
Adam de Claghton, his son Ralph, Ioo.
Adam de Lymbergh, clerk, II6, II 7.
Adam de Murimath, 9, Io.
Adam de Toneworth, Chancellor of
Univ. of Oxf., 143, 149.
Adam de Weston (I312), 89, II.4.
Adams, –, of Hertford coll. (1829),
342.
Adams, dr., fellow of Magdalen College,
28I.
Adams, Andrew, of Welton, 281.
— his daughter Katherine, 281.
Adams, rev. Knightley, 339.
Addington (Adyngton), see Stephen de
Addington.
Addison, printed works of, 381.
Adlard, W., printer, 398.
AEgidius (Egidius), Super libros Physi-
cozºzt/2, mS., 235.
Agas’s map of Trin. Coll., 48.
Agathon, hermit, 207.
Akeley, see Oakley, co. Bucks.
Albemarle, 2nd duke of (Christopher
Monk), 257, 26o.
Alberbury (Abberbury), 158.
Albertus, list of manuscripts of, 234.
— price of a MS. of, 219.
Aldrich, Henry, dean of Ch. Ch., 327,
336.
Alexander IV, pope, 201.
Alexander, Johannes, Super epidimica
}%0cračás, ms., 243.
Alford (Old Ford º), near London, bp.
Hatfield's house at, I2.
Alfred, king, I44, 288.
Algazel, ms., 37.
Aliens, seizure of their lands into the
King's hands (14th cent.), 99.
Allertonshire, lordship of, co. York, I5.
Alnewick, William, bp. of Lincoln, his
Official (1443), 64.
Alsace, 377.
Altisidorus, Summa, ms., 228.
Alverton, 56, 59, 65.
— church of, 61.
— vicar of, 63.
Ambrose, St., Z)a bono morås, ms., 228;
price of the ms., 218.
Amherst, N., his Zerra ſilius cited,
284, 290, 295, 313, 318, 323, 326,
332-334.
Amice, a Jewess, her appeal against
a Scholar of Oxford, 93.
Anaxagoras, 196.
Anchorano, P. de, see Petrus de Ancho-
Iſa, Il O.
Andreas, Johannes, manuscripts of, 237,
239.
Andrew de Wormenhale, 122, 123.
Andrew, Richard, Warden of All Souls .
Coll., I59.
Annales de Osemeia cited, 95.
Anne, queen, 265.
Anselmus, Libré Azzselmi, mss., 37,
220.
Aiº, Hugh, 58.
Apocalypse, high price of a MS., 219.
Appleby (Appilby, Appylby), co. Leic.
and Derb., 34. -
— church of, II ; appropriation of, 30.
Appylby, William, account of him,
24.
Aquinas, see Thomas de Aquino.
Archer, J., of Dublin, 375.
Argyle, earl of, 259, 26o, 263.
Aristotle, 196.
— list of manuscripts of, 234.
4I6
COLLECTA/WEA.
Aristotle, commentaries upon Aristotle's
works, mss., 37.
— his Aſſistory of Animals cited, 369.
— influence of, 22 I.
Arlington, earl of (Henry Bennet), his
daughter, 258.
Armagh, Archbp. of, see Fitzralph,
Richard.
Armstrong, Jane, 267.
Armstrong, Sir Thomas, 267, 268.
Arran, Charles earl of, Chancellor of
Univ. of Oxford, 286, 344, 346.
— letter from, to lord Carteret, 288.
Aswardby, Roger, Master of Univ. Hall,
I45.
Atkinson, Lawrence, manciple, 7 I.
Attemore, Benedict, is killed (1290),
IOO.
Attorney-General (P. Yorke), report of
(1723–4), 297–299, 343.
Atwell, dr. Joseph, F.R.S., 296, 3o4.
— elected Rector of Exeter, 301.
— resigns his Rectorship, 307
Aubrey, John, 20.
Aubrey de Vere, see Oxford, earl of.
Augmentation office, 21.
Augustine, St., ZJe Civitate Dež, price of
the MS., 218.
— list of various manuscripts of, 36, 37.
— list of manuscripts of, given to New
College, 223, 226, 228–233.
— Super Psalterium, ms, Io, 39.
Augustinian Canons, 47.
Augustinian Constitutions (1339), 33.
— Black Canons of the Augustinian
Order, petition for a grant of pro-
perty in Oxford, to build a house
there, 89, I53.
Aukland, John, bursar of Durham Coll.,
his accounts for I 462–5; 61–65.
— payment to, I5.
— as warden of Durham Coll., 25.
Aungerville, Richard, see Richard de
Bury.
Aungerville library, see under Durham.
Averroes, Collecta, ms., 243.
Avicenna, Canonz Azºice????ae, ms., 243.
— Ząbrz maturales Azicenne, mS., 37.
Avignon, bull dated from, 3I.
Avon, river, 265.
Axminster, 257.
Axminster Book, the, 257.
Aylesbury, Thomas 2nd earl of, his
secret mission to France, 268; Me-
moirs of, cited, 268.
Ayloffe, or Ayliffe, 262, 263.
Ayrmynne, see William de Ayrmynne.
Azo, Zºe Szémma, ms., 24.I.
B., Mr., see Bowles, Joseph, fellow of
Oriel.
Bacon, John, keeper of the King's Signet,
34.
Bacon, Roger, 98, 193.
Bailey, Thomas, 296.
Baldus, Opus Bald? . . ., ms., 24.I.
— A'effertorium suffer Speculo, and other
mSS., 238.
Bale, John, quoted, 208.
Bamborough, 47.
Bamburgh (Baumburgh), see Thomas de
Bamburgh.
Bampton, 255.
Bangor, bp. of (1805), see Cleaver,
William.
Bard, see Beard.
Bardney abbey, 47.
Barillon, ‘Mathieu’ (? Matthews) of, 268.
Baring, Thomas, M. P., vii.
Barnard, dr., Head Master of Eton, 367.
Barnes, Frederick, Junior Proctor (1805),
82.
Barnwell (Bernewell), co. Cambr., 157.
Bartholomaeus, De proprietafe rerum,
mSS., 228, 234.
— Practica, ms., 242.
Bartholomeus Bryzensis, ms., 239.
Bartholomew de Feretino, Io?.
Bartholus, Dominus, Super tribus libris
extraord, ms., 24.I.
Barton, Richard, monk of Durham, 24,
5I, 65.
Basle, 35, 381.
Bath, 266, 267.
Bath and Wells, bishops of, see d
Ken, Thomas.
Skirlaw, Walter.
Bathurst, Ralph, president of Trin. Coll.,
8
4ö.
Beard (Bard), Thomas, 255, 262, 269,
276.
Beauchamp (Beuchamp, Beucham), in
the Oxford riot, 184, I86.
Beaufort, Henry Somerset 3rd marq. of
Worcester, afterwards duke of, 260,
263, 264.
Beaumont, see Lewis de Beaumont.
Becket, Thomas, archbp. of Canterbury,
2 O.
Beda, Omeliae, ms., 223.
— Super Genesima . . ., ms., 37.
Bede, –, I44.
Bedeford, see John de Bedeford.
Bedlington, church of, 34.
Beechcroft, tithes of, 95.
Beel, see Bell, Richard.
Bek, Anthony, bp. of Durham, 7.
Bell, John, of Botilston, attorney, 24,
57.
Bell (Beel, Bele), Richard, warden of
Durham College, afterw. bp. of Car-
lisle, 5, 16, 17, 55.
IAWMDEX.
417
Beltoft, William, 41.
Benedict XII, pope, Constitutions of,
7, 8, 26, 27, 32, 33, 35.
Benedictine abbeys, 19.
Benedictine monasteries, visitor of, see
Burnby, John.
Benedictines, the, 6, I5, 17, 23, 47.
Bennett, dr. Robert, bursar of Durham
abbey, 67, 70.
Bensley, Thomas, printer, 382, 383,
386–39 I, 394, 398, 399, 402.
Benson, William (1459–79), I8.
Benton, Long, see Mickle Benton.
Benvenutus Graphaeus, De medicina
oczt/orum, ms., 243.
Bereford, see John de Bereford, and
William de Bereford.
Berewey, co. Cambr., 156.
Berington, John, see John de Berington.
Berington (or de Walworth), Robert,
prior of Durham, I 2, 34.
Berks, county of, I 51.
Bernard, St., Rule of, 194.
— Bernard and Benedict, 200.
— Sermozzes, ms., 228.
— Sermones . . . cum meditacionibus,
mS., 225.
— De methodo curand; morbos, ms., 243.
Bernewell, see Barnwell.
Bernwood forest, I 31.
Bertie, Charles, 257, 27I, 274.
Bertie, Henry, 255, 257.
Bertie, James lord Norreys, afterw. earl
of Abingdon, 247.
— see also Abingdon, James earl of.
Bertie, Richard, 257, 261.
Berton, John, I47.
Berwick, Suffragan bishop of, see Sparke,
Thomas.
Berwick, lord (d. 1842), 247.
Beryngton, see Berington.
Beuchamp, see Beauchamp.
Beverley, collegiate church of St. John
of, 62.
— see John de Beverley.
Biardus, /)istinctiones, ms., 229.
Bible, Latin, list of Manuscripts of the
Bible, New Testament, and separate
Books, with Commentaries, 39, 4o,
223, 225–23O.
— prices of manuscripts of, 219.
— inſlueuue Uſ Ilie Bible, 22 1.
— the Bible, New Test., &c., printed
by J. Van der Mey, 374.
— the printing of it in the stereotype
process, 386, 388, 389, 39 I.
Bignal, near Bicester, 2.75.
Bignell, sir —, grant to Hert Hall by,
309.
Billington, John, manuscripts given by
him to New College, 236.
Bingham (Byngham), 14.
Bishops of London, Ely, St. David's,
Chichester and Salisbury, deputed to
settle dispute between the Univer-
sity of Oxford and the Doctors and
Students of Law, 14o; their decision
confirmed, I 4o.
Blackburne, Lancelot, bp. of Exeter,
289, 297.
Bºok (Blaktoft), chapel of, 61, 62,
4.
— chaplain of, 62.
— close in, 63.
Blackwood, William, 376.
Blades, Messrs., 26o.
Blades, William, 399 (note).
— author of the Zife of Caxton, 397.
Bladon (Bladene), wood in, called Burg-
wele, 97.
Blaew, Joan, printer, 398.
Blaew, or Blaeuw (Bleau), William
Janszoon, mapmaker and printer, 398,
4OO.
Blakiston, rev. Herbert E. D., vi, 192.
— editor of Some /Jurham College rol/s,
1–76.
Blakiston, Marmaduke, commoner of
Trin. Coll. (I579), 25.
Blakiston (Blaykeston), see William de
Blakiston.
Blaklaw (Blaklow), see Robert de Blak-
law.
Blaktoft, see Blacktoft.
Bliss, dr. Philip, his ed. of Wood's Fasti
cited, 277.
Blount, or Blunt, 67-69.
Bluntesdon-Broad (Bluntesdene), land
In, 97.
Boase, rev. C. W., 168, 171, 175.
— his Oxford, Hist. Towns series, cited,
I 37.
— his Ā’egist. Coll. Æxon. cited, 295,
3o I, 307, 316.
— his Aegist. Oniz. Oxf. cited, 55, 7o
7I.
Bodyn, Robert, grant of house from, 98.
Boethius, Arsimetrica (sic), ms., 235.
— /)e consolacione philosophiae, ms.,
234.
— Aoycius super Zogicam, ms., 37.
Boldon (Bolton), see Uthred de Boldon.
BUlugua (Duluyue), 35.
Bolton, co. Northumb., 208.
Aozzaze???ura, ms., 229.
— Scriptum super 2".
mS., 4O.
Boniface VIII, pope, tenth imposed by
him on the Clergy, Io?.
Boniface IX, pope, I4.
— bull of (I 396), its cost, 64.
Bossall, see Burstall, priory of.
Sentenciarum,
III. E e
4.18
CO/LLECT4 NEA.
Botfield, Beriah, his Catalogi vett. libó.
eccl. Dunelm. cited, 35.
Botilston, see Bell, John, of Botilston.
Bouvier, —, a “filigraniste, 377, 378.
Bowes, Robert, his AVotes on Ozziz.
printers of Cambridge cited, 383.
Bowke, John, warden of New College,
manuscripts, vestments, &c. given by
him to New College, 232, 233.
Bowles, Joseph, fellow of Oriel College,
29O.
Boyd, dr. Henry, principal of Hertford
Coll., vii.
Boyne, battle of the, 268.
Bradewardina, see Thomas de Bradwar-
dine.
Brahé, Tycho, 398.
Bramston, Sir J., his Autobiography
cited, 255, 268.
Brantingham, church of, 8, 18, 61.
— expenses of (1462–3), 62, 63.
— advowson of, 64; its appropriation
to Durham College, 64.
— vicar of, see Benson, William.
Braundene, see Simon of Braundene,
and Thomas of Braundene.
Brent, Roger, lord of the manor of
Thrupp, 253.
Brent, Thomas, 242.
Bridgeman, Mr., 270.
Bridgeman, John, bp. of Chester, 262.
Tºridgeman, sir Orlando, Lord Keeper,
262.
Bridgeman, William, account of him,
262.
Bridgewater, 26o, 272-274.
Bridlington, Prophetiae, ms., 224.
Bridport, 268.
Brill (Brehulle), 89, 131.
Brill, E. J., bookselling firm at Leiden,
373.
Bristol, 26o, 263.
Bristol, bp. of, see Conybeare, John.
Bristow, John, chaplain of St. Stephen's
Coll., Westminster, 242.
British Museum, see under London.
Brito, Super dictiones difficiles Biblie,
mS., 37.
Brixham, 248.
Brocas, family of, III.
Brodrick, hon. G. C., his Memorials of
Merton cited, I47, 204.
Brown (Brun), Geoffrey, wrongfully
imprisoned, 94.
Brown (Brun), John, scholar of Oxford,
his petition to the King, 93; is par-
doned, 94.
— his mother and brother, 94.
Brown (Brun), Mary, petition on her
behalf, 94.
Browne, J., printer, 398.
Brudenell, lady Frances, married to 2nd
Earl of Newburgh, 265.
Bruges, 75.
Brun, see Brown, John.
Brunyng, William, 33.
Brussels, 255.
— letter dated from, 256.
— the duke of Monmouth at, 256.
‘Brutus the Trojan,’ 176.
Buckingham, county of, 355.
Buckingham, see John of Buckingham.
Bullingdon hundred, 65.
Bulmer, William, & Co., printers, 379,
4O5.
Buloyne, see Bologna.
Bulwer, John, his Chirologia (1644)
cited, 4II.
Burdon, see Geoffrey de Burdon.
Burghersh, Henry, bp. of Lincoln, I I.
Burghwell (Burgwele), in the forest of
Whichwood, 97, 98.
Burgon, Dean, his Zizes of Zwelve Good
Mezz cited, 247.
Burleus, Gualterus, 73.
— ZJe £ote?????s animae, ms., 235.
— Super libros A'hysicorum, ms., 235.
— Ozz Aristotle's Physics, price of the
MS., 219.
Burnby, John, S.T.P., Trinity Coll.
(c. 1450), 16, 17, 34, 49–52, 54, 55.
— account of him, 24.
— payment to (1436), I5.
— elected Prior of Durham (1456), 49.
Burnel, William, dean of Wells, his
executors and the Scholars of Balliol,
complaint of their obstruction to his
will, I off.
— his gifts to Balliol Coll., 89, IoS,
Ioé.
Burnet, Gilbert, bp. of Salisbury, 335.
Burrows, prof. M., editor of Collectazzea
vols. II, III; ix.
— his Aſist, of the family of Brocas of
A'eaurepaire cited, I I I.
— his Worthies of All Souls cited,
276.
Burstall (Bossall), priory of, in Holder-
ness, I 3, 14, 18, 34.
— church of, 56, 61, 62 ; advowson of,
I 3.
Burton, Robert, archdn. of Northumbd.
(1421 and I427), 55.
— his gift of a Psalter to Durham Col-
lege (1456), 51.
Burton, Robert (Nathaniel Crouch), his
Scotland cited, 27I.
Burton, Thomas, manuscripts given by
him to New College (1449), 23.I.
Bury, Parliament held at, I 57.
Bury, see Richard de Bury.
Buryton, rector of, see Wykeham, John.
INDEX.
4I9
Butler, James, see Ormonde, James
duke of.
Byrom, John, 268.
C., see R. de C.
Cadell, T., publisher, 375.
Cainsham (Cansham), see Keynsham.
Calderinus, Johannes, Quaestiones, ms.,
24.I.
— Super . . . /9ecretalia, 238.
Calendar of Patent A’olls cited, 75.
Caley, Richard, payment to, I 5.
Caly, Thomas, S.T.B., bursar and
afterw. warden of Durham College,
24.
— his accounts for I462–3; 61–65.
Cambridge, County of 90.
— grant of lands in, I 57.
Cambridge, Town of, 88, I 55, I 57.
— Arch. Aſist. of, cited, 6.
— petitions from the burgesses of, 82.
Cambridge, University of, 383,389, 412.
— exempted from a charge to the
subsidy (1496), I61.
— petition from, against the Friars,
I 39.
*s *ition. from, to Parliament, 82.
— request for relief of, 15I.
— printer to the University of, 383, 387.
— R. Bowes’ Moſes on the Unizersity
printers cited, 383.
— Chancellor, &c. of, petition of, I 36.
— Chancellor of, I55.
Cambridge, Corpus Christi Coll., 216.
— Emmanuel College, 309.
— King's College, 305.
— — grant of lands to, I 57.
— St. Catharine's hall, 216.
— — Catalogue of the MSS. in, 216.
— St. John’s College, Catalogue of the
MSS. of, 216.
— Trinity College, 305.
— — librarian of, I88.
— Trinity Hall, 305.
Cambridge Antiq. Society, 216.
Campeden, see John of Campeden.
Camus, Armand Gaston, 371, 377, 378,
4IO.
— account of him, 369.
— his Memoir on the Aſistory . . . of
Polytypography and Stereography
cited, 370.
Candeur (Candever), see Robert of
Candeur.
Cannon, Capt., 27 I.
Canterbury, Archbps, of, 16, 14o, 336.
— Archbp. of, petition touching disputes
as to his right of visitation of the
Univ. of Oxf., 152.
— touching his visitation of the Scholars
of Queen's hall, Oxf., I53.
Canterbury, Archbps. of, see
Chichele, Henry.
Parker, Matthew.
Sudbury, Simon.
Wareham, William.
— clergy of the province of, 148.
Carey, Joseph, printer at Toul, 377,
378.
Carleton, Capt., Memoirs of, cited, 271.
Carlisle, cathedral of, burials in, 24.
Carlisle, bp. of, 16. -
— see also Bell, Richard.
Carpenter, James, fellow of Hertford
College, 341.
Carter, dr. George, provost of Oriel
College, 290.
Carteret, lord, Secretary of State (1723–
24), 288, 344, 346.
Cartwright, J. J., his Memoirs of Sir /.
A'eresój, cited, 272, 275.
— his Wentworth papers cited, 255.
Cary, Richard, 122, 123.
Case, Thomas Wilmot, 356.
Caslon, types cast by, 379.
Castell, Thomas, warden of Durham
Coll. (I487–94), 2I.
Castell, Thomas, S.T.P., warden of
Durham Coll. (1511); afterw. prior
of Durham, 21, 25.
Castre, see Geoffrey de Castre.
Catherwood, types cast by, 379.
Catholico?? Anglicanum, ed. by E. Eng.
Text Soc., 41.
Catryke, John, I4.
Caustre, see Geoffrey de Castre.
Cave, W., his A/?sz. Ziff. cited, 201.
Cawthorne, William, S.T.P., warden of
Durham Coll., afterw. prior of Fin-
chale, 25.
Caxton, Blades' Zife of, cited, 397.
Caxton Exhibition, the, 373.
— Catalogue of the Caxton AExhibition
cited, 397.
Cay, Dr. Thomas, 9.
Ceu, see Richard le Ceu.
Chabeham, see Chobham, T.
Chaldewell, John, clerk, grant from,
I56.
Chambre, see William de Chambre,
Chancellor of England, 86.
— certificate to be sent to him, of ex-
communications by the Chancellor
of Oxford, 96.
— on certifying names of excommuni-
cated persons in Oxford to him, I21,
I 22.
Chancellors of England, see also
John de Sendale.
John de Thoresby.
Scrope, Richard.
William de Ayrmynne.
E e
2.
42O
COLLECTA NEA.
Chancery, 96, 148.
— negligence of a clerk of, I 24.
Charles II, king, 254.
— death of 254.
Charlett, dr. Arthur, master of University
College, 251, 285, 286.
Charlotte, queen, wife of George III,
375.
cion (Carlton), the two ‘noble
brothers’ (I 35%), 169, 184, 186.
Charlton, see also
Humphrey de Charlton.
John de Charlton.
Ludovic de Charlton.
Chaucer's Canterbury Zales cited, 193,
2OO.
Chaundler, Thomas, warden of New
College, 232.
Chedzoy on Sedgemoor, rector of, 250.
Cheek, col., lieutenant of the Tower,
255.
Chester castle, 257.
Chester, earl of, I'76.
Chester, bp. oſ, see Bridgeman, John.
Chester, colonel, his ed. of Westminster
Abbey registers, 278.
Chesterton, co. Cambr., I 57.
Chevalier's Sources histor. du moyen
£ge cited, 20I.
Chevening house, stereotype office, near
Sevenoaks, 364, 387, 388.
— letter dated from, 402.
Cheyne, Laurence, grant from, I 56.
Chichele (Chicheley), Henry, archbp. of
Canterbury, payment by, to the
Crown, I 59.
— his Cistercian College of St. Bernard,
Oxford, 192.
Chichester, diocese of, 222.
Chichester, bp. of, see Rede, William
(d. 1385).
Chimus, Domžizzes, see Domenichino.
Chippenham, 26o.
Chobham, T., Summa Z. Chaffeham
de Prima, ms. , 236.
Chrysostomus, Joannes, list of manu-
scripts of, 223, 226.
Church services, 3 II.
Churchill, John lord (afterw. Duke of
Marlborough), 249, 257, 258, 260,
263, 266.
Cicero, Rethorica Zºullii, ms. , 235.
Cistercian monks, 61, 63, 205, 206.
— see also Oxford, St. Bernard’s College.
Claghton, see Adam de Claghton.
Clare, rev. Thomas George, Junior
Proctor, Oxf., 385, 387.
Clare, William, 356.
Clarendon, Edward Hyde earl of, chan-
cellor of Univ. of Oxf. (1661–67),
365.
Clarendon, Edward Hyde earl of, his
Aſistory of the A’ebellion, profits from
the sale of copies of, 365.
Clarendon, Henry Hyde 2nd earl of,
Keeper of the Privy Seal, High
Steward of the Univ. of Oxf., account
of him, 247.
— Correspondence of Henry earl of
Clarendon and James earl of Abing-
doze, 1683–85, ed. by C. E. Doble,
245–278.
— extract from Bp. of Oxford’s letter to
him, 259.
— his Diary cited, 261.
— the Clarendon Correspondence cited,
259, 262, 269.
Clark, rev. Andrew, his Colleges of
Oxford cited, 3.
— his ed. of Wood's Zife and 7%mes
cited, II, 48, IoS, III, 190, 202, 248,
253, 257, 274, 276.
Clarke, George, fellow of All Souls
college, M.P. for the Univ. of Oxf.,
285.
Clarke, J. S., his Zife of /ames ZZ cited,
254, 273.
Claxton, see Richard de Claxton.
— see Robert de Claxton.
Claymond, Francis, 68.
Claymond, John, 59.
Cleaver, William, bp. of Bangor, 383,
385, 387.
Clemens, Libri Clementinarum, mss.,
236-230, 242.
— A pistolae, ms. , 228.
Clement VI, pope, application from the
University of Cambridge to, I 36.
Clergy, to be resident in their benefices,
except Clerks at Oxford and Cam-
bridge, I56.
Close and Patent Rolls, 81, 84, IoI.
Clyff, George, S.T.B., rector or warden
of Durham Coll., Io, 22, 68.
— his accounts for I54I-2; 67.
Coad, John, his Memorandum of the
wonderful frozidences of Godcited,258.
Cobb, the, 26 I.
Cockman, Thomas, fellow of University
College, 287.
Coker, Ralph, 71.
Colchester, lord, 268.
Coldingham, 6, II, 33, 34, 41, 56.
— payments from (1360–74), II.
— priors of, 23, 24, 59.
Col/aciozzes Abbaſzºme, ms., 40.
Collectanea I, ZZ (O. H. S.), cited, 216.
Colledge, Stephen, the Protestant joiner,
2.53.
Collingwood, Samuel, printer, 386, 391,
394, 4C3, 4O4.
Cologne, 35.
INDEX.
42I
Colston, 59.
Columbian press, the, 404.
Comings, Mr., of Hertford coll., 337.
Compton, Henry, bp. of London, 281,
282.
Confessions, commission to hear, II.
Constable, A., publisher, 375.
Constance, Council of, IQI.
Convention Parliament, the, 255.
Conway, E. (1723), 344.
Conway, hon. H. S., 368.
Conybeare, dr. John, fellow of Exeter
Coll., afterw. Dean of Ch. Ch., then
Bp. of Bristol, 288, 296–299, 301, 316,
327, 337.
— his Calumny refuted cited, 284, 286,
289-3oo, 304–306, 308.
Cooke, Joseph, printer, 382, 383, 387,
389, 394, 398, 399, 492, 403.
Cooper, Sir Anthony Ashley, 277.
Cope, his Albion press, and handpress,
4O4.
Cordova, leather of, I 2 I.
Corinius, 176.
Cork, assault on, 258.
Cornbury, 253.
Cornwaille, Richard, and his wife Isabel,
45.
Cornwall, earl of, see Peter de Gaveston.
— see also Edmund, 7th earl of Cornwall.
Cornwall, duke of, see Edward, prince
of Wales.
Cote, parish of Bampton, 255.
Cotes, Digby, of All Souls Coll., 283.
Cotgrave, manor of, I 3, 56, 60.
Coton, co. Cambr., I 57.
Cotton, sir R., ms. of, I88.
Cotton, Richard Lynch, D.D., 247.
Council, petitions to the King and, see
Edward I, II, III, and Richard II.
Coventry (Cowyntre), 14.
Coventry, Thomas, grant from, I 56.
Cowie, G. E., B.D., 216.
Cowie, rev. Morgan, M.A., 216.
Coxe, rev. Henry O., his Catalogus Codd.
AZSS.... in Collegiis Aulisque Oxon.
cited, 215–217.
Craik, H., his Zife of Swift cited, 266.
Crayk (Crake), Robert, 23, 34, 47, 5o.
— gift by him, 42.
Cromdale, 271.
Cromwell, Thomas lord, letter to, 217.
Cunningham, Mr., printer, of South-
ampton, 397.
Cuthbert, St., tomb of, 59.
— Vita, ms., 37.
Dacre (Dakyr), lord of, his pasture in
South Holland (near Frampton), 65.
Aaily universal register, the, founded,
4O7.
Dalrymple, quoted, 266, 27I, 273.
D'Alton, his Anglish Army Zists cited,
26I, 27 I, 278.
— his Aſſistory of the Wrays of Glenz-
worth cited, 250.
Dalziel, his process of copying engrav-
IngS, 4 IO.
Danvers, Thomas, sheriff of Oxford and
Berks, asks for £20 in respect of
Oxford Castle, II 3.
Dartmouth, lord, 27.I.
Darton and Harvey, printers, 379.
Davenport, John M., his Zords Zieuten-
ant, &c., of Oxfordshire cited, 247,
253, 277.
David II, of Scotland, 165, I 74.
Davies, Mr., Vice-Principal of Hert
hall, 291.
Davies, W., printer, 375.
Dawell, William, his death and funeral
at Islip (1478), 17.
Dawne, George, 242.
Dawson, W., printer, 382, 383, 389.
Z)ecreta, list of manuscripts of, 236–
24O.
— price of one of the MSS., 219.
— A'ar ZDecretorum, mss., 39.
Decretales, 35.
— list of manuscripts of, 235–240, 242.
— ms. of pledged, 38.
ZDecrétales novae, ms., 39.
Delisle, Léopold, his Cabinet des MSS.
de la Bibl. AVationale cited, 2 I6.
Denison, William, fellow of University
Coll., 287; elected Master, 287.
Denton, Thomas, grant from, I 56.
Derby, earl of (Edward Geoffrey Stanley)
Chancellor of the Univ. of Oxf., 247,
248.
* ºte: from, to the Vice-Chancellor
of Oxford, 252.
Derlington, see Hugh de Derlington.
Derwent, the, I 3.
Derwentwater, earls of, 9.
Desaguliers, John Theophilus, 356.
Despencer, see Hugh le Despencer.
Devon, 262.
A)ictionary of Mational Biography, the,
cited, 6, 7, 247, 249, 263, 264, 268,
275.
Didot, Firmin, 377, 378 ; see also
Firmin-Didot et Cie.
Didot, François, François-Ambroise,
and Jules, 378.
Didot, Pierre, printer at Paris, 377, 378.
Didot, Pierre-François, 378.
Digby, John, M.A., 352.
A)igesta, list of manuscripts of, 241–
242.
ZJigestume vetus, ms., 35.
Dineley, Thomas, 26o.
422
COLLECTA WEA.
Dioscorides, De summa medicina, ms.,
243.
Disney, William, his execution, 264.
Doble, C. E., ix.
— editor of Correspondence of Henry
earl of Clarendoza and James earl
of Aðingdon, 245–278.
Dodeford, see John of Dodeford.
D'Oilli (D'Oilgi), Robert, founds the
church of St. George in Oxford castle
(Io?4), 95.
Domenichino, ms., 24O.
Dorchester, 276.
Dorne's printed books in Collectanea Z,
IZ cited, 216.
Dorsetshire militia, 257.
Doyle, dr. Conan, ix.
Drayton, his Polyolbion cited, 176.
Dublin, Trinity College, Queen Eliza-
beth at, 389.
Du Cange, C. Dufresne, sieur, cited, 48,
55, I71, 173, I?7, I 78, 187.
Duckett, sir G., his Zetters of the Duke
of Monmouth cited, 262.
Dudley, Robert, see Leicester, earl of.
Du Fresne, see Du Cange.
Dugdale's Monasticon cited, 97–99, I43,
I93, 205.
Dumbelton, 9 Partes /)atmöelton, ms.,
Duncan, Thomas, fellow of Merton,
physician to Earl of March (I4O4), 19.
— his room (I428), 46.
Dunce, ſee Duns Scotus.
Dundee, 271.
Dunkan, see Duncan.
Dunkeld, 271.
Duns Scotus, 193, 217, 227.
— manuscripts of, 234.
Durandus, A’effortorium, ms., 237.
Duras, Louis, see Feversham, earl of.
Durell, David, fellow, afterw. principal,
of Hertford College, and Vice-Chan-
cellor of Oxf., 340, 342.
Durham (Duresme), 13, 58, 66, 70, 194,
2O2.
St. Oswald's at, 43, 47, 51.
— two chantries there, 47.
Durham cathedral monastery, 6, 35, 72.
Prior and Convent of, grant to, 7.
— inquisition respecting their lands
at Oxford, 7.
— list of books sent by them to
Durham Coll. at Oxford (1395),
39; (1499), 40.
Priors of, 8, 41, 58, 72.
the Prior commissions a Prior of the
Oxford hall to hear confessions, 29.
Sub-Priors of, 24, 40, 55, 71.
Chamberlain of (1406), 39.
Bursar of (I542), 70.
Durham Cathedral Monastery,
officers of, 56.
almoners of 24, 25.
Sacrist of, 24.
feretrarius at, 24, 40.
librarian of, 3, 24.
Catalog i zett. Zióð. eccl. Dunelm., ed.
Botfield, 35. -
Aungerville library at, 73.
Cloister books, list of (1395), 38.
books sent from, to Durham college,
Oxford, 5.
Cloister catalogue of books (1395),
4O.
“Spendement,’ the Chancery, 38.
Spendement catalogues (1391 and
I496), 38, 40.
the common book-case, of the Spen-
dement or the Cloister, 4o.
their title deeds of the Oxford site, 73.
Treasury, the, 38.
Aeodarium ???oratus Dumelm., 73.
Infirmarius at, 40.
inventory of their movable property
(1428), 41–49;-(1456), 49–55.
a parler at, 66.
St. Helen's chapel in, 25.
East gate of, 25.
Cells of, see Coldingham, Finchale.
Novices at school there, 16; those
‘apt to learning’ sent to Oxford,
IO,
visitation held there (1438), 48.
counterseal of the Convent (1380),
26.
surrender of the Convent, 26.
burials in the cathedral, 24, 25.
Durham, Bishops of, 15, 16, 18.
— see also
Bek, Anthony.
Fordham, John.
Hatfield, Thomas.
Neville, Robert.
Richard de Bury.
— list of Bishops and Priors of, 4.
— Boy-bishop, the, I 7.
— Registers of, 6, 8, 15.
— Registry at, 66.
Dean and Chapter of, I 5, 26, 35, 6o,
I.
— their rolls in the Treasury, 3.
Dean of (1541–8), 25, 70.
— see also Whithead, Hugh.
Chancellor of, 55, 74.
Chancellor (afterw. Shrine-keeper) of,
see Robert de Lanchester.
Prebendaries of, 70, 71.
DURHAM COLLEGE, or Durham Hall,
Oxford (now Trinity College).
— styled the ‘College of Monks of
Durham studying at Oxford, 3.
IAWDEX. 423
DURHAM COLLEGE:
Durham hall, founded by prior Hugh
de Derlington, 28.
a cell of the monastery of Durham, 6.
Scheme for, 21, 22.
its site (before 1291), 7.
title deeds of the site, at Durham, 73.
bp. Fordham’s licence for erecting it,
3I.
estates assigned to, consisting of
appropriated rectories, I 7, 18.
status of the college (1315), 35–38;
(1428), 41–49; (1456), 49-55.
appropriation of Appleby church to
(1362), 3o.
bull from Innocent VI to (1358), 30.
intention of the Pope in establishing
the Prior Studentium, 32.
Some Durham College rolls, ed. by
rev. H. E. D. Blakiston, I-76;
contents, 2.
— account of them, 3–22 ; catalogue
of their contents, 4 segg.
— chronological summary (I286–
I553), 26.
seals from Durham College rolls, 26.
accounts of the College (compoti)
(1392–3), 56–61.
— (1462–3), 61–65.
— (I464), 65, 66.
— (1541–42), 67–71.
sºon seal of the College (1438),
20.
Priors of Durham College, I 5, 17, 21,
24-27, 29, 34. -
— list of the Priors, Wardens or
Rectors of, 23–25.
— Prior Oxoniae, or Prior Studen-
tium, 8.
— Jurisdiction of the Prior of the
Students (I422), 27–35.
— Responsiones contra Priorem Stu-
dentium (1422), 27–35.
— letter to the Prior (c. 1316), 74–76.
— quarrel of the Prior of the Students
(c. 1422), 76.
Wardens of, 8, II, I5, 16, 2 I, 65, 66,
67.
— the Warden allowed a proctor at
the synods of Abp. of York and Bp.
of Lincoln, 64.
— furniture in the Warden's room
(1428), 46, 47; (1456), 54.
Wardens and Bursars of, their ac-
counts (1389–1433), 4, 5.
Bursars of, I 5, 39–41.
Fellows of, 67.
— allowed travelling expenses (1401),
65.
— a Fellow's funeral at Oxford, with
distribution of alms, 17.
DURHAM COLLEGE :
Secular Scholars, 67.
the Feretrarius, Camerarius and Com-
munarius of, I 1.
cooks of, 68, 69, 71.
Chapel, the, 5, 26, 58, 63, 73.
— expenses in building or rebuilding
it (IAO6–8), 71, 72.
— inventory of vestments, &c. there
(1428), 42, 43; (1456), 50, 51.
— burials in, 24.
Hall, the, 63, 74.
— furniture in, 43, 52.
Library, the, 9, 2 I, 26.
list of books sent to, 26.
catalogue of books there (c. 1380), 73.
manuscripts sent to the College (c.
I4oo), 38–40 ; (1409), 40, 41.
catalogue of ornaments and books
belonging to (1315), 36.
‘perloquitorium,’ articles in the, 53.
Treasury, the, jocalia (plate and
valuables) kept in, 45, 48, 53, 55.
— articles in (IA62–3), 52.
Buttery, the, 75.
— inventory of articles there (1428),
44.
Kitchen, the, 63.
— inventory of articles in (1428), 44;
(1456), 54, 55.
— pulled down c. 1680; 48.
lower chamber demolished (c. 1728),
48; coats of arms in its windows,
a few chambers provided with fire
places (1428), 41.
dormitory, the, 75.
room-rents, IQ, 2O.
garden or grove of (granted c. 1290),
leased to Cistercian monks of
Bernard college, 64.
stable of, inventory of articles in
(I428), 47.
view of the College (1675), 76.
Ebchester, Robert, S.T.P., warden of
Durham college, 23, 25.
— as prior of Durham, 25.
Ebchester (Ebchestyr), William, war-
den of Durham college, I7, 33, 45,
53, 74.
— account of him, 24.
— Status Coll. Monachorum Dzumelm.
Oxonie dimissus per W. Ebchestyr
(1428), 41–49.
— his Obituary roll, 24.
— “aggression’ of Thomas Ledbury
upon, 76.
— payment to (I470), I5.
Echard's Hist, of England quoted, 256,
266.
424
COLLECTA NEA.
Edgcombe, James, rector of Exeter
coll., 307.
Edinburgh, 374.
Edinburgh castle, 262.
Edingdon, see William de Edingdon.
Edmund, 7th earl of Cornwall, founds
Rewley abbey (1281), 99.
Edmund, St., Søeculum, ms., 224.
Edward I, king, charter of (1285), 99 ;
confirmed by Edward II (1321), 99.
— grant from, I42.
— — to the Minorites, I4I.
— — to the Univ. of Oxford, 132.
— petitions to him, 93—Io9.
— his Council, 94, 97–Io9.
— his Escheator (1288), 7.
— payments for, to the Pope, by Abbot
and Convent of Oseney, Ioff, Io?.
Edward II, king, annuity granted by,
89.
— grant to the Carmelites of Oxford,
I3O.
— grant to the Chancellor of Univ. of
Oxford, I 2 I, I22.
— confirms charters, 99, Io9.
— petitions to him, Io'ſ—I24.
Edward III, king, 9, 15, 75, 165, 166,
I8o.
— charters of, mentioned, 8.
— charter to bp. Richard de Bury,
mentioned, 26.
— grant to Friar Preachers of Oxford,
I 4I.
— licence to appropriate the church of
Appleby to Durham hall, 30.
— petitions to him, I 24–I4I.
— writ to the Mayor and Bailiffs of
Oxford, 136.
— writs against persons excommunicated
in Oxford, 96.
— his ambassador to the Pope (1374),
23.
Edward IV, king, tithes paid to, 61–63.
Edward, Prince of Wales and Duke of
Cornwall (I35%), 165, 167, 169, 176.
Elias de Hertford (c. 1282), vi.
Elizabeth, queen, 309.
Ellerkar, chapel of, 6 I, 64.
Ellerton, Ed., Sen. Proctor (1805), 382.
Elmer, John, manuscripts given by him
to New College, 239.
Elwyk, Gilbert, prior of Durham hall,
Io, 23, 28, 74.
— letter from, to Geoffrey de Burdon,
74–76.
Ely, bp. of, see Fordham, John.
Elyngham, church of, 34.
Emeldon, church of, presentation to,
88, 127.
Epigrams, I64, 181–183.
Epistles, see Bible.
Estrivelin, see Stirling.
Eton College, 367.
— Provost of (1896), 367.
Eu (Eue, Euw, Ho), see Henry de Eu,
and Philip de Eu.
Eveleigh (Evelighe), John, Register book
of Exeter coll., 288.
— lease to, 348, 35o.
Evelyn, John, his /0iary cited, 268, 278.
Ewelme, 255.
Exchequer, the, 98, IOI, Io2, IoS, II 3,
I 23, 146, I47, 161, 309.
— Barons of, I I I, I 23.
— Memoranda of the AExchequer, IoI.
Exchequer rolls, I 35.
Exeter, bishop of, I 53.
— bishops of, see
Lamplugh, Thomas.
Walter de Stapelton.
Weston, Stephen.
Exeter college, see under Oxford.
Eynsham, 6.
Fairbone, Charles, inking-roller made
by, 405. g
Falkland, Anthony 4th viscount, 255.
Faringdon, 276.
Fell, John, bp. of Oxford, 259, 270, 272.
— extract from his letter to Clarendon,
259.
rº, Universal spelling book im-
frozed cited, 379.
Fens, the, 57.
— ‘le Fendyke, 64.
Feretino, see Bartholomew de Ferretino.
Ferguson, A., Commander under Mon-
mouth, 268.
Fergusson, Mr., printer, 387, 390.
Feversham, Louis Duras earl of, 258,
26o, 263, 266, 268, 27 I, 272.
Fhyslak, see Fishlake.
Figgins, Vincent, 379.
Finch, hon. Leopold William, fellow,
afterw.warden, of All Souls coll., 276.
Finchale (Finkhale), 6, II, 21, 4 I.
— Priors of, 23–25, 40, 59, 208.
— A'riory rol/s cited, II, 24, 48, 55.
Finingham, Robert, 189.
Firmin-Didot et Cie., firm of, 378.
Firmin-Didot, Alfred, Ambroise, Fré-
déric, Hyacinthe, Maurice, Paul and
René, 378.
Fishacre, Doctor, Super primum Sen-
te??tt., mS., 229,
Fishburn (Fyscheburn), John, jun., 72.
Fishlake (Fysshelake, Fhyslak, Fysche-
lak), 4, 34.
— Church of, 56, 57.
— — dedicated to St. Cuthbert, 60.
— — advowson of, I 3.
— — payments by, 62.
INDEX.
Fishlake, Vicar of, 57.
— — see also Port, John.
— Parson meadow in, 62.
Fitz-Adam, Ralph, of Claghton, clerk,
imprisoned at Oxford, prays the
King's pardon, Ioo.
Fitzralph, Richard, archbp. of Armagh,
commissary of Univ. of Oxf. (I 333),
IC) 1 .
Fitz-Roger, Richard, 34.
Fitzroy, Henry, see Grafton, duke of
Flanders, 268, 278.
Fleshewer, John, of Colston, 59.
Fodringey (Fodryngeye), see Henry de
Foderingey.
Fordham, John, bp. of Durham, 14.
— episcopal seal of (1386), 26.
— licences Hatfield's executors to erect
Durham college, 3.I. *
— translated to Ely (1389), 34.
Forests, Warden of the, see Mautravers,
Sir John. -
Forster, Mr., printer, 405.
Forster, Thomas (1431 and I436), 17, 34.
Forster, Thomas, drawing by, 246, 249.
Fossor, John, prior of Durham, 34.
Foster, Richard, grant from, I56.
Foulis or Fowlis, Andrew, printer to
the Univ. of Glasgow, 373-378.
— patent of Foulis and Tilloch, 4 Io.
Fox, Charles James, 340, 367.
Fox, Henry Richard Vassal, see Holland,
lord.
Foxlee (Foxley), see John de Foxlee.
Frampton (Framton), 4, 22, 34, 57, 59,
68.
— the accounts for I 393 (the granary,
stable, and kitchen), 59, 60.
— Church of, 5, 56, 61, 64.
— rectory or vicarage of 17, 64, 67, 69.
— advowson of, I 3.
— Vicars of, 57, 61.
— Deacon of, 6 I.
— Attorney of, 61.
— Balgrene a farm in, 62.
Francis (Fraunceys, Franceys), Edmund
or Esmond, citizen and grocer of Lon-
don, I43, I46.
— his suit with University hall, 84, 89.
— and his wife Idoyne, petition relative
to lands awarded to them and the
process going on to reverse the judg-
ment, I45; petition against their
claim to lands in Grand Pont, Oxford,
I45.
Franciscans, I89; see also Oxford.
Franciscus de Saberell, A’epetitio . . . ,
mS., 238.
Frank, John, Clerk of the Rolls, 156.
Fredericus, Dominus, Questiones de ma-
teria permutacionis, ms., 239.
Fredericus de Senis, A’epetitiones, ms.,
238.
Fremantle, dean, quoted in Dict. of
Christ. Biogr., 207.
Freswide, see Oxford, St. Frideswide.
Freylinghausen, John Anastatius, his
Abstract of the . . . doctrine of the
Christian religion (1804), stereo-
typed, 375.
Friars, of the four Mendicant orders,
I 49.
— petition from, against the Universities,
I 39, I4o ; see also Oxford.
Friars Preachers of London, Cambridge
and Oxford, petition for moneys
(granted by Henry V) to be assured
to them, I 55.
Frideswide, see Oxford, St. Frideswide.
Frileford, see William de Frileford.
Fritwell, 255.
Frome (Froom), 266, 268, 270–272.
Fry, Steele & Co., 379.
Fryswith, see Oxford, St. Frideswide.
Fulham, 281.
Funckter, J. Michel, printer, 377.
Furneaux, rev. Henry, viii.
— editor of Poems relating to the riot
between 7 ozºn and Gozem (1.35%), and
of Tryvytlam, de Zaude, 163–209.
Fyschelak, see Fishlake.
Fysheburn, or Fyscheburn, see Fishburn,
John.
Gadesden, Super affectibats, ms., 244.
Gaillard de Mota, card. deacon of St.
Lucia in Cilicia, archdeacon of Oxford,
his dispute with the University, 129
and 88.
Gainsborough, Thomas, earl Stanhope's
portrait by, 365, 368.
Gale, Roger, ms. of, 188, 189.
Galenus (Galienus), De electis, ms., 243.
— /Oe 2nterzorzózes, ms., 243.
— De lzóris Galieni, ms., 242.
— Passionarium, ms., 242.
Gandavo, Henricus Goethals a, manu-
Scripts of, 36, 38.
— /Jetermeznaczozzes, ms., 230.
Gardiner, dr. Bernard, Vice-Chancellor
of Univ. of Oxf., 283.
Gardiner, dr. Samuel R., quoted, 81.
Garston, Richard, and his wife Juliana,
I44, I45.
Gascoigne (Gaysgoyn), a manuscript
given by him to New College, 231.
Gascoigne, Thomas, S.T.P. (probably
the Chancellor of the University in
I442–3), list of relics given by him
to New College, 23.I.
Gaspar, Super libro Decretalium, ms.,
238.
426
COLLECTA NEA.
Gatteaux, stereotype process of, 377,
378.
Gaveston, see Peter de Gaveston, earl of
Cornwall.
Ged, William, stereotype process of,
374, 376, 377. & e
— /3 tographical memoirs of cited, 374.
Genesis eſſ AExodus, see Bible.
Geneva, lord Stanhope at, 367, 368.
Geng'embre, stereotype process of, 377,
378, 410. e &
Geyuate/lazz's magazine, ſhe, cited, 338.
Geoffrey de Burdon, prior of Durham,
74, 70. e
Geoffrey de Castre (or Caustre), sir,
II.4, II 5.
Geoffrey le Scrope, sir, I 24, 128.
George I, king, petition to, from Dr.
Newton (1723), 343, 344.
— letter to, from Philip Yorke, con-
cerning Dr. Newton’s petition (1724),
344.
gº II, king, charter of incorpora-
tion of Hertford Coll. (1740), 354.
— licence from, to messrs. Foulis and
Tilloch, 375.
Ghent, see Gandavo, de.
Gibson, Edmund, bp. of London, 3.17.
Gibun de Stapelton, 137.
Gilbert, John, bp. of Hereford, I43.
Gilberf????ts, mSS., 243.
Girardus, /9e medicini's laxativis, ms.,
243.
— Super aphorismås, ms. , 244.
— Suffer ziałżco constazz/2, ms., 243.
Girton (Gyrton), co. Cambr., I57.
Glasgow, 26o.
— University of, printer to, 373.
Glastonbury (Glassenbury), abbey of,
263, 271, 309.
abbot of, I57.
— monks of, Igo, I94, 202-204.
Gloucester, I52.
— monks of St. Peter's at, 6.
— Parliament held at, I49.
Godolphin, Lord Treasurer, 249.
Godstow (Godestouwe), Convent of, 65,
83, 90.
— founded in II 38; 95.
— grant from the Abbess and Convent
of, 347.
— petition from, to elect a new Abbess,
b•
—’á. Nuns enfeoffed of Burgwele (a
wood in Bladon), 97.
— petition to enclose land near Bern-
wood forest, 97.
— petition for continuing their tithes of
foals from the manor of Woodstock,
II 3.
— petition against the Warden of
Whichwood forest for withholding
the tenth of venison taken there, 125.
Godstow, petition for re-possessing land,
II O.
— Abbess of, 58.
— — see also Mabel de Upton, and
Wafre, Mabel.
— — desires a licence in mortmain
to receive property, 96.
— seal of, 26, 73.
Goethals, see Gandavo, de.
Gofredus de Trano, Zn, Summa, ms., 238.
Gogmagog, giant, I 76.
Goliath, 179, I80.
Gorham (Goram), Nicolaus,
— /)?stinctiones, mSS., 224, 229.
— Sermomes . . ., mS., 225.
— Super Epistt. Aaztli ad 7him., ad
Zºtzim, et super omn. A pistſ. Cathol,
mS., 4 I ; Super Zuca”, ms., 4 I.
— Super AEpistolas AEau/, et AEpistolas
Cazzozzicas, ms. , 233.
— prices of his manuscripts, 220.
Goring, John, 356.
Gorces (dams inclosing waters) in the
Thames, Io9.
Gospels, the, in manuscript, list of, 36.
Grafton, Henry Fitzroy duke of, 258,
266, 267.
— his regiment of Guards, 272.
Grafton, duchess of, afterw. wife of sir
Thomas Hanmer, 258.
Graham, Mr., printing ink made by,
379, 38o.
Graie, see Greye, James.
Grauncete, co. Cambr., I57.
Gray, lord, see Grey, Forde lord.
Graystanes, 8, 73. -
— see also Robert de Graystanes.
Greatham (Gretham) Hospital, master
of, see Sparke, Thomas.
Green (Grene, Greynne), Anthony, B.A.,
68 (bis), 71.
Green, Everett E., Zn Zaunton town.
cited, 249.
Greenaway, William, M.A., 346, 35o,
352.
Greenwell, rev. W., D.C.L., 3, 73.
Greenwich Hospital, 9.
Gregorius IX, his Z)ecretales, mS., 35.
Gregorius, S., Zialogº, Pastoralia, . . .,
ImSS., 23.I, 233.
— Moralia, mss., 36, 38, 225, 23.I.
– Omeliae, mss. 36, 223, 226, 229, 233.
— list of other manuscripts of, 223, 226.
— prices of manuscripts of, 220.
Grenefelde, Mr., 218.
Grenville, lord (W. W. Grenville), Chan-
cellor of Univ. of Oxf., 341.
Grey (Gray), Forde lord, of Werk,
afterw. earl of Tankerville, 274.
JAWDEX.
427
Grey (Gray), Forde lord, at Bridport,
268.
— committed to the Tower, 278.
Greye, or Graie, James, B.A., 67, 68.
Griffin, Mr., surrender of, 265.
Griffiths, Thomas, 356.
Grosseteste, Robert, bp. of Lincoln,
Superlibrum A^bsteriorum ..., ms.,37.
Guddyng, William, payment of tithes
to, 62.
Guillaume de St. Amour (Wymund
or Guitmond Seyntamore), rector of
Univ. of Paris, 20I, 202.
Gutch, John, his Collectanea cited, 308.
— his ed. of Wood's Annals cited, 182,
34O.
Gybbes, John, mayor of Oxford (1377),
I 43.
Gynwell, John, bp. of Lincoln, interdict
of, I 75.
Gysborne, John, 65.
Haden, sir F. Seymour, 246, 249.
Haimo (Haymo), Super Epistolas Zºate/i,
ms., 228.
Hales, the English Schoolman, 73.
Halliwell-Phillipps, J. O., 216.
Haluer, Thomas, bursar of Durham
Coll., his accounts for 1462–4; 61–65.
Hamilton, S., bookseller, 405.
Hamilton, S. G., vii.
— editor of Z)r. Mewſon and Æerfford
College, 279–361.
Hammond, dr. Henry, Public Orator
(1638), 283.
Hampshire, 267.
— militia of, 26o.
Hamsterley, Ralph, master of Univ.
Coll. (I 509), 19.
Handborough (Handborrow,
brow), 70, 71.
— tenement at, 2 I.
Handlo, see John de Handlo.
Hanmer, sir Thomas, and his wife, the
duchess of Grafton, 258.
Hansard, C. T., his Zypographia cited,
369, 387, 388, 394, 405, 406, 4 II.
Harding, Edward, 375.
Harley, rev. R., F.R.S., 366.
Harpor, John, 59.
Hart, Horace, ix.
— editor of Charles earl Stanhope, and
the Oxford Onizersity Press, 363–412.
Hart hall, see Hert hall.
Hatchard, W., 379.
Hatfield, Thomas, bp. of Durham, v,
I 3-16, 18, 20, 23, 27, 28, 34, 192.
— Hatfield’s licence to his executors to
erect Durham Coll., 3I.
— his provision for the Students of
Durham College (c. I 379), T 2.
Hand-
Hatfield, Thomas, bp. of Durham,
investment of Hatfield's fund, 5.
— his endowment of Durham College,
II, 26; seals relating to, 26.
— first account of his foundation, 26.
— his death (1381), 66.
Aſa/Čon Correspondence cited, 259, 272,
273.
Haverford, castle of, 94.
Headington (Hedindone), manor of 90.
— petition for payment of rent from,
IO I. -
Hearne, Thomas, his manuscripts and
works quoted, 167, I?o-I?4, I?6,
I77, 183, 184, 186–188, 198, 200,
203,281–283, 294, 3O4, 305, 327, 333.
— Appendix to his A/?st. Zſitae et regn:
A'icardi //, 188.
— his Vindiciae antiq. Acad. Oxon.
cited, Io.
Hébert, Lucien, 378.
Hegham (Heyham), see
Hegham.
Hemmingburgh, John, prior of Durham,
Roger de
34, O7.
Henmarsh (Hindmarsh), see Hyndmer,
Edward.
Henry I, king, 95.
Henry II, king, confirms charter, 96.
Henry III, king, 97.
— grant to the Nuns of Godstow, 97.
Henry IV, king, 166, 179.
Henry V, king, grant from, to the
Friar Preachers, 155.
Henry VII, king, household of, I 60.
Henry VIII, king, 16. -
— his charter endowing the Durham
Chapter, mentioned, 71.
— his valuation of Churches, I8.
Henry, a burgess of London,
from, to Merton hall, I42.
Henry de Eu, sir, 97.
Henry de Fodringey, proposed grant
of land from, Ioo.
Henry, Philip, his Diaries and Zetters
cited, 257.
Henson, rev. H. H., his Art. in Collec-
tamea /, cited, 83, I 29, I 33.
Hereford, bp. of, see Gilbert, John.
Herham, 377, 378.
Herl (Heryll), John, (1401–8), 72.
Herlastone, receiver of petitions, I 23.
Hert Hall (Hart hall or Hertford hall),
Oxford, remarks on, vi, 309.
Elias de Hertford’s hall, vi.
purchased by Walter de Stapelton,
295, 347.
leased to the Principal by the Rector
and Fellows of Exeter Coll.,346–350.
Principal and Fellows of, their dispute
with Magd. Coll. (1694), 349.
grant
428
COLLECTA NEA.
Hert Hall, Principals of, see Newton, dr.
Richard, and Smith, dr. Thomas.
Vice-Principal of, 29I.
HERTFORD COLLEGE, Oxford, vii.
Dr. AVezwton and Aſertford College, ed.
by S. G. Hamilton, 279-361.
Statutes of the new Society (printed
in 1747) :—
I. Historical remarks on Hert Hall
now Hertford College, 309; the
Principal, Fellows, Tutors, and
Students, 309, 31 o ; the Endow-
ment, 3.I.O, 3 II.
2. Chapel services, 31 I.
3. Oaths to be taken on admission,
3II, 3I 2.
4. Choice of Principal and his ad-
m1SSIon, 3 I 2.
5. Exercises, disputations, &c., 312–
3I 5.
6. tº power and duty of the Prin-
cipal, 315–317.
7. Of the Tutors, 317–320.
8. The College Offices to be held by
the Tutors, 320–32 I.
9. Concerning Residence, 32 I.
Io. Of Behaviour, 32 I-323.
II. Concerning the Commons, 323–
326.
12. The Rooms, 326.
13. The Scholars, 326–329.
14. The College Servants, 329.
15. The College Stock, 329.
16. Of Penalties, 330.
17. The Statutes to be read every Term,
33O.
18. Of the Visitor, 330–33 I.
remarks on the Statutes, 331–337.
admission of the Principal, 31 I, 3 I 2.
a Tutor dismissed for being a
Hutchinsonian, 337.
the Scholars, formerly Servitors, 309.
account of the Buildings of, 358,
359 ; plan of same, 359.
the Chapel, penalty for absence from
prayers, 3II.
— built by Dr. Newton and con-
secrated by bp. Potter, 284.
the Gate, with the Library over it,
the work of William Thornton, 359.
the Hall, now the Library, built by
P. Rondell, 359.
the Buildings granted to the Uni-
versity for the use of Magdalen
hall (1817), 342.
list of works relating to, 360.
Heryll, see Herl, John.
Hewitt, Richard, 341, 342.
Heyewrth, see Highworth.
Heyham, see Roger de Hegham.
Heyward, see William le Heyward.
Hickman, sir Willoughby, bart., his
daughter, 339.
Hicks, John, 262.
Hieronymus, Super Matheum et AEpis-
tolae, mss., 231, 233.
Highworth (Heyewrth), land in, 97.
Hilarion, hermit, 207.
Hill, Richard, 247.
Hillesden (Hildesdonc), 97.
Hindmarsh, see Hyndmer, Edward.
Hippisley, George, 356.
Hippocrates, Ząber alter Ypocratis, ms.,
243.
Historical MSS. Commission report
cited, 250, 257, 267, 268, 27 I.
Ho (or Eu), see Philip de Eu.
Hoare, Messrs., bankers, 385.
Hodgson, dr. Bernard, 34I.
Hoffmann, F. I. J., 377.
Holden, G., Sub-librarian of All Souls
Coll., 207.
Holderness, 13.
Hole, dr. Matthew, rector of Exeter
College, 296, 299, 304.
— affidavits of, 346, 348.
— his death, 3oo.
Holland, lord (Henry Richard Vassal
Fox), 366.
Holman, Col., regiment of, 261.
Holmes, dr. William, president of St.
John's Coll., 3o I, 360.
— letters to, 282, 306, 338.
Holy Island, 6, 33.
– priors of 23–25, 59 (bis).
— — see also Sparke, Thomas.
Holy Land, tenths for the, imposed on
the Clergy by the Pope, Ioff–Io8.
Hord or Hoord, Juliana, 255.
Hord or Hoord, Thomas of Cote, 255,
262, 269, 276.
Horner, Lawrence, butler of Exeter
College, affidavit of 346, 348.
Horses, names of eighteen, in the stable
of Frampton (1389), 6o.
Hostiensis (i.e. Henricus de Bartholo-
maeis, card. bp. of Ostia), /m lectura
et Zn Summea, mss., 237 ; price of
manuscripts of, 219.
Hoton, see Richard de Hoton.
Hounslow (Houndslow), 273.
Howard, Charles, death of, 265.
Howden, and Howdenshire, 15, 64.
Howden (Howeden), Stephen, 53, 65,
73.
Howys, co. Cambr., 157.
Hoylake, regiment at, 268.
Hucker, Capt., 250.
Hudson, or Hudsoon, John, B.A., 68
(bis), 71.
Hugh de Derlington, prior of Durham,
6, 26, 28.
AWDEX.
429
'd,
Hugh de Derlington, often termed the
founder of Durham Coll., 7.
Hugh le Despencer, senior, warden of
Whichwood forest, 9o, I Io, I 13.
— complaint against him (1305), 88,
I 25.
— his obstruction to carrying out Bur-
nel's will, Ios.
Hughes, David, D.D., 382, 385, 387.
Augo de Sancto Victore, ms. of, 228.
Hugo de Vienna, lists of manuscripts of,
38, 40, 233.
Hull, 64.
Humphrey, duke of Gloucester, his
physician, I 7.
Humphrey de Charlton, chancellor of
Univ. of Oxf., 176.
— his brother Ludovic, I 76.
Hunt, Thomas, M.A., 352, 356.
Hutchinson, John, his work Moses' Prin-
cºpia cited, 337.
Hutchinson W., his Durham cited, 6,
21, 48, 55, 64, 71.
Hutchinson, Thomas, D.D., 352, 356.
Hutchison, Cuthbert, 71.
Hutred, master, see Uthred de Boldon.
Hyde, lord, eldest son of Laurence earl
of Rochester, 247.
Hyde, Edward, see Clarendon, earl of.
Hyde, Henry, see Clarendon, 2nd earl
Of
Hyde, Henry, see Rochester, earl of.
Hyndmer (Henmarsh, Hindmarsh),
Edward, warden of Durham College
(C. I 527–4I), IO, 25, 67.
Hyndmer, or Hindmarsh, Edward, fel-
low of Trin. Coll. (1568–76), 25.
Idle, see John de l'Isle.
Ilchester, earl of (1896), 366.
Iles, dr. Thomas, principal of Hert
hall, his buildings at Hertford College,
358, 359.
Ingelby, Henry, I40.
Ingram's Memorials cited, 365, 395,
396.
Innocent, pope, list of manuscripts of,
228, 238, 239.
Innocent VI, pope, bull to the Scholars
of Durham hall, 30.
Inquisitiones ad quod damnum, 81.
Institutes, Par Institutorum, ms., 37.
Insula (de), see John de l'Isle.
Irish scholars in Oxford, and their mis-
deeds, I55.
Isabella, queen of England, her cousin
Lewis de Beaumont, 34.
Isidorus, Ysidorum (sic) eth?mologia-
7-14772, mS., 37.
Isle (Idle), see John de l'Isle.
Islip (Yesleppe), co. Oxon, 17, 276.
Islip, Simon, archbp. of Canterbury,
I 2.
Jackson, dr. Cyril, dean of Ch. Ch.,
34 I; 342.
Jackson, T. G., his Wadham Coll. cited,
388.
Jackson, William, D.D., 382, 385, 387.
Jacobus de Ravenna, Super Digestum
7207/24/7, ms. , 242.
Jamaica, 257.
James II, king, 248, 266–268, 27 I,
273.
— his ZXeclaration for ye Ease of his
Catholick Suðjects cited, 251.
James, Richard, 177.
MS. of Zºyzytlam de laude Univ.
Oxon. used by, 166, 188, 200.
Janszoon, William, see Blaew, W. J.
Jarrow, 6, I I, 21, 23, 24, 208.
— masters of, 23, 24, 41.
— rolls of, I I.
Jeffreys, George, lord chancellor, 248,
249.
Jewess of Oxford, a, 93.
Jobson, Walter, of Hull, 64.
Johannes, In movo opere super Speculo,
mS., 238.
Johannes Salisburiensis, Zn Aolicraticore,
mS., 224.
John XXII, pope, 34.
— application to, from the Univ. of
Oxford, I 36.
— bull of, mentioned, 71.
John de Acley, see Aclyff, John.
John de Bedeford, 175, 182.
John de Bereford, concerned in the riot
(I35%), 169, 171, 175.
— inscription on his brass, I'7I.
John de Berington, monk of Durham,
5, IO, I 2–14, 18, 23, 24, 27, 34, 58–
60, 65, I44.
John de Beverley, prior of Durham Coll.,
afterw. of Finchale, 23.
John of Buckingham, canon of York,
2 I 4.
John de Campeden, canon of Southwell,
2 I 4.
John de Charlton, jun., LL.D., 176.
John of Dodeford, prior of St. Frides-
wide, 89, 9o.
— his rebellious Canons, 89.
— petition for restoring him and
punishing the rebellious Canons,
I43.
— charter granted to, I 48. §
John de Foxlee (or Foxley), sir, I I I.
John de Handlo, sir, I Io, III.
John de l'Isle (Idle), sir, Iofl.
John de Kirkeland (I4O6), 17, 72.
430
COI/ ECTA WEA.
John de Liniano, Super Clemen/inds,
InS., 239.
John of London, sir, 9o, 98.
— the Nuns of Godstow dispossessed by,
97.
John de Midilton, 59.
John de Norton, 175.
John de Sendale, sir, Chancellor of
England, IIG.
— petition to (1315), II.4.
John de Thoresby, archbp. of York, and
Chancellor, I76.
John of Wallingford, prior of St.
Frideswide's, 89, I43.
John le Wodeward, 97.
Johnson, Henry, compositor, 407.
Johnson's Zypographia cited, 407.
Johnson, J., 398.
Jolyf, Henry, wineseller, 122.
Jones, Mr., of Ball. Coll., 29 I.
Jones, dr. Collier, rector of Exeter,
vice-chancellor of Univ. of Oxford,
34I, 342.
Jones, John, of Welwyn, 330.
Jordan, his treatise, Pro memdicitate,
208.
Josephus, Ameligit?tates, ms., 230, 232.
Keeton, Mr., carpenter, 409.
Kellaw, Richard, bp. of Durham, his
death, 34.
Kempe, John, archbp. of York, 41.
— licence from (1432), mentioned, 64.
Ken, Thomas, bp. of Bath and Wells,
/ife of, cited, 27 I.
Kennington Common, 264.
Reton, Robert, fellow of New Coll.,
24.I.
Kettell, Ralph, president of Trin. Coll.,
2O, 48.
Rettering, 281.
Keynsham (Cainsham), 265, 266.
— skirmish at, 264.
Ribworth Harcourt, see Kilworth.
Ridgell, John, fellow of Hert hall, his
French Awables (1763), 359.
Kier, Peter, mechanic, 393.
Išilliecrankie, 27 I.
Killyby, John, 58.
Ičilworth Harcourt (Kybburth Harcurt),
land, &c. in, 88, IOO.
King, dr. William, principal of St.
Mary hall, 286.
King's Bench, I44, 145.
Ringsbridge, Devon, 292.
Kinsale, lord, his duel with lord New-
burgh, 265.
Rirkeland, see John de Kirkeland.
Kirkstall abbey, I 3.
I(nowsley, letter dated from, 252.
Rnox, Vicesimus, his Assays cited, 313.
Knyght, Walter, pattenmaker, and his
wife Alice, 144.
König, Friedrich, 398.
Kybellesworth, see William de Ky-
bellesworth.
Kymer, Gilbert, physician, Chancellor
of Univ. of Oxford, 17.
Lacchemede, pasture, IIo.
Lake, Arthur, warden of New Coll.,
afterw. bp. of Bath and Wells, 217.
Lakynge, see Peter de Lakynge.
La Mote, see Gaillard de Mota, card.
Lamplugh, Thomas, bp. of Exeter, 262.
Lancaster, Joseph, his Zmprovemezzt's in
Aducation cited, 379.
Lanchester, see Robert de Lanchester.
Landon, Whittington, D.D., vice-chan-
cellor of Univ. of Oxford, 385, 387.
Langennyth, I58.
Langham, Simon, abp. of Canterbury,
I 2.
Langley, Thomas, bp. of Durham, Io,
I4, 18, 26.
Langmore Stone, 250.
Langport, 263.
Langton, John, I57.
Langton (Langeton), see Stephen de
Langton, archbp. of Canterbury.
Lardner (Lardiner), Robert, bailiff of
Oxford, 175, 182.
Laud, William, archbp. of Canterbury,
29I, 395.
— his printed collection of Statutes, 350.
Laundon or Lavendon Grange, North-
ants, 28I.
Lavendon, or Laundon, co. Bucks, 355.
— estate of, 3 Io; the manor house, 355.
— Dr. Newton’s burial and monument
in the church, 338.
Law, T. G., of the Signet library, 213.
Law, William, S.T.B., warden of Dur-
ham Coll., 25, 65.
Laxton, near Nottingham, advowson of,
I 3.
Laxton, near Southwell, 60.
Layton, dr., letter to Thomas lord Crom-
well (extract), 217.
Leach, Arthur F., viii.
— editor of Wykeham's Books at AVew
Co//ege, 2II-244.
— his l’isitations of Southwell Minster
cited, 228. -
Leah and Rachel, 179, 180.
Ledbury, Thomas, Prior of Durham
College (1423), 33, 74.
Lee, Samuel, account of him, 275, 277.
Leicester, I 53.
Leicester, Robert Dudley earl of, chan-
cellor of Univ. of Oxford (1564–85),
365.
JAWDEX.
43 I
Leicester, Robert Dudley earl of, his
agreement with the University on the
nomination of Heads of Halls, 350.
Leinster, duke of, 268.
Leland, John, 38, 208.
— his //izzerary cited, I83.
Lely's portrait of lord Clarendon, 247.
Le Neve, J., cited, I49.
Lenthall, W., 277.
L’Estrange, R., 262.
Lethom, see Lytham, prior of.
Aletters, Camden Society, cited, 27O.
Leuchtmans, J., bookseller, of Leyden,
374.
Leuchtmans, Samuel, bookseller, 374.
Leveson, col., his regiment of Dragoons,
278.
Lewis, count, of Flanders, 75.
Lewis de Beaumont, bp. of Durham
(1317), 34.
Leyden, booksellers of, 374.
Licences in mortmain, I42; and of de-
vising lands in mortmain without
licence, I43.
Lichfield and Coventry, bp. of, see Skir-
law, Walter.
Lincoln, cathedral of, Io.
—ºop. Chapter and Archdeacon of,
I
— Bishops of, I 4, 16, 62, 169, 176.
— — see also
Alnewick, William.
Burghersh, Henry.
Gynwell, John.
— officers of, 57.
– synod at, 57.
— Registers of, 6.
Lincoln, see Richard de Lincoln.
Lindsey, Montague Bertie 2nd earl of,
.247, 257.
Liniano, Joh. de, see John de Liniano.
Lisle, Thomas, fellow of Magd. Coll.,
Oxf., 283.
Lisle, see John de l'Isle.
Lithum (Lethom), see Lytham, prior
of
Little, A. G., his Grey Friars in Ox-
ford cited, 141, 189-19ſ.
Littlemore, House of St. Nicholas at,
85, 90.
— — grant to, of rent from messuages
and meadows in Oxford, 156.
Livingston, Charles, see Newburgh,
duke of.
Locke, John, printed works of, 38 I.
Loggan, D., view of Trinity Coll., I 2,
19, 41, 47-49.
— view of Trinity Coll. from Oxonia
ſillustrata, 76.
— his print of Hert Hall, 358.
Lombardians, 35.
Lombardus, Petrus, /?? Aeſ. Mombard.
eluczłórationzes, 204.
Lomly, see William de Lumley.
London, 13, 14, 69 (bis), 88, III, IoS,
Io9, 129, 138, 141, 143, 155, 158, 169,
248, 276, 277.
— Mayor and Sheriffs of, molest the
burgesses of Oxford by heavy cus-
toms, I 3 I.
— Lord Mayor of, 86.
— — petition for the fee for serving as
Butler at the King's coronation, 135.
— Lord Mayors of, see Philipot, John
(1378), William de Walworth (1380).
— Burgesses of, grant to, I42.
— franchises of, 85.
— measures of, I 17.
— charter dated from, 99.
— British Museum, MSS. in, 83, I34,
I89.
— Cockpit, the, 352.
— Guildhall, the, MS. at, I 31. -
— Minories church near the Tower,
burial at, 25.
— Printing-house Square, 408.
— Public Record Office, Ancient peti-
tions in, 79.
— St. James's, the Court at, 344.
— St. Paul’s cathedral, 266.
— Tower, the, 278.
— — Lieutenant of, 255.
— Wild Court, 367, 392.
London, Bishop of, Io?.
— Bishops of, see also
Compton, Henry.
Gibson, Edmund.
Sherlock, John.
London, see John of London.
Louth Park (Louperchia), co. Linc., 202.
— abbot of, 194, 205.
Luchtmans, see Leuchtmans, S. and J.
Luckombe, P., his Aſistory and art of
printing cited, 397–399.
Ludovic de Charlton, 176.
Luffenham, see Peter de Luffenham.
Lumley, see Ralph de Lumley, and
William de Lumley.
Luttrell's Z)iary cited, 247, 255, 262,
264, 267, 268.
Lymberghe, see Adam de Lymbergh.
Lyme Regis, 261.
Lyndelow, Thomas, proctor of Univ. of
Oxf. (1377), I49.
Lyra (Lira), see Nicholaus de Lyra.
Lyte, H. C. Maxwell, his Univ. of
Oxford cited, 9, I2, Igo–IQ2.
Lytham (Lithum, Lethom, Lythum), co.
Lanc., prior and convent of, 30.
— priors of, 6, 59. -
Lyttleton, Sir C., 273.
432
COLLECTA NEA.
Mabel de Upton, abbess of Godstow
(c. 1307), 9o, 97, 98, 125.
[see also Wafre, Mabel, abbess of
Godstow.]
Macaulay, lord, his writings quoted, 267,
27I, 274.
— his History cited, 248, 263, 264.
Macbride, dr. John D., principal of
Magdalen hall, 358.
Macclesfield, lord (1718), 308.
Machemet, see Mahomet.
Macray, rev. W. D., his Annals of the
Aodleian Zibrary cited, Io, 262, 277.
Madan, Falconer, ix, 38, 91, 166, 168.
— his art. Dorne's printed books in
Collectanea /, // cited, 216.
— his Supplementary Catalogue (Bodl.)
cited, 277.
Mahomet, Z)e actiºus Machemetz, ms.,
224.
Mahon, lord, afterw. earl Stanhope,
Q. V.
Maitland, prof. F. W., his Memoranda
de Parliamento cited, 81, IoI, Io?,
IoS-Ioy.
— his Introd. to ‘Records of the Parlia-
ment’ of 1305, referred to, 82.
Malyns, Reginald, knt., 143.
Manseld, Robert, 59.
Manuscripts (12th–15th
lists of, 36, 37, 223–244.
— comparative prices of manuscripts,
218–220.
March, earl of (Edmund Mortimer,
1404), his physician, 19.
Markaunt, Thomas, fellow of Corp. Chr.
Coll. Camb., 216.
— his list of gifts to C. C. Coll., Camb.,
22O.
Marlay (Marlaie), see Marley, Stephen.
Marlborough, Duke of (John Churchill),
and marshal Turenne, 258.
— as lord Churchill, 257, 26o, 263, 266.
— his daughter, married to Godolphin,
cent., &c.),
249.
Marley (Marlay, Marlaie), Stephen, 67.
Mathew, see Matthew, John.
Mathews, J., of the Strand, publisher,
379.
Matilda, empress, her grant of rent to
the Abbot of Oseney, IoI.
Matrimonial quarrel (in Latin), 182.
Matthew (Mathew), John, dean of
Durham, 66–68.
Matthews, Christopher (Kit), stereo-
typer, 387, 388, 390, 393, 394.
Matthews, capt. Edward, 249, 267, 268.
— Ensign in Marq. of Worcester's Foot,
278.
Matthews, Edward, of Lincoln's Inn,
268.
Matthews, Jane, daughter of sir Tho.
Armstrong, 268.
Mauricius, /)istincCiones, ms., 36.
Mautravers, sir John, warden of the
Forests, I 3 I.
Maxwell-Lyte, H. C., see Lyte.
Mayott, mrs. Frances, 253.
Mayott, Robert, of Fawler, High Sheriff
of Oxf., 253.
— another of that name, 253.
Medicine, manuscripts on medicine given
to New College, 242–244.
Mekyl Benton, see Mickle Benton.
Mémoires de l’Anstitut AWazional des
Sciences . . . quoted, 370.
Memoranda de Aarliamento (1305), see
Maitland, prof. F. W.
Merrington, co. Durham, 13.
Merton, see Walter de Merton.
Merton College, see under Oxford.
Messer, see William le Messer.
Mesua, Z)e simplicibus, ms., 243.
Michell, dr. Richard, principal of
Magdalen hall, vii.
Mickle Benton (Mekylbenton, or Long
Benton), church of (1340), 28.
— rectory of, 73.
Middlesex, 2.77.
Midilton, see Thomas de Midilton.
Mildmay, sir W., 309.
Mildmay, Walter, 261.
Milton, John, his Aſistory of England
cited, I 76.
— printed works of, 381.
Mimekan (Mymkan), Roger, bailiff of
Oxford, I 22.
Mind quoted, 366.
Minorites, see Oxford, Friars Minor in.
Mody (Moody), John, bursar of Durham
College, and master of Jarrow, 24.
— as warden of Durham College, 26, 64.
Monk, his Roll of the Aoyal College of
Physicians cited, 249.
Monmouth, James duke of, upon him
and his Rebellion, 246, 248, 249,
258–26o, 263, 264, 266, 268, 271,
273, 274.
— A'emarkable passages relating to him,
256.
— Supposed portrait of him not au-
thentic, 250.
— pencil drawing of his head, 252.
— his party routed, 277.
— he and his children sent to the Tower,
278.
— Evelyn's remarks upon him (1685),
278.
Mordaunt, viscount, his regiment of
Foot, 278.
Morrell, Robert, attorney at law, 385,
387.
INDEX.
433
Mosten, T., 19.
Mote, Cardinal de la, see Gaillard de
Mota.
Mountagu, Thomas, I4o.
Muller, Johannes, inventor of stereotype-
printing (17oo), 374.
Murimath, see Adam de Murimath.
Mymkan, see Mimekan, Roger.
Neale's view of Trinity Coll., 48.
Necham, Alexander, De natura rerum,
mS., 224.
Neutun, see William de Newton.
Nevill (Nevell), John 3rd lord, of
Raby, I 3, 14.
— his daughter Eleanor, 6o.
— his executors, 59.
Nevill, Robert, bp. of Durham, con-
firms the Prior's election (1456), 49.
Nevill (Nevell, Newyl, Nevil), Thomas,
I86.
Neville, Alexander, archbp. of York,
petition from, relative to an election of
a Provost of Queen hall and the dissen-
sions among the Scholars, 146.
New Abbey, near Alberbury, 158.
Newburgh, Charles Livingston earl of,
265.
Newcastle, Thomas Pelham duke of,
283, 288, 297, 299, 338, 352, 353.
— letter to, from Henry Pelham, his
brother, 353.
New England, 275.
Newenham, co. Cambr., 157.
Newington Green, 275.
Newington Longville (Newenton Long-
vile), the priory alien of, grant of,
I 59.
Newton, James, brother of Dr. Newton,
28I.
NEWTON, dr. Richard, principal of
Hert hall (afterw. Hertford coll.),
and Canon of Ch. Ch.
— Dr. Mewton and Æſertford College,
ed. by S. G. Hamilton, 279–361.
— account of him, 281-361.
— letter from, to Temple Stanyan, 352.
— letter from, to Henry Pelham, 353.
— his petition to the King for a char-
ter of incorporation of Hert hall,
(1723), 343, 344. e
— his affidavits about his benefactions
to Hert hall (1723–4), 344.
— Royal Charter granted to, of the
Incorporation of Hert hall (1740),
354-358.
— — [see also under Hertford College].
— appointed first Principal of Hertford
Coll., 356.
— his death (1753), at Lavendon, 338.
— his wife Katherine, 281.
Newton, dr. Richard, his second wife,
daughter of Sir W. Hickman, 339.
– most of his writings destroyed, 339.
— his AExpense of Cnizersity education
7-educed cited, 300–302 ; new ed. of
O7???). education?, 3O2.
— his Grounds of the complaint of the
Arincipal of Aſert hall cited, 284,
286, 288, 298, 3oo–302, 305-307, 3Io,
358-360.
— his Zetter to ZXr. Holmes, Visitor of
Aſart Aſall, cited, 302.
— his Pluralities indefensible cited,
35.
— list of his works and others, printed
by him, 360, 361.
Newton, Thomas, father of dr. Richard
Newton, 28.I.
Newton (Neutun), see William de New-
ton.
Nicholas de Sandwych, 221.
Nicholas de Stapelton, and his brother,
I37.
Nicholaus, Anáčodorium (sic), mss.,
242, 243.
Nicholaus de Goram, see Gorham.
Nicholaus de Lyra, list of manuscripts
of, 223, 224.
Nichols, J., publisher, 374.
— his Zit, anecdotes cited, 339.
Nicholson, William, machine patented
by, 398.
AView algemein komst en letter bode,
quoted, 374.
AWineteenth Century, the, cited, 4o?.
Noel-Hill, William, 247.
Norham, church of, 34.
— tithes of, 95.
Norreys, lord (1685), 259.
— see also Abingdon, earl of.
Norreys, Bridget, baroness of Rycote,
247.
North, Nathaniel, 356.
North, Roger, his Examen cited, 253.
Northallerton, 60.
— rectory and vicarage of, I 4.
— scholarship of, 16.
Northampton, 8, 23, 24, 269.
— Benedictine chapters at, I 7, 33.
— Parliament held at, I49.
Northampton, earl of, 335.
Northmoor, 277.
Northumberland, 34.
— Archdeacon of, 3.
— — see also Burton, Robert (1421).
Norton, capt. E., afterwards Brigadier-
General of Horse in Flanders, account
of him, 278.
Norton, Edward, indicted for high
treason, 278.
Norton, see John de Norton.
III. F f
434
COLLECTA NEA.
Norwich, dean of, see Prideaux, Hum-
phrey.
Nostell priory, 47.
Nottingham, Super guatuor Ezangelia,
mSS., 229, 23O.
— price of one of the manuscripts, 218.
Nottingham, earl of (Daniel Finch,
1691), 335.
Oakley (Akeley, Acle), co. Bucks, 89.
— advowson of, claimed by the Prior of
St. Frideswide, I24.
— tithes of, I3 I.
Obituary roll, I6.
Ockham, see William of Ockham.
Odo, De sermonibus, ms., 229.
Offerings, a polite term for stipend,
65.
o: rev. O., his Oxford Market cited,
I 35.
— his ed. of Royal Zetters cited, IO4,
12 I, I 24, I 31, 139, I48.
Oglethorpe, col., 265, 266.
Oglethorpe, Sir Theophilus, 264.
Old Ford, near London, I2.
Oldmixon, J., his Aſ2.story cited, 260.
Oldradus, Questiones, ms., 238.
Oliver, dr. William, 249.
Orange, prince of, see William III,
king.
Orford, earl of, see Walpole, Horace.
Ormonde, James Butler 2nd duke of,
chancellor of the University, 282,
286.
Orosius, Questiones ad Orosium, ms.,
Oseney, see under Oxford.
Osulbury, Nicolas, warden of New Coll.,
233.
Over, co. Cambr., I57.
Owen, dr. George, Io, 22.
— site of Durham coll. granted to him
(1553), 26.
Owtrede, see Uthred de Boldon.
Oxford Diocese :
— Bishops of, see
Fell, John.
Potter, John.
Randolph, John.
Stubbs, William.
— Dean and Chapter of, 21, 22, 35I.
— Dean of, 312 ; see also Conybeare,
dr. John.
— Archdeacons of, see Gaillard de
Mota, and Wright, Walter.
— Canon of, 3I?.
— Seal of the Rural Dean (1326), 26,
73.
Oxford County, I51.
— Lord Lieutenant of, 247.
— Sheriffs of, 89, 136, 141, 253, 255.
Oxford County, Sheriffs of, see also
Danvcrs, Thomas.
Stonor, Edmund.
William de Spersholt.
Oxfor D CITY (Oxonford, Oxenford,
Oxenforth), 85.
Mayors and Bailiffs of, 92, 93, IO4–
Ioô.
— writ to, IO4.
— petition respecting their arrest of
transgressors, after being informed
by the Chancellor, II 2.
— writ of droit from Edm. Fraunceys
to, 144.
— writ to, respecting a dispute of
lands in Oxford, I46.
. — writ to inquire as to fixed places
for sale of victuals, &c., I36.
— list of Mayors and Bailiffs of
(II22–1695) in a Wood MS., 123.
Mayor and Burgesses, petition for
repeal of their charter touching the
Town ditch, I47.
— petition to the House of Commons
relative to the Burgesses and their
apprentices, I58.
— petitions of the Commons on behalf
of the burgesses of, I5I, I52.
Mayors of, 85, II 7, 130, 133.
— see also Gybbes, John (1377), and
Philip de Eu (or Ho).
Mayor, the, to assist the Lord Mayor
of London as Butler at the King's
coronation, 85, I35.
— grant to, of the assise of weights
and measures, I42.
— writto (1380), touching the cleans-
ing of the Town ditch, 148.
Bailiffs of, II 8, 143.
— their bond to the Brethren of St.
Bartholomew's hospital, II.4.
Burgesses of, petition for confirmation
of their charters (c. 1314), III.
— ordered to show their charters, II6.
— petition to forbid carts with iron
wheels in Oxford, I29, 130.
— petition for remedy against the
Mayor and Sheriffs of London, and
their heavy customs, I31.
— petition for remedy against the
Chancellor and the University,
I 22.
— quarrels between them and the
University, 88; Town and Gown
fight (1354), 88.
— Poems relating to the riot between
7 own and Gown (I 35%), ed. by
rev. H. Furneaux, 163–187.
— complaint against the Burgesses
for abusing the privileges of the
University, I 37.
INDEX. 435
OXFORD CITY :
Burgesses of, to take malefactors
promptly on the denunciation of
the Chancellor, Ioz.
— petitions to the King from the
Burgesses and Commonalty, 93.
— the poor Commons, troubled
through their quarrel with the
University, pray for a charter of
pardon, I39.
— writs of, against the privileges of
the University, 96.
— petition to the King on the repara-
tion of the walls, 92.
— petitions from men of Oxford, &c.,
to remove obstructions in the
Thames, IoS, I 38.
— petition to pave the streets and
lanes of Oxford, I 33.
assise of bread, wine and ale, 85, 86,
93, 126.
petitions relative to the assise of bread,
wine and ale in, I 32, I6o.
petitions relative to the assise of bread
and ale taken away from them, I23,
I26, 127.
complaints touching the selling of ale,
the price of wine, imprisonment of
malefactors, &c., 87.
petitions on the sale of ale in, II8,
II9.
assize of weights and measures in, 93.
— granted to the Chancellor and
Mayor together (I 327), I 17.
petition about false measures and
weights, II 7.
petition for a separate prison for
women in Oxford, IoI.
Parliamentary petitions relating to,
ed. by Miss L. Toulmin Smith,
77–16I.
Townsmen called in a poem Canaanites
and lepers, I 7o, I 79.
On persons excommunicated for of
fences in, 12 I, I22.
encroachments on the franchises of,
I 27.
possessions of churchmen in, unas-
Sessed, I5o.
the Town is well paved (temp. Edw.
III), I29.
reverence for the Town, I'70.
the plague at (1349), I 37; (1361–62
and I369), I 38.
the Black Death, at, I 71.
bakers and brewers of, 126.
butchers of, petition relative to,
I35.
cordwainers and corvisers of, petition
OXFORD CITY :
for confirmation of their charter,
I 2 I.
regrators, taverners, delinquent bakers
and brewers, fishmongers and mil-
lers of, petitions concerning them,
IO3, IO4.
companies of weavers, cordwainers
and corvisers, 86.
apprentices, 86.
Stranger merchants in, petitions re-
specting them, II 7, II8.
tilers of, I56.
weavers of, their petition to pay half
a mark to the King instead of 42s. ;
99.
— the Weavers’ gild in, their charter,
I 23, I 24.
the new foundry for carrying on the
art of stereotyping at, 388.
grant of land in the suburbs of, 7.
land at, purchased for Durham college,
26.
— tenement of the prioress and con-
vent of Stodlegh, 347.
King's mead, I60.
Market, the, control of, 175.
closure of the posterns against men
of ill-fame, IO2.
proposed new ditch for defence of, 88.
rejoicings at (1685), 273.
Volunteers raised at (1685), 259, 26o.
letter dated from, 253.
Oxford City Council, 89.
Town Clerk of (1829), 342.
Hustings of, writ delivered at the, I44.
Northgate hundred, 65.
— Bailiffs of, their complaints against
the University, I 36.
— manorial rights of, I37.
Jewess of, a, 93.
All Saints church, 171.
Battes inn, 88, I47.
Beaumont (Park Street), 6, 7.
Beaumont palace, vi, 6.
Bocardo, prison, 87, 93, Ioo.
Broad Street, 365.
— ancient gateway in, 7I.
Canditch, or Broad Street, 7, 9, 89.
— meSSuages near, I 53.
Carfax (Quadrivia), I 72, 183, I85.
— the Townsmen driven by the
Scholars to, I69.
Castle, the, 87, 9o, I6o.
— Constable of, I23, I 26, 132.
— Warden of, 87.
— the Sheriff's request for 62o in
respect of, II 3.
Cat Street, 358, 396.
F f 2
436
COLLECTA MVEA.
OXFORD CITY :
Grand Pont, petition relative to a claim
of lands in, I45.
Horsemonger Street, 7.
King's inn, the, I 56.
New College Lane, 358.
Park Street, 7.
St. Clement, parish of Peti-pount in,
I O2.
St. George’s church, in Oxford castle,
founded in Io?4; 95.
— petition concerning the Chapel, 94.
St. Mary Magdalen, parish of, I 59.
— church of, II, 95.
— seal of, vi, 26, 73.
St. Peter's in the East, parish of, 88,
II.O, 347.
St. Thomas's parish, 404.
Smithgate (Smethegate), IIo.
Stockwell Street (Stokwelstreete), 8.
Walton Street, 404.
Monks and Friars of, 18, 173, 184,
I90.
— the Friars aid the Scholars, 169.
— friction between the Friars and the
University, 191.
— rooms of the Monks of York, 19,
2O.
Augustinian Friars at, 20.
— petition from, to build a house for
study there, I 53.
Benedictine and Cistercian monks in,
I9 I.
Carmelites of, grant of annuity to,
8
— petition for fulfilment of a grant to
them, I3o.
— their library, 38.
Cistercians in, 61, 63, 64, 191, 192.
Dominicans in, 190, 191.
Friars Preachers of, 89.
— land given to them, 89.
— petition for confirmation of their
charter, I4I.
— pray that their annual moneys
granted by Henry V be assured to
them, I55.
Minorites (Franciscans, or Friars
Minor) of, 89, 194, 209.
&=º ºftion for licence to receive land,
II. O.
— petition from the Warden and
Convent of the Friars Minor, for
their annuity to be paid by writ of
the Sheriff, 141.
Oseney abbey, II, 60, 65, 83, 9o, 95.
— seal of, 73.
— Church of St. George in the Castle
of Oxford, belonging to, 9o.
OXFORD CITY :
Oseney abbey:—
Abbot and Convent of, petition touch-
ing their chapel of St. George, 94.
— assessment of their 2 mills, King's
mead, &c., I6o.
— petitions for their tenth (for the
Holy Land) to be allowed them on
the King's debt to the Pope, Io9–
IoS.
— petition touching their loss (£30)
in wax and rent, 98.
— collectors of the tenths granted by
the Pope, Io8.
Abbot of, II.
— petition for payment of rent from
Headington manor, IoI.
Canons of, 58, 95.
seal of (I 326), 26.
Rewley (Realleu) abbey, 83, 192.
— Abbot of, 90.
— — petition to the King against the
seizure of his lands, 99.
— — his contract with the Abbot of
Pynne (I285), 99.
— petition of the Abbot and Convent
to confirm their contract, I2O ; the
contract confirmed, 99.
St. Bartholomew's Hospital, 85.
— Brethren of, troubles with their
new Master, Peter de Luffenham,
89.
— — petition from, stating their
grievances against Peter de Luffen-
ham (I315), II4 ; inquiry into the
Same, with depositions of witnesses,
II.5, II6.
ST. FRIDESWIDE's monastery, 6o.
Prior and Convent of, petition for
confirmation of their charters and
franchises, I48.
— their grant of Stapelton hall to
Walter de Stapelton, 346.
— lease from, 7.
— quit rents to, 65.
— petition for the tithes of Oakley
and Brill, I 3 I.
Prior of, his rights in Oakley and
Brill, 89. -
— petition respecting his right to the
advowson of Oakley, I24.
— complains of the Chancellor and
Scholars' riot at his accustomed
fair at Oxford, I49.
— his quarrel with the University
about the annual fair, 88.
— see also John of Dodeford, and John
of Wallingford.
INDEX. 437
OXFORD CITY :
St. Frideswide’s, Canons of, 58.
— their suit with the Canons of Oseney,
— petition relative to their rebellious
conduct, I43.
St. Frideswide’s fair, I49.
seal of the Priory, 26, 73.
St. Ærideswide's Cartulary, ed. by
rev. S. R. Wigram, cited, 6, 7, 71,
I43, I48.
St. John’s Hospital, Master of, his
inquiry into the grievances of the
Brethren of St. Bartholomew's
hospital, II 5, II6.
— Brethren of, petition for licence
to receive property in Oxford, 141.
— — petition from, 89.
— — petition to the King for a grant
and confirmation of gifts, 98.
— seal of the Hospital (129I), 26, 73.
OXFORD COLLEGES :
manuscripts given by bp. William
Rede to, 214, 215.
College chartularies, gifts of books
carefully entered in, 221.
Statutes of Colleges of Oxford cited,
I 2 O.
Undergraduate's average expenses in,
292, 293.
All Souls College, 283, 286, 294,
358. +. .
-— Warden and College of, 158.
— — clause exempting their posses-
sions from the operation of the Act
of Resumption, J 57.
— — their petition touching the
manor of Wedon and Weston,
otherwise Wedon-Pinkney, 159.
— — petition for confirming grants
of certain manors, lands, &c., 16I.
— Warden of, see Andrewe, Richard.
— Bursary of, 276.
Balliol College, Io, 291.
— complaint against Hugh le De-
Spencer (1305), 88.
— grants to, mentioned, 8.
— manuscript given by William Rede
to, 2I 5.
— Statutes of (ed. I853), 34.
— Master of (1807), 390.
— the Scholars, and executors of Wil-
liam Burnel, their complaint against
Hugh le Despencer, Ios.
Bernard College, Provisor and Cis-
tercian monks of, lease to them of
Durham Hall garden, 61, 63,
64.
OXFORD COLLEGES :
Canterbury College (1361–2), 12,
I ()2.
Christ Church, 71, 281, 284, 327.
— lease from, to Hert Hall, 344.
— payment of quit-rent to, 60.
— Reader in Divinity (1535 segg.), 71.
— Westminster students of, 312.
— St. Frideswide's College (1542),
68; Master of (1541), 71.
— see also Oxford Diocese.
Corpus Christi College, 48.
Durham College, see under Durham
College.
Exeter College, v, 296, 306, 351.
— site of, 295.
— Rector and Fellows of, their leases
of Hert Hall to the Principals of
that Hall, 347–35o.
— Rectorship of, 310.
— against Dr. Newton's petition, 345,
346. -
— see also Walter de Stapelton, the
Founder.
Gloucester College, 192, 202.
Keble College, 285.
Magdalen College, v, 288, 296, 303.
— President and Fellows of, their
claim to appoint a Principal of
Magdalen Hall (1694), 349.
Merton College, 88, 204, 2I4, 215,
276.
— House of Scholars of Merton, claim
adjudged against them, I 27.
— Warden and Scholars of, petition
relative to the grant of Battes Inn,
I47.
— — petition from, to repeal a charter
for making a ditch round Oxford
for defence, I47.
— — petition touching a grant of
lands, &c., in the county of Cam-
bridge in exchange for the manor
of St. Margaret Stratton, Wilts,
I57.
— proposed grant of a messuage to,
IOO.
— ask for licence to receive land, &c.,
IOO, IoI.
— manuscripts at, I66, 18O.
New College, Wardens of, see
Bowke, John.
Chaundler, Thomas.
Sewell, J. E.
— Fellow of St. Mary Winton College
in Oxford, 24.I.
— Wykeham's Books at Mew College,
ed. by A. F. Leach, 2II–244.
— the Liber Albus, 213, 222.
— — entries in, of books given by
the Founder, 2I4.
438
COLLECTA NEA.
OXFORD COLLEGES :
New College, Benefactors’ book, 244.
— Library benefaction book, 217.
— the donors of books ask for prayers
for their souls, 22I.
— 62 manuscripts given to the Chapel,
but all now gone, 222.
Oriel College, 89, 216, 290, 320.
— Scholars of St. Mary (Oriel Col-
lege), petition for licence to acquire |
property, I25.
— grant of Newington Longville
priory to St. Mary’s College, 159.
— Rector of St. Mary's College, 291.
— Provost and Scholars of, petition
relative to their manors of Wad-
deley and Wykyngesham, co.
Berks, I56.
Pembroke College, 341.
Queen's College, Provost and Fel-
lows of, 35o.
— their appointment of the Principal
of Edmund Hall, 346.
— Zhe Case of (1748), cited, 325.
St. Bernard College, 61, 63, 64.
St. Frideswide's College, see Christ
Church.
St. John's College, garden (southern
part) of, 64.
St. Mary's College, see Oriel College.
Trinity College, formerly Durham
College, see under Durham Col-
lege.
Trinity College, 293.
— its founder, sir Thomas Pope, 3.
— dedication of, 14 note.
— the College Statutes cited, 49.
— the Hall built on the site of the
old one, II, 48.
— the Library, 25, 49.
— — stained glass in, 20.
— building of the library of, Io;
books lent to the Students by the
Convent, Io.
— President's lodgings (old), 49.
— the Bursary, used as the President's
lodgings till 1886; 47.
— the Treasury (the old ‘reves-
tiarium'), 48, 49.
— the original Common Room, then
the Bursary, now the old Bursary,
49.
— the Bachelors’ Common Room, 49.
— the bedroom of the “Poor Scholars’
(possibly an Oratory till I408),
now the Common Room, 49.
— the Buttery, 48.
— the old Quadrangle, 48.
— Trinity College Miscellanea, 13.
University College, 72.
— Master of, 285, 286.
OXFORD COLLEGES :
University College, the Master, see
also Hamsterley, R.
— dispute for the Mastership, 286,
287.
— the Visitors, 287.
— Proceedings of the Visitors of
(I723), 360.
Wadham College, sale of cottages
by, to the University (1796), 388.
Worcester College, 6, 252, 285.
OXFORD HALLS, 8
Arthur Hall, Sale of, 295, 347, 358.
Balliol Hall, 34, 72.
— extract from the Somerville Sta-
tutes of (I 340), 28, 29.
— receipts from, 66.
Black (Blake) Hall, 295, 347, 358,
359.
Cat Hall, 295, 358, 359.
* Drone Hall,’ Prideaux's suggestion
for a, 308.
Edmund Hall, Principal of, decree
confirming his appointment to the
Provost and Fellows of Queen's
College, 346.
Gloucester Hall, 6, 9, 19, 33.
Hert Hall, or Hertford Hall, see
zzzza'e?" Hert Hall.
Magdalen Hall, vii, 288, 303, 349, 35I,
358.
— the buildings of Hertford College
granted to the University for the
use of Magd. Hall, 342.
Merton Hall (College), Warden and
Scholars of, petition for confirma-
tion of grant to, from Henry a
burgess of London, I42.
— manuscripts pledged to, 37, 38.
Michel Hall, le, 358.
Perilous (Peralowse) Hall, 7.
Queen's Hall, (College) petition of
Abp. of York relative to an election
of a Provost, and the dissensions
among the Scholars, I46.
— the Abp. of York's privilege of
visitation of, I52.
— dispute with the Abp. of York,
80. -
St. *ary Hall, 286.
Shield Hall, or le Michel Hall, 358.
Stapelton Hall, its foundation and
conversion into Exeter College,
346.
University Hall, (College) Master and
Scholars of, petition touching lands
in Oxford awarded to Edmund
Fraunceys and his wife, to the ruin
of the College, I44.
— petition against E. Fraunceys for
impoverishing the Hall, 143.
INDEX. 439
OXFORD HALLS :
University Hall, petition relative to
the claim by E. Fraunceys of their
lands in Grand Pont, 145; to be
determined before the King's Coun-
cil, I45.
— the suit with Edmund Fraunceys
(Francis), 84, 89.
White Hall, 291.
OXFORD UNIVERSITY, 87, 92.
privileges granted by, to Durham Col-
lege, 74.
difficulties between the University and
the Friars (1252), 190.
petitions from, to Parliament, 82.
quarrels of the University with the
Town, 86, 88.
Town and Gown fight (1354), 88.
impoverished by the plague, 87.
suit with Cardinal de Mota, 88.
petition to the King touching a lay-
man's debt to a poor Scholar of,
92.
petitions for confirmation of their
º and other royal muniments,
petition to the King to preserve their
privileges, 96.
petition for a separate prison for
women, IoI.
petition to close posterns against
men of ill-fame, Io2.
petition for outsiders to sell fish, &c.
unimpeded, Iog.
petition for punishing delinquent
bakers and brewers, Iog.
petition for restriction of the number
of regrators, &c., Io9.
petition against millers taking too
high toll, Ioa.
petition for working parchment and
skins outside the Town walls, Ioa.
petition for performance of articles
lapsed through the Sheriff’s re-
moval, Io.4.
petition to have a general Attorney,
Ioš.
petition for sealing the composition
between the Burgesses and the Uni-
versity, after their quarrel (1314),
III.
agreement of peace between the Uni-
versity and the Burgesses, II 2.
petition against the royal dues on
victuals coming to the City, I 12.
petition for strangers to sell their
goods free from obstruction by the
Burgesses, II 7.
petition against malefactors, impri-
soned by the Chancellor, escaping,
II 8.
OXFORD UNIVERSITY:
petition against traders of the Town
complaining of strangers, II9.
petition against Burgesses indicting
Scholars and Masters, 12o.
petition for a discharge from payment
of the Subsidy, I48.
exempted from a charge to the Subsidy
(1496), I61.
request for relief of, 151.
disputes touching the Abp. of Canter-
bury's right of visitation of the Univ.
of Oxf., 152.
the yºunteers march to Islip (1685),
276.
Poems relating to the riot between
Zown and Gown (1354), 163–187.
Zºyzyt/amz de laude Uniz. Oxoniae,
ed. by rev. H. Furneaux, 188–
2O9.
Onizersity Education,by Dr. Newton,
cited, 360.
The principles of the Univ. of Oxf.
attributed to Dr. Newton, 361.
Chancellor and Masters of, petition
to delay the cause against them and
the Cardinal de la Mote, I29.
— petition against the butchers, who
kill their beasts in the middle of
the Town, I.33.
— petition for the Mayor to imprison
malefactors on the denunciation of
the Chancellor, I 34.
— petition to consider the misfortunes
of their Clergy, 136.
Chancellor and Scholars of, petition
against the Burgesses as to their
conduct in relation to the privileges
of the University, I 37.
— wrongful distress on the Bailiffs of
Oxford, I 37.
— petition from, against the Friars,
I39.
— petition to have release from pay-
ment of the Subsidy, 146; release
granted. I47.
— their riot at St. Frideswide’s fair,
I49.
* *ition for remedy against the
wrong assessment of their tene-
ments, I5 I.
Chancellors of, 74, 89, 92, 130, I43,
I 5.5; I 59. e tº a º
Chancellor, the, his jurisdiction, 87.
— excommunications within his juris-
diction, 96.
— his certificate of excommunications
to be accepted in Court, I 20.
— grant to him, to certify to the
Chancellor of England the names
44O
COLLECTA NEA.
OXFORD UNIVERSITY :
of persons excommunicated in Ox-
ford, I 2 I, I22.
Chancellor, the, denunciation of male-
factors by, Io2 ; imprisonment of
convicted harlots by, Io2.
— petition that he may imprison
maleſactors in Oxford Castle, 132.
— grant to, by Edward I, I 32.
— petition of the Chancellor and
Scholars touching the assise of
bread, wine and ale, 16o.
— assise of bread and ale granted to,
I 26.
— he encroaches on the franchises of
the Town, I27.
— petition against his unjust treat-
ment of Walter de Harewell, 128;
ordered not so to aggrieve him, I 28.
— his inquiry into the grievances of
the Brethren of St. Bartholomew’s
hospital, II 5, II6.
— old seal of the Chancellor, 74.
Chancellors of, 74, 89, 92, 130, 143,
I55, I59.
— see also
Adam de Toneworth.
Humphrey de Charlton.
Kymer, Gilbert.
Ludovic de Charlton. -
Vice-Chancellor, the, or Commissary,
24, 382, 384, 385.
— see also Wright, Walter.
High Steward, the, 247.
Masters and Scholars of, petition for
grant of land in St. Peter's in the
East, for new Schools, IIo.
— petition for the King's protection
during the grievous discords of the
University, I.33.
Doctors and Students of Law in, peti-
tion relative to the banishment of
T. Mountagu and H. Ingelby and to
a malicious order of the Chancellor,
I 4o; arbitrators appointed and their
decision confirmed, I40.
Scholars and Clerks of, their misdeeds
in counties of Oxford, Berks and
Bucks, 88, I54.
Scholars of, petition for amending
defect in the charter of their fran-
chises, I24.
Versus de disceptatione guam Scolares
Oxoniae habuerunţ de zillands,
184–187.
Irish Scholars of, petition for expel-
ling them, I55.
— the Irish students (1421–22), 88.
Clerks of, I 56; their petitions to
Edward II, 116, 117.
— not to bear arms in the Town,
OXFORD UNIVERSITY :
the Laymen being also forbidden,
except Town officials, II 9.
Clerks of, petition for certain causes to
be recognized and terminated before
the Chancellor, as already granted,
I32.
— petition for permanent grant of
the assise of weights and measures,
I42.
stºls of, II ; Secular Students,
22 I.
Beadle of, I 5 I, I52.
Statutes of the Colleges of Oxford,
cited, 84.
Statute of Provisors, 87, I 36.
University Registers, 2I.
University Chest, loan from, 18.
— manuscripts in, pledged, 38.
Old Seals of, 74.
University Archives, 166.
University Library, the, 192, 218.
|Bodleian Library, the, ix.
— books and manuscripts in, I80,
I83, 189, 249, 262, 264.
— Ballard MSS. in, 25I, 286, 303.
— Bodley MSS. in, 165, 166, 183.
— Clarendon MS. in, 247.
— Fairfax MS. in, 4.
— James MSS. in, I66, 200.
— Rawlinson MSS. in, I67, 183,
268, 281.
— Tanner MSS. in, 261, 277.
— Wood MSS. in, I23, 166, 183.
— the oldest stereotype plates there,
374. -
Bodley's Librarian (1719–29), 29O.
Hebrew School, the, 395.
Medicine and Anatomy School, the,
395.
Music School, the, 395.
Music and Rhetoric School, the, 395.
Tower of the Five Orders, the, 396.
Writing School, the, books stacked
in, 396.
Sheldonian Theatre, the, classical
books stacked in the cellars of,
396.
UNIVERSITY PRESS, the, ix.
Charles earl Stanhope and the Oxford
Onizersity Press, ed. by Horace
Hart, 363–4I 2.
Delegates for printing, the, indebted
to the Earl of Leicester and the
Earl of Clarendon, 365.
— the offer of lord Stanhope’s in-
ventions to, 366, 367 ; some of
them adopted, 365; payment by
the University for them, 367.
JNDEX.
44 I.
OXFORD UNIVERSITY :
University Press:–Minute-books of
the Delegates, 364; extracts from,
382–394; their agreement with
Andrew Wilson (1805), 385–387.
estimate of the state of the stereotype
business from A. Wilson's account-
books, 392.
the Bible Press, 396.
the Bible Warehouse, 403.
the partners and printers to the Univer-
sity, see Bensley, Tho., Colling-
wood, Sam., Cooke, Jos., and
Parker, Mr.
the University Press (1796–1825), at
the Clarendon Printing-house in
Broad Street, 365, 395.
the New University Printing-house in
Walton Street, occupied in 1830;
4O4.
see also Stanhope, Charles earl.
Oxford, Aubrey de Vere earl of, 258.
Paddles of steamboats, treatise on, 366.
Pakett, William, manuscripts given by
him to New College, 242. -
Pan's hill (Panchehale), at Godstow,
II.O.
Pantatype printing, on, 377, &c.
Paper duty, the, abolished, 389.
Pardon, general, of 1685 and 1688; 268.
Paris, I89, 194, 205, 206, 369.
— library of the College of Sorbonne
at, and prices of manuscripts of,
2I 6, 218, 219, 220.
Parker, Mr., printer at the Univ. Press,
Oxford (1812–25), 403, 404.
— report on the stereotype plates (1823),
394.
Parker, James, his AEarly Aſſistory of
Oxford cited, 89, 95, I44, I46.
Parker, Matthew, archbp. of Canterbury,
IO. -
Parliament, the, I45 (bis).
— Rolls of Parliament, 81, I 31, 135,
# 46 sº sº, sº sº, so-
IOI.
Parliamentary Petitions relating to
Oxford, ed. by Miss L. Toulmin
Smith, 77–161. -
Parliamentary petitions not generally
dated, 81. -
Petitions from the Commons :—
— (in 1389 and 1410), 87.
— against illegal privileges of the Univ.
of Oxf., 87.
— against Churchmen exempting their
possessions from assessment to tithes,
I5O, I 52.
— touching the modification of the
Parliament; the Commons' petitions:
Statute of Provisors, to favour the
Universities, I5 I.
— to revoke the letters patent exempting
the Univ. of Oxf. from appearing
before the King's judges, I5I ; the
obnoxious grant excepted, I 52.
— for remedy of the Clerks’ desolation
in the Universities, I53.
— touching the misdeeds of Scholars
and Clerks of the Univ. of Oxford,
praying for trial by jury, &c., I 54.
— touching deeds, &c., committed in
counties of Oxford, Berks, Wilts and
Bucks, to the scandal of the Univer-
sity, I55.
— relative to non-residents, I56.
— for licence to grant property to St.
Nicholas', Littlemore, I56.
Parsons John, D.D., 382, 383,385, 387.
Paschall, rev. A., rector of Chedzoy, 25o.
Pelham, Henry, educated at Hert Hall,
283, 316, 352.
— letter to, from Dr. Newton, 353.
— letter from, to the Duke of Newcastle,
his brother, 353.
— extract from letter to him, 338.
Pelham, Thomas, afterwards duke of
AVewcastle, q.v.
Pembroke, court of, 94.
Pembroke, Thomas 8th earl of, 260,
266, 271.
Pensford, 263.
Pershore, prior of, 24.
Peshall's Aſist. of City of Oxford cited,
I 3I.
Peter de Gaveston, earl of Cornwall,
90, 99, 12O.
Peter de Lakynge, asks licence to grant
a messuage to Merton Coll., Ioo.
Peter de Luffenham, master of St. Bar-
tholomew’s hospital, 89.
— complaint against him by the poor
Brethren of St. Bartholomew's hos-
pital, II4; inquiry into their grievances,
with depositions of witnesses, I 15, I 16.
Peterborough, Bp. of, his Memoir of
bp. Anthony Bež cited, 7.
Petitions to the Parliaments of 1315 and
1320, Receivers of, II 7.
— see also Parliamentary Petitions.
Petrus de Anchorano, manuscripts of,
238, 239.
Petrus Blesensis, AEpistolae, ms., 224.
Petrus Parisiensis, Ząbrz Petri Paris.,
mS., 229.
Petrus Pictaviensis, Summa, ms., 40.
‘Petrus plenus amoris,' writer of ms.
Fairfax vi; 4.
Petrus de Ravenna, Sermones, mss., 40,
23O.
442
COLLECTA NEA.
Petrus Scenonensis, ms. of, 229.
Petwardyn, Walter, payment to, 58.
Philip de Eu (Euw, or Ho), mayor of
Oxford, 7, I 22, 123.
Philip de Somerville, 30.
Philipot, John, mayor of London (1378),
I3.
Philippa, queen of Edward III, 15, 165,
I67, 169.
Philip's Norton, fight at, 267.
Phillpotts, Henry, bp. of Exeter, 34I.
Philosophical Magazine, the, cited, 374.
Pickering, Edgar, his After Sedgemoor
cited, 249.
Pingeron, J. C., 377.
Pink and Dogger, the (ships), 261.
Pits, quoted, 208.
Pitt, William, on his Alan for the
reduction of the National Z)eół,’ 366.
Pittington, the Prior's hall at, 25.
Plague at Oxford, 137, I 38.
Planctus Üniv. Oxoniae, Dialogue
between the University and a Scholar,
I64–179.
Tlato, Ij6.
Plumptre's Zife of Ken cited, 271.
Pluralities, statute against, 335.
Plymouth Hoe, 176.
Poitou (Poictou, Poytou), 99, 12o.
Poklyngton, William (I409), 4o.
Pole, cardinal, 217.
Pontefract (Poumfrate), 14.
Pope, Alexander, printed works of, 381.
Pope, sir Thomas, founder of Trinity
College, 3, 7, 49.
— sale of Durham college to (1554), 22.
— his dedication of the College, 14.
— Life of, by Tho. Warton, cited, 6.
Popes, I4.
— ambassador from Edward III to the
Pope (1374), 23.
— payment from the Abbot and Con-
vent of Oseney to the Pope, for king
Edward I, Ioé, Io?.
— see also Urban V.
Popish Plot, the, 277.
Port, John, vicar of Fishlake, payment
to, 58.
PUIL U1 PUrte, William, challces, missal,
vestments, &c., given by him to New
College (I459), 231, 232.
— his wife Alice, 232.
Portsmouth, 268.
Potter, George, 67–69.
Potter, John, bp. of Oxford, 284, 308,
354.
Poytou, see Poitou.
Prayer, Aorm of prayer for zictories over
the A’ebels cited, 274.
Prayer-Book, 394.
Arayer Book, The Brevier (1806), 389.
Records in
Arayer Book, printing of it, in the stereo-
type process, 386.
Preston, 58.
Preston, South, see Simonside.
Price, John, B.D., 382, 385, 387.
Price, Theodore, principal of Hert Hall,
built the Principal's lodgings, 359.
Prideaux, Humphrey, dean of Norwich,
308, 319, 335.
— his Zetters to Ellis quoted, 270, 276.
Printing, the wooden handpress super-
Seded, 395.
Profundus, Doctor, see Thomas de Brade-
wardina.
Pullen, or Pullanne, John, B.A., 68 (bis),
I
Punchard, Agnes, grant of house from,
98.
Pynne (Pyn), in Poitou, Abbot and
Convent of, contract with the Abbot
and Convent of Rewley, 99, I2O.
Quiller-Couch, Miss, her Reminiscences
of Oxford cited, 313.
Qwylly, see Williby.
R. de C., prior of Durham coll., 23,
29, 47. g
Raby, see Nevill, lord, of Raby.
Radcliffe, or Ratclyff, Christopher, B.A.,
68, 71.
— payments to, 68 (bis).
Radcliffe, John, M.D., application to
trustees of, from the Delegates of Ac-
counts, 384; liberal resolution of the
trustees in answer to same, 385.
Radulphus, Super Zezyżticum, ms., 23.I.
Raine, James, his Hist. Dune/me. Scrip-
fores tres cited, 6, 7, 12, I5.
Ralph, James, his Aſistory of England
cited, 255.
Ralph, son of Adam de Claghton, see
Fitz-Adam.
Ralph de Lumley, lord of Simonside, sir,
58, 6o.
Randolph, John, bp. of Oxford, 385, 387.
Rashdall, rev. Hastings, quoted, 91,
I47, I67, I68, I 75, I 77, 190.
—his AZasz. of the Umzzersztzes of Aurope
cited, 74, 98, 136, 192, 200, 20I.
— his Aºriars AE’reachers versus the Univ.
of Oxf. cited, 190.
Rasiz, Zºe Almos, ms., 243.
Ratclyff, see Radcliffe, Christopher.
Rawlinson, Thomas, 183, 28.I.
Raymundus, Summa, ms., 236.
— — price of mss. of, 220.
Realleu (Real lu), see under Oxford,
Rewley.
the Chancery and Ex-
chequer, 79, 80.
INDEX.
443
Rede, or Reed, William, fellow of Mer-
ton Coll., afterw. bp. of Chichester,
his gifts to New College and Merton,
214–216, 22I.
— he asks for prayers for himself and
those from whom he bought the books,
22 I.
— full inscriptions entered in the manu-
Scripts given by him, 22I, 222.
— list of the manuscripts given by him
to New College (in the I4th cent.),
223-225, 234-238.
Rede, or Reed, William, vicar of St.
Mary Magdalen, Oxf., 215, 241 (?).
Relics, given to New College, 231 (note).
Religious Orders, see under Oxford.
Reresby, Sir J., 275.
— Memoirs of, cited, 272.
Rewley abbey, see under Oxford.
Reyner, his Apostolatzes Benedictimorum
Žzz Anglia cited, 6, 9, 24.
Richard II, I4, 166.
— petitions to, 95, I4I-I5I.
Richard III, 9, 153.
— tithes paid to, 57, 58.
Richard de Bury, bp. of Durham, 8–Io,
I2.
— his Register, 9.
— his famous library of MSS., 9.
— his Philoëzëlon, ed. by E. C. Thomas,
cited, 9.
Richard le Ceu, his daughter, I 37.
Richard de Claxton, prior of Durham, 6.
Richard de Hoton, sub-prior, afterw.
prior of Durham, 6, 7, 26.
Richard de Lincoln, abbot of Louth
Park, 205.
Richard de Stafford, 176.
Richard de Toneworth, fellow of Merton,
2I4.
A'ites of Durham (Surtees Soc.), cited,
7, 16, 38, 48, 66, 7I.
Robert de Blaklaw, prior of the Coll.
of Durham monks at Oxford, or war-
den of Durham Coll., I 2, 24, 72.
— his accounts for I 392–3, 56–60.
Robert of Candeur, proposed grant of
land, &c., from, Ioo.
Robert de Claxton, prior of Coldingham,
23: 34.
Robert de Graystanes, 6, 7, 23, 37.
— his Exposzczones, ms., 38.
Robert de Lanchester, chancellor, and
afterw. shrine-keeper, of Durham, 12.
Robert de Walworth, see Berington,
Robert.
Robert de Wormenhale, mayor of Ox-
ford, I 22, 123.
Robert of Wynebroke, grant of house
from, 98.
— his wife Juliana, 98.
Roberts, Mr., his Life of the Duke of
AMonmouth cited, 247, 248, 250, 255,
257, 26o, 264-268. 278.
Robertson, Dan, architect, 404.
Rochester, bp. of, see Trillek, Thomas.
— archdeacon of, 214.
Rochester, Laurence Hyde earl of, 247.
Rochon, Abbé de, 377.
— his work Sur /'art de multiplier les
copies cited, 378.
Rodington (Rudyngton), near Notting-
ham, 34, 56, 6o.
— church of, I4, 58, 61.
— — payments by, 62.
— advowson of, I 3.
A'ofredus (Gofredus?), ms., 241.
Roger de Hegham, sir, Io9.
Roger de Wrytele, licence to grant lands
to the Abbess of Godstow, 96.
Rogers, prof. J. E. Thorold, 175, 176.
— his History of Prices cited, 213.
— his Oxford City Documents cited,
I74, 176.
Atolls of AEarliament, notes on, and
extracts from, 81–84, IIo, III, I 25,
I31, 135, 144, 146, 150, 151, 154,
I57, I 59–16I.
Rolls, Clerk of the, see Frank, John.
Rome, Church of 13, 14, 33, 35, 129,136.
— Oxford Scholar at, 93.
Rome, Thomas, S.T.P., I 7, 24.
— payment to (I4II), I5.
Romney (Rommeney), I 58.
Rondell, or Rondall, Philip, principal
of Hert Hall, lease to, from Rector
and Fellows of Exeter Coll., 347–349.
— the Hall (now the Library) of Hert
Hall built by him, 359.
Rose, Thomas, of London, I4.
Rotuli Parliamenti, see Rolls.
Routh, Martin Joseph, D.D., 382, 385,
387.
Rowland, Thomas, S.T.B., warden of
Durham coll., 25.
— payment to (1481), I 5.
Royal Academy, the, 250.
Rudyngton, see Rodington.
Rumbold (Rumball), taken prisoner,
262.
— executed in Scotland, 263, 270.
Rycote, 253.
Rymer’s Aoedera cited, 75.
Rypon, Robert (IAI9), 41.
Saberell, see Franciscus de Saberell.
Saham, church of, I 20.
— — the fee farm held by the Abbot
of Rewley, 99.
St. Alban's, 14.
— arms of, at Worcester Coll., 6.
— abbot of, 9.
444
COLLECTANEA.
St. Amour (Seyntamore), Wymundus,
I93, 194, 20I ; see Guillaume de
St. Amour.
St. Bartholomew's Hospital, see under
Oxford.
St. Cuthbert, 65.
St. Frideswide’s, see under Oxford.
St. Leonard's, near Stamford, 6.
St. Margaret Stratton, co. Wilts, manor
of, granted to Merton Coll., 157.
St. Scholastica's day (Feb. Io, I 35%),
the Town and Gown riot at Oxford,
I63–187, 191.
Saints'-days in rolls of Accounts, 15th
cent., 65.
Salisbury, bp. of, see Burnet, Gilbert.
Sallust, printed (1736), 376.
Sancto Victore, H. de, see Hugo de
Sancto Victore.
Sanders, John, fellow of Hertford Coll.,
335, 356.
Saundres, William, and his wife Isabel,
144.
Savage, Henry, his Aal/iofengus cited,
8
Savage, William, his Dictionary of the
art of printing cited, 397.
Schaaf, Carl, his Syriac dictionary cited,
374.
‘Sciences, the primitive,’ instruction
In, 7.
Scotch regiments, the, 273.
Scotch wars (c. I405), 33.
Scotland, I 74, 270.
— Universities of, 389.
Scrope, Richard, Lord Chancellor, 149.
Scrope, see Geoffrey le Scrope.
Seals, description of plates of, 26.
Seaman, William, of Oriel Coll., 290–
293.
Searchfield, Emilie, his Secret Caze
cited, 249.
Secret services of Charles ZZ and /ames
A/, quoted, 262.
Sedgemoor, battle of, 273–277.
Seint Clere, I58.
Sendale, see John de Sendale.
Senis, F. de, see Fredericus de Senis.
Sentendiue, list Uſ Iualıusulipts Uſ, 223–
226, 228, 229.
Service books, lists of, at Durham
College, 36, 5 I.
— in the Chapel, Durham coll. (1428),
43.
— given to New Coll. Chapel, 222.
Seton, William, 51.
— payment to, I5.
Sewell, dr. J. E., warden of New College,
viii, 213, 217.
Seymour, Charles, see Somerset, duke of.
Seyntamore, see St. Amour.
Shakspeare's Works, stereotype editions
of, 38 I.
Sharpe, dr. William, principal of Hert-
ford coll., afterw. Reg. prof. of Greek,
3 I 7, 34o. -
Sherlock, Thomas, bp. of London, 317.
Shirley, John, 356.
Shotover forest, Warden of, III.
Shotover (Shothore) wood, 97.
Sidonius, AEpistolae, ms., 230.
— price of a MS., 218.
Signet, Keeper of the King's, see Bacon,
John.
— Lord Privy Seal, 298.
Simon of Braundene, I 37.
Simon de Stanes, 75.
Simondburn, 8.
— rectory of, 9.
Simonside (Simondset), alias
Preston, lord of (1399), 58, 6o.
Singer, Mr., his ed. of Clarendon’s
AJiary cited, 253.
Singleton, John, 70.
Sinker, Dr., librarian of Trin. coll.
Cambr., 188.
Skelton's Oxonia antigua restazarata
cited, 71.
Skene, W. F., his Celtic Scotland cited,
South
I 74.
Skirlaw (Skyrlowe), Walter, bp. of
Durham, 5, 18, 72.
— manuscripts given by him to New
College, 230, 23.I.
Sleech, dr., Provost of Eton, 367.
Slingsby, Marmaduke, 71.
Smith, Miss Lucy Toulmin, editor of
Parliamentary petitions relating to
Oxford, 77–161.
Smith, dr. Thomas, principal of Hert
hall, 28 I, 282. -
Smith, William, his Annals of Oniz.
Col/. cited, 144, I46, 287.
Smyth, John, provost of Frampton
(1393), 59. g
Smyth (Smythe), Richard, D.D., fellow
of Merton coll., 68, 71. -
Solomon, Postille super librum Salo-
ſmonis, mS., 37.
SUIIIastel, Josepli, 292, 293.
Somerset, Charles Seymour, duke of,
248, 265, 271.
Somerset, Henry, marquis of Worcester,
see Beaufort, duke of.
Somerset, John, I57.
Somersetshire, militia of, 257.
Somerville (Sumervill), see Philip de
Somerville.
Sorbonne library, see under Paris.
Southboys, in Bernwood forest, 131.
Southholland, near Frampton, 65.
Southwark, 273.
INDEX.
445
Southwell, canon of, 214.
— vicar of (1369), 228.
— Southwell minster, 213, 2I4.
Southwell, Mr., 262.
Sparke, Thomas, D.D., prior of Holy
Island, account of, 2I.
Speke, –, 267.
‘Spendement,’ the Chancery at Dur-
ham abbey, 38; catalogue of
Spendement books (I 391), 38–40.
Stafford, earl of (1354), I69.
Stafford, see Richard de Stafford.
Staffordshire potteries, 405.
Stamford (Stanford), I8, 21, 62.
— prior of St. Leonard’s at, 24, 59.
— students of, II. -
Stamford Schism, 87, 88, I 33, I 34.
Stamford, Henry, prior of Finchale, 23,
28, 34.
Standish, sir Richard, bart., 268.
Stanes, see Simon de Stanes.
Stanford, see Stamford.
STANHOPE, Charles 3rd earl :—
Charles earl Stanhope and the Oxford
Onizersity Press, ed. by Horace Hart,
363-412. -
— his ‘secret process” of stereotyp-
ing, 369-395.
— the wooden handpress and other
appliances which he superseded,
395–398.
— his iron presses of the 1st and 2nd
constructions, 398–404.
— his inking with rollers, 404.
— the Stanhope ‘ cases’ and the
Stanhope logotypes, 405-409.
— his pantatype, 41o, 4 II.
— as lord Mahon, 366–368.
— account of him, 367–369.
— his portrait by Thos. Gainsborough,
365.
— disagreement between him and And.
Wilson, 393.
— his letter to And. Wilson, 402.
— his papers on printing and stereo-
typing, 365 ; they are left to eight
different persons, 366.
— his collection of MSS., 369.
— his study of Logic, and his instru-
ment called the “Demonstrator, 366.
— on stereotype printing, 376.
— the Stanhope inventions, 399.
tºº º: Stanhope printing-press, 366,
307. -
— — ZXirections for using it (1805),
4OI.
— his sketches of the Stanhope
printing-press and of his logotypes
and cases, 398, 406.
— the Stanhope iron press, 404.
— his work Ozz Azāzzling, 369, 372.
Stanhope, Charles 3rd Earl :
— his Specimens of typography . . .
(18o3), 404. g
— his Observations on Mr. Aitt's plan
for the reduction of the Mational
ZJebt cited, 366, 399.
— his Specification respecting Shifts and
Wessels cited, 366.
Stanley, Edward Geoffrey, see Derby,
earl of.
Stanyan, Temple, Under-Secretary of
State, 353. .
— letter to, from Dr. Newton, 352.
— letter from, to Dr. Newton, 353.
Stapelton, see
Gibun de Stapelton.
Nicholas de Stapelton.
Walter de Stapelton, bp. of Exeter.
Stapleton, Mrs., her Zhree Oxfordshire
parishes cited, 253.
Stele, Ralph, 5.
Stene, John, wineseller, I22.
Stephen de Addington, I 22, 123.
Stephen de Langton, abp. of Canter-
bury, On Accles?astes, price of
a MS., 218. -
— Super Ecclesiasticum, ms., 39.
— Super AEcclesiam, ms., 229.
Stephens, William, 3oo. -
Stereotype office, standing rules of the
(1894), 375.
Stereotype printing, on, 377, &c.
Stevenson, rev. Joseph, 4, 7, 8, 16.
— his Account of Zurham College
cited, 3.
— his notes on the deeds, 73.
Stirling (Estrivelin) battle-field, vow to
the Carmelites made there by king
Edward II, 89, 130.
Stonor, Edmund, sheriff of Oxford,
I43.
Stower, his Arinter's grammar cited,
367, 399.
Stradling, col., his regiment, 278.
Strafford, lord, his brother, 255.
Strangeways or Strangways, Thomas,
M.P. for Dorset, 288, 298.
Stratford-le-Bow (Stratford atte Boghe),
writ dated from, 136.
Strawberry Hill, 368.
Stubbs, William, bp. of Oxford, 3, II6.
— his Cozzstitutional history cited,
I5 I.
Studley (Stodleye), land at, 97.
Sudborough, 335.
— rectory of, 281 ; Dr. Newton resigns
it on condition that the Curate shall
Succeed him, 317.
Sudbury, Simon, abp. of Canterbury,
a subsidy granted by him for the
Clergy, I 48,
446
COLLECTA/VEA.
Suetonius, De zita Caesarum, ms. (?),
233.
Suicete, Roger, see Swinshed.
Sumervill, see Somerville.
Sunderland, land in, I 3.
Surtees Society, 3, 6.
Sutton's hospital, governors of, 354.
— school of, 354.
Swalwell, Thomas, S.T.P., warden of
Durham college, 25. -
Swift, dean, 266.
— printed works of, 38I.
— his /ournal to Stella cited, 258,
268.
Swineshead (Swinshed, Swynesheved),
abbot and monks of, 59.
Swinshed (Swynshede), John, 65.
Swinshed (Suicete, Swinsete, Swynes-
heved), Roger, 194, 202, 204.
— Zzz Aºetºr. Zombard. eluczebrationes,
2O4.
Swinstead, co. Linc., 204.
Talar, William, 68.
Tancredus, Su/u/ua Zuzzcz’etz de Corneto,
mS., 239.
Tangier, 278.
Tankerville, earl of (Forde lord Grey),
274.
Tanner, bp. Thomas, his Bibliotheca
Aritazzno-Aſibernica cited, 23, 38,
I89, IQI, 2O2, 204, 208.
Taunton, 257, 26o.
— ransom of the Maids of, 248.
— Castle at, 248.
Taverner, see Walter le Taverner.
Taylor (Tayllor), William (1542), 67.
7errae ſilius, see Amherst, N.
Terry, Henry, 356.
Tesdale, Walter, sub-prior of Durham,
4O.
7 estamenta Eboracensia cited, I 3.
Testament (New), the, on printing it in
stereotype, 386, 389.
— for lists of manuscripts of the Old
and New Test., see zender Bible.
Thames, River, 83, 9o, I42, 160.
— petitions for removing the gorces
(dams), locks and mills obstructing
the Thames, Io8, Io9.
— petition relative to obstructions in,
I38.
— the Thames highway, 8o.
Theophrastus, the Characters of, ed. by
Dr. Newton, 361.
Thetford, co. Cambr., 156.
Thew, Henry, payment to (1495), I5.
Thomas de Aquino, 217.
— lists of manuscripts of, and com-
mentaries upon his writings, 36–40,
22 I, 224–230, 232, 234, 235.
Thomas de Bamburgh, petition for
remedy against the Master and Scho-
lars of Merton, 127.
Thomas de Bradwardine, chancellor of
St. Paul's, afterw. archbp. of Canter-
bury, /)e causa Zei contra Pelagium,
mS., 224.
Thomas of Braundene, clerk, 137.
Thomas de Midilton, 57, 58.
Thomas, E. C., his edition of the Philo-
biblon of Richard de Bury, cited, 9.
Thoresby, see John de Thoresby.
Thornton, Robert, official of the Bp. of
Lincoln, 64.
Thornton, William, the gate, with the
library, of Hert hall built by him,
359.
Thrupp, manor of, 253.
Tillemont, his Mem. Æccl. cited, 207.
Tilloch, Alexander, printer of Glasgow,
373-377.
– his patent for stamping in metal,
4IO.
— his Ahilosophical Magazine cited,
374.
ZŽmes newspaper, the, 408.
— logotypes used in printing it, 407.
Tipping, Thomas, of Ewelme, 255.
Tºº or Toide, Anthony, B.C.L., 67,
8.
Toneworth, see
Adam de Toneworth.
Richard de Toneworth.
Toul, printer at, 378.
Townshend, 2d Wiscount (1715), 308,
3I9.
| Treasurers of England, I53, 156.
Trenchard, –, 267.
Trevithelam, Richard, his Supplica-
tiones ad B. M. V72 ginem, at Paris,
189.
Trillek, Thomas, bp. of Rochester, ms.
bought from, 22I.
Trowbridge, 267.
Trübner, Messrs., their American,
European and Oriental literary re-
cord cited, 374.
Tryvytlam (Trevytham, Trevethan,
'1'revithelam), 163, 173, 188–193.
Tryzyſlam de laude Univ. Oxoniae [a
poem], ed. by rev. H. Furneaux, 163,
188–209.
Tuning, treatises on, 366.
Tunworth, see Toneworth.
Turenne, marshal, his nephew the earl of
Feversham, 258.
Twyne, Brian, notes upon him and his
manuscripts, 12, 13, 166, I 70–174,
I76–178, I80, 183, 184, I86–188,
I98, 200, 203.
— his ‘Collectanea’ cited, II.
INDEX.
447
Twyne, Brian, transcribes the poem
Tryzytlam de laude Univ. Oxon.,188.
Tye, Thomas, 261.
Tyne, North, valley of, 9.
Tyrington, see William de Tyrington.
Uffington, 257.
Ulsby (UIluesby), Thomas, 57, 58.
Universities, the, I51. -
— petition touching the desolation of
the Clergy in, I53.
— disputes of the four Mendicant
Orders with the two Universities, 89.
— see also Cambridge and Oxford.
Upchurch, 158.
Upton, see Mabel de Upton.
Urban V, pope, I2.
Urban VI, pope, I4.
— bulls of, mentioned, 31, 34.
Uthred de Boldon (Owtrede de Bolton),
S.T.P., II, I 3, 189, I92, 193, 202,208.
— biographical account of, 23.
Valor Ecclesiasticus cited, 2I.
Van der Mey, J., father of the painter,
374.
Vaughan, lieut., 267.
Vaughan, rev. Peter, Senior Proctor,
385, 387.
Venantius Fortunatus, quoted, 204.
Vere, Aubrey de, see Oxford, earl of.
Vienna, see Hugo de Vienna.
Vincentius, Zn speculo historial, ms.,
23 I.
Vives, Ludovicus, 2O4.
W. Lugdunensis, Summa sermomum,
mS., 225.
Wadley (Waddeley), manor of, I56.
Wade's Narrative, 26o.
Wafre (Wafrey), Mabel, abbess of
Godstow, 90, 97, 98, I25.
— grant from, 7
Wales, lord President of the Council in,
26o.
Walker, Robert, ironsmith, employed
by lord Stanhope, 379, 399, 402, 403,
4O5.
— sets up a stereotyping foundry on his
Own account, 393.
— as press-maker, Vine Street, Picca-
dilly, his Directions for using the
Stanhope printing £7°ss, 401.
Walker and Keating, Messrs., 388.
Wall, Mr., secretary to the Radcliffe
trustees, 385.
Wallingford, see John de Wallingford.
Walpole, Horace, earl of Orford,
quoted, 289, 368.
— Prizate correspondence of, cited, 368.
Walter de Harewell, grievances of,
I 27.
— petition for remedy against the un-
just treatment of the Chancellor of
the University, I 28.
Walter de Merton, 6.
Walter de Stapelton, bp. of Exeter, 3oo.
— his purchase of Arthur hall and Hert
hall in order to found Stapelton hall,
295.
Walter (Wauter) le Taverner, wine-
seller, I22.
Walter de Tesdale, his accounts for
1392–3 ; 56–60.
Walter, Godfrey, manager of the Zºmes,
4O7.
Walter, John, printer and editor of the
7?mes, 407, 408.
Walworth family, 14.
Walworth, Robert de, see Berington,
Robert.
Warcupp, Sir Edmund, account of him,
277.
Wareham, William, archbp. of Canter-
bury, books given by him to New
College (I508), 233, 234.
Warton, Thomas, his Zife of sir Zho.
A ope, 6, 7.
Wash, the, 60.
Washington, see Wessington, John.
Watts, Richard, printer to the Univ. of
Cambr., 383, 387, 393.
Wearg, Sir Clement, 296.
Wearmouth (Wermouth), Cell of Dur-
ham Monastery, 6, II, 2 I, 23, 24, 59,
2O8.
— Masters of, 24, 25.
— rolls of, II.
Webster’s Anglish dictionary cited,
37O. .
Wedon Pinkney or Wedon and Weston,
co. Northants, manor of, I 58–16o.
Wells, 270–272.
Wells, dean of, see Burnel, William.
Welsh, the, 178.
Welton, Northants, 281.
Welwyn, Herts, 339.
Wendover, John, proctor of Univ. of
Oxf., 149.
Wentworth, lady Henrietta, 25o.
Wentworth, Peter, brother of lord
Strafford, his daughter Juliana, 255.
Wermouth, see Wearmouth.
Wessington, or Washington, John,
bursar of Durham Coll. (I 398),
prior of Durham (I416), 8, 27, 41,
65, 67, 74.
— as chancellor of Durham, books
sent by him from Durham to Oxford
(in 1395), 39; (in 1409), 40.
West, James, of Ball. Coll., 291.
448
COLLECTA NEA.
Westbury, see William de Westbury.
Westby, Robert, lands, &c. of, I44.
— writ of formedone against, I45.
Westminster, IoS, I26, 145, I46, 281.
— charters dated from, 30, 142, 358.
Westminster Abbey, Monmouth's vault
in, 278.
Westmorland, Robert, 27.
Weston, see Adam de Weston.
Weston, Stephen, bp. of Exeter, 289,
297, 299, 303, 307, 338.
Weybridge, printing office at, 405.
Wharton, his Anglia Sacra cited, 6.
— his Chronicle of Å'obert de Gray-
stames cited, 74.
Wheatley, his ed. of Memoirs of sir
N. W. Wraxall, 368.
Whichwood, forest of, 98.
— petition touching the tenth of the
venison taken there, I 25.
Whitby (Qwythy), 19.
White, sir Thomas, 64.
Whitefield (Whytefeld), Henry, manu-
Script given by, to New College, 230.
Whitehall, letters dated from, 254–273,
277, 353.
Whitehead (Whithed), Hugh, S.T.P.,
warden of Durham coll., afterw.
prior, and dean, of Durham, Io, 25.
— receipts from, 67.
Whitehead (Whithed, or Whitthed),
Thomas, 70.
Whittingham, Mr., printer, 387, 403.
Whytefeld, see Whitefield, Henry.
Wicliffe, see Wyclif, John.
Wigan, 268.
Wigram, rev. S. R., his Cartulary of
St. Frédeswide's cited, 6, 7, 71, I43,
I48.
Wikys, chaplain of, see Wykes.
Wildman, 267. -
Wiliot (Wyllyot), John, clerk, 88, 147.
Wilkins, Charles, F.R.S., 38o.
Wilkins, D., his Cozzcilia cited, 6–9, 12,
14, 24, 33-35, 64.
William III, king, 255, 268, 271.
— as Prince of Orange, 248, 249, 256,
273.
William, chancellor of T-incoln, Shamma,
ms., 228.
William de Appleby, his account for
building Durham Coll. chapel (1406–
8), 71, 72.
William de Ayrmynne, sir, III.
William de Bereford, Io9.
William de Blaykeston, 60.
William de Chambre, 12.
William de Edendon (Edingdon), bp.
of Winchester, lord Treasurer, 176.
William de Frileford, 115.
William le Heyward, 97.
William de Kybellesworth, his accounts
for 1392–3 ; 50–60.
William de Lumley (Lomly), 35, 60.
William le Messer, 97. -
William de Newton (Neutun), clerk, 137.
William of Ockham, 193.
William de Spersholt, Sheriff of Oxford
and Warden of Oxford Castle, pe-
tition against the imprisonment of
Clerks, committed by the Chancellor,
I 34.
William de Tyrington, canon of Lincoln,
2I9.
— manuscripts given by him to New
College, 237.
William de Walworth, mayor of London
(1380), 13.
William de Westbury, master of St.
Bartholomew's Hospital, I 14, II 5.
William of Wykeham, bp. of Winchester :
Wykeham's Books at AWew College, ed.
by Ar. F. Leach, 2II-244.
— list of manuscripts given by him to
New College, 225-236, 240, 24.I.
— New College MS. 171 assigned to
him, 2I5.
— his nephew John Wykeham, 238,239.
William de Wyneye, clerk, 128.
Williams, George, D.M., 385, 387.
Willis and Clark’s Cambridge cited, 9,
, 48.
Wilson, Andrew, printer, lord Stanhope's
foreman in the stereotyping business,
367, 369, 375, 383, 384, 387, 391,
409–412.
— his ‘Letter to the authors, book-
sellers, &c., of Great Britain . . .” on
Stereotype printing (1803), &c., ms.,
377–382, 410.
— letter from, on stereotype printing,
382, 383. -
— articles of agreement between him
and the Delegates of the Univ. Press,
Oxford, 385–387.
— estimate of the state of the stereotype
business from his account-books
(18o3), 392, 393. .
— letter from lord Stanhope to, about
the printing presses, 4oz
Wilson, F. J. F., his Stereotyping and
electrotyping quoted, 393. -
Wilton, 266.
Wiltshire, Militia of, 26o, 267.
Winchester (Wyncestre), bishops of,
I29, 169, 222.
— see also
William de Edingdon.
William of Wykeham.
— master of St. Cross near, 214.
Winchester College, by old Wykehamists,
cited, 2I4.
IAWDEX.
449
Windsor, 253, 260.
— Canons of St. George's, grant to, 9.
Windsor, see Wyndesore, John.
Wingham College, in Kent, 2I4.
Winter, Hugh, 67.
Wise, Francis, drawing by, 71.
Wolseley, lord, 257.
— his Marlborough cited, 258, 261.
Wolsingham, rector of, see Sparke,
Tho.
Wood, Anthony, notes upon him and
his MSS., 20, 98, I23, 166, 170–178,
180, 182–184, 186, 188.
— his Annals cited, I67, 168, 171, 182.
— his Colleges, ed. Gutch, cited, 309.
— his Fasti cited, 25, 277.
— his City of Oxford, ed. by rev. A.
Clark, cited, 7, 190, IQ2, 202.
— Wood's Zife and Zimes, ed. by rev.
A. Clark, cited, 276.
Woodcote, 25o.
Woodlark, dr., founder of St. Catharine's
hall, Cambr., 216.
Woodstock (Woudstocke, Wodestoke),
9 4 *
— tithes due from the manor and park
of (1314), II 3.
— Mayor of (1685), 255.
Woodward (Wodeward), see John de
Wodeward.
Worcester (Wyrcestre), 276.
— Bishop of, I29.
— Archdeacon of, 286.
Worcester, 3rd marquis of (Henry
Somerset), afterw. duke of Beaufort,
G. V.
Wormenhale, see
Andrew de Wormenhale.
Robert de Wormenhale.
Worth, dr.W., archdn. of Worcester, 286.
Wraxall, sir N. W., Memoirs of, ed. by
Wheatley, cited, 368. -
Wray, of Glentworth, pedigree of, 250.
Wray, Miss, 25o.
Wray, sir Cecil, 25o.
Wray, sir William Ullithorne, 250.
Wright, Thomas, his Caricature history
of the Georges, cited, 369.
Wright, Walter, archdeacon of Oxford
and Vice-Chancellor, 22.
Wrytele, see Roger de Wrytele.
Wyclif (Wicliffe), John, 193, 201, 208.
Wykeham, John, rector of Crundale,
formerly rector of Buryton, 216.
— list of manuscripts given by him to
New College, 238, 239.
Wykeham, see William of Wykeham,
founder of New College.
Wykes, tithes of the chapel of, 62.
— chaplain of, 57.
Wykingesham, manor of, Berks, 156,
Wyleby, town of, 98,
Wylie, Edmund, 71.
Wyllyot, see Wiliot, John.
Wymundus Gallicus, see St. Amour.
Wyndesore, John, and his wife Margery,
I44; I45.
Wynebroke, see Robert of Wynebroke.
Wyneye, see William de Wyneye.
Wynter, Hugh, 68.
Yardley Chase, Northants, 281.
York, II8.
— prior of Holy Trinity at, 24.
York minster, 72.
— the Zióer Alëus at, 213.
— Archbp. and Chapter of, 58, 6.2, 64.
— Archbps. Of, I4, 58, 64, 169.
— — See also
John de Thoresby.
J&empe, John.
Neville, Alexander.
— dispute of the Archbishop with
Queen's hall, Oxford, and his right of
visitation there, 89.
— Canons of, 2I4.
— Monks of, 19.
York, Duke of, payment to, for rent of
a meadow at Fishlake (1462–3), 62.
York, Duke and Duchess of (1683), at
Oxford, 253.
Yorke, sir Philip, Solicitor-General,
then Attorney-General, afterw. lord
Hardwicke, 296, 305. -
— letter from, to George I, considering
the petition of Dr. Newton for a charter
of incorporation of Hert hall and
reporting his opinion upon the same,
344-352.
Yorkshire,
cited, I 3.
Zestamenta AEboracensia
III. *G g
ERRATA
Page 59, line II, for Swyneshened read Swynesheued.
62, line 3 from bottom of page, for capelli read capelle.
63, line 2 from bottom, for quo read pro,
Ioo, line 4 from bottom, for a messuage (vnt mes) read eight messuages
(viij mes).
Ioé, line 19, for Wemoustier read Wemonstier.
1 Io, line 8, for St. Peters read St. Peter's.
II.3, line 9 from bottom, for libri read librarum.
137, line 18, for vicecomite read vicecomiti.
I49, line 24, for by read to. -
159, line 7 from bottom, for Fellowship see Fellows.
188, line 13, for Sirker read Sinker.
227, line Io from bottom, for glosatus read gloSati [?]
233, line I6 from bottom, for Suetonium read Suetonio [?]
24I, line I2, ſor Roſreduin read Gofredum.
35o, line 28, for Aularam read Aularum. .-
CŞrforo ſpigtorical $ociety.
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OXFORD : HORACE HART
PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY
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